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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



€):plorattons anD Settlements 
In America 



FROM THE 



jfltutnti) to tfje .Scbentrentf) 
Century 







NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA 



EDITED 



By JUSTIN WINSOR 

LIBRARIAN OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
CORRBSPONDING SECRETARY MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Vol. II 



BOSTON AND NEW YORK 

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

€i)c itittierjetitic ^te^^, Cnnibritigc 



Copyright, 1886, 
By Houghton, Miffiin and Comi'ANV. 



Ail rigliti rtsoTiJ. 



7'he Riverside Press, Cambritt/^^ Mass.^ U. S. A. 
Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. 



CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



[ Tht Ufanish arms on Iht title art cofied from th* titUpagi of Ntrrtra.] 



INTROPUCTION. 



Pau 



Documentary Sources of Early Spanish-Aaierican History. T/ie Editor . i 



CHAFrER I. 



COLUMBD.^ AND HIS DISCOVERIES. T/ie Editor 



iLLUiTRATlONS : Columbus' Armor, 4; Partii'g of Columbus with Ferdinand 
and Isabella, 6 ; Early Vessels, 7 ; liuilding a Ship, ? ; Course of Columbus 
on his First Voyage, 9; Ship of Columbus' Time, 10; Native House in 
Hispaniola, 11; Curing the Sick, 11 ; The Triumph of Columbus, 12; 
Columbus at Hispaniola, 13; Handwriting of Columbus, 14; Arms of 
Columbus, 15; Fruit-trees of Hispaniola, 16; Indian Club, iC; Indian 
Canoe, 17; Columbus at Isla Margarita, 18; Early Americans, 19; House 
in which Columbus died, 23. 

OuncAL Essay 34 

Illustrations: Ptolemy, 26, 27; Albertus Magnus, 29; Marco Polo, 30; 
Columbus' Annotations on the Image Afiindi, 31 ; on /Kneas Sylvius, 32 ; 
the Atlantic of ti:e Ancients, 37; Prince Henry the Navigator, 39; his 
Autograph, 39; Sketch-map of Portuguese Discoveries in Africa, 40; Portu- 
guese Map of the Old World ( 1490), 41 ; Vasco da Gama and his Autograph, 
42; Line of Demarcation (Map of 1527), 43; Pope Alexander VI., 44. 

Notes 47 

A, First Voyage, 46; B, Landfall, 52 ; C, Effect of the Discovery in Europe, 56; 
D, Second Voyage, 57; E, Third Voyage, 58; F, Fourth Voyage, 59; 
G, Lives and Notice* of Columbus. 62; H, Portraits of Columbus, 69; 
I, Burial and Remains of Columbus, 78 ; J, Birth of Columbus, and AccounU 
of his Family, 83. 



CONTKNTS. 

IlLUsthaiionsi Facsimile of (iisl page of Columbus' Letter, No. HI., 49; Cut 
oil reverse of Title of No.i. V. ami VI., 50; Title of No. VI., 51 ; The Land- 
ing of ColunibuH, 53 ; Cut In Clernian Translation of the Kimt Ix:ttcr, 53 ; 
Text of the (ierniaii TranNlatioii, 54; the ilaliaina (>rou|> (map), 55; Sign- 
nianuaU of I'erilin.uul and Isabel!.), 56; ScliaHtiaii Hr.iiit, 39; Map ot 
Columbus' Kour Voy.igC!*, 60, (n ; I'.ic-siniiJe of page in the (iiustiniani 
I'ltaltcr, 6j; I'crdinatul Columbus' Ktgister of Hooks, 65; .\utograph of 
llumbolilt, OS; r.iiilus Joviiis, 70. I'ortraitii of Columbus, — after Cliovio, 
71; the Vane^ rortr.iit,7J| after Capriolo, 73; the I'lorunte picture, 74 ; the 
Dc Hry I'iclure, 75; the Jomaril LikenesH, 76) the Havana Medallion, 
77; I'icture at Madrid, 78; after Montanus, y>). Coffer and Hones found in 
Santo Uoniingo, ,So; Inscriptions on and in the Colfcr, <S|, S.: ; I'drlrait and 
Sign-manual of Kerdinaiul of Spain, >S5 ; Ilaitholomcw Columbus, iS6. 



Postscript 



88 



THE EARLIEST MAPS OF THE SPANISH AND I'ORTUGUESE 

DISCOVERIES. I'/ie Editor 93 

lLLUSTic\Tiu.N.s ; Karly Compass, 94; Astrolabe of Kegiomontanus, 96; I..ater 
Astrolabe, 97 ; Jackstaff, 99; liackstaff, 100 j I'irckcymerus, \oz\ Toscan- 
cUi's Map, 103; .Martin Ikliaim, 104; ICxtract from llehaim's Globe, 105; 
Part of La Cosa's Map, 106; of the Cantino Map, 108; Peter Martyr Map 
(1511), iio; Ptolemy Map (1513), III ; .Admiral's Map (1513), 112; Reisch's 
Map (1515), 114; Kuysch's .Map (1508), 115; Stobnicza's Map (1512), 116; 
Schoner, 117; Schiiner's Globe (1515), n8; (1520), 119; Tross (lores 
(1514-1519), 120; Munster's Map (1532), 121; Sylvanus' Map (1511), 122 j 
Leno.x Globe, 123; Da Vinci Sketch of Globe, 124-12O; Carta Marina of 
Frisius (1525), 127 ; Coppo'a .Map (152S), 127. 



CH.\FrER II. 
Amerigo Vespucci. Sydney Harvard Gay 1 99 

Ii.LUSTKATioHs: Fac-siinile of a Letter of Vespucci, 130; Autograph of Amerrigo 
Vespuche, 138; Portraits of Vespucci, 139, 140, 141. 



NOTES ON VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF AMERICA. The 

Editor 153 

Illustrations: Title of the Jehan Lambert edition of the Mimdus Nmus, 157 ; 
first page of Vor.stcrman's Miiiidus K(n<us, 158; Title of De Ora Antarctica, 
159; title of VoniierwugefuiiJcn Region, 160; Fac-simile of its first page, 161 ; 
Ptolemy's World, 165; Title of the C'ww(ifr<;////<r/«/m/M(7/(;, 167; Fac-simile 
of its reference to the name of America, 168 j the Lenox Globe (American 
parts), 170; Title of the 1509 edition of the Cosmoi;raphi<r Introdiictio, 171 ; 
title of the C'obns Mundi, 172 ; Map of Laurentius Frisius in the Ptolemy 
of 1522, 175; American part of the Mercator Map of 1541, 177; Portrait of 
Apianus, 179. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, 

AND APIANUS. The Editor 180 

Illustrations: Pomponius Mela's World, 180; Vadianus, 181; Part of 
Apianus' Map (1520), 1S3; Apianus, 185. 



CONTENTS. 



m 



CHAITLR ill. 

The Compankjns of Columiius. Eihvard Uiannmg 187 

iLLUsTK.vriuNbi Map u( llispaiiiulu, \^; Casiilia del Uro, 190; Cariaj(ena, 
191s UalbiSa, 195; Havana, 30i. 



Critical ICssav 

Illustration : Juan dc Orijalva, aiO. 



304 



TML EARLY CARTOdRAl'HY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND 

ADJACENT PARTS. TAc Editor 317 

Illustrations! Map of the I'acitic I151M), 317 ; 01 the Gulf of Mexico (1520), 
Jl8; by l.oreiu l-'ricfs (153.2). JlS; by M.tinllo (l5J7),3iyj by Nufio Garcia 
de Tori'iii) (1527). no; l>y Riiiero (I5>9)i 221; Tlic so-called 1-ciiox Wood- 
cul (1534), 223; Earlv Frentli Map, 224; Gulf of Mexico (1536), 235; 
by Rot/ (1542), 226; by Cabot (1544). 227J in Ramusio (1556), 238; by 
HoiiRMi (1S5S), 229; by Marlines (1578), 329; of Cuba, by Wytfliet 
(1597). 230. 

CHAFrER IV. 

AsaENT Florida. John G. Shea ajl 

Illustrations: Ponce de Leon, 235 ; Hernando de 8010,252; Autograph of 
De Soto, 253; of Mendo2a, 254; .Map of Florida (1565), 264; Site of Fort 
Caroline, 265; View of .St. Augustine, 266; S|>ani»h Vessels, 267; lluilding 
of Fort Caroline, 26s ; Fort Caroline completed, 269; Mapof Florida (1591), 
274J WytHiet's Map (1597), 281. » 

Critical Essav 283 

Illustrations: Map of Ayllon's Explorations, 285; Autograph of Narvaez, 
286; of Cabcza de Vaca, 287; of Charles V., 289; of Hiedm?, 290; Map of 
the Mississipjii (sixteenth century), 292; Uelisle's Map, with the Route of De 
Soto, 294, 295. 



CHAPTER V. 

Las Casas, and the Relations of ihe Spaniards to the Indians. 

George E. Ellis 200 

Critical Essav ,,i 

Illustrations: Las Casas, 332 ; his Autograph, 333 ; Titlepages of his Tracts, 
334i ll^t 338; Fac-simile of his Handwriting, 339. 

Editorial Note -., 

Illustrations: Autograph of Motolinia, 343; Title of Oviedo's Natural Hys- 
toria (1526), 344; Arms of Oviedo, 345; his Autograph, 346; Head of 
Benzoni, 347. 



• •• 

vtu 



CONILNTS. 



CHAITKR VI. 

CoRi'<s AND HIS CuMi'ANiONH. The Editor 349 

llXUSTHAnuN.'i I VcU!i(|uc/, 330; Caniiun of Corttis' time, J52 ; llelps's Map of 
Corlcs' Voyage, 353 ; t'orlcs ami lii» Arnm, 354 ; (Jabricl I.aitku ck la Vega, 
355 ; Cortes, 337 ; Map of the March of Ccjrlc», 35S ; Corttfx, 3O0; Monte- 
zuma, 3()i, 3O3; Map of Mexico before the (Joiuiiiesl, 3O4 j I'eilro dc Alva- 
railo, 306; hit Autograph, 3O7 ; Hclps'n Map of the Mexican Valley, 30"j( 
Tree of I'risie Nothe, 370; Charles V., 371, 373; his Autograph, 372; Wil- 
■oii'!i Map of the Mexican Valley, 374; Jourdanet'!* Map of the Valley, 
cohrtU, 375 i Mexico under the l"oiu|uerors, 377 ; Mexico according to 
Ramunio, 379; Cortes in Jovius, 3H1 ; hin Autograph, 3S1 ; Map of (iuate- 
mala and ilonduraH, 384; Autograpli of Sandoval, 3K7 ; his Portrait, 388) 
Cortes after ilerrera, 389; hiit Armor, H)p\ Autograph of Kuenleal, 3911 
Map of Mexico after Herrera, 392; Acapulco, 394; KulMcngth Portrait of 
Curtes, 395 i Likcncw on a Medal, J96. 



CRinCAL EsiiAY 

iLLUsTKATiuN s Autograph of Ica^balccta, 397. 



.197 



Noi'Es 402 

Illustkatiuss : Cortes before Chirles V., 403; Cortes' Map of the Gulf of 
Mexico, 404; Title of the Latin edition of his Letters (1524), 403; Reverse 
of its Title, 406; Portrait of Clement VIL, 407; Autograph of Gayangos, 
408; Lorcnzana's Map of Spain, 408; Title of Dc iitmlis iiii/<,r iir.;iilis, 
409; Title of Gomara's Uisloria (1553), 413; Autograph of llernal iJia/, 
414; of Sahagun, 416; Portrait of Uolis, 423 ; Portrait of William li. Pre«- 
cott, 426. 



DISCOVERIES ON 
The Editor . . 



THE PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. 



43' 



Illustrations: Map from the fjloane Manuscripts (1530), 432; from Ruscelli 
('544). 43-; Nancy Globe, 433 ; from Zieglcr's Schomtia (1532), 434; Carta 
Marina (1548), 435 ; Vopellio's Map (155O), 436; Titlepage of Girava's Cos- 
OTiU'ra/i///,;, 437 ; I'urlani's Map (1560), 43S ; Map of the Pacific (1313), 440; 
Cortds' Map of the California Peninsula, 442 ; Castillo's Map of the Califor- 
nia Gulf (1341), 444; Map by Ilomem {1540), 446; by Cabot (1544), 447; 
by Krcire (1546), 448 ; in Ptolemy (154S), 449 ; by Marlines (153- ?), 430 j by 
Zaltieri (1366), 451 ; by Merrator (l^b^)), 45J ; by Porcacchi (1372), 433; by 
Furlani (1374), 434; from Molineaux' Globe (1392), 455; a Spanish Galleon, 
436 ; Map of the Gulf of California by Wytfliet (1397), 438 ; of America by 
Wytfliet (1397), 459; "f Tcrre de lesso, 464; of the California Coast by 
Dudley (1646), 463; Diagram of Mercator's Projection, 470. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Early Explorations of New Mexico. Henry IV. Haynes 4^3 

Illustrations: Autograph of Coronado, 481; Map of his Explorations, 485; 
Early Drawings of the Buffalo, 488, 489. 



CONTENTS. is 

CriiiicAL Essay 498 

EnnoHUL Nuie 503 

CHAlTliR VIII. 

PiZAKRo, AMI ■niE Conquest anu SKTrtEMENr of Peru and Chiu. C/fm- 

ents Ji. Markluim 505 

ll.U'srKArioNs I Indian Rafts, 508 j Skctch-innps of the Comiueat of Peru, 509, 

511); picture of r.Mibiirk.ilioM, 51^; Runt''* Map of I'i/arro's Discoveries, 5131 
Native Huts in Trees, 514 j At.ilitialpa, 515, 516; Aliti..i;io, 51SJ I'lan of Vnca 
Fortress near Cusco, 5J1 ; Ituilding of a Town, ^11 ; (laliriel de Rojas, 5231 
Si<ctch-map of tlie Concpiest of Chili, 524; I'edro de Valdivia, 529, 5301 
I'astciic, 5JI ; I'izarro, 532, 533; Vaca de Castro, 535; I'edro de la (iasca, 
S39i 54°; Alonzo de Alvarado, 544; Conception Hay, 54S ; Garcia WwX' 
tado dc Mcndo/.a, 550; Peruvians worshipping the Sun, 551; Cusco, 3341 
Temple of Cusco, 555; Wyllliet's Map of Peru, 338; of Chili, 3391 SotO» 
mayor, 362; Title of the 1335 Xercs, 3O3. 



Editorial Notes 

Illustration i Prcscott's Library, 377. 



573 



THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. The Editor 579 

iLLisTRATlONs : Gon2alo Ximenes de Quesada, 380; Sketch-map, 381; Cas- 
tellanos, 383; Map of the Mouths of the Orinoco, 386; De Laet's Map of 
Parimc Lacus, 388. 

CHAFFKR IX. 

Magellan's Discovery. Edward E. Hah 591 

Illustrations: Autograph of M.igellan, 392; Portraits of M.ngcllan, 393, 594, 
395; Indian Heds, 597; South American Cannibals, 39S ; Giant's Skeleton 
at Porto Desire, 602; Qu.iniambec, 603; Pigafctta's Map of Magellan's 
Straiis, 605 ; Chart of the Pacific, showing Magellan's Track, 610 ; Pigafctta's 
Map of the Ladrones, 6il. 

CRmcAL Essay 613 



INDEX 6ig 



VOL. 11. 



' SI 



INTRODUCTION. 



BY THE EDITOR. 



DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF EARLY SPANISH-AMERICAN 

HISTORY. 



'npHE earliest of the historians to use, to any extent, documentary proofs, was 
Herrera, in his Historia general, first published in i6ot.* As the official 
historiographer of the Indies, he had the best of opportunities for access to the great 
wealth of documents which the Spanish archivists had preserved ; but he never dis- 
tinctly quotes them, or says where they are to be found.-' It is through him that we 
are aware of some important manuscripts not now known to exist.' 

The formation of the collections at Simancas, near Valladolid, dates back to an 
order of Charles the Fifth, Feb. 19, 1543. New accommodations were added from 
time to time, as documents were removed thither from the bureaus of the ('rown 
Secretaries, and from those of the Councils of Seville and of the Indies. It was 
reorganized by Philip II., in 1567, on a larger basis, as a depository for historical 
research, when masses of manuscripts from other parts of S[)ain were transported 
thither ; * but the comparatively small extent of the Simancas Collection does not 
indicate tliat the order was very extensively observed ; though it nuist be remetr- 
bered that Napoleon made havoi; among these papers, and that in 1814 it was bi i 
a remnant which was rearranged.' 



' Sec further on Herrera /«/, p. 67. 

'•' J. C. lirevoort, on " Spanish-Americ.m 
documents, printed or inci.itetl," in Mai^azinc of 
American ///jAv^', Marcli, 1879; Prescott, .lAx- 
/<•(', ii. 91. 

^ " Of all the narratives and reports furnished 
to Herrera for his History, and of which he 
made such scanty and unintelligent use, very 
few have been preserved." — Markham, Rites 
and Taul's of the Yiicas, p. vii. 

■* An overcrowding of archives in the keep- 
ing of the Council of the Fndies was sometimes 
relieved by sending part of them to Simancas. 
Bancroft, Central America, i. 28 1. Harrisse, 
Christophe Colomb, i. 53, says all, or nearly all. 



the papers relating to Columbus have been re- 
moved to Seville. 

^ Some of the documents at Simancas and 
in other repositories, beginning with 1485, have 
been edited in the Rolls Series (published for 
the iMiglish Government) by (!. A. licrgennith 
and by Gayangos (London, 1862-1S79), '" '''^ 
Calendar of Letters, Desfatclies, and Stale Papers 
relating' to .Wxoliations />et-,ueen Kni^land and 
S/'ain, contained in live volumes. Vol. i. comes 
through 1509; and the secontl paper in it is a 
complaint of Kerdinand and Isabella against Co- 
lumbus, a French Admiral, for aiding the pira- 
cies of the Krcnch in 1485. Various documents 
from the archives of .Simancas -are given in Ala 



Jl' 



11 



INTRODUCTION. 



Dr. Robertson was the earliest of the English writers to make even scant use of 
the original manuscript sources of information ; and such documents as he got from 
Spain were obtained through the solicitation and address of Lord Grantham, the 
English ambassador. Everything, however, was grudgingly given, after being first 
directly refused. It is well known that the Spanish (lovernmcnt considered even 
what he did obtain and make use of as unfit to be brought to the attention of their 
own public, and the authorities interposed to prevent the translation of Robertson's 
history into Spanish. 

In his preface Dr. Robertson speaks of the peculiar solicitude with which the 
Spanish archives were concealed from strangers in his tini : and he tells how, to Span- 
ish subjects even, those of Simancas were openeil only upon a royal order. Papers 
notwithstanding such order, he says, could be copied only by payment of fees too ex- 
orbitant to favor research.* By order of Fernando VI., in the last century, a collection 
of selected copies of the most important documents in the various depositories of 
archives was maile ; and this was placed in the Bil)lioteca Nacional at Matlrid. 

In 1778 Charles III. ordered that the documents of the Indies in the Spanish 
offices and depositories should bi' brought together in one place. The movement 
did not receive form till 1785, when a commission was appointed; and not till 
1788, did Simancas, and the other collections drawn upon, give up their treasures 
to be transported to Seville, where they were placed in the building provided for 
them.'' 

Muiioz, who was born in 1745, was commissioned in 1779 by the King with 
authority ' to search archives, public and family, and to write and publish a Hisioria 



man's La Kif>ti!'!uii Mejicana, three volumes, 
1.S44-1S49. \Vc get glimpses in the Ilistoria 
of Las Casas of a large niinibcr of the letters 
of Columbus, to which he must have had access, 
but which are now lost. Marrisse thinks it was 
at Simancas, that Las Casas must have found 
them ; for when engaged on th.at work he was 
living within two leagues of that repository. 
It seems prob.ible, also, that Las Casas nmst 
have had use of the Hiblioteca Colombina, 
when it w.is deposited in the convent of San 
Pablo (1544-1552), from whose Dominican 
monks Ilarrisse thinks it possible that Las 
Casas obtained possession of the Toscauclli 
map. He regrets, however, that for the jierso- 
nal history of t^olumbns and his family, Las 
Casas furnishes no information which cannot 
be found more nearly at lirst hand elsewhere. 
See Ilarrisse, Christophc Colomb, i. 122, 125- 

•27, 129. •33' 

' Robertson prefixes to his History a list of 
the Spanish books and manuscripts which he 
had used. 

"The Knglish reader," writes Irving in 
1S2S, when he had published his own Life of 
Volumhits, "hitherto has derived his information 
almost exclusively from the notice of Columbus 
in Dr. Robertson's Ilistoty ; this, though admir- 



ably executed, is but a general outline." — ZZ/i* 
ofirfiiii;, ii. 313. 

- I larrisse, Christofhc Colomh, i. 35. He also 
refers to the notarial records preserved at Seville, 
as having been but partially explored for eluci 
dations of the earliest exploration. He found 
among them the will of Diego, the younger 
brother of Columbus (p. 38). Alfred Demers.ay 
l)rinted in the DiiUttin de ta Socii-ti de Geographic, 
June, 1S64, a paper, " Une mission geographique 
dans les archives d' Kspague et de Portugal," 
in which he describes, particularly as regards 
their possessions of doc\micnts relating to 
.Ainoric.a, the condition at that time of the 
archives of the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon 
(ci" which, after 1842 and till his death, .San- 
tareui was archivist); those of the Kingdom of 
Aragon at liarcelona, and of the Indies at 
Seville ; and the collections of Muiioz, embrac- 
ing ninetv-five vols, in folio, and thirty-two in 
qu.irto, and of Mata-Lanares, included in eighty 
folios, in the Academy of History at Madrid. 
He refers for fuller details to Tiran's Archives 
,r Aragon ct de Simancas (1S44), and to Joao 
Pedro Ribeiro's Mcmorias Authcntieas para a 
Llistoiia do real Archi-'O, Lisbon, 1819. 

3 This authority to search was given later 
in 1781 and 17S8. 



INTRODUCTION. 



il outline." — Z/yi' 



laux. 1 he W 

le the fra«- /O^ J^ 
part, in the / // ^ 

~ vi_> 

AUTOGR^XPH OF .MUNOZ. 



</^/ nucvo mundo. Of this work only a single solume,' bringing the story down to 
1500, was completed, and it was issued in 1793 Munoz gave in its preface a critical 
review of the sources of his subject. In the prosecution of his labor he formed a 
collection of documents, which after his death was scat- 
tered ; but parts of it were, in 1827, in the possession of ^yMlunaZ/^ 
Don Antonio de Uguina,* and later of Ternaux. The 
Spanish Government exerted itself to reassemble 
nicnts of this collection, which is now, in great part, 
Acatlemy of History at Madrid,' where it has been increased 
by other manuscripts from the archives at Seville. Other 
portions are lodged, however, in ministerial offices, and the 
most interesting are noted by Harrisse in his Christnphc 
Colomb.* A paper by Mr. J. Carson Brevoort on Munoz and his manuscripts is in 
the American Bibliopolist (vol. viii. p. 21), February, 1876.' An English translation 
of Munoz's single volume appeared in 1797, with notes, mostly translated from the 
(lerman version by Sprengel, published in 1795. Rich had a manuscript copy 
made of all that Muiioz wrote of his second volume (never printed), and this 
copy is noted in the Brinlcy Catalogue, no. 47." 

" In the days of Muiioz," says Harrisse in his Notes on Columhus, p. i, "the great 
repositories for original documents concerning Columbus and the early history of 
Spanish America were the Escurial, Simancas, the Convent of Monserratc, the col- 
leges of St. Bartholomew and Cuenca ;'t Salamanca, and St. Oregory at Valladolid, 
the Cathedral of Valencia, the Church of Sacro-Monte in Granada, the convents of 
St. Francis at Tolosa, St. Dominick at Malaga, St. Acacio, St. Joseph, and St. Isidro 
del Campo at Seville. There may be many valuable records still concealed in those 
churches and convents." 

The originals of the letters-patent, and other evidences of privileges granted by the 
Spanish monarchs to Columbus, were preserved by him, and now constitute a part 
of the collection of the Duke of Veragua, in Madrid. In 1502 Columbus caused 
several attested copies of them and of a few other documents to be made, raising the 
number of papers from thirty-six to forty-four. His care in causing these copies to 
be distributed among different custodians evinces the high importance which he held 
them to have, as testimonials to his fame and his prominence in the world's history. 



' This volume is worth about five dollars. 

2 It was he who allowed Irvinp; to use them. 

^ J. C. Urevoort, in the Magitziiie of Amcihctti 
ftislfliy, March, 1879. Cf. Prescott's Fadinaud 
and fsiibella (1873), ii. 50S, and his Mi-.xUo, 
preface. 

■• Vol. i. p. 66, referring to Fustcr's " Copia 
de los manuscritos que recogio D. Juan Rautista 
Munoz," in Diblioteca ViiUnciatin, ii. 202-23S. 

* Harrisse, in his A'oles on Cohimhiis, p. 5, 
describes a collection of manuscripts which were 
sold by Obadiah Rich, in 184S or 1849, to James 
Lenox, of New York, which had been formed 
by Uguina, the friend of Munoz. There is in 



the Academy of History at >radrid a collec- 
tion of documents said to have been formed by 
Don Vargas ron9e. 

" Harrisse (Christophc Coliintb, i. 65) refers 
to an unpublished fragment in the I,cno.\ Li- 
brary. The Tichitor Cii/tiltxiw (p. 244) shows a 
discourse on Mufioz read before the .Academy 
of History in 1833, as well as a criticism by 
Iturri on his single volume. Harrisse [Chris- 
tophc Colomh, i. 65) gives the titles of other 
controversial publications on the subject of 
Munoz's history. Muiioz died in 1799. It is 
usually said that the .Spanish Government pre- 
vented the continuation of his work. 



v^ 



iv 



INTRODUCTION. 



1 



H 



One wishes lie could have had a like solicitude for the exactness of his own statements. 
Before sotting out on his fourth voyage, he intrusted one of these copies to Francesco 
di Rivarolo, for delivery to Nicol6 Od^rigo, the ambassador of Genoa, in Madrid. 
From Cadiz shortly afterwards he sent a second copy to the same Od^rigo. In 1670 
both of these copies were given, by a descendant of Oderigo, to the Repul)lic of Genoa. 
They subsequently disappeared from the archives of the State, and Harrisse ' has 
recently found one of them in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Paris. 
The other was bought in 1816 by the Sardinian Government, at a sale of the effects 
of Count Michael-Angelo Cambiasi. After a copy had been made and deposited in 
the archives at Turin, this second copy was deposited in a marble custodia, surmounted 
by a bust of Columljus, and placed in the palace of the Doges in Genoa." These 
documents, with two of the letters addressed (March 21, 1502, and Dec. 27, 
1504) ° to Oddrigo, were published in Genoa in 1823 in the Codice diplomatico 
Colombo- Americano, edited with a biographical introduction by Giovanni IJattista 
S])otorno.* A third letter (April 2, 1502), addressed to the governors of the Bank 
of St. George, was not printed by Spotorno, but was given in English in 1 85 1 in the 
Memorials of Columbus by Robert Dodge, published by the Maryland Historical 
Society.* 

The State Archives of Genoa were transferred from the Ducal Palace, in 181 7, 
to the Palazzetto, where they now are ; and Harrisse's account' of them tells us what 
they do not contain respecting Columbus, rather than what they do. We also learn 
from him something of the " Archives du Notariat Gt^nois," and of the collections 
formed by the Senator Federico Federici (d. 1647), by Gian Battista Richeri {circa 
1724), and by others ; but they seem to have afforded Harrisse little more than stray 
notices of early members of the Colombo family. 

Washington Ir\ing refers to the *' self-sustained zeal of one of the last veterans 
of Spanish literature, who is almost alone, yet indefatigable, in his labors in a country 
where at present literary exertion meets with but little excitement or reward." 
Such is his introduction of Martin Fernandez de Navarrete,' who was born in 1765 



]| 



1 Christophe Colomfi, i. 20. 

- Sec post, p. 77. A tliiid copy, made by 
Columbus' direction w.is sent to liis factor in 
Ilispaniola, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. This 
is not known ; and Harrisse does not show that 
the archives of .Santo Domingo offer much of 
interest of so e.arlv a date. A fourth copy was 
deposited in the monastery of the Cuevas at 
Seville, and is probably the one which his son, 
Diego, was directed to send to Caspar Gorri- 
cio. Cf. Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 16-23, 
41,46. 

3 This letter is given in fac-siniile in the Na- 
varrete Collection, French translation, vol. iii. 

■• This book was reprinted at Cicnoa in 1S5-, 
with additions, edited by Giuseppe Banchero, 
and translated into English, and published in 
1.S23 in London, as Memorials of a Collection of 
Aulliciilic Doiuments, etc. A Spanish edition 
was issued at Havana in 1867 {Leclerc, nos. 



■34> '35)- Wagner, in his Colombo niid seine 
Entdcckiiugeu (Lcipsic, 1825), makes use of 
Spotorno, .-ind translates the letters. These 
and other letters are also given in Torre's 
Scritti di Colombo ; in the Let/ere iii/tot^rn/e di 
Colombo, Milan, iS6j; and in Navarrete 's Co- 
leccion, vol. ii. following the text of those in the 
Veraguas collections. Cf. North Amcricati Re- 
view, .wiii. 417 ; x.xi. 398. 

*• Dodge also translated the other letters. 
Photographic fac-similes of these letters are in 
the Harvard College Library and in the Library 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See 
the Proceedings of the latter Society, P'ebruary, 
1S70. 

* Christophe Colomb, p. II. 

' Prescott, in the jirefacc to his Afexicc^ 
speaks of him as "zealously devoted to letters ; 
while his reputation as a scholar was enhanced 
by the higher qualities which he possessed as 



INTRODUCTION. V 

anil as a young man gave some active ami meritorious sen'ice in the Spanisii navy. 
In 1789 he was forced by il!-healtli to abandon the sea. He then accepted a commis- 
sion from Charles IV. to examine all the depositories of documents in the kingdom, 
and arrange the material to be found in illustration of the history of the Spanish 
navy.' This work he continueil, with interruptions, till 1S25, when he began at 
Madrid the publication of his Cokccion dc los viagcs y descubrimicnlos que hicieron 
' por mar los Espanolcs desde fines del siglo XV.,"^ which reached an extent of five 
volumes, and was completed in 1837. It put in convenient printeil form more than 
five hundred documents of great value, between the dates of 1393 and 1540. A 
sixth and seventh volume were left unfinished at his deatii, which occurred in 1844, 
at the age of seventy-eight.* His son afterward gathered some of his minor writings, 
including biographies of early navigators,* and printed (1848) them as a Cokccion dc 
opi'isculos ; anil in 1851 another of his works, Bibliokca marUima Espatiola, was 
printed at Madrid in two volumes." 

The first two volumes of his collection (of which volumes there was a second 
edition in 1858) bore the distinctive title, Rclacioncs, cartas y otros docnmcntos, conccr- 
iiicnks d los citatro viagcs que hizo el Almirante D. Cristobal Colon para el dcscit- 
brimiento de las Indias occidcntaks, and Docnmcntos diplomdticos. Tiiree years later 
(1828) a French version of these two volumes appeared at Paris, which Na\arrete 
himself revised, and which is further enriched with notes by Humboldt, Jomartl, 
^\'alckenaer, and others." This I'"rench edition is entitled : delation dcs qnatrcs voyages 
entrepris par Ch. Colomb pour la dccouvertc dit Nonvcan Monde de 1492 a 1504, 
tradiiite par Chaliimcau de Vcrncnil et de la Roqucttc. It is in three volumes, and is 
worth about twenty francs. .An Italian version, iVarrazione dci quattro viaggi, etc., 
was made by F. Giuntini, and ajjpeared in two volumes at Prato in 1S40-1841." 

Navarrete's literary labors did not prevent much conspicuous service on his part, 
both at sea and on land ; and in 1823, not long before he published his great CoUeo 
tion, he became the head of the Spanish hydrographic bureau.' .Vfter his death the 
Spanish Academy printed (1846) his historical treatise on the Art of Navigation 
and kindred subjects (Disertacion sobre la historia de la ndntica^), which was an 
enlargement of an earlier essay published in 1802. 



.T m.in, — by his benevolence, his simplicity of 
manners, .ind unsullied mor.il worth." 

1 Ills projected work on the Spanish navy 
was never printed, though a fragment of it 
appeared in the Memorias of the Academy of 
History (Tickiior Cutiiioi^m; p. 247). 

- Leclerc s.iys it is " difticile a trouvcr," and 
prices it at 80 francs. The Knglish price is 
from £2 to £2,. A letter by Navarrctc, descrip- 
tive of his Coleccion, is to be found in Zach's 
CorrcsponJmce, xi. 446. Cf. also Duflot de 
Mofra-, Meiidoza et A'n-arrete, Paris, 1845, 
quoted by Ilarrissc, Christoplu Colomb, \. 67. 

' There is a memoir of him, with a catalogue 
of his works, in the Coleccion de docunientos hu'd- 
itos, vol. vi.; and of those published and unpub- 
lished in his Biblioteca maritima Espaiiohi, ii. 



458-470. These si.xth and seventh volumes have 
never been ])iiblishcd. The si.\th was to cover 
the voyages of Grijalvaand I.opcsdc Villalobos. 
Harrisse (C/iristo/<lr Colomh, i. 68) learned that 
the Cartas dc Iihi..i (Madrid, 1S77) cont.'.ins 
some ]iarts of what was to appear in vol. vii. 

■* Columbus, Vcspucius, f Ijeda, Magellan, etc. 

^ It is an alphabetical (by (.'hristian names, 
— a not uncommr— Sjjanish fashion) record of 
writers on mari. i.e subjects, with sketches of 
their lives and works. 

^ Cf. an article in the A'orth American Ri-.'ie-iv, 
x.xiv. 265, by Caleb Gushing. 

' These form vols. i. and ii. of Mannocchi's 
Collection (Leclerc, no. 133). 

* Uancroft, Central America, i. 199. 

8 licknor Catalogue, p. 247. 



ii 



■ t 



%■ 



VI 



INTRODUCTIOy 



■ i; 
1,, 
(' 

If 



i H 



i^. 



While Navarretc's great work was in jj^press at Madriil, Mr. Alexander Ii. 
Everett, the .\iiieriean Minister at tliat Court, urj^ed upon Washington Ir\ing, then at 
Bordeaux, the translation into I'.nglish of the new material which Navarrcte was jjre- 
paring, togethi.-r witii his Commentary. Upon this incentiv.- Irving went to Madrid 
and inspected the work, which was soon pul)lishcd. His sense of the popular demand 
easily convinced him that a continuous narrative, based upon Navarrete's material, — 
hut leaving himself free to use all other hel[)S, — would afford him better opportu- 
nities to display his own graceful literary skill, and more readily to engage tue favor 
of the general reader. Irving's judgment was well founded ; and Navarrete never 
(juite forgave him for making a name more popularly ass''"iated with that of the great 
discoverer than his own.' Navarrete afforded Irving at this time much personal 
helj) and encouragement. Ohailiah Rich, the .American Consul at Valencia, under 
whose roof Irving lived, furnished him, however, his chief resource in a curious 
and extensive library. To the Royal Library, and to that of the Jesuit College of 
S;m Isidro, Irving also occasionally resorted. The Duke of Veraguas took jileasure 
in laying before him his o.vn family archives.- The result was the Life and Voyages 
of Christopher Columbus ; and in the Pn face, dated at Madrid in 1827,^ Ir\ing made 
full acknowledgment of the services which had been rendered to him. This work 
was followed, not long after, by the I'oyages and Discoveries of the Companions of 
Columbus ; and ever since, in English and other languages, the two books have kept 
constant company.* 

Ir\ing ]5roved an amiable hero-worshipper, and Columbus was pictured with few 
(juestionable traits. Tiie writer's literary canons did not call for the scrutiny which 
destroys a world's exemplar. " One of the most salutary purposes of history," he 
says, " is to furnish examples of what human genius and laudable enterprise may 
accomplish," — and such brilliant examples must be rescued from the " perni- 
cious erudition " of the investigator. IiTing's method at least had the effect to 
conciliate the upholders of the saintly character of the discoverer ; and the modem 
school of the De Lorgues, who have been urging the canonization of Columbus, find 
Ir\ing's ideas of him higher and juster than those of Navarrete. 

Henri Ternaux-Compans printed his Voyages, relations, et memoires originaux 
pour scrrir cl riiistoirc de la decouvcrtc de r.Amcrique, between 1837 and 1841.' 



I 



' Magazine of A>iieri<(iti History, iii. 176. 
Cf., however, X.nvarrete's generous estirMte of 
Irving's l.nbors in the Introduction to the thifl 
volume of his Coleccioii. 

- The stoiv of tliis undertaking: is told in 
Pierre Irving's Life of W'ashingloii /'T/V/i;', vol. ii. 
chaps, xiv., xv., xvi. The hook was kindly re- 
viewed bv Mr. A. II. Everett in the North Ameri- 
am A^Tinc, January, lS2(j 'vol. wviii). Cf. other 
citations and references in .Mlilione's Victioiiary, 
.343, and Poole's /luiix, p. 2S0. A portion, at 
least, of the manuscript of the book is in exist- 
ence (Afassiic/insctt.'! Historical Soiii-ty's Procivil- 
i'lgs, XX. 201). Longfellow testified to Irving's 



devotion to his subject (Proc, iv. 394). See 
post, p, 68. 

■■• Irving also early made an abridged edition, 
to foresiall the action of others. 

* Their bil;'iography is fully given in .Sabin, 
vol. i.\. ]). 150. 

■'■ It was completed in twenty volumes, and is 
now worth from 250 to 300 francs. Sec Leclerc, 
no. 562, for contents ; Field's Indian Bibliogra- 
phv, no. T,540 ; .\lexander Voung in \orth Amer- 
iiaii A'cTvWc, xlv, 222. Ternaux died in 1864 
Santarem speaks of " the sumptuous stores of 
his splendid American library." Cf. H, 11. 
Bancroft, Central America, ii. 759. 



if 



INTRODUCTION. 



Vll 



Alexander H. 

Irving, then at 
arretc was prc- 
ent to Madrid 
opiilar demand 
e's material, — 
better opjjortii- 
iiga^^e tue favor 
lavarrcte never 
at of the great 
much personal 
Valencia, under 
e in a curious 
suit College of 
i took j)leasure 
[fc and I 'fly ages 
7," Irving made 
m. This work 

Companions of 
)ooks have kept 

ictured with few 
scrutiny which 
of history," he 
enterprise may 
the " perni- 
the effect to 
nd the nioilem 
Columbus, find 



oircs ong-.naux 
37 and 1841.' 

., iv. 394). See 

abridged edition, 

;• given in Sabin, 

y volumes, and is 
ics. See Leclerc, 
India tt Biblio^a- 
g in \orth Anier- 
iix died in 1S64 
iptuous stores of 

cf. H. a 

759- 




This collection included rare books and about seventy-five original documents, which 
it is susijected may have been obtained during the French occupation of Spain. 
Tern..iix published his Archives des voyages, in two volumes, at Paris in 1840;' a 
minor part of it pertains to American affairs. Another volume, published at the same 
tir^'.', is often found with it, — Rcciuil de documents el memoires originaiix sur I'/iistoire 
des possessions Espagnoles dans rAmerique, whose contents, it is saiil, were derived 
from the Muiioz Collection. 

The Academy of History at Madrid began in 1842 a series of documentary illus- 
trations which, though devoted to the history of Spain in general {Coleceion de doeii- 
mcntos ineditos para la liistoria de Espaua), contains much matter (jf the first impor- 
tance in respect to the history of her colonies.''' Navarrete was one of the original 
editors, but lived only to see five volumes published. Salv;\, Haranda, and others 
have continued the publication since, which now amounts to eighty voliunes, of which 
vols. 62, 63, and 64 are the famous history of Las Casas, then for the first time put 
in print. 

In 1 864 a new series was begun at Madrid, — Cokccion de dociimentos ineditos rela- 
tivos al desc.ibrimiento, conqiiista y colonizacion de las posesiones Espanolas en America 
y Oceania, sacados, en su mayor parte, del Real Archivo de Indias. Nearly forty 
volumes have thus far been published, under the editing of Joacjuin V. Pacheco, Fran- 
cisco de CArdenas, and Luis T'orres de Mendoza at the start, but with changes later 
in the editorial staff.'' 

Mr. E. G. Squier edited at New York in i860 a work called Collection of Rare 
and Original Documents and Relations concerning the Discovery and Conquest of 
America, chiefly from the Spanish Archives, in the original, with Translations, A'otes, 
Maps, and Sketches. There was a small edition only, — one hundred copies on small 
paper, and ten on large paper.* This was but one of a large collection of manuscripts 
relative to Central America and Mexico which Mr. Squier had collected, partly during 
his term as charge d'affaires in 1849. Out of these he intended a series of publica- 
tions, which never went beyond this first number. The collection " consists," says 
Bancroft,'^ " of extracts and copies of letters and reports of audicncias, governors, 
bishops, and various governmental officials, taken from the Spanish archives at Madrid 
and from the library of the Spanish Royal Academy of History, mostly under the 
direction of the indefatigable collector, Mr. Buckingham Smith." 

Early Spanish manuscripts on America in the British Museum are noted in 
its Index to Manuscripts, 1854-1875, p. 31 ; and Gayangos' Catalogue of Spanish 
Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. ii., has a section on .-Kmerica." 



1 Now worth from 5i2 to S15. 

'^ Cf. contents in Tichior Cutalogue, p. 87. 

' Cf. Magazine of American History, i. 256 ; 
ii. 256 ; (by Mr. Krevoort), iii. 175 (March, i^'/g) ; 
Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xiv. no. 58,072. Leclerc, 
BiHiot/ieca Americana, Sitfipthnent, no. 3,016, for 
22 vols. \ )o francs). Harrisse, referring to 
this collection, says : " It is really painful to 
see the little method, discrimination, and knowl- 
edge displayed by the editors." The docu- 
VOL. II. — C. 



ments on Columbus largely repeat those given 
by Navarrete. 

* Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xiv. no. 58,270. 

* II. II. Bancroft, Central America, \. 4S4 ; 
ii. 736. 

•■ Collections like that of Icazbalceta on 
Mexico may be barely mentioned in this place, 
since their characteristics can better be defined 
in more special relations. I'rescott had eight 
thousand manuscript pages of copies of docu- 



It 



II 



Vlll 



INTRODUCTION. 









. 



,«^'^ 



; I 



Regarding the chances of further developments ii> depositories of manuscripts, 
Harrisse, in his AWcj w; 6'(V//;«/'//j-,' says : " For Jie I'resent the historian will find 
enough to gather from the Arcliivo (leneral de Indias in the Lonja at Seville, which 
( ontains as many as forty-seven tiioiisand huge packages, brought, within the last fifty 
years, from all parts of Spain, liut the richest mine as yet unexplored we suppose 
to !;•; the archives of the monastic orilers in Italy ; as all the exjjcditions to the New 
World were accompanied by Franciscan, Dominican, Benedictine, and other monks, 
who maintained an active corres|)ondence with the iieatls of tiieir res|)ective congre- 
gations. The private archives of the Dukes of Veraguas, Medina-Sidonia, and Del 
Infantado, at Madrid, are very ricii. There is scarce anything relating to that early 
period left in Simancas ; but the original documents in the Torre do Tombo at 
Lisbon aie all intact." - 

Among the latest contributions to the documentary history of the Spanish coloniza- 
tion is a large folio, Cartas de Indias, puhHialas por primera rez el miiiisterio d. 
fonuiito, issued in Madrid in 1877 imtler the ausjjices of the Spanish Government. 
It contains one iumdred and eiglit letters, covering the i)eriod 1496 to 1586, the 
earliest date being a supposed one for a letter of Columbus which is without date." 



nients relating to Mexico .niul rem. C'f. I'refacc 
to his Mexico. \\\ 1792 Father .Manuel <lc la 
Vega collected in Mexico thirty-two folio vol- 
umes of ])a|)ers, in obedience to an order of the 
Spanish (iovernment to gather all documents 
to be found in New Spain "fitted to illustrate 
the antiquities, geography, civil, ecclesiastical, 
and natural history of America," and transuiil 
copies of them to Madrid (I'rescott, Miwico, 
iii. 409). 

' This book was priv.atv. • ,irintcd (ninety- 
five copies) for Mr. S. L. M. li.irlow, of New 
York. It has thrice, at least, occurred in sales 
(.Menzies, no. 1S94, — S.i;7.5o ; J. J. Cooke, 
vol. iii. no. 580; Urinley, no. 17). It is an 
extremely valuable key to the do. umcntary and 
printed references on Columbus' career. To 
a verv small number (nine) (/ a separate issue 
of the portion relating to the letters of Colum- 
bus, a new Preface was added in 1S65. Cf. 
Krnest Dcsjardin's Rapport siir Ics dvux oirr- 
r(ii;cs dc biHiographic Amiri inc tie .)/. Iliiiri 
Ifarrisse (Paris, 1867. p. 8), extracted from the 
Jiitl/i'liii dc' la Societt' dc Gco<;raphie. The article 
on Columbus in Sabin's Dictionary (iv. 274, 
etc.) is based on Harrisse, with revisions. Cf. 
references in H il. liancroft. Central America, 
i. 23S ; .Saint-Martin, Ilistoirc de la );i'oi;rap/iie 
(1873), P- 3'9i ^'- *'• Cancellieri's Desserlazi- 
oni epistolari bibliografichc sopra Colombo, etc. 
(Rome, 1809). 

2 The .Archives of Venice, at the beginning 
of this century, contained memorials of Colum- 
bus which can no longer be found (Marin, 
Storia civile e politica del comniercio de' I'oteziaiii, 
Venezia, 1800; Harrisse, Pibl. Anier. I'ct. Ad- 



ditions, p. xxi). This is perhaps owing to the 
Austrian depredation upon the Venetian ar- 
chives in the Frari and Marciana in 1.S03-1805, 
and in 1S66. Not a little, however, of use has 
been preserved i\i the Calendar 0/ State Papers 
in the Archives of I'enice published by the lirit- 
ish (lovernment, in the Rolls .Series, since 1864. 
They jjrimarily illustrate English history, but 
al'ford some light upon American aflfairs. Onlv 
six volumes ,the last volume iii uirec parts) 
have been printed. Mr. Rawdon lirown who 
edited them, long a resident of Italy, dy.ne at 
Venice, Aug. 25, 1.S83, at eighty, has sent, during 
his labors in this field, one hundred and twenty- 
six volumes of manuscript copies to the English 
Public Record Office. 

■* Of these, twenty-nine arc also given in fac- 
simile ; there are besides about two hundred and 
fifty fac-similes of autographs. The volume is 
priced at 150 marks and 300 francs. Cf. Eeclerc, 
no. 2,688. II. H. liancroft (Mexico, ii. 606) says 
of the volume : " There are .about two hundred 
and twenty-four pages of geographical notes, 
vocabulary, biographical data, a glossary, and 
cuts, maps, and indexes. The letters and fac- 
similes, from the first to the last, are valuable 
in a historic sense, and the vocabulary is use- 
ful ; but the biographical and historical data 
arc not always reliable, numerous errors hav- 
ing been detected in comparing with official rec- 
ords and v.iLn memoranda of witnesses of the 
events related." Mr. Bancroft's own library is 
said to contain twelve hundred volumes of manu- 
script amassed for his own work; but a large 
portion of them, it is supposed, do 'lot concern 
the Spanish history of the Pacific coast. 




The 
will' 
hi^ 

Xiii 

del . 
y ac 

cess 



after 

t.iry 

signe 

died 

The 

cont; 

numi 

J'ro; 

and 

first 

was 

did 1 



. 'I 



INTRODUCTION. faf 

The 'ate Mr. George Dexter,' who has printed •' a translation of this letter (together 
with one of another letter, Feb. 6, 1502, and oiir of Veiipucius, Dec. 9, 150S), gives 
hii? reasons for thinking the dale should he lu'twcen March 15 and Sept. 25, 1493.' 

.■\t .Madriil and I'aris was pnblislicd, in 18X3, a single octavo volume, — Costa- Kiai, 
xXiiiiragiia y I'anamd en el si^/o XVJ., sit historia y sus iimltes six'u/i los do:umentos 
i/d Archivo dc Indias de Sa'illa, del de Simatieas, ete., recogidos y pnblkados con nolas 
y ifdiiranoiu's historicas y geof^riiftcas, por D. Maniu' Af. </<■ /\ni//tj. 

The more special and restricted ilocumentary sources are examined in the suc- 
cessive chapters of the present volume. 



Spanish coloniza- 



• Mr. Dexter, a graduate of Harvard in 1858, 
.ifter must serviceable labors as Kccording .Secre- 
tary 01 I e M,.ssachiisetts Historical Society, re- 
signed that |)ii>ition on account of ill health, and 
(lied at Santa Harbara, California, Dec. i8, iS.Sj. 
The rnuMliiif^s of tlie Society for January, 1884, 
cnntaii; tributes to his memory. Various com- 
munications in earlier volumes of the same 
J'lvadhixs show the painstaking of his research, 
and the accuracy of his literary method. The 
first chapter in Vol. IV. of the present History 
was his last cffo.'t in historical study, and he 
did not live 10 correct the proofs. His death 



has narrowed the circle of those helpful friends 
who h;ive been ever ready to assist the Kditor 
in his present labors. 

- Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc.y xvi. 318 ; also issued 
sc|iarately. The letters of Columbus are also 
translated in the .\fiii;iizinf of Aiiifriciin History, 
January, i88j, p. 53. 

" An Italian version of the letters of Colum- 
bus and Vespucius, with fac-similes of the let- 
ters ( 7'/r letters di Colombo ed V\'s/^ucci), edited 
by Augusto Zeri, was printed (six hundred cop- 
ies) at Rome in iSSl. Cf. Murphy Catalo;.;ue, 
no. 642. 



/ 



-t 



// 



)j 




NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL 



HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

COLUMliUS AND MIS DlSCOVIiRIES. 

IIY JUSTIN WINSOK, 

Til,- lUlilor. 



BEYOND his birth, of poor and respectable parents, we know nothing 
positively about the earliest years of Columbus. His father was 
probably a wool-comber. The boy had the ordinary schooling of his 
time, and a touch of university life during a few months passed at Pavia; 
then at fourteen he chose to become a sailor. A seaman's career in 
those days implied adventures more or less of a piratical kind. There are 
intimations, however, that in the int als of this exciting life he followed 
the more humanizing occupation of : filing books in Genoa, and perhaps 
got some employment in the making of charts, for he had a deft hand at 
design. We know his brother Bartholomew was earning his living in this 
way when Columbus joined him in Lisbon in 1470. Previous to this there 
seems to be some degree of certainty in connecting him with voyages 
made by a celebrated admiral of his time bearing the same family name, 
Colombo; he is also said to have joined the naval expedition of John of 
Anjou against Naples in 1459.^ Again, he may have been the companion 
of another notorious corsair, a nephew of the one already mentioned, as is 
sometimes n.aiitained ; but this sea-rover's proper name seems to have been 
more likely C.'.seneuve, though he was sometimes called Coulon or Colon.'^ 



' Irvinj;'s Life of Coliimhus^ ai)p. no. vii. 

2 Ferdinand Columbus tried to m.ike his 
readers believe that his father was of some kin- 
ship with this corsair. The story of Columbus 
esca])ing on an oar fr(5ni a naval fight off Ca])e 
St. Vincent, and entering I'cirtug;il by floating to 
the shore, does not agree with known facts in his 
life of the alleged date. (Ilurrissc, Zw Colombo, 
VOL. II. — I. 



p. 36.) .Mlegri Allegretti, in his Ef'luiiiciiihs 
Seneuscs ah anno 1450 usijiie <;</ 1496 ( in Muratori, 
.xxiii. 827), gives a few particulars regarding the 
early life of Columbus. (Ilarrisse, jVoles an Co- 
liimhiis, p. 41.) Some of the latest researches 
upon his life previous to his appearing in Portu- 
gal are examined in Harrissc's Fcrnan Coloind, 
and in his essays in support of that book. 



i 



NAKKATIVi; AND CKITICAI. HISTOKY oK AMr:i<ICA. 



til- 



•II 



■A 



11 



Columbus spcMit tlio years i47C>-r4S4 in Portugal. It was a time 
wIk'u tlu- .lir was Cillcd with talcs of discovery. Tin; captains of Prince 
Henry of I'urtut^.il liad been ^;radu.llly |)ushinti tlicir sliijw down tlic Afri- 
can coast, and in some of tiicse voyaj^es Columbus was a participant. To 
one of his navif^ators Prince Henry had ^{iven the jjovernorsiiip of the 
Ishmd of Porto S.mto, of tiie Madeira t;roup. I'o the ilaut^iUer of this 
man, I'ercstrello,' Columbus was married; ami with his widow Columbus 
lived, and derived what advantajje he could from the papers and charts 
of the ok! navi^,'ator. 'I'here was a tie between his own and iiis wife's 
family in the fact that IVrestrello was an Italian, and seems to have been 
of ^'ooil f.imily, but to have left little or no inheritance for his daughter 
beyond some property in Porto Santo, which Columbus went to enjoy. 
On this island Columbus' son Die^o was born in 1474. 

It was in this same >ear (1474) that he had some correspondence with 
the Italian savant, Toscanelli, re^jardin^f the discovery of land westward. 
A belief in such discovery was a natural corollary of the object which 
Prince Henry had had in view, — by circumnavigating^ Africa to find a way 
to the countries of which .Marco Polo had given golden accounts. It was 
to substitute for the tedious indirection of the African route a direct western 
passage, — a belief in the practicability of which was ilrawn from a confidence 
in the sphericity of the earth. Meanwhile, gathering what hope he could 
by reading the ancients, by conferring with wise men, and by questioning 
mariners returned from voyages which had borne them more or less west- 
erly on the great ocean, Columbus suffered the thought to germinate as it 
would in his mind for several years. Iwen on the voyages which he made 
hither and thither for gain, — once far north, to Iceland even, or perhaps 
only to the Faroe Islands, as is inferred, — and in active participation in 
various warlike and marauding expeditions, like the attack on the Venetian 
galleys near Cape St. Vincent in 141^5," he constantly came in contact with 
those who could give him hints affecting his theory. Through all these 
years, however, we know not certainly what were the vicissitudes which fell 
to his lot.^ 

It seems possible, if not probable, that Columbus went to Genoa and 
Venice, and in the first instance presented his scheme of western explora- 
tion to the authorities of those cities.'' He may, on the other hand, have 
tried earlier to get the approval of the King of Portugal. In this case 
the visit to Italy m.^y have occurred in the year following his departure 
from Portugal, which is nearly a blank in the record of his life. De Lorgues 

• This name is sometimes given Ptilestrtllo. < It cannot but be remarltecl how Italy, in 
■^ Rawdon Brown's Cali'itdiir 0/ S/iiU Papers Columbus, Cabot, and Vespucius, not to name 

/'// tlu Archives of Vcnict\ vol. i. (1S64). others, led in opening the way to a new stage in 

* Prescott (Fcrdimvid and /sti/u-Hd, ed. 1S73, the world's jirogress, which by making the 
vol. ii. p. 123) says: "The discrepancies among Atlantic the highway of a commerce that had 
the earliest authorities are such as to render mainly nurtured Italy on the Mediterranean, 
hopeless any attempt to settle with precision conduced to start her republics on that decline 
the chronology of Columbus's movements pre- which the Turk, sweeping through that inland 
vious to his first voy.ige." sea, confirmed and accelerated. 



k' 



if. 



IICA. 



COLUMHUS AND HIS UlSCOVLKItS. 



was a time 
ins of I'rincc 
>\vi) the Afri- 
■ticii)ant. To 
)rsliip of the 
ij^litcr of this 
L)\v Cohimljus 
rs and cliarts 
lul liis wife's 

to have been 
• Iiis ilau^lUer 
cut to enjoy. 

londence with 
uui westward. 

object which 
; to find a way 
uiints. It was 
direct western 
11 a confidence 
lope he could 
jy questioning 
: or less west- 
erminatc as it 
Iiich he made 
,'n, or perhaps 
articipation in 

the Venetian 
contact with 

ugh all these 
es which fell 

to Genoa and 

tern explora- 

r hand, have 

In this case 

lis departure 

Do Lorgues 

vcd liow Italy, in 
Kins, not to name 
to a new stage in 
by making the 
nimcrcc that had 
Mcditerranc.in, 
3 on that decline 
rough that inland 



M 



believes in the anterior Italian visit, when both Genoa .\nd Wnicc rejected 
his plans; and then makes him live with his f.ithcr .it S.ivone, gainin^i a 
living,' by constructinjj charts, and by sellintj maps and books in Genoa. 

It would appear that in 14S4 Columbus h.ul urged his views upon the 
I'lirtiigiKse King, but with no further success than to induce the sovereign 
to despatch, on other [)retences, a vessel to undertake the passage westerly in 
secrecy. Its return without accomplishing any discovery opened the eyes 
of Columbus to the deceit which that monarch woidd have put ui)on him, 
and he (k'p.irted from the Tortuguese dominions in not a little disgust.' 

The ileath of his wife had severeil another tie with I'ortug.il ; and taking 
with him his boy Uiego, Columbus left, to go we scarcely know whither, .so 
obscure is the record of his life for the nest year. Mufio/. claims for this 
period that he went to Italy. .Sharon Turner has conjectured that he went 
to I '.ngl.md ; but there seems no ground to believe that he had any rela- 
tions with the Knglish Court e.vcept by deputy, for his brother Hartliolomew 
was despatched to lay his schemes before Henry VII.- Whatever m.ay 
have been the result of this application, no answer seems to have reached 
Coliyiibus mitil he was committed to the service of Spain. 

It was in 14S5 or 14S6 — for authorities differ'' — that a proposal was 
laid by CoUinibus before h'erdinand and Is.ibella ; but the steps were slow 
by which he made even this progress. We know how, in the popular story, 
he presented himself .it the Franciscan Convent of Santa Mar{a de la 
Rabida, asking for bread for himself and his boy. This convent stood on 
a steep promontory about half a league from I'alos, and was then in charge 
of the Father Superior Juan Ferez dc Marchena.'' The appearance of the 
stranger first, and his talk next, interested the Prior; and it was under his 
advice and su|)port after a while — when Martin Alonzo Finzon, of the 
neighboring town of I'alos, had espoused the new thcor)' — that Columbus 
was passed on to Cordova, with such claims to recognition as the Frior of 
Rabida coidd bestow upon liim. 

It was perhaps while success did not seem likely here, in the midst '^'" 
the preparations for a campaign against the Moorish kings, that his brother 
Hartholomew made his trip to England.'' It was also in November, 14S6, it 






• Notwithstanding this disappointinent of 
Columbus, it is claimed that Alfonso V., in 1474, 
had consulted Toscanelli as to such a western 
passage " to the land where the spices grow." 

- There is great uncertainty about this Kng- 
lish venture, lienzoni says Cobnubus's ideas 
were ridiculed ; lt.acon {/-i/f of //ciiiv I'f/.) 
says the acceptance of them w.as delayed bv 
accident ; I'urchas says they were accepted too 
late. V. Cr.adock, in the Dedication of his 
H'liilth Disci'-.'t-rcil, London, i(')6r, regrets the 
loss of honor which Henry VII. incurred in not 
listening to the project. (Sabin.v. 55.) Thereis 
much confusion of statement in the e.-irly writers. 
Cf. I.as Casas. lib. i. cap. 29; Karcia, Ifist. d,l 



AliiurantCy cap. 10; Ilerrcra, dec. i. lib. 2; 
Ovicdo, lib. i. cap. 4; Gomara, cap. 15; liar- 
risse, />'//'/. Amcr. Vet., )). 4. 

•'' As, for instance, Oviedo and l?ossi. 

•• The same whom Isabella .advised Colum- 
bus to take " as an astrologer " on one of his 
later voyages. Cf. I'. Augustin d'Osimo's Chris- 
ti'phc Colomh ft U Pire Juan J\rt-z </<■ Marcluna ; 
oil, (/(• /i( iti-o/ii'm/ion i/cs fraiuiscains li hi Jitou- 
7-t-rlc de l'Ai>n'ri</ih\ 1S61, and I'. Marcellino da 
Civczza's Ilistoire ginirale dcs missions francis- 
ciiiiiis, 1S63. 

^ Cf. Schanz on " Die .Stellung der beidcn 
erstcn Tudors zu den Entdeckungen," in hi* 
En^^liscke Handdspolitik. 



i 



/\ 



■■^\ 



\ 






:'i 






4 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 

•A'ould seem, that Columbus formed his connection with licatrix Hnriquez, 
while he was waiting in Cordova for the attention of the monarch to be 
disengaged from this Moorish campaign. 

Among those at this time attached to the Court of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella was Alexander Geraldinus, then about thirty years old. He was a 
traveller, a man of letters, and a mathematician ; and it was afterward the 
boast of his kinsman, who edited his Itiinniriiiiii ad trgioiics sub iCqiii- 
noctitxli plaga coitstitutas^ (Rome, 163 1), that Geraldinus, in one way and 

another, aided Columbus in pressing 
his views upon their Majesties. It 
was through Geraldinus' influence, or 
through that of others who had be- 
come impressed with his views, that 
Columbus finally got the ear of Pedro 
Gonzales de Mcntloza, .Archbishop 
of Toledo. The way was now surer. 
The King heeded the Archbishop's 
advice, and a council of learned men 
was convened, b)' royal orders, at 
Salamanca, to judge Columbus and 
his theories. Here he was met by 
all that prejudice, content, and igno- 
rance (as now understood, but wisdom 
then) could bring to bear, in the shape 
of Scriptural contradictions of his 
views, and the pseudo-scientific dis- 
trust of what were thought mere vis- 
ionary aims. He met all to his owu 
satisfaction, but not quite so success- 
full)' to the comprehension of his 
judges. He told them that he should 
find Asia that way; and that if he 
did not, there must be other lands 
westerly quite as desirable to dis- 
cover. No conclusion had been reached when, in the spring of 1487, the 
Court departed from Cordova, and Columbus foinid himself left behind 
without encouragement, save in the support of a few whom he had con- 
vinced, — notably Diego de Deza, a friar destined to some ecclesiastical 
distinction as Archbishop of Seville. 




COLUMBUS' .VRMOR.'^ 



' Stevens, J/istcriuil C\>/h\th<ii, vol. i. no. 
l,-(iS; Lcckre, no. 235 (120 francs); C.irtcr- 
Hruwn, vol. ii. no. 376; .Sabin, vol. vii. no. 
27,116; Murphy, no. 1,046. This liook, which 
in 1S32 Rich i)riceil at £1 los., has recently been 



The book was written in 1 522; its anllior was 
born in 1465, anil died in 1525 as bishop of 
Santo Domingo. 

- Tliis follows a cut in Kuge's Ccschkhtt 
<!vs '/.citaltcrs iler EiUil<:ckuui;cH, p. 245. The 



(piotcd bv Quaritch at ^'5 5^. Ilarrisse calls armor is in the Collection in the Royal Palace 

the book mendacious (Xolcs on Columbus, p. 37). 'it Madrid. 



'I . i 



«■ 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 5 

Uuriiig the next five years Columbus experienced evcrj' vexation attend- 
ant upon delay, varied b}' participancy in tiie wars which tlie Court ur<^cd 
a^^ainst the Moors, and in which he sought to propitiate the royal powers 
b\- doing them good service in the field. At last, in 1491, wearied with 
excuses of pre-occupation and tiie ridicule of the King's atlvisers, Columbus 
turned his back on the Court and left Seville,' to try his fortune with some 
of the Grandees. He still urged in vain, and sought again the Con\ent of 
Rabida. Mere he made a renewed impression upon Marchena; so that 
fuialiy, through the Prior's interposition with Isabella, Columbus was sum- 
moned to Court. He arrix'cd in time to witness the surrender of Granada, 
and to find the monarchs more at liberty to listen to his words. There 
seemed now a likelihood of reaching an end of his tribulations ; when his 
demand of recognition as viceroy, and his claim to share one tenth of 
all income from the territories to be discovered, frightened as well as dis- 
gusted those appointed to negx)tiate with him, and all came once more 
to an end. Columbus mounted his niule and started for franee. Two 
finance ministers of the Crown, Santangel for Arragon and (Juintanilla 
for Castile, had been sufficicmtly impressed by the new theor\- to look with 
regret on what they thought might be a lost opportunity. Isabella was 
won; and a messenger was despatched to overtake Columbus. 

The fugitive returneil ; and on April IJ, 1492, at .Santa Fe, an agreement 
was signed by Ferdinand ami Isabella which gave Columbus the office of 
high-admiral and vicero)- in parts to be discovered, and an income of one 
eighth of the profits, in consideration of his assuming one eighth of the 
costs. Castile bore the rest of the expense; but Arragon athanced the 
money,- and the Pin/.ons subscribed the eighth part for Columbus. 

The happy man now solemnl)- vowed to use what profits should accrue 
in accomplishing the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre from the Moslems. 
Palos, owing some duty to the Crown, was ordered to furnish two armed 
cara\'cls, and Columbus was empowered to fit out a third. On the 30th 
of .April the letters-patent confirming his tlignities were issued. His son 
Diego was made a page of the royal household. On May 12 he left 
the Court and hastened towards Palos. Here, upon showing his orders 
for the vessels, he found the town rebellious, with all the passion of a 
people who felt that some of their number were being simply doomed 
to destruction beyond that Sea of Darkness whose hounds they knew 
not. Affairs were in this unsatisfactory condition when the brothers 
Pinzon threw themselves and their own vessels into the cause ; while a 



the II.Tiv.ud College 



1 There arc twci views of Seville in l!i;iiiii 110.712. 'Hie book 

and llogeiiberg's Cn-i/ii/i's or/i/'s hri;ini/ii, pub- Library, 
lisheil at Antwerp in 1572, and again at llrussels ^ Santangel supplied about seventeen thou- 

(in French) ni 1574. In one of the engravings sand lloriiis from Ferdinand's treasury. Ucrgcn- 

a garden near the Pucrta de Goles is marked roth, in his Ti-troduttion to the Spanish State 

"Guerta de Colon ; " and in the other the words Papers, removes not a little of the mellow splen- 

" Casa de Colon " are .ittached to the top of one dor which admirers have poured about Isabella's 

of the houses. Muller, /uHii-s on Aiiuriia, i,S77, character. 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I'/! 



Iflfl 




I 






PARTING OF COLUMBUS WTIH FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.' 

third vessel, the " Pinta," was impressed, — much to the alarm of its 
owners and crew. 

And so, out of the harbor of Palos,^ on the 3d of August, 1492, Columbus 

' Fac-simile of the cngr.iving in Ilcrrera. de Espaua. (Harrisse, ^/W. ^wj^n K<?/., no. 2S1.) 

It originally apjK'arcd in De Ury, part iv. Irving described it in 1S28. Its present unmari- 

'^ Talos is no longer a port, such has been time character is set forth by E.E. Hale in ..4wf?. 

the work of time .ind tide. In 1548 the port is Antiq. Soc. Proc, ii. 159; Seven Spa'iis/i Cities, 

described in Medina's Li/no de gi\iiide:as y cos<is p. 17 ; and Orerland Monthly, Jan., 1883, p. 42. 









RICA. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



KJ 



mm< 



. C)9u3 .... 



tu-"..'^' 



alarm of its 
^92, Columbus 

Mwr. Vet; no. 2S1.) 
ts present unmari- 
l. E. Hale in Atncr. 
Vfii Shtuis/i Cities, 
Jan., 18S3, p. 42. 




EARLY VESSELS.' 



1 This representation of the vessels of t'le 
early Spanish navigators is a fac-simile of a cut 
in Medina's Arte lie mrregar, Valladolid, 1545, 
which was re-engraved in the Venice edition of 
1555. Cf. Citrter-Iircniin Catah\i;ue, vol. i. nos. 137, 
204 ; Huge, Geschichtc des '/.eitallcrs der EiitdecK- 
tingeii, PI). 240, 241 ; Juricn de la Gravierc's Lcs 
marins dii XV' et dii Xl'I' si\h;\d\. i. pp. 38, 
151. In the variety of changes in methods of 
measurement it is not easy to find the equivalent 
in tonnage of the present day for the ships of 
Columbus's time. Those constituting his little 
fleet seem to have been light and swift vessels 
of the class called caravels. One had a deck 
amidships, with High forecastle and poo|) , and 
two were without this deck, though high, and 



covered at the ends. Captain G. V. Fox has 
given what he supposes were the dimensions 
of the larger one, — a heavier craft and duller 
sailer than the others. He calculates fur a 
hundred tons, — makes her sixty-three feet over 
all, fifty-one feet keel, twenty feet beam, and ten 
and a half feet dr.aft of :zr. She carried the 



kind of gun termed loir, rds, and a crew 



of 
fiftv men. U. S. Const S.inry Report, iSSo, app. 
iS '; liecher's Landfall of Coliivihiis ; A. Jal's Ar- 
cheologic navalc \,\\\x\i, 1S40) ; Irving's Columbus, 
app. .\v. ; H. H. B.incroft, Cenlnil America, i. 
1S7; Das Auslaiid, 1S67, p. i. There arc other 
views of the ships of Columbus' time in the cuts 
in some of the early editions of his Letters on the 
discovery. See notes following this chapter. 



m 



I ! 



8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY- OF AMERICA. 



■i' 



sailed with liis three little vessels. The " Santa Maria," which carried his 
flag, was the only one of the three which had a deck, while the other two, 
the " Nina " and the " I'inta," were open caravels. The two Pinzons com- 
manded these smaller ships, — Martin Alonzo the " Pinta," and Vicente 
the " Nina." 

The voyage was uneventful, except that the expectancy of all quickened 
the eye, which sometimes saw over-much, and poised the mind, which was 
alert with hope and fear. It has been pointed out how a westerly course 
from Palos wotdd have discouraged Columbus with head and variable winds. 
Running down to the Canaries (for Toscanelli put those islands in the lati- 




nUILDING A SHIP.' 



tude of Cipango), a westerly course thence would bring him within the con- 
tinuous easterl)- trade-winds, whose favoring influence would inspirit his 
men, — as, indeed, was the case. Columbus, however, was very glad on the 
22d of September to experience a west wind, just to convince his crew it 
was possible to have, now ruid then, the direction of it favorable to their 
return. He had proceeded, as he thought, some two hundred miles farther 
than the longitude in which he had conjectured Cipango to be, when the 
urging of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and the flight of birds indicating land 
to be nearer in the southwest, induced him to change his course in that 
direction.^ 



' Tliis follows a fac-simile, given in Ruc;c, 6V- 
schichte dcs /.i-italtcrs dcr Entdccl;tiiii;t-ii p. 240, of 
.1 cut in liernliardus (le lireydenbach's /'tvvii,'-////- 
alioih-x, M.iinz, 1486. 

- Cf. Trvinp;, app. no. xvi., on the route of 
Columbus. Brcvoort in his Vi'iinzaiw, p. loi, 
describes the usual route of the early navigators 
from Spain to the West Indies. Columbus kept 



two record"! of his progress. One w.as an un- 
worthily deceitful one (reminding us of .an earlier 
deceit, when he tampered with the compass to 
mislead his crew), by which he hoped to check 
the apprehensions of his men arising from his in- 
creasing longitude ; and the other a dead reck- 
oning of some kind, in which he thought he was 
appro.ximateiy accurate. The story of his capit- 



acA. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



:h carried his 

:he other two, 

Pinzons com- 

' and Vicente 

all quickened 
nd, wiiich was 
esterly course 
/ariable winds, 
ids in the lati- 




thin the con- 
Id inspirit his 
\y glad on the 
ICC his crew it 
rablc to their 
1 miles farther 
> be, when the 
lulicating land 
course in that 



One was an un- 
iiig us of an earlier 
til the compass to 
le hoped to check 
arising from his in- 
other a dead reek- 
he thought he was 
story of his capit- 



About midnight 
between the 1 1 th and 
I2th of October, Co- 
lumbus on the look- 
out thought he saw 
a light moving in the 
darkness. He called 
a companion, and the 
two in counsel agreed 
that it was so.^ At 
about two o'clock, the 
moon then shining, a 
mariner on the " Pinta" 
disceri.cil unmistaka- 
bly a low sandy shore. 
In the morning a land- 
ing was made, and, with 
prayer^ and cccnion)', 

ul.itini; t'> his (rinv,aml agree- 
ing Id turn liatk in tlucc days 
in case land was not reached, 
is only tuld liv Ovicdo on the 
testimony of a pilot iiostile to 
Columbus. 

1 It may have been on some 
island or in some canoe ; oi 
just as Mkely a mere delusion. 
The fact that Columbus at a 
later day .set up a claim for 
the rewaid for the first di.s- 
covery on the strength of t is 
mysterious light, to the exclu- 
sion of the poor sailor who 
first actually saw land from 
the " I'iiita," has suljjected his 
memory, not unnaturally, to 
some discredit at least with 
those who reckon magnanim- 
ity among the virtues. Cf. 
Mifn nrfi% iii. 6i;. 

^ The prayer used was 
adopted later in similar cases, 
under lialboa, Cortes, I'izarro, 
etc. It is given in C. Clem- 
cntc's Tablas c/iroiioUygicas, 
Valencia, 16S9. Cf. Ilarrisse, 
A'dto on Coliimhiis, \>. 140; 
Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,632 ; Car- 
fer-lirown, vol. ii. no. 1,376; 
Murphy, no. 599; and II. Ii. 
liancroft's Central America, i. 
371- 

•* This follows a map given 
in Das Aiislainf, 1S67, p. 4, in 
a paper on Columbus' Jour- 
nal, "Das Schiffsbuch des 
vol.. ir. — 2. 



n 
o 
c 

w 

C 



o 
c 

a 
d 



o 



r"- <. 



PI 




m 



10 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



possession was taken of the new-found island in tiic name of the Spanish 

sovcrcifjns. 

On the third day (October 14) Columbus lifted antiior, and for ten days 

sailed among the minor islands of the archipelago; but struck the Cuban 

coast on the 28th.' 
Here the " Pinta," 
without orders 
from the Admiral, 
went off to seek 
some gold-field, of 
which Martin Alon- 
zo I'inzon, its com- 
mander, fancied he 
had got some inti- 
mation from the 
natives. Pinzon 
returned bootless; 
but Columbus was 
painfully con- 
scious of the muti- 
nous spirit of his 
lieutenant.- The 
little fleet next 
found Hayti (His- 
paniai insula,^ as 
he called it), and 
on its northern 
SHIP OF Columbus's iime.* side the Admiral's 

ship was wrecked. 

Out of her timbers Columbus built a fort on the shore, called it " La 

Navidad," and put into it a garrison under Diego de Arana.'' 




.■li 



Entdeckcrs von Amerika." The routes of Colum- 
bus' (our voyages are marked on the map accom. 
panying the Sfm/i l>iof;rafii-i c biblioi^riifici jiub- 
lished by the Societa Gcografica Italiana in 1SS2. 
('f. also the map in Charton's Voyagcurs, iii. 155, 
leproduced on a later page. 

1 Humboldt in his Cosmos (English transla 
tion, ii. 422) has pointed out how in this first 
voyage the descriptions by Columbus of tropi- 
cal scenes convince one of the vividness of his 
impressions and of the quickness of his obser- 
vation. 

'^ Pinzon's heirs at a later day manifested 
hostility to Columbus, and endeavored to mag- 
nify their father's importance in the voyage. Cf. 
Irving, App. x. In the subsequent lawsuit for 
the confirmation of Columbus's right, the Pin- 
ions brouglit witnesses to prove that it was their 



urgency which prevented Columbus from giving 
up the voyage and turning back. 

•■' This Latin name seems to have been ren- 
dered by the Spaniards I.a Espanola, and from 
this by corruption the English got Hispaniola. 

■• This follows a fac-siniile, given in Ruge, 
Gesdiichlc (Its /.ciliillcrs <icr F.ntdccknugcn, p. 241, 
of a cut in liernhardus de lireydenbach's Pere- 
griiKitiones, Mainz, 14S6. 

^ There is a wide difference as reported by 
the early writers as to the number of men which 
Cohimbus had with him on this voyage. Ferdi- 
nand Columbus says ninety ; Peter Martyr, one 
hundred and twenty ; others say one hundred 
and eighty. The men he left at Hayti are reck- 
oned variously at thirty-nine, forty-three, forty- 
eight, fifty-five, etc. Major, Select Letters, p. 12, 
reckons them as from thirty-seven to forty. Th» 



j terview 

guese ] 

Lisbon 

» reached 

; 15th of 

labsencL 

imonths 

He A 

»the peo 

:i- seaport 

tions ai 

Barcelo 




' f 



IICA. 



COLUMIJUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



II 



f the Spanish 

d for ten days 
ick the Cuban 
t on the 28th.' 
: the " Pinta," 
lout orders 
I the Admiral, 
t off to seek 
e gold-field, of 
;h Martin Alon- 
'inzon, its com- 
ider, fancied he 
got some inti- 
ion from the 
vcs. Pinzon 
irncd bootless ; 
Columbus was 
n f u 1 1 y c o n- 
lus of the muti- 
is spirit of his 
tenant.- The 
tic fleet next 
nd Hayti (His- 
ia; insula,^ as 
called it), and 
its northern 
the Admiral's 
was wrecked, 
called it " La 

hinibus from giving 

ick. 
to liave been ren- 
spahola, and from 

h got Hispaniola. 
e, given in Kiige, 
iihhrkniigi-ii, p. 241, 
rcydcubach's J'fre- 

lice as reported by 
mbcr of men which 
liis voyage. Ferdi- 

Pcter Martyr, one 
say one hundred 

at Hayti are reck- 

, forty-three, forty- 
Select Letters, p. 1 2, 

even to forty. Th» 




NATIVE HOUSE IN HISPANIOLA.' 



With the rest of his company and in his two smaller vessels, on the 4th o( 
January, 1493, Columbus started on his return to Spain. He ran northerly to 

the latitude of his desti- 
nation, and then steered 
due east. He experi- 
enced severe weather, 
but reached the Azures 
safe!)- ; and then, pass- 
ing on, entered the 
Tagus and had an in- 

I tervicw with the Portu- 
guese King. Leaving 

I Lisbon on the 13th, he 

[reached Palos on the 

j 1 5th of March, after an 

J absence of over seven 

[months. 

He was received by 

Ithe people of the little 

'i- ... 

iSeaport with acclama- 

Jtions and wonder; and, despatching a messenger to the Spanish Court at 
Jarcelona, he proceeded to Seville to await the commands of the nion- 

archs. He was soon 
bidden to hasten to 
them ; and with the tri- 
umph of more than a 
conqueror, and pre- 
ceded by the bedizened 
Indians whom he had 
brought with him, he 
entered the city and 
stood in the presence of 
the sovereigns. He 
was commanded to sit 
before them, and to tell 
the story of his discov- 
ery. This he did with 
consci .I's pride; and 
not forgetting the past, 




CURING THfi SICK.'' 

Ilists show .imong them an Irishman, " Guillcrmo 
I Ires, natural de Galney, en Irlanda," and an 
JEnglishm.in, " Tallartc dc Lajes, Ingles." These 
[are interpreted to mean William Herries — prob- 
jably " a namesake of ours," says Harrisse — and 
lArthur Lake. Mernaldez says he carried back 
Iwith him to Spain ten of the natives. 



1 Fac-simile of a cut in Oviedo, edition of 1547, 
fol. lix. There is another engraving in Char- 
ton's / 'ovci:;i-urs, iii. 1 24. Cf . also Ramusio, A^av. 
et Fii/^y/, iii. 

2 This is Benzoni's .sketch of the way in which 
the natives cure and tend their sick at Hisi)a. 
niola. F.dit'on of 1572, p. 56. 



12 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



'<'!?■ 



)} 



' ii 



m 



4i- 




THE TRIUMPH OF COLUMBUS.' 

he publicly renewed his previous vow to wrest the Holy Sepulchre frora 
the Infidel. 

The expectation which had sustained Columbus in his voyaj^e, and 
which he thoutrht his discoveries had confirmed, was that he had reached 



' This is a reduction of .1 fac-similc by I'il- 
inski, given in Margi v'- Li's A'dfi^'ii/iiuis Frr.ii- 
(<ilsi-s, p. 360, — an earlier reproduction h.aving 
been given liy M. J.l in Im Friincc marilimc. It 
is also figured in Cliarton's I'ovaxi'iiis, iii. 139. 
The original sketch, by Cclumbus himself, was 
sent by him from Seville v\ 1503, and i^ i)rc- 
served in the city hall at Clenoa. M. J.il gives 
a descri|)tion of it in his /),• P,irisi) A'ir/'/fs, iSjfi, 
i. 257. The figure sitting beside Columbus is 
Providence; Envy and Ignorance are hinted at 
as monsters following in his wake ; while Con- 
stancy, Tolerance, the Christian Religion, Vic- 
tory, and Hope attend him. Above all is the 
floating figure of Fame blowing two trumpets, 
oiie marked " Genoa," the other " Fama Co- 
lumbi." Harrisse (jVotes 011 Columbus, p. 165) 
says th.at good judges assign this picture to 
Columbus's own hand, though none of the draw- 
ings ascribed to him are authentic beyond doubt ; 



while it is very true that he had tlie reputation 
of being a good draughtsman. Feuillet de Con- 
ches (Kr.ue contcm/'craiiic, .\xiv. 509) disbelieves 
in its authenticity. The usual signature of Co- 
limbus is in the lower left-hand corner of the 
.above sketch, the initial letters in which have 
never been satisfactorily inter|)reted ; but per- 
haps as reasonable a guess as any would make 
them stand for "Si:rvus sui'I'i.e.x Altissimi 
Sai.vatoris — CiiRisrus, Mari.v, Yosei'ii — 
Christo Jln-iis.'^ Others read, " Skrvidor sus 
Ai.TF.ZAs .sacras, Christo, Maria, Ysaiiki. 
[or Yosr.t'it ]." The "Christo ferens " is some- 
times replaced by " El Alinirantc." The essav 
on the autograph in the Cartas de India! is 
translated in the Magazine of American History, 
Jan., 1SS3, p. 55. Cf. Irving, app. .\.\.\v. Huge, 
Ccschicliti des Zeitaltcrs der Eiitikckungtn, p. 
317; Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 
xvi. 322, etc. 




AMERICA. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



n 








)ly Sepulchre fronj 

n his voj'agc, and 
at he had reached 

at he had the reputation 
itsman. Feuillet do Con- 
I'lu; xxiv. 509) disbelieves 
c usual signature of Co- 
r left-hand corner of the 
al letters in which have 
ly interpreted ; but jier- 
ucss as any would make 
\fVS SL'PPLEX ALTISSIMI 

'US, Maria, Yoseph — 
s read, " Skrvidor sus 
RisTo, Maria, Ysadki. 
Christo ferens " is some- 
.4/nt/niii/t:" The cssav 
the Cartas <fe Iiulias is 
iiic of American History, 
rving, a|)p. xxxv. Ruge, 
s ilcr EntiiickiDigen, p. 
orical Society Proceedings. 




COLUMDUS AT HISPANIOLA.' 

the western parts of India or Asia, and the new islands were accordingly 
everywhere spok-cn of as the West Indies, or the New World. 

The ruling Pope, Alexander VI., was a native Valencian ; and to him an 
appeal was now made for a Bull, confirming to Spain and Portugal respec- 

1 P^ic-siniile o( engraving in Herrera, who follows DeBry. 






i! 



14 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMKRICA. 



tivc fields for discovery. Tliis was issued May 4, 1493, fixinfj a line, on the 
tiiitiier side of which Spain was to be master ; and on the hither side, I'ortu- 
l»al. This was traced at a meridian one luindred leat,nies west of the Azores 
and Cape de Verde Islands, which were assumed to be in the same lon^i- 



i'-; 



v/i 






lltWfT". 




/\ CXK mf U ^Mr • il ■ ■ L 



ly 



• A •! 



Siix 






HANDWRrriNG OF COLUMBUS.' 



tude practically. The thought of future complications from the running 
of this line to the antipodes docs not seem to have alarmed either Pope 
or sovereigns ; but troubles on the Atlantic side were soon to arise, to 
be promptly compounded by a convention at Tordesillas, which agreed 
(June 4, ratified June 7, 1494) to move the meridian line to a point three 

* Last page of an autograi)h letter preserved a photograph in Harrisse's A^o/es on Columliiis, 
n\ the Colombina Library at Seville, following p. 218. 



'■ , 



RICA. 



COLUMUUS AND HIS DISCOVERIKS. 



15 



^ a line, on the 
icr side, Portii- 
t of the Azores 
he same longi- 



hiuulrcd and seventy Ica(;ues west of the Cape de Verde Islands, — still 
without dream of the destined disputes respecting; ilivisions on the other 
side of the ^,'lobe.' 

Thus everything favored Columbus in the i)rcparations for a second 
voyage, which was to conduct a colony to the newly discovered lands. 






* 

XaCnto - 
M4N* / 1/ 







r~^v^^^^ 







ARMS OF COLUMnUS.- 



the running 

[d cither Pope 

pn to arise, to 

which agreed 

a point three 

Votes on Columbus, 



Twelve hundred souls were embarked on seventeen vessels, and among 
them persons of consideration and name in subsequent history, — Diego, 



' The line of 1494 gave Portugal, Urazil, the 
Moluccas, the Philippines, and half of New 
Guinea. Jurien dc la Graviirc, Les marins du 
XT' d du XVI' sikle, i. 86. 

- As given in Oviedo's CoroiiUa, 1547, fol. x., 
from the Harvard College copy. There is no 
wholly satisfactory statement regarding the ori- 
gin of these arms, or the Admiral's right to bear 



them. It is the quartering of the royal lion and 
castle, for Arragon .ind Castile, with gold islands 
in azure waves. Five anchors and the motto, 

" A \or i'orI Castilla y a \or por] Leon 
NuEVo MuNDo Dio \or hallo] Colon," 

were later given or assumed. The crest varies 
in the Oviedo '1. cap. vii.) of 153s. 



/r 



i6 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMKRICA. 



i'lil 



i 



the Admiral's brother, Hcrnal Diaz del Castillo, Ojcda, and La Cosa, with 
the Pope's own vicar, a Ikiicdictinc named Huil, or Moil. Columbus ami 
the destined colonists sailed from Cadiz on the ^5th of September. The 

ships si^dited an islanil 
on the 3d of November, 
and continuing; tiieir 
course amoni; tlie C.ir- 
it)bee Isl.uuls, they fmal- 
ly reached La Navidad, 
and found it a waste. It 
was necessary, however, 
to make a be^innin^ 
somewhere; and a little 
to the east of the ruim-d 
fort they landed lhi:ir 
supplies ami be^an the 
laying; out of a city, 
which they called Isa- 



^gcr-- pirtMno, 





FRUn-TREES (Jl'' HISl'ANIOI^\.'' 



Cl^-Jli r^r^fc* I '■-< 



bella.' i'.xpeditions were 
sent inland tt) finil tjold. 
The explorers reported 
success. Twelve of the 
ships were sent home with Indians who hail been seized ; and these ships 
were further laden with products of the soil which had been jj^athered. 
Culuiiibus himself went with four hundred 
men to begin work at the interior mines ; but 
the natives, upon whom he had counted for 
labor, had begun to fear enslavement for this 
purpose, and kept aloof. ::30 mining did not 
flourish. Disease, too, was working evil. 
Columbus him.self had been prostrated; but 
he was able to conduct three caravels west- 
ward, when he discovered Jamaica. On this 
expedition he made up his mind iii.it Cuba 

was a part of the Asiatic main, and somewhat unadvisedly forced his men 
to sign a paper declaring their o.vn belief to the same purport.* 

Returning to his colony, the Admiral found that all was not going well. 
He had not himself inspired confidence as a governor, and his fame as an 
explorer was fast being eclipsed by his misfortune?; as a ruler. Some of 
his colonists, accompanied by the papal vicar, had seized ships and set sail 

1 liaiKioft, C<7///r// W/«<77ij, i. 496, ilcsciibcs ■• Navanctc, ii. 143. It is the frucjuciit re- 

tlif proccduies riiially establishcil in laving ont currcncc of such audacions anil arrogant acts (in 

towns. the part of Columbus which explains his sad 

- This is licnzoni's sketch, coition of 1572, failure as an administrator, and seriously im- 

{>. Co. pairs the veneration in which the world would 

" As given in Ovicdo, edition of 1547, fol. Ixi. rejoice to hold him. 



INDIAN CLUB." 






II :I 



COLUMHUS AND Ills PISCOVKRIES. 



»7 



a Cosa, with 



for home. The natives, emboUleneti by tlic cruelties practised upon them, 
were laying siege to his fortified posts. As an otTset, however, liis brother 
Hartliolnincw li.ul arrived fniin .Spain with three store-shi|)s ; and later 
came Antonio dc Torres with foiir uliicr ^hips, which in due time were 




l.NDIAN CANOE. 



.. 1 



sent back to carry some samples of gold and a cargo of natives to be sold 
as slaves. The vessels had brought tidings of the charges preferred at 
Court against the Admiral, ami his brother Diego was sent back with 
the ships to answer 
these charges in the 
Admiral's behalf. Un- 
ftjrtunately Diego was 
not a man of strong 
character, and his ad- 
vocacy was not of the 
best. 

In March (1495) Co- 
lumbus conducted an 
expedition into the in- 
terior to subdue and 
hold tributary the na- 
tive population. It was 
cruelly done, as the 
world looks upon such 
transactions to-day. 

Meanwhile in Spain 
reiteration of charges 
was beginning to shake the confidence of his sovereigns ; anc' Juan 
Aguado, a friend of Columbus, was sent to investigate. He reached 

' As depicted in Oviedo, edition of 1547, tol. a Ueiizoni gives this dr.iwing of the canoes 

Ixi. There is another engraving in Cluirtoii's of the co.ist of the Gulf of I'aria and tliete- 

Voyagairs, iii. loO, called " Pirogue Indienne." about. Kditioii of I S72, 1). ■;. 
vol.. II. — T.. 




INDI.W CANOE.- 



k 



>;: 



. f, 



M 



i8 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



.v. 



f! 






i.r 



i:M 



i: •) 




COLUMBUS AT ISLA MARGARITA.' 

Isabella in October, — Diego, the Admiral's brother, accompanying him. 
Aguado did not find affairs reassuring; and when he returned to Spain 
with his report in IMarch (1496), Columbus thought it best to go too, and to 
make his excuses or explanations in person. They reached Cadiz in June, 
just as Niilo was sailing with three caravjls to the new colony. 

' Fac-similc of engraving in Herrera. 



f 



i 



!r 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



19 



Ferdinand and Isabella received him kindly, gave him new honors, and 
promised him other outfits. Enthusiasm, however, had died out, and de- 
lays took place. The reports of the returning ships did not correspond 
with the pictures of Marco Polo, and the new-found world was thought to 



IiM 



'h 







^l^^ss^pj^rar^ 


4 i -1 1 






^^'"^^-wPS^ 


P ^ 1 




"^^^LJt^ Ifc^J 






1 




^H 


i 






■ ..j^P^^h^^^^^Mj^ 


CM 'M|||i^^^^S 








Jnl / Yv ^^*^^\ilvfi^ffl— 


^s 




iW 


3 


m 


K^^ 


^^^^^^^^*yj 


^ 


ml 


jB 


m| 






ij^'^i^^^^jl 1 ^U* 




^1 


y^^^^Vjkl^^^ 


^s^^^^ 


Pii f / \iA L, I ill/ 




f^ i\ f^^v^\\ \^-^ "V- 


3^B5^^&J 




S-S^*-!^ ya*T~WTT" 










^mmJ 



AMERICANS 



m 



be a \cry poor India afte- all. Most people were of this mind ; though 
Columbus was not disheartened, and the public treasury was readily opened 
for a third voyage. 

Coroncl sailed early in 1498 with two ships, and Columbus followed with 
six, embarking at San Lucar on the 30th of May. He now discovered 



I This is tlic earliest icprcscntalion wliich 
wc have of tlic nativf s of tlic \e\v World, sliow- 
ing such .as were loiiiul liy the rortiiguese on the 
north eo.ast of .South America. It has been sup- 
posed that it was is:ucd in Augsburg somewhere 
Ijctween 1497 and 1 504, for it is nc^ dated. The 
only copy ever known to bibliogi.iphers is not 
now to be traced. Stevens, A'cco//. of jfamis 
Lenox, p. 174. It measure.'^ 13* X SA inches, 
with a (lernian titlj and inscription, to be trans- 
lated as follows : — 

" This figure rcjjrescnts to us the people and 
island which have licen discovered by the Chris- 
tian King of I'ortugal, or his subjects. The 
people are thus naked, handsome, brown, well- 
shaped in body; their heads, necks, arms, pri- 



vate parts, feet of men and women, are a little 
covered with featliers. The men also have 
many precious stones on their faces and breasts. 
No one else has anything, but all things are 
in common. And the men have as wives those 
who please them, be they mothers, si 'ters, or 
friends ; therein make they no distinction. They 
also fight with each other; they also eat each 
other, even those who are slain, and hang the 
flesh of them in the smoke. They become a 
hundred and fifty years of .age, and have no 
government." 

The present engraving follows the f.ac-simile 
given in Stevens's American lUhliographcr, pp. 
7, S. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,031 ; vol. v. no. 
20,257 ; Marrisse, /)//'/. Amer. Vet., no. 20. 



20 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



^^l! 



Trinidad (July 31), which he named cither from its three peaks, or from 
the Holy Trinity; struck the northern coast of South America,' and skirted 
what was later known as the Pearl coast, going as far as the Island of 
Margarita. He wondered at the roaring fresh waters which the Orinoco 
pours into the Gulf of Pearls, as he called it, and he half believed that its 
exuberant tide came from the terrestrial paradise.^ He touched the south- 
ern coast of Hayti on the 30th of August. Here already his colonists had 
established a fortified post, and founded the town of Santo Domingo. His 
brother Bartholomew had ruled energetically during the Admiral's absencCj 
but he had not prevented a revolt, which was headed by Roldan. Colum- 
bus on his arrival found the insurgents still defiant, but was able after a 
while to reconcile them, and he even succeeded in attaching Roldan warmly 
to his interests. 

Columbus' absence from Spain, however, left his good name without 
sponsors ; and to satisfy detractors, a new commissioner was sent over with 
enlarged powers, even with authority to supersede Columbus in general 
command, if necessary. This emissary was Francisco de Bobadilla, who 
arrived at Santo Domingo with two caravels on the 23d of August, 1500, find- 
ing Diego in command, his brother the Admiral being absent. An issue 
was at once made. Diego refused to accede to the commissioner's orders 
till Columbus returned to judge the case himself; so Bobadilla assumed 
charge of the Crown property violently, took possession of the Admiral's 
house, and when Columbus returned, he with his brother was arrested and 
put in irons. In this condition the prisoners were placed on shipboard, 
and sailed for Spain. The captain of the ship offered to remove the man- 
acles ; but Columbus would not permit it, being determined to land in 
Spain bound as he was ; and so he did. The effect of his degradation was 
to his advantage; soveieigns and people were shocked at the sight; and 
Ferdinand and Isabella hastened to make amends by receiving him with 
renewed fa\'or. It was soon apparent that everything reasonable would 
be granted him by the monarchs, and that he could have all he might wish, 
short of receiving a new lease of power in the islands, which the sover- 
eigns were determined to see pacified at least before Columbus should 
again assume government of them. The Admiral had not forgotten his 
vow to wrest the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel ; but the monarchs did 
not accede to his wish to undertake it. Disappointed in this, he proposed 
a new \oyage ; and getting the royal countenance for this scheme, he was 
supplied with four vessels of from fifty to seventy tons each, — the " Capi- 
tana," the " Santiago de Palos," the " Gallego," and the " Vizcaino." He 



1 The question of the i^riority of Columbus' 
discovery of the niainlanc! over Vcspucius is 
discussed in the following chapter. M. Merrera 
is said to have brought fi.'iward, at the Congros 
lies Americanistcs held J Copenh.agcn in 1SS3, 
new evidence of Columbus's l.uiding on the nia-n- 
land. Father Manoel de la V("a, ii- his llistoria 



:/i'l dt'scohrimicnto tic la Amcricii scptciurional, 
tirsi published in Mexico in 1S26 by liusta- 
mante, alleges that Columbus in this southern 
course was intending to test the theory of King 
John of Portugal, that land blocked a westerly 
l)assage in that direction. 
2 Irving, app. xxxiii. 



>, ;' 



Lie A. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



91 



zaks, or from 
1,' and skirted 
the Island of 
h the Orinoco 
:lievcd that its 
lied the south- 
) colonists had 
lomingo. His 
liral's absencCj 
Idan. Colum- 
as able after a 
^oldan warmly 

name without 
sent over with 
Dus in general 
Bobadilla, who 
just, 1500, find- 
ent. An issue 
sioner's orders 
)adilla assumed 
r the Admiral's 
IS arrested and 
on shipboard, 
move tne man- 
led to land in 
gradation was 
ic sight; and 
i\ing him with 
isonablc would 
le might wisli, 
ch the sover- 
unibus should 
forgotten his 
monarchs did 
s, he proposed 
chemc, he was 
- the " Capi- 
c^izcaino." He 

ivV.; scptoil^ioncil, 
m 1S26 by Susta- 
in this soulhcrii 
llic theory of King 
blocked a westerly 







sailed from Cadiz May 9, 1502, accompanied by his brother Bartholomew 
and his son Fernando. The vessels reached San Domingo June 29. 

Bobadilla, whose rule of a year and a half had been an unhappy one, 
had gi\ en place to Nicholas de Ovando ; and the fleet which brought the 
new governor, — with Maldonado, Las Casas, and others, — now lay in the 
iiarbor waiting to receive Bobadilla for the return voyage. Columbus had 
been instructed to avoid Hispaniola ; but now that one of his vessels leaked, 
and he needed to make repairs, he sent a boat ashore, asking permission to 
enter the harbor. He was refused, though a storm was impending. He 
sheltered his vessels as best he could, and rode out the gale. The fleet 
which had on board Bobadilla and Roldan, with their ill-gotten gains, 
was wrecked, and these enemies of Columbus were drowned. The Admiral 
found a small harbor where he could make his repairs; and then, July 14, 
sailed westward to find, as he supposed, the richer portions of India in 
exchange for the barbarous outlying districts which others had appropri- 
ated to themselves. He went on throng! calm and storm, giving names to 
islands. — which later explorers re-named, and spread thereby confusion on 
the early maps. He began to find more intelligence in the natives of these 
islands tlian those of Cuba had betrayed, and got intimations of lands 
still farther west, where copper and gold were in abundance. An old 
Indian made them a rough map of the main shore. Columbus took him 
on board, and proceeding onward a landing was made on the coast of Hon- 
duras August 14. Three days later the explorers landed again fifteen 
leagues farther east, and took possession of the country for Spain. Still 
east they went; and, in gratitude for safety after a long storm, they named 
a cape which they rounded Gracias a Dios, — a name still preserved at the 
point where the coast of Honduras begins n trend southward. Columbus 
was now lying ill on his bed, placed on deck, and was half the time in 
revery. Still the vessels coasted south. They lost a boat's crew in getting 
water at one place; and tarrying near the mouth of the Rio San Juan, 
they thought they got from the signs of the natives intelligence of a rich 
and populous country over the mountains inland, where the men wore 
clothes and bore weapons of steel, and the women were decked with corals 
and pearls. These stories were reassuring ; but the exorcising incanta- 
tions of the natives were quite otherwise for the superstitious among the 
Spaniards. 

They were now on the shores of Costa Rica, where the coast trends 
southeast; and both the rich foliage and the gold plate on the necks of 
the savages enchanted the explorers. They went on towards the source 
of this wealth, as they fancied. The natives began to show some signs 
of repulsion ; but a few hawk's-bells beguiled theiii, and gold plates were 
received in exchange for the trinkets. The vessels were now within the 
southernmost loop of the shore, and a bit of stone wall seemed to the 
Spaniards a token of civilization. The natives called a town hereabouts 
Veragua, — whence, years after, the descendants of Columbus borrowed the 



22 



NARRATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA.. 



V 



V > 



I' 



I 



r 



ducal title of his line. In this region Columbus dallied, not su.'pecting 
how thin the strip of country was which separated him from the great 
ocean whose farther waves washed his desired India. Then, stilt pursuing 
the coast, which now turned to the northeast, he reached Porto Bello, as 
we call it, where he found houses and orchards. Tracking the Gulf side 
of the Panama isthmus, he encountered storms that forced him into har- 
bors, which continued to disclose the richness of the country.' 

It became now apparent that they had reached the farthest spot of 
Bastidas' exploring, who had, in 1501, sailed westward along the northern 
coast of South America. Amid something like mutinous cries from the 
sailors, Columbus was fain to turn back to the neighborhood of Vcragua, 
where the gold was ; but on arriving there, the seas, lately so fair, were 
tumultuous, and the Spaniards were obliged to repeat the gospel of Saint 
John to keep a water-spout, which they saw, from coming their way, — so 
Fernando says in his Life of the Admiral. They finally made a harbor at 
the mouth of the River Belen, and began to traffic with the natives, who 
proved very cautious and evasive when inquiries were made respecting gold- 
mines. Bartholomew explored the neighboring Veragua River in armed 
boats, and met the chief of the region, witli retainers, in a fleet of canoes. 
Gold and trinkets were exchanged, as usual, both here and later on the 
Admiral's deck. Again l^artholomew led another expedition, and getting 
the direction — a purposely false one, as it proved — from the chief in his 
own village, he went to a mountain, near the abode of an nemy of the 
chief, and found gold, — scant, however, in quantity compared with that 
of the crafty chief's own fields. The inducements were sufficient, how- 
ever, as Columbus thought, to found a colony; but before he got ready 
to leave it, he suspected the neighboring chief was planning offensive 
operations. An expedition was accordingly sent to seize the chief, and 
he was captured in his own village ; and so suddenly that his own people 
could not protect him. The craft of the savage, however, stood him in 
good stead ; and while one of the Spaniards was conveying him down the 
river in a boat, he jumped overboard and disappeared, only to reappear, 
a few days later, in leading an attack on the Spanish camp. In this the 
Indians were repulsed ; but it was the beginning of a kind of lurking war- 
fare that disheartened the Spaniards. Meanwhile Columbus, with the shir, 
was outside the harbor's bar buffeting the gales. The rest of the prison- 
ers who had been taken with the chief were confined in his forccasJp By 
concerted action some of them got out and jumped o'. orboard, while those 
not so fortunate killed themselves. As soon as the storm was over, Colum- 
bus withdrew the colonists and sailed away. He abandoned one worm-eaten 
caravel at Porto Bello, and, reaching Jamaica, beached two others. 

A year of disappointment, grief, and want followed. Columbus clung 
to his wrecked vessels. His crew alternately mutinied at his side, and roved 

' H. H. Bancroft, Central Aimricti, vol. i. of this voyage and the varying cartographical 
chap, iv., traces with some care the coast-findines records. 



COLLMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



»s 



about the island. Ovando, at Hispaniola, heard of his st^aitr, but only 
tardily and scantily relieved him. The discontented were finally humbled ; 
and some ships, despatched by the Admiral's agent in Santo Domingo, at 
last reached him, and brought him and his companions to that place, 
where Ovando received him with ostentatious kindness, lodging him in his 
house till Columbus departed for Spain, Sept. I2, 1504. 

On the 7th of November the Admiral reached the harbor of fin Lucar. 
Weakness and disease later kept him in bed in Seville, and to his letters 
of appeal the King paid little attention. He finally recovered suffi- 
ciently to go to the Court at Segovia, in May, 1505; but Ferdinand — 
Isabella had died Nov. 26, 1 504 — gave him scant courtesy. With a fatal- 
istic iteration, which had been his error in life, Columbus insisted still on 
the rights which a bette: skill in governing might have saved for him; 
and Ferdinand, with a dread of continued maladministration, as constantly 
evaded the issue. While still hope was deferred, the infirmities of age and 
a life of hardships brought Columbus to his end ; and on Ascension Day, 
the 20th of May, 1506, 
he died, with his son 
Diego and a few devoted 
friends by his bedside. 

The character of Co- 
lumbus is not difficult to 
discern. If his mental 
and moral equipoise had 
been as true, and his 
judgment as clear, as his 
spirit was lofty and im- 
pressive, he could have 
controlled the actions of 
men as readily as he 
subjected their imagina- 
tions to his will, and 
more than one brilliant 

opportunity for a record befitting a ruler of men would not have been 
lost. The world always admires constancy and zeal ; but when it is fed, 
not by well-rounded performance, but by self-satisfaction and self-inter- 
est, and tarnished by deceit, we lament where we would approve. Co- 
lumbus' imagination was eager, and unfortunately ungovernable. It led 
him to a great discovery, which he was not seeking for ; and he was far 
enough right to make his error more emphatic. He is certainly not alone 
among the great men of the world's regard who have some of the attributes 
of the small and mean. 




HOUSE IN WHICH COLUMBUS DIED. 



; 



' This follows an engraving in Rugc, Gcschichte des Zcitaltcrs dcr Eiitdakun^eu, p. 313, taken 
from a photograph. 'I'hc house is in Valladolici. 



24 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

IT would appear, from docun-' its printed by Navarrete that in 1470 Columbus was 
broodin;^ on the idea of land to the west. It is not at all probable that he would 
himself have been able to trace froin germ to flower the conception which finally possessed 
his mind.* The age was ripened for it; and the finding of Brazil in 1500 by Cabral 
showed how by an accident the theory might have become a practical result at any tims 
after the sailors of Europe had dared to take long orean voyages. Columbus grew to 
imagine that he had been independent of the influences of his time: and in a manuscript 
in his own hand, preserved in the Colombina Library at Seville, he shows the weak, almost 
irresponsible, side of his mind, and flouts at the grounds of reasonable progress which 
many others besides himself had been making to a belief in the feasibility of a western pas- 
sage. In this unfortunate writing he declares that under inspiration he simply accomplished 
the prophecy of Isaiah." This assertion has not prevented saner and later writers' from 
surveying the evidences of the growth of the belief in the mind, not of Columbus only, but 
of others whom he may have impressed, and by whom he may have been influenced. The 
new intuition was but the result of intellectual reciprocity. It needed a daring exponent, 
and found one. 

The geographical ideas which bear on tiiis question depend, of course, upon the 
sphericity of the earth.* This was entertained by the leading cosmographical thinkers 
of that age, — who were far however from being in accord in respect to the size of the 
globe. Going back to antiquity, Aristotle and Strabo had both taught in their respective 
times the spherical theory, but they too were widely divergent upon the question of size, — 
Aristotle's ball being but 1 ^an in comparison with that of Strabo, who was not far wrong 
when he contended that th^ 'dd then known was sop'-'thing more than one third of the 
actual circumference of the whole, or one hundred and twenty-nine degrees, as he put it; 
while IMarinus, the Tyrian, of the opposir.g school, and the most eminent geographer before 
Ptolemy, held that the extent of the then known world spanned as much as two hundred 
and twenty-five degrees, or about one hundred degrees too much.^ Columbus' calculations 
were all on the side of this insufficient size." He wrote to Queen Isabella in 1503 that " the 
earth is smaller than people suppose." He thought but one seventh of it was water. In 
sailing a direct western course his expectation was to reach Cipango after having gone 



1 Helps says: "The greatest geographical 
discoveries have been made by men conversant 
with the book-knowledge of their own time." 
The age of Columbus was perhaps the most il- 
lustrious of ages. " Where in the history of na- 
tions," says Humboldt, " can one find an epoch so 
fraught with such important results as the dis- 
covery of America, the passage to *he East Indies 
round the Cape of Good Hope, and M.igellan's 
first circumnavigation, simultaneously occurring 
with the highest perfection of art, the attain- 
ment of intellectual and religious freedom, and 
with the sudden enlargement of the knowledge 
of the earth and the heavens .' " Cosmos, Eng. 
tr., ii. 673. 

- This manuscript is the Lihro de las profccias, 
of which parts are printed in Navarrete. Cf. 
Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 156, who calls it 
a "curious medley of quotations and puerile in- 
ferences ; " and refers for an analysis of it to 
Gallardo's Eiisnyo, ii. 500. Harrisse thinks the 



hand is that of Ferdinand Columbus when a boy, 
and that it m.ay have been written under the 
Admiral's direction. 

"Irving, book i. chap, v.; Humboldt, Exa- 
men criliipie and Cosmos ; Major, Prince Henry 
cf Portugal, chap. xi.x. and Discoveries of Prince 
Henry, chap. -xiv. ; Stevens, Azotes ; Helps, 
Spanish Conquest ; and among the early writers, 
Las Casas, not to name others. 

■• Columbus, it is well known, advocated later 
a pear-siiapc, instead of a sphere. Cf . tk ; " Ter» 
ccr viage " in N.ivarrcte. 

'' Robertson's America, note xii. Humboldt 
cites tlie ancients ; Examen critique,'\, 3S, 61, 98, 
etc. 

" Ferdinand Columbus says that the Arab 
astronomer, Al Fergani, influenced Columbus 
to the same end ; and these views he felt 
were confirmed by the reports of Marco PoIq 
and Mandiville. Cf. Yule's Marco Pclo, vol. i. 
p. cxxxi. 



I.I, 



<ICA. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



*5 



VTION. 

J Columbus was 
le that he would 
finally possessed 

1500 by Cabral 
;sult at any tims 
)liimbus grew to 
1 in a manuscript 
the weak, almost 

progress which 
o£ a western pas- 
ply accomplished 
ter writers' from 
lumbus only, but 
influenced. The 
daring exponent, 

lourse, upon the 
raphical thinkers 
) the size of the 
a their respective 
nestion of size, — 
vas not far wrong 
I one third of the 
ees, as he put it ; 
eographer before 
as two hundred 
nbus' calculations 
in 1503 that "the 
t was water. In 
iter having gone 

umbiis when a boy. 
written under the 

Humboldt, JExa- 
ijor, Prince Henry 
i scorer ies of Prince 
Notes ; Helps, 

the early writers, 
rs. 

vn, advocated later 
ere. C£.th;"Ter- 

ite xii. Humboldt 
ritique,\. 3S, 61, 98, 

xys that the Arab 
lucnced Columbus 
ese views he felt 
rts of Marco Polo 
!\farco fclo, vol. i. 



about three thousand mdes. This would actually have brought him within a hundred miles 
or so of Cape Henlopen, or the neighboring coast ; while if no land h.id intervened he 
would have gone nine thousand eight hundred miles to reach Japan, the modern Cipango,' 
Thus Columbus' earth was something like two thirds of the actual magnitude.'' It can 
readily lie understood how the lesser distance was helpful in inducing a crew to accom- 
pany Columbus and in strengthening his own determination. 

Vhatever the size of the earth, there was far less p.alpable reason to determine it than 
to settle the question of its sphericity. The phenomena which convince the ordinary 
mind to-dav. weig'ied with Columbus as they had weighed in earlier .ages. These were the 
hullin" down of ships at sea, and the curved shadow of the earth on the moon in an eclipse. 
The law of gravity was not yet proclaimed, indeed; but it had been observec' iiat the men 
on two ships, however far apart, stood perpendicular to their decks at rest. 

Columbus was also certainly aware of some of the views and allusions to he fc -.nd in 
the ancient writers, indicating a belief in lands lying beyond the Pillars of Hercules.^ He 
enumerates some of them in the letter which he wrote about his third voy.nge, and which is 
printed in Xavarrete. The Colombina Library contains two interesting memorials of his 



' liy a great circle course the distance would 
have l)cen rciUiccd to something sliort of (ive 
thousand eight hundred miles. (Fox in i'. S. 
Coast .Siirri-v Kcport, iSSo, app. xviii.) Marco 
Pok) had not distinctly said how far off the coast 
of China the IsLand of Cipango lay. 

- Cf. D'Avczac in Bulletin de la Societl de 
GivgniJ'liie de Paris, August -October, 1S57, 
p. 97. liehaim in his globe placed China 120° 
west of Cape St. Vincent ; and Columbus is sup- 
posed to have shared lichaim's views and both 
were mainly in accord with Toscanelli. Htmi- 
boldt, JCxtimcii Criliqtu\ ii. 357. 

^ X(it long from the tiine of his first voyage 
the Orhis h-n'iayiion of I.ilius, which later 
passed through other editions and translations, 
summari/.ed the references of the ancients 
(Stevens, />'//>/. Geo<;. no. 1,670). But Ilarrissc, 
/Votes on Coliiml'iis, p. iSo, holds that the ear- 
liest instance of the new found islands being 
declared the p.arts known to the ancients, and 
referred to by Virgil in the 6th book of the 
./Encid, — 

"Jacet extra sidera tellus," etc., 
is in the Gco;^iitpIiia of Ilcnricus Glarcanus, pub- 
lished at Basle in 1527. Cf. also Gravier, Zi-j 
Normands siir hi route des /iides, Rouen, 18S0, p. 
24; H.irrissc, ^/W. Am. P'ct. 262. Mr. Murphy, 
in placing the 1472 edition of Strabo's Ve Situ 
orhis in his American collection, pointed to the 
belief of this ancient geographer in the exist- 
ence of the American continent as a h.ibitablc 
part of the globe, as shown when he sa>s: 
" Nisi Atlantici maris obst.iret magnitudo, posse 
nos navigare per eundem parallelum ex Ilisp.a- 
nia in Indiam, etc." Cf. further, Charles Sum- 
ner's Prophetic Voices conccrnini; America ; also 
in his Works ; Bancroft's A'otivi Races, v. 68, 
122; Baldwin's Prehistoric Nations, 399; Yoxi- 
taine's //iTt/ Mt' World luas peopled, p. 139; Las 
Casas, ffistoria general; Sherer, Pesearclies 
touching the New World, 1777 ; Recherches sur 
VOL. !I. — 4. 



Ill geogra/>hie des aiicieiis, Paris, 1797-1S13J 
Memoirs of the Lisbon Academy, v. loi ; Paul 
Gaffarcl, V Amerique avant ColomI; and his" Les 
Grecs ct les Komains, out ils connu I'Amerique .' " 
in the Revue de Geographic (1S81), ix. 241, etc. j 
Ferdinanf' CoUmibus' life of his father, and 
Himiboldt's examination of his views in nis 
Excmen critique; Brasscur de Bourbourg's 
Introduction to his Popul-Vuh. 

Glareanus, above referred to, w.as one of the 
most popular ot the condensed cosmograi)hical 
woi ks of the time ; and it g.avc but the briefest 
reference to the Xew World, "de rcgionibus 
extra Ptolemxum." Its author was uiidcr tliirty 
when he published his first edition in 1527 at 
Basle. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown 
Library [Catalogue, i. 90). Cf. also Bibl. Amer, 
Vet., 142; Huth, ii. 602; Wcige!, 1S77, p. 82, 
priced .at 18 marks. It was reprinted at Basle, 
the next year, 1528 (Tromel, 3), and again in 

1529. [Bibl. Amer. Vet., 143, 147.) Another 
edition w.as printed at Freiburg (Brisgau) in 

1530, of which there are copies lii Harvard Col- 
lege and Carter-Brown [Catalogue, m. 95) libra- 
ries. (Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., 147; Mjlier, 1877, 
no. 1,232.) There were other Freiburg imprints 
'" 1533. '536. 1539. 1543. ^-"d 1551. [Bibl. Amer. 
Vet., 1S3, 212, 248; Additions, 121 ; Carter-Brown, 
i. 160; White Kcnnett, p. 12; Tromel, no. 12; 
Murphy, 1049.) There were Venice imprints in 
'534. «S37. 1538. 1539. and 1544- [Bibl. Amer. 
Vet., 225, 228, 259; Auditions, 120; Lancetti, 
Biichersaal, i. 79.) An edition of Venice, with- 
out date, is assigned to 1549. [Catalogue of the 
Sumner Collection in Ilan'ard College Library.) 
Editions were issued at Paris in 1542, with a 
folded map, "Typus cosmographicus univer- 
salis," in 1550 (Court, 144), and in 1572, the 
last repeating the map. [Bibl. Amer. Vet., 139.) 
The text of ai. these editions is in Latin. Sabin, 
vol. vii. no. 27,536, etc., enumerates most of the 
editions. 



1 



/; 



>■<' 



^ 



/ ' 



\ 



26 



NARRATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



connection with this belief. One is a treatise in his own hand, giving his correspondence 
witii Father Gorricio, who gatliured the ancient views ami prophecies ; ' and the other is a 
copy of Gaietanus' editioii of Seneca's tragedies, published indeed after Columbus' death, 
in which the passage of the Medea, known to have been much in Columbus' mind, is scored 
with the marginal comment of Ferdinand, his son, " Hac prophetia explcta per patre meus 
cristoforfi colO almirr-'O anno 1492." - Columbus, further, could not have been unaware of 




JParme^doSim^ iotumdiumaMatheJis 



ri'OI.F.MY.' 



% 

• li- 



the opposing theories of Ptolemy and Pomponius Mela as to the course in which the fur- 
ther extension of the known world should be pursued. Ptolemy held to the east and west 
theory, and Mela to the northern and southern view. 

The Angelo Latin translation of Ptolemy's Greek Geographia had served to dissemi- 
nate the Alexandrian geographer's views through almost the whole of the fifteenth century, 

1 Such as riiUo's in his Crilias and Tinuais, " Fac-simile of a cut in Tcones sive imagines 

and Aristotle's in liis De Miiin/o, cap. iii., etc. e/Vir Uteris d. virortim . . . cum elogiis variii 

- Harrissc, Bibliotheca Americana I'eiitstis- per A^icolaiim Rciisncriim . Basilicc, CID ID 

tima ; Additions, no. 36. XIC, Sig. A. 4. 






nil' 



I LA. 

correspondence 
ul the other is a 
blumbus' death, 
mind, is scored 
} per patrc meus 
been unaware of 



COLUMUUS AND HIS UlSCOVERIKS. 



2^ 



for that version had been first nude in 1409. In 1475 it had been printed, and it had 
helped strengthen the arguments of those who favored a belief in the position of India as 
lying over against Spain. Several other editions were yet to be printed in the new typo- 



CL T?T0XOMAEVS ALEXAN- 
dtlnas/L^niiaxutticas. 




ftTfiUJ^oSrlrutotumdii^iuMaAefh 



PTOLEMY.l 



n which the fur- 
e east and west 

rved to dissemi- 
fteenth century, 

nes size imagines 
urn eloffiis varih 
Sasilin, C/D ID 



graphical centres of Europe, all exerting more or less influence in support of the new views 
advocated by Columbus. = Five of these editions of Ptolemy appeared during the interval 



1 Fac-similc of cut in Iconcs she imagines 
virorum Uteris illustrium . . . ex sectinda rccog- 
nitione Nieolai Reusneri. Argentorati, CIO ID A'C, 
p. I. The first edition appeared in 1587. liru- 
net, vol. iv., col. 1255, calls the editions of 1590 
and Frankfort, 1620, inferior. 

'■^ Bernaklez tells us that Columbus was a 
reader of Ptolemy and of John de Mandeville. 
Cf. on the spreading of Ptolemy's views at 
this time Lelewel, Geographic dti moytii Age, ii. [). 



122; Thomassy, Les papes g^vgrnplies, \i\>. 15, 34- 
There are copies of the 1475 edition of Ptolemy 
in the Library of Congress and the Cartcr-l'-r^wn 
Library (cf. also Miirp/iy Catnlrgiie, nu. 2,044) ; of 
the 1478 edition, the only copy in this country, 
so far as known, is the onr in the Carter-Brown 
Library, added to that cjUection since its cata- 
logue was printed. T'le Perkins copy in 1873 
brought j^So (cf. Livn r pnyes en rente piMtque 
i,oooJ'ra>tes, etc., p. 137) It was the first edition 



i 






aS 



NAKKATIVE AND CRITICAL lllSlOKY UF AMERICA. 






, 1 



ii^Jj 






from 1475 to 1492. Of I'oniponiiis Mela, advocntinx tlic views of which the Portuguese 
were at tiiis time proving tiie truth, the earliest printed edition iiad aiipeared in 1471. 
Mela's treatise, JJe situ tiifiis, had been produced in the first century, while Ptolemy had 
made his views known in the second; and the aije of Vasco da (iania, Columbus, and 
Magellan were to [jrove the com|)lenieiit,d rel.itioiis of their respective theories. 

It has been said that Macrobius, a Roman of the fifth century, in a commentary on the 
Drciiin of Scipio, had niaintained a division of the globe into four continents, of which 
two were then unknown. In the twelfth century this idea had been revived by (iuillaume 
de Conches (who died .about 1 150) in iiis P/ii/oxof'/iut Afiiiot, lib. iv cap. 3. It was again 
later further jjromulgated in the writings of ISede and Monort? tl'Autun, and in the Micro- 
cosmos of Geofiroy tie Saint-Victor. — a manuscript of the thirteenth century still pre- 
served.' It is not known that this tlieory was familiar to Columbus. The chief directors 
of his thoughts among anterior writers appear to have been, directly or indirectly, Albjr- 
tus Magnus, Roger liacon, and \'inceiizius o£ Ileauvais;- and first among them, for 
importance, we must place the Opus iMajiis of Roger IJacon, completed in 1267. It was 
from Bacon that Petrus de Aliaco, or Pierre d'Ailly (b. 1340; d. 1416 or 1425), in his 
y>ii(ii^o miindi, borrowed the passage which, in this French imitator's language, so 
impressed Columbus." 



with maps. Lclcwcl (vol. ii. p. 134) h.ad traced 
the intlucncc of tlic .\gathoiUx'mon (I'tolciiican) 
maps on tlic cnrto^rapliy of tliu Middle .Ages. 
The maps representing the growtli of geograph- 
ical ideas anterior to Columbus will he exaiii- 
incil in another place. The Ulm edition of 
I'tolemv, 14SJ, showed in its map of the world 
a part of what is now called America in repre- 
senting (trccnland ; but it gave it a distinct rela- 
tion to Europe, by making (Ircenland a peninsula 
of tlie .Scandinavian north. There seems reason 
to believe that this map was made in 1.(71, anil 
it passes for the earliest engraved map to show 
that northern region, — " Kngrone-land," as it is 
called. It we reject tlie Zeno map with its alleged 
date of 1400 or thereabout (published long alter 
Columbus, in 155S), the oldest known delinea- 
tions of Greenland (which there is no evidence 
that Columbus ever saw, and from which if he 
had seen them, he could have inferred nothing to 
advantage) are a Genoese manuscri])t map in the 
ritti palace, which Santarem {Histoirc (ic hi du- 
toi^riipliiCy vol. iii. p. xix) dates 1417, but which 
seems instead to be properly credited to 1447, 
the peninsula here being "Grinlandia " (ct. I.ele- 
•wel, I'.piloi^uc, p. 167; Miixmiiw of Aiiicfiitin 
History, April, iSSj, p. 290) ; and the map of 
Claudius Clavus, assigned to 1427, which be- 
longs to a manuscri])! of Ptolemy, preserved in 
the library at Xancy. This, with the Zeno map 
and that in the Ptolemy of 14S2, is given in 
Trois cartes prlcolombieniics rcprSsciitant Grocii- 
laud, facsimile prcscntes an Caiii;ri!s des Amiri- 
canistcs ii Copciiliagiie ; par A. E. A^ordcitskibUl, 
Stockholm, 1S83. In the Laon globe (14S6-14S7) 
" Grolandia " is put down as an island off the 
Norway coast. There is a copy of this 1482 
edition of Ptolemy in the Carter-Brown Library, 
and another is noted in the Miirpliy Cataloi^iie, 
no. 2,046. Its maps were repeated in the i486 



edition, also published at Ulm; and of this 
there was a copy in the Murphy Collection 
(no. 2,047, — bought by President White, of Cor- 
nell); and another belongs to the late G.W. Kiggs, 
of Washington. In 1490 the Roman edition of 
1478 was reproduced with the same maps ; and 
of this there is a copy in the Cartcr-Urown Li- 
brary ; and another is shown in the Miirp/iy Cata- 
logiic (no. 2,048). ,\ splendidly illuminated copy 
of this edition sold in the Sunderland sale (part 
V. no. 13,770) has since been held by Quaritch 
at ;^6oo. See further on these early editions of 
Ptolemy in Winsor's Iiihlio;^raphy of J^tolemy's 
Geography, jnihlished by Harvard University. 

' (jravier, Les Normaitds sur la route des 
fndes, Rouen, 1S80, p. 37. 

- Humboldt, Cosmos (Kng. ed.), ii. 619. The 
Speculiiiii iiatiirale of Vincenzius (1250) is an 
eneydopxdic treatise, closely allied with other 
treatises of that time, like the De rerttm natiira 
of Cautipratensis (1230), and the later work of 
Meygenberg(i349). 

■' HumboUlt, F.xaiiieii Critique, i. 61, 65, 70; 
ii. 349. Columbus (pioted this passage in Octo- 
ber, 1498, in his letter from Santo Domingo to 
the Sjianish monarch. Margry, A'arigatioiis 
Francoises, Paris, 1867, p. 71, "Les deu.v Indes 
du XV*^^ siecle et I'influence Fran9aise sur Co- 
lomb," has sought to reflect credit on his country 
by tracing the influence of the Imago muudi in 
the discovery of the X'ew World; but the bor- 
rowing from Bacon destroys his case. (Major, 
Select Letters of Columl'us, p. .xlvii ; Harrisse, 
A''otcs on Columbus, p. 84.) If Margry's claim 
is correct, that there was an edition of the 
Imago muudi (irinted at Nuremberg it,' 1472, it 
would carry it back of the beginning of Colum- 
bus's advocacy of his views ; but bibliographers 
find no edition earlier than 1480 or 1483, aau 
most place this editio princeps ten years later 



ni^ 



J Si 



(if'*' 

, !'')i' 
I l!( 



ICA. 

the Portuguese 
pcired iti 147 1. 
ile I'tok'my had 
, Columbus, and 

orics. 

iiiiicntary on the 
liiiLiits, of which 
cd by (iuillauiiiL' 
3. It was again 
lid in thL- .I//V/V- 
jLiUiiry still pre- 
le chief chrcctors 
indirectly, AUvr- 
iniong them, for 
in 1267. It was 
or 1425), in his 
r's language, so 



!hii; and of this 
iluiphy Collection 
lent White, of Cor- 
lie lateG.W. Riggs, 
Roman edition of 
e same maps ; and 
e Carter-lirown l.i- 
n the Miirf/iy Cita- 
\y illiiininated copy 
nderland sale (part 
I held by Quaritch 
sc early editions of 
;•(;//;,)' 0/ Ptolemy's 
vard University. 
stir la route i/es 

ed.), ii' 619. The 
n/.ius (1250) is an 
allied with other 
/)(■ reriim luitiira 
the later work of 

tiipie, i. Ol, 65, 70; 
s passage in Octo- 
Santo Dcmiingo to 
argry, A'liTis^^dtio/is 
Les deux Indes 
I'"ran9aise sur Co- 
edit on his country 
le Imago miiinli in 
rid; but the bor- 
liis case. (M.ajor, 
xlvii ; Harrisse, 
If Margry's claim 
edition of the 
emberg ii: 1472, it 
ginning of Colum- 
but bibliographers 
480 or 1483, aiid 
r ten years late 



COLUMUUS ANIJ .IIS DISCOVEKIKS. 



«• 



An important element in the i)roblem was the statements of Marco Polo regarding a 
large island, which he called Cipango, and wliich he represente<l as lying in the ocean oil 
the eastern coast of Asi.i. This carried the eastern verge of the Asiatic world farther tlian 
the ancients had known ; and, on the spherical theory, brought land nearer westward from 



ALBERTVS MAGNVS EPI 
fcopusKatifpoaenlis. 




Hj^tBermsopbixdoSortPritful^jfacmumi 
MitA mmr^ vUmlbmuliluet^ 

M. cccrx.cii. 



AI.IiERTUS MAGNUS.' 



xs Humboldt does. It is generally .agreed that 
the book was written in 1410. A copy of this 
first edition, of whatever date, is preserved in 
the Colombina Library in Seville ; .and it wms 
the copy used by Columbus and Las C.asas. Its 
margins are annotated, and the notes, which are 
by most thought to be in the hand of Columbus, 
have been published by Varnhagen in the Biilte- 
tin lie la Soci^ti Je Geographie i/c Paris, January, 
1858, p. 71, and by Peschel in his Ceschuhte des 
Zeitalters der Enldcckungtn, p. 112, — who, how- 



ever, ascribes the notes to Bartholomew Colum- 
bus. A facsimile of part of them is given on 
p. 31. Cf. M.ajor, Prime Henry, p. 349; Carter- 
Brown, vol. i. no. 3 ; Murphy Catalogue, no. 27, 
bought by Cornell Univ. and Dinau.x, Cardinal 
P. iVAilly, Cambray, 1S24. 

1 Fac-simile of cut in Rcusner's hones, 
Str.asburg, 1590, p. 4. There is another cut 
in Paulus Jovius's Elogia virorum litteris illus- 
trium, Basle, 1575, p. 7 (copy in Harvard Col- 
lege Library). 



30 



NARRATIVE ANU CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I V* 



'hi' 



Kiirnpc tlinn could earlier have been supposed. It is a qticslion, however, if Columhu* 
had any ItnowlcdKi; of tlie Latin or Italian maniiscripl.s of Marco I'olo, -the only form in 
whicli anybody could have studied his narrative before the printing of it at Nurendjerg 
in 1477, in (Jcrman, a language which Columbus is not likely to liavc known. Humlioldt 

has pointed out th.it neither Colum- 
l)Us nor his .son Ferdinand mentions 
Marco i'olo; still wc know ttiat he 
had read his book. Columbus fur- 
ther knew, it would seem, what 
>F!neas Sylvius had written on Asia. 
Toscaneili had also imp.irted to him 
what he knew. A second (lerman 
edition of Marco Polo appeared at 
Augsburg in 14S1. In 1485, with the 
Iliiii-nii iii.io{ Mandeville,' publisliod 
at Zwoile, the account — " De rei^ioni- 
buH oricntalii)us " — of Marco I'olo 
first appeared in Latin, translated 
from the orij^inal French, in wliicli it 
had been dictated. It was proiiably 
in this form that Columbus first saw 
it.'- There was a separate Latin edi- 
tion in i4(jo.'' 

The most <lefinite confirmation 
and encouragement wliicli Columbus 
received in his views would seem to 
have come from Toscaneili, in 1474. 
This eminent Italian astn.nomer, who 
was now about seventy-eight years 
old, and was to die, in t482, before 
Columbus and Da ( lama had con- 
summated their discoveries, had reached a conclusion in his own mind that only about 
tifty-two degrees of longitude separated Europe westerly from Asia, making the earth 
much smaller even than Columbus' inadequate views had fashioned it ; for Columbus had 




MARCO POLO,* 



'Mi. 



' Mandcvillc had m.idc his Asiatic journey 
and long SDJinirn (thirty-four \ cars) tliirty or forty 
years later than Marco I'olo, and on his return 
had written his narrative in Lnglish, French, and 
Latin. It was first jirinlcd in French at Lyons, 
in 1480. The narrative is, however, unauthentic. 
- A copy of this edition is in the Coloinhina 
Li!)rary, with marginal marks ascribed to Co- 
lumbus, but of no .'■ignificancc except as aids to 
the memory. C'f. JAvfir's Monllily, xlvi. p. I. 

^ There were other editions between his first 
voyage and his death, — an Italian one in 1496, 
and a Portuguese in 1502. For later editions, 
tf. Ilarrissc, Bibl. Am. />/., no. 89; Navarretc, 
Dibl. maritima, ii. 668; lirunct, iii. 1,406; .Saint- 
Martin, I/istoire de Li Gi'os^raphif, p. 27S. The 
recent editions of distinctive merit are those, in 
Fnglish, of Colonel Yule; the various te.xts is- 
sued in the Recticil de vovii!;es ct de mhiioires 
publih par la Society de Glo<rfaf<hie de Paris ; 
and Le livre de Marco Polo, r^digi en Francois 



sous sa d/e/t'e en 1 298 /nr Rtisticicn de Pise, pnbl. 
four la V'/ois (faprHs 3 JAS'.S". iut'd., at', variaiites, 
cotnmeiit. g^ot^r. ct histor., etc., jjar G. Pauthier. 
2 vols. Paris: Didot, 1S65. ('f. Foscariiii,/'<7/a 
Ictt. Ven.2y); '/a\x\:i, Di Marco Polo ; Maltebrun, 
Ilisloiredcla Cco^^rap/iic ; Tiraboschi, .S/oria delta 
left. Ital, vol. iv.; Vivien de Saint-Martin, His- 
toire de la Geographic, p. 272; and tlic bibliog- 
raphy of the MSS. and printed editions of the 
Mitionc given in Pictro Aniat di S. Filipjjo's 
Studi I'iog. e bibliog., jiublished by the Societi 
Geografica Italiana in 1882 (2d ed.). A fac- 
simile of a manuscript of the fourteenth century 
of the I.ivre de Marco Polo was prepared under 
the care of Nordenskiold, and printed at Stock 
holm in 1S82. 'I'he original is in the Royal 
Library at Stockholm. 

* This follows an engraving in Rage's Gesch- 
ichtc des Zcitalters der Eutdeckungen, p. 53. The 
original is at Rome. There is a copy of an old 
print in Jules Verne's Dhouverte de la Terre, 






COLUMIUJS AND HIS DISCOVKUIliS. 



3J 



, if Colunibuf 
i; only form in 
,t Nurcnil)cr(» 
1. Huinlxildt 
cither Colum- 
land mentions 
know fli.1t he 
.■olumlius fur- 
sceni, what 
itten on Asia. 
il)arte(l to him 
cond German 
I) appeared at 
I485,\vitli tiie 
ille,' puhlishod 
-" I)e ri'i^ionU 
1 Marco I'olo 
tin, translated 
ich, in whicli it 
t was probably 
mbus first saw 
irate L.atin edi- 

e confirmation 
liich Columbus 
would seem to 
:anelii, in 1474. 
stronomer, who 
ity-eight years 
n 148:;, before 

inia had con- 
liat only .about 
king the earth 

Columbus had 



V« (/<• J'ise, (■ul'l. 

:'</., av. -i'liriiiiiti's, 

par (i. rauthicr. 

Foscariiii, /><■//« 

|'ii/ii ; Maltebrun, 

|sclii,.S'Ai/-/i; lii-Uii 

lint-Martin, His- 

[iiul the l)il)liog- 

editions of the 

di S. Filipi)o's 

by the Socioti 

Id cd.). A fac- 

jirteenth century 

l)rc|)ared under 

jirintcd at Stock- 

Is in the Royal 

Un Rage's Gesch- 
Iff//, p. 53. The 
\ copy of an old 
de la Terre. 



tw»A^.W r- ^ " «* < '' 



- »»H« ^•f.n ...•1 '— 7 



,^t\f^-»Uf%^\^ 



(»• 



y.WwWAf,Ty^w<yv«..-U-^^ 



satisfied himself that one hundred and twenty dcRrees of the entire three hundred and 
sixty was only as yet unknown.' With such views of the inferiority of the earth, Tosca- 
nelli liad .addressed a letter 
to Martinez, a prebendary of 
Lisbon, accompanied by a 
map professedly based on 
infiirniation derived from the 
liookof Marco I'olo.- When 
Toscanclli received a letter 
(if inquiry from Columbus, 
lie re|)lied by sending .1 copy 
(if tliis letter and the map. 
As the testimony to a west- 
ern passage from a man of 
■j'oscanelll's eminence, it was 
of m.irked importance in the 
conversion of others to sim- 
il.ir views.' 

It lias always been a 
(piestion how far the prac- 
tical evidence of chance 
'lenoniena, and the abso- 



am.\^r»^ «il tAVv.V5 ^(i4),^«.t , 



l»>l- V'*«5' 






I 

lute kiiowled;;e, derived from 

' 1 lie actual distance from 
Sp;iiii wi'stcrly to tUiina is two 
hin\iin.(l and tliirty-one degrees. 

- Cf. Zurla, Fra Afaiiro, p. 






152; I.C 



ewfl II. 107. 



'' The Italian text of Tos- 
(anclli's letter has been long 
known in Ferdinand Coluni- 
Inis' Life of his father ; but 
llarrissc calls it " trcs-ine.xact 
et iiitcrpolLc j " and, in his />'//'/. 
Am. Vi't. Adililions (187.:), p. 
xvi, Ilarrisse gives the Latin 
text, which he had already 
printed, in 1871, in his Don 
/•'cniaiu/o Colon, published at 
.'-Seville, from a copy ninde of it 
which had been discovered by 
the librarian of the Colonibina, 
transcribed by Coliind)us him- 
self in a copy of /Vaicas .Sylvius' 
(I'ius II. 's) Jlistoria rvnim 
iilnipK qesliiniiii, Venice, 1477, 
preserved in that library. liar- 
ri:x(; also gives a photographic 
f:ic-siniile of this memorial of 
Columbus. Cf. I)'Avc7,ac, in 
the Biillttiii (k la SocieU' de Gcos^aphic de Paris, 
October, 1S73, p. 46 ; and Ilarrisse, I.es Cortereal, 
p. 41. The form of the letter, .as given in Navar- 
rcte, is translated into English in Ketteirs/owr- 
nal of Columbus, p. 26S, and in Bechcr's Landfall 
if Columbus, p. 183. Cf. Lelewel, Glographie du 
moyen dge, ii. 130; bulletin de la SociM de Gio- 
t^raphie, 1872, p. 49; Huge, Geschichte des Zeit- 



>itfirci Cnfam lit^rm «u 

^fb(u« nnntS rarentem ba 

jrtranrcd inocw > 5<fra 

nncar f rugca oicr bycmis 

J bomuies . drpbantca in 

.•0 prrao(beplnnmotf ^b\ 

I dbontji gnffes ac immcfo Bi-».,~«r *'*j^''7 '^" <' "fH 

inpia oa loc magna c Ra^ ,t„r^^iiS^v\^ 

)|a f(l r^na p'"'^ ^^^t^hj 

ipnr btcac ifuropa; cfR ma 

Dicoijit'cpfronelnote f^?j- 
1 prop err rrgtoncm "patba 
.ij maritf magnij orffoioca 
.am infmortm feu ?lfncaj 
110 inoif Offcoioit a tropi 
uomonrcm AOalra.irfgi 
-rnunc ilr^mtinfaturRa 
.-fte^cne- ona futrroini 
loofquiinunctftrcrmo • 
no. tn meoto babirahonid 
jCnoetf fcptctnonf 1 mm 
inio mapcneas t?ttnifalc 
'►"[alucfm in incotortr re- 
. e babiwbilii^ oc ofTenoiic 
iinificucfupraoiccumcft '*. 
/ilib!>lnDif.' (Ta xei 

nota (IT cHOcaK 9ro(r 

wirabiliu uanetatc. Ra 

i&lgtn n Diiog cu biconi^ !>^.^i 

[jartut octauofctiefhint • 

amen ffrpflitnm qiit ibi. f f"*lt» 



• -*r' 



f.if^ r»""^ |;vrrwfa:r 

"i nw^MK-rrx- 






urobU>ni.cubtto;: logi (m».-^oU ,i ^>t«r^>4^^ 
taaqjet ungues pfmitie )r'ff^-i ' 

'O in igne amore alrer al 

punt parat iimpiua fu ^ '^^'^^rf*^ir»^instp'^ 



ANNOTATIONS liY COLUMBUS.'' 

al/ers der Entdeckun^cn, p. 225. H. Grothe, in 
his Leonardo da Vinci, lierlin, 1S74, says that 
Da Vinci in 1473 h.id written to Columbus re- 
specting a western passage to the Indies. 

* On a copy of Pierre d'Ailly's Imago 
mundi, preserved in the Colombina Library at 
Seville, following a photograph in Harrisse's 
Notes on Columbus, p. 84. 



I 



32 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



. 









^K^^ 




; \1.IU t*" «juil %UM«4»Tir/r<5»^»N 



,«•" 






««^" 



\htti i.t\ dci mill fl iV>rA|Ai>oiru' 



. M 



^— - 



MPMo. ii.unfo tt<HTfOnv-I0 «I\t^ »• heMx 



■..-■ -=4- 



phagosrquj ultra boshabicauejcTIiooni: 
Turn paruas gcntcs quf auftraha caucali « 
qiic ponn Scptcnmonalc larus.ultra Cru' 
aniiminnumirabilcsiaccncgcnccs;quasa 
daiidicaboncri utPtbolomfo placet R. 
m Plimo5: mulnsaliisIogiitimusCafp) 
qui banc coram incolunr fcycbarum nonr 
ixis Pcl)olomcus Sarmatbas appellat:qu 
cfl:i«:a)iosariancosuocacaTbanai ulq 
OS Europcs;qui gaTtianum inta Tbana 
ro iilcra 6i intra Iinaum monccm collocat 
nimcd.Scripcorcsalii Socbarumnonu 
unc:quosagermanicpIimice ufqucad ip 
pelagas occupare arhicranturrSC fiait bab 
Ecbyopibus tradidcrunr : part modoScj 
quoscuin Sarnutbisconfudcrunc . Die? 
tcm apud Xraxim fl umcn ongincm bab 
ab initio nationcin fui lie ck modicc ccrr 
ignobilicatcma uicinis concariptam:n 
quondam bcllicofum: 5^ mtlicarvuirtut 
pliaO'e moncanos: quod uft^ ad Cauca 
ufq^adocceanum Si Meotidem Rum* 
lam quoquc adducit nat amapud Scyt 
bellicotenus bomims fornria rdiqiia m 
cnt nomine fcytbam.qu! otnrti Jm ar t< 
ndmen exfc populisuocabulurn.incU( 
ros duo fiacres cxticcnnt rumma.uirtui 
appellacus:q magnis rebus gcfbis regnt 
populos Pluconesralccrosnapas uoat 
nies regioncs ulcra Tbanaim ufqucad' 
fl fq ue deindc m alccram partem arn\is 
nericrrcdacftis in poceftaCem omnibus 
cibus dCuCqi ad orienasocceaniuii:df i 
procedehcmulcor^regcs babuic mtp 



ANNOTATIONS liV COLUMIiUS, 



> On a copy of the Historiii reriwt uhiqtie gestantm of ^uieas Sylvius, preserved in the Colomblna 
Library at Seville, following a photograph in Ilarrisse's Kotfs ah Columbus, appendix. 



t 

•;:| 



!' I 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



33 



other explorers, bearing upon the views advocated liy Cokimbus, may have instigated or 
confirmeil liim in his belief. There is just enough |)lausil)iiity in some of the stories which 
are cited to make them fall easily into the pleas of detraction to whicii Columbus has 
been subjected. 

A story was repeated by Oviedo in 1535 as an idle rumor, adoi)ted by Gomara in 1552 
without comment, and given considerable currency in 1609 by Clarcilasso de la \'ega, of 
a Spanish pilot, — Sanches, as the name is sometimes given, — who had sailed from 
Madeira, and had been driven west and had seen land (Ilispaniola, it is inferred), and 
wlio being shipwrecked had been harbored by Columbus in his house. Under this roof 
the pilot is said to have died in 14S4, leaving his host the possessor of his secret. La 
Vega claimed to have received the tale from his father, who had been at the Court of 
Spain in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella. Oviedo repeated it, but incredulously ; * 
and it was later told by Gomara, Acosta, Eden, and others. Robertson,- Irving," and 
most later writers lind enough in the indecision and variety of its sha[)es to discard it 
altogether. Peter Martyr, Hernaldez, and Ilerrera make no mention of it. It is singular, 
however, that Ferdinand de Galardi, in dedicating his Traitc politique dcs abassuiicHrs, 
published at Cologne in 1666, to a descendant of Columbus, the Duke of Veraguas, men- 
tions the story as an indisputable fact ; ■* and it has not escaped the notice of querulous 
writers even of our day." 

Others have thought that Columbus, in his voyage to Thule or Iceland," in February, 
1477, could have derived knowledge of the Sagas of the westerly voyages of Eric the Red 
and his countrymen.' It sei ms to be true that commercial relations were maintained be- 
tween Iceland and Greenland for some years later than 1400; but if Columbus knew of 
them, he probably shared the belief of the geographers of his time that Cireenland was a 
peninsula of Scandinavia.'* 

The extremely probable and almost necessary pre-Columbian knowledge of the north- 
eastern parts of America follows from the venturesome si)irit of the mariners to those 
seas for tisji and trattic, and from the easy transitions from coast to coast by whicli they 
would have been lured to meet the more southerly climes. Tl.e chances from such natu- 
ral causes are quite as strong an argument in favor of the early Northmen venturings as 
the somewhat (|uestionable representations of the Sagas." There is the same ground for 
representing, and similar lack of evidence in believing, the alleged voyage of Joao Vas 
Costa Cortereal to the Newfoundland banks in i4C)3-i464. Harrow finds authority for it in 
Cordeyro, who gives, however, no tlate in his llisloria Insnlaiui das Ilhas a J'oi/iii;al, 
Lisbon, 1717; but Bitldle, in his Cabol, iwWi, to be satistied with Harrow's uncertain ref- 
erences, as enforced in his Chronological History of I'oyi'i^is into the Arctic Rci^ions, 
London, 1818.'" 






1 Navairctc, iii. 2S. 

- Note .wii. 

" .Apiieiulix xi. 

^ Stevens, /)■///. Gcog.y no. il.)7, and Sabin, 
Diclioihvy, vii. no. 20,342, give dit'fcront dates. 

* CioiKlrich's Lift' of the so-idlLJ Clirislophcr 
Columbus. Cf. Luciano Ccudciro, " I.es I'or- 
tiig;\is dans la dOeouvcrtc do l'An\c'rii|ue," in 
Coiif^ris ik's AniC'iicanistos, 1S75, i. 274. 

" I hnnbdlilt sees no reason to dmibt that Ice- 
land was niiaiit. {lixumcn irilit/in% i. 105; v. 213; 
Cosmos, ii. 611.) It may l)e remarked, however, 
that " Thyle " and " Islanda " are l)oth laid clown 
ill the rtoloiny map of 14S6, whicli only signifies 
probably that the old and new geography were 
not yet brought into accord. Cf. Journal of 
tite Amt'rican Gcogra[<hiial Society, xii. 170, 177, 
where it is stated that records prove the mild 
VOL. ll. — 5. 



winter for Iceland in 1477, which Columbus rep- 
resents at Thule. 

' .\ like intimation is sustained by I)c Costa 
in Coliimlms niiil the (jcoi^rii/</iers of the A'ort/i, 
Hartford, 1S72; and it is disliiictly claimed in 
.Anderson's America itol lii.uo'cered by Columbus, 
3d edition, 1SS3, ]). .S5. It is also suriniseil that 
Columbus may have known the Zciii niai). 

** 1 1 iniiholdt discusses the (picstion whether 
Columbus received any incentive from a knowl- 
edge of the Seaiulinavian or Zeni exiilorations, 
ill his Exoiueii crilii/ue, ii. 104; and it also forms 
the subject of api)endiccs to Irviiig's Columbus. 

i' This problem is more p.articularly exam- 
ined in Vol. I. C't. also Vol. IV. p. 3. 

•' Ilarrisse, I.es Corternils, p. 25, who points 
out that liehaim's globe shows nothing of such 
a voyage, — which it might well have done if the 



■ 1|' 



34 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I'l I 



Another of these alleged northern voyagers was a Polish navigator, John Szkolny, — 
a name which we get in various Latinized or other forms, as Scolve, Skolnus, Scolvus, 
Sciolvus, Kolno, etc., — who is said to have been on the Labrador coast in 1476, while in 
the service of Denmark. It is so stated by Wytfliet,* Pontanus,'- and Hoin.^ De Costa 
cites what is known as the Rouen globe, preserved in Paris, and supposed to belong to 
about 1540, as showing a legend of Skolnus reaching the northwest coast of Greenland in 
1476. ■* Hakluyt quotes Gemma Frisius and Ciirava. Gomara, in 1553, and Merrera, in 
1 60 1, barely refer to it.'' 

There is also a claim for a Dieppe navigator. Cousin, who, bound for Africa, is said to 
have been driven west, and reached South America in 1488-1489. The story is told by 
Desmarquets in his Manoires chronolof^iques pour icrvir a I'histoirc de Dieppe^ i. 92, 
published at Paris, 1785. Major, giving the story an examination, fully discredits it." 

There remains the claim for Martin Behaim, the Nuremberg cosmographer and navi- 
gator, which rests upon a passage in the Latin text of the so-called A'tircmbcrg Chronicle'' 
which states that Cam and Behaim, having passed south of the equator, turned west 



i.'l 



li'il 



voyage had been made; tor Behaim had lived at 
the Azores, while Cortereal was also living on a 
neighboring island. Major, Se/etr/ Le/fers 0/ Co- 
litmhus, p. xxviii, shows that Faria y Sousa, in 
Asia Portugitesa, while giving a list of all expe- 
ditions of discovery from Lisbon, 1412-1460, 
makes no mention of this Cortcre.al. W. D. 
Cooley, in his Maritime and Island Discm'ery, 
London, 1830, follows Barrow ; but Paul B.irroii 
Watson, in his " Bibliography of pre-Columbian 
Discoveries" appended to the 3d edition (Chi- 
cago, 1883) of Anderson's America not discorered 
by Columbus, p. 1 58, indicates how Humboldt 
(Examen critique, i. 279), G. Folsom (North 
American Rnnc-w, July, 1838), Gaffarel (Etudes, 
p. 32S), Kohl (Discffi'ery of Maine, p. 165), and 
others dismiss the claim. If there was any truth 
in it, it would seem that Portugal deliberately 
cut herself off from the .advantages of it in ac- 
cepting the line of demarcatioi: in 1493. 

1 Edition of 159/, folio '88. 

- Follows Wytfliet in his Reruni Dauicarum 
historia, 1631, p. 763. 

3 Ulyssca, Lugduni, 1671, p. 335. 

* jfournal of the American Ccoi;raphical So- 
ciety, xii. 170. Asher, in his Henry Hudson, 
p. xcviii, argues for Greenland. 

'' Gomara, Historia general de las Indias, 
Medina, 1553, and Anvers, 1554, cap. xxxvii, 
folio 31 ; and Ilerrera, Historia general, ^Ja(lrid, 
1601, dec. I, lib. 6, cap. 16. Later writers have 
reiterated it. Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, 
ii. 152, who is doubtful; Lclewel, iv. 106, who 
says he readied L.ibrador ; Kunstmanu, Ent- 
deckung Amcrikas, p. 45. Watson, in his lUbli- 
ogral-hy of the fre-Coliimhian Discoveries, cites 
also the favorable judgment of Belleforest, 
I.'histoire unirerselle, Paris, 1577; Morisotus' 
Orhis maritimi, 1643; Zurla's Marco Polo, 1S18; 
C. Pingel in Gronl.mds Historisk Mindesmaeker, 
1845 ; Gaffarel, £tiidc, 1S69 ; and De Costa, 
Columbus and the Geographers of the A'orth, 
1S72, p. 17. 



" America not disccfz'ered by Columbus, ji. 1C4. 
Estancelin, in his Recherches sur Ics voyages ct 
liecouvertes dcs navigateurs A'ormands en Afrique, 
dans les Indes orientaleS; et en Amerique ; suivics 
d' observations sur la marine, le commerce, et les 
etablissemens coloniaux des Eraiifais, Paris, 1832, 
cUaims that Pinzon, represented as a companion 
of Cousin, was one of the family later associated 
with Columbus in his voyage in 1492. Leon 
Guerin, in Ahivigatcurs Eranfais, 1846, mentions 
the voy.age, but expresses no opinion. Parkman, 
I'ioneers of Erance, p. 169, does not wholly dis- 
credit the story. Paul Gaffarel, I^.tude sur les 
ra/'ports de P Amerique et de I'ancien continent 
avant Colomb, Paris, 1869, and Decouverte du 
Bresil par Jean Cousin, Paris, 1874, advocates 
tlie claim. Again, in his Ilistoire du Eresil Fran- 
(ais, Paris, 1S78, Gaftarel considers the voyage 
geographically and historically possible. (Ct. 
also a paper by him in the Rei'ue politique et littc- 
raire, 2 mai, 1S74.) It is claimed that the white 
and bearded men whom, as Las Casas says, the 
natives of Ilispaniola had seen before the com- 
ing of the .Spaniards, were the companions of 
Cousin. Cf. Vitct's Histoire de Dieppe, Paris, 
1833, vol. ii. ; David Asscline's Anliqititcz et 
chroniques de Dieppe, avec introduction par Hardy, 
Gut'rillon, et Sauvage, Paris, 1S74, two vols. ; and 
the supplemental work of Michel Claude Guibert, 
Mcmoires pour scrvir <> l' histoire de Diepf'c, I'aris, 
1S7S, two vols. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,541 ; 
Dufosse, Americana, nos. 4,735, 9,027. 

' The ordinary designation of Hartmann 
Schedel's Rcgistrum huius operis libri crouica- 
rnm cii pii^uris ct ymagibus ab inicio niiidi, 
Nuremberg, 1493, p. 290. The book is not 
very rare, thougli much sought for its 2,250 
woodcuts ; and superior copies of it bring 
from $75 to 5>00i though good copies are often 
priced at from $30 to g6o. Cf. Bibliotheca Spen- 
ccriana ; Leclei c, no. 533 ; Carlcr-lSrown, vol. i. 
nos. 12, iS; Huth, iv. 1305; Sunderland, no. 
2,796; llarrisse, liibl. Amer.l'et., no. 13; MuUer, 



I" 



A. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



35 



1 Szkolny, — 
lus, Scolvus, 
476, while in 
.^ De Costa 
I to belong to 
Greenland in 
1 Herrera, in 

ica. is said to 
ory is told by 
Oicppc, i. 92, 
credits it." 
ler and navi- 
rg Chronicle ' 
turned west 

I II m bus, ]). 1C4. 
' hs voyages i-t 
nds en Afriquc, 
'eriqtic ; suivies 
commeree, et tcs 
lis, Paris, 1S32, 
IS a companion 
atcr associated 
in 1492. Leon 
1S46, mentions 
lion. Parkman, 
not wholly dis- 
, Etude sur les 
iihitii coutiueul 
Di'iouverte du 
874, advocates 
:/« Bresil Frau- 
ers the voyage 
possible. (Cf. 
poliliijue i-t title- 
that the white 
Casas says, the 
jeforc the corn- 
companions of 
JJiepfe, Paris, 
s Autiipiitcz et 
tioii /'III- Hardy, 
two vols, i and 
Claude Guibert, 
V IVe/'/^e, I'aris, 
xii. no. 47>54' ; 
1,027. 

o£ Ilarlmann 
s libri eroniiii- 
inicio iiiiidi, 
c book is not 
for its 2,250 
of it bring 
opies are often 
iihliollieea Speii- 
-I'rown, vol. i. 
undcrlaiid, no, 
no. 13 ; MuUer, 



and (by implication) found land. The passage is not in the German edition of the same 
year, and on reference to the manuscript of the book (still preserved in Nuremberg) 
the passage is found to be an interpolation written in a different hand.' It seems 
likelv to have been a perversion or misinterpretation of the voyage of Diego Cam down 
tlie African coast in 14S9, in whicii he was accompanied by Beiiaiin. That Behaim him- 
self did not put the claim forward, at least in 1492, seems to be clear from the globe, 
wliich he made in that year, and which shows no indication of the alleged voyage. The 
allegation has had, however, some advocates ; but the weight of authority is decidedly 
averse, and the claim can hardly be said to have significant support to-day. - 

It is unquestionable that the success of the Portuguese in discovering the Atlantic 
islands and in p- hing down the African coast, sustained Columbus in his hope of west- 
ern discovery, if '"' had not instigated it.* The chance wafting of huge canes, unusual 
trunks of trees, am. even sculptured wood and bodies of strange men, upon the shores of 
the outlying islands of the Azores and Madeira, were magnified as evidences in his mind.'' 
When at a later day he found a tinned iron vessel in the hands of the natives of Guade- 



liool;s on America, 1S72, no. 1,402 ; Cooke, no. 
2,961 ; Murphy, no. 2,219, with a note by that 
collector. 

' Cf. Von Murr, Memorabilia bibliothecarum 
Norimbergensium, vol. i. pp. 254-256: "nee locus 
ille de America loquitur, sed de Africa." 

2 Watson's Bibliography of pre-Columbian 
Discoveries 0/ America, p. 161, enumerates the 
coiUcstants ; and Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 
13, 14, epitomizes the authorities. The earliest 
reference, after Schcdel, seems to be one in 
{ jnillaunie Postel's Cosmographicit disciplinw com- 
fcndium, li.asle, 1561, in which a strait below 
South America is named Bchaim's Strait ; but 
J. Chr. Wagcnseil, in his Sacra parentalia, 1682, 
earliest urged the claim, which he repeated in 
his Ilistoria universalis, while it was reinforced 
in Stiiven's or Stuvenius' De vera novi orbis 
inventore, Frankfort, 17 14. (Copy in Harvard 
College Library ; cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 
195.) The first important counter-argument ap- 
peared in E. Tozen's Der walire und crste 
Enldecker der Neiien Welt, Christoph Colon, 
,gej;en die ungegnindctcn Auspriiche, welche Amer- 
icus Vespucei und Martin Behaim auf dicse Elire 
maclicn, vertlieidiget, Gottingen, 1761. (.Sabin, 
xii. 4S9.) Robertson rejected the claim ; and so, 
in 1778, did C. G. von Murr, in his Diplomatisclie 
Gcschiclite des Killers Behaim, published at Nu- 
remberg (2d ed., Gotha, iSoi ; Janscn's French 
translation, Paris, iSoi, and Strasburg, 1802 ; 
also appended to Amoretti's /Vj^rt/f/Zc ; English 
in Pinkerton's Voyages, 1812). A letter from 
Otto to Benjamin Franklin, in the American 
riiilosophical Society's Transactions, 1786, ii. 263, 
urged the theory. Ur. Belknap, in 1792, in 
the Appendix to his Discourse on Columbus, 
tlismissed it. Cladera, in his Invcsligaciones 
historical sobre los principales descubrimientos 
de los EspaTioles, Madrid, 1794, was decidedly 
averse, replying to Otto, and adding a transla- 
tion of Von Mnrr's essay. (Leclerc, nos. Il8, 
2,505.) Amoretti, in his Preface to Pigafella's 



Voyage, Paris, iSor, argues that Columbus' 
discoveries convinced Behaim of his own by 
comparison. Irving says the claim is founded 
on a misinterpretation of the Schedel passage. 
Humboldt, in his E.xamen critique, i. 256, enters 
into a long adverse argument. M.ijor, in his 
Select Letters of Columbus, and in his Prince 
Henry, is likewise decided in opposition. Ghil- 
lany, in his Gcschichte des Scefahrers Kilter 
Martin Behaim, is favorable. Gaffarel, Etude 
sur les rapports de I' Amerique et de Pancien con- 
tinent avant Colomb, Paris, 1869, is sceptical. 

It seems to be a fact that Behaim made a 
map showing the straits passed by Magellan, 
which Pigafctta refers to ; and it is also clear 
that Schoner, in globes made earlier, also indi- 
cated a similar strait ; and Schoner might well 
have derived his views from Behaim. What we 
know of Bchaim's last years, from 1494 to 1506, 
is not sutticicnt to fill the measure of these 
years ; and advocates are not wanting who as- 
sign to them supposed voyages, on one of which 
he might have acquired a personal knowledge 
of the straits which he delineated. Such advo- 
cates are met, and will continue to be answered, 
with the likelier supposition, as is claimed, of 
the Straits in question being a happy guess, 
both on Behaim's and Schoner's part, derived 
from the analogy of Africa, — a southern ex- 
tremity which Behaim had indeed delineated on 
his globe some years before its actual discov- 
ery, though not earlier than the existence of a 
prevalent belief in such a Strait. Cf. Wieser, 
Maga/hiies-Stiuisse. 

•' Las Casas is said to have had a manuscript 
by Columbus respecting the information derived 
by him from Portuguese and Spanish i)ilots con- 
cerning western lands. 

■• These were accounted for by the west- 
erly gales, the influence of the Gulf Stream 
not being suspected. Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng- 
lish translation, ii. 6C2 ; Examen critique, 
ii. 249. 



36 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



1^ 



loupe, he felt that there had been European vessels driven along the equatorial current to 
the western world, which had never returned to report on their voyages. 

Of tlie adventurous voyages of which record was known there were enough to inspire 
him ; and of all the mysteries of the Sea of Darkness,' which stretched away inimitably 
to the west, there were stories more than enough. Sight of strange islands had been often 
reported ; and the maps still existing had shown a belief in those of San Brandan ^ and 
Antillia," and of the Seven Cities founded in the ocean waste by as many Spanish bish- 
ops, who had been driven to sea Ijy the Moors.* 

The Fortunate Islands^ (Canaries) of the ancients — discovered, it is claimed, by the 
Carti: .inians" — had been practically * st to Europe for thirteen hundred years, when, in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century (14. . , Juan de Bdthencourtled his colony to settle them.' 
They had not indeed been altogether forgotten, for Marino Sanuto in 1306 had delineated 
them on a map given by Camden, though this cartographer omitted them on later charts. 
Traders and pirates had also visited them since 1341, but such acquaintance had 
hardly caused them to be generally known." The Canaries, however, as well as the 



1 See Major's Pref.ice to his Prince Henry. 
Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Central America, \. 373, for 
the successive names applied to the Atlantic. 

^ Cf. Les voyages mcrveillciix de Saint-Bran- 
dan i lu recherche du faradis terrcstre. Ligende 
en vers du X/e si hie, pitbliee avec introduction 
par Francisque-Michel, Paris, 187S ; and refer- 
ences in Poole's Index, p. 159. 

^ Humboldt points this island out on a map 
of 1425. 

* Cf. Miiinboldt, F.xamcn critique, ii. 156- 
345 ; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerikas, pp. 6, 
35 ; D'Avezac on the " Isles fantasticpies," in 
Nouvelles annates des voyages, April, 1845, |). 
55. Many of these islands clung long to the 
maps. Becher [^Landfall of Columbus) speaks 
of the Isle of St. Matthew and Isle Grande in 
the South All.mtic being kept in charts till the 
beginning of this century. E. E. Hale tells 
amusingly of the Island of ISrcsil, lying off the 
coast of Ireland and in the steamer's track from 
New York to England, being kept on the Admi- 
ralty charts as late as 1S73. American Anti- 
quarian Society Proceedings, Oct. 1S73. Cf. 
Gal'farel, Congrh dcs Aiucricauistcs, 1877, i. 423, 
and Formalfoni's Essai sur la marine ancienne 
des venitiens ; dans lequel on a mis au jour plu- 
sieurs cartes tirees de la bibliothique de St. Marc, 
ante ieures i\ la decouverte de Clirislophe Colomb, 
&' oui indii/uott clairement Vexislcnce des isles 
AniilLs. Traduit dc I'italien par le chevalier 
d'l/enin, Yenisc, 17SS. 

^ There are seven inhabit.iblc and si.\ desert 
islands in the group. 

^ a. Die I-lutdcckuni,' dcr Carthager uud 
Gricchen auf dcm Atlautischcn Ocean, by Joa- 
chim Etlcwcl, Berlin, 1S31, with two maps (Sa- 
bin, x. 201 ) one of which shows conjccturally the 
Atlantic Ocean of the ancients (see nc.\t page). 

" Two priests, Bonticr and Ee Yerrier, who 
accompanied him, wrote the account which we 
have. Cf. Peter Martyr, dec. i. c. i ; Galvano, 
p. 60; Muiio/, p. 30; Kunstmann, ]). 6. 



8 Chartoi! ' Voyageurs, iii. 75) gives a partial 
bibliography . the literature of the discovery 
and conquest. The best English book is Majoi's 
Conquest of the Canaries, published by the 
Ilakluyt.'iociety, London, 1872, which is a trans- 
lation, with notes, of the Bethencourt narrative ; 
and the same author has epitomized the story 
in chapter i.\. of his Discoveries of Prince Henry. 
There is an earlier English book, George Glas's 
Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands, 
London, 1764, 1767, which it said to be based 
on an unpublished manuscript of 1632, the work 
of a Spanish monk, J. de Abreu de Galineo, in 
the island of Palma. The Bethencourt account 
was first published in Paris, 1630, with different 
imjirints, as Histoire de la premiire descozmerte el 
conqueste dcs Canaries. Dufosse |)rices it at from 
250 to 300 francs. The original manuscript was 
used in preparing the edition, le Canarien, issued 
at Rouen in 1S74 by (i. Gravier ( Eeclerc, no. 267 ). 
This edition gives both a modern map and a 
part of that of Mecia de Yiladtstcs (1413) ; 
enumerates the sources of the story ; and 
[\t. I.wi) gives D'Avezac's account of the pres- 
ervalior of the liethencourt manuscript. The 
Spanish translation by Pedro Kamire^, issued 
at Sania Cruz de Tenerife in 1847, was ren- 
dered from the Paris, 1630, edition. 

Cf. Nuiicz de la Pcfia's Conqnista y anti- 
jiuedades dc las Islas de la Gran Cauaria, Madrid, 
1676, and reprint, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1847 ; 
Cristiival Perez de el Christo, las sicte Islas de 
Canaria, Xcres, 1679 (rave, Lcclerc, no. C44, — 
100 francs) ; Vicra y Clavijo, Historia general de 
las Islas de Canaria, Madrid, four volumes, 1772- 
17S3 (Lcclerc, no. C47, calls it the principal 
work on the Canaries) ; I!ory de Saint Yincent, 
Essais sur les Isles Forlunees, Paris, an .\i. (1803) ; 
Les lies Eortunees, Paris, 1S69. D'Avezac, in 
1846, iJublished a jVote sur la premiire expedition 
de Bethencourt aux Canaries, and his " Isles 
d'Afriquc" in the Univers pittoresq>'e may be 
referred to. 



% 
1} 



give; 



y ' 



:a. 

rial current to 

ugh to inspire 
vay inimitably 
lad been often 
Brandan ^ and 
Spanish bish- 

laimed, by the 
•s, when, in the 

settle them.' 
had delineated 
in later charts, 
uaintance had 
IS well as the 

) gives a partial 
if the discovery 

1 book is Majoi's 
blished by the 
bvhich is a trans- 
court narrative j 
inizcd tlie story 
\f Prince Henry. 
k, George Glas's 
Canary Islands, 
lid to be based 
f 1632, tlie worlt 
11 de Galineo, in 
cncourt account 
D, with different 
ire i/estiKi'erle el 
prices it at from 
manuscript was 

'aiiiin'en, issued 
eclerc.no. 267). 
em map and a 
dtstcs (1413) ; 
story ; and 
lit of the pies- 
lU'.script. The 
\aniirc^, issued 
1S47, was ren- 
ion. 

mj/iis/a y an/i- 

iiaria, Madrid, 

Teiierife, 1S47 ; 

IS sie/e fslas Je 

ere, no. 644, — 

'storiii i;eneral i/e 

volumes, 1772- 

the principal 

Saint Vincent, 

s, an .\i.(i8o3) ; 

D'.-Vvezac, in 

iniere expedilicn 

nd his " Isles 

•r,s,/"c may be 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



Sf 




SnMecknngeii 3es ^rSuJAt. 




Die 

Kinuihiiss iiTbr steHung 

-yoa iev 

Ecrcle ziu? Zeii des 

i\ri8toielc s 
MtnA 

der Ziige Alexanders a.G-. 
J, Jahrc J40.J33 



THE ATLANTIC OF THE .A?:CIENTS AS MAPPED BY LELEWEL.' 

1 This is part of a maji of the ancieiv. world ///,;<,<■;• ««,/ Grieehen an/ dem Alhintischtn Ocean, 
Riven Ml Lelewel's Die Eiitdccknng der Car- Berlin, 1S31. 



I ^ 



r 



38 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



■t 



Azores, appear in the well-known portolano of 1351,' whicli is preserved in the liibliotecu 
Mediceo-Laurenziana in l-'lorence. A chart of tlic lirotiiers I'izigani, liatctl in 1367, j^ives 
ishuuls wiiiLJi are also idcntitiecl witii the Canaries, Azores, and Madeira ;'' and the Canaries 
also appear on the well-known Catalan mappemonde of 1375." These Atlantic islands 
are again shown in a portolano of a period not much later tii m 1400, whicli is among the 
Ei;erton manuscrli)ts in the liritisli Museum, and is ascril)ed to Juan da Napoli :* and in 1436 
they are conspicuous on the detailed sea-chart of Andrea Liianco. This portolano has also 
two islands on the extreme western verge of the sheet, — " Antillia" and " Ue la man Sata- 
na.xio," which some have claimed as indicating a knowledge of the two Americas,'' It 
was a map brought in 1428 from Venice by Dom I'edro, — wliich, like the 1351 map, showed 
the Azores, — that induced I'rince Henry in 1431 to despatch the expedition wliich rediscov- 
ered those islands; and they appear on the Catalan map, which Santarem (pi. 54) describes 
as "Carte de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite ii Mallorcha en 1439." It was in 1466 that the 
group was colonized, as liehaim's globe shows." 

The Madeira group was first discovered by an Englishman, — Macliin, or Macham, - 
in the reign of lAlward HI. (1327-1378), The narrative, put into shape for I'rince Henry 
of Portugal by Francisco Alcaforado, one of his esquires, was known to Irving in a French 
translation published in 1671, which Irving epitomizes.'' The story, somewhat changed, is 
given by Calvano, and was copied by Hakluyt ; * but, on account of some strangeness and 
incongruities, it has not been always accepted, though Major says the main recital is 
conlirmed by a document quoted from a German collection of voyages, 1507, by Dr. 
Schmeller, in the Memoirs of the Academy of .Science at Munich, 1S47, and which, secured 
for Major by Kunstniann, is e.\amineil b}' him in his I'rince Jlettiy.^ The group was 
rediscovered by the Portuguese in l4iS-i42o.i'> I'rince Henry had given the command of 
Porto Santo to Perestrello ; and this cajitain, in 1419, observing iVoni his island a cloud in 
the horizon, found, as he sailed to it, the island now called Madeira. It will be remem- 
bered that it was the daughter of Perestrello whom Columbus at a later day married." 



' It is given by I.clewel, Gcos^rnphit; dii 
Mi'vcii ^l^'' ,' and has been issued in fac-similc by 
Ongania at Venice, in iS.Si, It is also given in 
M.ijor, Piiiicc Hiiuy, iS63 edition, p. 107, and in 
Marco I'olo, edition by lioni, Florence, 1S27. t'f. 
Winsor's Kohl Cotlcction of Eurly Mops, issued 
by Harvard University. 

- This chart is given by Joni;;id, pi. x., and 
Santarem, pi. 40. Ongania jiiiblislicd in iSSr a 
Pizigani chart belonging to the Ambrosian Li- 
brary in Milan, dated 1373. 

' This map is given in Afuniiscnts </,■ l,i ISib- 
UotIu(j:ic i/ii Koi, vol. xiv. part 2 ; in .Santarem, pi. 
31,40; Lelewel, pi. xxix. ; Saint-Martin's Al/as, 
pi. vii.; Kugc's Gcsc/iii/ilc (/•:.<; Z •Halters iler Ent- 
dcckuiigen, iS.Si, and full size in fac-siniile in 
Choix tie (iociiiiiciils i;i'oi;r(i/'hi(jiii'S conserves ti la 
Bihliollihiitc jVatioiiah; Paris, 1SS3. 

■* Winsor's AW// Collection of early maps, 
part i., no. 17. 

^ Cf. Santarem, Histoire de la Cartograp/iie, 
iii. 366, and the references in Winsor's A'o/il 
Collection, part i. no. 19; and Bihliograf'/iy of 
Ptolemy, sub anno 1478. A sea-chart of Bartol- 
Dmeiis de I'arcto, .v. D. 1455, shows "Antillia" 
and an island farther west called " Koillo." An- 
tillia is supjiosed also to have been delineated on 
Toscanelli's map in 1474. In 1476 Andreas Be- 
nincasa's portolano, given in Lelewel, pi. xxxiv. 
and Saint-Martin, pi. vii. shows an island " .\n- 



tilio; " .iiid again in the portolano belonging to 
the Fgerton nuinuseripts in the Pritisli Miiseiini, 
and supposed to represent the knowledge of 
14S9, just previous to Columbus's voyage, and 
thought by Kohl to be based on a lienincasa 
chart of 1463, the conventional "Antillia" is 
called " V de Sete Zitade." It is ascribed to 
Cliristofalo Soligo. UcliLuni's globe in 1492 also 
gives " Insula Antiliagenaunt .Septe Citade." Cf. 
Harrisse, Les Cortercal, p. 116. The name" An- 
tillias '' seems first to have been transferred from 
this iiroblematieal mid-ocean island to the archi- 
pel.ago of the West Indies by the Portuguese, 
for Columbus gave no general name to the 
group. 

" Cf. Kunstniann, Eiititeckuiii^ Amerikas, jjp. 
I, etc. ; Drunimond, Annates da Illia Terceira ; 
Ernesto do Canto, Archivo dos Azores ; Major's 
Discoveries of Prince Henry, chap. x. ; Qnartcrly 
Pevico, xi. 191 ; Cordeyro's Historia insulana, 
Lisbon, 1717. 

" Apjiendix xxv. 

•* Vol. ii. part 2, p. I ; also Purchas, ii. 1672. 

9 Edition of 1S6S, pp. xvii and 69; Kunst- 
niann, Entdcckuiii:; Amerikas, p. 4. 

'■' Cf. Caspar Fructuoso's Historia das Ilhai 
do Porto-Santo, Madeira, Desertas e Selvagens, 
Funchal, 1S73. 

" Cf. Stndi tuoi;;. e ii/ilio^. i. 137, which places 
Perestrcllo's death about 1470. 



;a. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



39 



liu Uibliotecu 
in 13O7, nives 
I tlic Canaries 
l.intic islands 

is among tiie 
;■* and in 1436 
)lano lias also 

la man Sata- 
inicricas.' It 

map, sliowcd 
liicli rcdiscov- 

54) describes 

1466 that the 

ir Macliam, - - 
Prince Henry 
g in a French 
at cl\anyed, is 
•angeness and 
iiain recital is 
1507, by Dr. 
I'liicli, secured 
lie yroup was 
e command of 
ind a cloud in 
ill be reniem- 
married." 

Ill belonging to 

ritisli Museum, 

kmnvlcdge of 

i'a voyage, and 

n a Ueniucasa 

'Autillia" is 

is ascribed to 

)e ill 1492 also 

tc Citade." Cf. 

lie name " An- 

iiisferifd fniiii 

id to the aichi- 

e Purtuguese, 

name to the 

A/iii-r/i-iis, pp. 
///ill 'J'tiifirii ; 
fi'irs ; M.ajor's 

.\. ; Qitiirtti/y 
toria iiiiuliiiui. 



rchas, ii. 1672. 
uid 6gj Kiuist- 

loria litis I//nii 
IS e Si'/z'ii^ens, 

', which places 



It was not till 1460 * that the Cape De Verde Islands were found, lying as they do 
well outside of tiie route of Prince Henry's vessels, which were now following down the 
African coast, and had been pursuing 
explorations in this direction since 

1415- 

There have been claims .advanced 
by JMargry in his Les na7u);atii)iis f'raii- 
{ijiSiS ct la n'volutioit maritime dii 
XIV' an XVI' sihle, ci'aprh les docn- 
ments iiu'iii/s tin's de France, d'Aii- 
g/eterre, d'Espai;ite, et d'/ta/ie, pp. 
13-70, Paris, 1S67, and embraced in 
his first section on " Les marins de 
Xormandie au.\ cotes de Gnince avant 
les Portugais," in which he cites an 
old document, said to be in London, 
setting forth the voyage of a vessel 
from Dieppe to the coast of Africa in 
1364. Estancelin had already, in 1832, 
in his A'atiii^iUcurs A'ormands en Af- 
ritjiie, declared there were French es- 
tablishments on the coast of (Guinea 
in the fourteenth century, — a view 
D'.Avezac says he would gladly accept 
if he could. Major, however, failed to 
find, by any direction which Margry 
could give him, the alleged London 
document, and has thrown — to s.ay the 
least — discredit on the story of that 
document as presented by Margry.'- 

Tlie African explorations of the Portuguese are less visionary, and. as D'Avez.ac says, 
the Portuguese were the first to persevere and open the African route to India.'' 

The peninsular character of Africa — upon which success in this exploration depended 
— was contrary to the views of Aristotle, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, which held to an 




PRINCE HENRY.3 



1 It has sometimes lieen put as early .is 1440; 
but 1460 is the date Major has determined after 
a full exposition of the voy.igcs of this time. 
Prince Henry (1S68 edition), p. 277. D'Avezac 
Isles lie V Afriqiie, Paris, 1S4S. 

'^ Prince Henry, edition of 1S6S, pp. .x.xiv and 
127. Guibert, in his Vil/e ilc Dieppe, i. 306 
(1S7S), refers, for the alleged French expedition 
to Guinea in 1364, to Villault de Belfond, Rc/a- 
Hon lies costcs d'Afriqiie appe/ees Guinie, 'Paris, 
1669, p. 409 ; Vitet, Ancicunes vil/es de 
France, ii. I, Paris, 1S33; D'Avezac 
Dlcouvert.'s dans I'ocean at/antique an- 
terieurement aiix grands explorations 
dii XV' siicle, \>. 73, Paris, 1845; Jules 
Hardy, Les Dieppois en Giiinie en 1364, 
1864; Gabriel Gravier.Zt- Canarien, 1874 

^ This follows a portrait in a contemporary 
manuscript chronicle, now in the National Li- 
brary at Paris, which Major, who gives a colored 
fac-simile of it, calls the only authentic likeness, 



probably taken in 1449-1450, and representing 
him in mourning for the death of his brother 
Dom Pedro, who died in 1449. There is an- 
other engraving of it in Jules Verne's la 
DecoHvcrte de la Terre, p. 112. Major calls the 
portrait in Gustave de Veer's Life of Prince 
Henrj-, published at Dantzig, in 1864, a fancy 
one. The annexed autograph of the Prince is 
the etptivalent of Iir.wrr. Dom An'riqi;k. 
Prince Henry, who was born March 4, 1394, died 




Nov 15, 1463. He was the third son of John I. 
of Portugal ; his mother was a daughter of Johi: 
of Gaunt, of England. 

* Cf. Jurien de la Graviere's Les marins du 
XV' et du XVI' siicle, vol. i. chap. ?. 



; 



1 


■ ' 

9 ' 


f/ 


m' '■ 


'"\ 


:.)' 



40 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



i!' 



enclosed Indian Ocean, formed by the meetiii"; of Africn and Asia at the sonth.' The 
stories respecting the circumnavigation ot" Africa by liic ancients are lacking in substan- 
tial proof; and it seems probai)le that Cape Non or Cape liojador was the Hinit of their 
soutliern expechtions.'^ Still, this peninsular character was a ileductlon from imagined 
necessity rather than a conviction from fact. It found place on the earliest maps of the 
revival of geographical study in the Middle Ages. It is so represented in the map of 
.Marino Sanulo in 1306, and in the Lorentian portolano of 1351. Major'' doubts if the 
Catalan map of 1375 shows anything more than conjectural knowledge for the coasts 

beyond liojador. 

Of Prince Henry— the moving spirit ni the African 
enterprise of the fifteenth tentury — we have the most sat- 
isfactory account in the Li/r of Prince Henry 0/ J'ortiij^al, 
surnamed tlic iXavii^iUor, and its Results . . . from Ati- 
thaitic Continiponuy Doaiiiunts, by Richard Henry Major, 
London, l.S6.S,-t — a work which, after the elimination of the 
controversial arguments, and .nfter otherwise fitting it for 
the general reader, was reissued in icS;; as The Discoveries 
of I'rince Henry the A'avii^ator. These works are the guide 
for the brief sketch of these African discoveries now to be 
made, and which can be readily followed on the accom- 
panying sketch-map,* 

I'rince Henry had been with his father at the capture 
of Ceuta, opposite Gibraltar, in 1415, wlien the Portuguese 
got their first foothold in Africa. In 1418 he established a 
school of nautical observation at Sagres," the southwestern 
proinontory of his father's kingdom, and placed the geo- 
grapher, Jayme,* of Majorca, in charge of it. The Prince at 
once sent out his first expedition down the ISarbary coast ; 
but his vessel, being ilriven out of its course, discovered the 
Island "f Porto Santo, li.xpediiion after expedition reached, 
in successive years, the vicinity of Cape liojador ; but an inexpressible dread of the uncer- 
tainty beyond deferred the passage of it all 1434. Cape Blanco was reached in 1445 ; Cape 
\'erde shortly after ; and the River Gambia in 1447. Cadaniosto and his Venetians pushed 




SKKTCH-M.Ar OF THE POR- 

■nH;tii:sK. discovkkhcs in 

Al'RILA.'' 



1 Humboldt, Exanicn critique, i. 144, 161, 
329; ii. 370; Cosmos, ii. 561; Jules Cocliiic's 
Mhnoire f^t'ograp/iiijiic siir In mcr dcs Iiulcs, 
Paris, 1S6.S. 

- Irving, app. xiv. 

3 Prince ireuyy, p. 1 16 ( 1S68). Of. Stmli biog. 
c Hblios;. del In Soc. Geof^. Ilal., ii. 57. 

■* The author tells, in his preface, the condi- 
tion of knowledge regarding his subject which 
he found when he undertook his work, anil re- 
counts the service the Roval Academy of Sciences 
at Lisbon has done since 1779 in discovering and 
laying before the world important documents. 

'•> Gustav de Veer's Prinz Htinrich ilcr See- 
ftilirer, iiiul seine Zei/, Dantzig, 1S64, is a more 
popular work, and gives lists of authorities. Cf. 
H. Monin in the Peine tie geognipliie, December, 
1878. 

" There is some question if the school of 
Sagres had ever an existence ; at least it is 
doubted in the Archivo dos A(ores, iv. iS, as 
([uoted by Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 40. 



" Cf. Heinrich Wuttke's " Zur Gcschichte 
der Krdkunde in der letzten halftc dcs Mittel- 
alters: Die Karten der Sucfahrenden Vijlker 
Slid Europas bis zani crsten Druck der Krd- 
bcschreihung des I'toleniaus," in the Jalirhucli 
lies I'ereins fiir Erdl-nnde in Dresden, 1S70, 
J. Codine's " Decouverte dc la cote d'Afritpic 
par les Portugais pendant les annees, 1484- 
14S8," in the Pullelin de la Socu'te de Geogriifi/iie 
de Paris, 1876; Vivien de Saint-Martin's Ilis- 
toire de la ghgrafhie et des decoii-'ertes geoi^rn- 
pliiques, depuis les temps les plus recules jusqu'ii 
Hos /.virs, p. 29S, I'aris, 1873 ; Ruge's Geseliichte 
des Zeitalters der F.ntdeckungcn, p. 81 ; Clarke's 
Progress of Maritime Disec^rery, p. 140 ; and G. T. 
Raynal's Ilistoire plulosopliique ct politique des 
I'lai'lissemens et du cc muter ce des Europeens dans 
les deux /ndes, Gcnc\:\, 17S0; Paris, 1S20. Paulit. 
schke's Afril-a-literatiir in der /.eit von 1500 lis 
1750, Vienna, 1S82, notes the earliest accounts. 

" Cf. Harrisse, 11 ill. Amer. I'et., 261 ; adds 
'54- 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVKRIKS. 



41 



still farther, and saw the Southern Cross for the first time.' lietween 1460 and 1464 
thev went beyond Cape Mesurado. I'rince Henry dyinj; in 1463, King Alfonso, in 1409. 
farmed out tlie African commerce, and required five inindred miles to be added yearly to 
the limit of discovery soutlnvard. Not lonj; after, Hie^o Cam readied the C()nj;o coast, 
lieliaim accomjianying him. In 1487, alter seventy years of gradual jirogress down si.'C 







. -r ,0 rv iiA 



' ■>•/ 



•^. 







C I A N V i \~} 

1 N D I C V 4 \ I 
ACRlBIONAL 1/ ' 




PORTUGUESE M.M', 1 49O. 



thousand miles of coast, soutlnvard from Cape Non, the I'ortuguese under Diaz reached 
the Stormy Cape, — later to be called the Cape of Good Hope. He but just rounded it 
in May, and in December he was in Portugal witli the news. ISartholomew, the brother 
ot Columbus, had made the voyage with him.^ 'riie rounding of the Cape was hardly a 
surprise; for the belief in it was firmly established long before. In 1457-1459, in the 
map of Fra Mauro, which had been constructed at Venice for Alonzo V., and in which 
Bianco assisted, the terminal cape had been fitly drawn.'' 



' Major (p. .\vi) has more or less distrust of 
Cadamosto's story as given in the Pacsc iiin'a- 
nuntc. Cf, the bibHography in Stiidi lni\i^. e bib- 
lio!^. ddta Sac. Gcoff. /la!., i. 149 (1SS2) ; and 
Carter-Brown, i. loi, 195, 202, 2il ; also Bibl. 
Ainer. \'cl. Add., no. S3. 

■^ This map follows a copy in the Kohl Collec- 
tion (no. 23), after the original.attachcd to a manu- 
script tlicological treatise in the Urltish ^ruseum. 
An inscription at the break in the African coast 
says that to this point the Portuguese had pushed 
their discoveries in 14S9; and as it shows no in- 
dication of the vovages of Columbus and Da 
C'lama, Kohl places it about 1400. It may be 
considered as representing the views current be- 
fore these events, Asia following the I'tolemean 
VOL. II. — 6- 



drafts. The language of the map being partly 
Italian and partly Portuguese, Kohl conjectures 
that it was made by an Italian living in Lisbon ; 
and he points out the close correspondence of 
the names on the western coast of Africa to the 
latest Portuguese discoveries, and that its con- 
tour is better than anythuig preceding. 

^ " Through all which I was present," said 
Bartholomew, in a note found by I..as Casas. 

* The original is now jircserved at Venice, in 
the Biblioteca Marciana. A large ])hotographic 
fac-siniile of it was issued at Venice, in 1S77, by 
Miinster (Ongania); and engraved reproduc- 
tions can be found in Santarem, I.elewel, and 
Saint-Martin, besides others in Vincent's Com- 
merce and A'avigatioiis of the Ancients, 1797 and_ 



n 



4-^ 



NAKKATIVK AND CRITIfAI, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



i'l 



'' 'ir 




I n i. 



h\ 



Such had been the progress of the Portuguese marine, in exemplitication of the south- 
erly (|iiest called for by the theory of I'oniponius Mela, when Columbus iii.ide his westerly 
voyage in 1492 
and reached, as 
he supposeil, 
the same coast 
which the I'or- 
t u j; u e s u Were 
seeking to touch 
by the opposil 
direction.' In 
this erroneous 
fjeograph ical 
belief Columbus 
r e ni a i 11 e d a s 
l(ii)|j as he lived. 




o Co m 




Iin COMOF. AI.M1RANTF, (D.i Ciiiia's Aiitografli). 



— a view in which V'espucius and the earlier navigators ef[ually shared ;- though some, 
like Peter .Martyr,' accejJted the belief cautiously. We shall show in another place how 

slowly the error was eradicated 
from the cartography of even the 
latter |)art of tlie sixteenth century. 
During the interval when Co- 
lumbus was in .Spain, between his 
second and third voyages, A'asco 
da Gania sailed from I.isl)on, July 8, 
1497, to complete the jjroject which 
had so long animated die endeavors 
ot' the rival kingdom. He doubled 
the Cape of Cood Hope in .\ov. 
1497, and ancliored at Calicut, May 
20, 1498, — a few days before Co- 
lumbus left San Luc.ir on his third 
voyage. In tlie following August, 
Da (lama started on his return ; 
and after a year's voyage he reached 
Lisbon in August, 1498. The Por- 
tuguese liad now accomplished their 
end. The i'c/<it with which it 
would have been received had not 



iKiiiii Colomli, pp. 121-127; M.ijor's 
Prince Henry, j). 420 ; Stevens's Notts, 
p. 372. When tlie natives of Cuba 
pointed to the interior of their island 
and said " Cuhanacan,'' Columbus in- 
terpreted it to mean " Kublai Khan ; " 
and the Cuban name of Mangon be- 
came to his ear the Mangi of Sir John Mandeville, 
a Dec. i. c. 8. 

* This follows the engravings in Ruge's 
Geschichte (ies Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. ill, 
and in Stanley's Da Garmi, published by the 
Hakluyt Society. The original belongs to the 
Count de Lavr.adio. Another portrait, with a 
view of Calicut, is given in Lafitau's D^eou2'erUi 
des Portuj^dis, Paris, 1734, iii. 60. 




VASCO DA GAMA.* 



1807 ; and in Ruge's Geschiehte des Zeitalters der 
Entdeckungen, i88r. A copy on vellum, made 
in 1804, is in the British Museum. 

' Cf. G. Gravier's Kecherches siir les naviga- 
tions Europeennes faites an moyen-dge, Paris, 1S78. 

- Navarrete, i. 304, ii. 280; V^tndmV a /I merigo 
Vespi4cci, pp. 66, 83; Humboldt, Examen critique, 
1. 26, iv. 188, 233, 250, 261, V. 182-185; and his 
preface to Ghillany's P,/i lini : Harrisse, /'Wv// 



I -' 



'HiiS 



:a. 



COLUMUL'S AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



43 



of the south' 
e his westerly 




tlioiiijli some, 
her placx- how 
I'as irailic.ited 
y of even the 
tt'riith century, 
rval when Co- 
in, between his 
■oyages. \'asco 
Lisbon, July 8, 
e project wliich 
['. ihe endeavors 
^. He doubled 
Hope in Nov. 
It Calicut, M.iy 
lys before Co- 
ir on his third 
owing August, 
n his return ; 
j;chc reached 
49S. The Por- 
oniplished their 
with which it 
ceived had not 

1-127; Major's 
Stevens's A'oUs, 
latives of Cuba 
r of their island 
Columbus in- 
KublaiKhan;" 

of Mangon be- 
ohn Mandevillc. 

iigs in Ruge's 
■ckiiiigeii, p. Ill, 
iblishcd by the 
belongs to the 
portrait, with a 
au's Dkotivertei 




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Bu 


g- 


'/3 (L! 

5o^ 


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u 
j: 



rt* 


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75 


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.s 


£ 






2 -5 




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rt 
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.re 

■5 = 


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u 

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rt 







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THE LINE OF DEMARCATION {Sfanish claim, 1527).» 



Ill 


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Wfl( 


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, t 


t, 1 



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44 



NARKATU i: AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMllKICA. 



I I 
J /I 



^ ■'! 



/ii 



ill 






Hi. 




AI.i:X.ANI)KU VI.' 

Columbus opened, as was supposed, a shorter route, wns wanting; and Da Gama, follow- 
inij in the path marked for him. would have failed of much of his fame but for the 
auspicious applause which Camoens created for hiui in the /.i/sim/.' 

' This follows the cut in the (';(;cc/'A'(/i-.f/)'ij«.v- mciits, w.is edited for the Ilakhiyt .Society hv 

■1r/s, xxvii. 500, re|)rescnliiig a bust in the llerliii If. K. J. Stanley, in 1S69. Correa's account was 

.Museum. not ])rinlccl till iS5,S, when the Lisbon Academy 

- Da dania's three voyages, translated from issued it. Cf. Navarretc, vol. i. ]i. .xli ; Rauiusio, i 

the narrative of Claspar Correa, with other dcpcn- 130 ; dalvano, p. 93 ; Major, Pr!*tct ticitry, p. 391 : 



.1 \\ 



COLUMHL'S ANU HIS DISCOVICKIKS 



45 



I),i Cinnia at Calii iil and C'oluniliiiH at Cul)a ^ivc tlic lino <>( (l(.'inarc.ition of Alexander 
VI. a siniiiliL'.ince t'lal wan not (clt to be impending, five years earlier, on t!ie 3(1 and 4th 
of M.iy. I4V3' wliMi th«" I'.ipal Hull was issued.' 'I'liis had fixed the (icM of Spiinisli 
anil rortujjuese i •;|iit)r. lion respei lively west an<l cast of ,1 line one hundred leagues ^ west 
of llie A/ores, followirn a meridian at a point where c'oluinhus had suppoHed the mag- 
netic needle" pointed ti the north star.* The I'ortumiese thought that |)olitieal grounds 
Were of more consideration than physical, ;in(l were not salislie<l with the ni,i;;net nc)verninj{ 
the limitation of their search 'I'hey desired .1 little more si',iroom on llic Atl.inlic side, 
and were not displeased to think th.il a meridian consider.d>ly farther west mi;;lit j^ivi! 
them a share of the new Indies south and north of the Spanish discoveries; so they entered 
their protest against the partition of the Hull, and the two Powers held a convention at 
Tordesill.is, which resulted, in June, t4i;4, in the line lieiiiit; moved two hundred and sev- 
enty leagues westerly.'* No one Init vai;iiely suspected the com|ilic.itioii yet to arise about 
this same meriilian, now selected, when tlie voyage of Magellan .should bring Spani.ird 
and I'ortuguese f,ice to face at the Antipodes. This aspect of the controversy will cl.iiin 
attenlion elsewhere." From this date the absolute position of tlie line as theoretically de- 
termined, was a constant source of dispute, and tlic occasion of repe.ited negoti.itions.' 



Cliulera, /ujwtixiiiioiii's /lislMois; S.nint-Murtin, 
IlUloire ili /,t ,i;i'i'Xi;i/>/iii; p. 337 ; Clarke, /'>VL;>r~< 
of Maritime Disun'cry, p. 399; Kugc's Ccschichte 
iks /.citalltrs Jer EntJakinii^fH pp. 109, lJ5t 
iSS, iSg; l.ncas Kcm's Tiixi'lmc/i, 1494- 154J, 
.\iii;shMrg, 1.S61 i Chartou's i'l'pixviirs, iii. 209 
(with references), etc. 

" rortiij^al," says Professor Secley, "had" 
almost reason to complain of the glorions Intru- 
sion of Cohnuhus. She took the rij;hl w:i\, and 
fiiinul the Indies; while he took the wrong wav, 
and missed them ... If it lie answered in*t o- 
hnnhns's hehalf, that it is better to he wrong 
and Ihul .Vnierica, than to he right and Ihul India, 
I'ortugal might answer that she did both," — 
referring to Cabral's discovery of Hrazil [i^.x- 
paiisio)! of Eiii;liiii(l, p. S3). 

' The Hull is printed in N'avarrete, ii. 23, 
2S, 130; and in the app. uf Oscar Peschcl's 
Die '/'/uiliiiii; licr F.rtic Hitter Papst Alexander I'/, 
uiid Julius //., Leipsie, iSyi. Ilarrisse, A'//'/. 
Amer. I'el., Addi/ioiis, gives the letter of May 17, 
1493, which .Me.xander VI. sent with the lUills 
to his nuncio at the court of .Sp;iin. fonnil in the 
archives of the I-'rari at Venice. Cf. also 1 1 inn- 
holdt, Ji.xdvieii erili(/iie, iii. 52 ; Solorzano's Po- 
liliea /ndiiiiia ; Sahin's Dictioiuiyy, vol. i. no. 
745; and the illustrative documents in .Andics 
Oarcia de Cespedes' Keg.de ;;<;;'., Madrid, 1606. 

'•' There is more or less confusion in the esti- 
mates made of the league of this time. D'Av- 
czac, Ihtlletin dt la Soei^ti de Geografhie de Paris, 
September and October, 1858, pp. 130-164, 
culls it 5.924 metres. Cf. also Kox, in the If. S. 




^likid/^ 




Coast Surrey Ke/'ort, 18S0, p. 59; and II. II. 
liancrofi, Central Aiiieriea,i, 190. 

" Cf. Ilnmholdt, /■'xanieii eriti,/iie, \\\. 17, .|.|, 
SCi, etc. 

* I lumholdt, A'.ri;W(V/ i;;V/V///(', iii. 5.; ; Cmiiios, 
V. 55. Columbus found this point of no-varia- 
.lion, Sept. 13, 141)2. In the latter part of the 
jxteenth ceiUury, for a sini'ar reason, St. Mich- 
ael's in the Azores was taken for the first meri- 
dian, but the no-variation then observable at that 
poiiU has given |)lace now to a declination of 
twenty-live degrees. 

'' See the docnmenls in N'avarrete, ii. 1 16, 
and I'eschel's Tlieiliiin^ der Erde Killer J'apsI 
Alexander /'/. iiitd fiiliiis II. 

" Cf., however, Juan y Ulloa's Dissertaeioit 
sol're el meridiano de detnareaeioii, Madrid, 1749» 
in French, 1776. Carter-Iirown, vol. iii. no. 910; 
and "Die Deniarcations-linie " in Knge's Vas 
'/.eitalter der Eiitderkiingen, p. 267. 

" In 1495 Jaume Ferrer, who was called for 
advice, sent a manuscript map to the Spanish 
Monanhs to be used in the negotiations for 
determining this (piestion. {N'avarrete; also 
.•\niat, Dieeioiiarij de los eseritores Caliilanes.) 
Jannie's ililferent treatises are collected by hi.s 
son in \\\s .Seiileiieias eat/iolieas, 1545' (I.cclerc, 
no. 2,765, 1,000 francs; Ilarris.se, HiM. Am. let., 
no. 261 ; Additions, no. 154.) This contains 
Jaumc's letter of Jan. 27, 1495, and the Mon- 
archs' reply of Feb. 28, 1495; and a letter writ- 
ten at the recpiest of Isabella from liurgos, Aug. 
5, 1495, adilressed to "Chrislofol t'olo en la 
gran Isla de Ciban." 



46 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



NOTES. 



) !■ 



'1 U 



A. First Voyage. — As regards the first 
voyage of Columbus tliere has come down to us 
a number of accounts, resolvable into two dis- 
tinct narratives, as originally proceeding from the 
hand of Columbus himself, — his Journal, which 
is in part descriiitivc and in part log, according to 
the modern understanding of this last term ; and 
his Letters announcing the success and results of 
his search. The foi tunes and bibliographical 
history of both these sources need to be told : 

Journal. — Columbus himself refers to this 
in his letter to Pope Alexander VI. (1503) as 
being kept in the style of Cxsar's Commen- 
taries ,• and Irving speaks of it as behig penned 
" from day to day with guileless simplicity." In 
its original form it has not been found ; but wc 
know that Las Cas.xs used it in his Ifistoiin, and 
that Ferdinand Columbus must have had it be- 
fore him while writing what passes for his Life of 
his father. An abridgment of the Journal in the 
hand of Las Casas, was discovered byXavarrete, 
who printed it in the first volume of his Colcccion 
in 1S25 ; it is given in a French version in the 
Paris edition of the same (vol. ii.), and in Italian 
in Torre's Scritti di Colombo, 1S64. Las Casas 
says of his abstract, that he follows the very 
words of the Admir.al for a while after recording 
the landfall ; and these parts are translated by 
Mr. Thoma? of the .State Department at Wash- 



1 le prepared another account, pcrhaj/s duplicate, 
and protecting it in a similar way, placed it on 
his poo]), to be washed off in < ase his vessel 
foundered. We know nothing liirther of this 
account, unless it be the same, substantially, with 
the letters which he wrote just before making 
a harbor at the .Azores. One of ihesc letters, 
at least, is dated off the Canaries ; and it Is pos- 
sible that it was written earlier on the voyage, 
and iiost-d.tted, in expectation of his making the 
Canaries ; and when he found h*'n.ielf by stress 
of weather at the Azores, he neglected to change 
the place. The original of neither of these let- 
ters is known. 

One of them was dated Feb. 15, 1493, wilh 
a postscript dated March 4 (or 14, copies varv, 
and the original is of course not to be reached- 
4 would seem to be correct), and is written ' .1 
Spanish, and addressed to the " Kscribano ile 
Racion," Luis do .Santangel, who, as Treasurer 
of Aragon, had advanced money for the vovage. 
Columbus calls this a second letter j by which he 
may mean that the one cast overboard was the 
first, or that another, addressed to Sanchez (later 
to be mentioned), preceded it. There was at 
Simancas, in 1818, an early manuscript cojiy of 
this letter, which Navarreto jirinted in his Coh-c 
lion, and Kettell translated into English in his 
book (p. 253) already referred to.* 

In 1S52 the Daron Pietro Custodi left his 



ington, in G. A. Fo.x's paper on "'I'hc Landfall " collection of books to the Biblioteca .Ambros 



'■) 



in the Report of the Coast Surrey for iSSo. The 
whole of the Las Casas text, however^ hus 'rans- 
latcd into English, at the instigation of Cioorge 
Ticknor, by Samuel Kettcll, a:id publisl,ed in 
Boston as A Personal N'arrati'e of the First I'oy- 
i;fv in 1827 ; ' and it has ijeen given ir. part, in 
ICnglish, in I?ccher's Londfall of Colun mis. The 
original is thought to have served Ilerrera in 
his IHstoria diieral.'^ 

Letters. — We know that on tlie 12th of 
Februarv, 1493, about a week before reaching 
the Azores on his return voyage, and while his 
ship wa.i laboring in a gale, Columbus prepared 
an account of his discovery, and incasing the 
|iarchment in wax, put it in a Ijarrcl, which he 
threw overboard. That is the last heard of it. 



ana .at Milan ; and among them was found a 
printed edition of this Santangel letter, never 
before known, and still remaining unique. It is 
of small quarto, four leaves, in scmi-gothic type, 
bearing the date of ■493,'' and was, as Uarrisse 
and Lenox think, printed in Sjiain, — Major sug- 
gests Barcelona, but Gayangos thinks Lisbon. 
It was lirst reprinted at Milan in 1863, with a 
fac-simile, and edited by Cesare Correnti, in a 
volume, containing other letters of Columbus, 
CKtitlcd, Lctterc aido^^rafe eiiitc cd inrdite di 
Cristoforo Colombo!" From this reprint Uar- 
risse coijied it, and gave an luiglish translation 
in his AWcj on Columbus, p. 89, drawing atten- 
tion to the error of Correnti in making it ajipear 
on liis titlepage that the letter was addressed lo 
"Saxis,"'' and testifying that, by collation, iic 



f 



' Cf. North Americati /x'crtcw, nos. 53 .inil 5^. 

2 Cf. portions in (ierinan in Das Austaiid, 1S67, p. 1. 

8 It is in Italian in Torre's Scritti di Coloiiilw. 

< Brunct, Sii/'/'li incut, col. 2;7. 

fi It appeared in the series Bihtiotcca rara of G. Oiicllt* 

8 (-'f. Historical .\ta\;azinc, Septembor. iSfi.- 



1 



COLUMUUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES 



47 



11 iS()3, with a 



had found but slight variation fr<im the Navar- 
rttt text. Mr. K. II. Major also prints the 
Amlirosian text in his Sii,rl f.clti-rs of Coltimlnis, 
Willi an Knglish version appended, and judges 
the Cosco version eould not have lieen made 
from it. Other English translations may lie 
found in Hechcr's Litiid/all of Coliim/>iis,\u 291, 
and in French's llislofial Collcclwits of Loiiisi- 
oiiii ,im/ Floriiiii, 2d series, ii. 145. 

In 1S66 a fae-simile edition (150 copies) of 
the .Vmbrosian copy was issued at Milan, edited 
by CJerolamo d' Adda, under the title of LclUra 
ill /iiii,'ii<! Sf<(ii;iiiio!ii diictla da Cristofoio Colombo 
(I Luis lie Sttiilii>ii;i-l} Mr. James Lenox, of New 
York, had already described it, with a fac-simile 
of the beginning and end, in the 1 fistoriial Mus;- 
a-iiic (vol. viii. p. 2S9, September, 1864, April, 



186; 



and this paper was issued separately 



(100 copies) as a supiilement to the Leno.x edi- 
tion of Scyllacius. Ilarrisse- Indicates that 
there was once a version of this Santangel letter 
in the Catalan tongue, preserved in the Colom- 
bina Library at Seville. 

A few years ago IJergcnroth found at Si- 
niancas a letter of Columbus, dated at the Cana- 
ries, Feb. 15, 1493, with a postscript at Lisbon, 
March 14, addressed to a friend, giving still an- 
other early text, but adding nothing material to 
our previous knowledge. A full abstract is given 
m tlie CaUiidor of Shite J'lifors reletting to Eitf;- 
land iiiid Spain, p 43. 

A third Spanish text of a manuscript of the 
sixteenth century, said to have been found in 
the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, was made known 
by Varnhagen, the Minister of Urazil to Por- 
tugal, who printed it at Valencia in 1858 as 
Pnmera epistola del Aliniraute Don Chrislobat 
Colon, including an account " de una nueva coiiia 
de original nianuscrito," The editor assumed 
i;-.n name of Volafan, and printed one hundred 
copies, of which sixty were destroyed in Brazil.'' 



This letter is addressed to Cabriel Sanchf/, and 
dated "sobre la islade Sa. Maria, 18 de Fi id;" 
and is without the postscript of the letters of 
Feb. 15. It is almost a verbatim repetition of 
the Simancas text. A reprint of the Cosco text 
makes a jiart of the volume; antl it is the opin- 
ion of Varnhagen and Ilarrisse that tlie Volafan 
text is the original from which Cosco translated, 
as mentioned later. 

Perhaps still another Spanish te.xt is pre- 
served and incorporated, as Muiioz believed, 
by the Cura de los Palacios, Andres ISernaldez, 
in his Ilistoria de los reyes ailolieos (chap, cxviii). 
This book covers the period 1488-1513 ; has thir- 
teen chapters on Columbus, who hail been the 
guest of liernaldez after his return from his 
second voyage, in 1496, and by whom Columbus 
is called " mercador de libros de estampa." The 
manuscript of liernaldez's book long remained 
unprintedinthe Koyal Library at Madrid. Irving 
used a manuscript coi)y which belonged to (Jba- 
diah Rich.* Prescott's copy of the manuscript 
is in Harvard College Library.'' Humboldt" 
used it in manuscript. It was at last printed at 
Granada in 1S56, in two volumes, under the 
editing of Miguel Lafuente y Alcantara." It 
remains, of course, possible that liernaldez may 
have incorporated a printed Spanish text, instead 
of the original or any early manuscriiit, though 
Columbus is known to have placed papers in 
his hands. 

The text longest known to modern students 
is the ])oor I-atin rendering of Cosco, already 
referred to. While but one edition of the ori- 
ginal Spanish text ajipeared presumably in Spain 
(and none of Vespucius and Magellan), this 
I>atin text, or transKitions of it, appeared in 
various editions and forms in Italy, Fr.ance, 
and Germanv, which Ilarrisse remarks" as in- 
dicating the greater popular impression which 



1 Harrisse, liiH, Amcr. Vcl. .Iddilioiis, p. vi., calls this reproduction extremely correct. 

- /?;/'/. Amcr. Vcl., p. xii. 

3 Ticknor Catalogue, p. 3S7 ; Stevens, Hist. Coll., vol. i. no. 1,380 ; Sabin, iv. 277 ; Leclcrc, no. \t,2. It was 
noticed by Don I'ascual ilc (iayannos in La America, April 11, 1S67. Cf. ancitlier of Vavnlianen's ]nil)lications, 
Varta ile Crislilat Colon eir ' -da de Lislva a Ihireehna en Marzo de 1493, publislied at Vienna in iS(n). It lias 
a collation of texts antl an' ; itions (Leclcrc, no. 131 ). .\ portion of the edition was issued with the .additional 
imprint, "Paris, Tross, 1870." Of the 120 copies of this Ixmk, 60 were put in the trade. Major, rclVrriin; 
to these sevciat Spanisli texts, says : '• I have carefully collated the three documents, and the result is a certain 
conclubion th.it ncitlicr one nor the other is a correct transcript of the original letter," — all having errors which 
could not have been in the original. M.ijor also translates the views on this point ot Varnhauen, and enforces 
his own ojiininn that the Spanisli and Latin texts are derived from different tlioii);Ii similar docimicnts. \'arn- 
li.aj;en held the two texts were different forms of one letter. Ilarrisse disscnls from this opinion in lisl'l, 
.Imcr. Vet. Additions, p. vi. 

< Cf. living's Coliiiiil'iis, ap]). xxix. 

5 Prescott's Ferdinand and Isalvlla, revised edition, ii. loS; Sabin, vol. ii. no, 4,yiS; Ilarrisse, Notes on 
•iliiin/iiis, no. 7, who reprints the parts in ipiestion, with a translation. 

•i Cosmos, English translation, ii. fqi. 

■ 'I'ieknor Catalogue, p. 32. 

8 lie points out how the standard Chronicles .and .Annals (Kerreboii:, 1521 ; Regnault, 1532; fialliot du 
Pr6, ii;4<); Fabian, 1510. 1533, 1542, etc.), down to the middle of the sixteenth century, utterly ignored the 
acts of CoU'inlms, Corti's. :ind Magellan iflill. .liner. I'et. p. ii). 






I 

'I 



48 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



A ■■'V. 



mil i, 



H 






1 



^'. 



•I 



the discovery of America made l)cyond Spain 
tlian within the kingdom ; and t'.ie monthly de- 
livery <)f letters from (iermany to Portugal and 
the Atlai.iic islands, at tliis time, i)laccd these 
parts of Europe in prompter connection than 
we are apt to imagine. ^ News of the discovery 
was, it would seem, borne to Italy by the two (le- 
noese ambassadors, Marches! and Cirimaldi, who 
arc known to liive left Spain a few days after 
the return of Columbus.- The Spanish text of 
this letter, addressed by Columbus to Gabriel 
or Raphael Sanchez, or Sanxis, as the name of 
the Crown treasurer is variously given^ would 
seem t(i have fallen into the hands of one Aii- 
ander dc Cosco, who turned it int(j Latin, com- 
pleting his work on the 29th of April. Uarrisse 
points out the error of Navarrete and Varnha- 
gen in placing this completion on the 25th, 
and supi)oses the version was made in Spain. 
Tidings of the discovery must have reached 
Home before this version could have got there ; 
for the first Pai)al liuU concerning the event is 
dated May 3. Whatever the case, the first pub- 
lication, in print, of the news was made in Rome 
in this Cosco version, and four editions of it 
were printed in that city in 1493. There is 
much disagreement among bibliographers as to 
the order of issue of the early editions. Their 
peculiarities, and the preference of several bib- 
liographers as to such order, is indicated m 
the fttllowing enumeration, the student beitig 
referred for full titles to the authorities which 
are cited: — 

It Epistohi Christofori Colom [1495]. Small quarto, 
fwiir le.ives (one blank), ^othic, is lines to a paRC. 
AddrL'ssL'il to i^anchis. Cosco is called Leander, 
Ferdinand and Isabella both named in the title. 
Tlie printer H tlioiit;ht to be Planiick, from slniiiar- 
Ity of type to work known to be his. 

Major calls this the editio primeps^ and gives elabo- 
rate reasons for Ills npinion {Select Letters of Colntnbus^ 
p. cxvi). J. R. liartlett, in the Carter-Hroxvn Catalogue, 
vol. i, no. 5, al^'t puts It first ; so docs Ternaux. Variih.i- 
pen calls it the second edition, It is put the third in order 
by Ihiinel (vnl. ii. col. lOj) and Lenox (Scyllacius^ p. xliv), 
and fourth by Harrisse [Xotes on Columbus, p. 121 ; lUN. 
A fue*'. I V/., no. 4). 

There are copies in the Lenox, Carter- 1 irown. and 
\{\.\th {Catalogue, i. ^y'^ lil)raries ; in the (Irenville (/>//•/. 
Gn-n., [>. 15S) and King's Collections in the Hritish Mu- 
si'iim : in the Koyal hibiaiy at Munich ; In the Collection 
of the Dnc d'Auniale at Twlcketiham ; and in Mie Com. 
mercial Library at Hamburg.' The copy cited by Har* 
risse was sold in the Court Collection (.no. 72) at Paris in 
1SS4. 



II. Epistola Christofori Colotn, impressii Romf^ 
Euchnrins Argeuteus [Silber], anno dai 
MCCCCA'C///. Small quarto, three printed 
leaves, guthic type, 40 lines to the page. Ad- 
dres: . ' to Sanches. Cosco is called Leinder. 
Ferd...and and Isabella both named. 

Major, who makes this the second edition, says that 
its deviations from No. I. are all on the side of ignorance. 
Varnhagen calls it the tuf/tio princeps. Itartlett {OiWcr- 
liroxvn Catalogue^ no. 6) puts it second. Lenox {Scylla- 
rit/s, p. xlv) calls it the fourth edition. It Is no. 3 of Har- 
risse(i9/^/. Atner. I'et., no. 3 ; Notes on Colutnbus, p. 121). 
Graesse errs in saying the words " Indie supra Gangem '' 
are omitted in the title. 

There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Huih 
{Catalogue^ i. lyUX and Grenville {Bibl, Gren,, p. 158) 
Libraries It has been recently priced at 5,000 francs 
Cf. Murphy Catalogue^ 629. 

III. Epistola Christofori Colom. Small quarto, four 
leaves, 34 lines, gothic type. Addressed to 
Sanxis. Cosco is called Aliaiider. Ferdinand 
only named. 

This is Major's third edition. It is the editio princept 
of Harrisse, who presumes it to be printed by Stephanus 
Plannck at Rome {Notes on Columbus, \\ 117; Bibl. A mer, 
I'et., vol. i.) ; and he enters upon a close examination to 
establish its priority. It is Lenox's second edition iScyl' 
/alius, p. xliii). IJarllett places it third. 

There are copies in the I'arlow (formerly the Aspin- 
wall copy) Library in New York ; in the General Collec- 
tion and Grenville Library of the Uriiish Museum ; and in 
the Royal Library at Munich. In 1S75 Mr. S. L. M. 
Harlow printed (50 copies) a fac-simile of liis copy, with a 
Preface, hi which he joins in considering tliis the first edi- 
tion with Harrisse, who (Notes on Columbus^ p. 101) gives 
a careful reprint of it. 

IV Dt! ittsulis iuventis, etc. Small octavo, ten leaves, 
2'- and 27 lines, gothic type The leaf before the 
title has the .Siianish arms on the recto. There 
are eight woodcuts, one of which is a repetition. 
Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called Ahender. 
Ferdinand only named. The words *' Indie supra 
Gangem '* are omitted in the title. 

This is Major's fourth edition. Lenox makes it the 
editio princeps (as does Hrunet), and gives fac-siiniles of 
the woodcuts in liis Scy/lacius, p. xxxvi. IJossi supjiosed 
the cms to have been a part of the original manuscript, and 
designed by Columbus.* Harrisse calls it the second in 
order, and thinks Johannes IJesicken may have been the 
printer {liibl. A mer. I'et., 2), tliough It is usually ascribed 
to Piannck. of Rome. It bears the arms of Granada; but 
thure was no press at tliat time in that city, so far as known, 
though lininet seems to imply it \\as printed there. 

The only perfect copy known is one formerly the Lihri 
copy, now in the Lenox Library, which has ten leaves. The 
Grenville copy {Hibl. Gren., ]»■ 15S), and the one which 
IJossi saw in the IJrera at Milan, now lost, had only nine 
leaves. 

\\?c\\\{Re/'crtoriitm, no. 5.491) describes a copy which 
seems to lack the first and tenth leaves; and it "as proba- 



1 'S\\\vr, liistolre ilipiomatiipte i/e lichaim, p. 12^ 

- They are mentioned in Senarcga's " Dc rebus Gcniieiibibus," printed in Muratt^ri's Kcrmn Ilalicar .i 
scriptores^ xxiv. 5-^4, Cf. Harrisse, iVotes on Columbus^ p. 41. 

'* Harrisse says that when 'J'toss, of Paris, advertised a copy at a high ])rice in 18^)5. there were seven 
bidders for it at once Qiiaritch advertised a copy in June, 1S71. It was priced in London in 1S72 at .l.'i4o. 

■1 Tliis view is controverted in The Booktvorm^ kS6S, p. 9. Cf. 1S67, p. 103. The ships are said to be 
galleys, while Culunibiis sailed in caravels. 



'I ^ 



J I 

,:l.( 






COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



49 



K 



^ressii Rome, 
, atttto (it'll 
three prinU'il 
ihc \Mge. Ad- 
rnlled Le^intler. 
id. 

lilinn, s^iys iliat 
;le of ignorance. 
!artlett {Ciirli-r- 
Lenox {.S"o//it- 
s no. 3 "f 'l^f 
i/iimf'iis, p. 121). 
supra G.ingem " 

er-Brown, Hutli 
Gren., p. 158) 
at 5,000 francs. 



lall quarto, four 

.Addressed to 

Jer. Ferdinand 

e editio frincrtii 
led by Stephanus 
117; BibUAmer. 
e ex.iniination to 
lid edition {Scyl- 

nerly the Aspin- 
: General Colkx- 
Museuin ; and in 
5 Mr. S. L. M. 
Ills copy, with a 
this the first edi- 
ibus^ p. 101) gives 



itavo, ten leaves, 
e leaf before the 
llie recto. There 
h is a repetition, 
i called Aheiider. 
rds " Indie supra 

iiox ni.ikes it the 

s fac-similes of 

IJossl supposed 

manuscript, and 

t the second in 

:iy have been tlie 

usually ascribed 

of Gran.idai but 

so far as known, 

led there. 

jnnurly the l.iliri 

leii leaves. The 

1 the one which 

t, had only nine 

bcs a copy which 
(1 il was pnilM- 



yum Ital'uai i 

here were seven 
;— at .L'140. 
s are said to be 



ff^ffoti^btfflofbrf CoToifltoif (fi(»nollnimDtcu debet: df 
9nfuH0'5nds{fopia<5angemnuper fnDeDti9*Bdqii<i9 perqof / 
rendaa occouo antes mmfe oufiTid^ t (re inuictifTimf f emanr 
dit>!rpaniaruin'Regi6frafru9fiKr(tfMd(Dagniftcum dnm lU 
pboelem 03npa*eiufdan ferenf ffiml IVegia Xcfauroria miiTo) 
quamtiobiliB aclieteracue vtr BUanderdeCofco ablTitpono 
fdcomace in latimim conoeitfr : rertio fcar9d7m)*$]0*cccc«rcU/* 
t)omifscatD0Blc]eandrl @e^ Bnno pzimo* 

QUonfamfofceptf piotifntff ran perfectwn mecSrecimiin 
filHTegrfltumribifbTe fdo: baaconfHnif ejrararcqa^re 
miuroifufc^rd in bocnoftro itfnere gr flf innenr^ ad/ 
fttov ant: ICricefimorertio die po(l$ (GadibttedifcrfTi in mare 
'i'nWcvi perueni:rbi plurimae infotad innnmerie babitataa bor 
minibus rtpperhquarom omnium p70 foeliciffimo "Regc noftro 
pif conio celcbzaro % re rillie erf mftoc onrradicenrc neminc pof/ 
fcfTlionemaccq)i;pMmfcp carom diuf Saluaroiienomcn fnjpcrf 
fui:euiU9freru9 aunlio ram ad banc:$ ad c^rerad altaa perue/ 
nimu9>4?am t>o ^ndi Ouanabanin rocanr<filiaromeria vnam 
quanc^ nouo nomine nuncupaui<(DiJippr alia infulam 6an£C( 
0?arif (&ncepHoni9>aIiam j^emandmam • aliam 'Dprabellam* 
fliiam ^ob^anami lie de reliquie appellari mfTt'(DDampzimum 
In cam infulam qua dudum ^obana rocari din appultmue:iu 
l^'a ciu9 lirtU90ccidcnrem rerfue aliquanrulumpzocefTiztamq) 
cam magna nullorcperro fins «nucn!:rrnon infulam: fedcontf 
nenrnn (£batai prouinciam dTe crediderinnnulla tn videnB op/ 
pida munidpiaue in mari ti mi9 1'tta ronftnib^ p;f err aliquos x\i 
C091 pzedia rufbca-'cumqoo? incolie loqui nrquibamquarcfl 
tiiul acno9ridebanr funipiebanrfugam>'p:o^ediebarrItra: 
ccifhman9 aliqua me rrbem n llafue inuenrnrum«(Denic9 rtdFa 
0( longe admodum p^ogrelTig nibil noui emergebatn bmoi via 
no9 ad Septcnrrionem deferebat:q»ipfefugercc>:opraba:tcrrt9 
ercnim regnabatbiuma: ad JBuftrfrnK^eratin voro1:drend<r($ 

LOLUMBUS' LETTER NO. HI. 



bly this copy (Royal Library, Munich) which was followed 
by Pilinski in bis Paris fac-similc (20 copies in 1858), which 
does not reproduce these leaves, though it is stated by 
some that the defective liritish Museum copy was his 
Huide. Bartlett seems in error in calling this f.ac-siinile a 
copy of the Libri-Lenox copy.^ 

V. Efistohi de ittsnlis dc novo repartis^ etc. .Sni.-lll 
qu.irto, four leaves, gothic, 39 lines : woodcut on 
verso of first leaf. Printed by Guy Marcliand in 
Paris, about 1494. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is 
called Aliander. Ferdinand only named. 



This is Lenox's {Scyllacins, ji. xlv.), Major^s, and 
Harrisse's fifth (iVo^fj on Colitinbtts, p. 122: Bibt, A-mer. 
I'cf., p. 5) edition. 

The Teniaux copy, now in the Carter-lirowii Library, 
was for some time supposed to be the only copy known ; 
but Harrisse says the text reprinted by Rosiiy in Paris, in 
1865, as from a copy in the National Library at Paris, cor- 
responds to this. This reprint (125 copies) is entitled, 
Lettrc de Christof'hi; Colottd' sitr At dhouvcrtf dit nou* 
Vi'au jHOJidL'. l^iibiih' d\i/'f'^s la rarisshnc version Lat' 
ine coHiervh' ii iti Bibliotiiiiiue Intfi^r'ale, Traduite en 
FrtiH^ais, cotnjni'nth- felc] /'ar LucicH de i\oiny^ Paris : 



,. J 



' But coinp.tre his Cooke Calalosuc, 110. 575 j .ilso, Pinart-Bonrbourg Catalogue, \>. 249. 
VOL. II. — 7. 






1 






1, ' "* 


'|l 


i" 





i; I ; 



IfH 



'.! ' 





i 


1 

,'i 


/ 1' 




i-i,. 



50 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




REVERSE OF TITLE OF NOS. V. AND VI. 



J. Gay, 1865. 44 pages octavo. This edition was publislied 
under the auspices of the "ComitiS d'Arch(Sologie Arneri- 
c.iine." * 

VI. Epistola de imulis ttoviUr rcffcrtiSi etc. Small 

quarto, four leaves, gotliic, 39 lines ; woodcut on 
verso of first leaf. Guiot Marchant, of I'ari.'i, 
printer. Addressed to Sauxis. Cosco is called 
Aliander. Ferdinand only named. 

This is Major's sixth edition ; Harrisse {Notes on 
Cohtinbus^ p. 122; Hibl. Atiier. i'ef.y »"o. 6) and Lenox 
{Scyllacius, p. xlvii) also place it sixth. There are fac- 
similes of the engraved title i'l Harrisse, Lenox, and 
Stevens's A vierican Bibliof;r(jphcr, p. 66. 

There are copies in the Carter-Brown, liodleian 
(Douce), and University of Giitti \gen libraries', one is 
also show 1 in tile Murphy Catal(\i;uc no. 630. 

John Harris, Sen., made a fac-simile edition of five 
copies, one of whicli is in the I'ritish Museum, 

VII. Epislola Cristophori Colom, etc Small quarto, 

four leaves, gothic, 3S lines. Addressed to Sanxis. 
Th. Martens is thought to be the printer. 



This edition has only recently been made known. Cf, 
Brunei, SuppUment, col. 276. The only copy known is ic 
the Bibliothique Royale at Brussels. 

The text of all these editions scarcely varies, 
except in the use of contracted letters. Lenox's 
collation was rcjirinted, without the cuts, ni the 
Ilistorica! Miigazim, February, 1861. Other bill- 
liographical accounts will be found in Graossc, 
Trespr; BibUothcai Gn.iviUhuia, i. 15S; Sabin, 
Dictionary, iv. 274; and by J. H. IIcsscls in 
the BihliophiU Bel^e, vol. vi. The "-uts are also 
in |)art reproduced in some editions ot Irving's 
Life of Columbus, and in the I'ita, by Bossi.'- 

In 1494 this Cosco-Sanchcz text was ap- 
penilcd to a drama on the capture of firan.ida, 
which was printed at ISasle, beginning [11 Uii- 
i/em Soriiissimi Fcrdiiuindi, and ascril)ed to 
Carohis Veradus. The "])c insulis ntipcr in- 
ventis " is found at the thirtie»:i leaf [BiH. 



1 M. de Rosny was born in iSio, and died in iS;i. M. Geslin published a jiaper on his works in the Ades 
U la Sociitc (V Ethnologic, vii. 115. A paper by Kosny on the " Lettre de Christoph Coloinbe," with his vcr- 
.siun, is found in the Kcvuc OricntaU ct Amcricaino, Paris, 1S76, p. Si. 

- The earliest Knijlish version of this letter followed some one edition of the Cosco-Sanchez text, and 
appeared in the Edinburgh Review in 1S16, and was reprinted in the Analcctic Magazine, ix. 51-5. A trans- 
lation was also appended by Kettell to his edition of the Personal Nariitivc. There is another i* the 
Historical Afagazinr, April, 1S65, ix. 114. 






COLUMBUS AM) IIIS DISC0\"ER1ES. 



51 



j4iiltr. .''</., no. 15; Lenox's 6Vy/i;i;/«j, p. xlviii ; 
Major, no. 7; diitcr-Bi-oi.^n i\i(,ilo,i;iii\ no. 13). 
There arc copies in the Carter-Iirown, Harvard 
College, and Lcno.x libraries.' 

Uy ( Ictobtr, in the year of the first api'.ear- 
ance (1493) "f t''^ Cosco-Sanchcz text, it had 
been turned 'wWoottaTa yiiiui by (iuiliano Dati, 
a popular poet, to be sung about the streets, 
as is supposed ; i.nd two cditi(jns of this verse 
are now known. The earliest is in quarto, 
lilack letter, two columns, and was printed in 
Florence, and called Qitcsu c la Ilystoria . . . 
•xtracte diina E/'istota C/instc/niio Colombo. 
It was in four leaves, of coarse type and 
l)aper; but the second and third leaves ar-? 
lacking in the unique copy, now in the Brit- 
ish Museum, which was procured in 1858 from 
the Costabile sale in "aris.'-' 

The other editio.i, dated one day later 
(Oct. :6, I4<)3), printed also at Florence, and 
called La Lt-tU'i-a dcWisolc, etc., is in Roman 
type, ([uarto, four leaves, two columns, with 
a woodcut title rejjresenting Ferdinand on the 
European, and CoUnnbus on the New World 
shore of the ocean.^ The copy in the British 
Museum was bought for 1,700 francs at the 
Libri sale in Paris ; and the only other copy 
known is in the Trivulgio Library at Milan. 

In 1497 a German translation, or adaptation, 
from Cosco's Latin was i)rinted by Bartlomesz 
Kiisker at Strasburg, with the title Kyii sclton 
\iibsch Usui voii illii-hcii iiisz/c'i/ die do in kurtzot 
zvtea fiitiden syiid diinh d? kiinii; von hispania, 
•.■nd saj;! vo i;roszin 'icnndcrlicU-n din^cn die in de 
sclbe inszL-ii synd. It is a black-letter quarto of 
>even leaves, with one blank, the woodcut of the 



title being repeated on the verso of the seventh 
leaf.* There are copies in the Lenox ( Libri copy) 
and Carter-Brown libraries; in the Greiiville and 
Until collections; and in the library at Munich. 



iitolat)etnrul/0not)i 





COLUMBUS I.EITER NO. VI. 

The text of the Cosco-Sanchez letter, usually 
quoted by the early writers, is contained in the 
Bcllnin C/iristianorum Piincipnm of Robertas 
Monarchus, printed at Basle in 1533.'' 



1 It was priced by Rich in 1S44 at .C6 f«. ; and liy Robert Clarke, of Cincinnati, in i8;fi, at S200. There 
was a cnpy in the J. J. Cooke sale { 1SS3), vol. iii. no. 5-4, .and another in tlie Murphy sale, no. 2,602. 

- Sabin, vol. v. no. iS.djfi; Major, p. xc, where the poem is reprinted, as also in Ilanisse's Notes on 
Columbus, p. 186, Bibl. Aincr, Vet., no. S, p. 461. This first edition has sixty-seven oct.ivcs ; the second, 
sixty-eight. Stevens's Hist. Coll., vol. i. no. I2(), sliows a fac-siiiiile of the imperfect first edition. 

^ iVotes on Columbus, ]i. 1 ,15 ; Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 9 ; Ailditions, no. ;, ; Lenox's Scylhuius, p. Iii. The 
last stanza is not in tlie otlier edition, and there are other revisions. A fac-siniile of the cut on the title of this 
Oct. 2(1, I49-;, edition is annexed. Otlier fac-similcs arc given by Lenox, and Rii^o in his Ccsiiiiehte d,s /,ci- 
tallers <lcr Rntdakuiii;cii. p. 247. This edition was rejirinted at Bologna, iS;?, edited by Gustavo UzicUi, as 
no. 136 of Siiita di curiosila Icttcraric incdilc, and a reprint of Cosco's Latin text was inchided. 

•• Lenox's Scyllacius. p. Iv, with fac-similes of the cuts; Bibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 10: Notes on Columbus, 
p. 123; Hutli, i. 337. The elder Harris niiide a tracing of this edition, and Stevens had six copies printed 
from stone ; and of these, copies are noLed in 'he C. Fiske-Uarris Catalogue, no. 553 ; Murphy, no. 632 ! Hrinley, 
no. 14 ; Stevens's (iS;o) Catalogue, no. 459; and Hi:. Coll., vol. i. nos. 130. 13'!. The text w.as reprinted in 
the h'lieiuiselies Areiiiv, xv. 17. It was also included in Fin selione neve /.eytung, printed at .\ugsl)iirg about 
1522, of which there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown liljraries. .'^eyllaeius, p. hi ; lininet, Supfli- 
meat, col. 277 ; Harrisse, Bd'l. Amcr. Vc/., no. 115. Tlie latest enumeration of these various editions is in the 
Studi Nog. c bibliog. della Soe. Geog. Ital., 2d edition, Rome, 1SS2, p. 191, which describes some of the 
rare co|iie5. 

6 Ilarri e, 3ibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 175 ; Carter-Brown, no. 105 ; Lenox, Scyllacius, p. Iviii ; Stevens, Hist. 
Coll.. vol. i. no. 163, and Bibl. Geog., no. 2,383; Muller (1872), no. 3S7; J.J.Cooke, no. 2,183; O'Callaghan, 
no. 1,836. The letter is on pages 1 16-121 of the Bellum, etc. The next earliest reprint is in Andrras Scliott's 
Hisfiiuiit illustrator, F'ankfort, 1603-1608, vol. ii. (S.abin, vol, viii. no. 32,005 ; Midler, 1S77, no. 2.914 : Stevens, 
1S70, no. 1,845). f'f '''c '■'>ter reproductions in other languages than English, mention may be made of diose in 
Amati's Riccrche .S.'orieo-Critieo-Seieutifielu-, 1S28-1830 ; liossi's Vila di Colombo, 181S; Urano's edition of 
liossi, Paris, 1S24 and 1S25 : the Spanish rendering of a collated Latin text made by the royal librarian Oon- 



52 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



11/ 




m>^ 






i.^i.iiii A-h-tr^-tr^V^ Jl.tc^M-K^nV^(;(.^ 



»•• 




THE IjVNDING of COLUMBUS. 



iiii 



,11 •* 



B. Landkali,. — It is a matter of contro- 
versy what was Giianahani, the first land seen 
by Columbus. The main, or rather the only, 
source for the decision of this question is the 
Journal of Columbus; and it is to be regretted 
that Las Casas did not leave unabridged the 



parts preceding the landfall, as he did those 
immediately following, down to October 29. 
Not a word outside of this Journal is helpful. 
The teslinnjny of the early maps is rather mis- 
leading than reassuring, so conjectural was their 
geography. It will be remembered that land 



zalez for Navarretc, and the I" ranch version in tlic Paris edition of Navarrete ; G, li. Torre's Scrilti di Cohiiilio, 
Lyons, 1S64 ; Cartas y tataincnlo di Colon, Madrid, iSSo. There is in Muratori's Kcriim Italicnnim scri/'torcs 
(iii. 301) an account "He navigatiune Colunibi," written in 1409 hy Antonio Gallo, of Genoa; but it adds 
nothing to our knowledi^e, being written entirely from Columbus's own letters. 

The earliest coni]iikd account from the same sources which ajipcared in print was issued, while Columbus 
w.as absent on his last voyage, in the Noiiissimc Hysloriariiiii omnium rifcriiissioiics, t^uc siif-f'lcmoitiim 
Siipf'lcmcnti Cronicarum viiiuii/iintiir . . . nsqiic in annum 1502, of Jacopo Filippo l'"orcsti (called liergo- 
nienscs, liergonias, or some odier form), whicli was dated at Venice, 1502 (colophon, 1503), and contained a 
chapter " l)e insulis in India," on leaf 441, which had not l)oen included in the earlier editions of 14S3, 1484, 
14^5, 14S6, and I4i;3, but is included in all later editions (\'enici:, 1506 ; Nuremberg, 1506 ; Venice, 1513, 1524 j 
Paris, 1535), except the Spanish translation (Harrissc, IVibl. Aincr, Vet., nos. 42, 13S, 204, and Additions, 
nos. II, ;5 ; Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 25,083, 25,084 ; Stevens, 1870, no. 175, ?u ; Carter-Iirown, vol. i. nos. 19, 27; 
Murphy, no. 226; Ouantch, no. 11,757, X4). There are copies in the Library of Congress, IIk' Carter-Iirown 
end Lenox libr,ines, and in the National Library in Paris. 



] :i! 



1 I 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



53 




CUT IN THE GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS (tITLE). 



was first seen two hours after midnight ; and 
computations made for Fox show that the moon 
was near the third quarter, partly behind the 
observer, and would clearly illuminate the white 
sand of the shore, two leagues distant. From 
Columbus's course there were in his way, as 
constituting the Bahama group, — taking the 
enumeration of to-day, and remembering that 
the sea may have made some changes, — 36 
islands, 6S7 cays, and 2,414 rocks. I5y the log, 
as included in the Journal, and reducing his 
distance sailed by dead reckoning — which then 
depended on observation by the eye alone, and 
there were also currents to misguide Colum- 
bus, running from nine to thirty miles a day, 
according to the force of the wind — to a course 
west, 2° 49' south. Fox has shown that the dis- 
coverer had come 3,458 nautical miles. Apply- 
ing this to the several islands claimed as the 
landfall, and knowing modern computed dis- 
tances, we get the following table : — 



Islands. 


Course. 


Miles. 


An 

Excess 
of 


To Grand Turk . 


W. 8^ i' S. 


2834 


624 


Mnriguana . 


W. 6= 37' S. 


3032 


426 


W.atling . . 


W. 4° 38' s. 


3'o5 


353 


Cat ... . 


W. 4^ 20' S. 


3141 


3>7 


Saniana . . 


W. 5= 37' s. 


307' 


387 



Columbus speaks of the island as being 
"small," and again as "pretty large" {bien 
^miit/e). He calls it very level, with abundance 
of water, and a very large lagune in the middle ; 
and it was in the last month of the rainy season, 
when the low parts of the islands are usually 
flooded. 

Some of the features of the several islands 
already named will now be mentioned, together 
with a statement of the authorities in favor of 
each as the landfall. 

.San Salvador, or Cat. —This island is 
forty-three miles long by about three broad, with 
an area of about one hundred and sixty square 
miles, rising to a height of four hundred feet, the 
loftiest land in the group, and with no interior 
water. It is usual in the maps of the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries to identify this 
island with the Guanahani of Columbus. It is 
so consiflered by Catesby in his Xiitiirnl Ilislory 
0/ Carolina (1731); by Knox in his Collection 
of Voyages (1767); by De la Roquette m the 
French version of Xavarretc, vol. ii. (182S) ; 
and by liaron de Montlezuu in the iVoiifelles 
aiiiiales lies voyaj^'es, vols. x. and xii. (1S2S-1S29). 
Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, of the United 
States Xavj', worked out the ])roblem for 
Irving; and this island is fixed ujion in the 
latter's Li/e of Cclumbus, app. xvi., editions 
of 1828 and 1848. Hcchcr claims that the mod- 
ern charts used by Irving were imperfect ; and 
he calls " not worthy to be called a chart " the 



54 



NARRATIVE AM) CRITICAL HISTORY Ol-' AMERICA. 



! i\ 



(•• 



', :■; ;, 




1> 




[(Pr^oupmiflft^crfc^iflftmg'^eo mors Qiflo/tttie ay^ 
Ijofi von ^ifbanid fc^bt '^em f uni(j von ^tfpaim v5 

lmtn^cn4e9lari&93ntrtCT{F^cmfl"/?6fl«6W 0« 
taiu .^a^o rtiiffet am mitten Turc^ ^as lant>e ui*ou 

Jifi %e \nx>\[ci^ m62. ^ie ernJIic^cn etf imt)cn ^ar, vit 

^e ^u (ititjen gefd^icft if? mir ^ilff vn gcofer rc(?iffim0« H»m 
ouc^ctlu^ vojfagung v6 ^en in^lcru ©ee grogmcc^rigifteii 
funig9jFcrad-oo0cnanrvoftf)iTpainadfWacl)^«m vfWD icff 
gefaren bm von ^ern gcf?a5t ^ce la^iDevon f^ifpiniiL%o man 
iiCTinet Colunas ^crcuko. oOerrvon eao 9er tpidtJ)m ic? gtf 4^ 
rrti in %p vnt> "?Jf ffig t jgen irt ^ao mDi fd^ m*^Z)o ^ab u$ gc^ 
fif '5cn vil in^lcn rnit onsalber volcfo wo^afftig^l^ic ^ab ic9 
aUtngenomen mit vff gewojffnem bjncrvnfcre mec^tigiilm 
f ufiige.SniiD nrmian ^at fici^ gtna>i*DCtt noc^^.ininT)er gcfhlt 
ill f cincrlcr a'eg4rBi€ erfl 9ic ic^ gcfunDc ^ab^ ^abc id^ gc^ 
^ciffcn^ui faluarone.lDao i|l 5u riierrc^^cog^rlic^en be§al 
to© vff fehg mac9era.5uein€rgc&cc^tnrg ffnn: wunCCTlicfe 
golden nuieflat 9it rmr^ar 56 ge^olfcn ^ar.vii ^k von5nt)u 
^eiffent fic gwanagjm'froic an^er ()ab icf? gcgeiflTen vn0 fro 
tpen cnpferignp^rfl&lil Die 9jft f^ab ici^gei^eiffen fcman&ma 
nac^^cs fjMge naincn.Oic vicrtjc ^ab ic8 geb'eiffcn "?u: ^ub 
fc^e infeL^TJ©ic fUnffte ic^ananuvno (^ab al fo ciricr f cghc^ 
cnptcn namen gcgebau^lnt> ale bjlt> ic^ fain in %c in^el \o'/ 
^annamal/bgcnant^ofitnc^an^CTngcflare ^nuffgegcii oc 
Ctoent tpert3/"da fanb ic^^ie mfcl lang vnnx) fcm eaoc*9ar an* 
)Da0ic96Ct>dcBie6 wereingant) lano.vnwcr^ic p«)uuit3 3u 
Cflt^eigenant,E)o fa^eicf) oucfi fane fjert nod) fd^lojfer nm 
0c|?at)e^e8 m6iC0»ou ctlic^eburen ()iifevfUrilvnwD gcflcocl 
vnt^'^ee felbenglici^en^^tJmit ?en fdbcn^wonem tnoc^c 

ft t 



GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMnUS (TEXT"). 



I '' 



I 



1 ■< 



i::^ 






, ;,| 






La Cosa map, which so much influenced Hum- 
boldt in following Irving, in his Examen criliijiie 
(1837), iii. iSi, 1S6-222. 

Watlinc's. — This is thirteen miles long by 
about six broad, containing sixty square miles, 
with a height of one hundred and forty feet, and 
having about one third its area of interior water. 
It was first suggested by Munoz in 1793. Cap- 
tain liecher, of the Royal Navy, elaborated tlie 
arguments in favor of this island in the Jonriitil 
of thi: Royal Geographical Society, xxvi. 1S9, and 
Proceedings, i. 94, and in his I.aiiJfall of Coliiiii- 
bus on his First yoyai;e to America, London, 1.S56. 
Peschel took the same ground in his Geschichte 



ties Zeitalters der Entdechiingen (1S5S). R. H. 
Major's later opinion is in sujjport of the same 
views, as shown by him in the fournal of the 
Royal Geographical Society (187 1 ), xvi. 193, and 
Proceedings, xv. 210. Cf. Alw Quarterly Keviav, 
October, 1S56. 

Lieut. J. 15. Murdock, U. S. N., in a paper on 
" Tlie Cruise of Columbus in the lialiamas, 
1492," i)ublishcd in the Proceedings (April, 1SS4, 
p. 449) of the United States Naval Institute 
vol. X, furnishes a new translation of tlie pas- 
sages in Columbus' Journal bearing on the sub- 
ject, and made by Professor Montaldo of the 
Naval Academy, and rejjcats the map of the 



COLUlUnUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



55 




5V 



.^^ 



^^ 



oCONCLPTlON 
■«RUMCAY 




LONG 



SA^N-A 



rCRTUNl, 



V?.^^-' 







c%* 



.N^: 



v^^'' 



cn>>^ 



.^^ 



i^' 



"S, 



# 






THE BAHAMA GROUP. ' 



modern survey of the Bahamas as given by Fox. 
Lieutenant Murdock follows and criticises the 
various theories afresh, and traces Columbus' 
track backward from Cuba, till he makes the 
landfall to have been at Watling's Island. He 
points out also various indications of the Jour- 
nal which cannot be made to agree with any 
supposablc landfall. 



Grand Turk. — Its size is five and one half 
by one and a quarter miles, with an area of 
seven square miles ; its highest part seventy feet ; 
and one third of its surface is interior water, 
Navarrcte first advanced arguments in its favor 
in 1S25, and Kettell adopted his views in the 
Boston edition of the Persona/ A^arrativc of 
Columbus. George Gibbs argued for it in the 



f ', 



1 : ! 



1 This map is sketched from the chart, made from the most recent surveys, in the United States Coast-Survey 
Office, and given in Fox's monograph, with the several routes marked down on it. Other cartograpliical illu3- 
trations of tlie subject will be found in Moreno's maps, made for Navarrete's Colcccion in 1S25 (also in the 
Frencli version) ; in Becher's paper in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, x.wi. 1S9, and in his 
Landfall of Columbus : \\\ Varnhagen's Das wa/ire Guanahani ; in Major's paper in the Journal of the 
Royal Geographical Society, 1871, and in his second edition of the Select Letters, where he gives a modern map, 
with Herrera's map (1601) and a section of La Cosa's ; in G. 15. Torre's Scritti ili Colombo, p. 214 ; and in the 
section, " Wo liegt Guanahani ? " of Kuge's Gesehichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 24S, giving all 
the routes, except that offered by Fox. See further on tlie subject R. Pietsclmunn's " Bcitriige zur Guanahani- 
Frage," in the Zeitschrift fir wissenschaflliche Geographie (iSSo), i. 7, 65, with map; and A. Breusing's 
" Zur Gesehichte der Kartographic," in Ibid., ii. 193. 



^ 



, r • li 



56 



NARRATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



H'^ 



III 



«■: 



n 



I ■ ' 



I I I 



I .111 ; 



'ill' 




'l> 



• u 



AW*/ K('>'/t Historical Society^! Proctcdiiti^s (\i\(i), 
p. 137, and in the llistorical Magazine (Jiinc, 
185S), ii. 161. Major adopted 8ucl> "icws in 
the first edition (1847) of his Scl ■. Leitcrs 0/ 
Cotiimhiis. 

M.VKIC.UANA. — It ineasiires twenty-three and 
one half miles lung by an average of four wide ; 
contains ninety-six siinare miles ; rises one hun- 
dred and one feet, and has no interior water. 
F. A. de Variihagcn publi^lied at Si. Jago de 
Chile, in I.S64, a treatise advocating this island 
as La vcrUadera Gnanahani, which was reissued 
at Vienna, in 1SC9, as Das waltre Guaiiahani dcs 
Ciiliiml'usy 

Samana, or Attwood's Cay. — This is nine 
miles long by one and a half wide, covering eight 
and a half S([uare miles, with the highest ridge 
of one lumdred feet. It is now uninhabited ; but 
ariow-heads and other signs of aboriginal occu- 
pation are found there. The Samana of the early 
maps was the group now known as Crooked 
Island. The present Samana has been recently 
selected for the landfall by (lustavus V. Fox, in 
the United States Coast Siiney Report, 18S0, 
app. xviii., — " An attempt to solve the prob- 
lem of the first landing-place of Columbus in 
the New World." He epitomized this paper 



in the Mai^izine of Amtrican History (April, 
1883), p. 240. 

C. F.I'IF.rT OI'- Till'. DiSCOVF.RV IN F.UROPR. 
— During the interval between the return of 
Columbus from his first voyage and hi.s again 
treading the soil of Spain on his return from 
the second, 1494, we naturally look for the effect 
of this astounding revelation upon the intelli- 
gence of Furope. To the Portuguese, who had 
rejected his pleas, there may have been some 
chagrin, Faria y Sousa, in his Eiiro/'a J'ortii- 
Xnesa, intimates that Columbus' purpose in put- 
ting in at the Tagus was to deepen the regret of 
the Portuguese at their rejection of his views; 
and other of their writers afiirm his overbearing 
manner and conscious pride of success. The in- 
terview which he had with John II. is described 
in the Lyiiro das ohras de Gareia de A'esende.'^ 
Of his reception by the Spanish monarchs at 
Harcelona," we perhaps, in the stories of the 
historians, discern more embellishments than 
Ovicdo, who was present, would have thought 
the ceremony called for. George Sumner (in 
1844) naturally thought so signal an event would 
find some record in the " Anals consulars " of 
that city, which were formed to inake note of 




SIGN-MANUALS OF FERDINANP AND ISABELLA. 

I SuJP importanza d'lin maunscritto iiiedito delta Bibliotcca Impcrialc di Vienna per vcrificare quale /« 
la prima isola scopcrta dal Colombo, . . . Con una carta gco^^raphka, Vienna, 1869, sixteen pages. Yarn- 
hagen's paper first appeared in the Anales de la Univcrscdad de Chile, vol. xxvi. (January, 1864). 

■^ Evora, 1545, and often reprinted. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 45 : Dibt. Amer. Vet., no. 265. 

3 A fac-simile of Irving's manuscriiit of his accoimt of this reception is given in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 
\x. 201. 



v);! 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



Sf 



the ciiinmoiicst daily events ; l)ut he cmiUl liml 
in them no ii\(lii;iition of the advent of the dis- 
coverer of new lands.' It Is of far more import- 
ance for us that jirovision was soon made for 
future records in the estaMishment of wliat he- 
(inie finally the " Casa de la Contrataeion do 
las Indias," at this time put in charge of Juan 
(le Konseca, who controlled its affairs through- 
out the reign (jf Ferdinand. '•' We have seen how 
apparently an eager ])nl)lic curiosity prompted 
more frei|uent impressions of Cnlumbus' letter 
In other lands than in .^paiu itself; lint there 
was a bustling reporter at the Spanish Court 
fond of letter-writing, having cnrrespondeivts in 
distant part.s, and to him we owe it, probably, 
that the news spread to some notable people. 
This w.is I'eter Martyr d' Anghiera. He dated 
at Harcclona, on the ides of May, a letter mention- 
ing the event, which he sent to Joseph liorromeo ; 
and he rejjeated the story in later epistles, written 
in September, to Ascanio Sfor/.a, Tendilla, and 
Talavera.'' There Is every reason to suppose 
that Martyr derived his information directly 
from Columbus himself. He was now probably 
about thirty-seven years old, and he had some 
years before ac(piired such a reputation for learn- 
ing and elo(pience that he had been invited from 
Italy (he was a native of the Duchy of Milan) 
to the Spanish Court. His letters, as they have 
come down to us, begin about five years before 
this,' and it is said that just at this time (1493) 
he began the composition of his Decades. Las 
Casas has borne testimony to the value of the 
Decades for a knowledge of Columbus, calling 
them the most worthy of credit of all the early 
writings, since Martyr got, as he says, his ac- 
counts directly from the Admiral, with whom 
he often t.alked. Similar testimony is given to 
their credibleness by Carbajal, Gomez, Vergara, 



and other contemporaries." lleginning with 
MuRo/, there has been a tendency of late years 
to discredit Martyr, arising from the confu- 
sion and even negligence sometimes discerni- 
ble in what he says. Navarrete was inclined 
to this derogatory estimate. Hallam* goes so 
far as to think him open to grave suspicion 
of negligent and pali>able imposture, antedat- 
ing his letters to appear prophetic. On the 
other hand. I'rcscott ' contends for his veracity, 
and trusts his intimate familiarity with the 
scenes he describes. Helps interprets the dis- 
order of his writings as a merit, because it is 
a reflection of his unconnected thoughts and 
feelings on the very day on which he recorded 
any transacti(m.'' 

What is thought to be the earliest mention 
in print of the new discoveries occurs in a 
book published at Seville in 1493, — ^■"•' ''■"'''" 
i/(is i/<'/ ])iKtor AloHso Ortiz. The reference 
is brief, and is on the reverse of the 43(1 folio." 
Not far from the same time the llishop of 
Carthagena, liernardin do Carvajal, then the 
Spanish ambassador to tho Tope, ilelivered an 
oration in Kome, June 19, 1493, in which he 
made reference to tho late discovery of un- 
known lands towards the Indies.''' These refer- 
ences are all scant ; and, so far as we know 
from the records preserved to us, the great 
event of the age m.ade as yet no impression on 
the public mind demanding any considerable 
recognition. 

D. Second Voyage (Sept. 25, 1493, to June 

II, 1496). — Kirst among the authorities is the 
narrative of Dr. Chanca, the physician of the 
Expedition. The oldest record of it is a manu- 
script of the middle of the sixteenth century, in 
the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid. 



n 



II 






1(1 



1 Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 170; M.-ijor's Select Letters, p. Ixvi ; Harrisso, Biil. Amer, 
Vet., Addiliints, p. ix. 

3 Irving's Columbus, app. xxxii. 

8 Humboldt (Examen critique, ii. 279-294) notes the letters referring to CoUimbus ; and Harrisse, 
{Notes on Co/iD/itms, p. 129) reprints these letters, with translations. In the 1670 edition the Columbus refer- 
ences are on pp. 72-77, Si, 84, 85, SS-90, 92, 93, 96, loi, 102, 1 16. 

* There are eifjht hundred and sixteen in all (14SS to 1525), and about thirty of them relate to the New 
World. He died in 1525. 

6 Prescott, Finlmand a>td Isabella (1873), ii. 76. 

• Literature of Europe, vol. i. cap. 4, § 88. 

' Ferdinand and Isabella (1S73), ii. 507, and p. 77. Referring to Hallam's conclusion, he says: " I suspect 
this acute and candid critic would have been slow to adopt it had he perused the correspondence in connection 
with the history of the times, or weighed the unqualified testimony borne by contemporaries to Martyr's minute 
accuracy." 

8 Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 282; Irving, Columbus, app. xxvii. ; Brevoort's Verrazano, p. 87 ; H. H. 
Bancroft's Central America, i. 312. A bibliography of Martyr's works is given on another p.ige. 

'J Ticknor Catalogue, p. 255 ; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 135 ; Dibl. Amer. Vet., no. 10 ; Sabin, 
vol. xiv, no. 57,714. 

'" It is not certain when this discourse was printed, for the publication is without date. H,arrisse, Notes on 
Columbus, p. ijC) ; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 1 1 ; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 1 1,175 ! Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 4. 
There are copies of this little tract of eight leaves in the Force Collection (Library of Congress), and in the 
Lenox and Cartcr-Iirown libraries. Others are in the Vatican, Grenville Collection, etc. Cf. Court, no. 255. 
VOL. II. — 8. 



'I 



I: . 




5 



s 



NAURAI IVi: AM) CKIl ICAI. IIISIDUY UK AMERICA. 



VI' 



KM 



''!",.! 



Kriim iliiH N'.ivarrttc priiitrd it fnrtlic I'lmt liim,' 
iiMilir the ijtie «)( " Siijiimlii Viage ilc ('risti)l),il 
CuIdii," in liin ('(>/, 11 iiiii, i. |(>S. 

Nut •in directly cii(;iii/aiit of events, l)iit >!cl- 
lin^ his liiforiiiatiiin at secniid hand Ironi (iii^li- 
elmo Coma, — a iinlilu pcniDiiane in Spain, 
wan Nicolas Styllatius, of I'avia, who translated 
Coma's letters into Latin, and piiMished his nar- 
rative, /)f iiiiiilis mcriiiiaiii iili/ii,' iiiilui iiniri.i 
Hiif'i-r iin'dilis, (lidicatint; it to I.ndovico Sfor/a, 
at I'.ivia (Itrunct thinks I'isa), in 1594 or 1595. 
< >f tliis littlo ipi.irtn ihrre are three copies known. 
( ine is in the l.cno.\ I,il)rary ; .md from tliiscopy 
.Mr. I.eno.t, in 1.S59, reprinted it snin|)luonsly 
(one hundred and two copies'-), with .1 Ir.msla- 
tion liy tlie Kev. Jolm Miilli^an. In .Mr. Lenox's 
Introduction it is said that liis copy li.ul origin- 
ally liclonged to M. Dlivieri, of I'.irina, .ind tlien 
to the Marcpiis Kocca Saporiti, before it came 
into Mr. l.*ni>.\'s hands, and that the only other 
copy known was an inferior one in the library of 
the Mail, i^ Trivnizio at Milan. This last copy 
is i)rol)ably one of the two copies which Ilarrisse 
reports as being in the palace library at .Madrid 
and in the Thottiana (Royal Library) at Copen- 
hagen, respectively.'' Scyllacius adils a few de- 
tails, cnrrcnt at that time, which were not in 
Coma's letters, and seems to have interpreted 
the account of his correspondent as hnplying 
that Columbus had reached the Indies by the 
I'ortiignese route round the Cape of (iood 
Hope. Konchini has conjectured that this blun- 
der may have caused the cancelling of a large 
part of the edition, which renders the little book 
so scarce ; but Lenox neatly replies that " almost 
all the contemporaneous accounts are equally 
rare. "' 

Another sccond-hanil account — derived, how- 
ever, most probably from the Admiral himself — 
is that given by Peter Martyr in his first Decade, 
published in 151 1, and more at length in 1516.^ 

Accompanying Columbus on this voyage was 
Bernardus liuell, or lioil, a monk cf St. Dcnoit, 



in Austria, who was sent bv I'ope .Mcxander VI 
as vii ar-generai of the niw l.mds, to like charge 
of the nuasurt ri for ediK.iling ,ind i onvtrting the 
Indians.'' It will be remembered he afterward 
became a caballerag.iiiist the .Admiral. What he 
did there, and a little of what Cohmibiis did, one 
Kranciscus llonorius I'liiloponus sought to tell 
ill a very curious book, i\'i«7',; /ly/t /niiisiitfii 
>iiii/\'<i/it) iiifi orbis liitlur lucijiiiliithf' which 
was not printed till 16*1. It is deilicated to 
Caspariis I'laiitius, and it is suspected that he 
is really the author of the book, while he as- 
sumed another n.iine, more easily to laud himself. 
Ilarrisse describes the book as having "few 
ilctailsof an early dale, mixed willi much sec- 
ondhand information of a perfectly worthless 
char.icter." 

.So far as we know, the only contemporary 
references in a printed book to the new iliscov- 
eries during the progress of the second voyage, 
or in the interval previous to the undertaking of 
the third voy.agc, in the spring of t.ti>S, arc these : 
The Piis A'i;»vv«.i(7;;^(Ship of Fools) of Sebas- 
tian Itrant, a satire on the follies of society, 
published at liasle in l-Cj.),'' and reprinted in 
Latin in 1497, i4i>S, and in French in i49;', 1498, 
and 1499,'* has a brief mention of the land jire- 
vioiisly unknown, until Ferdinand discovered in- 
mimerable people in the great Spanish ocean. 
Zacharias Lilio, in his De orii^ine ct l,iiiiiibut 
scicntianim, Florence, 1496," has two allusions. 
In 1497 Fedia Inghirami, keeper of the Vatican 
Archives, delivered a funeral oration on Prince 
John, son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and m.adc 
a reference to the New World. The little book 
was probably printed in Rome. There is also a 
reference in the Cos>Hoi;>-ti/'/ii,i ol Antonius Ne- 
brissciisis, printed in 1498.''' 

E. TliiRi) VovAdE (Miiy 30, 1498, to Nov. 
20, Ijoo). — Our knowledge of this voyage is 
derived at first hand from two letters of Colum- 
bus himself, both of which are printed by Na- 



n, 



l^i 



1 It Is siven in Italian in Torre's Scritii di Colomlro, p. 372 ; and in F.nslish in Major's Select Letters of 
Columbus, repeated in the appiiulix of Lenox's reprint of .Scyllacius. The '' .Memorial . ■ . sobre el succso 
de su segundo vi.ige \ las Iiulias," in Navarrete, is also printed, with a tranr^lation, by Major, p. 72. 

- Tlicy were all presentation-copies ; but one in Leclerc, no. 2,c)Cio, is priced 400 francs. The Mcnzies 
copy brought S 



•' Ilarrisse, liit'l. Amcr. Vet., no. 1(1 ; Nates on Columl'us, p. 



Cf. Inloruo ail un rnrissimo ofuseulo 



tli Nheoli) Siilliicio, Modcna, iSi^i, by Ainadeo Konchini, of I'arnia. 

* Cf. autc a note for the bibliog.-aphy of Martyr, in Vol. 1. 

^ Ilarrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 36, refers, for curious details about rtucll, to Pasqiial's Descubrimientc 
de la situacion tie la .Imeriia, Madrid, i7.Sr), and the letter of tlie I'ope to lioil in Ro^^i's Del discaceiamenio 
Ji Colombo datla Spagnuola, Rome, 1.S51, p. 7fi. 

8 There are two copies in Harvard College Library. Cf. Kich (1852), no. 159, .£2 2s.; Cartcr-lirown, 
U. no. 252; Oiiaritcli, .£() \(^s. (ul,; O'CalKighaii, no. 1,841 ; .Murjihy, no. 1,971 ; Court, nos. 271, 272. 

' Harrisse, Ji/bl. Amcr, Vet., no. 2, 

8 Carter-lirown, vol. i. nos. iC), 17, 276, 356; Bibl. Amcr. P'et., nos. 5, (>. 

" Folios II and 40. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Kt., no. 17 ; Sabin,vol.x. no. 41,067. Harrisse, Notes on Cotumbu: 
r. 55, says Rich errs in stating that an earlier work of Lilio (141)3) has a reference to the discovery 

^" Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 7. 



COLUMUUS AND HIS DISCOVICRIES 



SEBASTIANVS BnANDVS 
furiTconrukus. 



59 




lUinfiorifiAmfottraiih&fmiiltJIefaitdi: 



SEBASTIAN nRANT. 



varrcte, and by Major, with a translation. The 
first is addressed to the sovereigns, and fol- 
lows a copy in Las Casas's hand, in the Archives 
of the Duque del Infantado. The other is ad- 
dressed to the nurse of Prince John, and follows 
a copy in the Munoz Collection in the Real 



Acadeniia at Madrid, collated with a copy in 
the Columbus Collection at Genoa, printed by 
Spotorno.'-' 

F. Fourth Voyage (,1/,y 9, 1502, la Xov. 
7, 1504). — While at Jamaica Columbus wrote 



I fi 



* Fac-simile of cut in Reusner's hones, Strasbur^, 1590. 

' llarrisse, Nolcs on Columbus, no. 126. The Coronica de Araxfn, of Fabriciiis de Vat;ad, which w.is pub- 
lished in 1499, makes reference to the new discoveries {BiM. Amur. Kt'/., Adilithns, no. 9), as does the Coronhit 
van Cocllcn, published at Cologne, 1499, where, on the verso of folio ^39, it ^pe.iks of "new lands found, in 
which men roam like beasts " (Murphy, no. 254 ; liaer, Incuiiahcln, 1SS4, no. 172, at iCio marks ; Lond(in Cata- 
logue (18:^4), .£12 loj.). In 149S, at Venice, was published M.irc. Ant, .S.abellicus' In rafsoJiain liisloihtrion 
Jcopy in British Museum), which has a brief account of Columbus' family and his eat' ife. This was enlarged 
in the second part, published at Venice in 1504 (Bibl. Amcr. yet., no. 21). \n V > r lost by Columbus on 
this voyage, at Trinidad, is said to have been recovered in iSSo {Bulletin de la Soci . 'Hgrafhique d'Anvers, 
V. 515V 



r 



6d 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I J' 



r^i'Hi 






tv 




MAP OF COLUMBUS' FOUR VOYAGES (WESTERN PART), 



' A reproduction of the map in (.liarton's I'oyageiirs, iii. 179. 



I '; 




COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



61 







1 '^yaip^ dc^ aii/nii 













.-.-.i^" 






'PgtnitT'fjtt*' 

fcr> f 



AS* • ■ 



!EKlt.E fUR&lE 






■f5 



sH> 



1^ 



MAP OF COLUMBUS' FOUR VOYAGES.* (EASTERN I'ART.) 



1 A reproduction of the map in Charton's Voyafeiirs, iii. 178. 



If. 






1 ■/!' 



Ml 



a I 



1 ' I, 



02 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HLSTCKV OF AMERICA. 



til Fcrdinaml and Isaliclla a wiU!, dcsi)oiult,iU 
letter,' suggestive of alienation of niiiul. It 
liiiiigs the story of the voyage down only to 
July 7, 150J, leaving four months unrecorded. 
I'inelo says it was printed in the Spanish, as he 
wrote it ; but no sucli [jrint is known.- Navar- 
retc found in the King's private library, at 
Madrid, a manuscript transcript of it, written, 
ai)i)arentlv, about the middle of the si.xteenth 
century ; and this he i)rintcd in his Colvccioit.'^ 
It was translated into Italian by Costanzo 
ISayucra, of Brescia, and published at Venice, 
in 1 505, as Cii/'M de lu Icltcra per CoU'inho 
mandiUa.^ Cavaliere Morelli, the librarian of 
St. Mark's, reprinted it, with conmicnts, at 
liassano, in iSio, as Lcttcia rtu-issiiim di Cris- 
toforo Colombo'" Navarrete prints two other 
accounts of this voyage, — one by Diego I'or- 
ras;** the other by Diego Mcndez, given in his 
last will, preserved in the Archives of the Duke 
of Vcraguas.l 

While Columbus was absent on this voyage, 
as already mentioned, ISergonias had recorded 
the .'Vdmiral's fnst discoveries." 

G. LivKs AND XoricKS OK Coi.i:.\iiii:s. — 
Ferdinand Columbus — if we accept as his the 
Italian |>ublication of 1571 — tells us that the 
fatiguing career of his father, and his infirmi- 
ties, prevented the Admiral from writing his 
own life. For ten years after his death there 
were various references to the new discoveries, 



l)ut not a single attemjjt to commcmnrati-, by 
even a brief sketch, the life of the discoverer. 
Such were the mentions in the Coiniiientarionim 
urlhiiioruin lihri of Maffei,'' published in 1506, 
and again in 1511; in Walter Ludd's Spctiiti 
obis, etc. ; '' in K. Petrarca's C/iroiihu ; " and in 
the Oralio^'- o( Marco Dandolo (Naples), — all 
in 1507. In the same year the narrative in the 
J'iii'si vovamciile rclnr:<i!li (1507) established an 
account which was repeated in later editions, 
and was followed in the i\\':'iis orbis of 153-. 
The ne.\t year ( 1 50S) we find a reference in the 
Omtio^-^ of Fernando Tellez at Home; in the 
SiippUmcnti dc le chroiiichc r'H^'ij'v, iiavameiite 
dill fnilc Jiuobo riiilUpo III anno I 503 vidi^arizz., 
fcr Franccsio C. Fiorcntino (Venice);'* in Jo- 
hannes Stamler's J)\'<ilo:^'ns ;'^'" in the rtoleiny 
published at Rome with Ruysch's maji ; and in 
the Colhrtiinca^'^ of Haptista Fulgosus, published 
at Milan. 

In 1509 there is reference to the discoveries 
in the Opera )iiK;r of the General of the Carmel- 
ites, IJattista Mantuanus." Somewhere, from 
1510 to 1 519, the j\\~o fnterlnde '^'^ presented 
Vespucius to the English public, rather than 
Columbus, as the discoverer of .America, as 
had already been done by Waldsecmiiller at 
St. Die'. In 1511 Peter Martyr, in Ids first 
Decade, and Sylvanus, in his annot.atlons of 
Ptolemy, drew attention to the New World ; 
as did also Johannes Sobrarius in his Pane- 
gyrieum carmen de gest/s lieroici' dk'i Ferdinandi 



1 Que cscr'ibio D. Cristobal C'^loii a los . . . Key y Keiiia de /Ls/aila. Cf. Harrissc, iVofes on Columbus, 
p. 127. It is given, with an Iun;lish translation, in Major's Selee/ LcUcrs ; also in the Relazione delle 
scnpcrte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucei, e da altri dal 1^9' al 1506, iratta dai manoseritti della Eibli- 
otcca di Ferrara e pubblicnta per la prima volta ed annolata dal Prof. G. Fcrraro, at liiilogna, in iS-;, as 
no. 1.(4 of the Seelta di eiiriosilh letlerarie incdite rare dal sccolo ^m al xvii. A I'rcnch translation is 
given m Charton's Voyageiirs, iii. 174. 

'- It is usually said that rerdinand Colambus asserts it was jirinted ; but Ilanisse says he can lind no such 
statement in Ferdinand's hi;ol{. 

3 \\)1. i. pp. 277-313. 

• It is a little quarto of six leaves and an additional bl.ink leaf (Lenox, Sryllaeias, p. Ixi ; Ilarrisse, Jiibl. 
Amer. Vet., no. 36). There is a copy in the Marciana, which Ilahisse compared with die Morelli reprint, and 
says he found the latter extremely faitliful (/j'/W. .4mer. Vet., no. 17J. 

s Leclerc, no. 129. 

In Italian in Torre's Seriiti di Colombo, p. 3ofi. 

~< This is also in Italian in Torre, p. 401, and in English in Major's Seleet Letters. 

s Ste\-cns (Notes, etc., p. 31) is said by Harrissc {Bibl. Amer. Ve/., .'Idditioiis, p. 35) to be in Jrror m saying 
that Valcntini Fernandez's early collccU(,n of Voyai;cs, in Portuguese, and calleil .Mareo Paulo, etc., has any 
reference to Columbus. 

'■I Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 43, 67, ami y. 463; Additions, nos. 22, 40; 'J'homassy, Les papes geosrafilies. 

VI Bibl. .Iwer. Vet., no, 49. See the chapter on Vespucius. 

" Ibid., .-idditioiis, no. 27. 

IJ Ibid., no. 2S. 

1" I'oid., no. 30. 

"■< Sabin, vol. vi. no. 24,395. 

15 Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 51, 52; Murphy, nn. 2,353; Stevens, Bud. Geoi;., no. 2,609. There are copies 
.11 the Librarv of Congress, Harvard ' Li'v.iry, etc. 

'ti Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,140; > -..i.nvn, vol. i. no. 39; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 34; Graesse, ii. 645; 

Brunet, ii. 1421. There were later editions in 151S, 1565, 1567, 157S, 1604, 1726, etc. 

" Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 35. 

IS See Vol. 111. pp. 16, 199; Bibl. Amer. Vet., pp. 464, s.'S; and AMiiioiis, no. 38. 



! if i 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



«39 



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1 Fac-simile of a portion of the page of the Giustuiiani Psalter, which shows the beginning of the marginal 

note on Colunilnis. 



M;i 


■ 1 



64 



NARRATIVE AND ChMTICAL H1ST''"RV OF \MERICA. 



, 1 'V 



>IVli 






; ' ' '' 



h! 



.iK( ■ ii 



Cii//iolit-i} Tlic Stobnicz;i (Cracow) Appendix 
to I'tiikmy prcsL-iUcd a new ni.ip of the Indies 
in 151^; and the Chroiiiion of Kusebius, of the 
same date, recorded the appearance of some of 
the wild men of the West in Rouen, broui^ht 
over by a Dieppe vessel. Some copies, at least, 
of Antonio de Lebrija's edition of Priidcittii 
opera, printed at Lucca, 1512, afford another in- 
stance of an early mention of the Xew World.- 
Again, in 1513, a new edition of I'lolemy l,.ivc 
the world what is thought to have been a niai) 
by Columbus hi nself; and in the same year 
there was a Siipf-Uiiunttim siipplcinciiti of 
Jacobo I'hilippo, of liergomas.-' In 1514 the 
De nattira loeoruin (Vienna), of Albertus -Mag- 
nus, points again to Vespucius instead of Co- 
lumbus ; * butCatanii', in a poem on C;en(ja,^ 
dues not forget her .son, Columbus. 

These, as books have jjreserved them for 
us, are about all the contemporary references 
to the life of the great discoverer for the first ten 
years after his death.'' In 1516, where "ve might 
least e.\])ect it, we find the earliest small gath- 
ering of the facts of his life. In the year of 
Columbus' death, Agostino Giustiniani had 
bej \\\ the compilation of a polyglot psalter, 
which was in this year (1516) ready for publi- 
cation, and, with a dedication to Leo X., ap- 
peared in Genoa. The editor .innotated the 
text, and, in a marginal note to verse four of the 
nineteenth Psalm, we find die earliest sketch cf 
Columbus' life. Stevens '' says of the note : 
"There are in it several points which we do 
not find elsewhere recorded, especially respect- 
ing the second voyage, and the survey of the 



south side of Cu'.ja, as far as Kvangclista, in 
^lay, 1494. Almost all other accounts of the 
second voyage, e.xcejjr that of liernaldei;, end 
before this Cuba excursion began." 

Giustiniani, who was born in 1470, died in 
1536, and his Anmili di Genoa* was shortly 
afterward published (1537), in which, on folio 
ccxlix, he gave another account of Columbus, 
which, being pubr hcd by his executors with 
his revision, repeal 1 some errors or opinions 
of the earlier I'salter account. These "vere not 
pleasing to Ferdinand Columbus," the son of 
the Admiral, — particularly the statement that 
Columbus was born of low parentage,— " vilibus 
ortus iiarentibus." Stevens points out how 
Ferdinand accuses Giustiniani of telling four- 
teen lies about the discoverer ; " but on hunt- 
ing them out, they all appear to be of Irifiing 
consequence, amounting to little more than that 
Columbus sprang from humble parents, and 
that he and his father were jjoor, earning a live- 
lihood by honest toil." ''' 

To correct what, either from pride or from 
other reason-!, he considered the falsities of the 
I'salter, IVrdinand was now prompted 'o com- 
pose a Lifi; of his father, — or at least ^uch was, 
until recent, >, the universal opinion of his au- 
thor..,hip oi! the book. As to Ferdinand's own 
ulalions to that fuher there is some doubt, 
or piutence of iloubt, jiarticularly on the part 
of those who have found the general belief 
in, and pretty conclusive evidence concerning, 
the illegitimacy of Ferdinand an obstacle in 
estabh-hing the highly moral character which 
11 saint, Uivc Columbus, should have." 



' In the ' xtion " invenfi / novarum insiilaruin," Bihl. Amcr. Vet., Adiiilioi:;, no. 39. 

'■^ Bruiift, iv. 915; nil' timer. Vet., Additions, no. 44. 

••' Ilarrisse, Noter. o- J.'.iun.us, p. 57; Bib!. Amer. Vet., no. 73. There is a copy in the Boston .Vthena^um. 

•■ Carter-Brown, no ,.S; Murphy, no. 32. 

s Bh/. Amer. Vet., !.• /s 

u Cf. bibliograpliical note on Columbus in Chiirton's Voyageurs, iii. 190. 

" Historical Colleetioiis, vol. i. no. 1,554; Bil'l. Hist. (1S70), no. 1,661 ; J. J. Cooke, no. 2,092; Murphy, 
no. 2,042 (h'-i!,'lit by Cornell University) ; Panzer, vii. 63 ; Graesse, v. 469; Brurtt, iv. 919; Koseiitlual (1884) ; 
Baer, /neiintde/n (1SS4), no. 116. Cf. Harrisse, Nates on Columbus, p. 74, for the note and translation; and 
other versions in Historical Magazine, December. 1S62, and in tlic Christian Examiner, .September, 1S58. 
Also, see Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. S.S, for a full account ; anil the reduced fac-siinile of title in Carter-Brown, vol. i. 
no. 51. The book is not very rare, though becoming so, .since, as the French sale-catalogues say, referring to 
the note, " Cctte particularite fait de ce livre uu oljjet de haute curiosite pour les collf^ctionneurs Anicricains." 
Ilarrisse says of it ; " Although prohibited, confiscated, and otherwise ill-treated by the Court of Rome and the 
city authorities of Genoa, this work is frequently met with, — owing, perhaps, to the fact that two thousand 
copies were |)rinted, of which only live hundred found purchasers, while the fifty on vellum were distributed 
among the sovereigns of liurupe and Asia." (Cf . \'an Praet, Calaloi;ue des livres sur velin, i. 8. ) Its price is, 
however, increasing. Forty years ago Rich priced it at eighteen sliillings. Recent quotations put it, in London 
and Paris, at £■;, 100 marks, and 1 10 francs. The Fdilor has used the copy in tlie Harvard College Library, and 
in the Boston Public Library, — which last belonged to (ieorge Ticknor, who had used George Liverinore's copy 
before he himself jiossessed the bonk. Ticknor's .Spanis/i Literature, i. iSS; Mass. Hist. .Soe. Proc., x. 431. 

* Bibl. .liner. Vel., no. 220; .Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 242. There is a cojiy in Harvard 
College Library. 

'•' We know that Ferdinand bought a copy of tiiis book in 1537 ; cf. ll.irrissu, Fernaiid Colonib, p. 27. 

'" Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 1,554. 

»' On the question of ilie connection of Cohi.nbus with his second companion. Donna Bealii.'i Enriquej 
\slio was of a respectable family in Cjrdova, — tliat there was a marriage tie has been claimed by Hcriera, 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DloC JVERIKS. 



C'S 



Ferdinand Columbus, or Fernando Colon, 
was born three or four years before his father 
sailed on his first voyage.' His father's favor 
at Court opened the way, and in attent'ance 
upon Prince Juan and Queen Isabella he gained 
a good education. When Columbus went on 
his fourth voyage, in 1502, the boy, then thirteen 
years of age, accompanied his father. It is said 
that he made two other voyages to the New 
World; but liarrissc could only find proof of 
one. His later years were passed as a courtier, 
in attendance cpon Charles V. on his travels, 
and in literary pursuits, by which he acquired a 
name for learning. He had the papers of his 
father,'- and he is best known by the Life of 
Columbus which passes under his name. If it 
was written in Spanish, it is not known in its 
original form, and has not been traced since 
Luis Colon, the Duijue de Veraguas, son of 
Diego, took the manuscript to Genoa about 
156S. There is sonic uncertainty about it^ later 
history; but it appeared in 1571 at Venice in an 



f 



Italian version made by Alfonzo dc L''oa, and 
was entitled Ilistorie del S. D. Fiii.^ M .'-yhmbi); 
nelU tjimli j' lia particohve &' veri r:' : i:'iie tfriit 
vita, 1^ tic' fiilli Jell' .■lmmirii:;lto /,'. iSkristi'J.'ro 
Colombo, sua fadre. It is thought tl..i bis trans- 
lation was made from an inaccurate c. .)/ o; ihe 
manuscript, and moreover badly made. It be- 
gins the story of the Admiral's life with his 
fifty-sixth year, or thereabout; and it iias lieen 
surmised that an account of his earlier y.'ars — 
if, indeed, the original draft contained it — 
was omitted, so as not to obscure, bv poverty 
and humble station, the beginnings of a lumi- 
nous career.-' Ferdinand died at Seville, July 
12, 1539,'' and bequeathed, conditionally, his 
library to the Cathedral. The collection then 
contained about twenty thousan( volumes, in 
print and manuscript ; and it is still preserved 
there, though, according to liarrissc, much neg- 
lected since 1709, and reduced to about four 
thousantl volumes. It is known as tlie liiblio- 
tcea C!olombina.5 Spotorno says that this 



Tiraboschi, Boss!, Roselly de Lorgues, Barry, and Cadoret (Vic dc Colomh, Paris, 1S69 tppcndix); and 
that there was no such tic, by Napione (Fatiia di Colomho antl Introtluction to Codicc Coloml>o-Aiiicricaiij), 
Spotorno, Navairctc, Humboldt, and Irving. Cf. Hhlorical Magazine (August, 1S67), p. 225; Revue dcs 
questions historiqiies (1879), xxv. 21;; x\ngelcj Sanguinetti's SidV origine di Fcrdinando Colombo (Genoa, 
1S76), p. 55 ; Giuseppe Antonio Doiidero's L'oncshi di Cristoforo Colombo (GcnoA, 1X77), p. 213; liarrissc, 
/'cniaiid Colomb, p. 2 ; U'Avczac, in Bulletin dc la Societe dc Geogratliie (i!>72), p. ly. It may lie noted that 
Ferdinand du Gatardi, in dedicating his Trade polUiijuc (Leyden, 1660) to I Jon Pedro Colon, refers to Ferdi- 
nand Colon as "Fernando Ilenriqucz." (Stevens, Bill. Gcog., no. 1,147). 

The inference from Columbus' final testamentary language is certainly against the lady's clw dty. bi his 
codicil he enjoins his son Diego to provide for the respectable maintenance of the mother (u' Fen. ■ .mu. "for 
the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul." Irving and others refer to this s the com- 
punction of the last hours of the testatoi-. De Lorgues tries to show that this codicil was made April i, 1502 
(though others claim that the document of this date was another will, not yet found), and only copied nt Segovia, 
Aug. 25, 1505, aini deposited in legal forni t/idi a notary at ValKadolid, May 19, 13. ■ '.Columbus 1' ii;g May 20, 
— the effect of all which is only to carry back, much to Columbus' credit, the ccip- tif:'. tou.i ar'.icr date. 
The will (1498), but not the codicil, is given in Irving, app. xxxiv. Cancellii-ri, la ^a tJisse 'js/oh/, gives 
it imperfecdy; but it is accurately given in the Transactions oi the Genoa Acai'-p . Cf. Il.'arissc (A'o/fJ' ('» 
Columbus) p. 160 ; Torre's Scritti di Colombo ; Colon en Quisgucya, Santo Don- . ( S77), pp. ii, 99 ; Cartas 
y lesta>nento, Madrid, i SSo ; Navarrete, Coleccion ; and elsewhere. 

1 De Lorgues, on the authority of Ziiuiga {Anales eclesiasfiin, p. 496), say. he ivas bom Aug. 29, 14S7, 
and not Aug. 15, 14S8, as Xavarrete and Humboldt had said, ilarrisse (Ftr)i.ii.d CJomb. p. 1) allege? ihe 
authority of the executor of his will for the date Aug. li, 1408. The inscription on his sr;>po- d grave would 
make him born Sept. 28, 1488. 

^ Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, ii. 507) sj iks of Ferdinand Columbu^ experier,(' and opportu- 
nities, combined with uncommon literary attaiimients.' Il.arrisse calculates his income from die betpicst of his 
father, and from pensions, at about iSo,ooo francs of the present day. {Fernand Colomb. p. -9.) 

3 There has been close scrutiny of the publications of Europe in all tongues for the half century and more 
following the sketch of Guistiniani in 1516, till the publication of tie earlie-t considerable account of Columbus 
in the Ulloa version of 1571, to gather some records of the gro.vth or vicissitudes of the fame of the groat dis- 
co-/erer, and of the interest felt by the European public in the progress of events in the New World. Harrisse's 
liiblioiheca Americana Vetiistissima, and his Additions to the same, give us the compietust record down to 1 550, 
coupled with the Carter-Brown Catalogue for the w-hole period. 

< A copy of the inscription on his tomb in Seville, with a conimunication by George Sumner, is printed in 
Major's Select Letters of Colundnis, p. Ixxxi. 

f> Cf. Edwards, Memoirs of Libraries, [mA-,\ Memoir of Ferdinand, by Eastaquio Feinandcz de Navarrete, 
in Colcc. de doc. ined,, vol. .xvi. A fac-similo of the first page of the manuscript catalogue of the books, made 
by Ferdinand himself, is given in Harrisse's D. Fernando Colon, of which the annexed is !''e heading: — 

iS^C'^flYum [d)tcn^ donieydjyicjxiccoloTi yriiTji AwirdyjiiCs 

VOL. II. -9. lm.iiaji^ fji'i 



I 

1) ....: 



66 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



m 



if I 



1' 'i 



I.iiis Colon, a person of dobauchcil character, 
bronjjlit this manuscript in the Spanish lan- 
guage to Genoa, and left it in the hands of 
lialiano de Kornari, from whom it passed to 
another patrician, Cliovanni liaptista Marini, 
who procured Ulloa to make the Italian version 
in which it was first pu1)lishcd.' 

Somewhat of a controversial interest has 
been created of late year: by the criti(|ues of 
Henry Ilarrissc on Ferdir,.ind Columbus and 
his I.ife of his father, (luostioning the usually 
accepted statements in Spotorno's iiitroductiou 
of the Coi/i(C of 1S23. Ilarrissc untlertakes to 
show that the manuscript was never in Don 
Luis' hands, and that Ferdinand could not 
have written it. He counts it as strange that 
if such a manuscript existed in Spain not a 
single writer in print previous to 1571 refers to 
it. " About ten years ago," says Henry Stevens,- 
"a society of Andalusian bibliographers w.is 
formed at Seville. Their first publication was 
a fierce I lispano- French attack on tlie authenti- 
city of the Life of Columbus by his second son, 
Ferdinand, written by Henri Harrisse in French, 
and translated by one of the Seville bibliofilos, 
and adopted and published by the Society. The 
book [by Columbus' son| is boldly pronounced 
a forgery and a fraud on Ferdinand Columbus. 
Some fifteen reasons arc given in proof of these 
charges, all of which, after abundant research 
and study, are pronounced frivolous, false, and 



groundless." Such is Mr. Stevens's view, colored 
or not bv the antipathy which on more than one 
occasion has been shown to be reciprocal in the 
references of Stevens and Harrisse, one to the 
other, in sundry publications." The views of 
Harrisse were also expressed in the supplemen- 
tal volume of his [iihliotlicca Amoicaita V'etus- 
tissiiiui, publislied as Adiiitions in 1S73. In this 
he says, regarding the Life of Columbus ! " It 
was not originally written by the sun of the bold 
navigator; and many of tlie circumstances it re- 
lates have to be challenged, and weighed with 
the utmost care and impartiality." 

The authenticity of the book was ablv sus- 
tained by D'.\ve/ac before the French Acad- 
emy in a paper which was printed in 1S73 as 
Lc tivrc (Ic FcrdiiiiDtd Cotomli : /'ti/a' riM/iie 
des (illtXitlioits proposics coiitre son aiitlioitkiti. 
Harrisse replied in 1S75 in a pamphlet of fifty- 
eight pages, entitled Vhistoire de C. Colomb attri- 
I'U^e ii ion fds Fi'nntnd: Exaiiun critiijiic' da 
memoire In par M. d'Ai'izac (i l'.L\idimi\\ S, 13, 
22 Aoi'it, 1S73. There were other disputants on 
the ipiestion.'' 

The catalogue of the Colombina Library as 
made by Ferdinand shows that it contained orig- 
inally a manuscript Life of the Achniral written 
about 1525 by. Ferdinand I'erez de Oliva, who 
presumably had the aid of Ferdinand Columbus 
himself; but no trace of this Life now e.\ists,'' un- 
less, as Ilarrissc ventures to conjecture, it may 



There is a list of the books in 15. Gallardo's Ensayo i/j tma bibiwtheca dc Uhros espaiiolcs raros, Harrisse 
gives the fullest account of Ferdinand and his migrations, which can be in part traced by tlie inscriptions 
ill his book? of the place 01 their purcliase; for he had the habit of so marking tlicni. Cf. a paper on Ferdi- 
nand, by W. M. Wood, in Oiuc. a Week, xii. 165. 

' Barcia says tliat Baliano be^.-in printing; it simultaneously in Spanish, Italian, and Latin; but only the 
Italian seems to have been completed, or at least ii the only one known to bibliographers. {Notes on Columbus, 
p. 24.) Oettiiij^cr ( WW. biog., Lcipsic, 1.S50) is in error in giving an edition at Madrid in 1530. Tlio 1571 
Italian edition is very rare; there are copies in H.irvard College, Carter-lirown, and Lenox libraries. Kich priced 
it in iS-;2 at £1 loj. Leclerc (no. 1 ^S) prices it at 200 francs. The .Sobolewski copy (no. .^,756) sold in 1S7J 
for 2S5 francs, was a^-ain sold in 1SS4 in the Court Sale, no. 77. The Murphy Catalogue (no. 2,S.Si) shows a 
copy. This Ulloa version has since appeared somewhat altered, with several letters added, — in 1(114 (Milan, 
priced ill 1S32, by Kich, at /^i lo.t. ; recently, .at 75 francs; Carter-Brown, ii. i&j); in 1676 (Venice, Cartor- 
lirown, vol. ii. no. 1,141, \iriced at 35 francs and 45 m.arks) ; in 167S (Venice, Carter-lirown, vol. ii. no. i,iSi. 
priced at 50 franco); in 16S1 (P.aris, Court Sale, no. 79); in 16S5 (Venice, Carter-lirown, vol. ii. no. 1,310, 
priced at ^i Sj.); and later, in 1709 (Il.arvard College Library), 172S, etc. ; and for the last time in 1867, 
revised by Giulio Antimaco, published in London, though of Italian nianiifacture. Cancellieri eitcs editions of 
i6iSand i()72. A F'rencli translation, /,<i Vic de Criitojle Colomb, was ni.ide by Cotolendi, and published in 
16S1 at I'aris. There are copies in the llarv.ard College and Carter-lirown (CiiA//i',^'"i-, vol. ii. no. 1,215) libraries. 
It is worth from S6 to Sio. .\ new French version, "traduite ct annotee par E. Muller," appeared in Paris 
in 1.S79, the editor calling the 16S1 version " tronciii6, incorrect, dech.irne, glacial." An Knglish version 
appears in the chiet collections of Voyages .and Tr.avels, — Churchill (ii. 479), Kerr (iii. i), and I'inker- 
ton (xii. i). liarcia gave it a Spanish dress after Ulloa's, and this was printed in \\\i. lUstoi-iadores priuii- 
I'vos de las Iiidias oecidentales, at Madrid, in 1749, being found in vol. i. \>\i. i-i2i>. (Cl. Carter-lirown, 
vol. iii. no. 893.) 

- //istoriiiil Collections (iSSi), vol. i. no. 1,379. 

3 The Spanish title of Harrissc's book is D. Fernando Colon, /listoriador de su padre: Ensayo crilico, 
S-.iilla, 1S71. It was not published as originally written till the next year (1S72), when it bore the title, Fer- 
nand Colomb ! sa iie,ses ceuvres : Essai eritii/ue. Paris, Tross, 1S72. C.{. iXnn-i, Bibliog. deobras anouimas, 
Santiago de Chile (1SS2), no. 176. 

■• Le Comte Adolphe de Circourt in the kevue des jueslions histortques, xi. 520; and j4«j/<jh</ (1S73;, 
p. 241, etc. 

* Harrisse, Fernand C.luitU>, p. 152. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



67 



only the 
Coliimf-iis, 

ri\c 1 571 

ich pvicnl 
I in iS;? 
) sliows a 
4 (Milan, 
Carter- 
no, ijiSi. 
nij. 1,310, 
in 1S67, 
Jitions uf 
blislied in 
libraries, 
in Paris 
1 version 
J rinker- 
>rcs priiiii- 
ter-lirown, 



have been in some sort the h.nsis of what now 
passes for the work of Ferdinand. 

For a long time after the //is/orie of 1571 
there was no considerable account of Colum- 
bus printed. Editions of I'tolcniy, IVter Mar- 
tyr, Ovicdo, Grvncciis, and other general books, 
made reference to his discoveries; but the next 
earliest distinct sketch ajjpears to be tliat in 
the E/(\^iii vironiiii itlitslriiim of Jovius, printed 
in 1^51 at Florence, and the Italian version m.adc 
by Donicniclii, printed in 155.1.' Uanuisio's 
third volinne, in 1556, gave the story greater 
currency than before; but such a book as 
Cunningham's Coiinoi^niphiiiil Glasse, in its 
chapter on America, utterly ignores Columbus 
in 1559.- We get what may i)robably be called 
the hearsay reports of Columbus' exploits in 
the i\Toiiilo iiiuKv of Heu/oni, lirst printed at 
Venice in 1565. There was a brief memorial in 
the Clarontiii l.ii^untm dixiii oi Ubertus Folieta, 
published at Kcmie in 1573.'' In 15S1 his voyages 
were commemorated in an historical poem, Liiu- 
rentii Gainhira: [irixiiuii dc iur,'ii;iitiotic Chrislo- 
fhori ColiiiiiN, published at Komc.^ Boissard, 
of the ne liry coterie at Frankfort in 1597, 
included f'olimibus in his Iiinics vinn-um il/iis- 
tn'iiHi ;^ and Buonfiglio Costauzo, in 1C04, com- 
memorated him in the llistoria Siciliiiiui, pulv 
lished at Venice." 

Meanwhile the stary of Columbus' voyages 
was ti.ld at last with all the authority of nfticial 
sanction in the Histoiia gciii'nil of licrrera. 
This historian, or rather annalist, was born in 
1549, and tlied in 16J5;' and tlie appointment of 
historiographer given him by I'hilip II. was con- 



tinued by the tliird and fourth monarchs of that 
name. There has been little disagreement as to 
his helpfulness to his successors. All critics 
place him easily first among the earlier writers; 
and Muno/!, K'obertson, Irving, I'rescott, Tick- 
nor, and many others have united in praise of 
his research, candor, and justness, while they 
found his literary skill compromised in .1 meas- 
ure bv his chronological method. Irving found 
that licrrera depended so much on J„is Casas 
that it was best in many cases to go to that ear- 
lier writer in preference;" and Muiio/i thinks 
only llerrera's judicial (piality preserved for him 
a distinct character throughout the agglutinizing 
process by which he constructed his book. His 
latest critic, Hubert H. liancrcjft,'' calls his style 
" bald and accurately i)rolix, his method slavishly 
chronological," with evidence everywhere in his 
book of "inexperience and incompetent assist- 
ance," resulting in " notes badly extracted, dis- 
crepancies, and inconsistencies." 'I'he bibliog- 
raphy of Herrcra is well done in Sabin.'" 

Herrera had already published (1591) a mono- 
graph on the history of Portugal and the concpiest 
( 1582-15S3) of the Azores, when he produced at 
Matlrid his great work, //is/oria general dc lot 
licchos dc los Castcllanos, in eight decades, four of 
which, in two volumes, were published in 1601, 
and the others in 1615." It h.as fourteen maps; 
and there should be bound with it, though often 
founil separate, a ninth part, called Dcscripcioit 
dc Ills Indias occidoitalis.^'- Of the composite 
work, embr.acing the nine parts, the best edition 
i.s usually held to be one edited by Gonzales 
Barcia, and supplied by him wiUi an intlex, 
which was printed in Madrid during 1727, 172S, 



lid ll^Tjll 



I Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,478. Also in 155S, 1559. 
- Sabin, vol. v. no. 17,971. 

s Carter-Iirown, vol. i. no, 293. 

■< Carter-Brown, vol. i. n.j. 340 ; Leclerc, nos. 226-228 ; J. J. Cooke, no. 575. There were other editions In 
15S3 and 15S5 ; they have a map of Columbus' discoveries. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 211,500. 

5 Sabin, vol. ii. no. (i.i()\~(^,\(t2\ Carter-Iirown, vol. i. no. 509. There was a second edition, Bibliothcca, 
sire lliesaiirus virtntis ct glorhc, in ir)2S. 

1 Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,195. 

7 He assumed his mother's name, but sometimes added his father's, — flerrera y Tordcsillas. Irving 
(app. .xxxi. to his Life of Cohiiiil'iis) says be was born in 1565. 

8 Life of Columbus, app. xxxi. ; llerrera's .account of Columbus is given in Kerr's Voyiie;es, iii. 242. 
'■• Central America, i. 317 ; cf. his Chroniclers, ji. 

1" Dictionary; also issued sep.arately witl> that of Hennepin. 

II In coniparini; Kicli's (1S32, .t'4 4^.) .and recent prices, there does not seem to lie much ap]!rcci.ation in the 
value of the book during the last lifty years for ordinary copies ; but Quaritch has priced the lieckford (no. 735, 
copy so higli as .L"52. There are copies in the Library of Congress, Carter-Iirown, Harvard College, and Itoston 
Public Library. Cf. Ticknor Catalogue : Sabin, no. 31,544 ; Carter-Iirown, ii. 2; Murphy, 1206; Court, 169. 

1'^ Sabin, no. 31,539- This Descripcion was translated into Latin by Iiarla;ns, and with other tr.acts jcjined 
to it was printed at .Vmsterdani, in 1622, as Noviis orbis sive dcscriptio Indiir occidentalis (Carter-Brown) 
vol. ii., no. 266; Sabin, no. 31,540; it is in our principal libraries, and is worth Sio or ?I5). It copies the 
maps of the Madrid edition, and is frequently cited .as CoHn's edition. The Latin was used in 1624 in part 
by De Bry, pan xii. of tlic Grands voyages. (Camus, pp. 147, 160; Tielc, pp. jCi, 312, who followed other 
engravings than Herrera's for the Incas). There was a Dutch version, Miemve Werelt, In- the same pid)lislur, 
in i()22 {Sabin, no. 31,542; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 264), and a French (Sabin, no, 31,543; Carter-Crown, 
vol. ii. no. 265 ; Rich, 1S32, Xi io.s. ; Ouaritcli, £2 \2s. (>d.). 



A 



1,1 



■.('47 



M( 



6S 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY (JF AMERICA. 



1729, and 1730, su tliat cupics arc fdiiiul witli all 
tliosc (laics, tliDiigh it is cominotily cited as of 
1730.1 

The priiicipal chrcmiclcs of Spanish affairs in 
the seventeenth century contributed more or less 
to Columbus' fame ; - and he is commemorated 
in the Dutch compihition of Van dei\ lios, Ztf.v/ 
I'll Diu/i'ii liii- /.ccliiidcn, published at Amsterdam 
in 1676, and in a (lerman translation in iGSi.*^ 

'I'here were a hundred years yet to pass be- 
fore Robertson's ///iA)/;^)' ('//■/ ///i7-/.v; }^ave Colum- 
bus a prominence in the work of a historian of 
established fame ; but this .Scotch historian was 
forced to write without any knowledge of Colum- 
bus' own narratives. 

In 17S1 the earliest of the special Italian 
commemorations appeared at Parma, in J. I)u- 
r.i/zo's Eh\i;i skiyici on Cohnubus and Doria.* 
Chevalier de Langeae in 17S2 added to his 
poem, Colomh dans Us fcrs h FerdiiMitU et Iscihellc, 
a memoir of Columbus.'" 

The earliest connnemoration i;i the United 
States was in t79J, on the three hundredth an- 



niversary of the discovery, celebrated bv the 
Massachusetts Historical Societv, when Dr. ler- 
emy Iielkna|) ilelivered an historical discour.^e,'' 
i'lcluded Liter with large adtlitions in his well- 
known AmcrhuH liit'x'nip/iy. The unfinished his- 
tory of Munoz liarbingered, in 1793, '''^ revival 
in Europe of the siudy of hi.s career. Kinallv, the 
series of modern Lives of Columbus began in 
i8r8 with the publication at Milan of Luigi 
Hossi's Villi di Crisloforo Colom/io, scritta c corn:' 
daltx di iiHO-.e vsscrvauoiii^ In 1.S33 ''''' introduG 
tion by Spotorno to the Codicc, and in iSjj the 
Coli'ccioH of Navarrete, brought much new ma- 
terial to light ; and the fust lo make use of it 
were Irving, in his Life of i'oliiiii!>iis, iSi.S,** and 
II umboldt, in 

his Examcn , r/- ..^J^^'^Z^^.,.^ £^ 

Ihltic dc r/tistoirc 

de la ^i^t'os^ni/'/iii: dii iwnviait coiiliiicii/, imblished 
originally, in 1S34, in a single volume ; and again 
in five volumes, between I.S36 and 1839.'' "No 
one," says Ticknor,'" " has comprehended the 
character of Columbus as lliunboldl has, — its 
generosity, its entluisiasm, its far-reaching visions, 



llUflMi 



1 There are copies in the Bostcin Athcn.Tiini, fioston I'ublic, and Harvard Collctje hbr.arics (Sabin, 
nos. 31,541, 31,54^1; Carter- lirown, vol. iii. mis. 37O, 450; Iluth, vol. ii. no. 6!5 j ; Leclerc, r.(.. 27.S, one 
hundred and thirty francs; Field, no. 689 ; ordinary copies are priced at X3 or X'4 ; large paper at .L'lo or 
X12). .\ rival but inferior edition was issued at Antwerp in 1728, without maps, and witli I)e liry's instead 
of Herrera's engravings (Sal/m, no. 31,545). A French version was begun at Paris in 1(159, but was reissued 
in 1660-1670 in three volumes (Sabin, nos. 31,548-31,550; Field, no. 6<)o; Cartcr-lirown, vol. ii.no. S75; 
Lcclcrc, no. 2S2, sixty francs), including only three decades. Portions were included in the Dutch collection of 
V'an dcr .Aa (Sabin, nos. 31,551, etc. ; Cartcr-lirown, iii. in). It is also included in llulsius, jiart xviii. (Carter 
Brown, i. 496). The English translation of the first three decades, by Captain Jolm Stevens, is in si.\ volumes, 
London, 1725-1726; but a good many lil)ertics are taken with the text (S.abin, no. 31,557; Carter-Ihown, 
vol. iii. no. 355). New titles were given to tlie same sheets, in 1740, for what is called a second edition (Sabin, 
no. 31,558). " How many misstateuients are attributed to Ilerrcra which can be traced no nearer that author 
than Captain Jolni Stevens's Englisli translation i' It is absolutely necessary to study this latter book to see 
where so many English and American authors have taken incorrect f.acts '' (II. Stevens, Bibliotlicca Hist,, 
p. xiii.). 

2 Such as the Aiialcs de Aragoii, 1610 ; the Coinfcndio historial dc las chrdnicas y universal historia de 
todos los feynos de Es/'aiiaj '62S ; Ziiniga's Anitales eclcsiasticos y sccularcs de Seville^ 1677 » ^'^^ rexes de 
Aragoii, for Pedro Aliarea, 16S2 ; and the Afonarquia de Espaiia, for Don Pedro Salazar de Mendoza, 
1770. The Varoncs ihistrcs del nuevo mondo o{ Pizarro y Orellana, published at Madrid in 1639, contained 
a Life of Columbus, as well as notices of Ojeda, Cortes, Pizarro, etc. 

3 Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,440; .Vshcr, no. 355 ; Tniinel, no. 366; Muller (1S72), n<i. 126. 

^ Sabin, vol. v. no. 21,418. Cf. Arana's BibHoi;raJia dc obras anoniinas, Santiago de Chile ( 1SS2), no. 143. 

s Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,879. Ilarrisse (Notes on Cotumhiis, p. 190) enumerates some of the earlier and later 
poems, plays, sonnets, etc., wholly or incidentally illnstrriting tlie career of Columbus. Cf. also liis Fernc.nd 
Colomh, ]). 131, and Larousse's Grand dietionnaire nniversel, vol. iv. The earliest mention of Columbus in 
English jioetry is in Baptist Goodall's Tryall of Trauell, London, 1630. 

« Mass. Hist. Sac. Proe., i. 45 ; xii. 65. 

" A French version, by C. M. Urano, w.as published at P.iris in 1824 : again in 1S25. It is subjected to an 
examination, particul.irly as regards tlie charge cf ingratitude against Ferdinand, in the French edition of 
Navarrete, i. 300 (Sabin, vol. ii. no, 6,464). 

n There w.as a Spanish translation, made by Jose Garcia de A'illalta, published in Madrid in 1S33. 

'■> In vol. iii., " De (luelques f.iits relatifs ;\ Culonib et a \"esi)uce." In vol. i. he reviews the state ot 
knowledge on the subject in 1833. The German text, Kritisclie Untcrsucltuni;cn. was printed in a translation 
by Jules Louis Ideler, of which the best edition is that of Berlin, 1S52, edited by H. Muller. Humboldt never 
completed this work. The parts on the early maps, which lie had intended, were later cursorily touched in his 
introduction to GhiUany's Belaitn. Cf. I)'.-\vezac's IVallzcmiiller, p. 2, and B. de Xivrey's Des fremilres 
relations enlrc I' Ameritjiie et I' Europe d'aprcs Ics rcehcreh.es de A, dc Humboldt, Paris, 1S35, — taken from the 
Revue de Paris. 

'" History of Spanish Literature, i. 190. 



Mi'll 



COLUMllUS ANIJ Ills DISCOVEKILS. 



69 



which sccmcil watchliil tictuicliaiul tor ihe great 
scitiililic discovery (if the sixteenth century." 
I'rescDtt was warned by the pDpuliirity u{ Irv- 
ing's narrative not to attempt to rival him ; 
and liis treatment of Colinnbns' career was con- 
fined to such a survey as would merely com- 
plete the picture of the reign of I'erdinanil and 
Isabella.' 

In 1S44 there came the first intimation of 
a new style of biography, — a protect against 
(.'oluinlnis' story being longer told by bis natu- 
ral enemies, as all who failed to recognize his 
pre-eminently saintly character were considered 
to be. There was a purpose in it to make the 
mo.t possible of all his jiious ejaculations, and of 
his intention, expressed in his letter to the Pope 
in 150.;, to rescue the Holy City from the infidel, 
with his prospective army of ten thousand horse 
and a hundred thousand foot. The chief spokes- 
man of this purpose has been Ko^ully dc Lorgues. 
He first shadowed forth his purpose in his Zd 
ero/x ifciiis (V.r i/t'iix inoiii/is in 1844. It was not 
till 1SC4 that he produced the full Hower of 
his spirit in his Christof'hc Colomb, Histoire de sa 
7'it' it (/(• Si's :'ovj,i;es iVupr^s (/,:< ilociniicitts mithen- 
lit/iits tires </' /Sspiigiif it d' ltalii\- 'I'his was fol- 
lowed, in 1S74, by his /.\iiii/>it.ssiid,'iir </<■ Duit et 
U Piifi' Pie fX. All this, however, and much 
else by the abetters of the scheme of the canoni- 
zation of Columbus which was urged on the 
Church, failed of its purpose; and the move- 
ment was suspended, for a while at least, be- 
cause of an ultimate adverse determination.'' 



(If the other Liter lives of Columbus it re- 
mains to mention only the inost considerable, or 
those of significant tendency. 

The late Sir Arthur Helps wrote his S/mtis/i 
Coii./iii'st of Anurua with the aim of developing 
the results — political, ethnological, and eco- 
nomic — of the coucpiest, rather than the day- 
by-day progress of events, and with a primary 
regard to the ri.se of slavery. His l.ij\' of Coliim- 
ins is simply certain chapters of this larger work 
excerpted and fitted in order.* Mr. .\aron ( iood- 
rich, in A llistoiy of t/u- so-ia/A-d Chi-isto[-li,-r L'o- 
Itimhtis, New Yrirk, 1.S74, makes a labored and 
somewhat inconsiderate ciTort, characterized by 
a certain peevish air, to prove Columbus the 
mere borrower of others' glories.'' 

In French, mention may be made of the 
liaron dc Uonnefoux's K/> i/,' C/iristof-Iw Colomh, 
Paris, 1S53," and the Maripiis de ISelloy's C/iris- 
lop/ic Cotoinb ct la dccoincrtc dii A'oiityiiii .Moiidt\ 
Paris, 1864.' 

In (ierman, under the impvdse given by 
IhnnboUlt, some fruitful labors have been given 
to Columbus and the early history of Amer- 
ican discovery; but it is only necessary to 
mention the names of Forster," Peschcl,'' and 
Ruge.'u 

H. Portraits oi' CouMiiis. — Of Colum- 
bus there is no likeness whose claim to consid- 
eration is indisputable. We have descriptions 
of his person from two who knew him, — (Jviedo 
and his own son Ferdinand ; we have other 



1 Harrissc (Notes on Columbus, p. 50) speaks of Prescott as "eloquent but imaginative." 

2 The work was patronized by the Pope, and was reproduced in great luxury of ornamentation in i.S;ij. An 
English abridgment and adaptation, by J. J. D.irry, was republished in New York in 1869. A Dutch translation, 
Lrocn en reizcn -an Columbns, was jM-inted at Utrecht in 1S63. 

" .Some of the other contributions of this movement are thc<;e ; Koselly dc Lorgues, Satan eontre C/iristo/'lie 
Colomb, on la frctendnc chute dn sen item- de Dieu, Paris, 1S76 ; Tullio Dandolo's I secoti di Dante e Colombo, 
Milan, 1852, and his Cristofero Colombo, Genovese, 1S55 ; P. \'entura de Raulica's Cristoforo Cohnnbo rivoi- 
dieato alia eliiesa ; Kugeiie C'adoret, La vie de Cliristo/'he Colomb, Paris, 18(19, — in advocacy of canoniza- 
tion ; Le liaron van lirocken, Des vieissitudes /■ostliumes dc Christophe Colomb, ct dc sa beatification possible, 
Paris, 1S65, — which enumerati.'s most of the publications bearing on the grounds for canonization; Angclo 
Sanguineti, La Canonizzazione di Cristoforo Colondio, Genoa, 1875, — the same author had imblislied a 
Vita di Colombo in 18.(6; Saintete dc Christophe Colomb, resume des merites de ce scrvitcur de Dieu, 
traduit de I'ltalien, twenty-four pages ; Civilth cattoliea, vol. vii. ; a paper, " De I'inHuenco de la religion 
dans les decouvertes du .W'c siccle ct dans la decouvcrte de r.\nieric|ue," in Etudes far des Pires de la C^'m- 
pagnic dc Jesus, October, 1S76; 15aldi, Cristoforo Colombo glorifieato dal veto deW Episeopato Catiolico, 
Genoa, i8Si. A popular Catholic Life is .\rthur George Knight's Christopher Columbus, London, 1S77. 

■• There are various reviews of it indicated in Poole's Index, p. 29 ; cf. II. H. Bancroft's Mexico, li. 4S.S. 

5 A somewhat similar view is taken by M.aury, in Harpers' Monthly, xlii. 425, 527, in " \\\ Examination 
of the Claims of Columbus." 

O Prom which the account of Columb :s' early life is tmnslatcd in IJecher's Landfall of Columbus, jip. 1-5.S. 

■ .-Vn English translation, by R. .S. IL, .appeared in Philadelphia in 1.S7S. We regret not being able to have 
seen a new work by Henry Harrisse now in press: Chrislophe Colomb, son originc, sa Tie, scs voyages, sa 
fimille, et ses descendants, d'apr^s documents incdits, avec cimj tableaux j;eneabi^ii^ucs ct un appendice 
docunwntaire. [See Postscript following this chapter.] 

" Fr. Vot'iX.Q'c, Columbus, dcr Entdecker der Neuen K-'t-//, second edition, 184^1. 

" Oscar T'eschel, Geschichte des /.cilaltcrs dcr EntdccH'ungen, second edition, 1S77. 

'" Sophiis Kuge, Die Weltanschauung des Columbus, 1S76 ; Das '/.citaiter dcr F.ntdcckungcn, 1SS3. 
Cf. Theodor Schott's '■Columbus und seine Weltanschauung," in Virchcw and Holtzendorff's Vorirage, 
xiii. 30S. 



70 NAKKATUl. AMJ CKlllCAL IHMOKV OF A.MLKICA. 



NVCERINVS, HIST0R1CV5. 




PAULUS JOVIUS.' 



rj.. 






accounts from two who certainly knew his con- 
temporaries, — (lomara and llenziini ; and in 
addition wc possess the description given by 
Herrera, who had the best sources of informa- 
tion. From these we learn that his face was 
long, neither full nor thin ; his cheek-bones 
rather high; his nose aiiuiline ; his eyes light 
gray; his complexion fair, and high colored. 
His hair, which was of light color before thirty, 
became gray after that age. In the Ptu's/ //orw- 
i/uiitt' retroz'ati of 1507 he is described as having 



a ruddy, elongated visage, and as possessing a 
lofty and noble stature .- 

'I'h'^e are the test with which to challenge 
the verv numerous so-called likenesses of Colum- 
bus ; and it must be confessed not a single out , 
when you take into consideration the accessorit -, 
and costume, warrants us in believing beyond 
dispute that wc can bring before us the figure 
of the discoverer as he lived. Such is the ojjin- 
ion of F'euillct dc Conches, who has produced 
the best critical essay on the subject yet written.'' 



1 Fac-siniile of cut in Kcusner's /iviics, Basic, I5S(), 'J'liere is another cut in Paiili Joi'ii elogia rirorum 
bcllica -irtute illiistriuiii, liasle, 1575 (copy in Harvard College Library). 

- \h\rr\is,e, Noh-s oil Coliiml'iis, \i. 50. 

3 It appeared in the A'ci'nf t:oiitt)ii/>i>nuii,\ xxiv. 4S4, and was drawn out by a jiaper on a newly discovered 
portrait of Coluniljus, whicli had Iwen printed by Joniard in the Uiillclin ilc lit Soiictc ilc Giographic ; by 
Valentin Cardcrera's /«/i'/-w;(' to/';v /i'^ «/nf/i<.( ilc fm/iiAi/ C<'/li«. printed by the Royal Academy of History 
at Madrid, in 1.S5;, in their Mi-mmins, vol. viii. ; and by an article, by Isidore Liiwenstern, of the Aradeniy ol 
Sciences at Turin, in the A'lvkc Arcliiolo^iijuc, x. iSi. The paper by Joniard was tlie incentive of Cardercra." 



COLUMBUS AM) HIS DISCOVERIES. 



7' 




i 



COLUMBUS (n/Ur Giovio)A 



A vignette on the map of La Cosa, dated 
1500, represents Saint Christopher bearing on 
his shoulders the infant Clirist across a stream. 
This has been considered s)'mbolical of the 
purpose of Cohnnbus in his discoveries; and up- 
liolders of the movement to procure his canoni- 
zation, hive De Lorgucs, have cKiimcd that La 



Cosa represented the features of Cohmdnis in 
the lace of Saint Christoplicr. It lias also been 
claimed that Ilerrera must have been of the 
same opinion, since the likeness given by that 
historian can be imagined to be an enlargement 
of the head on the map. This theory is hardly 
accei)tc(l, however, by the critics.- 



botli treatises induced the review of Lowenstern ; while Feuillet de Conches fairly summed up the results. 
There has been no thorough account in English, A brief letter on the subject by Irvint; (printed in the Li/e of 
Irving, vol. iv.) W.1S all there w.i5 till Professor J. D. liutlcr recently traced the iiedigree of the Yanez 
picture, a copy of which was lately given by Governor Fairchild to the Historical Society of Wisconsin. 
Cf. Untler's paper in the Collections of that Society, vol. ix. p. -/fi (.also printed separately); and articles in 
Li/fiiuoll's Afai;azinc, March, 1S83, and T/ic A'nlion, Nov. 16, 1SS2. 

1 Fac-simile of the woodcut in I'aolo (Jiovio's Eloqia virontm bellica virlntc illuslrium (Basle, ifo*)), p. 124. 
There are copies in the Boston Atliena'uni and Boston Public Library. It is also copied in Charton's Voya- 
gctirs, iii. Si, from whom Wki.wxA (Santo Domiu go. New York, 1873, p. 7) takes it. The 1575 edition is in 
Harvard College Library, and the s.anie portrait is on p. 191. Tins cut is also rc-engraved in Jules Verne's 
/.(7 tfccouvcrlt' lie ia tcrre, p. 113. 

2 The vignette is given in colored fac-simile in M.ajor's Select Letters of Columbus, 2d edition. Herrera's 
picture was reproduced in the English tr.inslation by .Stevens, and has beer, accepted in so late a publication as 
Gay's Popular History of the Unite,! States, i. 99. Cf. also the portrait in die 1727-1730 edition of Ilerrera, 
and its equivalent in Montanus, as shown on a later page. There is a vignette portrait on the titlepage of the 
j6oi edition of Herrera. 



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72 



NARK ATI VE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA, 



Discarding the I.a Cosa vignette, the earliest 
claimant now known is an engraving published 
in the /I'A'i'/i; zirorum illnslrium (1575)' of 
I'aolo Giovio (I'aulus Joviiis, in the Latin form). 
This woodcut is thought to have been copied 
from a iiicture which Jovius had placed in the 
gallery of notable people which he had formed 
in his villa at Lake Comu. That collection is 




THE YANKZ COLUMBUS 

{Xittioiia! I. Unary, Mailriil .- 



now scattered, and the Columbus picture cannot 
be traced ; but that there was a portrait of the 
discoverer there, we know from the edition of 
Vasari's /,/rw of the raintcrs printed by (iiunti 
at Florence (1568), wherein is a list of the i)ic- 
turcs, which includes likenesses of Vespucius, 
Cortes, and Magellan, besides that of " Colombo 
Ucnovese." This indicates a single jiicture; but 
it is held by some that Jovius must 
have possessed two pictures, sinoe 
this woodcut gives Columbus the 
garb of a Franciscan, while the 
painting in the gallery at Florence, 
supposed also to follow a i)iclure 
belonging to Jovius, gives him a 
mantle. A claim has been made that 
the original Jovius ])ortrait is still in 
existence in what is known as the 
Yanez picture, now in the National 
Library in Madrid, which was pur- 
chased of Yanez intiranada in 1763. 
It had originally a close-fitting tunic 
and mantle, which was later painted 
over so .IS to show a robe and fur 
collar. This external painting has 
been removed; and the likeness 
bears a certain rescmblanci. to the 
woodcut and to the Florence like- 
ness. The Yanez canvas is cer- 
tainly the oldest in .Spain; and the 
present Duque de Yeraguas con- 
siders it the most authentic of all 
the portraits.'' The .annexed cut of 
it is taken from an engraving in 
Ruge's Gcsrhii-htc dcs Zcitoltcrs ilcr 
Eitldixictiiifffii (p. 235). It bears the 
inscription shown in the cut.' 

The woodcut ( 1 575) already men- 
tioned passes as the prototype of 
another engraving by Aliprando 
Caprinlo, in tlie Kitratti di Ciiilo 
Ciipitani illustii, puL\ished at Rome 
in 1596.'' 



' The edition of Florence, , ;,,i, has no cngr.ivintjs, but Rives the account of Columbus on p. 171. 

- This picture was iiroininently hroupht before the ConRress of .\mcricanistcs wliich assembled at Madrid in 
iSSi, and not, it seems, without excilini; suspicion of a contrived piece of Hattcry for the Uuke of Ver,iguas, 
then prcsidin;; over this same congress. Cf. Cortanitert, Nouvcllc /lisloirc dcs ivyagcs, p. 40. 

^ .'ifiignziiic of American History, June, >f>S4, p. 554. 

^ Cf. Dohtiii dc la Socicdad c;co);rafica dc Madrid^ vol. vi. A jrortrait in the collection of the Marquis de 
Malpica is said closelv to rcscmhlc it. One belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is also thnuglit to be related to 
it, .and is engraved in the French edition of X.ivarre'.e. It is thought Antonio del Kiucon, a painter well 
known in Columbus' d.iy, ui.ay have painted this Vanez canvas, on the discoverer's return from his second 
voyage. Cardcrera l»lievcd in it, ;uul IJanchcro, in his edition of the Codicc Colombo Americano, ailojitcd it 
{Afafaxiiie of American //is/ory, 1. ^i\). The picture now in the Wisconsin Historical Society's Rooms is 
copied directly Iroin tlie Vancz portrait. 

3 This Capr'olo cut is engraved and accepted in Cardcrera's hiforme. Lowcnstcrn fails to sec how it cor- 
responds to the written descriptions of Colunihus' jiurson. It is changed somewhat from the 1 575 cut ; cf. Maga- 
sin fitlorcsijuc, troisieme annee, p. 316. The two cuts, one or the other, and a mingling of the two, have 
given rise apparently to a variety of imitations. The head on panel preserved now, ir lately, at Cuccaro, and 
Ix'longing to Fidele Gugiiehno Colombo, is of this type. It was engraved !n N.apione's Delia fatria di Co- 
iom/'o, l''liirence, 1S08. The head liy Crispin de I'as, in the /■f/iffics regiim ac frincifnm, of an early year in 
the seventeenth century, is also traced to these cuts, as well as the engraving bv I'ieter van Opmcer in his (^fiis 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



73 



The most interesting of all pictures Ijc.iring 
a supposed relation to the scattered collection at 
Lal\e Como is in the gallery at Florence, which 
is sometimes said to have been |)aiuted by 
Cristofano dell 'Altissimo, and before 
the year 1568. A copy of it was made 
for Thomas Jefferson in 1784, whicli was 
at Monticcllo in 1814; and, liaving been 
sent to lioston to be disposed of, l)c- 
camc the property of Israel Thorndike, 
and was by him given to the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society, in whose gal- 
lery it now is ; and from a photograph 
of it the cut (p. 74) has been engraved.* 
It is perhaps the most commonly ac- 
cepted likeness in these later ycars.'- 

After tlie woodcut of 1575, the next 
oldest engraved likeness of Columbus 
is the one usually called the De Hry 
portrait. It shows a head with a three- 
cornered cap, and possesses a Dutch 
physiognomy, — its short, broad face 
not corresponding with the descriptions 
which we find in Ovicdo and the others. 
De Bry says that the original painting 
was stolen from a saloon in the Council 
for the Indies in Spain, and, being taken 
to the Netherlands, fell into his hands. 
He claims that it was painted from life 
by order of Ferdinand, the King. De 
Hry first used the plate in Part V. of 
his Grands Vi'yat;a, both in the Latin 
and (Jernian editions, published in 15951 
where it is marked as engraved by Jean dc Dry. 
It shows what seem to be two warts on the cheek, 



which do not appear in later prints.' Feiiillet de 
Conches describes a painting in the Versailles gal- 
lery like the De Dry, which has been engraved by 




COLUMBUS (after Capriolo).* 

Mercuri ; * but it docs not appear that it is claimed 
as the original fronj which De Bry worked." 



ehronos;raphicum, i6n. Landon's Galcric hisloriqiic (Paris, 1805-1809), also shows an imit.ition ; and 
anotlicr is that on the title of Cancellieri's Notizia di Colombo. N.nvarretc published a lithograph of the 1575 
cut. Cf. Irving's letter. A likeni'ss of this type is reproduced in colors, in a very pleasing way, in Koselly de 
Lorgues' Clirislo/lic Colomb, 1S79, and in woodcut, equally well done, in the same work; also in J. J. Harry's 
adaptation of Dc Lorgues, New York, 1S69. Another good woodcut of it is given in Harfcrs' Monthly 
(October, 1S82), p. 729. It is also accepted in Torre's Scritti di Colombo. 

• See -^ Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 2Ss ; Proc, vol. ii. pp. 2j, 25, 2S9. 

2 There are two portraits thought to have some relation with this Florentine likeness. One was formerly 
in the Collection d' Anibras, in the Tyrol, which was fornicil by a nephew of Charles V'., but was in 1.S05 removed 
to the museum in Vienna. It is on p.mcl. of small size, and has been cngr.ived in Frankl's Ciornian poem on 
Columbus. The other is one whose history Isnardi, in his Sulla (•atria di Colombo, i.'ijS, traces back for three 
centuries. It is now, or w,is lately, in the common council hall at Cogolcto. 

8 What is known as the Venetian mosaic portrait of Cohnnbus, resembling the Lc Bry in the head, the 
hands holding a map, is engraved in Harpers' Monthly, liv. i, 

■• This is a reproduction of the cut in Ch.uton's Voya^enrs, iii. 85. It is .ilso copied in Carderera,and in the 
Magasin pittoresgiic, troisi^mc annce, p. ,^i6, 

s A proof-copy of this eni;raving is among the Tosti Engravings in the Boston Public Library. 

<1 Engravings from De Dry's burin .also apjieared, in 1597, in Iloissard's Icones quinipiaginta lira- 
rum ad viviim efiietir ; again, in the Bihliotheea sive thesaurus virtutis et gloritr (Frankfort, 162.S- 
1634), in four volumes, usually ascribed jointly to Ue Ury and Doissard ; and, fnially, in the Diblio- 
t/ieca chaliographiea (VnnViori, \()^o-i(>(>\), ascribed to Doissard; but the plates are marked Jean Th6odore 
de Dry. I'lie De Dry type was apparent in the print in Is.iac liullart's Aeadimie des Siieiues ct des Arts, 
Paris, 1682; and a few years later (16SS), an aqu.aforte cngr.aving by Hos.asplna came out in I'.aul Freherus' 
Theatre des hommcs eelHres. For the later use made of this De Dry likeness, reference may be made, among 
others, to the works of Xapione and Hossi, Durazzo's /lulofium, the Historia de Mexico by I'rancisco Carbajal 
I'.spinosa, published at Mexico, in iS(>2, tome i, J. J. Smitli's Amerieait Hislori.al and Literary Curiosities, 
stindry editions of Irving's Life of Columbus, and the Limdon (i8fj-) edition of Ferdinand Columbus' Life of 
VOL. II. — 10. 



I 



f, 

k 


' 1 


1 t' 


ffi 



;!' 



U 



74 



NARKATIVK AND CRITICAL IIISTOKY OF AMERICA. 






ill 
I 



COLUMBUS (the Jejfcrson copy of the Florence future). 



Jomard, in the Bulhtin de la ^oticte lic GcOi^ra- ;'i Chiistophc Colomb: son portrait," ' in cxpla- 
pJiii (3d scries), iii. 370, printed his " Monument nation and advocacy of a Titiancsque canvas 

his father. There is a pluitograph of it in llarrissc's Xotcs on Columlnis. Dc liry engraved various other 
pictures ol Columbus, mostly of small size, — a full-lcnijth in the corner of a half-globe (part vi.); a full- 
length on the deck ui a caravel (in part iv., re-enj;raveil In linssi, Chartin, etc.); a small vignette ])ortrait, 
together with one of Vcspuclus, in the Latin and li^rnian edition of part iv. {1504); the well-known picture 
illustrating the anecdote of the egg (part iv.). Not one of tliesc has any claim to be other than imaginative 



Tlivre was a movement at this time ( 1S4;) to erect a nKjnumcnt in (lenoa. 



COLUMllUS AND Ills DISCOVERIES. 



75 




> \ ' 



H 



THE DE DRY PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. 



which he had found at Viccnza, inscribed the features corresponded to the written dc- 
" Christophorus Columbus." He claimed that scriptions of Columbus by his contem])oraries 



His brner likeness he reiinuluccd in a small medallinn as the title of the lU'rrcra narrative (part xii.. German 
and Latin, ifu^-KJa^), toncthcr with likenesses of Vespucius, I'izarm. and Masellaii. Another reminiscence ol 
the apocryphal e?i; story is tonnd in a painting, representing a man in a fur cap, holdini; up an egi;, the faco 
wearing a grin, which was hrought forward a few years ago by Mr. Kinck, of New York, and which is described 
and engraved in the Comfl: rciulu of the Congres des .Aniericanisles. 1.S77, ii. 375. 



76 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



m 




I \ 



and accounted for the Flemish ruff, jiointcd 
beard, gold chain, and other onaclironous ac- 
cessories, by supposing that these had been 
added by a late.' hand. These adornments, 



CHHlSTOPbQ 
coivimii 




M', i 



a lithograph of it. Carderera and Feuillet de 
Conches both reject it. 

A similar out-of-date ruff and mustache 
characterize the likeness at Madrid associated 
with the Duke of Herwick-Alba, in wliirh 
the finery of a throne makes ])art of the 
picture. The owner had a private plate 
engraved from it by Kafael Esteve, a copy 
of which, given by the engraver to (Jba- 
diah Rich, who seems to have had faith in 
it, is now in the Lenox Library.- 

A picture belonging to the Duke of 
Veraguas is open to similar objections, — 
with its beard and armor and ruff ; but 
Mufioz adopted it for his ofiicial his- 
tory, the plate being drawn by Mariano 
Maella.^ 

A picture of a bedizened cavalier, as- 
cribed to I'armigiano (who was three years 
old when Coluinbus died), is preserved in 
the Museo liorbonico at Naples, and is, 
unfortunately, associated in this cotmtry 
with Columbus, from having been adopted 
by I'rescott for his Firiliuaiul and Isa- 
lu'llit,* and from having been coi)ied for 
the .American Anti(|uarian Society." It 
was long since rejected by all competent 
critics. 

A picture in the Senate chamber (or 
lately there) at Alb;;ny was given to the 
State of New York in 1784 by Mrs. Maria 
Farmer, a granddaughter of Governor Ja- 
cob Leisler, and was said to have been for 
many years in that lady's family." There 
nnwevcr, iirevcnteil Jomard's views gaining any are many other scattered alleged likenesses of 
countenance, though he sec—.., to have been Columbus, which from the data at hand it has 
contident in his opinion. . rving at the time not been easy to link with any of those already 
records his scepticism when Jomard sent him mentioned.' 

' Tliiii is a reproduction of the cut in Charton's Voyageiirs, iii. 87. 

'■' Tickiior CatiilogKC, \i, 95. The medallion nn the tomb in the c.ithcdral at Havana is usually said to 
hiive been copied from tnis picture; but the picture sent to Il.ivana to be u.sed as a model is said, on better 
authority, to have beon one belonsins to the Duke of Verai;u.is, — pcrh.ips the one said to be in the Consisto- 
rial H.ill at II,iv.ina, which has the K^rb of a familiar of the Inquisition ; and this is represented as the gift 
of that Duke (Ma;:;iizinc of Amcrunn History, i. 510). 

^ It is re engraved in the Fiigiish and Germ.in translations. Carderera rejects it; but the portrait in 
the .\rchivcs of the Indies at .'^evilln is said to be a copy of it ; and a copy is in the IVnnsylvania Academy 
of .Arts in Pliiladelpliia. \ thr.'e-<|uartcrs length of Columbus, representing him in ruff .nnd armor, full 
face, mustache and imperial, rigl.! hand on a globe, left h.ind holding a truncheon, called " Cristoval Colon : 
copiado de un Quadra origl. fpie sc conserva en la faniilia," was engraved, and marked " Bart. Vazque. la 
CJrabo, 1791." 

■• It is still un.iccountably retained in the revised 1S73 edition. 

5 Cf. \\\z\x Piou-cilins^i, .April, iS:-,. 

'• It was restored in I.S50 (Mai^iizhw of Aiiieriinii History, v. 4461. 

" .Such are the following : (1) In full dress, with ruff and rings, ;aid to have l»en painted by Sir .'.nthony 
More for Margaret of the Netherlands, and taken to England in 1590, —engraved in one of the English 
editions of Irving, where .ilso has appe.ired an engraving of a picture by Juan de liorgona, painted in 1519 
for the Chapter-room of the Cathedral of Toledo. (2) .A full-l.ngth in mail, with ruff, in the I.onga or 
F"..\change at Seville, showing a man of thirtv or thirty-five yean, which Irving thinks may h.ave been t.iken 
for Diego Columbus. (3) An engraving in Fuchsius' MctopoHopia ct ophthalmoscof-ia, Strasburg, 1610 
(S.ibin's Dictionary, vii. S9). (4) An engraving in N. De Clerck's Tooneel der tcroemder hcrtogcn, etc_ 
Delft, 1615, — a collection of portraits, including also Cortes, Piz.arro, Magellan, IMontezuma, etc. (j) A 



JO.M.\RIl'.S I'lCI'L'RF. OF COLUMBUS.' 



s\n 



COLUMUUS AND HIS UISCOVLKIES. 



77 



lliillliiilllllllial.,Mi^ 



'iTi!M"iii||ii,i||];!i:,i||i| 




II 






(I 



m 



COLUMBUS. — THE HAVANA MEDALLION.' 



The best known, probably, of the sculptured which was placed in 1S21 at Genoa on the re- 
eftigies of Columbus is the bust of I'eschiera, ceptacle of the Columbus manuscripts.'- The 

full-length, cnRraved in Philoponus, 1621. (6) An old engraving, with pointed beard .ind ruff, preserved 
in the Nation.il Library at Paris. (7) The engraving in the iVicuuY cii onkkouii- Wccrihl of Montanus, 
1671-1673, repeated in Ogilby's America, and reproduced in Bos's l.niii en Dadcii, and in Ilerrcra, edition 
172S. A fac-simile of it is given herewith. Cf. Ruyter's Sic-Zhhlin, Nurenilx'rg, 1661. (S) A cop|)er 
plate, showMig a man with a Iward, with fur trimmings to a close-fitting vestment, one hand holding an 
astrolabe, the other pointing upward, — which accompanies a translation of Thevct's account of Columbus 



I Reproduced from a cut in Ch.arton'- '/oyttf:curs, ill. 1S8. 

- A view ot this receptacle of the papers, with the bust and the portfoUo, is given in Hiirftrs' Monllih^ 
vol. liv., December, 1S76. 



/S 



NAKKAl l\K AM) CKl 1 ICAI. HISTORY (.)!• AMKKICA. 



nrlisl (listardcd .ill paiiiliil iiortr.iits <if C'olum- Tlir most imposing of all the memorials is lliu 

liii-, and fiillowid llif ikscriplioiis of those who iiiomiiiitiit at (itiuia irectrd in iSfii after a dr 
liad known tlic discoverer.' siyii by Krctcia, and linislicd by Mitlitl Can^io.^ 





cni.rMi'.rs.' 



1. IMlKIAI. A>«l) KkMAINS ul' 

("ol.t'Mlifs. — Thtrc is no nu'niioii 
of the death of Colinnliiis in the 
Uccor'sof Valladolid. IVtoi Map 
tyr, thtit writing his lelliis fron 
that place, makes no refeienre I > 
such .\n event. It is saiii that tht 
earliest contemporary notice of hi> 
death is in an oliii ial <1oeinnent, 
twenty-seve'> davs Liter, where it is 
attiriiKd (hit "the said .\dmir.d is 
dead."* The story whiclv Irvni.n 
has written of the successive bur- 
ials of Columbus needs to be re- 
written ; and positive evidence is 
wanting to show tliat his remains 
were pl.iced tirsl, as is alk-^jed, in a 
vault of the I''r.iMcisians at Valla- 
dolid. The further story, as told 
liy Irvinj;, of Kerdinand's ordering 
the eiiioval of his reni.iins to Se- 
ville seven years later, and the 
erection of a moniinicnt, is not con- 
riniu<l by any known evidence.'' 
From the tenor of Diego's will in 
March, 1509, it would seem tluM the 
body 01' Columbus had already 'leen 
carried to Seville, and that l.'vter, 
the cot'lins of his son Diego and 
of his brother Itarthohunew were 
laid ill Seville beside him, in ihe 



in the appendix tn the Cainliridgc, ift;*", wlitirn of North's Plutarch. (0) An old wnndciit in the AV«- 
er'ojl'inlcs .tmf'/iitliiiilriiiii, \m\i\Uhv<.\ at F.r'iirt in i;?',-!;:!) i^DrlnUy Cttlitloguc, no. ^.S). (10) .\ man with 
curly hair niii^t.aclie and iinpcrial, ruff .and anior, with a linijer on a ijIoIm;. — cni;ravcd in Cristiilwt L'l.idcra's 
litvcstigacii'ius liislorkiis, :.tne /,>., friucifilcs ilfuuhrimicntos ilc /o< F.s/'diit'les fii cl iinir Ontiiio iii I'l 
si ;li' .\y. y f'ii)uifioi ilil Xl^/.. M.idrid, I7<'4, (it) Colunihus and his v>n-, l)icno and I'enliiiand, oii^raved 
ir. Ilryaii Kdw.irds' Tlic /listniy, li-.i/ aiic' oinmeiiin/, :>f t.'if lliitii/i Culoiiics in the West liidii-s, i;i).(; 
a;;ain. i.^oi. I'eiiillot do Cundies in his css.iy < n the portraits calls it a pure fantasy. 

1 It is cir.;ravcd in tlic llr->t edition of the Codice ilifliniiatico Ci'lotnht-Aincriniitii, and In the ICnijli^h trans- 
lation of that bn.ik. It is also reeni^ravcd in the I.enox edition of .SVj'//(7iv«(. .\nother bust in (iunoa is t;iveii 
in the I'lcncli echticn of Navarrolc. Of the hust i'l the Capitoline .Museum at Koine — purely ideal — there is 
a copy in the New York Historical Society's (iallery, no. \y\. The i'liii;ies on the nionununt at .Seville, and tlic 
bust at Ilavaaa, with their -'istuiue of the latter jiart of the si.xtcenth century, present no claims for lidelity 
CI. Miti^aziiic of Amcriciin History, i. 510. 

- 'I'liis is copied from one '^ivcii in Kiiijc's GcschiAitc iles /.tilolti-rs tier /uitilcii'iiii::i-ii, p. 234, which fol- 
lows a phctoi;raph of the painlin;; in the Ministry of Marine at M.idrid. 

'•> There is a model of it in the Public Library -if lioston, a photograph in Harrisse's Xoti-s, p. 1S2, and 
ensravin^s in lie I.orijues, Torri, etc. There is also a view of this inonument in an article on flcno.a, tlie hcjine 
of Cohunbus, by C). M. Spencer, in //iir/irs' AUiit/i/y, vol. li •., Deccinlier, iS,-6. The mailed lisure on the 
Capitol steps at Washington, by Persico, is without claim to notice. There i.s a colossal statue at fama, 
erected in iS;o by S.alvatore Uevelli, a marble one at Nass.au (New Providence), ^'nd another at Cardenas, Cuba. 

* Navarrete, ii. 3 if'. 

5 The tiifirmc dc la Keal AcadL-mia says there is no proof of it ; and of the famous inscription. — 

" .-\ Castilla y 4 I.eoa 
Nucvo Mundo did Colon," — 

said to have lK;en put on his tomb, there is no evidence that it ever as actu.~lly used, being only proposed in the 

li.'<^i,is ui Castellanos, 15S8. 



i} 



COLUMllLS AND HIS UI:iCOVt;RIES 



79 







I 



'.' ill ■ 1 



CO'.L'MltUS (/(,)/« Moiilaniis). 



f;«7'.iJ, or vaults pf the Carthusians. Meanwhile wish; but it sccmctl to require three royah 

the Cathedral in Santo Doniinyo was begun,— orders to make good the project, and overcome 

not to be con.pletcd till 1540; and in this island objections or del.iys. These orders were dated 

it had been the Admiral's wish to be buried. June 2, 1537, Aug. 22, 1539, and Nov. 5, 1540.* 

His family were def'.-ous of carrying out that It has been conjectured from the language of 



t They are in thf! •Archives at Madrid. Ilarrisse found imc in the .Xrchlves of the Duke of Vctiguas {f.ot 
reslos, etc , p. 41), 'he orders are iirinted by Koque Cucchiii, Prieto, Colmciro, etc. 



8o 



NARKATIVE AND CRITICAL IIISTOUY OF A.MKKICA. 



fch 



fi.: 



Kcrdiiaiul Ci)luii)bu!>' >vlll, in 1539, tliat (he 
rcin.iiii» wcrv .still in tli'j i»(7'..j ,- ,in<l it ix >u|i- 
(xiMil tli.it llicy wire tarricii to Saiilo DoiiiiriKci 
* 1541, — tliciiigli, if SI), ilicrt is tio ricord uf 
incir rcsiinn pLitu (ri)in 1536, — vv Inn tliev arc 
said, in the Convent's Kccoriis,' to have been 




COFFER AND HONES.' 



delivered up for transportation. The earliest 
])o.sitive mention of their beinj; in the Cathedra! 
at .Santo Doinin(;o is in I549i'' and it is not till 
the ne.xt century that hc lind a positive state- 
ment that the remains of Diego were also re- 
moved.* Not till 1655 does any record say that 
the precise spot in the t-'athedral containing the 
remains was known, and ni/t t'.l 1676 do we 
learn what that |)recise spot was, — " on the right 
of the altar." In if).S3 we first learn of "a 
leaden case in the sanctuary, at the side of the 



platform of the high altar, with the remain.t of 
hi.s brother l)oii l.nis on the ollui side, aicord- 
ing to the tradition of the age<l in this isl.md."'' 
The book from which this is extracted" w.is 
published in Madrid, anil erred in i.dling I.uis 
a brother instead of grandson, whose father, 
Diego, lying beside the 
Admiral, seems at the 
time to h.ive been for- 
gotten ' 

Just a cent III V later 
in l7>Sj, .\Ioreaii lie 
Sainl-.Mery, prefacing 

his I >iH 11 f^llitll A/i|;'- 

r.if'/iiijiii- of .S.iiiio 1 )o- 
niingo,^ sought pmre 
c.vpl icit infill iiMllon, 
.ind learned that, slmrl- 
ly before his impiiry, 
Ihu lloor of the chancel 
had been raised so as 
to conceal the top of 
(he vault, which wa.s 
".I case of stone" (con- 
l.iiiiing the leaden col- 
liii), on the "(iospel 
side of the sanctuary" 
'I'his case had been 
discovered. during the 
rep.iirs, and, though 
"without inscription, 
w.is known from unin- 
terrupted and invaria- 
ble tradition to contain 
the remains of t'<ilum- 
bus ; " and the I >ean of 
the Chapter, in certi- 
fying to this effect, 
speaks of the " leaden 
urn as a little damaged, and containing several 
human bones ;" while he had also, some vears 
earlier, found on " the Kpistle side " of the altar a 
.similar ,>.tcme case, which, according to tradition, 
contained the bones of the Admiral's brother." 

A few years later the treaty of Itasle, July 
22, 1795, gave to France the half of Santo Do 
mingo still remaining to Spain ; and at the cost 
of the Duke of v'eraguas, and with the con- 
currence of the Chanter of the Cathedral, the 
Spanish General, Gabriel dc Aristazabal, some- 



>r ■ 



' Ilarrissc, l.o! restm, \t. 44. 

- This fiillciws an cnHraving given in John fi. Shea's " Where arc the Kemains of Ciiluinbus ? " in .\fiii;a- 
ziiic 0/ A>mri,\iii //:star\\ January, 1SS3, and separately. There are other engravings in Tejcra, pp. 28, 29, 
and after a phot 'graph'in the Iii/ormc de la Kcal Aaulcmia, p. ly?. The case is \by% X 8)j X V/'% inches. 

3 I'rieto, tixi mill, etc., p. I.S. 

^ Colnieiro, p. 160. 

^ (Juotcd in Ilarisse, La si-fiilliircs, etc., p. 22. 

" Synodo Diiuesi'n Jet Arzobhftulo di Siiiito Domiiif;o, p. 13. 

■ I'lans of the chancel, with the disposition of the tombs in 154c or 1541, as now supposed, arc given in 
Tejcra, p, 10; '...xcl'ia, p. 4.**, etc. 

* PublishcH !-vjlh in French and English at I'liiladelphia in 1 796. 

" Harrissc, Los rcstos, p. 47. 



COLUMUUS ANI> HIS DISCOVERUIS. 



•l 



H'Imt hurriedly opened ,i vault mi tlic Icfl ci( the 
altar, and, with iliie (crcinony and notarial 
record,' took from it fragment!* of a leaden 
case and some human bones, whiili wtie 
unattested by any inscription foinid with ihcni. 
'I'he relics were placed in a ^ih leaden case, 
and borne with military honors to Havana.^ 
It is now claimed that these remains were of 
I)icf{o, the son, and that the vault then opened 
Ix still empty in the Cathedral, while the );enn- 
Inc remains of Columbus were left luidisturbed. 



seem to have been suitable prerantions taken 
to avoid oiiasion for imputations o' dei eit, 
and with witnesses the case was examined." 
In it were found some bones and dust, a leaden 
bullet,' two iron screws, whii li (itted the hole* 
in a small silver plate found ticiieath the moidd 
in tl.o bottom of the case.* This cajtket bore 
on the outside, on the front, and two ends 
— one letter on each surface — the letter* 
C. C. A. On the lop was an inscription hero 
reduced : — 



Z). Ji 



I. J. 



/ y. 



/€ 



In 1877, in making some changes aliout 
the chancel, on the right of the altar, the 
workmen opened a vault, and found a leaden 
case containing human bones, with ar in- 
scription showing them to be those of I„.i9, 
the grandson. This led to a search on the 



This inscription Is supposed to mean " Discov- 
erer of America, first Admiral." Opcnint; ''"= 
case, which in this situation presented the a|>- 
pearance shown in the cut on page So, the under 
surface of the lij was found to bear the follow- 
ing legend : — 






'i 



opposite, or "Gospel, side " of the chancel, 
where they found an empty vault, supposed 
to be the one from which the remains were 
taken to Havana. Detween this and the side 
wall of the building, and separated from the 
empty vault by a si.x-inch wall, was found 
another cavity, and in it a leaden ca^e. There 



This legend is translated, " Illustrious and re- 
nowned man, Christojiher Columbus."" A fac- 
simile of the inscri|)ti(m found on the small silver 
plate is given on p.ige 82, the larger of which 
is understood to mean " A part of the remains 
of the first Admiral, Don Christopher Colum- 
bus, discoverer."' The discovery was made 



' Nav,-irretc, ii. 365; Pricto's F.xAmeii, p. 20; Koquc Cnccliia. p. 2S0 ; Ilarrisse, /.iw rr'ti", app. 4. 

2 Irvin!;'s account of this transportatinii is in his /,//(• a/ Co/iiiii/'iit, app. i. Cf. litlir of Duke (if 
Veraguas (March 30, ijt)C>) in Miifnziiie of Amcriiaii History, i. 247. At Ilav.-uia tlie reinterment took jilace 
witti great parade .■\n oration was delivered by Caballcro, the original manuscript of wliicli is now in (he 
M.issacluisctts Ili>torical Society's Library (cf. Proccciliiii;!, ii. 105, iTiS). Prieto (I.i>! rato!) prints this 
oration; Navarrcte (vol. ii. pp. 3^15-381) gives extracts from the oftici.il accounts of the transfer of the remains. 

8 The .Spanish consul is said to liave Iwen satislied with the precautici!is. Cf. Do cxi.<fi-n thfosilaJits las 
ccnizas dc Colon .' by Don Jos6 de Echeverri (Santandcr, 1S7S). There are views of the Cathedral in Hazard's 
Snnio /)omiiij;o, p. 224, and elsewhere. 

* Which some h.ave supposed was received in Columbus' body in his early piratical days. 

' This pliite was discovered on a later examination. 

'' Hiith of these inscriptions ,ire given in fac-simile in Cocchi.a, p. 5(,,t ; in Tejera, p. 30 ; and in .Arma'., 
who calls it "inscripcion autdntica — escritura giitic.a-alcm.uia " of the sixteenth century. 

" Fac-similes of these arc given in the liiforme ilc ht h'eit! A>a<l,inia, Tejera (pi>. 33, 34 1, Prieto, Cocchia 
(pp. 170, 171), Shea's paper, and in Armas, who calls the inscription, "Ap<krifas — escritura inglcsa de la 
^pocha actu.il." 

VOL. II. — II, 



f 



I* 



83 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY ()!• AMKRICA. 







known by the Hishop, Rnquc Cocchia, in a 
pastoral letter,' and the news spread rapidly.'' 
The Spanish King named Seilor Antonio I.opez 
Pricto, of Havana, to go to Santo Domingo, 
and, with the Spanish consul, to investigate. 
Prieto had already printed a tract, which went 
through two editions, Los restos ilc Colon: 
fXiimiii histirico-critiiO, Havana, 1S77. In 
.March, 187S, he addressed his Official Report 
to the Captain-general of Cuba, which was 
printed in two editions during the same year, 
as Iiiformc sohyc los rcstos tie Colon. It was an 
attack upon the authenticity of the remains at 
Santo Domingo. L.ater in the same year, Oct. 
14, 1878, Scfior Manuel Colniciro presented, in 
behalf of the Royal Academy of History of 



M.idrid, a rejiort to the King, which was printed 
at Madrid in 1S79 as I.os reslos de Colon: 
hi/orme lie la Real Aeaiiemia de la I/iiloria, etc. 
It reinforced the views of Trieto's Report ; 
charged Roipie Cocchia with abetting a fraud ; 
pointed to the A (America) of the outside in- 
scription as a name for the \ew World which 
Spaniards at that time never used ; ■' and 
claimed that the remains discovered in 1877 
were those of Christopher Columbus, the grand- 
son of the .\dmiral, and that the inscriptions 
had been tampered with, or were at least much 
later than the date of reinterment in the Cathe- 
dral.* liesides liishop Roque Cocchia, the prin- 
cipal upholder of the .Santo Domingo theory 
has been Emiliano Tejera, who publiidied his 



' Dtsciibrimitnlo de los verdaderos reslos de Cristdbal Colon; carta fastoral, .Santo Domingo, 1S77, — 
reprinted in Iiiformc de la Real .Icademia, p. lyi, t'tc. 

J The Hishop, in his subsequent /.os reslos de Colon (S.-into Domini;!), 1S79), written after his honesty in the 
matter w.is impu);neil, and with the aim of Kivini» a full exposition, shows, in cap. xviii. how the discovery, as 
he claimed it, interested the world. Various contemporaneous documents are also piven in Colon en Qiiisqiieya, 
Coleecion de documcnios, etc., Santo Domingo, 1S77. A movement was made to erect a monument in -Santo 
Domingo, and some rcs])onse was received from the t-'nitcd States. iWw Jersey Historical Society's Proceed- 
iiiX'SyV. 134; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iii. 465. 

' Mr. J. C. Drcvoort, in " Where are the Kcmains of Columbus ? " in Magazine of American History, 
ii. 157, suggests th.1t the " D. dela A."' means " Difjnidad de la Almirantazgo." 

■• This was a view advanced by J. I. de Armas in a Caracas newspaper, later set forth in his Las eenixas 
de CristShil Colon suflantadas en la CaUdral de Santo Domingo, Caracas, iSSi. The same view is taken bv 
Sir Travers Twiss, in his Christopher Columlius : A Monograph on his True niirial-flacc (LonAon, 1879), .1 paper 
which originally appeared in the JVantical Afagazine. M. A. Itaguet, in "Oil sont ces rcstes de Colomb?" 
printed in the liullelin de la .S'otV/i- (/'.///I'^rj (1SS2), vi. 449, also holds that the remains are those of the 
Rrandson, Cristoval Colon. For an adverse view, sec the Inforine of the Amigos del Pais, published at Santo 
Domingo, 1882. Cf. also Juan Maria Asensio, Los reslos de Colon, scgunda ed., Scvile, 1S81. 



HV'^ 



COLUMHUS AND HIS OISCOVKKIKS. 



H 



Li>s rtslot dt Coli'ii III Siitilo /)(<mini;o in lR;8, 
1111(1 liii Lot i/oi riitos i/i- Cnsli^'hil Ci'loii in 
iS7>>, liiilh in Santii DoniinKo- iUiiry l(.irri'<»i', 
iinilcr the aiwpici's <>( thi' " Socii'd.iil ilc llililii'i- 
(ilcn An<lalmcH," priiilcil lii» /.os r(.<t,« ,lt Don 
CrislMttl Colon ill Seville in 1S78, and his /.,•/ 
ti{<ulliirts ,/<• Chrislofhi- Colomh ; mii,- enliqiit 
Ju frfmur r,i/>/>i>rl offieifl fiMic sur tt sujd, 
the next year (1S79) at I'aris.' Kmni Italy we 
have l,iii({i 'rninniasn llelnrano's Siillit rtttittt 
Hi'fvrtit d(tl( osui <//■ Colomkt ((leima, 1S7.S). ( )ne 
rif the lK»t and mci>it recent snnnnaries (if the 
Huliject is l)v J<)hn (>. Shea in the Mitf;nzini- of 
Anh-rii,in History, January, iSSj; also printed 
Heparalelv, and translated into Spanish. Rich- 
ard I'ortainhert {Xoufellt hisloire ihs I'oyngfi, 
p. yi)) considers the Santo Domingo theory over- 
come by the evidence. 

J. nATK AMI Pt.ACK <)!•■ IllRTII O!' Col.UM- 
»US, AND AcCOtrNTS OK Ills l'"AMII,V. — The 

year and |)lace of Colundms' hirlh, and the station 
into which he was horn, are tpicstions of dispute. 
Ilarrisse''' epitomizes the authorities upon the 
year of his nativity. Oscar I'eschel reviews the 
opposing arnunienls in a paper printed in Aiisliuul 
in lS6C).'' The whole subject was examined at 
Hreater length and with ureat care by D'Ave/ac 
before the (icographical Society of I'aris in 
iS72.* The (picstion is one of deductions from 
statements not very definite, nor wholly in ac- 
cor'' The extremes of the limits in dispute are 
about twenty years; but within this interval, 
assertions like those of Kamusio* (1430) and 
Charlevoix* (1441) may be thrown out as sus- 
ceptible of no argument.' 

In favor of the earliest date — which, with 
variations arising from the estimates upon frac- 
tions of years, may lie ))laced either in 1 435, 
1436, or 1437 — are Navarrete, Humboldt. Ker- 
(linand Ilbfer," fimile Dcschancl," Lamartinc,'" 



Irving, Ilonnefonx, Roselly de Lnrgucn, I'AhM 
Cadoret, Jiirieii de la (ir.iviire," NapioTic," <*an- 
ccllieri, and fanlli.'' This view Is fmnuled upon 
the statement of one who had known Columbus, 
Andres llernalde/., in his A'lVts kiMios, that 
I'obunbus was about seventy year* old at his 
death, in 1506. 

The other extreme — similarly varied froim 
the fract{(Uis between 1455 and 1456 — is taken 
by Oscar I'esihel," who deduces it from a letter 
of Colinnbus dated July 7, 1 503, in which he 
says that he was twenty eight whii\ he entered 
the service of Spain in l4S4i and I'eschel ar- 
gues that this is corrolxiralcd by adding the 
fourteen years of his boyhood, before going to 
sea, to the twenty-three years of sea lilc which 
Colmnbus says he had had previous to hii 
voyage of discovery, and dating back from I4(jj, 
when he made this voyage. 

A middle date — placed, according to frac- 
tional calculations, variously from 1445 to 1447 
— is held by Cladera," llossi, MuHo/, ('.asoni,'" 
.Salinerio," Robertson, S|)(itorno, Major, San- 
guinetti. and Canale. The .TgiirncMt for this 
view, as presented by Major, is this ; It was 
in 14S4, and not in 1492, that this coi\tinnous 
sea-service, referred to by Columbus, ended ; 
accordingly, the thirty-seven years already men- 
tioned should be deducted from l.(.S4. which 
would point to 1447 as the year of his birth, — 
a statement confirmed also, as is lh(Might, by 
the assertion which Colmnbus makes, in 1501, 
that it wa» forty years since he began, at four- 
teen, his se.vlifc. Similar reasons avail with 
D'Avezac, whose calculations, however, point 
rather to the year 144O.'" 

A similar uncertainty has been made to ap- 
pear regarding the place of Columbus' birth. 
Outside of (ienoa and de]>endcncics, while dis- 
carding such claims as those of Kngland, '" 



t Originally in the Biillitiii dc la Socieli' de Giitfrcifliie, October, 1878. Cf. also his paper in the Kane 
criliiiue, Jan. 5, 1S7S, " I.cs rcslcs nKirtels de Colninb." 

'■* liiH. Amer. I'e/., p. 3. 

» Pages 1 177-1 181 : " Ucl)cr d.is riebiirts|,ilire tics F.ntdcckers vcm America." 

* Annie verilahle dc li nnhsance de Chrislofhe Cotomb, el rniie ehnmoloj^iqiic de! frincifaUi ffogtiei 
ie sa Tie, in Unllelin de la Soeiete ,te Cdoi^rnf'liie, Juillit, 1872 ; .ilso printed separately in 1S7;,. pp. ^14. 

» llascd on a st.itcnient in the Itali.in text i>f i'ctcr Martyr (15 !4) which is nut in the original Latin. 

<■' Also in Pr(;viist's I'oya^e!:, ami in Tiralx)schi"9 Lilteraturn llaliaim. 

1 Iliunlxililt, /ixameii eriH,/iie, iii. 252. 

" Noiivelle Hojirafiliie xenirale, xi. 20(j. 

'■' C/iristo/'he Colomh, Paris, iSfii, 

'" Chrislof'her Colomh. 

" l.a mariiis ,li/ Xl'e el ilii XVlc sihle, i. 80. 

'- Palria di Colombo. 

'* Sloria universale. 

^* /'^eilalter iler /-nldeehtni^en, \\ c)7 ; Aiisiand, iWi, p. lljS. 

t* Invcstifaeiones liislirieas, p. ;iS. 

" Annnli di (lenova. 1 70S, ]). 26. 

" .Innolationes ad Tacilnm. 

'" These various later arguments are epitomized in Ruijc. Das /.eitaller iter Entdeeknngen, p. 2to. 

''•• Charles Malloy's Treatise of Affairs Afarilime, y\ eil., London, 1682; Harrisse, A'b/w »« Colnmitii,p.6g. 



84 



NAKRATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Corsica,' and Milaii,^ lliuic are iiinrc defensible 
lircscntations in bclialf ■>f I'lacciitia (I'iacen/.a), 
wliere lliere was an ancestral eslale of the Ad- 
miral, whose rental had lieen enjoyed liy him 
and by his father;'' aiul .'till more urgrnt de- 
mands for recognition on the part of Cuccaro 
in Montlerrat, I'iedmont, the lord of whos^ 
castle was a Dominico Colondjo, — pretty well 
proved, however, not to have been tlic Domin- 
ico who was father of the Admiral. It seems 
certain that the paternal Domiriiio did own 
land in Cnccaro, near his kinspcople, and lived 
there as late as 1443.* 

In conse(|iiciui' of these claims, the Aoadcmy 
of Sciences in Genoa named a connnission, in 
1812, to investigate them ; and their report,'' 
favoring the traditional belief in (lenoa as the 
trne spot of Columbus' birth, is given in digest 
in Uossi." The claim of (lenoa seems to be 
generally accciited to-day, as it was in the Ad- 
miral's time by I'ete- Martyr, Las Casas, Her- 
naldez, (iiustiniani, Ceraldini, (jallo, Senarava, 
and Fogliitto." t!olumbus himself twice, in his 
will (lioH), sTv.' he was born In Cenoa; and in 
the codicil (1506) lie refers to his "beloved 



country, the Kei)ul)lic of Cicnoa." Ferdinand 
calls his father "a Cenoese.'"" Of modern 
writers Spotorno, in the Introduction to the 
Coilicc tli/^loiiiiUico Cotomhii-Amtricaiio (1.S23), 
and earlier, in his Delia origim- <• ,/<■//,/ f;ilna 
ili Coloml'o (1819), has elaborated the claim, 
with proofs and arg-.-menls which have been 
accepted by Irving, liossi, Sanguinetll, Kosclly, 
De Lorgues, and most other biographers and 
writers. 

There still remains the possibility of Genoa 
as referred to by Cohunbus and his conlempi>- 
rarics, signifying the region dependent on it, 
rather than the town It.self; and ivith this lali 
tude recognized, there are fourteen towns, 01 
hamlets as Ilarrlsse names them," which present 
their claims. ''^ 

Ferdinand Columbus resented Glustinianl's 
statement that the Admiral was of hmnble ori- 
gin, and sought to connect his father's descent 
with the ColomLos of an ancient line and fame; 
but his disdainful recognition of such a descent 
is, after all, not conducive to a belief in Fer- 
dinand's own conviction of the connection. 



'.':.i;l 



' Documentary I'.roof, as it was called, has heen iirintcd in the Kctiic ilc Paris, where (August, 1841) it is 
said tiiat llic certificate of Columbus' niarriaRe s lx?en discovered in Corsica. Cf. Margry, Navii^alions 
Framaius. p. 357. The views of the Abl)6 Manii -asanova, that Columbus was born In Calvi in Corsica, and 
the act of the b'rencli rresidont of Au(;. f>, 1SS3, approving of the erection of a monument to Columbus In that 
town, have been since reviewed by Ilanissc in the h'cvuc criliqiic ( iS Juin, 1SS3), who repeats the arKunicnts 
for a Ijclicf in (ienoa as the Ijirthpl.ice, in a paper, "Chrlstophe Coloinb ct la Corse," which has since l)cen 
printed separately. 

'^ Domingo (Ic Valtanas, Comfendio de corns notables dc /isfiaiia, Seville, 1550; liibl. Amcr. Vil., no. 183- 

•■i The claim is for I'radello, a village neishboring to I'lacentia. Cf. Canipi, llistoria ccclcsiastkn di 
Piacciiza, I'iacenza, i65i-i('ifi2, which contains a "discorso historico circa la n.iscita di Colombo," etc. ; llar- 
rissc, Notes 11)1 Columbus, p. 67; Cartcr-Iirovvn, vol. ii. no. 711. 

* Napione, in Mhnoircs dc V Acadhmc dc Turin (iSot,), xii. 1 if>, and (1823) xxvii. 73, — the first part 
being iirinlcd separately at Florence, in iNo8, as IMla /'atria di Colombo, while he printed, in 1.S09, Del frimo 
scof'ritore del contiueutc del iiumv iiioudo. In the same year J. I). Lanjuijiais published at I'aris, in reference 
to Napione, his Cliristof'hc ('otomb, on notice d'un livrc Italien conccrnant cet illustre navii^atcur. Cf. the 
s.aine author's Etudes (I'aris, 1823/, for a sketch of Columbus, jjp. 7i-<)4; l>issertazioni di l'ra)uescu Can- 
ccliieri so/^ra Coloiubu, Konie, iSoq; and Viccnzio Conti's historical account of Montferrat. In 1S53 Luigi 
Colombo, a prelate (jf the Roman Church, who claimed descent from .n. uncle of the Admiral, renewed the 
claim in his i'atria e bioi^ra/ia del t^rande antmirat^lio I). Cristoforo Colombo de^ conti e sit^nori di Cuccaro, 
Kouia, rS5V Cf. Notes on (.'olum')us, \^. 73. 

'< A'aj;ion:!meiito nel yuale si coii/irma I'o/inionr f;cncrale inlorno al fatria di Cristoforo Colombo, in 
vol. ili. of the Transactions of the Society. 

" A view of the alleged house and cbamlwr in which the birth took place is given in Harpers' Monthly, 
vol. liv., Dctcmlier, 187^1, 

" In his Clarorum l.i^urum clifia, where the (ienoese were taunted for neglecting the fame of Columbus. 

^ Sec his will in Navarrete, atul in Ilarrissc's Fcrnan Colon. 

" /i:bl. /tmc). Vet., pp. xix, 2. 

' The claims of Savona have been urged the most persistently. The Admiral's father, it seems to lie 
admitted, removed to Savona before M''"), and livcil there some time; and It is found that members of the 
Colombo family, even a Cristoforo CoIouiIk), is found there in 1472 ; but it is at the same time clainu'il thai this 
Cristoforo si^'ncd himself as of (ienoa. The chief advcjcate is lielloro, \n \.\\<: Corres. Astron. (leoxrapb. du 
/lainn de /.ach, vol. xi., hose arjjument is epitomized by Irving, .app. v. Cf. (iiovanni Tonunaso lielloro, 
Nolizic (/' atti csistenti nel publico archirio dc' nolai di Snvona, concernenti la fami^lia di Cristoforo 
('olombo. Torino, iSio, reprinted by Spotorno at Genoa in 1S21. Sabin (vol. ii. no. 4,565), corrects errors 
of llarrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 68. Other d.iims for these (ienoese towns arc brought forward, lor which 
^fi' llarrisse. Notes ou Coluinbu; J. K. li.uUett, in //ntorical .Mai^azine, I'ebrnary, 1868, p. 100; Felico 
Isnardi's Disscrtazionc, 183S, and Nuni do,umeut>, 1840, etc. Caleb Cushing in bis Keminisceuces of Spain, 
\. 21)2 (liostcm, 1833), gave considerable attention to the (piestion of Columbus' nativity. 



',^F 



COLUMliUS AND HIS DISCOVEKIES. 



85 





;ia 



FERDINAND OF SPAIN.' 



riicrc seems little doubt th:it his father- was landed ])roperties, at one time or another, in or 
a wool-weaver or draper, and owned small not far from Genoa;*' and, as I larrisse infers, 



1 This follows a!i ancient medallion as cngrave<l in Buckingham Smith's Colcccion, Cf. also the sign- 
manual on p. 56. 

2 Ilcniardo PallastrcUi's // suocero e la moglie di C. CdAiwAj ( Modcna, 1S71 ; second ed., 1876), with a 
genealogy, gives an account of his wife's family. Cf. also Al!i;i:miitic /.eiliiiif;, Ucilage no. iiS (iSja), and 
Aincr. Anti.}, So,-, rrnc, Ortoher, iS;j. 

' IMiilip Casoni'i .'f»;M.V <// 6V<(»-vi, Cicno.i, 170S. 







% 



86 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




^QN BARTHOtN^^^ 



- Colon , 



BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBWS.' 



it was in one of the houses on the Bisagno road, 
as you go from Genoa, that Columbus was per- 
haps born.- 

The pedigree (p. 87) shows the alleged de- 
scent of Columbus, as a table in Spotorno's 
Delia origiiie e della patria ili Colombo, 18 ig, 
connects it with other lines, whose heirs at a 



later day were aroused to claim the Admiral's 
honors ; and as the usual accounts of his imme- 
diate descendants record the transmission of his 
rights After Columbus' death, his son Diego 
demanded the restitution of the offices and 
privileges ' which had been suspended during 
the Admiral's later years. He got no satisfaC' 



1 This is a facsimile of an engra''ing in Herrera (Baicia's edition). There is a vignette likeness on the 
title of vol i., edition of 1601. Navarrete's Memoir of Bartholomew Columbus is in the Colcccion de docw 
incntos incdilos, vol. xvi. 

^ Harrisse, Notes on Colinnlms, p. 73. Ilarrisse, in liis Lcs Colombo dc France ct d'llalie, famciix matins 
• In XVe sicclo, 1461-1492 (Paris, 1S74), uses some new material from the archives of Milan, Paris, and Venice, 
and gathers all that he can of the Colombos ; and it does not seem probable that the Admiral bore anything more 
than a very remote relationship to the family of the famous mariners. M.ajor (Select Letters, p. xllll) has also 
examined the alleged connection with the French soa-lc.idcr, Caseneuve, or Colon. Cf. Dcsimoni's Rassegnn 
del niiot'o libro di Enrico Harrisse: Les Colombo de France ct d' Italic (Parigi, 1S74, pp. 17) ; and the appen 
Olces to Irving's Columbus (nos. iv. and ,) and llarrissc's Les Colombo (no. vi). 

* Conferred by the Convention of 1492 ; ratified April 23, 1497 ; confirmed by letter royal, March 14, 150a. 



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88 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



tion but tlie privilege of contending at law with 
the fiscal minister of the Crown, and of giving 
occasion for all the latent slander about the 
Admiral lO make itself heard. The tribunal 
was the Council of the Indies ; the suit was 
begun in 1508, and lasted till 1527. The docu- 
ments connected with the case are in the 
Archives of the Indies. The chief defence of 
the Crown was that the original convention 
was agaiiist law and public policy, and that 
Columbus, after all, did not discover Ti-mi 
firnui, and for such discovery alone honors of 
this kind should be the reward. Piego won the 
Council's vote ; out Ferdinand, the King, hesi- 
tated to confirm their decision. Meanwhile 
Diego had married a niece of the Duke of 
Alva, the King's favorite, and got in this way 
a royal grant of something like vice-royal au- 
thority in the Indies, to which he went (1509) 
with his bride, prepared for the proper state 
and display. I lis uncles, Uartholomcw and 
Diego, as well as Ferdinand Columbus, accom- 
panied him. The King soon began to encroach 
on Diego's domain, creating new provinces >ut 
of it.* It does not belong to this place to tr.ice 
the vexatious factions which, through Fonseca's 
urging, or otherwise created, Diego was forced 
to endure, till he returned to .Spain, in 1515, to 
answer his accusers. When he asked of the 
King a share of the profits of the Darien coast, 
his royal master endeavored to show that Die- 
go's father had never been on that coast. After 
Ferdinand's death (Jan. 23, 15 161, his succes- 



sor, Charles V., acknowledged the injustice 
of the charges against Diego, and made some 
amends by giving him a viceroy's functions in 
all places discovered by his father. He was 
subjected, however, to the surveillance of a su- 
pervisor to report on his conduct, upon going tn 
his government in 1520.'^ In three years he was 
again recalled for e.vamination, and in 1526 he 
died. Don Luis, who succeeded to his lather 
Diego, after some years exchanged, in 1556, his 
rights of vice-royalty in the Indies for ten thou- 
sand gold doubloons and the title of Ducjiie de 
Ver.nguas (with subordinate titles), and a gran- 
decship of the first r.ink;^ the latter, however, 
was not confirmed till 171 2. 

His nephew Diego succeeded to the rights, 
silencing those of the daughter of Don Luis by 
marrying her. They had no issue ; and on his 
death, in 157S, various claimants brought suit 
for the succession (as shown in the table), which 
was finally given, in 1608, to the grandson of 
Isabella, the granddaughter of Columbus. This 
suit led to the accumulation of a large amount 
of documentary evidence, which was printed.* 
The ve.\ations did not end here, the Duke of 
Berwick still contesting ; but a decision in 1790 
confirmed the title in the present line. The 
revolt of the Spanish colonies threatened to 
deprive the Duke of Veraguas of his income ; 
but the Spanish Government made it good by 
charging it upon the revenues of Cuba and 
Porto Rico, the source of the present Duke's 
support.* 



POSTSCRIPT. 



sfj 



i 



i 



A FTER the foregoing chapter had been com- 
■^ pleted, there came to hand the first vol- 
ume of Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses 
voyages, sa famille, ei scs descendants, d'apris des 
documents inidits tiris des Archives de Ghies, de 



Savoue, de Skitte, et de Madrid, ittides d'histoire 
critique par Henry ffarrisse, Paris, 1884. 

The book is essentially a reversal of many 
long-established views regarding the career of 
Columbus. The new biographer, as has been 



1 Such as New Andalusia, on the Isthmus of Darien, intrusted to Ojeda | and Castilla del Oro, and the 
region about Veragua. committed to Nicucssa. There was a certain slight also in this last, inasmuch as Don 
Diego had been with the Admiral when he discovered it. 

■2 The ruins of Diego Columbus' house in Santo Domingo, as they appeared in 1801, are shown in Charton's 
Voyageiirs, iii. iSf), and Samuel Hazard's Santo Domingo, p. 47 ; also pp. 213, 228. 

3 Papers relating to Luis Colon's renunciation of his rights as Duke of Veraguas, in 1556, are in Peralta's 
Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamif, Madrid, 1SS3, p. 162. 

* Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 3. Lcderc (Dilil. Amcr., no. 137) notes other original family documents 
priced at 1,000 francs. 

5 The amis granted by the Spanish sovereigns at Barcelona, May 20, 1493, seem to have been altered at a 
later date. As depicted by Oviedo, they are given on an earlier page. Cf. Lopez de Haro, Nobiliario general 
(Madrid, 1632), pt. ii. p. 312 ; Mufioz, Historia del nuci'O niondo, p. 165 ; Notes and Queries (2d series), xii. 
530; (5th series) ii, 152; \fem. de la Real Academia de Madrid (1852), vol. viii. ; Roselly de Lorgues, 
Christophe Colomb (1856); Documcntos iniulitos {iS6i),\\\\. 295; Cod. diplom. Colombo- America no, p. Ixx ; 
Harrisse, Notes en Columbus, p. 168; Charlevoix, /sle Espagnole, i. 61, 236, and the engraving given in 
K.-imusio (1556), iii. 84. I am indebted to Mr. James Carson nrevoort for guidance upon this point. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



shown, is not bound by any res|)fct for the Life 
of the Admiral which fur three liundred years 
has been associated with the name of Kerdinaiid 
Columbus. The j;rounds of his discredit of that 
book are again asserted ; and he considers the 
..tory as given in Las Casas as much more likely 
to represent the prototype both of the Ifisloiiii 
f;eihrcii of tliis last writer and of the Huloric 
of 1 57 1, than the mongrel production which he 
imagines this Italian text of L'lloa to be, and 
wliicii he accounts utterly unworthy of credit by 
reason of the sensational perversions and addi- 
ti(jns with which it is alloyed by some irrespon- 
sible editor. This revolutionary spirit makes 
the critic acute, and sustains him in laborious 
search ; but it is one whi':h seems scnnetimes to 
imperil his judgment. He does not at times 
hesitate to involve Las Casas himself in the 
same condemnation for the use which, if we 
understand him, Las Casas may be supposed, 
e(|ually with the author or editor of the J/isloru; 
to have made of their common prototype. That 
any received incident in Columbus' career is only 
traceable to the llistorie is sutticient, with our 
critic, to assign it to the category of fiction. 

This new Life adds to our knowledge from 
many sources ; and such points as have been 
omitted or slightly developed in the preceding 
chapter, or are at variance with the accepted 
views upon which that chapter has been based, 
it may be well briefly to mention. 

The frontispiece is a blazon of thr arms of 
Columbus, " du cartulaire original dresse sous 
ses yeux i Seville en 1502," following a manu- 
script in the Archives of the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs at I'ari.s. The field of the quarter 
with the castle is red ; that of the lion is sil- 
ver; that of the anchors is blue; the main and 
islands are gold, the water blue. It may be 
remarked that the disposition of these islands 
seems to have no relation to the knowledge then 
existing of the Columbian Archipeiago. Below 
is a blue bend on a gold field, with red above 
(see the cut, ante, p. 15). 

In writing in his Introduction of the sources 
of the history of Columbus, Ilarrisse says that 
we possess sixty-four memoirs, letters, or ex- 
tracts written by Columbus, of which twenty- 
three are preserved in his own autograph. Of 
these sixty-four, only the Libra de las frofccias 
has not been printed entire, if we except a /)/f- 
viorial que presents CristSbat Colon d los Reyes 
Catolicos sobrc las cosas necesarias para abastccer 
las Inilias which is to be printed for the first 
time by Ilarrisse, in the appendix of his decond 
volume. Las Casas' transcript of Columbus' 
Journal is now, he tells us, in the collection of 
the Duque d' Osuna at Madrid. The copy of 
Dr. Chanca's relation of the second voyage, used 
by Navarrete, and now in the Academy of His- 
tory at Madrid, belonged to a collection formed 
VOL. II. — 12. 



by Antonio dc Aspa. The personal papers of 
Columbus, confided by him to his friend (iaspar 
Gorricio, were preserved for over a century in 
an iron case in the custody of nxmks of Las 
Cuevas ; but they were, on the isth of May, 1609, 
surrendered to N'uno Gelvcs, of I'ortugal, who 
had been adjudged the lawful successor of the 
Admiral. Such as have escaped destruction 
now constitute the collection of the present 
l)u(|ue de Veraguas; and of them Navarrete 
has printetl seventy- ght documents. Of the 
|)apers concerning (Jolumbus at (icnoa, Ilar- 
risse finds (Mily one anterior lo his famous voy- 
age, and that is a paper of the Katlier Uominico 
Colombo, dated July 21, 14S9, of whom such 
facts as are known are given, including refer- 
ences to him in 1463 and 146.S in the records of 
the IJank of St. George in Genoa. Of the two 
letters of 1502 which Columbus addressed to 
the Hank, only one now exists, as far as Ilarrisse 
could learn, and that is in the Hotel de Ville. 
Particularly in regard to the family of Colum- 
bus, he has made effective use of the notarial 
and similar reco .Is of places where Columbus 
and his family have lived. liut use of deposi- 
tions for establishing dates and relationship 
imposes great obligation of care in the identi- 
fication of the persons named ; and this with a 
family as numerous as the Colombos seem to 
have been, and given so much to the repeating 
of Christian names, is more than usually diffi- 
cult. In discussing the evidence of the place 
and date of Columbus' birth (p. 137), as well as 
tracing his family line (pp. 160 and 166), the 
conclusion reached by Harrisse fi.\es the humble 
origin of the future discoverer ; since he finds Co- 
lumbus' kith and kin of the station of weavers, — 
an occupation determining their social standing 
as well in Genoa as in other places at that time. 
The table which is given on a previous page (««/»•, 
p. 87) shows the lines of supposable connec- 
tion, as illustrating the long contest for the pos- 
session of the Admiral's honors. His father's 
father, it would seem, was a Giovanni Colombo 
(pp. 167-216), and he the son of a certain Luca 
Colombo. Giovanni lived in turn at Terrarossa 
and Quinto. Domenico, the Admiral's father, 
married Susanna Fontanarossa, and removed 
to Genoa between 1448 and 1551, living there 
afterward, except for the interval 1471-14S4, 
when he is found at .Savona. He died in 
Genoa not far from 149S. We are told (p. -"^' 
how little the Archives of Savona yield resp .i- 
ing the family. Using his new notarial evidence 
mainly, the critic fixes the birth of Columbus 
about 1445 (pp. 223-241); and enforces a view 
expressed by him before, that Genoa as the place 
of Columbus' birth must be taken in the broader 
sense of including tlie dependencies of the city, in 
one of which he thinks Columbus was born 
(p. 221) in that humble station which Gallo, in l.is 



'; 



90 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 









; I' 



I ''i'll 









" De navigatione Columbi," now known to us as 
printed in Muratori (xxiii. 301), was the first to 
assert. Giustiniani, in his I'salter-note, and 
Senarcga, in his "l)c rel)us Gcnue;isibus " (Mu- 
ratori, .\.viv. 354) seem mainly to have followed 
Gallo on this point. There is failure (p. Si) tcj 
find confirmation of some of the details of the 
family as given by Casoni in his Aiiiiali Mia 
rcpiihlica di Gciiofa (170S, and again 1799). In 
relation to the lines of his descendants, there 
are described (pi). 49-60) nineteen dilferent me- 
morials, bearing date between 1590 and 1792 — 
and there maybe others — v.liich grew out of 
the litigations in which the descent of the Ad- 
miral's titles was involved. 

The usual story, told in the Uistorie, of Co- 
lumbus' sojourn at the University of Pavia is 
discredited, chiefly on the ground that Columbus 
himself says that from a tender age he followed 
the sea (but Columbus' statements are often 
inexact), and from the fact that in cosinograjjliy 
Genoa had more to tv..;:h him than I'avia. Co- 
lumbus is also kept longer in Italy than the 
received opinion has allowed, which has sent him 
to Portugal about 1470 ; while we are now told 
— if his identity is unassailable — that he was 
in Savona as late as 1473 (I'P- -S3--54)' 

Documentary Portuguese evidence of Colum- 
bus' connection with Portugal is scant. The 
Archivo da Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, which 
Santarem searched in vain for any reference 
to Vespucius, seem to be equally batren of in- 
formation respecting Columbus, and they only 
afford a few items regarding the family of the 
rerestrcllos (p. 44). 

The principal contempoiary Portuguese 
chronicle making any reference to Columbus is 
Kuy de Pina's Ckroniai del Rei Dom Joiio //., 
which is contained in the ColUcciio dc livros incd- 
itos dc historia Piirtiii;iieza, published at Lisbon 
in 1792 (ii. 177), from which Garcia de Rcsendc 
seems to have borrowed what appears in his 
C/ioroiika, publii,hed at Lisbon in 1 596; and 
tnis latter account is simply paraphrased in the 
Decada primtira do Asia (Lisbon, 1752) of 
Joao de Barros, who, born in 1496, was ioo late 
to nave personal knowledge of earlier time of 
the discoveries. Vasconcellos' Vida y acciotics 
del Rey D. Jitan al scgundo (Madrid, 1639) adds 
nothing. 

The statement of the Historic again thrown 
out, doubt at least is raised respecting the mar- 
riage of Columbus with Philippa, daughter of 
Bartholomeu Perestrello; and if the critic can- 
not disprove such union, he seems to think that 
as good, if i.ot better, evidence exists for declar- 
ing the wife of Columbus to have been the 
daughter of V.isco Gil .Moniz, of an old family, 
while it was Vasco Gill's sister Isabel who 
married the Perestrello in question. The mar- 
riage of Columbus took ])lace, it is claimed 



there is reason to believe, not in Madeira, as 
Goniara and others have maintained, but in 
Lisbon, and no' before 1474. Further, discard- 
ing the Ilislorie, there is no evidence that Co- 
lumbus ever lived at Porto Santo or .Madeira, 
or that his wife was dead when he left Portugal 
for Spain in 14.S4. If this is established, we 
lose the story of the tic which bound him to 
Portugal being severed by the death of his 
companion ; and the tale of his porimj over 
the charts of the dead father of his wife at 
Pi-rto Santo is relegated to the region of fable. 

We have known that the correspondence of 
Toscanclli with the monk Martinez took place 
in 1474, and the further connnunication of the 
Italian savant with Columbus himself has al- 
w.ays been supposed to have occurred soon 
.ifter; but reasons are now given for pushing 
It forward to 14S2. 

The evidences of the offers which Colunbus 
made, or caused to be made, to Lngland, F'ance, 
and Portugal, — to the latter c-rtainly, and to the 
two others prob.ibly, — before he betook himself 
to Spain, are also reviewed. As to the embassy 
to Genoa, there i;-' no trace of it in the Genoese 
Archives and no e 'rljer mention of it than 
Ramusio's; and no Geii,~'!se authority repeats it 
earlier than Casoni in his Annali di Geiio^a, in 
1 70S. This is now discredited altogether. No 
earlier writer than Marin, in h\ii 3toria del com- 
vicrrio dc' Vencziani (vol. vii. published 1800), 
claims that Columbus gave Venice the oppor- 
tunity of embarking its fortunes with his; and 
the document which Pcsaro claimed to have seen 
has never been found. 

There is difficulty in fixing with precision 
the time of Columbus' leaving Portugal, if we re- 
ject the statements of the Historic, which placss 
it in the last months of 1484. Other evidence 
is here presented that in the summer of that 
year he was in Lisbon ; and no indisputable evi- 
dence exists, in the critic's judgment, of his being 
in Spain till May, 1487, when a largess was 
granted to him. Columbus' own words would 
imply in one place that he had taken service with 
the Spanish monarchs in 1485, or just before 
that date ; and in another place that he had 
been in Spain as early as January, 1484, 01 even 
before, — a time when now it is claimed he is to 
be found in Lisbon. 

The pathetic story of the visit to Rabida 
places that event at a period shortly after his 
arriving in .Spain ; and the I/isto'-ic tells also of 
a second visit at a late - day. It is now contended 
that the two visits were in reality one, which oc- 
curred in 1491. The principal argument to u|> 
set the Historic is the fact that Juan Rodriguez 
Cabezudo, in the lawsuit of 1513, testified that 
it was " about twenty-two years " since he had 
lent a mule to the Franciscan who accompa- 
nied Columbus awav from R.lbida I 



COLUMUUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. 



91 



With the same incredulity the critic spirits 
away (p. 358) the junto of Salam ica. lie can 
find no earlier mention of it than that of Antonio 
de Kemesal in his Ilislorin Jc la J'nmiiuiii Je S. 
I'iiiciiite (/<• Chyaf'iU puMishc' in Madrid in 
1C19; and accordingly asks why Las Casas, from 
whom Kemesal borrows so much, did not know 
something of this junto? He counts for much 
that Ovicdo docs not mention it ; and the Ar- 
chives of the University at Salamanca throw no 
light. The common story he believes to have 
grown out of conferences which probably took 
place while the Court was at Salamanca in the 
winter of 1436-1487, and which were conducted 
by Talavera ; while a later one was held at Santa 
Y€ late in 1491, at which Cardinal Mendoza was 
conspicuous. 

Since Alexander Geraldinus, writing in 1522, 
from his own acquaintance with Columbus, had 
made the friar Juan Perez, of RSbida, and An- 
tonio de Marchena, who was Columbus' stead- 
fast friend, one and the same person, it has been 
the custom of historians to allow that Geraldi- 
nus was- right. It is now said he was in error; 
but the critic confesses he cannot explain how 
Gomara, abridging from Oviedo, changes the 
name of Juan Perez used by the latter to Perez 
de Marchena, and this before Geraldinus was 
printed. Columbus speaks of a second monk 
who had befriended him ; and it has been the 
custom to identify this one with Diego de Deza, 
who, at the time when Columbus is supposed to 
have stood in need of his support, had already 
become a bishop, and vas not likely, the critic 
thinks, to have been called a monk by Colum- 
bus. The two friendly monks in this view were 
the two distinct persons Juan Perez and Anto- 
nio de Marchena (p. 372). 

The interposition of Cardinal Mendoza, by 
which Columbus secured the royal ear, has 
usually been placed in 14S6. Oviedo seems to 
have been the source of subsequent writers on 
the point; but Oviedo does not fix the date, 
and the critic now undertakes to show (p. 380) 
that it was rather in the closing months of 
1491. 

Las Casas charges Talavera with opposing 
the projects of Columbus : we have here (p. 383) 
the contrary assertion ; and the testimony of 
Peter Martyr seems to sustain this view. So 
again the new biographer measurably defends, 
on other contemporary evidence, Fonseca (p. 386) 
as not deserving the castigations of modern 
writers; and all this objurgation is considered 
to have been conveniently derived from the 
luckless Historie of 1 571. 

The close student of Columbus is not un- 
aware of the unsteady character of much of the 
discoverer's own testimony on various points. 
His imagination was his powerful faculty ; and it 
was as wild at times as it was powerful, and 



nothing could stand in the way of it. No one 
has emphasized the doleful story of his trials and 
repressions more than himself, making the whole 
world, except two monks, bent on producing his 
ignominy; and yet his biographer can pick 
(p. 388) from the Admiral's own admissions 
enough to show that during all this time he had 
much encouragement from high quarters. The 
critic is not slow to take advantage of this weak- 
ness of Coliunbus character, and more than 
once makes him the strongest witness against 
himself. 

It is now denied that the money advanced by 
Santangcl was from the treasury of Aragon. On 
the contrary, the critic contends that the venture 
was from Santangel's private resources; and he 
dismisses peremptorily the evidence of the docu- 
ment which Argensola, in his AiuiU-s Je Ay^v^oit 
(Saragossa, 1630), says was preserved in the 
archives of the treasury of Aragon. He s.ays a 
friend who searched at liarcelona in 1S71, among 
the " Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon," 
could not find it. 

Las Casas had first told — guardedly, to be 
sure — the story of the I'inzons' contributing 
the money which enabled Columbus to assume 
an eighth part of the expense of the first voyage ; 
but it is now claimed that the assistance of that 
family was confined to exerting its inriuence to 
get Columbus a crew. It is judged that the 
evidence is conclusive that the I'inzons did not 
take pecuniary risk in the voyage of 1492, be- 
cause only their advances of this sort for the 
voyage of 1499 are mentioned in the royal grant 
respecting their arms. But such evidence is 
certainly inconclusive; and without the evidence 
of Las Casas it must remain uncertain whence 
Columbus got the five hundred thousand ma- 
ravedis which he contributed to the cost of that 
momentous voyage. 

The world has long glorified the story in the 
Historie of 1 57 1 about the part which the crown 
jewels, and the like, played in the efforts of 
Isabella to assist in the furnishing of Columbus' 
vessels. Peter Martyr, Bernaldez, and others 
who took frequent occasion to sound the praises 
of her majesty, say nothing of it ; and, as is now 
contended, for the good reason that there was 
no truth in the story, the jewels having lung 
before been ])ledged in the prosecution of the 
war with the Moors. 

It is inferred (p. 417) from Las Casas that 
his abridgment of Columbus' Journal was made 
from a copy, and not from the original (Xavar- 
rete, i. 134); and Ilarrisse says that from two 
copies of this .-ibridgnient, preserved in the col- 
lection of the Uuque d' Osuna at Madrid, Varn- 
hagen printed his text of it which is contained 
in his Veidadera Guaunhani. This last text 
varies in some places from that in Navarretc, 
and Ilarrisse savs he has collated it with the 



"I 



i 



ll 



r.i| 



'j; 



M 



92 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



m 



< Nima copies without discovering any error. 
I Ic thinks, however, th.it the Ilistori- of i s'/i, as 
well IS Las Casas' account, is basic! upon the 
complete tc.\t ; :uul his <lis'ri(liti- gof ''le //is/one 
does not jirevcnt liiin in this case saying tliat 
from it, as well as from Las Casas, a tew touches 
of genuineness, not of importance to be sure, 
can 1)0 adde>l to the narrative of the abridgment, 
lie also points out that we should discriminate 
as to the reHcctions which Las Casas inter- 
sperses ; but he seems to have no apprehension 
of such insertions in the llisloiic in this iiaiticu- 
lar case. 

The Ambrosian text of the first letter is once 
more rei)rinle(l (p. 419), accompanied by a 
French translation. In some appended notes 
the critic collac.-s it with the Cosco version in 
different shapes, and with that of Simancas. 
He also suggests that this text w.as printed at 
Barcelona toward the end of March, 149J, and 
infers that it ni.ay have been in this form that 
the Genoes,: ambassadors took the news t>> 
Italy when they left Spain about the middle of 
the following month. 

The closing chapt.:r of this first volume is on 
the question of the landfall. The biographer 
discredits attempts to sctile the question by 
nautical reasoning based on the log of Columbu.s, 
averring that the inevitable inaccuracies of such 
records in Coluinbus' time is proved by the 
widely different conclusions of such experienced 
men as Navarrete, I!echcr, and Fox. He relies 
rather on Cohnnbus' description and on that in 
Las Casaj. The name which the latter says was 
borne in his day by the island of the lai Jfall 
was "Triango;" but the critic fails to find this 



name on any earlier map than that first made 
known in the Cartas ,/<• InJias \\\ 1S77. To this 
map he finds it impossible to assign an earlier 
date than 15.(1, since it discloses some reminders 
of the expedition of Coronado. He instances 
other maps in which the name in some form ap- 
I ears attached to an island of the liahamas, — as 
in the Caliot mapp.nionde of 1544 (Triangula), 
the so-called Vallard map (Triango), that of 
(iutierrcz in 1550 (Trriango), that of .Monso do 
Santa Cruz in his Ishirio of 1560 (Triangulo). 
Unfortunately on some of the maps '".uanahani 
appears as well as the nan\e which Las Casas 
gives. Ilarrisse's solution of this conjunction 
of nam ,s is suggested by the f.act that in the 
Weimar map of 152;' (see sketch, iiiitc, p. 43) an 
islet "Tria ^u " lies just east of (iuanahani, and 
C(jrresponds in sii!e and position to the " Trian- 
gula ''of Cabot and the "Triangulo" of Santa 
Cruz. Guanahani he finds to correspond to 
Acklin Island, the larger of the Crooked Island 
group (see map, ant,; p. 55); while the Plana 
Cay:j, shown east of it, would stand for "Tri- 
ango." Columbus, with that confusion which 
characterizes his writings, speaks in one place of 
his first land being an "isleta," and in another 
place he calls it an " isla grande." Tliis gives 
the critic ground for supposing that Columbus 
saw first the islet, the " Triango " of Las Casas, 
or the modern " Plana Cays," and that then he 
disembarked on the "isla grande," which was 
Acklin Island. So it may be that Columbus' 
own confused statement has misled subsequent 
writers. If this theory i.ot accepted. Fox, in 
selecting Samana, has, ii. ll.e critic's opinion, 
come nearer the truth than ai>v other. 



mn 



-- — ^'^^ 



THE EARLIEST MAPS 



SPANISH AND I'ORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES. 



BY THE EDITOR. 



r 



THE enumeration of the cartographical sources respecting the discoveries of the earlier 
voyagers began with the list, " Catalogus auctorum tabularum geographicarum, quot- 
quot ad nostrani cognitionem hactenus pervenere; quibus addidimus, ubi locorum, quando 
et a quibus excus'. sunt," which Ortelius in 1570 added to his Theatntm orbis terrariim, 
many of whose titles belong to works not now known. Of maps now existing the best- 
known enumerations are those in the Jean et St'bastieii Cabot of Harrisse ; the Mapotcca 
Colombiana of Uricoechea ; the Cartografia Mexicana of Orozco y Berra, published by the 
Mexican Geographical Society ; and Gustavo Uzielli's Eknco liescritto degli Atlanti, pla- 
nisferi e carte nauliche, originally published in 1875, but made the second volume, edited 
by Pietro Amat, of the new edition of the Studi biografici e bibliografici della Socu'td 
Geogra/ica Italiaiia, Rome, 1882, under the specific title of Mappamondi, carte naiitk/ie, 
portolani ed altri viomimcnti cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII^ 

The Editor has printpj in the Haniard University Bulletin a bibliography of Ptolemy's 
geography, and a c:>!ei.uar, with additions and annotations, of the Kohl Collection of early 
maps, belonging to the Department of State at Washington, both of which contributions 
called for enumerations of printed and manuscript maps of the early period, and included 
their reproductions of later years. 

The development of cartography is also necessarily made a part of histories of geog- 
raphy like those of Santarem, Lelewel, St. -Martin, and Peschel ; but their use of maps 
hardly made chronological lists of them a necessary part of their works. Santarem has 
pointed out how scantily modern writers have treated of the cartography of the Middle 
Ages previous to the era of Spanish discovery ; and he enumerates such maps as had been 
described before the appearance of his work, as well as publications of the earlier ones 
after the Spanish discovery.-' 



' Vol. i. of the Slitdi is a chronological ac- 
count of Italian travellers and voyages, beginning 
with Grimalclo (1120-1122), and accompanied 
by maps showing the routes of the principal 
ones. Cf. Theobald Fischer, " Ueber italien- 
ischc Seekaiten und Kartographen des Mittclal- 
tcrs," in Zcitschrift dcr Gesdlschaft fiir ErJkuiide 
zii Berlin, xvii. 5. 

As to the work which has been done in the 
geographical societies of Germany, we shall 
have readier knowledge when Dr. Johannes 



Midler's Die •Misscnsc/ia/llii/ieii I'etriiie uiid 
Gcscllschaftcn Deiitschhinds, — Bihliot^raf'liie Hirer 
I'croffciillichungen , now announced in ISerlin, is 
made public. One of the most im])ortant sale- 
catalogues of maps is that of the Prince Alex- 
andre Labanoff Collection, Paris, 1S23, — a list 
now very rare. Nos. 1-112 were given to the 
world, and 1480-1543 to America separately. 

'■^ Santarem, J/is/oire de la cartoi^rafihie, etc., 
vol. i., preface, pp. x.\.\ix, 1, and 194. .\fter the 
present volume was printed to this point, and 



i 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



W 




To what extent Columbun had studied the older maps frotn the time when they liejjan 
to receive a certain definiteness in tlie fourteenth century, is not wholly clear, nor hriw 
much he knew of the charts of Marino SanutOi of •'•zi'mani, and of the now lamous Catalan 

that period ; hut it is doubtless 
that the maps of Ilianio (1436) 
and Mauro (i.jfjo) were well known to 
him.' "Thouf»h these early maps and 
charts of the fiftcLnth century." says 
Haliam,'' "are to us but a cliaos of error 
and confusion, it was on them that the 
l)atient eye of Columbus had rested 
through lonj{ hours of meditation, while 
strenuous hope and unsubdued doubt 
were struggling in his soul," 

A principal factor in the develop- 
ment of map-making, as of navigation, 
had been the magnet. It had been 
brought from China to the eastern 
coast of Africa as early as the fourth 
century, and through the Arabs* and 
Crus.aders it had been introduced into 
the Mediterranean, and was used by 
the Catalans and Hasques in the twelfth 
century, a Inmdrcd years or more before 
Marco Polo brought to Europe his 
wonderful stories.'' In that century 
even it had become so familiar a sight 
that poets used it in their ineta])hors. 
The variation of its neudle was not 
indeed unknown long before Colum- 
bus, but its observation in mid-ocean 
in his day gave it a new signifi- 
cance. The Chinese had stiidied the phenomenon, and their observations upon it had 
followed shortly upon the introduction of the compass itself to Western knowledge ; and 
as early as 1436 the variation of the needle was indicated on maps in connection with 
places of observation.' 




RiVRLY COMPASS.* 



>» 



after Vols. III. and IV. were in type, Mr. Arthur 
James Wclsc's Uisiarrii-s of America to f he year 
1525 was i)ublishe(l in New York. A new draft 
of tlic Maiullo niai> i)f 1527 is about its only 
ini|H)rtant feature. 

' .See an enumeration of all these earlier 
maps and of their reproductions in part i. of 
The Kohl Colleclioii of F.iirly M'l/'Sfhs ^\\c pres- 
ent writer, liianco's map was reproduced in 
1869 at Venice, with annotations by Oscar 
Pcschel ; and Mauro's in 1866, also at Venice. 

■^ Liliiaturc 0/ Eiirof<e, chajj. iii. sect. 4. 

' Cf., on the instruments and m.irinc charts 
of the Arabs, Codinc's Lit iinr ,lcs hides, p. 74; 
Delambre, llistoire de I'dstroiiomie dii moven- 
itx'e ; Sdilillot's Les instruments astroiiomii/iies 
lies Anilies, etc. 

^ Major, Prince Henry (186S ed.), pp. 57, 60. 
There is some ground for believing that the 



Northmen were acquainted with the loadstone in 
the eleventh century. Prescott (Ferdinand and 
Isabella, 1873 ed., ii. m) iiulicatcs the use of it 
by the Castilians in 1403. Cf. .Santarcm, llis- 
toire de la cartOi^raphie, p. 2S0; Journal of the 
Franklin Institute, .\xii. 68 ; Amcriein Journal of 
Science, l.\. 242. Cf. the early knowledge regard- 
ing the introduction of the compass in Kden's 
Peter Martyr (15SS', folio 320; and D'Avezac's 
A/'er(iis his/orii/nes siir la houssole, Paris, iSfJo, 
16 pp.; ,ilso Humboldt's Cosmos, Kng. tr. ii. 656. 

'' This follows the engraving in Pigafetta's 
Voyai^e and in the work of Juricn de la Clravierc. 
The main jioints were designated by the usual 
names of the winds, /tiw/z/c, cast ; 5/>crf0, south- 
east, etc. 

'' For instance, the map of Bianco. The 
variation in Kurope was always easterly after 
observations were first made. 



THE MAI'S OF Till: KARLILST DISCOVERIES. 



n 



The earliest placinj; of a magnetic nole seems due to the voyage of Nicholas of Lynn, 
whose narrative was prcstiited to Kdward III. of llngland. This account is no Jonger 
known,' though the title of it, Invcntio Jortiinatii, is preserved, with its alleged date of 
1355. Cnoyen, whose treatise is not extant, is thought to have got his views about (he 
regions of the north and about the magnetic pole from Nicholas of Lynn,' while he 
was in Norway in 1364; and it is from Cnoyen that Mi;rcator says he got his notion of 
the four circumpolar islands which so long tigurcd in maps of the Merc alor and Kinxus 
school. In the Ruysch map (1508) we have the same (our polar islands, with the mag- 
netic pole placed within an insular mountain north of Grcenl.md. Kuysth also depended 
on the Invatlio fortunata. Later, by Martin Cortes in 1 545, and by Sanuto in 1 s8S, the 
pole w.is placed farther south." 

Ptolemy, in the second century, accepting the generally received opinion that the 
world as known was much longer east and west than north and south, adopted with this 
theory the 'erms which naturally grew out of this belief, latitude and lonj^ittidc, and first 
instituted them, it is thought, in systematic geography.* 

I'ierre d'Ailly, in his map of 1410,' in marking his climatic lines, had indicated the begin- 
nings, under a revival of geographical intjuiry, of a systematic notation of latitude. Several 
of the early Ptolemies' had followed, by scaling in one way and another the distance from 
the equator ; while in the editions of 1508 and 1511 an example had been set of marking 
longitude. The old Arabian cartographers had used both latitude and longitude ; but 
though there were some earlier indications of the adoption of such lines among tiie Kuro- 
pean map-makers, it is generally accorded that the scales of such measurements, as we 
understand them, came in, for both latitude and longitude, with the map which Rcisch in 
1503 annexed to his Margarita philosophical' 

I'tolemy had fixed his first meridian at the Fortunate Islands (Canaries), and in 
the new era the Spaniards, with the sanction of the I'ope, had adopted the same point ; 
though the Portuguese, as if in recognition of their own enterprise, had placed it 
at Madeira, — as is shown in the globes of liehaim and Schoner, and in the map of 
Ruysch. The difference was not great j the Ptolemean example prevailed, however, in 
the end.' 



' Mnkluyt, i. 123. 

- Journal of the American Geographical Soci- 
ety, xii. 185. , 

* It is supposed to-day to be in Prince Albert 
Land, and to make a revolution in about five 
hundred years. Acosta contended that there 
were four lines of no variation, and llalley, in 
1 68 J, contended for four magnetic poles. 

♦ Cf. notes on p. 661, <■/ .f<v/.. In Uunbury's His- 
tory of Ancient Gco!;ni/<liy, vol. i., on the ancients' 
calculations of latitude and measurements for 
longitude. Ptolemy carried the most northern 
parts of the known world sixty-three deg'ce; 
north, and the most southern parts sixteen do 
grees south, of the Equator, an extent north an I 
south of seventy-nine degrees. Marinus of Tyrj, 
who preceded Ptolemy, stretched the known 
world, north and south, over eighty-seven degrees. 



passing by land from Souti irn Africa to South- 
ern Asia, along a parallel. Marinus had been 
the first to place the Fortunate Islands farther 
west than the limits of .Spain in that directior,, 
though he put them only two and a half degrees 
beyond, while the meridian of Ferro is nine 
degrees from the most westerly part of the main. 

* Cf. Lelewel, pi. xxviii., and Santarcm, //is- 
toirc </<• la cartO!;rii/'hii; iii. 301, and Atliis, pi. 1 5. 

" Cf. editions of 14S2, 14.S6, 1513, 1535. 

" The earliest instance in a ////'//.f/ziv/ Spanish 
map is thought to be the woodcut which in 
1534 ajipcarcd at Venice in the combination of 
Peter Martyr and Oviedo which Kamusio is 
thought to have edited. This map is represented 
on a later p.nge. 

" There was a tendency in the latter part of 
the sixteenth century to remove the prime 



Marinus had also made the length of the known meridian to St. Michael's, in the Azores, for the 

world 225 degrees east and west, while Ptolemy reason that there was no variatitin in the needle 

reduced it to 177 degrees ;.. It he did not, nor did there at th.it time, and in ignor.ance of the 

Marinus, bound it definitely in the east by an forces which to-day at St. Michael's make it 

ocean, but he left its limit in that direction unde- point twenty-five degrees off the true north. As 

termined, as he did that of Africa in the south, late as 1634 a congress of Eurojiean mathema- 

which resulted in making the Indian Ocean in his ticians confirmed it at the west edge of th? Isle de 

conception an inland sea, with the possibility of Fer (Ferro), the most westerly of the Canaries. 






( 



96 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA 




In rcxpect tn latitude there w.i» not In tlicriide insttrumcnls of the e.irly navignlorit, and 
iinilcr favotal)ie conditions, tlit.- means of closely approximate accuracy. In the studv 
which the Rev. I-'.. K. Slafter ' has iiiade on the averane extent of the error which we find 
in the records of even a later century, it appears that while a ranjje of sixty RcoKraphical 
miles will probably cover such errors in all cases, when observations were made with 
ordinary cire the average deviation will probably be found to be at least fifteen miles. The 
fractions of decrees were scarcely ever of much value in the computation, and the minute 
gradation of the instrunjents in use were subject to great uncertainly of record in tremulous 

hands. It was not the cus- 
tom, moreover, to make any 
allowance for the dip of the 
hori/on, for retraction or for 
the parallax ; and when, ex- 
cept at the time of the etpii- 
nox, dci)en(lence had to be 
placed ujion tables of the 
sun's declination, the pul>- 
lisheil ephcmerides, made for 
a seriesof years, were the sul)- 
jccts of accumulated error. '■' 
With these im|)cdiincnt!i 
to accurate results, it is not 
surprising I'lat even errors of 
considerable extent crept into 
the records of latitude, and 
long remained unchallenged." 
Ptolemy, in A. n. 150, had 
placed Constantinople two 
degrees out of the way ; and 
it remained so on maps for 
fourteen hundred years. In 
Columbus' time Cuba was 
put seven or eight degrees 
too far north ; and under this 
false impression the cartog- 
raphy of the Antilles began. 
The historic instrument for the taking of latitude was the iistrolabe, which is known 
to have been in use by the Majorcan and Catalanian sailors in the latter part of the tliir- 
teeiilli century ; and it is described by Raymond Lullius in his ^IrUifc >ia''i;i;tir of that time.'' 
Behaini, the contemporary of Columbus, one of the explorers of the African co.ast, and a 




KKGIOMONTANUS' ASTROWIiF..* 



' Edr.,Lind Farwcll Slafter, History ami 
Causes of !':■: Incorrect Latitudes as recorticd in 
the Journals of the Early Writers, Xavigators, 
and Explorers relalini,' to the Atlantic Coast of 
AV;//; /4«/</-/(ir (1535-1740). Uoston : Privately 
primed, 1SS2. zo i)agcs. I<ei)rlntefl from the 
A'. E. Hist, and Geneal. A'ex- for April, 1.SS2. 

- Kcgiomonlamis, — as Johannes Miiller, of 
Kiiiiigsberg, in Franconia, was called, from his 
town, — published at Nuremberg his Ephcmerides 
for the interval 1475-1506; and these were what 
Columbus probably used. Cf. .Mex. Ziegler's 
Ke;^omontanus, ein t^eistiger Vorliiufer des Co- 
tunihus, Dresden, 1874. Stadius, a professor 



of mathematics, published an almanac of this 
kind in 1545, and the English navigators used 
successive editions of this one. 

" Cf. K(jhl, Die beidcn Gcneral-A'arten 7on 
America, p. 17, and Varnhagen's Ilistoria x'cral 
do Brazil, i. 432. 

* This cut follows the engravings in Kuge'a 
Gcscliichtc dcs Zeitalters dcr Entdcckungcn, p. 106, 
and in (Ihillany's Rittcr lutiaim, p. 40. Cf. 
Von Murr, Memorabilia bililiotliccarum A'orim- 
Itcri^ensinm, i. 9. 

'' Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 630, 670; 
Keisch's Afart^arita fhilosofihica (1535), p. 1416; 
D'.Xvezac's Waltzemiiller, ]>. 64. 



THE MAPS OK rm: KAKLIEST DISCOVKRIES. 



97 



pupil of Rc^jinmoiitanus, had .somewhat changed the old form of ihu astrolabe In nd.'.ptinj; 
It for use on shiplioard. Thiji wan in 1484 at Lisbon, and Ilchaims improvement wan 
doubtluss what Coliinihiis used. Of the form in use liefore Ileliaim wc have that (said to 
have belonged to Kejjiomontanus) in the tut on page yO; and in the follgwing cut th« 
remodelled Nhape which it took after Uehaim. 




LATER ASTROLABE.' 



1 This cut follows an engraving (/l/iJi,'. of 
Amrr. Hist., iii. 17.S) after a photograph of one 
used by Champlain, which bears the Paris 
maker's date of 1603. There is another cut of 
it in Weise's Discm'cries of America, p. 68. Hav- 
ing been lost by Champlain in Canada in 1613, it 
was ploughed up in 1S67 (see Vol. IV. p. 124; 
?lso Canadian Monthly, xviii. 589). The small 
si,.e of the circle used in the sea-instrument to 
make it conveniently serviceable, necessarily op- 
VOL. II. — 13. 



crated to make the ninety degrees of its quartet 
circle too small for accuracy in fractions. On 
land much larger circles were sometimes used ; 
one was erected in London in 1594 of si.\ feet 
radius. 'i"he early books on navigation and voy- 
ages frequently gave engravings of the astrolabe ; 
as, for instance, in I'igafctta's voyage (Magellan), 
and in the Lichte der Zec-\'acrt (Amsterdam, 
1623), translated as The Light of Navii^ation 
(Amsterdam, 1625). The treatise on navigation 



98 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



An instrument which could more ri.aclily adapt itself to the swaying of the observer's 
body in a sea-way, soon displaced in good measure the astrolabe on shipboard. This 
was the cross-staff, or jackstaff, which in several modified forms for a long time served 
mariners as a convenient help in ascertaining the altitude of the celestial bodies. Pre- 
cisely when it was first introduced is not certain ; but the earliest description of it which 
lias been found is that of Werner in 1 5 14. Davis, the Arctic navigator, made an improve- 
mei.t on it ; and his invention was called a backstaff. 

While the observations of the early navigators in respect to latitude were usually 
accompanied by errors, wiiich were of no considerable e.\tent, their determinations of 
longitude, when attempted at all, were almost always wide of the truth,' — so far, indeed, 
that their observations helped them but little then to steer their courses, and are of small 
assistance now to us in following their tracks. It happened that while Columbus was 
ai Hispaniola on his .-second voyage, in September, 1494, there was an eclipse of the 



\ I'J 



which became the most popular with the succes- 
sors of Columbus was the work of I'edro dc 
Medina (born abcnit 1493), called the Arte' dv 
tuiTiXtir, published in 1545 (reprinted in 1552 and 
1561), of which there were versions in French 
( 1 554, and Lyons, i 569, with maps .showing names 
on the coast of AniLMica for the first time), 
Italian (1555 with 1554, at end; Court Cat,iloi;iie, 
no. 235), CJcrnian (1576), and English (1591). 
(Harrisse, />//'/. ///«. v. ?'<■/., no. 266.) Its princi- 
pal rival was that of Martin Cortes, lirrje torn- 
f'cndio dc hi sphcra y dc la arte dc navcgar, pub- 
lislied in 1551. In Columbus' time there was no 
book of the sort, unless that of Raymond Lullius 
(1294) be considered such; and not till Enciso's 
Suma dc i^coi^rafia was printed, in 1519, had the 
new spirit instigated the making of these helpful 
and e.xiihuiatory books. The Suma dc gcograjia 
is usually considered the first book printed in 
Spanish relating to America. Enciso, who had 
been inactisiiig law in Santo Domingo, was with 
Ojeda's e.\[)cditii)n to the mainland in 1509, 
and seems to have derived much from his varied 
experience ; and he first noticed at a later day 
the different levels of the tides on the two sides 
of the isthmus. The book is rare; Rich in 
1S32 (no. 4) held it at £\o \os. (Cf. Harrisse, 
Notes on Coliimlms, 171 ; HiH. Amcr. Vet., nos. 
97, 153, 272, — there were later editions in 1530 
and 1546, — Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,551, etc. ; II. H. 
liancroft, Central America, i. 329, 339; Carter- 
Hrown, vol. i. no. 58, with a fac-simile of the 
title: Cat. /fist, do /irazil, Bibl. Xac. do Rio 
dc Janeiro, no. 2.) .\ntonio I'igafetta in 1530 
produced his Trattato di na''i,i,'azione : but Me- 
dina and Cortes were the true begnniers of the 
litcr.aturcof seamanship. (Cf. Urevoort's I'crra- 
zana, p. 116, an<l the list of such publications 
given in the Davis l'ova,!;es, p. 342, |nd)lished by 
the Hakluyt Society, and the English list noted 
in Vol. III. p. 206, of the present history.) 
There is an examination of the state of naviga- 
tion in Columbus' time in Margry's Xa:'ii;a!ions 
Fraii(aiscs, p. 402, and in M. F. Xavanetc'.^ 
Sol're la historia dc la nautica y dc las eiencias 



matemdtir.as, Madrid, 1846, — a work now become 
rare. 

The rudder, in place of two paddles, one 
on each cpiarter, had come into use before this 
time ; but the reefing of sails seems not yet to 
have been practised. (Cf. Da Oama's I'oyax'cs, 
published by the Hakluyt Society, p. 242.) 
Colinnbus' record of the speed of his ship 
seems to have been the result of observation by 
the unaided eye. The log w.as not yet known ; 
the Romans had fi.xcd a wheel to the sides of 
their galleys, e.ich revolution of which threw a 
pebble into a tally-pot. The earliest description 
which we have in tlie new era of any device of 
the kind is in connection with M.agellan's voy- 
age; for I'igafetta in his Journal (January, 1 521), 
mentions the use of a chain at the hinder part 
of the ship to measure its speed. (Ilnmboldt, 
Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 631 ; v. 56.) The log as 
we understand it is described in 1573 in liourne's 
Ket^iment of the Sea, nothing indicating the use 
of it being found in the earlier manuals of 
Medina, Cortes, and Gemma Frisius. Hum- 
frcy Cole is said to have invented it. Three 
years later than this earliest mention, Eden, in 
1576, in his translation of Taisnicr's A'avis^ationc, 
alludes to an artifice "not yet divulgate, which, 
placed in the pompc of a shyp, whyther the 
water hath recourse, and moved by the motion 
of the shyi^p, with wheels anil wevghts, doth 
exactly shewe what sjjace the shyp hath gone " 
{Cartcr-Bro-.on Catalo!;ue, i. no. 310), — a remi- 
niscence of the Roman side-wheels, and a re 
minder of the modern patent4og. Cf. article 
on " Navigation " in F.neyelopicdia Britauniea, 
ninth cd. vol. .xvii. 

1 Cf. Lclcwel, Gcoi^raphie du moyen-(\i;c, ii. 160. 
The rules of Gemma Frisius for discovering 
longitude were given in Eden's Peter Martyr 
(1 555). folio 360. An earlier book was Francisco 
Falero's /Cei^irnicnto para obse>-L\ir la longitud en 
la mar, 1535. Cf. E. F. de Navarretc's " I'^l 
problema de la longitud en la mar," in volume 
21 of the Doe. incditos (Kspaiia) ; .ind Vaseo da 
Cama (Hakluyt Soc), pp. 19, 25, 33, 43,63, 138. 



THE MAPS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



99 






moon.' Columbus observed it ; and his calculations placed himself five hours and a half 
from Seville, — an error of eighteen degrees, or an hour and a quarter too much. The 
error was due doubtless as much to the rudeness of his instruments as to the errors of 
the lunar tables thui in use.- 

The removal of the Line of 
Demarcation from the supposed 
meridian of non-variation of the 
needle did not prevent the jihe- 
nomena of terrestrial magnetism 
becoming of vast importance in 
the dispute between the Crowns 
of Spain and Portugal. It char- 
acterizes the difference between 
the imaginative and somewhat 
fantastic quality of Columbus' 
mind and the cooler, more prac- 
tical, and better administrative 
apprehension of Sebastian Cabot, 
that wliile each observed the 
phenomenon of the variation of 
the needle, and eacli imagined it 
a clew to some system of deter- 
mining longitude, to Columbus it 
was associated with wild notions 
of a too-ample revolution of the 

North Star about the true pole.^ It was not disconnected in his mind from a fancy whlcn 
gave the earth the shape of a pear ; so that when he perceived on his voyage a clearing of 
the atmosphere, he Imagined he was ascending the stem-end of the pear : where he would 
find the terrestrial paradise* To Cabot the phenomenon had only its practical signifi- 
cance ; and he seems to have pondered on a solution of the problem during the rest of 




THE JACKSTAFF. 



1 The Gcniiiiniif r.v -,uiriis siriptorilnis pcrhrci'is 
explkatio of Hilibalthis rirckeynicrus, publislied 
in 1530, has a reference to this eclipse. Carter- 
Hrown, vol. i. no. 96; Mtiy/'/iy Caliiloi^in^wo. 1,992. 
The paragraph is as follows ! " I'roinde com- 
IJertum est c.x obscrvatione eclypsis, qua; fuit 
in mcnse Septembri .inno salutis 1494. His- 
paniam insulam, (piatuor fcrme horarum intcr- 
sticio ab Ilysi'ali, qua; Sibilia cstdislaic, hoc est 
grailibus 60, qualium est circuUis inaxinius 31x3, 
mcdiiun vero insulx' coiuiiicl gradiis :o circitcr 
ill altitudinc polari. Xavigatur autcni spaciiim 
ilhid communitcr in dicbiis 35 altitude vero coii- 
tinentis oppositi, cui Ilispani sanctx Martha; 
nomcn indidere, circitcr giaduum est 12 DarlL-iii 
vero terra ct sinus dc Uraca gradiis quasi teiieiit 
7J in altitudinc polari, undo longissimo tractu 
occidentcm versus terra est, qua: vocatur Mexico 
et Tcmistitan, a <|ua ctiam non longa rcmota est 
insula Jucatan cum aliis nuper rcpcrtis." The 
method of determining longitude by means of 
lunar tables dates back to llipiiarcluis. 

- These were the calculations of Regiomon- 
tanui (Miillcr), who calls himself " Montere- 
gius " in his TahuUr astioiimiiiie Al/oiisi rial's, 
published at Venice in the very year (1492) of 



Columbus' first voyage. (Stevens, />i7'/. GtV!^., 
no. S3.) At a later day the Portuguese accused 
the Spaniards of altering the tables then in use, 
so as to affect the position of the Papal line of 
Demarcation. Parras, quoted by Humboldt, 
O'si/ics, Kng. tr. ii. 671. 

Johann Stocfilcr was a leading authority on 
the methods of defining latitude .xnd longitude 
in vogue in the beginning of the new era; cf. 
his PJitcitlatio fo.hricir usKsqiic astrolabii, Oppen- 
heini, 1513 (col(>|)hon 1512), and his edition of 
In Pivcli Diiuiochi sph.craiii omnibus iiuiiwyis 
toiif^e (ihsoliilissiniiis (Oinmriilirriiis, Tiibingen, 
1534, where he names one hundred and seventy 
contcnqiorary and earlier writers on the subject. 
(Stevens, Bihl. Givs;., nos. 3,633-2,634.) 

* The polar distance of the North Star in 
Columbus' time was 3° 2S'; and yet his calcu- 
lations made it sometimes 5°, and sometimes 10°. 
It is to-day 1° 20' distant from the true l)ole. 
UnitCil Stales Coast Siii--cy Kifort, tSSo, app. 
xviii. 

■• Santarcm, Hisloir,- do la carto<;raphio, vol. II. 
p. lix. Colnmbns wcndd find here the centre of 
the earth, as D'Ailly, Mauro, and Eehaiin found 
it at Jerusalem. 



100 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 









;■■• 



K'h 



SuUil 



his life, if, as Humboldt supposes, the intimations of his deatli-l)ecl in respect to some 
as yet unregistered way of discovering longitude refer to liis observations on tlie 

magnetic declination. ' 

The idea of a constantly increasing decli- 
nation east and west from a point of non- 
variation, which both Columbus and Cabot had 
discovered, and which increase could be re- 
duced to a formula, was indeed partly true; 
except, as is now well known, the line of 
non-variation, instead of being a meridian, 
and fixed, is a curve of constantly changing 
proportions. - 

The earliest variation-chart was made in 
1530 by Alonzo de Santa Cruz ; ^ and schemes 
of ascertaining longitude were at once based 
on the observations of these curves, as they 
had before been made dependent upon the 
supposed gradation of the change from me- 
ridian to meridian, irrespective of latitude.* 
Fifty years later (1585), Juan Jayme made 
a voyage with Gali from the Philippine Islands 
to Acapulco to test a "declinatorum " of his 
own invention.^ Cut this was a hundred years 
(1698- 1702) before Halley's Expedition was 
sent, — the first which any government fitted 
out to observe the forces of terrestrial magnetism ; " and though there had been suspi- 
cions of it much earlier, it was not till 1722 that Graham got unmistakable data to prove 
the hourly variation of the needle.' 




THE I5.\CKSTAFF. 



' Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 658. Humboldt also 
points out how Columbus on his second voyage 
had attempted to fix his longitude by the decli- 
nation of the needle (Ibid, ii. 657; v. 54). Cf. 
a paper on Colinnbus and Cabot in the Nautical 
Magazine, July, 1S76. 

It is a fact t!iat good luck or skill of some uii- 
disccrnililc sort enabled Cabot to record some 
remarkable ajiproximations of longitude in an 
age when the wildest chance governed like at- 
tempts in others. Cabot indeed had the navi- 
gator's instinct ; and the modern log-book seems 
to have owed its origin to his practices and the 
urgency with which he impressed the impor- 
tance of it upon the Muscovy Company. 

- Appendix xix. of the Rcf^ort of the Viiilcd 
States Coast Sunn' for iSSo (Washington, 1SS2) 
is a |)a]icr bv Charles A. Schott of " Inquiry 
into the Variation nf the Compass off the I'a- 
hama Islands, at the time of the Landfall of 
Columbus in 1.(92." which is accompanied by a 
chart, showing by comparison the lines of no- 
variation rcs])cctively in 1492, 1600, 1700, iSoo, 
and iSSo, as far as they can be made out from 
available data. In this chart the line of 1492 
nnis through the Azores, — bending east as it 
proceeds northerly, and west in its southerly 
txtcnsion. The no-variation line in 1S82 leaves 



the South American coast between the mouths 
of the Amazon and the Orinoco, and strikes the 
Carolina coast not far from Charleston. The 
Azores to-day are in the curve of 250 W. varia- 
tion, which line leaves the west coast of Ire- 
land, and after running through the Azores 
sweeps away to the St. Lawrence Gulf. 

•' Navarretc, A'oticia iM tosmop-a/o Aloino 
de Sauta Cruz. 

^ Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 672; v. 59. 

' Cosmos, v. 55. 

" Cosmos, v. 59. 

' Charts of the magnetic curves now made 
by the Coast Survey at Washington are capable 
of supplying, if other means fail, and jiarticu- 
larly in connection with the dipi)ing-needle, data 
of a ship's longitude with but inconsiderable 
error. The inclination or dip was not meas- 
ured till 1576; and Humboldt shows luiw under 
some conditions it can be used also to determine 
latitude. 

In 1714 the English Government, following 
an example earlier set by other governments, 
offered a reward of ^'20,000 to any one who 
would determine longitude at sea within half a 
degree. It was ultimately given to Harrison, 
a watchmaker who made an improved marine 
chronometer. An additional ;ii'j,ooo was given 



wrwumrnaBWWlaiii— 



THE MAPS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



lOI 



The earliest map which is distinctively associated with tlie views which were developing 
in Columbus' mind was the one wiiich Toscanelli sent to liim in 1474. It is said to have 
been preserved in Madrid in 1527 ; ' and fifty-three years after Columbus' death, when Las 
Casas was writing his history, it was in his possession.- We know that this Italian 
geographer had reduced the circumference of the globe to nearly three quarters of its 
actual size, having placed China about six thousand five hundred miles west of Lisbon, 
and eleven thousand five hundred miles east. Japan, lying off the China coast, was put 
somewhere from one hundred degrees to one hundred and ten degrees west of Lisbon ; 
and we have record that Martin Pinzon some years later (1491) saw a map in Home 
which put Cipango (Japan) even nearer the European side.^ A similar view is supposed 



at the s.imc time to tlie \vidi)W of Tobias Me\"er, 
who had improved tlie lunar tables. It also 
instigated two ingenious mechanicians, who hit 
u\nm the same principle independently, and 
worked out its practical application, — the Phila- 
dclpliian, Thomas Godfrey, in his "mariner's 
how" (rciiit. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 422); and the 
Englishman, Iladley, in his well-known quad- 
rant. 

It can hardly be claimed to-day, with all our 
modern appliances, that a ship's longitude can 
be ascertained with anything more than approxi- 
mate precision. The results from dead-reckon- 
ing are to be corrected in three ways. Obser- 
vations on the moon will not avoid, except by 
accident, errors which may amount to seven or 
eight miles. The dililiculties of making note of 
Jupiter's satellites in their eclipse, under the 
most favorable conditions, will be sure to entail 
an error of a half, or even a whole, minute. 
This method, first tried effectively about 1700, 
was the earliest substantial progress which had 
been made ; all the attempts of observation on 
the opposition of planets, the occultations of 
stars, the difference of altitude between the 
moon and Jupiter, and the changes in the moon's 
declination, having failed of satisfactory results 
'Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 671). John 
Werner, of Nuremberg, as early as 1514, and 
Gemma Frisius, in 1545, had suggested the meas- 
ure of the angle between the altitude of the 
moon and some other hcavenlv body ; but it was 
not till 161 5 that it received a trial at sea, through 
the assiduity of Baffin. The newer method of 
Jupiter's satellites proved of great value in the 
handi of Delisle, the real founder of modern 
gC(i!Trai)hical science. l!y it he cut off three 
hundred leagues from the length of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea, and carried Paris two and a half 
degrees, and Constantinople ten degrees, farther 
west. Corrections for two centuries had been 
chietly made in a similar removal of places. 
For instance, the longitude of Gibraltar had 
increased from 7° 50' W., as Ptolemy handed it 
down, to 9° 30' under Ruscclli, to 13° 30' under 
Mercator, and to 14° 30' under Ortelius. It is 
noticeable that Eratosthenes, who two hundred 
years and more before Christ was the librarian 
at ,\le.\andria and chief of its geographical 



school, though he made the length of the Medi- 
terranean si.\ hundred geographical miles too 
long, did better than Ptolemy three centuries 
later, and better even than moderns had done 
up to 1668, when this sea w.as elongated by 
nearly a third beyond its proper length. Cf. 
Punbury, History 0/ Ancient Gcoi^'ro/'liy, i. 635; 
Gosselin, Geoi;: des Grecs, p. 42. Sanson was 
the last, in 166S, to make this great error. 

The method for discovering longitude which 
modern experience has settled upon is the not- 
ing at noon, when the weather jjcrmits a view 
of the sun, of the difference of a chronometer 
set to a known meridian. This instrument, with 
all its modern perfection, is liable to an error of 
ten or fifteen seconds in crossing the Atlantic, 
uliich may be largely corrected by a mean, 
derived from the use of more than one chro- 
nometer. The first proposition to convey time 
as a means of deciding longitude dates back to 
Alonzo dc Santa Cruz, who had no better time- 
keepers than sand and water clocks (Humboldt, 
Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. O72). 

On land, care and favorable circumstances 
may now place an object within si.x or eight 
yards of its absolute place in relation to the 
meridian. Since the laying of the Atlantic 
cable has made it possible to use for a test a 
current which circles the earth in three seconds, 
it is significant of minute accuracy, in fi.xing the 
difference of time between Washington and 
Greenwich, that in the three several attempts to 
apply the cable current, the difference between 
the results has been Irss than ijn of a secund. 

Put on shipboard the variation is still great, 
though the last fifty years has largely reduced 
the error. Professor Rogers, of the Harvard 
College Observatory, in examining one hundred 
log-books of Atlantic steamships, has fountl an 
average error of three miles ; and he reports as 
significant of the superior care of the Cunard 
commanders that the error in the logs of their 
shiiis was reduced to an average of a mile and 
a half. 

1 Pelewel, ii. 130. 

- Humboldt, E.xamen critiqicc, ii. 210. 

^ The breadth cast and west of the Old 
World was marked variously, — on the Laon 
globe, 250°; Ikhaim's globe, 130°; Schoner's 



%,k 



k 




\im 



ii .,' 



'11 



I' I. 



lo: 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



BIHBALDVS PIRCHAIMERVS PATR. 
NoricusjHiftoricus. 




OammsauUortrant bonus, bijior'ta^ tfedorw 
Zammsduttoresbifiovu^ magif. 

M. O, XX XL 



PIRCKF.YMERUS.' 



to have been presented in the map which Bartholomew Cohimbus took to England in 
14S8 ; - but we have no trace of the chart itself.^ It has always been supposed that in the 



globe, 22S'; Ruvsch's map, 224°; Sylvanus' 
map, 220°; and the Portuguese chart of 1503, 
220°. 

1 Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner's Icones, 
Strasburp 1590, p 42. This well-known cos- 
mographical student was one of the collabora- 
ters of the series of the printed Ptolemies, 
beginning with that of 1525. There is a well- 
known print of Pirckeymerus by Albert Diircr, 
1524, which is reproduced in the Gazette des 
Beaux-Arts, xix. 114. Cf. Friedrich Campe's 
/.urn Ainienken Wilibald Pirkhewiers, Mitglieds 
des Katlis zii Xiirnberg (Nurnberg, 58 pj)., 



with jiortrait), and Wilibald Pirkheimer''s Atifen- 
t/ialt zti A'eiiiihof', ;■.'« i/tm sclbst geschildert , ncbst 
Beilrdi^eii zii dent Lebeu itiid dem xVachlasse seiner 
Set. :c'esten! itiid Tikhter, von Moritz Maximilian 
Meyer (Niirnberg, 1S2S). 

- This sea-chart was the first which had been 
seen in England, and almanacs at that time had 
only been known in London for fifteen years, 
with their tables for the sun's declination and 
tlie altitude of the pole-star. 

3 Cf. Atti della Sceietc) Ligiire, 1867, \>. 174, 
Dcsimoni in Giornale Liffiistieo, ii. 52. liar 
tholomew is also supposed fo have been the 



&m:^ 




TOSCANKLLl's MAI'.* 

' This is a restoration of the map as given in original was doubtless Latin. Another itstora- 
Z>as Ausland, lS6;, p. 5. The language of the tioii is given in St. Martin's Atlas, pi. i.\. 



I04 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



P 

ml 



m 



\ . 



well-known globe of Martin Behaim we get in the main an expression of the views held 
by Toscanelli, Columbus, and other of lichaim's contemporaries, who espoused the notion 
of India lying over agaiiist Europe. 

Eratosthenes, accepting the splierical theory, had advanced the identical notion 
which nearly seventeen liundred years later impelled Columbus to his voyage. He held 

the known world to span 
one third of the circuit of 
the globe, as Stralio did at 
a later day, leaving an un- 
known two thirds of sea ; 
and "if it were not that 
the vast e.xtent of the Atlan- 
tic Sea rendered it impos- 
sible, one might even sail 
from the coast of Spain 
to that of India along the 
same parallel." ^ 

Behaim had spent much 
of his life in Lisbon and the 
Azores, and was a friend of 
Columbus. He had visited 
Nuremberg, pro!)ably on 
some family matters aris- 
ing out of the death of his 
mother in 1487. While 
in this his native town, he 
gratified some of his towns- 
people by embodying in 
a globe the geographical 
views which prevailed in the 
maritime countries ; and the 
globe was finished before 
Columbus had yet accom- 
plished his voyage. The 
next year (1493) Behaim returned to Portugal ; and after having been sent to the Low 
Countries on a diplomatic mission, he was captured by English cruisers and carried to 
England. Escaping finally, and reaching the Continent, he passes from our view in 1494, 
and is scarcely heard of again. , 

Of Columbus' maps it is probable that nothing has come down to us from his own 
hand. 8 Humboldt would fain believe that the group of islands studding a gulf which 




"" U D y 



M'RTIN BEHAIM." 



maker of an anonymous planisphere of 1489 
(Peschcl, Vcbcr dnc altc Welthntc, p. 213). 

' Strabo, i. 65. Bunbury, Ancient Gtuip-aphy, 
i. 627, says the passage is unfortunately muti- 
lated, but the words preserved can clearly have 
no other signification. \Vhat is left to us of 
Eratosthenes are fragments, whicli were edited 
by Scidcl, at Gottingen, in 1789; again and 
better by Hcrnhardy (Berlin, \%zz). Uunburv 
(vol. i. ch. .\vi.) gives a suliicient survey of liis 
work and opinions. The spherical sliajie of the 
earth was so generally accepted by the learned 
after the times of Aristotle and Euclid, that 
when Eratosthenes in the third century, n.c. 



went to some length to prove it, Strabo, who 
criticised him two centuries later, thought ho 
had needlessly c.\erted himself to make plain 
what nobody disputed. Eratosthenes was so 
nearly accurate in his supposed size of the globe, 
that his excess over the actual size was less than 
one-scveuth of its great circle. 

- This cut follows the engravings in Ghil- 
lany's Behaim, and in Kuge's Ccsehiehte Jes Zeit- 
alters der Enliieckuiii^eu, [i. 105. 

3 There is a manuscript map of Hispaniola 
attached to the cony of the 1511 edition of 
Peter Martvr in the Colombina Library which is 
sometimes ascribed to Columbus; but Harrisst 



THE MAPS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



105 



Cathaja 




^ 



AZORtS 













y 



SECTION OF BEHAIM'S GLOBE.* 

appears on a coat-of-arms granted Columbus in May, 1493, has some interest as the 
earliest ol all cartographical records of the New World ; but the early drawings of the 



thinks it rather the work of Iiis brother Bar- 
tholomew {BiV. Ai?it:r. Vet., Add., xiii.) A map of 
this island, with the native divisions as Columbus 
found them, is given in Mufioz. The earliest 
separate map is in the combined edition of 
Peter Martyr and Oviedo edited by Ramusio 
in Venice in 1534 (Stevens, Bibliotheca gco- 
^rafhicii, no. 1,778). Lc disioiirs dc la uavii:;atioii 
(/.■ [can it Raoiil Parmcnticr, de Du'pl'c, including 
a description of .Santo Domingo, was edited by 
Ch. Schefer in Paris, 18S3; a description of 
the " isle de Ilaity " from Lc ^s^rand insttlahc 
ct pilotage d''Andrl Thevct is given in its ap- 
pendi.x. 

' This globe is made of papier-mache, cov- 
ered with gypsum, and over this a parchment 
surface received the drawing; it is twenty 
inches in diameter. It having fallen into decay, 
the Behaim family in Nuremberg caused it to be 
repaired in 1S25. In 1S47 a cojiy was made of it 
VOL. li. — 14. 



for the Depot Geographique (National Library) 
at Paris; the origin.tl is now in the city hall at 
Nuremberg. The earliest known engraving of 
it is in J. G. Doppelmayr's Historisclic A'luhricht 
von dill nunibcri^hihen Matlu-malikcrii mid K'iinst- 
Icrn (1730), which preserved some names that 
have since become illegible (Stevens, Historical 
Collection, vol. i. no. 1,396). Other representa- 
tions are given in Jomard's Monuments de la f^.o 
ra/'/iie ; Ghillany's Martin Behaim (1S53) and his 
F.rdf;lohus dcs Behaim itnd derdes Sc/ioner (iS.(2) ; 
C. G. von Murr's Diplomatische Ceschichte des 
Kilters Behaim (177S, and later editions and 
translations); Cladera's Investii:aciones (\-^C)\); 
Amorctti's translation of Pigafetta's Voyai;e de 
Magellan (Paris, 1801); Lelf^wel's Moyen-Ai^e 
(pi. .to; also see vol. ii. p. 131, and Epilos^ue, 
p. 1S4) ; Saint-Martin's Atlas ; Santarem's Atlas, 
pi. 61; the /oil null of the Royal Geographical 
Society, vol. xviii.; Kohl's Disccrcery of Maine ; 






'.I » 



1 06 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



arms are by no means constant in the kind of grouping whicli is given to these islands.' 
(^ucen Isabella, writing to the Admiral, Sept. 5, 1493, asks to sec the marine chart which 
he had made ; and Columbus sent such a map with a letter.' We have various other 

references to copies of this or similar 
charts of Columbus. Ojeda used such 
a one in following Columbus' route,' as 
he testified in the famous suit against the 
heirs of Columbus. Uernardo dc Ibarra, 
in the same cause, said that he had seen 
the Admiral's chart, and that he had 
heard of copies of it being used by 
Ojeda. and by some others.'' It is known 
that about i4yS Columbus gave one of his 
charts to the Pope, and one to Kent' of 
Lorraine. Angelo Trivigiano. secretary 
of the Venetian Ambassador to Spain, 
in a letter dated Aug. 21, 1501, addressed 
to Dominico Malipiero, speaks of a map 
of the new discoveries which Columbus 
had.o 

Three or four maps at least have 
come down to us which are supposed to 
represent in some way one or several o( 
these drafts by Columbus. The first of 
these is the celebrated map of the pilot 
Juan de la Cosa," dated in 1500, ot which 
some account, with a lieliotype fac-simile 




LA. COSA, 1500. 



I > 



; ,1 



i )•)■ i-' 



Irving's Coliimhus (some editions) ; Gay's Popu- 
lar Histoyy of the United Sliiti-s, i. 103; Harnes' 
Popular History of the United States ; Harpers' 
Monthly, vol. xlii.; H. li. liancroft's Central 
America^ i. 93. Rugc, in his Geschiehte des Zeit- 
alters der Entdeekiinqen, p. 230, reproduces the 
colored fac-simile in Ghill.any, and shows ad- 
ditionally upon it the outline of America in its 
proper place. The sketch in the text follows 
this representation. Cf. -lapers on Behaim 
.Hiid his globe (besides those accompanying 
the en?;ravings above indicated) in the Jour- 
nal of the American Ge()f;ra])hical Society 
(1S72), iv. 432, by the Rev. Mvtton Maury; in 
the publications of the Maryland Historical 
Society by Robert Dodge and John G. Morris; 
in the- Jaiireshericht des I'ereins fUr F.rdkunde 
(Dresden, 1S66), p. 59. Pcschcl, in his Zeitalter 
der Entdeekuni^en (i.''5S), ]). 90, and in the new 
edition edited bv Kugc, has a lower opinion 
of liehaim than is usu.ally t.aken. 

' Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 647. One of 
early engravings is given on page 15. 

- Xavarrete, i. 253, 264. 

^ Xavarrete, i. 5. 

■• Xavarrete, iii. 5S7. 

'•' Harrisse, A\'tes on Coliimhus, p. 34 
rcUi's I.cttera rarissinia (Bass.ino, iSio), ajipcn- 
A\\. A "carta nautica " of Columbus is named 



these 



Mo- 



under 1501 in the Atti della Soeietii lii;i:re, 1S67, 
\t. 174, and GiornaU Lii;ustieo, ii. 52. 

'' Of La Cosa, who is said to have been of 
l?as(|iie origin, we know but little. I'etcr Martvr 
tells us that his " cardes " were esteemed, and 
mentions finding a map ot his in 1514 in liishop 
Fonseca's study. We know he was with Colum- 
bus in his expedition along the southern co,ast 
of Cuba, when the Admiral, in his folly, m.ade 
his companions sign the declaration that they 
were on the coast of Asia. This was during 
Columbus' second voyage, in 1494; and Stevens 
{.Votes, etc.) claims that the way in which La 
Cosa cuts off Cuba to the west with a line of 
green |)aint — the conventional color for "terra 
incognita " — indicates this possibility of connec- 
tion with the main, as Kuysch's scroll does in 
his map. The interpretation may be correct ; 
but it might still have been drawn an island 
fri m intimations of the natives, though Ocampo 
did not circumnavigate it till 150S. The natives 
of Guanahani distinctly told Columbus that Cuba 
was an island, as he relates in his Journal. Ste- 
vens also remarks how I^a Cosa colors, with the 
same green, the extension of Cuba beyond the 
limits of Columbus' exploration on the north 
coast in 1492. La Cosa, who had been with 
Ojeda in 1499, and with Rodrigo de B.astidas in 
1 501, was killed on the coast in 1509. Cf. En. 



II 

\n\ik 



THE MAI'S OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



107 



of the Amurican part of the map, is given in another place.' After the death (April 27, 
1S52) of Walckenaer (who had bought it at a moderate co.st of an ignorant dealer in 
second-hand articles), it was sold at public auction in I'aris in the spring of 1853, wiien 
Jomard failed to secure it for the Imperial Library in I'aris, and it went to Spain, where, 
in the naval museum at Madrid it now is. 

Of the next earliest of the American maps the story has recently been told with great 
fulness by Il.irrisse in his I.es Corlercal, accompanied by a large colored fac-simile of the 
map itseh'. executed by I'ilinski. The map was not unknown before,- and Ilarrissc had 
earlier described it in his Cabots.-^ 

We know that Caspar CortereaH had already before 1500 made some explorations, 
during which he had discovered a mainland and some islands, but at what precise date 
it is impossililc to determine ; ^ nor can we decide upon the course he had taken, but it 
seems likely it was a westerly one. We know also that in this same year (1500) he 
made his historic voyage to the Newfoundland region,'' coasting the neighboring shores, 
probably, in September and October. Then followed a second expedition from Janu.iry 
to October of the next year (1501), — the one of which we have the account in the I'lirsi 
iiovainciitc retro-iHiti, as furnished by Pasqualigo.' There was at tliis time in Lisbon 
one Alberto C.intino, a correspondent — with precisely what quality we know not — of 
Hercule d' Este, Duke of Ferrara; and to this noble jjcrsonage Cantino, on the 19th of 
October, addressetl a letter embodying what he had seen and learned of the newly 
returned companions of Caspar Cortereal." 

The Report of Cantino instigated the Duke to ask his correspondent to procure for him 
a map of these explorations. Cantino procured one to be made ; and inscribing it, " Carta 
da navigar per le Isole novam"' tr. . . . in le parte de I'lndia : dono Alberto Cantino Al 
S. Duca Hercole," he took it to Italy, and delivered it by another hand to the Duke at 
Ferrara. Here in the family archives it was preserved till 1592, when the reigning Duke 
retired to Modena, his library following him. In 1868, in accordance with an agreement 
between the Italian Covernment and the Archduke Francis of Austria, the cartographical 
monuments of the ducal collection were transferred to the Uiblioteca ICstense, where this 
precious map now is. The map was accompanied when it left Cantino's hands by a note 



rique dc Legiiina's Juan dc la Cosa, estudio biog- 
riijico (Madrid, 1S77); Ilumlwldt's Examen cri- 
tique and his Cosmos, Eiig, tr. ii,, 639; Ue la 
Ko([uette, in the Bulletin dc la Socictl dc Gcogra- 
fhiedc Paris, Mai, 1S62, p. 29S ; Harrisse's Catwts, 
pp. 52, 103, 15O, and his Lcs Cortcreal, p. 94 ; and 
the references in Vol. IIL of the present His- 
tory, p. 8. 

1 Vol. III. p. 8. The fac-simile there given 
follows Joniard's. I larrissc (Xotcs on Columbus, 
p. 40), comparing Jomard's reproduction with 
Humboldt's description, thinks there are omis- 
sir)ns in it. liecher {Landfall of Columbus) 
speaks of the map as "the clumsy production, 
of an illiterate seaman." T' re is also a repro- 
duction of the American i)arts of the map in 
Weise's Disc enterics of America, 1SS4. 

- Ongania, of Venice, announced some years 
ago a fac-simile rcproduclion in his Raccolta di 
maft'i""i"di, edited by Professor Fischer, of 
Kiel. It was described in 1S73 by Giusepp? 
IJuni in Cenni storici della Rcale Bibliotccu Estetisc 
in Modena, and by Gustavo Uzielli in his Studi 
bibliografici e bio^rafici, Rome, 1S75, 

» Pages 143, 1 58. 



* He was born about 1450; Lcs Cortereal,\>.Tf>. 
Cf . E. do Canto's Os Cortc-Rcacs ( 1SS3), p. 28. 

s Lcs Cortcreal, p. 45. 

•■' Sec Vol. IV. chap. i. 

■J I larrissc, L.es Cortcreal, p. 50, translates this 

•* Printed for the first time in I larrissc, /^I'j 
Cortcreal, app. xvii. From I'asciualigo and 
Cantino down to the time of Gomara we find no 
mention of these events; and Gomara, writing 
fifty years later, seems to confound the events 
of 1500 with those of I50t. Gomara also seems 
to have had some Portuguese charts, which we 
do not now know, when he says that Cortcreal 
gave his name to some isl.ands in llie entrance 
of the gulf "Cuadrado" (.St. Lawrence .> ), lying 
under 50° north latitude. Further than this, 
Gomara, as well as Kamiisio, seems to have 
depended mainly on the Pasqualigo letter ; and 
Herrera followed (jomara (Harrisse, Lcs Cortc- 
real, p. 59). Harrisse can now collate, as he does 
(p. 65), the two narratives of I'ascpialigo and 
Cantino for the first time, and finds Cortereal's 
explorations to have covered the Atlantic coast 
from Delaware Pay to Baffin's Pay, if not far- 
ther to the north. 



loS 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






> 



>: V 



j 



i OCEANliSOCCIDENTALIS 



♦:^ 






"too 



HAS ANTILHAS 

O 






gjir TCRRA 
R[Y 
DE 
PORTUGU/ILL 





THE CANTINO MAP, 



'r 



ill;* 



ill 



11. ■/ !! 



I 



■fill 



addressed to the Duke and dated at Rome, Nov. 19, 1502,- which fortunately for us fixes 
very nearly the period of the construction of the ni.ap. A mucii reduced sketch is 
annexed. 

For the northern coast of South America La Cosa and Cantino's draughtsmen seem 
to have had ditTerent authorities. La Cosa attaciies forty-five names to that coast: Can- 
tino only twenty-nine; and only three of them are common to the two." Harrisse 
argues from the failure of the La Cosa map to give certain intelligence of the Atlantic 

1 This is sketched from Harrisse';; fac-siinile, — which h.is been calculated by ILirrisse to 1)8 

which is of the si/c of the original map. The at 62" 30,' weat of Paris, 
(lotted line is the Line of Demarcation, — -' Harrisse, Z« Cc;-/(m'<7/, p. 71. 

"Este he omarco dantre castella y Portiiguall," ' Ibid, p. 96. 



Tin; MAI'S nv tiik kakmkst discovkkies. 



109 



coast of the Unitcil .Stales (Iiltc represented in tlie luirtli and south trend of shore, iiottli 
of Cuba), that there was existinjj; in October, 1 500, at least in Spanisii t irclcs, no knowledge 
of it,' but tiiat explorations must inve taken place before the summer of 1 502 which afforded 
tlie knowledge cmi)odied in this Cantino ma|). This coast was not visited, so far as is 
positively known, by any Spanish expedition previous to 1502. Besides the eight Spanish 
voyajjcs of this period (not countiTif; tlie proiilematical one of \'espucius) of which we have 
ilocumentary proof, there were doubtless others of which we have intimations; but we 
know nothing of their discoveries, except so far as those before 1500 may be eniimdied in 
La Cosa's chart.- The researclies of Harrisse have failed to discover in J'ortugal any 
positive trace of voyages made from that kingdom in isot, or tliereabout, records of which 
iiave been left in the Cantino map. Ilumbolilt had intimated that in Lisbon at that time 
there was a knowledge of the connection of the Antilles with the northern discoveries of 
Cortereal by an intervening coast ; but Ilarri.sse iloubts if Humboldt's authority — which 
seems to have been a letter of I'asciualigo sent to Venice, dateil Oct. 18, 1501, found in the 
/h'ani of Marino Sanuto, a manuscript preserved in Vienna — means anything more 
than a conjectural belief in such connection. Ilarrisse's conclusion is that between the 
close of 1500 and the summer of 1502, some navigators, of whose ames and nation we 
are ignorant, but who were ])robably Spanish, explored the coast of the present United 
States from Pensacola to the Hudson. This Atlantic coast of Cantino terminates at 
about 51/ north latitude, running nearly north and south from the Ca|ie of Florida to that 
elevation. Away to the cast in mid-ocean, and placed so far easterly as doubtless to ajipear 
on the Portuguese side of the Line of Demarcation, and covering from about fifty to tifty- 
nine degrees of latitude, is a large island which stands for the discoveries of Cortereal, 
" Terra del Key du I'ortuguall ; " and northeast of this is the point of Greenland apparently, 
with Iceland very nearly in its proper place." This Cantino map, now positively fixed in 
1502, establishes the earliest instance of a kind of delineation of North Ainerica which pre- 
vailed for some time. Students of this early cartography have long supposed this geo- 
graphical idea to date from about this time, and have traced back the origin of what is 
known as "The Admiral's Map"'' to data accumulated in the earliest years of the six- 
teenth century. Inileed Lelewel,'' thirty years ago, made up what he called a Portuguese 
chnrt of 1501-1504, by combining in one draft the maps of the 1513 Ptolemy, with a hint 
or two from the Sylvanus map of 1 51 1, acting on the belief that the Portuguese were the 
real first pursuers, or at least recorders, of explorations of the Floridian peninsula and of 
the coast northerly." 

The earliest Spanish map after that of La Cosa which has come down to us is the 
one which is commonly known as Peter Martyr's map. It is a woodcut measuring 11 X 
y'/< inches, and is usually thought to have first appeared in the Lei^atio Dabylonica. or 



1 Some have considered that this Atlantic 
coast ill Cantino may in reality have been Yuca- 
tan. But this peninsula was not visited earlier 
than 1506, if we suppose Soils and Pinzon 
reached it, and not earlier than 15 17 if Cor- 
dova's expedition was, as is usually supposed, 
the first c.\])lor.ation. The n.anies on this coast, 
twenty-two in number, arc all legible hut si.\. 
They resemble those on the Ptolemy iiiajis of 
150S and 1 51 J, and on Schiincr's globe of 
1520, which points to an earlier map not now 
known. 

- These earliest Spanish voyages are, — 

1. Columbus, Aug. 3, 1492 — March 15, 1493. 

2. Columbus, Sept. 25, 1493 — June II, 1496. 

3. Columbus, May 30, 1498 — Nov. 25, 1500. 

4. Alonzo de Ojeda, May 20, 1499 — June, 
I 500, to the Orinoco. 



5. Piro Alonzo Niiio and Christuval Guerra, 
June, 1.199 — April, 1500, to Paria. 

6. Vicente Yafiez I'inzon, December, 1499 — 
September, 1500, to the Amazon. 

7. Diego de Lepe, December, 1499 (?) — 
June, 1500, to Cape St. Aiigustin. 

8. Rodrigo de liastidas, October, 1500 — 
September, 1502, to Panama. 

^ The (Jrecnlaiid peninsula seems to have 
been seen by Cortereal in i 500 or 1501, and to 
be here called " Poiita d' Asia," in accordance 
witli the prevalent view that any mainland here- 
about nuist he .\sia. 

^ .See fac-simile on liage \iz, post. 

'•' Plate 43 of his Gcoi^aphie dti Moycn-age. 

'^ De Costa points out that La Cosa com- 
plains of the Portuguese being in this region 
in 1503. 



no NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




", 1% 



1 



4 



^1 



bm 



I 




' The 1 51 1 map, here given in fac-simile 
after another fac-similc in the duter-Brmoii Cotu- 
/i'Xiu; lias been several times reproduced, — in 
Stevens's ^\'<>/i'j-, pi. 4; J. II. I.cfrov's AAiiiiiriii/s 
of tliv Ih'riniidas, London, 1S77; H. \. Schu- 
macher's J'itnis Miirtyr, New York, 1S79; and 
crroneousU- in 1 1. It. I'ancroft's Cciitriil Ameriai. 
I- 1 27. Cf. also I larrissc, BM. Amcr. l\-t., no. 66 ; 
■l./,!iiit»is, p. viii anil no. 41 ; A'l'A'.f .'// Columbus, 



p. 9; and his Lcs Cortercal, p. 113. Copies of 
the book are in the Carter-lirown, l.eno.\, Daly, 
and Harlow libraries. A copy (no. 1605*) was 
sold in the Murphy sale. Quaritch has jiriced 
a jicrfect copy at /"too. The map gives the 
earliest knowledge which we have of the lier- 
nuidas. Cf. the " I)cscripcion do la isla lier- 
muda" (iSjSJ.in ISuckingham Smith's CoUccion. 
1'- 92' 




PART OF THK ORIilS 'lYPUS UNIVERSALIS (PTOLEMY, I513).' 



' Pile Euroiiean prolongation of Gronland Another reduced fai-simile is given in Kuge's 
••esemWes that of a Portuguese map of 1400. Gi:u/i/r/i/e(/i-s /,-i/,i//irst/cr /iii.'d'iiuii,!,vii (iS^t-) 



iia 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AiMERICA. 







iH 






O 



H/r»rrr.t turn .i>M»tn(il«''infu(i< mamlntllpnCflimlni 



TERKA 



Trpyfart CtptAmm 




TABULA TERRE NOVE, OR THE ADMIRAI.'s MAP (PTOI.EMY, 1513).^ 






' 'i 



' I 



.1 ■' 



If 



Martyr's first decade, at Seville, 1511 ; but Harrisse is inclined to believe that the map dia 
not originally belong to Martyr's book, because three copies of it in the original vellum 



These 1513 niajis were reprinted in the Stras- 
burg, 1520, cditiim oi Ptolciny (co|)ics in the Car- 
ter-lirowii Library and in tlic M'lii/'/ty Gi/iiliX'i'', 
no. 3,05.';), and were rc-cngraved on a reduced 
scale, Imt with more elaboration and with a few 
changes, for the J'lo!t-iiiics of 1522 and i i;25 : and 
they were again the basis of those in Scrvcliis' 
Violcmy of 15;, 5. 

1 Koh! remarks that tlie names on the Snuth 
American coast (north i)art) are carried no 



farther than (Ijcda went in 1499, and no farther 
south than Vespucius went in 1503; while the 
connection made of the two .Americas was \\xo\y- 
ablv conjectural. Other fac-siniilcs of the map 
are given in Varnhagen's Premier -•■oyni^e dc /Vr- 
piirci\ in Weise's Discc^'erics of America, p. 124J 
and ill Stevens's Histoyicii! am! Geixrap/iiral 
Xo/es, 1)1. 2. Cf. Santarem (Childe's tr.). 153. 
Wicscr, in his .1Ai/:a//iii,:r-Sfrass<- (Innsbruck, 
iSSi), p. 15, mentions a manuscript note-book 



s 



niE MATS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



I 1 



which lie has examined do not havu the map. Ouarilch * says that coj^ies vary, that the 
leaf containing the map is an insertion, and tliat it is sometimes on different folios. 'I'lius 
of two issues, one is called a second, because two leaves seem to have been reprinted to 
correct t rrors, and two new leaves are inserted, and a new title is printed. It is held by 
some th;it the map properly belongs to this issue. Urevoort - thinks that the publication 
of the map was tlistasteful to the Spanish Government (since the King this .same year 
forbade maps being given to foreigners); and he argues that the scarcity of the book may 
indicate that attempts were made to suppress it.^ 

The maker of tlie 1513 map is we have it was Waldseemullcr, or Ilylacomylus, of St. 
Die. in the Vosges Mountains ; and Lelewel ■* gives reasons for believing that the plate had 
been engraved, and that copies were on sale as early as 1507. It had been engraved at the 
expense of Duke Rend II. of Lorraine, from information furnished by him to perfect some 
anterior chart ; but the plate does not seem tj have been used in any book before it ap- 
peared in this 1513 edition of I'tolemy.'* It bears along the coast this legend: "Ilec 
terra adjacentibus insulis inventa est per Columbu ianuensem ex mandato Regis Cas- 
telle ; " and in the Address to the Reader in the .Supiilement appears the following sentence, 
in which the connection of Columbus with the map is thought to be indicated : " Cliarta 
ante marina (juam lIydrograi)hiam vocant per Adniiralem [? Coluniliiis\ quondam serenissi. 
I'ortugalie \) llispaiii(c'\ regis Eerdinandi ceteros denique lustratores verissimis pagra- 
tioibus lustrata, ministerio Renati, dum vixit, nunc pie mortui. Duels illustris. Lotharingie 
liberalius prclographationi tradita est." '' 

This •' Admiral's map " seems to have been closely followed in the map which Gregor 
Reisch annexed to his popular encyclopx'dia,' the Marij^aritix philosofiliica. in 1 5 1 5 ; though 
there is some difference in the coast-names, and the river mouths and deltas on the coast 
west of Cuba are left out. Stevens and others have contended that this represents 
Columbus' Ganges ; but Varnhagen makes it stand for the Gulf of Mexico and the Missis- 
sippi,— a supposition more nearly like Reisch's interpretation, as will be seen by his 
distinct separation of the new lands from Asia. Reisch is, however, uncertain of their 



of Schijner, the globe-maker, preserved in the 
Hof-l)iblii)thck at Vienna, which has a sketch 
resembling this 1513 map. Harrisse ([.cs Cor- 
IciYiil, |-)p. 122, 120) has ])ointed (uit the corre- 
spondence of its names to the Cantiiio map, 
ihouLli the WaUlsecmiiller map has a few names 
which arc not on the Cantino. Again, Harrisse 
(Lis Corterciil, p. 1 28) argues from the fact 
that tlie relations of Duke Rene with Portugal 
were cordial, while they were not so with Spain, 
and from the resemblance of Rene's map in the 
I'tolemy of 1513 to that of Cantino, that the 
missing map ujjon which Waldseemiiller is said 
to have worked to produce, with Rene's help, 
the so-called " .\ilmirars map," was the origi- 
nal likewise of that of Cantino. 

' Catidos^iic of Kehruarv, 1S79, pricing a 
C) )y of tlie book, with the map, at ^100. This 
(Tiiaritcli copy is now owned bv Mr. C. 1 1. 
Kalhlleisch, of New York, and its title is differ- 
ent from the transcription given in S.abin, the 
Carter-lirown and liarlow catalogues, whicl 
would seem to indicate that the title was set up 
three times it least. 

- ]'t'rntzi:m\ p. 102. 

" The editions of 1516 and 1530 have no 
map, and no .iflir/,!/ mciyi was published in Siiaiu 
(ill 1790. The Cabot map of 1544 is clearly 

VOL. II. — 15. 



from Spanish sources, and Urevoort is inclined 
to think that the single copy known is the 
remainder after a like suppression. The Medina 
sketch of 1545 is too minute to have convcved 
much intelligence of the Spanish knowledge, 
and may have been jiermitted. 

< Vol. ii. p. 143. 

'' This edition will come under more partic- 
ular observation in connection with Vespucius. 
There are cojiies in the Astor Library and in the 
libraries of Congress, of the Aincrican Anti- 
quarian Society, and of Trinity College, Hartford 
(Cooke sale, no. 1,950), and in the Carter-lirown, 
liarlow, and K.albtleisch collections. There 
was a copy in the Murpliv sale, no. 2,052. 

" Cf. Santarem in />'////<■//// ,/,■ /,i Soa'i'/r tie 
C'o^nf'/iU' tit: J'tu-is (I'&yj), viii. [71, and inhis K,- 
eho-fhes sitr Vesfucc cl scs-'oviii^t-i, p. 165; Wieser'x 
Mti-^'ii/.'ni. Slnisst; p. 10. It will be seen that in 
the Latin ipioted in the text there is an incon- 
gruity in making a " Ferdinand " king of Por- 
tugal at a time when no such king ruled that 
kingdom, but a Ferdinand did govern in ."^iiain. 
The Admiral could hardly have been other 
than Columbus, but it is too much to sav 
that he made the map, or even had a chief 
hand in it. 

' Cf. IhinibokU, Ci'siiit's. Eng.tr., ii.fijo, C21 



114 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Ilv' 



hHi! 



4 



m 



\i 







PART OF REISCH'S MAP, 1515.' 



' There is another fac-similc in Stevens's (Murphy, no. 3,089); but in 150,} tl\ere were 
Historical and Ccot^raphical Notes, pi. 4. An two editions, with a niappeniondc wliicli had no 
edition of Reisch aiii)carcd at Freiburg in 1503 otlier reference to America tlian in the legend; 



THJi MAPS OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



115 



,uL> 



"""AZORES 




C.V£f^d*£. 



TiRRA 5ANCT£ CRI''CI^ 

5IV£ 

MUMOUS NOVOS. 



RUYSCH, 1508.* 

western limits, which are cut off by the scale, as shown in the map ; while on the other 
side of the same scale Cipango is set clown in close proximity to it. 



"Hie lion terra setl mare est in qao mira; mag- 
nitudiiiis insula; sed I'tolcnia;o fucrunt incog- 
nita;." Some copies are (lilted 1505. (Miirphy, 
r •). 3,ogo.) A copy dated 150S, Basle, "cum :id- 
ditionilnis novis " (Quaritch, no. 12,363; Baer's 
Ituiiuakbi, 1SS4, no. 64, at 36 marks ; and .Mur- 
phy, no. 2,112 *) had the same map. The 1515 
edition had the map above given. (Ilairissc, 
/)'//'/. Amcr. Vet., no. 82 ; AMitions, no. 45, 
noting a copy in the Imperial Library at Vienna. 
Kohl copies in his Washington Collection from 
one in the library at Munich.) The Basle edi- 
tion of 1517 has a still different wood-cut map. 



(Beckford, Cat(ih'i;ii(,vo\. iii. no. 1,256; Murphy, 
no. 2,112 **.) Not till 1535 did an edition have 
any reference to America in the text. (JSibl, 
Ai>!ei: IW; no. 20S.) The latest edition is that 
of 15.S3, Basle, with a mappemonde showing 
America. (Leclerc, no. 2,926.) Cf. further in 
D'Avezac's Wallziiiiii/h'r, p. 94; Kunstmann's 
Eiitdtckuii!^ Amerikas, p. 130; Ste\'ens's Notes, 
p. 52 ; Kohl, Die heideii iiltesten Ceiieral-Karten 
von America, p. 33. 

' .\ heliotypc fac-simile is given in Vol. IIL 
p. 9, where are various references and a record 
of other fac-siiniles; to which may be added 



,N 



h i 



,f!i I 



m 



i^' 



':i;''i: 



\:'y 









t 

I- 

J. 



Il6 NARRATUK AM) CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



E^J^J^S^ 




STOIiXlC^A, 1512.' 



Varnhagen's A^ik'ps esfiidos (Vienna, 1S74); • It is held that this map shows the earliest 

Kiige's 0,.!c-/iit/i/i- ifi's /.lititticrs i/i'- EiitJickiiii- attempt to represent on a plane a si)here trim 

s^eii ; Weise's DisciKcrit-s of Aiiieyica ; and on a cated at the jioles. Wieser (M,i!^ittlht!i-Sliiisse, 

small scale in H. II. Bancroft's Ccnlrai AvuriiM, p. 1 1 ) speaks of a mamiscript copy of Slobnicza's 

vol. i. western hemisphere, maile liv Cilareaniis, which 



IHE MAI'S OF THE EARI lES T DISCOVERIES. 



Mathemaricus. 



117 




SCHONEK.' 



c earliest 
icre trun 
's-Slnisse, 
Dbnicza's 
us, wliich 



It has been supposed that it was a map of this type whicii Bartholomew Columbus, 
when he visited Rome in 1505, jj;ave to a canon of St. John Lateran, toitether with one 
of the printed accounts of his brother's voyaije ; and this canon i;ave the map to Ales- 
sandro Strozzi, '-suo amico e compilatore della raccolta," as is .stated in a marginal note in 
a coiM' of the Mundiis novus in the Magliabecchian library.^ 

Cnluiiiiius is said to have had a vision before his fourth voyage, during which he saw 
rmd depicted on a map a strait between the regions north and south of the .Antillian .Sea. 
I)e Lorgues, with a convenient alternative for his saintly hero, savs that the mistake was 
only in making the strait of water, when it should have been of land ! 



's bound with a cnpv of WaUlsccuiiiller's Cos- 
niOi;ra['h!(t iitlroiliiitio, preserved in the Univer- 
sity I.ihrarv at .Nrimicli. Cf. Vol. I'',. \i. 1.), with 
references there, and Winsor's Jiihlicxrii/'/iy of 
Ptolt-niv sub anno 1512; Ilarrisse, Xotc: on 
Columbus, \i. 17S, and />//'/ Aincr. l\-t., nos. 69 
and 05, and AMilious, no. .(7. The only co|)ies 
of the Stubnicza lutroductio in this country lack 
the maps. One in the Carter-lirown Library has 
it in fac-simile, and the other was sold in the 
Afurphv sale, no. 2.075 



' I'ac-simile of a cut in Rcusner's liones 
(Strasluug, 1590), p. 127. Cf. on Schoner's 
gciij,'ra])liical lal)ors, Doppclniayr's Ilistoruilu 
A'lic/nii/it :'oi! ticu iiurulvri;isi/icn Miitlumiilikerii 
uud Kiiustlcrn (1730); Will uud Nnpitsch's 
A'urulii>xisi-/us Gi-U-lnti-n-Ltxicon (1757); Ghilla- 
ny's En/^/o/ius d,:s Bohahn uiul dcr dcs Schoucr ; 
anil Varnhagen's Sc/toui-r <• Apiauus (Vienna, 
1 87 2). 

- This supposition is not .-ustaincd in Wie. 
ser's A'iiitodos /!. l\''i<ui/'o (l.Sy^). 







tl8 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




SCHOVER, 1515. 



11 



«;i! 






'I,'- 



b.''^il 



We have a suspicion of this strait in another map whicli has been held to have had 
some connection with the drafts of Columbus, and tiiat is the Ruysch rnap, which appeared 



' According to Wieser {Miif;,tl/idcs-Slr<issc, 
p. ig) this glol)C, which exists in copies at Wei- 
mar (of which Wicscr gives the above sl<etcli 
from Jomard's fac-simile of the one nt Fraiil<- 
fort, but with some particulars added from tliat 
at Weimar) and at Franlcfort (which is figured 
in Jomard), was made to accompany Schiiner's 
Lnc!i!,-ii/istii)i<i ijiiu-ildni /ei-ric totiiis JcSiViptio, 
printed in 1 5 1 5. Cf. I larrisse, A\'tes on Cohinihus, 
p. 179, and /)'//'/. Aiiicr. l',i., nos. So, Si ; Mur- 
phy, no. 2,233- Copies of .SchiJner's [.itciilciilis- 



j/wi/, etc., are in tlie Harvard College, Carter- 
li'own, and Leno.\ libraries. 

In 1523 SchiJner printed another tract, Dc 
iiiipcr sub Ciis/iliu- nc Porliigali<c rcqihiis Siiriiis- 
<i»/is ref^irtis iiuiilis ac >V!,'/i'iii7>us, descriptive of 
his globe, which is extremely rare. Wieser re- 
ports copies in the great libraries of Vienna and 
T,ondon onlv. Varnliagcn reprinted ii from the 
Vienna copy, at St. Petersburg in 1S72 (forty 
copies onlv), under the designation, Raiiipyi-ssion 
Jidik tfuiic ktlrc lie Jean Sc/ioiu); 1) profos dt 



M 



THE .MAI'S OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



119 




' 



SCHONER. 1530.' 



SOI! f;/olie, iivile en 1523. The Latin is given 
in Wicscr's ^fll■^',^'' ics-S/rasse, \t. 118. Joliann 
SclKjncr or Scliiinci (for the spcllinc; varies) was 
burn in 1477, and died in 1547. Tl'.e testimony 
of tliis globe to an early knowledj;'; of the straits 
afterward made known bv ^^agellan is exam- 
ined on a later page. The notions which long 
l)revailed respecting a large Antarctic continent 
arc traced in Wieser'.s Miii;ii//i<ii's-Sfi\j.<:st\ \i. 59, 
And in Santarem, Histoii-c de lit cartoi^mpliii-, 
li. 277. 

Cf. on the copy at Frankfort, — Vol. III. 
p. 215, of the present f/is/oiy ; Kohl's General- 
Kartell von Aiiierika, p. 33, and liis Visco7>eiy of 
Maine, XI. 159; Encye!op(cdia Britannica, x. 6S1 ; 



Von Kichthofcn's C/iiiia, p. 641 ; yournal ol the 
Royal Geographical Society, xviii. 45. On the 
copy at Weimar, see Humboldt, Kxaiiien erit- 
iijue, and his Introduction to Ghillany's Kitler 
Behaiin. 

^ This globe, which has been distinclively 
known as Schiincr's globe, is preserved at Xu- 
rcmburg. There are representations of it in 
Santarem, Lclewcl, Wieser, Ghillany's Be/iai'ni, 
Kohl's Ge.u/n\-///e i/er /ut/,/ee/:nnx'sreisen :iir Ma- 
xe//an's-S/rasse (lierlin, 1S77), p. S ; 1 1. II. Ban- 
croft's Central Anieriea, i. 1 37; an' in Harper's 
Ma^i^azine, February, iS7i,and December, 1SS2, 
p. 731. The earliest engraving appeared in the 
Jahre^berieht Jer techiiischcn Anstalteu in Xiirn 



M 



I20 



NARRATIVF. AVD CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






THE TROSS GORKS, 1514-1519.' 

in the Roman Ptolemy of ijoS,^ the earliest published map, unless the St. Die map takes 
precedence, to show any part of tlie new discoveries. It seems from its resemblance to 



beri^ fio- 1.S42, accompanied by a paper by Dr. 
Ghillaiiy; and the same writer repriKluced it in 
his Ei\l.:lohiis diS Ihhaim uiul tier dcs Sc'/ioiit'r 
(1.S4J). The globe is signed: " Pcrfecit euni 
Haml)eiga; 1520, Joh. Schiinenis." Cf. Von 
Murr, Mimoriil'iliii bil'liothccaruin Noril<crs;ciisiHm 
(17S6), i. 5; llnmlioldt, I'.xiuniii criliqiic, ii. 2S ; 
Winsor's /iihiii'xmp/iy of Ptolemy sub anno 1522 ; 
and Vol. III. p. 214, of the present ITistoiy. 

1 Twelve gores of a globe found in a cojiy of 
the Cosmo;^mphi<i iiitrodiictio, published at Lug- 
duni, 1 514 (?), and engraved in a catalogue of 
Tross, the Paris bookseller, in iS.Si (nos. xiv. 
4,924). The book is now owned bv Mr. C. H. 
Kalbfleisch, of New York. Ilarrisse {C.iliofi, 
\i. 1S2) says the map was engraved in rji.), and 



ascribes it to Louis IJmilcngcr. (Cf. Vol. TIL 
p. 214, of the [ireseut History.) There are two 
copies of this edition of the Cosmo^^ruf'Iiiic iiitro- 
i/iirtio in the liritish Museum; and D'.Vvezac 
[Wii/lzciiiiUh'i; ]). 123) says the date of it cannot 
be earlier than 1517. Ilarrisse says ho erred 
in dating it 1510 in the />V/'/. Aiin-r. I'o/., no. 63. 
Cf. Winsor's Bi/ilio'^ivp/iy of Ptilcmy sub anno 
1522. 

- Pope Julius n. (July 2.S, 1506) gave to 
Tosinus, the publisher, the exclusive sale of this 
edition for six years. It was first issued in 
1507, and had six new maps, besides those of the 
editions of 147S and 1490, but none of America. 
There are copies in the Carter-Prown Library; 
and noted in the Mttifhy Cittiloi^iiv, no. 2,049; 



i ',i 



■^. 






131 

gcog- 
III La 



IlIK MAI'S OF THK KAKLIKST DISCOVERIKS. 

tfic l.a Cosn cli;irt to have liccn kept duilIi iicirer the Columhian draft than tli(: 
rapher of St. Di<5, with liis Portuguese helps, was coiUunted to leave it in his map. 
Cosa tlie vignette of St. 
Ciiristoplii-'r had concealed 
the mystery "f a westerly 
passage ; ' Kuysch assumes 
it, or at least gives no inti- 
mation of his belief in the 
inciosure of the Antillian 
Sea. Harrisse - has |)uinted 
out how an entirely ditVer- 
ent coast-nomenclature in 
the two ma|)s points to dif- 
ferent originals of the two 
map-makers. The text of 
this 1508 edition upon 
" Terra Xova " and " Santa 
Cruz " is l)v Marcus Hene- 
ventanus. There are rea- 
.sons to believe that the map 
may have been issued sep- 
arately, as well as in the 
book ; and the cojiies of the 
map in the liarlow Collec- 
tion and in Harvard College 
Library are perhaps of this 
separate issue." 

The distinctive features 
both of the La Cosa and the 
Kuysch drafts, of the Can- 
tino map and of the Wald- 
seemiiller or St. Die map of 
I3I3, were preserved, with 
more or less modifications 
in many of the early maps. 
The Stobnicza map — pub- 
lished in an Iiitnufuclio to 
Ptolemy at Cracow in 1512 
— is in effect the St. Did 

map, with a western ocean in place of the edge of the plate as given in the 15 13 
Ptolemy, and is more like the draft of Reiscli's map published three years later. 




mOnster, 



^sy-* 



ive to 
.f tills 
in 
if the 



and one was recently priced by Rosenthal, of 
Munich, at 500 marks. It was reissued in 150S, 
with a description of the \ew World by lienc- 
ventanus, accompanied by this map of Ruysch; 
and of this 150S edition there are copies in 
the Aster Library, the Library of Congress, 
of tlie American Geographical Society, of Yale 
College (CooUe sale, vol. ii. no. 1,949), and in 
the Carter-ISrown and Kalbtleisch collections. 
One is noted in the Afniphy sale, no. 2,050, 
which is now at Cornell University. 

' H. II. liaiicroft [Ct-iitral Ai/ii'rua, p. 116) 
curiously intimates that the dt>tted line which 
VOL. II. — 16. 



he gives in his engraving to mark the [ilace of 
this vignette, st.ands for some sort of a fen.i 
ii!iOi;iiitii ! 

- Les Coytercat, ]). llS. 

•^ Harrisse, Cabots, p. 164. In his JVo/cs on 
Coliimliiis, p. 56, he conjectures that it sold for 
forty florins, if it be the same with the map of 
the Xcw World which J<ihauues Trithemus com- 
plained in 1507 of his inability lo buy for that 
price (Episto/tefiiiiiiliiurs, 1536). 

•• There are other drawings of this map i.\ 
Stevens's A'oles ; in Nordenskiijld's Bi-od:nit 
/ciios (Stockholm, 1SS3) ; etc 



/■* 



I 



I 'iF' 



hm 



122 



NARRATIVE ANO CRITICAL HISTORY OK A.MF.RICA. 





7^t>^'' 



•'«=C3 






The Schoncr globe of 1515, often cited as the Frankfort globe ; (he ScIupirt glolie of 
1570; the so-called Tross gores of 1514-1519; Ihcmapof I'ctriis Apianiis ' or liicnewitz, 

as he was calluil in his vernacular — 
which appeared in the t'olyliistoriii 
of Soliniis, uditcd hy the Itali.m 
monk Caniers, and also in 1522 in 
the Dcorbis situ of I'omponius Mela, 
published by \'adiai)us, — all pre- 
serve the same characteristics with 
the St. Uie map. excepting thai they 
show the western [lassage referred 
to in Columbus' dream, and so far 
unite some of the inferences from 
the map of Ruysch. There was a 
curious survival of this Cantino type, 
particularly as regards North Amer- 
ica for many years yet to come, as 
seen in the map which Miiiister 
added to the Basle edition of the 
Nevus oi/iis in 1532 and lS37i and 
in the drawing which Jomard gives - 
as from " une cassette de la Collec- 
tion Trivulci, dite Cassettina all' 
Agemina." This last drawing is a 
cordiform mai)pemonde, very like 
another which accompanied Hon- 
ter's Kudimciitii cosiiiot^niphica in 
1542, and which was repeated in va- 
rious editions to as late a period as 
1590. Thus it happened that for 
nearly a century geograi)hical views 
which tlie earliest navigators evolved, 
continued in popular books to con- 
vey the most inadequate notion of 
the contour of the new continent.* 

tion witli the naming uf .\merica. See 
post, p. 1S3. 
■•i PI. xviii. 

' The bibliograpliy of Ilonter has 
been traced by G. D. Tciitsch in tlie 
Arcliiv ih's I'crt'ins fiir Shih7i/iiiri;i.<c/ie 
LtiuiUskuiiih', neue Folge, xiii. 137; and 
ail estimate of llnmcr bv F. Tcutscli 
1 Its date was altered to 1530 when it ap- is given in Ibid., .\v. 5S6. The earliest form of 
pearcd \\\ the first complete edition of Peter \\o\-\Xc\Wvm\i\^\.\\z Rii(liiiu'ntonimiosiiu>;^ri>phitC 
Martyr's /JtVv/uVx There are fac-similcs in tlic li/iri liiin, iXiXcd 1 531, and published at Cracow, 
Carter- Brcnun Catalogue- and in Santarem's At- in a tract of thirty-two pages. It is a description 
ias. It will be considered further in conncc- of the world in verse, and touches America in the 




TERRA SANGT/t 




CRUC"^- 



SYLVANUS' MAP, I5II. 



I Ml* ', 



'hi 



p}i 



m 



p. 



* The map is given in its origin.al projection llcisch collections. Cf. Jfiir/'/iy Catalos^ie, no. 

in I.elewcl, ])1. xlv., and on a greatly reduced scale 2,051, for a co])y now in the .\niericau Geo- 

in Daly's Early Cartography, p. 32. There arc graphical Society's Library, and references in 

copies of this 1511 Ptolemy in llie Lenox, Car- Winsor's Bililiography of Ptolemy sub anno 

ter-llrown, Astor, Prevoort, liarlow, and Kalb- 151 1. 



THE MAPS OF Till: EARLIKST DISCOVEIIKS. 



123 



37 ; ^'id 



III ilic sanv year with the puhlicaiioii (if the Peter Martyr map of 151 1, an edition of 
I'tolemy, iiulilisiied at N'enice and edited by Uernardus Sylvanus, contained a mappeinondo 
on a mnlifonn iirojection, 
wliicli is said to lie the 
tirst instance of the use 
of liiis method in drafting 
majis. Wiiat is shown 
of tlie new discoveries is 
i)roui;lit in a distorted 
sliapc on the extreme west- 
ern vcr;,'e of tiie map ; and 
to mal<e tlie contour more 
intelh^'ilile, it is rediiced in 
tlie sl<etcli annexed to an 
ordinary plane projection. 
It is llie earliest engraved 
map to nive any trace of the 
Cortereal discoveries ' and 
to indicate the Square, or 
St. Lawrence, Gulf. It 
gives a curious Latinized 
form to the name of the 
navigator himself in " Re- 
galis Domus" (Cortereal), 
and restores Greenland, or 
Knjjronelant, to a peninsu- 
lar connection with north- 
western Europe as it had 
appeared in the Ptolemy 
ef 1482. 

It will be seen that, with the exception of the vague limits of the " Rcgalis Domus," 
there was no sign of tlie continental line of North America in this map of Sylvanus. 




THE LE.NUX GLOISE. 



cliaptcr, " Nomina insularinii oceaiii et maris." 
It is extremely r.iic, and the only copy to be 
noted is one priced by llarrassowitz (Calalogii,' 
of 1876, no. 2), of Leipsic, for 2:5 marks, and 
subsequently sold to Tross, of Paris. Most bibli- 
ographers give Cracow, with the date 1534 as 
the earliest (Sabiii, no. 32,792; Muller, 1S77, 
no. 1,456, — 37.50 tl.) ; there was a li.isle edi- 
tion of the same year. (Cf. Ilarrissc, /iili/. 
Amer. IW., no. 194 ; Wicscr, AAixn/Ziiii's-S/rnsst; 
p. 22.) Editions seem to have followed in 1540 
(([ueried by Sabin, no. 32,793); in 1542 (if !'te- 
vcns's designation of his fac-similc ot the mai' is 
correct, A'>/i'.r, pi. 3); in 154), when the map is 
inscribed " Universalis cosmograjjhia . . . Tiguri, 
J. II. V. K. [in monogram], 1546." (Ilarrisse, 
110.271 ; Muller, 1S77, no. 1,457; Carter-lSriiwn, 
no. 143; Sabin, no. 32,794.) The .same map, 
which is part of an appendix of thirteen maps, 
was repeated in the Tiguri edition of 154S, and 
there was another issue the same year at IJaslc. 
(Ilarrisse, no. 287; Sabin, no. 32,795; \Veigcl, 
.'S77, no. 1,26s.) The maps were reiicatcd in the 
1549 edition. (Sabin, no. 32.796 ; Cartcr-liiown, 
no. 153.) The edition at .Xntwerp in 1552 leaves 



off the date. (IIarris.se, no. 2S7 ; \Veigel, no. 
1,269; Murphy, no. 1,252.) It is now called, 
A'7'(/imciilor:'»i ios»ioi;r,i/'/ihonim likri ///. ciim 
fiiM/is ^i^'ivj^'rii/i/iiiis i-/iXiiiifis.\/mis. Dc uannniin 
icnim itomeiuhilHris per classes, liber I. There 
was a liasle edition the same year. The maps 
continued to be used in the Antwerp edition of 
1554, the Tiguri of 155S, and the Antwerp of 
1660. 

In 1 561 the edition published at Basle, De 
ii'si)itx>'ii/'lii<e riidiiiieiitis libri I '///., was ratlicr 
tardily furnished with new maps better corre- 
sponding to the developments of American geog- 
raphy. (Muller, 1S77, no. 1,459.) The Tiguri 
publishers still, however, adhered to the old 
plates in their editions of 1565 (Cartcr-Hrown, 
no. 257; Sabin, no. 32,797) ; and the same iilates 
again reappeared in an edition, without place, 
iniblished in 1570 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,457), in 
another of Tiguri in 1 5S3, and in still another 
without place in 1590 (Murphy, no. 1,253; •^'"'" 
ler, 1872, no. 763 ; Sabin, no. 32,799). 

' Ilarrisse (Les Cortereal, p. 121) says there 
is no Spanish maj) showing these discoveries 
before 1 534. 




134 



NARRATIVi: AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




1^ 



'1!. 



l>V 




i; l^'^^f 



!> 



i:' i : '1 



I 'I 



DA VINCI, NORTHERN HEMISPHERE (oni^iiin/ drafl rcliucd). 

Much the same views were possessed l)y the maker of the undated Lenox globe, which 
probably is of nearly the same date, and of which a further account is given elsewhere.* 

Anotlier draft of a globe, likewise held to be of about the same date, shows a sim- 
il.ir configuration, except that a squarish island stands in it for Florida and adjacent parts 
of the main. This is a manuscript drawing on two sheets preserved among the Queen's 
collections at Windsor; and since Mr. U. H. Major made it known l)y a communication, 
with accompanying fac-similes, in tlie A>-chtcol(\^ia- it has been held to be the work of 
Leonardo da \'inci, though this has lieen recently questioned.'' If deprived of the associ- 
ations of that august name, the map loses much of its attraction ; but it still remains an intor- 



' Vol. III. p. 212, and tlu- present volume, 
page 170. 

- Vcl. xl. ; also Majni's rriiue Ihiiry, \i. 3S8. its assii^nmc-nt to the gic.Tt Italian. 



' J. P. Kichtcr, IJIcrary Works of Da Vinci, 
London, 1883, ([Uuting the critic, who questions 



THE MAPS OF THli: EAKLIKST DISCOVERIES. 



Ui 




DA VINCI, SnUTIIKKN' IIEMISPHLRE {original ,/nifl n;/,nr,/).^ 



esting memorial of geographical conjecture. It is without tiatu, and can only be fixed in 
tiie chain of cartographical ideas by its internal evidence. This has led Major to place it 
between 1512 and 1514. and Wieser to (\x it at 1515-1516.- A somewhat unsatisfactory 
map, since it shows nothing north of " Ysabeila " and " Spagnollo," is that inscribed 
Or//is typiis iinivcrsiilis Jii.vta liyiliih^iapJiornin Iraditioiicm exactissime depicta, 1522, 
L. F., which is the work of Laurentius Frisius. and appeared in the I'toleniy of 1522.^ 



' Another sketch nf this hemis|)herc is given 
in I/iirpi-r's Moiilldy, December, 1S82, p. 733. 

- Tlic rortiigiicsc purtolano of about this 
date given in Kuii.stmann, pi. 4, i> examined 
on another page. 



(Cf. Ilarrisse's A'otcs on Coliiiiibus, 176; his lUhl. 
Aiiiii-.l'c-t., no. 117; and Winsor's ///7V/(;;'n;///_)' <>/ 
rtoUiiiy's Ct<;;'7(7///_('sub anno 1522.) Tlie majjs 
closely resemble those of Waldscemiiller in the 
edition of 1513; and indeed Frisius assigns them 



^ This Strasburg edition is particularly de- as re-engraved to Martin Ilaconiylus, the Greek 
scribed in P'Avczae's WiiltzcmiUUr. \i. 159. form of tliat geographer's name. There are 



(26 



MAKRATIX'E AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



»,!l!!! 



1 1 ilW.i*. ' 



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DA VINCI (lu-.rly frojcc/cd).^ 



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A new element appears in a map which is one of the charts belonging to the ^'slei^Hitg 
iLr Mcr-Carthcn odcr Caitha Marina, said also to he the work of Frisius. whicii was 



:';> 



i'nl i(!j 



copies of this 15:12 Ptolemy ill tlic Harvard Col- wliiili tlicrc arc copies in the Library of Con- 

k'ge, Cartcr-Iirown, Cornell University, and liar- gress, iii the \cw York Historical Socictv, ISos- 

low libraries, and one is noted in the Afiirf/iy ton I'ublic, lialtiniore Mercantile, Carter-lirown, 

Ciitiiloi;ue, no. 2,054, which is now in the Lenox Trinity College, anil the American Anticpiarian 

Library. The map of Frisius (F.orcnz Friess, as Society libraries, and in the collections of Wil- 

he was called in unlatini/.ed form) was rcpro- liam C. Prime and Charles H. Kalblleisch. 

diiced in the next Strasburg edition of 1525, of There were two copies in the Murphy sale, 



' This follows the i)roJection as given by Wieser in liis Magitl/iah-Slnisse, who dates it 
1515-1516. 



THE MAI'S OF THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES. 



127 



,...c. 






DASMERGLGLNNIDLRGANC 




" TLRRACl CUBA t» ••••/; 
PARriSAFfRlCI. 



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\^^ o^- "^^O' 



CARTA MARINA OF FRISIUS, 1525. 

issued in 1525, in exposition of his theories of sea-( i.irts.' The map is of interest as the 
sole instance in which North America is called a part of Africa, on the supposition that 




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coppo. 1528.- 



nos. 2,oc;5 and 2.056. one nf whicli is now at 
CoriifU rnivcrsiiy. Cf. references in Winsor'a 
lUbliogritpliy of rtoU-iiiy. 

This " I„ 1". 1522 " map (see p. 175), as well as 
the "Admiral's map," was rejjroduced in the edi- 
tion of 1535, edited by Servetns. of wl'icli lliere 
are copies in the .Vsior, the lioston I'lililic, and 
the College of New Jersey libraries, and in the 
Carter-Iiniwn and liarlow collections. A copy 
is also noted in the Afio/'/iy CiiAi/oi^'/ie, no. 2,057, 
which is now at Cornell University. 



I'he American maps of these editions were 
again reprodncod in the I'tolcniv, piilillshed at 
Vienna in 1541, of which there .ire copies in the 
Carter-lirown, ISrcvoorl, and Kalhlleisch collec- 
tions. Cf. Winsor's Iiihli,>i:;ya['liy of riolemv. 

' Ilarrisse, />'//'/. Amcr. /V/., no. 133. The 
edition of 1530 has no ma|)S (ibid., no. 15S). 

-' This is drawn from a sketch given by Kohl 
in his ntannscript, "On the Connection of the 
New and Old World on the Pacific Side," pre- 
served in the American Antiquarian Society's 



111 



/■! 






»'! ■.h. 



128 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



a continental connection by the south enclosed the '• sea toward the sunset." The 
insular Yucatan .vill he observed in the annexed sketch, and what seems to be a misshapen 
Cuba. Tiie land at the east seems intended for Ijaccalaos, jadginj; from the latitude and 
tiie indication of fir-trees upon it. This map is one of twelve engraved sheets constituting 
the aliove-named work, which was puljlished by Johannes Gricniny;er in 1530. Friess, or 
Frisius, who was a German matiiematician, and had, as we have seen, taken part in the 
1522 Ptolemy, says tliat he drew his information in tiiese maps from ori;j;inal sources; 
but he does not name these sources, and Dr. Kohl thinks the maps indicate tiie work of 
Waldseemuller. 

Anions;- tlie last of tlie school of geographers who supposed North America to be an 
«rchipelago. was I'ierro Coppo. wlio puhlislied at X'enice in 1528 wiiat has become ;•. very 
rare I'ortolano dclli lochi inaritinii ed isolc <icf niar.^ 



Library. There is another copy in his Washing- 
ton Collection. 

The map is explained by the following key : 
I. Asia. 2. India. 3. Ganges. 4. Java major. 
5. Cimpangi [Jajian]. 6. Isola vcrde [Green- 
land?]. 7. Cuba. S. lamaiqua. 9. Spagnola. 
10. Monde nuova [South America]. 



' There is a copy in the (iienville Collection 
in the liritish Museinn. Cf. llani.sse, Bib!. Aiini: 
I'c-t., MO. 144; Zmla, /■'ill Miiiiro, p. 9, and his 
Mitrio 1\'! \ ii. 363. Ilarrissc, in his A'olcs on 
ColiDiilnis, p. 56, cites from Morclli's Opcrcttc, 
i. 309, a passage in which Co])po refers to 
Columbus. 



/,l' 



t ' I 






CHAPTER II. 

AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 

HV SVDXKV HOWARD GAV. 

AMI'^RIGO VESPUCCI,' the third sou of Nastiigio Vespucci, a notary 
of Florence, and his wife Lisabetta Mini, was born on the 9th of 
March, 145 1. The family had the respectability of wealth, acquired in trade, 
for one member of it in the preceding century was rich enough to endow 
a public hospital. Over the portal of the house, so dedicated to charity by 
this pious Vespucci nearly three quarters of a century before Amerigo was 
born, there was, says Humboldt, engraved in 17 19, more than three hun- 
dred years after the founding of the hospital, an inscription tleclaring that 
here Amerigo had lived in his youth. As the monks, however, who wrote 
the inscription also asserted in it that he was the discoverer of .America, 
it is quite possible that they may have been as credulous in the one case as 
in the other, and have accepted for fact that which was only tradition. But 
whether Amerigo's father, Nastugio, lived or did not live in the hospital 
which his father or grandfather founded, he evidently maintained the 
respectiibility of the famil)'. Three of his sons he sent to be educated 
at the University of Pisa. Thenceforth they are no more heard of, except 
that one of them, Jerome, afterward went to Palestine, where he remained 
nine years, met with many losses, and endured much suffering, — all of which 
he related in a letter to his younger brother Amerigo. But the memory 
even of this Jerome — that he should have ever gone anywhere, or had any 
adventures worth the telling — is only preserved from oblivion because he 
had this brother who became the famous navigator, and whose name by 
a chance was given t(j half the globe. 

Amerigo was not sent to the university. Such early education as he 
received came from a learned uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci, a Dominican 
friar, who must have been a man of some influence in Morence, as it is 



1 Harrissc (^/^/. /4;//«/-. K<^/.) gives the various .Vlmerigo Florentino {Viaitello); Ue Espuchc, 

ways of siielling the name by different authors Vcspuche, Despuche, Vcspuccio (Ramiisio) ; 

as follows: " tWhrncus [.]f<u/rignano, /^iic/hiiiier, Vcspuchy (C/irist. Colitnitiiis)." Variihagcu uni- 

/e/ian Lambert); V.m.a'K( Dti /KiJouer); A\\isx'\ca furmly calls him Amerigo Vespucci; and that 

or Amcrico (Coniaya) \ Morigo (llojeJa); is the signature to the letter written from Spain 

Amerrigo [MiiTioz); Aniericus (Pclcr Martyr); in 1492 given in the r//,/ by Handini. 

vol.. 11. — 17. 



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claimed for him that ht was the friend and colleafijitc of the more famous 
monk Savonarola. The nephew acknowledged later in life that he was not 
among the most diligent of his uncle's pupils ; and the admission was as 
true as it was ingenuous, if one may judge by a letter in Latin written, when 
he was twenty-tive years old, to his father. He excuses himself to that 
spcctabili ct cgrcgio viro — as he addresses his father — for recent negligence 
in writing, as he hesitates to commit himself in Latin without the revision 
of his uncle, and he happens to be absent. Probably it was poverty of 
expression in that tongue, and not want of thought, which makes the letter 
seem the work of a boy of fifteen r;ither than of a young man of five and 
twenty. A mercantile career in preference to that of a student was, at any 
rate, his own choice ; and in due time, thougii at what age precisely docs 
not appear, a place was found for him in the great commercial liouse of the 
Princes Medici in Florence. 

In I'lnrence he remained, apparently in the service of the Medici, till 
1490; for in that year he complains that his mother prevented him from 
going to Spain. But the delay was not long, as in Januar , 1492, he writes 
from Cadiz, where he was then engaged in trade with an associate, one 
Donato Xicolini, — perhaps as agents of the Medici, whose interests in Spain 
were large. Four years later, the name of Vespucci appears for the first 
time in the Spanish archives, when he was within two months of being forty- 
six years of age. Meanwhile he h;.d engaged in the service of Juonato 
Ik^ardi, a Florentine merchant established at Seville; who had fitted out 
the second expedition of Columbus in 1493.^ 

It has been conjectured that Vespucci became known at that time to 
Columbus, — which is not improbable if the former was so early as 1493 in 
the service of Ikrardi. But the suggestion that he went withi Columbus either 
on his first or second expedition cannot be true, at any rate as to the 
second.^ For in 1495 Berardi made a contract with the Spanish Government 



only autographs of Vespuciiis known." Since 
then another fac-simile of a letter by V'espiiciiis 
ha.s been published in the Cartas tie Imiias, 
l)cing a letter of Dec. 9, 150S, about goods which 
ought to be carried to the Antilles. Cl. Afass. 
Ifist. Si\: Proc.,}i\\. ^iS, and Mai^a^^iiu' of Aiiicr- 
iian Ilislory, iii. 193, where it is translated, and 
accompanied by a fac-simile of a part of it. 
The signature is given on an-ithcr page of the 
present cha]Her. — Ed.] 

' The facts relative to the birth, jjarcntage, 
and early life of Vespucci are given bv the .\bbe 
liandini in his I'i/aeteltcrct/iAincn'o Vcsfiicci, 
1745, •>"'' -""c generally accep'.ed by tnose whoso 
'Avn researches have l)een most thorough, — as 
Humboldt in h\% Exaiiit'ii Cvitiquc ; V'arnhagcn 
in his Amerigo I'/spiitri, sou earaeth-e, ses ecri/s, 
sa 7'i(, ct ses invii^atioiis, ai d in his A'currt/es 
recherches, p. 41, where he .-ejirints Handini's 
account ; and Santarem in his Researches resfect- 
iiiir Aiiierieus ]'espiiiiiti and /lis / 'civ'^'t'J', as the 



English translation is called. In relation to rep- 
rcse<itativcs of the family in our dav, see Lester's 
I'esf'Hcius, p. 405. The newspapers within a vcar 
have said that two female descendants were 
living in Rome, the last male representative 
dying seven vears ago. 

- Humboldt says that it cannot be true of 
cither voyage, and relies for proof upon the 
documentary evidence of Vespucci's ])rcsence 
in Spain during the absence of Columbus u])on 
those expeditions, lint he makes a curious mi.s- 
take in regard to the first, which, we think, has 
never been noticed. Columbus sailed on his 
first voyage in August, 1492, and returned in 
March, 1493. Humboldt .asserts that Vespucci 
could not have bcii with him, because the letter 
written from Cadiz and jointly signed l)y him 
and I'^onato Xicolini was dated Jan. 30, 1493. 
lint Hi.nd}oldt has unaccountably mistaken the 
date of that letter; it was not 1493, but 1493, 
seven months before Columbus sailed on his 



: il 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 



Ki; 'I' 



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to furnish a fleet of ships for an expedition westward which he did not hvc 
to complete. Its fulfilment was intrusted to Vespucci; and it appears in 
the public accounts that a sum of money was paid to him from the Treasury 
of the State in Januarj-, 1496. Columbus was then absent on his second 
voyage, begun in September, I4(J3, from which he did not return till June, 
1496. 

In the interval between the spring of 1495 and the summer of 149; an)' 
adventurer was permitted by Spain, regardless of the agreement made with 
Columbus, to go upon voj-ages of commerce or discovery to that New India 
to which his genius and courage had led the wa}-. " Xow," wrote Columbus, 
" there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed 
to become a discoverer." The greed of the King; the envy of tlie naviga- 
tors who before 1492 had laughed at the theories of Columbus ; the hatred 
of powerful Churchmen, more bitter now than ever, because those theories 
whicii they had denounced as heres)- had proved to be true, — all these 
influences were against him, and had combined to rob the unliappy Admiral, 
even before he had returned from his second vo\-age, of the honor and the 
riches which he thought would rightfully become hi- own. Ships now 
could go and come in safet\- over that wide waste of waters which even 
children could remember had been looked upon as a " .Sea of Darkness," 
rolling westward into never-ending space, whence there was no return to 
the voyager mad enough to trust to its treacherous currents. It was no 
longer guarded by perpetual Night, bj- monsters hideous aijd terrible, and 
by a constant wind that blew ever toward the west. Hut siiips came safely 
back, bringing, not much, but enough of gold and pearls to seem an earnest 
of the promise of the marvellous wealth of India that must soon be so easil}' 
and so, quickh' reached ; with the curious trappings of a picturesque bar- 
barism; the soft skins and gorgeous feathers of unknown beasts and birds; 
the woods of a new beaut}' in grain and vein and colors; the aromatic herbs 
of subtle \irtue that would stir the blood beneath the ribs of Death ; and \\ith 
all these precious things the captive men and women, of curious complexion 
and unknown speech, whose people were given as a prey to the stranger by 
God and the Pojje. ICvery rough sailor of these returning ships was greeted 
as a hero when to the gaping, wide-ej'cd crowd he told of his adxentures in 
that land of perpetual summer, where the untilled virgin soil brought fortli 
its fruits, and the harvest never failed ; where life was without care or toil, 
sickness or povert)'; where he who would might gather wealth as he would 
idly pick up pebbles on a beach. These were the sober realities of the 
times; and there were few so poor in spirit or so lacking in imagination 
as not to desire to share in the possession of these new Indies. It was not 
long, indeed, before a reaction came; when disappointed adventurers 



liist voyage. Tlic iih'/i/', thcrcl'oic, is not proved, life to suggest that lie was ; and, moreover, tlio 

There is indeed no positive proof lliat Vespueei strong negative evidence is — unusually strong 

was not on that voyage ; but, on the othci hand, in his case — that he never claimed to have 

there is nothing known of that period of his sailed with Columbus. 



!"':! 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



133 



ri'tiirncd in poverty, and sat in rags at tlio gates (if the palace to beg 
relief of tlie King. And when the sons of Columbus, who were pages in 
the Court of the Queen, passed by, " they shouted to the very heavens, 
saying: 'Look at the sons of the Admiral of Mosquitcjhuu! ! — -of that 
man who has discovered the lands of deceit and disajipointment, — a place 
of sepulchre and wretchedness to Spanish hidalgos ! ' " ' 

From his second voyage Columbus returned in the summer of 1496; and 
meeting his enemies with the courage and energy which never failed him, 
he induced the King and Oueen to revoke, in June of the next year, the 
decree of two years before. Meanwhile he made preparations for his third 
voyage, on which he sailed from San Lucaron the 30th of May, 1498. Two 
months later he came in sight of the island he named Trinidad; and enter- 
ing iheCiulfof Paria, into wiiich empties the Orinoco by several mouths, 
he sailed along the coast of the mainland. He had reached the continent, 
not of Asia, as he supposed, but of the western hemisphere. None of the 
four voyages of the great discoverer is so illustrative of his peculiar faith, 
his religious fervor, and the strength of his imagination as this third vo}'age ; 
and none, in that respect, is so interesting. The report of it which he sent 
home in a letter, with a map, to the King and Queen has a ilirect relation 
to the supi)osed first voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. 

As he approached the coast, Columbus wrote,- he heard " in the dead 
of night an awful roaring; " and he saw " the sea rolling from west to east 
like a mountain as high as the ship, and approaching little by little ; on the 
top of this rolling sea came a mighty wave roaring with a frightful noise." 
When he entered the Gulf, and saw how it was filled by the flow of the great 
river, he believed that he had witnessed far out at .sea the mighty struggle 
at the meeting of the fresh with the saltwater. The river, he was persuaded, 
must be rushing down from the summit of the earth, where the Lord had 
planted the earthly Paradise, in the midst whereof was a fountain whence 
flowed the four great rivers of the world, — the Ganges, the Tigris, the 
Euphrates, and the Nile. He did not quite agree with those earlier philo- 
sophers who believed that the earth was a perfect sphere; but rather that 
it was like " the form of a pear, which is very round except where the stalk 
grows, at which part it is most prominent; or like a round ball, upon one 
part of which is a prominence like a woman's nipple, this protrusion being 
the highest and nearest the sky, situated under the equinoctial line, and at 
the eastern extremity of this sea." " I call that the eastern extremity," he 
adds, " where the land and the islands end." 

Now had come to him at last in the observations and experience r)f this 
voyage the confirmation of his faith. That " eastern extremity of the sea 

1 The History of the Life ami Actions of other Orioimil Documents relating to his Four 

Aiimirnl Christopher Colon. Hy hi.s .son, Don J'oyn^es to the iVr,i) World. 'Pr.inslatcil and 

Fcrdin.-ind Colon. [For the story of this book, edited by R. If. M.njor, J'.s(|., of tlie I'ritish 

sec the previou", ch.ipter. — F.D.j Museum, London. Printed for the llakltiyt 

■' Select I.ei':ers of Christopher Colitiiilnis, 'oith Society, 1847. 






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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



where tlie lands and tlie islands end " he had reached, he thought, at the 
islands of Trinidad, of Margarita, and of Cubagiia, and at the coast of 
the (Inlf of I'aria, into which poured this great river rushing down from 
the pinnacle of the globe. I'or he had observed, as he sailed westward 
from a certain line in the ocean, that " the ships went on rising smoothly 
towards the sky." Some of the older astronomers, he said, believed that 
the Arctic pole was '• the highest point of the world, and nearest to the 
heavens; " and others that this was true of the Antarctic. Tiiough all were 
wrong as to the exact locality of that elevation, it was plain that they held 
a common faith that somewhere there was a point of exaltation, if only it 
could be found, where the earth approached the sky more nearly than any- 
where else. But it had not occurred to any of them that possibly the 
blessed spot which the first rays of the sun lit up in crimson and in gold 
on the morning of creation, because it was the topmost height of the globe, 
and because it was in the cast, might be under the equinoctial line; and 
it had not occurred to them, because this eastern c.xtrcmit}' of the world, 
which it had pleased God he should now discover, had hitherto been 
unknown to civilized man. 

Every observation and incident of this voyage gave to Columbus 
proof of the correctness of his theory. The farther south he had gone 
along the African coast, the blacker and more barbarous he had found the 
people, the more intense the heat, and the more arid the soil. For many 
days they had sailed under an atmosphere so heated and oppressive that 
he doubted if his ships would not fall to pieces and their crews perish, 
if they did not speedily escape into some more temperate '•egion. He had 
remarked in former voyages that at a hundred leagues west of the Azores 
there was a north-and-south line, to cross which was to find an immediate 
and grateful change in the skies above, in the waters beneath, and in the 
reviving temperature of the air. The course of the ships was altered 
directly westward, that this line might be reached, and the perils escaped 
which surrounded him and his people. It was when the line was crossed 
that he observed how his ships were gently ascending toward the skies. 
Not only were the expected changes experienced, but the North Star 
was seen at a new altitude ; the needle of the compass varied a point, 
and the farther they sailed the more it turned to the northwest. How- 
ever the wind blew, the sea was always smooth ; and when the Island 
of Trinidad and the shores of the continent were reached, they entered 
a climate of exceeding mildness, where the fields and the foliage were 
" remarkably fresh and green, and as beautiful as the gardens of Valencia 
in April." The people who crowded to the shore " in countless num- 
bers " to gaze at these strange visitors were " very graceful in form, 
tall, and elegant in their movements, wearing their hair very long and 
smooth." They were, moreover, of a whiter skin than any the Admiral 
had heretofore seen " in any of the Indies," and were " shrewd, intelligent, 
and courageous." 



fill. I! 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



'35 



The more he saw and the mure he rellected, the more convinced he was 
that this country was " the most elevated in the world, and the nearest to 
tiic sky." Where else could this majestic river, that rushed eayerly to this 
mij^hty strugi^ie with tlie sea, come from, but from that loftiest peak of the 
ylobe, in the midst whereof was the ine.\haustible fountain of the four f^reat 
rivers of the earth? The faith or the fanaticism — whichever one may 
please to call it — of the devout cosmographer was never for an instant 
siiadowed by a doubt. The human learnin^^ of all time had taught him 
tliat the shorter way to India must be across that western ocean which, he 
was persuaded, covered on!)- one third of the ylobe and separated the 
western coast of Europe from the eastern coast of Asia. When it was 
taken for granted that his first voyage had proved this geographical theory 
to be the true one, then he could only understand that as in each succes- 
sive voj'age he had gone farther, so he was only getting nearer and nearer 
to the heart of the empire of the Great Khan. 

But to the aid of human knowledge came a higher faith ; he was 
divinely led. In writing of this third voyage to Dona Juana de la Torres, 
a lady of the Court and a companion to the Queen, he said : " God made 
me the messenger of the new heaven and the new earth of which he spoke 
in the Apocalypse by Saint John, after having spoken of it by the mouth 
of Isaiah ; and he showed me the spot where to find it." ^ The end of the 
world he believed was at hand; by which he meant, perhaps, only the 
world of heathenism and unbelief. In his letter to the sovereigns he said 
that " it was clearly predicted concerning these lands by the mouth of the 
prophet Isaiah in many places in Scripture, that from Spain the holy name 
of God was to be spread abroad." Amazing and even fantastic as his con- 
clusions were when they came from the religious side of his nature, they 
were to him irrefragable, because they were so severely logical. He was 
the chosen instrument of the divine purpose, because it was to him that 
the way had been made straight and plain to the glorious East, where God 
had planted in the beginning the earthly Paradise, in which he had placed 
man, where man had first sinned, and where ere long was to break the 
promised dawn of the new heaven and the new earth. 

The northern continent of the New World was discovered by the Cabots 
a year before the southern mainland was reached by Columbus. Possibly 
this northern voyage may have suggested to the geographers of England 



' The very name he bore had a divine sig- 
nificance, according to the fanciful interpreta- 
tion of his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. For 
as the name Christopher, or Christophorus, — 
the Christ-bearer, — was bestowed upon the 
.Saint who carried the Christ over deep waters at 
his own great peril, so had it fallen upon him, 
who was destined to discover a new world, 
" that those Indian nations might become citizens 
and inhabitants of the Church triumphant in 
heaven." Nor less appropriate was the family 



name of Columbus, or Colomba, — a dove, — for 
him who showed "those people, who knew him 
not, which was God's beloved .Son, as the Holy 
Ghost did in the figure of a dove at Saint John's 
baptism ; and because he also carried the olive- 
branch and oil of baptism over the waters of 
the ocean like Noah's dove, to denote the peace 
and union of these jieoplc with the Church, 
after they had been shut up in the ark of dark- 
ness and confusion." Saint Christopher carrying 
Christ, appears as a vignette on Cosa's chart. 




DM/ 



; !■) 



;( 



m 



J, 



■' .)' 






M' 



136 NARKATIVK ANU CKITICAL HISTORY Ol AMERICA. 

a new theory, as yet, so far as we know, not ihoiij^lu of in Spain and Por- 
tugal, — that a hemisphere was to be circumn;ivi<;atecl, and a passage found 
among tlioiisands of leagues of islands, or else through some great conti- 
nent hitlierto unknown, — except to a few forgotten Northmen of five 
hundred years earlier, — before India could be reached by sailing westward. 
Jn speaking of this voyage long afterward, Sebastian Cabot said: " I began 
to saile tow;ird the northwest, not thinking to find any other land than that 
of Cathay, and from thence turne towa' ' 'ndia; but after certaine dayes 
I found that the land ranne towards the Aorth, which was to mee a great 
displeasure." ' This may have been the afterthought of his old age, when 
the belief that the new Indies were the outlying boundaries of the old was 
generally discarded. lie had forgotten, as the same narrative shows, — 
unless the year be a misprint, — the e.xact date of that voyage, saying that 
it '• was, as farre as I remember, in the yeare 1496, in the beginning of 
SumuHr." This was a year too soon. Hut if the statement be accepted as 
literally true that he was disappointed in finding, not Cathay and India, 
as he had hoped, but another land, then not only the honor of the dis- 
covery of the western continent belongs to his father and 10 him, — or 
rather to the father alone, for the son was still a boy, — but the further 
distinction of knowing wh.it they had discovered ; while Columbus never 
awoke from the delusion that he had touched the confines of India. 

A discussion of the several interesting questions relating to tlu' voyages 
of the Cabots belongs to another chapter;- but assuming here that the 
vo\-age of the "Mathew" from Hristol, ICngland, in the summer of 1497, 
is beyond controvers)-, the precedence of the Cabots over Columbus in the 
discovery of the continent may be taken for granted. There is other 
ample evidence besides his curious letters to show that the latter was on 
the coast of South America in the summer of 149S, just thirteen months 
and one week after the Cabots made the term pritiiuvi visa, whether on the 
coast of Nova Scotia, Labrador, or possibly Newfoundland.'' Not that this 
detracts in any degree, however slight, from the great name of Columbus 
as the discoverer of the New World. Of him Sebastian Cabot was mindful 
to say, in conversation with the Pope's envoy in .Spain, — just quoted from 
in the preceding paragraph, — that "when newes were brought that Don 
Christopher Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the coasts of India, whereof 
was great talkc in all the Court of King Henry the 7, who then raigned, 
insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more 
divine than humane to saile b_\- the West into the Easte, where spices 
growe, by a map that was never knowcn before, — by this fame and report 
there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable 

' // DiscoiDSc of Sehastian Cahot toiic/iiiij^ his - [See Vol. III. chap. i. — Ed.] 

Discovery, ttc. Translated from Ramusio ( 1 550) ■• For the distinction which possibly Cabot 

bv Hakluyt for his rrincipal iVaviffalioiis, Voy- meant to convey between terra and insula, see 

ai;es, and DisccT'cries of the English A^atioii,\^<), Biddle's Memoir of Sebastian Cabot (London 

and in later editions. 1831), p. 54. 



AMEKUiO VliSI'UCCI. 



^2>7 



thiiij^." However notable the tiling' ini^lil be, it could be only secondary 
to that achievement of Coliinibus which Cabot looked upon as " more divine 
than human;" but whether in the first si^dit of the mainland which all 
lioped to find be)dntl the islands airi'ady visited, Vespucci did not take 
precedence both of the Cabots ami of Columbus, has been a disputed 
(jucstion for nearly four hundred years; and it will probably never be 
considered as satisfactorily settled, shouU! it continue in dispute for four 
hmulred years lonj^^er. 

The question is, whether X'espucci made four voyages to that half of the 
world which was ever after to bear his name,' and whether those voyafjes 
were reall)' nuide at the time it is said they were. The most essential point, 
liowcvcr, is that of the date of the fu'st voyage : for if that wliich is 
asserted to be the true date be correct, the first discoverer of the western 
continent was neither the Cabots nor Columbus, but X'espucci ; and his 
n.uue was properly enoUL^di bestowed upon it. " In the year 1497," sa)'s an 
ancient and authentic Bristol manuscript,- " the ::4th June, on .St. John's 
day, was Newfoundland found by Bristol men [the Cabotsl in a shin called 
the ' Mathew.' " (~)n his third voyai^e, in 1498, Columbus says: "We saw 
land [Trinidad] at noon of Tuesday the 31st of Jul\'." In a letter, written 
no doubt b)' X'espucei, he says: " W'e sailed from the port of Cadi/, on 
the lOth of Ma_\-, 1497; "''and after leaving the Canaries, where the four 
ships of the expedition remained a few days to take in their final supplies 
of wood, water, and provisions, they came, he continues, " at the end of 
twenty-seven days, upon a coast which we thought to be that of a con- 
tinent." Of these dates the first two mentioned are unquestionably 
authentic. If tiiat last given were equally =0, there wouKl be an enil of all 
controversy upon the subject; for it would prove that Vespucci's discov- 
ery of the continent preceded that of the Cabots, though only by a week 
or two, while it must have been earlier than that of Columbus by about 
•ourteen months. 

It should first of all be noted that the sole authority for ,i voyage made 
by Vespucci in 1497 is Vespucci himself All contemporar}- history, other 
than his own letter, is absolutely silent in regard to such a voyage, whether 
it be history in printed books, or in the archives of those kingdoms of 
iMU'ope where the precious documents touching the earlier expedition.- 
to the New World were deposited. Santarem, in his Rcscair/ics, goes even 
farther than this; for he declares that even the name of Vespucci is not 
to be found in the Royal Archives of Portugal, covering the period from 
1495 to 1503, and including more than a hundred thousand documents 
relating to voyages of discovery ; that he is not mentioned in the Diplo- 

1 Humboldt (Exumeii critique, vol. iv.), sii])- Amuliich, w.is sinead through Europe by the 

ported by the authority of Professor Von dcr Goths and other Xorthern invaders. 
Ilugcn, of the University of Berlin, shows that - [See Vol. III. p. 53. — ICn.] 

the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the ^ On the :oth of May, according to one edi- 

German Amalrich or Amelrich, which, under tion of the letter, — that published by Ilyla- 

the various forms of Amalric, .\malrili. 'lUiilrich, comylus at St-Uie. 
VOL. 11. — 18. 



M»i 







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ft 



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i.V^ 



NAKRATlVi: AND CKITICAL HISTORY OF A.MKKICA, 



matic Kccorils of I'orlULial, wliicli Inal <if tlu' relations of tliat kingdom 
witli Spain and Italy, wlan oiii' of tin.' iliitics of .imbassatlurs was to keep 
their (iowiniiKiits ailviseil of all new iliscoveries ; ami tlial amoiiv; the 
many v.iliiable mamiscripts beloii^in^' to the Royal Library al I'aiis. he, 
M. Santarem, soiiij;lit in vain for any allusion to W-spucci. Hut these 
assertions have liulc influence over those who do not a^Mve with Santarem 
that \'espiicci was an impostor. The eviilence is ovirw helming; that he 
belunj^ed to some of the e.\i)editions sent out at that period to the south- 
west ; and if he was so obscure as not to be reco^Miized in any contem- 
Dorary notices of those voyages, then it coidd be maintaineil with some 
plausibility that he mii^ht have maile An i.u'lier voyaije about which noth- 
ing was known. Ami this woukl seem the more probable when it was 
remembered that the time (1497) of this alle<:;ed expedition was within that 
interval when " the very tailors," as Columbus said, mij^ht yo, without let 
or hindrance, in search of riches and renown in the new-fouml world. 
Many, no doubt, took advantage of this freedom of navigation whose 
names and exploits are (piite unknown to history. 

Xeverthel<'ss, the fact of the obscurity of Vespucci at that period is not 
without 'f^reat weij^ht, thou^^di Santarem fails in his attempt to prove too 
nuich by it. Columbus believed when, on his second voyage, he coasted 
the southern shore of Cuba, that he had touched the continent of Asia. The 
extension of that continent he supposed, from indications given by the natives, 
and accepted by him as conhrmmg a foregone conclusion, would be found 
farther south; and for that reason he took that course on his third voyage. 
"The land where the spices grow" was now the aim of all Spanish energy 
and enterprise; and it is not likely that this theory of the Admiral was not 






cAvvjy^ 




AUTOGRAPH OF VF.SPL'CIUS, I50S.' 

well understood among the merchants and navigators who took an intelli- 
gent as well as an intense interest in all that he had done and in all that he 
said. Is it probable, then, that nobody should know of the sailing of four 
ships from Cadiz for farther and more important disco\'erics in the direc- 

1 [This is the conclusion of a letter of Vespucius, printed and given in fac-similc in the Cartas 
,/,■ /;/fl'/,;.f. — Ed.] 



AMi.KlGO VtlSl'UCCl 



'39 




)\ 



VKSPUCIUS.' 



tioii pointed out by Columbus? Or, if tiieir tlcparturc was secret, can 
there be a rational doubt that the return, with inteiliLjence so important 



' lAftcr a pictiiie in the MassacliiiscUs His- 
torical Society's Gallery (no. 253), which is a 
copy of the best-known portrait of Vcspucius. 
It is claimed for it that it was painted from life 
by lironzino, and that it had been preserved in 
the family of Vcspncins till it was conmiittcd, in 
1S45, to Charles Edwards Lesler, United States 
consul at (icnoa. It is engraved in Lester and 
Foster's Life mul I'oytii^cs of Amcriciis Vesfiidiis 



(\cw York, 1S46), and described on p. .|i.( of 
that book. Cf. also Sparks's statement in Miiss. 
Hist. Soc. rioc, iv. 117. It has been also en- 
graved in Canovai among the Italian authorities, 
and was first, I think, in ihis country, proi'uced 
in riiiladelphia, in 1S15, in Delaphune's Reposi- 
tory of the Lives mid Portraits of Jistiir^uished 
American chanicters, and later in various other 
places. The likeness of Vespucius in tlie Koyal 



(;''/■• 



':':'i 



j; h 



im 



140 



NARKAIIXK A\D CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



and generally interesting, would have been t.dked about in all the ports 
of Spain, and the man wiio brought it have become instantly famous? 

But as no account of the voyage appeared till years afterward, and then 
in a letter from Vespucci himself; and as, meanwhile, for most of those 
years the absence of his name from contemporary records shows that no 

celebrity whatever was attached 
to it, — the logical conclusion 
is, not only that the voyage 
was unknown, but that it was 
unknown because it was never 
made. [Moreover, if it was ever 
made it could not have been 
unknown, if v 




we may iru< 
pucci's own statement. 



r 



or 



in his letter — not written till 
1 504, and not published in full 
till 1507 — he said that this 
e.xpedition was sent out b\- 
order of KiuLT l""ertlinantl ; that 



he, Vespucci, went 



upon 



it b^ 



royal command ; and that after 
his return he made a report of 
it to the King. The expedi- 
tion, therefore, was clearly not 
one of those which, in the in- 
terval between the summers of 
1495 and 1497, so often re- 



ferretl It 



scaiieii all publ 



ic 



VF.SPLXIUS.- 



recortl 



and 



;>s 



th 



ere cannot 



be found anj' ;ecognit 



ion o 



f 



sucli an 



enterprise at that date either in contemporaneous liistory or State 



documents, what other 



conclusion can be accepter 



as i-atioiial ;uid without 



prejudice, than that no such \'oj-age so commanded was nude at that time? 
riiere seems to be no escape from this evidence, though it is so piireh- 



netrative and circumstant'il. Hut I lumlioldt, iei\-inL 



'P 



)n tlu 



researcnes 



he 



(lalleiy at X,ii)le>, i)aliUc'(l liy rarmij^iaiiiiici, is 
.supposed to hu tlic one orii^iiially in the jiosses- 
.sion of the Cardinal .Alexander Fariiese [ISidhtiii 
lie hi Socicl,' lie Gc\><^r<ip/ii<: i/r J'liris, iii. ,570, li\- 
Jomard). That artist was but eleven years old 
at the death of Vespucius, and eould not have 
painted Vespucin.s from life. \ cojjv in iSj-; 
was placed in the gallerv of the .Vnierican An- 
•'"iiarian Si :icty (rroii\-iiiiii;s, April. 1S5;,, 
p. i_j, ■-••<•.'. Portrails and Busts, etc., no. 28). 
('. \V. Peale s copv of the likeness in the gal- 
lery of the llrand Dnke of Tuscany is in the 
collection belonging to the I'ennsvlvania His- 



torical S'H icty \Catah\^iii\ 1S72, no. 14S). 'I'liere 
is also a ])ortrait in the gallery of the New \'orl< 
Historical Society (Caliiloi^iic, wo. 131), but the 
origin of it is not n.uned. l)e Hry gives vig- 
nette portraits in jiarts iv., vi., and .\ii. of his 
Gniiids I'oyas^cs. See liandini's Vita c Icttere 
lii I'cspiiai, chap. vii. f(n' an account of the vari- 
on.s likenesses. — Kd.] 

' [.\ sketch of an old engraving as given in 
the .ilix'fm. gC(%'. I-.f'liciin-ridvii (Weimar, 1S07I, 
vol. .\xiii. There arc other engravings of it in 
Jules Verne's J^ccoiivcrte lii In lerrc, and else- 
where. — I'"li.^ 









\ , 



AMERIGO VESl'UCCl. 



141 




ViiSPUCIUS. 



o( the Spanish historian Miiiloz, and upon those jratlicrcd bj- Navarrcte 
in his Colcccion dc los viagcs y (icsctibriiiiieiitos, presents tlie proof of an alibi 

' [A fac-siiiiilc of the cni^raviiig in MinihiiiKf, copied in 0:;i//>v, p. 60. — Kl).] 



,. I 



\:h 



IJ.2 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



! 



i' \ 



%: 



^•i'1 



' \ 



I'i' i 



for Vespucci. As has been already said on a previous page, the fact is 
unquestioned that Vespucci, who had been a resident of Spain for some 
time, became in 1495 a member of the commercial house of Juanoto 
l^erardi, at Seville, and that in January of the next year, as the pub;.c 
accounts show, he was paid a sum of money relative to a contract with 
Government which Berardi did not live to complete. The presumption is 
that he would not soon absent himself from his post of duty, where new 
and onerous responsibilities liad been imnosed upon him by the recent 
death of the senior partner of the house with which he was connected. 
Hut at any rate he is found there in the spring of 1497, Munoz having 
ascertained that fact from the official records of expenses incurred in fitting 
out the ships for western expeditions, still preserved at Seville. Those 
records show that from the middle of April, 1497, to the end of May, 1498, 
Vespucci was busily engaged at Seville and San Lucar in the equipment of 
the fleet with which Columbus sailed on his third voyage. The a/il>i, there- 
fore, is complete. Vespucci could not have been absent from Spain from 
May, 1497, to October, 1498, — the period of his alleged first voyage. 

All this seems incontrovertible, and should be accepted as conclusive till 
fresh researches among the archives of that age shall show, if that be pos- 
sible, that those hitherto made have been either misunderstood or are 
incomplete. Assuming the negative to be proved, then, as to the alleged 
date of Vespucci's first voyage, the positive evidence, on the other hand, is 
ample and unquestioned, that Columbus sailed from San Lucar on his third 
voj'age on the 30th of May, 1498, and two months later reached the western 
continent about the Gulf of Paria. 

Was Vespucci then a charlatan? Was he guilty of acts so base as a 
falsification of dates, and narratives of pretended voyages, that he might 
secure for himself the fame that belonged to another, — that other, more- 
over, being his friend? There are reasons for believing this to be quite true 
of him ; and other reasons for not believing it at all. There is not, to begin 
with, a scrap of original manuscript of his bearing on this point known to 
exist; it is not even positively known in what tongue his letters were 
written ; and anything, therefore, like absolute proof as to what he said 
he did or did not do, is clearly impossible. The case has to be tried upon 
circumstantial evidence and as one of moral probabilities; and the verdict 
must needs differ according to the varying intelligence and disposition of 
different juries. 

He made, or he claimed to have made, — assuming the letters attributed 
to him to be his, — four voyages, of each of which he wrote a narrative. 
y\ccording to the dates given in these letters, he twice sailed from Spain by 
order of Ferdinand, — in May, 1497, and in May, 1499; and twice from Por- 
tugal, in the service of King Emanuel, — in May, 1501, and in May, 1503. 
He was absent, as we learn from the same letters, about seventeen months 
on the first voyage, about sixteen each on the second and third, and on the 
fourth eleven months. If he went to sea, then, for the first time in May, 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



Hi 



might 



1497, and the last voyage ended, as the narrative says, in June, 1504, the 
whole period of his seafaring life was eighty-four months, of which sixty 
were passed at sea, and twenty-four, at reasonable intervals, on shore. As 
the dates of departure and of return are carefully given, obviously the 
period from May, 1497, to June, 1504, must be allowed for the four expe- 
ditions. But here we come upon an insurmountable obstacle. If to the 
first voyage of 1497 the wrong date was given, — if, that is, the actual first 
voyage was that of 1499, which Vespucci calls his second, — then he could 
not have gone upon four expeditions. From May, 1499, to June, 1504, is 
a period of sixty months; and as the aggregate length he gives to the 
assumed four voyages is sixty months, they could not have been made in 
that time, as that would have compelled him to be at sea the whole five 
years, with no interval of i-eturn to Spain or Portugal to refit, — which is 
manifestly absurd. 

The solution of the difficulty relied upon by Humboldt and others 
seems, therefore, insufficient ; it is not explained by assuming that the date 
1497 in the narrative of the first voyage was the careless blunder of the 
translator, copyist, or printer of Vespucci's original letter. It is not an 
error if there were four voyages ; for as the date of the last one is undis- 
puted, the date of 1497 for the first one must remain to give time enough 
for the wnole. But that there were four voyages does not depend solely 
upon the date given to the first one. That there were four — " quatuo. 
navigationes " — is asserted repeatedly by Vespucci in the dift"erent letters. 
In the relation of the first one, wherein is given this troublesome date which 
has so vexed the souls of scholars, he says at some length that as he had 
seen on these "twice two" voyages so many .strange things, differing so 
much from the manners and customs of his own country, he had written a 
little book, not yet published, to be called " Four Expeditions, or Four 
Voyages," in which he had related, to the best of his ability, about all he 
had seen.i If, then, the dale 1497 is :o be explained away as the result 
of carelessness or accident, — even admitting that such an explanation 
would explain, — what is to be done with this passage? It cannot, like a 
single numeral — a 7 for a 9 — be attributed to chance; and it becomes 
necessary, therefore, to regard it as an interpolation contrived to sustain 
a cluuLsy falsification of date. 

It has also been conjectured that two of the letters have been misappre- 
hended ; that Vespucci meant one as only a continuation of the other in 
a description of a single voyage, or if intended as two letters, they were 
meant to describe the same voyage. The early editors, it has been sug- 
r-..;ed, supposing that each letter described a separate voyage, forgetl or 

1 " Et qiioiiiani in mcis hiscc bis gemiiiis navi- visarum partem clistinctu satis ju.xta ingeiiioi 

^atioiiibus, tarn varia (tivcrsaquc, ac tarn a nos- mei tciiuitatem collcgi : verumtamen non atlliuc 

tris robiis, ct modis differentia perspexi, idcirco publicavi." From the Cosiiios^nil^hia iiilrodiiitio 

libelhim (lucmpiain, quern Quauior dia;tas sive of Ilylacomylus (Martin Waldseemiiller). St.- 

(|uatuor navigationes appcllo, conscriberc par- Die, 1507. Repeated in essentially the same 

avi, "onscripsiiiuc; in quo maiorem rerum a nic words in other editions of the letter. 



ndm 




/,. 



U )'l: *) 



i I 



^/> 



J' ■■ 



I'll I 



144 



NAURATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



changed the dates in accordance with that supposition. If there were no 
other objection to this theory, it is untenable if what has just been said be 
true. The duration of each voyage, the aggregate lengtli of the whole, and 
the distinct and careful assertion that there were four of them, require that 
there should be one prior to that which N'espucci calls his second. 

All this leads, according to our present knowledge of the facts, ine\i- 
tably to this conclusion, — whether Vespucci himself wrote, or others wrote 
for him, these letters, their very consistenc)' of dates and of circumstantial 
assertion show them to ha .e been deliberitely composed to establish a 
falsehood. For tlie researches of Munoz and of Navarrete, a; -s said above, 
provi. that V^espucci could not have sailed from Spain on his first voyage 
on the loth or 20th of May, 1497; for from the middle of April of tliat 
year to ihe end of .May, 149S, he was busil)' employed at Seville and San 
Lucar in fitting out the lleet for the tiiird e.'-:[)edition of Columbus. 

There is other evidence, negative indeed, but hardly less conclusive, that 
this assumed vo}'age of 1497 ^\'^'*' never made. In 15 12 Don Diego Colum- 
bus brought an action against the Crown of Spain to recover, as the heir 
of his father, Christopher Columbus, the go\-ernnient aiul a portion of the 
revenues of certain pn)\inces on tlie continent of America. The defence 
was that those countries were ncjt discovered b)' Columbus, antl tlie claim, 
therefore, was not valid. It is not to be supposed that the Crown was 
negligei'v in the search 'or testimony to sustain its own cause, for nearly a 
lumdretl w itnesses were examined. But no evidence was offered to prove 
that \'espucci — whose nephew was present at the trial — visited in 1497 
the Terra I'irma which the plaintiff maintained his father discovered in 
1498. On the other hand, Alonzo de Ojeda, an eminent navigator, declared 
that he was sent on an ex[)edition in 1499 to the coast of I'aria next after 
it was disco\ered by the ^Admiral (Columbus) ; and that " in this voyage 
which this said witness made, he took with him Juande la Cosa and Morigo 
Vespuche [.Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots." ' When asked how he 
knew that Columbus had made the discovery at the time named, his reply 
was tliat he kneu it because the Bishop Fonseca had supplied him with that 
map which tlie Admiral had sent home in his letter to the King and Queen. 
The act of tlie Bishop was a dishonorable one, and intended as an injury to 
Columbus; and to this purpose Ojeda further lent himself by stopping at 
Ilispaniola on tie return fron- his voyage, and by exciting there a revolt 
against the authority of the Admiral in that island. Perhaps the bitter 
animosity of those years had been buried in the gra\e of the great navi- 
gator, together with the chains A\liich had liung alwa}-s in his chamber as 
a memento of the royal ingratitude ; but even in that case it is not likely 
that Ojeda would have lost sucli an opportunity to justif}', in some degree, 

' In the original : En estf viiii;i iiiie t-ste ilicho records of this tri.il .irc jncscrvcil among the 

icstigo hizo Iriijo cousigo a Juan dc la Cosa, pilotCy arcliivcs at Seville, ami were e.xamincdby Munoz, 

<• Morigo VespitcJu; f otros pilotos. The testimony and also by Washington Irving in his studies for 

of other jjilots ccjnfirmcd that of (Ijeda. 'I'll'.' the /,//;• i/Cc\'»w/viV. See also (i»A', p. S8. 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



145 



his own conduct by declaring, if he knew it to be so, that Cohimbus was 
not the first discoverer of the continent. It is of course possible, but it is 
certainly not probable, that he should not have heard from Vespucci that 
this was his second visit to the Gulf of I'aria, if that were the fact, and that 
his first visit was a year before that of Columbus, whose chart Ojcda was 
using to direct his course through seas with whicli Vespucci was familiar. 
This reasonable reflection is dwelt upon by Humboldt, Irving, and others; 
and it comes with peculiar force to the careful reader of the letters of 
Vespucci, for he was never in the least inclined to hide his light under a 
bushel. 

The originals of the letters, as has already been said, are not, so far as 
is known, in existence ; it is even uncertain whether they were written in 
Latin, Italian, Spanish, or Portuguese. Nor has the book which Vespucci 
said he had prepared — "The F'- r Voj-ages " — ever been found; but 
Humboldt believed that the collected narrative first published at St.-Die in 
1507, in the Cosmographia: introductio of Hylacomylus, was made up of ex- 
tracts from that book. This St.-Die edition was in Latin, translated, the 
editor says, from the French.' There is in the British Museum a rare work 
of four pages, published also in 1507, the author of which was Walter Lud. 
This Lud was the secretarj- of the Duke of Lorraine, a canon of the St.- 
Die Cathedral, and the founder of the school or college, where he had set 
up a printing-press on which was printed the Cosmographicc introductio. 
From this little book it is learned that the Vespucci letters were sent from 
Portugal to the Duke of Lorraine in French, and that they were translated 
into Latin by another canon of the .St.-Die Cathedral, one Jean Basin de 
Sandacourt, at the request of Lud.'^ 

Vespucci's last two voyages were made, so his letters assert, in the ser- 
vice of the King of Portugal. The narrative of the first of these — the 
third of the four voyages — appeared at different times, at several places, 
and were addressed to more than one person, prior to the publication of 
the St.-Die edition of all the letters atU'ressed to Rene TI.. the Duke of Lor- 
raiiie. This fact has added to the con asion and doubt; for each of these 
copies sent to dift"erent persons was a translation, presumably from some 
common original. One copy of them was addressed to Pietro Soderini, 
Gonfaloniere of I'lorence, whom Vespucci claimed as an old friend and 
school-fellow under the instruction of his uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci ; 
another was sent to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de' Medici, — Vespucci's early 
employer, — both appearing prior to that addressed in the collected edition 
of St.-Die addressed to the Duke of Lorraine. Of the earlier editions 
there was one published, according to Humboldt, in Latin, in 1504, at Augs- 

' The title uf this work is Co. •lo.^nip/iiu' in- published .it Strasbiirg in 1509. [Sec /<«/, 

troiiiiilio iiim qiiihusdiiiH geomctriie ac aslroiwiiiiiv p. 167, — Ed.] 

priiicipiis mi eavi rem nccesmriis. iHsupcr qua- - See Major's Ilciity the Navif;ator, p. 3S3. 

titor Amend Vespiicii navigiitioius. The iiuu.e of The title of Liid's four-le.avcd book is Speeiili 

the editor, M.irtiiuis Ilylacomj'Uts, is not given orbis succinctiss. scd luqne pceniteuda neqiie inelc- 

ill the first edition, bnt appears in a later, };aus dceUiratio et emioii. 
\'0r., II. — 19. 



t 



^/^ t- 



U\ 




mp" 



': > I 



:mIi 






1iii 



I h 






146 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



burg and also at Paris; another in German, in 1505, at Strasburg, and 
in 1506 at Lcipsic; and still another in Italian at Vicenza, in the collection 
called Pacsi iiovauimte, simultaneously with the St.-Die edition of 1507. 
These in later years were followed by a number of other editions. While 
they agree as to general statement, they differ in many particulars, and 
especially in regard to dates. These, however, are often mere typographi- 
cal blunders or errors of copyists, not unusual at that era, and always 
fruitful of controversy. But upon one point, it is to be observed, there is 
no difference among them; the voyage of 1501 — the first from Portugal — 
is always the third of the four voyages of Vespucci. This disposes, as 
Humboldt points out, of the charge that Vespucci waited till after the death 
of Columbus, in 1506, before he ventured to assert publicly that he had 
made two voyages by order of the King of Spain prior to entering the 
service of the King of Portugal. 

To induce him to leave Spain and come to Portugal, Vespucci says, in 
the letter addressed to Pietro Soderini, that the King sent to him one 
Giuliano Bartholomco del Giocondo, then a resident of Lisbon. Jocundus 
(the hitinized pseudonym of Giocondo) is named as the translator of the 
Augsburg edition of 1504, addressed to Lorenzo de' Medici. This Jocundus, 
Humboldt thinks, was Giuliano Giocondo. But Major, in his Henry the 
Navigator, saj's that the translation was made, not by Giuliano Giocondo, 
but by his kinsman Giovanni Giocondo, of Verona. His authority for 
this statement is apparently Walter Lud's Speculum. Varnhagen thinks it 
possible that the work may have been done by one ]\Lathias Ringman, — 
of whom more presently. Varnhagen sa)'s also, in another place, that the 
translator of the Italian version — published in the Paesi novamcntc at 
Vicenza in 1507 — unwittingly betrayed that he lied {son mcnsongc) \s\i(^n. 
he said that he followed a Spanish copy ; for while he failed to compre- 
hend the use of the word Jocimdus, he showed that it was before him in the 
Latin copy, as he rendered Jocundus intafrcs — Jocundus the translator — 
as el iocondo intcrpretc, the agreeable translator. This is only one example 
of the confusion in which the subject is involved. 

It was due, however, to the Cosinographice introductio of St.-Die, in which 
the letters appeared as a sort of appendix, that the name of America, 
from Amerigo, was given to the western hemisphere. But how it hap- 
pened that the Quatuor navigationes should have been first published in 
that little town in the Vosgcs mountains ; and what the relation was between 
Vespucci and Rene II., the Duke of Lorraine, — are among the perplexing 
questions in regard to the letters that have been discussed at great length. 
Major finds in the fact, or assumed fact, that I'ra Giovanno Giocondo was 
the translator of the narrative of the third voyage, the first published, in 
1504, an important link in the chain of evidence by which he explains the 
St.-Die puzzle. This Giocondo was about that time at Paris as the archi- 
tect of the bridge of Notre Dame. A young student, Mathias Ringman, from 
Alsace, was also there at that period; and Major supposes he may have 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



147 



become acquainted with Giocondo, who inspired him with great admiration 
for Vespucci. It is certain, ^ any rate, that Ringman, whose Hterary 
pseudonym was Philcsiu; Vogcsina, — that is, I'hilesius of tlie Vosges, — 
on his return to his native province edited the Strasburg edition (1505) of 
Giocondo's translation, appending to it some verses written by himself in 
praise of Vespucci and his achievements. 

In the rare book already referred to, the Spccultmi of Walter Lud, it 
is said of this Strasburg edition that " the booksellers carry about a cer- 
tain epigram of our Philesius in a little book of Vespucci's translated from 
Italian into Latin by Giocondo, of Verona, the architect of X'enicc." Doubt- 
less Ringman is here spoken of as " our I'hilesius," because he had become 
identified with Lud's college, where he was the professor of Latin. It seems 
almost certain, therefore, that the interest at St.-Die in \'espucci's voyages 
was inspiretl by Kingman, whether his enthusiasm was first aroused by his 
friendship with Giocondo at Paris, or whether, as Varnhagen supposes, it 
was the result of a visit or two to Italy. The latter question is not of nuich 
moment, except as a speculation ; and certainly it is not a straining of prob- 
abilities to doubt if Ringman would have taken for his Strasburg edition 
of 1505 the Giocondo translation, as Lud says he did, if he had himself 
translated, as Varnhagen supposes, the Augsburg edition of 1504. 

Lud also asserts in the Speculum that the French copy of the Qiiatiior 
navigationcs which was used at St.-Die came from Portugal. ALijor sup- 
poses that Ringman's enthusiasm may have led to correspondence with 
Vespucci, who was in Portugal till 1505, and that he caused his letters to be 
put into French and sent to Ringman at his request. The narrative of the 
third voyage in its several editions must have already given some renown to 
Vespucci. Here were other narratives of other voyages by the same nav- 
igator. The clever and enterprising young professors, eager for the dis- 
semination of knowledge, and not unmindful, possibly, of the credit of their 
college, brought out the letters as a part of the CosmograpJdcc iiitroductio 
by Hylacomylus — Ahutin Waldzccmuller — the teacher of geography, and 
the proof-reader to their new press. Their prince, Rene II., was known as 
a patron of learning ; and it is more likely that they should have prefixed 
his name to the letters than that Vespucci should have done so. Their 
zeal undoubtedly was greater than their knowledge; for had they known 
more of the discoveries of the previous fifteen years they would have hesi- 
tated to give to the new continent the name of one who would be thereby 
raised thenceforth from comparative, though honorable, obscurity to dis- 
honorable distinction. That Vespucci himself, however, was responsible 
for this there is no positive evidence; and were it not for the difficulty of 
cxplaini'-'2 his constant insistence of the completion of four voyages, it 
might be possible to find sonic plausible explanation of the confusion of 
the St.-Die book. 

In that book are these words : " And the fourth part of the world having 
been discovered by Americus, it may be called Amerigc ;' that is, the land of 




,'?JIH! 



i'ii\ 



'S '' 






!'■: 



t'i 



148 



NARRATIVE AND CKITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 



Amcriciis or America,"' And a^^;iiii : " Now truly, as these regions are more 
widely explored, and another fourth part is discovered, by Amcriciis Ves- 
j)iitii's, as may be learned from the followin}^ letters, I see no reason why it 
should not be justly called iXmeris^en, — that is, the land of Americus, or 
./Xnierica, from Americus, its disco\erer, a man of acute intellect; inasmuch 
as both Europe and Asia ha\e chosen their names from the feminine 
form. " - 

It was discovered, less tli^Mi half a centurj' ago, through the diligent 
researches of IluniboMt, I lat this professor of geography at St.-Die, Iljla- 
comylus, was th ; in\"ntor, so to speak, of this wortl America. That it 

came at last to be • : eivr i .;s the designation of the western continent was 
due, perhaps, very i ii;jh to '.(■" absence of an\' suggestion of anj' other dis- 
tinctive name that seemed appi priate and was generall)' acceptable, ivare 
as the little work, the Cosmogmphia' introduction now is, it w as probabl)- w ell 
known at the time of tlie publication of its several editions ; as the ci ntral 
position of .St.-Die- between l'"rance, ("ierman\% and Italj' — gave to the 
bot)k, as Jlumboklt thought, a witle circulatit)n, impressing the word i\mer- 
ica upon the learned world. The name, however, came \'ery slowly into 
use, appearing only occasionally in stmie book, till in 152:3 it gaineil a more 
permanent i)lace on a mappemonde in the Gcogmpliia of I'tolemy. J'"roni 
that time it ai)pearetl frecpientl}" u])on other maps, and l>_v the middle of the 
centurv' became generally recognized outside of Spain, at least, as the 
establishetl continental name. JUit the effect of its suggestion was more 
immediate \\\w\\ the fame of \'espucei. While the learned understood that 
the great captain of that time was Christopher Columbus, the name of 
iXmerigo was often united with his as deserxing of at least the second 
place, and sometimes e\en of the fust. The celebrit)' which Iljlaconnlus 
bcstowetl \\\w\\ him w.is accepted for performance by those who were 
ignorant of the exact truth ; and those who knew better tliil not gi\e 
themseh-es the trouble to correct the error. 

In each <jf \''espucci's voyages he probably held a subordinate posi- 
tion, llis place ma}- sometimes have been that of a pilot,'' or as the com- 
mander of a single ship, or attached to the fleet, as Ilerrera^ says he was in 
Ojeda's expedition (1499), " as merchant, being skilful in cosmography and 
na\igation." Vespucci himself does not in so many words assert that he 

' " Et ijiiarta orbis pars ijiiaiii (/iiis A»uy/riis an iin|)iirtaiil cilficcr of all (liou uarly fxpcclitiuns. 

iinviiit, A/!it-ri:;,-ii quasi Ai)icrici Urrain, sivc Isaljclla urged Coliimlnis iKit to go witlioiit 

Amcricaiii iiuiiiul'ayi licet."" one on his sccoiul VDvagc ; and iji his narrative 

'" iViincfcri' ct !ii>-c /'arlcs sunt latins liisti-ati,-, of his fourth voyage, Columbus contends that 

tt alia qiiaytu Pars pvy Americiim J'es/'iifiniii, itt there is but one infallible method of making a 

in scqiicntihus aiidictnr, invcnta est, ipiaiii iioii ship's reckoning, that employed by astronomers. 

77V/t't) cur ijiiis iiire vctet ah America iireentore, Cf. Humboldt, Cosmos, luig. tr., ii. O71. — Ed.] 
sagacis iiigeuii viro, Ameriffeii quasi Americi tcr- '' Herrcra, — of whom Robertson says that 

ram sive Americam diceiiiltim, cum et /■'uro/>a et "of all Spanish writers ho furnishes the fullest 

Asia a mulieriOus sua sorlitic siiil uomiiia." Ifyla- and most authentic information upon American 

comyliis. ditcoverics " — accuses Vespucci of "false- 

■' lVes])ucci himself savs that his mission was hoods'" in pretending to have visited the Gulf 

"per ajiit.ire a discoprire." .\n astronomer was of I'aria before (.'(jiumbus. 



AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



149 



was in command of the expeditions upon which he sailed, while he occa- 
sionally alludes, though usually in terms of contempt, to those whose 
authority was above his own. Once lie speaks of Columbus, and then 
almost parenthetically, as the discoverer merely of the Island of llispaniola; 
but of other t>f his achievements, or of those of other eminent navigators, 
he has nothing to say. In reply to such criticisms of his letters it has been 
urtred on his behalf that they were written for intimate frienils, as familiar 
narratives of personal experiences, and not meant to be, in any broad 
sense, historical. But the deception was as absolute as if it had been 
deliberately contrived; and, whether intentional or not, was never by act or 
word coiixcted, though Vespucci lived for five years after the appearance 
of the letters from the St. -Die press. 

Hut whatever can be or may be said in extenuation of Vespucci, or how- 
ever strong the reasons for supposing that for whatcvci .as reprehensible 
in the matter he was innocent and the St.-Die professors t.lo-; responsible, 
there nevertheless remains the one thing unexplained nd i 'e\plicable, — 
his own repeated assertion that he made four voyages. Humboldt supposes 
that the narrative of the first, so called, of these four voyages, beginning in 
May, 1497, was made up of that on which Vespucci crtainly sailed with 
Ojeda, starling in May, 1499. The points of resen^ 'ance are so many and 
.so striking as to seem not only conclusive, but to pri-.iude any other theory. 
If this be true, then it follows that the narrative of the voyage of 1497 was 
simply a forgery, who.soever was responsible for it; and if a forgery, then 
Vespucci was not the discoverer of the western continent, and an historical 
renown was given to his name to which he was not entitled. 

The second of the assumed four voyages Humboldt supposes to be the 
first voyeige of Vincente Yanez Pinzon, — hesitating, however, between that 
and the voyage of Diego de Lepe: the former sailing with four ships in 
December, 1499, and returning in September, 1500; the latter with two ships, 
in January, 1500, and returning in June. Vespucci says that he had two 
ships; that he sailed in May, 1499, and returned in June or September of 
the next year. It is of the first voyage of 1497 that he says he had four 
ships. As on that assumed voyage there arc many incidents identical with 
those related of Ojeda's voyage of 1499, so here there arc strong points 
of resemblance between Vespucci's supposed second voyage and that of 
Pinzon. In both cases, however, there are irreconcilable differences, 
which Humboldt does not attempt to disguise; while at the same time 
they indicate either dishonesty on the part of Vespucci in his letters, or 
that those letters were tampered with by others, either ignorantly or with 
tlishonest intent, to which Vespucci afterward tacitly assented. 

It would be hypercritical to insist upon a strict adherence to the dates of 
the several voyages, and then to decide that the voyages were impossible 
because the dates are irreconcilable. The figures are sometimes obviously 
mere blunders ; as, for example, the assertion in the St.-Die edition that the 
second voyage was begun in May, 1489, when it had been already said that 



'50 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



«.•(■ ' 




i I'! 



the first voyage was made in 1497. But there are statements of facts, never- 
theless, which it is necessary to reconcile witli date.' , and when this is im- 
possible, a doubt of truthfulness is so far justifiable. Thus in ihe relation 
of the second voyage Vespucci asserts, or is made to assert, that on the 
23d of August, 1499, he saw while at sea a conjunction of Mars and the 
Moon. That phenomenon did occur at that time, as Humboldt learned 
from the I'2i)henKris ; and if it was observed b) \'espucci at sea, tliat could 
not have been upon a voyage with I'inzon, who did not sail till (Uecenibcr, 
1499) four months after the conjunction of the planets. IJut here, moreover, 
arises another difficulty: Vespucci's second voyage, in which he observed 
this conjunction, could not have been made with Ojcda, and must have been 
made with I'inzon, if on other points the UcU'rative be accepted ; for it was 
upon that voyage that Vespucci says he sailed several degrees south of the 
equinoctial line to the mouth of the Amazon, — which Pinzon did do, and 
Ojeda did not. These and other similar discrepancies have led iiaturall)' to 
the suspicion that the incidents of more than one expedition were used, with 
more or less discrimination, but with little regard to chronology, for the 
composition of a plausible narrative of two voyages made in the service of 
Spain. One blunder, detected by Navarretc in this so-called second voyage, 
it is quite incredible that Vespucci could have committed; for according to 
the course pursued and the distance sailed, his ships would have been navi- 
gated over nearly three hundred leagues of dry land into the interior of the 
continent. No critical temerity is required to see in such a blunder the 
carelessness ol a copyist or a compositor. 

It was of the first voyage from Lisbon — the third of the Quatuor navi- 
gationes — that, as has been already said, a narrative was first published in 
a letter addressed to Lorenzo do' Medici. This was illustrated with diagrams 
of some of the constellations of the southern hemisphere ; and the repute it 
gave to the writer led the way to his subsequent fame. What Vespucci's 
position was in the expedition is not known ; but that it was still a subordi- 
nate one is evident from his own words, as he speaks of a commander, 
though only to find fault with him, and without giving his name. The 
object of the expedition was to discover the western passage to the Spice 
Islands of the East (Melcha, Melacca, Malaccha, according to the varying 
texts of different editions of the letter) ; and though the passage was not 
found, the voyage was, like Cabot's, one of the boldest and most important 
of the age. But it is also, of all Vespucci's voyages, real or assumed, that 
which has been most disputed. Navarrcte, however, after a careful exami- 
nation of all the evidence that touches the question, comes to the conclusion 
that such an expedition, on which Vespucci may have gone in some subor- 
dinate position, was really sent out in 1501 by the King of Portugal; and 
Humboldt concurs in this opinion. 

The Terra de Vera Cruz, or Brazil, as it was afterward named, was visited 
successively for the first time, from January to April, 1500, by Pinzon, De 
Lcpe, De Mendoza, and Cabral. But the expedition to which Vespucci was 



,)•■ 



AMERIGO VESl'UCCI. 



151 



attached explored the coast from the fifth parallel of southern latitude, three 
dej^rees north of Cape St, Aii^ustin, — first discovered and so named by 
Pinzon, — as far south, [jerliaps, as about the thirty-eij^hth parallel of lati- 
tude. They had sailed alonj,' the coast for about seven hundred leagues; 
and so beautiful was the country, so luxuriant its vegetation, so salubrious its 
climate, where men did not die till they were a hundred and fifty years old, 
thai Vespucci was persuaded — as Columbus, only three years before, had 
said of the rej^ion ilrained by the Orinoco — that the earthly I'aradise was 
not far off. Gold, the natives said, was abundant in the interior; but as the 
visitors found none, it was determined at last to continue the voyaye in 
another direction, leaving behind them this coast, of what seemed to Ves- 
pucci a continent, along which they had sailed from the midtlle of August 
to the middle of February. Startin;j now on the 15th of February from the 
mainland, they steered southeast, till they reached, on the 3d of April, the 
fifty-second degree of latitude. They had sailed through stormy seas, driven 
by violent gales, running away from daylight into nights of fifteen hours in 
length, and encountering a severity of cold unknown in Southern luirope, 
and quite beyond their power of endurance. A new land at length was 
seen ; but it only needed a few hours of observation of its dangerous, rocky, 
and ice-bound coast to satisfy them that it was a barren, uninhabited, and 
uninhabitable region. This, Varnhagcn suggests most reasonably, was the 
Island of Georgia, rediscovered by Cai)tain Cook nearly three centuries 
afterward. 

The return to Lisbon was in September, 1502. By order of the King^ 
Vespucci sailed again in May, 1503, from Lisbon on a second voyage, — the 
fourth of his Qnatuor navigationes . The object, as before, was to find a 
western passage to the Moluccas ; for it was the trade of India, not new 
discoveries in the western continent, upon which the mind of the King was 
bent. There were six .ships in this new expedition ; and it is generally agreed 
that as Gonzalo Coclho sailed from Lisbon in May, 1503, by order of Eman- 
uel, in command of six ships, Vespucci probably held a subordinate position 
in that fleet. He does not name Coelho, but he refers to a superior officer as 
an obstinate and presumptuous man, who by his bad management wrecked 
the Rag-ship. Vespucci may have been put in command of two of the ships 
by the King; with two, at any rate, he became separated, in the course of 
the voyage, from his commodore, and with them returned to Lisbon in June 
of the next year. The rest of the fleet Vespucci reported as lost through 
the pride and folly of the commander ; and it was thus, he said, that God 
punished arrogance. But Vespucci either misunderstood the divine will or 
misjudged his commander, for the other ships soon after returned in safety. 

The southernmost point reached by him on this voyage was the eigh- 
teenth degree of southern latitude. At this point, somewhere about Cape 
Frio, he built a fort, and left in it the crew of one of the two vessels which 
had been shipwrecked. The precise spot of this settlement is uncertain ; but 
as it was planted by Vespucci, and as it was the first colony of Europeans 



'5^ 



NAKKATIVK AND CKITICAI. IIISTOKY OK AMKRICA. 



^ 



in that part nf the New Woiltl, lluii' was an cviclc-nt and just propriety 
in bcstowinfj tlic derivative — i\nierica — of his name upon tiie country, 
which at (irst was known as " The Land of tiie True Cross," and aftirwar<i 
as " Hra/.il." Tiie name of Urazil was retained when tiie wider a|)plication 
— iVmerica — was ^'iven to tiie whole continent. 

Soon after iiis return from this, tlie last of tiie .Vavii^^ationcs of which he 
Iiimself, so far as is l<nown, j^ave any account, lie went back, in 1505,10 
Spain. It is conjectured that he made other voyages ; but whether he diii 
or ditl not, no .ibsdiute eviilence has ever been found.' We know almost 
notiiin^f of him up to that time except what is told by himself When he 
ceased writing of his own exfjloits, then also the exploits ceasi'd so far as 
can be learned from contemporai)' authors, who hitherto also had been 
silent about him. In 1508 (March 22) Ferdinand of Spain ai)pointed him 
pilot-major of tiie kin^ulom,''* — an office of dij^iiity and importance, wliicli 
probably he retained till he died ' I''eb. 22, 15 I J). His fame was largely 
posthumous; but a luiiiispiure is his monument. If not amoni;' the greatest 
of the world's great men, he is among the happiest ^^'i those on whom good 
fortune has bestowed renown. 



^f,0y 



' i I 



' [V.irnli.ngcn thinks there is rc.nsfm to believe, to the coast of Daricn (/'o.<l/ii<y in XoiirMw 

from tlic letter ot' Vi.incllii, that Vespiieius ni.-idc irc/icrc/ifs, ]). 56). Harrisso (/>//'/. A»iir. Vet., 

a voyage in 1 505 to the northern eo.ast nf South Addilions, p. .\xvii) gives reasons, from letters 

America, when he tracked the shore from the (liscovercU hy Rawdon lirown at Venice, for 

point of departure on his second voyage as far lielicving that Vespucius made .1 voyage in 

.as Darien ; and he is further of the opinion, from TSoS. — Kr).| 

passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that '^ Cf. Navarretc, iii. ^^1, for the instructions 

Vespucius made still a linal voyage with LaCosa of tlie King. 



Duruig recent years (iSy^-j) John Mske, in his Z)/.fciT'i';i' o/ .hiu'iitii, vol. ii., has reinforcctl 
the argument of Varnliagen in favor of the disputed (i.m) voyage of Vespucius ; Henry I farrisse, 
in his /^/jvcrwi' of No it /i .////^//Vi/, rejects his own earlier arguments in its favor; Clements K. 
Markham, in C/iristop/ifr CWiim/'iis, totally tliscredils ihr theory, and Justin Winsor, in his (Viris- 
toHu-r Cotiimbus, has considered the proposition not proven. 



I . 



CRITICAL AND HIHI-IOGUAIMIICAL 



NOTES ON VESPUCIUS 



NAM INC. OF AMERICA. 



nY nil'. I'.DrroK. 



Wllll.l'; Vcspucins never diicc clearly at- 
firms that he discovered the main, siidi 
an inference may be drawn from what he says. 
I'cter Marlvr f;ivcs no date at all for the voyaye 
of I'inzon and Solis to the llondnrns coast, 
which was later claimed liy Ovicdo and Cioniara 
to have preceded that of Columlins to the main. 
Navarrete has pointed ont the v.uied inonsist- 
encies of the Ve.-.piiciiis narrativi',' as well as 
the changes of the dates of tin setting out and 
the retnrn, as given in the various editions. - 
All of them give a period of twenty-nine months 
for a voyage which Vespucius says only took 
eighteen, — a difliculty Canovai and others have 
tried to get over by changing the date of return 
to i.(i>S; and some such change was necessary 
to enable Vespucius to be in Spain to start 
again with ( )jeda in May, 1409. Humboldt 
further instances a great variety of obvious 
tvpographical errors in the publications of that 
dav, — as, for instance, where Oviedo says Co- 
lumbus made his first voyage in I.t9i.'' Hut, as 
shown in the preceding narrative, an allowance 
forcrrors nf the press is not sullicient. In regard 
to the proof of an <;///'/ which Humboldt brought 
forward from documents said to have been 
collectLd by Muno^- from the archives of tlic 
Casa <U la Contratacion, it is unfortunate that 
Mufioz himself did not complete that part of 
his work which was to pertain to Vespucius, 



and that the documents as he collated tlicm have 
not been published. In the absence of such 
te.\tual ilcmoiistration, the inference which Hum- 
boldt drew from Xavarrete's representations of 
those documents has been denied by Varidi.igen ; 
and II. II. liancroft in his Cciiti.il Aniiiuii (i. 99, 
102, 106) does not deem the proof complete.'' 

Vespucius' own story for what he c.dls l>is 
second voyage (1.199) is that he sailed from 
Cadi/, shortly after the middle of .M.iv, 1.199. 
'The subsc(pient dates of his being on the coast 
are contlicting ; but it would appe.ir that he 
reached Spain on his return in June or Seplend)cr, 
1500. We have, of course, his narrative of this 
voyage in the collective letter to Soderini ; •' but 
there is also an independent narrative, published 
by llandini (p. 64) ii\ 1745, said to have been 
written July i,S, 1300, and printed from a manu- 
script preserved in the Uiccardiana at Florence.'' 
'I'he testimony of < tjeda th.it Vespucius was 
his companion in the vovagc of xj^qiy-itpo 
seems to need the ipi.dilication that he was 
with him for a part, and not for the whole, of 
the voyage; and it has been advanced thai: Ves- 
pucius left ()je(hi.at llisp.iniola, and, reluming 
to Spain, -ailed again with Pinzon in Decem- 
ber, 1499, — thus attemjjting to account for the 
coiid)ination of events which seem to connect 
Vespucius with the voyages of both these 
navig.ators. 





1 " Noticias cxaL'as dc .\morico Ve-,]iucio," in his Coercion, iii. 315. The narrative in English will be 
found in Lester's Li/i- of Vesf'iiciiis, pp. ii2-i;^g, 
- May 10, 20, 1407, and Oct. i, 15, iS, I4()y. 

3 Cf. F.xiimcn crilii/iir, iv. 150, 151, 273-2S2; v. iii, 112, 197-202; Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 678. 
■• Humboldt, F.xamcn criliipie, iv. 50, 267, 26S, 172; Ilarrisse, 5;W. Amcr. Vet., no. 57; Navarrete;. 

>'■• .V7- 

5 This part is given in English in I. ester, p. 175. 
c It is translated in I.estcr. pp. i;i-i7-;; cf. Canovai, p. 50. 
VOL. II. — 20. 



'54 



NAKRATI\K AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 



w .i ii;- 



•k ; 



.,4i r 



' ' I, 



Wiil 



'''I, 



W/' 



:^^; 



^^iiS 



!,'< 



ji 



hi' M 



It is nolfworthy tliat Ovicdo, wlui souglil. 
to interpret Pctur Martyr as tiiidwiiig that Solis 
and I'inzon liad prcLX'tlcd Cnhinilnis to the main, 
makes no mention of Vespiicius. Tliere is no 
.nention of him in what lieneventano furnislied 
to the I'tolemy of 150S. Caslanheda does not 
allude to him, nor docs liarreiros in liis yji: 
0/'/itr,i ri-gioiie (Coimlira, 1560), nor (lalvano 
in liis Dcicohniiiiciitos, nor I'edro Magalhaes tic 
("randavo in his accomit of Santa Cm/, (1570).' 

liiit il was not all forgctfnlncss as time went 
on. The currency to liis lame wliicli had been 
given by the J)c orbd iiiilti>r/uii, bv the J\usi 
innhiiiiciih; by the Cosinoi;yii/>/iii€ introdiictio, as 
well as by the Mitmliis lun-iis and the publications 
which rellectetl these, was helped on in 1510 
b) the Roman archx'ologist Francesco Alber- 
tini in his OpHsaihim il,- inirtihililnis L'rhis A'i'mi/; 
who fine's Florence, and not Cicnoa, to have sent 
forth the discoverer of the New World.- 

Two years later (151J) an edition of I'oni- 
l>onius Mela whicli Cocleus edited, probabiv at 
Nuremberg, contained, in a marginal note lo a 
passage on the "Zona incognita," the following 
words; " Verns Americus Vesimtius iam uoslni 
secnlo I novu illumundu invcnissefert I'ortugalie 
Castilieci. regu navibus," etc. I'ighius in 1520 
had spoken of the magnitude of the region dis- 
covered by Vesi)ucius, whi-h had gained it the 
appellation of a new world.^ The references 
in (^'larcanus, Apian, I'hrysius, and Miinster 
show familiarity with his fame by the leading 
cosmogra])hical writers of the time. Natale 
Conti, in his Viiiversic hisloritc sni Imiporis tibri 
XXX (1545-1581), bronj;ht him within the 
range of his memory.'' In 1590 Mvritins, in liis 
Opiisdiliim };t\\i;riipliicum, the last dving dicker, as 
it was, of a belief in the Asian connection of the 
New World,''' repeats the oft-told story, — "l)e 
Urasilia, terra ignis, de meridionali parte Africa; 
ab Albcrico Vcspulio inventa." 



In the ne.M century the story is still i. .pt up 
by the Florentine, Francesco liocchi, in his 
I.ibri duo tioxiorum (1607),'' and bv another 
Florentine, Raflael Ciuallerotti, in a poem, 
/,' Aiiienca l(\b\\),'< — not to name many 
others.** 

lint all this fame was not unclnided, and it 
faileil of rellection in some (|narters at least. 
The contemporary I'orlnguese pilots and cosmog- 
ra|>liers give no record of 'Vespucins'eminence as 
a nautical geometrician. The Tortugnesc annal- 
ist J )aniiao de (Joes makes no mention of him. 
Neither I'eter Martyr nor iJcn/oiii allows him to 
have preceded Columbus. .Sebastian Cabot, as 
early as 1515, iiuestioned if any faith could be 
placed in the voyage of 1497 "which .\niericus 
says he made." It is well known that I.as 
t-'asas more than intimated the chance of his 
being an impostor; nor do we deduce from 
ine way that his countrymen, Cuicciardiui " and 
Segni, speak of him, that tlicii faith in the prior 
claim in his behalf ,vas stable. 

.\n important contestant apjieared in ller- 
rera in l6oi,'"who ojieiily charged Vespucuis 
with falsil'ying his dates and changing the date of 
I.J99 to 1497; Ilerrcra jirobablv followed I^as 
Casas' manuscripts which he had." The alloga- 
ti(jn fell in with the preva'ent indignation that 
somebody, rather than a blind fortune, had de- 
Ijrivod Columbvis of the naming of the New 
World; and Herrera heljied this belief by stat- 
ing positively that the voyage of Pinzon and 
Soils, which had been depended upon to ante- 
date Columbus, liad taken place as late as 
1506. 

In the last century Aiigelo Maria Bandini 
attempted to stay this tide of reproach in the 
I'ita c hitcre ifi Aniirris^v I'espncii, ^I'litiliiomo fwr- 
iiitino which was printed at Florence in 1745.''-' 
It was too manifestly an unbounded panegyric 
to enlist the sympathy of scholars. More atten- 



1 TliL'So inst.Tncos an- cited hv .'santareni. Cf. Tcniaiix's Co/hr/io/i, vol. ii. 

- Ilarrisse, Bib/. Amvr. Vr/., no. (14; Hunihiiklt, Examtit critique, v. 20(i. 'J'here were other ixlitions of 
Albcrtini in 1519 and 1520, as well as his Dc Rniiui prisui of 1525, repeating the credit of the first discovery 
in language wliich Muller says that Ilanissc docs not give correctly. Cf. /)'//■/. Anicr. Vet., nos. 96, loj, loO; 
Additions. ^Tt, 74 ; Mnller, Books on America (1S72), no. 17. 

•' /)'//'/'. Amer. Vet., no. 107. 

■* Tulitions at Venice in 1572 and 15S9 (.Sabin, vol. iv. no. 10,161). 

^ Cf. Vol. IV. ]). 90. 

ij Sabin, vol. ii. no. C>,io2. 

" Cartcr-Iirown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at riorcncc in 1S59, .ind at Milan in 1865. 

8 .Santarem enumerates various others ; if. t,'liilde':. translation, p. 34 etc. liandini ( Vita c lettcre di Ves- 
pucci, cap. vii.) also enumerates the early references. 

'J Though Guicciardini died in 1^40, his Historic d' Italia (1494-15V) did not ap)iear at Florence till 
1 564, and ayain at Venice in 15S0. Sej,'ni, who told the history of l'"lorencc from 152710 1555, and died in 
1559, was also late in appearing. 

'" Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2 ; lib. vii. c. :;. 

'■ Kobertson ba.:"d his disbelief laru'cly upon Herrcra {History of .tmerica, note xxii.). 

'- (Jarter-Iirown, vol. iii. no. 79;; Murphy, no. 142; T.eclerc, no. 2,47?. There was a Cicrinan translation 
in 17.1S (Carter-Hrown, iii. Sr/i ; Sabin. vol, i. no. ",.150), with annututioii.s, which gave occasion te a paper 
by Caleb Cusliiii',: in the Nortti .■imeriean Revieiv, xii. 318. 



Ml' 



I 



VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OV AMERICA. 



155 



tioii was aroused ' by an address, with ccnial 
adiilatidii, \vl\icli Staiiislao Canovai dclivcrci tn 
the Acatleiiiy at Ccjuona in 17!SS, .ind which was 
1 riiited at mice as /■Uii^mi di A-iiifi^o ViSpiuci, 
and vnrioiis times afterward, with more or less 
cliange, till it a])pcarcd to reviv? anew the 
antai;i)iii..m of scliolars, in i.Siy." Mufioz had 
promised to disclose the inipostii.-es of Ves- 
pucius, but his inicompleted task fell to San- 
tarem, who found a sympathizer in Xavarrcte ; 
and .Santareni's labored depreciation of Vcs- 
pucius first appeared in Navarrcte's Coli\cion? 
where Cauovai's arguments arc examined at 
length, with sludicil refutatioils of some points 
hardlv worlli the labor. This paper was later 
c.vpanded, as e.\i)lained in another place. 

He claims tliat one hundred thousand docu- 
ments in the Koval Archives (jf I'ortngal, and 
tliu register of maps which belonged to King 
I'anmanuel, make no mention of Vespucius,^ and 
tliat there is no register of the letters-patent which 
Vespucius claimed to have received. Nor is there 
any mention in several hundred other contcm- 
porarv manuscripts preserved in the great library 
at Paris, and in other colli.ctions, which San- 
tarem says he has examined.'' 

An admirer of Vespucius, and t!'.' most 
prominent advocate of a belief in the dis- 
puted vovage of 1497, is Francisco Adolpho 
dc Vainliagen, tlie Baron de Porto Seguro. As 



early as lS',i;, in miles to iiis Jhiirio of Lopez de 
Souza, he began a long series of publications in 
order to coiuUeract the ile|ueeiation of Vesi)n- 
cius by Ayres de Cazal, N'avarrete, and Santa- 
rem. [n 1854, in his Ilisloyia gvral do />i;izil, 
he had combated Humboldt's opinion that it 
was Pinzon with whom \'espuciiis had sailed 
on his second voyage, and had contended for 
Ojcda. \'arnhagen not only accepts the stale- 
inenls of the St. -Die publications regarding that 
voyage, but undertakes to track the explorer's 
course. In his .■1/iirri^ci ri:</ui;i, son ,;irin-- 
tht; etc., he gives a map marking the various 
voyages of the I'Morentine.*' l-'or the voyage of 
1497 he makes him strike a little south of west 
from the Canaries ; but leaving his course a 
blank from the mid-.'' 'lantic, he resumes it at 
C!ape Gracias a Dios on the point of Honduras,' 
and follows it by the coast thence to the Chesa- 
peake, when he passes by l!eriuuda,^ and reaches 
Seville. In this he departs from all previous 
theories of the landfall, which had placetl the 
contact on the coast of Paria. He takes a view 
of the Ruysch map'' of 1 50S different from that 
of any other commentator, in holding the smaller 
land terminated with a scroll to be not Cuba, 
but a part of the main westerly, visited by 
Vespucius in tliis 1497 voyage; and recently 
Ilarrissc, in liis CivVivv,;/," argues that the de- 
scriptions of ^'tspucius in this disputed voyage 



1 Santarem reviews this literary warfaio of 1788-1781) (Cliil'lt^'s translation, ji. 140). 

- .Sabin (Dkticiiary, lii. 312) gives the following contributions uf Canovai ; (1) Difcnsa d' Amerigo I'es- 
fiucio, I'"l(jrcnce, 1796 (15 \->\>). (2) Disscitazionf sopra il frimo riaggh' d' Amerigo Ves/'uci alle Indie 
occidenlnli, Morcucc, 1S09. ( ;) F.logio P Amerigo Vcspua-i . . , eon una disserlozione giiistifunti-oo, I'Morence, 
17SS; con illustrazioni eil aggiunte [Cortona], 17S9; noplace, 1790, Florence, 1798. (.)) Esame critico del 
primo viiiggio d' Amerigo Vespiieei al niio-v mondo, Florence, iSii. Cf. II Marquis Gino Cappimi, 
Ossenazioni mil' esame critico del primo viaggio il' Amerigo Vespudi al niiovo mondo, Florence, 1811. 
Leclcrc, no. 400 ; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) Lettera alio Slampal. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell' 
aiitore dell' clogio prem. di .Int. Vespucci, Florence, 1789. (6) Monumenti relativi al giudizio pronitnziato 
daW Aecadcmii Etruscn di Cortona di an Elogio d' Ameiigo Vespucci, l'"lorence, 17S7. (7) Viaggi </' 
Amerigo Vespucci con la rUa, /' elogio e la dissertnzione giustifuativa, Florence, 1S17; again, 1S32. There 
w.as an Fnglisli version of the it/<;(,'7i' printed at New Haven in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which 
B.andini accepted; as, for instance, the letter in Da Cama, of whicli there is a version in Lester, p. 313. Cf. 
also Variiliageii, Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 07, 69, where it is reprinted. 

^ Irving got his cue from this, and calls thf; voyage of 1497 pure invcnti.m. The documents whicli 
Navarrcte gives are epitomized in Lester, p. 395, and rcprintcil in Varnhagcn's Noinelles rccherchcs, ji. 2I1. 

■• Chilile's translation, \i. 2.\. 

•'■ Childe's translation, pp. 65, (»6. 

•J There is another laying down of his course in a map published with a vohune not seldom cjuotcd in the 
present work, and which may be well described here ; Stiidi liografici c InMiogralici siilla storia delta geografia 
in Italia piiHicati in occasioiic del ///o Congresso Geogra/ico /nternazionale, Edizione seeonda, Rome, 1882. 
Vol. i. contains Diografia dei -■iaggia/ori /taliani, colla M'liografia delle loro opcre per J'ietro Aniat di San 
Filippo. The special title of vol. ii. is Mappamondi, carte naiiliclie, portolani ed altri monumenti earto- 
grafici spccialmcnte Ilaliani dei secoli Xfil-Xl'll. per Gustavo Uzietli c Pietro Amat di San Filippo. 

' He gives his reasons for this landfall in his Le premier voyage, p. 5. 

8 \Vc liave no positive notice of liernuida being seen earlier than the record of the I'oter .M.irtyr map 
of 151 1. 

'•* Sec Vol. HI. p. 8. and the present volume, p. iiv 

I" Where (p. lod) he amioimced his iatention to discuss at some future time the voy.ages of Vespucius, 
and to bring forward, "selon niitre habitude," some new documentary evidence. He has since given the 
proposed title; Anieric Vcspiicc, sa Corrcspondance, 1.(83-1.191 \ soixantediuit letlres ineditcs tirces du forte- 
Jcuiile des Medicis, with annotations. 







•56 



XAKRAIIVE AND CRmCAL IIISIORY OF AMERICA. 



t'" ' ,1, j 



^i 



' 



M! 



cr 






W.. 



tiirrcspoiKl more nearly with the Caiitinci map ' 
llian witli any (itlicr. llarrisse also asUs if 
vVaUlsefimillcr did not have such a map as 
Cantino's licloie him ; and it' the map ol \'es- 
piK'iiis, which I'eler Maityr says Fonscca had, 
may not have been the same ? 

Vaiiihagen, as mijjht ho cxpecteil in such an 
advocate, turns every imdated incident in Vespn- 
ciiis' favor if he can. lie believes that the ■.••', ite- 
bearded men who the natives said preceded 
the .'^'p''"''"''^ were Vespucius and his compan- 
ions. .\ kiter of N'ianello, dated Dec. 2S, 1 50*), 
which ihindioklt cpiotes as mentioniiiL; an early 
vovagc in which Fa Cosa took part, but hesi- 
tates to assign to inv particular year, Varnhagen 
eagerly makes api)licablc to the voyage of 1.(97.- 
Tlie records of the ( 'asa de la ("ontratacion 
whicli seem to be an impediment to a belief in 
the voyage, he makes to have reference, not to 
the sliips of ColMndHi>, l)nl to those of Vespucius' 
own command. N'arnliagcn's efforts to elucidate 
the career of Ves[Hicius have been eager, if not 
in .ill respects conclusive.-' 

We get upon iiuich Inuier ground when ue 
come to the consideration of the vovagc of 1501, 
— the lirsl I'or I'ortugal, and the third of \'es- 



pucins' so-called loin' voyages. It seems clear 
that this voyage was ordered by the Portu- 
guese (lovermnent to follow up the chance 
discovery i>f the Ihazil coast l)v C'abral in 
1500, of which that navigator had sent word 
back by a messenger vessel. When the new 
e.\ploring fleet sailed is ;i matter of uuccrtaintv, 
for the accounts differ. — the Dutch edition of 
the account putting it as earlv .is .Ma'- I, 1501, 
while one account places it as lale as |une io.< 
When the lleet reached the (ape de \'ei-df 
Islands, it found there Cabral's vessels on the 
retmn voy.ige ; and what Vespucius here learned 
from Cibral he embodied in a letter, dated 
June 4, 1 501. which is (irinted by I'aldelli in 
his // .\FilioHi- i/i Miiiro I'olo, from .1 manuscript 
preserved in the Kiccardiana Collection.-'' Some 
time in August — idr the e.xact day is in dis- 
pute — he struck the coast of South .\merica, 
and coursed southw.ird, — returning to Lisbon 
Sept. 7, t50J.'"' 

Ve>|)ncins now wrote an account of it, ad- 
dressed to Loreu/io I'icro Francesco de Medici,' 
in which he proposed a designation of the new 
regions, " novum nuindum a])peliare licet.' Sucli 
is the Fatin pluaseologv, for the original It.dian 
text is Icwt.'' Within the ne.M tw-o vear> nunur- 



1 Sec p. loS. 

■- Tliis \'iancllii dncuiucnl was printed by l-'erraro in liis Rchi-Joiic in i.S;;. 

■I His jnihlicatidns on the suhject of \'esiiiitius are as follinvs: (1) I'fsf-iici-ef foii /'irwii.-i- z<inixi;oii )ioliic 
,riiih- iiiioiix't-rlc el exfloralkm ihi Colfi ilii Mixi<]iif ct ilcs cotes tics litnts-Uiiis cii 1^07 ct 14'iS, avcc le texte 
(/,: /rots iio/t-s 1/0 la iiiaiii </f CoUuiih, I'aris. iS3,S. This had firiginally appeared from the same tvpe in Bulletin 
ile. la Soeiite lie Geof,raphie Ue /'(»-;.', I an nary and l-"ehruary, 1S5.S ; and a summary of it in Miijjlish will he 
found in the Ilis/oiieal Maga-juie, iv. i|S, together with a letter from \'arnhagen to liiickinijliam ."^niith. 
(2) Exaiiien tic qiietques fomts dc I- Ilistoirc geogra/liii/iie ilit Hresil. — secoiiil -eoyas:e tic I'csfiiee, Paris, i.SjS- 
(;) Aii>crii;o VefJ-iieei, son eartietere, ses eerils,sa ric, ct scs iiaxit^ntions, Lima, iSfjv (4) Lc /remicr Tovtige 
t/e Aiiierit;o I'esfiieci ile/iiiitheiiieiit ex/liqne tians ses ililails, Vienna, iSfM). (5) A'oiivellcs reelicrelies siir les 
tleniiers rovtt^fts till iia-,/j;ateiir/liirciitiii, ct Ic rcstc ties tloeuments et iilaireissemcnts siir Int. \'ienna, 1S69. 
(()) I'oslfaec anxtiois livraisoiis siir Aineiii^o r<-.>/»iv/ \'ieniia, 1.S70. This is also given as jiagus 55-57 of 
the Noiivelles ree/irreltes, though il is not included in its contents table. (7) Ainila Aiiterigo I'es/neei, no-cos 
e\'tii/os caeliei;ns,cs/'irialineitte cin/anirtlii intcr/re/itit'ii ilaila I! stia 1" vingeni, em \^<}-;-\^t,f; lis Costas lio 
Vneatan. Vienna, 1874, eight p.ages, with fae-siniiles of part of Rnysch's map. C'f. Caf. Ilhl. lirazil. liiH. 
line, do K. de 'Janeiro, no. .S30. (S) Cartas de Aineri-^o I'-.-spi.ti. in the A'.:-, do Inst. Hist., i. 5. 

' If. Ilarrisse. />'//'/. Ainrr. Vet., p. 61. 

■'• h is reprinted in X'arnhagcii, Anierii^o Vesfiieei. ji. 7.S. Hie lll,llUl•^cript Is not in Vespucius' 
h.oid (I'uilletin de ia S.wiete de Geox-raphie dc Paris. \\m\. i,S5,S). Variiliageii is not s.itislied "f its 
gemuneness. 

I-. Cf. Iliiiuhi.lcU. l-.xamett erititpf. v. 1. 7,4 ; Major. Prina Henry, y. \-\ : Xavanele, iii. 4,,, ihi ; Kaimi- 
sio, i. IV); (iryiia-us. p. in.^ ; (ialvanc\ p. <)S. .--.iiit.in'iii. in liis iconoclastic spirit, will not allow- tliat Vespu- 
cius went on this vc.yase, c)r on tli.at with Coellio in 150;,, — holding that the one with Ojeda and I.a Cosa 
is tlie only indisputaijle voyage which \'espucius made (Cliiklc's translatioi., |). 14;), though, as .Navarrete also 
admits, he may have been on these or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarein cites l.alitau. Uar- 
ros. and ( isorius as ignoring any such voyage hy X'espucius. \'espiicius says he could still see the tireat 
lte.ar constellatiini when at ',3" south: hut I liiiiihi>ldt points out that it is not visible beyond zb° south 
la.itude. 

" This w-as a cousin of l.oien/o the IManniliceiit ; lie was horn in 146J;, and died in 1503. Cf. Kanke's 
letter in Humboldt's Pxamen eritit/ne. and translated in Lester's /.//<■ ami Voyages of Vesfticitts, {. 401. 
Varnhagen has an " F.lude bililiogr.iphiiiuc " on this 1503 letter f '.'<"■ igo Ve^f-neei. son earaetire. 

'tC. p. I). 

.•• N'arnhagen is confident {Postftiec in Noiivelles rcch.erelics. p. 56, that \'espiicius was aw.ue that he h.ul 
found a new continent, and thought it no longer .-Xsia. and that the letter uf Vesi)ucius, on which Humboldt 
based the statement of Vespucius' dying in the belief that only .Xsia had been found, is a forgery. 



■I 



. -11 I 



r' 



\i:SIM'CIUS AND THE NAMIXd Ol' AMERICA. 



157 



\'L'-.liucius' 
tistied "t its 



I 



(HIS i-->iies iif (iiiicniidip's l.aiiii tfxl wurc piiiitcil, 'riicrc is :i cupv in llit- I.cniix Libiai v, wliicli 
only two ot wliicli arc dated, — one at Augsburg has anotliL-r issiii.', MiiiiJiis ikk'iis, also in black- 
in 150.1, tin.- itllicr at Strasbiiri; in 1505; and, witli letter, iDrly-two lines to the pajje;'' still an- 
a tew exceptions, tlicy all, liy (heir imblislu-d title, othei, .l/////(/;.',' ;;,'rv/.r, fortv line^ to the pa;.;e;'' 



;avc currency to the 
designation of MniuiKs 
iioriis. The earliest of 
these editions is usu- 
ally thought to be one 
Allvrii' 7v.'7>//iv;' hviri- 
!:>• f-iiri /iiiihisii dc 
iih-dicis Siiliilcm f'lii- 
':ino Jiiit. of which a 
l.ic-siniile of the title 
i> annexed, and wliieh 
bears the imprint, of 
lehan l.amliert.' It i> 
a small plai|Uelle ol 
six lcave^ ; and there 
are copies in the I.enox 
and Carter-lSrown col- 
lections. D'Ave/ac, 
and ll.urisse, in his 
l.itei upinion (Ai/i/i- 
/ioii.i, ]). \'j), agree in 
supposing r.iis the Mrst 
edition. The da te d 
(1504) Augsburg edi- 
tion, Miimliis nmnis, is 
called " extraordinarily 
r.ne " bv (Irenville, 
who had a copy, lujw 
in the Uritish Museum. 
< )n the reverse of the 
fointh and last leaf we 
read : " M agister |o- 
hitncsotmar : vindelicc 
inipressit Augnste An- 
no millesinio ^|uuigen- 
tcsinioipiarli " There 
arc copies in the l.eno.x 
and Carler-lirown li- 
braries.-' .\n edition, 
Muiuiiis iiiKii<, whose 
four unnumbered 
leaves, forty linos to the 

full page, correspcmd wholly with this last i^sue, 
exce])t that for the dated coloph<in 'he words 
I,.\us Dko arc substituted, was put at hrst by 
llarrisse-' at the head of the list, with this title. 



atbcric^ x)erpucci^ldurerio 

pcm frandfcidc nfiedids Salutcm plurituadlde 




and another, with the words Miiiii/iis m 
Koman, of eight leaves, thirty lines to tlic 
At this |)oint in his enumeration llarrisse 
originallv the K'luin Lambert ir-sue (men 




I \ 



page." 
placed 
lioued 



' mill. Aiiiff. I'cf.. nil. J(i ; l)'.\\czac. IWillzt'iiiiillfi-. p. 74; Caiter-liiown. i. 2i,\ ."SumK rhmd, v.il. v. 
no. 12,1)11); lirunet. vol. v. cnl. 1.1551 li'ilHolluwi Grcir.:lHana. p. -Ui\. 

- lilbl. Amcy. Vet., lui. 31 ; C.irter-ltruwn. i. 21 ; Ternaii.x, no. 6; l>il'ii,tllu\ci Ciirnvilliniia, p. ;i>ii ; ISnnut, 
vti/. V. col. t,i5t; Ihitli, p. 1525. A cnpy was sold in the Hamilton sale (iS.S^) fur .i;4;. and siil)^e(HK'iitly 
held by Ouaritcli at .C5;. The Court Ciitaloi;iii' (no. 3(11)) shows a dii))licate from the Muniih I.ilnavy. 
Ilarrassowitz. A'iiri.<sh/iit Amiiuniia (<ii in 1SS2). no. i, priced a cnpv at 1.250 marks. 

•' /)'//'/. .liner. I'if.. no. 22. 

•" /)'//'/. Aiinr. (',-/.. no. 2;; Carteilirown. i. 22; /til>li,illuvti Grciirilliuiia. p. ;6() ; Court, no. 368; 
(Juaritch (no. ^21. title 12,4811) held a copy at .L'loo. 

'< liihl. Atmr. I'd., no. 24. 

^ Hill. .-Im-r. Vet., no. 2; ; Hilliothcii f'oeir, i'.Utiiui. il. 7(10 : lluth. v. 1525. 



158 



NARKAlIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



above), and after it a Muiidiis nm'tis printed in (five leaves) exists, sold in tlie Liliri saio in 
Paris by Denys Knee, of wliicli only a fragment London, KS65, and now in the liritish Museum. ' 

Another Paris cdi- 



m\ 



i-i 



I ,'■ ' 



m 




Quci nouo mtioo opriav impf fie ferrnifrmu 
pdmK0aUtete0t9 rupmottbueantamucnta 

fltbotcuo v«fputi»o XawJtto pctrtftetiKJitato Sniurt plurimJ^ 6tot 
1 Upciio«b'6ttt)U8 fatto ampl< tibi fcnpfl c<<rc&ini mco a& no 
lUidilKoreglonib^cjudO 7c:a^c.'^lmpcrln^.7nlan^uro itlius 

tiouanmn&tinppd(ar<Iicct(I2u&cioflpud moioue nonroottuiin Cicip 
!fo fuerttbabitaco0nltlo?ira!>«c«ttib<' ontb' fttnouifftitia rco.tu.ih btf 
BpmionSnoftrottarmgiiopfffcOit.cQ.illo^mnioi paro otcittMtroUne 
Bm<0[Ulttoctial?.«pmuommt>icmn5<flcptitJcnTc. fci> tn.irc tin quo> 
fltlanttcIivocaa-:nqiU<ot(iptntcnt2tbi(frea(firmnucrQtr3c(rctinTam 
iMWtabilSnmltio r5nib' ncgaiKrilt ^c& Imiic C09 opmionScfTe falftij 
svent(Uiottio;>tratt}rmlxcnteAVltim3nmiig()tiot>cclnrault:dJin{>ti 
l)lio»lKam(Ti{*anio:ptin«itfmtmicucr4ni.frequ2nojib^popul«sj.iaii» 
lib'bflbiwtS.^noftrnm CtiropamftH Hfliim vd £lfnca.2in fu^ acrg 
nidfit8qjiinini7n»ucnn.iglnqufluie<iliar«fitc<ncanob'cognimpiciit 
IrxfmuointcKigco.vbrfuccitictetintf 'irc^AipiM faibcinuo.ctrcoOigj 
tii<3zcoiinnot!iTtoiK.tituitiotiaqu<am£ih:ivir£.vclaUi>tuuibocnouo 
mmoofiwcvftnfrapqttbit, 

1W*p«'datifiiciiMVt(>6a£«io»ii2fi8Jfl)9§5flJilIcflniQ«ling(!« 
1ft tdlmotnimorocfftrnttsflt) OlpfippomaWK^fatorcgccfl 
trifc" naiiiy a& iit4uircrt&fl6 itoutjo rcgtoncd t f9 nuftrfi Ui 
gintiittmfU?' ^tincntcnMitigauimtto itb tnericiS Ciuuo nmiigat&to ot 
Dot.1llOdt11nutgationoftrafuit|2mfuLl8foTtutlntad.l1coUm^u:ta^ 
nQcsi&tsippcuaturinrukm.ignecdnaric.()ucfunt in ttTaccUmnre.-rtn 
PfinilT'babttatiefciOentie 3ii&c(!occflnQ tottllittuoafricQ.^ pt^ctbt 
'Op(aj»anTumisi?fq5flOp»montoJtnctbtop0.nc«tpttioIomc«v)lcrtiq8 
nOc anoftn© appcllsif Capiuvin^c? at* ctb*opit)uo i5e)l'#w:c.i rcgio 
illsiinnJt&tnfiflgraMe'' cj«amio«>«imi!irr»i rctrtsninTor "ii a Utwaes 
qtilnocrtaUpafuoScptftnonJ^antgriogcrib^i yc i: ** o ttouatiir 
3bircfumpttoplnb^2ncccflan|o »to! a f naut^flhoniisniltimis antbo 
raa7crpaiiMniM8rdap«nti8.7nortrtiiii:rEt»aftii'flmt4 iij.ifibirijif 
tcovcrfiioantflrttoimptn-nperBoccfOcnrttnfUirtmuepvYntum.cim. 
Uulnirnn^ Mat ■: a bicflua rcc€fi1m«8 at>lcfo ptomofirotio ?iu(i nicm 
lHini.'Ztnn6lCTafpad3naolgamroucflnte^«>i(atcTrjnot?inp|jarcrct 
3tiefltiritmari6raftiwtcqut&p3fl\fiifi1mu85naufriit5ip(najrsi.iq5 
co:gt8tn£5mo&afuftini2enmu84btirq3 anctiiti)^ ahni laboicwmma, 
«ttfhm,itionico:Qrdinqno.qitl mulMiilrertidrpmctun optiiijcnerOt 
i^5 ficiitccrti qiift'cre.i^ an A fmtignoMtiree mudtigarc.t p t vtwt'bA 
vnmerfiipftnn(iflinrci«3q3cFbid)'r(i;rtg»ntafq)tem cjuib" nawgaut: 
»ttt!«piinuo8Q«.i6ia^taquatuoibabtiini'c8pliiuU.ton!trtuo7Co 

wr«liw»il?^Utl«^?^a»rootVt^c<)5f'?wntn^ic^«)3fa•cnwm«^f^i!lc{tc 



MkST PACK (ir MUN'DrS \OVI"S.' 



tion, Afuiii/iis iiiwiis, 
printed by Gillcs 
de Gourmont, eight 
leaves, thirty-one 
lines to the paf;e, is, 
according lo Ilar- 
risse,- known only 
in a copy in llic 
Lenox Library; but 
D'Avezac refers to 
a coi)y in the Na- 
tional Library in 
l'aris/1 

Another ,]/»//(/«.f 
iip-iii is sn]>posed 
by llarrissc to liave 
bcc'i jirintcd scjuie- 
whcrc in I he lower 
Kbijieland, and to 
bear the mark of 
Wni. V'orsternian, 
of Antwerp, on the 
last leaf, mertiv t^ 
give il ciirrenev .n 
the Netherlands. It 
has four leaves, and 
forty-four lines to 
tl-.e full page. There 
are copies in the 
Lenox and ILiri ard 
College ;:br.iries.< 
The SiiMpiiim for 
January, iSiil, de- 
scribes a Miiiidiis 
!to7'tis as ju-eserved 
in the Mercantile 
Library at Ham- 
burg, — a plaquette 
of four leaves, with 

1 BiH. Amcr. Vd.. 
n(i. 2-. 

- Ihl'l. Aiiur. I'd.. 
no. 2S. 

•' (Jf. also I.ibri 
(CaUih\qiic of 1S5.)) ; 
lirinict, vol. v. col. 
1,155; " arrisse, Notes 
on Coliim/ms, p. 30. 
" I. a petite edition de 
la lottre di- \'rs|nice ;\ 
.Medicis sur son troi- 
sienic voyase, inipri- 
inuL' ^ I';uis chez (iiUes 
ridie collection de 'S\. James 
i\ la I>ibliothe(|ue Mazarine." 



'A^' 



tie Goiirijio"* vendue .\ I.niidres en i,S;o aii jiiix di ,(.'',2 n^.c. et |)laci'<' dans la 
Lenox de Ni ■ \mk, n'cxiste plus dans Ic volunie ,"i l,i lin duqiiel elle etait rcliee 
D'Avczac : Walfzomiilli-r, \t. 5, 

' Bibl. Amcr. Kt/.. no. 20 ; Hulh. ■• , 1525; llumholdt. I'.x.nmn iiiti,/ue. v. ;, describing a copy in the 
Gtitlinrcn Library ; biblioph'de. Be/q'- v. ;,o3. 

" Uanis.sc, no jq. Cf. Nav.irrcle, ('/'«.(( ;//,).>■ i. i;i). 



%V. ' 



VESI'MCIUS AND THE .\AML\G OF AMERICA. 



'59 



Btmm^tAm 

jfttttgm9>tntng0t 



forty-five lines to the Jiago, — which seems to ciit welt seiieimt ma); tucrden diircli den cristcn- 

(lilfcr from all others.' Later, in \\\^ Additions lichen K'iiiiij^von Portiigall '.i'iiunderlm>lii:li erjiin- 

(1S73), Ilarrissc described other issues <jf the i/tv;." 'I'he eolophon shows that this German 

.iViirvw w//«(/«j- whicli do not seem to be identical version was made from a cojiy of the Latin te;a 

with tliose mentioned in his 

liit'liotticiti AiiicriiLina I \tiijtis- 

simii. One of these — Miidns 

inr;'iis, printed in a very small 

gothic letter, four leaves — he 

lotind in the liiblioleca Cosatc- 

nense at Rome.- The other has 

for the leading title, El^istola 

All'criiii : </,• norv in undo, — a 

pla(|iietlc of four leaves, forly- 

eiglit lines to the page, with 

map and woc.dcut.^ 

This ki'.cr of Vespuciiis was 
again i^siiid at Strasbnrg in 
1505, with the title /)'(■ [A| ora 
mitarctici, as shown in the an- 
nexed fai'-simile ; and jcjined 
W'ith this text, in the little si.\- 
leavcd trad, was a letter of I'hi- 
lesins to llrnno, and some Latin 
verses bv I'hilesins; and in this 
form we have it |)riibably for 
tlie la^t time in that lani^nage.'' 
This I'hilesius we shall en- 
counter again later. 

It was this Latin rendering 
by Giocondo, the architect, as 
Ilarrissc thinks,'' upon which 
the Italian text of the Piicsi 110- 
'•iiiinnli- was fonnded. Varnha- 
gcn in his //;//,7'/i,'V) l'i-sf'niri,so)i 
carthtcre (p. 13), prints side by 
side this Italian and the Latin 
text, marking different read- 
ings in the latter. In this .same 
year (1505) the I'rst German 
edition was issued at Xurem- 
bcrg, though it is undated : Von 
d-:r ne-Li) gcfiind? Rct^ioii die vol 




,11 I.iljii 
>t 1S5.,); 

. v. col. 

issc. ^Vii/« 
'».t, p. 30. 

I'ditinn de 

\c>puce ;\ 
Sim troi- 

1^0, impri- 

ihiz (iilles 
M. I aunts 

M.izaiiiK'.'' 

(tpy in the 



1 />;/'/. Amcr. Vet., ni). ;,o ; Cartcr-lirown. i. zy. .\ ciipy was (no. 333) in a sale at Sotheby's. London, 
X'\'b. 3:!, 1SS3. It seenis prub.ible that no. i^ iif I larrissc's ./(/iZ/Vw^j, ccirrcspdndins to copies in the Lenox. 
Trividzi.ana, and Marciana lil)raries. is identical with this. 

2 Ilarrissc, .Ulditiniis. p. 12, where it.i fust page is said to have thirty-three lines : ijut the Court Ciila!i>;^uc 
(no. 36;). describing; what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and suggests that it was printed 
at Cologne about i 503. 

3 Ailditions, p. 13, describing a copy in the liritisli Museum. Vanihagen (.t»ieiii;o Vcfiici, Lima, 1SC15, 
p. ()) describes another copy which he had seen. 

* lUl'l. Amcr. Vet., no. 39 ; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24 ; nrunct, vol. v. col. i, 1 j', ; Court, no. 370 ; Huth, 
V. 152O; D'/Vvezac, WaltzemiUlcr, p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1S72, issued a vellum fac-simile reprint in ten 
copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371. 

5 Hit'!. Amcr. I 'ct.. Additions, p. 36. 

<• This title is followed on the same page by p. large cut of the King of I'ortugal with sceptre and shield. 
The little placpiette has six folios, small quarto (/?//'/. Amcr. Vet., no. 1,1). A fac-simile cdit'on was made by 
Pilin^ki at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1S61. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Mur- 
pliy, no. 2,()if>; llutb, v. 1525; i 'Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519. There is a copy of this fac-simile, 
which brings aljout S5 or S6, in the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, Annaleii, Siiffl., no. 561 I/is, 
and Wei lor. Rc/>ertoriiim, no. 335. 



i6o 



NAKRAIIVK AND CKIIICAI. l!ISIOKV OK AMKUICA. 






1 , !«■' 



il \ 



ii* 




):i:; 



Till, I, oi- r"|- iiRi>iii.x iiii'w' 



ni-oii'.,!it 'run Tan> Ji M.iw i ^05 : /4«.t; /./AvV/ /../ i^i-fiiiuii-n Ju-:^io/i so u'ol , in loell ;^ciiciiipi mai; "uvr- 

ilist iiiifsiiie in Ti'iits.-h ':ogi- lUisz ilcm t:\ym p/iir ,/i-n, ihircli diu ChristliUIu-n /:uni,:;; <;vi JW/ij;<il 

ii,}s rvn 7\iris: kam uii irikn moiwt niuli C/iri>fi wnndn-lhvliih crjiuuh-n. Tliis is followed by the 

'^ebitrt, Fnuffhcnliu.'lcrt r,,.:d l^'Unffiiir. Cci/nnkt same till of the King, aiul has a similar colophon. 

t'« Niocmbiitx Jnich IV, •■)l'„,.i; //n, /;■>■. The Its full page contains thiily-thiee liiies.- 

f till page of thi,-, cdil ion h„- thirtv-seven lius. Still another edition of the same year and 

Another cdiiion, issued I he >:inie year {1505). publisher shows thirty-live lines to the page, and 

>how.- a slight change in tlie title. Ion ,irr noii above the same cut the title reads: ]'on tier ncit 

' This follows tne l;n-^iinilo yivpi] in Kudo's C-uliuhti- i/.t /.cHalh-r^ Jir Eiif,l,\i:iini;,'ii. p. 333, cif an 
' tlition in the Koyal Library at nrodiii. 

- There is a copy in tin- Carler-Hrown Collection (Ci/i7/iV«f, vul. i. no. 5S6;. li ^eem- to he Harri.»>e'5 
no. 37, whore a copy in the liiiti^h Miiseuiii i■^ dcscrihed. 



VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING 01' AMERICA. 



i6l 



pibmttt$>Jrrii(ima$ tmrntit) pr tn 

Standfcibe m&ids vd Qni^ 

n vcrgangm wgm t><»6 td) bt'r Sen vccft gcfcijtypf it vd»t 
< meiixer wrtxrfhrt x>Ofi b«i mucii lantjc^a^cn ?>ic id? inie 
(n4frtivn'frtmPrtrtierfcl?y^mitfci)ttwciiil'<>ficn voitge 
Pot bcs burcl>lciKi^ng»ft«i Baimgs von poitiQa\bitYd)fud)t ^is 
Pen rrtb fiiribcn/iOie man irwg bic rimm xoelt nennm/ ©o ^cy vrt 
fern vojfvtm vcttern t>(»uon Ccyti n)i0cn gctvcfcrt/vrtt) alien ben bie 
foltd^s i)Sin allcr tutg art neud fey/^unbcr and) bae a\k ntetrtug 
»»i^cr cltmt u^er txyffi |c body ba »ttcrtc>pl bev felPeti fpnd)t / bos 
v^cr bic glad>mtmrd>nge Ivmm gmonc t&]uittoctialid / vnb ge^ 
gen mittaa tcyti woming bcr kuttcn/funbor tfUc^rt b««6 gro^ mcr 
I'n^rtltctt/©a6 j^ nennm baa atAanbxfd) mcr/ Vn oP ycmant) bar 
fcl^en tvoniHtgm baf3$6 fan gercbr fo l^(^ fv bod) tnt^ vtl fad^e 
t«0 bo wcn^fjtig li«il> r n mrid? ^ wtbaTc&t/3Pcr boe (oUdt> 
ir m<rpnmtg ^Ifc^ vnnb bo* reat^at wiber fey in alle wcg tjat bi^ 
mem U^ee fct)ifTung 0etvei|f / €o id^ in ben fel6m gegnuitge gegS 
imctag mcnfcljudjc inwjoming fitnbcn ^40 ntit vil volcf vnb vtl 
e^crcn Scvcm/ban vnfer (^uropa obcr 2lfiam ober 2(fJTia:m/rti 
fb tnl mer gcfiinbcrt tempenerten liif]T fcijdn vnb lautcr mer vmiS> 
lugger boti m eyttid^o- <mbem lmtfd)affc bie voir wiOrn/ 2Ud bo 
^emoc^ fe^cn vnnb verfkn wwrfl/ fo id^ Wrgbie o5mt btng 6e^ 
fi^tvPen vnb bie bing fo vcrmmf ene twinb gebegim^^Uer wixbi 
oefl vnnb vott mir gcfi^ ob«r gc^^:t jn biefcr nawi welt ]^nb/ 
4\lk ^cm4ct> ge^eygt ivurt; 



FROM THE DRESDEN COPY.l 



gefunJeti Repon die wol eiii welt {'eiiati via^ wer- 
deit (liirc/i den Cristcnlicheii kiiiiii; -•on fortii^al 
viuniierbarlich erfunden. Tliis is tlie copy de- 
scribed ill tlie Ciirto-BriKi-n dUalos^iic (vol. i. 
no. 26), and seems to correspond to the copy in 
the Dresden Library, of which fac-similcs of the 
title and its reverse are given hercwith.'- 

Harrisse '■^ cites a copy in the British Museum 
(Grenville), which has thirty-five lines to the 
pr.ge, with the title : Vondcrncmi) f^cfiindcn Re- 



gion, etc. It Is without date and place; but 
Harrisse sets it under 1505, as he does an- 
other issue, Von der Netiwen gefiiiide Region, of 
which he found a copy in the Royal Library at 
Munich,^ and still another, Von den Xawcn Insu- 
/i-n iinnd Landen, printed at Ixipsic'' 

In 1506 there were two editions, — one pub- 
lished at Strasburg,"^ Von d-n Xmcv /nsu/e und 
liinden (eight leaves) ; and '.e other at Leipsic, 
Von den ne-.iteii Insulen and T.anden (si.v leaves).'' 



1 Till, follows the lac-simile 5,'ivcn in Kuge's Gcschichte dcs Zcitalters der En/deeiun^en. [>. r,4,"f the 
reverse of title of a copy preserved in the Koyal Library at Dresden. 

2 Harrisse (BiiL Amer. Vet.-) says he describes his no. ,S from the Carter-Brown and I.enox copies ; but 
tne colophon as he gives it does not corresi>ond with the Carter-Broum Calalosue. nor with the Dresden copy 
a, described by Ruge. Ct. also Panzer, Annalen, vol. i. p. 27., no. 561 ; Humboldt, Examev critijuc, v. (,. 

• Bilil. Amer. Vet., no. 34. 
' BM. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 21. 

■'' BiM. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 20, following Weller's Re/ertoyi„m. no. 320. 
' Bit''. Amer. Vet., no. 40 ; there is a copy in the Lenox Library. 

■ BiM. Amer. Vet., no. 41 ; Heber. vol. vi. n<,. :„$.^G ■ Rich, no.' 1 ; Uuniboldt, Exitmen erittque, iv. 160. 
VOL. II. — 21. 




w 



m i"i' 






vi I 



162 



NAKKAIUK AM) CKlllCAL lllS'ir^KV oK A.MKKICA. 



In T50S then.' was, accdrdiiiH tn liniiul,' ,1 
Strasl)urg Lilition, Kiv/ </<« AViiWiii Jinuliii uiul 
J^iiithn. There was also a Dutch fditidii, l\iii 
i/cT niiircvr ■avivU, etc., i)rinle(l at Aiitwuip l>y 
Jan van Doesburgli, wliich was lirst niatlc known 
liy MuUer, of Amsterdam, tlinnigh liis /loi'ls on 
Aiiiiiiui (1S7J, no. 2.\). It is a little i|iiarto 
traet ut' eight leaves, without tiate, printed in 
gotliic type, thirty and thirty-one linos to the 
p.ige, with various woodcuts. It came fnim an 
" iiisignilicant library," — that of the architect 
liiisscliaert,-' — sold in 1.S71 in .\iitwerp, and wa> 
bounil up with three other tracts of the tirst ten 
vears of the sixteenth centurv. It cost Muller 



.Sjo rtorin.s, 



subsecjuently passed into the 



Carter-lirown Library, and still remains uni(pie. 
Muller had placed it between 1506 and 1509; 
but Mr. Ilartlett, in the CtirUr-Drircn Ciit,i!,\i;iu' 
(vol. i. no. jS), assigns it to 1 50.S. Muller had 
also given a fac-siniilc of the lirst page ; but only 
the cut on that page is reproduced in the dirtii- 
Jiny-u'ii Ciitultif^iu- (i. 46), as well as a cut show- 
ing a group of four Inilians, which is on the re- 
verse of the last leaf. Mr. Carter-lirown printed 
a fac-simile edition (twenty-live copies) in 1.S7.) 
for private distribution.' 

That portion of the Latin letter which Vcs- 
pucius addressed to Soderini on his four voyages, 
diffeis from the text connected with Giocondo's 
name, and will be found in the various versions 
of the Paisi niyiMmciitc and in Gryn.T--us, as well 
as in Ramusio (i. 128), liandini (p. 100), and 
Canovai in Italian, anil in Knglish in Kerr's \'ov- 
:igcs (vol. iii., iSi:;, p. 342) and in Lester (p. 2J3). 
There are also German versions in Voss, Allcf- 
lilh'slc' Nn-liricht -\»i ticii ihu,ii \\\lt (lierlin, 
1722), ai..i Ml Spanish in Xavarrete's Cohwioii 
(iii. 190). 

There is another text, the "Rela/ione," pub- 
lished by Fr.iucesco IJartolozzi in 17S9,' after it 
had long remained in manuscript ; it also is 



addressed to the same Loren/o.^ If the original 
•icconnt .is written by Vespucius himself w.is in 
l'<irtugue.se and addressed to King .Man<iel, it i» 
lost.'' 

I If the Vespncui>-< 'oelho voyage we li.ive 
only the account which is given in connection 
with the other three, in which Ve>pucius gives 
May io as tl'.e date of sailing; but Coelho is 
known to have started Jinie 10. with si.x ships 
Varnhagen ha.s identillcd the harbor, where he 
left the shipwrecked crew, with I'ort Frio ' 
Returning, they reacheil Lisbon June i.S (or j.S), 
and on the 4th of the following .Se|)trnil>i.r \'es- 
pucius dated his account.'' 

If we draw a line from Nancy to .Stra.ilnng 
as the longer side of a triangle, its ape.\ to the 
south will fall among the Vo.sges, where in a 
secluded valley lies the town of St. -Die. What 
we see there to-day of man's work is scarcely a 
century and a half old; for the place was burned 
in 1756, ;iiul shortly after rebuilt. In the early 
part of the si.vtccnlh century .St.-I)ie was in the 
doniinion of Duke Rene of Lorraine. It had its 
cathedral and a seminary of learning (under the 
patronage of the Duke), and a printing-iircss had 
been set up there. The reigning prince, as an 
enlightened friend of erudition, had drawn to his 
college a number of learned men; and Pico de 
Mirandola, in addressing a letter to the editor 
of the Ptoleniy of I 513, expressed surprise that 
so scholarly a body of men existed in so obscure 
a place. Who were these scholars i" 

The chief agent of the Duke in the matter 
seems to have been his secretary, Walter Lud 
or Ludd, or Gualtenis Ludovicus, as his name 
was latini/ed. The |)receding narrative has indi- 
cated his ])osition in this learned conimunity,'' 
aiul has cited the little tractate of four leaves by 
him, the importance of which was first discov- 
ered, about twenty years .ago, by Henry Stevens,'" 



1 Vol. V. col. 115I); liibl. Amcr. Vet., no. 50. 

- BiilUtin dc III Stvic/i: i/c Gii'srn^/iii: d'Aiivi'rs, 1S77, p. 349. 

I Tliere is a copy of this lac-siiuilu in tlio I!.)st.in I'liblic Library [G. 302, 22]. t-'f. Hhtorical \Iaf;azinc, 
xxi. III. 

■t Riccrclic istorico-L-rituiic circa allc scopcrtc iV Aiiicn^^j Vespucci con V uq^i^iiiiita i/i unit re'iiziinic del 
mcdcsimo fi)i oru inedita (Florence, I7.S<)), p. 16S. He followed, not an original, but a co])y found in the Bib- 
lioteca .Strozziana. This text is reprinted in Varnha,i;en's Amcri^^o V'-s/'iicci, p. S;. 

■> Cf. the Rehizione Idle scoferle fatte da C. CoUnnbo, da A. Vespucci, etc., I'ollowin.i,' a niamiscript in the 
Ferrara Library, edited by Profes.sor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1.S75 as no. 144 of the series Scclta 
di euriosita Ictterarie inedife e rare dai seci'h XI! I at XVI!. 

'i Lucas Kom's Tai;e/mc/i aiis den Jaliicn 1494-1542. Beitrac; zur Haiulelsi;escliiclilc dcr Stadt Atigs- 
I'ltrg. Mitgclhcilt mit lieiiu-rkuiigen und cinem .■\uhaiigc von noch ungednickleii Brie/en mid Berichien 
iiher die F.iifdectiiiig dcs iieuvii Sce^irges lac/i Amerika nuJ Ost-Indicn, von B. Grciff. Augshiirg, i,S6i. 
riiis privately printed book in a "knrtzer lieiicht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,'' is said to contain an account of 
.1 voyage nf Vespucius, ])robably this one (.Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 2,727). 

" Hist, geral do Brazd (\'?.t,A,), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 2S1, 294; Handini, p. 57; Peschel. Erdkunde 
(1S77), p. 27;; Callondcr\ Voyages to Terra Australis (iS'id), vol. i. ; Kaiiuisio, i. 150, 141. 

" That portion of it relating to this voyac;e is given in Knglish in Lester, p. 23S. 

'' N. F. Gr-avier in his liistoire de Saint-Die, published at I^pinal in liyd, p. 202, depicts the character of 
Lud and the infincnce of his press. Lud died at St.-Die in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine. 
I'l Cf. his Notes, etc., p. 35 



. I 



\ KSITCIUS AND THE NA.MlNc; OF AMERICA. 



I6 



.iiul i)t wIiilIi tlu' .piily cc)|)ics at pii-iciit kiicnvii 
arc ill the liritisli .Miisciim and tlii; Impciiil 
Library at N'iciiiia.' iMoiii this tiny S/'cailiim, 
as >VL' >hall sec, \vc Icarn some inipurtant par- 
titulars, lust over the line of Lorraine, and 
within the'limits of Alsace, there was born and 
had lived a certain Matliias Ringinann or Kinn- 
man. In these early years of the century (1504) 
he was a student in I'aris among the pupils of a 
certain Dr, Jnlni Kalier,— to be in other ways, as 
we shall see, connectcil with the development of 
the little story now in progress. In I'aris at the 
same time, and engaged in building the Notre 
Dame bridge, was the Veronese architect l-'ra 
Giovanni C.iocondo. Major ihlnUs there is 
great reason for believing that the young Alsa- 
tian stutlent formed the accpiaintance of the 
Italian architect, and was thus brought to enter- 
tain that enthusiasm for Vcspucius which Gio- 
condo, as a counlrymau of the navigator, seems 
to have imparted to his young friend. At least 
the little th.it is known positively seems to indi- 
cate this transmission of admiration. 

We nui>t ne.vt revert to what Vcsi)ucius 
himself was doing to afford material for this 
Increase of his fame. On his return from his 
l.ist voyage he had prepared an account at full 
length of his experiences in the New World, 
■' that coming generations might remember him." 
No such ample document, however, is now 
known. There was at this time (1504) living in 
Florence a man of fifty-four, I'iero Sodcrini, 
who two years before, had been made perpetual 
Gonfaloniere ol the city. He had been a school- 
mate of Vespucius ; and to him, dating from Lis- 
bon, Sept. 4, 1504, the navigator adihessed an 
account of what he called his four voyages, ab- 
str.acted as is sul)]>o^■ed from the larger narra- 



tive, The ririginal text of this abslr.ict is .dso 
nursing, unless we believe, with Varnhagen, that 
I he text which he gives in his .-/w/./vi.v I'l.t/'iitii, 
j,'« iiiitiiliir, etc. (p. 34), printed at Lima in 
l.Slij, is such, which he supposes to have been 
published tl Florence in 1505-1506, since a 
printed copy of an Italian te.xt, undated, had 
been bought by him in Havana (iSl'ij) in the 
s.ime covers with another tract of 150O.- Other 
commentators have not i)laced this Italian tract 
so early It has not usually been pl.iced before 
1510.' Dr, Court put it before 1512. Harrissc 
g.we It the date of 1516 because he had found it 
bound with another tract of that dale ; but !n his 
AJilith'Us, p. .XXV, he acknowledges the reasons 
incoiicln.sive. Major contemls that there is no 
reason to believe that any known Italian text 
antedates the Latin, yet to be mentioned. This 
Italian text is called Ldtcrti Ji AiiiliI^o I'esf'iicci 
ilille isoU iiKOvanifiiU trcnuut in i/iuiliro siioi 77'./;%7" 
. . . Diilit in Lishona a di 4 di Si/'li'iiil'ic, 1 504. 
It is a small ipiarto of sixteen leaves.' 

Varnhagen does not ijuestion that the early 
Italian print is the better text, ditfering a^ it 
does from liassin's Latin j and he follows it by 
preference in all his arguments. Ho comi)lains 
that llaiulini and Canovai reprinted it with many 
errors. 

Ramusio in his tirst volume had rciirintcd 
that part of it which covers the third and fourth 
voyage; and it had also been given in French in 
the collection of Jean Temporal at Lyons in 
1556, known otherwise as Jean Leon's (Leo .\fri 
caiuis) //istorialt' dcsiri['lion de l'A/'n,/i(,, with a 
preface by Ranui>io.^ 

It is Major's belief that the origin. d text of 
the abstract intended for Soderini was written 
in a sort of coni])Osite Spanish-Italian dialect, 
such as an Italian long in the service of 



ErdknuJt 



I Varnhagen's y.(;/ri-«/Vj- t'o>'i7i;r, p. i. 

- \'arnli,it;en| Amviiiio Vespucci, son cijracli!rc, etc., p. 2.S ; D'.Avezac's IViil/zcmiiiler, \\ ^('\ Uarrisse. 
/(.'/■/. Aiihi: Vet., Addilhois, p. xxiv. 

•^ Napione puts it in this year in his Del fyimo scofritorc, Florence, 1809. 

1 Harrissc {Bi.'il. Aincr. Vc/., no. 87) describes it from a copy in the British Museum which is noted in 
the Cir,iivillcCatidi\i;uc, p. 764, no. 6,535. U'.Vvezac, in iSC>7. noted, besides tlie Grenville copy, one beloni;ing 
to the Marcjuis Gino Cappoiii at Florence, and Varnhagcn's ( WallzcmiiUcr, p. 45 ; I'eignot, A'tpcrfj/rc, p. 159; 
Ileber, vol. vi. no. ";,S4.S ; N'apionc, Del pyitiio SiO^ritore del /itto'v mondo, 1S09, p. 107; Fbcrt, Dietiottary, 
no. J7, 542; Tcrnaux, lU). 5). Uarrisse in 1.S73 (/>'/'•/. Amer. Vet., .Additions, p. xxiv), added a tourtli copy, 
belonging to the Palatina in Florence (liiblioteca Nazionale), and thinks there may have been formerly a 
duplicate in that collection, whiili Napione descrilx-s. The copy described by I'eignot may have been the same 
with tlie Ileber and Grenville copies ; and the I'lorence copy mentioned by Harrissc in his Ferdinand Colmdi, 
p. 1 1, may also be one of those abeady mentioned. The copy whicli lirjuict later describeil m his Sii/'f-lement 
passed into the Court Collection (no. 366) ; .and when that splciulid library w.as sold, in 1.^,^4, this copv was con- 
sidered its gem, .and w.as bought by tjuaritchfor ,£5J4,butis now owned by Mr. Chas. U. K.dblleiscli,iif N'ewVork. 
The copies known to \'arnh.igen in i,S65 were — one which luad belonged to Daccio V.alori. used bv li.andini ; one 
which belonged to G.aetano Poggiale, described by Xapione ; the Grenville copy; and his own, which had 
f<irmerly belonged to 'he Libreria dc N'uestra Seiiora de las Cuevas dela Cartuja in .■Seville. 'I'he .same text w.as 
printed in 1745 in Haiulini's Vita e letlere di Amcriiro Vespucci, ■\ni\ in 1S17 in Canovai's Viags^i d' Anierieo 
Vespucci, where it is interjected among olhcr matter, voyage by voyage. 

5 There was also a French edition at .Vntwerp the same year, and it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. 
There were editions in Latin at .\ntwerp in 1556, .U Tiguri in 1559, .anJ :in Elzevir edition m 1632 (Carter- 
Brown, vol. i, no. 211). 




y. \\ 



^^ 



104 



NAKRATU i; AM) CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMKRICA. 




,■ 



M i 



»k 



i! 



i! 



till' Ibcri:ui natloiiH mi^lit ncc|uii'c,' niul that a 
copy of it timiiiig iiiti) the pcisscs.-iloii nl Vis- 
piicius' ciiuntrymaii, (iliicoiuln, in I'aris, it w.is 
liy that aHhilcit Iranslalid iiiln I'lcnch, and at 
KiiigiM.mu's Miggcstion aildrusstd to Kl-hO and 
iiiirustud Id Kiiinmann to convey tu the Duke, of 
whom the Ai^^itiaii felt proud, a.> an enligliteneil 
sovereign wiiose dominions weie within easy 
u.ich ol his own home. M.ijor also .snggests 
that the prelimniary parts of the narrative, re- 
ferring to tile school-day accpiuintance of Ves- 
piicius with the person whom he addressed, 
while it was true of Soilerini,''' was not so of 
keite ; but, being retained, has given rise to eon- 
fusion.' I.ud tells us only that the letters were 
sent from Portugal to Kend in l-'rench, and 
WaUlseemuUer says that they were translated 
from the Italian to the French, but uithoul 
telling Us whence they came. 

We know, at all events, that Rin;;m.inn re- 
turned to the Vosges country, and was invited 
to become professor of Latin in the new col- 
lege, where he taught thereafter, and that he 
had become known, as was the fashion, under 
the Latin name of I'hilesius, whose verses have 
already been referred to. The narrative of 
Vespucius, whether Kingmann brought it from 
I'aris, or however it came, was not turned from 
the French into Latin by him,* but, as Lud 
informs us, by another canon of the Cathedral, 
Jean liassin de Sandacourt, or Johannes liasinus 
.Sandacurms, as he appears in Lud's Latin. 

Just before this, in 1504, tliere had joined 
the college, as teacher of geoj;raphy, another 
young man who had classicized his name, and 
was known as Ifylaconiyhis. It was left, as 
has been mentioned, for IluniboUlt (/i.\ci»icit 
trrifii/iir, iv. 99) to identify him as Martin Waltzc- 
miiUer, — who however preferred to write it 
Waldseemiiller. 



It was a project among this .St, -Die coturib 
to edit I'lolemy,') and illustrate his cosiiiu. 
graphical views, just as another coterie at 
Vienu.i wire engaged then and Liter in study- 
ing the complemcnl.il theories of I'omponius 
•Mela. W.iklseenuiller, .is the teacher of geog 
rapliy, nalin. illy assumed control (jf this under- 
taking; and the Duke himself so far encour.iged 
the scheme as to order the engraving of a map 
to accompany the e.\|iositioii of the new discov- 
eries, — the saiui wliuh is now known as the 
Admiral's map." 

In pursuance of these studies Waldseemiiller 
had prepared a little cosmographical treatise, 
and this it was now determined to prim at the 
College I'less at .St.-Hic'. Nothing could better 
accompany it than the Latin transl.ilion of the 
Four Voyages of Vespucius and scpine verses by 
I'hilesius; for Kingmann, as we lia\c seen, was 
a verse-maker, and had a local fame .is a Latin 
poet. Accordingly, unless Vainh.agen's theory 
is true, which most critics are not inclined to 
accept, these letters of Vespucius first got into 
print, not in their original Italian, but in a little 
Latin quarto of Waldseemiiller, printed in this 
obscure nook of the Vo.sges. Under the title of 
Cosiiioj^i'd/'/iiu'' iiitrO(liic/ii', this ajipearcd twice, 
if not oftenc, in iso;.' 

To establi. h the se<pience of the editi(nis of 
the Cosinoj;i\i/'/: '.<■ intrihliictio in 1 507 " is a biblio- 
grajihical task of some dil'ticulty, and experts 
are at variance. I )'Avezae ( WaltzcinitlUr, ]). 112) 
makes four editions in 1507, and estalilishes 
a test for distinguishing them by taking the 
first line of the title, together with the date of 
the colophon ; those of May corresponding to the 
25th of April, .and those of September to the 
29th of August : — 

1 . Ci>siiiOi;rti/'/ii<,' iiitrodii — vij Id' MaiJ. 

2. Cosiiii'i^'ni/'/iiiC i/ifroilidtio — vij kV Afiiij. 



„^h ■:, 



1 Cf. Varnliascn, Le frcmicr voyngc, p. i. 

- Bandiiii, p. xxv; liartolo/zi, h'fclicrchc, p. 67. 

i) S.-intarcm dismisses tlie claim lliat Vespucius was the intimate of either the first or second Duke Ren6. 
Cf. Childe's translatiim, p. 57, and H. Lcp.ijjc's Lc Due Hcni- II. cl Amiric Vcspiicc, Nancy, 1S75. Irvinj; 
(Columbus, ajip. i.x.) duuhts the view which Major has conterulcd for. 

■1 Varnliaijcn, ignorant of I.ud, lalx)rs to make it clear that Kingmann must have been the translator 
(Amerii;,! J V-i/WiV/, p. 30) ; he learned his error later. 

5 Sie the chapters of Bunbury in his History of Ancient Gco\;iaj-hy^ vol. ii.,and the articles by De Morgan 
in Smith's Dictionary of Ancient IViografhy, and by Malte-linm in the Bioj^rafhie nniverscllc. 

'■' See Vol. IV. p, 55, and this volume, p. 112. 

■ Cf. D'.Nvez.ic, \Vaitzemiillcr,\i. S; Lclewel, Moyen-ii!;e, p. 142; N. 1". Gravier, Histoire dc la villc de 
Saint-Die, lipinal, 1836. 'I'he full title of D'.Vvezac's work is Martin llylaeomylus VVallzemiiller, ses ou- rages 
ct ses eollaboratcurs. Voyage d'exfloration el dc dccouvcrtes it Iravers iiuelques efitres didieatoires, prefaces^ 
el opuscules du eomiiiencement du XVI' si^cle: notes, eauseries, et digressions bibliograpliiqucs ct autres par 
un Giographe Dibliopliile (E.\trait des Annaies des Voyages. 1S66). I'aris, iSf)7, pp. x. 176, Svo. D'Avezac, 
as a learned writer in historic.il geo;;raphy, has put his successors under obligations. .See an enumeration of his 
writings in S.abiii, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and the notice in the Proceedings of 
the .\nierican Antiiiuarian Society, .-Xpril, 1S76. He published in die Bulletin de la Socicte de Geographic de 
Paris, 1S5S, and also separately, a valuable paper. I.cs voyages de ^Inieric Vcspucc au comptc dc I'Espagne 
ct les mcsures itincraires employees par les marins Espagnols ct Portugais des XV ct XVI sil-cles (iXS pp.). 

* They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dic Association, which is given in fac-similc in lirunet, vol. ii. 
no. 316. It is also in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 33, anil in the Murp/iy Catalogue, p. 94. 



I 



VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF AMERICA. 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



3. Cosmogral'hue — *///' kP Stftcmiris. 

4. CosmogrnpltM introdu — iiij kl' Sc/'tcmhris. 
Tlic late Henry C. Murphy' mnintained that 

nos. I and 4 in this cnumcratiun arc simply 
made up from nos. 2 and 3 (the original May 
and Septeirber editions), to which a new title, — 
the same in each ease, — with the substitution of 
other leaves for the originals of leaves 1, 2, 5, 
and C, — also the same in each case, — was given. 
Harrissc, however, dissents, and thinks D'Ave- 
/ac's no. I a genuiivj first edition. The only 
copy of it known - was picked up on a Paris cpiay 
for a franc by the geographer liyries, which was 
sold at his death, in 1S46, for 160 francs, and 
again at the Nicholas Yemt'niz sale (Lyons, no. 
2,676), in 1867, for 2,000 francs. It is now in 
the Lenox Library.'' 

Of the second of D'Avezac's types there 
are several copies known, llarrisse < names 
the copies in the Lene.x, Murphy,^ and Carter- 
Urown " collections. There is a record of other 
copies in the National Library a. Rio Janeiro," 
in the Royal Library at Uerlin," in the Huth 
Collection " in London, and in the Mazarine 
Library in Paris, — a copy which D'Avczac "• 
calls " irreproch.ible." Tross held a copy in 
1S72 for 1,500 francs. W-aldseemiiller's name 
does not appear in these early May issues, 
which are little quartos of fifty-two leaves, 
twenty-seven lines to the full page, with an in- 
scription of twelve lines, in Roman type, on the 
b.nck of the folding sheet of a skeleton globe. 'l 

Oil the 29th of August (iiij kl' Septembris) 
it was reissued, still without W.ildseemiiller's 
name, of the same size, and fifty-two leaves ; 
but the folding sheet bears on the reverse an 
inscription in fifteen lines. The ordinary title 
is D'.Vvezac's no. 3. Harrisse >- mentions the 
Lenox and Carter-lirown '•' copies ; but there are 
others in Harvard College Libiary (formerly the 
Cooke copv, no. 625, besides an imperfect copy 
which belonged to Charles Sumner), in Charles 
Dcanc's Collectior. .id in the Harlow Library. 
The Murphy Libi vv .lad a copy (no. 6S0) in 



its catalogue, and the house of John Wiley's 
Sons advertised a copy in New York in 1SS3 
for f35o. 

There are records of copies in Europe, — in 
the Imjierial Library at Vienna, in the Nation- 
al Library at Paris, and in the Huth Collec- 
tion {Cal,ili<i;iic, i. 356) in London. D'Avezac 
( U'altztiniilU-r, pp. 54, 55) describes a copy 
which belonged to Vemeniz, of Lyons. Ikock- 
haus advertised one in 1S61 (Tromel, no. 1). 
Another was sold in Paris for 2,000 francs in 
1S67. There was another in the Sobolewski 
sale (no. 3,769), and one in the Court Cata- 
logue (no. 92). Leclerc, 1878 (no. 599), has 
advertised one for 500 francs, Harrassowitz, 
18S1, (no. 309) one for 1,000 marks, and Ro- 
senthal, of Munich, in 1S84 (no. 30) held one 
at 3,000 marks. One is also shown in the Oil- 
alt\t^'iic of the Kl served and Most Valuable Portion 
of the I.ihri Collection (no. 15). 

The latter portion of the book, embracing 
the Quattiior Ameriei I'esputii iiavigationes, 
seems to have been issued also separately, and 
is still occ.isionally found.'* 

What seems to have been a composite edition, 
corresponding to D'Avezac's fourth, made up, as 
Hairisse thinks (/>//'/. Amer. V--t., no. 47), of the 
introductory part of D'Avezac's first and the 
voyages of his third edition, is also found, though 
very rarely. There is a copy in the Lenox 
Library of this description, and another, described 
by Harrisse, in the Mazarine Library in Paris.'* 

It was in this precious little quarto of 1507, 
whose complicated issues we have endeavored 
to trace, that, in the introductory portion, Wald- 
seeniiiller, anonymously to the world, but doubt- 
less with the privity of his fellow-collegians, 
proposed in two passages, alre.idy quoted, but 
here presented in facsimile, to stand sponsor 
for the new-named wt tern world ; and with what 
result we shall sue. 

It was a strange sensation to name a new 
continent, or even a hitherto unknown part of 



1 Carter.Hrov>n Calahc'ie, i. 35 ; Harrissc, /?;/'/. Aiiirr. Vet., Additions, no. 24. 

2 D'Avezac, Waltzeiniillcr, p. 2.S. 

8 /UN. Amer. Vet., no. 44; Ailditions, no. 24; D'Avczac, Wallzemiilley, p. 31. It is said that an 
Imperfect copy in the Mazarine Lilirary corresponds as far as it goes. D'.ivc-ac sajs the Vatican copy, 
mentioned hy Napione and Koscarini, cannot he found. 

4 Ilil'l. Amer. Vet., no. 45. 

I Catalogue, no. 679, bought (1SS4) liy President White of Cornell I'nivcrsity. 

1 Cittalogiie, vol. i. no. 2S. 

' Ciit. Hist. Jiictzil, iiibl. Noc. do Rio de Jiuicir,<. no. f,2-y 

8 Described by Humboldt. 

" Ciitn/ogiie. i. 35'i. 

'" H'o/tzewiil/er. p. ^2, cic. 

11 Cf. liriinet, ii. 317 ; Ternaux, no. 10. 

1- /Id/. Amer. Vet., no. 46 : .Additions, no. 24. 

'" Cnto/oi^iie, i. 2f). It was Ternaux's co|)y, no. 10. 

t* /id/. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 2-; ; I.cderc, no. 600 (100 francs); D'Avezac, Walttcmiillcr, p. 58. 

" Cf. D'.Vvcz.ic, Widlzcmiiller. p. 111. and Orozco y Ka[n\ Cartografia Afexieana (Mexico. 1S71), p. 19 



VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMINC, OF AMERICA. 



167 



John Wiley's 




York in 1883 




Europe, — in 




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COSMOGRAPHIAE 
INTRODVCTIO 
CVM Q VIBVS 
DAM GEOMB 
TRIAE 
AC 
ASTRONO 
MIAB PRINCIPIIS AD 
E AM REM NECESSARIIS 

Inluper quattuor Amerid 
Ve^ud) nauigationc8«> 

VmueHalis CoimographiaecleMptiotam 
infolido ^plano/cisettam ihlcitis 
quscPtholomgo i^otaanu 
pexis nperca funt» 

DISTHYCON 

Camdeus aifaaregat/&terrse<IimataCaerar 
Nee tellus/nec ds iydera tnatus habent*. 

TITLE OF THE SEPTEMBER EDITION, 1507.^ 



an old one. There was again the same uncer- 
tainty of continental Wies as when Europe had 
been named ^^ by the ancients, for there was now 
only the vaguest notion of what there was to be 
named. .Columbus had already died in the be- 
lief that he had only touched the eastern limits 
of Asia. There is no good reason to believe that 
Vespucius himself was of a different mind.'' .So 



insignificant a gain to Europe had men come to 
believe these new islands, compared with the 
regions of wealth and spices with which Vasco 
da Gama and Cabral had opened trade by the 
African route, that l..c advocate and deluded 
finder of the western route had died obscurely, 
with scarcely a record being made of his depar 
ture A few islands and their savage inhabi- 



liillcr, p. 58. 
:o, 1S71), p. 19 



1 This is the third edition of D'Avezac's enumeration. 

3 How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one continent with Asia, became one of 
three great continents known to the ancients, is manifest from the wi.rld as it was conceived by Eratosthenes 
in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only 
a small land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the Caucasus Mountains, with the 
Euxine on the west and the Caspian on the east i just .is the isthmus at the head of the .\rabian Gulf also 
Joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury's History of Ancient Gi-ogruf'liy, \. 660. 

8 Humboldt, Examcn criliqucy v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespu- 
cius was concerned. 



i68 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



!■( 



RVDIMENTA 

quf oppofihi vel contra dcnotat Atc]^ fn fcxto di 
mate Antarcflicu, verfus/ Sc pars extrema ASrksc 
iiuperrepertaS^ Zamziber/Iaua minor/ & Seula 
inrul£/&!quarcaorbis parse quam quia Americus 
inuenic Amengen/qua(i Amend terra/fiue Ame^ Ame# 
camnunaiparelicct)rita;runt»Oequibus AuRrali ^§1^ 
bus dimadbus ha^cPomy oni| MeUg Geographi Popo; 
verba I'atelligenda Cunt/ vbi ait; Zone Iiabirabiles M^l^ 
pana agunt anni tempora/verum non paricer An# 
tichthones alteram/nos alteramincoUmus.Illius fi^ 
cus ob ardoreintercedetfs plageincpgnicus/ltQfiis 
dicendus eil; Vbi ani'maduertendumedqubd cH^ 
matum quodqp alios ^ aliud plerumcjp fixtus pro> 
ducat/cum diuerrgluntnaturar/^aliaacq^ aliai^^ 
derumvirtutemoderentur* Vnde Virgflinv* \ftfott 

FROM THE COSMOGR.APHI/E INTRODUCTIO.* 



I"N 



'■■ I! 



Nuncvero &he^partes{unt1atiusluflTatae/5d 

a!aqiianapaisperAmericu\M*pudumcvtia{e^ 

■irjR qucntibus audietur)iniientaeft:quanon video cut 

Affle^ quis iure vetet ab Americo inuenton: (agads inge 

Vico hi) vito Amedgen quad Amena'terram/nue Ame 

iicamdicendam:cum&:Enropa8^AfiaamuUeri^ 

Bus fiiaibrdta (int nomina.Ems Gm 8C gentis mo^ 

xes eKbisbiniiAmeridnau]gadon!bus quf (eqau 

HirliquideintelligiLdatan 



'!.' 



FROM THE COSMOGRAPHI,E INTRODUCTIO. 

tants had scarcely answered the expectation of To Columbus himself the new-found regions 

those who had pictured from Marco Polo the were only "insulx Indix s'-jjer Gangem," — 
golden glories of Cathay. India east of the Ganges ; and the " Indies " 

' That part of the page (sig. C) of the September edition (1507) which has the reference to America and 
Vespucius. 

* That part of the p.ige of the 1507 (September) edition in which the name of America is proposed for 
the New World. 



,,l.'l 



VKSPUCIUS AND THIi NAMING OF AMERICA. 



169 



which he supposed he hsd found, and (or whose 
native races the Asiatic name was borrowed 
and continues to abide, remained the Spanisli 
designation of their possessions therein, tliough 
distinguished in time by the expletive H'tst 
Indies.' It never occurred to the discoverers 
themselves to give a new name to regions which 
they sometimes designated generically as Afiiii- 
diis Xoriis or Alhr Orbis ; but it is doubtfid 
as Humboldt says, if they intended l)y such 
designation any further description than that 
the parts discoi-ered were newly found, just as 
Strabo, Mela, Cadamosto and others had used 
similar designations.'' It was at a much later day, 
and when the continental character of the New 
World was long established, that some Span- 
iard suggested Colonia, or Coliim/iiiiiiu ; and an- 
other, aiwious to C(mime:norate the sovereigns 
of Castile and Leon, futilely coined the cum- 
brous designation of /•'ir-ZsitMicd.^ When Co- 
lumbus and others had followed a long stretch 
of the norlliern coast of South America without 
finding a l)rcak, and when the volume of water 
j)ouring through, the mouths of the Orinoco 
betokened to his minda.ast interior, it began 
to be suspected that the main coast of Asia had 
been found; and the designation of Turra firntc 
was naturally attached to the whole region, of 
which I'aria and the Pearl co.ast were distin- 
guishable parts. This designati<m of Firm Land 
was gradually localized as explorations ex- 
tended, and covered what later was known as 
Castilla del Oro ; and bega" lo ,.omprehend in 
the time of I'urchas,* for instance, all that ex- 
tent of coast from I'aria to Costa Rica.* 

When Cabral in 1500 sighted the shores of 
Brazil, he gave the name o. i ^■iitct<c CnicL 

to the new-found region, — the land of the Holy 
Cross; a:d this name continued for some time 
to mark as much as was then known of what 
we now call South America, and we find it in 
such early delineations as the I enox globe and 
the maj) of H Iv.Mius in 151 1." It will be re- 
membered that in 1502, after what is called his 
third voyage, Vespucius had simply named the 
same region Alundus Ncn<Hs. 



Thus in 1507 there was no general concur- 
rence in the designaticMis which h.ad been be- 
stowed on these new i.^lands and coasts ; and 
the only unbroken line which ha'.l then been 
discovered was that stretching from lloiuluras 
well down the eastern coast of South America, 
if Vespucius' statement of having gone to the 
thirty-secon 1 degree of southern latitude was to 
be believed. After the exploration of this coast, 
— thanks to the skill of Vespuciu.'j in sounding 
his own exploits and giving them an attractive 
setting out,' aided, probably, by that fortuitous 
dispensation of fortune which sometimes awards 
fame where it is hardly deserved, — it had come 
to pass that the name of Vespucius ha<l, in com- 
nioM report, become better asso iatcd than that 
01 Columbus with the maguilude of the new 
discoveries. It was not so strange then as it 
apjiears now that the Floreiiliui., rather than 
the Cienoese, was selected for such continental 
commemoration. All this happened to some 
degree irrespective of the (piestion of priority 
in touching Tierra Firiue, as turning U|)on the 
truth or falsity of the date 1497 assigned to 
the first of the voyages of Ves])ucius. 

The proposing of a name was easv ; the ac- 
cci)tance of it was not so certain. The little tr.act 
had apjieared without any responsible voucher. 
The press-mark of St. Die was not a powerful 
St imp. The community was obscure, and it had 
!)■ en invested with what influeiice it possessed 
by the association of Duke Kcne with il. 

This did not last long. The Duke died in 
l5aS, and his death put a stop to the proje. ted 
edition of Ptolemy and broke up the little ])ress; 
so that next year (1509), when Waldscemiiller 
planneil a new edition of the Cosnioi^raf'/ii.r in- 
IroJiiitio, it was necessary to commit it^ to Griin- 
inger in Strasburg to print. In this edition 
Waldseemiiller first signed his own name to the 
preface. Copies of this issue are somewhat less 
rare than those of 1507. It is a little tract of 
thirty-two leaves, some copies having fourteen, 
others fifteen, lines on the back of the folding 
sheet." The Lenox Library has examples of 
each. There are other copies in the Carter- 



1 As early as 1510, for ins. ice, by F.nciso in his Siniia >ic gct\c;ia/:'n,T. 

'^ lixaincn ,ritii/iic, i. i.Si ; v. 1S2. 

3 .Suggested by I'izanu y Orellano in 1639 ; cf. Navarrctc, [-"rcnch tr., ii. 2S2. 

' Pilgiimcs, iv. 143V 

' liancrijft, Central America, i. 291. 

^ See p. 122. 

' lliunboldt {Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particul.uly instances his descriptions of the coast of lirazil. l'"or 
fifteen biiniliod years, as lliimboklt points out (p. fifio), naturalists had known \vi mention, except that of 
Adiilis, of snow in the tropical resiuns, when \'espucius in 1500 s.aw the snowy mountains of Santa Mai t.i. 
Ilunibuldt (a>;aiii in his Cosmos, FCng. tr., ii. 664, 667), .iccording Vespucius higher literary accpiireincnts than tlie 
other c.irly navii;ators h.iu possessed, speaks of his extolliiii; not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light 
and pictiirestiuc Rroupini; and stranijo aspect of the constellations that circle the .Southern Pole, which is sur- 
rounded by ST few stars, — and tells how effectively he quoted Dante .at the siyht jf the four stais, which were 
not yet for several years to be called the Soutliern Cross. Irving speaks of Vespucius' narrative as " spirited." 

s Ilarrissc, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319. 
VOL. II. — 22. 



i;o NARKATIVL AND CRITICAL H'STORV OF AMERICA. 



.',!■ 



.ir 



i:i 



1:1 \ 



■'0 



1 '*' 




THE LENOX GLOBE.' 



Brown (Cidi/cxiu; vol. i. no. 40), H.irlow, and is still preserved in Seville; but its annota- 

Harvard College libraries. Another is in the tions do not signify that the statements in it 

Force Collection, Libr.iry of Congress, and one respecting Vespucius' discoveries attracted his 

was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 6S1). The attiiition.'' It was this edition which Navar- 

cojiy which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus ret j used when he made a Spanish version for 

' A section nf the drawing given by Dr. De Costa i'l his monograph on the globe, showing the American 

parts reduced to a plane pnijection. and presenting the name of Term Sanctce Criicis. There is another 
sketch on p. 123. 

'^ Harrlsse, Fcmand Colomb. p. 145. 



^ 



VESI'UCIUS AND THE NAMI.\(; OF AMERICA. 



'/' 



his C't'.'iVi7i'« (iii. ifjj) D'Avt/at used a cony arc giviii in fac-similt (Ui |iaj;c> m .\ncl 1 1.:, In 

ill the Ma/ariiic Lil)rary ; and oilier copies one ihe large region whieli stands (or South 

arc noted in the lliitli (i. J56) and Sunderland America lias no designation ; in the other lliere 

(C<;Ai/i|;7/c, vol. V. no. 12,9^0) collections. The is supposed to be some relation to I'oUimbus' 

account of the voyages in this edition was also own map, while it bears a legend which gives to 

printed separately in German as Diss kuliliii Columbus uncquivucally the credit of the dis- 
sii.;t/ -iii<- i/ii- z-i'c- ■ ■ ■ /urn; ctc.^ 



While Ihe Strasburg press was 
emitting this 1509 edition it was also 
pr'' ling the sheets of another little 
iraci, the anonymous CiM'iis ii:iiiiiii^- 
of which a facsimile of the title is 
annexed, in which it will be perceived 
the bit of the New World shown is 
called " Newe welt," and not America, 
though " .\merica lately discovered " 
is the de.--ignation given in the text. 
The credit of the discovery is given 
unreservedly to Vespucius, and Co- 
lumbus is not mentioned." 

The breaking up of the press was 
a serious blow to the little community 
at St.-Die. Ringmann, in the full 
faith of completing the edition of 
I'tolemy which they had in view, had 
brought from Italy a Greek manu- 
script of the old geographer; but the 
poet was soon to follow his patron, 
for, having retired to Schlestadt, his 
native town, he died there in 151 1 at 
the early age of twenty-nine. The 
Ptolemy project, however, did not 
fail. Its production was transferred 
to Strasburg; and there, in 1513, it 
appeared, including the series of 
maps associated ever since with the name of 
Hylac mylus, and showing evidences in the te.\t 
of the use which had been made of Ringmann's 
Greek manuscript. 

We look to this book in vain for any attempt 
to follow up the conferring of the name of Ves- 
pucius on the New World.. The two maps 
which it contains, showing the recent discoveries. 



^ndfotcum qufbtifdaiti tkorngf 
pijefldcamrcm 

3nrnperQiM(ttiMatneiic(;^e 
9ocqiuw(gatipne9* 

ttm to lbUdPi|puno«0QUiiii 
lnra1foqD(1^Mlllls» 
idiofa«iin{xn8 

Com9ctt0(rflMK0(rt/tfC(n^d6iuMiC$raf 
!8afclltt8/nccaoi|dcrfl.nMib9Mxm» 

TITLE OF THE 1509 (sTRASBURG) EDITION. 



coverv of the New World. It Ins been con- 
tended of late that the earliest cartograi)hical 
application of the name is on two globes i)re- 
servcd in the collection of the Frciherr von 
Ilauslab, in Vienna, one of which (printed) Varn- 
hagen in his jiaper on Apianus and Schiiner puts 
under 1509, and the other (manuscript) under 
1513. Weiser in his A/a^al/idts-Strassc (p. j;) 



' Biit. Aiiier. yc!.,\\n. 62; Additions, no. 31; Iluth, v. 1,526; V.irnhagcn, Amerigo Visfucci. p. 11. 
Cf. Navarreto, Ofiisciilos, \. 94. 

•-' Equally intendrd, as Varnhagen (Le premier voyage, j). 36), thinks to be accompanied by the Latin ot tlie 
Qiiatliior n(ivii;atioiies. 

8 This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered leaves, and the wDoclcut on tlic title is re- 
Ijcated on I3ii, verso, E, redo, and Eiiii, verso. There are five other woodcuts, one of which is repeated three 
times. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vel., no. 61 ; also p. 462) reports only the ILirvard Colle,i;e copy, whicli was 
received from Obadiah Rich in 1S30. There are other entries of this tract in I'anzer, vi. 44, no. 140. under 
Argentomti (.Strasburg), referring to the Cievenna Cata/ogiie, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 2S6; Greiiville Cal.ilo-uc, 
p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens's Historical Niif;gets, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in i,';r,2 at .Cio \os.; 
Harrassowitz (Si, no. 4S), pricing one at 1,000 m.irks; Huth, ii. 602; Court, no. (45 : BiMiotlieca Thotliana, 
V. 219: and Humboldt refers to it in his Examen critique, \\. 142, and in his introduction toGhillany's Bchaim, 
p. S, note. Cf. also D'Avezac's Waltzemiiller, p. 114; M.ijor's Prince Henry Ihe A'avigal.ir, p. 3,^7, and his 
paper in the Archirologia, vol. xl.; Harrisse, Notes on Colitmlms, p. 173. D'.\vezac used a copy in the 
Mazarine Library. A German translation, printed also by Griininger at Strasburg, appeared under the title. 
Dcr Welt Kugcl, etc. (BiH. Amc. I'f., Additions, no. 32.1 Varnhagen ile premier voyage, p. 36) thinks 
this Gerni.-.n text the original one. 



172 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 



< i 



'; 'I 



mfbmmm 

^edaratioliite OefcriMo mimtrt 

cttoriuo^o!bioterranim«6lobttlon)(oiid6(»mpsira(ivtfpcfafciU 
da^i^a'ctiiuie col mcdiocntertMcro adou^ridtreHmont 
npode8c(rc^uo{i|MrcU0«io(trt8opgolitirurit«j&tquaUr«r inxmtf 
qu9(^o2bi0pamiy«>muicoTft9magcre qaoint ralutars,fole (in* 
jBfxhtcfK locatUunranrr.'qu^nmmtcrramvaaioaeKpcndaie 
vfdcntrifolo t)a'ntttufufle(a(a.altif(B DurmoUJo te quatta 0}toi9 
tcrrarii parte nupcrab Smcnco rcpcrtai 



CtkXf.'tvMctf 




fmfMm^ 



TITLE OF THK 1509 (sTRASnURO) EDITION. 



;■ i; 



doubts these dates.' The ap))licrition of the 
new n.ime, America, we also find not far from 
this time, say between I'I2 and 1515, in a 
manuscript mappenioudc (sec ]i. 125) which 
Nfajor, when he describ'.-d it in the Arc/iirologiii 
(xl. ]■>. l), unhesitatingly ascribed to Leonardo 



rel.itions l)ctween Da Vinci and Vespucius. 
This map bears distinctly the name Amvruij 
on the South American continent. Its connec- 
tion with Da Viuci is now denied. 

Not far from the same time a certain undated 
editioi\ of the Cosnuxriif'/iitr inttodintio appeared 



da Vinci, thinking that he conld trace ccrta'n at [,yons, though no place is gi'cn. Of this 

1 Cf. Ilarrissc, Cabots, 1.S2; O'.Avcz.ic, AliWiituni h Ui Sociilc etc Ceografhic ih- P,uis. Oct. 20, 1871, 
p. ifi; .nnd his Waltzcmiiller, p. 116. 



■| ! 



VESPUCIUS AND TMK NAMIVC OF AMERICA. 



173 



i 

V 

re 



Vespucius. 
ime America 
Its coiiiiec- 



edition there arc two copies in tlie llritisli Mu- 
seum, and others in tlic I.cno.v and llailow col- 
Itttions ; l)iit iIkv all l.itl< a map,' which is luuml 
in a copv lirst bioiinht to public atlcnlioii by lliu 
book.sclicr Tross, of I'aiis, in iSSi,- and which 
is now owned by Mr. ('. II. Kalbllciscli, of New 
Vorl<. Its dale is uncertain. Ilarrisse (/)'///. 
Amo. I'll., no. ('},) l)laced il first in 1510, but 
later (Cal'ots, p. 182) he dated it abont 1514, as 
Tross had already done. D'Avezac [l^altze- 
miiller, p. I2J) thinks it could nut have been 
earlier than 1517.' 

The chief interest of this map to us is the 
tact that it bears the words "America noviler 
rcperta" on wnat stands for South America; 
and there is fair j;roinul for supposing that it 
antedates all other printed maps yet known 
which bear this name. 

At not far from the same time, li.vcd in this 
instance certainly in 1515, we lird Am,ri,,i on 
the earliest known globe of .Schiini r ■• I'rol. -'ily 
lirinted to accompany this globe, is a rare little 
tract, issued the same year (1515) at Nuremberg, 
under the tKli of LihiiAii/issimu i/iucJa ttiric 
Mills diSiriptio. In this Schoner speaks of a 
"fourth part of the globe, i.amed after its tlis- 
coverer, Amcricus Vespucius, a man of sagacious 
mind, who "^ound it in 1497," adopting the con- 
troverted uite.'' 

Meanwhile the fame of Vespucius was jiros- 
pering with the Viemia coterie. One of them, 
Georg Tanstetter, sometimes called CoUimitius, 
was editing the Dc italiira locontm iil'inm of 
Albertus Magnus ; and apparently after the iiook 
was printed he made with type a marginal note, 
to cite the profession of Vespucius that he had 
reached to fifty degrees south, as showing that 



there was habitable land so far towards the 
Southern Pole.'" 

Joachim Watt, or Vadianu.s, as he was called 
in ''is edil'irl.il Latin, had in 1515 ulopted the 
new n 'me of America, and repeated it in 151S, 
when liL- re|iroibKtd hi» Utter in his edition of 
I'oniponii.s Mel.i, a> explained on another page.' 
Apian had been employed to make the niappe- 
mondK.' fi . il, which was t > slmw the new discov- 
eries. Tl^e map seems not to have been hnished 
in time; Imt when it appeared, two yrars later 
(1520), in the new edition of Solinus, by Ca- 
nters, thoiigh it bore the laine of America on 
the soutliirn main, it still p esencdthe legend in 
connection tliei.with which awarded the discov- 
ery to Colundius." Watt now (piarrelled with 
I'amers, for they had worked jointly, and their 
two books are usually found in one cover, 
with Apian's map between them. Returning to 
St. dall, Vadi.uuis practised there as a physi- 
cian, ant' re-issued his Mela at Uasle in 15-.;, 
dedicating it to that l)i. 1 al)cr who had been 
tl.e teacher of Kingmann in I'aris eighteen years 
before." 

In 1522 Lorenz Friess, or Laurenlius I'hry- 
sius, another of Duke Rene's coterie, a corre- 
spondent of Vespucius, published a new edition 
of I'tolemy at the Griininger press in Stras- 
burg, in which the fame of Columbus and Ves- 
pucius is kept up in the usual etpializing way. 
The preface, by T 'lomas Ancuparius, sounils the 
praises of the Florentine, ascribing to him the 
discovery "of what we to-day call America;" 
the Admiral's map, Tiihiiht 7',)-)e .A'.tc,"' which 
Waldsecmiiller hail published in the 1513 edi- 
tion, is once more reproduced, with other of flu 
maps of that edition, re-engraved on a reduced 



t S'^c this Vol. p. 120. 

" No. 4,f)24 of Ins Ciittiloi;tie, no. xiv. of that year. 

' This I^itin text of liassin was also printed at Venice in 1537 (/?//■/. Amer. l\t., Aildilioits, no. 156; 
Lederc, no. 2,517). Ilumbolilt {Exniiicn critique, iv. io2, 114) and others h.ive been misled by a similarity of 
title in supposinfi that there were other editiuns of the Cosmogra/'liitr introdiiclh published at Ingolclstadt in 1529, 



15V, .ind at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1; 



..nd 1 



554. 'I his book, however, is only an abridgment of Apian's 



CDw;iy»-(7//;ra, which was originally printed at I,.->ndshiit in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357 ; I,eclcrc,no. 1561 D'Avezac, 
WaltzemiiUer, p. 124. Tlie liassin versii.n of the voy.igcs was later the Ijasis of the accounts, eUher at length 
or abridged, or in versions in other languages, in the Paesi nmamciilc and its translations ; in the Noviis orbis 
of 1532 (it is here given .is .addressed to Kcne, King of Sicily .and Jerusalem), and later, in Kanuisio's Viafi;:, 
vol. i. ( 1 550) ; in Ede 's Trcatyse of tlic Ncwe India (1553); in the I'.'isloricilc description dc I'A/rii/iic o' Leo 
Africanus (ijjf)),— c. Cnrter-llnmii Catalogue, i. 211, 229; in I)e Bry, first .tnu second parts of tlie 
Grands loyajic and third and fomlh of the Pclits !'i>;',;.',-.(, not to name other of the older collections; and 
among later ones in Uandini, Vita c letlerc di Vcsf-iicci (pp. 1, 3;;, 46. 5;), and in the Collec(ao dc noticias fara 
a historia c gcoxrafia das na^'es iillramarinas (iS 1 2), published by the K(jyal Academy of Lisbon. Varnhagcn 
reprints the Latin text in his Aiiicrij;o Vcs/>iicci. p. ^4. 

■• Depicted on p. iiS. Cf. Wiese-, Magallnics-Strassc, pp. 26, 27. 

« Bil'l. After. Vet., p. ij3. 

« The original edition appeared .at Vienna i.i 1514; but it was reprinted at Strasburg in 151;. Cf. .Sibin, 
vol. i. no. 671 ; Bil>l. Amrr. Vet., nos. y(,, 77, 7S ; Stevens, Bibliothcca t^cographica, 70; Cartcr-Bro\vn, vol. i. 
no. 4.S. 

• See the following section of the present chapter. 

' See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chaiiter on Magellan. 

» Stevens, liiHi^ilieca historica (1S70), no. 1,272 ; Bibliothcca geograpliica, no. 1,824. 

'" See p. 112. 



,"■'(' 



•74 



NAUkATIVL AND CKlTlCAL HISTOUY OF AMLKICA. 



*' !l . 



!'. ! 



im 



, 



ii 



stale. Tlic itMLiI Icneiitl, cnditing the iliscmcry 
Id C'i)liiiiil)\i.<, IS shiiMr, in ;i sccliiiii of the map, 
wliitli In fjivcn ill aiiiiilicr place' I'hrysius .n ■ 
kliiiwlc-ilnca that the maps are essentially Wald- 
scemullcr'.s, though they have some thaiines and 
addititiiis; hilt he adds a new niappenioinle nt' 
hi* own, piilliiiH the name America mi the ureal 
southern main, — the (list lime of its appearing 
in any map of the riokiny st.ies A (ac-simile 
is annexed. 

'I'lure is thus far alisolntely no proof that 
any one disputed the essential fads of the dis- 
covery liy ('olnmbns of the unliving islands of 
Asia, as the belief went, or denied him llie credit 
of K'^i"K •' I'cw world to the crowns of Ara^on 
and Castile, whether that were Asia or not. 
'I'he maps which have come (U)wii to lis, so far 
as they record anything, invariably jjivc Colnm- 
bus the credit. The detractors and panegyrists 
of Vespuciii.s have asserted in turn that he was 
privy to the doings at St. -Die and Strasluirj,', 
and that he was not ; liut proof is lacking for 
either pioposition. No one can dispute, how- 
ever, that he was dead before his name was ap- 
plied to the new discoveries on any published 
map. 

If indeed the date of 1497, as given by the 
.St.-I)ie publication, was correct, there niii^lit liave 
been ground for adjudging liis explorations of 
the mainland to have antedated tliose of Colum- 
bus; but the conclusion is irresistible lliat either 
the Spanish authorities did not know that sucli 
a claim had been made, or they decmeil the date 
.m error of the press; since to rely upon the 
claim would have helped them ni their conthct 
with the heirs of (.'oUimbiis, which began the 
year following the publication of that claim, or 
in 150S, and continued to ve.\ all concerned till 
1527; antl (luting all that time Vespucius, as 
has been mentioned, is not named in llie 
records of the proceedings. It is eipiaily hard 
to believe that Ferdinand Columbus woukl 
have passed by a claim derogating from the 
fame of his father, if it had tome to him as a 
positive assertion. That he knew of the Sl.- 
Die tract we liave direct evidence in his pos- 
session of a copy of it. i'hat it did not trouble 
him we know also with as much confidence as 
negative testimony can impart; for we have no 
knowledge of his noticing it, but instead the 



positive assertion of a contemporary that he di'tj 

not notice it. 

The claim for Vespuciu-', however, was soon 
lo be set up. In 1527 l.as Casas began, if we 
m.iy believe (Juintana, the writing of his ///.i- 
A''/,;,- It is not e;isy, however, to \\x precisely 
the year when he tells us that the belief hail 
liccomc current of V'espiiciiis being really ihe 
first to set his foot on the main. " .Amerigo," he 
tell", us further,' " is saiil to have placed the n,ime 
of AiiKiic > on maps,' thus sinfully f.iiling toward 
the .\dmii,il. If he purposely gave ciirreucv to 
this belief in his first setting foot on the main, it 
was a great wickedness; and if it was not done 
intenti<mally, it look- like it." l.as Casas still 
m;ikes ;illowances, and fails of positive accns.a- 
lion, when again he speaks of "the injustice 
of Amerigo, or the injustice perhaps lho.se who 
printed the Qidiltiiio- lurixiitioiu's appear to have 
c<immilted lowanl Ihe Admiral;" and once more 
when he says that " foreign writers call the 
country .Vmerica: it ought to lie called Co- 
lumba " liUt he grows more positive as he goes 
on, when he wonders how Fer(lin;ind Columbus, 
who had, as he says, Vespucius' account, could 
have found nothing in it of deceit and injustice 
to object to. 

Who were these "foreign writers,'" Slob- 
nicza, of Cracow, in the hitiwliutio in C/.iiiilii 
Ptholomci cosmof;)\tphi(i, which he published in 
1513, saiil : " Kt no soli I'lolomeo laborassem, 
cnravi etiani notas faccre ipiasdam partes terre 
ipsi ptoloineo alijsipie velustioribus ignolas tpie 
Amerii vespucij aliorum(|uc liistratione ad nos- 
tram noticiam puenere," I'pon the reverse of 
folio v., in the chapter " I)e meridianis," occurs : 
", "similiter in occasu ultra africam & europam 
magna pars terre (|uaiii ab .Americo eius reptore 
.Americam vocani vulgo autem novus mundus 
dicitur." Upon the reverse of folio vii. in the 
chapter "De partibus terre" is this; " Non 
solu aut pdictc Ires ptes nunc sunt lacius lnstr:ite, 
veiuin iV alia ipiata pars ab Americo vesputio 
sagacis ingenii viro inventa est, quam ab ipso 
Americo eius inventore .Amerigem qsi a americi 
terrain sive americii appellari volunl cuius lati- 
tudo est sub lota toirida zona," etc. These 
expre:,sions were repeated in the second edition 
in 1519. -Apian in 1524 had accepted the name 
in his Cosiin\'r,t^/uiii.i li/vr, as he had in an 
uncertain way, in 1522, in two editions, one 



' .'see chapter on Ma';ellan. 

2 Helps, lunvevLT, cannnt trace liiin at work upon it before 1552, ami he had nut finished it in 1561 ; and 
for till 'e centuries yet to come it was to remain in manuscript. 

" I. lok i. cap. 140. 

* W^m^sd {Fcnianil Co/.wii. p. 30), says: "The .absence of nautical charts and planispheres, not only 
in the Co,.iinbina, but in all the nniniincnt offices of Spa'ii. is a sign.il disappointment. There is one chart 
which abo\ • all we need, — made by Vespucius, and wliicli, in i;iS, was in the collection of the Infanta 
l"i.rdinand, 'jrothcr of Charles V." .\ copy of Valscjua's chart of 1430 which belonged to Vespucius, being 
marked '• Oi csta ,ampla pclle di gcojraphia fii pa.^.ita da .AnuTigo Vespucci cxxx duciti di oro di m.irco," was, 
accurdini; tj Ilarrisse (Biei/. .Im-i. Vit. AJJ.. p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1S3S. 



VESPUCIU.S AM) THE N.\.MIN'(; OF AMERICA. 



J75 



ry that Ik* (IkJ 

VCT, W.ls MJilll 

< l)cnaii, It wu 
t; <if his ///.I- 
) li.x pii'tisflv 
lie liclii'f linil 
IK really the 
AmcriHo," he 

ICLll lIlC IlillllC 

f.iilini; tnwanl 
c ciiirenty ti> 
II the main, it 
was not (lone 
as Casas still 
isitive accuaa- 
'the injustice 
ips those who 
))|)eai to have 
^nil once more 
iters call the 
)C called Co- 
ive as he j^oes 
nd Coliimlnis, 
jccoimt, could 
: and injustice 

iters?" Stob- 

;7/i> in C/iiiiifii 

published in 

c) laborassem, 

II partes terre 

is ij;nolas ipie 

^tioiie ad nos- 

he reverse of 

aiiis," occurs : 

n iV europam 

) eiiis rcplori' 

)vus muiulus 

lio vii. in the 

this; " Non 

kIus liistrale, 

rico vesputio 

nam ab i|)so 

('isi a americi 

ml cuius lali- 

etc. These 

ccoiid edition 

)tc(l the name 

ic had in an 

editions, one 



t in 1 561 ; ,incl 



hcres, not only 

;re is one chart 

of the Infanta 

espucius, bcinij 

di m.irco," was, 




a 



LAURENTIUS FRISIUS, IN THE IIOLEMY OK 15^2 {^watcrly /■arl.) 



i7<> 



NAKKAIIVK AND CKITlCAL HISTORV OK AMl.KICA, 



M 



|>rliilc(l at Katiitboii, ihc other wilhinit placi', 
iif till tract, Ihihtiiitio cl USUI fyfi lOsmixni/'/iiii, 
illu.ttralivc i>f IiIk map.' 

(<larcaiiu« in 1529 Hiiokc o( the land to tliv 
wett "(luam AnuTicani vocant," ilimi);!) la- 
ic)u|ilcs till' names of C'i>ltiinl)ii!t and V>'>|iik'Iu!I 
in >|>eakinK •'! itn diitcoviTy. Apian and (ii nini.i 
riirysius in tliiir Ci'snii\i;iiif'/iiii of tin s.iine Viar 
ti'iogni/i till' niw name;''' and I'liry»in» again 
in his /'< f-iiiiiipiis iislii'iiomuc, first published 
at Antwerp in I5,}0, )!fl\K a chapter (im. xxx.) 
to " Aineriia," and rtpe.iled it in later edi- 
tions,'' Munstcr in the .Wrus cr/'is of 1552 
finds that the extended loast of South America 
"lakes the name of America from Amcricus, 
who discovered it."* We lind the name again 
in the Efilome Iriiim ti-riic /'iirliiim cjf V'adianus, 
published at 'I'iguri in 1534/' and in llonlcr's 
Kiiilinuntorum d'smogiiipliiir libri, published .it 
llask' in the same year When the Spanish 
sea-manual, Medina's Aitt' tie iiii-rxd'', was pub- 
lished in Italian at Vjnice in 154.), it had a 
chart with America on it ; and the /)i- s/'/iura 
of (.'ornclius Valerius (Antwerp, 1561) says 
this fourth part of the world took its naiiic 
from Americus. 

Thus it was manifest that popular belief, out- 
si<le of Spain, at least," was, as LasCasas altirms, 
working at last into false channels. Of course 
the time would come when Vespuiius, wrong- 
fully or rightfully, would be charged with pro- 
moting this belief. He was already dead, and 
could not repel the insinuation. In 1533 this 
charge came for the first time in print, so far as 
we now know, and from one who had taken his 
part in sjjreading the error. It has already been 
mentioned how Schiiner, in his globe of 1515, 
and in the little book which explained (hat 
globe, had accepted the name from the coterie 
of the Vosgc.s. He still used the name in 1520 



In another globe.' Now in 1533, in his 0/«/- 
(iiliim .(.'iryii;////! ;«;« fx dnvnorum lihiis lU ciir/is 
siimniii iiDii »> <////(,'<•////.» tMitum, lUivmiUitiim 
tiif ntfiiti-r iliihoiiiliim ,ih eoJcm j;Miim t/fni/^ 
fii'iiis li-rreiM. loiu/nmi ('iiHitiiirii. J:x iirb* 
i\'i<rhii, . . . Aniiii XXX///,'* he unreservedly 
charged Ve.^pucius with fixing his own name 
upon that region of Indi.i Superior which lie 
believed to be an i.«laiiil." 

In I S35, in a new edilion of i'tolemy, Serve- 
tiis repeated the map of the New World from 
the editions of 15:2 and 1525 which liell)e(l to 
give further currency to the ii.inie of America; 
but he checks his readers in his text by saying 
that those arc misled who call the continent 
America, since Vespnciiis never touched it till 
long after Columbus had.'" This cautious state- 
ment did not save Servetus from the disdainful 
comment of Ooinara (1551), who accuses th.at 
editor of I'tidemy of attempting to blacken the 
name of the Florentine. 

It was but an easy process for a euphonious 
name, once acce;ited for a large l)arl of the new 
discoveries, gradually to be extended until it 
covered thim all. The discovery of the Smith 
.Sia by Ilalboa in 1513 rendered it certain that 
there was a country of unmistakably continental 
extent lying south of the field of Columbus' 
observations, which, though it might prove to be 
connected with Asia by the Isthmus of Panama, 
was still Worthy of an indei)endent designation." 
We have seen how the Land of the Holy Cross, 
I'aria, and all other names gave way in recog- 
nition of the one man who had best satisfied 
Europe that this region had a continental extent. 
If it be admitted even that Vespucius was in 
any way privy to the bestowal of his naine upon 
it, there was at first no purpose to enlarge the 
application of such name beyond this well-rec- 
ognized coast. That the name went beyond 



|;},t|" 



I '1 iiC letters AM apjicar upon the representation of the New World contained in it. 

'■1 Cf. (in r.emnia Frisiiis' additions to Apianiis' Cosmografhia, published in Spanish from the Latin in 
154S, what Nav.-irrete says in his Ofiisciilos, ii. ■;(>. 

8 Antwcrj), 1544, cap. xxx. " America ab inventore Amcrio [«V] Vesputio noinen habet ; " Antwerp, 1548, 
adds " alii llrcsiliam vocat ; " Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., "de America," and cap. xxxi. "de insulis apud Amcri- 
cam;" I'.iris, ujfi, etc. Cf. Harrisse, Bilil. Amcr. Vet., nos. 156, 252, 279; Additions, nos. 92, 168. 

♦ "(luam ab .\nierico prinio inventore Americam vocant." 

* " Insularum America cognoniinata obtenditur." 

1 Sir Tliumas More in his Utofta (which it will be remembered was an island on which Vespucius is repre- 
sented as IcavinK one of his companions), .as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of the general 
repute of \'espiicius' account, — " Those iiii voyaj;es that Ix! nowe in printe and abrode in cuery manncs handes." 
Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his Cosmografhical Glasse (London, 
1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the credit of finding " America " in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228). 

' Sec p. 119. 

s Bihl. Amcr. Vet., no. 17S; Carter-Brown, vol. i, no. 106; Charles Deane's paper on Schoner in the 
Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc, October, 1S83. 

u /ixamcn critique, v. 174. Here is a contemporary's evidence that Vespucius supposed the new coasts 
to be Asia. 

'" " Tota itatpie tjuod aiunt alwrrant cielo qui banc contincntem Americd nuncupari contendunt, cum Amer- 
icus multo post Columbfl candO tcrram .idicret, nee cum Ilispanis illc, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut suas merces 
coinmutarct, co sc contulito." It was repeated in the edition of 1541. 

" Pedro de Lcdesma, Columbus' pilot in his third voyage, deposed in 1513 that he considered Paria a part 
of Asia (Navarrcte, iii. 539). 



i>' 



(!!' 



, ill his Ofui- 
lihns III- (iirlii 
, iUivmoJiitiim 
\;liil>iim lUiii/^ 
rii. Ji\ tirbt 
: unrcscrvciily 
lis own iiniiR' 
rior which he 






THIll 



- a euphonious 
lart of tlic new 
ended until it 
y of the South 

it certain that 
ibly continental 

of Columbus' 
ght prove to he 
lus of I'anama, 
it designation." 
he Holy Cross, 

way in rccog- 
I best satisfied 
tinental extent, 
spucius was in 

his name upon 

to enlarge the 
this wcU-rec- 
went beyond 



Dm the Latin In 



tspucms IS repre- 
s of the general 
manncs handes." 
Glasse (London, 
(Ibid., no. 228). 

Schoner In the 

1 the new coasts 

idunt, cum Amcr- 
IS, ut suas merces 

ercd Paria a part 







MERCATOR, 1541.' 

1 This Is the configuration ol Mercator's gores (for a globe) reduced to Mercator's subiequently-derlsed 
projection. 

VOL. II. — 23. 



M 



I 



178 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



lU 



liA 






:ji^! 



(! : 



m 



t 



that coast came of one of those shaping tenden- 
cies which are without control. " It was," as 
Humboldt says,' " accident, and not fraud .md 
dissensions, which deprived the continent of 
America of the name of Columbus." It was 
in 1541, and by Mercator in his ;irinted ^orcs 
for a globe, tha' in a cartographical r-cord 
we first find the name Aiiiirica extended to 
cover the entire continent ; for he places the 
letters AME at liacc.alaos, and completed the 
name with RIC,\ at the La Plata.' T'l.us 
the injustice was made perpetual ; .and there 
seems no greatei instance of the instability 
of truth in the world's history. Such mon- 
strous perversion could but incite an indigna- 
tion which needed a victim, — and it found him 
in Vcspucius. The intimation of Hchoncr was 
magnified in lime by everybody, .and the unfor- 
tunate date of M97, as well as the altogether 
doubtful .ispect of his Qiiattiioy navi^^ationcs, 
heljicd on the .accusation. Vespucius stood in 
every cyclop.xdia and iiistoiy as the personifi- 
cation of baseness and arrogance ; ' and his 
treacherous return for the kindness which Co- 
lumbus did him in February, 1505, when he gave 
him a letter of recommendation to his son 
Diego,^ at a time when the Florentine stood in 
need of such assistance, was often mad" to point 
a moral. The most cmph.atic of these .ccuscrs, 
worising up his case with every subsidiary help, 
has been the V,. ..count Santarem. lie will not 
admit the possibility of Vespucius' ignorance 
of the movement at St. -Die. " We are led to 
the conclusion," he says, in summing up, " that 
the name given to the new continent after the 
death of Columbus was the result of a precon- 
ceived plan against his memory, either design- 
edly and with malice aforethought, or by the 
secret influence of an extensive patronage of 



foreign merchants residing at Seville and else- 
where, dependent on Vespucius as naval con- 
tractor."'' 

It was not till Humboldt approached the 
subject in the fourth and fifth volumes of his 
E.xiiiiitii critique i/<? I'/iistoirc ct </<• la giograpliie ,iit 
ih'iiTium monde that the great injustice to Ves- 
pucius on account of the greater injustice to 
Columbus began to be apparent. No one but 
Santareiv since Humboldt's time, has attempted 
to rehabilitate the old arguments. Those who 
are cautious had said before that he might 
pardonably have given his name to the long 
coast-line which he had tracked, but that he was 
not responsible for its ultimate expansion." Hut 
Humboldt's opinion at once prevailed, and he re- 
viewed and confirmed i.hem in his Cosmos? Hum- 
boldt's views are convincingly and elaborately 
cnfcrced ; but the busy reader ni.iy like to know 
they are well epitomized by Wiescner in a paper, 
".Vmeric Ve.spuce et Christophe Colonib: la ve- 
ritable origine du noin d'.Vmeritiue," which was 
published lii the Rcviic dcs questions /listoiii/iws 
(1866), i. 225-252, and translated into English 
in the Catholic Jfor/i/ (1S67), v. 611. 

The best English authority on this question 
is Mr. R. II. Major, who has examined it 
with both thoroughness and condensation of 
statement in his paper on the Da Vinci map in 
the Arc/h<-olox'ia, vol. .xl., in his Prince I/cnry 
the A'avigittor (|)p. 367-380),'* and in his Dis- 
coi'crics of Prince Henry, chap. .xiv. Harrisse 
in his Fill. Amer. Vet., pp. 65, 94, enumerates 
the contestants on the question ; and Varnhagen, 
who is never unjust to Columbus, traces in a 
summary way the progress in the .acceptance of 
the name of America in his Non-rclles recherches 
sur les (ieniiers voyaj^vs tin iiarigitteur Florentin. 
In German, Oscar Peschel in his Geschichte des 



' Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 676. 

2 Wicscr, Dcr Portulan ties Kbnigs Philifp, vol. ii. Vienna, i.S;6. 

■'' See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. 
(1S73, '574). Tlieiewas .an attempt made in 1S4;, by some within tlie New York Historical Society, to render 
'ardy justice to the memory of Cohimbus by taking his name, in the form of Columbia, as a national designation 
01 the United States; but il necessarily failed {^fass. Hist. Soc. I'roc, ii. 313). " .MIegania '' was an alter- 
native suggestion made at the same time. 

< This letter is preserved in t!".c .Archives of the Oiike of Veragii.is. It lus been often printed. Harrisse, 
Notes or. Columbus, p. 149. 

■' Vizcondc de Santarem ( .Manoel Francisco de Barros y .Sousa), Researches respectinf; Amcricus Vesfncius 
andhis Voyages. Translated by E.V. Childe (liostcm, 1.S50), 221 pp. lomo. This isa translation of the Recherches 
historii/iies. critiques et bihliograj'hiqiies sur Ainiric Vcspuce ct scs voyages, which was published In Paris in 
1842. Santarem had before this sought to discredit the vo\ ages claimed for Vesimcius in i;oi and 1503, and 
had communicated a memoir on the subject to Navarretc's Colccciou. He also published a paper in the Bulletin 
de la .'^ocicte de Gcogra/>hi'- do Paris m October, 1.S3;, and added to his statements in subsetiuent numbers 
(October, 1835; September. 1S3'); February and September, 1S37). These various contributions were com- 
bined and annotat''d in the Recherches. etc., already mentioned, Cf. his Mcmoria e investigacioncs hisloricas 
sobre los viajcs de Amcrico Vesfucio. in the Recucil complet de trades, vi. 304. There is a biography of \'cs- 
puciu-., with an appendix of '' Pruebas e ilustraciones " in the Colccciou de Opusculos of Navarrete, published 
(KS4S) at Madrid, after his death. 

" Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing's <,pinion in his Reminiscences v' .*>/>'"", ii. 234. 

' Eng. tr., ii. fiSo. 

3 These chapters are reprinted in Sabin's American liibiiofolist, 1870-1871. 



-y.\ 



\ Il 



VESI'L'CIUS AND THE NAMING OF AMEFUCA. 



179 



ZdUlUrs ,kr Entikckiiiif;ai (book ii. chap. 13) has 
examined tlie matter with a scholar's instincts. 
The siiljject was loUowcd by M. Schoctter 1 
paper read at tlie Congres dcs Amcricani> at 
laixemburg in 1S77 ; but it is not apparent Irom 
the abstract of the paper in the Pio,ccdiiiss of 
that session (!>. 357) dwt any new light was 
thrcjwn iii)on the matter. 

I'rofessor Jules Marcou would drive the 
subject beyond the bounds of any personal 



associations by establishing the origin of the 
name in the native designation (Americ, Amer- 
rique, Ameri(iue) of a range of mountains in 
Central America;' and Mr. T. H. Lambert, 
in the BiilUtin of the American Geographical 
Society (no. i of 1SS3), asks us to find the ori- 
gin in the name given by the Peruvians to their 
country, — neither of which theories has re- 
ceived or is likely to receive any considerable 
acceptance.- 



1 His theory was advanced in a paper on "The Orit;in of the Name Amurica" in \.\\c AllitnliiMoiilhly 
(March, iS;,), .\xxv. jyi.andin " Sur I'drigine du nom d'Ainerique,'' in the Biilhtin dc la SiKiitc Je Giog- 
i-iifhie ile Paris, June, 1S75. He aij.iin advanced his theory in the New York Nation, April 10, 1SS4, to which 
the ditors replied that it w.is " fatally ingenious,'' — a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with that of II. H. 
U.incro.'' in his Central America (i. 291), who charges the I'rofessor with •' seeking fame through foolishness " 
and his I 'eory. Marcuu's argument in part depends upon the fact, .as he claims, that Vespucius' n.ame was 
projierly .-Vlhericus or Alherico, and he disjiutes the genuineness of autographs wliicli make it Amerigo; but 
nothing was mure common in those days than variety, fur one cause or another, in the fashioning of names. 
\Vc hnd the Florentine's n.ime variously written, — .-Xnierigo, Merigo, ..Mmerico, Alberico, Alberigo ; and 
Vespucci, Vospucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vespuuo, Vespulsius, Uespuchi, lispuchi ; or in Latin Vespucius, 
Vespuccius, and Vcsputius. 

- The Cicrmans have written more or less to connect themselves with the name as with the naming, — 
deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old German Eniinerich. C'f. Von der Hagcn, Ja/iriiic/i </er Berliner 
Geselheliaft (Hr Deutsche Sfrache, iS;;; Notes and Queries, 1856; Histcrical Magazine, January, 1857, 
p. 24 ; Dr. Theodo- Vcttcr in New York Nation, March 20, 1SS4 ; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 52- 



ntcd. Harrisse, 




AI'I.\NUS {from Kuusner's [cones, 1590, p. 175). 



It 


^tFlT' 




if 

. 'r ii 
.^1 II 



!i , 



i^r-i] 



1.1 



t'tfl 



I'f 



■LIS 



(Hi 



•!» 



■H-1 



^i: 111 



; ' I 



THE BIBLIOGRAPHY 



OF 



POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, 

AND APIANUS. 



BY THE EDITOR. 



OF Pcmponius Mela we know little beyond the year 43 a. d.' The Mfio prinaps of this 

the fact that he was born in Spain, not far treatise was printed in 147 at Milan, it is sup- 

from Gibraltar, and that he wrote, as seems posed, by Antonius Zarotus, under the title 

probable, his popular geographical treatise in Cesmographia. It was a small quarto of fifty- 



.tJT 



t^ n II » 




/ "Pi-- ■■ 






"^ I C H X « " 




POMPONIUS MF.LA'S world.'' 



1 Bimbury, A Jory of Ancient Geography , ii. 352-36S. 

2 Reduced after map in liunbury's Ancient Geography (London, iS;o), ii. 368. 



POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, APIANUS. l8l 



lOACHIMVS VADIANVS MEDI. 
cus.&l'oeta. 




Phahieultorermumedtujtudtolk^artis, 
AC milieu Calli c.oufiiLin vrbe loBUs, 

Mf P. LI, 



VADI.\NUS.' 



nine leaves. Two copies have been sold lately. 
The Suiulcrland copy (no. 10,117) brought 
;fii 5^., and has since been held by Quaritch 
at /i5 15.?. Another copy was no. S97 in 
part iii. of the lUckforJ Catalos^ue. In 1478 
there was an edition, De situ orHs, at Venice 
(Sunderland, no. io,iiS); and in 1482 another 
edition, Cosmosp-aphin geot^afhica, was also pub- 
li.shed at Venice (Leclcrc, no. 456 ; Murphy, 
no. 2,003 > T)'Avezac, Gt'otjrapfies Grecs et Latins, 
p. 13). It was called Ccs/inxni/'/iia in the edi- 
tion of 1498 (Bin. Amer. I'lt., Additions, no. 8 ; 



Huth, iv. 1 166) ; Dc orbis situ in that of Venice, 
1502 ; De totins orbis descriptione in the Paris 
edition of 1507, edited by Geofroy Tory (A. J. 
Bernard's Ccofroy Tory, premier imprimeur 
royal, Paris, 1865, p. 81; Carter-Brown, i. 32; 
Muller, 1872, no. 2,318 ; 1877, no. 2,062). 

In 1512 the text of Mela came under new 
influences. Henry Stevens (Biblictheea geo- 
f;rap/iica, p. 210) and others have pointed out 
how a circle of geographical students at this 
time were making Vienna a centre of interest 
by their interpretation of the views of Mela and 



Fac-simile of a cut in Keusner's hones (Strasburg, 1590). p 162. 



l82 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



m I in 



s^jki'ii;''^' 






I ■ . 



i I, 



■m 



i)f Solinus, a writer of tlif third century, wliosc 
I'otyhistor is a description of the world known 
to the ancients. Within this knot of cosniogra- 
phers, John Camers inidertook the editing of 
Mela ; and his edition, Dc situ orl'is, was printed 
1)V Jean Singrein at Vienna in 1512, though it 
bears neither iilace nor date (Stevens, liihlio- 
t/iiCii j;ii'i,'rti/'/iiiti, no. 1,825; D'Avezac, Giv- 
i,'i-(i/>/iis Gnrs ct Latins, p. 14; Lcclcrc, no. 457 ; 
Sunilerlaiul, no. 10,119). Anotlier Mela of the 
same year (1512) is known to have been printed 
liy WLi.-SL'nburger, presumably at Nuremberg, 
and edited by Johannes Cocleius as Cosmogra- 
phiii Pviiifonii Mclc : oiitluuis ititiJissimi tribiis 
lihris dii^cstit .... compcndio yoliannis CocUi 
Xonti iidiiiicfii (juo ,4Vi;j,'/v;///;'i' priihipia f;ciicr- 
<i/it,r comprelicduntiir (Weigcl, 1S77, no. 227; 
there is a copy in Charles Deane's library). In 
1517 Mela made a part of the collection of 
Antonie Francino at Florence, which was re- 
issued in 1519 and 1526 (l)'Avezac, p. iC; Sun- 
derland, nos. 10,121, 10,122). 

Meanwhile another student, Joachim Watt, 
a native of .St. Clall, in Switzerland, \ w about 
thirty years old, who had been a student of 
Camers, and who is better known by the latin- 
ized form of his name, Vadianus, had, in No- 
vember, 1 514, addressed a letter to Kudolfus 
Agricola, in which he adopted the suggestion 
lirst made by Waldsecmiiller that the fore-name 
of Vespucius should be applied to that part of 
the New World which we now call Brazil. This 
letter w.is printed at Vienna (1515) in a little 
tract, — Iltibis, Lector, hoc lilh-Uo, Rmiolplii Ai^'ii- 
coiif yimioris Rlicti ad Joclinitiim I'adiaiium cfis- 
tolavi, — now become very rare. It contains also 
the letter of Agricola, Sept. i, 1514, which drew 
out the response of Vadianus dated October 16, 
— Agricola on his part referring to the work on 
Mela which was then occupying Vadianus (a 
copy ownetl by 'itXcstWi, Bibliothcca i;coi;rafliica, 
no. 2,799, passed into the Iluth l,ibrarv, Cata- 
loi^'iit; V. 1506. Harrassowitz has since priced a 
copy, Cat,dv:^iic, List 61, no. 57, at 2S0 marks). 

The Dc situ orbis of Mela, as edited by Vadi- 
anus, came out finally in 151S, and contained 
one of the two letters, — that of Vadianus him- 
self; and it is in tliis reproduction that writers 
have usually referred to its te.\t (llarrisse, Bibl. 
Amer. /'(/., no. 92; Murphy, no. 2,004 ; Leclerc, 
no. 45S ; Sunderland, no. 10,120; Gracsse, v. 
401 ; Carter-lirown, i. 55). Camers also issued 
at the same time an edition uniform with the 
Aldiiie imprint of Solinus; and this and the 
Mela are often found bound together. Two 
years later (1520) copies of the two usiiallv have 
bound up between them the famous cordiform 
map of Apiar (I'ctrus Apianus, in the Latin 
form; IJienewit/, in his vernacular). This for a 
long time was considered the earliest engraved 
map to show the name of America, which ap- 



peared, as the annexed fac-simile shows, on the 
representation of South America. 'I'here may 
be some question if the map eijually belongs to 
the Mela and to the Solinus, for the two in this 
edition are usually bound together ; yet in a few 
copies of this double book, as in the Crannier 
copy in the ISritish Museum, and in the Iluth 
copy (Catalogue, iv. 1372), there is a map for 
each book. There are copies of the .Solinus 
in the Carter-Urown, Leno.x, Harvard College, 
Boston Public, and American Antiquarian Soci- 
ety libraries (cf. llarrisse, A'olcs on Columbus, 
p. 175; liibl. Anicr. i'ct., no. loS ; Murphy, no. 
^,ii^\ Triibner, 1S76, /is \y.; Weigel, 1S77, 
240 marks ; Calvary, 1SS3, 250 marks; Leclerc, 
iSSi, no. 2,686, 500 francs ; Kills i\: White, 
1S77, ^^25). The inscription on the map reads: 
"Tipus orbis universalis ju.vta I'tolomei cos- 
mographi traditiouem et Americi Vespucii ali- 
osque lustrationes a I'etro Apiauo Leysnico 
elucbrat. An. Do. AL I). NX." narris.sc'(AV/V. 
Aiucr. I'ct., Additions, no. 68) cites from \'arnha- 
gen's J'ostfacc au.x trois li~rraisons sur Vespucci, a 
little tract of eight leaves, which is said to be 
an exposition of the map to accompany it, called 
Dcclaratio ct usus typi cosniographici, Katisbt)n, 
1522. The map was again used in the first com- 
plete edition of I'etcr ALartyr's Decades, when 
the date was changed to " M. D. XXX " (Carter- 
Brown, i. 94; liibl. Ainer. I'et., no. 154; Kunst- 
maun, Entdeckuni; Ainei-ikas, p. 134; Kohl, 
Die beiden iiltesten General-h'artcn -con Anierika, 
p. T,},; Uricoechea, Mapotcca Colombiana, no. 4). 
Vadianus meanwhile had quarrelled with Ca- 
mers, and had returned to St. Gall, and now 
re-edited his Mela, and published it at Basle 
in 1522 (Bibl. Amcr. I'et., no. 112; Murphy, 
no. 2,004**; Carter-Brown, i. 590; Leclerc, 
no. 459). 

In 1524 Apianus published the first edition 
of his cosmographical studies, — a book that 
for near a century, under various revisions, main- 
tained a high reputation. The Cosmographicus 
liber was published at Landshut in 1524, — a 
thin cpiarto with two diagrams showing the 
New World, in one of which the designation is 
" .Vmeri " for an island ; in the other, "America." 
Bibliographers differ as to collation, some .giv- 
ing t'.fl\two, and others si.xty leaves; and there 
are evidently different editions of the si'.ine year. 
The book is usually priced at £.^ or £,(i. Cf. 
ILirrisse, A'otes on Columbus, p. 174; Bibl. 
Amcr. Vet., no. 127, anA Additions, -p. ^y ; Carter- 
Brown, i. 78; Iluth, i. 39; Murphy, no. 93; 
Sabin, no. 1,738. There is an account of Api- 
anus (born 1495; '^i'-''' '55' "■' '55-) '" Clem- 
ent's Bibliograf-hie curiense (Giittingcn, 1750- 
1760). It is in chapter iv. of part ii. of the 
Cosinograp/iicus liber that America is men- 
tioned ; but there is no intimation of Columbus 
having discovered it. Where " Isabella aut 



L (1 



III 



POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, APIANUS. 183 



lows, on the 
There may 
y licldligs to 
two ill this 
ytt ill a few 
he Craiiiiicr 
n the lliith 
i a map for 
the S(j|iiuis 
arcl College, 
liiariaii Soci- 
»i Colidiihiis, 
Mini>hy, no. 
Veigel, 1S77, 
rks; Leclere, 
is I'i White, 
e iiiap reads : 
'tcjlomci cos- 
Vcspucii ali- 
no Leysnico 
arrissc {Bihl. 
from Varnha- 
'ir Vespucci, a 
is said to be 
paiiy it, called 
id, Katisbon, 
the first com- 
DcciiJcs, when 
XX " (Carter- 
I. 154 ; Kunst- 
. 1 34 ; Kohl, 
'•■oil Amcrika, 
uhhiita, no. 4). 
lied with Ca- 
iall, and now 




PART OF APIANUS'S MAP, 152O.' 



Cuba" is spoken of, is an early instance of con- In 1529 a pupil of Apianus, Gemma Frisius, 

ferriiig the latter name on that island, after La annotated his master's work, when it was pub- 
Cosa's use of it. lished at Antwerp, while an abridgment, Cos- 

1 There arc fac-siniiles of the entire map in the Cartcr-Brouii Catalogue, i. 69, and in Santarem's Atlas , 
and on a much reduced scale in Daly's Early Cartography. Cf. Variihagcn's Jo Schoner e P. Afirmus: 



1 84 



-\ARK\TIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I' 



Ml 



« I 



t '' 



\\\: 



'l: 



mt'i,'rit/>/iiir iiilyot/iiitio, was printed the same 
year (15^9) at Ingdlilstadt (Sabiii, no. 1,739; 
Court, no. 21; Iiil</. Aiiur. /<■/., nos. 14S, i.)^, 
anil AdJilions, no. 8S. There is a eopy of the 
abridgment in Harvard Cullege Library). 

The tliird edition of .1/t'/./, ,iini ,i<iiimi'iit,triis 
I'ld/'/i;/!/' appeared at I'aris in 1550,1)11! witliont 
maps (cf. Carter-liriiwn, i. 97 ; Midler, 1S77, 
no. J.ooj ; /)'//'.''. .l/ihr. fit., no. 157) ; and again 
in 155J (Sunderland, no. 10,124; Harrassowitz, 
list 61, no. (kd). 

It is not necessary to follow, other than syr- 
optically, the various snbsecjnent editions of 
these three representative books, with brief 
indications of the changes that they assiniied 
to comi)ort with the now rai>idly advancing 
knowledge of the New World. 

1533. Apiamis, full or abridged, in Latin, at 
Venice, at Freibing, at Antwerp, at Ingoldstadt, 
at I'aris (Carter-llrown, i. 591 ; /,'//'/. .'iiur. I',;/., 
nos. 179, 202, anil Adciitions, no. 100; Sabin, 
nos. 1,742, 1,7 1;7. Some copies have 1532 in 
the colophon), .\i.ianus printed this year at 
Ingoldstadt various tracts in Latin and (lerman 
on the instruments used in observations for lati- 
tude anil longitude (Stevens, Jiil'Iioliuwi i;co- 
graphitii, no. 173, etc). Vadianus, in his /f/Z/w//^ 
triiim tcrr.c J'url.'iim, published at 'I'iguri, de- 
scribed America as a part of .Vsia (Weigel, 
1877, no. 1,574). lie dated his preface at St. 
Gall, "VH. Kallen. August, ^L D. W.XIII." 

1534. .Apiaiuis in '.atin at \'eiiice {/iihl. 
/l»nr. ]\t., Adtiitions, no. 106). The l''.piti>mc 
of Vadianus in folio, published at Tiguri, with 
,1 map, " Typns cosniogra|>hicus universalis, '["i- 
guri, anno ^LD. X.XXIIII," which resembles 
somewhat that of Finxus, representing the New 
World as an island approaching the shape 
of South America. The Carter-lhown copy 
has no map (cf. Uuth, v. 150S; Leclerc, no. 
5S6, 130 francs; Carter-llrown, i. 112; Weigel, 
1S77, ""• 1,576; />'//'/. Aiiur. I'l'f., no. 1S9). An 
edition in octavo, without date, is held to be of 
the same year. It is usually said to have no 
map; but Quaritch (no. 12,475) has advertised 
a copy for ^4, — " the only coj^'V he had ever 
seen containing tlie map." The J/iit/i Cati!loi;iit; 
V. 150S, shows a copy with twelve wood-cut 
maps of two leaves each, and four single leaves 
of maps and globes. The part pertaining to 
America in this edition is pages 544-564, 



" Insulx Oceani pra;cipn.x'," which is con- 
sidered to belong to the .A.datic continent (cf. 
Stevens, 1S70, no. 2,179- •'^luller, 1S72, no. 1,551 i 
1S77, no. 3.293; Weigel, 1S77, no. 1,575). 

1535. .\pianus, in Latin, at Venice (Sabin, 
no. 1,743; Jli/</. .l/inr. / V/., no. 202). Vadianus, 
in Latin, at .Vntwcrp. (/>'//'/. Aiiur. l\t., J09; 
Iluth, V. 150S; Court, no. 360). 

1536. An edition of .Mela, A- situ oi/'u, 
wilhonl place and date, was printed at Uasle, in 
small octavo, ',\ith the corrections of (Jlive and 
iSarbaro. Cf. D'.Vvczac, OAxni/Zu:! Gnrs ,/ 
J.,itiii.<, p. 20; Sunderland, no. 10,1:3; ^Veigel 
(1S77), p. 99. 

1537. The lirst Dutch edition of .\pianus, 
Dc ii's/ii('i,'r(i///ii lit /'(J A/tiiiiiis, .\ntwerp, with 
woodcut of globe on the title. The lirst of two 
small maps shows .Vmerica. It contains a de- 
scri|)tion of Peru. Cf. Carter-llrown, i. 121 ; 
^hlller (1S75), no. 2,314. 

1538. .Mela and Solinns, printed by Henri 
Petri at ISasle with large and small maps, one 
representing the New World to the east of Asia 
as "Terra incognita." Cf. Harrassowitz (1SS2), 
no. 91, p. 2, 60 marks; D'.Vvezac, p. 21. 

1539. An edition of Mela, Uc' orfi/s situ, at 
I'aris (Suni.."rland, no. 10,124). Apianus's Cw- 
mi'i^raf'/iiii per "■•inmam I'hrysiiim rcstitiitii, in 
small ([uarto, was published at .Vntwerp by .\. 
lierckinan. ;\ glol-.e on the titlepage shows the 
Old World. It has no other map (Carter- 
lirown, i. 124; Sabin, no. 1,744; ISibl. Aiiur. 
I'ct., nos. 229, 230). 

1540. An edition of .Mela, issued at I'aris, 
has the Orontius Finx'us map of 1531, with the 
type of the Dedication changed. The Harvard 
College copy and one given in Harrassowitz' 
Oitii/o!;iu' (81), no. 55, show no map. Cf. 
Leclerc, no. 460, 200 francs ; HarrLsse, />'//'/. 
A/iicr. I't-t., no. 230, Ai/i/itimis, nos. 126, 127, 
460; Court, no. 2.S3 ; Rosenthal (1SS4), no. 51, 
at 1 50 marks. \\\ edition of Apianus in Latin 
at Antwerp, witl'.out map ; ,)ut Lclewel (Moyiii- 
i{i,v, pi. 46) gives a map purporting to fellow 
one in this edition of .Xpianus. Cf, Carter- 
IJrown, i. 125; /)//'/. Ainvr. I'ct., no. 230; Sabin, 
no. 1,745. 

1541. Editions of Apianus in Latin at Ven- 
ice and at Nuremberg. Cf. Biil. Amei ■ Vet., 
nos. 235, 236; Sabin, nos. 1,746, 1,747. 

1543. Mela and Solinus at Basle (D'.\vezac, 
p. 21). 



Ir 



% 



Influencia de um e oiitro e de varies de sens coiitcmporancos iia ado/(t1o do noiiw Amt'rica ; primciros glohos 
efrimtiros mappas-nmndi com cste name : glol'o de Waltzccmiiller, c ptaqucttc iucrca do de Sclidiicr, Vienna, 
1872, privately printed, 61 pp., 100 copies (.'ifurpliy Cutalogiie, no. 2,^ ;i ; Qii.aritch prices it at about £1). 
A recent account of the history of the Vienna presses, Wieiis Buchdriukcr-geschichte (1S83), by .Vnton Mayer, 
refers, co the edition of Solinus of 1520 {vol i. pp. -jS, 41), and to the editions of Foniponius Mela, edited by 
Vadianus, giving a fac-simile of the title (p. 39) i.i one case. 

Santarem gives twenty-five editions of Ptolemy between 151 1 and 1584 which do not be.ar the name of 
America, and three (1522, 1541, and 1552) which have it. Cf. Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic de Paris 
(1837), v-1. viii. 



'5h 



h 



I'O.Ml'ONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, X'ADIANIS, Al'lAXL'S. 



185 



\ IS Coll" 

lini'iit (i-f. 
111). 1,55" i 

tc (Sabin, 
Vailiaiiiis, 

;■;/., -'oyj 

si/ii 01 /'is, 
It Uaslc, ill 

(Jlivc aiul 
•s Gnus it 
33; Wcigel 

if Apiamis, 
twerp, with 
liist of two 
\taiiis a (Ic- 
wii, i. 121 ; 

tl by Henri 
1 maps, one 
cast of Asia 
iwitz (iSSj), 

21. 

I'rl'is situ, at 
[liamis's Cos- 

rcstitiiht, in 
twerp by A. 
;e shows tlie 
lap (Carter- 
Bibl. Aiiur. 

ed at I'aris, 
with tlie 
c Harvard 
irrassowitz' 
map. Cf. 
sse, JiiM. 
126, 127, 
I, no. 51, 
us in Latin 
cl (Moycn. 
to fellow 
Cf. Carter- 
,0; Sabin, 

11 at Ven- 
.linci. Vvt., 

(D'Avezac, 



mciros f;lobos 
liner, Vienna, 
It about £0. 
Viiton Mayer, 
;l.i, edited by 

the name of 
Mic i/e Paris 



«4 




1544. An edition of Apianus in French 1545. Apianus, in Latin, at Antwerp, with 

at Antwerp, with a map, which was used in the same map as "i the 1544 French edition, 

various Later editions. Cf. .S.abin, no. 1,752; Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 135; /?//'/. Amfr. I'.f., no. 

Carter-Brown, i. 593; Biit. Amer. i^et., no. 262; Muller (1875), no. 2,365 (1S77), no. 158; 

253. Sabin, no. 1,748. 

• Tliis follows a fac-simile of an old cut given in the Carlo -Brown Cilnlngue, i. 294. 
VOL. II. — 24. 



l<^^ 



i, I- 






,^1' 



'Xr 



1 86 



NAKKATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



U 



■1,1 



1948. Apiamis in .Spanisli, C'i'.tw/i|.,'/v/////./ 
iUix'iiiiiilMta f'or in-minii F>isu\ ,it Antwcrj), with 
the s.imc fdkliiig map. Cf. Bihl. Amcr. Vet., 
no. 283; Sabin, no. l,7S3- C^.i^r-Hrown, i. 147; 
Dufosse, no. 10,201, 45 francs; (Jnarilch (1S7S), 
111). 104, £,(3 6.r. ; Cat. hist. Btiizii, lUbt. A'nc. do 
Kio tie Janeiro, no. j. Apianus in Italiar .it 
Antwerp, l.ihro de Id iosmoi;>ii/'/iiii </,• Pedro 
A/'iiiiio, with the same map. The /if'itonie of 
V'adiamis, published ;>t Tignri, with double 
maps engraved on wiiod, contains one, dated 
1546, showin.4 America, which is repiochiced in 
Santarem's Alliu. Cf. (.'arter-lirown, i. 151 ; 
Bibl. Aiiier. I'et., nos. 170, 464, Addilioiis, no. 
104. 

1550. A])ianus in Latin at Antwerp, with 
map at folio 30, with additions by Krisins ; and 
folios 30-48, on America (ci. Carter-llrown, 
i 154; Bibl. Amer. I'et., no. 2(>S ; Murphy, ".o. 
94; Sabin, no. 2,749; Mullcr, 1S75, no. ',;66). 
Some bibliographers rcjjort Latin ediii >ns of 
this year at Amsterdam and Hasle. 

1551. Editions of Apianus at Paris, in Latin 
and French, with a folding map and two smaller 
ones, — a re]ir nt of the Antwerp edition of 1 C50. 
The language of the maps is French in both 
editions (Court, no. 20). Clement [Bib/iot/iei/iie 
eiirieiise, i. 404) gives 1553 as the date of the 
colophon. An edition of Mela and Solinus 
(D'Ave/.ac. p. 21). 

1553. Editions of Apianus in Latin at Ant- 
werp and Paris, and in Dutch at Antwerp, with 
mappemonde and two small maps. Cf. Carter- 
lirown, i. 174, 594. Some copies have 1551 in 
the colophon, as does that belongi.ig to Jules 
Marcou, of Cambridge. There is a copy of the 
Paris edition in the Boston I'nblic Library, no. 
2,285, SS- 

1554. An abridged edition of Apianus, 
Cosmoi^raf^liiie iiitrodiietio, Venice. A copy in 
Harvard College Library. 

1556. An edition of Mela, at Paris (Sun- 
derland, no. 10,125). 

1557. An edition of Mela, as edited by Va- 
dianns, at Hasle (I)'Avezac, p. 21). 

1561. A Dutch edition of Apianus, at Ant- 
werp, without map. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 597 ; 
Sabin, no. 1,754. 

1564. An octavo edition of Vadianus' JMela 
(D'Avezac, p. 21). A Latin ."..aon of .Apianus 
at Antwerp, with ma; ,,^inondc. 

1574. Latin editions of Apiartiis at Antwerp 
and Cologne, with a folding mappenionde 
(Carter-Brown, i. 296, 297; Sabin, no. 1,750). 



1S79. .Spanish and Italian ti;.\ts of Apianus 
published at Antwerp, with niapptmoiule, and ilc- 
scriptions of the New World taken from (iomara 
and Girava. Cf. Carter- Itrown, i. 302; Sabin, 
no. 1,756; Clement, BiMiot/ii(/iie eiirieiise, i. 405. 

1576. Mela, as edited by Vadianus (D Ave- 
zac, p. 21). With the Polyliistor of Solinus, 
publishod at .'asle. The Harvard College copy 
has no map of .Nmerica. Cf. Graesse, v. 402. 

1577. Henri Kstienne's collection in (juarto, 
containing Mela (U'Avezac, p. 24). 

1581. .Apianus in French, .-it Antwerj), with 
a folding mappemonde (p. 72). The part on 
America is ;)p. 155-1S7 (Murphy, no. 95). 

1582. An edition of .Mela edited bj A. 
Schottus, published at Antwerp, with map by 
(Jrtel; (Sunderland, no. 10,126). 

1584. The Cosmograf'hia of Apianus and 
Frisius, called by Clement (/iibliot/i\/ue eiirieiise, 
i. 404) the best eilltion, published at Antwerp by 
Bellero, in two issues, a change in the title dis- 
tinguishing them. It has the same mapwiih the 
1564 and 1574 editions, and the .section (ui 
" bisula; America; " begins on p. 1 57. Cf. Carter- 
Brown, i. 354, no map mentioned ; Sabin, no. 

'.75< 

1585. An edition of .Mela in English, trans- 
lated by Arthur Golding, published at London 
as T/ie IVorkc of rompoiiiiis Mela, the CosnH\i;ra- 
pher, concerning the Situation of the World. The 
preface is dated Feb. 6, 1584, in which Golding 
promises versions of Solinus and Thevet. There 
is a copy in the Library of the Massachusetts 
Historical Societ- 

1592. A Dutc. edition of Apianus, pub- 
lished at Antwerp (Sabi'i, no. 1,755). 

1595. An edition of Mela, as edited by 
Vadianus, published at Basle (D'Avezac, p. 21). 

1598. A Dutch ed'tion of Apianus, pub- 
lished at Amsterdam, with foKinig map. Cf 
Carter-Brown, i. 521 ; Muller (1877), no. 164. 

1605. Mathias Bonhomme published an 
edition of Mela and -Solinus (D'Avezac, p. 21). 

1609. A Dutch edition of Apianus, printed 
at Antwerp, with mappemonde (Carter-Brown, 
ii. 76; Sabin, no. ,755)- Bonhomme's edition 
of Mela and Solinus, reissued (D'Avezac, 
p. 21). 

1615, etc. Numerous editions of Mela a(> 
jjcarcd subsequently: 1615 (Vadianus), liasle, 
1619, .'625, 1626, 1635; at Madrid, 1642, 1644, 
in Spanish; Lcyden, 1646, in Latin; and under 
different editors, 1658, 1685, and 1700, and 
of'c" later 



.;(L 



CHAPTER III. 

THE COMI ANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 

BY KPWAKl) CIIANNING, I'H.D., 

hntrititor tit H iitory in Harvard CotUgC' 



IN 1498 the news of the discovery of Paria and the pearl fisheries reached 
Spain ; and during the next year a number of expeclliions was fitted 
out at private expense for trade and exploration. The first to set sail was 
commanded by Alonso de Ojeda, the quondam captor of Caonabo, who, 
with Juan de la Cosa — a mariner scarcely inferior in his own estimation 
to the Admiral himself — and with Morigo Vespuche, as Ojeda calls him, 
left the liay of Cadiz toward the end of May, 1499. Ojeda, provided 
with a copy of the track-chart sent home by Columbus, easily found his 
way to the coast of South America, a few degrees north of the equator, 
ri^ence he coasted northward by the mouth of the Rio Dulcc (Esscquibo) 
into the Gulf of Paria, which he left by the Boca del Drago. He then 
passed to the Isla Margarita and the northern shores of Tierra Firme, 
along which he i^aiied until he came to a deep gulf into which opened 
a Icirge lagoon. The gulf he called the Golfo de Venecia (Venezuela), 
from the fancied resemblance of a village on its shores to the Queen of 
the Adriatic ; while to the lagoon, now known as the Lake of Maracaibo, 
he gave the name of S. Bartolom^o. From this gulf he sailed westward 
by the land of Coquibacoa to the Cabo de la Vela, whence he took his 
departure for home, where, after many adventures, he arrived in the 
summer of the following year. 

Close in his track sailed Cristobal Guerra and Pedro Alonso Nino, who 
arrived off the coast of Paria a few days after Ojeda had left it. Still 
following him, they traded along the coast as far west as Caucheto, and 
tarried at the neighboring islands, especially Margarita, 'until their little 
vessel of fifty tons was well loaded ; when they sailed for Spain, where they 
arrived in April, 1500, "so laden with pearls that they were in maner with 
every mariner as common as chaffe." 

About four months before Guerra's return, Vicente Yanez Pinzon, the 
former captain of the " Nina," sailed from Palos with four vessels ; and, 
pursuing a southerly course, was the first of Europeans to cross the equator 



t I 



i88 



NAKKATIVE AND CKITICAL HISIOKY UK AMERICA. 



on the Anioricaii side of the Atlantic, lie sij^htcil the coast of the New 
Worlil in li^'ht deforces soiitli iatititdc, near a cape to whicii lie j,'ave the 
name of Santa Maria de la C(jnsolacio'i (S, Aii^iistin). There he landeii ; 
but met u ith no vestij;c.^ of luima; e.vccpt some footprints of tji^jan- 

tic size. Af'jr takinj,' possession . ^ country witli all proper forms, he 
reimbarked ; and proceediiij^ northward and westward, discovered and par- 
tially explored the delta of an inunense river, which he called the I'aricura, 
and which, after beint; known as the MaraAon or Orellana, now appears on 



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TRAMONlTANA 



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the maps as the Amazon. Thence, by the Gulf of Paria, Espanola (His- 
paniola), and the Bahamas, he returned to Spain, where he arrived in the 
latter part of September, 1500.^ 

Diego de Lepc left Palos not long after Vicente Yaiicz. and reached the 
coast of the New World to the south of the Cabo de S. Augustin, to which 
he gave the name of Rostra liermoso ; and doubling it, he ran along the coast 

' A reduced f.ic-similc of the map (1556) in ^ [Cf. the section on the " IIistoric.il chorog- 

Ramusio, iii. 44, following th.at which originally raphy of South America " in which the gradual 

appeared in the Venice edition of Peter Martyr development of the outline of that continent is 

and Ovicdo, 1534, traced. — Ed.) 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



189 



to the Gulf of I'aria, wlu-ncc he lelmncil to I'.ilo?,. In OcIkIkt, 1500, Kod- 
rieo tie Hastidas ami Juan de la Cosa sailed from the bay of Cailiz for the 
Golfo de Venecia (Venezuela), which they entered and explored. Thence, 
stopping,' occasionally to tratle with the natives, tluy coasted the shores of 
'I'icrra i'irine, by the Cabo de la Vela, the province of Santa Marta, the 
mouths of the Rio Grande de la Magdalena, the port of Cartagena, the river 
of Genu, and the I'unta Caribana, to the Gulf of Uraba ( Uarien), which they 
explored willi some care. They were unsuccessful in their search for a strait 
to the west ; and after sailing along the coast of Veragua to Xombre de Dios, 
they started on the return voyage. Hut the ravages of the f/romi (teredo) 
rendering their shi[)s leaky, they were forced into a Jiarbor of ICspaftola, 
where the vessels, after the most valuable jiortions of the cargo had been 
removed, went to the bottom. Hastidas was seized by order of Hobadilhi, 
then governor of Kspartola, for alleged illicit traffic with the natives, and sent 
to Spain for trial, where he arrived in September, 1502. He was soon after 
acquitted on the charges brought against him. 

Alonso de Ojeda had reported the presence of ICnglishmen on the coast 
of Tierra Firme ; and, partly to forestall any occupation of the country by 
them, he had been given permission to explore, settle, and govern, at his 
own expense, the province of Coquibacoa. He associated with him Juan 
de V^ergara and Garcia de Ocampo, who provided the funds required, and 
went with the expedition which left Cadiz in January, 1502. They reached, 
without any serious mishap, the Gulf of Paria, where they beached and 
cleaned their vessels, and encountered the natives. Thence through the 
Hoca del Drago they traded from port to port, until ♦hey came to an 
irrigated land, which the natives called Curiana, but to \, lich Ojeda gave 
the name of Valfernioso. At this place they seized whauver they could 
which might be of service in the infant settlement, and then proceeded 
westward ; while Vergara went to Jamaica for provisions, with orders to 
rejoin the fleet at S. Hartolomeo (Maracaibo), or at the Cabo de la Vela. 
After visiting the Island of Curazao (Cura9ao) Ojeda arrived at Coquibacoa, 
and finally decided to settle at a place which he called Santa Cruz, — prob- 
ably the Hahia Honda of the present day. Vergara soon arrived ; but the 
supply of food was inadequate, and the hostility of the natives made for- 
aging a matter of great difficulty aiid danger. To add to their discomfort, 
quarrels broke out between the IciiJcrs, and Ojeda was seized by his two 
partners and carried to Kspanola, where he arrived in September, 1503. 
He was eventually set at liberty, while his goods were restored by the King's 
command. The expedition, however, was a complete failure. 

This second unprofitable voyage of Ojeda seems to have dampened the 
ardor of the naviga. irs and their friends at home ; and although Navarretc 
regards it as certain that Juan dc la Cosa sailed to Uraba as chief in com- 
mand in 1 504-1 506, and that Ojeda made a voyage in the direction of 
Tierra Firme in the beginning of 1505, it was not until after the successful 
voyage of La Cosa in 1 507-1 508, that the work of colonization was again 






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THE COMPANIONS OF COLL'MHUS. 



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taken lip with vit;or.' Two iikii nilcrcil tl)ciusclvcA as leaders in this 
enterprise; and, as it was impossible to decide between tliem, they were 
botli coniniissioned to settle anil ^jovern for four years the mainland from 
the Cabo de la Vela to the Cabo (iracias a Dios, while the (iulf of Urabd 
(I)arien) was to be tlie boundary between their respective t,'overnnuiits. 
To Alonso de Ojeda was jjiven the eastern province, or Niieva Andaluqia, 
while Diei^o de Nicuesa was the destineil j^overnor of the western ])rov- 
ince, then for the first time named Castilla ilel Oro, The fertile Island of 
Jamaica was intended to serve as a granary to the two j;overnors; and to 
them were also ^jranted many other privileges, — as, for instance, freedom 
from taxation, and, more imi)ortant still, the ri^jht for each to take from 
Espaiiol.i four hundred settlers and two hundred miners. 

Nicuesa and Ojeda met at Santo Domingo, whither they had gone to 
complete their preparations, and became involved in a boundary dispute. 
K.ach claimcil the province of Uarien ' as within his jurisdiction. It was 
finally a^lieed, however, that the river of Darien shouUl be the boundary 
line. With regard to Jamaica, the new admiral, Diego Columbus, prevented 
all disputes by sending Juan de Ksquivel to hold it for him. Diego further 
contributed to the failure of the enterprise by preventing the governors 
from taking the colonists from I'-spailola, to which they were entitled by 
their licenses. At last, however, on Nov. 12, 1509, Ojeda, with Juan de la 
Cosa and three hunilred men, left Santo Domingo; and five days later 
entered the harbor of Cartagena, where he landed, and had a disastrous 
engagement with the natives. These used their poisoned arrows to such good 
purpose that sixty-nine Spaniards, Juan de la Cosa among them, were killed, 
Nicuesa arrived in the harbor soon after ; and the two commanders, joining 
forces, drove the natives back, and recovered the body of La Cosa, which 
they found swollen and disfigured by poison, and suspended from a tree. 
The two fleets then separated ; Nicuesa standing over to the shore of Castilla 
del Oro, while Ojeda coasted the western shore of the Gulf of Uraba, and 
settled at a place to which he gave the name of San Sebastian. Here they 
built a fort, and ravaged the surrounding country in search of gold, slaves, 
and food ; but here again the natives, who used poisoned arrows, kept the 
Spaniards within their fort, where starvation soon stared them in the face. 
Ojeda despatched a ship to Ivspartola for provisions and recruits ; and no 
help coming, went himself in a vessel which had been brought to San 
Sebastian by a certain piratical Talavera. Ojeda was wrecked on Cuba; 
but after terrible suffering reached Santo Domingo, only to find that his 
lieutenant, Enciso, had sailed some time before with all that was neces- 
sary for the relief of the colony. The future movements of Ojeda ara 

' It should be remembered that Columbus on fore that in 150S the coast-line was well known 

his fourth voyage had sailed along the coast from from the Cibo de S. .Augustin to Honduras. 
Cape Honduras to Nombre de Ilios, and th.it '■' [This name in the early narratives .and 

Vicente Yaiiex Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, maps appears as Tarena, Tariene, or Darien, 

coasting the shores of the Gulf of Honduras, had with a great variety of the latter form. Cf. 

sailed within sight of Yucatan ini 506 J and there- Bancroft, Central America, '\. 326. — Ed.) 




192 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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iK^t known. He testified in the trial of Talavera anil his companions, 
who were hanged in 15 11; and in 15 13 and 1515 his depositions were 
tai<en in the suit brought by the King's attorney against the heirs of 
Columbus. Broken in spirit and ruined in fortune, he never returned to 
his colony. 

Martin Fernandez de luiciso, a wealth}- lawj-er (bachillcr^ of Santo 
Domingo, had been appointed by (^jeda alcalde mayor of Nueva Andaluc^ia, 
and had been left behind to follow his chief with stores and recruits. On 
his way to San Sebastian he stopped at Cartagena; found no difficulty in 
making friends with the nati\es who had opposed Ojeda so stoutly ; and 
while awaiting there tlie completion of some repairs on a boat, was surprised 
by the appearance of a brigantinc containing the remnant of the San 
Sebastian colony. When Ojeda had sailed with Talavera he had left 
Pizarro, the future conqueror of Peru, in command, with orders to hold 
the place for fifty days, and then, if succor had not arrived, to make the 
best of his way to Santo Domingo. Pizarro had waited more than fifty 
days, until the colonists had dwindled to a number not too large for the two 
little vessels at his disposal. In these they had then left the place. But 
soon after clearing the harbor one of his brigantines, struck by a fish, had 
gone down with all on board ; and it had been with much difficulty that the 
other had been navigated to Cartagena. Enciso, commander now that 
Ojeda and La Cosa were gone, determined to return to San Sebastian ; but, 
while rounding th'^ Punta Caribana, the large vessel laden with the stores 
went on the rocks and became a total loss, the crew barely escaping with 
■ heir lives. They were now in as bad a plight as before ; and decided, at 
the suggestion of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, to cross the Gulf of Uraba to a 
countr)' where the natives did not use poisoned arrows, and where, therefore, 
foraging would not be so dangerous as at San Sebastian.' The removal 
to the other side of the gulf was safely carried out, and the natives drix'en 
from their village. The Spaniards settled themselves here, and called the 
place Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien. Provisions and gold were found 
in abundance; but luiciso, declaring it unlawful for private persons to trade 
with the natives for gold, was deposed; for, as Vasco Nunez said, the new 
settlement was within the jurisdiction of Nicuesa, and therefore no obedi- 
ence whatever was due to P^nciso. A municipal form of government was 
then instituted, with Vasco Nunez and Zaniudio as alcaldes, and Valdivia 
as rcgidor. But the iVntigua settlers were no more disposed to obey their 
chosen magistrates than they had been to give obedience to him who had 
been appointed to rule over them, and they soon became divided into 
factions. At this juncture arri\'ed Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, whom 
Nicuesa had left at Espanola to follow him with recruits and provisions. 
Colmenares easily persuaded the settlers at Antigua to put themselves n, lei' 



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' This Vasco Nuiicz w.is a b.inkrupt farmer caiclullv concealed aboard I'.nciso's sl.ip that 

of Espanola wlio went with Hastidas 011 his the olliccrs sent to ajiprelieiid absconding dcbtovi 

voyage to the Gulf of Uraba, and had been so had filled to discover hini. 
VOL. II. — 25. 



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194 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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the government of Nicucsa ; and then, accompanied by two agents from 
Darien, sailed away in search of his chief Nicuesa, after aiding Ojeda at 
Cartagena, had sailed for Castilla del Oro ; but while coasting its shores had 
become separated from the rest of his fleet, and had been wrecked off the 
mouth of a large river. He had rejoined the rest of his expedition after the 
most terrible suffering. Nicuesa had suspected Lope de Oiano, his second 
in command, of lukewarmncss in going to his relief, and had put him in 
chains. In this condition he was found by the agents from Antigua, to one 
of whom it appears that Olano was related. This, and the punishment 
with which Nicuesa threatened those at Antigua who had traded for gold, 
impelled the agents to return with all speed to oppose his reception ; and, 
therefore, when he arrived off Antigua he was told to go back. Attempt- 
ing to sustain himself on land, he was seized, put on a worn-out vessel, and 
bid to make the best of his way to Espanola. He sailed from Antigua in 
March, 151 1, and was never heard of again. 

After his departure the quarrels between the two factions broke out 
again, and were appeased only by the sending of Enciso and Zamudio to 
Spain to present their respective cases at Court. They sailed for Espa- 
fiola in a vessel commanded by the fciq-idor Va.ld'wia. (a firm friend of Vasco 
Nunez), who went well provided with gold to secure the favor and protec- 
tion of the new admiral, Diego Columbus, and of Pasamonte, the King's 
treasurer at Santo Domingo, for himself and Vasco Nunez. While Valdivia 
was absent on this mission, Vasco Nunez explored the surrounding country 
and won the good-will of the natives. It was on one of these expeditions 
that the son of a chief, seeing the greed of the Spaniards for gold, told them 
of the shores of a sea wliich lay to the southward of the mountains, where 
there were kings who possessed enormous quantities of the highly coveted 
metal. Valdivia, who brought a connnission from the Admiral to Vasco 
Nunez (commonly called Balboa) as governor of Antigua, was immediately 
sent back with a large sum of money, carrying the news of a sea to be dis- 
covered. Valdivia was wrecked on the southern coast of Yucatan, where, 
with all but two of his crew, he was sacrificed and eaten by the natives. 
After some time had elapsed with no news from Espanola, Vasco Nunez, 
fearing that Valdivia had proved a treacherous friend, despatched two 
emissaries — Colmenares and Caicedo — to Spain to lay the state of affairs 
at Darien before the King. 

Not long after their departure a vessel arrived from Espanola, commanded 
by Serrano, with food, recruits, and a commission from Pasamonte tc Vasco 
, Nunez as governor. But Serrano also brought a letter from Zamudio, giving 
an account of his experience in Spain, where he had found the King more 
disposed to consider favorably the complaints of Enciso than the justifica- 
tions which he himself offered. Indeed, it seems that Zamudio, who barely 
escaped arrest, wrote that it was probable that Vasco Nunez would be 
summoned to Spain to give an account of himself Upon the receipt of 
this unpleasant letter, Vasco Nunez determined to discover the new sea of 



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THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



195 







El Adclevfttn.^o BASCO KUNES dc 
>^eres qtit dcs^cubrio . la tiiile (Ul Silt , 



imanded 
t(^ Vasco 
o, giving 



balb6a.i 

which there was report, and thus to atone for his shortcomings with respect 
to Knciso and Nicuesa. 

To this end lie left Antigua on the 1st of September, 1513 ; and proceed- 
ing by the way of the country of Careta, on the evening of September 24 
encamped on the side of a mountain from whose topmost peak his nati\-e 
guide declared the other sea could be discerned. Early in the morning 
of the next day, Sept. 25, 1 5 13, the sixty-seven Spaniards ascended 
the mountain ; and Vasco Nunez de Balboa, going somewhat in advance, 
found himself — first of civilized men — gazing upon the new-found sea. 
which he called Mar del Siir (South Sea), in distinction to the Afar del 



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196 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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Norte, or the sea on the nortlicrn side of the isthmus, although it is known 
to us by tlie name of Pacific, which Magellan later gave to it. Of this ocean 
and all lands bordering upon it he took possession for his ro)'al master and 
mistress, and then descended toward its shores. The sea itself was hard to 
reach, and it was not until three days later that a detachment under Alonso 
Martin discovered the beach; when Alonso Martin, jumping into a conven- 
ient canoe, pushed forth, while he called upon his comrades to bear wit- 
ness that he was the first European to sail upon the southern sea. On the 
29th of September Vasco Nunez reached the water; and marching boldly 
into it, again claimed it for the King and Queen of Castile and Aragon. It 
was an arm of the ocean whicli he had found. According to the Spanish 
custom, he bestowed upon it the name of the patron saint of that particular 
day, and as the Gulf of San Miguel it is still known to us. After a short 
voyage in some canoes, in the course of which Vasco Nunez came near 
drowning, he collected an immense amount of tribute from the neighboring 
chiefs, and then took up his homeward march, arriving at Antigua without 
serious accident in the latter part of January, 1 5 14. When we consider 
the small force at his command and the almost overpowering difficulties 
of the route, — to say nothing of hostile natives, — this march of Vasco 
Nunez dc Balboa is among the most wonderful exploits of which we have 
trustworthy information. 

But this achievement did not bring him the indemnity and honors for 
which he hoped. A new governor, appointed July 27, 1513, — notwith- 
standing the news which Colmenarcs and Caicedo had carried with them 
of the existence of a sea, — had sailed before Pedro dc Arbolancha, bearing 
the news of the discovery, could arrive in Spain, inasmuch as he did not 
even leave Antigua until March, 1514. This new governor was Pedro 
Arias de Avila, better known as Pedrarias, though sometimes called by 
English writers Davila. Pedrarias, dubbed El Galaji and El Justador in his 
youth, and Furor Domini in his later years, has been given a hard cliaracter 
by all historians. This is perfectly natural, for, like all other Spanish gov- 
ernors, he cruelly oppressed the natives, and thus won the dislike of Las 
Casas ; while Oviedo, who usually difiers as much .ns possible from Las 
Casas, hated Pedrarias for other reasons. Pedrarias' treatment of Vasco 
Nunez, in whose career there was that dramatic element so captix'ating, was 
scant at least of favor. But, on the other hand, it must be remembered i.iat 
Pedrarias occupied an office from which Nicuesa and Enciso had been 
driven, and he ruled a community vhich had required the utmost vigilance 
on the part of Vasco Nunez to hold in check. 

With Pedrarias went a goodly company, among whom ma)' be mentioned 
Hernando de Soto, Diego de Almagro, and Benalcazar, who, with Pizarro, 
alread)' in ^Antigua, were to push discovery and conquest along the shores 
of the Mar del Sur. There also went in the same company that Bcrnal Diaz 
del Castillo who was to be one of the future conquistadores of Mexico and 
the rude but charming relater of that conquest ; and Pascual de Andagoja, 



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THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



>97 



cxico anci 



who, uliile inferior to Henalcazar as a ruler and to Bcrnal Diaz as a narrator, 
was yet a very important character. The lawyer Enciso returned among 
them to the scene of his former disappointment as ali^uazil mayor ; and, 
lastly, let us mention Gonzalo I'ernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, who accompa- 
nied the expedition as escriban general and veedor. Pednirias sailed from 
San Lucar on the I2th of April, 15 14, and arrived safely in the harbor of 
Antigua on the 29th of June. The survivors of the companies of Ojeda 
and Xicucsa, and of the reinforcements brought thither at different times, 
numbered in all but four hundred and fifty souls; and they could have 
offered little opposition to the fifteen hundred accompanying Pedrarias, 
if they had so desired. l?ut no attempt was made to prevent his landing; 
and as soon as Pedrarias felt himself fairly installed, an inquiry was instituted 
into the previous acts of Vasco Nuflez. This trial, or rcsideiicia, was con- 
ducted by I"'spinosa, the new alcalde tnayor. There is no doubt but that 
luiciso tried hard to bring the murder of Nicuesa, for such it was, home to 
Vasco Xuiiez. The efforts of Quivedo, the recently appointed bishop of 
Santa Maria de la Antigua e Castilla del Oro, and of Isabel del Bobadilla, 
the new governor's wife, who had been won over in some unknown way, 
secured the acquittal of Vasco Nunez on all criminal charges. In the in- 
numerable civil suits, however, which were brought against him by Enciso 
and by all others who felt grieved, he was mulcted in a large amount. 

This affair off his hands, Pedrarias set about executing his supplemen- 
tary instructions, which were to connect the north and south seas by a chain 
of posts. He sent out three expeditions, which, besides exploration, were 
to forage for food, since the supply in Antigua was very small. The stores 
brought by the fleet had been in a great measure spoiled on the voyage, 
and the provisions at Antigua which Vas' o Nunez' foresight had provided, 
while ample for his little band, were entirely inadequate to the support of the 
augmented colony. The leaders of these expeditions — with the exception 
of Enciso, who went to Ccnu, whence he was speedily driven — acted in a 
most inhuman fashion ; and the good feeling which had subsisted between 
Vasco Nufiez and the natives was changed to the most bitter hatred. To 
use Vasco Nunez' own words: " For where the Indians were like sheep, they 
have become like fierce lions, and have acquired so much daring, that 
formerl)' they were accustomed to come out to the paths with presents 
to the Christians, now they come out and they kill them ; and this has been 
on account of the bad things which the captains who went out on the 
incursions have done to them." He especially blamed Ayora and Morales, 
who commanded two of the earliest expeditions. Ayora escaped with his 
ill-gotten wealth to Spain, where he died before he could be brought to 
justice. 

Morales, following the route of Vasco Nuiiez across the isthmus, arrived 
on the other side, and sailed to the Pearl Islands, which Vasco Nufiez had 
seen in the distance. Here he obtained an immense booty; and thence, 
crossing to the southern side of the Gulf of San Miguel, he endeavored 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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to return tf> Daricn by the way of Biru aiul llic River Atrato. But he was 
speedily driven b;ick ; and was so hard pressed by the natives throughout 
his liomeward march tiiat he and his companions barely escaped with 
their treasure and their lives. It was about this lime that Vasco Nunez 
went for a second time in search of the golden temple of Dabaibe and 
suffered defeat, with the loss of Luis Carillo, his second in commaml, and 
many of his men ; while another attempt on Cenii, this time by J?ecerra, 
ended in the death of that commander and of all but one of his companions. 
In 1515, however, a force commanded by Gonzalo de Badajos crossed 
the isthmus and discovered the rich country lying on the Gulf of I'arita. 
Badajos accumulated an enormous amount of gold, which he was obliged 
to abandon when he sought safety in ignominious flight. 

These repeated disasters in the direction of Cemi nettled old Pedrarias, 
and he resolved to go himself in command of an expcditijn and chastise 
the natives. He was speedilj' defeated; but, instead of returning immedi- 
ately to Antigua, he sailed over to Veragua and founded the town of Ada 
(Bones of Men), as the northern termination of a road across the isthmus. 
He then sent Caspar Espinosa across the isthmus to found a town on the 
other side. Espinosa on his way met the fleeing Badajos; but being better 
prepared, and a more able commander, he recovered the abandoned treas- 
ure and founded the old town of Panama; while a detachment under 
Hurtado, which he sent along the coast toward the west, discovered the 
Gulf of San Lucar (Nicoya). 

As we have seen, Vasco Nunez' account of the discovery of the South 
Sea reached Spain too late to prevent the sailing of Pedrarias; but the 
King nevertheless placed reliancj hi him, and appointed him adelantado, 
or lieutenant, to prosecute discoveries along the shores of the southern sea, 
and also mai^e him governor of the provinces of Panama and Coyba. This 
commission had reached Antigua before the departure of Espinosa ; but 
Pedrarias withheld it for reasons of his own. And before he delivered it 
there arrived from Cuba a vessel commanded by a friend of Vasco Nunez, — 
a certain Garabito, — who by making known his arrival to Vasco Nunez and 
not to Pedrarias, aroused the latter's suspicions. Accordingly, Vasco Nunez 
was seized and placed in confinement. After a while, however, upon his 
promising to marry one of Pedrarias' daughters, who at the time was in 
Spain, they became reconciled, and Vasco Nunez was given his commission, 
and immediately began preparation for a voj'age on the South Sea. As it 
seemed impossible to obtain a sufficient amount of the proper kind of tim- 
ber on the other side the isthmus, enough to build a few small vessels was 
carried over the mountains. When the men began to work it, they found it 
worm-eaten ; and a new supply was procured, which was almost immediately 
washed away by a sudden rise of the Rio Balsas, on whose banks they had 
established their ship-yard. At last, however, two little vessels were built 
and navigated to the Islas de las Perlas, whence Vasco Nunez made a short 
and unsuccessful cruise to the southward. But before he went a second time 



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THE COMI'ANIONS Of" COLUMBUS. 



199 






lie sent Garabito and other emissaries to Ada to discover whether Pedrarias 
had been superseded. It seems to have been arranged that when these 
men arrived near Acla one of their number should go secretly to the house 
of Vasco Nunez there and obtain the required information. If a new 
governor had arrived they were to return to the southern side of the 
isthmus, and Vasco Nunez would put himself and his little fleet out of the 
new governor's reach, trusting in some grand discovery to atone for his 
dislo\'altj'. Pedrarias was still governor ; but Garabito proved a false friend, 
and told Pedrarias that Vasco Nunez had no idea of marrying his daughter : 
on the contrary, he intended to sail away with his native mistress (with 
whom Garabito was in love) arnd found for himself a government on the 
shores of the Mar del Sur. Pedrarias was furious, and enticed Vasco Nunez 
to Acla, where this new charge of treason, added to the former one of the 
murder of Nicuesa, secured his conviction by the alcalde mayor Espinosa, 
and on the very next day he and his four companions were executed. This 
was in 1 5 17. 

In 1519 Pedrarias removed the scat of government from Antigua to 
Panama, which was made a city in 1521, while Antigua was not long after 
abandoned. In 15 19 Espinosa coasted northward and westward, in V'^asco 
Nunez' vessels, as far as the Gulf of Culebras; and in 1522 Pascual de An- 
dagoj'a penetrated the country of Birii for twenty leagues or more, when ill 
health compelled his return to Panama. He brought vvonderf-l accounts 
of an Inca empire which was said to exist somewhere along tie coast to 
the south.^ 

In 1 5 19 a pilot, Andrds Nino by name, who had been with Vasco Nunez 
on his last cruise, interested Gil Gonzalez de Avila, then contador of Es- 
panola, in the subject of exploration along the coast of the South Sea. 
Gonzalez agreed to go as commander-in-chief, accompanying Nino in the 
vessels which Vasco Nunez had built. The necessary orders from the King 
were easily obtained, and they sailed for Antigua, where they arrived safely; 
but Ped "arias refused to deliver the vessels. Gil Gonzalez, nothing daunted, 
took in pieces the ships by which he had come from Spain, transported the 
most important parts of them across the isthmus, and built new vessels. 
These, however, were lost before reaching Panama ; but the crews arrived 
there in safety, and Pedrarias, when brought face to face with the com- 
mander, could .lot refuse to obey the King's orde/s. Thus, after many 
delays, Gil Gonzalez and Andres Nino sailed from the Islas de las Perlas 
on the 2 1 St of January, 1522. After they had gone a hundred leagues or 
more, it was found necessary to beach and repair the vessels. This was 
done by Nino, while Gil Gonzalez, with one hundred men and four horses, 
pushed along the shore, and, after many hairbreadth escapes, rejoined 
the fleet, which under Nino had been repaired and brought around by water. 
The meeting was at a gulf named by them Sanct Vicente ; but it proved 



ri 



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Mil 



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• ISec the chapter on Peru. — Ed.] 



'(' 'i 



■!■ 



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200 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



I I 



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to be the San Lucar of Hurtado, and the Nicoya of the present day. 
After a short time passed in recuperation, the two detachments ayaiii 
separated. Nino with the vessels coasted the shore at least as far as the 
Bay of Fonseca, and thence returned to the Gulf of Nicoya Here he was 
soon rejoined by the land party ; which, after leaving the gulf, had pen- 
etrated inland to the Lake of Nicaragua. They explored the surround- 
ing country sufliciently to discover the outlet of the lake, which led to 
the north, and not to the south, as had been hoped. They had but 
one severe fight with the natives, accumulated vast sums of gold, and 
baptized many thousand converts. With their treasuie they returned in 
safety to Panama on the 25th of June, 1523, after an absence of nearly a 
year and a half. 

At Panama Gil Gonzalez found an enemy worse than the natives of 
Nicaragua in the person of Pcdrarias, whose cupidity was aroused by the 
sight of the gold. But crossing the isthmus, he escaped from Nombre de 
Dios just as Pedrarias was on the point of arresting him, and steered for 
Espafiola, where his actions were approved by the Hieronimitc Fathers, who 
authorized him to return and explore the country. This he endeavored 
to do by the way of the outlet of the Lake of Nicaragua, by which route he 
would avoid placing himself in the power of Pedrarias. He unfortunately 
reached the Honduras coast too far north, and marched inland only to be 
met by a rival party of Spaniards under Hernando de Soto. It seemed 
that as soon as possible after Gil Gonzalez' departure from Nombre de 
Dios, Pedrarias had despatched a strong force under Francisco Hernandez 
de Cordoba to take possession of and hold the coveted territory for him. 
Cordoba, hearing from the natives of Spaniards advancing from the north, 
had sent De Soto to intercept them. Gil Gonzalez defeated this detach- 
ment; but not being in sufficient force to meet Cordoba, he retreated to 
the northern shore, where he found Cristobal de Olid, who had been sent 
by Cortes to occupy Honduras in his interest. Olid proved a traitor to 
Cortes, and soon captured not only Gil Gonzalez, but Francisco de las 
Casas, who had been sent by Cortes to seize him. Las Casas, who was 
a man of daring, assassinated Olid, with the help of Gil Gonzalez. 
The latter was then sent to make what terms he could with Cortes as 
to a joint occupation of the country.^ But Gil Gonzalez fell into the 
hands of the enemies of the Conqueror of Mexico, and was sent to Spain 
to answer, among other things, for the murder of Olid. He reached 
Seville in 1526; but, completely overwhelmed by his repeated disasters, 
died soon after. 

Cordoba, who had thrown off allegiance to Pedrarias, was executed. 
Pedrarias himself was turned out of his government of Darien by Pedro 
de los Rios, and took refuge in the governorship of Nicaragua, and died 
quietly at Leon in 1530, at the advanced age of nearly ninety years. 



■li! ' 



' [Cf. the chapter on Cortes. — Ed.] 



v"-hi 



"M =1 



i 'i 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



aoi 



In 1493 Christopher Columbus had discovered Cuba, whicli he called 
Juana; and two years later he had partially explored the Island of Jamaica, 
whither he had been driven on his fourth voyai^e, and compelled to stay 
from June, 1503, to June, 1504. In 150S this lesser island had been granted 
to Ojeda and Nicucsa as a storehouse from which to draw supplies in case 
of need. Hut, as we have seen, the Admiral of the Indies at that time, 
Die"o Coiiinibus, son of the ^rcat Admiral, had sent Juan de Msquivel with 
sixtv men to seize the island and hold it for him against all comers. 
Ksquivel founded the town of Sevilla Nucva — later Sevilla d' Oro — on the 
shores of the liarbor where Columbus had stayed so long ; and thus the 
island was settled. 

Although Cuba had been discovered in 1492, nothing had been done 
toward its exploration till 1 508, when Ovando, at that time governor of 
Kspanola, sent Sebastian dc Ocampo to determine whether it was an island 
or not. Columbus, it will be remembered, did not, or would not, believe 
it insular, though the Indians whom he brought from Guanahani had told 
him it was; and it had suited his purpose to make his companions swear 
that tliey believed it a peninsula of Asia. Ocampo settled the question 
by circiminavigating it from north to south ; and, after another delay, Diego 
Columbus in 15 11 sent Diego Velasquez, a wealthy planter of Espartola, 
to conquer and settle the island, which at that time was called Fernandina. 
Velasquez, assisted by thirty men under Pamphilode Narvaez from Jamaica, 
had no difficulty in doing this; and his task being accomplished, he threw 
oti' his allegiance to the Admiral. Settlers were attracted to Cuba from all 
sides. With the rest came one hundred, Bcrnal Diaz among them, from 
Antigua. But Velasquez had distributed the natives among his followers 
with such a lavish hand that these men were unable to get any slaves for 
themselves, and in this predicament agreed with Francisco Hernandez de 
Cordoba ' to go on a slave-catching expedition to some neighboring islands. 
Velasquez probably contributed a small vessel to the two vessels which were 
fitted out by the others. With them went Anton Alaminos as pilot. Sailing 
from Havana in February, 15 17, they doubled the Cabo de S. Anton, and 
steered toward the west and south. Storms and currents drove them from 
their course, and it was not until twenty-one days had passed after leaving 
S. Anton that they sighted some small islands. Running toward the 
coast, they espied inland a city, the size of which so impressed them that 
they called it El gran Cairo. Soon after some natives came on board, who, 
to their inquiries as to \vhat land it was, answered " Conex Catochc ; " and 
accordingly they named it the Punta de Catoche. At this place, having 
landed, they were enticed into an ambush, and many Spaniards were killed. 
From this inhospitable shore they sailed to the west, along the northern 
coast of Yucatan, and in two weeks arrived at a village which they named 
5. Lazaro, but to which the native name of Campeche has clung. There 



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* Not the Cordoba of Nicaragua. 



VOL. IT — 26. 



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THi: COMI'AMONS OF COLUMUUS. 



203 



the natives were liostilc. So they sailed 011 for six days more, when they 
arrived oiVaviiiatie callcil roiitoiiciian, now known, however, as Chanipoton. 
As tiu'V were sliort of water tliey laniled at tills place, and in a li^dit which 
followed, fifty seven Spanianls were killed and five were drowneil. Never 
thclcss the survivors continued their voyajje for three ilays lon^'er, win n 
thev came to a river with three mouths, one of which, the l^stero tie loi 
La^artos, ihey entered. I'here they burned one of their vessels; and, hav- 
in^; ybtaiiicd a supi)ly of water, sailed for Cuba. The reports which they 
jjave of thr riches of the newly discovered country so excited the yreed of 
Wlasquez that he fitttd out a fleet of four vessels, the command of which 
he yave to his nephew, Juan de (irijalva. Anton Alaminos aijain went as 
pilot, and I'cilro de Alvarado was captain of one of the ships. They left 
the Cabo de S. Anton on the 1st of May, 1518, and three days later sighted 
the isl.md of Cozumel, which they called Santa Cruz, l-'rom this island tluy 
sailed aloni( the southern coast of Yucatan, which the)- th(jii ^lit an isl.ind, 
and which they named Santa Maria de los Reniedios. They came finally 
to a shallow baj-, still known by the name which they jjave it, Hahia de la 
Ascension. Hut the prospect not lookin^^ ver)- promising in this direction, 
they doubled on their track, and in due season arrived at S. Lazaro (Cam- 
peche ), or, more probably, perhaps, at Chanipoton, where they had their 
first hostile encounter with the natives. Hut, beinj^ better pri)viiled with 
artillery and cotton armor than was l-'rancisco Hernandez, Grijalva and his 
men maintained their ground and secured a much-needed supply of water. 
Thence following the shore, they soon came to an anchorage, which they 
at fust called Puerto Deseado. On further investigation the pilot Alaminos 
declared th;it it was not a harbor, but the mouth of a strait between the 
island cf Santa Maria de los Remedios (Yucatan) and another island, whir'-' 
they called Nueva I'-spafia, but which afterward proved to be the mainland 
of Mexico. They named this strait the Hoca de Terminos. After recu- 
perating there, they coasted toward the north by the mouths of many rivers, 
among others the Rio dc Grijalva (Tabasco), until they came to an island 
on which they found a temple, where the native priests were wont to 
sacritice human beings. To this island they gave the name of Isla de los 
Sacrificios; while another, a little to the north, they cahed S. Juan de Ulua. 
The sheet of water between this island and the mainland afforded good 
anchorage, and to-day is known as the harbor of Vera Cruz. There Grijalva 
stayed some time, trading with the inhabitants, not of the islands merely, 
but of the mainland. To this he was beckoned by the waving of white 
flags, and he found himself much honored when he landed. After sending 
I'edro de Alvarado, with what gold had been obtained, to Cuba in a cara\ el 
which needed repairs, Grijalva proceeded on his voyage ; but when he had 
arrived at some point between the Hahia dc Tanguijo and the Rio Panuco, 
the pilot Alaminos declared it madness to go farther. So the fleet turned 
back, and, after more trading along the coast, they arrived safely at Matanzas 
in October of the same year. Velasquez, when he saw the spoil gathered 



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204 



NAKKAlIVt: AND CKI IICAL IIISIUKY OF AMLKICA. 



on this cxpcilition, was much vexed that Grijalva had not broken his in* 
striictions ami founded a settlement. A new expedition wan immediately 
prepared, tlie command of which was yiven to lieruan Cortes.' As for 
Grijalva, he took service under I'eilrilrias. and perishetl with Hurtado in 
Nicaragua. 



CRITICAL ESSAY ON TIIK SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 



II :i'! 



I m 



'T'HF; best .iccouiit of the voy.ii^cs and expeditions of the comp.-xnion!* of Columbus, 
witli tlie e.vception of those relating immediately to tiie scltlemeru of Darieii anil the 
exploration of the western coast of the isthmus, is Nav.-.rrete's I'iai^es menores:^ This his- 
torian ■' had extraordinary opportunities in this field ; and a nautical education contributed 
to ills power of wcinhini; evidence witli rcjjard to maritime aff.iirs. No part of Nav.irrete 
has been translated into F.nglish, unless the first portion of Washington Irving's CompaH' 
ions of Columbus may be s'l regarded. The best account of these voyages in English, 
however, is Sir Arthur Helps's Spanish Conquest in //wt'/vtvr,* which, although defective 
in form, is readable, and, so far as it goes, trustworthy. This work deals not merely 
with the riat^i's inenores, but also with the settlement of Darien; as, too, dci Irving's 
Coinpapuons. 

The first voyage of Ojeda rests mainly on the answers to the questions propounded by 
the y/.ivij/ real in the suit brougiit against Diego, the son of Columbus, in which the 
endeavor was made to show that Ojeda, and not Columbus, discovered the pearl coasts. 
Hut this claim on the part of the King's attorney was unsuccessful ; for Ojeda hin..sell 
expressly stated in his deposition, taken in Santo Domingo in 1513, that he was the first 
man who went to Tierr.a-Firme after the Admiral, and that he knew that tlie Admir.il had 
been there because he s.aw tlie chart '' which the Admiral had sent home. This lawsuit is 
so important in relation to tliese minor voy.ages that Navarrete [jrinted much of the testi- 
mony then taken, with some notes of his own, at the end of his third volume." Among 
the witnesses were Ojeda. Hastidas, Vicente Yaflez I'inzon, Garcia Hernandez a "yis/eo," 
who had accompanieil \'icente Yaflez on iiis first voy.ige, the pilots Ledesma, Andrei de 
Morales, Juan Rodriguez, and many other mariners who had .liled with the different 
commanders. Their testimony w.as taken with rog.ard to the thud voyage of Columbus 
(second question) ; the voyage of Guerra and Nifio (third and fourth questions) ; Ojeda's 
first voyage (fifth question); Dastid.is (sixth que, lion); Vicente Yaflez (seventh ques- 
tion) : Lepe (eighth question) ; etc. Taken altogether, this evidence is the best authority 
for what was done or was not done on these early voyages.' 



1! 



' [From this point the story is cuiUinued in 
the chapter on Cortc.s. — Ki).| 

- CoU-ccioii lie tos rvi/^iM- y ,lcsail'riiii.icnlos, 
que liicicron /or mar los Es/'anoles ihsi/e fines ilel 
sii;lio XV., por Don Martin Fcrnandcv de N.ivar- 
rete. The third volume of this scries consti- 
tutes the Viages mciwrcs, y tos de I 'espticio : 
Pohtacioites en el Darien, siiplcnieuto at tomo If, 
Madrid, 18:9. [Cf. the Introduction to the pres- 
ent volume. — Ed.] 

•' Cf. Biblioteca maritima es/'aiiola, ii. 436-438 ; 
H. II. Bancroft, Central Amerien, i. 19S. [Cf. 
Introduction to the present volume. — Ed.] 

^ [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, 
and I'izarro. — Ed.] 



■' Xavarrete, ill. i,note i, .mu 539, 544; Hum- 
boldt, Exainen critii/iie, i. SS, note. 

" Coleeeion, iii. 53S-615. 

' I'lcsides this original m.iiurial, something 
concerning this fir.st voyage of Ojeda is contained 
in Ovicdo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas, ij. 389- 
434 (all references to Oviedo and Las Casas in 
this chapter are to the editions issued by the 
Iteal Aeademia) ; licrrcra, dec. i. lib. 4, chaps, 
i.-iv.j Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 4-1 1, 167, 543- 
545 ; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 313, and iv. 
195, 220; Helps, Spanish Conquest, i. 263, 2S0, ii. 
106 ; Irving, Companions, p]). 9-27 ,• IJancroft, 
Central America, i. I n . 1 18, 308 ; Ruge, Gescliichle 
lies Zeitallers tier Entdeckuniien, p. 322. There 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMHUS. 



905 



The only ihinRS worth nntiiiK in tlic voyajfc ol (iucrra and Nino are the umallncs* of 

the vcNSi I (fifty Ions),* and the tnormims pi'diniary return. Oni' of the voyajjcrs,^ very 
i)()»sil)ly Nino liiniself," wrote an ainiiiMl of llie voyage, wliicli was translated into Itahan, 
and piilili^licd ai cliaptern ex. and cxi. of tlie /Wxi iioviIMihU rtOofa/i. It was tiicn 
translated into Latin, anti inserted hy (iryn.ius in the A'ovhx oihis.* 

A contemporary account of the voyajje of Vicente Yaftcz I'inzon was printed in the 
J'ltai iinv.imi'iilr.'' hy whom wrillLii is not l<nown. Varnha^en has attempted to show 
tliat the cape near wliich \'icenle Y.ine/ l.uided was not the Caho <lc S. Au;;ustin, Imt 
»i)M)e point mucli farther north." For a time tlie point wa.s raised that Vicente Yane« 
arrivid on the eoast alter Cahral ; Init that w.as plainly impossil)le, as he undoulitedly 
sijj;hled the American coast hefore Cahral left rortu;,'al.'' As to the landfall itself, both 
Navarrele and llumlioldt place it in about eight decrees south latitude; and they base 
their ar;;umont on the answers to the seventh question of the Jisnil real in the cele- 
brated l.iwsuit, in which Vicente Yaflez said that it was true that lie discovered from " lil 
cabo de t'onsolacion ([lie es en la parte de Portugal i< agora se llama cabo de .S. Angus- 
tin."" In this he w.is corroborated liy the other witnesses." The voyage was unsuccess- 
ful in a pecuniary point of view. Two vessels were lost at the Ilahanias, whither \'icente 
Yanez had gone in ques of slaves. After his return to Si)ain it was only through the 
iiiterjiosition of tiie King that he was able to save a small portion of his property from the 
clutches of the merchants who had fitted out the fleet.'" 

The voyage of Diego de Lcpe rests entirely on the evidence given in the Columbus 
lawsuit," from which it also appears that he drew a map for Fonseca on which the coast 
of the New World was (k'lineated trending toward the south and west from Kostro Iler- 
moso (Cabo de .S. Aiigustin). lattle is known of the further movements of Diego de I.epe, 
who, accoriling to Morales, died in Portugal before 1515.'- Navarrete printed nothing; 
relating to him of a later date than November, 1500;" but in \\\ft Documentos incditos 



:|i 



559. S44 ! Hum- 



is also a notice of Ojcda by Navarrete in his 
Pf'thculos, i. 113. 

' [On this see note on p. 7 of tlie present 
voliiiiic. — Kl).] 

- Navarrete, Colcccioii, iii. 12, note I. 

■' liiblioUwi nuirtlitna es/'ittiola, ii. 535. 

•• I'ngc 117, C'V 1532. For other references 
to this voy.igc, see I'eter Martyr (dec. i. chap, 
viii.), whose account is l)ascd 011 the aliove ; 
Herrcra, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. v. ; Navarrete, Co- 
haio)i, ill. 11-18, 540-542; Ilumboklt, lixa- 
men crilii/iie, iv. 220; Hancroft, Central Aiiicriea, 
i. Ill; Irving, Companioiis-, pp. 2S-32. 

' Chapters c.\ii. and cxiii. In Latin in Gry- 
nxiis, p. 119, cditinii of 1532. 

'' ^'arllhagen, Examen ile (/iielques points de 
Vhistohe geoi^ra^hique du Brhil, pp. ig-24; Varn- 
\\igcn. /Ihlona i;eral do /y'nni'l (2d etl), i. 7.S-,So. 

' Cf. Navarrete, Coleeeion, iii. 19, note. Hum- 
boldt (Exiiinen eritiqne, i. 313) savs that Vicente 
Vifiez saw the coast forty-eight days before 
Cal)ral left Lisbon. As to the exact date of 
Vicente \'ariez' landfall, the /'oesi lur-riimenle 
(cliap. cxii.) gives it as January 20, while Tcter 
.Martyr (dec. i. chap, ix.), who usually follows 
the Piusi noramente, in his description of this 
and of the Guerra and Nino vovages gives it as 
" Septimo kalcndas Februarii," or Januarv 26. 
Hut the difference is unimportant. [Cf. further 
t!)c section on the "Historical Chorography 



of South America," in which the question is 
further ex.iniined. — En.) 

" Navarrete, iii. 547 etseq. 

" See also Navarrete, Xoliee ctironolo'^Ujne, 
in Qiiatre -oyages, i. 349, and Humboldt, Intro- 
duction to Ghillany's Itehitim, p. 2, where he 
says, in the description of the La Cosa map, 
that Cabo de S. Augustin, whose |)ositiun is very 
accurately laid down on that map. was first 
caMed kostro Ilermoso, Cabo .Sta. Maria de la 
Consolacion, and Cabo Sta. Cruz. In this he is 
probably correct ; for if Vicente Vatlez or Lcpe 
did not discover it, how did La Cosa know 
where to place it.' — unless he revised his map 
after 1500. This is not likely, as the map con- ■ 
tains no hint of the discoveries made during his 
third voyage undertaken with Kodrigo de 15as- 
tidas in 1500-1502. Cf. Stevens, A'otes, p. 33, 
note. 

•" Cf. two /I'lv;/ pnn'isions of date Dec. 5, 
1500, in Navarrete, iii. 82, S3; and see also a 
Cii/'ilulaeioii and Asienlo of date Sept. 5, 1 501, 
in Doeumenlos itu'ililos, xxx. 535. < )tlier refer- 
ences to this voyage are, — Hcrrera, dec. i. lib. 4, 
chap, vi.; Navarrete, iii. iS-23; Humboldt, I'.Xii- 
men eriliijue, iv. 221 ; Hancroft, Central Ameriea, 
i. 112; and Irving, Companions, pp. 33-41. 
^' Navarrete, Coleeeion, iii. 553-555. 

12 Ibid., iii. 552. 

13 Ibid., iii. 80, Si. 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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are documents which would seem to show that he was preparing for a voyage in the begin- 
ning of 1502.* 

Juan de la Cosa returned with Ojeda in the middle of June, 1500, and he sailed with 
Bastidas in the following October. The intervening time he probably spent in work- 
ing on the map which bears the legend "Juan de la Cosa la fizo en Puerto de Sta. 
Maria en ano de 1500." This is the earliest existing chart made by one of the navigators 
of the fifteenth century, the track-chart sent home by Columbus in 1498,- and the Lepe map, 
being lost. Humboldt was especially qualified to appreciate the clearness and accuracy 
of this La Cosa map by the knowledge of the geography of Spanish America which he 
gained during a long sojourn in that part of the world; " and this same knowledge gives 
especial value to whatever he says in tiie Examen critique^ concerning the voyages herein 
described. Of Juan de la Cosa's knowledge of the geography of the northern coast of 
South America there can be little doubt, especially when it is borne in mind that he made 
no less than six voyages to that part of the world,'' only two of which, however, preceded 
the date which he gives to his map. A comparison of La Cosa's map with the chart of 
1527 usually, but probably erroneously, ascribed to Ferdinand Columbus, and with that of 
1529 by Ribero, gives a clearer idea than the chron'cles themselves do, of the discoveries 
of the early navigators." 

Like all these early minor voyages, that of Rodrigo Bastidas rests mainly on the testi- 
mony given in the lawsuit already referred to." Navarrete in his Viai;es menorcs stated 
that Ojeda procured a license from Bishop Fonseca, who had been empowered to give 
such licenses. No document, however, of the kind has been produced with regard to 
Ojeda or any of these commanders before the time of Bastidas, whose Asicnto que hizo 
con SS. MM. Catolicas of June ;, 1500. has been printed.' As already related, the ravages 
of the teredo drove Bastidas into a harbor of Espaflola, where he was forced to abandon 
his vessels and march to Santo Domingo. He divided his men into three bands, who 
saved themselves from starvation by ex"hanging for food some of the ornaments which 
they had procured on the coast of Tierra-Firme. This innocent traffic was declared 
illegal by Bobadilla, who sent Bastidas to Spain for trial. But two years later, on Jan. 29, 
1504, their Majesties ordered his goods to he restored to him, and commanded that all 



1 Capitiilacion, etc., -Sept. 14, 1501 (Docii- 
meiitos iiu't/ilos, xxxi. 5) ; CA/nlas, November, 
1 501 {Dc'triimciitos ineditos, xxxi. 100, 102); 
another c^dula of January, 1502 (Dociimeiifos 
iiilditos, xxxi. 119). See also Ilerrera, dec. i. 
lib. 4, chap. vii. ; Navarrete, iii. 23, 594 ; Hum- 
boldt, Examai critique, i. 314, iv. 221; Han- 
croft, Central America, i. 113; and Irving, 
Companious, p. 42. 

•^ Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 5, and note, and 
P- 539; Humboldt, Examen critiqne, i. S8, and 
note. [Cf. the section in the present volume 
on "The Karly Maps of the Spanish and Por- 
tuguese Discoveries," ante, p. 106. — Ed.] 

•■i Cf. l'oya:;e aiix rt'^ions eqiiinoxia/es dii 
tifluveaii eoutinent fait en 1799, iSoo, 1801, 1S02, 
1S03, et 1S04, A"' Alexandre de Ifiiinholdt ct A. 
Bonpland, r{dit;e par Alexandre de flnmholdt, 
avic Hit atlas ^!;eo<;raphu]uc et physique (8 vols.), 
Paris, 1816-1832. Translated into English by 
Helen Maria Williams, and published as Per- 
sonal A\irrativc of Travels to the Equinoctial 
Kcffions, etc. (7 vols.), Loudon, 1S18-1829. 
There is another translation, with the same 
title, by Thomassma Ross (7 vols.), London, 



181S-1829, of which a three-volume edition was 
brought out in 1S52. 

* Examen critique de I'/iistoire de la ghigra- 
phie du noHveati continent, etc., par A. de Hum- 
boldt, Paris, 1836-1S39. This was first published 
in Voyai^e de Humboldt et Bonpland. Cf. Bibli- 
oi;raphy of Humboldt, vol. iii. 

■^ (i) With Columbus — .September, 1493 'o 
June, 1496. (2) With Ojeda — May, 1499 to 
June, 1500. (3) With Bastidas — October, 1500 
to SejiteiTibcr, 1502. (4) In command — 1504 
to 1506. (s) In command — 1507101508. (6) 
With Ojeda — 1509. Cf. Humboldt, Examen 
critique, v. 163; also Navarrete, Biblioteca mari- 
tinia espanola, ii. 2oS. 

" [See fuithcr on the La Cosa map, Vol. IH. 
of the present History, ]>. 8, and the present 
volume, p. 106, where fac-siniiles and sketches 
are given. — Ed.] 

"> .'\nswers to the sixth question {Coleccion, 
iii. 545), reviewed by the editor on pp. 591 and 
592 of the same volume. 

" Doeumeiitos ineditos, ii. 362. It was par- 
tially translated in Hancroft, Central America, i 
186, note. 



h"^!i 



1 ' 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



207 



further proceedings should be abandoned. 1 They also granted him a pension of fifty 
thousand maravedis, to be paid from the revenues " de los Golfos de Huraba e Bani ; " ^ 
while Juan de la Cosa was not only pensioned in a similar fashion, but also made alguacil 
viayor of the Gulf of Uraba.'' With the exception of a slave-catching voyage to UrabA 
in 1504, Bastidas lived quietly as a farmer in EspaHoIa until 1520, when he led an expedi- 
tion to settle the province of Santa Marta, and was there killed by his lieutenant. After 
his death his family, seeking to receive compensation for his services and losses, drew 
up an Infonnacion dc los servkios del adclaniado Rodrigo de Bastidas ; * and eight years 
later presented another.'' From this material it is possible to construct a clear and 
connected account of this voyage, especially when supplemented by Oviedo and Las 

Casas." 

This was the first voyage which really came v^'ithin the scope of Hubert H. Bancroft's 
Central America; and therefore he has described it at some length.' This book is a vast 
and invaluable mine of information, to be extracted only after much labor and trouble, 
owin" to a faulty table of contents, and the absence of side-notes or dates to the pages ; 
and there is at present no index. The text is illustrated with a mass of descriptive and 
biblio'aaphical notes which are really the feature of the work, and give it its encyclo- 
pedic value. Considering its range and character, the book has surprisingly few errors 
of any kind ; and indeed the only thing which prevents our placing implicit reliance on it 
is Mr. Bancroft's assertion * that " very little of the manuscript as it comes to me, whether 
in the form of rough material or more finished chapters, is the work of one person alone; " 
while we are not given the means of attaching responsibility where it belongs, as regards 
both the character of the investigation and the literary form which is presented. As to 
the ultimate authorship of the text itself, we are only assured ' that " at least one half of 
the manuscript has been written by my own hand." " 



le edition was 



The second voyage of Alonso de Ojeda rests entirely on some documents which 
Navarrete printed in the third volume of his Coleccion, and upon which he founded his 
account of the voyage." The first, in point of time, is a ct'dula of June 8, ijoi, continuing a 
license of July, 1500, to explore and govern the Isla de Coquivacoa.'^ Two days later, on 
June 10, 1501, a formal commission as governor was given to Ojeda,'* and the articles 
of association were executed by him and his partners, Vergara and Ocampo, on the Jth 
of July." An escribano, Juan de Guevara by name, was appointed in the beginning of 
September of the same year. The fleet was a long time in fitting out, and it was not till 
the next spring that Ojeda issued his orders and instructions to the commanders of the 
other vessels and to the pilots. 1^ These are of great importance, as giving the names of 
the places which he had visited on his first voyage. The attempt at colonization ended 
disastrously, and Ojeda found himself at Santo Domingo as the defendant in a suit brought 
against him by his associates. Navarrete used the evidence given in this suit in his 
account ; but he printed only the cjeaUoria, in which the King and Queen ordered that 
Ojeda should be set at liberty, and that his goods should be restored to him.'" The 



) 



' Navarrete, Coleciion, ii. 416. 

- Doiumcntos iucditos, xxxi. 230. 

'' Tiliilo (1502, April 3), Docnmcntos ineditos, 
xxxi. [29. 

* Doctimentos ineditos, ii. 366. 

5 Ibid., xxxvii. 459. 

" Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 334; Las Casas, iii. 
10. Something may also be found in Herrer?, 
dec. i. lib. 4, chap, xiv., and in Navarrete, 
Voleccion, iii. 25; Quintana, Obras completas in 
Bibliotcca de autores Espaholes, xix. 281 ; IIuip- 
\in\A\., Examen critique, i. 360, iv. 224; Helps, 
i. 281 ; and Irving, Cotn/'iuiiom, p. 43-45. 



' Vol. i. pp. 114, 183-194. 
* Cf. Early American Chroniclers, p. 44. 
9 Chroniclers, p. 44. 

■" [There is a further estimate in .mother part 
of the present work. — Ed.] 

11 Coleceion, pp. 28, 16S, 591; sec also Hum- 
boldt, Examen critique, i. 360, and iv. 226; and 
Irving, Companions, pp. 46-53. 
'- Coleceion, iii. 85. 
" Ibid., iii. 89. 
" Ibid., iii. gi. 
1^ Ibid., iii. 103, 105-107. 
" Ibid., ii. 420-436. 



ri ■ ' :i 



ii'' I, 



208 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAI, HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



' (' 



'V!'!! 



position of tliu irrigated land ' which he called X'alfermoso is difficult to determine ; but it 
certainly was not the Curiana of the present day, which is identical with the Curiana of 
Guerra and Nino.'- 

Martin Fernandez de Enciso — thti />ac/n7/c-r Eiia'so —'■ drat came to the Indies with 
Bastidas," says Bancroft,^ and practised law to such good purpose that he accumulated two 
thousand castellanos. — equivalent to ten thousand in our day.'' This he contributed 
toward the expenses of the Nueva Andalucia colony, of which he was made alcalde mayor. 
But he was unfortunate in that office, as we have seen, and was sent to Spain, whence he 
returned in 1513 with Pedrdrias as alj^uacil mayor. In im4he led an expedition to Genu, 
to which Irving erroneously gives an earlier date.^ From 1514 to 1519 nothing is known 
of Enciso"s movements : but in the latter year he published the Siima de j^cografia que 
trata dc todas las partidas y provincias del tnuiido, en especial de las Indias, which contains 
much bearing on this period. What became of tiie author is not known. 

The trading voyages to Tierra-Firme between Ojeda's two attempts at colonization 
have no geographical importance; and, indeed, their very existence depends on a few 
documents which were unearthed from the Archives of the Indies by the indefatigable 
labors of Mufloz, Navarrete, and the editors of the Coleccion de documentos iiUditos rela- 
tivos al descubrimieuto, conqiiista y ort^anizacion de las antiguas posesiones EspaTtolas de 
AmMca y Oceania.^' Of these trading voyages first comes the cruise of Juan de la Gosa, or 
Juan \'izcaino, as he was sometimes called, whose intention to embark upon it is inferred 
from a letter from the Queen to the royal officers,' and an asicnto bearing date Feb. 14, 
1504.8 Nothing is known ot the voyage itself, except that Navarrete, on the authority 
of a cMnla which he did not print, gives the amount of money received by the Grown as 
its share of the profits.'-' 

The voyage which Ojeda is supposed to have made in 1505 rests on a still weaker 
foundation, as there is nothing with regard to it except a ct'ditla, bearing date Sept. 21, 
iSOji^"* concerning certain valuables which may have been procured on this voyage or on 
the first ill-fated attempt at colonization. That it was contemplated is ascertained from a 
C^dula para que Alfonso Doxcda sea Gobernador de la Costa de Ququebacda e Huraba,^'^ 
etc. The document, dated Sept. 21, 1504, is followed by two of the same date referring 
to Ojeda's financial troubles. Is it not possible that the above-mentioned document 
of Sept. 21, 1505, belongs with them? The agreement {asieuto) of Sept. 30, 1504, con- 
firmed in March of the next year, is in the same volume, while an order to the Governor 
of Espanola not to interfere with the luckless Ojeda was printed by Navarrete (iii. iii), 
who has said all that can be said concerning the expedition in his Noticia biogrdjica.'^''- 

The voyage of Juan de la Gosa with Martin de los Reyes and Juan Gorrea rests 
entirely on the assertion of Navarrete that they returned in 1508, because it was stated 
(where, he does not say) that the proceeds of the voyage were so many hundred 






ri 



ifl ' 



' Ticvra itc rkgo, Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 32. 

^ Navarrete, iii. 32. note 3. In this note 
he mentions Kiiciso's Sntiui ilc f:^co^i^rafk as an 
authoritv. 

' Cciitnil .-imcrica, i. 339, note. 

■• Nav.irrcte, />i/i!iotcCii marltima csparohi, 
ii. 432; but .see also Hancroft, Central America, 
i. 192, note, 

' Irving, Companions, pp. 126-129. •'''^'^ 
Afemorial ijue lUScl hachitU • Enciso de lo ejecntailo 
for el en lie fen sa dc los /Scales dcreclios en la materia 
dc /oi inJios, in Documentos inAlitos, i. 441. Tliis 
document contains, pp. 442-444, the celebrated 
reijncrimiento which I'cdrarias was ordered to 
read to the natives before he seized their lands. 
A translation is in IJancroft, Central America, i. 



397, note. It may also he found in Oviedo, iii. 28. 
Bancroft in the above note also indicates the 
depositary of the requcrimiento drawn up for the 
use of Ojeda and Nicuesa. With regard to 
this Ccni'i e.\i)edition, see also Enciso, Suma de 
gcop-afia, p. 56. 

•> Cited in this chapter as Documentos iniditos. 
[See further on this collection in the Introduction 
to the jjresent voUuuc. — El).] 

" Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 109; and see also 
DiHioteca marltima espanola, ii. 210, 211. 

" Documentos iueditos, xxxi. 2:0. 

" Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 161. 

''' Documentos iniditos, xxxi. 360. 
'1 Ibid., xxxi. 250. 

'- Coleccion, iii. 169. 



i I 



THE COMPANION'S OF COLUMBUS. 



209 



thousand maravedis.' Concerning the discovery of Yucatan by Vicente Yaflez Pinzon, there 
is no original material ; - but iicre again evidence of preparation for a voyage can be found 
in an asicnto y capytulacion of April 24, 1505, in the Docninentos incditos (xxxi. 309). 

After this time the liistory of Tierra-Pirme is much better l<no\vn ; for it is with the 
colonies sent out under Ojeda and Nicuesa in 1509 that the Historia general of Oviedo 
becomes a standard authority. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes was born in 
Madrid in 147S, and in 1490 he entered the household of the Duke of Villahermoso. 
Later lie served under Prince Juan and the King of Naples until 1507, wiien he entered 
the service of the King and Queen of Spain. In 1513 he was appointed escn'bano, and 
later (upon the death of Caicedo, who, it will be remembered, was one of the agents 
\'asco Nunez had sent to Spain to announce the existence of an unlcnown sea) vcedor de 
las fuiidaciones d' oro to the expedition whicli under Pedrilrias was sent to Tierra-Firme 
in that year. Oviedo did not approve of tlie course pursued by that worthy, and returned 
to Spain in 1515 to inform the new King, Charles I. (Emperor Charles V.) of the true con- 
dition of afleiirs in the Indies. He brought about many important reforms, secured for 
himself the office of perpetual regidor of Antigua, — cscribano general of the province, 
receiver of the fines of the cdinara,^ — and cargoes and goods forfeited for smuggling 
were also bestowed upon him. His veedurla was extended so as to include all Tierra- 
Firme ; and when the news of the execution of Vasco Nufiez arrived at Court, he 
was ordered to take charge of his goods and those of his associates. Oviedo, provided 
with so many offices and with an order commanding all governors to furnish him 
with a true account of their doings, returned to Antigua soon after the new governor, 
Lope de Sosa, who had been appointed, upon his representations, to succeed Pedrdrias. 
But unfortunately for him Lope de Sosa died in the harbor of Antigua (1520), and 
Oviedo was left face to face with Pedrarias. It was not long before they quarrelled as to 
the policy of removing the seat of government of the province from Antigua to Panamd, 
which Oviedo did not approve. Pedrdrias craftily made him his lieutenant at Antigua, in 
which office Oviedo conducted himself so honestly that he incurred the hatred of all the 
evil-dispostil colonists of that town, and was forced to resign. He also complained of 
Pedrdrias b ore the new alcalde mayor, and was glad to go to Spain as the representative 
of Antigua. On his way he stopped at Cuba and Santo Domingo, where he saw Velasquez 
and Diego Columbus; with the latter he sailed for home. There he used his oppor- 
tunities so well that he procured, in 1523, the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as 
Pedrdrias' successor, and for himself the governorship of Cartagena ; and after publishing 
his Sumario he returned to Castilla del Oro, where he remained until 1530, when he 
returned to Spain, resigned his veedurla, and some time after received the appointment of 
Cronista general de Indias. In 1532 he was again in Santo Domingo, and in 1533 he was 
appointed alcaid of the fortress there. But the remainder of his life was passed in 
literary pursuits, and he died in Valladolid in 1557 at the age of seventy-nine. From this 
account it can easily be seen that whatever he wrote with regard to the affairs of Tierra- 
Firme must be received with caution, as he was far from being an impartial observer.* 

The first document with regard to the final and successful settlement of Tierra-Firme 
is the cMiila of June 9, 1508, in which Diego de Nicuesa and Alonso de Ojeda were com- 
missioned governors of Veragua and Urabd for four years.i^ Juan de In Cosa was 



' Tolcciii'ii, iii. 162. 

'^ Navarrete, Ctf/fc/Vw, iii.46; Humboldt, y;.va- 
»/(•« criliquc, iv. 22S ; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 6, cha]). 
xvii. liut this discovery is denied by Ilarrisse. 
3 " Collector of penalties." Of. Bancroft, 
Central America, i. 473, 

* [The bibliographical history of Oviedo's 
writings is given in the note following the 
chapter on Las Casas. Harrisse, who gives a 
VOL. II. — 27. 



chapter on Oviedo in his Christophe Colomh, 
p. 97, points out how rarely he refers to original 
documents. — Ed.] 

* Real cedilla por la cual, con referenda a to 
capitulado con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de IIo- 
jeda, y al nomhramiento de dmbos por ciiatro aiios 
para gobernadores de Veragua el primero y de 
Urabd et segundo, debiendo ser Teniente suyo Juan 
de la Cosa, se ra/ijica el nomhramiento a //ojeda 






11 



Hi 



if/; 



'.' '■' 



l> I. 






Vi I 






Hi! 



i1 



I- 

l! 



2IO 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



confirmed in his office of algtuicil mayor tie L/rabd on the seventeenth of the same month ; » 
and the Governor of Espaflola was directed to give him a house for his wife and children, 
togetiier with a sufficient niimlier of Indians.'- 

As we have seen, the two governors were prevented by Diego Columbus from taking 
the well-to-do class of colonists from Espaflola upon which they had counted. This 
statement is made on the authority of Nicuesa's lieutenant, Rodrigo de Colmcnares, who 
afterward deserted Nicucsa at Antigua, and went to Spain in 1512 in company with 
Caicedo to report the existence of a new sea. Wliile there, either on this or a later visit, 
he presented a memorial to the Kw^ sobrc el liemraciiufo siiceso de Diei^o i/e A'uuesa.'' 
The allegations of Colmenarcs are borne out by two ccdnlas of Feb. 28, 1510; ■» wliile a 
cedilla of June 15, 1510, declared that the Gulf of Urabd belonged to the province which 
had been assigned to Ojeda/" Nicuesa was informed of this decision \n!L cc'diila oi the 
same date." There are four more cedillas of July 25, 15 11, in two oi which the Admiral 
Diego Columbus and the treasurer Pasamonte are ordered to assist the unhappy gover- 
nors, while the other two were written to inform those governors that such orders had 
been sent.' The f.tte of neither of them, however, is certain. The judges of appeal in 
Espanola were ordered to inquire into the crimes, delils, and excesses of Ojeda, Talavera, 
and companions.^ Talavera and lus associates were hanged in Jamaica in 1511, and 
Ojeda's deposition was taken in 1513, and again in 1515 in Santo Domingo, in the cele- 
brated lawsuit ; but beyond this liis further movements are not accurately known.' As 
for Nicuesa, he too underwent shipwreck and starvation ; and when at last fortune 
seemed about to smile upon him, he was cruelly cast out by the mutinous settlers at 
Darien; and although a story was current that he had been wrecked on Cuba anU had 
there left inscribed ..n a tree, " Here died the unfortunate Nicuesa," yet the best opinion is 
that he and his seventeen faithful followers perished at sea. i" 

The only complete biography of Vasco Nufiez de Balbda is that of Don Manuel Jos^ 
Quintana," who had access to the then unpublished portion of Oviedo, and to documents 
many of which are possibly not yet published. His I'l'da,^'- therefore, is very useful in 
filling gaps in the account of the expeditions from Antigua both before and after the 
coming of Pedrdrias. There is no account by an eye-witness of the expeditions under- 
taken by Vasco Nuiiez before 15 14; and the only approach to such a document is the 



(June 9, TjoS), Navanctc, Colcrc-iait, iii. 116; in 
the oiir;'i .il spelling, and bearing date May 9, 
150S, ill Document hiedi/os, xxxii. 25. The 
" fafilidiiiio" mentioned in the above title is in 
Documeiitos iiteiiitos, xxxii. 29-43, •*"'' '* followed 
bv the Kt'dl ccdii'ui para Xoati de la Cossa sea capi- 
tan c golh-riiador for Al/ionso Doxcda ; e en las 
fc.-tes doiide estlwhicre cl dieho Doxcda sit Lugar 
Tlii"ie>t/c {June 9, 1508); and see also Capi'/ii- 
laeion que se tonia con Diego de A'leuesa y Alouso 
de Ojcda (June 9, 1508), Documentos iueditos, 
xxii. 13. 

' Navarrete, Colcccion, iii. liS; Documentos 
iniditos, x.xxii. 46 ; and see al.so Ibid., p. 52. 

2 Cedilla, Documentos iueditos, xxxii. 51. 

' Navarrete, Colcccion, iii. 386 and note; 
probably presented in 1516. Cf. Dihlioteca 
maritima espanola, ii. 666. 

^ Documentos incditos, xxxi. 529, 533. 

" Il)id., xxxii. lor. 

' Ibid., xxxii. 103. 

■^ Ibid., xxxii. 231, 236, 240, 257. 

* See document of October c, iiii, in 



Navarrete, Colcccion, iii. 120, .ind of Oct. 6, 151 1, 
in Documentos incditos, xxxii. 284. 

" Other references are Oviedo, ii. 421 ; Las 
Casas, iii. 2S9-311 ; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap, 
i. ; Herrcra, dec. i. lib. 7, chaps, vii., xi., xiv.-xvi., 
and lib. 8, iii.-v. ; Navarrete, Colcccion, iii. 
170; Qiiintana, 17. S., pp. 281, 301; Helps, i. 
287-296; Bancroft, Central America, i. 289-301; 
Irving, Companions, pp. 54-102. 

'" .See, however, on the career of Nicuesa af- 
ter leaving Cart.igena the following authorities: 
Oviedo, ii. 465-477 ; Las Casas, iii. 329-347 ; 
Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps, ii.-iii. ; Herrcra, dec. 
i. lib. 7, chap, xvi., and lib. 8, chaps, i.-iii. and 
viii. ; I'idas de Espaholcs cclcores in vol. xix. of 
Bil'lioteca dc autorcs EspanoUs, ohras completas del 
Excimo Sr. D. Manuel Jose Qiiintana, p. 2S3 ; 
Helps, i. 303-317; Bancroft, Central America, 
I. 289-308, and 336, note ; Irving, Companions, 
pp. 103-117, 138-146. 

" Cf. Navarrete, Biblioteca maritima espa- 
nola, fi. 409. 

'^ Qniiitana, U. S., pp. 281-300. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



211 



f Oct. 6, 1511, 



letter which Vasco NuFlez wrote to the Kiiiij; on J.td. 20, 15 13.* The writer of this letter 
cume to the Indies with liastidas in 1500 : and after tiie unhappy ending of tliat voyage 
settled in I'^spanola. But he was not suited to the placid life of a planter, and lieconiing 
involved in debt, was glad to escape from his creditors in Enciso's ship. It was by his 
advice tiiat the San Sebastian colony was transferred to the other side of the (ailf of 
Urab.i ; and when there his shrewdness had discovered a way of getting rifl of Enciso. 
The exact part he played in the murder of N'icuesa is not clear; but it is certain, as 
ISaiuroft points out, that his connection with that nefarious act was the lever by which 
his enemies linally accomplished his overthrow. It can be thus easily undcrstond that the 
censures which he passes on Enciso and .\icuesa must l)c received with caution. Still, 
we should not forget that Vasco Nufiez succeeded where they failed, lie was a man of 
little or no education, and portions of this letter are almost untranslatable. Nevertheless, 
Clements K. .Markham Ins given an English rendering in the Introduction to his trans- 
lation of Andagoya's Relacion."^ .'Vmong the other accounts,* that of Herrera is very full, 
and, so far as it can be compared —ith accessible documents, sufficiently accurate. 

There is no real discrepancy in the various narratives, except will regard to the date 
of the discovery of the Pacific, which Peter Martyr says took place on the 26th of Sei> 
teiiiber, while all the other authorities have the 25th ; Oviedo going so far as to give the 
very hour when the new waters first dawned on lialbda's sight.* 

There is no lack of original material concerning the government of Pedrdrias. First 
come his commission'' (July 27, 1513) and instructions " (Aug. 2, 1513), which Xavarrete 
has printed, together with the letter written by the King on receipt of the reports of N'asco 
Nunez' grand discovery.' The date of this paper is not given ; but there has recently 
been printed ^ a letter from the King to Vasco Nunez of Aug. 19, IJ14. In this note the 
monarch stales that he has heard of the discovery of the new sea through I'asamonte, 
although he had not then seen Arbolancha. Pasamonte had probably written in \'asco 
Nui'iez' favor; for the King adds that he has written to Pedrarias that he (Vasco Nunez) 
should be well treated. It is possible that this is the letter above mentioned, a portion 
only of which is printed in Navarrete. 

The date of the expedition to Dabaibe, in which so many men were lost, is not certain ; 
but X'asco Nufiez saw the necessity of putting forward a defence, which he did in a letter 
to the King on the i6th of October, 1515.' In this letter, besides describing the really 
insuperable obstacles in the way of a successful expedition in that direction, — in which 
the lack of food, owing to the ravages of the locusts, bears a prominent part, — he attacks 
Pedr.lrias and his government very severely. 

The doings of Arbolancha in Spain are not known. There is a letter of the King to 
Pedrarias, dated Sept. 27, 1514, appointing Vasco Nufiez addantado of the coast region 



'iiaritima cspa- 



' Navarrete, CoUccioit, iii. 358-375. 

- A'arratij. . . . of Pascual de Aiidagoya, 
translated bv 0. K. Markham for the Hakluyt 
Society, if* J5, Introduction, pp. iii, xix. 

* O'i^do, iii. 4-21 ; Las Casas, iii, 312-328, 
iv, 66-134 ; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chai)S. iii.-vi., 
dec. iii. chap. i. , Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9 and 10, 
viitii the e.Nception of chap. vii. of book 10, which 
relates 10 I'edrarias, and of a few other chapters 
with regard to the affairs of Velasquez, etc. ; 
Galvano, Hakluyt Society ed., p. 124; Helps, 
'• 3- '-352, and chap. iv. of his Pizarro ; Ban- 
croft, Cmtral America, i. 129, 133, 330-3S5, 438 ; 
and Mexico, iii. 558 ; Irving, Companions, pp. 
136-212 and 254-276 ; Ruge, Ccschichic dcs Zcit- 
alters der l-'.nldeckiiir^en, p. 347. 

'■ Cf. liancroft. Central America, i. 364, note. 
Irving unluckily followed I'cter .Martyr, as lian- 



croft shows. [Humboldt is inclined to magnify 
the significance of the information which Co- 
lumbus in his third voyage got, as looking to 
a knowledge, by the Spaniards, of the south sea 
as early as 1503. Cf. his Relation historiqiie dii 
voyai,v aitx rei;ions hjiiinoxiales, iii. 703, 705, 
713 ; Cosmos, ICng. tr. (Bohn), ii. 642; V'iruis of 
Nature (Bohn), p. 432. — Kd.1 

6 Coleccion, iii. 337-342- 

Ibid., iii. 342-355- 

' Ibid., iii. 355. 

" Dociimcnios ini'dilos, xxxvii. 2R2. 

9 Ibid., ii. 526 ; Navaiiete, Coleccion, iii. 375. 
Cf. Xavarrcte's nola on the credibility of Vasco 
Nufiez in Ibid., p. 3S5. Portions of this letter 
have been translated by Markham in the notes 
to p.iges I and 10 of .Andagoya's A'arrative, 
published by the Hakluyt Society. 



•1 



m 



if 



2l: 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



;■ I- 



H ''^ 



f!j , 



It'' I . '' 



which he liatl discovered. ' VVe have several letters of the King to l'e(h.irias, to the new 
adclanlado, and to other officers, on November 23 and 27.'- 

The next document of iniiMirlance is llie narrative of Espinosa's expedition, written 
by himself. It is printed in the Dthitiiicii/os iiuh/itos (vol. ii. pp. 467-522), with some 
corrections by tiie editors ; but it may be found in the original spelling, and witiiout such 
corrections, in anotlier volume of that series,'' wiiere the date of 514 is most erroneously 
assigned to it. 

The lici'iuiate (Caspar de Espinosa came to Tierra-Kirme with I'ednirias as ahali/e 
mayor. Soon after his arrival at Antigua he held tiie rcsidcncia of Vasco Nuflez, and 
then is not heard of again until lie is found in command of this exjiedition. He founded 
Panama (for the first time) and returned to Antigua, whence he followetl I'ednirias to 
Ada to try \'asco Nufiez for treason. He unwillingly convicted him, but recommentied 
mercy. After the great explorer's death he cruised in his vessels to the coast of 
Nicaragua; and later he played an important part in die conquest of Peru, and died at 
Cuzco while endeavoring to accommodate the differences between Pizarro and Alniagro. 
The only oilier document of his which I have found is a Rchicion e proceso concerning the 
voyage of 1519.'' 

There are a few other documents bearing on the history of Tierra-Firme ;' but the 
best and most complete cc ntemporarv account of this period" was written by Pascual de 
Andagoya, who came to Antigua witii Pedrdrias. Andagoya was with Vasco NuAez on 
his last voyage, accompanied Espinosa on both his expeditions, and led a force into liin'i 
in 1522. After his return from that expedition he lived in PananiA until 1529, when 
Pedro de los Rios banished him from the isthmus. After a few years spent in Santo 
Domingo he returned to Panaii'.d as lieutenant to the new governor, Barrionuevo, and 
acted as agent to Pizarro and tiie other conquerors of Peru until 1536, when his resi- 
dencia was held with much rigor by the licenciate Pedro Vasquez, and he was sent to 
Spain. In 1539 he returned a:, adclantado and governor ' Castilla Nueva, as the province 
bordering on the Mar del Sur from the Gulf of San iM._^ ;1 to the San Juan River was 
then called. But the remainder of his life was one succession of disappointments, and he 
died some time after 1545.' 

From this brief biography it will be seen that Andagoya's earlier career was successful, 
and that he was on friendly terms with Pedr.irias, Espinosa, and Vasco Nuflez. He was 
therefore, so far as we are concerned, an impartial witness of the events which he describes ; 
and his testimony is therefore more to be relied on than that of Oviedo, who was absent 
from Tierra-Firme a great part of the time, and who was besides inimical to Pedrrfrias. 
Otherwise Oviedo's account is tlie better; for the sequence of events is difficult, if not 
impossible, to unravel from Andagoya. 



Il r 



i?-' 



lit 



1 Cf. Sabin, DUtioimry, vol. xiii. no. 56,338 ; 
also vol. .\. no. 41,604. 

- Letter from the King to Pedr.irias, Sept. 
23, 1514 (Doiumentos iiuditos, xxxvii. 285); 
to Alonso de la Fucnte, nuestro Thcsordro de 
Castilla del Oro. same date (Doc. in., p. 2S7) ; to 
other officials (Doc. in., p. 2S9) ; to Vasco Nunez 
(Doc. ill., p. 290). See also some extracts printed 
in the same volume, pp. 193-197. 

" DocHinentos incditos, xxxvii. 5-75. 

* Ibid., XX. 5-1 19. 

* Carta dc Alonso de la Piientc [tliesorero of 
Tierra-Firme] y Diego Maiqiiez, 1516 (Docii- 
mciitos incditos, ii. 538); Carta al Mr. dc Zn'res 
cl lycenciado fiia(0, 1518 (Dociimentos incditos, 
i. 304). AI011.W dc ^luifo, or /nazo, was jiiez de 
Rcsidencia en Santo Domingo. Cf. Dociimentos 
tneditos, i. 292, note. 



^ Relacion dc los siicesos de Pcdrdrias Ddvila 
en las fro^^'incias dc Tierra Jirme 6 Castilla del 
oro, y de lo occurido en el descnbrimiento de la 
mar del Sur y castas del Peril y A'icara^iia, escrita 
por el Adclantado Pascual de Andagoya, in Xavar- 
rete, Coleccion, iii. 393-456. The portion beai ing 
on the events described in this chapter ciid.s at 
page 419. This has been translated and edited 
with notes, a map, and introduction bv Clem- 
ents R. Markhani, in a volume published by the 
Hakluyt Society, London, 1S65. [Cf. chapter 
on Peru, and the paper on Andagoya by Navar- 
rete in his O/'tisculos, i. 137. — E13.] 

" Cf. Navarretc, A'oticia biografica del Adcl- 
antado Pascual de Andagoya, Coleccion, iii. 457 ; 
also Bihlioteca niaritiina cspaTwla, ii. 519; and 
Markham's translation of Andagoya's Relacion, 

])p. XX -XXX. 



I 



i<\ 



TIIK COMPANIONS OK COIA'MIU'S. 



213 



to the new 



'rjie second chronicler of the Indies, Antonio <Ic Ikrroiii y 'rordcsillas. wlio i)nblislied 
the first two vohniies of his Itistoria i;cii(>al in 1601,' drew upon liiinself tlie wratli of 
a descendant of rednirias, Don Francisco Arias Djivihi, Conde dc I'tifionrostro, who 
petitioned f-r redress. Memorials, rclncioncsy and rcj'nttuionfs were ijivcn on both sides 
until September, 1603, when the matter was referred to '• \il Ramirez de Arellano, del 
CoMsexo de Su Maxestad e Su Fiscal.'' This imiijire decided in elfect - that Ilerrera 
had ({one too far, and that the acrimony -f .some of the jiassages objected to should be 
militated. The papers which passed in this discussion, after remaining for a long 
tinic l)urie(l in the Arcliives of the Indies, have been printed in the thirty-seventh volume 
of l)ihiiiiit-iitos incclitos^'' and are wiinout doubt one of tlic most valuable sets amon)^ tlie 
papers in that collection. Amonj; them are many letters from the King to the royal 
officials which throw much light on the history of that time. There is nothing in them, 
however, to remove the unfavorable opinion of I'edr.-irias which the execution of Vasco 
Nuflez aroused; for although there can be little doubt that Vasco Nunez meditated 
technical treason, yet conviction for treason by the ulcaldc mayor would not have justi- 
fied execution without appeal, especially when the fair-minded judge, Ga.spar Espinosa, 
recommended mercy. This is perfectly clear ; but the mind of Pednirias, who presented 
the facts from his point of view, in the TestimiUiio de mondamidnlo dc J'cdrun'as Davila 
iiiividando prosccsar a Vasco Niiiies dc Balbda,^ had been poisoned by the jealous 
Garabito. 

The convicted traitors were executed vvithout del.ay or appeal of any kind being given 
tliem. The general opinion is that this execution took place in 1517, and that date has 
been adopted in this chapter; but in the second volume of Dociimcutos iiicdiios fn. 556), 
there is a Pcticion prcscntada por Hernando de Ari;ucllo, d nombrc dc Vasco Nitucz de 
Jud/wti, sohre que se le prorroi^ne el U'rmino que se Ic habia dado para la construccion de 
uHos iiiivlos, etc., which was granted, for eight months, on the 13th day of January, 1518 
(<•« /reze de Ei . -o de quiiiu'ntos e diez i ocho aiios). This document is signed by Fedr.irias 
Davila, Alonso de la Puente, and Diego Marquez; and it is properly attested by Martin 
Salte, escrilnino. Argiiello was the principal financial supporter of Vasco Nufiez in the 
South Sea enterprise, and was executed in the evening of the same day on which his 
chief suffered.'' 

The first fifty-seven pages of the fourteenth volume of the Documentos int'ditos are 
taken up with the affairs of Gil Gonzalez D.ivila. The first is an asicnto with the 
pilot Nifio, by which he was given permission to discover and explore for one thousand 
leagues to the westward from Panamii. Gil Gonzalez was to go in command of the fleet,' 
composed of tlie vessels built by Vasco Nufiez, which Pedrdrias was ordered to deliver to 
the new adventurers, but which he refused to do until Gil Gonzalez made the demand 
in person.' 

A full statement of the equipments and cost of fitting out the fleet in Spain is given 
in Documentos ineditos (vol. xiv. pp. 8-20), and is exceedingly interesting as showing 
what the Spaniards thought essential to the outfit of an exploring expedition. What was 



1 .' 



' [See the bibliograph" of Hcrrera on p. 67, 
uiil,-. — El).] 

- Documentos ineditos, .xxxvii. 311. 

' See also Oviedo, iii. 21-51. 83 et sen. ; Las 
Casas, iv. 135-244; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap, 
vii. dee. iii. chaps, i.-iii., v., vi., and x., and dec. v. 
chap. ix. ; Herrcra, dec. ii. lib. t,2, 3, dec. iii. lib. 
4, 5, 8, 9, and 10 passim : Quintana, 6'. S., p. 294 
Helps, i. 353-3SS; iJancroft, Centnd Amtriai, i. 
386-431; Irving, Companions, pp. 212-276. 

■• Documentos ineditos, xxxvii. 215-231. 

' Oviedo, iii. 56; Eas Casas, iv. 230-244; 
Peter ^Eii tyr, dec. iv. chap. ix. ; Herrera, dee. ii. 



lib. 2, chaps, xiii , xv., and xxi. ; Quintana, U. S., 
pp. 29S-299; Helps, i. 3S9-411 ; Pancroft, CtV///'.;/ 
America, i. 432-459; Irving, Companions, pp. 
259-276. Cf. Manuel M. De Peralta, Costa Rica, 
Xicara<;ua y Panartd en el sij^/o X]'I. (Madrid, 
1^83), pp. ix, 707, for documents relating to 
Pedrdrias in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and 
p. S3 for Diego Machuca de Zuazo's letter to 
the Eni]3cror, written from (jranada. May 30, 
1531, referring to the death of Pcdrarias. 

8 Documentos ineditos, xiv. 5, partly translated 
in Bancroft, Central America, i. 480, note. 

' Bancroft, Central Ama ica, i. 481, note. 



I ■' 



I'l' ;i 



214 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



r * 



iW'.li 



.iV 



i :t 



,1./'Mf|' 



actually accomplislicd in the way of sailing, niarcliinj;, aticl baptizing is fully set forth in 
Kelacion dc las /ei;;iias i/uc el capitan Gil Gonzalez DAvila anduvit a pW par ticrra por 
la casta de la mar del Siii\y de los caciques y indios que descidnid y se baldizaron, y del 
oro que dieron para S'us Afai^estades (1522)-' 

The latter i)art of the career of Gil Gonzalez is described in the Informacion sobt-e 
la lUj^ada de Gil Gonzalez Ddvila y Cristdbal de Olid A las Ifii^iieras (Oct. S, 1524) - 
and in the succeeding documents, especially a Tra^'ado tcstiinoniado de una ci'dula del 
Empcrador Carlos /'.... entre los capitanes L.il Gonzalez DAvila y Cristdbal 
Dolid (Nov. 20, 1525).'' The Relacion of Andagoya^ contains a narrative of the ex- 
jiedition iVom a different point of view. Besides these papers, Bancroft found a docu- 
ment in the Squier Collection,' which he cites as Carta de Gil Gonzalez Ddvila el A'ey 
(.March, 1524). This letter contains a great deal of detailed information, of which 
Bancroft has made good use in his account of that adventurer." 

There is no documentary evidence with regard to the settlement of Jamaica by Juan 
de Esquivel, or of the circumnavigation of Cuba by Sebastian de Ocanipo ; and there are 
but slight allusions to them in the "chroniclers."' There is not much to be found con- 
cerning the settlement of Cuba, except the accounts given by the early chroniclers. 
1 should i)lace Oviedo (vol. i. p. 494) first, although he got his knowledge second hand 
from the account given by Las Casas ; wliilc the story of this actual observer is necessarily 
tinged by the peculiar views — peculiar for the nation and epoch — which he held in later 
life with regard to the enslavement of the natives.' 

With the voyage of C6rdoba to Yucatan, Navarrete ' again becomes useful, although 
he printed no new evidence. Tiie voyage, therefore, rests upon the accounts given in the 
standard books,*" upon the Historia verdadera of Bernal Diaz, the \'ida de Corti's in 
Icazbalceta (i. 33S), and a few documents recently dragged from the recesses of the Indian 
Archives. 

Bernal Diaz del Castillo came to Tierra-Firme with Pednirias ; but, discouraged with 
the outlook there, he and about one hundred companions found their way to Cuba, 
attracted thither by the inducements held out by Velasquez. But there again he was 
doomed to disappointment, and served under C(5rdoba, Grijalva, and Cort(5s. After the 
conquest of Mexico he settled in Guatemala. Whatever may be the exaggerations in 
the latter part of his Historia I'crdadera}'^ there is no reason why Bernal Diaz should 



t '\ 



!• !' 



1!*^;, 



' Documciitos iucditos, xiv. 20. 

- ll)itl., xiv. 25. 

" Ibitl., xiv. 47. 

< Navarrete, Colcaioii, iii. 413-418; Mark- 
ham's translation, pp. 31-3S ; .see also Oviedo, iii. 
65 et seq. ; Las Casas, v. 200 et seq. ; Peter Martyr, 
dec. vi. chaps, ii.-viii. ; Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. 3, 
chap. XV. and lib. 4 etc., dec. iii. lib. 4, chaps, v. 
and vi. ; Heliis, iii. 69-76. 

'' Cf. ISancroft, Central Amcridj, i. 483, note. 
[See the Introduction to the present volume. — 
Ed.) 

•> Central America, i. 47S-492, 512-531, and 
527-53S. This letter, which is dated at .Santo 
Domingo (March 6, 1524), liassincc been printed 
in Peralta's Ci'.rA; Rica, Xidiraf^ua y Paiianta cu el 
Sigh XJ'/, (Madrid, 1SS3), p. 3, where is also 
(p. 27) his Itiiicraric, beginning "21 de Enero 
dc 1522." 

" For Esquivel and Jamaica, see Ilerrera, 
dec. i. lib. 8, chap, v.; Navarrete, Coleccioii, 
iii. 171. For Ocampo's voyage, Oviedo, i. 495; 



Las Cas.is, iii. 210; Ilerrera, dec. i, lib. 7, 
chap, i.; Stevens's A'otes, p. 35; Helps, i. 415, 
and ii. 165. 

' See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9, chaps, iv., 
vii., and xv. ; also lib. 10, chaj), viii.; Helps, i. 
415-432, and ]'iila de Corti's in Icazbalceta, 
Colcccion . . . para la historia de Mexico, i. 319- 
337. [There is a little contemporary .iccount of 
tlie conquest of Cuba in the Lenox Library, 
Pro7'inci(C . . . iioviter rcperta in ultima uavii^atione, 
which seems to be a Latin version of a .Spanish 
origin.al now lost (Hibl. Amer. Vet. no. loi). 
On tlie dcatli of Velasquez, see Magazine oj 
American History, i. 622, 692. — Ed.] 
" Coleccion, iii. 53. 

1" Oviedo, i. 497; Las Casas, iv. 34S-363; 
Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chap. i. ; Ilerrera, dec. ii. 
lib. 2, chap. xvii. ; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 53 
CogoUudo, Historia tie Yucatan, 3 ; Prescott, 
il/exico, i. 232; Helps, ii. 211-217; Bancroft, 
Central America, i. 132, and Mexico, i. 5-1 1. 

" [Cf. the chapter on Cortes. — Ed.1 



:,l ' 



THK COMPANIONS 01' COLUMHUS. 



215 



not have wislicd to tell the truth as to tlie voyages of Cordoba anil C.rijalva, witli one or two 
exceptions, to be hereafter noted. 

I'rtscott, in his Con;ue!^t 0/ Afexico (vol. i. p. 222), says that Cc^riloha sailed for one 
of the neighboring liahamas, but that storms drove him far out of his course, etc. 
liancrnft ' has effectually disposed of this error. lUit is it not a tiiiinus tact that liernal 
Diaz and Uviedo should j;ive the length of the voyage from Cape .St. Anton to the sighting 
of the islands off Yucatan as from six to twenty-one days .' Ovicdo was probably nearer 
the mark, as it is very likely that tlic old soldier had forgotten the exact circumstances of 
the voyage ; for it must be borne in mind that he did not write his book until long after die 
events which it chronicles. As to the ojjject of tlic expe<iition, it was undoiihtedly luuler- 
takcn for the purpose of procuring slaves, and very possibly Velasquez, contributed a small 
vessel to the two fitted out by the other adventurers ; ■' but the claim set forth by the de- 
scendants of Velas([ucz, that he sent four fleets at his own cost — La una ron iin /■'. If. de 
( ordoba ' — is preposterous. 

The voyage of Juan de Grijalva was much better chronicled ; for with regard to it 
there arc in existence three accounts written by eye-witnesses. The first is tiiat of Hernal 
Diaz,'' wliich is minute, and generally accurate ; but it is not unlikely that in his envy at 
the praise accorded to Corti5s, he may have exaggerated the virtues of Grij.alva. The 
Latter also wrote an account of the expedition, which is embodied in Oviedo,'' together 
with corrections suggested by Velasquez, whom Ovicdo saw in 1523. 

lUit before these I should place the /linerario of ]\\An Diaz, a priest who accompanied 
the expedition." Tiie original is lost ; but an Italian version is known, which was printed 
with the Itiiicrario dc I'arthema at Venice, in 1520.' This edition was apparently 
unknown to Navarrete, who gives 1522 as the date of its appearance in Italian, in which 
he is followed by Ternaux-Compans and Prcscott. 

Notwithstanding this mass of original material, it is not easy to construct a connected 
narrative of tliis voyage, for Oviedo sometimes contradicts himself; liernal Diaz had 
undoubtedly forgotten the exact dates, which he nevertheless attempts to give in too many 
cases : Juan Diaz, owing partly to the numerous translations and changes incidental 
thereto, is sometimes unintelligible ; and Las Casas,' who had good facilities for getting 
at the exact truth, is often very vague and difficult to follow. 



i 



:' » 



' History oj Mexico, i. 7, note 4. 

•i li.mcrofl, Mexico, i. 5, 6, notes. 

^ Memotial del nes^ocio de D. Antonio I'elas- 
qiiez lie luizan, etc., Jlocumentos Inlditos, x. 80- 
86; this extract is on p. 82. 

* /fistoriii verdaderii, chaps, viii.-xiv. 

* llisloriii i^'enenil, I. 502-537. 

* As to the identity of Juan Diaz, see note 
to Ikrnal Diaz, Ilisloria verdadera, ed. of 1632, 
folio 6; Oviedo, i. 502; Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. 31, 
chap. i. As to his future career, sec liancroft, 
Mexico, ii. 158 and note 5. Tlie full title of this 
account of Juan Diaz is : Itinerario del arniata del 
Re catliolico in India verso In isola de /iic/inl/ian del 
anno M.D.X I'll I. alia qua I fu preside nte &^ cap- 
itan generate loan de Grisalra : el qua! c facto 
per el capellano maggior de di<ta armala a sua 
altezza. 

' [A copy of this, which belonged to Ferdi- 
nand Columbus, is in the Cathedral Library at 
.Seville. The book is so scarce that Mufioz used 
amanuscript copy, and from Mufioz' manuscript 
the one used by Prescott was copied. Maison- 
ncuve (1882 Catalogue, no. 2,980) has recently 
priced a copy at 600 francs. There is a copy 



in the Carter-Hrown Library (Catalogue, vol. i. 
no. 65), and was sold the present year in the 
Court sale (no. 362). It was reprinted in 1522, 
1526 (Murphy, 110, 2,580), and 1535, — the last 
priced by Maisonncuve (no. 2,g8r) at 400 francs. 
Cf. Harrisse, lii/il. Ainer. Vet., no.s. 98, 114, 137, 
205, and Additions, no. 59. Tlie Carter-Pi rorun 
Catalogue (i. 119) jnits a Venice edition, without 
date, under 1536. Ternaux gives a French trans- 
lation in his A'elations et m^moires, vol. x. Icaz- 
balceta has given a Spanish version from the 
Italian, together with the Italian text, in his Ci>- 
leccion de documentos para la historia de Mi'xico, 
i. 281 ; also see his introduction, p. xv. He 
points out the errors of Ternaux's version. Cf. 
Bandelier's " Hibliography of Yucatan" in 
Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (October, 1880), p. 82. 
Harrisse in his Bibl. Amer. I'et., Additions, 
no. 60, cites a f^ettera mddata delta insula de 
Cuba, 1520, which he says differs from the 
account of Juan Diaz. — En.] 

8 Las Casas, iv. 421-449. Other references 
to this voyage are, — Peter Martyr, dec. iv. 
chaps, iii. and iv. ; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3, 
chaps, i., ii., ix., x., and xi. ; Navarrete, Coleccion, 



8l6 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY GK AMERICA. 



'^1 



'I .*1 



I'll ' 




*'^Capitan"Iva1J 

""^ &R1JALVA ^'^ 
Cuclfcir 



,1 I' 



i'l 



JUAN DE GRIJAI.VA.' 

In addition to this material, the D^cadax abreviadas de los dcsitibrhnientos, conquistas. 
fundaciones y otras rosas notables, acaecidas en las Indias occiden tales desde 1492 d 1640, 
has been of considerable service. This paper was found in manuscript form, without date 
or signature, in the Biblioteca Nacional by the editors of the Docunientos indditos, and 
printed by them in their eighth volume (pp. 5-52)- It is not accurate throughout ; but 
it gives the dates and order of events in many cases so clearly, that it is a document of 
some importance. 





iii. 55; Cogolludo, riistoria de Yucathan, p. 8; ' Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, i 

Rrasseur de Bourbourg, iv. 50; Helps, ii. 217; 312. Cf. also the Mexican edition of Prescott, 

Bancroft, Central America, i. 132; and Mexico, and Carbajal Espinosa'.'s ffistoria de Mixico 

pp. 15-35. '•64- 



11 11 



THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY 



GULF OF MEXICO AND ADJACENT PARTS. 



HY THE EDITOR. , , 

IN .1 previous section on the early maps of the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries 
the Editor has traced the d-ivelopment of the geography of the Gulf of Mexico 
with the group of the Antilles and the neighboring coasts, beginning with the delinea- 
tion of La Cosa in 1500. He has indicated in the same section the influence of the 
explorations of Columbus and his companions in shaping the geographical ideas of 
the early years of the sixteenth century. Balbda's discovery in 1513 was followed by 
the failure to find any passage to the west in the latitude of the Antilles ; but the 



'!!' 



i 




ttnuRAS 



»1;-5) 



/HAIUQU* 



TLRA BlMlNi "\ 

i "1 










/lARHiTOPtlOS 
CA5T£IHAN0S 



If ,'"1 



THE PACinC, 15 18. 




disappointment was not sufficient to remove the idea of such a passage from the minds 
of certain geographers for some years to lome. The less visionary among them hesi- 
tated to embrace the notion, however, and we observe a willingness to be confined by 
something like definite knowledge in the maker of a map of the Pacific which is pre- 
served in the Military Library at Weimar. This map shows Cordova's discoveries 
about Yucatan (1517), but has no indication of the islands which Magellan discovered 
(1520) in the Pacific; accordingly, Kohl places it in 1518. Balbda's discovery is noted 
in the sea which was seen by the Castilians.* 



' This map has seemingly some relation to a which mention is made by Thomassy, /,« fiapes 
tiiap. preserved in the Propaganda at Rome, of giografihes, p. 133. 
VOL. II. — 28. 



il i 



3l8 NAKKATIVE ANU CRITICAL HlSTUKY UK AMERICA. 







A 



GULF OF MEXICO, 152O.' 

A sketch of a map found by Navarrete in tlie Spanish archives, and given by 
him in iiis Coleccion, vol. iii., as " Las Costas de Tierra-Firme y las tierras nuevas," 
probably embodies the results of Pineda's expedition to the northern shores of the 





■ ir 






•Mr 



il! 



[ft : 




TLRRA PARIAS 



LORENZ FRIF-SS, 15 2«. 
1 This map is also given in Weise's Discoveries of America, p. *78 



THE KARIA' CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO. 219 

Gulf in 1519. This was the map sent to Spain by Garay, the governor of J.imalca. 
Wiiat seems to be tiic moutli of tiie Mississippi will l)e noted as tliu " Kio del 
Espiritii Santo." The suri)risingly accurate draft of tlic shores of the Gulf which 



MAKt INOiCUM 



J pianu 








MARt OCIANUM 











JJ- 



m 




M- 



'(» 



[\\ h 



n. 



MAIOLLO, 1527.* 



* Sketch of the map in the Ambrosian Li- with coast names, in the present History, Vol, 
brnry, of which the part north of Florida is IV. pp. 28,39. The present sketch follows a fac- 
given on a larger scale, after Desimoni's sketch, simile given in ^Ycise's Discir.'cries of America. 



' I; 



!' :J 



220 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



.) .^ 



Mi;!lM 



i .t 



Cortes sent to Europe was published in 1524, and is given to the reader on another 
page.' 

There is a sketch of the nortliern siiore of South America and tlie " Insule Caniba- 
lorum sive Antiglie " wliich was inade by Lorenz Friess (Laurcntius Frisius) in 1522. 
The outline, which is given herewith, represents one of the sheets of twelve woodcut 
tnaps which were not published till 1 530 — under the title Car/u marina navigatoria 
roitiii^akusiuin. Frief does not mention whence he got his material, which seems 
to be of an earlier date than the time of using it ; and Kohl suspects it came from 
Waklseemiiller. South America is marked '" Das niiw Erfunde land." 

In the MaioUo map of 1527 we find two distinct features, the strait, connecting 
with the Pari lie, which Cortes had been s(/ anxious to find ; and the insular Yucatan 
pushed larther than usual into the Gulf. The notion that Yucatan was an island is said 
to have arisen from a misconception of the meaning of the designation which the Indians 
applied to the country.'-' The Portuguese Portulano of 1514-1518' had made Yucatan a 
peninsula ; but four years later Grijalva had been instructed to sail round it, and Cortes in 
his map of 1520 had left an intervening channel.'' We see the uncertainty which prevailed 

among cartographers re- 
garding this question in 
the peninsular character 
wliich Yucatan has in the 
nw]i of 1 520,'' as resulting 
from Pineda's search ; in 
the seeming hesitancy of 
the Torcno map," and in 
the unmistakable insular- 
ity of the Friess,'' Verra- 
zano,' and Ribero * charts. 
The decision of the latter 
royal hydrographer gov- 
erned a school of map- 
makers for some years, 
and a similar strait of 
greater or less width sep- 
arates it from the main in 
the Fin?Eus map of 1531,'" the Lenox woodcut of 1534," the Ulpius globe of 1542, ^'^ not to 
name others ; though the peninsular notion still prevailed with some of the cartographers. ^' 
A map which shows the extent of the explorations on the Pacific from ISalbda's time 
till Gonzales and others reached the country about the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, is that of 




THK WEIMAK MAI' UK j .. /. 



111! 



!' ^ 



m,\\ 



' Sec notes following cliaj). vi. 

- Yucatan sccnis to have been first named, 
or its name .nt least was first rcciirdcd, as 
Y'-inr.Tt.Tn bv I'artholomcw Cohuiibiis [Bibl. 
Am,r. J'et., p. 471)- There arc various theories 
regarding the origin of tlic name. Cf. ISancroft, 
Mexico, i. II, 12; Prcpcntt, Mexico, i. 223. A 
new Government map of Yucatan was published 
in 1S7S (Miii,'dziiu' of Aincvicau History, vol. iii. 

P- 295)- 

■' .As given l)v Kunstniauu. See Yol. TV. p. 36 
of the present work. 

■• .See notes following chap. vi. 

'' See ante, p. 21S. 

•"' See aittc, p. 43. 

'' See ante, p. 127. 

" See Yol. IV. p. 26. 



" See /(',!/, p. 221. 

If See Vol. in. p. II. 

" See/('.r/, p. 223. 

'■■; See Vol. lY. p. 42. 

'■' rf. Bancroft, Mexieoi i. 21 ; Valentini in 
Af:i<;azine of Amerieun History, iii. 295, who 
supposes that the laud usually thought to he 
an incomplete Cuba in Kuvsch's map of 150S 
(p. 1 15, ante) is really Yucatan, based on the re- 
sults of the so-called first voyage of Yospucius, 
and that its seven Latin names correspond to a 
part of the nineteen Portuguese names which 
are given on the western shore of the so-called 
Admiral's map of the Ptolemy of 1513 (p. 112, 
ante]. Peschcl (Geseliielile i!cr Enilainiie, 1SG5, 
p. 235) also suggests that this map is the work 
of Yespucius. 



t 1 ' ' 



THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO. 221 



on another 



1527, wliich was formerly ascribed to Ferdinand Columl)us, but has been shown (?) l>y 
Harrisse to be more lii<ely the work of Nuflo Garcia de Toreno. The map, whicli is of 
tlie world, and of which but a small section is given herewith, is called Cariu universal 
I'll que se conticiic todo lo que del inuiido se a dcscubicrto liasta aora; hizola un cosmogiapho 
de SH iiKii^estad anno M. D. XXVII en Sevilla. Its outline of the two Americas is shown 
in a sketch given on an earlier page.' The original is preserved in the Grand-Uucal 
Library at Weimar; 

A map of similar character, dated two years later, is one wliich is the work of 
IJicijo Ribero, a Portuguese in the service of Spain, who had been the royal cosmogra- 



TlLRA Dt AVLLON 
TILRA OLGARAY \^ 







CvaTIMALA 



<5.- ^PvvSj HAITI "V 



''A J '• • . •" 



Wo 

I 



/WAR 0LL5UR 



CASTILLA DLLORO '^'\, 



! 



RIliKRO, 1529. 



pher since 1523, —an office which he was to hold till his death, ten years later, in 1533. 
There are two early copies of this map, of which a small section is herewith given ; both 
are on parchment, and are preserved respectively at Weimar and Rome, though Thom- 
assy^ says there is a third copy. The Roman cojjy is in the Archivio del CoUegio di 
Propaganda, and is said to have belonged to Cardinal Botgia. The North American sec- 
tions of the map have been several times reproduced in connection with discussions of tlie 
voyages of Gomez and Verrazano.^ The entire American continent was first engraved by 
M. C. Sprengel in 1795, ^^^'^^ ^ copy then in Biittner's library at Jena, when it was appended 
to a German translation of Mufioz, with a memoir upon it which was also printed sepa- 
rately as C/eier Ribero' s dlteste Welt-karte. The map is entitled Carta universal en que 






' Pago 43. The best reproduction of it is in 
Kolil's Die beiden dltcsicn Gencnd- Kartell von 
Ameriliii ; and there is another fac-simile in San- 
tarcm's Atlas, no. xiv. Cf. Humboldt, Examen 
critique, ii. 1S4, and his preface to Ghillany's 
Behaim ; Harrisse, Cabots, pp. 69, 172; Murr, 



Memorabilia bihliothccarum (Nuremberg, 17S6), ii. 
97 ; Lindcnau, Correspondanee de Zach (October, 
1810) ; Lelewel, Glographie du moyen-Age, ii. 110} 
lie; Ocean Hif;hways (1872). 

' Lis papes ,!;eofiraphes, p. 118. 

3 See Vol. iv.' p. 38. 



% 



Iml 






n ' ■•) 



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; I 



W 









« i 



m 



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;i f ! 



i: ' 



I !■ 



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222 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



si' conticuc ioiio lo que del in undo se ha liescnbierto fast a agora : Hisola Diego Ribcro 
cosinogiapho fj su mages lad : ano de 1529. La Qttal se divide en dos partes conforine A 
la capititlai^ion que hisieron los catholicos Reyes de EspaTia, y el Rey don Juan de Portu- 
gal en la rilla\j:itta'\de Tordesillas : Aiiode 1494, — thus recording the Spanish uiuler- 
stamling, as the map of 1527 did, of the line of demarcation. Tlie Propaganda copy has 
" en Sevilhi " after tlie date. 'I'lie most serviceable of the modern reproductions of the 
American parts is that gi\en by Kohl in his Die bciden iiltesten Ceneral-Karten von 
Anierika, though other drafts of parts are open to the student in Santarem's Atlas 
(pi. x.w.), Lelewel's Moyen-age (pi. xli.), Ruge's Gcscltichte des Zeitaltcrs dcr Ent- 
deckungcn, and Bancroft's Central America (i. 146).' 

These two maps of 1527 and 1529 established a type of the American coasts which 
prevailed for some time. One such map is that of which a fac-simiie is gi<en in the 
Cartas de Indias, called " Carta de las Antillas, seno Mejicano y costas do tierra-firme, y 
de la .America setentrional," which seems, however, to have been made later than 1541.- 
Anothci is preserved in the Ducal Library at Wolfcnbiittel, of which Harrisse makes 
mention in his Cabots, p. 1S5. A significant map of this type, commonly cited as the 
Atlas de Philippe //., dcdic' a Charles Quint, is more correctly defined in the title given 
to a photographic reproduction,'' Portutano de Ciiarles Quint donnc a Philippe II., 
accompagnc dune notice par MM. F. Spitzer et Ch. Wiener, Paris, 1875. The map 
is net dated ; but the development of the coasts of Florida, California, Peru, and of .Magel- 
lan's Straits, with the absence of the coast-line of Chili, which had been tracked in 1 536, 
has led to the belief that it represents investigations of a period not long before 1540. 
The original draft first attracted attention when exhibited in 1875 at the Geographical 
Congi^ess in Paris, and shortly after it was the subject of several printed papers.* Major 
is inclined to think it the work of Baptista Agnese, and Wieser is of the same opinion ; 
while for tlie American parts it is contended that the Italian geographer — for the lan- 
guage of the map is Italian — followed the maps of 1527 and 1529. 

What w^ould seem to be the earliest engraved map of this type exists, so far as is 
known, in but a single copy, now in the Lenox Library. It is a woodcut, measuring 
21X17 inches, and is entitled La carta nniucrsdle delta terra Jirma S-" Isole delle Indie 
occidetali, cio e del mondo nuouo fatta per dichiaratione delli libri delle Indie, cauata da 
due carte da nauicn>-e fatte in Sibilia da li piloti delta Maiesta Cesarea, — the maps 
referred to being those of 1527 and 1529, as is supposed. Harrisse, however, claims that 
this \'enicc cut preceded the map of 1527, and was probrbly the work of the same chart- 
maker. Stevens holds that it followed both of these maps, and should be dated 1534; 
while Harrisse would place it before Peter Martyr's death in September, 1526. According 
to lirevoort and Harrisse.* the map was issued to accompany the conglomerate work of 
i\Iartyr and Oviedo, Summario de la generale historia de l' Indie occidcntali, which was 
printed in thr • parts at Venice in 1534." Murphy, in his \'errazzano (p. 125), quotes the 
colophon of the Oviedo part of the book as evidence of the origin of the map, which 
translated stands thus: " Printed at Venice in the month of December, 1534. For the 
explanation of these books there has been made a universal map of the countries of 



' Cf. Humboldt, E.xunu'u critique, iii. 1S4 ; 
Gazel/a Ictlcrarii) uiihcrscile (May, 1796), p. 46S ; 
Santarem in FuUt-tin dc la Socictc tie Gi'o^rnpltie 
(1S47), vii. 310, and in liis A'lilien-l/es stir la 
ilicouvcrfe des pays aii-ileiii itu Cap-Dojaiior, 
pp. x.xiii and 125; Murr, Histoirc diplomatique 
de Pcliaiiti, p. 26; Lclewcl, Geographic du moycn- 
iSf;e, ii. 166. 

- .See ante, p. 92. 

3 One hundred copies issued. 

^ Dr. J. Chav.inue in Mitthciluiif^cu der k. k. 
geogyaphischen Gisellschaft iu H'ien (1S75), 



]). 4S5 ; A. Steinhauser in Ibid., p. 5SS ; Pe/er- 
miiitu's Mif/lieilungeii (ICS76), p. 52; Malte-Iiruu 
in the Bulletin de la Soi-iele de Geographic de 
Paris (1876), p. 6^5; Dr. Franz Wieser's "Dcr 
PortuUin des Infanten und nachmaligen Kiinigs 
Philipp II. von Spanicn," printed in the Sitzuugs- 
I'crichtc der philosophisch-historischcn Classe dcr 
l-aiscrlicheu Akademic dcr Wisscnscliafteii tn 
IVicn, Ixxxii. 541 (March, 1S76), and also printed 
separately. 

'" Cabots. \i. 1 68. 

Sec Vol. III. p. ig. 



y.il 




Tliis is a fac-similc after the 
one siveii by Stevens in his 
AVc.i (pi. ii.) anil in the illus- 
trated edition ot his ISi/i/inl/ieai 
.i,'i'(<i,v, !////<,;, no. 2,(|;i. It lol- 
lows. I siippose. a fac-siniile made 
by hand In- Harris in 1S50. .Ste- 
vens sold the niapin 1S5 ; to Mr. 
I.enoxfor t'lS KS.f. Tlie present 
l:'C-siniile is consiciurabiv rediiceil. 



9 



)\ 






/ r 



h.i 



:i 



II' 



" *<;i:i 



If' ,! 



'/ '- 



224 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



P.,i^i 1! 



all the West Imlies, together witli a special map ( Hispaniola] taken from two marine 
charts of the Spaniards, one of which belonged to Don Pietro Martire, councillor of the 
Royal Council of said Indies, and was made by the pilot and master of marine charts, 
Niflo Garzia de Loreno \sic\ in Seville ; the other was made also by a pilot of his Majesty, 
the Emperor, in Seville." Quaritch ' says that an advertisement at the end of the secundo 
libra of Xeres, Conquista del Peru (Venice, 1534), shows that the map in the first edition 
of Peter Martyr's Decades was made by Nufio Garcia de Toreno in Seville; but the state- 
ment is questionable. Ilarrisse refers to a map of Toreno preserved in the Royal Library 
at Turin, dated 1522, in which he is called "piloto y maestro de cartas de nauegar de su 
Magestad " The American part of this last chart is unfortunately missing.'^ 

Harrisse calls this Lenox wood;, it the earliest known chart of Spanish origin which 
is crossed by lines of latitude and longitude, and thinks it marks ,1 type adopted by the 
Spanish cosmographers a little after the return of Del Cano from his voyage of circum- 
navigation and the coming of Andagoya from Panama in 1522, with additions based on 
the tidings which Gomez brought to Seville in December, 1525, from his voyage farther 
north. 

It is not worth while to reproduce here various maps of this time, all showing more or 
less resemblance to the common type of this central portion of the New World. Su' 



\ .^ 



'1 • I 



llil 



fin 



LAMtXl 




QUE (^ 









^(.«"0 0f 



» ? 



.0 



l''ii 



AN EARLY FRENCH MAP. 



1 Cataloi<ue, no. 349, p. 1277. Gcschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Halftc 

2 Cf. Vincenzo Proniis, Memormle di Diego dcs Mittelaltcrs," in \\\<t Jalireskricht dcs I'cieiiis 
Colombo con notti sidla holla Ji Alcssoftilro VT. fiir Erdkunde in Dresden (1870), vol, vi. and viL 
(Torino, 1S69), p. 11; Heinrich Wuttke, "Zur p. 61, etc. : AVieser, />i7- /'t)r/«/jH, etc., p. 15. 



THK EARLY CARTOGRAI'HY OF THK GULF OF MEXICO. 225 



two marine 
:illor of the 
fine charts, 
lis Majesty, 
the secundo 
first edition 
at the statc- 
lyal Library 
leuar de su 



finsr more or 




are the maps of \'crrazano ' and of Thorne.- tlic draft of tlie Sloane manuscript.'' tlic cordi- 
fnrm ma') of Orontius Fin-xus,* one given l^y Kunstmann,' and tlie wliole series of tlie 

A,i,'nese type." 

There is a Frencli map. which was found by Jomard in the possession of a noble 
lamilv in France, whicli Koiil supposes to be drawn in part from I^ilicro. A sketcli is 
annexed as of '• An Early French Map." The absence of the Gulf of California and of all 







o^ 



•"^ £i3 



^COZUMEL 



"V-^UAjLf-«'. jj\ 



u; 



hi 



i> ,/ 



GULF OF MEXICO, 1 536. 



traces of De Soto's expedition leads Kohl to date it before 1533- Jomard placed the 
(late later ; but as the map has no record of the expeditions ot Ribault and Laudonnicre, 
it would appear to be earlier th.-'.n 1554-' 



M 



letzten Hiilfte 
iihtJi's J 'tit-ins 

ol. vi. and viL 
, etc., p. 15. 



1 'vol. IV. p. 26. 
-' Vol. III. p. 17. 
■' See fosf, p. 432. 
* Vol. III. p. u. 
'' Vol. IV. p. 46. 

VOL. II. — 20- 



» Vol. IV. p. 40. 

" Kohl, ignorant of the Peter Martyr map of 
151 1 (sec p. no), mistakes in considering that the 
map must he nssigned to a date later than 1530, 
for the reason that tne Hcrnuulas are shown in it. 



226 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



'! I. 



There is a large manuscript map in the British Museum which seems to have been 
made by a Frenchman from Spanisii sources, judging from the mixture and corruption of 
the languages used in it. In one inscription there is mention of " the disembarkation 
of the Governor; " and this, together with tlie details of the harioors on the west coast 
of Florida, where Narvaez went, leads Kohl to suppose the map to have been drawn from 
that commander's reports. The sketch, which is annexed and marked " Gulf of Mexico, 
1536," follows Kohl's delineation in his Washington collection. * 

We can further trace the geographical history of the Antilles in the Miinster map of 
1540,^ in the Mercator gores of 1541,' and in the Ulpius globe of 1542. ■• In this last year 
(1542) we find in the Rotz Idrography, preserved in the British Museum, a map whicli 






T 



8 'oo»^ 



^^ ^^o^f-^"^"' 




.JO* 



-«• 



-20* 



^ .•■■ «5 -lo- 



'.I 



ROTZ, 1542, 



: 



1' 1: 



■li 



records the latitudes about three degrees too high for the larger islands, and about two 
degrees too low for the more southern ones, making the distance between Florida and 
Trinidad too great by five degrees. The map is marked " The Indis of Occident quhas 
the Spaniards doeth occupy." The sketch here given follows Kohl's copy.o Rotz 
seems to have worked from antecedent Portuguese charts ; and in the well-known Cabot 
map of 1544, of which a section is annexed, as well as in the Medina map of 1 545,* we 
doubtless have the results reached by tlie Spanish hydrographers. The " Carta marina " 
of the Italian Ptolemy of 1548,' as well as the manuscript atlas of Nicholas Vallard 
(1547), now in tlie Sir Thomas Phillipps Collection, may be traced ultimately to the same 



1 This may be the map referred to by R. II. 
Schomburgk in his Barhadot-s (London, 1S48), 
as being in the British Mnscnm, to which it was 
restored in 1790, after having been in the posses- 
sion of Edward Ilarley and Sir Joseph IJanks. 

-' Sec Vol. IV. p. 41. 



3 See ante, p. 177. 

4 Sec Vol. IV. p. 4:. 

•'' Cf. Schonibingk's Barlhuiocs, p. 256. 

6 See " Hist. Chorography of S. America." 

7 Sec Vol. IV. p. 43, and fac-similc given io 
' Hist. Chorograpliy of South America." 



ill 



'^'! ■ 






THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO. 22/ 

source ; and the story goes respecting the latter that a Spanish bishop, Don Miguel de 
Silva. brought out of Spain and into France the originals upon wiiich it was founded. 
These originals, it would appear, also served Homem in 1558 in the elaborate manuscript 
map, now preserved in the British Museum, of which a sketch (in part) is annexed (p. 229). 
The maps of the middle of the century which did most to fix popularly the geography 
of the New World were probably the Bellero map of 1554,' which was so current in 



-JfJ 




LA &UMUOA 



^ OCLANUS 

'"*"'$..W ^T^'^D^^ OCCIOLNTALIS 

A 3 - 

3-* 



MAR DfL 5UR 



«•. 




it 



CABOT, 1544.'' 

Antwerp publications of about that time, and the hemisphere of Ramusio (1556) which 
accompanied the third volume of his Viaggi, and of which a fac-simile is annexed. There 
is a variety of delineations to be traced out for the Antilles tlirough the sequence of the 
better-known maps of the next following years, which the curious student may find in the 
maps of the Riccardi Palace,* the Nancy globe,* the Marlines map of iis-,^ that of For- 
lani in 1560,^ the map of Ruscelli in the Ptolemy of 1561, besides those by Zalterius (1566),' 
Des Liens (1566),'* Diegus (1568),' Mercator (1569),'" Orteliu.s (1570)," and Porcacchi 
(1572).'- Of the map of Martines, in 1578, which is in a manuscript atlas preserved in 



01 



1 See " Hist. Chorography of S. America." 

2 Sketch of a section of the so-called Sebas- 
tian Cabot Mappciiiondc in the National Library 
at Paris, following a iiholographic reproduction 
belonging to Harvard College Library. There 
is a rnde draft of the Antilles by Allfonscc of 
tliis s.inie year. 

•' Figured in tlic Jahrhuch dcs I'cn'iiis fiir 
lirdkundc in Dresden, (S70. 



■< See fast, p. 433. 

* See post, ]). 450. 

" See post, p. 438. 

' See Vol. IV. p. 93. 

s See Vol. IV. p. 79. 

^ See post, p. 449. 
1" See Vol. IV. pp. 94, 373. 
n See Vol. IV. p. 95. 
•■^ Sec Vol. IV. p. 96. 



!;'fe' 



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228 NARRATIVE AXU CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 







Sl'WAJ^tUittl/tS 

^^^'^'^HA^/^/t^i^ 



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^0 -^--- 110 T^ 















_^J-_.~MAP. DILLS VK. t'f ^',^ ,-^-T^i^--^'lA- V / ^>-V'--r^Sjfeiifc>''-T 



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RAMUSIO, 1556.* 

1 H, H. Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. 49, sketclies this map, but errs iii saying the shape of the California peninsiilj was no; 
copied in later maps. Cf. map in Best's Froais/ier (i:,yS). 



THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OK THE GULF OF MEXICO. 229 





.5i' 



» tf. \ /.'OVA &ALITIA 




a^'-'^ 



TIRInADE FLORIDA 






J 









^''>-'^' 



CC£A/ViM' OCCiatNTis 



^ 









MAI{iD£SUL 






HOMEM, 1558. 



tlie British Museum, Kohl says its parallels of latitude are more nearly correct than on 
any earlier map, while its meridians of longitude are expanded far too much.i 



NIOVA SPAtWA 







'.'«? 



i» BIIMUDO. 






>. 



."j-w; .^::;::^'%^ 



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MARTINTS. 1578. 
1 Cf. Vol. IV. p. 97. 



^:i 



,1> 



111 



California peninsul 



230 



NAKKAri\'': AM) CKIIICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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CHAPTER IV. 

ANCIENT FLORIDA. 
BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LLD. 

THE credit of being the first to explore our Atlantic coast has not yet 
buen positively awarded by critical historians. Ramusio preserves the 
report of a person whom he does not name, which asserts that Sebastian 
Cabot claimed for his father and himself, in the summer of 1497, to have 
run down the whole coast, from Cape 15reton to the latitude of Cuba; 
but the most recent and experienced writer on Cabot treats the claim as 
unfounded.' 

The somewhat sceptical scholars of our day have shown little inclination 
to adopt the theory of l-'rancisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, that Americus 
Vespucius on his first voyatje reached Honduras in 1497, and durinj:; the 
ensuing year ran along the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico, doubled 
the Florida cape, and then sailed northward along our v\tlantic coast to the 
Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he built a vessel and sailed to Cadiz.^ 

Although Columbus made his first landfall on one of the Bahamas, and 
Cuba was soon after occupied, no definite knowledge seems to have been 
obtained of the great mainland so near them. There is nothing in narrative 
or map to betray any suspicion of its existence prior to the year 1 502, when 
a map executed in Lisbon at the order of Cantino, an Italian merchant, for 
Hercules d' Este, shows a mainland north of Cuba, terminating near that 
island in a peninsula resembling Florida. The tract of land thus shown 
has names of capes and rivers, but they can be referred to no known 
exploration. To some this has seemed to be but a confused idea of Cuba 
as mainland ; ^ by others it is regarded as a vague idea of Yucatan. But 
Harrisse in his Corte-Rcal, where he reproduces the map, maintains that 



I !:■ 



- 



i "II =■ 






ii 



S S o « g .^ 



t^ 3 



' Harrissc,yi'(7;; ct Sebasticn Cabot, leiir originc 
tt leitrs vov(7!^i's (Paris, 1882), pp. 97-104. The 
Ciibot claim ajjpears in Peter Martyr, Dtcadis 
(liasle, 1533), dec. iii. lib. 6, folio 55; Ramusio, 
^''''KS' ('55°-' 553). torn. i. folio 414; Jacob 
Ziegler, O/'era varia (Argentorafi, 1532), folio 
xcii. [Cf. the present History Vol. III. chap, i., 
where it is shown that the person not named by 
Ramusio was Gian Giacomo Bardolo. — Ed.] 



- Histon'ail Ar,i^<izim; 1S60, p. 98. Yarn- 
hagen ascribes the names of the Cantino and 
subsequent Ptolemy maps to Ves|)ncius. The 
name Paria near Florida seems certainly to 
have come from this source. [The question of 
this disputed voyage is examined in chapter ii. 
of the present volume. — Ed.] 

3 James Carson Bretoort, Verrazano the 
A^dvi^ator, p. 72. 



r 



v: -J -2 ^ 



— c 



:U-. 



NAKKATIVK AM) IKII ICAL lllslKKS ()!• A.Ml.KICA. 



I li 



f i I ' 



■r 



"between the end of 15CX) and tlu' siimniLT of 1502 iiavit,'ator9, whose name 
ami nationality arc imknnwn, l)iU wlioni we pifsiinu! 10 he Spaniards, dis- 
covered, cxplorcil, and n.iincd llie p.irl of llie sliorc of llie United Stales 
which from tlie vicinity of I'ensacohi Hay runs alon^ tlie Gulf of Mexieo 
to the Cape of Florida, ami, turning,' it, runs norllnvanl alon^; the Atlantic 
coast to about the mouth of the l.'lu'sa|)eal<i' or Hudson."' 

Hut liMvini; llirsc [Uvrc cl.iims in the realm of conjecture and doubt, we 
couK' to a piriod o( more ciM'tain knowledge. 

The I.ucayos of the Mahamas seem to have talked of a great land of 
Himini not far from them. The Spaniards repeated the story; and in the 
edition of I'eter Martyr's Dadiiis publisiied in 1511 is a map on which 
a hnrge island appears, nanieil " Ilia de Heimeui, i)arte."- 

Discovery had taken a more southerlj- route; no known Spanish vessel 
had passed throu^ii the Mahama channel or skirted the coast. Hut some 
ideas must have [)revailed, picketl up from natives of the islands, or adven- 
turous pilots wiio iiad ventured farllur llian tiu'ir instructions authorized. 
•Stories (jf an island north of 1 lispaiiiola, with a fountain whose waters 
conferred perpetual youth, had reached I'eter Martyr in Spain, for in the 
same edition of his Dcauifs lie allmlcs to the li'^ends. 

John Ponce de Leon, who had accompanied Columbus on his second 
voyaj^e, and liad since played his part bravely amid the jjjreatcst vicissitudes, 
resolved to explore and concjuer Himini. lie had friends at Court, and 
seems to ha\e lieen a personal favorite of the King, who expressed a wish 
for his advancement.'' The patent he solicited was based on that orii^inaily 
issued to Columbus; but the King laughingly said, that it was one thing 
to grant boundless power when nothing was expected to come of it, and 
very different to do so when success was almost certain. Yet on the J31I 
of February, 151 J, a royal grant empowered John I'once de Leon "to pro- 
ceed to discover and settle the Island of Himini." ' The patent was subject 
to the condition that the island had not been already discovered. He 
was required to make the exploration within three years, liberty being 
granted to him to touch at any island or mainland not subject to the King 
of Portugal. If he succeeded in his expedition he was to be governor 
of Himini for life, with the title o{ adclantado? 

The veteran immediately purchased a vessel, in order to go to Spain 
and make i)reparations for the concpiest of Himini. Hut the authorities in 
Porto Rico seized his vessel; and the King, finding his services necessary 



'!i' 



fij'i 



Wi 



' Ilarrissc, f.fs Corte-Keal it leiirs 7'pyai;es nil 
A'oir.raii Monde, pp. Ill, 1 51. [The Ciiuiiio 
map is sketched on p. loS. — I'.n.] 

2 P. Martyris Aiixli Mcdiohiiicnsis o/<i-t\i. 
Jlispiiti Corumbcrgcr, 151 1. [A fac-simile of this 
map in given on p. no. — ICn.] 

■' King to Ccron and Piaz, .Aug. 12. 1512. 

' Las Casas was certainly mistaken in saying 
that Ponce de Leon gave the name Bimini to 



Florida ; the name was in print l.efore it appears 
in connection with him, and is in his first patent 
before he discovered or named Florida (Las 
C.isas, Histcria de his /iidins, lib. ii. chap, xx., 
iii. ]). 460. 

^ Cafituliuion que el Rev conccdio a Joan Pome 
de /.eon para i/ue vaya al deseuhrimienlo de la ysla 
de Pemini. Feclia en Burgos a xxiij de hebrero 
de Dxij a '. 






ANCIKNT KLOKIDA. 



^ii 



ill ccmtrollin^; tlir Indians, stnt ordiis tu Mic Council of the liulies to dcfct 
ihc Miinini (.'spfdition, and ^javc I'oncc dc l.coii command of llic fort in 
I'n.to Rico.' 

Tluis ilcla\(.'il in tiu' royal service I'' -. e de I.eon was iiiiahle to obtain 
vessels or supplies till the following year. He at last set sad from the purl 
of San (ierman n I'orto Rico in March, I:,!,},- with three caravels, taking 
a-« pilot Anton ile .\laminos, a native of I'alos who had as a boy accompa- 
nird Columbus, and who was lon^^ to associate his own name with explo- 
r.ilioa^ iif tlu' Ciulf of Mexico, They tirst steered northeast hy north, ami 
soon made the Caieos, Vaj,'una, .\maL;iia>(), and M.iiii^ua. AtUr retittini^ 
at (iu.uiahani, I'oncc de I.eon jjore northwest; and on Master Sunday 
(March -'j) iliscovcreil the mainland, alonjj; which he ran till the 2il of 
April, when he anchoreil in ?o" 8' and landed. On the 8th he touk pos- 
session in the n.um; of the Kin^' of Spain, ami named the counti)' — wliieh 
the l.ucayos calleil Cancio — i'lorida, from I'ascua I'lurida, the Spanish 
name for Master Sunday. 

The vessels then turned southward, following the coast till the 20th, 
wlun I'once landed near Abayoa, a cluster of hulian huts. On attinipt- 
ini^ to sail aL,'ain, he met such violent currents that his vessels couKl make 
no liculwav, and were forccil to anchor, except one of the caravels, which 
w.is driven out of siL;ht. On laiulin;^ at this point I'once found the Imlians 
so hostile that he was obli^reil tu repel their attacks by force. He named 
a river Rio de la Cruz ; and, doid)lin^f Cape Corrientes on the 8th of May. 
sailed on till he reached a chain of islands, to which he t^a\e the name of 
the Martyrs. On one of these he obtained wood and water, and careened 
a caravel. The Indians were very thievish, endeaxoriuf;' to steal the anchors 
or cut the cables, so as to seize the ships. lie ne.Nt discovered and nametl 
the I'ortugas. After doublin^f the cape, he ran up the western shore of 
I'lorida to a bay, in 27' 30', which for centuries aftcrwanl bore the name 
of Juan ponce. There are indications that before he turned back he ma\- 
have followed the coast till it trended westward. After discoveriuff liahama 
he is said to ha\e despatched one caravel from Cluanima under John 
I'erez de Ortubia, with Anton de Alaminos, to search for Himini, while he 
himself returned to I'orto Rico, which he reached SeiJtember 21. He was 
soon ft)llowed by Ortubia, who, it is said, had been successful in his search 
for Himini. 

Althou<^h Ponce dc Leon had thus explored the Florida coast, and added 
greatly to the knowledge of the Bahama group, his discoveries are not noted 
ill the editions of Ptolemy which appeared in the next decade, and which 
retained the names of the Cantino map. The Ribeiro map (1529) gives 
the Martyrs and Tortugas, and on the mainland Canico, — apparently 



' Letter of the King to Ccron and Ilia/. .Aug. - Tlie King, writing to the autliorlties in 

i:;, 151 2 ; the Iving to Ponce do I.eon, and letter Espafiola Jnly 4. I 5'.). ^ay.s : " .Mcuromc dc la 

of the King, Dec. lo, 1512, to the ofticials in the ida de Juan Ponce a liiminv; tened cuidado dp 

Indies. provcerle i avisadmc dc lodo." 
VOL. n. 30. 



?34 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



■It 



■•'I 'i '' i 

m Hi): 



•:l'' 






Cdiicto, che Lucayan name of Florida. 

Vinci's Mappcmonde, Florida appears as an island in a vast ocean that 

rolls on to Japan. ^ 

Elated with his success, John Ponce dc Leon soon after sailed to Spain ; 
and, obtaining an audience of the Kint;, — it is said through the influence 
of his old master, Pero Nuiiez de Guzman, Grand Comcndador of Calatra\a, 
— gave the monarch a description of the attractive land which he had dis- 
covered. He .'solicited a new patent for its conquest and settlement; and 
on the 27th of September, 15 14, the King empowered him to go and settle 
"the Island of Brimini and the Island Florida " which he had discovered 
under the royal orders. He was to effect this in three years from the 
delivery of the asiciito ; but as he had been employed in I lis Majesty's 
service, it was extended so that this term was to date from the day he set 
sail for his new province. After reducing the Caribs, he was empowered 
to take of tiic vessels and men emplo}'ed in that ser\ice whatever he chose 
in order to conquer and settle hMorida. The natives were to be summoned 
to submit to the Catholic Faith and the authority of .Spain, and they were 
not to be attacked or captured if they subiuitted. Provision was made 
as to the revenues of the new j>rovince, and orders were sent to the \'iceroy, 
Don Diego Columbus, to carr}' out the ro\-al wishes.''^ 

The Carib war was not, however, terminated as promptly as the King 
and his officers desired. Time passed, and adventurers in unauthorized 
expeditions to Florida rendered the Indians hostile.''' It was not till 1521 
that Poui tie Leon was able to gi\c serious thought to a new expedition. 
His early hopes seem to have faded, and with them the energy and im- 
pulsi\-eness of his j'outh. He had settled his daughters in marriage, and, 
free from domestic cares, offered himself simply to continue to serve the 
King as he had done for years. Writing to Charles V. from Porto Rico 
on the lOth of February, 1521, he says: — 



il!l 



" Among my ser\i(Cs I (liscovercd, at my own cost and charge, the Island Florida 
a\v\ others in its district, wliich arc not mentioned as l)eing small and useless ; and now 
I return to that island, if it please God's will, to settle it, being enabled to carry 
a ninnber of people with wliich I shall be able to do so. that the n"me of Christ inay 
he ])raised there, and Vour Majesty served with the fruit that land iiroduces. .And I also 
intend to explore the cjast of said island further, and see whether it is an island, or 



; I. 



II ■ i 



^ iMciiioir en a ^fil/•pl•lllOlld^' by I.foimrifi' </.; 
Vinci ciimmiinicatccl to the Society of Antiqua- 
ries by R. H. Major, wlio makes its date between 
1 513 add I 519, — probably 1 514. The /'/,'/,•«/ r 
printed at liasle 1552 lays down Terra Florida 
and Ins. Tortiic.irnni, and the map in Girava's 
Cosnios^i'ii/'/iy shows Florida and Hacalaos ; b\it 
the 1!. e Joan I'once appears in I.a i^vof^ya/iti 

'^I'i7\ '0 Ftolonu'o Alessaiidriiio, Venice, 1548. 
[A fac-aimile of the sketch accredited to Da 
Vinci is (^iven on p. 1 id. — Fn ] 



- Asicfifo y cii/'ifiildrion (jiw sc hizo demas t'on 
Jmu J\vI('c dc Lioii sohrc lii yslii liiiiiiii y la ys/ii 
Floridii, in the volnmc of Asiciitos y capiliilacioncs 
([508-1574), Royal Archives at .Seville, in Colcc- 
cioii dc (iocumcntos iitcJilos, xxii. pp. 33-3S. 

■' Ccdida to the Jcronyniite Fathers, July 
22, 1 517 (Colcccioii de documcutos inlditos, xi. 
295-296). One of these surreptitious voyaf,'(s 
was made by .\nton de Alaminos as pilot 
(Il)id., pp. 435-43S). [See ante, p. 201, for the 
vovage of .Alaminos. — En.] 






ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



235 




ZC AdUcnitado \\JAN FONCJL Dcs 

CAilrridor dt la Fiorida, * 



1,1 



1 



•I 



fr 



POXCE DK LKDN'. 



- 1 



H t 



///ci' (iciiiiis ct'it 
mini y i'l ysl'i 



ulK'ther it connects with the land wlicre Diego Velasquez is, or any other ; and I shall 
enileavor to learn all I can. I shall set out to '^ursue my voyage hence in five or six 
days."-' 

As he wrote to the Cardinal of Tortosa, he had expended all his sub- 
stance in the King's service; and if he asked favors now it was "not 
to treasure up or to pass this miserable life, but to serve Mis Majesty with 
them and his person and all he had, and settle the land that he had dis- 
cmxTed,""* 

' I''ac-similc of an engraving in Ilcrrcra, edi- ' Kxtractcd from n letter of Ponce de Leon 

lion of 172S. to the Cardinal of Tortosa (who was afterward 

- I'once de I.con to Charles V., Porto Rico, Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Kico, Fel). 

IVI). 10, 1521. ruary 10, 1521. 



!, L- .' ' 



230 



NARRA1'1\"K AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMllNICA. 



'•' i . I 



r I'l 



' I' > 



[III 



j,i ( I 



C) 



He went prepared to settle, carr\in^ clerL^yineii for tlie coloiiistii, friars 
to foiuKl Iiulian missions, and liorses, cattle, sheep, and swine. Where 
precisely he niatle the l'"k)rida coast we do not know; but it is stated that 
on attempting to erect dwellings for his colonists he was attacked b; the 
natives, who showed great hostility. Ponce himself while leading his 
men against his assailants, received so dangerous an arrow wound, that, 
after losing many of his settlers by sickness and at the hands of the 
Indians, he abandoned the attempt to plant a colony in Florida, which 
had so long been the object of his hopes ; and taking all on board his 
vessels, he sailed to Cuba. There he lingered in pain, and died of his 
woiuul ' 

John Ponce de Leon closed his long and gallant career without solving 
the problem whetlier Florida was an island or \ydrt of the northern continent. 
IMeanwhik others, following in the path he had opened, were contributing 
to a more definite knowledge. Thus Diego Miruelo, a pilot, sailed from 
Cuba in 1516 on a trading cruise; and running up the western shore of the 
Moridian peninsula, discov(M-ed a bay which long bore his name on Spanish 
maps, and was apparently Pensacola. Here he found the Indians friendly, 
and e.Nchangeil his store of glass and .^teel trinkets for silver and gold. 
Then, satisfied with his cruise, and without making any attempt to explore 
the coast, he returned to Cuba.'-^ 

The ne.xt year Francis Hernandez de Cordova '^ sent from Cuba on the 
8th of P'ebruary two ships and a brigantinc, carrying one hundred and ten 
men, with a less humane motive than Miruclo's; for Oviedo assures us 
that his object was to capture on the I.ucayos, or Bahama Islands, a cargo 
of Indians to sell as slaves. His object was defeated by storms; and 
the vessels, driven from their course, reached Yucatan, near Cape Catoche, 
which he named. The Indians here were as hostile as the elements; 
and Hernandez, after several sharp engagements with the natives, in which 
almost every man was wounded, was sailing back, when storms again dro\e 
his vessels from their course. Unable to make the Island of Cuba, 
Alaminos, the pilot of the expedition, ran into a bay on the Florida coast, 
where he had been with Ponce de Leon on liis first expedition. While a 
party which had landed were procuring water, they were attacked with 
the utmost fury by the Indians, who, swarming down in crowds, assailed 
those still in the boats. In tliis engagement twent>'-two of the Indians were 
killed, si.x of the Spaniards in the landing party were wounded, — includ- 
ing Bernal Diaz, who records the event in his History, — and four of those 
in the boats, among the number Anton de Alaminos, the pilot. The only 
man in the expedition who had come away from Yucatan unwounded, 
a soldier named Berrio, was acting as sentry on shore, and fell into the 



1 Herrera, (Ice. iii.liook r,cli.ip. xiv. ; Oviedo, ii. 143), gives in his /)<-nvUrty, " l.i b.ihi.i que 

lib. 36, Lh.i|i. i. pp. 6:21-623; li.irci.i, Ensato ll.nman de Minielos " as west of Apalaclie Hay 

^roiwhguo, jip. 5, ('). Sec Hareia's Ensaio cyoiio!i[!;i\-i', p. 2. 

- Oviedo (edition of Amador dc los Rios, •'' [Tlic C6rd(jba of cliap. \\\-iiiiU. — En.] 



!'• I 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



237 



lists, friars 
'.. Wiicrc 
itated that 
ccd h the 
.■adin^r liis 
uiid, that, 
ds of tlic 
da, wliich 
board his 
led of his 

lit sohinij; 

continent, 
intribiiting 
ailed from 
ore of the 
)n Spanish 
IS frieiull)', 

ant! ;4old. 
to explore 

iba on the 
cd and ten 
assures ns 
Is, a cartjo 
)rms ; and 
e Catoche, 
elements ; 
5, in which 
gain drove 

of Cuba, 
rida coast, 
While a 
icked with 
Js, assailed 
dians were 
- includ- 
ur of those 

The onh' 
nwounded, 
II into the 



In bahia que 
Vpalndic Bay 



ite. 



■En.] 



hands of the Indians. The commander himself, Hernandez de Cordova, 
reached Cuba only to die of his wounds. 

This ill-starred expedition led to two other projects of settlement and 
conquest. Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the friend and host of 
Hernandez, obtained a grant, which was referred to by I'once de Leon in 
his fnial letter to the King, and which resulted in the conquest of Mexico; ' 
and Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, persuaded by Alaminos to 
enter upon an exploration of the mainland, obtained permission in due 
Inrni from the priors of the Order of St. Jerome, then governors of the 
Indies, and in 1519 despatched four caravels, well ecpiipped, with a good 
number of men, and directed by good pilots, to discover some strait in the 
mainland, — then the great object of search. 

Alon/o Alvarez de I'ineda, the commander of the expedition, reached 
the coast within the limits of the grant of Ponce de Leon, and endeavored 
to sail eastward so as to pass bej'ond and continue the exploration. Un- 
able, from headwintls, to turn the Cape of Floiida, he sailed westward as far 
as the River iVuiuco, which owes its name to him. Here he encountered 
Corles and his forces, who claimed the country by actual possession. 

The voj-age lasted eight or nine months, and possession was duly taken 
for the King at various points on the coast. Sailing eastward again, Garay's 
lieutenant d' covered a river of very great volume, e\'idently the Missis- 
sippi.- Here he found a considerable Indian town, and remained forty 
days trading with the natives and careening his vessels. He ran up the 
river, and found it so thickly inhabited that in a space of six leagues 
he counted no fewer than forty Indian hamlets on the two banks. 

According to their report, the land abounded in gold, as the natives wore 
gold ornaments in their noses and ears and on other parts of the body. The 
adventurers told, too, of tribes of giants and of pigmies; but declared the 
n,ili\ es to have been friendly, and well disposed to receive the Christian Faith. 

Wild as these statements of Pineda's followers were, the voyage settled 
conclusively the geography of the northern shore of the Gulf, as it proved 
that there was no strait there by which ships could reach Asia. Florida 
was no longer to be regarded as an island, but part of a vast continent. 
The province discovered for Garay received the name of Amichel. 

Garay applied for a patent authorizing him to conquer and settle the 
new territory, and one was issued at Burgos in 1521. B}- its tenor Christo- 
pher de Tapia, who had been appointed governor of the territory discovered 
by Velasquez, was commissioned to fix limits between Amichel and the 
discoveries of Velasquez on the west and those of Ponce de Leon on the 
east. ^\i the map given in Navarrete,^ Amichel extends apparently from 
C;'.ji Roxo to Pensacola Bay. 

' [See chap. vl. of the present volume. — Ed.] sijjpi is indicated on the map of his province 

- The great river might be supposed to be with its name K. del Espiritu Santo, evidently 

the Rio Grande; but its volume is scarcely snfli- given bv Garay. 

ticnt '.o justify the supposition, while the Missis- •'' |Sce unit.; p. 2lS. — Ed.| 



m) 



: I' 



\\ 



' H >l 



'I 1 JJ 
1. 1,1 



't;ii 



I 1 



ii 



M 



il' 



I'.i 






i .1 



't: 



I \ 



li' •, 



I'' I 



Vi 



'!) 



:'/ 



238 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



After sending his report and application to the King, and without await- 
ing any further authority, Garay seems to have deemed it prudent to secure 
a footing in the territory; and in 1520 sent four caravels under Diego dc 
Camargo to occupy some post near Panuco. The expedition was ill man- 
aged. One of the vessels ran into a settlement established by Cortes and 
made a formal demand of Cortes himself for a line of demarcation, claim- 
ing the country for Garay. Cortes seized some of the men who landed, 
and learned all Camargo's pians. That commander, with the rest of his 
force, attempted to begin a settlement at Panuco ; but the territory afforded 
no food, and the party were soon in such straits that, unable to wait for two 
vessels which Garay was sending to their aid, Camargo despatched a caravel 
to Vera Cruz to beg for supplies.' 

In 1523 Garay equipped a powerful fleet and force to conquer and settle 
Amichel. He sailed from Jamaica at the end of June with the famous 
John de Grijalva, discoverer of Yucatan, as his lieutenant. His force com- 
prised thirteen vessels, bearing one hundred and thirty-six cavalry and eight 
hundred and forty infantry, with a supply of field-pieces. He reached Rio 
de las Palmas on the 2Sth of July, and prepared to begin a settlement; but 
his troops, alarmed at the unpromising nature of the country, insisted on 
proceedipg southward. Garay yielded, and sailed to Panuco, where he 
learned that Cortes had already founded the town of San Esteban del 
Puerto. Four of his vessels wee lost on the coast, and one in the port. 
He himself, with the rest of his force, surrendered to Cortes. He died in 
Mexico, while still planning a settlement at Rio de las Palmas ; but with 
his death the province of Amichel passed out of existence. 

Thus the discoveries of Ponce de Leon and of Garay, with those of 
Miruelos, made known, by ten years' effort, the coast-line from the Rio 
Grande to the St. John's in Florida. 

The next explorations were intended to ascertain the nature of our 
Atlantic coast north of the St. John's. 

In 1520 Luoas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditors of the Island of 
St. Domingo, diough possessed of wealth, honors, and domestic felicity, 
aspired to the glory of discovering some new land, and making it the 
scat of a prt :perous colony. Having secured the necessary license, he 
despatched a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with 
directions to sail I'orthward through the Bahamas, and thence strike tlie 
shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his exploration, and near the 
Island of Lucayoncque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another caravel. 
His pilot, Alonzo P'ornandcz Sotil, proceeded toward it in a boat, and soon 
recognized it as a caravel commanded by a kinsman of his, Pedro de 
Ouexos, fitted out in part, though not avowedly, by Juan Ortiz de M^tienzo, 
an auditor associated with Ayllon in tlie judiciary. This caravel was return- 
ing from an unsuccessful cruise among the Bahamas for Caribs, — the object 

' [See chapter vi. of the present volume. — Ei).| 



ANCIENT KLOiUDA. 



239 



of the expedition being to capture Indians in order to sell them as slaves. 
Un ascertaining the object of Gordillo's voyage, Quexos proposed that they 
should continue the exploration together. After a sail of eight or nine 
days, in which they ran little more than a hundred leagues, they reached 
the coast of the continent at the mouth of a considerable river, to which 
they gave the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they 
touched the coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. 
Tlic year was 1521, and the point reached was, according to the estimate of 
the explorers, in latitude 33° 30'.^ 

Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on the 
shore ; and while the ships endeavored to enter the river, these men were 
surrounded by Indians, whose good-will they gained by presents.^ 

Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in 
the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the King, 
as Qucxos did also in the name of his employers on Sunday, June 30, 1 521. 
Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the Spanish occupancy.^ 

Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations 
with the Indians of any new land he might discover,* Gordillo joined 
with Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with whom they sailed 
away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the coast. 

On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his 
captain's act; and the matter was brought before a commission, presided 
over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of some important affairs. 
The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that they should be 
restored to their native land at the earliest possible moment. Meanwhile 
they wei ^ to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Matienzo. 

The latter made no attempt to pursue the discovery ; but Ayllon, adhering 
to his original purpose, proceeded to Spain with Francisco, — one of the 
Indians, who told of a giant king and many provinces,^ — and on the 12th 
of June, 1523, obtained a royal cMiila? Under this he was to send out 
vessels in 1524, to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, or till he 
reached lands already discovered ; and if K discovered any strait leading 
to the west, he was to explore it. No one was to settle within the limits 
explored by him the first year, or within two hundred leagues beyond the 
extreme points reached by him north and south ; the occupancy of the 
territory was to be effected within four years; and as the conversion of 
the natives was one of the main objects, their enslavement was forbidden, 
and Ayllon was required to take out religious men of .;ome Order to 
instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. He obtained a second 
ccditla to demand from Matienzo the Indians in his hands in order to 
restore them to their native country." 



' Testimony of Pcdi o tic Qucxos ; Act of 
t^ikini; possession by Qucxos. 

- Testimony of Pedro de Quexos. 

- Act of possession ; Testimony of Aldana. 



^ Answer of Ayllon to ^Matienzo. 
'' Navarrcte, Cohxcioii, iii. 69. 
6 Thid, p. 153. 
' CiVhAj, June 12, 1523. 



I'l I 



14 



% 



240 



NARRATIVE AM) CRITICAL IIISTORV OF AMERICA. 



m 



i» ■ ^ 






1' i.j-' 



'(,!' 



:i .1 



!l: 



fill 



:!■ i I 



On his ruliini to tlic West Indies, A\llc)n was called on the Kind's servici 



to Porto Rico; and lindinij it inii 



mIjIo to 1) 



pursii 



e his disct)\ei\', the ti 



nie 



fo 



r carrjnu 



)ut th 



e iisifiito was, b}' a cedilla of March 23, 1524, exteniled 



to th 
1 



e year 1525 
his 



- I 



o secure 
I'edn 



;hts under the nstL-iitc, he despatciied two cara\el 



un- 



le (Juexos to the newly disco\'ered laiul earl}' in I 



:>-:>■ 



•I'hev 



regained the j^ootl-will of the natives aiul explored the coast for two hundred 
and flit)' leai^ues, settini; up stone crosses with the name of Charles \. and 



the date of the act of tak 



ni 



J 



ul\', i;2 



?-:>• 



wvji, ])ossession. 
Indi 



The\' returned to Santo Doming 



rnii^ni!^ one or two Indians ironi each ])ro\ince, wiio nii^iit 



be trained to act as interi)reters.- 
Mcanwhilc Matienzo beyan lei 



iroceec 



lini 



■s to \aca 



le tl 



trran 



ted by the Kini; to Ayll 



on, o 



n tl 



le 



ind that it w 



is o 



le (isiiitto 



btaincil sur- 



reptitiousl)', and in fraud of his own riiihts as joint disco'.'crer. ills wit- 
nesses failed to show that his caravel had any license to make a vo)-aL;e 
of exploration, or that ho took any steps to follow up the discover}- made; 
i)ut the suit enibcU'r.issed Aj'llon, who was fittint; out four \-essels to s.iii in 
1526, in ortler to colonize the territor)- L;ranted to him. The armada from 
SiKiin was threat!)' delaj-ed ; anil as he expected b)- it a store of artiller)' 
and muskets, as well as cjther reipiisites, he was at great loss. .At last, how- 
e\er, lie sailetl from Puerto de la Plata w ith three large vessels, — a caraxel, 
a breton, antl a brigantine, — early in June, 1526.'' As missionaries he took 
the famous Dominican, Antonio de Montesinos, the i'lrst to denounce Indian 
shu'ery, with leather .\ntonio de Cer\-antes and ISrother Pedro de Mstrada, 
of the same Order. The ships carried six hundred per.sons of both sexes, 
including clergx'men and physicians, besiiles one hundred horses. 

They reached the coast, not at the .San Juan ]5autista, but at another 
river, at 33' 40', s.ij's Xavarrete, to which they gave the name of Jordan.' 
Their hrst misfortune was the loss of the brigantine ; but AjJlon imme- 
diatel)- set to work to replace it, and built a small vessel such as was called 
a ^ifcri'tjrnr, — the fust instance of ship-building on our coast. I'rancisco, his 
Indian guide, deserted him; and parties sent to explore the interior brought 
back such unfax'orable accounts that A\'llon resoh'cd to seek a more fertile 
district. That he sailed northward there can be little doubt; his original 
nsicnto requiretl him to rim eight hundred leagues along the coast, and he, 
as well as Gomez, was to seek a strait or estuary leading to the Spice 
Pslantls. The Chesapeake was a body of water which it would be impera- 
tive on him to explore, as possibly the passage sought. The soil of the 
country bortlering on the ba\', sujierior to that of the sand}' region south 
of it, would seem better suited for purposes of a settlement. lie at last 



r^ 



' Cciluhi given ;it Diirgos. before June 9, as Aylloii testified on the foimc; 

- Interidgaturies of .Vyllon ; Testimony of day, and on the hitter his jji-ocuralor appeared 

Quexos. for liiin. Xavarrete is wrong in mal<ing him sail 

'^ Testimony of .\lonzo Dcspinosa Cervantes about the middle of July { Co/arioii , iii. 72). 
and of Father Antonio de C'ervantes, O.S.I)., in ■* If .Ayllon really reached the Jordan, thii 

1561. The date is clearlv lixctl alter .Mav 26, and was the Watcree. 



IK 



f S SCfVlCl,' 

, the time 
exleiuled 

•a\-els un- 
:5. riiey 
) hundred 



aiut 



les V, 
l)oiiiins;(; 

ilio miL;lil 

le asiriito 

lined siir- 

liis wit- 

a \(>\a_L;e 
:r\- made ; 
I to sail in 
iiatla fiiim 
)f artiller)- 

last, how- 

a cai'a\ei, 
es he toi)k 
ice Indian 
L' l'",strada, 

oth sexes, 

it anolliei 
f Jordan.' 
on imnie- 
was called 
ncisco, his 
jr brouL;ht 
lore fertile 
is ori^L^inal 
it, and he, 
the Spice 
)e imj)eia- 
oil of the 
;ion soutli 
Me at last 

oil the fOillK. 

itor ai)i)c;ircci 
lUing him sail 
;, iii. 72). 
; Jordan, thii 



I 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



241 



reached Guandapc, and began tlic settlement of San Miguel, where the 
En-^'lish in the next century founded Jamestown,' 

Here he found only a few scatters d Indian dwellings of the communal 
s\stem, long buildings, formed ■.. pine posts at the side, and covered with 
branches, capable of holding, in their length of more than a hundred feet, 
a vast number of families. Ayllon selected the most favorable spot on the 
bank, though most of the land was low and swampy. Then the Spaniards 
be,L;;ui to erect houses for their shelter, the negro slaves — first introduced 
iieie — doing the heaviest portion of the toil. Before the colonists were 
housed, winter came on. Men perished of cold on the caravel " Catalina," 
and on one of the other vessels a man's legs were frozen so that the flesh 
fell off. Sickness broke out among the colonists, and many died. Ayllon 
iiimsclf had sunk under the pestilential fevers, and expired on St. Luke's 
Day, Oct. 18, 1526. 

lie made his nephew, John Ramirez, then in I'orto Rico, his successor 
as head of the colony, committing the temporary administration to Francis 
(uiinez. Troubles soon began. Gines Doncel and Pedro de Bazan, at the 
In ad of some malcontents, seized and confined Gomez and the alcaldes, and 
began a career of tyranny. The Indians were provoked to hostility, and 
killed several of the settlers ; the negroes, cruelly oppressed, fired the house 
of Doncel. Then two settlers, Oliveros and Monasterio, demanded the 
release of the lawful authorities. Swords were drawn ; Bazan was wounded 
and taken, Doncel fled, but was discovered near his blazing house. Gomez 
and his subordinates, restored to power, tried and convicted Bazan, who 
was put to death. 

Such were the stormy beginnings of Spanish rule in Virginia, It is not 
to be wondered at that with one consent the colonists soon resolved to 
abandon San Miguel de Guandape. The body of Ayllon was placed on 
board a tender, and they set sail ; but it was not destined to reach a port 
and receive the obsequies due his rank. The little craft foundered ; and 
of the five hundred who sailed from Santo Domingo only one hundred and 
llfty returned to that island. 

Contemporaneous with the explorations made by and under Ayllon was 
an expedition in a single vessel sent out by the Spanish Government in 
1324 under Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese navigator who had sailed under 
^lagallanes, but had returned in a somewhat mutinous manner. He took 
l)art in a congress of Spanish and Portuguese pilots held at Badajoz to 
consider the probability of finding a strait or channel north of Florida by 
which vessels might reach the Moluccas. To test the question practically, 
Charles V. ordered Gomez to sail to the coast of Bacallaos, or Newfound- 
land and Labrador, and examine the coast carefully, in order to ascertain 
whether any such channel existed. Gomez fitted out a caravel at Corunna, 
in northern Spain, apparently in the autumn of 1524, and sailed across. 



1 fSee Vol. III. p. 130. — Ed.] 



VOL. u. 



■3i- 



V i 



'■ 





i ' in ,i 



! 



V\ 



If I 



?42 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






\H -^ 



ir \': 



lil 



'ifl 



IM \ 



l.'l 1 



,!lll 



1 '1 



,( '. 



After examining the Labrador coast, he turned southward and leisurely 
explored the whole coast from Cape Race to Florida, from which he steered 
to Santiago de Cuba, and thence to Corunna, entering that port after ten 
months' absence. lie failed to discover the desired channel, and no 
account in detail of his voyage is known ; but the map of Ribciro,' drawn 
up in 1529, records his discoveries, and on its coast-line gives names 
which were undoubtedly bestowed by him, confirming the statement that 
he sailed southerly. From this map and the descriptions of tiie coast 
in Spanish writers soon after in which descriptions mention is made of his 
discoveries, we can t-ce liiat he noted and named in his own fashion what 
we now knov AT'js=achusctts Bay, Cape Cod, Narragansett Bay, the 

Connecticut, H. ■ 'U, . 1 i Delaware rivers. 

This voyage •• iplett-' 'he exploration of our coast from tiie Rio 
Grande to the Bay of Funo; , yet Sebastian Cabot in 1536 declared that 
it was still uncertain whether a single continent stretched from the Missis- 
sippi to Newfoundland.^ 

The success of Cortes filled the Spanish mind with visions of empires 
in the north rivalling that of Mexico, which but awaited the courage of 
valiant men to conquer. 

Panfilo de Narvaez, after being defeated by Cortes, whom he was sent 
to supersede,'' solicited of Charles V. a patent under which he might con- 
quer and colonize the country on the Gulf of Mexico, from Rio de Palmas 
to Florida. A grant was made, under which he was required to found two 
or more towns and erect two fortresses. He received the title of adclan- 
tado, and was empowered to enslave all Indians who, after being summoned 
in due form, would not submit to the Spanish King and the Christian Faith. 
In an official document he styles himself Governor of Florida, Rio do 
Palmas, and ICspiritu Santo, — the Mississippi.^ 

Narvaez collected an armament suited to the project, and sailed from 
San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, in a fleet of five ships carrying 
six hundred persons, with mechanics and laborers, as well as secular priests, 
and five h'ranciscan friars, the superior being Father Juan Xuarez. On the 
coast of Cuba his fleet was caught by a hurricane, and one vessel perished. 
After refitting and acquiring other vessels, Narvaez sailed from Cuba in 
March with four vessels and a brigantinc, taking four hundred men and 
eighty hor.ses, his pilot being Diego Miruelo, of a family which had acquired 
experience on that coast. 

The destination was the Rio de Palmas ; but his pilot proved incom- 
petent, and his fleet moved slowly along the southern coast of Cuba, 
doubled Cape San Antonio, and was standing in for Havana when it was 



' See aule, p. 221; and references to repro- \i. 266, where Cabot's testimony in tlie Colon 

ductions, on p. 222. Pinzon suit is given. 

- Duro, Iiiforme rclativo a los formcnores dc ^ [See cliaptcr vi. of this volume — En.] 

desciibrimicnto del y\«,.fo J/mWi', Madrid, 18S3, •• CoUxiion de dociinwiitos iiu'ditos, xW. &(>■ 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



243 



iliivcn by a storm on the Moiida coast at a bay which he called Hahia de 
1,1 Cniz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot iilentifics witli Apalache 
15,1V.' Merc Narvaez landed a part of his force (April 15), sending, his 
bii'antine to look for a port or the way to IVunico, — much vaunted by the 
pilots, — and if unsuccessful to return to Cuba for a vessel that had remained 
there. Ho was so misled by his pilots that though he was near or on the 
i'lorid.'i peninsula, he supposed himself not far from the rivers IVmuco and 
I'lilin.is. Under this impression he landed most of his men, and directed 
his vessels, with about one hundred souls remaining on them, to fcjllow the 
coast while he marched inland. No steps were taken to insure their meeting 
,it the harbor proposed as a rendezvous, or to enable the brigantine and the 
(itlur ship to follow the party on land. On the 19th of ,\pril Narvaez struck 
inland in a northward or northeasterly direction ; and having learned a little 
(if the country, moved on with three hundred men, forty of tht mounted. 
On the 15th of the following month they reached a river with a itrc- , cur- 
rent, which they crossed some distance from the sea. Cabcza de V;^.. sent 
at his own urgent request to find a harbor, returned with no ene^.uraging tid- 
ings; and the expedition plodded on till, on the 25th of June, they reached 
.Apalache, — an Indian town of which they had heard magnifies ' accounts. 
It proved to be a mere hamlet of forty wretched cabins. 

The sufferings of Narvaez' men were great; the coun 'was poverty- 
stricken ; there was no wealthy province to conquer, no fertile lands for 
settlement. Ante (a harbor) was said to be nine days' march to the south- 
ward ; and to this, after nearly a month spent at Apalache, the disheartened 
•Spaniards turned their course, following the Magdalena River. On the 31st 
of July they reached the coast at a bay which Narvaez styled Hahia de 
Cavallos; and seeing no signs of his vessels, he set to work to build boats 
in which to escape from the country. The horses were killed for food ; and 
making forges, the Spaniards wrought their stirrups, spurs, and other iron 
articles into saws, axes, and nails. Ropes were made of the manes and tails 
of the horses and such fibres as they could find ; their shirts were used for 
sailcloth. By the 20th of September five boats, each twenty-two cubits long, 
were completed, and two days afterward the sur\ivors embarked, forty-eight 
or nine being crowded into each frail structure. Not one of the whole 
number had any knowledge of navigation or of the coast. 

Running between Santa Rosa Island and the mainland, they coasted 
along for thirty days, landing where possible to obtain food or water, but 
i;L'nerally finding the natives fierce and hostile. On the 31st of October 
lluy came to a broad river pouring into the Gulf such a vohune of 
water that it freshened the brine so that they were able to drink it; but 

' " Aqui clesemb.irco Panfilo de N.irv.icz." printed elsewhere, " in linissels or Anisterdam, 

Mappcmonde of Sebastian Cabot in Joniard. or some such place," as Gayangos thinks. It 

riiis map has always been supposed to be based is seemingly engraved on wood (.Smith's AV/i;- 

im Spanish sources; but owing to the strict pro- tion of Ahar XiiTtiz Cahfn de Vaai, p. 56) | or 

liihition of publication in Spam, it was probably at least some have thought so. 



i^, 




l.J 



M 



i-r 



ai .' 



J 



li ( 



jji» ' 1 



i'; 



k h 



) 



' 'tj 



i 






244 



NARKATIVF. AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



the current was too much for their clumsy craft. Tlie boat commanded by 
Narvaez was lost, and never heard of; that containing I'ather Xuarez and 
the other friars was driven asliore bottom iipv. d; the three remaininj, 
boats were thrown on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas. 
The crews barely e.sciiped with life, and found themselves at the mercy of 
cruel and treacherous savayes, who lived on or near Maihailo Island, and 
drew a precarious living from shellfish and minor animals, prickly-pears 
and the like. They were consequently not as far west as the bison range, 
which reached the coast certainly at Matagorda Hay,' Here several of thi' 
wretched Spaniards fell victims to the cruelty of the Indians or to disease 
and starvation, till Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the expe- 
dition, escaping from six years' captivity among the Mariames, reached ti>e 
Avavares, farther inland, with two companions, Castillo and Dorantes, ami 
a negro slave. After spending eight months with them, he penetrated to 
the .^\rbadaos, where the mesquite is fust found, near the Rio Grande; 
and skirting the San Saba Mountains, came to the bison plains and the 
hunter nations; then keeping westward through tribes that lived in houses 
of earth and knew the use of cotton and mined the turquoise, he finally 
came upon some Spanish explorers on the River Petatlan ; and thus on the 
1st of April, 1536, with hearts full of joy and gratitude, the four men 
entered the town of San Miguel in Sinaloa. 

The vessels of Narvaez, not finding the alleged port of the pilots, 
returned to the harbor where they had landed him, and were there joined 
by the two vessels from Cuba; but though they remained nearly a year, 
cruising along the coast of the Gulf, they never encountered the slightest 
trace of the unfortunate Narvaez or his wretched followers. They added 
nothing apparently to the knowledge of the coast already acquired; for no 
report is extant, and no map alludes to any discovery by them. 

Thus ended an expedition undertaken with rashness and ignorance, and 
memorable only from the almost marvellous adventures of Cabeza de Vaca 
and his comrades, and the expeditions by land which were prompted by 
his narrative. 

The wealth of Mexico and Peru had inflamed the imagination of Span- 
ish adventurers; and though no tidings had been received of Narvaez, 
others were ready to risk all they had, and life itself, in the hope of findini; 
some wealthy province in the heart of the northern continent. The next 
to try his fortune was one who had played his part in the conquest of 
Peru. 

Hernando de Soto, the son of an esquire of Xerez de Badajoz, wai- 
eager to rival Cortes and Pizarro. In 1537 he solicited a grant of the 
province from Rio de las Palmas to Florida, as ceded to Narvaez, as well as 

' Compare Cabeza de Vaca's account, Joutcl and Anastase Houay in I,e Clerc<|, /■y.i/'- 
Oviciln, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii.,pp. 5S2-61S ; and the lissiiiu'iit i/c A? foi, fur the animals and i)lant 
French accounts of La Sallc'.s expedition, — of the ilistricl. 



nandc'd by 
ktiarcz and 

remain ill}, 
LMii Texas. 
c mercy of 
Island, and 
ickly-pears 
ison ran^e, 
eral of tlu' 

to disease 
f the expe- 
eached the 
irantes, and 
netrated to 
io Cirandc ; 
ns and the 
d in houses 
;, he finally 
thus on the 
: four men 

the pilots, 
here joined 
irly a year, 
le sli^ditest 
rhey added 
red; for no 

orance, and 
za de Vaca 
■ompted by 



)n of Span- 
jf Narvaez, 
e of findini; 
The ne.xl 
conquest of 

adajoz, wa^ 

rant of tlic 

z, as well a- 

,0 Clerc(|, Et.ih- 
iials and i>lanl 



ANCIi:XT FLORIDA. 



245 



III' the province discovered by .\)ll(>n ; and the Kin^ at Valladolid, on the 
_'otli ()f.\pril, issued a concession to him, .ip|)ointin^ him to the ffovernment 
of the Island of Cuba, and requirini; him in person to coiupier and occupy 
I'lorida within a year, erect fortresses, and carry over at least five hundred 
men as settlers to hold the country. The division of the gold, pearls, and 
other valuables of the conquered cacitjues was regulate<l, and provision 
made for the maintenance of the Christian religion anil of an hospital in 
the territory. 

The air of mystery assumed by Cabeza de Vaca as to the countries 
th.it he had seen, served to inllamc the imagination of men in Spain ; 
and Soto found many ready to give their persons and their means to 
his expedition. Nobles of Castile in rich slashed silk dresses mingled 
with old warriors in well-tried coats of mail. He sailed from San l.ucar 
in April, 153S, amid the fanfaron of trumpets and the roar of cannon, 
with six hundred as high-born and well-trained men as ever went forth 
from Spain to win fame and fortune in the New World. Thej' reached 
Cuba safely, and Soto was received with all honor. More prudent than 
Narvaez, Soto twice des])atched Juan de Anasco, in a caravel with two 
pinnaces, to seek a suitable harbor for the fleet, before trusting all the 
vessels on the coast.' 

i'.iicouraged by the reports of this reconnoitring, Soto, leaving his wife 
in Cuba, sailetl from Havana in May, 1539, and made a bay on the I'lorida 
coast ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan I'once. To this he gave the 
name of lispiritu .Santo, because he reached it on the Feast of I'entecost, 
which fell that year on the 25th of May.'^ On the 30th he began to land 
his army near a town ruled by a chief named U^ita. Soto's whole force was 
composed of five hundred and seventy men, and two hundred and twenty- 
thicc horses, in five ships, two caravels, and two pinnaces. He took formal 
possession of the country in the name of the King of Spain on the 3d of 
June, and prepared to explore and subject the wealthy realms which he 
supposed to lie before him. Though the chief at his landing-place was 
frii;ndly, he found that all the surrounding tribes were so hostile that they 
began to attack those who welcomed him. 

Ortiz, a Spaniard belonging to Narvaez' expedition, who in his long years 
of captivity had become as naked and as savage as were the Indians, soon 
joined Soto.-' He was joyfully received ; though his knowledge of the coun- 
tr)' was limited, his services were of vital necessit}', for the Indians sccuretl 
!))■ .\nasco, and on whom Soto relied as guides and interpreters, deserted at 
the first opportunity. 

Soto had been trained in a bad school ; he had no respect for the lives 
or rights of the Indians. As Oviedo, a man of experience among the 



' Kclaaim voti^idcirii (Evoia, 1 557), chaps. - Piiednia 

i.-vi., continued in Smith's translation, pp. i-:i ; and liis Soli 



m Ilalvliiyt's Sup])lcmentaiy Volnnie (London, 
\'<\2'\, pp. 695-712; and ill Force's Traits. 
K,iii.;cl in Oviedo, book .wii. cliap. .\xii. ]). 546. 



Rclachni in Smitli's Colcccion, 
p. 231 ; Colcccion Je documcntos 
iitcJitos, iii. 414-441. 

■' Cf. Bucl<ingham -Smith on " The Captivity of 
Ortis," in the appcndi.x to his Letter on De Solo. 




" » 




t' 



\^ 



w\. 



\f 



246 



NARUATIVK AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMICRICA. 



/ i. 



" I 



coiKjiiistiuioiTs, says ; " This governor was very fond of tliis sport of kill, 
ing Indians." ' 

)lan i)f Ills march shouid his disroijard of \.\k ri^dits of thi- 
/\t each place he ileinaiuied of the cacicpie, or heail chief, co 



I'l 



le I 



native- 
for \\h 



rn 



d he 



)f both 



to 



ills bajif^; 



orscs, ami Indians 01 ootn sexes 
and do the menial work in his camp. After obtaining these supplies, iie 
comi)elled the chief to accompany his army till he re.iclud another tribe 
whose chief he could treat in the same waj- ; but lhoiiL;h the first chief was 
then released, few of the people of the tribe whicli he ruled, and who h.id 
been carried off by Soto, were so fortunate as ever to be allowed to return 
to their homes. 

On the 15th of Jul)' Soto, sending back his largest ships to Cuba, moved 
to the northeast to make his toilsome way amid the lakes and streams and 
everglades of I'lorida. Heforc long his soldiers began to suffer from 
hunger, and were glad to eat water-cresses, shoots of Indian corn, and pal- 
metto, in order to sustain life ; for native villages were few and scattered, and 
afforded little corn for the plunderers. The natives were met only as foe- 
men, harassing his march. At C.iliciuen the Indians, to rescue their chief, 
whom Soto was carrying to the ne.xt town, made a furious onslaught 
on the Spaniards; but were driven to the swamps, and nearly all killed 
or taken. Their dauntless spirit was, however, unbroken. The survivors, 
though chained as slaves, rose on their masters; and seizing any weapon 
within their reach, fought desperately, one of them endeavoring to throttle 
Soto himself. Two hundred survived this gallant attempt, only to be 
slaughtered by the Indian allies of the .Spanish commander. Soto fought 
his way westward step by step so slowly that at the end of three months, 
Oct. 30, 1539, he had only reached Agile, — a town in the province of 
Apalache. Anasco, sent out from this point to explore, discovered the 
port where Narvaez had embarked, — the remains of his forges and the 
bones of his horses attesting the fact. Soto despatched him to Tampa Ikiy. 
Anasco with a party marched the distance in ten days ; and sending two 
caravels to Cuba, brought to Soto in the remaining vessels the detachment 
left at his laiuling-place. Before he reached his commander the Indians 
had burned the town of Anaica Apalache, of which Soto had taken 
possession.'^ 

A good port, that of Pcnsacola, had been discovered to the westward ; 
but Soto, crediting an Indian tale of the rich realm of Yupaha in the north- 
cast, left his winter quarters March 3, 1540, and advanced in that direc- 
tion through tribes showing greater civilization. A month later he reacheil 
the Altamaha, receiving from the more friendly natives corn and game. 
This was not sufficient to save the Spaniards from much suffering, and they 
treated the Indians with their wonted cruelty.''' 



y j) 



' Ovicdo, i. 547. 

- /Mi>aii/i 'rn/iniciiM, chap. xi. ; Smith's Solo, pp. 43-44; Bicdma, Ibid., 234, 

•'' Ovicdo, i. 554-557- 



ort of K-ill- 

lits of tin- 
cliicf, corn 
is baggage 
.iipplics, he 
otiicr tribe 
it cliicf was 
1(1 will) li;i(i 
•d to return 

nba, movcil 
trcams and 
suffer from 
•n, and [lal- 
ittered, and 
jnly as foe- 
tlieir chief, 
onslau|^lit 
y all killed 
: survivors, 
my weapon 
I to throttle 
)nly to be 
■ioto fou^dit 
ee months, 
province of 
ovcred the 
cs and the 
"ampa Hay. 
LMiding two 
jetachnient 
he Indians 
had taken 

westward ; 
the north- 
that direc- 
hc reached 
and s;ame. 
J, and they 



234. 



ANCIKNT ILOKIDA. 



«47 



At last Soto, after a march <if fiKir iHindnil ,md thirty leagues, much of 
it tliroii'di uninliabited land, reacheil the province ruled by the cliieftainess 
ul I ofitachiijui. On the isl of May she went forth to meet the Spanish 
cxiilorer in a palancpiin or litter; anil crossing the river in a canopieil 
canoe, she approached Soto, and after presenting him the gifts of sh.iwls 
.inil skins brought by her retinue, she look off her necklace of pearls and 
placed it around the neck of Soto. Vet her courtesy and generosity 
Jill not save her from soon being led about on foot as a prisoner. The 
M.iintry around her chief town, which Jones iilentifies with Silver Bluff, 
oil tile Savannah, below Augusta,' tempted the followers of Soto, who 
wi-lied to settle there, as from it Cuba could be readily reachetl. lUit the 
commander would attempt no settlement till he IkuI discovered some rich 
kingdom that would rival Peru; and chagrined at his failure, refused even 
to send tidings of his operations to Cuba. At Silver Hluff he came upon 
tr.ices of an earlier Spanish march. A dirk and a rosary were brought to 
him, which were supposed, on good grounds, to have come frt)m the 
i\']>edition of Ayllon. 

I'oring over the cosmography of y\lonzo dc Chaves, Soto and the officers 
of his expedition concluded that a river, crossed on the j6th of Ma)-, was 
the I'^spiritu Santo, or Mississippi. A seven days' march, still in the cliief- 
taincss's realm, brought them to Chelaque, the country of the Clurokces, 
poor in maize ; then, over mountain ridges, a northerly march brought them 
1(1 .\ualla, two hundred and fifty leagues from Silver Mluff. At the close of 
Ma)- they were in (jiiaxule, where the cliieftainess regained her freedom. It 
was a town of three hundred houses, near the mountains, in a well-watered and 
pleasant land, probably at the site of Coosawattie Old 'I'own. The chief gave 
Soto maize, and also three hundred dogs for the maintenance of his men. 

Marching onward, Soto next came to Canasagua, in all probability on a 
river even now called the Connasauga, flowing through an attractive land of 
imiiherries, persimmons, and walnuts. Mere they found stores tif bear oil 
and walnut oil and lioiiej-. Marching down tlii.s stream and the Oostanaula, 
into which it flows, to Cliiaha, on an island opposite the mouth of the lUoua, 
in the district of the pearl-bearing mussel-streams, Soto was received in 
amity; and the caciipie had some of the shellfish taken and pearls extracted 
ill the presence of his guest. The Spaniards encamiicd under the trees near 
the town, leaving the inhabitants in quiet possession of their homes. Here, 
on the spot apjiarently now occupied by Rome, they rested for a month. 
.\ detae ment sent to discover a reputed gold-producing province returned 
with no i dings to encourage the adventurers; and on the 2Sth of June 
Soto, with iiis men and steeds refreshed, resumed his march, having obtained 
men to beai his baggage, though his demand of thirty women as slaves 
was refused.''^ 

' Mc-/<i(,im -rcrdiideira, chap, xii.-xv. ; Biedma, Relacion ; Smith's Soto, pp. 49-68, 236-341; 
Kaiigcl ill Ovitclo, tliskniu General, i. 562. 
- ()vi(.(iii, i. 563. 



Va 



til' 



'■■;.■ 
' i; 

■ ' " I, 






, I 



'w^ 



i 



-:i 



ti\ 



[i t 



ii' * 



248 



NARRATIXE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



Cliisca, to which he sent t\v<i men to exphjre for Lj;okl, proved to be in 
a nifjL^cd mountain land; and tlie buffalo robe which the}- brouL:;!'^ back 
was :nore curious than encouraLjiny. Soto therefore left the territory of 
the Cherokccs, and took the direction of Co(^a, probably on the Coosa 
river. The cacique of that place, warned doubtless b)- the rumors which 
must have spread through all the land of the danijer of thwartintj the fierce 
strangers, furnished supplies at several points on the route to his town, and 
as Soto approached it, came out on a litter attired in a fur robe and pl'inud 
headpiece to make a full surrender. The Spaniards occupietl the town and 
took possession of all the Indian stores of corn and beans, the neighboring 
woods adding persimmons and grapes. This town was one luindretl and 
ninety leagues west of Xualla, and la\' on the east bank of the Coosa, bi - 
tween the mouths of the Talladega and Tallasehatchee, as I'ickett, the his- 
torian of Alabama, determines. Soto heh^ the chief of Cocja \irtuall)- as a 
prisoner; but when he demanded porters to bear the baggage of his men. 
most of the Indians fletl. The Spanish commainler then sei^.ed ever\' 
Indian he could find, and put him in irons. 

iVfter remaining at Coga for twenty-five da\s, Soto marched to L lii- 
bahali, a strongly palisaded town, situated, as we ma)' conjecture, on I latchet 
Creek. This place submitted, giving men as porters and women as slaves. 
Leaving this town on the 2d of September, he marched to Tallisc, in a 
land teeming with corn, whose people proved equall}- tl(>cile.' This sub- 
mission was perhaps onl}' to gain time, and draw the in\aders into a tlis- 
advantageous position. 

Actahachi, the gigantic chief of Tastaluza, sixty leagues south of Co^a, 
which was Soto's next station, received him with a pomp such as the Span- 
iards had not yet witr.essed. The cacicpie wa^ seated on cushions on a 
raisetl platform, with his chiefs in a circle around him; an umbrella of 
buckskin, stained red and white, was held over him. The curveting steetls 
and the armor of the Spaniartls raised r.o look of curiosity on his stern 
countenance, am' he calmly awaiteil Soto's approach. Not till he found 
himself detained as a prisoner would he [)romise to furnish the Spaniards 
with porters and supplies of pro\-isions at Manila- to enable .Soto to continue 
his march. He then sent oixlers to his vassal, the chief of Manila, to have 
them in readiness. 

As the Spaniards, accompanied by Actahachi, descended the Alabama, 
passing by the strong town of Piache, the cacique of Manila came to meet 
them with friendly greetings, attended b\- a number of his subjects playing 
upon their native musical instruments, and proffering fur robes and service; 
but the demeanor of the people was so haughty that Luis de Moscoso urged 
Soto not to enter the town. The adclautado persisted ; and riding in with 
seven or eight- - f !-.is guartl aiul four horsemen, sat down with the cacicpie 



' Ki-!,h;iiii 7 vi;/,h/,-ir,}, cli.ip. xv.-xvi. ; liicdmn, 
/Cd.uioii : Siiiitli's S,>/,\ |ip. ()6-77, 240-242; 
Kaiigel in Ovicdo, i. 565-5O6. 



- It is v.inously written also .)Aivi/u and 
.UaviUa. 



yj< 



ANClEXr FLORIDA. 



H9 



)f C<i(^;i, 
10 Span- 
Mis on a 
)rclla (if 
stcctls 
lis stern 
fountl 
Spaniards 
continue 
to have 

Alabama, 
U> meet 
plax'iiii; 
service ; 
so ur;4ed 
<l in witli 
caciciue 



iiiu-l llie chief of Tastaluza, wliom, according; to custom, he had brought to 
lliis phicc. The latter asked leave to '•eturn to his own town; when Soto 
rel'used, he rose, pretending a wish to confer with some chiefs, and entered 
a lunise where some armed Indians were concealed. lie refused to come 
(Hit when summoned; and a chief who was ordered to carry a message to 
the cacique, but refused, was cu; down by Gallego with a sword. llien the 
iiiiliaiis, pouruig out from the houses, sent volleys of arrows at Soto and his 
|..nt\. Soto ran toward his men, but fell two or three times; and though 
\\v reached his main force, five of liis men were killed, and he himself, as 
uill as all the rest, was severely wounded. The chained Indian porter.-i, 
v.iio bore the baggage and trea;nres of .Soto's force, had set down their 
loads just outside the palisade. When the party of Soto had been driven 
out, the men of Manila sent all these into the town, took oh their fetters, 
and L;ave them weapons. Some of the military equipments of the Spaniards 
fell into the hands of the Indians, and several of Soto's followers, who had 
like liini entered the town, among them a friar and an ecclesiastic, remained 
as prisoners. 

The Indians, sending off their caciques, and apparently their women, 
prepared to tiefend the town; but Soto, arranging his militar_\- array into 
four detachments, surrounded it, and made an assault on the gates, where the 
natives gatheretl to withstand them. By feigning flight Soto drew them out ; 
and by a sudden charge routed them, and gaining an entrance for his men, 
set fire to the houses. This was not effected without loss, as the Spaniards 
were several times repulsed by the Indians. When they at last fought their 
ua\- into the town, the Indians endeavored to escape. Finding that impos- 
sible, as the gates were held, the men of Manila fought desperately, and died 
by the sworti, or plunged into the blazing houses to perish there. 

The battle of Manila was one of the bloodiest ever fought on our soil 
between white and reel men in the earlier daj's. The Adclantado had 
twenty of his men killed, and one hundred and fifty wounded ; of his 
horses twelve were killed and seventy wountled. The Indian loss was 
estimated by the Portuguese chronicler of the expedition at twenty-five 



liiMKlrec 



1, and by Rangel at three thousand. At nightfall Hiednia tells uh 



that duK' three Inilians remained ali\'e, ':wo of whom v.'ere killetl fight 



lUL 



lie las 



t hung himself from a tree in the palisade with his bowstring.' 



i ne 



(ientlenian of I'^lvas states Soto' 



s whole loss 



up to his leaving Manila to 



lia\e Deell o 



ne hundred and two by disease, accident, and Indian fight 



UlL 



Divine worship had been apparently offered in the camp regularly up to 
this time; but in the flames of Manila perished all the chalices and vest- 
ments of the clergy, as well as the bread-irons and their store of wheat- 
Ihuir and wine, so that ]\lass ceased from this time.- 

' /\'(7i((';w; irn/iji/./Vi;, clis. .wii.-xix. ; IJicdm.i, have been cli.iiitcd over Soto's body avc tlieic- 

kt-l.uio'i ; Smitli's .S'ii/o, pp. So-90, 24.;-245. fore iinaginarv. Xo Mass, wlietlier of reipiiein 

- See Smilli's Solo, ]). ()0 ; Range] in Oviedo, or oilier, coiiUl have been said or sung after tlic 

1. ^(f). The re(inicnis said vears afleruard to Ijattlc of 'Sh nila. 
vol.. tl. — 32. 



,1' 



,» 



,M 



M 



T II 



1 I 



iO 



NARRATIVE AN'I) CRITICAL UISIORY OF AMKKICA. 



VAfr 



,'l'' 



!:! 



1 1' 



Suto here asccilaiiicd thai I-'raiicisco Maldonado was with vessels at the 
port of Ichuse (or OchiiseJ only six da\-s' march from liim, awaitiiiL; 
liis orders. Me was too proud to return to Cuba with his force reduced 
thout their ba^Ljage, or an>- trophy from the lands he had 
dd not even send an\- tidings to Cuba, but concealed 
from his men the knowletlge which had been brc 



m numbers, wi 



\1S1 



ted. IK 



;t to him b)- Ort 



\7. 



tl 



le rescuet 



1 foil 



owcr o 



f X 



U'\ ae 



Stubborn in his pride, Soto, on the 14th of November, marcheti norlli 
ward ; and tra\ersing the land of I'afallaya (now Clarke, Marengo, and Greem 
counties), passed the town of Taliepatua and reached Cabusto, iilentified 
by I'ickett with the site of the modern town of I'j-ie, on the Hlack Warrior. 
Here a series of battles with the natives occurred ; but Soto fought his way 
through hostile tribes to the little town of Chicaqa, with its two hundred 
houses clustered on a hill, probablj' on the western bank of the \'azoo, which 
he reached in a :;now-storm on the 17th of December. The cacique Micu- 
lasa recei\ed Soto graciousl)', and the Spanish commander won him b\- 
sending part of his force to attack Sacchimia, a hostile town. I laving thu-^ 
propitiated this powerful chief, Soto remained here till March; when, being 
ready to adx'ance on his expedition in search of some wealthy province, he 
demanded porters of the cacique. The wil)' chief amused the in\ader with 
promises for several dajs, and then suddenU^ attacked the town from foui 
sides, at a very carlj- hour in the morning, dashing into the place and set 
ting fire to the houses. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, were assailed as 
they came out to put on their armor and mount their horses. Soto and one 
other alone succeeded in getting into the saddle; but Soto himself, after 
killing one Indian with his spear, was throwu, his girths gix'ing way. 

The Indians drew off with the loss of this one m.in, having killed cle\en 
Spaniards, many of their horses, and having greatly reduced their herd of 
swine. In the conflagration of the town, Soto's force lost n:ost of their 
remaining clothing, with many of their weapons and saddles. They at 
once set to work to suiip!)- the loss. The woods gave asli to make sad- 
dles and lances; forges were set up to temper the swords and make such 
arms as they could ; while the tall grass was woven into mats to serve as 
blankets or cloaks. 

The}- needed their arms indeed; for on the 15th of March the enemw 
in three di\i.;ions, advanced to attack the camp. Soto met them with as 
many squadrons, and routed them w ith loss. 

When Soto at last took up his march on the 25th of April, the stuniv 
Alibamo, or .Xlimamu, or Limamu, barred his way with a palisade manned 
by the painted warriors of the tribe. Soto carried it at the cost of tin 
li\cs of sex'cn or eight of his men, and twenty-five or six wountlcd; only 
to find th.it the Intlians hatl made the palisade not to protect any stores, 
but sim]il)- to cope with tlu' in\aders.' 



1 A',/, 



iciini -'t'n, 



/./(/(vn;, chap. x.\.-xxi.; liicdma, Kan.m'l ill Ovicdo, ///>/,' 



/\\/ii(ioii ; Smith'.s Soto, pp. 91-100, 24C-24S; pp. 571-573. 



Coieiiil, thap. .\.\v 



X li 



I! . 



:a. 

sscls at the 
n, awaitiiv^ 
ce reduced 
nds he had 
t concealed 
II by Ortiz. 

:hed iKirlli 
and Greeni 
3, identified 
ick Warrior, 
t^ht his way 
wo hundred 
'azoo, which 
cique Micu- 
,von him by 
i Ia\'in^ tlui-^ 
when, beinj4 
province, he 
in\ader willi 
vn from four 
lace and set- 
•c assailed as 
:ioto and one 
liimsclf, after 
way. 

killed cle\en 

their herd of 

ost of theii 

They at 

iviake saii- 

make such 

to scr\'e a-^ 

the enemy, 
Hem with a- 

the .sturd> 

sade manned 

cost of till- 

mded ; only 

:l any stores, 

,;/, chap, x.xvii'. 



AXCIF.XT FLORID.\, 



251 



At Ouizquiz, or Ouizqui, near the banks nf the Mississippi, Soto sur- 
prisetl the place and captured all the \v(imen ; but released them to obtain 
,, nines to cross the ri\er. .\s the IiK.lians failed to keep their prt)mise, Soto 
iiicainped in a plain and spent nearl)- a month buikliiiL,r four large boats, 
( ,icli capable of carrying;' sixty or sevent\- men and fi\e or si.x horses. The 
iinpnsile shore was held by hostile Indians; and bands of finely formed 
warriors constantly' came down in canoes, as if read)- to eni^aL^e them, but 
[ilwa\-s drawing,' off. 

The Spaniards finally crossed the ri\er at the lowest Chickasaw Hlulf, 
all wondering at the mighty turbid stream, with its fish, strange to 
their e\es, and the trees, uprooted on the banks far above, that came 
lloating down.' Soto marched northward to Little Prairie in quest of 
I'aeaha aiul Chisca, prcn'inces reported to abound in gold. After plant- 
ing a cross on St. John's Day- at Casqui, where the bisons' heads above 
tiie entrances to the huts reminded them of Spain, he entered I'acaha 
I line J9, as Oviedo says. These towns were the best they had seen 
since they left Cofitachiqui. Pacaha furnished them with a booty which 
they prized Miighly, — a fine store of skins of animals, and native blankets 
woven probabh' of bark. These enabled the men to make clothing, 
of which man>- had long been in sore want. The people gradually 
returned, and the caci([ue received Soto in friendlj' guise, giving him 
his two sisters as wi\'es. 

While the armj' rested here nearl}' a month, expeditions were sent in 
various directions. One, marching eight days to the northwest through a 
land of swamps and ponds,, reached the prairies, the land of Caluc^a, where 
Indians lived in portable houses of mats, with frames so light that a man 
could easily cru'iy them.'' 

Despairing of finding his long-sought Kl Doratlo in that direction, Soto 
marched south and then southwest, in all a hundred and ten leagues, to 
Ouiguate, a town on a branch of the iVIississippi. It was the largest they 
had yet seen. Tlie Indians abandoned it; but one half the houses were 
sufticient to shelter the whole of .Soto's force. 

On the tir.st of September the expedition reached Coligua, — a populous 
town ill a vallc}' among the mountains, near which vast herds of bison roamed, 
river again,' Soto': 



It; 



j; 



oiiwanl 



Ca\'as, with its salt ri\er and fertile m.aize-l; 



UK Is, was re 



ached ; and 



then the Spaniards came to Ttilia, where the Indians attacked them, fighting 
from their housetops to the last. The cacique at last jielded, and came 



weep- 



ing with great sobs to make h 



IS submission. 



IMarching southeast, Soto reached Ouipana; and crossing the mountains 
eastwarii, wintered in the province of Viranque, or Autiamque, or Utianque, 



a;-/,, 



•■rc/iit/ririi, ch,i|). xxii 



)ii.diii 1, /u/ii 



KiliU 

ll:ikUiyt; Kangel in Oviedo. 



ill Smilh's .Si'to, ])|). 106- 



/i'«, in Smitli, Soto, pp. 101-105, 249-J50 ; 117, 250-252; IlakUiyl; Rangcl in Ovicilo. 



Ovifd 



('iin)|)aie Ko/tuioii of (.'oronado's cxpcditi 



o, p. 57 J. 



.Smith's Coli-c 



h\-l, 



ii,>iiii 



■J.h/,; 



cha 



P- '5j 



p. X.Mll., 



Kaiif^fl ill ')vii;do, i. 576. 



f n' 



U I I' 




, ' 1 , 




<V ' jl 



I' 1 




iit« ' 



V 



>52 NARRATIVE A\D CRITICAL HISTORY OF AAIERICA 



i 



wri 



li':-: 






^mm 



Ml' 



!) ' 



Ii 



V 




i!/ Adclantado 

Soti 



'noAicLo ae 



SOTO. 



cn a branch of tlic Mississippi, apparently the Washita.^ The sufferings 
of the Spaniards durincj a lony and severe winter were terrible, and Ortiz, 
their interpreter, snccnmbed to his liardships and died. Even the proud 
spirit of .Soto j-iclded to his disappointments and toil. Two hundred and 
fift\- of his splendid force had left their bones to whiten along the path 
which he had followeil. He determined at last to push to the shores of the 
Gulf ai:d there build two brii^antines, in order to send to Cuba and to New 
Spain for aid. 

' Fac-.simile of ,nii ciisjiavini; in llcncr.i ahri'l.iiiiicnt of Range] ends. The contents of 
f.;-8), iv. 31. two suljsequent chapters arc given, but not the 

• Ovit-nlo, p. 577. Here, iinlo'tnnalely, his text. 



i 



AN TIE. NT FLORIDA 



25.3 



Passing through Ayays and the well-peopled land of \ilco, Soto went 
with the cacique of Guachoyanque to his well-palisaded town on the banks 
cif the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Reil River, arriving tliere on Sunday, 
Anril l', 1542. Here he fell ill of the fever; difficulties bes:t him on every 
side, and he sank under the strain. Appointing Luis de M0SC090 as his suc- 
cessor in command, he died on the 2 1st of JMay. The Addaiiiado of Cuba 
and Florida, who had hoped to gather the wealth of nations, left as his 
property five Indian slaves, three horses, and a herd of swine. His 
body, kept for some days in a house, was interred in the town ; but as fears 
were entertained that the Indians might dig up the corpse, it was taken, 
wr.ipped in blankets loaded with sand, and sunk in the Mississippi.' 




AUTOGRAPH OF SOTO. 

Musco^o's first plan was to march westward to Mexico. But after advan- 
cing to the pro^'ince of Xacatin, the survivors of the expedition lost all 
hope; and returning to the Mississippi, wintered on its banks. There 
building two large boats, they embarked in them and in canoes. Hostile 
Indians pursued them, and twelve men were drowned, their canoes being 
run down by the enemy's pcriagiias. The survivors reached i le Gulf and 
coasted along to Panuco.- 

The expedition of Soto added very little to the knowledge of the conti- 
nent, as no steps were taken to note the topography of the country or the 
language of the various tribes. Diego Maldonado and Gomez Arias, seek- 
ing Soto, explored the coast from the vicinity of the Mississippi nearly to 
Newfoundland ; but their reports are unknown. 

Notwithstanding the disastrous result of Soto's expedition, and the 
conclusive proof it afforded that the country bordering on the Gulf o\ 

' Rchifam vcrdiuL, chaps, x.w.-.xx. ; liicd- - Rthicam vcrdad., chaps. xxxi.-.\lii. ; Bicd' 

m.i. Kiiacwii, in Smith's Solo, pp. iiS-149, 252- ma, A\/,i,ifln, in Smith's ^t'/i', pp. 150-196, 257- 
257. 261. 






n 



I 



i '.I 



I ! 



,! 



'i 



•'54 



NARRATIVE AND CRIl'lCAL HISIORY UF AMERICA. 



(i ■ J' 



* 



III 



i 1 : ''c f 



1 1 



'i I 







.WrOMO OK MKNUD/A, 

V'ucroy of Sew S^iiiii. 

and to treat the Iiulians well. 



Mexico contained no rich kingdom and afforded little indncement foi 
settlements, other commanders were ready to undertake the conquest of 

Florida. Among these was Don Antonio 
^ A de Mentloza, the viceroy of New Spain, 

//^ ^T^/t^ri/uyfY'^^^ ^^'"J sought, by offers of rank and lionors, 

to enlist some of the survi\'ors of Soto's 
march in a new campaign. In a more 
mercantile ipirit, Julian de Samano and 
I'eilro de Aluim.;ula applied to the Spanish 
monarch for a patent, promising to. make 
a good use of the privileges granted them. 
The}' hoped to buy furs and [)earls, and 
carry on a trade in them till mines of gold and silver were found. The 
Court, however, refused to permit the grant.' 

\'et as a matter of policy it became necessary for Spain to occupy 
Florida. This the Court felt; and when Cartier was preparing for his 
voyage to the northern part of the continent," Spanish spies followed his 
movements and rejjortetl all to their Go\'ernment. In Spain it was decided 
that Cartier's occupation of the frozen land, for which he was cciuipping his 
vessels, could not in any way militate against the interests of the Catholic 
monarch ; but it was decided that any settlement attempted in Florida 
must Oil some pretext be crushed out.'* Florida from its position affordeil 
a basis for assailing the fleets which bore from Vera Cruz the treasures of 
the Indies ; and the hurricanes of the trc .ics had already strewn the Florida 
coast with the fragments of Spanish wrecks. In 1545 a vessel laden with 
silver and precious conmiodities perished on that roast, and two hundred 
persons reached land, only to faU by the hands of the Indians.* 



\% 



■■' !r 



y ,.« 



'■''■ s 



II. 



^H 



The next Spanish attempt to occupy Florida was ni>i unmixed with ro- 
mance; and its tragic close invests it with peculiar interest. The Domini- 
cans, led b)' Father Antonio de Montcsinos and Las Casas, — who had by this 
time become Bishop of Chiap.i, — were .active in condemning the cruelties 
of tluir countr)-men to the natives of the New World ; and the atrocities 
perpetr;ited b\' .Soto in his disastrous march ga\e new themes for their 
indignant denunciations.' 

One Dominican went further. I'ather Luis Cancer de liarbastro, when 
the Ind-ansof ;. province had so steadily defied the Spaniards and prevented 
their cntr.mce Mhit it was styled " Tierra de Guerra," succeeded by mild 
and gentle means in winning the whole Indian population, so that the 
province obtained iKe 'vuiie of " Vera I'az," or True Peace. In 1546 thi^ 

* Barci.i, /■'iisaio nviiMi^/iO, p. 24 ; Goiiiar.-i, ^ L.is Casas, Dcstniccioit dc las Iiulias. Dc 
Hist, gill., lib. i. c. .) 5. his pnroimiiis Jc la Tierra Firm.; por la parti que 

■ Cf. Vol. \X. rJKip. 2. SI llama la Fh'riJa, — a cluiptcr written pailly 

■' Documents p ■■iitcd in Sniitli's Cohciioii, before and partly after Moscujo's arrival in 

pp. 103-llS. Mexico. |.See the chapter on Las Casas, follow 

* B.ircia, EiLuiio croiwlagito, p. ^4. ing tb« present one. — Ed] 



i. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



255 



cm cut foi 
)nqucst i)f 
11 Antoiiitj 
c\v Spain, 
1(1 honors, 
of Soto's 
1 a moir 
nano and 

Spanisli 

1 to. make 
itcd them 
icarls, and 
.nul. I'hc 

to occupy 
ig for his 
Uowcd his 
ns decided 
ipping his 
e CathoUc 
in Florida 
n aft'ordetl 
easures of 
he r'lorida 
ulen with 
1 hundred 



d with ro- 

e Domiiii- 

lad by this 

cruelties 

atrocities 
for their 

,tro, wlien 

l)re\ented 

J by mild 

that tlu- 

1546 this 

/m/icis. /> 
/■ /lI parti: que 
litten partly 
's arrival in 
!asas, follow 



I iierL;otic man conceived the idea of atlemptinij the peaceful conquest of 
I iurida. I'"ather Gregory de Beteta and other influential members of his 
( )rder seconded his views. The next year he went to Spain and laid his 
jiroiect before the Court, where it was favorably recei\ed. lie returned 
til Mexico with a royal order that all l'"loridians held in slavery, carried 
thillur b\' the survivors of Soto's expedition, should be confided to l'"ather 
(, nicer t<i be taken back to their own land. The order proved ineffectual, 
f.itlur Cancer then sailed from Vera Cruz in 1549 in the " Santa .Mari.i del 
I ji/iiia," without ;irms or soldiers, taking l'"ather Heteta, l'"ather l)iego de 
j'.il.i-,,!, I'ather John (jarcia, and others to conduct the mission. At Havana 
lu obtained Magdalen, a woman who had been brought from I'lorida, and 
who had become a Christian. The vessel then steered for Morida, and 
riaehing the coast, at about 28", on the e\'e of Ascension Da)-, ran north- 
w.iid, but soon sailed back. The missionaries and their interpreter landed, 
,uicl found some of the Indians fishing, who proved friendly. I'^ither Diego, 
a mission coadjutor, and a sailor, resolved to remain with the natives, and 
went off to their cabins. Cancer and his companions awaited their return ; 
!)tit they never appeared again. For some da\-s the Spaniards on the ship 
endeavored to enter into friendly relations with the Indians, and on Cor[)us 
Christi Fathers Cancer and Garcia landed antl said Mass on shore. At last 
a Spaniard named John Munoz, who had been a prisoner among the Indians, 
managed to reach the ship; and from him they learned that the missionar\' 
and his companions hatl been killed by the treacherous nati\es almost im- 
mediately after reaching their cabins, lie had not witncssctl their murder, 
biu declared that he had seen the missionary's scalp. Magdalen, howe\'cr, 
came to the shore and assured the missionaries that their comrade was alive 
and well. 

It had thus become a serious matter what course to pursue. The vessel 
was too heavy to enter the shallow bays, the provisions were nearly cx- 
li.uisted, water could not be had. and the .ship's people were clamoring to 
return to Mexico. The missionaries, all except h'ather Cancer, desired to 
abandon the projected settlement, but he still believed that by presents and 
kiiulness to the Indians he could safely remain. Mis companions in \ain 
eiidea\ored to dissuade him. On Tuesda}', June 25, he was pulled in a boat 
near the shore. He leaped into the water and waded towards the land. 
riiough urged to return, he pcrse\-ered. Kneeling for a few minutes on the 
licach, he advanced till he met the Indians. The sailors in the boat saw 
one Indian pull off his hat, and another strike him down with a club. Owe 
cr\' csca]:)ed his lips. A crowd of Indians streamed down to the shore and 
with arrows drove off the boat. Lingering for awhile, the vessel sailed back 
to Vera Cruz, after fi\-e li\'es had thus rashh' been sacrificed.' 

' The best account of this affair is a " Rcla- first jiart is liv Cancer himself, the conclusion 

ODi-. de la riorida para el 111'"" Seiior Visorrci by Beteta. There are also extant " Keeiuiri- 

(le la in' Espana la ([ual trajo Fray Greg'^ dc mentos y respuestas que |iasaron en la Nao 

l.tteta," in Sn.ith's Colcci-ioii, |)p. 190-202. The S" Maria de la Eiicina," and the Minutes nf dis- 



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NAKKA'1I\K AND CRITICAL HISTORY ()!•• AMERICA. 






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Oil iIk. airival of llic tidiii^rs of this tragic close of Cancer's mission ,i 
con;4russ was convened by Maximilian, Kinij of Bohemia, then regent in 
Spain; and the advocates of the [)eace [)olicy in regard to the Indians lost 
much of the inlliience which the)' hail obtained in the royal councils.' 

The wreck of the fleet, with rich cargoes of silver, gold, and othei 
precious commodities, on the northern shore of the (julf of Mexico in 1553, 
when several hundretl perst)ns perished, and the sufferings of the survix'ing 
passengers, among whom were several Dominicans, in their attempt to reach 
the settlements; and the wreck of I'arfan's fleet on the Atlantic coast near 
Santa l-^lena in December, 1554, — showed the necessity of having posts on 
that dangerous coast of l-'lorida, in tirder to save life and treasiire.- 

The Council of the hulies advised l'hili[) II. to confide the con(iuest and 
settlement of l'"!orida to Don Luis de Velasco, \Mceroy of New Spain, who 
was anxious to undertake the task. The Catholic monarch had previously 
rejected the projects of Zurila and .Samano ; but the high character of 
Velasco induced him to confide the task to the viceroy of Mexico. The 
step was again for the humanitarian part)'; and the King, on giving his 
approval, directed that Dominican friars should be selected to accompany 
the colonists, in order to minister to them and convert the Indians. Don 
Luis de Velasco had directed the government in Mexico since November, 
1550, with remarkable iM'udence ami ability. The natives found in him 
such an earnest, capable, and unwavering protector that he is styled in 
history the leather of the Indians. 

The plans adopted by this excellent governor for the occupation of 
Morida were in full harmony with the Dominican views. In the treatment 
of the Indians he anticipated the just and equitable methods which give 
Calvert, Williams, and Penn so enviable a place in American annals.^ 

The occupation was not to be one of conquest, and all intercourse with 
the T;idians was to be on the basis of natural equity. His first step was 
prompted by his characteristic prudence.'' In September, 1558, he de- 
spatched Guido de Labazarcs, with three vessels and a sufficient force, to 
exjilore the whole Florida coast, and select the best port he found for the 
l)rojected settlement. Labazares, on his return after an investigation of 



cussioiis between tlie niLssionaiies, and the dp- 
tain's order to liis jjilot and .sailors. 'I'lierc is 
a somewhat detailed sketeli of Cancer's life in 
Davila I'adilhi's Ilisloyia dc l<i fiimlacum t/c la 
Pro-jincia Jc Siiuli,ti^o ilc Mixko, 1596, cliapters 
liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, Ilistoire 
lie rAmeriipiCy vi. Si. Cl. Ilerrera, dec. vii;. 
lib. 5, ]). 112; Gnniara, e. xlv. ; \^^^xz\■^, Eiisaio 
cronoloi^ito, \>\i. 25-26. 

' Hiircia, Eiisaio cyoiiol6:^ico, p. 2O. 

-' liaicia, Eiisaio croiio/oi^ico, \\\i. 2S-20. " Don 
I.iiis Velasco a los ofticialcs de Sevilla," Mexico, 
November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan. 3, 1555. 
The vessels were wrecked at Cape .Santa Klena, 
y- N'. Villafafie was sent to rescue the sur- 



vivors. Davila I'adilla gives details in his 
sketches of Fathers DicL!0 de la Cruz, Juan dc 
Mcna, Juan F'errer, and Marcos de .Mena. 

^ " The Viceroy has treated this matter in .1 
must Christian way, with much wisdom an. I 
counsel, insisting strenuously on their under 
standing that they do not go to C(jni|uer thosr 
nations, nor do what has been done in tin: 
iliscuverv of the Indies, but to settle, and bv 
good e.\ami)le, with good works and with pre- 
ents, to bring them to a knowledge of our holv 
Faitli and Catholic truth." — F.M'llKR I'EnKo in. 
Fi;ri.\, Lclli'r of Ma>\/i 3, 1559. 

■* Alaman, J)i.u li.uiont's A/sAh-ii'iis, vol. iii , 
apendice, p. 11. 



( I'll 



mission .1 
1 rct^cnt in 
uliaiis Uisl 
:ils.' 

and otlui 
;o in 1553, 
: siirviviiiL; 
pt to reach 
coast near 
g posts on 

iKliicst ami 
Spain, who 
previously 
laractor nf 
<ico. Tiu' 
t;iviiii^ \us 
iccompaii)' 
ians. ]Jt)i) 
Xovenibcr, 
nd in him 
s styled 111 

upation of 

trcatmL-iU 
vhich give 

,1s.'' 

;ourse with 
step was 

8, he de- 
force, to 

nd for tin 
tigation of 

t.iils ill lii^ 
Cni/:, Juan '.W 
Mfii.i. 

in:itu.'r in .1 

wisdom ami 

llicir uiidur- 

inqucr thosr 

il(inc in llii 

utile, and liv 

nd with pre~- 

.■ i)f our h'llv 

R I'EDKii M. 

,;.f, vol. iii , 



ANCIENT FLORIDA 



!57 



sc\ era! months, reported in favor of Pensacola Hay, which he named I'eli- 
pin.i. anil he describes its entrance between a long isUmd and a point 
(,f laiul. Tile country was well wooded, game and fisii abounded, and 
the Intlian fields showed that Indian corn and vegetables could be raised 
siucessfullj'.' On the return of Labazarcs in December, preparations were 
mack: for the expedition, which was placed under the command of Don 
I'li-iaii de Luna y Arellano. I'he force consisted of fifteen hundred soldiers 
,iml settlers, under six captains of cavalry and six of infantry, some of whom 
had been at Co(,'a, and were consequently well acquainted with the eoMUtry 
ulure it was intended to form the settlement. The Dominicans selected 
were l-'athers Pedro de Feria, as vicar-pnn'incial of Morida, Dominic of 
the Annunciation, Dominic dc Salazar, John Ma5uelas, Dominic of Saint 
1 )ominic, and a lay brother. The object being to settle, provisions for a 
whole year were prepared, and ammunition to meet all their wants. 

The colonists, thus well fitted for their undertaking, sailed from Vera 
t'ni/ <in the 1 itli of June, 1559; and by the first of the following month 
were off the bay in Florida to which Miruelo had given his name. Although 
l.ahazaies had recommended Pensacola Hay, Tristan de Luna seems to have 
Imn induced b}' his pilots to give the preference to the l^ay of Ichuse ; and 
he >aikd west in search of it, but [jassed it, and entered Pensacola Hay. 
finding that he had gone too far, Luna sailed back ten leagues east to 
Ichiise, which must have been Santa Rosa Hay. Here he anchored his 
tleet, and despatched the factor Luis Daza, with a galleon, to Vera Cruz to 
announce his safe arrival, lie fitted two other vessels to proceed to Spain, 
awaiting the return of two exploring parties ; he then prepared tc land his 
colonists and stores.'^ Meanwhile he sent a detachment of one hundred men 
mukr captains Alvaro Nyeto and Gonzalo Sanchez, accompanied by one of 
the missionaries, to explore the country and ascertain the disposition of the 
Indians. The exploring [jarties returned after three weeks, having found 
only one hamlet, in the midst of an uninhabited country.^ Ik'fore Luna 
had unloaded his vessels, they were struck, during the night of September 
ly,* by a terrible hurricane, which lasted twenty-four hours, destroying five 
ships, a galleon and a bark, and carrying one caravel and its cargo into a 
grove some distance on land. Many of the people perished, and most of 
the stores intended for the maintenance of the colony were ruined or lost. 

rile river, entering the Bay of Ichuse, proved to be very difficult ot 
naviijation, and it watered a sparsely-jieopled country. Another detach- 



' IX'iliiracion de Gtiido </,• /uizures dc la />■•■ 
iiii,iit i/iic liizo ti dcscuhrir las f^ui-ytos y vaias </' liai 
ai la ,-osta </,■ la Florida, Feb. I, 1559. A poor 
iianslation of this document is given in French 
in Ternanx' royaf;es, vol. x., and a still worse 
"lie in Kngliish in French's Ilistorh-al Collations 
of lAHilsiaiuu etc.. new scries, ii. 2-;6. 

" Rclacion ,/,■ Dn Luis de Wiasco a S. M. 
•U r/.M, Sept. 24, 1559. This was written after 



receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by Tristan 
de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. .Smith's 
Coleceion, p. 10. See Davila Padilla, Histovia de 
la fiindacion de la Prctnncia do Saiitia^'o de Mi'xiro 
(Madrid, 1596), chaps. Iviii.-lix., pp. 2JI-234. 
Ichuse ill some documents is written Ochuse. 

3 Testimony of Cristf~^\xl J'lasr/iie:. 

* Uavila Padilla (p. 236) says .\ugust 20- 
but it was evidently .Seiitembcr. 



vol.. II. 



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NAKRATIVE AND CUITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



nicnt,' sent apparently to the nortluvest, after a forty days' marcli tlirou,L;li 
uiiciillivatcd coimtr)', re.iched a larj^e river, apparently the Escambia, and 
followed its banks to Nanipacna, a deserted town of ei^dily houses, 1C\- 
plorations in various directions found no other signs of Indian occupation. 
The natives at last returned and became friemll)'. 

Finding his original site unfavor.ible, I'ri.-itan de l.una, after exhausliin.; 
the relief-supplies sent him, and being hiniself prostrated by a fever in which 
he became delirious, left Juan dc Jaramillo at tin: port with lifty men and 
negro slaves, and proceeded"'^ with the rest of his ccnpan)', nearly a thou- 
sand souls, to Nanipacna, some by land, and some ascending the river in 
their lighter craft. To tljis town he gave the name of Santa Cruz. The 
stores of Inilian corn, beans, and other vegetables left by the Indians were 
soon consumetl by the Spaniards, who were forced to live on acorns or any 
herbs they could gather. 

The Viceroy, on hearing of their sufferings, sent two vessels to their relief 
in Xovembcr, promising more ample aid in the spring. Thr provision.s 
they obtained saved them from starvation during the winter, but in the 
spring their condition became as desperate as ever. No attempt seems 
to have been made to,cultivate the Indian fields, or to raise anything for 
their own support.'^ 

In hope of obtaining provisions from Co(^a, Jaramillo sent his sergeant- 
major with six captains and two hundred soldiers, accompanied by h'ather 
Dominic de Salazar and Dominic of the Annunciation, to that province. 
On the march the men were forced to eat strap;, harnesses, and the leather 
coverings of their shields; some diet! of starvation, while others were poi- 
soned by herbs which the}- ate. \ chestnut wood proved a godsend, and a 
fifty days' march brought them to Olibahali (Hatchet Creek), where the 
friendl)' natives ministered to their wants.' 

.\bout the beginning of July they reached Co^a, on the Coosa River, then 
a town of thirty houses, near which were seven other towns of the same 
tribe. Entering into friendly intercourse with these Indians, the Spaniards 
obtained food for themselves and their jaded horses. After resting here 
for three months, the Spaniards, to gain the good-will of the Coosas, agreed 
to aid them in a campaign again.st the Napochics, — a nation near the 
Ochechiton,"' the h'spiritu Santo, or Mississippi. These were in all proba- 
bility the Natche/. The Coosas and their Spanish allies defeated this tribe, 
and compelled them to pay tribute, as of old, to the Coosas. Their town, 

1 Letter of W-liuco, Oct. J5, 1559, citing .i letter - Letter of Tristan </e L.una to the A'liii;, Sept. 

of Tri.stan de I.un.i. Said I)V .\roiitalv.iii and 24, 1559, in Coleeeion Je doeiiiiientos iiiediloi, 

Velas(iiicz to have lieen one liundred and fifty .xii. 2So-:?S3. 

men, liorsc and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, ^ L.etter of Velasco to Luna, Oct. 25. 155O; 

the sergeant-ni.ajor, and Captain Cliristopher de Davila I'adilla, liook i. chap. l.xi. pp. 242-244. 

Arellano, accomi>:inied l)y F'atlicrs Annunciation * llarcia, Eiisaio croiiolit^ieo, pp .53-34 ; I^^" 

and Salazar ( Testimony of Mi:^iie! Saneltcz Ser- vita P.adilla, Ijook i. chap. l.\ii., i)|). 245-246. 

>-ano). He remained three months at Iclui.se ^ Ochechiton, like Mississip])i, means great 

before he heard from Vpacana; and though urged river, — from d/7////(;, river ; e/ii/o, great (Bying- 

to go there, lingered five or si.v months more. ton's C/iocfa-w Dejiner, pp. 79, 97). 



1 Uiroui^Mi 
inbia, ami 
scs. Ex- 
:ciipatiun. 

xhaustiiu; 
r in wliicl) 
men and 
ly a thuu- 
e river in 
ruz. The 
lians were 
rns or any 

their relief 
provisions 
jut in the 
npt seems 
ything for 

s sergeant- 

by l'"athcr 

t province. 

:lic leather 

were poi- 

Mid, and a 

.here tin. 

Liver, then 
llie same 
Spaniartls 
itin^ here 
as, a^reeil 
near the 
all prol)a- 
this tribe, 
leir town, 

King, Sept. 

iilos iiu-ditos, 

'ct. 25. 1559; 

242-244. 

.53-34 ; I"*^- 
245---|6- 
means grc.it 
i^reat (Byiiig- 






ANCIENT KLORIDA. 



259 



s.ived ^vith diffictdt)- from tlie llaines, gave the Spaniards a supply of corn. 
< )ii their return to L'oea, the sergeant-major sent to report to I'ristan ile 
I ,111,1; but his messengers found no Spaniard at Xanipacna, save one hang- 
nig from a tree. Tristan de I. una, supposing his men lost, had gone down 
III Oiiiiise Hay, leaving directions on a tree, ami a buried letter.' l-'ather 
|'\ ri.i and some others had sailed for Havana, and all were eager to leave 
the rdunli)-.''^ Tristan de I, una was reluctant to abandon tin: projecteti set- 
tlement, and wished to proceed to Cotja with all the survivors of his force, 
jlis sickness had left him so capricious and .severe, that he seemed actually 
insane. The siip[)lies promised in the spring hail not arrived in September, 
though four ships left Vera Cniz toward the end of Jnne. Parties sent out 
he land and water found the fields on the F.scambia and Mobile'' forsaken 
li\tlie imlians,who had laitl waste their towns and removed their [jrovisions. 
In this desperate state George Ceron, the maestro dc cavtpo, opposed the 
Cidvernor's plan,"* and a large part of the force rallied around him. When 
Tristan de lama issued ;i proclamation ordering the march, there was an 
open mutiny, ami the Tiovernor condemned the whoK; of the insurgents to 
death. Of course he coidd not attempt to execute so man\', but he tlid 
hang one who deserted. The mutineers secretly sent word to Coqa, and 
ill Xovember the party from that province with the two missionaries arrived 
at I'ensacola Bay.'' Don Tristan's detachment was also recalled from the orig- 
inal landing, and the \vhole force united. Th'^ dissensions continued till 
the missionaries, amid the solemnities of Holy Week, by appealing to the 
religions feelings of the commander and Ceron, effected a reconciliation." 

At this juncture Angel dc ViIIafai"ie's fleet entered the harbor of Ichuse. 
Me announced to the people that he was on his way to Santa ICIena, which 
Tristan de Luna had matle an imlTectual effort to reach. All who chose 
were at liberty to accompany him. The desire to evacuate the country 
where they had suffered so severely was universal. None expressed a wish 
to remain ; and Tristan de Luna, seeing himself utterly abandoned, embarked 
for Havana with a few servants. Villafane then took on board all except a 
detachment of fifty or sixty men who were left at Ichuse under Captain 
Biedma, with orders to remain five or six months; at the expiration of 
which time they were to sail away also, in case no instructions came. 

Villafane, with the " ,San Juan " and three other vessels and about two 
iiundied men, put into Havana; but there many of the men deserted, 
and several officers refused to proceed.' 



' Testimony of soldiers. 

- Davila I'adilla, bo(iI< i. chap. i.\iii.-l.\vi. jip. 
-•47-265. 

' These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and 
Kio Tiime. 

* Cltoii, Rcspucsta^ Sept. 16, 1560. Velascn 



treated brietlv in the Kciacio)t </<• /./ fmul.irion 
lie hi Pnniih i,i Ji Siviliir^o, 1 567. Cf . Cotcicioit de 
•Jo.umciitos inciiitos, v. 447. 

'" liarcia, F.hslUO cronologico^ pji. 34-4' ; 
Davila Padilla, pp. 271-277. 

" Testimony of I'cliUi/iicz and Miguel SiDichez 



l''U>\ Atii^. zo-Si-pt. 3, 15C0; Davila I'adilla, Si-rniiia. The e.xpcdition sent out l)y Tristan 

li'ok i. p. 26S. dc lAina to occupy Santa Elena was composed 

^ D.ivila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of of tlirce vessels, bearing one hundred men. 

e'mcir and of Fcria and his companions are The vessels were scattered in a storm, and ran 



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With Gonznio Gayon as pWot, Villafanc reached Santa Elena — now Port 
Royal Sound — May 27, 1561, and took possession in the name of tlie Kinjr 
of Sjjain. l-'inding no soil adapteil for cultivation, and no port suitable for 
planting:; a settlement, he kept aloni; the coast, doubled Cape Roman, and 
landing on the 2d of [une, went inland till he reached the Santce, where he 
again took formal [jossession. On the 8th he was near the Jordan or Pedec; 
but a storm drove off one of his vessels. With the rest he continued his 
survey of the coast till he doubled Cape Ilatteras. There, on tlie 14th of 
June, his caravel well-nigh foundered, and his two smaller vessels undoubt- 
edly perished. lie is said to have abandoned the exploration of the coast 
here, although apparently it was his vessel, with the Dominican Fathers, 
which about this time visited A.xacan, on the Chesapeake, and took off a 
brother of the chief.' 

Villafafie then sailed to Santo Domingo, and I'lorida was abandoned. 
In fact, on the 23d of September the King declared that no further attem])t 
was to be made to colonize that country, either in the Gulf or at Santa 
Elena, alleging that there was no ground to fear that the French would set 
foot in that land or take possession of it ; and tlie royal order cites the 
opinion of Pedro Mencndez against any attempt to form settlements on 
cither coast.'- 

As if to show the fallacy of their judgment and their forecast, the French 
(and what was worse, from the Spanish point of view, French Calvinists) 
in the next year, under Ribault, took possession of Port Royal, — the very 
Santa I",lena which Villafafie considered unfitted for colonization. Here 
the)' founded Charlesfort and a settlement, entering Port Royal less than 
three months after the Spanish officers convened in Mexico had united in 
condemning the country. 

Pedro Mencndez de A\'iles had, as we have seen, been general of the 
fleet to New Spain in 1560, and on his return received instructions to 
exar'inc the Atlantic coast north of the very spot where the French thus 
soon a'ler settled. In 1561 he again commanded the fleet; but on his 
homeward voyage a terrible storm scattered the vessels near the Bermudas, 
and one vessel, on which his only son and many of his kinsmen had 
embarked, disappeared. With the rest of his ships he reached Spain, 



,!l 



to Mrxico ami ('iil).-i. After that IVdrn Mencn- 
dez, wiv. was in command of a fleet sailing from 
Vera Cruz, was ordered In run along tlie .\tlanllc 
coast for a liuiulred leagues above Santa I'.lena. 
/.<■//(■;■ (>/ / V/i/.(i(', .SV//. 3, 1 560 ; Ttilimoiiy of 
Montahmi. 

' Tcstinunio dc J-'niiiiisio </<• A,:;ni!,v\ fsni- 
Vivio i/iif/iit' til 1,1 joniiuiii (i 111 /•'/oiii/.i fon Aiii^i! 
(if I'illi) filth' Kihuioii litl iicoiioiimiento que 
/lizfl el Citf-ihin General Aiis^et Jc Vili'iifiiiie tie li 
( 'sta de la Florida, y posesioii (]ue lomo . . . deide 
^y lias/a J5". Testimony of Montalvan, Vclas- 
que/, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may 



have been found among a still more southerly 
tribe. 

- A council held in Mexico of iiersons who 
had been in Florida agreed that the royal order 
was based on accurate information (/\ireeer ,/ue 
da S. .1/. (•/ eonse/o de la A'liiTa /\s/'<ifia, .Match 
12, 1562). Tristan de Luna sailed to Spain, and 
in a brief, manly letter solicited of the King an 
investigation into his conduct, i)rofessing his 
readiness to submit to any punishment if he was 
deemed deserving of it {Metnorial que dii al 
Key Don Tristan de I. una y ArelUno dandoli 
euenta del siieeso de la Jornada de la I'lorida). 






I ''i! 



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k*..'.i 



:a. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



261 



— now Port 
of tlie King 
suitable for 
Roman, and 
:c, where he 
n or Tedec ; 
intiniied his 
1 tlie I4lh of 
L-'ls undoubt- 
of the coast 
:an Fatliers, 
d took ^>(i' a 

abandoned, 
ther attenijjt 

or at Sai'U 
ch would set 
dcr cites the 
ttlenients on 

t, the French 
h Calvinists) 
il, — the very 
ation. Here 
yal less than 
lad united in 

cncral of the 

structions to 
rench thus 
but on his 

le l^ermudas, 
nsnien had 

iched Spain, 

more soutlitrly 

of ])crsuiis will) 

tliL' royal oiilcr 

ion {/\inrfr i/iif 

/■.'j/.;;7i/, M at cli 

li..l to Simin, and 

of the King an 

inoft'ssing his 

sliMK-nt if he was 

wn'ti/ que dio <;/ 

AielUiio dandoh 

h riorida). 



filkd with anxiety, eat;er only to fit out vessels to seek his son, who, he be- 
licvcii, had been driven <>n the Florida coast, and was probably a prisoner 
in the hands of the Indians. .\t this critical moment, however, char<^es were 
ljinii;4ht a^'ainst him; and he, with his brother, was arrested and detained in 
prison for two years, unable to bring the case to trial, or to obtain his release 
on bail. 

W hill Menendez at last succeeded in obtaining an audience of the King, 
lie sulicited, in 1564, permission to proceed with two vessels to Bermuda and 
I-'lorida to seek his son, and "ihen retire to his home, which he had not seen 
for eighteen years. Philip II. at last consented; but ren-iired him to make 
a thorough coast-survey of Morida, so as to prepare charts that would pre- 
vent tiie wrecks which had arisen from ignorance of the real character of 
tlic sea-line. .Menendez replied that his Majesty could confer no higher 
boon upon him for his long and successful services on the seas than to 
authorize him to conquer and settle Florida. 

Nothing could be in greater accordance with the royal views than to 
commit to the energy of Menendez ' the task which so many others had un- 
dirtaken in vain. A patent, or asicnto, was issued March 20, 1565, by the 
provisions of which Menendez was required to sail in May with ten ves- 
si is. carrying arms and supplies, and five hundred men, one hundred to be 
capable c f cultivating the soil. He was to take provisions to maintain the 
uholL force for a year, and was to conquer and settle Florida within three 
years ; e.Kplore and map the coast, transport settlers, a certain number of 
whom were to be married ; maintain twelve members of religious Orders as 
missionaries, besides four of the Society of Jesus ; and to introduce horses, 
black cattle, sheep, and swine for the two or three distinct settlements 
he was required to found at his own expense.^ The King gave onlj' the 
use (if the galleon "San Pclayo," and bestowed upon Menendez the title 
of Aih'hintatio of I'lorida, a personal grant of twenty-five leagues square, 
with the title of Marquis, and the office of Governor and Captain-General 
of Florida. 

While Menendez was gathering, among his kindred in Asturias and 
Biscay, men and means to fulfil his part of the undertaking, the Ccurt of 
Spain became aware for the first time that the Protestants of I'rance had 
([uictly plan^xl a colony on that very Florida coast. Menendez was imme- 
diately summoned in haste to Court; and orders were issued to furnish him 
in .\merica three vessels fully equippcil, and an expeditionary force of iwo 
iuiiuhed cavalry and four hundred infantry. Menendez urged, on the con- 
tr.uy, that he should be sent on at once with some light vessels to attack 
the I'rench ; or, if that was not feasible, to occupy a neighboring port and 

' There is a copperplate engraving of '• IVdro Camaron, engraved bv Franco dc Panla Marte, 

Menendez de .Aviles, Natural dc .Vvijes en 1791 (7|s X ll-'s inches). Mr. F^irknian en- 

Astnrias, Comendador de la ordcn dc Santiago, graved the head for his Fr,i)ici- in (he AWo 

C'.in(|nista<l()r dc la Florida, nonibrado Oral dc UWld, and Hr. Shea used the iilate in his 

la .\iinada contra Jnglatcrra. Muriiien Sanlan- Ch<irh-;oix. 

iler A ' I 574, .i los 55, de edad." I )rawn bv Josef - Coleeeii'it de d,\-iime>it,'s iii,\/i/(U, xxii. 242. 



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363 



NARRATIVIi AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMMRICA. 



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fortify it, while .iwaitiii^^ icinforcLMiKiits. The (jovciiiiiKiU, by siicccssi\e 
(irdfis, increased the I""lorida armament, so tliat Menendez finally sailed from 
Cadiz, JiiiU' 2'), with the t^allcon "San rela\-o " anil other vessels to the 
nnaiber of ninileen, carryini; more tlian tifteen hundretl persons, including 
farmers and mechanics of all kinds. 

I'he liLjht in which Si)ani;irds, especially those connected with com- 
merce iuul colonies, re^'anletl the I'rotestants of l-'rance was simpl_\- that ol 
pirates. l'"rench cruisers, often makini; their I'rotestantism a prete.\t for 
their actions, sconretl the seas, captiirini,' Sp.inish and I'ortnj^uese vessels, 
and commiltiiiL^ the greatest atrocities. In 1555 Jacques Sorie surprised 
Havana, plundered it, and ^Mve it to the tiames. butchering the prisoners 
who fell into his hanils. In 1559 Met;ander i)illa,L;ed I'orto Rico, and John 
de la Roche phindereti the ships ,uul settlements near Cartha^ena.' 

It seems straUL^e, however, th.it neither in SjKun nor in America was it 
known that this dre.ided and hated comnuinit), the 1 hiyuenots of I-"rance, 
had actuall)', in 1562, begun a settlement at the very harbor of Santa IClena 
where \'illafane had taken possession in the name cf the Spanish monarch 
a )ear before. S(jme of the I'rench settlers revolted, and verv naturally 
went off to cruise against the Spaniards, and with success; but the ill-man- 
aged colonj- of Charlesfort on Port Royal Sound had terminated its brief 
existence without drawing down the vi ageance of Spain. 

When the tidings of a I-'rench occu]>ancy of I'^orida startled the Spanish 
Court, a second attempt of the Huguenots at settlement had been made, — 
this time at the mouth of St. John's River, where I'^ort Caroline was a direct 
menace to the rich Spanish fleet:., offering a safe refuge to cruisers, which in 
the name of a pure gospel could sally out to plunder and to slay, ^'et that 
settlement, thus provoking the fiercest hostility of Spain, was ill-manag ' 
It was, in fact, sinking, like its predecessor, from the unfitness of its mem- 
bers to make the teeming earth yield them its fruits for thjir maintenance. 
Rend Laudonniere. the commandant, after receiving some temporary relief 
from the ICnglish corsair Hawkins,'"' and learning that the Spaniards medi- 
tated hostilities, was about to burn his fort and abandon the ccuiitry, when 
John Ribault arri\'eil as commandant, with supplies and colonists, as well as 
orders to maintain the post. His instructions from Coligny clearl)- intended 
•■hat he should attack the Spaniards.'' 

' " Plicv burned it [llav;in;i|, with .ill the lislird by the Ilakliiyt Society. A jiiojcct df 

town and church, ami put to clc.Uh all the inhabi- the Ijiglisli fur a .scttlcnient 011 the Klorida 

taiits thev I'oiMul, and the rest lied to the iiioiin- coast (1563), under Sliikely, came to nought, 

tains; so that nolhiiij; remained in the town that Cf. Doyle's Eui^lish in Amcticti, p. 55. — \'.\i.\ 
was not Inirned, and there was ii(>t an inhabitant ■' " Kn fcrmant ccste lettre i'ay cu certain 

lel't alive or dwelling theic " (j'/i"'"!''/!;/ (/(• /'<.//!> aduis, coninie doni I'etro Melandes se i)art 

Mcnciulcz ih- Ai'i'iS a S.M. sobic los ai^ritvios . . . d'Kspagne, pour allcr a la coste de la Xouvclle 

i/iic nuhio t/t- los oficidlcs (it' Itirasa (ii'ii'iitiiitiicioit, Fracc ; vous rcgardcrcz n'endurur qu'il n'cntre- 

156.)). >rcncndcz was iicrsonallv cognizant, as prcine sur nous non plus qu'il veut que nous 

he sent a vessel and men froni his tlcct to help n'cntreprcnions sur cux." As Mr. Parkman 

restore the place. remarks, " Ribault interpreted this into a coin- 

'^ |[,audo!miere's account of this relief is maud to attack the Spaniards." — Pioneers ('/ 

translated in the //,iwkiiis I'onixvs (p. fn), jiub- Fniiro- in the v\>r,' HWIL 



CA. 



ANCIENT P'LORIDA 



26- 



y successive 
,■ sailed fnmi 
isscls to the 
IS, inclutlin^ 

I willi coni- 
nipl}- that iif 

pretext for 
iicsc \'csscls, 
ric surprised 
lie prisoners 
(), and Jolin 
na.' 

lerica was it 
s of France, 
Santa I'.iena 
ish inonarcli 
:vy naturally 

the ill-nian- 
ted its brief 

the Spanish 

;en made, — 

was a direct 

crs, which in 

>-. ^'et that 

ill-ni:ina<j " 

of its niem- 

naintenance. 

oorary relief 

niards medi- 

intry, when 

s, as well as 

rl)' intended 



A iirojcct nf 
111 tliL' l'"lori(l:i 
luc ti) noujjlu. 

55.-K1..I 

i'av CM certain 

aiuk-s sc jian 

(Ic la Niiuvtllc 

;r (|u'il n'ciilro- 

VCllt (,11C IICIU.'- 

Mr. Tarkmaii 
lis into a cum- 
' — Pnvieers of 



The two bitter antagonists, each stimulated by his superiors, were thus 
r.uitiL; across the Atlantic, each endeavoring to outstrip the other, so as to 
111.' able first to assume the offensive. The stru<;j 'e was to be a deadly 
line, for on neither side were there any of the ordinary restraints ; it was 
ti. be a warfare without mere)-. 

.After leaving; the Canaries, Menendez' fleet was scattereil by storms. 
( iiie vessel put back; the flaLjship and another were driven in one direction, 
five vessels in another. These, after encountering; another storm, final!)- 
n ML-hed I'orto Rico on the 9th of August, and found the llay;siiip and us 
tender there.' 

The other ships from Biscay and Asturias had not arrived ; but Menen- 
dc/, fearing that Ribault might outstrip him, resolved to proceed, though his 
vc-sils needed repairs from the injuries sustained in the storm. If he was 
111 crush Fort Caroline, he felt that it must be done before the French post 
u.is reinforced; if not, all the force at his disposal would be insufficient to 
assume the offensive, lie made the coast of Florida near Cape Canaveral 
on the 25th of August; and soon after, bj- landing a party, ascertained 
from the natives that the I*"rench post was to the northward. Following 
tlir coast in that direction, he discovered, on the 28th, a harbor which 
seeiiud to possess advantages, and to which he gave the name of the 
great Hishoi) of Hippo, Augustine, who is honored on that day. Sailing 
(111 cautiously, he came in sight of the mouth of the St. John's River about 
two o'clock in the afternoon of the 4th of September. The ten days he 
iiad lo.st creeping along the coast were fatal to his project, for there lay 
llu' four vessels of Ribault, the flagship and its consort flinging to the 
breeze the colors of l''rance. 

Menendez' oflicers in council were in favor of running back to Santo 
Domingo till the whole force was united and ready to assume the offensive; 
but Menendez inspired them with his own intrepidity, and resolved to 
attack at once, A tremendous ::hunderstorm prevented operations till ten 
at night, when he bore down on the I'-rench, and ran his ship, the " Pclaj'o," 
between the two larger vessels of Ribault. To his hail who they were 
and what they were doing there, the reply was that John Ribault was their 
c;q)tain-general, and that they came to the country by order of the King of 
!■' ranee; and the French in return asked what ships they were, and who 
ciiminanded them. To quote his own words, "I replietl to them that I 
w.is Peter Menendez, that I came by command of the King of Spain to 
this coast and land to burn and liang the French Lutherans found in it, 
and that in the morning I would board his ships to know whetiier he 
belonged to that sect ; because if he did, I could not avoid executing on 
tliem the justice which liis Majesty commanded. They replietl that this 
was not right, and that I might go without awaiting the morning." 

' /Ct/tiiioii J,- A/tiz<iiie!;os. Rcliicioii dc lo sub- loi rohos que corsario;: franccsis luui lu-cho I559- 
ii-iliiio en la ILthauti cawi de la entrada dt' los 1 57 1. Rclacion dclos navios t)uc robarou fyanccses 
J'ranccscs. Smith, Ci'Arr/V"/, p. 202. Rilaciou de los auas ,le l ^^r) v i ^60. 



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a64 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 




AfAP,OF 
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19 



2S 



FLORIDA.' 

As Mcncndcz manoeuvred to ^ct a favorable position, the French vessels 
cut their cables and stood out to sea. The Spaniards cjavc chase, rapid!)' 
firint,^ five cannon at Kibault's flat:;ship, — which Mcnendcz supposed that 
he injurctl badlj-, as boats put off to the other vessels. Finding that 
the French outsailed him, Mcncndez put back, intending to land soldiers 
on an island at the mouth of the river and fortify a position which would 
command the entrance ; but as he reached the St. John's he saw three 
French vessels coming out, ready for action. 

' |This sketch-map of the •<cciie "f the of St. /In^iis/iii,: Other modern m.Tps, givini, 
operaticins of the SpanUli and the FrciK h foi- the old locaHlii-;, are found in Parkman, Gal' 
lows one given by Fairbanks in his History farel, etc. — Ed] 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 265 

Hi-; project was tliiis defeated; aiul too wil)- to be caiiy;ht at a dis- 
ulvantage by fhe returning Frcncli vessels, Mencndez bore away to the 
harbor of St. Augustine, which lie estimated at eight leagues from the 



maps, givini, 
r.iikman, Gal' 




O 



ImcucIi by sea, and six by land. Here he proceeded to found the old- 
est city in the present territory of the United States. Two hundred 
inall-clad soldiers, commanded by Captain John de San Vicente and 
VOL. n. — 34. 



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200 NAKKAl l\K M) CKIIIlAI. IIISIOKV Ol A.MKKIC.V 



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' [This view () l'a,i;us I lispaii'iiun, as yivi-M pciicMl, if it is wlicilly truthful of any perimi 
ill MdTitaiius and Ogilliy, repicsciils the town The same view was l)etter engraved at Leidt 
founded liy Menendez at a somewhat later by Varder Aa. — Ku.] 



111! 



ANCIKNT ILoKilJA. 



267 






m I 



of any i)erinil 
Igravcd at Lcidt 




SPANISH vi:.ssr,i,s. 

(/•■( 1,7/ Ml- l'.\(iis Ilisi'ANduiM III Mtniliiniii.) 

Ca])l:uii I'atino, laiulcd on tlic 6th of Sc]itcmbcr, 1565. The Indians were 
liiriull)', and readil)' i^ax'c the settlers tlie Iart;e house of one of the caciques 
Nvhicli stt>od near the shore of tlie ri\ er. .Around this an intrenclnneiit 
w.is traced; and a ditch was soon ihii;', and earthw<jrks tlirown up, witli 
-nrh implements as they had at hand, for the vessel bearinij their tools 
had not }'et arrived. 

The next da\- three of the smaller vessels ran into the iiari:)or, antl from 
liuMii three luiiuhetl more of the sokliers disendiarked, as well as those who 
lia(l come to settle in the country, — men, women, and children, .\rtillery 
.mil munitions for the fort were also landed. The eighth beint; a holiday 
in the Catholic Church, — the Nativity of the Hlessed N'Tj^in, — was cele- 
lirated with ilue solemnitx'. Mass was offered for the first time at a sjiot 
( \er alter hekl in wneration, ami where in time arose the primitive shrir,c 
"t Xuestra .Senora de la I.eche. Then the work of debarkation was 
ri--uined; one hundred more persons landed; and threat i;uns, precious 




1 .'li 



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268 NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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stores of provisions, and munitions were brought to the new fort. Amid 
all this bustle and activity the Spaniards were startled by the appearance 



w fort. Amid 
le appearanci; 



ANCILNI FLUKIUA. 



369 




' ITnci ])ictnrcs of Fort Caroline accniii- l)iit to be taken as a correct outline," as Fair- 

p:inv the /Jn-r/r //.nvj/'/c of Ixmovnc, — one the banks (p. 54) ]>rcsunies The cnuravini; of the 

Iieuinnitic of work npon it, and the other the complclcd fort is reproduced in Fairbanks's Sf. 

rom|iUted structure, "a more finished fortifica- .•//^'//.f////!'. Stevens's (Tivr;'/.;, etc. Another and 

linn than could possibly have been constructed, better view of it, called "Arx Carolina — Charles- 




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270 



NAKRATIVi: AND CHITICAI. HISTORY OF AMKKICA. 



of two Iar{;c French vessels ' in tlic oflTin^;, evidently ready for action. 
It was no part of MLiieiide/' pi. in to enj^a^je them, and he waited till, about 
three in the afternoon, they bore away for the St. John's. Then he pn- 
pared to land in person. As his boat left the vessel with banners un- 
furled, amiil the thunder of cannon and the sounds of warlike music. 
Mendoza Cirajales, the first priist of St. Aut^ustine. bearin^j a cross, went 
down at the heailof those on shore to meet the aiiciaiitai/o, all chanting; 
the Te Deum. Minendez proceeded at once with his attendants to the 
cross, which he kissed on bended knee. 

I'ormal possession of the land was then taken in the name of Philip II., 
Kin^ of Spain. The captains of the troops and the officers of the new 
colony came forwani to take the oath to I'ctcr Menendcz de Aviles as 
j;overnor, captain-^^eneral, and adclautado of l-'lorida and its coa.sts under 
the patents of the Spanish Kinjj. Crowils of friemlly Indians, with their 
chieftains, {;athereil around. 

From them the Spanish commander learned that his position was admi- 
rably taken, as he couki, at a short distance, strike the river on which the 
FVench lay, and descend it to assail them. Here then he resolved to make 
his position as stronj; as possible, till the rest of his armament arriveii. 
His galleon " San I'elayo," too large to enter the port, rode without, in 
danger from the sudden storms that visit the coast, and from the I'"rencl). 
Putting on board some French prisoners whom he had captured in a boat, 
he despatched her and another vessel to Santo Domingo. He organized his 
force by appointing officers, — a lieutenant and a .^ergeant-major, and ten 
captains. The necessity of horses to operate rapidly induced him to semi 
two of his lighter vessels to Havana to seek them there; and by this 
conveyance he addressed to Philip II. his first letter from h'lorida.'^ 

The masts of his vessels could scarcely have vanished from the eyes 
of the Spanish force, when the French vessels appeared once more, and 
near!)- captured Menendez him.self in the harbor, where he was carrying to 
the shore, in the smaller vessels that he had retained, some artillery and 
munitions from the galleons. He escaped, however, though the Frencl; 
were so near that they called on him to surrender. And he ascribed his 
deliverance rather to prayer than to human skill ; for, fierce seaman as 
he was, he was a man of deep .ind practical religious feeling, which influ- 
enced all his actions. 

Menendez' position was now one of danger. The force at his command 
was not large, and the French evidently felt strong enough, and were deter- 
mined to attack him. He had acknowledged his inability to cope with them 



fort sur Floriilc," was cngr.ived .it Lcide by 
V.-uidcr A.n, l)ut it is a question if it be truth- 
ful. No traces of the fort have ever been re- 
corded by subsequent observers, but Fairbanks 
places it near a place called St. John's Hluff, 
as shown in the accompanying map. Others 
have placed it on the liell Kiver (an estuary of 



the St. Mary's River), at a place called Battle 
Bluff. Cf. Carroll's Hist. Coll., \. p. xxxvi. — Fi' | 

' One was commanded by Captain Cossettf 
(BiuaiiUr, p. 105). 

- Lctterof Menendez to the King, dated Prov- 
ince of Florida, .Sept. 1 1, 1565. Mendoza Grajalcs, 
Relacion de la Jornada de /'•' Menendez, 1565. 



ANCIENT ILOKIUA. 



271 



on the ocean, and could not liavc felt very saMt;iiini- of bcinj^ able to defend 
tlu' >li^'lU i)reast\vorks tliat had been thrown up at St. Auj^'iistine. 

I'\)rtune favored hin>. Ribault, after so earnestly determinin^j to assume 
the offensive, fatally hesitated. Within two da)-. ,1 tiemen<loiis hurricane, 
which the practised eye of Menemlez had anticipated, burst on the coast. 
The French were, he believed, still hovering near, on the look-out for his 
1,11 'r;er vessels, and he knew that with such a norther their peril was 
( \triine. It was, moreover, certain that they could not, for a time at 
least, make the St. John's, even if they rode out the storm. 

This gave him a temporary superiority, and he resolved to seize his 
n|ip(irtunity. Summoning his ofTicers to a council of war, he laid before 
tlieni iiis plan of marching ;it once to attack h'ort Caroline, from which the 
i'rench had evidently drawn a part of their force, and probably their most 
effective men. The officers generally, as well as the two clergymen in the 
settlement, opposed his project as rash ; but Menendcz was determined. 
Five himdred men— three hundred armed with arquebuses, the rest with 
pikes and targets — were ordered to march, e.ach one carrying rations of bis- 
cuit and wine. Menendcz, at their head, bore his load like the rest. They 
niinched out of the fort on the l6th of September, guided by two caciques 
who had been hostile to the French, and by a Frenchman who had been two 
years in the fort. The route proved one of great difficulty; the rain poured 
in torrents, swelling the streams and flooding the lowlands, so that the men 
were most of the time knee-deep in water. Many loitered, and, falling back, 
made their way to St. Augustine. Others showed a nuitinous disposition, 
ami loudly expressed their contempt for their sailor-general. 

On the 29th, at the close of the day, he was within a short distance of 
the h'rench fort, and halted to rest .so as to storm it in the morning. At 
daybreak the Spaniards knelt in prayer ; then, bearing tv/enty scaling-ladders, 
Menendcz advanced, his sturdy Asturians and Biscayans in the van. Day 
broke as, in a heavy rain, they reached a height from which their F'rcnch 
guide told them they could sec the fort, washed by the river. Menendez 
.ulvanccd, and saw some houses and the St. John's ; but from his position 
could not discover the fort. He would have gone farther; but the Macse 
de Campo and Captain Ochoa pushed on till they reached the houses, and 
reconnoitred the fort, where not a soul seemed astir. As they returned 
they were hailed by a French sentinel, who took them for countrymen. 
Ochoa sprang upon him, striking him on the head with his sheathed .sword, 
while tho Macsc dc Campo .st.nbbed him. He uttered a cry; bu*' was 
threatened with death, bound, and taken back. The cry had c?.':itcd 
Menendez, who, supposing that his officers had been killed, callec ut: 
"Santiago! at them! God helps us! Victory! The French arc slaugh- 
tered ! Don Pedro dc Valdes, the Macse de Campo, is in the fort, and 
has taken it ! " 

The men, supposing that the officers were in advance with part of the 
f'Tcc, rushed on till they came up with the returning officers, who, taking 



5 > 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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in the situation, despatched the sentry and led the men to tiie attack. Two 
Frenchmen, who rushed out in their shirts, were cut down. Others outside 
the fort seeing the danger, gave tin ahirni ; and a man at tiie principal 
gate threw it open to ascertain what the trouble was. Valdcs, ready to 
scale the fort, saw the advantage, sprang on the man and cut him down, 
then rushed into the fort, followed by the fleetest of the Spanish detach- 
ment. In a moment two captains had simultaneously planted their colors 
on the walls, and the trumpets sounded for victory. 

The French, taken utterly by surprise, made no defence; about fifty, 
dashing over the walls of the fort, took to the woods, aln.ost naked, ami 
unarmed, or endeavored in boats and by swimming to reach the vessels 
in the stream. When Menendez came up with «^he main body, his 
men were slaughtering the French as they ran shrieking through the 
fort, or came forward declaring that they surrendered. The women, and 
children under ihe age of fifteen, were, by orders of the commander, 
spared. Laudonniere, the younger Ribault, Lemoync, and the carpenter 
Le Challcux, whose accounts have reached us, were among those who 
escaped. 

Menendez had carried the fort without one of his men be-ng killed or 
wounded. The number of the French thus unsparingly put to the sword 
is stated by Menendez himself as one hundred and thirty-two, with ten of 
the fiigitives who were butchered the ne.xt day. Mendoza Grajales cor- 
roborates this estimate. Iv'fty were spared, and about as many escaped to 
the vessels ; and some, doubtless, perished in the woods. 

The slaughter was too terrible to need depicting in darker colors; but 
in time it was declared that Menendez hung many, with an insulting label : 
" I do not this to I'Vcnchmen, but to Heretics." The Spanish accounts, 
written with too strong a conviction of the propriety of their course to seek 
any subterfuge, make no allusion to any such act; and the earliest Frencli 
accounts are silent in regard to it. The charge first occurs in a statement 
written with an evident design to rouse public indignation in France, and 
not, therefore, to be deemed absolutely accurate. 

No quarter was given, for the French were regarded as pirates; and as 
the French cruisers gave none, these, who were considered as of the sanie 
class, received none. 

The booty acquired was great. A brigantine and a galiot fell into the 
liands of the Spaniards, with a vessel that had grounded. Another vessel 
lay near the fort, and Spanish accounts claim to have sunk it with the 
cannon of the fort, while the I'rench declare they scuttled it. Two other 
vessels lay at the mouth of the river, watching for the Spaniards, whoso 
attaclv was expected from the sea, and not from the land side. Besides 
these vessels and their contents, the Spaniards gained in the fort artillery 
and small-arms, supplies of flour and bread, horses, asses, sheep, and hogs' 

1 Letter of Afciicmlc/. to llic Kinj», Oct. 15, (/;■ (hkumciilos iiu'Jitos {edited by Pacheco, etc), 
1565; MencUua Giaj.iles, hMiUion in Co/ivcioii iii. 44T-' "> 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



273 



Such was the first striiLjtjlc on our soil between civiUzed men; it was brief, 
sangiiinnry, merciless. 

Menendez named the captured fort San Mateo, from its capture on the 
feast of St. Matthew (September 21). lie set up the arms of Spain, and 
selected a site for a church, which he ordered to be built at once. Then, 
leaving Gon^alo de Villarocl in command, with a garrison of three hundred 
nun, he prepared to march back to St. Augustine with about one hundred, 
wiici composed the rest of the force which had remained with him till he 
reached Caroline. Hut of them all he found only thirty-five able or willing 
ti) undertake the march; and with these he set out, deeming his presence 
necessary at St. Augustine. Before long, one of the party pushed on to 
announce his coming. 

The Spaniards there had learned of the disaster wjiich had befallen Ri- 
b.uilt's fleet from a Frenchman w ho was the sole survi\ or of one small vessel 
that lunl been driven ashore, its crew escaping a watery death only to perish 
!))• the hands of the Indians. The vessel was secured and brought to St. 
Augustine. The same day, September 23, a man was seen running toward 
the fort, uttering loud shouts. The priest, Mendoza Grajales, ran out to 
leain the tidings he bore. The soldier threw his arms around him, crying: 
" N'ictory ! Victory! the French fort is ours!" He was soon recounting 
to his countrymen the story of the storming of Caroline. Toward night- 
fall the luiclantado himself, with his little part}', was seen approaching. 
Mendoza in surplice, bearing a crucifix, went forth to meet him. Menen- 
dez knelt to ki.ss the cross, and his men imitated his example ; then they 
entered the fort in procession, chanting the Tc Deum.* 

Menendez despatched some light boats with supplies to San Mateo ; but 
the fort there took fire a few days after its capture, and was almost entirely 
destroyed, with much of the booty. He sent other light craft to Santo 
Domingo with prisoners, and others still to patrol the coa.st and seek any 
siL;ns of the galleon " San Pelayo," or of the French Then he turned his 
whole attention to \.ork on his fort and town, so ^.^ '■■ be in readiness to 
withstand any attiick from Ribault if the French commander should return 
and prove to be in a condition to assail him while his forces were divided. 
He also cultivated friendlyintercour.se with the neighboring chiefs whom 
he found hostile to the French and their allies. 

On the 28th, some of the Indians came to rei)ort by signs that the iM-cnch 
were six leagues distant, that they had lost their ships, and that the)- had 
reached the shore by swimming. The}' had halted at a stream which they 
could not cross, — evidently Matanzi;:; inlet. Menendez sent out a boat, 
and followed in another with some of his oflicers and Mendoza, one of the 
clergymen. He overtook his party, and they encamped near the inlet, but 
out of sight. On the opposite side, the light of the camp-fires marked the 
spot occupied by the French. The next day, seeing Menendez, a sailor 
swam over, and stated that he had been sent to say that they were survivors 



' Mendoza Grajales, Rdacion. 



.1 \\ 



t li- 



,1 ■.' 



imn 



VOL. II. — 35. 



K 









,1 



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I 

1; 






iii 



ill''' 



i.v'/' 



:/!;■ 




' [This is the only cartni;r;ii)liical result of in Gaffarel's Floride Fraii^aise, and in Shipps 
ini' Krench occupation. It is also reproduced Di Holo and l-'lorida. It was literally copied 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



275 




of ^omc of Ribault's vessels which had been wrecked ; tliat many of their 
jjioplc had been drowned, others killed or captured by the Indians; and 
tli.it tlic rest, to the number of one hundred and forty, asked permission 
and aid to reach their fort, some distance up the coast. Mencndez told 
him that he had captured the fort and put all to the sword. Then, after 
askiiis; whether they were Catholics or Lutherans, and receiving the reply, 
tlu' Spaniard sent the sailor to his companions, to say that if they did not 
Ljivc up their arms and surrender, he would put them all to the sword. On 
tills an officer came over to endeavor to secure better terms, or to be allowed 
to remain till vessels could be obtained to take them to France; but Menen- 
<ic/. was inexorable. The officer pleaded that the lives of the French should 
be spared ; but Menendez, according to Mendoza, replied, " that he would 
not L;ive them such a pledge, but that they should bring their arms and 
their persons, and that he should do with them according to his will ; 
because if he spared their lives he wished them to be grateful to him for it, 
and if he put them to death they should not complain that he had broken 
his word." Solis dc Meras, another clergyman, brother-in-law of Menendez, 
and in St. Augustine at the time, in his account states that Menendez said, 
" That if they wished to lay down their colors and their arms, and throw 
themselves on his mercy, they could do so, that he might do with them what 
(iod should give him the grace to do ; or that they could do as they chose : 
for other truce or friendship could not be made with him; " and that he 
reJL'ctcd an ofifer of ransom which they made. 

Menendez himself more briefly writes : " I replied that they might 
surrender me their arms and put themselves under my pleasure, that I 
mii^dit do with them what our Lord might ordain ; and from this resolution 
1 do not and will not depart, unless our Lord God inspired me otherwise." 
The words held out hopes that were delusive ; but the French, hemmed 
in by the sea and by savages, saw no alternative. They crossed, laid down 
tiicir arms, and were bound, by order of Menendez, — ostensibly to conduct 
tliem to the fort. Si.xteen, chiefly Breton sailors, who professed to be 
C'atholics, were spared ; the rest, one hundred and eleven in all, were put 
to death in cold blood, — as ruthlessly as the French, ten years before, had 
despatched their prisoners amid the smoking ruins of Havana, and, like 
them, in the name of religion.' 



In lldiiiliiis ill 1607, ami not sd well in the 
\Kri itui-HoiKlius At/iis of 1633. I.escarbot 
fi'lliiwcd it; hut in his 1618 edition .iltcieil for 
Ilk- wcirse the course of the St. John's River; 
.111(1 ~.) did De Laet. Cf. Kohl, .l/r;/,f in 
ll.tkluyl, p. 48, and Urinton, Ftoriduvi Peninsula, 
|). .So, who says (p. 86) th.it Dc Laet was the 
liist to confine the name Florida to the penin- 
^iil... ; hut Thevct seems nearly to do so in the 
iii^ip in his Cosmo\;riipliiiu which he hased on 
"'Xlius, a part of which is given in fac-simil' 
ill Wcise's Disancries of Anu-fica, p. 304 ; and 



It seems also to be the case in the earlier >rer- 
cator sores of 154I. The map accompanying 
Charlevoix' narrative will be found in his 
Xouvclle Fnuui; i. 24, and in Shea's transla- 
tion of it, i. 133. — Ell.] 

• Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, 
after pledging his word to spaic the lives of the 
.Spaniards who surrendered, jnit them and his 
I'ortnguese prisoners to death ; negroes he hung 
up and shot while still alive (A'l'/dcion i/c Dics^o 
lie M(iziiitei;os, AfS. ; Letter of liishop Sarmicnto 
in Coleccion <le ilociimcntos ineditos, v. 5-1 



Ji \ 



v,*3 






.■lit ! 




^1 



iH!' 



m 



m 



f 



276 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OK AMERICA. 



m 



T?i 



^'1 I 



',. I 



I i 



Ribault himself, who was advancing by the same fatal route, was ignoraiii 
alike of the fall of Caroline and of the slaughter of the survivors of tin 
advanced party ; he too huped to reach Laudonnierc. Some days after the 
cruel treatment of the first band he reached the inlet, whose name to tills 
day is a monument of the bloody work, — Matanzas. 

The news of the appearance of this second French party reached 
Mencndez on the loth of October, — at the same time almost as that of the 
destruction of Fort San Mateo and its contents by fire, and while writing a 
despatcli to the King, unfolding liis plan for colonizing and holding Florida, 
by means of a series of forts at the Chesapeake, Tort Royal, the Martyrs, 
and the Hay of Juan Ponce de Leon. He marched to the inlet with one 
hundred and fifty men. The French were on the opposite side, some 
making a rude raft. Both parties sounded drum and trumpet, and flung 
their standards to the breeze, drawing up in line of battle. Mcnendez then 
ordered his men to sit down and breakfast. Upon this, Ribault raised a 
white flag, and one of his men was soon swimming across. He returned 
with an Indian canoe that lay at the shore, and took over La Caille, an 
ofiicer. Approaching Mcnendez, the French officer announced that the 
force was that of John Ribault, viceroy for the French king, three hundred 
and fifty men in all, who had been wrecked on the coast, and was now 
endeavoring to reach Fort Caroline. He soon learned how vain was the 
attempt. The fate of the fort and of its garrison, and the stark bodies of the 
preceding party, convinced him that those whom he represented must prepare 
to meet a similar fate. He requested Mcnendez to send an officer to Ribault 
to arrange terms of surrender; but the reply was that the French comman- 
der was free to cross with a few of his men, if he wished a conference. 

When this was reported to him, the unfortunate Ribault made an effort 
in person to save his men. He was courteously received by Menendez, 
but, like his lieutenant, saw that the case was hopeless. According to Soiis 
de Meras, Ribault offered a ransom of one hundred and fifty thousand 
ducats for himself and one part of his men ; another part, embracing many 
wealthy nobles, preferring to treat separately. Menendez declined the offer, 
expressing his regret at being compelled to forego the money, which lu; 
needed. His terms were as enigmatical as before. He declared, so ho 
himself tells us, " that they must lay down their arms and colors and put 
themselves under my pleasure; that I should do with their persons as 1 
chose, and that there was nothing else to be done or concluded with me." 



•^!R\ 



>'!J 



! :' ^ ; 



Priests, especially those of religions Orders, 
met no mercy at the hands of the French 
cruisers at this period, the most atrocious 
case being that of the Portuguese Jesuit 
Father Ignatius Azcvedo, captured by the 
French on his way to lirazil with thirty-nine 
missionary companions, all of whom were put 
to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find 
no case where the French in Spanish waters 



then gave quarter to Spaniards, except in linpc 
of large ransom. Two of the vessels found .ii 
Caroline were Spanish, loaded with sugar .11;' 
hides, captured near Vaguana by the Frend . 
who threw all the crew overboard ; and Gourgui -, 
on reaching Florida, had two barks, evidcmly 
captured from the Spaniards, as to the fate of 
whose occu|)ants his eulogists observe a (lis 
erect silence. 



Ii M. 



ilCA. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



277 



, was Ignorant 
■vivors of till 
days after tin 
: name to this 

party reached 
; as that of the 
vhilc writing a 
)lding Florida, 
, the Mart>'rs, 
inlet with onr 
ite side, some 
ipet, and flung 
VIenendez then 
ibault raised a 
He returned 
r La Caille, an 
unced that the 

three hundred 
, and was now 
w vain was the 
k bodies of the 
;d must prepare 
jificer to Ribault 
cnch comman- 

nference. 
made an effort 

jy Menendez, 
ording to Solis 

fifty thousand 
nbracing many 
ined the offer, 

incy, which lu: 

eclared, so he 

;olors and put 
persons as I 

■d with me." 



l>libault returned to his camp and held a council with his officers. Some 
uiic inclined to throw themselves on the mercy of Menendez; but the 
mail irity refused to surrender. The next morning Ribault came over with 
.■,c\cnty olTiccrs and men, who decidetl to surrender and trust to the mercj- 
i,f the merciless. The rest had turned southward, preferring to face new 
perils rather than be butchered. 

The l-"rench commander j^ave up the banner of France and that of 
Cdli^ny, w'th the colors of his force, his own fine set of armor, antl his seal 
(if nitice. As he and his comrades were bound, he intoned one of the 
l'-,il:ns; and after its concluding words added: "We are of earth, and to 
cai til we must return ; twenty years more or less is all but as a tale that is 
tnld." Then he bade .Menendez do his will. Two young nobles, and a 
few men whom Menendez could make useful, he spared ; the rest were at 
imcc despatched.' 

The French who declined to surrender retreated unpursued to Can- 
;i\crai, where they threw up a log fort and began to build a vessel in 
orilcr to escape from Florida. Menendez, recalling some of the men 
who remained at San Mateo, set out against them with one hundred 
,uid fifty men, three vessels following the shore with one hundred men 
to support his force. On the 8th of November apparently, he reached 
the fort. The French abandoned it and fled ; but on promise that 
tlicir lives should be spared, one hundred and fifty surrendered. Menen- 
dez kept his word. He destroyed their fort and vessel ; and leaving 
a detachment of two hundred under Captain Juan Velcz de Medrano 
to build Fort Santa Lucia de Canaveral in a more favorable spot, he 
sailed to Havana. Finding some of his vessels there, he cruised in 
search of corsairs — chiefly French and English — who were said to be 
in great force off the coast of Santo Domingo, and who had actually 
captured one of his caravels; he was afraid that young Ribault might 
have joined them, and that he would attack the Spanish posts in Flor- 
ida.- Hut encountering a vessel, Menendez learned that the King had 
sent him reinforcements, which he resolved to await, obtaining supplies 
from Campechy for his forts, as the Governor of Havana refused to 
fm-iiish any. 

The Spaniards in the threi. Florida posts were ill-prepared for even a 
I'lorida winter, and one hundred died for want of proper clothing and food. 
Captain San Vicente and other malcontents excited disaffection, so that 



eni 



.il (I 



/ !k 



•ds, except in hopu 
ic vessels found al 
ed with sugar and 
la by the I'rencli, 
ird; andGourgutN 
o Ijaiks, evidcnlly 
;, as to the fate of 
sts observe a dis 



' This is the -Spanish account o olis de 
.Ml IMS. Lemoync, who escaped from Caro- 
liiiL', gives an account based on the statement of 
a Diop|)e sailor who made his way to the Indians, 
aiu! though taken by the Spaniards, fell at last 
into French hands. Challeu.\, the carpenter 
of Caroline, and another account derived from 
Cliristophe le Breton, one of those spared by 
Mciicnde/, maintain that Menendez oromised 
La Caille, under oath and in writing to spare 



their lives if they surrendered. This seems 
utterly improbable ; for Menendez from first to 
last held to his original dcrlaration, " 1/ i/ne 
fucrc /wrixc mon'rii." Lemoync is so incorrect 
as to make this last slaughter take place at 
Caroline. 

- Menendez to the King, — writing from 
Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and again from H.i- 
vana, Dec. 12, 1565. Uarcia, Enmio cronoli^ico. 
p. 91. 



ii I 



278 



NARRATIVL AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMLRICA. 



( . ' 



Pii 



'i'i 



III! 



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' (<■ i 



nn 



-a 



'i ; 



II. 



mutinies broke out, and tlie insurgents seized vessels and deserted. Fort 
San Mateo was left with only twenty-one persons in it. 

In February, 1566, Menendez explored the Tortugas and the adjacent 
coast, seeking some trace of the vessel in which his son had been lost. I lis 
search was fruitless ; but he established friendly relations with the cacicj.ic 
Carlos, and rescued several Spanish prisoners from that cruel chief, who 
annually sacrificed one of them. 

Meanwhile the French fugitives excited the Indians who were friendly to 
them to attack the Spanish po^is; and it was no longer safe for the settlers 
to stir beyond the works at San Mateo anJ St. Augustip'\ Captain Martin 
de Ochoa, one of the bravest and most faithful officers, was slain at San 
Mateo ; and Captain Diego de Hevia and several others were cut ofif at St. 
Augustine. Emboldened by success, the Indians invested the latter fori, 
and not only sent showers of arrows into it, but by means of blazing arrows 
set fire to the palmetto thatching of the storehouses. The Spaniards in 
vam endcavorcri to extinguish the flames; the building was consumed, with 
all their munitions, cloth, linen, and even the colors of the adclatitutio and 
the troops. This encouraged the Indians, who despatched every Spaniard 
they could reach. 

Menendez reached St. Augustine, March 20, to find it on the brink 
of ruin. Even his presence and the force at his command could not bring 
the mutineers to obedience. He was obliged to allow Captain San Vicente 
and many others to embark in a vessel. Of the men whom at great labor 
tind expense he had brought to Florida, full five hundred deserted. After 
their departure he restored order; and, proceeding to San Mateo, rclie\''jcl 
that place. His ne.xt step was to enter into friendly relations with the chief 
of Guale, and to begin a fort of stockades, earth, and fascines at Port Royal 
which he called San Felipe. Here he left one hundred and ten men under 
Stephen de las Alas. From this point the adventurous Captain Pardo, in 
1566 and the following year, explored the country, penetrating to the silver 
region of the Cherokees, and visiting towns reached by De Soto from 
Cofitachiqui to Tascaluza.^ 

Returning to St. Augustine, Menendez transferred the fort to its present 
position, tn be nearer the ship landing and less exposed to the Indians. All 
the posts suffered from want of food ; and even for the soldiers in the King's 
pay the adclantado could obtain no rations from Havana, although he went 
there in person. He obtained means to purchase the necessary provisions 
only by pledging his own n<"r;;onal effects. 

Before his return there came a fleet of seventeen vessels, bearing fifteen 
hundred men, with arms, munitions, and supplies, under Sancho de Arciniega. 
Relief was immediately sent to San Mateo and to Santa P21ena, where most 



I"-' 



nI^. 



' Juan de l.T Vandera, Memoir, — in Eiiglisli and in Ruckingham Smith's Colcccioii. There 

in Historical I\ragiiziih; 1.S60, pp. 230-232, with is also a version in U. V. Frcnch'.s //istoru,:} 

notes by J. G. Shea, from the original in Coltcctioits of Loiiistana and Florida (1S75). 

Colcccion de dociimeiitos im'ditos, iv. 5O0-566, p. 2S9. 



'■\ M 



:•■ » 



:ii 



ANCIENT FLOKIUA. 



279 



uf the soldiers had mutinied, and had put Stephen de las Alas in iron.-, and 
^aikd away. Menendez divided part of his reinforcements amonj; his three 
pnsts, and then with lij^ht vessels ascended the St. John's. He endeavored 
10 enter into negotiations with the caciques Otina and Macoya; but those 
rhiifs, fearing that he had come to demand reparation for the attacks on the 
Sp.miarils, fled at his approach. lie ascended the river till he found the 
stnani narrow, and hostile Indians lining the banks. On his downward 
Vdy.ige Otina, after making conditions, received the aciclniitatio, who came 
asimre with only a few attendants. The chief was surrounded by three 
hunilred warriors; but showed no hostility, and agreed to become friendly 
to llie Spaniards. 

On his return Menendez despatched a captain with thirty soldiers and 
two Dominican friars to establish a post on Chesapeake Bay; they were 
accompanied by Don Luis Velasco, brother of the chief of Axacan, who 
liad been taken from that country apparently by Villafaiie, and who had 
been baptized in Mexico. Instead, however, of carrying out his plans, the 
party persuaded the captain of the vessel to sail to Spain. 

Two Jesuit Tathers also came to found missions among the Indians ; but 
line of them, laihcr Martinez, landing on the coast, was killed by the 
Indians; and the survivor. Father Rogcl, with a lay brother, by the direc- 
tion of Menendez began to study the language of the chief Carlos, in order 
to found a mission in his tribe. To facilitate this, Menendez sent Captain 
Rcynoso to establish a post in that part of Florida.' 

News having arrived that the French were preparing to attack Florida, 
and their depredations in the Antilles having increased, Menendez sailed 
to I'orto Rico, and cruised about for a time, endeavoring to meet some of 
the corsairs. But he was unable to come up with any ; and after visiting 
Carlos and Tequeste, where missions were now established, he returned 
to .St. Augustine. His efforts, individually and through his lieutenants, to 
gain the native chiefs had been to some extent successful ; Saturiba was 
the only cacique who held aloof. He finally agreed to meet Menendez at 
the mouth of the St. John's ; but, as the Spanish commander soon learned, 
th(.' cacique had a large force in ambush, with the object of cutting him and 
his men off when they landed. Finding war necessary, Menendez then sent 
four detachments, each of seventy men, against Saturiba; but he fled, and 
tlie Spaniards returned after skirmishes with small bands, in which they 
killed thirty Indians. 

Leaving his posts well defended and supplied, Menendez sailed to 
Spain ; and landing near Coruna, visited his home at Aviles to sec his wife 
and fn-!iily, from whom he had been separated twenty years. He then 
jiroceedcd to Valladolid, where, on the 20th of July, he was received with 
lumor by the King. 



'I ,;• 



!■-, I 



' Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in vol, ii. dec. iii. afio vi. cap. iii., translated by 
Mcazar, Chrono. hisloria dc la Coiiipaiila di' Dr. D G. Brinton in the Ifislorical Magaziiu\ 
I'Mis en la prminciii de Toledo (Madrid, 17 10), 1861, p. 292. 



'i ii 

I' k 



280 



XAKKArU'E AND CKll ICAL IIISIORV ()V A M K K I '. ; A. 



\ 



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ii .'. 



During his absence a Freich attack, such as lie had expected, was made 
on I''lcrichi. I-'earing this, \ij liad ondcavoivd to obtain forces and suppMes 
for his colony; but was detained, iVettinL; and chalinj,' at the delays and 
formalities of the Cnsa dc Coiitratiicioi' in Seville.' 

An expedition, comprising one small and two large vessels, was fitted out 
at Hordeaux by Dominic de Ciourgues, with a commission to capture slaves 
at Benin. De Gourgues sailed Aug. 22, 1567, and at Cape Hlaiico had ,1 
skirmish with some negro chiefs, secureil the harbor, and sailetl off with ,1 
cargo of slaves. With these he ran to the Spanish West Indies, an 1 disposed 
of them at Dominica, I'orto Rico, and Santo Domingo, fmding .Spaniards 
ready to treat v.ith him. At Puerto de la I'lat.i, in tiie List island, he met a 
ready confederate in /.aballos, who was accustomed to trade with the French 
pirates. Zaballos bou.flit slaves and goods from him, and furnished him a 
pilot for the Florida coast. Puert') de la I'lata had b,^en a refuge for some 
of the deserters from Florida, and could afford tlefinite inform.ation. Here 
probably the idea of Gourgues' Florida expedition originated ; though, 
according to the bombastic French account, it was only off the Island of 
Cuba that Do Gourgues revealed his design. Me reached the mouth of the 
St. John's, where the French narratives place two forts that a-c utterly 
unknown in Spanish documents, and which were probably only batteries 
to cover the entrance. Saluted here as Spanish, the French vessels passed 
on, and anchored off the mouth of the St. Mary's, — the Tacatacuru of the 
Indians. By means of a I'rcnchman, a refugee among the Indians, Gour- 
gues easily induced Saturiba, smarting under the recent Spanish attack, to 
join him in a campaign against San Mateo. T!:c first redoubt was quickly 
ta ?i) ; and the I'rench, crossing in boats, their allies swimming, capturcil 
the second, and then moved on Fort San Mateo itself. The I"'rench acco int 
makes sixty men issue from each of what it calls forts, each partv .0 be 
tut off by the French, and then makes all of each party of sixty to fall liy 
the hr.nds of the French and Indians, except fifteen or thereabout kept 
for an ignominious death. 

Gourgues carried off the artillery of the fort and redoubts ; but 
before he could transport the rest of his booty to the vessels, a train 
left by the Spaniards in the fort was accidentally fired by an Indian who 
was cooking fish; the magazine blew up, with all in it. Gourgues 
hanged the prisoners who fell into his hands at San Mateo, and descend- 
ing the river, hanged thirty more at the mouth, setting up an inscrip- 
tion: "Not as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers." 
Returning to his vessels, he hoisted sail on the 3d of May, and early 
in June entered the harbor of La Rochellc. His loss, which is not ex- 
plained, is said to have been his smallest vessel, five gentlemen and some 
soldiers killed.^ 



t" 



' llarci.i, Ensaio cronolos^iio, p. 133. and carried off the artillery of San Mateo, and 

- /..; Ki'/rise de la Fioru/e, etc. Garibay says then menaced Havana (Sucesos dc la Isla di 
bri'"*ly that they went to I'lorida and destroyed Santo Domingo). 



I;. A. 



ANCIENT FLOKIUA. 



381 



L'd, was m;ulc 

ami supplies 

c delays aiul 

was fitted oui 
aptiirc slaves 
Manco liad a 
It! oft" with ,1 
an 1 dis|)(isi(| 
ii;4 Spaniaiils 
iild, he met a 
li the iM'eiicI) 
iiished him a 
i^c for some 
atioii. Here 
ted; thoii;4h, 
the Island of 
mouth of the 
t a-c utterly 
)nly batteries 
'csscls passed 
tacuru of the 
adians, Gour- 
ish attack, to 
: was quickl} 
ing, captured 
ench accomt 

party .0 be 
ty to fall b\ 

about kept 

oubts; but 
sels, a train 
Indian who 
Gourgiies 
nd dcsceml- 
an inscrip- 
IMurdcrcrs." 
and early 
is not CN- 
n and some 



an Mateo, and 
at /a Isla di. 




When Gourgucs made his descent, Mcnendez was already at sea, having 
sailed from San Lucar on the 13th of March, with abundant supplies and 

' [Cf. the "Florida et Apalche " in Accsta, 1592; and later the maps of the French cartng- 

fitvman edition, Cologne, 1598 (also in 1605); raphcr Sanson, showing the coast from Texas- 

th.it of Ilicronymns Chaves, given in Ortelius, to Carolina. — Ed.] 
VOL. II. — 36. 



> 



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' i 



282 



NAKKATIVr. AM) CKITKAI IIISTOKV Ol' AMKKICA. 



reinforcements, as well as aiUiitional missionaries for tlu' Indians, iindi i 
I-'ather John Haptist Segiira as vici.'-provincial AftiT rrlii\ iii^' his posts in 
Floriila and i)lacin^' a hundred anil lil't> men al San Mateo, he proceeded 
to Cuba, of which he had been appointed governor. To stren^jthen hi^ 
colony, he soliciteil permission to coloni/e tlie Rio I'dnuco; but the au- 
thorities in Mexico opposeil his project, and it failed. The Mississi|>pi, 
then known as the iispiritu Santo, was supposed to flow from the nei^dibm 
hood of Santa lUena, and was depended on as a means of communication.' 
The next year the adclantado sent a hundred and ninety three persons to 
San I'"elipe, and eighty to St. Auj,Mistine. I'ather RoLjel then be^'an missions 
among the Indians around I'ort Royal ; I'"atlier Seilefio and Mrother Uaez be 
gan similar labors on Gualc (now Amelia) Island, the latter soon compiling.; a 
grammar and catechism in the language of the Indians. Others attemptiil 
to bring the intractable chief Carlos and his tribe within the Christian fold. 
Rogel drew Inilians to his mission at ( )rista ; he put up housi's and a church, 
and endeavored to induce them to cultivate the ground. Hut their natural 
fickleness would not submit to control ; they so(tn abandoneil the place, and 
the mi.ssionary icturned to Fort San Felipe. A school for Indian boys was 
opened in Havana, and youths from the tribes of the coast were sent there 
in the hope of iraking them the nucleus of an Indian civilization. In 1570 
Menendez, carrying out his project of occupying Chesapeake Hay, sent 
Father Segura wiih several other Jesuits to establish a mission at Axacan, 
the country of the Indian known as Don Luis Velasco, who accompanied 
missionaries, promising to do all in his power to secure for them a welcome 
from his tribe. The vessel evidently ascended the Potomac and landed the 
mission party, who then crossed to the shores of the Rappahannock. 
They were received with seeming friendship, and erected a rude chapel ; 
but the Indians soon showed a hostile spirit, and ultimately massacred all 
the party except an Indian boy. When Menendez returned to Florida from 
Spain in 1572, he sailed to the Chesapeake, and endeavored to .secure Dun 
Luis and his brother; but they fled. Me captured eight Indians known 
to have taken part in the mfirder of the missionaries, and hanged them at 
the yard-arm of his vessel.^ 



' Parecn- que lUi d S. M. la Aiuiiiiuiii lie 
Niirca F.spaua, Jan. 19, 1569 The fort at San 
Mateo was not ininicdialely restored ; a new 
fort, San Pedro, was e.stalilislicd at Tacatacuru 
(Colcccion (fc dociinieiiti's iiictlilos. \\\. 307-308). 
Stephen dc las Alas in 1570 withdrew the garri- 
sons, except fiftvnien in each fort, — a step which 
led to official invcsti,i;ation (Ibid., xii. 309,etc.). 

- liarcia, /•'iisiiio cm. olof^iio, ]>p. 137-146. 
For the Jesuit mission in Florida, sec Ale.t;aml)c, 
Aforfrs iUi/j/res, pp. 44, etc. ; 'I'aniier, SiYiWdS 
»ti/i/:iin, ])p. 447-451 ; Letter of Koyel, Dec. 9, 
1570, in the C/iidi/o. /listoriii lU lit Coiii/'tinid lic 
fi'sus 01 1,1 Prmhiiiii Jr ToL-do, by Alcazar 
(Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. 



lirinton in the Ifistorical Masjazim; 1S61,. p. 3.;;, 
and chap. v. of his FloriJian J\-niiiuila ; Letter o( 
Kogel, Dec. 2, 15O9, MS. ; one of Dec. It, I5(]i», 
in Cohrcion de dociimciitos iiiiditos, xii. 301 ; oik' 
of Qniros and Segnra from Axacan, Sept. \i, 
1570; Sacchini, Hisloria Soiietnlis Jtsii, ])art iii., 
pp. 86, etc. 

|Dr. Shea, in 1S46, published a paper in the 
I'liiU-d Stales CatltoUc Maxazi/u; v. 604 'trans 
laled into Ciernian in /)/i' Katolischc Kirclu- in 
dcti V. S. f'lv; X'ydamcrika, Kcgensburg, lS().|, 
pp. 202-2CK)), on the Segura mission ; and anotlur 
in 1S59 in the Hislorical Magazine, iii. 268, on 
the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 11 
1 573 ; and his account of a temporary Spanish 



i.^ 



ICA. 



ANCIENT II.ORIDA. 



«83 



lulians, tmdiT 
^ his posts ill 
l\c prod'ciiid 
trcMiKllun hi-, 
; l)iit tlic iui 
c Mississippi, 
tlic nci^Mibiii 
nmunicatiun.' 
•fL- |)crsoiis ti) 
I'^aii missions 
)thi.'r Hac'z be- 
lli coinpilinj,' a 
icrs attcmptid 
Jliiistiaii fold. 
and a cliiiicii, 
t tlicir natural 
tlic i)lacc, and 
dian boys was 
■crc sent then- 
tion. In 1570 
ake ]iay, sent 
on at Axacaii, 

accompanied 
[cm a welcome 

id huuled the 
)pahannock. 

rude chapel ; 

massacred all 
""lorida from 
secure Don 

idians known 

lyed them at 



:/«.■, 1861,. p. 3:7. 
'iiii.rit/,1 ; Letter o( 

of Dec. II, I56<), 
'i/iis, xii. 301 ; one 

Ixacan, Sept. 12, 
ills Jisii, part iii., 

:d a paper in tlic 
'/£•, V. 604 'tran^ 
'fllisclic Kirchc m 
legensbiirg, iSd.), 
iioii ; ami anotlur 
;/«!•, iii. 268, oil 
le from 1566 t'l 
mporary Spanisli 



I'roni this time Menendez y.ive little personal attention to the affairs of 
I'ldriila. beiny elsewhere entjatjed by tlie Kin^;; and he dieil at Santaiuler, 
in Spain, Sept. 17, 1574, when about to take command of an immense fleet 
v.liirli i'hilip II. was preparin^j. With his death I'loriil.i, where his nephew 
IViIri) Menendez Manpiez ' hail acleil as ^iovernor, lan^niished. Indian hos- 
tilities increased, San Felipe was invested, abandoned, and burned, and 
.soon after the Governur him.self was slain.- St. Augustine was tinally 
burned by Drake. 



CRITICAL KSSAY ON THK SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

OUR account of tlic voyages of Toiice tie Leon i.s mainly froin the ci'iUilas to him and 
ofTuial correspondence, correcting Ilerrera," wlio is su|)|josetl hy some to have liad 
the explorer's iliury, now lost. Ovictio* mentions Itimini'' as forty leagues from 
Guaii.iliani. The nuulern edition • of Oviedo is vaj,'ue and incorrect ; and j,'ivcs I'once de 
Leon two caravels, hut has no details, (lomara' is no less vague, (lirava records the 
(iiscnvery, hut dates it in 1512." As early as 15191110 statement is found that the Hay 
of Ju.ui I'once li.ad been visited by Alaminos, while accompanying I'once de Leon,' — 
wliiih mu.st refer to this expedition of 1513. The " Traza de bs costas " given by 
Navarrete (and reproduced by Huckingham Smitii),"' with the Oaray patent of 1521, 
would seem to make Ap.ilache l!ay the western limit of the discoveries of I'once ile 
Leon, of whose expedition and of Alaminos's no report is known. I'eter .Martyr " alludes 
to it, hut only Incidentally, when treating of Diego Velasquez. liarcia, in hi.s Ensayo 
innwloi^iiO,'^'' writing specially on Florida, seems to have had neither of the ])atents of 



settlement on the i /pahanuoek in 1 570 is given 
in Heiuh's Iiuluiii M. ullaiiy, or the " Log t'hapel 
on the Kappalianmck " in the Ciilhotic IPWA/, 
Marel), 1S75. Cf. present History, Vol. Ill, 
p. 167, and a paper on the " Larly Indian History 
of the Su<c|nehanna," l)y .\- L. (Uiss, in the His- 
toriiil A'lX"'''' •' A'i'ti's mill Qiwiiis rcltithig to the 
Iiitiiior of Vciinsyhiiiiia, 18S3, p. 1 15 ft st-q. 
I>e Wilt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Anti(|uities 
ol the Western I'arts of New York, pid)lishcd 
at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion that 
traces of .'Spanish penetration as far as Onon- 
ilaj^a Connty, X. V., were discoveral)lc ; but he 
(iniiited this stateiTient in his second edition. 
Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718. — Ed.] 

' This officer, Fairbanks, in his misundcr- 
htandiiig of Spanish and Spanish authorities, 
transfiirms into Marquis of Menendez I 

- Wwxdn, Eiisiiyo cron. ogic-a, pp. 146-151. 

•' llistoria i;ciicyal dc las fiulias (cd. 1601), 
(lee. i. lib. ix. cap. 10-12, |). 303 (313). 

* //istoria general (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 
15. p. clxii. 

■^ [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents 
aland called Himini ("ilia de Keimcni " — sec 
iiulc- \). 110) in the relative jiosition of Florida. 
'1 lie fountain of peri)ctual youth, the searcli 



for which was a part of the motive of many ol' 
these early expeditions, was often supposed to 
exist in Itimini ; but official documents make 
no allusion to the idle story. \)r. I). G. lirinton 
(/'lorUian Peninsula, p. 99) has collectetl the 
varying statements as to the position of this 
fountain. — El), j 

" Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, 
vol. i. |). 482. 

' Primera y sci^unda parte de la historia 
ffenexal de las Indias (1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii. 

8 Dos libros de eosmoi;rafia (Milan, 1556), 
p. 192. 

8 Kcrnal Diaz, llistoria verdadera (1632). 
1" Calie^a de V'aca, W-ishington, 1851. [It is 
also sketched ante, p. 218. — Ed.) 

" De insults nuper inventis (Cologne, 1574), 

P- .•?49- 

'■- Ensayo eronoh^xico fnra la llistoria general 
de la Floriaa, por Don Gahriel de Cardenas y Cano 
[anagram for Don A.idrcs Gonzales liarcia], 
Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word 
" Florida " the adjacent islands as well as the 
main. Joseph de Salazars' Crisis del ensayo 
cronoloiiieo (1725) is merely a literary review of 
Harci.i's rhetorical defects. Cf Brinton's Flori- 
Han Peninsula, p. 51. — Ed.] 



•Jj 









^u 



■^'Jj:ft 



!'. 



I :» 



>5'i 



2S4 NAKKATIVi; AM) CRITUAI. HISTORY OK AMLKICA. 

Fence ilc Leon, .iml no rt-portn; iiid liv placet the diiicovery in 1513 instead of 

N.iv.\rrctc '^ Himply I'ollows MiTrLT.i. 

in tilt unliirtun.ilc oxpcdiiion oi' C'ordnv.i Itcrn.il Diaz was an actor, and giv^•^ 
UM a witness's testimony ; ■' and it is made tlic sulijcct of evidence in tlio niiit in 
1536 l)i'twcen tlic I'iii/on and Colon f.imilics* The general liislorians treat it it, 
course." 

'The main authority for the first voyage of (l.iray is the royal letters patent." llu' 
dot unients which .ire j;iven liy N.ivarrele" and in liie DodiiiitHtos iiu'iiilos^'' a.s well .u 
the accounts ){iven in I'eter .Martyr," Gom.ira,'*" and llerrcra." 

Of tite pioneer expedition which Caniarijo conducted for Oaray to make settlement 
of Amicliel, and of its encounter with Cortes, we h.ue the effect which the lirst tidin;;s m 
it prochuedoii tlie mind of the Concpieror of .Mexico in his second letter of Oct. 50, 1520, 
while in his tliird letter he made reiiresentation.s of tlie wronj;s done to the Indians hy 
c;,ir,ny'H people, and of his own determination to protect the chiefs who had submitttil 
to him.'- for the untoward endinij of Caray's main ex[)edition, Corti's is still a princip.ii 
(Kpcndence in his fourth letter; '•' .md the ot'tici.d records of his |)roceedinj;s a>;ainst Caray 
in October, 1523, with a letter of Ci.iray dated i\'oveini)er iS, and evidently addressed to 
Curies, are to he found in the /Viv/wiv/Aw />/(■'.//'/('.>,'* while I'eter Martyr,'" Oviedo,'" and 
Herrera " are the chief general authorities, (iaray's renewed effort under his person. d 
leadership is m. irked out in three several petitions which he made for authority to colonize 
the new country.'^ 



1:1' 



ll;i 



/;■! 



t' 



Hi 



' narcia, in the liitroducJon ti el F.nsayo 
fronti/t<t;/i.(', pp. 26, 27, discusses the date of 
I'oiite de Leon's discovery, lie refutes Ueine- 
s.il, .\yeta, and Morcri, who gave 1510, and 
adopts the dale 1512 .is given hy the " safest 
liislniians," declaring that Tonce de I.eoii went 
to .'^p.iin in 151,5. Tin date 1512 was adopted 
hy llakhiyt, (ieorgc llancroft, and Irving; hut 
after reschel in his (>>:u/ii,/iU des /.eitalters der 
Entd,\kiiiis;cH called alleiition to the fact that 
Kasler Sinulay in 1512 did not fall on March 27, 
the dale given hy llerrcra, without mentioning 
the year, hut that it did fall on that day in 151 J, 
Kohl (Disiifery of Main,; p. 240), (ieorge 
I'aiicKift, in later editions, and others adopted 
1513, without any positive evidence. lUit 1512 
is ncvcrlheless clung to hy (iravier in his " Route 
ihi Mississip|)i " (('r';/;';v.v dts .liiu'riiiiiiis/is, 1878, 
i. 23S), liv Shipp in his /V .Solo ,iiid Ftoi idiu and 
hy II. II. I'laiicriift in his (\>ilral Anicrua (vol. 
i. p. 1 28). Mr. De.iiie, in a note to Ilakluyt's 
use of 1512 in the IWstcriic rtiinthii; (p. 230), 
says the mistake probahly occurred " hy not 
noiiiig the vr.rialion which prevailed in the 
mode of reckoning time." The documents cited 
in cliaplcr iv. ..;tltlc die jjoint. The Ciif'iliiliuioit 
under which I'once do t.enn sailed, was issued 
at Iiiirgos, Feb. 23,1512. He could not possibly 
by March 27 have leturned to I'orto Rico, 
e(piip|)cd a vessel, and reached I'lorida. The 
letters of the King to Ccroii and r)iaz, in .August 
and IlccembLr 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, 
after returning to i'orto Kico, was prevented 
from sailing, and was otherwise emjiloyed. The 
letter written by the King to the authorities in 
Kspafioln, Julv (, 1 51 3, shows that he had 



reccivcil from them information that Ponce de 
Leon h.ul sailed in that year. 

•^ Co/irtioii ( I'liixis miiiorts), iii. 50-53. 

■■' //isforiii •■i-rdiidttii (1632), cap. vi. p. .(, 
versa. 

* Duro, Colon y /'//izoii, p. 268. 

' Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Kios), lib. x.\i. 
cap. 7, vol. ii. p. 139; Herrera, //itforia f^i-uei.il, 
dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrele, Colivcion, iii. 53 ; li.ii- 
cia, Ensayo tro>ioli\:;ico, p. 3; Peter Martyr, dec. 
iv. cap. I ; Torcpiemaila, i. 350; Gomara, folio i); 
Icazbalccta, Colfirwn, i. 33S. 

" /i'<i;/ Ci'diilii dtiiido Jiuiil/iid li f'raiiciSiO ./<• 
Gariiy /'ara ^ohlir la ^nnhioia dc Amulu'l oi i'l 
cosia pimc, lUirgos, 1521. 

' Coli'icio/i, iii. 147-153. 

" Colniioii de dociimcittos iiu'dilos, ii. 558-507. 

'• /Miides, dec. v. cap. 1. 

" In his llistoria. 

" Jlisloiiii, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18. 

'- [Cf. the bibliograi)hy of these letters ti 
chap. vi. The notes in lirinton's Floiidnn 
Peninsula arc a good guide to the study of tin.' 
various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this 
time. — Ll).] 

'•' (Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume. — I'l' I 

n Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-'3S- 

'■'■ T'-pis. June 20, 1524, in Opus epistolarum. 

PP-47'-47f'- 

I" /fisloi-iii, lib. x.xxiii. cap. 2, p. 263. 

" //isloria, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also 
Barcia, Ensayo eronol^x'i'"> p. 8, and GaUim) 
(Hakluyt Society's eil), pp. 133, 153. 

" Coleccion de documentos iiieditos, x. 40-17; 
and the "tcstimonio de la capitulacion " in vol. 
xiv. pp. 503-516. 



■J /. 



ANCIllNI ILOUIDA. 



385 



nitlead of i;m ' 



icrs patent," tlic 
'ilos,* aH well .1-. 



ion that Pdik'c tie 



'<///«, ii. 558-567. 



of ilu- preliminary extieditlnn on lite Atlantic tnaNi of dordillo and the unli^cqiicnt 
allcnii'i <J l'i>* I'liief. Ayllon, to scttk' in \'irj;iiiia. tluTf is i uind oi lustimcny in the 
papiTH of tlic suit wliitli Matii'ii/o iiistiuilcd against Ayllon, .iiul of which the ^reaicr part 
J!. slill un|)rinted; liut .1 few p.ipers, like the complaint of .M.itien/o and Home te.stimony 
Liken liv Ayllon when al)out to sail himself, cm lie found in the Poaimtntos iiu'ditos.^ 
Ah rt^anls the joint explorations of the vchhcIs of Gordillo and (^ucxoit, the tcittlnnny 
of the latter helps 
IIS, as well as ids 
ait of taking posses- 
hioii. which puts the 
piiicccdin« in 1521 ; 
IhnUiili some of Ayl- 
Iiin'd witnesses nivc 
ii;.'o as the tlate. 
I'.oth parties unite 
in tallinj; the river 
which they reached 
the San I nan li.iu- 
tista. and the la/ii/ii 
In .Ayllon places it 
in thirty. five de- 
(.Tccs. Navarrele in 
sayini; llicy loui lied 
at C'hicoraanil (iii.d- 
dape confounds ihe 

first and third voyages ; and was clearly ij,'norant of the three distinct expeditions ;^ and 
Ilerrera is wrong in calling the river the Jordan,* — named, as he says, after the cap- 
l.iiii or i)ilot of one of the vessels, — since no such jierson was on cither vessel, and 
110 such name appears in the testimony : the true Jorilan was the Watcrec (Guatari)* 
'I'liat it was the intention of Ayllon to make the expedition one of slave-catching, would 
seem to he abundantly disproved hy his condemnation of the commander's act." 

Ayllon, according to .Spanish writers, after reaching the ci>ast in his own voy- 
age, in i5:!6, took a northerly course. Ilcrrera ' says he attempted to colonize north 
of Cape Trafalgar (Ifatteras); and the ■piloto vuiyor of Florida, Ecija, who at a 
Liter day, in 1609, was sent to find out what the Engl'- 1 were doing, says posi- 
tively that Ayllon had fixed his settlement at Guandape. Since by his office Ecija 
must have hail in his possession the early charts of his people, and must have made 
the locality a matter of special study, his assertion has far greater weight than that 




AVI.LONS EXPI.ORATinXS. 



lit volume. — I'i> 1 



Opus efistoLiriiii 



' Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567 ; XXXV. 547-562. 

■-' (I'hi'i sketch follows Dr. Kohl's copy of a 
in;i|) ill a maiuiscripl atlas in the liritish Musciini 
(110. 9,.Sl4), without date; but it seems to be a 
Kiord of the exiilorations (i5:;o) of .\vlloii, 
ttlinsc name is corruiUed on the map. The 
iii.ip bears near the main inscription the figure 
iif a Chinaman and an elephant, — tokens of 
ihu current belief in the Asiatic connections 
of Xorth America. Cf. Ibiiilon's /•'/orii/iiin 
I'aiitKuLi, p. 82, 99, on the " Traza de costas 
lie Ticrra Kcrme y de las Tlcrras Xucvas," ac- 
i'iini|)aiiying the royal grant to Garav in 1521, 
lieiii}; the chart of Cristobal de Toi)ia, given 
ill the third volume of Navarretc's Colcccion, 
mill sketched on another page of the present 



Volume [lOite, p. 31S) in a section on " The Karly 
Cartoi;ra))hy of the Ciulf of Me.\ico and .idjacent 
I'arts," where some light is thrown on contem- 
porary knowledge of the Florida coast. — IC!).| 

•■' Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those 
of modern writers (Stevens, Al'to, p. .(S|, ac- 
cordingly require no examination. As the docu- 
ments of the lirst voyage name both •53' 30' and 
35° as the landfall, conjecture is idle. 

* Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is 
adopted by many writers since. 

■' Pedro M. Marqucz to the King, Dec. 12, 
15.S6. 

" Gomara, I/istoria, cap. xlii. ; Hcrrera, I/h 
tortile dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. 

" Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9. 



^"1 



m 



286 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






m 



I H 



•• l< 



' M 



vV: 



of any liistorian writing in Spain merely from documents.' It is also the opinion of 
Navarrete- that Ayllon's course must have been north. 

Oviedo' does not define the region of this settlement more closely than to say that it 
was under thirty-three degrees, adding that it is not laid down on any map. The Oydores 
of Santo Domingo, in a letter to the King in 1528,* only briefly report the expedition, and 
refer for particulars to Father Antonio Montesinos.'' • 

The authorities for tiie voyage of Gomez are set forth in another volume.* 

Upon the e.\pedition of Narvacz. and particularly upon the part taken in it by Cabeza 
lie Vaca, the principal authority is the narrative of the latter published at Zamora in 1543 

as La rclacion que dio Aliiar A'n- 
ties Catena de Vaca de lo acaesciiin 
en las Indias en la armada donde 
yua por goiiernador Paphilo de 
narbaezi' It was reprinted at 
Valladolid in 1555, in an edition 
usually quoted as La relacioii 
y comcntarios^ del goveritador 
Aluar A'linez Cabeqa de Vaca 
de lo acaescido en las dos joi- 
nadas que hiso d los /ndios.'^ 
This edition was reprinted under 
the title of A'a'c'/ragios de Alvnr 
NuTiez Cabeza de Vaca, by I?ar- 
cia (1749) '" '''^ Historiadorts 
primilivos,'^'' accompanied by an 
"exdmen apologdtico de la his- 
toria" by Antonio /Lrdoino, 
which is a defence of Cabeza 
de Vaca against the aspersions of Honorius Philoponus,Mvho charges Cabeza de Vaca 
with claiming to have performed miracles. 

The Relacion, translated into Italian from the first edition, was included by Ramusio 




AUTOGRAPH OF NARVAEZ 
{From Bui'kiiii^ham Smith), 



! 



' Kcija, Ki-huiou </,•/ rvV7i,v { Juiic-Septcmber, 
1609). 



Vol. iii. 



!'!'• 72-73- 



Recent American 



writers have taken another view. Of. Tirevoort, 
V'crrazaiw, p. 70; Muriihy, \'err,izziino, p. 123. 

" //isforia, lib. .wxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. 
pp. 624-633. 

' Donimfiitos iiiMitos, iii. 347. 

'' Cialvano (Hakluyt Society's cd., p. 144) 
gives the cnrrcnt account of his day. 

f Cf. Vol. IV. p. 2S. The i(;/'//'«/(;ivV>« is given 
in the Doiiimeiiffls iiu'iiito!, .\.\ii. 74. 

^ |IIaiiissc, /^/7'/ .-/wiv. I''/., no. 239 ; .S.-ibin, 
vol. iii. no. 9,767. There is a copy in the I.eno.x 
Library. Cf. the Ri-hicion as given in the Doiii- 
meiilos iiitditos, vol. .\iv. ]ip. 265-279, and the 
"C'apitulacion que se tomo con Panlilo dc Nar- 
vacz " in vol. .\.\ii. p. 224. There is some diversity 
of opinion as to the Irnstworthincss of this narra- 
tive; cf. Helps, SpiDiish Conquest, iv. 397, and 
l!rinton's F/oriJinn Peiiixsiilii, \t. 17. "C.ibeja 
has left an artless account of his recollections 
of the journey ; but his memory sometimes 



called up incidents out of their place, so that 
his narrative is confused." — Hancroft: His- 
tory of the Viiitcd States, revised edition, vol. i. 
p. 31. — Ed.) 

" The Comciitarios added to this edition were 
by Pero Hernandez, and relate to beza tie 
Vaca's career in South America. 

'■' [There are copies of this edition in the 
Carter lirown (Catidoi^ne, vol. i. no. 197) ami 
Harvard College libraries; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. 
no. 9,768. Coi)ies were sold in the Murpliv 
(no. 441), lirinley (no. 4,360 at ?34), and lieck- 
ford {Ciitohxiie, vol. iii. no. 1S3) sales. Ricli 
(no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at ^'4 4.f. l,e- 
clcrc (no. 2,487) in 1S7S prices a copy at 1,500 
francs ; and sales have been reported at £:\- 
£2-^, £y) io.r., and ^^42. — El).| 

'' [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-lSrown, iii. 893; 
Field, /iidiiui niblio;,inipliy, no. 79. — Ed.] 

" [A't'ij ty/<is triinsitcia uavii^titio iVffi'i Orlm, 
1621. .Xrdoino's ExAmeti apoloi^^tico was fir<t 
publisheil separately in \--ifi {Carler-Brtrn»i,'\\\ 
545). — En.] 



Rl 



.ICA. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



287 



the opinion of 

in to say that it 
. The Oydores 
expedition, and 

ie.' 

in it by Cabeza 
Zamora in 1542 
e diu A luar Nu- 
ll dc lo acacsciihi 
a armada donde 
dor Paphilo de 
as reprinted at 
15, in an edition 
as La relacion 
'iel govcriiador 
Cahei;a de Vaca 
en las dos joi- 

d los Indios? 
reprinted under 
'ra^^ios dc Alvar 
(.' I'aca, by Bar 
is Historiadorcs 
anipanied by an 
dtico de la his- 
> n i o /i r d o i n o, 
pee of Cabeza 
Cabeza de Vaca 

led by Ramusio 

place, so lluit 

iANCROI-T: His- 
edition, vol. i. 

this edition were 
to beza de 

edition in the 
110. 197) aiul 
Sal)in, vol. iii. 
in the Murpliv 
$34), and ISeek- 
sales. Rieli 
at £\ .\s. I e- 
a copy at 1,500 
sported at ^f.M. 

■ Drown, iii. 893; 

-Ed.] 
\itio A'cK'i Orhi', 
I'X'i'/iiv was tii'^t 
iiter-Brmvii, iii 



In his Collection ' in 1556. A French version was given by Ternau.x in 1837.' The ear- 
liest English rendering, or rather paraphrase, is that in I'urchas;^ but a more important 
version was niatle 
bv I he late Ihick- 
inuli.im Smith, and 
printed (loo cop- 
ies) at the expense 
111' Mr. (icorge W. 
Ki^jjs, of Washing- 
ton, ill 1 85 1, for pri- 
vate circulation.' A 
second edition was 
undertaken by Mr. 
.Smith, embodying 
llie results of inves- 
tij,Mtions in Spain, 
will] a revision of 
the translation and 
considerable addi- 
tional annotation ; but the completion of the work of carrying it through the press, owing 
to .Mr. Smith's death, ^ devolved upon others, who found his mass of undigested notes 
not vciy intelligible. It appeared in an edition of one hundred copies in 1871." In 
these successive editions Mr. Smith gave different theories regarding the route pursued 
liy Cabeza de Vaca in his nine years journey.' 

Tlic documents ' which Mr. Smith adds to this new edition convey but little informa- 
tion beyond what can be gathered from Cabeza de Vaca himself. He adds, however, 
engravings of Father Juan Xuarez and Brother Juan Palos, after portraits preserved 
in Me.\ico of the twelve Franciscans who were first sent to that country." 




AUTOGR.\PH OF CAliKZA DE VACA 
(From Buckhig/itim Smith). 



1 Vol. iii. pp. 310-330. 

- Kollowint; the 1555 edition, and published 
in his ; '(MW,<,v.v, at Paris. 

•' Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556. 

* [M-iizic's C(i/ii/oi,'ui; no. 315; Field, bidian 
BiMiox'iii/'/iy, nos. 227-229. — El).| 

'' [Cf. Field, /iidian BiUiog., no. 364., — Ed.] 

•> I'rinted by .Munsell at .Mbanv, at the charge 
of the late Henry C. Muri)hy. [Dr. Shea added 
to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W. 
Field a memoir of Cabeza dc Vaca. — Fn.] 

' [The writinf; of his narrative, not during 
liiu after the completion of his journey, does not 
cimihiee lo making the statements of the wan- 
derer very explicit, and different interpretations 
of his itinerary can easily he made. In 1851 
Mr, Smith made him cross the Mississippi within 
die sduthern boundary of Tennessee, and so to 
|ii~s along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers 
to New Me.\ico, crossing the Rio Grande in 
tin: nei;,'hl)orhood ot thirty-two degrees. In his 
seioiul edition he tracks the traveller nearer the 
(iiilf of .Me.\ico, and makes him cross the Rio 
Grande near the mouth of thcCoiK 1' is River in 
Ti\.is, which he follows to the ,i;i'.u mountain 
cliiin, and then crosses it. Mr. liartlett, the 
editor of the Curffr/inraiii Catalogue (see vol. i. 
V- I'^S), who has himself tracked both routes, is 



not able to decide between them. Davis, in his 
Conquest of A'r.i' !\rcxiii\ also follows Cabeza de 
Vaca's route. 11. H. liancroft (Xorth Mexican 
Sfii/es, i. 63) finds no ground for the northern 
route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he sup- 
poses to be the route. There is also a map 
in Paul Chaix' Bassin du Mississif>i au seiziime 
sii\/e. Cf. also I,, liradford Prince's JVem 
.Vrx/e,' (USS3), p. 89. — El).] The buffalo and 
mes(iiiile afford a tangible means of fi.\ing the 
limits of his route. 

** Including the petition of Narvaez to the 
King and the royal memoranda from the origi- 
nals at Seville (p. 207I, the instructions to 
the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza 
de Vaca (p. 21S), and the summons to be made 
by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French's //is/<<n\ii/ 
Ci'llirtions 0/ /.ouisiiinti, szconiX series, ii. 153; 
Historical Magazine, April, 1862, and faiuiarv 
and .\ugust, 1867. 

■' Smith's Ca/ie(a de I'aca, \i. too ; Tor- 
<|uein.ida {Monan/uia /iidiaita, 1723, iii. 437-447) 
gives Lives of these friars, liarcia savs Xiiarez 
was made a bishoj); but Cabeza de Vaca never 
calls him bishop, but simplv commissarv, and 
the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal em- 
blems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez 
makes no allusion to his being matle a bishop 



Ki 1 



f 



% 



[ 



>\>s 



M> 






n.y 'i '" 



¥m 



I 









'>. I 



»/( 



ifi'i: /< i I 



■i '■ 



h .1 



1^ 



^:i." 



28S 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTURV OF AMERICA. 



Some additional facts respecting tiiis expedition are derived at second hand from .1 
letter which Caljeza de \'aca and Doranles wroie after their arrival in Mexico to the 
Audicncid of llispaniola, which is not now known, but of wiiich the suijstance is 
professedly given by Oviedo.' 

The Hahia de la Cruz of Narvaez' landing, made identical with Apalache Bay by 
Cabot, is likely to have been iiy iiiin correctly identified, as tlie point could be fixcl by 
the pilots wiio returned with the ships to Cuba, and would naturally be recorded on tlic 
charts.- Smith ^ believed it to be Tampa I5ay. The Relacion describes the bay as one 
whose head could be seen from the mouth ; though its author seems in another place id 
make it seven or eight leagues deep.* Narvaez and his party evidently thought they were 
nearer I'anuco, and had no idea they were so near Hav^.na. Had they been at Tampa Hay, 
or on a coast running north and south, they can scarcely be supposed to have been so 
egregiously mistaken.'' If Tampa was his landing place, it is necessary to consider the b.iy 
where he subsequently built his boats as Apalache Ray.' Charlevoix ' identifies it with 
Apalache li.iy, and Siguenza y Gongora tinds it in Pensacola."* 

Of the expedition of Soto we have good and on the whole satisfactory records. Tlie 
Concession made by the Spanish King of the government of Cuba and of the conquest 
of Florida is preserved to us." There are three contemporary narratives of the progress 
of the march. The first and best was printed in 1557 at Evora as the Rclai^am vcrdadciin 
dos trabalhos q liogonernador do Fernddo de Sou to c certos Jidalgos poriiigneses passa- 
rom no descobrimcto da piovincia da Frolida. Ai^ora noitameiitc feita per hu JidaZ-^o 
De/uas.^" It is usually cited in English as the " Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas," 



and the name is not fuuiul in any list of 
bishops. \Vc owe to Mr. Smith another con- 
tribution to the history of this region and this 
time, in a Cokccion de varios Jocumeiitos para la 
liistoria dc la Florida y ticrras adyaicntcs, — only 
vol. i. of the contemplated work appearing at 
Madrid in 1S57. It contained thirty-three im- 
jiortant papers from 1 516 to 1569, and five from 
161S to 1794 ; they arc for the most part from the 
Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait 
of Ferdinand V., which is reproduced anli\ 11.85. 
Various manuscripts of Mr. Smith arc now in the 
cabinet of the New Vork Historical Society. 

1 Ovicdo's account is translated in the His- 
torical Maiiaziiie, xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [II. li. 
Uancroft (/\'<'. Mi'xicaii States, i. 62) says that the 
collation of this accoiuit in Ovicdo (vol. iii. pp. 
5S2-618) with the other is very imjiorfectly done 
by Smith. He refers also tcfccaruliil notes on it 
given by Davis in his .?/<////.(/; Conquest of A'r<ii 
Mexico, pp. 20-10S, liancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives 
various other references to accounts, at second 
hand, of this cx])e(litioii. Cf. also L. P. h'ishcr's 
paper in the Orcrlaud Moiilhly, x. 514. Gal- 
vano's sinnmarized account will he fomul in the 
Ilakhiyt Society's edition, p. 170 — Kl).| 

- liancroft. United States, i. 27. 

' Calicfa dc I'aca, p. 5S ; cf. Fairbanks's 
Florida, chap. ii. 

■• ('at'Cfa de I'ica, pp. 20, 204. 

'' [Tampa is the point selected by II. II. 
Bancroft {A'o. J/exicaii States, i. Co) ; cf. liritv 
ton's note oh the varying names of Tampa 
{F/oridiai/ Peiiiiisiila, p. 113). — Ed.] 

" Ii. Smith's JJe Soto, pp. 47, 234. 



" A'oirccllc France, iii. 473. 

" liarcia, p. 30S. The Magdalena may he 
the Apalachicola, on which in the last century 
Spanish maps laid down Echctc; cf. I.eroz, 
Geograpliia de la America (1758). 

" The manuscript is in the Hydrographic 
liuveau at Madrid. The Lisbon Academy printed 
it in their (1844) edition of the Klvas narrative. 
Cf. Smith's Soto, pp. 266-272 ; Historical Mo;^a- 
zinc, V.42; Dociimeutos iiieditos, xxii. 534. |lt is 
dated April 20, 1537. In the following August 
Cab-^za de Vaca reached Si)ain,to find that Solo 
had already secured the government of Floiid.i, 
and w.as thence turned to seek the government 
of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings 
of Xarvaez' expedition reached Spain that Soto 
wrote the letter regarding a grant he wished in 
Peru, which country he had left on the outhre.ik 
of the civil broils. This letter was communi- 
cated to tnc Historical Mai;a-Jne (July, 185S, \m1. 
ii. pp. 193-223) by liuckingham Sndth, with a t.ic- 
simile of the signature, given on an earlier [Line 
(J//A', p. 253). — Kl). I 



[Rich 



1832 (no. 34) cited a cojiy at 



/■31 lOf., which at that time he believed to lie 
unique, and the identical one referred to by I'i- 
nelo as l)cing in the library of the Dutpie ile 
Sessa. There is a copy in the Grenvillc CuUei- 
tion, Hritish Museum, and another is in die 
Lenox I.ilirary (H. "nxm^^ Letter of De Soto,\<X*)). 
It was rciirinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Rov:iI 
Academy at Lisbon (Murphy, no. 1,004; Cartoi- 
Hrown, vol. i. no. 596). Si)arks says of il: 
"Tlipr; is much show of exactness in regard 11 
dates ; but the account was evidently drawn \\\\ 



W. \: -\ 



UCA. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



289 



)nd hand from .1 
11 Mexico to tlu: 
ho sulistancc is 

Vpalache May hy 
ould be fixed liy 

recorded on thi- 
s the bay as one 
I another place to 
hoiight thoy wen: 
en at 'I'ampa I!ay, 
to have been so 
D consider the liay 

identifies it with 

Dry records. The 
1 of tlie conquest 
;s of the progress 
•lixi^am veidadciia 
'ortiti^iicses /lassu- 
ii per hu Jidah^o 
tleman of Elvas," 

S- 

Magdalcna may l)i.' 

in the hist century 

Kchcte; cf. J.nioz, 

5S). 

the Hydrograplnc 
on Academy printe<l 
he IClvas narrative. 
; ; Ilislorical Ma^a- 
'OS, xxii. 534. litis 
e following August 
[in, to find that Solo 

rnment of Floiiil.i, 

ck the government 
IV hcfore the tiding.s 
[cd SiKiin that Soto 

grant he wislictl in 
iclt on the onthreak 
Ittcr was connnnni- 

!///,■ (July, 1S5.S, \..l. 

n Smith, witli a f.ic- 
on an earlier pa,;c 

I cited a copy at 
lie believed to In.- 
referred to by I'i- 
of the Diiipie du 
: Cirenvillc Collct- 

■another is in the 

\r,>/n.'S,'/o,\->.6(>). 
1H44 by the Koval 
no. 1,004; Carter- 
parks says of it: 
ctness in regard to 

Ividently drawn \:\i 



since Hakluyt first translated it, and reprinted it in 1609 at London as Vtrginia richly 
valued by the Description of the Mainland of Florida, her next iXcighbor} It appeared 
again in 1611 as The 
wortlive and famous 
Historic of the Tra- 
vaillis, Discovery, and 
CoHijucst of Terra Flor- 
ida, and was included 
in the supplement to the 
1809 edition of the Col- 
lection of Hakluyt. It 
was also reprinted from 
the 161 1 edition in 1S51 
by the Hakluyt Society 
as Discovery and Con- 
quest of Florida,'- ed- 
ited by William B. Rye, 
and is included in 
Force's Tracts (vol. 
iv.) and in French's 
Historical Collections 
of Louisiana (vol. ii. 
pp. m-220). It is 
abridged by Purchas 
in his Pilgrimes? 

Another and briefer 
original Spanish ac- 
count is the Relacion 
del suceso dc la Jornada 

que hizo Hernando de Soto of Luys Hernandez de Biedma, which long remained in manu- 
script in the Archivo General de Indias at Seville,* and was first published in a French 




YO EL REY.' 



for till; most part from memory, being vague in 
its descriptions and indefinite as to localities, 
distances, and other points." Field says it ranks 
second only to the Relation of Cabeza de Vaca as 
an early authority on the Indians of this region. 
Thert; was a French edition by Citri de la Guette 
in 16S5, which is supposed to have afforded a 
text for the English translation of 1686 entitled 
A Rcliilion of the Conquest of Florida by the Span- 
iards (see Field'.'. Indian Bibliography, nos. 325, 
340). These editions are in Harvard College 
I.ihrary. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vi. 488, 491, 492 ; 
Stevens, Historical Collections, i. S44 ; Field, Ind- 
ian JJiblio^raphy, no. 1,274; CarterTirown, vol. 
ill. iios. 1,3^4, 1,329; Arana, Biblioi^rafia de obras 
anoiiimas (Santiago de Chile, 1SS2), no. 2v 
The (Jcntlenian of lilvas is supposed by somr 
to he Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter A 
mmli doubt (cf. lirinton's Floridian Peninsula, 
|i Jo). There is a Dutch version in Gottfried 
and Vandcr .Aa's Zee- und Landreizen ( 1727), vol. 
vii. (Carter-brown, iii. 117). — Ed.] 

' [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86 ; Murphy, 
11 I. 1,118. Rich (no. no) priced it in 1832 at 

C^ 2J.-ED.] 

VOL. IL — 37. 



2 Field; Indian Bibliography, no. 1,338. 

* [It is also in Vander Aa's Versameling 
(Leyden, 1706). The Relafam of the Gentle- 
man of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso 
de la Vega and other of the accredited narra- 
tives of that day, contributed to the fiction 
which, being published under the sober title 
of Histoire natiirelle et morale des lies Antilles 
(Rotterdain, 1658), passed for a long time as un- 
impeached history. The names of Cesar de 
Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected 
with it as successive signers of the introductory 
matter. There were other editions of it in 1665, 
1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An 
English version, entitled History of the Carib/y 
Islands, was printed in London in 1CC6. Cf. 
Duyckinck, Cvclopcrdia of American literature, 
supplement, p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 
2>i34-2,i37-— Ed.] 

^ [The sign-manual of Charles V. to the 
Asiento y Capitidacion granted to De Soto, 
1537, as given by B. Smith in his Coleecion, 
p. 146. — Ed.] 

^ [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript 
is in the Lenox Library.-- Ed.] 



' \ 



I { 



m 



|H| 







i I 






iv3' 



3r 



' /', 



ii ■ ■',.' 






\ : 



V I 



) 



290 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 






bled 



version by Ternaux in 1841;* and from this William B. Rye translated it for the Hakluyt 
Society.' Finally, the original Spanish text, " Relacidn de la Isla de la Florida," was 
published by Buckingham Smith in 1857 in his Coleccion de varios documentos para la 

historia de la Florida? 

In 1866 Mr. Smith pul>- 
lished translations of thu 
narratives of the Gentleman 
of Elvas and of Biedma, in 
the fifth volume (125 copies) 
of the Bradford Club Se- 
ries under the title of Nai- 
ratives of the Career cf 
Hernando de Soto in the 
Conquest of Florida, as 
told by a Knight of Elvas, 
and in a Relation [pre- 
sented 1544] by Luys Her- 
nandez de Biedma. 

The third of the original 
accounts is the Florida del 
Ynca of Garcilasso de la Vega, published at Lisbon in 1605,^ which he wrote forty years 
after Soto's death, professedly to do his memory justice.* The spirit of exaggeration which 
prevails throughout the volume has deprived it of esteem as an historical authority, though 
Theodore Irving' and others have accepted it. It is based upon conversations with a 
noble Spaniard who had accompanied Soto as a volunteer, and upon the written but illiter- 
ate reports of two common soldiers, — Alonzo de Carmona, of Priego, and Juan Coles, of 
Zabra.' Herrera largely embodied it in his Historia general. 





AUTOGRAPH OF BIEDMA.^ 



' Recueil des piices sur la Floride. 

^ In the volume already cited, including 
Hakluyt's version of the Elvas narrative. It is 
abridged in French's Historical Collections of 
Lcuisiaita, apparently from the same source. 

° Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as " the 
confused statement c^ an illiterate soldier." Cf. 
Documentos inMilos, iii. 414. 

* From the Coleccion, p. 64, of Buckingham 
Smith. 

^ [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, 
vol. V. no. 12,815; Leclerc, no. 8S1, at 350 
francs ; Field, Indian Bibliography no. 5S7 ; 
biinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it 
in 1832 at £,2 zs. — Ed.] 

' [Drinton (Floritiian Peninsula, p. 23) thinks 
Gaicilasso h.id never scei the Elvas narrative; 
but Sparks (Marquette, in Aniericiin Bio^rap/iy, 
vol. X.) intimates that it was Garcilasso's only 
written source. — En.] 

"^ [Theodore Irving, Tlic Conquest of Florida 
by Hernando de Soto, New York, 1851. The first 
edition appeared in 1S35, and there were editions 
printed in London in 1S35 and 1850. The book 
is a clever popularizing of the original sources, 
with main dependence on Garcilasso (cf. Field, 
Indian Biblios^rap/iy, no. 765), wliom its author 
believes he can better trust, especially as regards 
the purposes of Dc Soto, wherein he differs most 



from the Gentleman of Elvas. Irving's cham- 
pionship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; 
cf. Rye's Introduction to the Hakluyt Society's 
volume. The Inca's account is more than twice 
as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while 
Biedma's is very brief, — a dozen pages or so. 
Davis (Conquest of New Mexico, p. 25) is in crnir 
in saying that Garcilasso accompanied Ue 
Soto. — Ed.] 

* [There was an amended edition published 
by Barcia at Madrid in 1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 
328 ; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs) ; again in 
1803 ; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, 
Ilistoire de la lOnquUte de la Floride, was puli- 
lished in 1C70, 1709, 1711, 1731, 1735, and '737 
(Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. iios. 
132, 470; O'Callaghan Catalogyie, no. 965). A 
German translation by II. L. Meier, Cesiliiifite 
der Eroberung von Florida, was printed at Zelle 
in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) willi 
many notes, and again at Nordhausen in 1785. 
The only English version is that embodied in 
Bernard Shipp's History of Hernando de Solo ,vit\ 
Florida ( p. 229, etc. ), — a stout octavo, published 
in Philadelphia in iSSi. Shipp uses, not the 
original, but Richelct's version, the Lisle edition 
of 171 1, and prints it with very few notes. Ilis 
book covers the expeditions to North America 
between 1 512 and 1568, taking Florida in its con- 



/?p^ 



HBnuHtti 



:ICA. 

for the Hakluyt 
la Florida," was 
■mentos para la 
la Florida? 
• Mr. Smith pul>- 
islations of tliu 
af the Gentleman 
nd of Biedma, in 
ume (125 copies) 
idiord Club Sc- 
the title of Na>- 
f the Career 0/ 
de Soto in the 
of Florida, as 
Knight of Elvas, 
I delation [pre- 
.4] dy Luys Her- 
Biedma. 

ird of the original 
s the Florida del 
wrote forty years 
xaggeration which 
authority, though 
tiversations with a 
written but illiter- 
ind Juan Coles, of 



as. Irving's cham- 
been unchallenged; 
e Hakluyt Society's 
It is more than twice 
man of Elvas, while 
dozen pages or so. 
'CO, p. 25) is in error 
accompanied L)e 

edition publislicd 
(Carter-Urown, iii. 
francs) ; again in 
[by Pierre Richcltt, 
Floride, was pul)- 

73I. '735. aiwl '737 

[,050; vol. iii. nos. 

\ogtie, no. 965). •\ 

Meier, Ccschichk 

|as printed at ZcUe 

iii. no. 997) with 

jrdhausen in 1785. 

that embodied in 

[■nunido dv Soto oihi 

It octavo, publislu-d 

liipp uses, not ilie 

In, the Lisle edition 

Iry few notes. His 

Ito North .America 

Florida in its con- 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



291 



Still another account of the expedition is the ofificial Report which Rodrigo Ranjel, the 
secretary of Soto, based upon his Diary kept on the march. It was written after reaching 
Mexico, whence he transmitted it to the Spanish Government. It remained unpublished 
in that part of Oviedo's History which was preserved in manuscript till Amador de los Kios 
issued his edition of Oviedo in 1851. Oviedo seems to have begun to give the text of 
Ranjel as he found it ; but later in the progress of the story he abridges it greatly, and two 
chapters at least are missing, which must have given the wanderings of Soto from 
•Viitiamque, with his death, and the adventures of the survivors under Mosqoso. The 
original text of Ranjel is not known. 

These independent narratives of the Gentlemen of Elvas, Biedma, and Ranjel, as well 
as those used by Garcilasso de la Vega, agree remarkably, not only in the main narrative as 
to course and events, but also as to the names of the places. 

There is also a letter of Soto, dated July 9, 1539, describing his voyage and landing, 
which was published by Buckingham Smith in 1854 at Washington,' following a transcript 
(in the Lenox Library) of a document in the Archives at Simancas, and attested by Mufloz. 
It is addressed to the municipality of Santiago de Cuba, and was first made known in 
Ternaux's Recueil des pikes stir la Floride. B. F. French gave the first English version 
of it in his Historical Collections of Louisiana, part ii. pp. 89-93 (1850).'' 

The route of De Soto is, of course, a question for a variety of views." We have in the 
preceding narrative followed for the track throu"'' "Jeorgia a paper read by Colonel Charles 
C. Jones, Jr., before the Georgia Historical Sc' ty, and printed in Savannah in i88o,'» and 
for that through Alabama the data given by Pickett in his History of Alabama,^ whose 
local knowledge adds weight to his opinion.* As to the point of De Soto's crossing the 



tinental sense ; but as De Soto is his main hero, 
he follows him through his Peruvian ; ireer. 
.Shipp's method is to give large extracts from the 
most accessible early writers, with linking ab- 
stracts, making his book one mainly of compila- 
tion. — Ed.) 

' Lvtter of ffernando de Soto, and Memoir of 
Hirnaiido de Escalante Fontaneda. [The tran- 
script of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by 
Munoz " as a very good account, although it is by 
a man who did not understand the art of writing, 
and therefore many sentences are incomplete. 
On the margin of the original [at Simancas) are 
|)oints made by the hand of Herreri, who doubt- 
less drew on this for that part [of his Ilistoria 
'^cncrat\ about the River Jordan which he says 
was sought by Ponce de Leon." Thi.'- memoir 
on Florida and its natives was written in Spain 
about 1575. It is also given in English in 
l-'rcuch's IHstoriiiil Collection of Louisiana ( 1S75), 
|). J 15, from the French of Ternaux ; cf. Ikinton's 
Floridiaii Peninsula, p. 26. The Editor appends 
various notes and a comparative statement of 
the authorities relative to the landing of De Soto 
and his subsequent movements, and adds a list 
of the origin.al authorities on De Soto's expedi- 
tion and a map of a part of the Floridian penin- 
sula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye 
in llie Introduction to the Ilakluvt Societv's vol- 
ume. Smith also ]irinted the will of De Soto in 
the Hist. Mag. (M.iy, 1S61), v. 134. — Ea] 

- I A memorial of Alonzo Vasqucz (1560), 
asking for ])rivilegcs in Florida, and giving evi 
ileuces of his services under De Soto, is tran.~- 



lated in the Historical Magazine (September, 
i860), iv. 257. — Ed.) 

* [Buckingham Smith has considered the 
question of De Soto's landing in a paper, " Es- 
piritu Santo," appended to his Letter of De Soto 
(Washington, 1854), p. 1,1. — Ed.) 

♦ [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march 
through Georgia in chap. ii. of his History 0/ 
Georgia (Boston, 1883). In the Annual Report 
of the Smithsonian Institution, 188 1, p. 619, he 
figures und describes two silver crosses which 
were taken !n 1832 from an Indian mound in 
Murray County, Georgia, at a spot where he be- 
lieved De Soto to have encimped (June, 1540), 
and which he inclines to associate with that 
explorer. Stevens [History of Georgia, i. 26) 
thinks but little positive knowledge can be made 
out regarding De Soto's route. — En.] 

^ [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the 
first chapter of his proposed work in a tract 
called, Invasion of the Territory of Alabama by 
One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de 
Soto in 1540 (Montgomery, 1849). Pickett says 
he got confirmatory information respecting 
the route from Indian traditions among the 
Creeks. — Ed.] 

Ii " We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the 
scene of Soto's bloody fight, was upon the north 
bank of the .Mabama, at a ])lace nov called Choc- 
taw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twentv- 
fivc miles .above the confluence of the Alabama 
and Tombigbce " (Pickett, i. 27), The name of 
tliis town is written "Manilla" bv the Gentleman 
of Elvas, " Mavilla" by Biedma, but " Mabile" 



I I 1 



M 









l\l 1 



/' 



■nir 



rii'' 






fri 



29: 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OP' AMERICA. 



Mississippi, tliere is a very general agreement on the lowest Chickasaw lilulT.i We are 
without the means, in any of the original sources, to determine beyonil dispuie tliu most 

northerly point reachc<l 
by Soto. He had cvi 
dently approaiJiud, l)ut 
had learned nothing of, 
the Missouri River. 
Almost at the same 
time that Soto, with tlio 
naked, starving rem- 
nant of his army, was 
at I'acaha, another 
Spanisli force under 
Vascjuez de Coronado, 
well handled and per- 
fectly equipped, must 
in July and August, 
1541, have been cn- 
^ camped so near tiiat .ui 

I Indian runner in a few 

^ days might have carried 

tidings between them. 
Coronado actually 
heard of his country- 
man, and sent him a letter; but his messenger failed to find Soto's party." But, strangely 
enough, the cruel, useless expedition of Soto finds ample space in history, while the well- 
managed march of Coronado's careful exploration finds scant mention.* No greater 
contrast exists in our history than that between these two campaigns. 

A sufficient indication has been given, in the notes of the preceding narrative, of the 
sources of information concerning the futile attempts of the Spaniards at colonization on 
the Atlantic coast up to the time of the occupation of Port Royal by Ribault in 1362. Of 
the consequent bloody struggle between the Spanish Catholics and the French Huguenots 
there are original sources on both sides. 




THE MISSISSIPPI, SIXTEENTH CENTURY.S 



!i|l 



f .1 



hs 



ii/ I ■ ' 



ti I 



by Ranjel. The 11 and r' were interchangeable 
letters in Spanish priming, and readily changed 
to i. (Irving, second edition, p. 261). 

> Bancroft, C/iiiwJ Sf,ifc-s,\. s,} ; Pickett, .,4/,;- 
bama, vol. i. ; Martin's Loiiisiaiiii, i. 12; Nut- 
tail's Tyavcls into Arkansas (1S19), p. 24S ; Fair- 
banks's History of FlcriJa, chap. v. ; Fllicott's 
Journal, p. 125; lielknap, American Bioi;raf'liy, 
i. 19:. [Whether this passage of the Mississipjji 
makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether Caheza 
de V.aca's account of liis wandering is to be inter- 
preted as bringing him, tirst (jf Kinopeans, to its 
bank."!, when on tlic 30th of October, 152S, he 
crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute, 
even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo 
de Pineda found its mouth in 1519 and called it 
Rio del Espiritu .Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The 
arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in 
the Ilakluyt Society's volume. Cf., besides the 
authorities above named, French's Historical 
Collections of Louisiana ; Sparks's Marquette ; 



Gay^m's Louisiana ; Theodore Irving's Conquest 
of Florida : Gravier's /.i. Salle, chap, i., and his 
" Route du Mississipi " iri Coni;ris ties Ameri- 
canistes (1S77), vol. i.; De liow's Commercial 
Kezicw, 1849 and 1S50; Southern IJterary Ma- 
senger. December, 1S4S ; Aortli American kez'ieu; 
July, 1S47. — Ei).] 

- [This sketch is from a cop.- in tlie Kulil 
Washington Collection, after a manuscript atl.is 
in the Dodleian. It is witliout date, but seem- 
ingly of about the middle of the si.xteeinh 
century. The "li. de Miruelio " seems to C(jm- 
mcmoratc a pilot of Ponce de I.enn's day. The 
sketch of tlie Atlantic coast made by Chives 
in 15J6 is preserved to us only in the descrip- 
tion given by Oviedo, of which an English ver- 
sion will be found in the Historical Magazine, 
X. 371. — Fd.] 

^ Jaramillo, in Smith's Colccciou, p. 160. 

* jSee chap. vii. on " Early Explorations uf 
New Mexico." — Ed.I 



ICA. 



ANCIENT I'LOKIDA. 



293 



IJlutT.» Wc arc 
lispute the most 
ly point reacliLil 
). He liad cvi- 
api)roa(;huil, but 
mud nothin;.'; of, 
issouri River. 

at the samo 
at Soto, witli tin- 

starving rcm- 
[ his army, \v;i.s 
caha, another 
sh force under 
ez de Coronadi), 
andled and per- 
eqiiipped, must 
y and Autjusl, 
have been eii- 
d so near tiiat an 

runner in a few 
light have carried 
1 between tliem. 
n a d o actually 

of his country- 
" But, strangely 
, while the well- 
n.* No greater 



narrative, of the 
colonization on 
lit in 1562. of 

ijncli Huguenots 



Irviiig's ConqiiesI 

chap, i., and his 

Miiiris dcs Aini-ri- 

iow's Comiiit'riidl 

■II Litiiaiy Mci- 

■lliwricdlt /wT/tTC, 

p.- ill tlie Kohl 

nuuiuscript atlas 

date, but scciii- 

f the sixtcemli 

seems to cmii- 

I.edii's day. 'I'lie 

made by Chaves 

Iv in the descii|>- 

an English vei- 

>i-iiiil Miigiiziiu; 

ii'ioii, p. 160. 
Explorations uf 



On the Spanish part we iiave the Caftas fscritas al ny of Pedro Menendez (Sept. 
II. Oct. 15, and Dec. 5, 1565), which are preserved in the Archives r.c Seville, and have 
been used by I'arkman,' and the MciitoiUi liti /men siiceso i biicn vii\i;e of the chaplain 
(if the expedition, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales." Barcia's Ensayo cro>io/i[^ko 
is the most comijrehensive of the Spanish accounts, and he gives a large part of the 
Memorial de las jonunias of Soils de Meras, a brother in-law of Menendez. It has 
never been printed separately j bu* Charlevoix used Barcia's extract, and it is translated 
from Harcia in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (vol. ii. p. 216). 
i'l.utia seems also to have had access to the papers of Menendez, ^ and to have 
reieivcd this Journal of Soils directly from his family. 

On the French side, for the first expedition of Kibault in isr'2 we ha\e the very scarce 
text of tlie Histoire de Pexfii'dition Fran^aise en Floride, p iblished in London in 1563, 
wliich Hakhiyt refers to as being in print "in French and English" when he wrote his 
W'esKine I'lantini^.^ Sparks ^ could not find that it was ever published in French; nor 
was Winter Jones aware of the existence of this 1563 edition when he prepared for the 
Ilakhiyt Society an issue of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages (1582), in which that collector 
had included an English version of it as The True and Last Discoveric of Florida, 
transhUid into Fnt^lislie by one Thomas ffackil, being the same text which appeared 
sejiarately in 1563 as the Whole and True Discovery of Terra Florida.^ 

At Paris in 15S6 appeared a volume, dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh, entitled, 
I.'histoire notable de la Floride, . . . contenant les trois voyat^es fails en icelle par 
certains capitaines et pilotes Francois descrits par le Capitaine Laudonnihc, . . . a 
laqiicllc a esti! adjonste un i/iiatriesnie voyage fait par le Capitaine Goiirn^ues, Mise en 
htmiere par M. Basanicr. This was a comprehensive account, or rather compilation, 
of tlie four several French expeditions, — 1562, 1564,1565, 1567, — covering the letters 
of Laudonni5re for ' e first three, and an anonymous account, perhaps by the editor 
liasanier, of the foui.li. FLtkluyt, who had induced the French publication, gave the 
whole an English dress in his A'otable History, translated by R. //., jirinted in London 
in ijS;,' and again in \\\'i Principall A'avii;ations, vol. iii., the text of which is also to 
be found in the later edition and in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
/■lorida (1869), i. 165.8 



' J'loiiivrs of' Fiance in the A'nv World; of. 
(jallarel, l.n FlorUie Fraiifniso, p. 341. 

- There is a French version in Ternaux' 
AWi/cil <U la Floride, and an English one in 
French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
h'hnida (1S75), ii. 190. The original is some- 
what diffuse, but is minute upon interesting 
points. 

■' Cf. Sparks, JCihiu/t, \i. 155; Field, ///(//.(h 
/>i/'ih>i;i-n//n', p. 20. Fairbanks in his Ifistory 
of SI. Aiii;i(siiiie tells the story, mainly from the 
Spanish <!dc. 

■• Edited by Charles Dcane for the Maine 
Historical Socictv, pp. 20, 195,213. 

' Life of RihiUitl, p. 147. 

'' [Tliis original I'.nglish edition (a tract of 
■12 pages) is extremely scarce. There is a copv 
in the liritish Museum, from which Rich had 
transcripts made, one of which is now in 
Harvard College library, and another is in the 
< Airier-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no. 
(o; Carlci-Iirown, i. 244). The text, as in the 
/hrers Toyiif^es, is rejirinted in French's llistori- 
"il Collections of Louisiana and Florida (1S75), 
p. 159. Kibault supposed that in determining to 



cross the ocean in a direct wcsterlv course, he 
was the first to make such an attempt, not 
knowing that Verrazano had already done so. 
Cf. ISrevoort, J'ernizano, p. 110; Hakhiyt, 
Divers Voyages, edition by J. W. Jones, p. 95. 
See also Vol. HE p. 172. — En.| 

■ [This is the rarest of Hakluyt's publica- 
tions, the only copy known in America being 
in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,236) 
- F1..I 

'^ [Iirinton, Ftoridiiiii Peninsida, p. 39. The 
original French text was reprinted in Paris 
in 1S53 in the Fil>/,.Ji!'<pie FJzk'iyienne : and 
this edition is worth about 30 francs (Eicld, 
Indian J^il'lios^rapliy, no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 
(39,235). The edition of 15S6 was jniccd by Rich 
in 1S32 at ^5 5.V., and has been sold of late years 
for 3250, ^63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 
2,662 ; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,234 ; Cartcr-lSrown, i. 
366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Muriihv, no. 1,442; 
lirinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357 ; Field, Indian Ili/iliofr- 
raf'liy, p. 24. Gaffarcl in his La Floride Fran- 
j-ai.'-e (p. 347) gives the first letter entire, and 
parts of the second anil third, following the 
15S6 edition. — F.i>.] 



.i L I M 



, i 



■Jt 



im; 



I 





ROUTE or DE SOTO (,7//<c Z^.V/V/O, — WESTEKl.V I'AKT.l 

1 [This map of Delislc, issued originally at la i-omiiietc de la Floriilc, vol. ii ; cf. Voya(^i's a:i 
Paris, is given in the Amsterdam (1707) edition iun-il, vol. v., and Dclislc's Atlas iiomcau. The 
of Garcilasso dc la Vega's //mA'/>y (/<■.(■ ///u/Ji'/i/f map is also reproduced in French's Ilistorkal 



l"i :|i| * 







Irs Cjidllai 










'^"^tCit 



D U 




.i' i 



ROUTE OF DE SOTO («/?6V /Jf/wA), — EASTERLY I'ART. 



; cf. Voyoi^cs ati 
s iiouvvaii. The 
ench's I/istoriui! 



Coll.rtioiis of LfliiisiaiM, and Gravicr's /.<r S,i!!e in Smith's y\'(r;v7//rv'.fi'/' //.■;•«,?;/(/(',?;• A'/*, and in 
([S70). Otiier maps of the route arc given by V:i\\\ C\\m\' Passiii du .Ifhsissif'i <'i< sazihne sihle. 
Rye, McCulloch, and Irving ; by J. C. Brevoort Besides the references already noted, tlie cuies- 



296 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMLRICA. 



a,' I <| 



J:icque» Lemoyne do Morjjues, an artist accompanying Laudonnitrc, wrote some ycari 
later an account, and made maps and drawings, wilii notes ilescriljinf; tiiem. lie lirv 
made a visit to London in 1587 to see I.emoyne, who was tiien in Kalcinli's service, 
but Lemoyne resisted all persuasions to part with his papers ' After Lcnioyne's death 
De Hry bought them of his widow (1588), and published them in 1591, in the second 
part of his Gratuh voyaj^cs, as Ihevis ttarratio.'^ 

One Nicolas le Challeux, or Challus, a carpenter, a man of sixty, who was an eye- 
witness of the events at Fort Caroline, and who for the cxpericnics of KIbault's party 
took the statements of Dieppe sailors and of Christopher le Breton, published a simple 
narrative at Dieppe in 1566 under the title of Discoiiis de fhistoire de la Floride, which 
was issued twice, — once with fifty-four, and a second time witli sixty-two, pages," and the 
same year reprinted, with some variations, at Lyons as Jlistoire iiu'moral'le du demur 
voyage fait par le Capitaine lean Ribaut en Van AfPL.Yl' (pp. $6).* 






riit.'' 



4 



1 1 



tion of his ro\itc has been discussed, to a greater 
or less extent, in Cliarlcvoix' Noir.vllt- Ffiince ; 
ill Warden's Chroiioloi;!,- historiqiie dc V Amhiiitic, 
where the views of the );eonrapher Ilomann arc 
cited; in Albert (iallatin's "Synopsis of the 
Indian Tribes" in the Arehirologki Americana, 
vol. ii. ; in Nuttall's 'I'raivls in Arkansas (1S19 
and 1821); in Williams's Floriiia (New York, 
1837); in McCuUoch's Antiquarian Researches 
in America (Haltimorc, 1S29) ; in Schoolcraft's 
Indian Tribes, vol. iii. ; in Paul Chaix' Hassin 
liii Mississi^i an seizO'me siie/e ; in J. W. Moncttc's 
raZ/ey of the Mississi/'f-i (1846); in Pickett's 
Alahama; in Gayarre's Louisiana ; in Martin's 
Louisiana ; m LListorical Mai;azine,\,?i\ in Knick- 
frbocker Mai^azine, Ixiii. 457; in Shar/>e's .Mai;a- 
xine, xlii. 265; and in Lambert A. Wilmer's Life 
of De Soto (1S5S) Altliongh Dr. ISelknap in his 
American niog;rafhy (1794, vol. i. p. 1S9), had 
sought to establish a few points of De Soto's 
march, the earliest attempt to track his steps 
closely was made by Alexander Meek, in a paper 
published at Tuscaloosa in 1839 in The Southron, 
and reprinted as "The I'ilgriniage of De Soto," 
in his Romantic L'assiix'es in Southioestern History 
(Mobile, 1857), ]). 213. Irving, in the revised 
edition of his Conquest of Florida, tlepended 
largely upon the assistance of Fairbanks and 
Smith, and agrees mainly witli Meek and Pickett. 
In his appendix he epitonii/cs the indications of 
the route according to Gnrcilasso and the Portu- 
guese gentleman. Rye collates the statements 
of McCulloch and Monettc regarding the route 
beyond the Mississippi, and infers that the iden- 
tifying of the localities is almost impossible. 
Chaix {/fassin du JMssissi/'i) also traces this 
part.— El>.| 

• Cf. Stevens Fitdiotheca historica (1S70,) p. 
224 ; Hrinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 32. 

- Ihci'is narratio eorum qiue in Florida 
Americtr proi'icia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in 
illam A\ivis;ationc, duct Kenato de Laudofliere 
elassis Pnefecto : anno MPLXLllL Qu<r est 
secunda /-ars America: Additie /ixunr et Lnco- 
larum eicones ihidem ad vivu cxprcsscc, brevis 



tliam declaratio relij^ionts, rituiim, vivendiqut 
ratione i/sonim. Auctore Jacobo Le Morne, 
eui cognomen de A/oixues, /.audoiliernm in ea 
A'oTixatione .'(equnto. [There was a second 
edition of the Latin (1^)09) and two editions in 
German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates, 
Cf. Carter-Hrown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414 ; Court, no. 
243 ; Rrinley, vol. iii. no. 4,359. The original 
Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with its 
own pagination, and is usually in this con<litii>n 
priced at about too francs. It is sup|)osed to 
have ])recedc(l the issue as a part of De Ilry 
(Dufosst", 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,602). 

The engravings were reproduced in helio- 
types ; and with the text translated by Frederick 
B. Perkins, it was published in lioston in 1875 
as the /Varratiiie of L.e Moynr, an Artist 7vho 
aceomfanied the J'rench Fxfedition to Florida 
under Laudon$tih'e, 1564. These engravings 
have been in part reproduced several times 
since their issue, as in the Mai^azin fitloresque, 
in L'liniiers fittoresque, in Pickett's Alabama, 
etc. - Kl\| 

' Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32 ; Carter-limwn, 
i. 262. 

■• [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634 ; Carter-lirown, 
vol. i. no. 263. An English translation, follnw- 
ing till Lyons text, was issued in London in 
1 566 as A True and Perfect Description of the 
Last l'oya!;e of Kibaut, of which only two ct>pies 
are reported by Sabin, — one it\ the Carter- 
Hrowr Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in 
the British Museum. This same Lyons text 
was included in Ternaux' Rcfueil de pieces sur la 
Floride and in Gaffarel's /m Floride Franfaise, 
p. 457 (cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part 
given in Cimber and Danjun's ArchiTcs eurieuses 
de rhistoire de France ( Paris, 1835), vi. 200. The 
original Dieppe text was reprinted at Roncn in 
1S72 for the Societe Koucnnaise de Biblio- 
philes, and edited by (iravier inulcr the title: 
Dcuxihne r'criyv' du Dicf'pois Jean Ribaut H la 
Floride en 1 565, pn'cedc ifune notice historique ct 
bibliographique. Cf. Briuton, Floridian J'enin- 
sula, p. 30. — Fi).| 



V. ^ 



;ICA. 



ANCIENT FLORIDA. 



997 



rote some years 
tliL-m. I)e Ilrv 
ilci^li's service; 
.cnioyiic's duatli 
, ill the second 

ho was an eye- 
Kibault's |).-\rty 
liiislied a simple 
I Floriiic, wliicli 
paj^es," and the 
'able tilt do nUr 



tiiiim, vivemiii/iif 
iiiolh' I.e Moyiu; 
iiilo)iit)iim ill ,:i 
: was a sccoiul 
I two editions in 

tile same plali s. 
9, 414 ; Court, lui. 
59. 'I'lie <iri(;ih,il 
paiatcly, with its 

in this condition 
It is supposed to 

part of I)c l!ry 

<)(hiccd in helin- 
itcd by Frcderiili 
1 Hoston in 1875 
c, an Artist who 
tilion to Moiiilii 
:se engravings 
several tiniis 
:/;/ pittorcsqut, 
:l<ctt's Alalhim.i, 

Carter-lirown, 

Cartcr-lirmvn, 

iislation, follow- 
in London in 
iription of the 
mly two copies 
in tlic Carter- 
(1 the otlier in 
Lyons text 
ile pitccs sur hi 
;•/./<• Fruiifiiisc, 
it is in part 
v/;;>v',f ciiritiisis 
, vi. 200. Tlic 
.'d at Rouen in 
ise de liililio- 
tile title : 
"' Kilhiiit A /.I 
v Itisloriijut it 
'oridiixii Viiiiii- 



It is thought that Thevet in his Cosmojiraphit univtrselU (1575) may liavc had access 
lo Laudi)iini6re's papers ; and some details from Thevet are cmlindicd in what is mainly 
a translation of Le Citalleux, the He Gallonim fxJ)Ctfilioni- in I'lotidain ittino MDl.XV 
bifvii liistoiiti, which was added (p. 427) by Uiliain Cltaiivclon, or Calveton, to tlie Latin 
edition of Ilcnzoni, — A'oiur iiovi orbis historiir ires libri, i)riiited at Geneva in 1578 and 
1581,' and reproduced under different titles in the French versions, published likewise 
.-It (leneva in iS79i IS^S, and 1589.' There is a separate issue of it from the 1579 
edition.'' 

It wan not long before exaggerated statements were circulated, based upon the 
reprusintations made in Cue rcqiule au rot (Charles IX ) of the widows and orphans 
of tlie victims of Mencndez, in which the numl)er of the slain is reported at the impossible 
finurc of nine hundred.* 

Respecting the expedition of Do Gourgues there are no .Spanish accounts what- 
e\er, llarcia"" merely taking in the tnain the French narrative, — in which, s.iys I'ark- 
man. " it must be admitted there is a savor of romance. " • That Gourgues was merely 
a slaver is evident from this full French account. Garibay notes his attempt to cap- 
ture A\ least oi.e Spanish vessel ; and he certainly had on reaching Florida two barks, 
whicii he must liave captured on his way. Basanier and many who follow him sup- 
press entirely the shiver episode in this voyage. All the Dc Gourgues narratives ignore 
entirely the existence of St. Augustine, and make the tlirce pretended forts on the St. 
John to have been of stone; and I'rdvost, to heighten tlie picture, invents the story of 
the II, tying of Ribault, of which there is no trace in the earlier French accounts. 

There are two French narratives. One of them. La rcprinse tie la Floride, exists, 
according to Gaffarel,'' in five different manuscript texts.' The other I'rench narrative 



' (U'Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. 
There was an edition at Cologne in 1612 
(Stevens, iViii^gtts, no. 2,300; Carter-lirown, ii. 
123). Sparks (Life of Kihault, p. 152) reports a 
De imvigiUioiie Gallonim in terrain Floridam in 
cdinitition with an Antwerp (1568) edition of 
Levinus ApoUonius. It also nin ears in the 
saute cduiteetion in the joint German edition 
of lien/oui, I'eter Martyr, and Levinns printed 
at Uasle in 15S2 (Carter-lirown, vol. i. no. 344). 
It may have been merely a translation of Chal- 
Icux or Ribault (lirinton, Floridian Peninsula, 
p. 36) - Ed.]. 

- Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853. 

■' Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, 
vol. i. ito 330; ]")nfosse, no. 4,211. 

* This petition is known as tl.c Epistola 
suff/ratoria, atid is embodied in the original 
te.xt in Chauveton's French edition of lienzoni. 
It is also given in Ciniber and Danjon's Aril/i^vs 
airieiises, vi. 232, and in Gaffarel's Floride 
Fnmcaiie, p. 477 ; and iti Latin in Dc Dry, 
parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks's Kilhudt, appendix). 
(There are other contemporary accounts or 
illustrations in the " Lcttres et papiers d'etat 
ilii Siiur de Forqitevaulx," for the most part 
»ni)rinted, and preserved in the liibliotheipie 
Nalioiiale in Paris, which were used by l)n Prat 
ill his Ilistoire d' Elisabeth de I'alois (1S59), and 
.some of which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. 
The nearly contemporary accounts of Popel- 
liniere in his Trois tnondes (158"!) and in the 
VOL. II. — 38. 



Ilistoire universelle of Ue Thou, represent the 
French current belief. The volume of Tcrnaux' 
rovas^'os known as Keeueil de piiccs sur la Floridi 
inedites, contains, among eleven documents, one 
called Copfie d'line httre tenant de la Floride, . , , 
ensemble le plan et portraict du fort que Its 
Franfois y ont faiet (1564), which is reprinted 
in Gaffarel and in I'Vench's Historical Collections 
of /.oiiisiana and Florida, vol. iii. This tract, 
with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, recto, 
was originally i)rinted at Paris in 1565 (Carter- 
lirown, i. 256). None of the reprints give the 
engravings. It was seemingly written in the 
summer of 1564, and is the earliest account 
which was printed. — Ed.] 

'"' Fnsayo cronoh['^'it ,• 

" I Parkman, howevc ■, inclines to believe 
that liarcia's acceptance is a kind of admission 
of its " broad basis of tru:h." — Ed] 

" Page 340. Cf . Manuscri's de la Bibtiothiqiie 
du l^oi, iv. 72. 

* |Tlicy arc: a. Preserved in the Chateau 
de Vayres, belonging to M. dc liony, wh'"h is 
presumably that given as belonging to the 
(iourgues family, of which a copy, owned by 
liancroft, was used bv Parkman. It was printed 
at Mont-de-Marsan, 1S51, 63 pages. 

/'. In the P.ibliotheque Xationale, no, i,8S6. 
Printed by Ternaux-Compans in his /ur«c/7, ete., 
p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p. 4.S3, collated with the 
other manuscripts and translated into English 
in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana and 



-\ 



A' 1 



298 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



'ij I < 



i;i;i 



m J 



ii tlie last paper in the compilntion of Unsanicr, already mentioned. Ilrinton ' is inclined 
to l)flicvc tli.it it is nut an ci)ltt)nu' of tlic Ki'/>rin.u\ l)ut tliat it was written by Ilasanici 
himself frotii llie llo.iting accounts of his d.iy, or from some unknown relatvr. Charlevoix 
mentions a manuscript in the possession of tlie Ue Gourgucs family ; but it is not cle.ii 
which of tlicsc papers it was. 

I'liu story of tl)c nii>,'ucnot colony passed naturally into the historical records of tiic 
seventecntl) century i'' but it };ot more sjieci.il treatment in tlie next century, wlicn 
Cliarlcvoix issued his A'oiit'ellc J'raiLe^ Tlie most consiilerable treatments of tlic 
present century have been by Jarcd Sparks in his I.i/f 0/ Kihault,* by Francis I'arkni.m 
in liis Pioneers of France in the t\eu< iVorlil^ and by Paul (latT.ircl in his Hisloire dc A; 
Floridc I'ran^ixise'^ The story lias also necessarily passed into local and (general histories 
of this period in America, and into the accounts of the Huguenots as a sect.'' 



''t;i 



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1 1 




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11 

■■■'if I 



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Florida, ii. 267. This copy bears the name 
of Robert Prtivost ; but wlicthcr as .■nitlior or 
copyist is not tlcMr, s;iys I'arknian (p. 14J). 

1-. In the liibliotheipic Naiionale, no. 2,145. 
Printed at Iiordcaii.\ in iSfi^ by Ph. T.iini/ey 
de I.arroipiu, with preface an.l notes, and giving 
also the text marked <■ below. 

d. In the I!il)li(illu(|iic Nationale, no. 3,3S4 
Pi intcd by Taschcrcaii in tlie Kniic retrospective 
(i8j5), 11.321. 

c. In the Bibliothequc Nationale, no. 6,124. 
See (• .ibovc. 

The account in the Histoire noltd'le is called 
an aliridgment by .Sparks, and of this abridg- 
ment lliere is a Latin version in I)c liry, jiart 
ii., — De ijiKirlii Gidlorum in Floiidom iiir.'ixii- 
tioite sid> Gotiri;it(sio. See other al)riilgments 
in I'opellinicrf, Histoire des trois iiioiides (15S2), 
Lescarbol, and Charlevoix. 

' Floridhiit Peiiiiisulo, \i. 35. 

- Such as W\ tfliet's Histoire des Indes ; 
I)'.\iibigne's Histoire iiniverselle (1626); Dc 
Lact's A'o!.'iisorl>is, book iv. ; I.escarbni's Xouvetle 
Fro nee ; Chaniplain's }'oy<i^es : I!rantomc's 
Crouds capitoines Frmii^ois (also in his (Kinres). 
KaiUon (Co'oine /-'ronfoise, i. 543) bases his 
account on I.cscarbot. 

■' Cf. Shea's edition with notes, where (vol. i. 



p. 71 ) Charlevoix char.ictcrizes the contemporaiv 
sources ; and he points out how the Abln' dii 
Fresnoy, in his JM/iode pour itiulier ioglografhie, 
falls into some errors. 

* Amerieon lUoi^rophy, vol. vii. (new series) 

'' Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkm.ui had alrea<lv 
printed parts of this in the Atlontie Monthly, 
xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530. 

" Paris, 1875. lie gives (j). 517) a succinci 
chronology of events. 

' Cf., for instance, Bancroft's I 'nited Stoles, 
chap. ii. ; Gay's Popiilor History of the I'liile,! 
States, chap. viii. ; Warburton's C'oni/iiest of Con 
ado, ai)p. xvi.; Conway Robinson's /J;.r,i'rv;7(-..;H 
the West, ii. cha|). xvii. et seq ; Kohl's JJisetnerv 
ofMiiiiie ; Fairhanks's Florida : Itrinton's Flori- 
dian Feuiiisula, — among American writers; and 
among the French, — (luerin, I.es na-'it^ateiirs 
/•><i/;(v;/.t (1846) ; I'erland, Canada; Martin, //;> 
toire de France ; 1 laag. La France prolestanic ; 
Poussielgiic, " Quatre mois en Floride," in /..• 
tonr dn ,iionde, 1S69-1870; and the Fives cif 
Coligny by Tessier, Hesant, and Labordc, 
There are other references in Claffarel, ]). 344. 

There is a curious article, " Dominique de 
Ciourgucs, the Avenger of the Huguenots in 
Florida, a Catholic," in the Catholic World, x.\i 
701. 



\\ I 






ICA. 



ton I is iiiciincii 
len by Ilasanici 
cr. Charlevoix 
t it is nut clcai 

I records of tlic 
century, wIumi 
latnients of the 
rancis I'arkni.in 
is Ilistoire </»■ lit 
l^eneral liistorics 
ct.' 



CHAPTER V. 



■i : I 




I the coiitfmpor.il y 
how the Al)l)r dii 

. vii. (new series) 
iiii.iii had alruach 
.Itliiiiti, Monthlw 

\i. 517) a succiiKl 

)ft's I'nitiii Stiitis. 
fffiy of the I'liiliJ 
s Conquest o/Can 
oil's Disiiffiii-.i in 
Kohl's VisiiK/iy 
llrinton's Flori- 
rican writers ; ami 
/.es ii,i7{i,'<iUiirs 
iilii ; Martin, //is 
III,,' pyotcstiiiitc : 
Floride," in /.i' 
and the Lives «' 
and I-abiirdu 
Claffarel, \>. 3.(1. 

Dominiciuc de 
lie IIugiicni)t> in 
i//'o/k IVorlJ, xxi 



LAS CASAS, AND THE RELATIONS OF TIIIC SPANIARDS Td 

THE INUIANS. 

HY {;i;ORGE KDWAKl) lil-MS, 
Vkf-I'miiltHl 0/ Iht Mitttachiuittt Hiilorical Socitly, 

WHEN tlic great apostle of the new faitli, on his voyafjc from Asia 
to Europe, was shipwreclsed oil a Metiiterranean island, " the bar- 
haroiis people" showed him and his company " no little kindness." On 
first aciiiiaintance with their chief visitor they hastily judged him to be a 
murderer, whom, though he had escaped the sea, yet vengeance woidd not 
sufter to live. But afterward "they changed their minds, and said that 
In: was a god." ' The same extreme revulsion of feeling and judgment 
was wrought in the minds of the natives of this New World when the 
ocean-tossed voyagers from the old continent first landed on tiiese shores, 
liringing the parted representatives of humanity on this globe into mutual 
ac(|uaintance and intercourse. Only in this latter case the change of 
fueling and judgment was inverted. The simple natives of the fair west- 
ern island regariletl their mysterious visitors as superhuman beings; fur- 
tlur knowledge of them proved them to be "murderers," rapacious, cruel, 
ami inluiman, — fit subjects for a dire vengeance. 

in these si)fter times of ours the subject of the present chapter might 
well be passed silently, denied a revival, and left in the pitiful oblivion 
which covers so many of the distressing horrors of " man's inhumanity to 
m.iii." Hut, happily for the writer and for the reader, the title of the chap- 
ter is a double one, and embraces two themes. The painful narrative to 
be rehearsed is to be relieved by a tribute of admiring and reverential 
homage to a saintly man of signal virtues and heroic services, one of the 
grandest and most august characters in the wc.'d's history. Many of the ob- 
scure and a few of the dismal elements and incidents of long-passed times, 
ill the rehearsal of them on fresh pages, are to a degree relieved b_\- new 
light thrown upon them, by the detection and exposure of errors, and by 

• The Acts of the Apost/.-s, x.wiii. 2-6. 



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NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



rradjustmcnts of truth. Gladly would a writer on the subject before im 
a\ail himself of any sucli means to reduce or to qualify its repulsivcncs^;. 
But advancing time, with the assertion of the higher instincts of humaniu- 
which have sharpened regrets and reproaches for all the enormities of tlu- 
past, has not furnished any abatements for the faithful dealing with tliis 
subject other than that just presented. 

It is a fact worthy of a pause for thought, that in no single instance sinci.' 
the discovery of our islands and continent by Europeans — to say nothint; 
about the times before it — has any new race of men come to the knowl- 
edge of travellers, explorers, and visitors from the realms of so-called 
civilization, when the conditions were so fair and favorable in the first 
introduction and acquaintance between the parties as in that between 
Columbus and the natives of the sea-girt isle of Ilispaniola. Not even in 
the sweetest idealizings of romance is there a more fascinating picture th<ui 
that which he draws of those unsophisticated children of Nature, their gen- 
tleness, docility, and friendliness. They were not hideous or repulsive, as 
barbarians; they did not revolt the sight, like many of the African tribes, 
like Irishmen, Feejcans, or Hottentots; they presented no caricaturings of 
humanity, as giants or dwarfs, as Amazons or Esquimaux ; their naked 
bodies were not mutilated, gashed, or painted; they uttered no yells or 
shrieks, with mad and threatening gestures. They were attractive in per- 
son, well formed, winning and gentle, and trustful; they were lithe and soft 
of skin, and their hospitality was spontaneous, generous, and genial. Tribes 
of more warlike and less gracious nature proved to exist on some of tho 
islands, about the isthmus and the continental regions of the early invasion ; 
but the first introduction and intercourse of the representatives of the 
parted continents set before the l'>uropeans a race of their fellow-creatures 
with whom they might have lived and dealt in peace and love. 

And what shall we sa}' of the new-comers, th5 Spaniards, — the subjects 
of the proudest of monarchies, the representatives of the age of chivalry ; 
gentlemen, nobles, disciples of the one Holy Catholic Church, and soldiers 
of the Cross of Christ ? What sort of men were they, what was their 
errand, and what impress did they lca\ upon the scenes so fair before 
their coming, and upon those children of Nature whom they found so 
innocent and loving, and by whom they were at first gazed ui)on with awe 
and reverence as gods? 

In only one score of the threescore years embraced in our present sub- 
ject the Spaniards had sown desolation, havoc, and misery in and arouiul 
their track. They had depopulated some of the best-peopled of the islands, 
and renewed them with victims deported from others. They had inflicted 
upon hundreds of thousands of the natives all the forms and agonies of fiend- 
ish cruelty, driving them to self-starvation and suicide as a way of mercy 
and release from an utterly wretched existence. They had come to lu' 
viewed by their victims as fiemls of hate, malignit}', and all dark and crurl 
desperation and mercilessnuss in passion. The hell which they denounced 



LAS CASAS, AM) rHK SI'AXIARDS AND IN'DIAXS. 



;,oi 



ii|i(in tlicir victims was shorn of its worst terror by the assurance that these 
tdiimiitors were not to be there. 

On\y what is needful for the triitli of history is to be told here, wiiilc 
sliDckini; details are to be passed by. And as the rehearsal is made to set 
forth in relief the nobleness, grandeur of soul, and heroism of a man whose 
lU'.ni)' a century of years was spent in holy rebuke, protest, exposure, aiul 
attempted redress of this work of inicjuit)', a reader may avert his gaze from 
tile narration of the iniquity and fix it upon the character and career of the 
" Ajiostlc to the Indians." 

There was something phenomenal and monstrous, something so aimless, 
reckless, wanton, unprovoked, utterly ruinous even for themselves, in that 
course of riot and atrocity pursued by the Sjianiards, which leads us — while 
l);illiation and excuse are out of the question — to seek some physical or 
moral explanation of it. This has generally been found in referring to the 
training of Spanish nature in inhumanity, cruelty, contempt of human life, 
anil obduracy of feeling, through many centuries of ruthless warfare. It 
was ill the very year of the discovery of America that the Spaniards, in the 
coii([uest of Granada, had finished their eight centuries of continuous war 
for wresting their proud country from the invading Moors. This war had 
iii.uie e\ery Spaniard a fighter, and every infidel an enemy exempted from 
ail tolerance and mercy. Treachery, defiance of pledges and treaties, bru- 
talities, and all wild and reckless stratagems, had educated the champions 
of the Cross and faith in what were to them but the accomplishments of the 
soldier and the fidelity of the believer. Even in the immunities covenanted 
to the subject-Moors, of tolerance in their old home and creed, the inge- 
nuities of their implacable foes found the means of new devices for oppres- 
sion and outrage. The Holy Office of the Inquisition, with all its cavernous 
secrets and fiendish processes, dates also from the same period, and gave its 
fearful consecration to all the most direful passions. 

With that training in inhumanity and cruelty which the Spanish adven- 
turers brought to these shores, we must take into view that towering, over- 
mastering rapacity and greed which were to glut themselves upon the spoils 
of mines, precious stones, and pearls. The rich soil, with the lightest till- 
age, would have yielded its splendid crops for man and beast. Flocks 
wmilil have multiplied and found their own sustenance for the whole year 
without any storage in garner, barn, or granary. A rewarding commerce 
would have enriched merchants on either side of well-traversed ocean path- 
wa)s. IJut not the slightest thought or recognition was given during the 
urst half-century of the invasion to any such enterprise as is suggestetl by 
the terms colonization, the occupancy of soil for husbandry and domesti- 
cation. Spanish pride, indolence, thriftlessness regar.ied every form of 
manual labor as a demeaning humiliation. There was no peasantry among 
the new-comers. The humblest of them in birth, rank, and means was a 
gentleman ; his hands could not hold a spade or a rake, or guide the 
plough. The horse and the hound were the only beasts on his inven- 



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302 



NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



tory of values. Sudden and vast enrichment by the treasures of gold 
wrung from the natives, first in their fragmentary ornaments, and then 1)\- 
compulsory toil from the mines which would yield it in heaps, were tlie 
lure and passion of the invaders. The natives, before they could reach any 
conception of the Divine Being of the Catholic creed, soon came to tlic 
understanding of the real object of their worship: as a cacique plainlv 
set forth to a group of his trembling subjects, when, holding up a piece of 
gold, he said, " This is the Spaniards' god." A .sordid passion, with its 
overmastery of all the sentiments of humanity would inflame the nerves 
and intensify all the brutal propensities which arc but masked in men of 
a low range of development even under the restraints of social and civil 
life. We must allow for the utter recklessness and frenzy of their full in- 
dulgence under the fervors of hot climes, in the loosening of all domestic 
and neighborly obligations, in the homelessness of exile and the mad free- 
dom of adventure. Under the fretting discomforts and restraints of the 
ocean-passage hither, the imagination of these rapacious treasure-seekers 
fed itself on visions of wild license of arbitrary power over simple victims, 
and of heaps of treasure to be soon carried back to Spain to make a long 
revel in self-indulgence for the rest of life. 

" Cruelties " was the comprehensive term under which Las Casas gathered 
all the eno-mities and barbarities, of which he was a witness for half a cen- 
tury, as perpetrated on the successive scenes invaded by his countrymen 
on the islands and the main of the Nev.' World. He had seen thousands 
of the natives crowded together, naked and helpless, for slaughter, like 
.sheep in a park or meadow. He had seen them wa-'od at the extremities 
by torturing fires, till, after hours of agony, they turned their dying gaze, 
rather in amazed dread than in rage, upon theii tormentors. Mutilations 
of hands, feet, cars, and noses surrounded him with ghastly spectacles of 
all the processes of death without disease. One may well leave all details 
to the imagination; and may do this all the more willingly that even tlie 
imagination will fail to fill and fashion the reality of the horror. 

Previous to the successful ventures on the western ocean, the Portuguese 
had been resolutely pursuing the work of discovery by pushing their dar- 
ing enterprise farther and farther down the coast of Africa, till they at last 
turned the Cape.' The deportation of the natives and their sale as slaves 
at once became first an incidental reward, and then the leading aim of 
craving adventurers. It was but natural that the Spaniards should turn 
their success in other regions to the same account. Heathen lands and 
heathen people belonged by Papal donation to the soldiers of the Cross ; 
they were the heritage of the Church. The plea of conversion answered 
equally for conquest and subjugation of the natives on their own sciil, 
and for transporting them to the scenes and sharers of a pure and saviiii; 
faith. 

' [Sl'c Chiiptcr I. — El). I 



RICA. 



LAS CASAS, AND THE SPANIARDS AND INDIANS. 



303 



asures of gdltl 
ts, and then Ijv 
leaps, were tlu: 
ould reach aii\- 
n came to the 
:aciquc plainly 
g up a piece (if 
assion, with its 
.me the nerves 
sked in men of 
locial and ci\il 
of their full in- 
of all domestic 
d the mad frcc- 
cstraints of the 
reasure-seekers 
simple victims, 
to make a long 

Casas gathered 

for half a cen- 
liis countrymen 
seen thousands 

slaughter, like 
the extremities 
;ir dying gaze, 
s. Mutilations 
spectacles of 

cave all details 
that even the 

lorror. 

the Portuguese 
ling their dar- 
ill they at last 
r sale as slaves 
cading aim of 
should turn 
len lands and 
of the Cross ; 
sion answered 
leir own soil, 
re and saving 



A brief summary of the acts and incidents in the first enslavement of 
the natives may here be set down. Columbus took with him to Spain, 
on his first return, nine natives. While on his second voyage he sent to 
Spain, in January, 1494, by a return vessel, a considerable number, de- 
scribed as Caribs, " from the Cannibal Islands," for " slaves." They were 
to be taught Castilian, to serve as interpreters for the work of " conversion" 
wlien restored to their native shores. Columbus pleads that it will benefit 
them by the saving of their souls, while the capture and enslaving of them 
will give the Spaniards consequence as evidence of power. Was this even 
a plausible excuse, and were the victims really cannibals? The sovereigns 
seemed to approve the act, but intimated that the " cannibals " might be 
converted at home, without the trouble of transportation. But Columbus 
enlarged and generalized sweepingly upon his scheme, afterward adding to 
it a secular advantage, suggesting that as many as possible of these canni- 
bals should be caught for the sake of their souls, and then sold in Spain in 
payment for ca'-'^oes of live stock, provisions, and goods, which were much 
needed in the islands. The monarchs for a while suspended their decision 
of this matter. But the abominable traffic was steadily catching new agents 
and victims, and the slave-trade became a leading motive for advancing the 
rage for further discoveries. The Portuguese were driving the work east- 
ward, while the Spaniards were keenly following it westward. In February, 
1495, Columbus sent back four ships, whose chief lading was slaves. From 
that time began the horrors attending the crowding of human cargoes with 
scant food and water, with filth and disease, and the daily throwing over 
into the sea those who were privileged to die. Yet more victims were taken 
by Columbus when he was again in Spain in June, 1496, to circumvent his 
enemies. Being i^ere again in 1498, he had no positive prohibition against 
continuing the traffic. A distinction was soon recognized, and allowed even 
b}- the humane and pious Isabella. Captives taken in war against the Span- 
iards might be brought to Spain and kept in slavery ; but natives who had 
been seized for the purpose of enslaving them, she indignantly ordered 
sliould be restored to freedom. This wrong, as well as that of the reparti- 
micnto system, in the distribution of natives to Spanish masters as laborers, 
was slightly held in check by this lovable lady during her life. She died 
while Columbus was in Spain, Nov. 26, 1504. Columbus died at Valladolid, 
Ma\- 20, 1506. The ill that he had done lived after him, to qualify the 
splendor of his nobleness, grandeur, and constancy. 

And here we may bring upon the scene that one, the only Spaniard 
who stands out luminously, in the heroism and glory of true sanctity, amid 
these gory scenes, himself a true soldier of Christ. 

Bartholomew Las Casas was born at Seville in 1474. Llorcntc — a faith- 
tul biographer, and able editor and expositor of his writings, of whom 
farther on we are to say much more — asserts that the family was French 
in its origin, the true name being Casuas; which appears, indeed, as an 



im 



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504 



NARRATIVE A.N'D CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA. 



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alias on the titlcpage of some of his wr'tings pubUshcd by the apostle in 
his Ufetimc.^ 

Antoine Las Casas, the father of Bartholomew, was a soldier in tin. 
marine service of Spain. We find no reference to him as being either in 
sympathy or otherwise with the absorbing aim which ennobled the career 
of his son. He accompanied Columbus on his first western voyage in 
1492, and returned with him to Spain in 1493. 

During the absence of the father on this voyage the son, at the age uf 
eighteen, was completing his studies at Salamanca. In May, 1498,^ at the 
age of about twenty-four, he went to the Indies with his father, in employ- 
ment under Columbi's, and returned to Cadiz, Nov. 25, 1500. In an ad- 
dress to the Emperor in 1542, Bartholomew reminded him that Columbus 
had given liberty to each of several of his fellow-voyagers to take to Spain 
a single native of the islands for personal service, and that a youth among 
those so transported had been intrusted to him. Perhaps under these 
favoring circumstances this was the occasion of first engaging the sym- 
pathies of Las Casas for the race to whose redemption he was to const- 
crate his life. Isabella, however, was highly indignant at this outrage upon 
the natives, and under pain of death to the culprits ordered the victims to 
be restored to their country. It would seem that they were all carried 
back in 1500 under the Commander Bobadilla, and among them the young 
Indian who had been in the service of Bartholomew. One loves to imagine 
that in some of the wide wanderings of the latter, amid the scenes of the 
New World, he may again have met with this first specimen of a heathen 
race who had been under intimate relations with himself, and who hail 
undoubtedly been baptized. 

We shall find farther on that the grievous charge was brought against 
Las Casas, when he had drawn upon himself bitter animosi