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NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA 


€):plorattons  anD  Settlements 
In  America 


FROM  THE 


jfltutnti)  to  tfje  .Scbentrentf) 
Century 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICA 


EDITED 


By    JUSTIN     WINSOR 

LIBRARIAN   OF   HARVARD   UNIVERSITY 
CORRBSPONDING  SECRETARY  MASSACHUSETTS   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Vol.  II 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY 

€i)c  itittierjetitic  ^te^^,  Cnnibritigc 


Copyright,  1886, 
By  Houghton,  Miffiin  and  Comi'ANV. 


Ail  rigliti  rtsoTiJ. 


7'he  Riverside  Press,  Cambritt/^^  Mass.^  U.  S.  A. 
Printed  by  H.  O.  Houghton  &  Company. 


CONTENTS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


[  Tht  Ufanish  arms  on  Iht  title  art  cofied  from  th*  titUpagi  of  Ntrrtra.] 


INTROPUCTION. 


Pau 


Documentary  Sources  of  Early  Spanish-Aaierican  History.     T/ie  Editor    .       i 


CHAFrER  I. 


COLUMBD.^  AND  HIS  DISCOVERIES.      T/ie  Editor 


iLLUiTRATlONS :  Columbus'  Armor,  4;  Partii'g  of  Columbus  with  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  6 ;  Early  Vessels,  7 ;  liuilding  a  Ship,  ? ;  Course  of  Columbus 
on  his  First  Voyage,  9;  Ship  of  Columbus'  Time,  10;  Native  House  in 
Hispaniola,  11;  Curing  the  Sick,  11 ;  The  Triumph  of  Columbus,  12; 
Columbus  at  Hispaniola,  13;  Handwriting  of  Columbus,  14;  Arms  of 
Columbus,  15;  Fruit-trees  of  Hispaniola,  16;  Indian  Club,  iC;  Indian 
Canoe,  17;  Columbus  at  Isla  Margarita,  18;  Early  Americans,  19;  House 
in  which  Columbus  died,  23. 

OuncAL  Essay 34 

Illustrations:  Ptolemy,  26,  27;  Albertus  Magnus,  29;  Marco  Polo,  30; 
Columbus'  Annotations  on  the  Image  Afiindi,  31 ;  on  /Kneas  Sylvius,  32 ; 
the  Atlantic  of  ti:e  Ancients,  37;  Prince  Henry  the  Navigator,  39;  his 
Autograph,  39;  Sketch-map  of  Portuguese  Discoveries  in  Africa,  40;  Portu- 
guese Map  of  the  Old  World  ( 1490),  41 ;  Vasco  da  Gama  and  his  Autograph, 
42;  Line  of  Demarcation  (Map  of  1527),  43;  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  44. 

Notes 47 

A,  First  Voyage,  46;  B,  Landfall,  52 ;  C,  Effect  of  the  Discovery  in  Europe,  56; 
D,  Second  Voyage,  57;  E,  Third  Voyage,  58;  F,  Fourth  Voyage,  59; 
G,  Lives  and  Notice*  of  Columbus.  62;  H,  Portraits  of  Columbus,  69; 
I,  Burial  and  Remains  of  Columbus,  78 ;  J,  Birth  of  Columbus,  and  AccounU 
of  his  Family,  83. 


CONTKNTS. 

IlLUsthaiionsi  Facsimile  of  (iisl  page  of  Columbus'  Letter,  No.  HI., 49;  Cut 
oil  reverse  of  Title  of  No.i.  V.  ami  VI.,  50;  Title  of  No.  VI.,  51 ;  The  Land- 
ing of  ColunibuH,  53 ;  Cut  In  Clernian  Translation  of  the  Kimt  Ix:ttcr,  53 ; 
Text  of  the  (ierniaii  TranNlatioii,  54;  the  ilaliaina  (>rou|>  (map),  55;  Sign- 
nianuaU  of  I'erilin.uul  and  Isabel!.),  56;  ScliaHtiaii  Hr.iiit,  39;  Map  ot 
Columbus'  Kour  Voy.igC!*,  60,  (n  ;  I'.ic-siniiJe  of  page  in  the  (iiustiniani 
I'ltaltcr,  6j;  I'crdinatul  Columbus'  Ktgister  of  Hooks,  65;  .\utograph  of 
llumbolilt,  OS;  r.iiilus  Joviiis,  70.  I'ortraitii  of  Columbus,  —  after  Cliovio, 
71;  the  Vane^  rortr.iit,7J|  after  Capriolo,  73;  the  I'lorunte  picture,  74  ;  the 
Dc  Hry  I'iclure,  75;  the  Jomaril  LikenesH,  76)  the  Havana  Medallion, 
77;  I'icture  at  Madrid,  78;  after  Montanus,  y>).  Coffer  and  Hones  found  in 
Santo  Uoniingo,  ,So;  Inscriptions  on  and  in  the  Colfcr,  <S|,  S.: ;  I'drlrait  and 
Sign-manual  of  Kerdinaiul  of  Spain,  >S5  ;  Ilaitholomcw  Columbus,  iS6. 


Postscript 


88 


THE    EARLIEST     MAPS    OF    THE     SPANISH     AND    I'ORTUGUESE 

DISCOVERIES.     I'/ie  Editor 93 

lLLUSTic\Tiu.N.s ;  Karly  Compass,  94;  Astrolabe  of  Kegiomontanus,  96;  I..ater 
Astrolabe,  97  ;  Jackstaff,  99;  liackstaff,  100  j  I'irckcymerus,  \oz\  Toscan- 
cUi's  Map,  103;  .Martin  Ikliaim,  104;  ICxtract  from  llehaim's  Globe,  105; 
Part  of  La  Cosa's  Map,  106;  of  the  Cantino  Map,  108;  Peter  Martyr  Map 
(1511),  iio;  Ptolemy  Map  (1513),  III  ;  .Admiral's  Map  (1513),  112;  Reisch's 
Map  (1515),  114;  Kuysch's  .Map  (1508),  115;  Stobnicza's  Map  (1512),  116; 
Schoner,  117;  Schiiner's  Globe  (1515),  n8;  (1520),  119;  Tross  (lores 
(1514-1519),  120;  Munster's  Map  (1532),  121;  Sylvanus'  Map  (1511),  122  j 
Leno.x  Globe,  123;  Da  Vinci  Sketch  of  Globe,  124-12O;  Carta  Marina  of 
Frisius  (1525),  127  ;  Coppo'a  .Map  (152S),  127. 


CH.\FrER   II. 
Amerigo  Vespucci.    Sydney  Harvard  Gay 1 99 

Ii.LUSTKATioHs:  Fac-siinile  of  a  Letter  of  Vespucci,  130;  Autograph  of  Amerrigo 
Vespuche,  138;  Portraits  of  Vespucci,  139,  140,  141. 


NOTES    ON   VESPUCIUS   AND  THE   NAMING   OF   AMERICA.       The 

Editor 153 

Illustrations:  Title  of  the  Jehan  Lambert  edition  of  the  Mimdus  Nmus,  157  ; 
first  page  of  Vor.stcrman's  Miiiidus  K(n<us,  158;  Title  of  De  Ora  Antarctica, 
159;  title  of  VoniierwugefuiiJcn  Region,  160;  Fac-simile  of  its  first  page,  161 ; 
Ptolemy's  World,  165;  Title  of  the  C'ww(ifr<;////<r/«/m/M(7/(;,  167;  Fac-simile 
of  its  reference  to  the  name  of  America,  168  j  the  Lenox  Globe  (American 
parts),  170;  Title  of  the  1509  edition  of  the  Cosmoi;raphi<r  Introdiictio,  171 ; 
title  of  the  C'obns  Mundi,  172  ;  Map  of  Laurentius  Frisius  in  the  Ptolemy 
of  1522,  175;  American  part  of  the  Mercator  Map  of  1541,  177;  Portrait  of 
Apianus,  179. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF    POMPONIUS    MELA,    SOLINUS,    VADIANUS, 

AND    APIANUS.     The  Editor 180 

Illustrations:  Pomponius  Mela's  World,  180;  Vadianus,  181;  Part  of 
Apianus'  Map  (1520),  1S3;  Apianus,  185. 


CONTENTS. 


m 


CHAITLR   ill. 

The  Compankjns  of  Columiius.     Eihvard  Uiannmg 187 

iLLUsTK.vriuNbi   Map  u(   llispaiiiulu,  \^;  Casiilia  del  Uro,  190;  Cariaj(ena, 
191s  UalbiSa,  195;  Havana,  30i. 


Critical  ICssav 

Illustration  :  Juan  dc  Orijalva,  aiO. 


304 


TML    EARLY    CARTOdRAl'HY    OF    THE    GULF    OF    MEXICO    AND 

ADJACENT    PARTS.     TAc  Editor 317 

Illustrations!  Map  of  the  I'acitic  I151M),  317  ;  01  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  (1520), 
Jl8;  by  l.oreiu  l-'ricfs  (153.2).  JlS;  by  M.tinllo  (l5J7),3iyj  by  Nufio  Garcia 
de  Tori'iii)  (1527).  no;  l>y  Riiiero  (I5>9)i  221;  Tlic  so-called  1-ciiox  Wood- 
cul  (1534),  223;  Earlv  Frentli  Map,  224;  Gulf  of  Mexico  (1536),  235; 
by  Rot/  (1542),  226;  by  Cabot  (1544).  227J  in  Ramusio  (1556),  238;  by 
HoiiRMi  (1S5S),  229;  by  Marlines  (1578),  329;  of  Cuba,  by  Wytfliet 
(1597).  230. 

CHAFrER   IV. 

AsaENT  Florida.    John  G.  Shea ajl 

Illustrations:  Ponce  de  Leon,  235 ;  Hernando  de  8010,252;  Autograph  of 
De  Soto,  253;  of  Mendo2a,  254;  .Map  of  Florida  (1565),  264;  Site  of  Fort 
Caroline,  265;  View  of  .St.  Augustine,  266;  S|>ani»h  Vessels,  267;  lluilding 
of  Fort  Caroline,  26s  ;  Fort  Caroline  completed,  269;  Mapof  Florida  (1591), 
274J  WytHiet's  Map  (1597),  281.  » 

Critical  Essav 283 

Illustrations:  Map  of  Ayllon's  Explorations,  285;  Autograph  of  Narvaez, 
286;  of  Cabcza  de  Vaca,  287;  of  Charles  V.,  289;  of  Hiedm?,  290;  Map  of 
the  Mississipjii  (sixteenth  century),  292;  Uelisle's  Map,  with  the  Route  of  De 
Soto,  294,  295. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Las    Casas,    and   the    Relations    of    ihe    Spaniards    to    the    Indians. 

George  E.  Ellis 200 

Critical  Essav ,,i 

Illustrations:  Las  Casas,  332  ;  his  Autograph,  333 ;  Titlepages  of  his  Tracts, 
334i  ll^t  338;  Fac-simile  of  his  Handwriting,  339. 

Editorial  Note -., 

Illustrations:  Autograph  of  Motolinia,  343;  Title  of  Oviedo's  Natural  Hys- 
toria  (1526),  344;  Arms  of  Oviedo,  345;  his  Autograph,  346;  Head  of 
Benzoni,  347. 


•  •• 

vtu 


CONILNTS. 


CHAITKR   VI. 

CoRi'<s  AND  HIS  CuMi'ANiONH.     The  Editor 349 

llXUSTHAnuN.'i  I  VcU!i(|uc/,  330;  Caniiun  of  Corttis' time,  J52  ;  llelps's  Map  of 
Corlcs'  Voyage,  353 ;  t'orlcs  ami  lii»  Arnm,  354 ;  (Jabricl  I.aitku  ck  la  Vega, 
355 ;  Cortes,  337  ;  Map  of  the  March  of  Ccjrlc»,  35S ;  Corttfx,  3O0;  Monte- 
zuma, 3()i,  3O3;  Map  of  Mexico  before  the  (Joiuiiiesl,  3O4  j  I'eilro  dc  Alva- 
railo,  306;  hit  Autograph,  3O7  ;  Hclps'n  Map  of  the  Mexican  Valley,  30"j( 
Tree  of  I'risie  Nothe,  370;  Charles  V.,  371,  373;  his  Autograph,  372;  Wil- 
■oii'!i  Map  of  the  Mexican  Valley,  374;  Jourdanet'!*  Map  of  the  Valley, 
cohrtU,  375  i  Mexico  under  the  l"oiu|uerors,  377  ;  Mexico  according  to 
Ramunio,  379;  Cortes  in  Jovius,  3H1  ;  hin  Autograph,  3S1  ;  Map  of  (iuate- 
mala  and  ilonduraH,  384;  Autograpli  of  Sandoval,  3K7  ;  his  Portrait,  388) 
Cortes  after  ilerrera,  389;  hiit  Armor,  H)p\  Autograph  of  Kuenleal,  3911 
Map  of  Mexico  after  Herrera,  392;  Acapulco,  394;  KulMcngth  Portrait  of 
Curtes,  395  i  Likcncw  on  a  Medal,  J96. 


CRinCAL  EsiiAY 

iLLUsTKATiuN  s  Autograph  of  Ica^balccta,  397. 


.197 


Noi'Es 402 

Illustkatiuss  :  Cortes  before  Chirles  V.,  403;  Cortes'  Map  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  404;  Title  of  the  Latin  edition  of  his  Letters  (1524),  403;  Reverse 
of  its  Title,  406;  Portrait  of  Clement  VIL,  407;  Autograph  of  Gayangos, 
408;  Lorcnzana's  Map  of  Spain,  408;  Title  of  Dc  iitmlis  iiii/<,r  iir.;iilis, 
409;  Title  of  Gomara's  Uisloria  (1553),  413;  Autograph  of  llernal  iJia/, 
414;  of  Sahagun,  416;  Portrait  of  Uolis,  423 ;  Portrait  of  William  li.  Pre«- 
cott,  426. 


DISCOVERIES    ON 
The  Editor   .    . 


THE    PACIFIC    COAST    OF    NORTH    AMERICA. 


43' 


Illustrations:  Map  from  the  fjloane  Manuscripts  (1530),  432;  from  Ruscelli 
('544).  43-;  Nancy  Globe,  433 ;  from  Zieglcr's  Schomtia  (1532),  434;  Carta 
Marina  (1548),  435  ;  Vopellio's  Map  (155O),  436;  Titlepage  of  Girava's  Cos- 
OTiU'ra/i///,;,  437  ;  I'urlani's  Map  (1560),  43S  ;  Map  of  the  Pacific  (1313),  440; 
Cortds'  Map  of  the  California  Peninsula,  442  ;  Castillo's  Map  of  the  Califor- 
nia Gulf  (1341),  444;  Map  by  Ilomem  {1540),  446;  by  Cabot  (1544),  447; 
by  Krcire  (1546),  448  ;  in  Ptolemy  (154S),  449  ;  by  Marlines  (153-  ?),  430  j  by 
Zaltieri  (1366),  451  ;  by  Merrator  (l^b^)),  45J  ;  by  Porcacchi  (1372),  433;  by 
Furlani  (1374),  434;  from  Molineaux'  Globe  (1392),  455;  a  Spanish  Galleon, 
436 ;  Map  of  the  Gulf  of  California  by  Wytfliet  (1397),  438  ;  of  America  by 
Wytfliet  (1397),  459;  "f  Tcrre  de  lesso,  464;  of  the  California  Coast  by 
Dudley  (1646),  463;  Diagram  of  Mercator's  Projection,  470. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Early  Explorations  of  New  Mexico.     Henry  IV.  Haynes 4^3 

Illustrations:  Autograph  of  Coronado,  481;  Map  of  his  Explorations,  485; 
Early  Drawings  of  the  Buffalo,  488,  489. 


CONTENTS.  is 

CriiiicAL  Essay 498 

EnnoHUL  Nuie 503 

CHAlTliR  VIII. 

PiZAKRo,  AMI  ■niE  Conquest  anu  SKTrtEMENr  of  Peru  and  Chiu.     C/fm- 

ents  Ji.  Markluim 505 

ll.U'srKArioNs I  Indian  Rafts,  508 j  Skctch-innps  of  the  Comiueat  of  Peru,  509, 

511);  picture  of  r.Mibiirk.ilioM,  51^;  Runt''*  Map  of  I'i/arro's  Discoveries,  5131 
Native  Huts  in  Trees,  514  j  At.ilitialpa,  515,  516;  Aliti..i;io,  51SJ  I'lan  of  Vnca 
Fortress  near  Cusco,  5J1  ;  Ituilding  of  a  Town,  ^11 ;  (laliriel  de  Rojas,  5231 
Si<ctch-map  of  tlie  Concpiest  of  Chili,  524;  I'edro  de  Valdivia,  529,  5301 
I'astciic,  5JI  ;  I'izarro,  532,  533;  Vaca  de  Castro,  535;  I'edro  de  la  (iasca, 
S39i  54°;  Alonzo  de  Alvarado,  544;  Conception  Hay,  54S ;  Garcia  WwX' 
tado  dc  Mcndo/.a,  550;  Peruvians  worshipping  the  Sun,  551;  Cusco,  3341 
Temple  of  Cusco,  555;  Wyllliet's  Map  of  Peru,  338;  of  Chili,  3391  SotO» 
mayor,  362;  Title  of  the  1335  Xercs,  3O3. 


Editorial  Notes 

Illustration  i  Prcscott's  Library,  377. 


573 


THE  AMAZON  AND  ELDORADO.     The  Editor 579 

iLLisTRATlONs :  Gon2alo  Ximenes  de  Quesada,  380;  Sketch-map,  381;  Cas- 
tellanos,  383;  Map  of  the  Mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  386;  De  Laet's  Map  of 
Parimc  Lacus,  388. 

CHAFFKR   IX. 

Magellan's  Discovery.    Edward  E.  Hah 591 

Illustrations:  Autograph  of  M.igellan,  392;  Portraits  of  M.ngcllan,  393,  594, 
395;  Indian  Heds,  597;  South  American  Cannibals,  39S  ;  Giant's  Skeleton 
at  Porto  Desire,  602;  Qu.iniambec,  603;  Pigafctta's  Map  of  Magellan's 
Straiis,  605 ;  Chart  of  the  Pacific,  showing  Magellan's  Track,  610 ;  Pigafctta's 
Map  of  the  Ladrones,  6il. 

CRmcAL  Essay 613 


INDEX 6ig 


VOL.    11. 


'  SI 


INTRODUCTION. 


BY  THE  EDITOR. 


DOCUMENTARY    SOURCES    OF    EARLY    SPANISH-AMERICAN 

HISTORY. 


'npHE  earliest  of  the  historians  to  use,  to  any  extent,  documentary  proofs,  was 
Herrera,  in  his  Historia  general,  first  published  in  i6ot.*  As  the  official 
historiographer  of  the  Indies,  he  had  the  best  of  opportunities  for  access  to  the  great 
wealth  of  documents  which  the  Spanish  archivists  had  preserved ;  but  he  never  dis- 
tinctly quotes  them,  or  says  where  they  are  to  be  found.-'  It  is  through  him  that  we 
are  aware  of  some  important  manuscripts  not  now  known  to  exist.' 

The  formation  of  the  collections  at  Simancas,  near  Valladolid,  dates  back  to  an 
order  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  Feb.  19,  1543.  New  accommodations  were  added  from 
time  to  time,  as  documents  were  removed  thither  from  the  bureaus  of  the  ('rown 
Secretaries,  and  from  those  of  the  Councils  of  Seville  and  of  the  Indies.  It  was 
reorganized  by  Philip  II.,  in  1567,  on  a  larger  basis,  as  a  depository  for  historical 
research,  when  masses  of  manuscripts  from  other  parts  of  S[)ain  were  transported 
thither ;  *  but  the  comparatively  small  extent  of  the  Simancas  Collection  does  not 
indicate  tliat  the  order  was  very  extensively  observed ;  though  it  nuist  be  remetr- 
bered  that  Napoleon  made  havoi;  among  these  papers,  and  that  in  1814  it  was  bi  i 
a  remnant  which  was  rearranged.' 


'  Sec  further  on  Herrera /«/,  p.  67. 

'•'  J.  C.  lirevoort,  on  "  Spanish-Americ.m 
documents,  printed  or  inci.itetl,"  in  Mai^azinc  of 
American  ///jAv^',  Marcli,  1879;  Prescott,  .lAx- 
/<•(',  ii.  91. 

^  "  Of  all  the  narratives  and  reports  furnished 
to  Herrera  for  his  History,  and  of  which  he 
made  such  scanty  and  unintelligent  use,  very 
few  have  been  preserved."  —  Markham,  Rites 
and  Taul's  of  the  Yiicas,  p.  vii. 

■*  An  overcrowding  of  archives  in  the  keep- 
ing of  the  Council  of  the  Fndies  was  sometimes 
relieved  by  sending  part  of  them  to  Simancas. 
Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  28 1.  Harrisse, 
Christophe  Colomb,  i.   53,  says  all,  or  nearly  all. 


the  papers  relating  to  Columbus  have  been  re- 
moved to  Seville. 

^  Some  of  the  documents  at  Simancas  and 
in  other  repositories,  beginning  with  1485,  have 
been  edited  in  the  Rolls  Series  (published  for 
the  iMiglish  Government)  by  (!.  A.  licrgennith 
and  by  Gayangos  (London,  1862-1S79),  '"  '''^ 
Calendar  of  Letters,  Desfatclies,  and  Stale  Papers 
relating'  to  .Wxoliations  />et-,ueen  Kni^land  and 
S/'ain,  contained  in  live  volumes.  Vol.  i.  comes 
through  1509;  and  the  secontl  paper  in  it  is  a 
complaint  of  Kerdinand  and  Isabella  against  Co- 
lumbus, a  French  Admiral,  for  aiding  the  pira- 
cies of  the  Krcnch  in  1485.  Various  documents 
from  the  archives  of  .Simancas -are  given  in  Ala 


Jl' 


11 


INTRODUCTION. 


Dr.  Robertson  was  the  earliest  of  the  English  writers  to  make  even  scant  use  of 
the  original  manuscript  sources  of  information  ;  and  such  documents  as  he  got  from 
Spain  were  obtained  through  the  solicitation  and  address  of  Lord  Grantham,  the 
English  ambassador.  Everything,  however,  was  grudgingly  given,  after  being  first 
directly  refused.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Spanish  (lovernmcnt  considered  even 
what  he  did  obtain  and  make  use  of  as  unfit  to  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  their 
own  public,  and  the  authorities  interposed  to  prevent  the  translation  of  Robertson's 
history  into  Spanish. 

In  his  preface  Dr.  Robertson  speaks  of  the  peculiar  solicitude  with  which  the 
Spanish  archives  were  concealed  from  strangers  in  his  tini  :  and  he  tells  how,  to  Span- 
ish subjects  even,  those  of  Simancas  were  openeil  only  upon  a  royal  order.  Papers 
notwithstanding  such  order,  he  says,  could  be  copied  only  by  payment  of  fees  too  ex- 
orbitant to  favor  research.*  By  order  of  Fernando  VI.,  in  the  last  century,  a  collection 
of  selected  copies  of  the  most  important  documents  in  the  various  depositories  of 
archives  was  maile  ;  and  this  was  placed  in  the  Bil)lioteca  Nacional  at  Matlrid. 

In  1778  Charles  III.  ordered  that  the  documents  of  the  Indies  in  the  Spanish 
offices  and  depositories  should  bi'  brought  together  in  one  place.  The  movement 
did  not  receive  form  till  1785,  when  a  commission  was  appointed;  and  not  till 
1788,  did  Simancas,  and  the  other  collections  drawn  upon,  give  up  their  treasures 
to  be  transported  to  Seville,  where  they  were  placed  in  the  building  provided  for 
them.'' 

Muiioz,  who  was  born  in  1745,  was  commissioned  in  1779  by  the  King  with 
authority '  to  search  archives,  public  and  family,  and  to  write  and  publish  a  Hisioria 


man's  La  Kif>ti!'!uii  Mejicana,  three  volumes, 
1.S44-1S49.  \Vc  get  glimpses  in  the  Ilistoria 
of  Las  Casas  of  a  large  niinibcr  of  the  letters 
of  Columbus,  to  which  he  must  have  had  access, 
but  which  are  now  lost.  Marrisse  thinks  it  was 
at  Simancas,  that  Las  Casas  must  have  found 
them ;  for  when  engaged  on  th.at  work  he  was 
living  within  two  leagues  of  that  repository. 
It  seems  prob.ible,  also,  that  Las  Casas  nmst 
have  had  use  of  the  Hiblioteca  Colombina, 
when  it  w.is  deposited  in  the  convent  of  San 
Pablo  (1544-1552),  from  whose  Dominican 
monks  Ilarrisse  thinks  it  possible  that  Las 
Casas  obtained  possession  of  the  Toscauclli 
map.  He  regrets,  however,  that  for  the  jierso- 
nal  history  of  t^olumbns  and  his  family,  Las 
Casas  furnishes  no  information  which  cannot 
be  found  more  nearly  at  lirst  hand  elsewhere. 
See   Ilarrisse,    Christophc  Colomb,    i.   122,    125- 

•27,  129.  •33' 

'  Robertson  prefixes  to  his  History  a  list  of 
the  Spanish  books  and  manuscripts  which  he 
had  used. 

"The  Knglish  reader,"  writes  Irving  in 
1S2S,  when  he  had  published  his  own  Life  of 
Volumhits,  "hitherto  has  derived  his  information 
almost  exclusively  from  the  notice  of  Columbus 
in  Dr.  Robertson's  Ilistoty  ;  this,  though  admir- 


ably executed,  is  but  a  general  outline."  —  ZZ/i* 
ofirfiiii;,  ii.  313. 

-  I  larrisse,  Christofhc  Colomh,  i.  35.  He  also 
refers  to  the  notarial  records  preserved  at  Seville, 
as  having  been  but  partially  explored  for  eluci 
dations  of  the  earliest  exploration.  He  found 
among  them  the  will  of  Diego,  the  younger 
brother  of  Columbus  (p.  38).  Alfred  Demers.ay 
l)rinted  in  the  DiiUttin  de  ta  Socii-ti de  Geographic, 
June,  1S64,  a  paper,  "  Une  mission  geographique 
dans  les  archives  d'  Kspague  et  de  Portugal," 
in  which  he  describes,  particularly  as  regards 
their  possessions  of  doc\micnts  relating  to 
.Ainoric.a,  the  condition  at  that  time  of  the 
archives  of  the  Torre  do  Tombo  at  Lisbon 
(ci"  which,  after  1842  and  till  his  death,  .San- 
tareui  was  archivist);  those  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Aragon  at  liarcelona,  and  of  the  Indies  at 
Seville  ;  and  the  collections  of  Muiioz,  embrac- 
ing ninetv-five  vols,  in  folio,  and  thirty-two  in 
qu.irto,  and  of  Mata-Lanares,  included  in  eighty 
folios,  in  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid. 
He  refers  for  fuller  details  to  Tiran's  Archives 
,r Aragon  ct  de  Simancas  (1S44),  and  to  Joao 
Pedro  Ribeiro's  Mcmorias  Authcntieas  para  a 
Llistoiia  do  real  Archi-'O,  Lisbon,  1819. 

3  This  authority  to  search  was  given  later 
in  1781  and  17S8. 


INTRODUCTION. 


il  outline."  — Z/yi' 


laux.       1  he  W 

le  the  fra«-     /O^     J^ 
part,  in  the    /         //  ^ 

~ vi_> 

AUTOGR^XPH   OF   .MUNOZ. 


</^/  nucvo  mundo.  Of  this  work  only  a  single  solume,'  bringing  the  story  down  to 
1500,  was  completed,  and  it  was  issued  in  1793  Munoz  gave  in  its  preface  a  critical 
review  of  the  sources  of  his  subject.  In  the  prosecution  of  his  labor  he  formed  a 
collection  of  documents,  which  after  his  death  was  scat- 
tered;  but  parts  of  it  were,  in  1827,  in  the  possession  of  ^yMlunaZ/^ 
Don  Antonio  de  Uguina,*  and  later  of  Ternaux.  The 
Spanish  Government  exerted  itself  to  reassemble 
nicnts  of  this  collection,  which  is  now,  in  great  part, 
Acatlemy  of  History  at  Madrid,'  where  it  has  been  increased 
by  other  manuscripts  from  the  archives  at  Seville.  Other 
portions  are  lodged,  however,  in  ministerial  offices,  and  the 
most  interesting  are  noted  by  Harrisse  in  his  Christnphc 
Colomb.*  A  paper  by  Mr.  J.  Carson  Brevoort  on  Munoz  and  his  manuscripts  is  in 
the  American  Bibliopolist  (vol.  viii.  p.  21),  February,  1876.'  An  English  translation 
of  Munoz's  single  volume  appeared  in  1797,  with  notes,  mostly  translated  from  the 
(lerman  version  by  Sprengel,  published  in  1795.  Rich  had  a  manuscript  copy 
made  of  all  that  Muiioz  wrote  of  his  second  volume  (never  printed),  and  this 
copy  is  noted  in  the  Brinlcy  Catalogue,  no.   47." 

"  In  the  days  of  Muiioz,"  says  Harrisse  in  his  Notes  on  Columhus,  p.  i,  "the  great 
repositories  for  original  documents  concerning  Columbus  and  the  early  history  of 
Spanish  America  were  the  Escurial,  Simancas,  the  Convent  of  Monserratc,  the  col- 
leges of  St.  Bartholomew  and  Cuenca  ;'t  Salamanca,  and  St.  Oregory  at  Valladolid, 
the  Cathedral  of  Valencia,  the  Church  of  Sacro-Monte  in  Granada,  the  convents  of 
St.  Francis  at  Tolosa,  St.  Dominick  at  Malaga,  St.  Acacio,  St.  Joseph,  and  St.  Isidro 
del  Campo  at  Seville.  There  may  be  many  valuable  records  still  concealed  in  those 
churches  and  convents." 

The  originals  of  the  letters-patent,  and  other  evidences  of  privileges  granted  by  the 
Spanish  monarchs  to  Columbus,  were  preserved  by  him,  and  now  constitute  a  part 
of  the  collection  of  the  Duke  of  Veragua,  in  Madrid.  In  1502  Columbus  caused 
several  attested  copies  of  them  and  of  a  few  other  documents  to  be  made,  raising  the 
number  of  papers  from  thirty-six  to  forty-four.  His  care  in  causing  these  copies  to 
be  distributed  among  different  custodians  evinces  the  high  importance  which  he  held 
them  to  have,  as  testimonials  to  his  fame  and  his  prominence  in  the  world's  history. 


'  This  volume  is  worth  about  five  dollars. 

2  It  was  he  who  allowed  Irvinp;  to  use  them. 

^  J.  C.  Urevoort,  in  the  Magitziiie of  Amcihctti 
ftislfliy,  March,  1879.  Cf.  Prescott's  Fadinaud 
and  fsiibella  (1873),  ii.  50S,  and  his  Mi-.xUo, 
preface. 

■•  Vol.  i.  p.  66,  referring  to  Fustcr's  "  Copia 
de  los  manuscritos  que  recogio  D.  Juan  Rautista 
Munoz,"  in  Diblioteca  ViiUnciatin,  ii.  202-23S. 

*  Harrisse,  in  his  A'oles  on  Cohimhiis,  p.  5, 
describes  a  collection  of  manuscripts  which  were 
sold  by  Obadiah  Rich,  in  184S  or  1849,  to  James 
Lenox,  of  New  York,  which  had  been  formed 
by  Uguina,  the  friend  of  Munoz.     There   is  in 


the  Academy  of  History  at  >radrid  a  collec- 
tion of  documents  said  to  have  been  formed  by 
Don  Vargas  ron9e. 

"  Harrisse  (Christophc  Coliintb,  i.  65)  refers 
to  an  unpublished  fragment  in  the  I,cno.\  Li- 
brary. The  Tichitor  Cii/tiltxiw  (p.  244)  shows  a 
discourse  on  Mufioz  read  before  the  .Academy 
of  History  in  1833,  as  well  as  a  criticism  by 
Iturri  on  his  single  volume.  Harrisse  [Chris- 
tophc  Colomh,  i.  65)  gives  the  titles  of  other 
controversial  publications  on  the  subject  of 
Munoz's  history.  Muiioz  died  in  1799.  It  is 
usually  said  that  the  .Spanish  Government  pre- 
vented the  continuation  of  his  work. 


v^ 


iv 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 


H 


One  wishes  lie  could  have  had  a  like  solicitude  for  the  exactness  of  his  own  statements. 
Before  sotting  out  on  his  fourth  voyage,  he  intrusted  one  of  these  copies  to  Francesco 
di  Rivarolo,  for  delivery  to  Nicol6  Od^rigo,  the  ambassador  of  Genoa,  in  Madrid. 
From  Cadiz  shortly  afterwards  he  sent  a  second  copy  to  the  same  Od^rigo.  In  1670 
both  of  these  copies  were  given,  by  a  descendant  of  Oderigo,  to  the  Repul)lic  of  Genoa. 
They  subsequently  disappeared  from  the  archives  of  the  State,  and  Harrisse '  has 
recently  found  one  of  them  in  the  archives  of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  at  Paris. 
The  other  was  bought  in  1816  by  the  Sardinian  Government,  at  a  sale  of  the  effects 
of  Count  Michael-Angelo  Cambiasi.  After  a  copy  had  been  made  and  deposited  in 
the  archives  at  Turin,  this  second  copy  was  deposited  in  a  marble  custodia,  surmounted 
by  a  bust  of  Columljus,  and  placed  in  the  palace  of  the  Doges  in  Genoa."  These 
documents,  with  two  of  the  letters  addressed  (March  21,  1502,  and  Dec.  27, 
1504)  °  to  Oddrigo,  were  published  in  Genoa  in  1823  in  the  Codice  diplomatico 
Colombo- Americano,  edited  with  a  biographical  introduction  by  Giovanni  IJattista 
S])otorno.*  A  third  letter  (April  2,  1502),  addressed  to  the  governors  of  the  Bank 
of  St.  George,  was  not  printed  by  Spotorno,  but  was  given  in  English  in  1 85 1  in  the 
Memorials  of  Columbus  by  Robert  Dodge,  published  by  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society.* 

The  State  Archives  of  Genoa  were  transferred  from  the  Ducal  Palace,  in  181 7, 
to  the  Palazzetto,  where  they  now  are  ;  and  Harrisse's  account'  of  them  tells  us  what 
they  do  not  contain  respecting  Columbus,  rather  than  what  they  do.  We  also  learn 
from  him  something  of  the  "  Archives  du  Notariat  Gt^nois,"  and  of  the  collections 
formed  by  the  Senator  Federico  Federici  (d.  1647),  by  Gian  Battista  Richeri  {circa 
1724),  and  by  others  ;  but  they  seem  to  have  afforded  Harrisse  little  more  than  stray 
notices  of  early  members  of  the  Colombo  family. 

Washington  Ir\ing  refers  to  the  *'  self-sustained  zeal  of  one  of  the  last  veterans 
of  Spanish  literature,  who  is  almost  alone,  yet  indefatigable,  in  his  labors  in  a  country 
where  at  present  literary  exertion  meets  with  but  little  excitement  or  reward." 
Such  is  his  introduction  of  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete,'  who  was  born  in  1765 


]| 


1  Christophe  Colomfi,  i.  20. 

-  Sec  post,  p.  77.  A  tliiid  copy,  made  by 
Columbus'  direction  w.is  sent  to  liis  factor  in 
Ilispaniola,  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal.  This 
is  not  known  ;  and  Harrisse  does  not  show  that 
the  archives  of  .Santo  Domingo  offer  much  of 
interest  of  so  e.arlv  a  date.  A  fourth  copy  was 
deposited  in  the  monastery  of  the  Cuevas  at 
Seville,  and  is  probably  the  one  which  his  son, 
Diego,  was  directed  to  send  to  Caspar  Gorri- 
cio.  Cf.  Harrisse,  Christophe  Colomb,  i.  16-23, 
41,46. 

3  This  letter  is  given  in  fac-siniile  in  the  Na- 
varrete Collection,  French  translation,  vol.  iii. 

■•  This  book  was  reprinted  at  Cicnoa  in  1S5-, 
with  additions,  edited  by  Giuseppe  Banchero, 
and  translated  into  English,  and  published  in 
1.S23  in  London,  as  Memorials  of  a  Collection  of 
Aulliciilic  Doiuments,  etc.  A  Spanish  edition 
was  issued  at  Havana   in    1867    {Leclerc,  nos. 


■34>  '35)-  Wagner,  in  his  Colombo  niid  seine 
Entdcckiiugeu  (Lcipsic,  1825),  makes  use  of 
Spotorno,  .-ind  translates  the  letters.  These 
and  other  letters  are  also  given  in  Torre's 
Scritti  di  Colombo ;  in  the  Let/ere  iii/tot^rn/e  di 
Colombo,  Milan,  iS6j;  and  in  Navarrete 's  Co- 
leccion,  vol.  ii.  following  the  text  of  those  in  the 
Veraguas  collections.  Cf.  North  Amcricati  Re- 
view, .wiii.  417  ;  x.xi.  398. 

*•  Dodge  also  translated  the  other  letters. 
Photographic  fac-similes  of  these  letters  are  in 
the  Harvard  College  Library  and  in  the  Library 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  See 
the  Proceedings  of  the  latter  Society,  P'ebruary, 
1S70. 

*  Christophe  Colomb,  p.  II. 

'  Prescott,  in  the  jirefacc  to  his  Afexicc^ 
speaks  of  him  as  "zealously  devoted  to  letters  ; 
while  his  reputation  as  a  scholar  was  enhanced 
by  the  higher  qualities  which  he  possessed  as 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

anil  as  a  young  man  gave  some  active  ami  meritorious  sen'ice  in  the  Spanisii  navy. 
In  1789  he  was  forced  by  il!-healtli  to  abandon  the  sea.  He  then  accepted  a  commis- 
sion from  Charles  IV.  to  examine  all  the  depositories  of  documents  in  the  kingdom, 
and  arrange  the  material  to  be  found  in  illustration  of  the  history  of  the  Spanish 
navy.'  This  work  he  continueil,  with  interruptions,  till  1S25,  when  he  began  at 
Madrid  the  publication  of  his  Cokccion  dc  los  viagcs  y  descubrimicnlos  que  hicieron 
'  por  mar  los  Espanolcs  desde  fines  del  siglo  XV.,"^  which  reached  an  extent  of  five 
volumes,  and  was  completed  in  1837.  It  put  in  convenient  printeil  form  more  than 
five  hundred  documents  of  great  value,  between  the  dates  of  1393  and  1540.  A 
sixth  and  seventh  volume  were  left  unfinished  at  his  deatii,  which  occurred  in  1844, 
at  the  age  of  seventy-eight.*  His  son  afterward  gathered  some  of  his  minor  writings, 
including  biographies  of  early  navigators,*  and  printed  (1848)  them  as  a  Cokccion  dc 
opi'isculos ;  anil  in  1851  another  of  his  works,  Bibliokca  marUima  Espatiola,  was 
printed  at  Madrid  in  two  volumes." 

The  first  two  volumes  of  his  collection  (of  which  volumes  there  was  a  second 
edition  in  1858)  bore  the  distinctive  title,  Rclacioncs,  cartas  y  otros  docnmcntos,  conccr- 
iiicnks  d  los  citatro  viagcs  que  hizo  el  Almirante  D.  Cristobal  Colon  para  el  dcscit- 
brimiento  de  las  Indias  occidcntaks,  and  Docnmcntos  diplomdticos.  Tiiree  years  later 
(1828)  a  French  version  of  these  two  volumes  appeared  at  Paris,  which  Na\arrete 
himself  revised,  and  which  is  further  enriched  with  notes  by  Humboldt,  Jomartl, 
^\'alckenaer,  and  others."  This  I'"rench  edition  is  entitled  :  delation  dcs  qnatrcs  voyages 
entrepris  par  Ch.  Colomb  pour  la  dccouvertc  dit  Nonvcan  Monde  de  1492  a  1504, 
tradiiite  par  Chaliimcau  de  Vcrncnil  et  de  la  Roqucttc.  It  is  in  three  volumes,  and  is 
worth  about  twenty  francs.  .An  Italian  version,  iVarrazione  dci  quattro  viaggi,  etc., 
was  made  by  F.  Giuntini,  and  ajjpeared  in  two  volumes  at  Prato  in  1S40-1841." 

Navarrete's  literary  labors  did  not  prevent  much  conspicuous  service  on  his  part, 
both  at  sea  and  on  land  ;  and  in  1823,  not  long  before  he  published  his  great  CoUeo 
tion,  he  became  the  head  of  the  Spanish  hydrographic  bureau.'  .Vfter  his  death  the 
Spanish  Academy  printed  (1846)  his  historical  treatise  on  the  Art  of  Navigation 
and  kindred  subjects  (Disertacion  sobre  la  historia  de  la  ndntica^),  which  was  an 
enlargement  of  an  earlier  essay  published  in  1802. 


.T  m.in,  —  by  his  benevolence,  his  simplicity  of 
manners,  .ind  unsullied  mor.il  worth." 

1  Ills  projected  work  on  the  Spanish  navy 
was  never  printed,  though  a  fragment  of  it 
appeared  in  the  Memorias  of  the  Academy  of 
History  (Tickiior  Cutiiioi^m;  p.  247). 

-  Leclerc  s.iys  it  is  "  difticile  a  trouvcr,"  and 
prices  it  at  80  francs.  The  Knglish  price  is 
from  £2  to  £2,.  A  letter  by  Navarrctc,  descrip- 
tive of  his  Coleccion,  is  to  be  found  in  Zach's 
CorrcsponJmce,  xi.  446.  Cf.  also  Duflot  de 
Mofra-,  Meiidoza  et  A'n-arrete,  Paris,  1845, 
quoted  by  Ilarrissc,  Christoplu  Colomb,  \.  67. 

'  There  is  a  memoir  of  him,  with  a  catalogue 
of  his  works,  in  the  Coleccion  de  docunientos  hu'd- 
itos,  vol.  vi.;  and  of  those  published  and  unpub- 
lished  in   his   Biblioteca  maritima  Espaiiohi,  ii. 


458-470.  These  si.xth  and  seventh  volumes  have 
never  been  ])iiblishcd.  The  si.\th  was  to  cover 
the  voyages  of  Grijalvaand  I.opcsdc  Villalobos. 
Harrisse  (C/iristo/<lr  Colomh,  i.  68)  learned  that 
the  Cartas  dc  Iihi..i  (Madrid,  1S77)  cont.'.ins 
some  ]iarts  of  what  was  to  appear  in  vol.  vii. 

■*  Columbus,  Vcspucius,  f  Ijeda,  Magellan,  etc. 

^  It  is  an  alphabetical  (by  (.'hristian  names, 
—  a  not  uncommr—  Sjjanish  fashion)  record  of 
writers  on  mari.  i.e  subjects,  with  sketches  of 
their  lives  and  works. 

^  Cf.  an  article  in  the  A'orth  American  Ri-.'ie-iv, 
x.xiv.  265,  by  Caleb  Gushing. 

'  These  form  vols.  i.  and  ii.  of  Mannocchi's 
Collection  (Leclerc,  no.  133). 

*  Uancroft,  Central  America,  i.  199. 

8    licknor  Catalogue,  p.  247. 


ii 


■  t 


%■ 


VI 


INTRODUCTIOy 


■  i; 
1,, 
(' 

If 


i  H 


i^. 


While  Navarretc's  great  work  was  in  jj^press  at  Madriil,  Mr.  Alexander  Ii. 
Everett,  the  .\iiieriean  Minister  at  tliat  Court,  urj^ed  upon  Washington  Ir\ing,  then  at 
Bordeaux,  the  translation  into  I'.nglish  of  the  new  material  which  Navarrcte  was  jjre- 
paring,  togethi.-r  witii  his  Commentary.  Upon  this  incentiv.-  Irving  went  to  Madrid 
and  inspected  the  work,  which  was  soon  pul)lishcd.  His  sense  of  the  popular  demand 
easily  convinced  him  that  a  continuous  narrative,  based  upon  Navarrete's  material, — 
hut  leaving  himself  free  to  use  all  other  hel[)S,  —  would  afford  him  better  opportu- 
nities to  display  his  own  graceful  literary  skill,  and  more  readily  to  engage  tue  favor 
of  the  general  reader.  Irving's  judgment  was  well  founded ;  and  Navarrete  never 
(juite  forgave  him  for  making  a  name  more  popularly  ass''"iated  with  that  of  the  great 
discoverer  than  his  own.'  Navarrete  afforded  Irving  at  this  time  much  personal 
helj)  and  encouragement.  Ohailiah  Rich,  the  .American  Consul  at  Valencia,  under 
whose  roof  Irving  lived,  furnished  him,  however,  his  chief  resource  in  a  curious 
and  extensive  library.  To  the  Royal  Library,  and  to  that  of  the  Jesuit  College  of 
S;m  Isidro,  Irving  also  occasionally  resorted.  The  Duke  of  Veraguas  took  jileasure 
in  laying  before  him  his  o.vn  family  archives.-  The  result  was  the  Life  and  Voyages 
of  Christopher  Columbus ;  and  in  the  Pn  face,  dated  at  Madrid  in  1827,^  Ir\ing  made 
full  acknowledgment  of  the  services  which  had  been  rendered  to  him.  This  work 
was  followed,  not  long  after,  by  the  I'oyages  and  Discoveries  of  the  Companions  of 
Columbus ;  and  ever  since,  in  English  and  other  languages,  the  two  books  have  kept 
constant  company.* 

Ir\ing  ]5roved  an  amiable  hero-worshipper,  and  Columbus  was  pictured  with  few 
(juestionable  traits.  Tiie  writer's  literary  canons  did  not  call  for  the  scrutiny  which 
destroys  a  world's  exemplar.  "  One  of  the  most  salutary  purposes  of  history,"  he 
says,  "  is  to  furnish  examples  of  what  human  genius  and  laudable  enterprise  may 
accomplish,"  —  and  such  brilliant  examples  must  be  rescued  from  the  "  perni- 
cious erudition "  of  the  investigator.  IiTing's  method  at  least  had  the  effect  to 
conciliate  the  upholders  of  the  saintly  character  of  the  discoverer ;  and  the  modem 
school  of  the  De  Lorgues,  who  have  been  urging  the  canonization  of  Columbus,  find 
Ir\ing's  ideas  of  him  higher  and  juster  than  those  of  Navarrete. 

Henri  Ternaux-Compans  printed  his  Voyages,  relations,  et  memoires  originaux 
pour  scrrir  cl  riiistoirc  de  la  decouvcrtc  de  r.Amcrique,  between   1837  and  1841.' 


I 


'  Magazine  of  A>iieri<(iti  History,  iii.  176. 
Cf.,  however,  X.nvarrete's  generous  estirMte  of 
Irving's  l.nbors  in  the  Introduction  to  the  thifl 
volume  of  his  Coleccioii. 

-  The  stoiv  of  tliis  undertaking:  is  told  in 
Pierre  Irving's  Life  of  W'ashingloii  /'T/V/i;',  vol.  ii. 
chaps,  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.  The  hook  was  kindly  re- 
viewed bv  Mr.  A.  II.  Everett  in  the  North  Ameri- 
am  A^Tinc,  January,  lS2(j  'vol.  wviii).  Cf.  other 
citations  and  references  in  .Mlilione's  Victioiiary, 
.343,  and  Poole's  /luiix,  p.  2S0.  A  portion,  at 
least,  of  the  manuscript  of  the  book  is  in  exist- 
ence (Afassiic/insctt.'!  Historical  Soiii-ty's  Procivil- 
i'lgs,  XX.  201).     Longfellow  testified  to  Irving's 


devotion  to  his  subject  (Proc,  iv.  394).  See 
post,  p,  68. 

■■•  Irving  also  early  made  an  abridged  edition, 
to  foresiall  the  action  of  others. 

*  Their  bil;'iography  is  fully  given  in  .Sabin, 
vol.  i.\.  ]).  150. 

■'■  It  was  completed  in  twenty  volumes,  and  is 
now  worth  from  250  to  300  francs.  Sec  Leclerc, 
no.  562,  for  contents ;  Field's  Indian  Bibliogra- 
phv,  no.  T,540  ;  .\lexander  Voung  in  \orth  Amer- 
iiaii  A'cTvWc,  xlv,  222.  Ternaux  died  in  1864 
Santarem  speaks  of  "  the  sumptuous  stores  of 
his  splendid  American  library."  Cf.  H,  11. 
Bancroft,  Central  America,  ii.  759. 


if 


INTRODUCTION. 


Vll 


Alexander   H. 

Irving,  then  at 
arretc  was  prc- 
ent  to  Madrid 
opiilar  demand 
e's  material,  — 
better  opjjortii- 
iiga^^e  tue  favor 
lavarrcte  never 
at  of  the  great 
much  personal 
Valencia,  under 
e  in  a  curious 
suit  College  of 
i  took  j)leasure 
[fc  and  I  'fly ages 
7,"  Irving  made 
m.     This  work 

Companions  of 
)ooks  have  kept 

ictured  with  few 
scrutiny  which 
of  history,"  he 
enterprise  may 
the  "  perni- 
the  effect  to 
nd  the  nioilem 
Columbus,  find 


oircs  ong-.naux 
37   and  1841.' 

.,  iv.  394).    See 

abridged  edition, 

;•  given  in  Sabin, 

y  volumes,  and  is 
ics.  See  Leclerc, 
India  tt  Biblio^a- 
g  in  \orth  Anier- 
iix  died  in  1S64 
iptuous  stores  of 

cf.  H.  a 

759- 


This  collection  included  rare  books  and  about  seventy-five  original  documents,  which 
it  is  susijected  may  have  been  obtained  during  the  French  occupation  of  Spain. 
Tern..iix  published  his  Archives  des  voyages,  in  two  volumes,  at  Paris  in  1840;'  a 
minor  part  of  it  pertains  to  American  affairs.  Another  volume,  published  at  the  same 
tir^'.',  is  often  found  with  it,  —  Rcciuil  de  documents  el  memoires  originaiix  sur  I'/iistoire 
des  possessions  Espagnoles  dans  rAmerique,  whose  contents,  it  is  saiil,  were  derived 
from  the  Muiioz  Collection. 

The  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid  began  in  1842  a  series  of  documentary  illus- 
trations which,  though  devoted  to  the  history  of  Spain  in  general  {Coleceion  de  doeii- 
mcntos  ineditos  para  la  liistoria  de  Espaua),  contains  much  matter  (jf  the  first  impor- 
tance in  respect  to  the  history  of  her  colonies.'''  Navarrete  was  one  of  the  original 
editors,  but  lived  only  to  see  five  volumes  published.  Salv;\,  Haranda,  and  others 
have  continued  the  publication  since,  which  now  amounts  to  eighty  voliunes,  of  which 
vols.  62,  63,  and  64  are  the  famous  history  of  Las  Casas,  then  for  the  first  time  put 
in  print. 

In  1 864  a  new  series  was  begun  at  Madrid,  — Cokccion  de  dociimentos  ineditos  rela- 
tivos  al  desc.ibrimiento,  conqiiista  y  colonizacion  de  las  posesiones  Espanolas  en  America 
y  Oceania,  sacados,  en  su  mayor  parte,  del  Real  Archivo  de  Indias.  Nearly  forty 
volumes  have  thus  far  been  published,  under  the  editing  of  Joacjuin  V.  Pacheco,  Fran- 
cisco de  CArdenas,  and  Luis  T'orres  de  Mendoza  at  the  start,  but  with  changes  later 
in  the  editorial  staff.'' 

Mr.  E.  G.  Squier  edited  at  New  York  in  i860  a  work  called  Collection  of  Rare 
and  Original  Documents  and  Relations  concerning  the  Discovery  and  Conquest  of 
America,  chiefly  from  the  Spanish  Archives,  in  the  original,  with  Translations,  A'otes, 
Maps,  and  Sketches.  There  was  a  small  edition  only,  —  one  hundred  copies  on  small 
paper,  and  ten  on  large  paper.*  This  was  but  one  of  a  large  collection  of  manuscripts 
relative  to  Central  America  and  Mexico  which  Mr.  Squier  had  collected,  partly  during 
his  term  as  charge  d'affaires  in  1849.  Out  of  these  he  intended  a  series  of  publica- 
tions, which  never  went  beyond  this  first  number.  The  collection  "  consists,"  says 
Bancroft,'^  "  of  extracts  and  copies  of  letters  and  reports  of  audicncias,  governors, 
bishops,  and  various  governmental  officials,  taken  from  the  Spanish  archives  at  Madrid 
and  from  the  library  of  the  Spanish  Royal  Academy  of  History,  mostly  under  the 
direction  of  the  indefatigable  collector,  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith." 

Early  Spanish  manuscripts  on  America  in  the  British  Museum  are  noted  in 
its  Index  to  Manuscripts,  1854-1875,  p.  31  ;  and  Gayangos'  Catalogue  of  Spanish 
Manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  vol.  ii.,  has  a  section  on  .-Kmerica." 


1  Now  worth  from  5i2  to  S15. 

'^  Cf.  contents  in  Tichior  Cutalogue,  p.  87. 

'  Cf.  Magazine  of  American  History,  i.  256 ; 
ii.  256  ;  (by  Mr.  Krevoort),  iii.  175  (March,  i^'/g) ; 
Sabin,  Dictionary,  vol.  xiv.  no.  58,072.  Leclerc, 
BiHiot/ieca  Americana,  Sitfipthnent,  no.  3,016,  for 
22  vols.  \  )o  francs).  Harrisse,  referring  to 
this  collection,  says  :  "  It  is  really  painful  to 
see  the  little  method,  discrimination,  and  knowl- 
edge displayed  by  the  editors."  The  docu- 
VOL.   II.  —  C. 


ments  on  Columbus  largely  repeat  those  given 
by  Navarrete. 

*  Sabin,  Dictionary,  vol.  xiv.  no.  58,270. 

*  II.  II.  Bancroft,  Central  America,  \.  4S4 ; 
ii.  736. 

•■  Collections  like  that  of  Icazbalceta  on 
Mexico  may  be  barely  mentioned  in  this  place, 
since  their  characteristics  can  better  be  defined 
in  more  special  relations.  I'rescott  had  eight 
thousand  manuscript  pages  of  copies  of  docu- 


It 


II 


Vlll 


INTRODUCTION. 


. 


,«^'^ 


;  I 


Regarding  the  chances  of  further  developments  ii>  depositories  of  manuscripts, 
Harrisse,  in  his  AWcj  w;  6'(V//;«/'//j-,' says :  "  For  Jie  I'resent  the  historian  will  find 
enough  to  gather  from  the  Arcliivo  (leneral  de  Indias  in  the  Lonja  at  Seville,  which 
( ontains  as  many  as  forty-seven  tiioiisand  huge  packages,  brought,  within  the  last  fifty 
years,  from  all  parts  of  Spain,  liut  the  richest  mine  as  yet  unexplored  we  suppose 
to  !;•;  the  archives  of  the  monastic  orilers  in  Italy  ;  as  all  the  exjjcditions  to  the  New 
World  were  accompanied  by  Franciscan,  Dominican,  Benedictine,  and  other  monks, 
who  maintained  an  active  corres|)ondence  with  the  iieatls  of  tiieir  res|)ective  congre- 
gations. The  private  archives  of  the  Dukes  of  Veraguas,  Medina-Sidonia,  and  Del 
Infantado,  at  Madrid,  are  very  ricii.  There  is  scarce  anything  relating  to  that  early 
period  left  in  Simancas ;  but  the  original  documents  in  the  Torre  do  Tombo  at 
Lisbon  aie  all  intact." - 

Among  the  latest  contributions  to  the  documentary  history  of  the  Spanish  coloniza- 
tion is  a  large  folio,  Cartas  de  Indias,  puhHialas  por  primera  rez  el  miiiisterio  d. 
fonuiito,  issued  in  Madrid  in  1877  imtler  the  ausjjices  of  the  Spanish  Government. 
It  contains  one  iumdred  and  eiglit  letters,  covering  the  i)eriod  1496  to  1586,  the 
earliest  date  being  a  supposed  one  for  a  letter  of  Columbus  which  is  without  date." 


nients  relating  to  Mexico  .niul  rem.  C'f.  I'refacc 
to  his  Mexico.  \\\  1792  Father  .Manuel  <lc  la 
Vega  collected  in  Mexico  thirty-two  folio  vol- 
umes of  ])a|)ers,  in  obedience  to  an  order  of  the 
Spanish  (iovernment  to  gather  all  documents 
to  be  found  in  New  Spain  "fitted  to  illustrate 
the  antiquities,  geography,  civil,  ecclesiastical, 
and  natural  history  of  America,"  and  transuiil 
copies  of  them  to  Madrid  (I'rescott,  Miwico, 
iii.  409). 

'  This  book  was  priv.atv.  •  ,irintcd  (ninety- 
five  copies)  for  Mr.  S.  L.  M.  li.irlow,  of  New 
York.  It  has  thrice,  at  least,  occurred  in  sales 
(.Menzies,  no.  1S94,  —  S.i;7.5o  ;  J.  J.  Cooke, 
vol.  iii.  no.  580;  Urinley,  no.  17).  It  is  an 
extremely  valuable  key  to  the  do.  umcntary  and 
printed  references  on  Columbus'  career.  To 
a  verv  small  number  (nine)  (/  a  separate  issue 
of  the  portion  relating  to  the  letters  of  Colum- 
bus, a  new  Preface  was  added  in  1S65.  Cf. 
Krnest  Dcsjardin's  Rapport  siir  Ics  dvux  oirr- 
r(ii;cs  dc  biHiographic  Amiri  inc  tie  .)/.  Iliiiri 
Ifarrisse  (Paris,  1867.  p.  8),  extracted  from  the 
Jiitl/i'liii  dc'  la  Societt'  dc  Gco<;raphie.  The  article 
on  Columbus  in  Sabin's  Dictionary  (iv.  274, 
etc.)  is  based  on  Harrisse,  with  revisions.  Cf. 
references  in  H  il.  liancroft.  Central  America, 
i.  23S ;  .Saint-Martin,  Ilistoirc  de  la  );i'oi;rap/iie 
(1873),  P-  3'9i  ^'-  *'•  Cancellieri's  Desserlazi- 
oni  epistolari  bibliografichc  sopra  Colombo,  etc. 
(Rome,   1809). 

2  The  .Archives  of  Venice,  at  the  beginning 
of  this  century,  contained  memorials  of  Colum- 
bus which  can  no  longer  be  found  (Marin, 
Storia  civile  e politica  del comniercio  de'  I'oteziaiii, 
Venezia,  1800;  Harrisse,  Pibl.  Anier.    I'ct.  Ad- 


ditions, p.  xxi).  This  is  perhaps  owing  to  the 
Austrian  depredation  upon  the  Venetian  ar- 
chives in  the  Frari  and  Marciana  in  1.S03-1805, 
and  in  1S66.  Not  a  little,  however,  of  use  has 
been  preserved  i\i  the  Calendar  0/  State  Papers 
in  the  Archives  of  I'enice  published  by  the  lirit- 
ish  (lovernment,  in  the  Rolls  .Series,  since  1864. 
They  jjrimarily  illustrate  English  history,  but 
al'ford  some  light  upon  American  aflfairs.  Onlv 
six  volumes  ,the  last  volume  iii  uirec  parts) 
have  been  printed.  Mr.  Rawdon  lirown  who 
edited  them,  long  a  resident  of  Italy,  dy.ne  at 
Venice,  Aug.  25,  1.S83,  at  eighty,  has  sent,  during 
his  labors  in  this  field,  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  volumes  of  manuscript  copies  to  the  English 
Public  Record  Office. 

■*  Of  these,  twenty-nine  arc  also  given  in  fac- 
simile ;  there  are  besides  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  fac-similes  of  autographs.  The  volume  is 
priced  at  150  marks  and  300  francs.  Cf.  Eeclerc, 
no.  2,688.  II.  H.  liancroft  (Mexico,  ii.  606)  says 
of  the  volume  :  "  There  are  .about  two  hundred 
and  twenty-four  pages  of  geographical  notes, 
vocabulary,  biographical  data,  a  glossary,  and 
cuts,  maps,  and  indexes.  The  letters  and  fac- 
similes, from  the  first  to  the  last,  are  valuable 
in  a  historic  sense,  and  the  vocabulary  is  use- 
ful ;  but  the  biographical  and  historical  data 
arc  not  always  reliable,  numerous  errors  hav- 
ing been  detected  in  comparing  with  official  rec- 
ords and  v.iLn  memoranda  of  witnesses  of  the 
events  related."  Mr.  Bancroft's  own  library  is 
said  to  contain  twelve  hundred  volumes  of  manu- 
script amassed  for  his  own  work;  but  a  large 
portion  of  them,  it  is  supposed,  do  'lot  concern 
the  Spanish  history  of  the  Pacific  coast. 


The 
will' 
hi^ 

Xiii 

del . 
y  ac 

cess 


after 

t.iry 

signe 

died 

The 

cont; 

numi 

J'ro; 

and 

first 

was 

did  1 


.  'I 


INTRODUCTION.  faf 

The  'ate  Mr.  George  Dexter,'  who  has  printed  •'  a  translation  of  this  letter  (together 
with  one  of  another  letter,  Feb.  6,  1502,  and  oiir  of  Veiipucius,  Dec.  9,  150S),  gives 
hii?  reasons  for  thinking  the  dale  should  he  lu'twcen  March  15  and  Sept.  25,  1493.' 

.■\t  .Madriil  and  I'aris  was  pnblislicd,  in  18X3,  a  single  octavo  volume,  —  Costa- Kiai, 
xXiiiiragiia  y  I'anamd  en  el  si^/o  XVJ.,  sit  historia  y  sus  iimltes  six'u/i  los  do:umentos 
i/d  Archivo  dc  Indias  de  Sa'illa,  del  de  Simatieas,  ete.,  recogidos  y  pnblkados  con  nolas 
y  ifdiiranoiu's  historicas y  geof^riiftcas, por  D.  Maniu'  Af.  </<■  /\ni//tj. 

The  more  special  and  restricted  ilocumentary  sources  are  examined  in  the  suc- 
cessive chapters  of  the  present  volume. 


Spanish  coloniza- 


•  Mr.  Dexter,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  in  1858, 
.ifter  must  serviceable  labors  as  Kccording  .Secre- 
tary 01  I  e  M,.ssachiisetts  Historical  Society,  re- 
signed that  |)ii>ition  on  account  of  ill  health,  and 
(lied  at  Santa  Harbara,  California,  Dec.  i8,  iS.Sj. 
The  rnuMliiif^s  of  tlie  Society  for  January,  1884, 
cnntaii;  tributes  to  his  memory.  Various  com- 
munications in  earlier  volumes  of  the  same 
J'lvadhixs  show  the  painstaking  of  his  research, 
and  the  accuracy  of  his  literary  method.  The 
first  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  of  the  present  History 
was  his  last  cffo.'t  in  historical  study,  and  he 
did  not  live  10  correct  the  proofs.     His  death 


has  narrowed  the  circle  of  those  helpful  friends 
who  h;ive  been  ever  ready  to  assist  the  Kditor 
in  his  present  labors. 

-  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.y  xvi.  318  ;  also  issued 
sc|iarately.  The  letters  of  Columbus  are  also 
translated  in  the  .\fiii;iizinf  of  Aiiifriciin  History, 
January,  i88j,  p.  53. 

"  An  Italian  version  of  the  letters  of  Colum- 
bus and  Vespucius,  with  fac-similes  of  the  let- 
ters ( 7'/r  letters  di  Colombo  ed  V\'s/^ucci),  edited 
by  Augusto  Zeri,  was  printed  (six  hundred  cop- 
ies) at  Rome  in  iSSl.  Cf.  Murphy  Catalo;.;ue, 
no.  642. 


/ 


-t 


// 


)j 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

COLUMliUS  AND   MIS   DlSCOVIiRIES. 

IIY  JUSTIN   WINSOK, 

Til,-   lUlilor. 


BEYOND  his  birth,  of  poor  and  respectable  parents,  we  know  nothing 
positively  about  the  earliest  years  of  Columbus.  His  father  was 
probably  a  wool-comber.  The  boy  had  the  ordinary  schooling  of  his 
time,  and  a  touch  of  university  life  during  a  few  months  passed  at  Pavia; 
then  at  fourteen  he  chose  to  become  a  sailor.  A  seaman's  career  in 
those  days  implied  adventures  more  or  less  of  a  piratical  kind.  There  are 
intimations,  however,  that  in  the  int  als  of  this  exciting  life  he  followed 
the  more  humanizing  occupation  of  :  filing  books  in  Genoa,  and  perhaps 
got  some  employment  in  the  making  of  charts,  for  he  had  a  deft  hand  at 
design.  We  know  his  brother  Bartholomew  was  earning  his  living  in  this 
way  when  Columbus  joined  him  in  Lisbon  in  1470.  Previous  to  this  there 
seems  to  be  some  degree  of  certainty  in  connecting  him  with  voyages 
made  by  a  celebrated  admiral  of  his  time  bearing  the  same  family  name, 
Colombo;  he  is  also  said  to  have  joined  the  naval  expedition  of  John  of 
Anjou  against  Naples  in  1459.^  Again,  he  may  have  been  the  companion 
of  another  notorious  corsair,  a  nephew  of  the  one  already  mentioned,  as  is 
sometimes  n.aiitained  ;  but  this  sea-rover's  proper  name  seems  to  have  been 
more  likely  C.'.seneuve,  though  he  was  sometimes  called  Coulon  or  Colon.'^ 


'  Irvinj;'s  Life  of  Coliimhus^  ai)p.  no.  vii. 

2  Ferdinand  Columbus  tried  to  m.ike  his 
readers  believe  that  his  father  was  of  some  kin- 
ship with  this  corsair.  The  story  of  Columbus 
esca])ing  on  an  oar  fr(5ni  a  naval  fight  off  Ca])e 
St.  Vincent,  and  entering  I'cirtug;il  by  floating  to 
the  shore,  does  not  agree  with  known  facts  in  his 
life  of  the  alleged  date.  (Ilurrissc,  Zw  Colombo, 
VOL.    II.  —  I. 


p.  36.)  .Mlegri  Allegretti,  in  his  Ef'luiiiciiihs 
Seneuscs  ah  anno  1450  usijiie  <;</ 1496  (  in  Muratori, 
.xxiii.  827),  gives  a  few  particulars  regarding  the 
early  life  of  Columbus.  (Ilarrisse,  jVoles  an  Co- 
liimhiis,  p.  41.)  Some  of  the  latest  researches 
upon  his  life  previous  to  his  appearing  in  Portu- 
gal are  examined  in  Harrissc's  Fcrnan  Coloind, 
and  in  his  essays  in  support  of  that  book. 


i 


NAKKATIVi;   AND   CKITICAI.    HISTOKY    oK   AMr:i<ICA. 


til- 


•II 


■A 


11 


Columbus  spcMit  tlio  years  i47C>-r4S4  in  Portugal.  It  was  a  time 
wIk'u  tlu-  .lir  was  Cillcd  with  talcs  of  discovery.  Tin;  captains  of  Prince 
Henry  of  I'urtut^.il  liad  been  ^;radu.llly  |)ushinti  tlicir  sliijw  down  tlic  Afri- 
can coast,  and  in  some  of  tiicse  voyaj^es  Columbus  was  a  participant.  To 
one  of  his  navif^ators  Prince  Henry  had  ^{iven  the  jjovernorsiiip  of  the 
Ishmd  of  Porto  S.mto,  of  tiie  Madeira  t;roup.  I'o  the  ilaut^iUer  of  this 
man,  I'ercstrello,' Columbus  was  married;  ami  with  his  widow  Columbus 
lived,  and  derived  what  advantajje  he  could  from  the  papers  and  charts 
of  the  ok!  navi^,'ator.  'I'here  was  a  tie  between  his  own  and  iiis  wife's 
family  in  the  fact  that  IVrestrello  was  an  Italian,  and  seems  to  have  been 
of  ^'ooil  f.imily,  but  to  have  left  little  or  no  inheritance  for  his  daughter 
beyond  some  property  in  Porto  Santo,  which  Columbus  went  to  enjoy. 
On  this  island  Columbus'  son   Die^o   was   born   in   1474. 

It  was  in  this  same  >ear  (1474)  that  he  had  some  correspondence  with 
the  Italian  savant,  Toscanelli,  re^jardin^f  the  discovery  of  land  westward. 
A  belief  in  such  discovery  was  a  natural  corollary  of  the  object  which 
Prince  Henry  had  had  in  view,  —  by  circumnavigating^  Africa  to  find  a  way 
to  the  countries  of  which  .Marco  Polo  had  given  golden  accounts.  It  was 
to  substitute  for  the  tedious  indirection  of  the  African  route  a  direct  western 
passage,  —  a  belief  in  the  practicability  of  which  was  ilrawn  from  a  confidence 
in  the  sphericity  of  the  earth.  Meanwhile,  gathering  what  hope  he  could 
by  reading  the  ancients,  by  conferring  with  wise  men,  and  by  questioning 
mariners  returned  from  voyages  which  had  borne  them  more  or  less  west- 
erly on  the  great  ocean,  Columbus  suffered  the  thought  to  germinate  as  it 
would  in  his  mind  for  several  years.  Iwen  on  the  voyages  which  he  made 
hither  and  thither  for  gain,  —  once  far  north,  to  Iceland  even,  or  perhaps 
only  to  the  Faroe  Islands,  as  is  inferred,  —  and  in  active  participation  in 
various  warlike  and  marauding  expeditions,  like  the  attack  on  the  Venetian 
galleys  near  Cape  St.  Vincent  in  141^5,"  he  constantly  came  in  contact  with 
those  who  could  give  him  hints  affecting  his  theory.  Through  all  these 
years,  however,  we  know  not  certainly  what  were  the  vicissitudes  which  fell 
to  his  lot.^ 

It  seems  possible,  if  not  probable,  that  Columbus  went  to  Genoa  and 
Venice,  and  in  the  first  instance  presented  his  scheme  of  western  explora- 
tion to  the  authorities  of  those  cities.''  He  may,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
tried  earlier  to  get  the  approval  of  the  King  of  Portugal.  In  this  case 
the  visit  to  Italy  m.^y  have  occurred  in  the  year  following  his  departure 
from  Portugal,  which  is  nearly  a  blank  in  the  record  of  his  life.     De  Lorgues 

•  This  name  is  sometimes  given  Ptilestrtllo.  <  It  cannot  but  be  remarltecl  how   Italy,  in 
■^  Rawdon  Brown's  Cali'itdiir  0/  S/iiU  Papers     Columbus,  Cabot,  and  Vespucius,  not  to  name 

/'//  tlu  Archives  of  Vcnict\  vol.  i.  (1S64).  others,  led  in  opening  the  way  to  a  new  stage  in 

*  Prescott  (Fcrdimvid  and  /sti/u-Hd,  ed.  1S73,  the  world's  jirogress,  which  by  making  the 
vol.  ii.  p.  123)  says:  "The  discrepancies  among  Atlantic  the  highway  of  a  commerce  that  had 
the  earliest  authorities  are  such  as  to  render  mainly  nurtured  Italy  on  the  Mediterranean, 
hopeless  any  attempt  to  settle  with  precision  conduced  to  start  her  republics  on  that  decline 
the  chronology  of  Columbus's  movements  pre-  which  the  Turk,  sweeping  through  that  inland 
vious  to  his  first  voy.ige."  sea,  confirmed  and  accelerated. 


k' 


if. 


IICA. 


COLUMHUS   AND    HIS    UlSCOVLKItS. 


was  a  time 
ins  of  I'rincc 
>\vi)  the  Afri- 
■ticii)ant.  To 
)rsliip  of  the 
ij^litcr  of  this 
L)\v  Cohimljus 
rs  and  cliarts 
lul    liis   wife's 

to  have  been 
•  Iiis  ilau^lUer 
cut   to  enjoy. 

londence  with 
uui   westward. 

object  which 
;  to  find  a  way 
uiints.  It  was 
direct  western 
11  a  confidence 
lope  he  could 
jy  questioning 
:  or  less  west- 
erminatc  as  it 
Iiich  he  made 
,'n,  or  perhaps 
articipation  in 

the  Venetian 
contact  with 

ugh  all  these 
es  which  fell 

to  Genoa  and 

tern  explora- 

r  hand,  have 

In   this  case 

lis  departure 

Do  Lorgues 

vcd  liow  Italy,  in 
Kins,  not  to  name 
to  a  new  stage  in 
by  making  the 
nimcrcc  that  had 
Mcditerranc.in, 
3  on  that  decline 
rough  that  inland 


M 


believes  in  the  anterior  Italian  visit,  when  both  Genoa  .\nd  Wnicc  rejected 
his  plans;  and  then  makes  him  live  with  his  f.ithcr  .it  S.ivone,  gainin^i  a 
living,'  by  constructinjj  charts,  and  by  sellintj  maps  and  books  in  Genoa. 

It  would  appear  that  in  14S4  Columbus  h.ul  urged  his  views  upon  the 
I'lirtiigiKse  King,  but  with  no  further  success  than  to  induce  the  sovereign 
to  despatch,  on  other  [)retences,  a  vessel  to  undertake  the  passage  westerly  in 
secrecy.  Its  return  without  accomplishing  any  discovery  opened  the  eyes 
of  Columbus  to  the  deceit  which  that  monarch  woidd  have  put  ui)on  him, 
and  he  (k'p.irted  from  the  Tortuguese  dominions  in  not  a  little  disgust.' 

The  ileath  of  his  wife  had  severeil  another  tie  with  I'ortug.il ;  and  taking 
with  him  his  boy  Uiego,  Columbus  left,  to  go  we  scarcely  know  whither,  .so 
obscure  is  the  record  of  his  life  for  the  nest  year.  Mufio/.  claims  for  this 
period  that  he  went  to  Italy.  .Sharon  Turner  has  conjectured  that  he  went 
to  I '.ngl.md ;  but  there  seems  no  ground  to  believe  that  he  had  any  rela- 
tions with  the  Knglish  Court  e.vcept  by  deputy,  for  his  brother  Hartliolomew 
was  despatched  to  lay  his  schemes  before  Henry  VII.-  Whatever  m.ay 
have  been  the  result  of  this  application,  no  answer  seems  to  have  reached 
Coliyiibus  mitil  he  was  committed  to  the  service  of  Spain. 

It  was  in  14S5  or  14S6  —  for  authorities  differ'' — that  a  proposal  was 
laid  by  CoUinibus  before  h'erdinand  and  Is.ibella ;  but  the  steps  were  slow 
by  which  he  made  even  this  progress.  We  know  how,  in  the  popular  story, 
he  presented  himself  .it  the  Franciscan  Convent  of  Santa  Mar{a  de  la 
Rabida,  asking  for  bread  for  himself  and  his  boy.  This  convent  stood  on 
a  steep  promontory  about  half  a  league  from  I'alos,  and  was  then  in  charge 
of  the  Father  Superior  Juan  Ferez  dc  Marchena.''  The  appearance  of  the 
stranger  first,  and  his  talk  next,  interested  the  Prior;  and  it  was  under  his 
advice  and  su|)port  after  a  while  —  when  Martin  Alonzo  Finzon,  of  the 
neighboring  town  of  I'alos,  had  espoused  the  new  thcor)'  —  that  Columbus 
was  passed  on  to  Cordova,  with  such  claims  to  recognition  as  the  Frior  of 
Rabida  coidd  bestow  upon  liim. 

It  was  perhaps  while  success  did  not  seem  likely  here,  in  the  midst  '^'" 
the  preparations  for  a  campaign  against  the  Moorish  kings,  that  his  brother 
Hartholomew  made  his  trip  to  England.''     It  was  also  in  November,  14S6,  it 


•  Notwithstanding  this  disappointinent  of 
Columbus,  it  is  claimed  that  Alfonso  V.,  in  1474, 
had  consulted  Toscanelli  as  to  such  a  western 
passage  "  to  the  land  where  the  spices  grow." 

-  There  is  great  uncertainty  about  this  Kng- 
lish venture,  lienzoni  says  Cobnubus's  ideas 
were  ridiculed  ;  lt.acon  {/-i/f  of  //ciiiv  I'f/.) 
says  the  acceptance  of  them  w.as  delayed  bv 
accident ;  I'urchas  says  they  were  accepted  too 
late.  V.  Cr.adock,  in  the  Dedication  of  his 
H'liilth  Disci'-.'t-rcil,  London,  i(')6r,  regrets  the 
loss  of  honor  which  Henry  VII.  incurred  in  not 
listening  to  the  project.  (Sabin.v.  55.)  Thereis 
much  confusion  of  statement  in  the  e.-irly  writers. 
Cf.  I.as  Casas.  lib.  i.  cap.  29;  Karcia,  Ifist.  d,l 


AliiurantCy  cap.  10;  Ilerrcra,  dec.  i.  lib.  2; 
Ovicdo,  lib.  i.  cap.  4;  Gomara,  cap.  15;  liar- 
risse,  />'//'/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  )).  4. 

•''  As,  for  instance,  Oviedo  and  l?ossi. 

••  The  same  whom  Isabella  .advised  Colum- 
bus to  take  "  as  an  astrologer  "  on  one  of  his 
later  voyages.  Cf.  I'.  Augustin  d'Osimo's  Chris- 
ti'phc  Colomh  ft  U  Pire  Juan  J\rt-z  </<■  Marcluna  ; 
oil,  (/(•  /i(  iti-o/ii'm/ion  i/cs  fraiuiscains  li  hi  Jitou- 
7-t-rlc  de  l'Ai>n'ri</ih\  1S61,  and  I'.  Marcellino  da 
Civczza's  Ilistoire  ginirale  dcs  missions  francis- 
ciiiiiis,  1S63. 

^  Cf.  Schanz  on  "  Die  .Stellung  der  beidcn 
erstcn  Tudors  zu  den  Entdeckungen,"  in  hi* 
En^^liscke  Handdspolitik. 


i 


/\ 


■■^\ 


\ 


:'i 


4  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

•A'ould  seem,  that  Columbus  formed  his  connection  with  licatrix  Hnriquez, 
while  he  was  waiting  in  Cordova  for  the  attention  of  the  monarch  to  be 
disengaged  from  this  Moorish  campaign. 

Among  those  at  this  time  attached  to  the  Court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella was  Alexander  Geraldinus,  then  about  thirty  years  old.  He  was  a 
traveller,  a  man  of  letters,  and  a  mathematician ;  and  it  was  afterward  the 
boast  of  his  kinsman,  who  edited  his  Itiinniriiiiii  ad  trgioiics  sub  iCqiii- 
noctitxli  plaga  coitstitutas^  (Rome,  163 1),  that  Geraldinus,  in  one  way  and 

another,  aided  Columbus  in  pressing 
his  views  upon  their  Majesties.  It 
was  through  Geraldinus'  influence,  or 
through  that  of  others  who  had  be- 
come impressed  with  his  views,  that 
Columbus  finally  got  the  ear  of  Pedro 
Gonzales  de  Mcntloza,  .Archbishop 
of  Toledo.  The  way  was  now  surer. 
The  King  heeded  the  Archbishop's 
advice,  and  a  council  of  learned  men 
was  convened,  b)'  royal  orders,  at 
Salamanca,  to  judge  Columbus  and 
his  theories.  Here  he  was  met  by 
all  that  prejudice,  content,  and  igno- 
rance (as  now  understood,  but  wisdom 
then)  could  bring  to  bear,  in  the  shape 
of  Scriptural  contradictions  of  his 
views,  and  the  pseudo-scientific  dis- 
trust of  what  were  thought  mere  vis- 
ionary aims.  He  met  all  to  his  owu 
satisfaction,  but  not  quite  so  success- 
full)'  to  the  comprehension  of  his 
judges.  He  told  them  that  he  should 
find  Asia  that  way;  and  that  if  he 
did  not,  there  must  be  other  lands 
westerly  quite  as  desirable  to  dis- 
cover. No  conclusion  had  been  reached  when,  in  the  spring  of  1487,  the 
Court  departed  from  Cordova,  and  Columbus  foinid  himself  left  behind 
without  encouragement,  save  in  the  support  of  a  few  whom  he  had  con- 
vinced, —  notably  Diego  de  Deza,  a  friar  destined  to  some  ecclesiastical 
distinction  as  Archbishop  of  Seville. 


COLUMBUS'  .VRMOR.'^ 


'  Stevens,  J/istcriuil  C\>/h\th<ii,  vol.  i.  no. 
l,-(iS;  Lcckre,  no.  235  (120  francs);  C.irtcr- 
Hruwn,  vol.  ii.  no.  376;  .Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no. 
27,116;  Murphy,  no.  1,046.  This  liook,  which 
in  1S32  Rich  i)riceil  at  £1  los.,  has  recently  been 


The  book  was  written  in  1 522;  its  anllior  was 
born  in  1465,  anil  died  in  1525  as  bishop  of 
Santo  Domingo. 

-  Tliis  follows   a  cut   in    Kuge's  Ccschkhtt 
<!vs    '/.citaltcrs  iler   EiUil<:ckuui;cH,  p.   245.      The 


(piotcd  bv  Quaritch  at  ^'5  5^.      Ilarrisse  calls     armor  is  in  the  Collection  in  the  Royal  Palace 

the  book  mendacious  (Xolcs  on  Columbus,  p.  37).      'it  Madrid. 


'I    .  i 


«■ 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS   DISCOVERIES.  5 

Uuriiig  the  next  five  years  Columbus  experienced  evcrj'  vexation  attend- 
ant upon  delay,  varied  b}'  participancy  in  tiie  wars  which  tlie  Court  ur<^cd 
a^^ainst  the  Moors,  and  in  which  he  sought  to  propitiate  the  royal  powers 
b\-  doing  them  good  service  in  the  field.  At  last,  in  1491,  wearied  with 
excuses  of  pre-occupation  and  tiie  ridicule  of  the  King's  atlvisers,  Columbus 
turned  his  back  on  the  Court  and  left  Seville,'  to  try  his  fortune  with  some 
of  the  Grandees.  He  still  urged  in  vain,  and  sought  again  the  Con\ent  of 
Rabida.  Mere  he  made  a  renewed  impression  upon  Marchena;  so  that 
fuialiy,  through  the  Prior's  interposition  with  Isabella,  Columbus  was  sum- 
moned to  Court.  He  arrix'cd  in  time  to  witness  the  surrender  of  Granada, 
and  to  find  the  monarchs  more  at  liberty  to  listen  to  his  words.  There 
seemed  now  a  likelihood  of  reaching  an  end  of  his  tribulations ;  when  his 
demand  of  recognition  as  viceroy,  and  his  claim  to  share  one  tenth  of 
all  income  from  the  territories  to  be  discovered,  frightened  as  well  as  dis- 
gusted those  appointed  to  negx)tiate  with  him,  and  all  came  once  more 
to  an  end.  Columbus  mounted  his  niule  and  started  for  franee.  Two 
finance  ministers  of  the  Crown,  Santangel  for  Arragon  and  (Juintanilla 
for  Castile,  had  been  sufficicmtly  impressed  by  the  new  theor\-  to  look  with 
regret  on  what  they  thought  might  be  a  lost  opportunity.  Isabella  was 
won;   and  a  messenger  was  despatched  to  overtake  Columbus. 

The  fugitive  returneil ;  and  on  April  IJ,  1492,  at  .Santa  Fe,  an  agreement 
was  signed  by  Ferdinand  ami  Isabella  which  gave  Columbus  the  office  of 
high-admiral  and  vicero)-  in  parts  to  be  discovered,  and  an  income  of  one 
eighth  of  the  profits,  in  consideration  of  his  assuming  one  eighth  of  the 
costs.  Castile  bore  the  rest  of  the  expense;  but  Arragon  athanced  the 
money,-  and  the  Pin/.ons  subscribed  the  eighth  part  for  Columbus. 

The  happy  man  now  solemnl)-  vowed  to  use  what  profits  should  accrue 
in  accomplishing  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  Moslems. 
Palos,  owing  some  duty  to  the  Crown,  was  ordered  to  furnish  two  armed 
cara\'cls,  and  Columbus  was  empowered  to  fit  out  a  third.  On  the  30th 
of  .April  the  letters-patent  confirming  his  tlignities  were  issued.  His  son 
Diego  was  made  a  page  of  the  royal  household.  On  May  12  he  left 
the  Court  and  hastened  towards  Palos.  Here,  upon  showing  his  orders 
for  the  vessels,  he  found  the  town  rebellious,  with  all  the  passion  of  a 
people  who  felt  that  some  of  their  number  were  being  simply  doomed 
to  destruction  beyond  that  Sea  of  Darkness  whose  hounds  they  knew 
not.  Affairs  were  in  this  unsatisfactory  condition  when  the  brothers 
Pinzon  threw  themselves   and   their  own   vessels   into  the   cause ;    while   a 


the  II.Tiv.ud  College 


1  There  arc  twci  views  of  Seville  in  l!i;iiiii  110.712.     'Hie  book 

and  llogeiiberg's  Cn-i/ii/i's  or/i/'s  hri;ini/ii,  pub-  Library, 
lisheil  at  Antwerp  in  1572,  and  again  at  llrussels  ^  Santangel  supplied  about  seventeen  thou- 

(in  French)  ni  1574.     In  one  of  the  engravings  sand  lloriiis  from  Ferdinand's  treasury.    Ucrgcn- 

a  garden  near  the  Pucrta  de   Goles  is  marked  roth,  in  his  Ti-troduttion  to  the  Spanish  State 

"Guerta  de  Colon  ;  "  and  in  the  other  the  words  Papers,  removes  not  a  little  of  the  mellow  splen- 

"  Casa  de  Colon  "  are  .ittached  to  the  top  of  one  dor  which  admirers  have  poured  about  Isabella's 

of  the  houses.      Muller,  /uHii-s  on  Aiiuriia,  i,S77,  character. 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I'/! 


Iflfl 


I 


PARTING   OF   COLUMBUS  WTIH    FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA.' 

third  vessel,   the   "  Pinta,"   was    impressed,  —  much   to   the   alarm    of    its 
owners  and  crew. 

And  so,  out  of  the  harbor  of  Palos,^  on  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  Columbus 

'  Fac-simile  of   the  cngr.iving   in   Ilcrrera.  de  Espaua.    (Harrisse,  ^/W.  ^wj^n  K<?/.,  no.  2S1.) 

It  originally  apjK'arcd  in  De  Ury,  part  iv.  Irving  described  it  in  1S28.     Its  present  unmari- 

'^  Talos  is  no  longer  a  port,  such  has  been  time  character  is  set  forth  by  E.E.  Hale  in  ..4wf?. 

the  work  of  time  .ind  tide.     In  1548  the  port  is  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  ii.  159;  Seven  Spa'iis/i  Cities, 

described  in  Medina's  Li/no  de  gi\iiide:as y  cos<is  p.  17  ;  and  Orerland  Monthly,  Jan.,  1883,  p.  42. 


RICA. 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


KJ 


mm< 


.  C)9u3  .... 


tu-"..'^' 


alarm    of    its 
^92,  Columbus 

Mwr.  Vet;  no.  2S1.) 
ts  present  unmari- 
l.  E.  Hale  in  Atncr. 
Vfii  Shtuis/i  Cities, 
Jan.,  18S3,  p.  42. 


EARLY   VESSELS.' 


1  This  representation  of  the  vessels  of  t'le 
early  Spanish  navigators  is  a  fac-simile  of  a  cut 
in  Medina's  Arte  lie  mrregar,  Valladolid,  1545, 
which  was  re-engraved  in  the  Venice  edition  of 
1555.  Cf.  Citrter-Iircniin  Catah\i;ue,  vol.  i.  nos.  137, 
204  ;  Huge,  Geschichtc  des  '/.eitallcrs  der  EiitdecK- 
tingeii,  PI).  240,  241  ;  Juricn  de  la  Gravierc's  Lcs 
marins  dii  XV'  et  dii  Xl'I'  si\h;\d\.  i.  pp.  38, 
151.  In  the  variety  of  changes  in  methods  of 
measurement  it  is  not  easy  to  find  the  equivalent 
in  tonnage  of  the  present  day  for  the  ships  of 
Columbus's  time.  Those  constituting  his  little 
fleet  seem  to  have  been  light  and  swift  vessels 
of  the  class  called  caravels.  One  had  a  deck 
amidships,  with  High  forecastle  and  poo|) ,  and 
two  were  without  this  deck,  though  high,  and 


covered  at  the  ends.  Captain  G.  V.  Fox  has 
given  what  he  supposes  were  the  dimensions 
of  the  larger  one,  — a  heavier  craft  and  duller 
sailer  than  the  others.  He  calculates  fur  a 
hundred  tons,  — makes  her  sixty-three  feet  over 
all,  fifty-one  feet  keel,  twenty  feet  beam,  and  ten 
and  a  half  feet  dr.aft  of     :zr.     She  carried  the 


kind  of  gun  termed  loir,    rds,  and  a  crew 


of 
fiftv  men.  U.  S.  Const  S.inry  Report,  iSSo,  app. 
iS ';  liecher's  Landfall  of  Coliivihiis  ;  A.  Jal's  Ar- 
cheologic  navalc  \,\\\x\i,  1S40)  ;  Irving's  Columbus, 
app.  .\v. ;  H.  H.  B.incroft,  Cenlnil  America,  i. 
1S7;  Das  Auslaiid,  1S67,  p.  i.  There  arc  other 
views  of  the  ships  of  Columbus'  time  in  the  cuts 
in  some  of  the  early  editions  of  his  Letters  on  the 
discovery.     See  notes  following  this  chapter. 


m 


I    ! 


8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY-  OF   AMERICA. 


■i' 


sailed  with  liis  three  little  vessels.  The  "  Santa  Maria,"  which  carried  his 
flag,  was  the  only  one  of  the  three  which  had  a  deck,  while  the  other  two, 
the  "  Nina  "  and  the  "  I'inta,"  were  open  caravels.  The  two  Pinzons  com- 
manded these  smaller  ships,  —  Martin  Alonzo  the  "  Pinta,"  and  Vicente 
the  "  Nina." 

The  voyage  was  uneventful,  except  that  the  expectancy  of  all  quickened 
the  eye,  which  sometimes  saw  over-much,  and  poised  the  mind,  which  was 
alert  with  hope  and  fear.  It  has  been  pointed  out  how  a  westerly  course 
from  Palos  wotdd  have  discouraged  Columbus  with  head  and  variable  winds. 
Running  down  to  the  Canaries  (for  Toscanelli  put  those  islands  in  the  lati- 


nUILDING  A  SHIP.' 


tude  of  Cipango),  a  westerly  course  thence  would  bring  him  within  the  con- 
tinuous easterl)-  trade-winds,  whose  favoring  influence  would  inspirit  his 
men,  —  as,  indeed,  was  the  case.  Columbus,  however,  was  very  glad  on  the 
22d  of  September  to  experience  a  west  wind,  just  to  convince  his  crew  it 
was  possible  to  have,  now  ruid  then,  the  direction  of  it  favorable  to  their 
return.  He  had  proceeded,  as  he  thought,  some  two  hundred  miles  farther 
than  the  longitude  in  which  he  had  conjectured  Cipango  to  be,  when  the 
urging  of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and  the  flight  of  birds  indicating  land 
to  be  nearer  in  the  southwest,  induced  him  to  change  his  course  in  that 
direction.^ 


'  Tliis  follows  a  fac-simile,  given  in  Ruc;c,  6V- 
schichte  dcs  /.i-italtcrs  dcr  Entdccl;tiiii;t-ii  p.  240,  of 
.1  cut  in  liernliardus  (le  lireydenbach's /'tvvii,'-////- 
alioih-x,  M.iinz,  1486. 

-  Cf.  Trvinp;,  app.  no.  xvi.,  on  the  route  of 
Columbus.  Brcvoort  in  his  Vi'iinzaiw,  p.  loi, 
describes  the  usual  route  of  the  early  navigators 
from  Spain  to  the  West  Indies.     Columbus  kept 


two  record"!  of  his  progress.  One  w.as  an  un- 
worthily deceitful  one  (reminding  us  of  .an  earlier 
deceit,  when  he  tampered  with  the  compass  to 
mislead  his  crew),  by  which  he  hoped  to  check 
the  apprehensions  of  his  men  arising  from  his  in- 
creasing longitude  ;  and  the  other  a  dead  reck- 
oning of  some  kind,  in  which  he  thought  he  was 
appro.ximateiy  accurate.     The  story  of  his  capit- 


acA. 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


:h  carried  his 

:he  other  two, 

Pinzons  com- 

'  and  Vicente 

all  quickened 
nd,  wiiich  was 
esterly  course 
/ariable  winds, 
ids  in  the  lati- 


thin  the  con- 
Id  inspirit  his 
\y  glad  on  the 
ICC  his  crew  it 
rablc  to  their 
1  miles  farther 
>  be,  when  the 
lulicating  land 
course  in  that 


One  was  an  un- 
iiig  us  of  an  earlier 
til  the  compass  to 
le  hoped  to  check 
arising  from  his  in- 
other  a  dead  reek- 
he  thought  he  was 
story  of  his  capit- 


About  midnight 
between  the  1 1  th  and 
I2th  of  October,  Co- 
lumbus on  the  look- 
out thought  he  saw 
a  light  moving  in  the 
darkness.  He  called 
a  companion,  and  the 
two  in  counsel  agreed 
that  it  was  so.^  At 
about  two  o'clock,  the 
moon  then  shining,  a 
mariner  on  the  "  Pinta" 
disceri.cil  unmistaka- 
bly a  low  sandy  shore. 
In  the  morning  a  land- 
ing was  made,  and,  with 
prayer^  and  cccnion)', 

ul.itini;  t'>  his  (rinv,aml  agree- 
ing Id  turn  liatk  in  tlucc  days 
in  case  land  was  not  reached, 
is  only  tuld  liv  Ovicdo  on  the 
testimony  of  a  pilot  iiostile  to 
Columbus. 

1  It  may  have  been  on  some 
island  or  in  some  canoe  ;  oi 
just  as  Mkely  a  mere  delusion. 
The  fact  that  Columbus  at  a 
later  day  .set  up  a  claim  for 
the  rewaid  for  the  first  di.s- 
covery  on  the  strength  of  t  is 
mysterious  light,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  poor  sailor  who 
first  actually  saw  land  from 
the  "  I'iiita,"  has  suljjected  his 
memory,  not  unnaturally,  to 
some  discredit  at  least  with 
those  who  reckon  magnanim- 
ity among  the  virtues.  Cf. 
Mifn nrfi%  iii.  6i;. 

^  The  prayer  used  was 
adopted  later  in  similar  cases, 
under  lialboa,  Cortes,  I'izarro, 
etc.  It  is  given  in  C.  Clem- 
cntc's  Tablas  c/iroiioUygicas, 
Valencia,  16S9.  Cf.  Ilarrisse, 
A'dto  on  Coliimhiis,  \>.  140; 
Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  13,632  ;  Car- 
fer-lirown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,376; 
Murphy,  no.  599;  and  II.  Ii. 
liancroft's  Central  America,  i. 
371- 

•*  This  follows  a  map  given 
in  Das  Aiislainf,  1S67,  p.  4,  in 
a  paper   on  Columbus'  Jour- 
nal,   "Das    Schiffsbuch    des 
vol..  ir.  —  2. 


n 
o 
c 

w 

C 


o 
c 

a 
d 


o 


r"-      <. 


PI 


m 


10 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


possession  was  taken  of  the  new-found  island  in  tiic  name  of  the  Spanish 

sovcrcifjns. 

On  the  third  day  (October  14)  Columbus  lifted  antiior,  and  for  ten  days 

sailed  among  the  minor  islands  of  the  archipelago;  but  struck  the  Cuban 

coast  on  the  28th.' 
Here  the  "  Pinta," 
without  orders 
from  the  Admiral, 
went  off  to  seek 
some  gold-field,  of 
which  Martin  Alon- 
zo  I'inzon,  its  com- 
mander, fancied  he 
had  got  some  inti- 
mation from  the 
natives.  Pinzon 
returned  bootless; 
but  Columbus  was 
painfully  con- 
scious of  the  muti- 
nous spirit  of  his 
lieutenant.-  The 
little  fleet  next 
found  Hayti  (His- 
paniai  insula,^  as 
he  called  it),  and 
on  its  northern 
SHIP  OF  Columbus's  iime.*  side  the  Admiral's 

ship  was  wrecked. 

Out  of  her  timbers   Columbus  built  a  fort  on   the  shore,  called   it  "  La 

Navidad,"  and  put  into  it  a  garrison  under  Diego  de  Arana.'' 


.■li 


Entdeckcrs  von  Amerika."  The  routes  of  Colum- 
bus' (our  voyages  are  marked  on  the  map  accom. 
panying  the  Sfm/i  l>iof;rafii-i  c  biblioi^riifici  jiub- 
lished  by  the  Societa  Gcografica  Italiana  in  1SS2. 
('f.  also  the  map  in  Charton's  Voyagcurs,  iii.  155, 
leproduced  on  a  later  page. 

1  Humboldt  in  his  Cosmos  (English  transla 
tion,  ii.  422)  has  pointed  out  how  in  this  first 
voyage  the  descriptions  by  Columbus  of  tropi- 
cal scenes  convince  one  of  the  vividness  of  his 
impressions  and  of  the  quickness  of  his  obser- 
vation. 

'^  Pinzon's  heirs  at  a  later  day  manifested 
hostility  to  Columbus,  and  endeavored  to  mag- 
nify their  father's  importance  in  the  voyage.  Cf. 
Irving,  App.  x.  In  the  subsequent  lawsuit  for 
the  confirmation  of  Columbus's  right,  the  Pin- 
ions brouglit  witnesses  to  prove  that  it  was  their 


urgency  which  prevented  Columbus  from  giving 
up  the  voyage  and  turning  back. 

•■'  This  Latin  name  seems  to  have  been  ren- 
dered by  the  Spaniards  I.a  Espanola,  and  from 
this  by  corruption  the  English  got  Hispaniola. 

■•  This  follows  a  fac-siniile,  given  in  Ruge, 
Gesdiichlc  (Its  /.ciliillcrs  <icr  F.ntdccknugcn,  p.  241, 
of  a  cut  in  liernhardus  de  lireydenbach's  Pere- 
griiKitiones,  Mainz,  14S6. 

^  There  is  a  wide  difference  as  reported  by 
the  early  writers  as  to  the  number  of  men  which 
Cohimbus  had  with  him  on  this  voyage.  Ferdi- 
nand Columbus  says  ninety ;  Peter  Martyr,  one 
hundred  and  twenty ;  others  say  one  hundred 
and  eighty.  The  men  he  left  at  Hayti  are  reck- 
oned variously  at  thirty-nine,  forty-three,  forty- 
eight,  fifty-five,  etc.  Major,  Select  Letters,  p.  12, 
reckons  them  as  from  thirty-seven  to  forty.    Th» 


j  terview 

guese  ] 

Lisbon 

» reached 

; 15th  of 

labsencL 

imonths 

He  A 

»the  peo 

:i- seaport 

tions  ai 

Barcelo 


'    f 


IICA. 


COLUMIJUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


II 


f  the  Spanish 

d  for  ten  days 
ick  the  Cuban 
t  on  the  28th.' 
:  the  "  Pinta," 
lout    orders 
I  the  Admiral, 
t   off   to   seek 
e  gold-field,  of 
;h  Martin  Alon- 
'inzon,  its  com- 
ider,  fancied  he 
got  some  inti- 
ion    from    the 
vcs.      Pinzon 
irncd  bootless ; 
Columbus  was 
n  f u  1 1  y    c  o  n- 
lus  of  the  muti- 
is  spirit  of  his 
tenant.-      The 
tic    fleet    next 
nd  Hayti  (His- 
ia;    insula,^   as 
called  it),  and 
its    northern 
the  Admiral's 
was  wrecked, 
called  it  "  La 

hinibus  from  giving 

ick. 
to  liave  been  ren- 
spahola,  and  from 

h  got  Hispaniola. 
e,  given    in    Kiige, 
iihhrkniigi-ii,  p.  241, 
rcydcubach's  J'fre- 

lice  as  reported  by 
mbcr  of  men  which 
liis  voyage.     Ferdi- 

Pcter  Martyr,  one 
say  one  hundred 

at  Hayti  are  reck- 

,  forty-three,  forty- 
Select  Letters,  p.  1 2, 

even  to  forty.   Th» 


NATIVE    HOUSE   IN    HISPANIOLA.' 


With  the  rest  of  his  company  and  in  his  two  smaller  vessels,  on  the  4th  o( 
January,  1493,  Columbus  started  on  his  return  to  Spain.    He  ran  northerly  to 

the  latitude  of  his  desti- 
nation,and  then  steered 
due  east.  He  experi- 
enced severe  weather, 
but  reached  the  Azures 
safe!)- ;  and  then,  pass- 
ing on,  entered  the 
Tagus  and  had  an  in- 

I  tervicw  with  the  Portu- 
guese King.     Leaving 

I  Lisbon  on  the  13th,  he 

[reached    Palos  on  the 

j  1 5th  of  March,  after  an 

J  absence  of  over  seven 

[months. 

He  was  received  by 

Ithe  people  of  the  little 

'i-  ... 

iSeaport  with   acclama- 

Jtions  and  wonder;  and,  despatching  a  messenger  to  the  Spanish  Court  at 
Jarcelona,  he  proceeded   to   Seville  to  await  the  commands  of  the  nion- 

archs.  He  was  soon 
bidden  to  hasten  to 
them ;  and  with  the  tri- 
umph of  more  than  a 
conqueror,  and  pre- 
ceded by  the  bedizened 
Indians  whom  he  had 
brought  with  him,  he 
entered  the  city  and 
stood  in  the  presence  of 
the  sovereigns.  He 
was  commanded  to  sit 
before  them,  and  to  tell 
the  story  of  his  discov- 
ery. This  he  did  with 
consci  .I's  pride;  and 
not  forgetting  the  past, 


CURING  THfi   SICK.'' 

Ilists  show  .imong  them  an  Irishman,  "  Guillcrmo 
I  Ires,  natural  de  Galney,  en  Irlanda,"  and  an 
JEnglishm.in,  "  Tallartc  dc  Lajes,  Ingles."  These 
[are  interpreted  to  mean  William  Herries  —  prob- 
jably  "  a  namesake  of  ours,"  says  Harrisse  —  and 
lArthur  Lake.  Mernaldez  says  he  carried  back 
Iwith  him  to  Spain  ten  of  the  natives. 


1  Fac-simile  of  a  cut  in  Oviedo,  edition  of  1547, 
fol.  lix.  There  is  another  engraving  in  Char- 
ton's  /  'ovci:;i-urs,  iii.  1 24.  Cf .  also  Ramusio,  A^av. 
et  Fii/^y/,  iii. 

2  This  is  Benzoni's  .sketch  of  the  way  in  which 
the  natives  cure  and  tend  their  sick  at  Hisi)a. 
niola.     F.dit'on  of  1572,  p.  56. 


12 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'<'!?■ 


)} 


'  ii 


m 


4i- 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  COLUMBUS.' 

he  publicly  renewed  his  previous  vow  to  wrest  the  Holy  Sepulchre  frora 
the  Infidel. 

The   expectation   which    had    sustained    Columbus  in    his   voyaj^e,   and 
which  he  thoutrht  his  discoveries  had  confirmed,  was  that  he  had   reached 


'  This  is  a  reduction  of  .1  fac-similc  by  I'il- 
inski,  given  in  Margi  v'-  Li's  A'dfi^'ii/iiuis  Frr.ii- 
(<ilsi-s,  p.  360, —  an  earlier  reproduction  h.aving 
been  given  liy  M.  J.l  in  Im  Friincc  marilimc.  It 
is  also  figured  in  Cliarton's  I'ovaxi'iiis,  iii.  139. 
The  original  sketch,  by  Cclumbus  himself,  was 
sent  by  him  from  Seville  v\  1503,  and  i^  i)rc- 
served  in  the  city  hall  at  Clenoa.  M.  J.il  gives 
a  descri|)tion  of  it  in  his  /),•  P,irisi)  A'ir/'/fs,  iSjfi, 
i.  257.  The  figure  sitting  beside  Columbus  is 
Providence;  Envy  and  Ignorance  are  hinted  at 
as  monsters  following  in  his  wake ;  while  Con- 
stancy, Tolerance,  the  Christian  Religion,  Vic- 
tory, and  Hope  attend  him.  Above  all  is  the 
floating  figure  of  Fame  blowing  two  trumpets, 
oiie  marked  "  Genoa,"  the  other  "  Fama  Co- 
lumbi."  Harrisse  (jVotes  011  Columbus,  p.  165) 
says  th.at  good  judges  assign  this  picture  to 
Columbus's  own  hand,  though  none  of  the  draw- 
ings ascribed  to  him  are  authentic  beyond  doubt ; 


while  it  is  very  true  that  he  had  tlie  reputation 
of  being  a  good  draughtsman.  Feuillet  de  Con- 
ches (Kr.ue contcm/'craiiic,  .\xiv.  509)  disbelieves 
in  its  authenticity.  The  usual  signature  of  Co- 
limbus  is  in  the  lower  left-hand  corner  of  the 
.above  sketch,  the  initial  letters  in  which  have 
never  been  satisfactorily  inter|)reted  ;  but  per- 
haps as  reasonable  a  guess  as  any  would  make 
them  stand  for  "Si:rvus  sui'I'i.e.x  Altissimi 
Sai.vatoris  —  CiiRisrus,  Mari.v,  Yosei'ii — 
Christo  Jln-iis.'^  Others  read,  "  Skrvidor  sus 
Ai.TF.ZAs  .sacras,  Christo,  Maria,  Ysaiiki. 
[or  Yosr.t'it  ]."  The  "Christo  ferens  "  is  some- 
times replaced  by  "  El  Alinirantc."  The  essav 
on  the  autograph  in  the  Cartas  de  India!  is 
translated  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History, 
Jan.,  1SS3,  p.  55.  Cf.  Irving,  app.  .\.\.\v.  Huge, 
Ccschicliti  des  Zeitaltcrs  der  Eiitikckungtn,  p. 
317;  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings, 
xvi.  322,  etc. 


AMERICA. 


COLUMBUS    AND   HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


n 


)ly  Sepulchre  fronj 

n  his  voj'agc,  and 
at  he  had   reached 

at  he  had  the  reputation 
itsman.  Feuillet  do  Con- 
I'lu;  xxiv.  509)  disbelieves 
c  usual  signature  of  Co- 
r  left-hand  corner  of  the 
al  letters  in  which  have 
ly  interpreted  ;  but  jier- 
ucss  as  any  would  make 
\fVS    SL'PPLEX   ALTISSIMI 

'US,  Maria,  Yoseph  — 
s  read,  "  Skrvidor  sus 
RisTo,  Maria,  Ysadki. 
Christo  ferens  "  is  some- 
.4/nt/niii/t:"  The  cssav 
the  Cartas  <fe  Iiulias  is 
iiic  of  American  History, 
rving,  a|)p.  xxxv.  Ruge, 
s  ilcr  EntiiickiDigen,  p. 
orical  Society  Proceedings. 


COLUMDUS   AT   HISPANIOLA.' 

the  western  parts  of  India  or  Asia,   and  the  new  islands  were  accordingly 
everywhere  spok-cn  of  as  the  West  Indies,  or  the  New  World. 

The  ruling  Pope,  Alexander  VI.,  was  a  native  Valencian  ;  and  to  him  an 
appeal  was  now  made  for  a  Bull,  confirming  to  Spain  and  Portugal  respec- 

1  P^ic-siniile  o(  engraving  in  Herrera,  who  follows  DeBry. 


i! 


14 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


tivc  fields  for  discovery.  Tliis  was  issued  May  4,  1493,  fixinfj  a  line,  on  the 
tiiitiier  side  of  which  Spain  was  to  be  master ;  and  on  the  hither  side,  I'ortu- 
l»al.  This  was  traced  at  a  meridian  one  luindred  leat,nies  west  of  the  Azores 
and  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  which  were  assumed  to  be  in  the  same  lon^i- 


i'-; 


v/i 


lltWfT". 


/\  CXK  mf  U  ^Mr  •   il ■ ■ L 


ly 


•  A  •! 


Siix 


HANDWRrriNG    OF   COLUMBUS.' 


tude  practically.  The  thought  of  future  complications  from  the  running 
of  this  line  to  the  antipodes  docs  not  seem  to  have  alarmed  either  Pope 
or  sovereigns ;  but  troubles  on  the  Atlantic  side  were  soon  to  arise,  to 
be  promptly  compounded  by  a  convention  at  Tordesillas,  which  agreed 
(June  4,  ratified  June  7,  1494)  to  move  the  meridian  line  to  a  point  three 

*  Last  page  of  an  autograi)h  letter  preserved     a  photograph  in  Harrisse's  A^o/es  on  Columliiis, 
n\  the  Colombina  Library  at  Seville,  following     p.  218. 


'■     , 


RICA. 


COLUMUUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIKS. 


15 


^  a  line,  on  the 
icr  side,  Portii- 
t  of  the  Azores 
he  same  longi- 


hiuulrcd  and  seventy  Ica(;ues  west  of  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  —  still 
without  dream  of  the  destined  disputes  respecting;  ilivisions  on  the  other 
side  of  the  ^,'lobe.' 

Thus   everything  favored  Columbus  in   the   i)rcparations  for  a  second 
voyage,  which   was  to  conduct  a  colony  to  the   newly  discovered   lands. 


* 

XaCnto  - 
M4N*  /  1/ 


r~^v^^^^ 


ARMS  OF   COLUMnUS.- 


the  running 

[d  cither  Pope 

pn   to  arise,   to 

which   agreed 

a  point  three 

Votes  on  Columbus, 


Twelve   hundred  souls  were   embarked   on   seventeen  vessels,  and  among 
them  persons  of  consideration  and  name  in  subsequent  history,  —  Diego, 


'  The  line  of  1494  gave  Portugal,  Urazil,  the 
Moluccas,  the  Philippines,  and  half  of  New 
Guinea.  Jurien  dc  la  Graviirc,  Les  marins  du 
XT'  d  du  XVI'  sikle,  i.  86. 

-  As  given  in  Oviedo's  CoroiiUa,  1547,  fol.  x., 
from  the  Harvard  College  copy.  There  is  no 
wholly  satisfactory  statement  regarding  the  ori- 
gin of  these  arms,  or  the  Admiral's  right  to  bear 


them.  It  is  the  quartering  of  the  royal  lion  and 
castle,  for  Arragon  .ind  Castile,  with  gold  islands 
in  azure  waves.     Five  anchors  and  the  motto, 

"  A  \or  i'orI  Castilla  y  a  \or  por]  Leon 
NuEVo  MuNDo  Dio  \or  hallo]  Colon," 

were  later  given  or  assumed.  The  crest  varies 
in  the  Oviedo  '1.  cap.  vii.)  of  153s. 


/r 


i6 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMKRICA. 


i'lil 


i 


the  Admiral's  brother,  Hcrnal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Ojcda,  and  La  Cosa,  with 
the  Pope's  own  vicar,  a  Ikiicdictinc  named  Huil,  or  Moil.  Columbus  ami 
the  destined  colonists  sailed  from  Cadiz  on  the  ^5th  of  September.     The 

ships  si^dited  an  islanil 
on  the  3d  of  November, 
and  continuing;  tiieir 
course  amoni;  tlie  C.ir- 
it)bee  Isl.uuls,  they  fmal- 
ly  reached  La  Navidad, 
and  found  it  a  waste.  It 
was  necessary,  however, 
to  make  a  be^innin^ 
somewhere;  and  a  little 
to  the  east  of  the  ruim-d 
fort  they  landed  lhi:ir 
supplies  ami  be^an  the 
laying;  out  of  a  city, 
which    they   called    Isa- 


^gcr--  pirtMno, 


FRUn-TREES   (Jl''  HISl'ANIOI^\.'' 


Cl^-Jlir^r^fc*     I      '■-< 


bella.'  i'.xpeditions  were 
sent  inland  tt)  finil  tjold. 
The  explorers  reported 
success.  Twelve  of  the 
ships  were  sent  home  with  Indians  who  hail  been  seized ;  and  these  ships 
were  further  laden  with  products  of  the  soil  which  had  been  jj^athered. 
Culuiiibus  himself  went  with  four  hundred 
men  to  begin  work  at  the  interior  mines ;  but 
the  natives,  upon  whom  he  had  counted  for 
labor,  had  begun  to  fear  enslavement  for  this 
purpose,  and  kept  aloof.  ::30  mining  did  not 
flourish.  Disease,  too,  was  working  evil. 
Columbus  him.self  had  been  prostrated;  but 
he  was  able  to  conduct  three  caravels  west- 
ward, when  he  discovered  Jamaica.  On  this 
expedition  he  made  up  his  mind  iii.it  Cuba 

was  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  main,  and  somewhat  unadvisedly  forced  his  men 
to  sign  a  paper  declaring  their  o.vn  belief  to  the  same  purport.* 

Returning  to  his  colony,  the  Admiral  found  that  all  was  not  going  well. 
He  had  not  himself  inspired  confidence  as  a  governor,  and  his  fame  as  an 
explorer  was  fast  being  eclipsed  by  his  misfortune?;  as  a  ruler.  Some  of 
his  colonists,  accompanied  by  the  papal  vicar,  had  seized  ships  and  set  sail 

1  liaiKioft,  C<7///r// W/«<77ij,  i.  496,  ilcsciibcs  ■•  Navanctc,  ii.   143.     It  is  the  frucjuciit  re- 

tlif  proccduies  riiially  establishcil  in  laving  ont  currcncc  of  such  audacions  anil  arrogant  acts  (in 

towns.  the  part  of   Columbus  which  explains   his  sad 

-  This  is  licnzoni's  sketch,  coition  of  1572,  failure  as  an   administrator,  and   seriously  im- 

{>.  Co.  pairs  the  veneration  in  which  the  world  would 

"  As  given  in  Ovicdo,  edition  of  1547,  fol.  Ixi.  rejoice  to  hold  him. 


INDIAN    CLUB." 


II     :I 


COLUMHUS   AND   Ills    PISCOVKRIES. 


»7 


a  Cosa,  with 


for  home.  The  natives,  emboUleneti  by  tlic  cruelties  practised  upon  them, 
were  laying  siege  to  his  fortified  posts.  As  an  otTset,  however,  liis  brother 
Hartliolnincw  li.ul  arrived  fniin  .Spain  with  three  store-shi|)s ;  and  later 
came  Antonio  dc  Torres  with  foiir  uliicr  ^hips,  which  in  due  time  were 


l.NDIAN    CANOE. 


..  1 


sent  back  to  carry  some  samples  of  gold  and  a  cargo  of  natives  to  be  sold 
as  slaves.     The  vessels  had  brought  tidings  of  the  charges   preferred  at 
Court   against   the  Admiral,  ami   his  brother  Diego   was  sent   back  with 
the    ships    to    answer 
these    charges    in    the 
Admiral's  behalf.     Un- 
ftjrtunately  Diego  was 
not   a   man  of  strong 
character,  and  his  ad- 
vocacy was  not  of  the 
best. 

In  March  (1495)  Co- 
lumbus conducted  an 
expedition  into  the  in- 
terior to  subdue  and 
hold  tributary  the  na- 
tive population.  It  was 
cruelly  done,  as  the 
world  looks  upon  such 
transactions  to-day. 

Meanwhile  in  Spain 
reiteration   of  charges 
was    beginning   to    shake    the   confidence    of   his   sovereigns ;     anc'    Juan 
Aguado,    a   friend    of  Columbus,    was   sent   to   investigate.     He   reached 

'  As  depicted  in  Oviedo,  edition  of  1547,  tol.  a  Ueiizoni  gives  this  dr.iwing  of  the  canoes 

Ixi.    There  is  another  engraving  in  Cluirtoii's  of  the  co.ist  of  the  Gulf  of  I'aria  and  tliete- 

Voyagairs,  iii.  loO,  called  "  Pirogue  Indienne."  about.     Kditioii  of  I  S72,  1).   ■;. 
vol..    II.  —  T.. 


INDI.W    CANOE.- 


k 


>;: 


.  f, 


M 


i8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


.v. 


f! 


i.r 


i:M 


i:  •) 


COLUMBUS    AT   ISLA    MARGARITA.' 

Isabella  in  October,  —  Diego,  the  Admiral's  brother,  accompanying  him. 
Aguado  did  not  find  affairs  reassuring;  and  when  he  returned  to  Spain 
with  his  report  in  IMarch  (1496),  Columbus  thought  it  best  to  go  too,  and  to 
make  his  excuses  or  explanations  in  person.  They  reached  Cadiz  in  June, 
just  as  Niilo  was  sailing  with  three  caravjls  to  the  new  colony. 

'  Fac-similc  of  engraving  in  Herrera. 


f 


i 


!r 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


19 


Ferdinand  and  Isabella  received  him  kindly,  gave  him  new  honors,  and 
promised  him  other  outfits.  Enthusiasm,  however,  had  died  out,  and  de- 
lays took  place.  The  reports  of  the  returning  ships  did  not  correspond 
with  the  pictures  of  Marco  Polo,  and  the  new-found  world  was  thought  to 


IiM 


'h 


^l^^ss^pj^rar^ 

4   i          -1      1 

^^'"^^-wPS^ 

P     ^  1 

"^^^LJt^  Ifc^J 

1 

^H 

i 

■  ..j^P^^h^^^^^Mj^ 

CM  'M|||i^^^^S 

Jnl  /          Yv  ^^*^^\ilvfi^ffl— 

^s 

iW 

3 

m 

K^^ 

^^^^^^^^*yj 

^ 

ml 

jB 

m| 

ij^'^i^^^^jl  1  ^U* 

^1 

y^^^^Vjkl^^^ 

^s^^^^ 

Pii  f  /  \iA  L,  I  ill/ 

f^      i\  f^^v^\\  \^-^  "V- 

3^B5^^&J 

S-S^*-!^  ya*T~WTT" 

^mmJ 

AMERICANS 


m 


be  a  \cry  poor  India  afte-  all.  Most  people  were  of  this  mind ;  though 
Columbus  was  not  disheartened,  and  the  public  treasury  was  readily  opened 
for  a  third  voyage. 

Coroncl  sailed  early  in  1498  with  two  ships,  and  Columbus  followed  with 
six,  embarking  at  San  Lucar  on  the  30th  of  May.      He  now  discovered 


I  This  is  tlic  earliest  icprcscntalion  wliich 
wc  have  of  tlic  nativf  s  of  tlic  \e\v  World,  sliow- 
ing  such  .as  were  loiiiul  liy  the  rortiiguese  on  the 
north  eo.ast  of  .South  America.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  it  was  is:ucd  in  Augsburg  somewhere 
Ijctween  1497  and  1 504,  for  it  is  nc^  dated.  The 
only  copy  ever  known  to  bibliogi.iphers  is  not 
now  to  be  traced.  Stevens,  A'cco//.  of  jfamis 
Lenox,  p.  174.  It  measure.'^  13*  X  SA  inches, 
with  a  (lernian  titlj  and  inscription,  to  be  trans- 
lated as  follows  :  — 

"  This  figure  rcjjrescnts  to  us  the  people  and 
island  which  have  licen  discovered  by  the  Chris- 
tian King  of  I'ortugal,  or  his  subjects.  The 
people  are  thus  naked,  handsome,  brown,  well- 
shaped  in  body;  their  heads,  necks,  arms,  pri- 


vate parts,  feet  of  men  and  women,  are  a  little 
covered  with  featliers.  The  men  also  have 
many  precious  stones  on  their  faces  and  breasts. 
No  one  else  has  anything,  but  all  things  are 
in  common.  And  the  men  have  as  wives  those 
who  please  them,  be  they  mothers,  si 'ters,  or 
friends  ;  therein  make  they  no  distinction.  They 
also  fight  with  each  other;  they  also  eat  each 
other,  even  those  who  are  slain,  and  hang  the 
flesh  of  them  in  the  smoke.  They  become  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years  of  .age,  and  have  no 
government." 

The  present  engraving  follows  the  f.ac-simile 
given  in  Stevens's  American  lUhliographcr,  pp. 
7,  S.  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  i.  no.  1,031  ;  vol.  v.  no. 
20,257  ;  Marrisse,  /)//'/.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  20. 


20 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


^^l! 


Trinidad  (July  31),  which  he  named  cither  from  its  three  peaks,  or  from 
the  Holy  Trinity;  struck  the  northern  coast  of  South  America,'  and  skirted 
what  was  later  known  as  the  Pearl  coast,  going  as  far  as  the  Island  of 
Margarita.  He  wondered  at  the  roaring  fresh  waters  which  the  Orinoco 
pours  into  the  Gulf  of  Pearls,  as  he  called  it,  and  he  half  believed  that  its 
exuberant  tide  came  from  the  terrestrial  paradise.^  He  touched  the  south- 
ern coast  of  Hayti  on  the  30th  of  August.  Here  already  his  colonists  had 
established  a  fortified  post,  and  founded  the  town  of  Santo  Domingo.  His 
brother  Bartholomew  had  ruled  energetically  during  the  Admiral's  absencCj 
but  he  had  not  prevented  a  revolt,  which  was  headed  by  Roldan.  Colum- 
bus on  his  arrival  found  the  insurgents  still  defiant,  but  was  able  after  a 
while  to  reconcile  them,  and  he  even  succeeded  in  attaching  Roldan  warmly 
to  his  interests. 

Columbus'  absence  from  Spain,  however,  left  his  good  name  without 
sponsors ;  and  to  satisfy  detractors,  a  new  commissioner  was  sent  over  with 
enlarged  powers,  even  with  authority  to  supersede  Columbus  in  general 
command,  if  necessary.  This  emissary  was  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  who 
arrived  at  Santo  Domingo  with  two  caravels  on  the  23d  of  August,  1500,  find- 
ing Diego  in  command,  his  brother  the  Admiral  being  absent.  An  issue 
was  at  once  made.  Diego  refused  to  accede  to  the  commissioner's  orders 
till  Columbus  returned  to  judge  the  case  himself;  so  Bobadilla  assumed 
charge  of  the  Crown  property  violently,  took  possession  of  the  Admiral's 
house,  and  when  Columbus  returned,  he  with  his  brother  was  arrested  and 
put  in  irons.  In  this  condition  the  prisoners  were  placed  on  shipboard, 
and  sailed  for  Spain.  The  captain  of  the  ship  offered  to  remove  the  man- 
acles;  but  Columbus  would  not  permit  it,  being  determined  to  land  in 
Spain  bound  as  he  was ;  and  so  he  did.  The  effect  of  his  degradation  was 
to  his  advantage;  soveieigns  and  people  were  shocked  at  the  sight;  and 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  hastened  to  make  amends  by  receiving  him  with 
renewed  fa\'or.  It  was  soon  apparent  that  everything  reasonable  would 
be  granted  him  by  the  monarchs,  and  that  he  could  have  all  he  might  wish, 
short  of  receiving  a  new  lease  of  power  in  the  islands,  which  the  sover- 
eigns were  determined  to  see  pacified  at  least  before  Columbus  should 
again  assume  government  of  them.  The  Admiral  had  not  forgotten  his 
vow  to  wrest  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  Infidel ;  but  the  monarchs  did 
not  accede  to  his  wish  to  undertake  it.  Disappointed  in  this,  he  proposed 
a  new  \oyage ;  and  getting  the  royal  countenance  for  this  scheme,  he  was 
supplied  with  four  vessels  of  from  fifty  to  seventy  tons  each,  —  the  "  Capi- 
tana,"  the  "  Santiago  de  Palos,"  the  "  Gallego,"  and  the  "  Vizcaino."     He 


1  The  question  of  the  i^riority  of  Columbus' 
discovery  of  the  niainlanc!  over  Vcspucius  is 
discussed  in  the  following  chapter.  M.  Merrera 
is  said  to  have  brought  fi.'iward,  at  the  Congros 
lies  Americanistcs  held  J  Copenh.agcn  in  1SS3, 
new  evidence  of  Columbus's  l.uiding  on  the  nia-n- 
land.    Father  Manoel  de  la  V("a,  ii-  his  llistoria 


:/i'l  dt'scohrimicnto  tic  la  Amcricii  scptciurional, 
tirsi  published  in  Mexico  in  1S26  by  liusta- 
mante,  alleges  that  Columbus  in  this  southern 
course  was  intending  to  test  the  theory  of  King 
John  of  Portugal,  that  land  blocked  a  westerly 
l)assage  in  that  direction. 
2  Irving,  app.  xxxiii. 


>,  ;' 


Lie  A. 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


91 


zaks,  or  from 
1,'  and  skirted 
the  Island  of 
h  the  Orinoco 
:lievcd  that  its 
lied  the  south- 
)  colonists  had 
lomingo.  His 
liral's  absencCj 
Idan.  Colum- 
as  able  after  a 
^oldan  warmly 

name   without 
sent  over  with 
Dus   in   general 
Bobadilla,  who 
just,  1500,  find- 
ent.     An  issue 
sioner's  orders 
)adilla  assumed 
r  the  Admiral's 
IS  arrested  and 
on  shipboard, 
move  tne  man- 
led  to  land   in 
gradation  was 
ic  sight;   and 
i\ing  him  with 
isonablc  would 
le  might  wisli, 
ch  the  sover- 
unibus  should 
forgotten  his 
monarchs  did 
s,  he  proposed 
chemc,  he  was 
-  the  "  Capi- 
c^izcaino."     He 

ivV.;  scptoil^ioncil, 
m  1S26  by  Susta- 
in this  soulhcrii 
llic  theory  of  King 
blocked  a  westerly 


sailed  from  Cadiz  May  9,  1502,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Bartholomew 
and  his  son  Fernando.     The  vessels  reached  San  Domingo  June  29. 

Bobadilla,  whose  rule  of  a  year  and  a  half  had  been  an  unhappy  one, 
had  gi\  en  place  to  Nicholas  de  Ovando ;  and  the  fleet  which  brought  the 
new  governor,  — with  Maldonado,  Las  Casas,  and  others,  —  now  lay  in  the 
iiarbor  waiting  to  receive  Bobadilla  for  the  return  voyage.  Columbus  had 
been  instructed  to  avoid  Hispaniola ;  but  now  that  one  of  his  vessels  leaked, 
and  he  needed  to  make  repairs,  he  sent  a  boat  ashore,  asking  permission  to 
enter  the  harbor.  He  was  refused,  though  a  storm  was  impending.  He 
sheltered  his  vessels  as  best  he  could,  and  rode  out  the  gale.  The  fleet 
which  had  on  board  Bobadilla  and  Roldan,  with  their  ill-gotten  gains, 
was  wrecked,  and  these  enemies  of  Columbus  were  drowned.  The  Admiral 
found  a  small  harbor  where  he  could  make  his  repairs;  and  then,  July  14, 
sailed  westward  to  find,  as  he  supposed,  the  richer  portions  of  India  in 
exchange  for  the  barbarous  outlying  districts  which  others  had  appropri- 
ated to  themselves.  He  went  on  throng!  calm  and  storm,  giving  names  to 
islands.  —  which  later  explorers  re-named,  and  spread  thereby  confusion  on 
the  early  maps.  He  began  to  find  more  intelligence  in  the  natives  of  these 
islands  tlian  those  of  Cuba  had  betrayed,  and  got  intimations  of  lands 
still  farther  west,  where  copper  and  gold  were  in  abundance.  An  old 
Indian  made  them  a  rough  map  of  the  main  shore.  Columbus  took  him 
on  board,  and  proceeding  onward  a  landing  was  made  on  the  coast  of  Hon- 
duras August  14.  Three  days  later  the  explorers  landed  again  fifteen 
leagues  farther  east,  and  took  possession  of  the  country  for  Spain.  Still 
east  they  went;  and,  in  gratitude  for  safety  after  a  long  storm,  they  named 
a  cape  which  they  rounded  Gracias  a  Dios,  —  a  name  still  preserved  at  the 
point  where  the  coast  of  Honduras  begins  n  trend  southward.  Columbus 
was  now  lying  ill  on  his  bed,  placed  on  deck,  and  was  half  the  time  in 
revery.  Still  the  vessels  coasted  south.  They  lost  a  boat's  crew  in  getting 
water  at  one  place;  and  tarrying  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  San  Juan, 
they  thought  they  got  from  the  signs  of  the  natives  intelligence  of  a  rich 
and  populous  country  over  the  mountains  inland,  where  the  men  wore 
clothes  and  bore  weapons  of  steel,  and  the  women  were  decked  with  corals 
and  pearls.  These  stories  were  reassuring ;  but  the  exorcising  incanta- 
tions of  the  natives  were  quite  otherwise  for  the  superstitious  among  the 
Spaniards. 

They  were  now  on  the  shores  of  Costa  Rica,  where  the  coast  trends 
southeast;  and  both  the  rich  foliage  and  the  gold  plate  on  the  necks  of 
the  savages  enchanted  the  explorers.  They  went  on  towards  the  source 
of  this  wealth,  as  they  fancied.  The  natives  began  to  show  some  signs 
of  repulsion ;  but  a  few  hawk's-bells  beguiled  theiii,  and  gold  plates  were 
received  in  exchange  for  the  trinkets.  The  vessels  were  now  within  the 
southernmost  loop  of  the  shore,  and  a  bit  of  stone  wall  seemed  to  the 
Spaniards  a  token  of  civilization.  The  natives  called  a  town  hereabouts 
Veragua,  — whence,  years  after,  the  descendants  of  Columbus  borrowed  the 


22 


NARRATIVK    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OK   AMERICA.. 


V 


V  > 


I' 


I 


r 


ducal  title  of  his  line.  In  this  region  Columbus  dallied,  not  su.'pecting 
how  thin  the  strip  of  country  was  which  separated  him  from  the  great 
ocean  whose  farther  waves  washed  his  desired  India.  Then,  stilt  pursuing 
the  coast,  which  now  turned  to  the  northeast,  he  reached  Porto  Bello,  as 
we  call  it,  where  he  found  houses  and  orchards.  Tracking  the  Gulf  side 
of  the  Panama  isthmus,  he  encountered  storms  that  forced  him  into  har- 
bors, which  continued  to  disclose  the  richness  of  the  country.' 

It  became  now  apparent  that  they  had  reached  the  farthest  spot  of 
Bastidas'  exploring,  who  had,  in  1501,  sailed  westward  along  the  northern 
coast  of  South  America.  Amid  something  like  mutinous  cries  from  the 
sailors,  Columbus  was  fain  to  turn  back  to  the  neighborhood  of  Vcragua, 
where  the  gold  was ;  but  on  arriving  there,  the  seas,  lately  so  fair,  were 
tumultuous,  and  the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  repeat  the  gospel  of  Saint 
John  to  keep  a  water-spout,  which  they  saw,  from  coming  their  way,  —  so 
Fernando  says  in  his  Life  of  the  Admiral.  They  finally  made  a  harbor  at 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Belen,  and  began  to  traffic  with  the  natives,  who 
proved  very  cautious  and  evasive  when  inquiries  were  made  respecting  gold- 
mines. Bartholomew  explored  the  neighboring  Veragua  River  in  armed 
boats,  and  met  the  chief  of  the  region,  witli  retainers,  in  a  fleet  of  canoes. 
Gold  and  trinkets  were  exchanged,  as  usual,  both  here  and  later  on  the 
Admiral's  deck.  Again  l^artholomew  led  another  expedition,  and  getting 
the  direction  —  a  purposely  false  one,  as  it  proved  —  from  the  chief  in  his 
own  village,  he  went  to  a  mountain,  near  the  abode  of  an  nemy  of  the 
chief,  and  found  gold,  —  scant,  however,  in  quantity  compared  with  that 
of  the  crafty  chief's  own  fields.  The  inducements  were  sufficient,  how- 
ever, as  Columbus  thought,  to  found  a  colony;  but  before  he  got  ready 
to  leave  it,  he  suspected  the  neighboring  chief  was  planning  offensive 
operations.  An  expedition  was  accordingly  sent  to  seize  the  chief,  and 
he  was  captured  in  his  own  village ;  and  so  suddenly  that  his  own  people 
could  not  protect  him.  The  craft  of  the  savage,  however,  stood  him  in 
good  stead ;  and  while  one  of  the  Spaniards  was  conveying  him  down  the 
river  in  a  boat,  he  jumped  overboard  and  disappeared,  only  to  reappear, 
a  few  days  later,  in  leading  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  camp.  In  this  the 
Indians  were  repulsed ;  but  it  was  the  beginning  of  a  kind  of  lurking  war- 
fare that  disheartened  the  Spaniards.  Meanwhile  Columbus,  with  the  shir, 
was  outside  the  harbor's  bar  buffeting  the  gales.  The  rest  of  the  prison- 
ers who  had  been  taken  with  the  chief  were  confined  in  his  forccasJp  By 
concerted  action  some  of  them  got  out  and  jumped  o'.  orboard,  while  those 
not  so  fortunate  killed  themselves.  As  soon  as  the  storm  was  over,  Colum- 
bus withdrew  the  colonists  and  sailed  away.  He  abandoned  one  worm-eaten 
caravel  at  Porto  Bello,  and,  reaching  Jamaica,  beached  two  others. 

A  year  of  disappointment,  grief,  and  want  followed.  Columbus  clung 
to  his  wrecked  vessels.    His  crew  alternately  mutinied  at  his  side,  and  roved 

'  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Central  Aimricti,  vol.  i.  of  this  voyage  and  the  varying  cartographical 
chap,  iv.,  traces  with  some  care  the  coast-findines     records. 


COLLMBUS   AND   HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


»s 


about  the  island.  Ovando,  at  Hispaniola,  heard  of  his  st^aitr,  but  only 
tardily  and  scantily  relieved  him.  The  discontented  were  finally  humbled ; 
and  some  ships,  despatched  by  the  Admiral's  agent  in  Santo  Domingo,  at 
last  reached  him,  and  brought  him  and  his  companions  to  that  place, 
where  Ovando  received  him  with  ostentatious  kindness,  lodging  him  in  his 
house  till  Columbus  departed  for  Spain,  Sept.  I2,  1504. 

On  the  7th  of  November  the  Admiral  reached  the  harbor  of  fin  Lucar. 
Weakness  and  disease  later  kept  him  in  bed  in  Seville,  and  to  his  letters 
of  appeal  the  King  paid  little  attention.  He  finally  recovered  suffi- 
ciently to  go  to  the  Court  at  Segovia,  in  May,  1505;  but  Ferdinand  — 
Isabella  had  died  Nov.  26,  1 504  —  gave  him  scant  courtesy.  With  a  fatal- 
istic iteration,  which  had  been  his  error  in  life,  Columbus  insisted  still  on 
the  rights  which  a  bette:  skill  in  governing  might  have  saved  for  him; 
and  Ferdinand,  with  a  dread  of  continued  maladministration,  as  constantly 
evaded  the  issue.  While  still  hope  was  deferred,  the  infirmities  of  age  and 
a  life  of  hardships  brought  Columbus  to  his  end ;  and  on  Ascension  Day, 
the  20th  of  May,  1506, 
he  died,  with  his  son 
Diego  and  a  few  devoted 
friends  by  his  bedside. 

The  character  of  Co- 
lumbus is  not  difficult  to 
discern.  If  his  mental 
and  moral  equipoise  had 
been  as  true,  and  his 
judgment  as  clear,  as  his 
spirit  was  lofty  and  im- 
pressive, he  could  have 
controlled  the  actions  of 
men  as  readily  as  he 
subjected  their  imagina- 
tions to  his  will,  and 
more  than  one  brilliant 

opportunity  for  a  record  befitting  a  ruler  of  men  would  not  have  been 
lost.  The  world  always  admires  constancy  and  zeal ;  but  when  it  is  fed, 
not  by  well-rounded  performance,  but  by  self-satisfaction  and  self-inter- 
est, and  tarnished  by  deceit,  we  lament  where  we  would  approve.  Co- 
lumbus' imagination  was  eager,  and  unfortunately  ungovernable.  It  led 
him  to  a  great  discovery,  which  he  was  not  seeking  for ;  and  he  was  far 
enough  right  to  make  his  error  more  emphatic.  He  is  certainly  not  alone 
among  the  great  men  of  the  world's  regard  who  have  some  of  the  attributes 
of  the  small  and  mean. 


HOUSE  IN  WHICH  COLUMBUS  DIED. 


; 


'  This  follows  an  engraving  in  Rugc,  Gcschichte  des  Zcitaltcrs  dcr  Eiitdakun^eu,  p.  313,  taken 
from  a  photograph.     'I'hc  house  is  in  Valladolici. 


24 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


CRITICAL  ESSAY  ON  THE  SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

IT  would  appear,  from  docun-'  its  printed  by  Navarrete  that  in  1470  Columbus  was 
broodin;^  on  the  idea  of  land  to  the  west.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  he  would 
himself  have  been  able  to  trace  froin  germ  to  flower  the  conception  which  finally  possessed 
his  mind.*  The  age  was  ripened  for  it;  and  the  finding  of  Brazil  in  1500  by  Cabral 
showed  how  by  an  accident  the  theory  might  have  become  a  practical  result  at  any  tims 
after  the  sailors  of  Europe  had  dared  to  take  long  orean  voyages.  Columbus  grew  to 
imagine  that  he  had  been  independent  of  the  influences  of  his  time:  and  in  a  manuscript 
in  his  own  hand,  preserved  in  the  Colombina  Library  at  Seville,  he  shows  the  weak,  almost 
irresponsible,  side  of  his  mind,  and  flouts  at  the  grounds  of  reasonable  progress  which 
many  others  besides  himself  had  been  making  to  a  belief  in  the  feasibility  of  a  western  pas- 
sage. In  this  unfortunate  writing  he  declares  that  under  inspiration  he  simply  accomplished 
the  prophecy  of  Isaiah."  This  assertion  has  not  prevented  saner  and  later  writers' from 
surveying  the  evidences  of  the  growth  of  the  belief  in  the  mind,  not  of  Columbus  only,  but 
of  others  whom  he  may  have  impressed,  and  by  whom  he  may  have  been  influenced.  The 
new  intuition  was  but  the  result  of  intellectual  reciprocity.  It  needed  a  daring  exponent, 
and  found  one. 

The  geographical  ideas  which  bear  on  tiiis  question  depend,  of  course,  upon  the 
sphericity  of  the  earth.*  This  was  entertained  by  the  leading  cosmographical  thinkers 
of  that  age,  —  who  were  far  however  from  being  in  accord  in  respect  to  the  size  of  the 
globe.  Going  back  to  antiquity,  Aristotle  and  Strabo  had  both  taught  in  their  respective 
times  the  spherical  theory,  but  they  too  were  widely  divergent  upon  the  question  of  size,  — 
Aristotle's  ball  being  but  1  ^an  in  comparison  with  that  of  Strabo,  who  was  not  far  wrong 
when  he  contended  that  th^  'dd  then  known  was  sop'-'thing  more  than  one  third  of  the 
actual  circumference  of  the  whole,  or  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  degrees,  as  he  put  it; 
while  IMarinus,  the  Tyrian,  of  the  opposir.g  school,  and  the  most  eminent  geographer  before 
Ptolemy,  held  that  the  extent  of  the  then  known  world  spanned  as  much  as  two  hundred 
and  twenty-five  degrees,  or  about  one  hundred  degrees  too  much.^  Columbus'  calculations 
were  all  on  the  side  of  this  insufficient  size."  He  wrote  to  Queen  Isabella  in  1503  that  "  the 
earth  is  smaller  than  people  suppose."  He  thought  but  one  seventh  of  it  was  water.  In 
sailing  a  direct  western  course  his  expectation  was  to  reach  Cipango  after  having  gone 


1  Helps  says:  "The  greatest  geographical 
discoveries  have  been  made  by  men  conversant 
with  the  book-knowledge  of  their  own  time." 
The  age  of  Columbus  was  perhaps  the  most  il- 
lustrious of  ages.  "  Where  in  the  history  of  na- 
tions," says  Humboldt, "  can  one  find  an  epoch  so 
fraught  with  such  important  results  as  the  dis- 
covery of  America,  the  passage  to  *he  East  Indies 
round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  M.igellan's 
first  circumnavigation,  simultaneously  occurring 
with  the  highest  perfection  of  art,  the  attain- 
ment of  intellectual  and  religious  freedom,  and 
with  the  sudden  enlargement  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  earth  and  the  heavens  .'  "  Cosmos,  Eng. 
tr.,  ii.  673. 

-  This  manuscript  is  the  Lihro  de  las  profccias, 
of  which  parts  are  printed  in  Navarrete.  Cf. 
Harrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  156,  who  calls  it 
a  "curious  medley  of  quotations  and  puerile  in- 
ferences ; "  and  refers  for  an  analysis  of  it  to 
Gallardo's  Eiisnyo,  ii.  500.     Harrisse  thinks  the 


hand  is  that  of  Ferdinand  Columbus  when  a  boy, 
and  that  it  m.ay  have  been  written  under  the 
Admiral's  direction. 

"Irving,  book  i.  chap,  v.;  Humboldt,  Exa- 
men  criliipie  and  Cosmos  ;  Major,  Prince  Henry 
cf  Portugal,  chap.  xi.x.  and  Discoveries  of  Prince 
Henry,  chap.  -xiv. ;  Stevens,  Azotes ;  Helps, 
Spanish  Conquest ;  and  among  the  early  writers, 
Las  Casas,  not  to  name  others. 

■•  Columbus,  it  is  well  known,  advocated  later 
a  pear-siiapc,  instead  of  a  sphere.  Cf .  tk  ;  "  Ter» 
ccr  viage  "  in  N.ivarrcte. 

''  Robertson's  America,  note  xii.  Humboldt 
cites  tlie  ancients ;  Examen  critique,'\, 3S,  61,  98, 
etc. 

"  Ferdinand  Columbus  says  that  the  Arab 
astronomer,  Al  Fergani,  influenced  Columbus 
to  the  same  end ;  and  these  views  he  felt 
were  confirmed  by  the  reports  of  Marco  PoIq 
and  Mandiville.  Cf.  Yule's  Marco  Pclo,  vol.  i. 
p.  cxxxi. 


I.I, 


<ICA. 


COLUMBUS    AND    HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


*5 


VTION. 

J  Columbus  was 
le  that  he  would 
finally  possessed 

1500  by  Cabral 
;sult  at  any  tims 
)liimbus  grew  to 
1  in  a  manuscript 
the  weak,  almost 

progress  which 
o£  a  western  pas- 
ply  accomplished 
ter  writers'  from 
lumbus  only,  but 
influenced.  The 
daring  exponent, 

lourse,  upon  the 
raphical  thinkers 
)  the  size  of  the 
a  their  respective 
nestion  of  size,  — 
vas  not  far  wrong 
I  one  third  of  the 
ees,  as  he  put  it ; 
eographer  before 
as  two  hundred 
nbus'  calculations 
in  1503  that  "the 
t  was  water.  In 
iter  having  gone 

umbiis  when  a  boy. 
written  under  the 

Humboldt,  JExa- 
ijor,  Prince  Henry 
i scorer ies  of  Prince 
Notes ;    Helps, 

the  early  writers, 
rs. 

vn,  advocated  later 
ere.    C£.th;"Ter- 

ite  xii.     Humboldt 
ritique,\.  3S,  61,  98, 

xys  that  the  Arab 
lucnced  Columbus 
ese  views  he  felt 
rts  of  Marco  Polo 
!\farco  fclo,  vol.  i. 


about  three  thousand  mdes.  This  would  actually  have  brought  him  within  a  hundred  miles 
or  so  of  Cape  Henlopen,  or  the  neighboring  coast ;  while  if  no  land  h.id  intervened  he 
would  have  gone  nine  thousand  eight  hundred  miles  to  reach  Japan,  the  modern  Cipango,' 
Thus  Columbus'  earth  was  something  like  two  thirds  of  the  actual  magnitude.''  It  can 
readily  lie  understood  how  the  lesser  distance  was  helpful  in  inducing  a  crew  to  accom- 
pany Columbus   and  in  strengthening  his  own  determination. 

Vhatever  the  size  of  the  earth,  there  was  far  less  p.alpable  reason  to  determine  it  than 
to  settle  the  question  of  its  sphericity.  The  phenomena  which  convince  the  ordinary 
mind  to-dav.  weig'ied  with  Columbus  as  they  had  weighed  in  earlier  .ages.  These  were  the 
hullin"  down  of  ships  at  sea,  and  the  curved  shadow  of  the  earth  on  the  moon  in  an  eclipse. 
The  law  of  gravity  was  not  yet  proclaimed,  indeed;  but  it  had  been  observec'  iiat  the  men 
on  two  ships,  however  far  apart,  stood  perpendicular  to  their  decks  at  rest. 

Columbus  was  also  certainly  aware  of  some  of  the  views  and  allusions  to  he  fc -.nd  in 
the  ancient  writers,  indicating  a  belief  in  lands  lying  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.^  He 
enumerates  some  of  them  in  the  letter  which  he  wrote  about  his  third  voy.nge,  and  which  is 
printed  in  Xavarrete.     The  Colombina  Library  contains  two  interesting  memorials  of  his 


'  liy  a  great  circle  course  the  distance  would 
have  l)cen  rciUiccd  to  something  sliort  of  (ive 
thousand  eight  hundred  miles.  (Fox  in  i'.  S. 
Coast  .Siirri-v  Kcport,  iSSo,  app.  xviii.)  Marco 
Pok)  had  not  distinctly  said  how  far  off  the  coast 
of  China  the  IsLand  of  Cipango  lay. 

-  Cf.  D'Avczac  in  Bulletin  de  la  Societl  de 
GivgniJ'liie  de  Paris,  August -October,  1S57, 
p.  97.  liehaim  in  his  globe  placed  China  120° 
west  of  Cape  St.  Vincent ;  and  Columbus  is  sup- 
posed to  have  shared  lichaim's  views  and  both 
were  mainly  in  accord  with  Toscanelli.  Htmi- 
boldt,  JCxtimcii  Criliqtu\  ii.  357. 

^  X(it  long  from  the  tiine  of  his  first  voyage 
the  Orhis  h-n'iayiion  of  I.ilius,  which  later 
passed  through  other  editions  and  translations, 
summari/.ed  the  references  of  the  ancients 
(Stevens,  />'//>/.  Geo<;.  no.  1,670).  But  Ilarrissc, 
/Votes  on  Coliiml'iis,  p.  iSo,  holds  that  the  ear- 
liest instance  of  the  new  found  islands  being 
declared  the  p.arts  known  to  the  ancients,  and 
referred  to  by  Virgil  in  the  6th  book  of  the 
./Encid, — 

"Jacet  extra  sidera  tellus,"  etc., 
is  in  the  Gco;^iitpIiia  of  Ilcnricus  Glarcanus,  pub- 
lished at  Basle  in  1527.  Cf.  also  Gravier,  Zi-j 
Normands  siir  hi  route  des  /iides,  Rouen,  18S0,  p. 
24;  H.irrissc,  ^/W.  Am.  P'ct.  262.  Mr.  Murphy, 
in  placing  the  1472  edition  of  Strabo's  Ve  Situ 
orhis  in  his  American  collection,  pointed  to  the 
belief  of  this  ancient  geographer  in  the  exist- 
ence of  the  American  continent  as  a  h.ibitablc 
part  of  the  globe,  as  shown  when  he  sa>s: 
"  Nisi  Atlantici  maris  obst.iret  magnitudo,  posse 
nos  navigare  per  eundem  parallelum  ex  Ilisp.a- 
nia  in  Indiam,  etc."  Cf.  further,  Charles  Sum- 
ner's Prophetic  Voices  conccrnini;  America  ;  also 
in  his  Works  ;  Bancroft's  A'otivi  Races,  v.  68, 
122;  Baldwin's  Prehistoric  Nations,  399;  Yoxi- 
taine's //iTt/ Mt'  World  luas  peopled,  p.  139;  Las 
Casas,  ffistoria  general;  Sherer,  Pesearclies 
touching  the  New  World,  1777 ;  Recherches  sur 
VOL.   !I.  —  4. 


Ill  geogra/>hie  des  aiicieiis,  Paris,  1797-1S13J 
Memoirs  of  the  Lisbon  Academy,  v.  loi  ;  Paul 
Gaffarcl,  V Amerique avant  ColomI;  and  his"  Les 
Grecs  ct  les  Komains,  out  ils  connu  I'Amerique  .'  " 
in  the  Revue  de  Geographic  (1S81),  ix.  241,  etc.  j 
Ferdinanf'  CoUmibus'  life  of  his  father,  and 
Himiboldt's  examination  of  his  views  in  nis 
Excmen  critique;  Brasscur  de  Bourbourg's 
Introduction  to  his  Popul-Vuh. 

Glareanus,  above  referred  to,  w.as  one  of  the 
most  popular  ot  the  condensed  cosmograi)hical 
woi  ks  of  the  time  ;  and  it  g.avc  but  the  briefest 
reference  to  the  Xew  World,  "de  rcgionibus 
extra  Ptolemxum."  Its  author  was  uiidcr  tliirty 
when  he  published  his  first  edition  in  1527  at 
Basle.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library  [Catalogue,  i.  90).  Cf.  also  Bibl.  Amer, 
Vet.,  142;  Huth,  ii.  602;  Wcige!,  1S77,  p.  82, 
priced  .at  18  marks.  It  was  reprinted  at  Basle, 
the  next  year,   1528  (Tromel,  3),  and  again  in 

1529.  [Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  143,  147.)  Another 
edition   w.as   printed  at    Freiburg   (Brisgau)  in 

1530,  of  which  there  are  copies  lii  Harvard  Col- 
lege and  Carter-Brown  [Catalogue,  m.  95)  libra- 
ries. (Cf.  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  147;  Mjlier,  1877, 
no.  1,232.)  There  were  other  Freiburg  imprints 
'"  1533.  '536.  1539.  1543.  ^-"d  1551.  [Bibl.  Amer. 
Vet.,  1S3,  212,  248;  Additions,  121  ;  Carter-Brown, 
i.  160;  White  Kcnnett,  p.  12;  Tromel,  no.  12; 
Murphy,  1049.)  There  were  Venice  imprints  in 
'534.  «S37.  1538.  1539.  and  1544-  [Bibl.  Amer. 
Vet.,  225,  228,  259;  Auditions,  120;  Lancetti, 
Biichersaal,  i.  79.)  An  edition  of  Venice,  with- 
out date,  is  assigned  to  1549.  [Catalogue  of  the 
Sumner  Collection  in  Ilan'ard  College  Library.) 
Editions  were  issued  at  Paris  in  1542,  with  a 
folded  map,  "Typus  cosmographicus  univer- 
salis," in  1550  (Court,  144),  and  in  1572,  the 
last  repeating  the  map.  [Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  139.) 
The  text  of  ai.  these  editions  is  in  Latin.  Sabin, 
vol.  vii.  no.  27,536,  etc.,  enumerates  most  of  the 
editions. 


1 


/; 


>■<' 


^ 


/ ' 


\ 


26 


NARRATIVK   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


connection  with  this  belief.  One  is  a  treatise  in  his  own  hand,  giving  his  correspondence 
witii  Father  Gorricio,  who  gatliured  the  ancient  views  ami  prophecies  ; '  and  the  other  is  a 
copy  of  Gaietanus' editioii  of  Seneca's  tragedies,  published  indeed  after  Columbus' death, 
in  which  the  passage  of  the  Medea,  known  to  have  been  much  in  Columbus'  mind,  is  scored 
with  the  marginal  comment  of  Ferdinand,  his  son,  "  Hac  prophetia  explcta  0  per  patre  meus 
cristoforfi  colO  almirr-'O  anno  1492."  -    Columbus,  further,  could  not  have  been  unaware  of 


JParme^doSim^  iotumdiumaMatheJis 


ri'OI.F.MY.' 


% 

•    li- 


the opposing  theories  of  Ptolemy  and  Pomponius  Mela  as  to  the  course  in  which  the  fur- 
ther extension  of  the  known  world  should  be  pursued.  Ptolemy  held  to  the  east  and  west 
theory,  and  Mela  to  the  northern  and  southern  view. 

The  Angelo  Latin  translation  of  Ptolemy's  Greek  Geographia  had  served  to  dissemi- 
nate the  Alexandrian  geographer's  views  through  almost  the  whole  of  the  fifteenth  century, 

1  Such  as  riiUo's  in  his  Crilias  and  Tinuais,         "  Fac-simile  of    a  cut  in  Tcones  sive  imagines 

and  Aristotle's  in  liis  De  Miiin/o,  cap.  iii.,  etc.  e/Vir  Uteris  d.  virortim    .  .  .    cum  elogiis  variii 

-  Harrissc,    Bibliotheca   Americana    I'eiitstis-  per    A^icolaiim    Rciisncriim .      Basilicc,    CID    ID 

tima  ;  Additions,  no.  36.  XIC,  Sig.  A.  4. 


nil' 


I  LA. 

correspondence 
ul  the  other  is  a 
blumbus'  death, 
mind,  is  scored 
}  per  patrc  meus 
been  unaware  of 


COLUMUUS   AND    HIS    UlSCOVERIKS. 


2^ 


for  that  version  had  been  first  nude  in  1409.  In  1475  it  had  been  printed,  and  it  had 
helped  strengthen  the  arguments  of  those  who  favored  a  belief  in  the  position  of  India  as 
lying  over  against  Spain.     Several  other  editions  were  yet  to  be  printed  in  the  new  typo- 


CL  T?T0XOMAEVS  ALEXAN- 
dtlnas/L^niiaxutticas. 


ftTfiUJ^oSrlrutotumdii^iuMaAefh 


PTOLEMY.l 


n  which  the  fur- 
e  east  and  west 

rved  to  dissemi- 
fteenth  century, 

nes  size  imagines 
urn  eloffiis  varih 
Sasilin,    C/D    ID 


graphical  centres  of  Europe,  all  exerting  more  or  less  influence  in  support  of  the  new  views 
advocated  by  Columbus. =    Five  of  these  editions  of  Ptolemy  appeared  during  the  interval 


1  Fac-similc  of  cut  in  Iconcs  she  imagines 
virorum  Uteris  illustrium  .  .  .  ex  sectinda  rccog- 
nitione  Nieolai  Reusneri.  Argentorati,  CIO  ID  A'C, 
p.  I.  The  first  edition  appeared  in  1587.  liru- 
net,  vol.  iv.,  col.  1255,  calls  the  editions  of  1590 
and  Frankfort,  1620,  inferior. 

'■^  Bernaklez  tells  us  that  Columbus  was  a 
reader  of  Ptolemy  and  of  John  de  Mandeville. 
Cf.  on  the  spreading  of  Ptolemy's  views  at 
this  time  Lelewel,  Geographic  dti  moytii  Age,  ii.  [). 


122;  Thomassy,  Les  papes  g^vgrnplies,  \i\>.  15,  34- 
There  are  copies  of  the  1475  edition  of  Ptolemy 
in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  the  Cartcr-l'-r^wn 
Library  (cf.  also  Miirp/iy  Catnlrgiie,  nu.  2,044) ;  of 
the  1478  edition,  the  only  copy  in  this  country, 
so  far  as  known,  is  the  onr  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  added  to  that  cjUection  since  its  cata- 
logue was  printed.  T'le  Perkins  copy  in  1873 
brought  j^So  (cf.  Livn  r  pnyes  en  rente  piMtque 
i,oooJ'ra>tes,  etc.,  p.  137)      It  was  the  first  edition 


i 


aS 


NAKKATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   lllSlOKY   UF   AMERICA. 


,  1 


ii^Jj 


from  1475  to  1492.  Of  I'oniponiiis  Mela,  advocntinx  tlic  views  of  which  the  Portuguese 
were  at  tiiis  time  proving  tiie  truth,  the  earliest  printed  edition  iiad  aiipeared  in  1471. 
Mela's  treatise,  JJe  situ  tiifiis,  had  been  produced  in  the  first  century,  while  Ptolemy  had 
made  his  views  known  in  the  second;  and  the  aije  of  Vasco  da  (iania,  Columbus,  and 
Magellan  were  to  [jrove  the  com|)lenieiit,d  rel.itioiis  of  their  respective  theories. 

It  has  been  said  that  Macrobius,  a  Roman  of  the  fifth  century,  in  a  commentary  on  the 
Drciiin  of  Scipio,  had  niaintained  a  division  of  the  globe  into  four  continents,  of  which 
two  were  then  unknown.  In  the  twelfth  century  this  idea  had  been  revived  by  (iuillaume 
de  Conches  (who  died  .about  1 150)  in  iiis  P/ii/oxof'/iut  Afiiiot,  lib.  iv  cap.  3.  It  was  again 
later  further  jjromulgated  in  the  writings  of  ISede  and  Monort?  tl'Autun,  and  in  the  Micro- 
cosmos  of  Geofiroy  tie  Saint-Victor.  —  a  manuscript  of  the  thirteenth  century  still  pre- 
served.' It  is  not  known  that  this  tlieory  was  familiar  to  Columbus.  The  chief  directors 
of  his  thoughts  among  anterior  writers  appear  to  have  been,  directly  or  indirectly,  Albjr- 
tus  Magnus,  Roger  liacon,  and  \'inceiizius  o£  Ileauvais;-  and  first  among  them,  for 
importance,  we  must  place  the  Opus  iMajiis  of  Roger  IJacon,  completed  in  1267.  It  was 
from  Bacon  that  Petrus  de  Aliaco,  or  Pierre  d'Ailly  (b.  1340;  d.  1416  or  1425),  in  his 
y>ii(ii^o  miindi,  borrowed  the  passage  which,  in  this  French  imitator's  language,  so 
impressed  Columbus." 


with  maps.  Lclcwcl  (vol.  ii.  p.  134)  h.ad  traced 
the  intlucncc  of  tlic  .\gathoiUx'mon  (I'tolciiican) 
maps  on  tlic  cnrto^rapliy  of  tliu  Middle  .Ages. 
The  maps  representing  the  growtli  of  geograph- 
ical ideas  anterior  to  Columbus  will  he  exaiii- 
incil  in  another  place.  The  Ulm  edition  of 
I'tolemv,  14SJ,  showed  in  its  map  of  the  world 
a  part  of  what  is  now  called  America  in  repre- 
senting (trccnland  ;  but  it  gave  it  a  distinct  rela- 
tion to  Europe,  by  making  (Ircenland  a  peninsula 
of  tlie  .Scandinavian  north.  There  seems  reason 
to  believe  that  this  map  was  made  in  1.(71,  anil 
it  passes  for  the  earliest  engraved  map  to  show 
that  northern  region,  —  "  Kngrone-land,"  as  it  is 
called.  It  we  reject  tlie  Zeno  map  with  its  alleged 
date  of  1400  or  thereabout  (published  long  alter 
Columbus,  in  155S),  the  oldest  known  delinea- 
tions of  Greenland  (which  there  is  no  evidence 
that  Columbus  ever  saw,  and  from  which  if  he 
had  seen  them,  he  could  have  inferred  nothing  to 
advantage)  are  a  Genoese  manuscri])t  map  in  the 
ritti  palace,  which  Santarem  {Histoirc  (ic  hi  du- 
toi^riipliiCy  vol.  iii.  p.  xix)  dates  1417,  but  which 
seems  instead  to  be  properly  credited  to  1447, 
the  peninsula  here  being  "Grinlandia  "  (ct.  I.ele- 
•wel,  I'.piloi^uc,  p.  167;  Miixmiiw  of  Aiiicfiitin 
History,  April,  iSSj,  p.  290) ;  and  the  map  of 
Claudius  Clavus,  assigned  to  1427,  which  be- 
longs to  a  manuscri])!  of  Ptolemy,  preserved  in 
the  library  at  Xancy.  This,  with  the  Zeno  map 
and  that  in  the  Ptolemy  of  14S2,  is  given  in 
Trois  cartes  prlcolombieniics  rcprSsciitant  Grocii- 
laud,  facsimile  prcscntes  an  Caiii;ri!s  des  Amiri- 
canistcs  ii  Copciiliagiie ;  par  A.  E.  A^ordcitskibUl, 
Stockholm,  1S83.  In  the  Laon  globe  (14S6-14S7) 
"  Grolandia  "  is  put  down  as  an  island  off  the 
Norway  coast.  There  is  a  copy  of  this  1482 
edition  of  Ptolemy  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library, 
and  another  is  noted  in  the  Miirpliy  Cataloi^iie, 
no.  2,046.    Its  maps  were  repeated  in  the  i486 


edition,  also  published  at  Ulm;  and  of  this 
there  was  a  copy  in  the  Murphy  Collection 
(no.  2,047,  —  bought  by  President  White,  of  Cor- 
nell); and  another  belongs  to  the  late  G.W.  Kiggs, 
of  Washington.  In  1490  the  Roman  edition  of 
1478  was  reproduced  with  the  same  maps  ;  and 
of  this  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Cartcr-Urown  Li- 
brary ;  and  another  is  shown  in  the  Miirp/iy  Cata- 
logiic  (no.  2,048).  ,\  splendidly  illuminated  copy 
of  this  edition  sold  in  the  Sunderland  sale  (part 
V.  no.  13,770)  has  since  been  held  by  Quaritch 
at  ;^6oo.  See  further  on  these  early  editions  of 
Ptolemy  in  Winsor's  Iiihlio;^raphy  of  J^tolemy's 
Geography,  jnihlished  by  Harvard  University. 

'  (jravier,  Les  Normaitds  sur  la  route  des 
fndes,  Rouen,  1S80,  p.   37. 

-  Humboldt,  Cosmos  (Kng.  ed.),  ii.  619.  The 
Speculiiiii  iiatiirale  of  Vincenzius  (1250)  is  an 
eneydopxdic  treatise,  closely  allied  with  other 
treatises  of  that  time,  like  the  De  rerttm  natiira 
of  Cautipratensis  (1230),  and  the  later  work  of 
Meygenberg(i349). 

■'  HumboUlt,  F.xaiiieii  Critique,  i.  61,  65,  70; 
ii.  349.  Columbus  (pioted  this  passage  in  Octo- 
ber, 1498,  in  his  letter  from  Santo  Domingo  to 
the  Sjianish  monarch.  Margry,  A'arigatioiis 
Francoises,  Paris,  1867,  p.  71,  "Les  deu.v  Indes 
du  XV*^^  siecle  et  I'influence  Fran9aise  sur  Co- 
lomb,"  has  sought  to  reflect  credit  on  his  country 
by  tracing  the  influence  of  the  Imago  muudi  in 
the  discovery  of  the  X'ew  World;  but  the  bor- 
rowing from  Bacon  destroys  his  case.  (Major, 
Select  Letters  of  Columl'us,  p.  .xlvii ;  Harrisse, 
A''otcs  on  Columbus,  p.  84.)  If  Margry's  claim 
is  correct,  that  there  was  an  edition  of  the 
Imago  muudi  (irinted  at  Nuremberg  it,'  1472,  it 
would  carry  it  back  of  the  beginning  of  Colum- 
bus's advocacy  of  his  views ;  but  bibliographers 
find  no  edition  earlier  than  1480  or  1483,  aau 
most  place  this  editio  princeps  ten  years  later 


ni^ 


J   Si 


(if'*' 

,     !'')i' 
I        l!( 


ICA. 

the  Portuguese 
pcired  iti  147 1. 
ile  I'tok'my  had 
,  Columbus,  and 

orics. 

iiiiicntary  on  the 
liiiLiits,  of  which 
cd  by  (iuillauiiiL' 
3.  It  was  again 
lid  in  thL-  .I//V/V- 
jLiUiiry  still  pre- 
le  chief  chrcctors 
indirectly,  AUvr- 
iniong  them,  for 
in  1267.  It  was 
or  1425),  in  his 
r's   language,  so 


!hii;  and  of  this 
iluiphy  Collection 
lent  White,  of  Cor- 
lie  lateG.W.  Riggs, 
Roman  edition  of 
e  same  maps  ;  and 
e  Carter-lirown  l.i- 
n  the  Miirf/iy  Cita- 
\y  illiiininated  copy 
nderland  sale  (part 
I  held  by  Quaritch 
sc  early  editions  of 
;•(;//;,)'  0/  Ptolemy's 
vard  University. 
stir   la   route  i/es 

ed.),  ii'  619.  The 
n/.ius  (1250)  is  an 
allied  with  other 
/)(■  reriim  luitiira 
the  later  work  of 

tiipie,  i.  Ol,  65,  70; 
s  passage  in  Octo- 
Santo  Dcmiingo  to 
argry,    A'liTis^^dtio/is 
Les  deux  Indes 
I'"ran9aise  sur  Co- 
edit  on  his  country 
le  Imago  miiinli  in 
rid;  but  the  bor- 
liis  case.     (M.ajor, 
xlvii ;    Harrisse, 
If  Margry's  claim 
edition   of   the 
emberg  ii:  1472,  it 
ginning  of  Colum- 
but  bibliographers 
480  or   1483,  aiid 
r  ten  years  late 


COLUMUUS   ANIJ    .IIS    DISCOVEKIKS. 


«• 


An  important  element  in  the  i)roblem  was  the  statements  of  Marco  Polo  regarding  a 
large  island,  which  he  called  Cipango,  and  wliich  he  represente<l  as  lying  in  the  ocean  oil 
the  eastern  coast  of  Asi.i.  This  carried  the  eastern  verge  of  the  Asiatic  world  farther  tlian 
the  ancients  had  known  ;  and,  on  the  spherical  theory,  brought  land  nearer  westward  from 


ALBERTVS  MAGNVS  EPI 
fcopusKatifpoaenlis. 


Hj^tBermsopbixdoSortPritful^jfacmumi 
MitA  mmr^  vUmlbmuliluet^ 

M.  cccrx.cii. 


AI.IiERTUS    MAGNUS.' 


xs  Humboldt  does.  It  is  generally  .agreed  that 
the  book  was  written  in  1410.  A  copy  of  this 
first  edition,  of  whatever  date,  is  preserved  in 
the  Colombina  Library  in  Seville  ;  .and  it  wms 
the  copy  used  by  Columbus  and  Las  C.asas.  Its 
margins  are  annotated,  and  the  notes,  which  are 
by  most  thought  to  be  in  the  hand  of  Columbus, 
have  been  published  by  Varnhagen  in  the  Biilte- 
tin  lie  la  Soci^ti  Je  Geographie  i/c  Paris,  January, 
1858,  p.  71,  and  by  Peschel  in  his  Ceschuhte  des 
Zeitalters  der  Enldcckungtn,  p.  112,  —  who,  how- 


ever, ascribes  the  notes  to  Bartholomew  Colum- 
bus. A  facsimile  of  part  of  them  is  given  on 
p.  31.  Cf.  M.ajor,  Prime  Henry,  p.  349;  Carter- 
Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  3  ;  Murphy  Catalogue,  no.  27, 
bought  by  Cornell  Univ.  and  Dinau.x,  Cardinal 
P.  iVAilly,  Cambray,  1S24. 

1  Fac-simile  of  cut  in  Rcusner's  hones, 
Str.asburg,  1590,  p.  4.  There  is  another  cut 
in  Paulus  Jovius's  Elogia  virorum  litteris  illus- 
trium,  Basle,  1575,  p.  7  (copy  in  Harvard  Col- 
lege Library). 


30 


NARRATIVE    ANU   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I    V* 


'hi' 


Kiirnpc  tlinn  could  earlier  have  been  supposed.  It  is  a  qticslion,  however,  if  Columhu* 
had  any  ItnowlcdKi;  of  tlie  Latin  or  Italian  maniiscripl.s  of  Marco  I'olo,  -the  only  form  in 
whicli  anybody  could  have  studied  his  narrative  before  the  printing  of  it  at  Nurendjerg 
in  1477,  in  (Jcrman,  a  language  which  Columbus  is  not  likely  to  liavc  known.     Humlioldt 

has  pointed  out  th.it  neither  Colum- 
l)Us  nor  his  .son  Ferdinand  mentions 
Marco  i'olo;  still  wc  know  ttiat  he 
had  read  his  book.  Columbus  fur- 
ther knew,  it  would  seem,  what 
>F!neas  Sylvius  had  written  on  Asia. 
Toscaneili  had  also  imp.irted  to  him 
what  he  knew.  A  second  (lerman 
edition  of  Marco  Polo  appeared  at 
Augsburg  in  14S1.  In  1485,  with  the 
Iliiii-nii  iii.io{  Mandeville,'  publisliod 
at  Zwoile,  the  account  —  "  De  rei^ioni- 
buH  oricntalii)us  "  —  of  Marco  I'olo 
first  appeared  in  Latin,  translated 
from  the  orij^inal  French,  in  wliicli  it 
had  been  dictated.  It  was  proiiably 
in  this  form  that  Columbus  first  saw 
it.'-  There  was  a  separate  Latin  edi- 
tion in  i4(jo.'' 

The   most   <lefinite   confirmation 
and  encouragement  wliicli  Columbus 
received  in  his  views  would  seem  to 
have  come  from  Toscaneili,  in  1474. 
This  eminent  Italian  astn.nomer,  who 
was  now  about  seventy-eight  years 
old,  and  was  to  die,  in   t482,  before 
Columbus  and  Da  ( lama  had  con- 
summated their  discoveries,  had  reached  a  conclusion  in  his  own  mind  that  only  about 
tifty-two  degrees  of  longitude  separated   Europe  westerly  from  Asia,  making  the  earth 
much  smaller  even  than  Columbus'  inadequate  views  had  fashioned  it ;  for  Columbus  had 


MARCO  POLO,* 


'Mi. 


'  Mandcvillc  had  m.idc  his  Asiatic  journey 
and  long  SDJinirn  (thirty-four  \ cars)  tliirty  or  forty 
years  later  than  Marco  I'olo,  and  on  his  return 
had  written  his  narrative  in  Lnglish,  French,  and 
Latin.  It  was  first  jirinlcd  in  French  at  Lyons, 
in  1480.  The  narrative  is,  however,  unauthentic. 
-  A  copy  of  this  edition  is  in  the  Coloinhina 
Li!)rary,  with  marginal  marks  ascribed  to  Co- 
lumbus, but  of  no  .'■ignificancc  except  as  aids  to 
the  memory.     C'f.  JAvfir's  Monllily,  xlvi.  p.  I. 

^  There  were  other  editions  between  his  first 
voyage  and  his  death,  —  an  Italian  one  in  1496, 
and  a  Portuguese  in  1502.  For  later  editions, 
tf.  Ilarrissc,  Bibl.  Am.  />/.,  no.  89;  Navarretc, 
Dibl.  maritima,  ii.  668;  lirunct,  iii.  1,406;  .Saint- 
Martin,  I/istoire  de  Li  Gi'os^raphif,  p.  27S.  The 
recent  editions  of  distinctive  merit  are  those,  in 
Fnglish,  of  Colonel  Yule;  the  various  te.xts  is- 
sued in  the  Recticil  de  vovii!;es  ct  de  mhiioires 
publih  par  la  Society  de  Glo<rfaf<hie  de  Paris  ; 
and  Le  livre  de  Marco  Polo,  r^digi  en  Francois 


sous  sa  d/e/t'e  en  1 298  /nr  Rtisticicn  de  Pise,  pnbl. 
four  la  V'/ois  (faprHs  3  JAS'.S".  iut'd.,  at',  variaiites, 
cotnmeiit.  g^ot^r.  ct  histor.,  etc.,  jjar  G.  Pauthier. 
2  vols.  Paris:  Didot,  1S65.  ('f.  Foscariiii,/'<7/a 
Ictt.  Ven.2y);  '/a\x\:i,  Di  Marco  Polo  ;  Maltebrun, 
Ilisloiredcla  Cco^^rap/iic  ;  Tiraboschi,  .S/oria  delta 
left.  Ital,  vol.  iv.;  Vivien  de  Saint-Martin,  His- 
toire  de  la  Geographic,  p.  272;  and  tlic  bibliog- 
raphy of  the  MSS.  and  printed  editions  of  the 
Mitionc  given  in  Pictro  Aniat  di  S.  Filipjjo's 
Studi  I'iog.  e  bibliog.,  jiublished  by  the  Societi 
Geografica  Italiana  in  1882  (2d  ed.).  A  fac- 
simile of  a  manuscript  of  the  fourteenth  century 
of  the  I.ivre  de  Marco  Polo  was  prepared  under 
the  care  of  Nordenskiold,  and  printed  at  Stock 
holm  in  1S82.  'I'he  original  is  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Stockholm. 

*  This  follows  an  engraving  in  Rage's  Gesch- 
ichtc  des  Zcitalters  der  Eutdeckungen,  p.  53.  The 
original  is  at  Rome.  There  is  a  copy  of  an  old 
print  in  Jules  Verne's  Dhouverte  de  la  Terre, 


COLUMIUJS    AND    HIS    DISCOVKUIliS. 


3J 


,  if  Colunibuf 
i;  only  form  in 
,t  Nurcnil)cr(» 
1.     Huinlxildt 
cither  Colum- 
land  mentions 
know  fli.1t  he 
.■olumlius  fur- 
sceni,    what 
itten  on  Asia. 
il)arte(l  to  him 
cond  German 
I)  appeared  at 
I485,\vitli  tiie 
ille,'  puhlishod 
-"  I)e  ri'i^ionU 
1  Marco  I'olo 
tin,   translated 
ich,  in  whicli  it 
t  was  probably 
mbus  first  saw 
irate  L.atin  edi- 

e  confirmation 
liich  Columbus 
would  seem  to 
:anelii,  in  1474. 
stronomer,  who 
ity-eight  years 
n   148:;,  before 

inia  had  con- 
liat  only  .about 
king  the  earth 

Columbus  had 


V«  (/<•  J'ise,  (■ul'l. 

:'</.,  av.  -i'liriiiiiti's, 

par  (i.  rauthicr. 

Foscariiii, /><■//« 

|'ii/ii ;  Maltebrun, 

|sclii,.S'Ai/-/i;  lii-Uii 

lint-Martin,  His- 

[iiul  the  l)il)liog- 

editions  of  the 

di  S.   Filipi)o's 

by  the  Socioti 

Id  cd.).    A  fac- 

jirteenth  century 

l)rc|)ared  under 

jirintcd  at  Stock- 

Is   in  the   Royal 

Un  Rage's  Gesch- 
Iff//,  p.  53.  The 
\  copy  of  an  old 
de  la  Terre. 


tw»A^.Wr-^"«*<'' 


-   »»H«  ^•f.n  ...•1 '— 7 


,^t\f^-»Uf%^\^ 


(»• 


y.WwWAf,Ty^w<yv«..-U-^^ 


satisfied  himself  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  dcRrees  of  the  entire  three  hundred  and 
sixty  was  only  as  yet  unknown.'  With  such  views  of  the  inferiority  of  the  earth,  Tosca- 
nelli  liad  .addressed  a  letter 
to  Martinez,  a  prebendary  of 
Lisbon,  accompanied  by  a 
map  professedly  based  on 
infiirniation  derived  from  the 
liookof  Marco  I'olo.-  When 
Toscanclli  received  a  letter 
(if  inquiry  from  Columbus, 
lie  re|)lied  by  sending  .1  copy 
(if  tliis  letter  and  the  map. 
As  the  testimony  to  a  west- 
ern passage  from  a  man  of 
■j'oscanelll's  eminence,  it  was 
of  m.irked  importance  in  the 
conversion  of  others  to  sim- 
il.ir  views.' 

It  lias  always  been  a 
(piestion  how  far  the  prac- 
tical evidence  of  chance 
'lenoniena,   and    the    abso- 


am.\^r»^  «il  tAVv.V5  ^(i4),^«.t    , 


l»>l- V'*«5' 


I 

lute  kiiowled;;e,  derived  from 

'  1  lie  actual  distance  from 
Sp;iiii  wi'stcrly  to  tUiina  is  two 
hin\iin.(l  and  tliirty-one  degrees. 

-  Cf.  Zurla,  Fra  Afaiiro,  p. 


152;    I.C 


ewfl    II.  107. 


''  The  Italian  text  of  Tos- 
(anclli's  letter  has  been  long 
known   in    Ferdinand    Coluni- 
Inis'    Life   of   his   father ;   but 
llarrissc  calls  it  " trcs-ine.xact 
et  iiitcrpolLc  j  "  and,  in  his  />'//'/. 
Am.   Vi't.  Adililions   (187.:),   p. 
xvi,  Ilarrisse  gives  the   Latin 
text,    which    he    had    already 
printed,  in    1871,   in   his   Don 
/•'cniaiu/o  Colon,   published   at 
.'-Seville,  from  a  copy  ninde  of  it 
which  had  been  discovered  by 
the  librarian  of  the  Colonibina, 
transcribed  by  Coliind)us  him- 
self in  a  copy  of  /Vaicas  .Sylvius' 
(I'ius     II. 's)     Jlistoria    rvnim 
iilnipK  qesliiniiii,  Venice,  1477, 
preserved  in  that  library.    liar- 
ri:x(;  also  gives  a  photographic 
f:ic-siniile  of  this  memorial  of 
Columbus.     Cf.  I)'Avc7,ac,  in 
the  Biillttiii  (k  la  SocieU'  de  Gcos^aphic  de  Paris, 
October,  1S73,  p.  46  ;  and  Ilarrisse,  I.es  Cortereal, 
p.  41.    The  form  of  the  letter,  .as  given  in  Navar- 
rcte,  is  translated  into  English  in  Ketteirs/owr- 
nal  of  Columbus,  p.  26S,  and  in  Bechcr's  Landfall 
if  Columbus,  p.  183.     Cf.  Lelewel,  Glographie  du 
moyen  dge,  ii.  130;  bulletin  de  la  SociM  de  Gio- 
t^raphie,  1872,  p.  49;  Huge,  Geschichte  des  Zeit- 


>itfirci  Cnfam  lit^rm  «u 

^fb(u«  nnntS  rarentem  ba 

jrtranrcd  inocw  >  5<fra 

nncar  f rugca  oicr  bycmis 

J  bomuies  .  drpbantca  in 

.•0 prrao(beplnnmotf  ^b\ 

I  dbontji  gnffes  ac  immcfo  Bi-».,~«r  *'*j^''7  '^"  <'  "fH 

inpia oaloc magna cRa^  ,t„r^^iiS^v\^ 

)|a  f(l  r^na  p'"'^  ^^^t^hj 

ipnr  btcac  ifuropa;  cfR  ma 

Dicoijit'cpfronelnote  f^?j- 
1  prop  err  rrgtoncm  "patba 
.ij  maritf  magnij  orffoioca 
.am  infmortm  feu  ?lfncaj 
110  inoif  Offcoioit  a  tropi 
uomonrcm  AOalra.irfgi 
-rnunc  ilr^mtinfaturRa 
.-fte^cne-  ona  futrroini 
loofquiinunctftrcrmo  • 
no.  tn  meoto  babirahonid 
jCnoetf  fcptctnonf  1  mm 
iniomapcneas  t?ttnifalc 
'►"[alucfm  in  incotortrre- 
.  e  babiwbilii^  oc  ofTenoiic 
iinificucfupraoiccumcft  '*. 
/ilib!>lnDif.'   (Ta  xei 

nota  (IT  cHOcaK  9ro(r 

wirabiliu  uanetatc.  Ra 

i&lgtnn  Diiog  cubiconi^    !>^.^i 

[jartut  octauofctiefhint  • 

amen  ffrpflitnm  qiit  ibi.   f  f"*lt» 


•    -*r' 


f.if^  r»""^  |;vrrwfa:r 

"i  nw^MK-rrx- 


urobU>ni.cubtto;:  logi  (m».-^oU  ,i  ^>t«r^>4^^ 
taaqjet ungues  pfmitie  )r'ff^-i  ' 

'O  in  igne  amore  alrer  al 

punt parat iimpiua fu  ^ '^^'^^rf*^ir»^instp'^ 


ANNOTATIONS    liY    COLUMBUS.'' 

al/ers  der  Entdeckun^cn,  p.  225.  H.  Grothe,  in 
his  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  lierlin,  1S74,  says  that 
Da  Vinci  in  1473  h.id  written  to  Columbus  re- 
specting a  western  passage  to  the  Indies. 

*  On  a  copy  of  Pierre  d'Ailly's  Imago 
mundi,  preserved  in  the  Colombina  Library  at 
Seville,  following  a  photograph  in  Harrisse's 
Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  84. 


I 


32 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


. 


^K^^ 


;     \1.IU   t*"  «juil  %UM«4»Tir/r<5»^»N 


,«•" 


««^" 


\htti  i.t\  dci  mill  fl   iV>rA|Ai>oiru' 


.  M 


^— - 


MPMo.  ii.unfo  tt<HTfOnv-I0  «I\t^  »•  heMx 


■..-■  -=4- 


phagosrquj  ultra  boshabicauejcTIiooni: 
Turn  paruas  gcntcs  quf  auftraha  caucali « 
qiic  ponn  Scptcnmonalc  larus.ultra  Cru' 
aniiminnumirabilcsiaccncgcnccs;quasa 
daiidicaboncri  utPtbolomfo  placet  R. 
m  Plimo5:  mulnsaliisIogiitimusCafp) 
qui  banc  coram  incolunr  fcycbarum  nonr 
ixis  Pcl)olomcus  Sarmatbas  appellat:qu 
cfl:i«:a)iosariancosuocacaTbanai  ulq 
OS  Europcs;qui  gaTtianum  inta  Tbana 
ro  iilcra  6i  intra  Iinaum  monccm  collocat 
nimcd.Scripcorcsalii  Socbarumnonu 
unc:quosagermanicpIimice  ufqucad  ip 
pelagas  occupare  arhicranturrSC  fiait  bab 
Ecbyopibus  tradidcrunr :  part  modoScj 
quoscuin  Sarnutbisconfudcrunc .  Die? 
tcm  apud  Xraxim  fl  umcn  ongincm  bab 
ab initio nationcin  fui lie  ck modicc ccrr 
ignobilicatcma  uicinis  concariptam:n 
quondam  bcllicofum:  5^  mtlicarvuirtut 
pliaO'e  moncanos:  quod  uft^ ad  Cauca 
ufq^adocceanum  Si  Meotidem  Rum* 
lam  quoquc  adducit  natamapudScyt 
bellicotenus  bomims  fornria  rdiqiia  m 
cnt  nomine  fcytbam.qu!  otnrti  Jm  ar  t< 
ndmen  exfc  populisuocabulurn.incU( 
ros  duo  fiacres  cxticcnnt  rumma.uirtui 
appellacus:q  magnis  rebus gcfbis  regnt 
populos  Pluconesralccrosnapas  uoat 
nies  regioncs  ulcra  Tbanaim  ufqucad' 
fl  fq  ue  deindc  m  alccram  partem  arn\is 
nericrrcdacftis  in  poceftaCem  omnibus 
cibus  dCuCqi  ad  orienasocceaniuii:df  i 
procedehcmulcor^regcs  babuic  mtp 


ANNOTATIONS    liV    COLUMIiUS, 


>  On  a  copy  of  the  Historiii  reriwt  uhiqtie gestantm  of  ^uieas  Sylvius,  preserved  in  the  Colomblna 
Library  at  Seville,  following  a  photograph  in  Ilarrisse's  Kotfs  ah  Columbus,  appendix. 


t 

•;:| 


!'        I 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


33 


other  explorers,  bearing  upon  the  views  advocated  liy  Cokimbus,  may  have  instigated  or 
confirmeil  liim  in  his  belief.  There  is  just  enough  |)lausil)iiity  in  some  of  the  stories  which 
are  cited  to  make  them  fall  easily  into  the  pleas  of  detraction  to  whicii  Columbus  has 
been  subjected. 

A  story  was  repeated  by  Oviedo  in  1535  as  an  idle  rumor,  adoi)ted  by  Gomara  in  1552 
without  comment,  and  given  considerable  currency  in  1609  by  Clarcilasso  de  la  \'ega,  of 
a  Spanish  pilot,  —  Sanches,  as  the  name  is  sometimes  given,  —  who  had  sailed  from 
Madeira,  and  had  been  driven  west  and  had  seen  land  (Ilispaniola,  it  is  inferred),  and 
wlio  being  shipwrecked  had  been  harbored  by  Columbus  in  his  house.  Under  this  roof 
the  pilot  is  said  to  have  died  in  14S4,  leaving  his  host  the  possessor  of  his  secret.  La 
Vega  claimed  to  have  received  the  tale  from  his  father,  who  had  been  at  the  Court  of 
Spain  in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Oviedo  repeated  it,  but  incredulously ;  * 
and  it  was  later  told  by  Gomara,  Acosta,  Eden,  and  others.  Robertson,-  Irving,"  and 
most  later  writers  lind  enough  in  the  indecision  and  variety  of  its  sha[)es  to  discard  it 
altogether.  Peter  Martyr,  Hernaldez,  and  Ilerrera  make  no  mention  of  it.  It  is  singular, 
however,  that  Ferdinand  de  Galardi,  in  dedicating  his  Traitc  politique  dcs  abassuiicHrs, 
published  at  Cologne  in  1666,  to  a  descendant  of  Columbus,  the  Duke  of  Veraguas,  men- 
tions the  story  as  an  indisputable  fact ;  ■*  and  it  has  not  escaped  the  notice  of  querulous 
writers  even  of  our  day." 

Others  have  thought  that  Columbus,  in  his  voyage  to  Thule  or  Iceland,"  in  February, 
1477,  could  have  derived  knowledge  of  the  Sagas  of  the  westerly  voyages  of  Eric  the  Red 
and  his  countrymen.'  It  sei ms  to  be  true  that  commercial  relations  were  maintained  be- 
tween Iceland  and  Greenland  for  some  years  later  than  1400;  but  if  Columbus  knew  of 
them,  he  probably  shared  the  belief  of  the  geographers  of  his  time  that  Cireenland  was  a 
peninsula  of  Scandinavia.'* 

The  extremely  probable  and  almost  necessary  pre-Columbian  knowledge  of  the  north- 
eastern parts  of  America  follows  from  the  venturesome  si)irit  of  the  mariners  to  those 
seas  for  tisji  and  trattic,  and  from  the  easy  transitions  from  coast  to  coast  by  whicli  they 
would  have  been  lured  to  meet  the  more  southerly  climes.  Tl.e  chances  from  such  natu- 
ral causes  are  quite  as  strong  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  early  Northmen  venturings  as 
the  somewhat  (|uestionable  representations  of  the  Sagas."  There  is  the  same  ground  for 
representing,  and  similar  lack  of  evidence  in  believing,  the  alleged  voyage  of  Joao  Vas 
Costa  Cortereal  to  the  Newfoundland  banks  in  i4C)3-i464.  Harrow  finds  authority  for  it  in 
Cordeyro,  who  gives,  however,  no  tlate  in  his  llisloria  Insnlaiui  das  Ilhas  a  J'oi/iii;al, 
Lisbon,  1717;  but  Bitldle,  in  his  Cabol,  iwWi,  to  be  satistied  with  Harrow's  uncertain  ref- 
erences, as  enforced  in  his  Chronological  History  of  I'oyi'i^is  into  the  Arctic  Rci^ions, 
London,  1818.'" 


1  Navairctc,  iii.  2S. 

-  Note  .wii. 

"  .Apiieiulix  xi. 

^  Stevens,  /)■///.  Gcog.y  no.  il.)7,  and  Sabin, 
Diclioihvy,  vii.  no.  20,342,  give  dit'fcront  dates. 

*  CioiKlrich's  Lift'  of  the  so-idlLJ  Clirislophcr 
Columbus.  Cf.  Luciano  Ccudciro,  "  I.es  I'or- 
tiig;\is  dans  la  dOeouvcrtc  do  l'An\c'rii|ue,"  in 
Coiif^ris  ik's  AniC'iicanistos,  1S75,  i.  274. 

"  I  hnnbdlilt  sees  no  reason  to  dmibt  that  Ice- 
land was  niiaiit.  {lixumcn  irilit/in%  i.  105;  v.  213; 
Cosmos,  ii.  611.)  It  may  l)e  remarked,  however, 
that  "  Thyle  "  and  "  Islanda  "  are  l)oth  laid  clown 
ill  the  rtoloiny  map  of  14S6,  whicli  only  signifies 
probably  that  the  old  and  new  geography  were 
not  yet  brought  into  accord.  Cf.  Journal  of 
tite  Amt'rican  Gcogra[<hiial  Society,  xii.  170,  177, 
where  it  is  stated  that  records  prove  the  mild 
VOL.   ll.  — 5. 


winter  for  Iceland  in  1477,  which  Columbus  rep- 
resents at  Thule. 

'  .\  like  intimation  is  sustained  by  I)c  Costa 
in  Coliimlms  niiil  the  (jcoi^rii/</iers  of  the  A'ort/i, 
Hartford,  1S72;  and  it  is  disliiictly  claimed  in 
.Anderson's  America  itol  lii.uo'cered  by  Columbus, 
3d  edition,  1SS3,  ]).  .S5.  It  is  also  suriniseil  that 
Columbus  may  have  known  the  Zciii  niai). 

**  1 1 iniiholdt  discusses  the  (picstion  whether 
Columbus  received  any  incentive  from  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  Seaiulinavian  or  Zeni  exiilorations, 
ill  his  Exoiueii  crilii/ue,  ii.  104;  and  it  also  forms 
the  subject  of  api)endiccs  to  Irviiig's  Columbus. 

i'  This  problem  is  more  p.articularly  exam- 
ined in  Vol.  I.     C't.  also  Vol.  IV.  p.  3. 

•'  Ilarrisse,  I.es  Corternils,  p.  25,  who  points 
out  that  liehaim's  globe  shows  nothing  of  such 
a  voyage,  —  which  it  might  well  have  done  if  the 


■    1|' 


34 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I'l    I 


Another  of  these  alleged  northern  voyagers  was  a  Polish  navigator,  John  Szkolny,  — 
a  name  which  we  get  in  various  Latinized  or  other  forms,  as  Scolve,  Skolnus,  Scolvus, 
Sciolvus,  Kolno,  etc.,  — who  is  said  to  have  been  on  the  Labrador  coast  in  1476,  while  in 
the  service  of  Denmark.  It  is  so  stated  by  Wytfliet,*  Pontanus,'-  and  Hoin.^  De  Costa 
cites  what  is  known  as  the  Rouen  globe,  preserved  in  Paris,  and  supposed  to  belong  to 
about  1540,  as  showing  a  legend  of  Skolnus  reaching  the  northwest  coast  of  Greenland  in 
1476. ■*  Hakluyt  quotes  Gemma  Frisius  and  Ciirava.  Gomara,  in  1553,  and  Merrera,  in 
1 60 1,  barely  refer  to  it.'' 

There  is  also  a  claim  for  a  Dieppe  navigator.  Cousin,  who,  bound  for  Africa,  is  said  to 
have  been  driven  west,  and  reached  South  America  in  1488-1489.  The  story  is  told  by 
Desmarquets  in  his  Manoires  chronolof^iques  pour  icrvir  a  I'histoirc  de  Dieppe^  i.  92, 
published  at  Paris,  1785.     Major,  giving  the  story  an  examination,  fully  discredits  it." 

There  remains  the  claim  for  Martin  Behaim,  the  Nuremberg  cosmographer  and  navi- 
gator, which  rests  upon  a  passage  in  the  Latin  text  of  the  so-called  A'tircmbcrg  Chronicle'' 
which  states  that  Cam  and  Behaim,  having  passed  south  of  the  equator,  turned  west 


i.'l 


li'il 


voyage  had  been  made;  tor  Behaim  had  lived  at 
the  Azores,  while  Cortereal  was  also  living  on  a 
neighboring  island.  Major,  Se/etr/ Le/fers  0/ Co- 
litmhus,  p.  xxviii,  shows  that  Faria  y  Sousa,  in 
Asia  Portugitesa,  while  giving  a  list  of  all  expe- 
ditions of  discovery  from  Lisbon,  1412-1460, 
makes  no  mention  of  this  Cortcre.al.  W.  D. 
Cooley,  in  his  Maritime  and  Island  Discm'ery, 
London,  1830,  follows  Barrow ;  but  Paul  B.irroii 
Watson,  in  his  "  Bibliography  of  pre-Columbian 
Discoveries"  appended  to  the  3d  edition  (Chi- 
cago, 1883)  of  Anderson's  America  not  discorered 
by  Columbus,  p.  1 58,  indicates  how  Humboldt 
(Examen  critique,  i.  279),  G.  Folsom  (North 
American  Rnnc-w,  July,  1838),  Gaffarel  (Etudes, 
p.  32S),  Kohl  (Discffi'ery  of  Maine,  p.  165),  and 
others  dismiss  the  claim.  If  there  was  any  truth 
in  it,  it  would  seem  that  Portugal  deliberately 
cut  herself  off  from  the  .advantages  of  it  in  ac- 
cepting the  line  of  demarcatioi:  in  1493. 

1  Edition  of  159/,  folio  '88. 

-  Follows  Wytfliet  in  his  Reruni  Dauicarum 
historia,  1631,  p.  763. 

3   Ulyssca,  Lugduni,  1671,  p.  335. 

*  jfournal  of  the  American  Ccoi;raphical  So- 
ciety, xii.  170.  Asher,  in  his  Henry  Hudson, 
p.  xcviii,  argues  for  Greenland. 

''  Gomara,  Historia  general  de  las  Indias, 
Medina,  1553,  and  Anvers,  1554,  cap.  xxxvii, 
folio  31  ;  and  Ilerrera,  Historia  general,  ^Ja(lrid, 
1601,  dec.  I,  lib.  6,  cap.  16.  Later  writers  have 
reiterated  it.  Cf.  Humboldt,  Examen  critique, 
ii.  152,  who  is  doubtful;  Lclewel,  iv.  106,  who 
says  he  readied  L.ibrador ;  Kunstmanu,  Ent- 
deckung  Amcrikas,  p.  45.  Watson,  in  his  lUbli- 
ogral-hy  of  the  fre-Coliimhian  Discoveries,  cites 
also  the  favorable  judgment  of  Belleforest, 
I.'histoire  unirerselle,  Paris,  1577;  Morisotus' 
Orhis  maritimi,  1643;  Zurla's  Marco  Polo,  1S18; 
C.  Pingel  in  Gronl.mds  Historisk  Mindesmaeker, 
1845  ;  Gaffarel,  £tiidc,  1S69 ;  and  De  Costa, 
Columbus  and  the  Geographers  of  the  A'orth, 
1S72,  p.   17. 


"  America  not  disccfz'ered  by  Columbus,  ji.  1C4. 
Estancelin,  in  his  Recherches  sur  Ics  voyages  ct 
liecouvertes  dcs  navigateurs  A'ormands  en  Afrique, 
dans  les  Indes  orientaleS;  et  en  Amerique  ;  suivics 
d' observations  sur  la  marine,  le  commerce,  et  les 
etablissemens  coloniaux  des  Eraiifais,  Paris,  1832, 
cUaims  that  Pinzon,  represented  as  a  companion 
of  Cousin,  was  one  of  the  family  later  associated 
with  Columbus  in  his  voyage  in  1492.  Leon 
Guerin,  in  Ahivigatcurs  Eranfais,  1846,  mentions 
the  voy.age,  but  expresses  no  opinion.  Parkman, 
I'ioneers  of  Erance,  p.  169,  does  not  wholly  dis- 
credit the  story.  Paul  Gaffarel,  I^.tude  sur  les 
ra/'ports  de  P Amerique  et  de  I'ancien  continent 
avant  Colomb,  Paris,  1869,  and  Decouverte  du 
Bresil  par  Jean  Cousin,  Paris,  1874,  advocates 
tlie  claim.  Again,  in  his  Ilistoire  du  Eresil  Fran- 
(ais,  Paris,  1S78,  Gaftarel  considers  the  voyage 
geographically  and  historically  possible.  (Ct. 
also  a  paper  by  him  in  the  Rei'ue  politique  et  littc- 
raire,  2  mai,  1S74.)  It  is  claimed  that  the  white 
and  bearded  men  whom,  as  Las  Casas  says,  the 
natives  of  Ilispaniola  had  seen  before  the  com- 
ing of  the  .Spaniards,  were  the  companions  of 
Cousin.  Cf.  Vitct's  Histoire  de  Dieppe,  Paris, 
1833,  vol.  ii.  ;  David  Asscline's  Anliqititcz  et 
chroniques  de  Dieppe,  avec  introduction  par  Hardy, 
Gut'rillon,  et  Sauvage,  Paris,  1S74,  two  vols. ;  and 
the  supplemental  work  of  Michel  Claude  Guibert, 
Mcmoires  pour  scrvir  <>  l' histoire  de  Diepf'c,  I'aris, 
1S7S,  two  vols.  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xii.  no.  47,541  ; 
Dufosse,  Americana,  nos.  4,735,  9,027. 

'  The  ordinary  designation  of  Hartmann 
Schedel's  Rcgistrum  huius  operis  libri  crouica- 
rnm  cii  pii^uris  ct  ymagibus  ab  inicio  niiidi, 
Nuremberg,  1493,  p.  290.  The  book  is  not 
very  rare,  thougli  much  sought  for  its  2,250 
woodcuts  ;  and  superior  copies  of  it  bring 
from  $75  to  5>00i  though  good  copies  are  often 
priced  at  from  $30  to  g6o.  Cf.  Bibliotheca  Spen- 
ccriana  ;  Leclei  c,  no.  533 ;  Carlcr-lSrown,  vol.  i. 
nos.  12,  iS;  Huth,  iv.  1305;  Sunderland,  no. 
2,796;  llarrisse,  liibl.  Amer.l'et.,  no.  13;  MuUer, 


I" 


A. 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


35 


1  Szkolny,  — 
lus,  Scolvus, 
476,  while  in 
.^  De  Costa 
I  to  belong  to 
Greenland  in 
1  Herrera,  in 

ica.  is  said  to 
ory  is  told  by 
Oicppc,  i.  92, 
credits  it." 
ler  and  navi- 
rg  Chronicle  ' 
turned  west 

I II m bus,  ]).  1C4. 
'  hs  voyages  i-t 
nds  en  Afriquc, 
'eriqtic  ;  suivies 
commeree,  et  tcs 
lis,  Paris,  1S32, 
IS  a  companion 
atcr  associated 
in  1492.     Leon 
1S46,  mentions 
lion.    Parkman, 
not  wholly  dis- 
,  Etude  sur  les 
iihitii    coutiueul 
Di'iouverte  du 
874,  advocates 
:/«  Bresil  Frau- 
ers  the  voyage 
possible.     (Cf. 
poliliijue  i-t  title- 
that  the  white 
Casas  says,  the 
jeforc  the  corn- 
companions  of 
JJiepfe,   Paris, 
s   Autiipiitcz  et 
tioii  /'III-  Hardy, 
two  vols,  i  and 
Claude  Guibert, 
V  IVe/'/^e,  I'aris, 
xii.  no.  47>54'  ; 
1,027. 

o£  Ilarlmann 
s  libri  eroniiii- 
inicio  iiiiidi, 
c  book  is  not 
for  its  2,250 
of  it  bring 
opies  are  often 
iihliollieea  Speii- 
-I'rown,  vol.  i. 
undcrlaiid,  no, 
no.  13 ;  MuUer, 


and  (by  implication)  found  land.  The  passage  is  not  in  the  German  edition  of  the  same 
year,  and  on  reference  to  the  manuscript  of  the  book  (still  preserved  in  Nuremberg) 
the  passage  is  found  to  be  an  interpolation  written  in  a  different  hand.'  It  seems 
likelv  to  have  been  a  perversion  or  misinterpretation  of  the  voyage  of  Diego  Cam  down 
tlie  African  coast  in  14S9,  in  whicii  he  was  accompanied  by  Beiiaiin.  That  Behaim  him- 
self did  not  put  the  claim  forward,  at  least  in  1492,  seems  to  be  clear  from  the  globe, 
wliich  he  made  in  that  year,  and  which  shows  no  indication  of  the  alleged  voyage.  The 
allegation  has  had,  however,  some  advocates  ;  but  the  weight  of  authority  is  decidedly 
averse,  and  the  claim  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  significant  support  to-day. - 

It  is  unquestionable  that  the  success  of  the  Portuguese  in  discovering  the  Atlantic 
islands  and  in  p-  hing  down  the  African  coast,  sustained  Columbus  in  his  hope  of  west- 
ern discovery,  if  '"'  had  not  instigated  it.*  The  chance  wafting  of  huge  canes,  unusual 
trunks  of  trees,  am.  even  sculptured  wood  and  bodies  of  strange  men,  upon  the  shores  of 
the  outlying  islands  of  the  Azores  and  Madeira,  were  magnified  as  evidences  in  his  mind.'' 
When  at  a  later  day  he  found  a  tinned  iron  vessel  in  the  hands  of  the  natives  of  Guade- 


liool;s  on  America,  1S72,  no.  1,402  ;  Cooke,  no. 
2,961  ;  Murphy,  no.  2,219,  with  a  note  by  that 
collector. 

'  Cf.  Von  Murr,  Memorabilia  bibliothecarum 
Norimbergensium,  vol.  i.  pp.  254-256:  "nee  locus 
ille  de  America  loquitur,  sed  de  Africa." 

2  Watson's  Bibliography  of  pre-Columbian 
Discoveries  0/  America,  p.  161,  enumerates  the 
coiUcstants ;  and  Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  nos. 
13,  14,  epitomizes  the  authorities.  The  earliest 
reference,  after  Schcdel,  seems  to  be  one  in 
{ jnillaunie  Postel's  Cosmographicit  disciplinw  com- 
fcndium,  li.asle,  1561,  in  which  a  strait  below 
South  America  is  named  Bchaim's  Strait ;  but 
J.  Chr.  Wagcnseil,  in  his  Sacra  parentalia,  1682, 
earliest  urged  the  claim,  which  he  repeated  in 
his  Ilistoria  universalis,  while  it  was  reinforced 
in  Stiiven's  or  Stuvenius'  De  vera  novi  orbis 
inventore,  Frankfort,  17 14.  (Copy  in  Harvard 
College  Library ;  cf.  Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  no. 
195.)  The  first  important  counter-argument  ap- 
peared in  E.  Tozen's  Der  walire  und  crste 
Enldecker  der  Neiien  Welt,  Christoph  Colon, 
,gej;en  die  ungegnindctcn  Auspriiche,  welche  Amer- 
icus  Vespucei  und  Martin  Behaim  auf  dicse  Elire 
maclicn,  vertlieidiget,  Gottingen,  1761.  (.Sabin, 
xii.  4S9.)  Robertson  rejected  the  claim  ;  and  so, 
in  1778,  did  C.  G.  von  Murr,  in  his  Diplomatisclie 
Gcschiclite  des  Killers  Behaim,  published  at  Nu- 
remberg (2d  ed.,  Gotha,  iSoi  ;  Janscn's  French 
translation,  Paris,  iSoi,  and  Strasburg,  1802 ; 
also  appended  to  Amoretti's /Vj^rt/f/Zc ;  English 
in  Pinkerton's  Voyages,  1812).  A  letter  from 
Otto  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  in  the  American 
riiilosophical  Society's  Transactions,  1786,  ii.  263, 
urged  the  theory.  Ur.  Belknap,  in  1792,  in 
the  Appendix  to  his  Discourse  on  Columbus, 
tlismissed  it.  Cladera,  in  his  Invcsligaciones 
historical  sobre  los  principales  descubrimientos 
de  los  EspaTioles,  Madrid,  1794,  was  decidedly 
averse,  replying  to  Otto,  and  adding  a  transla- 
tion of  Von  Mnrr's  essay.  (Leclerc,  nos.  Il8, 
2,505.)     Amoretti,  in  his  Preface  to  Pigafella's 


Voyage,  Paris,  iSor,  argues  that  Columbus' 
discoveries  convinced  Behaim  of  his  own  by 
comparison.  Irving  says  the  claim  is  founded 
on  a  misinterpretation  of  the  Schedel  passage. 
Humboldt,  in  his  E.xamen  critique,  i.  256,  enters 
into  a  long  adverse  argument.  M.ijor,  in  his 
Select  Letters  of  Columbus,  and  in  his  Prince 
Henry,  is  likewise  decided  in  opposition.  Ghil- 
lany,  in  his  Gcschichte  des  Scefahrers  Kilter 
Martin  Behaim,  is  favorable.  Gaffarel,  Etude 
sur  les  rapports  de  I' Amerique  et  de  Pancien  con- 
tinent avant  Colomb,  Paris,  1869,  is  sceptical. 

It  seems  to  be  a  fact  that  Behaim  made  a 
map  showing  the  straits  passed  by  Magellan, 
which  Pigafctta  refers  to ;  and  it  is  also  clear 
that  Schoner,  in  globes  made  earlier,  also  indi- 
cated a  similar  strait ;  and  Schoner  might  well 
have  derived  his  views  from  Behaim.  What  we 
know  of  Bchaim's  last  years,  from  1494  to  1506, 
is  not  sutticicnt  to  fill  the  measure  of  these 
years ;  and  advocates  are  not  wanting  who  as- 
sign to  them  supposed  voyages,  on  one  of  which 
he  might  have  acquired  a  personal  knowledge 
of  the  straits  which  he  delineated.  Such  advo- 
cates are  met,  and  will  continue  to  be  answered, 
with  the  likelier  supposition,  as  is  claimed,  of 
the  Straits  in  question  being  a  happy  guess, 
both  on  Behaim's  and  Schoner's  part,  derived 
from  the  analogy  of  Africa,  —  a  southern  ex- 
tremity which  Behaim  had  indeed  delineated  on 
his  globe  some  years  before  its  actual  discov- 
ery, though  not  earlier  than  the  existence  of  a 
prevalent  belief  in  such  a  Strait.  Cf.  Wieser, 
Maga/hiies-Stiuisse. 

•'  Las  Casas  is  said  to  have  had  a  manuscript 
by  Columbus  respecting  the  information  derived 
by  him  from  Portuguese  and  Spanish  i)ilots  con- 
cerning western  lands. 

■•  These  were  accounted  for  by  the  west- 
erly gales,  the  influence  of  the  Gulf  Stream 
not  being  suspected.  Humboldt,  Cosmos,  Eng- 
lish translation,  ii.  6C2  ;  Examen  critique, 
ii.  249. 


36 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1^ 


loupe,  he  felt  that  there  had  been  European  vessels  driven  along  the  equatorial  current  to 
the  western  world,  which  had  never  returned  to  report  on  their  voyages. 

Of  tlie  adventurous  voyages  of  which  record  was  known  there  were  enough  to  inspire 
him  ;  and  of  all  the  mysteries  of  the  Sea  of  Darkness,'  which  stretched  away  inimitably 
to  the  west,  there  were  stories  more  than  enough.  Sight  of  strange  islands  had  been  often 
reported  ;  and  the  maps  still  existing  had  shown  a  belief  in  those  of  San  Brandan  ^  and 
Antillia,"  and  of  the  Seven  Cities  founded  in  the  ocean  waste  by  as  many  Spanish  bish- 
ops, who  had  been  driven  to  sea  Ijy  the  Moors.* 

The  Fortunate  Islands^  (Canaries)  of  the  ancients  —  discovered,  it  is  claimed,  by  the 
Carti:  .inians" — had  been  practically  *  st  to  Europe  for  thirteen  hundred  years,  when,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  (14. .  ,  Juan  de  Bdthencourtled  his  colony  to  settle  them.' 
They  had  not  indeed  been  altogether  forgotten,  for  Marino  Sanuto  in  1306  had  delineated 
them  on  a  map  given  by  Camden,  though  this  cartographer  omitted  them  on  later  charts. 
Traders  and  pirates  had  also  visited  them  since  1341,  but  such  acquaintance  had 
hardly  caused  them  to  be  generally  known."     The  Canaries,  however,  as  well  as   the 


1  See  Major's  Pref.ice  to  his  Prince  Henry. 
Cf.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Central  America,  \.  373,  for 
the  successive  names  applied  to  the  Atlantic. 

^  Cf.  Les  voyages  mcrveillciix  de  Saint-Bran- 
dan  i  lu  recherche  du  faradis  terrcstre.  Ligende 
en  vers  du  X/e  si  hie,  pitbliee  avec  introduction 
par  Francisque-Michel,  Paris,  187S  ;  and  refer- 
ences in  Poole's  Index,  p.  159. 

^  Humboldt  points  this  island  out  on  a  map 
of  1425. 

*  Cf.  Miiinboldt,  F.xamcn  critique,  ii.  156- 
345 ;  Kunstmann,  Entdeckung  Amerikas,  pp.  6, 
35  ;  D'Avezac  on  the  "  Isles  fantasticpies,"  in 
Nouvelles  annates  des  voyages,  April,  1845,  |). 
55.  Many  of  these  islands  clung  long  to  the 
maps.  Becher  [^Landfall  of  Columbus)  speaks 
of  the  Isle  of  St.  Matthew  and  Isle  Grande  in 
the  South  All.mtic  being  kept  in  charts  till  the 
beginning  of  this  century.  E.  E.  Hale  tells 
amusingly  of  the  Island  of  ISrcsil,  lying  off  the 
coast  of  Ireland  and  in  the  steamer's  track  from 
New  York  to  England,  being  kept  on  the  Admi- 
ralty charts  as  late  as  1S73.  American  Anti- 
quarian Society  Proceedings,  Oct.  1S73.  Cf. 
Gal'farel,  Congrh  dcs  Aiucricauistcs,  1877,  i.  423, 
and  Formalfoni's  Essai  sur  la  marine  ancienne 
des  venitiens  ;  dans  lequel  on  a  mis  au  jour  plu- 
sieurs  cartes  tirees  de  la  bibliothique  de  St.  Marc, 
ante  ieures  i\  la  decouverte  de  Clirislophe  Colomb, 
&'  oui  indii/uott  clairement  Vexislcnce  des  isles 
AniilLs.  Traduit  dc  I'italien  par  le  chevalier 
d'l/enin,  Yenisc,  17SS. 

^  There  are  seven  inhabit.iblc  and  si.\  desert 
islands  in  the  group. 

^  a.  Die  I-lutdcckuni,'  dcr  Carthager  uud 
Gricchen  auf  dcm  Atlautischcn  Ocean,  by  Joa- 
chim Etlcwcl,  Berlin,  1S31,  with  two  maps  (Sa- 
bin,  x.  201 )  one  of  which  shows  conjccturally  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  of  the  ancients  (see  nc.\t  page). 

"  Two  priests,  Bonticr  and  Ee  Yerrier,  who 
accompanied  him,  wrote  the  account  which  we 
have.  Cf.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  i.  c.  i ;  Galvano, 
p.  60;  Muiio/,  p.  30;  Kunstmann,  ]).  6. 


8  Chartoi!  '  Voyageurs,  iii.  75)  gives  a  partial 
bibliography  .  the  literature  of  the  discovery 
and  conquest.  The  best  English  book  is  Majoi's 
Conquest  of  the  Canaries,  published  by  the 
Ilakluyt.'iociety,  London,  1872,  which  is  a  trans- 
lation, with  notes,  of  the  Bethencourt  narrative ; 
and  the  same  author  has  epitomized  the  story 
in  chapter  i.\.  of  his  Discoveries  of  Prince  Henry. 
There  is  an  earlier  English  book,  George  Glas's 
Discovery  and  Conquest  of  the  Canary  Islands, 
London,  1764,  1767,  which  it  said  to  be  based 
on  an  unpublished  manuscript  of  1632,  the  work 
of  a  Spanish  monk,  J.  de  Abreu  de  Galineo,  in 
the  island  of  Palma.  The  Bethencourt  account 
was  first  published  in  Paris,  1630,  with  different 
imjirints,  as  Histoire  de  la  premiire  descozmerte  el 
conqueste  dcs  Canaries.  Dufosse  |)rices  it  at  from 
250  to  300  francs.  The  original  manuscript  was 
used  in  preparing  the  edition,  le  Canarien,  issued 
at  Rouen  in  1S74  by  (i.  Gravier  ( Eeclerc,  no.  267 ). 
This  edition  gives  both  a  modern  map  and  a 
part  of  that  of  Mecia  de  Yiladtstcs  (1413)  ; 
enumerates  the  sources  of  the  story  ;  and 
[\t.  I.wi)  gives  D'Avezac's  account  of  the  pres- 
ervalior  of  the  liethencourt  manuscript.  The 
Spanish  translation  by  Pedro  Kamire^,  issued 
at  Sania  Cruz  de  Tenerife  in  1847,  was  ren- 
dered from  the  Paris,  1630,  edition. 

Cf.  Nuiicz  de  la  Pcfia's  Conqnista  y  anti- 
jiuedades  dc  las  Islas  de  la  Gran  Cauaria,  Madrid, 
1676,  and  reprint,  Santa  Cruz  de  Tenerife,  1847  ; 
Cristiival  Perez  de  el  Christo,  las  sicte  Islas  de 
Canaria,  Xcres,  1679  (rave,  Lcclerc,  no.  C44, — 
100  francs)  ;  Vicra  y  Clavijo,  Historia  general  de 
las  Islas  de  Canaria,  Madrid,  four  volumes,  1772- 
17S3  (Lcclerc,  no.  C47,  calls  it  the  principal 
work  on  the  Canaries) ;  I!ory  de  Saint  Yincent, 
Essais  sur  les  Isles  Forlunees,  Paris,  an  .\i.  (1803)  ; 
Les  lies  Eortunees,  Paris,  1S69.  D'Avezac,  in 
1846,  iJublished  a  jVote  sur  la  premiire  expedition 
de  Bethencourt  aux  Canaries,  and  his  "  Isles 
d'Afriquc"  in  the  Univers  pittoresq>'e  may  be 
referred  to. 


% 
1} 


give; 


y  ' 


:a. 

rial  current  to 

ugh  to  inspire 
vay  inimitably 
lad  been  often 
Brandan  ^  and 
Spanish  bish- 

laimed,  by  the 
•s,  when,  in  the 

0  settle  them.' 
had  delineated 
in  later  charts, 
uaintance  had 
IS  well  as   the 

)  gives  a  partial 
if  the  discovery 

1  book  is  Majoi's 
blished  by  the 
bvhich  is  a  trans- 
court  narrative  j 
inizcd  tlie  story 
\f  Prince  Henry. 
k,  George  Glas's 
Canary  Islands, 
lid  to  be  based 
f  1632,  tlie  worlt 
11  de  Galineo,  in 
cncourt  account 
D,  with  different 
ire  i/estiKi'erle  el 
prices  it  at  from 
manuscript  was 

'aiiiin'en,  issued 
eclerc.no.  267). 
em  map  and  a 
dtstcs  (1413)  ; 
story  ;  and 
lit  of  the  pies- 
lU'.script.  The 
\aniirc^,  issued 
1S47,  was  ren- 
ion. 

mj/iis/a  y  an/i- 

iiaria,  Madrid, 

Teiierife,  1S47  ; 

IS  sie/e  fslas  Je 

ere,  no.  644,  — 

'storiii  i;eneral  i/e 

volumes,  1772- 

the    principal 

Saint  Vincent, 

s,  an  .\i.(i8o3)  ; 

D'.-Vvezac,   in 

iniere  expedilicn 

nd    his   "  Isles 

•r,s,/"c    may  be 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


Sf 


SnMecknngeii  3es  ^rSuJAt. 


Die 

Kinuihiiss  iiTbr steHung 

-yoa  iev 

Ecrcle  ziu?  Zeii  des 

i\ri8toielc  s 
MtnA 

der  Ziige  Alexanders  a.G-. 
J,  Jahrc  J40.J33 


THE  ATLANTIC  OF  THE    .A?:CIENTS   AS   MAPPED    BY   LELEWEL.' 

1  This  is  part  of  a  maji  of  the  ancieiv.  world     ///,;<,<■;• ««,/  Grieehen  an/  dem  Alhintischtn  Ocean, 
Riven    Ml    Lelewel's    Die   Eiitdccknng   der    Car-     Berlin,  1S31. 


I   ^ 


r 


38 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


■t 


Azores,  appear  in  the  well-known  portolano  of  1351,'  whicli  is  preserved  in  the  liibliotecu 
Mediceo-Laurenziana  in  l-'lorence.  A  chart  of  tlic  lirotiiers  I'izigani,  liatctl  in  1367,  j^ives 
ishuuls  wiiiLJi  are  also  idcntitiecl  witii  the  Canaries,  Azores,  and  Madeira  ;''  and  the  Canaries 
also  appear  on  the  well-known  Catalan  mappemonde  of  1375."  These  Atlantic  islands 
are  again  shown  in  a  portolano  of  a  period  not  much  later  tii m  1400,  whicli  is  among  the 
Ei;erton  manuscrli)ts  in  the  liritisli  Museum,  and  is  ascril)ed  to  Juan  da  Napoli  :*  and  in  1436 
they  are  conspicuous  on  the  detailed  sea-chart  of  Andrea  Liianco.  This  portolano  has  also 
two  islands  on  the  extreme  western  verge  of  the  sheet,  —  "  Antillia"  and  "  Ue  la  man  Sata- 
na.xio,"  which  some  have  claimed  as  indicating  a  knowledge  of  the  two  Americas,''  It 
was  a  map  brought  in  1428  from  Venice  by  Dom  I'edro,  —  wliich,  like  the  1351  map,  showed 
the  Azores,  —  that  induced  I'rince  Henry  in  1431  to  despatch  the  expedition  wliich  rediscov- 
ered those  islands;  and  they  appear  on  the  Catalan  map,  which  Santarem  (pi.  54)  describes 
as  "Carte  de  Gabriell  de  Valsequa,  faite  ii  Mallorcha  en  1439."  It  was  in  1466  that  the 
group  was  colonized,  as  liehaim's  globe  shows." 

The  Madeira  group  was  first  discovered  by  an  Englishman,  —  Macliin,  or  Macham, - 
in  the  reign  of  lAlward  HI.  (1327-1378),  The  narrative,  put  into  shape  for  I'rince  Henry 
of  Portugal  by  Francisco  Alcaforado,  one  of  his  esquires,  was  known  to  Irving  in  a  French 
translation  published  in  1671,  which  Irving  epitomizes.''  The  story,  somewhat  changed,  is 
given  by  Calvano,  and  was  copied  by  Hakluyt  ;  *  but,  on  account  of  some  strangeness  and 
incongruities,  it  has  not  been  always  accepted,  though  Major  says  the  main  recital  is 
conlirmed  by  a  document  quoted  from  a  German  collection  of  voyages,  1507,  by  Dr. 
Schmeller,  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Academy  of  .Science  at  Munich,  1S47,  and  which,  secured 
for  Major  by  Kunstniann,  is  e.\amineil  b}'  him  in  his  I'rince  Jlettiy.^  The  group  was 
rediscovered  by  the  Portuguese  in  l4iS-i42o.i'>  I'rince  Henry  had  given  the  command  of 
Porto  Santo  to  Perestrello  ;  and  this  cajitain,  in  1419,  observing  iVoni  his  island  a  cloud  in 
the  horizon,  found,  as  he  sailed  to  it,  the  island  now  called  Madeira.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  it  was  the  daughter  of  Perestrello  whom  Columbus  at  a  later  day  married." 


'  It  is  given  by  I.clewel,  Gcos^rnphit;  dii 
Mi'vcii  ^l^'' ,'  and  has  been  issued  in  fac-similc  by 
Ongania  at  Venice,  in  iS.Si,  It  is  also  given  in 
M.ijor,  Piiiicc  Hiiuy,  iS63  edition,  p.  107,  and  in 
Marco  I'olo,  edition  by  lioni,  Florence,  1S27.  t'f. 
Winsor's  Kohl  Cotlcction  of  Eurly  Mops,  issued 
by  Harvard  University. 

-  This  chart  is  given  by  Joni;;id,  pi.  x.,  and 
Santarem,  pi.  40.  Ongania  jiiiblislicd  in  iSSr  a 
Pizigani  chart  belonging  to  the  Ambrosian  Li- 
brary in  Milan,  dated  1373. 

'  This  map  is  given  in  Afuniiscnts  </,■  l,i  ISib- 
UotIu(j:ic  i/ii  Koi,  vol.  xiv.  part  2  ;  in  .Santarem,  pi. 
31,40;  Lelewel,  pi.  xxix. ;  Saint-Martin's  Al/as, 
pi.  vii.;  Kugc's  Gcsc/iii/ilc (/•:.<;  Z •Halters  iler  Ent- 
dcckuiigen,  iS.Si,  and  full  size  in  fac-siniile  in 
Choix  tie  (iociiiiiciils  i;i'oi;r(i/'hi(jiii'S  conserves  ti  la 
Bihliollihiitc  jVatioiiah;  Paris,  1SS3. 

■*  Winsor's  AW//  Collection  of  early  maps, 
part  i.,  no.  17. 

^  Cf.  Santarem,  Histoire  de  la  Cartograp/iie, 
iii.  366,  and  the  references  in  Winsor's  A'o/il 
Collection,  part  i.  no.  19;  and  Bihliograf'/iy  of 
Ptolemy,  sub  anno  1478.  A  sea-chart  of  Bartol- 
Dmeiis  de  I'arcto,  .v.  D.  1455,  shows  "Antillia" 
and  an  island  farther  west  called  "  Koillo."  An- 
tillia is  supjiosed  also  to  have  been  delineated  on 
Toscanelli's  map  in  1474.  In  1476  Andreas  Be- 
nincasa's  portolano,  given  in  Lelewel,  pi.  xxxiv. 
and  Saint-Martin,  pi.  vii.  shows  an  island  "  .\n- 


tilio; "  .iiid  again  in  the  portolano  belonging  to 
the  Fgerton  nuinuseripts  in  the  Pritisli  Miiseiini, 
and  supposed  to  represent  the  knowledge  of 
14S9,  just  previous  to  Columbus's  voyage,  and 
thought  by  Kohl  to  be  based  on  a  lienincasa 
chart  of  1463,  the  conventional  "Antillia"  is 
called  "  V  de  Sete  Zitade."  It  is  ascribed  to 
Cliristofalo  Soligo.  UcliLuni's  globe  in  1492  also 
gives  "  Insula  Antiliagenaunt  .Septe  Citade."  Cf. 
Harrisse,  Les  Cortercal,  p.  116.  The  name"  An- 
tillias ''  seems  first  to  have  been  transferred  from 
this  iiroblematieal  mid-ocean  island  to  the  archi- 
pel.ago  of  the  West  Indies  by  the  Portuguese, 
for  Columbus  gave  no  general  name  to  the 
group. 

"  Cf.  Kunstniann,  Eiititeckuiii^  Amerikas,  jjp. 
I,  etc. ;  Drunimond,  Annates  da  Illia  Terceira  ; 
Ernesto  do  Canto,  Archivo  dos  Azores  ;  Major's 
Discoveries  of  Prince  Henry,  chap.  x. ;  Qnartcrly 
Pevico,  xi.  191  ;  Cordeyro's  Historia  insulana, 
Lisbon,  1717. 

"  Apjiendix  xxv. 

•*  Vol.  ii.  part  2,  p.  I  ;  also  Purchas,  ii.  1672. 

9  Edition  of  1S6S,  pp.  xvii  and  69;  Kunst- 
niann, Entdcckuiii:;  Amerikas,  p.  4. 

'■'  Cf.  Caspar  Fructuoso's  Historia  das  Ilhai 
do  Porto-Santo,  Madeira,  Desertas  e  Selvagens, 
Funchal,  1S73. 

"  Cf.  Stndi  tuoi;;.  e  ii/ilio^.  i.  137,  which  places 
Perestrcllo's  death  about  1470. 


;a. 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


39 


liu  Uibliotecu 
in  13O7,  nives 
I  tlic  Canaries 
l.intic  islands 

is  among  tiie 
;■*  and  in  1436 
)lano  lias  also 

la  man  Sata- 
inicricas.'     It 

map,  sliowcd 
liicli  rcdiscov- 

54)  describes 

1466  that  the 

ir  Macliam,  -  - 
Prince  Henry 
g  in  a  French 
at  cl\anyed,  is 
•angeness  and 
iiain  recital  is 
1507,  by  Dr. 
I'liicli,  secured 
lie  yroup  was 
e  command  of 
ind  a  cloud  in 
ill  be  reniem- 
married." 

Ill  belonging  to 

ritisli  Museum, 

kmnvlcdge    of 

i'a  voyage,  and 

n  a  Ueniucasa 

'Autillia"  is 

is  ascribed  to 

)e  ill  1492  also 

tc  Citade."  Cf. 

lie  name  "  An- 

iiisferifd  fniiii 

id  to  the  aichi- 

e    Purtuguese, 

name   to   the 

A/iii-r/i-iis,  pp. 
///ill  'J'tiifirii  ; 
fi'irs  ;  M.ajor's 

.\. ;  Qitiirtti/y 
toria   iiiiuliiiui. 


rchas,  ii.  1672. 
uid  6gj  Kiuist- 

loria  litis  I//nii 
IS  e  Si'/z'ii^ens, 

',  which  places 


It  was  not  till  1460  *  that  the  Cape  De  Verde  Islands  were  found,  lying  as  they  do 
well  outside  of  tiie  route  of  Prince  Henry's  vessels,  which  were  now  following  down  the 
African  coast,  and  had  been  pursuing 
explorations    in    this    direction    since 

1415- 

There  have  been  claims  .advanced 
by  JMargry  in  his  Les  na7u);atii)iis  f'raii- 
{ijiSiS  ct  la  n'volutioit  maritime  dii 
XIV'  an  XVI'  sihle,  ci'aprh  les  docn- 
ments  iiu'iii/s  tin's  de  France,  d'Aii- 
g/eterre,  d'Espai;ite,  et  d'/ta/ie,  pp. 
13-70,  Paris,  1S67,  and  embraced  in 
his  first  section  on  "  Les  marins  de 
Xormandie  au.\  cotes  de  Gnince  avant 
les  Portugais,"  in  which  he  cites  an 
old  document,  said  to  be  in  London, 
setting  forth  the  voyage  of  a  vessel 
from  Dieppe  to  the  coast  of  Africa  in 
1364.  Estancelin  had  already,  in  1832, 
in  his  A'atiii^iUcurs  A'ormands  en  Af- 
ritjiie,  declared  there  were  French  es- 
tablishments on  the  coast  of  (Guinea 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  —  a  view 
D'.Avezac  says  he  would  gladly  accept 
if  he  could.  Major,  however,  failed  to 
find,  by  any  direction  which  Margry 
could  give  him,  the  alleged  London 
document,  and  has  thrown  —  to  s.ay  the 
least  —  discredit  on  the  story  of  that 
document  as  presented  by  Margry.'- 

Tlie  African  explorations  of  the  Portuguese  are  less  visionary,  and.  as  D'Avez.ac  says, 
the  Portuguese  were  the  first  to  persevere  and  open  the  African  route  to  India.'' 

The  peninsular  character  of  Africa  —  upon  which  success  in  this  exploration  depended 
—  was  contrary  to  the  views  of  Aristotle,   Hipparchus,  and  Ptolemy,  which  held  to  an 


PRINCE   HENRY.3 


1  It  has  sometimes  lieen  put  as  early  .is  1440; 
but  1460  is  the  date  Major  has  determined  after 
a  full  exposition  of  the  voy.igcs  of  this  time. 
Prince  Henry  (1S68  edition),  p.  277.  D'Avezac 
Isles  lie  V Afriqiie,  Paris,  1S4S. 

'^  Prince  Henry,  edition  of  1S6S,  pp.  .x.xiv  and 
127.  Guibert,  in  his  Vil/e  ilc  Dieppe,  i.  306 
(1S7S),  refers,  for  the  alleged  French  expedition 
to  Guinea  in  1364,  to  Villault  de  Belfond,  Rc/a- 
Hon  lies  costcs  d'Afriqiie  appe/ees  Guinie,  'Paris, 
1669,  p.  409  ;  Vitet,  Ancicunes  vil/es  de 
France,  ii.  I,  Paris,  1S33;  D'Avezac 
Dlcouvert.'s  dans  I'ocean  at/antique  an- 
terieurement  aiix  grands  explorations 
dii  XV'  siicle,  \>.  73,  Paris,  1845;  Jules 
Hardy,  Les  Dieppois  en  Giiinie  en  1364, 
1864;  Gabriel  Gravier.Zt-  Canarien,  1874 

^  This  follows  a  portrait  in  a  contemporary 
manuscript  chronicle,  now  in  the  National  Li- 
brary at  Paris,  which  Major,  who  gives  a  colored 
fac-simile  of  it,  calls  the  only  authentic  likeness, 


probably  taken  in  1449-1450,  and  representing 
him  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  his  brother 
Dom  Pedro,  who  died  in  1449.  There  is  an- 
other engraving  of  it  in  Jules  Verne's  la 
DecoHvcrte  de  la  Terre,  p.  112.  Major  calls  the 
portrait  in  Gustave  de  Veer's  Life  of  Prince 
Henrj-,  published  at  Dantzig,  in  1864,  a  fancy 
one.  The  annexed  autograph  of  the  Prince  is 
the  etptivalent  of  Iir.wrr.  Dom  An'riqi;k. 
Prince  Henry,  who  was  born  March  4,  1394,  died 


Nov  15,  1463.  He  was  the  third  son  of  John  I. 
of  Portugal ;  his  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Johi: 
of  Gaunt,  of  England. 

*  Cf.  Jurien  de  la  Graviere's  Les  marins  du 
XV'  et  du  XVI'  siicle,  vol.  i.  chap.  ?. 


; 


1 

■  ' 

9 ' 

f/ 

m'   '■ 

'"\ 

:.)' 

40 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i!' 


enclosed  Indian  Ocean,  formed  by  the  meetiii";  of  Africn  and  Asia  at  the  sonth.'  The 
stories  respecting  the  circumnavigation  ot"  Africa  by  liic  ancients  are  lacking  in  substan- 
tial proof;  and  it  seems  probai)le  that  Cape  Non  or  Cape  liojador  was  the  Hinit  of  their 
soutliern  expechtions.'^  Still,  this  peninsular  character  was  a  ileductlon  from  imagined 
necessity  rather  than  a  conviction  from  fact.  It  found  place  on  the  earliest  maps  of  the 
revival  of  geographical  study  in  the  Middle  Ages.  It  is  so  represented  in  the  map  of 
.Marino  Sanulo  in  1306,  and  in  the  Lorentian  portolano  of  1351.  Major''  doubts  if  the 
Catalan  map  of  1375  shows  anything  more  than  conjectural  knowledge  for  the  coasts 

beyond  liojador. 

Of  Prince  Henry— the  moving  spirit  ni  the  African 
enterprise  of  the  fifteenth  tentury  —  we  have  the  most  sat- 
isfactory account  in  the  Li/r  of  Prince  Henry  0/  J'ortiij^al, 
surnamed  tlic  iXavii^iUor,  and  its  Results  .  .  .  from  Ati- 
thaitic  Continiponuy  Doaiiiunts,  by  Richard  Henry  Major, 
London,  l.S6.S,-t  — a  work  which,  after  the  elimination  of  the 
controversial  arguments,  and  .nfter  otherwise  fitting  it  for 
the  general  reader,  was  reissued  in  icS;;  as  The  Discoveries 
of  I'rince  Henry  the  A'avii^ator.  These  works  are  the  guide 
for  the  brief  sketch  of  these  African  discoveries  now  to  be 
made,  and  which  can  be  readily  followed  on  the  accom- 
panying sketch-map,* 

I'rince  Henry  had  been  with  his  father  at  the  capture 
of  Ceuta,  opposite  Gibraltar,  in  1415,  wlien  the  Portuguese 
got  their  first  foothold  in  Africa.     In  1418  he  established  a 
school  of  nautical  observation  at  Sagres,"  the  southwestern 
proinontory  of   his  father's  kingdom,  and  placed  the  geo- 
grapher, Jayme,*  of  Majorca,  in  charge  of  it.    The  Prince  at 
once  sent  out  his  first  expedition  down  the  ISarbary  coast  ; 
but  his  vessel,  being  ilriven  out  of  its  course,  discovered  the 
Island  "f  Porto  Santo,    li.xpediiion  after  expedition  reached, 
in  successive  years,  the  vicinity  of  Cape  liojador  ;  but  an  inexpressible  dread  of  the  uncer- 
tainty beyond  deferred  the  passage  of  it  all  1434.    Cape  Blanco  was  reached  in  1445  ;  Cape 
\'erde  shortly  after  ;  and  the  River  Gambia  in  1447.    Cadaniosto  and  his  Venetians  pushed 


SKKTCH-M.Ar   OF    THE    POR- 

■nH;tii:sK.  discovkkhcs  in 

Al'RILA.'' 


1  Humboldt,  Exanicn  critique,  i.  144,  161, 
329;  ii.  370;  Cosmos,  ii.  561;  Jules  Cocliiic's 
Mhnoire  f^t'ograp/iiijiic  siir  In  mcr  dcs  Iiulcs, 
Paris,  1S6.S. 

-  Irving,  app.  xiv. 

3  Prince  ireuyy,  p.  1 16  ( 1S68).  Of.  Stmli  biog. 
c  Hblios;.  del  In  Soc.  Geof^.  Ilal.,  ii.  57. 

■*  The  author  tells,  in  his  preface,  the  condi- 
tion of  knowledge  regarding  his  subject  which 
he  found  when  he  undertook  his  work,  anil  re- 
counts the  service  the  Roval  Academy  of  Sciences 
at  Lisbon  has  done  since  1779  in  discovering  and 
laying  before  the  world  important  documents. 

'•>  Gustav  de  Veer's  Prinz  Htinrich  ilcr  See- 
ftilirer,  iiiul  seine  Zei/,  Dantzig,  1S64,  is  a  more 
popular  work,  and  gives  lists  of  authorities.  Cf. 
H.  Monin  in  the  Peine  tie  geognipliie,  December, 
1878. 

"  There  is  some  question  if  the  school  of 
Sagres  had  ever  an  existence ;  at  least  it  is 
doubted  in  the  Archivo  dos  A(ores,  iv.  iS,  as 
([uoted  by  Harrisse,  Les  Cortereal,  p.  40. 


"  Cf.  Heinrich  Wuttke's  "  Zur  Gcschichte 
der  Krdkunde  in  der  letzten  halftc  dcs  Mittel- 
alters:  Die  Karten  der  Sucfahrenden  Vijlker 
Slid  Europas  bis  zani  crsten  Druck  der  Krd- 
bcschreihung  des  I'toleniaus,"  in  the  Jalirhucli 
lies  I'ereins  fiir  Erdl-nnde  in  Dresden,  1S70, 
J.  Codine's  "  Decouverte  dc  la  cote  d'Afritpic 
par  les  Portugais  pendant  les  annees,  1484- 
14S8,"  in  the  Pullelin  de  la  Socu'te  de  Geogriifi/iie 
de  Paris,  1876;  Vivien  de  Saint-Martin's  Ilis- 
toire  de  la  ghgrafhie  et  des  decoii-'ertes  geoi^rn- 
pliiques,  depuis  les  temps  les  plus  recules  jusqu'ii 
Hos  /.virs,  p.  29S,  I'aris,  1873  ;  Ruge's  Geseliichte 
des  Zeitalters  der  F.ntdeckungcn,  p.  81  ;  Clarke's 
Progress  of  Maritime  Disec^rery,  p.  140 ;  and  G.  T. 
Raynal's  Ilistoire  plulosopliique  ct  politique  des 
I'lai'lissemens  et  du  cc muter ce  des  Europeens  dans 
les  deux  /ndes,  Gcnc\:\,  17S0;  Paris,  1S20.  Paulit. 
schke's  Afril-a-literatiir  in  der  /.eit  von  1500  lis 
1750,  Vienna,  1S82,  notes  the  earliest  accounts. 

"  Cf.  Harrisse,  11  ill.  Amer.  I'et.,  261  ;  adds 
'54- 


COLUMBUS    AND    HIS    DISCOVKRIKS. 


41 


still  farther,  and  saw  the  Southern  Cross  for  the  first  time.'  lietween  1460  and  1464 
thev  went  beyond  Cape  Mesurado.  I'rince  Henry  dyinj;  in  1463,  King  Alfonso,  in  1409. 
farmed  out  tlie  African  commerce,  and  required  five  inindred  miles  to  be  added  yearly  to 
the  limit  of  discovery  soutlnvard.  Not  lonj;  after,  Hie^o  Cam  readied  the  C()nj;o  coast, 
lieliaim  accomjianying  him.     In  1487,  alter  seventy  years  of  gradual  jirogress  down  si.'C 


. -r  ,0    rv       iiA 


'     ■>•/ 


•^. 


0  C    I  A  N  V    i  \~} 

1  N    D   I   C   V    4  \      I 
ACRlBIONAL  1/    ' 


PORTUGUESE    M.M',    1 49O. 


thousand  miles  of  coast,  soutlnvard  from  Cape  Non,  the  I'ortuguese  under  Diaz  reached 
the  Stormy  Cape,  — later  to  be  called  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  He  but  just  rounded  it 
in  May,  and  in  December  he  was  in  Portugal  witli  the  news.  ISartholomew,  the  brother 
ot  Columbus,  had  made  the  voyage  with  him.^  'riie  rounding  of  the  Cape  was  hardly  a 
surprise;  for  the  belief  in  it  was  firmly  established  long  before.  In  1457-1459,  in  the 
map  of  Fra  Mauro,  which  had  been  constructed  at  Venice  for  Alonzo  V.,  and  in  which 
Bianco  assisted,  the  terminal  cape  had  been  fitly  drawn.'' 


'  Major  (p.  .\vi)  has  more  or  less  distrust  of 
Cadamosto's  story  as  given  in  the  Pacsc  iiin'a- 
nuntc.  Cf,  the  bibHography  in  Stiidi  lni\i^.  e  bib- 
lio!^.  ddta  Sac.  Gcoff.  /la!.,  i.  149  (1SS2) ;  and 
Carter-Brown,  i.  loi,  195,  202,  2il  ;  also  Bibl. 
Ainer.  \'cl.  Add.,  no.  S3. 

■^  This  map  follows  a  copy  in  the  Kohl  Collec- 
tion (no.  23),  after  the  original.attachcd  to  a  manu- 
script tlicological  treatise  in  the  Urltish  ^ruseum. 
An  inscription  at  the  break  in  the  African  coast 
says  that  to  this  point  the  Portuguese  had  pushed 
their  discoveries  in  14S9;  and  as  it  shows  no  in- 
dication of  the  vovages  of  Columbus  and  Da 
C'lama,  Kohl  places  it  about  1400.  It  may  be 
considered  as  representing  the  views  current  be- 
fore these  events,  Asia  following  the  I'tolemean 
VOL.    II.  —  6- 


drafts.  The  language  of  the  map  being  partly 
Italian  and  partly  Portuguese,  Kohl  conjectures 
that  it  was  made  by  an  Italian  living  in  Lisbon  ; 
and  he  points  out  the  close  correspondence  of 
the  names  on  the  western  coast  of  Africa  to  the 
latest  Portuguese  discoveries,  and  that  its  con- 
tour is  better  than  anythuig  preceding. 

^  "  Through  all  which  I  was  present,"  said 
Bartholomew,  in  a  note  found  by  I..as  Casas. 

*  The  original  is  now  jircserved  at  Venice,  in 
the  Biblioteca  Marciana.  A  large  ])hotographic 
fac-siniile  of  it  was  issued  at  Venice,  in  1S77,  by 
Miinster  (Ongania);  and  engraved  reproduc- 
tions can  be  found  in  Santarem,  I.elewel,  and 
Saint-Martin,  besides  others  in  Vincent's  Com- 
merce and  A'avigatioiis  of  the  Ancients,  1797  and_ 


n 


4-^ 


NAKKATIVK    AND   CRITIfAI,    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i'l 


''  'ir 


I  n  i. 


h\ 


Such  had  been  the  progress  of  the  Portuguese  marine,  in  exemplitication  of  the  south- 
erly (|iiest  called  for  by  the  theory  of  I'oniponius  Mela,  when  Columbus  iii.ide  his  westerly 
voyage  in  1492 
and  reached,  as 
he  supposeil, 
the  same  coast 
which  the  I'or- 
t  u  j;  u  e  s  u  Were 
seeking  to  touch 
by  the  opposil 
direction.'  In 
this  erroneous 
fjeograph  ical 
belief  Columbus 
r  e  ni  a  i  11  e  d  a  s 
l(ii)|j  as  he  lived. 


o  Co  m 


Iin  COMOF.  AI.M1RANTF,     (D.i  Ciiiia's  Aiitografli). 


—  a  view  in  which  V'espucius  and  the  earlier  navigators  ef[ually  shared  ;- though  some, 
like  Peter  .Martyr,'  accejJted  the  belief  cautiously.     We  shall  show  in  another  place  how 

slowly  the  error  was  eradicated 
from  the  cartography  of  even  the 
latter  |)art  of  tlie  sixteenth  century. 
During  the  interval  when  Co- 
lumbus was  in  .Spain,  between  his 
second  and  third  voyages,  A'asco 
da  Gania  sailed  from  I.isl)on,  July  8, 
1497,  to  complete  the  jjroject  which 
had  so  long  animated  die  endeavors 
ot'  the  rival  kingdom.  He  doubled 
the  Cape  of  Cood  Hope  in  .\ov. 
1497,  and  ancliored  at  Calicut,  May 
20,  1498,  —  a  few  days  before  Co- 
lumbus left  San  Luc.ir  on  his  third 
voyage.  In  tlie  following  August, 
Da  (lama  started  on  his  return  ; 
and  after  a  year's  voyage  he  reached 
Lisbon  in  August,  1498.  The  Por- 
tuguese liad  now  accomplished  their 
end.  The  i'c/<it  with  which  it 
would  have  been  received  had  not 


iKiiiii  Colomli,  pp.  121-127;  M.ijor's 
Prince  Henry,  j).  420 ;  Stevens's  Notts, 
p.  372.  When  tlie  natives  of  Cuba 
pointed  to  the  interior  of  their  island 
and  said  "  Cuhanacan,''  Columbus  in- 
terpreted it  to  mean  "  Kublai  Khan  ; " 
and  the  Cuban  name  of  Mangon  be- 
came to  his  ear  the  Mangi  of  Sir  John  Mandeville, 
a  Dec.  i.  c.  8. 

*  This  follows  the  engravings  in  Ruge's 
Geschichte (ies  Zeitalters der  Entdeckungen,  p.  ill, 
and  in  Stanley's  Da  Garmi,  published  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society.  The  original  belongs  to  the 
Count  de  Lavr.adio.  Another  portrait,  with  a 
view  of  Calicut,  is  given  in  Lafitau's  D^eou2'erUi 
des  Portuj^dis,  Paris,  1734,  iii.  60. 


VASCO    DA     GAMA.* 


1807 ;  and  in  Ruge's  Geschiehte  des  Zeitalters  der 
Entdeckungen,  i88r.  A  copy  on  vellum,  made 
in  1804,  is  in  the  British  Museum. 

'  Cf.  G.  Gravier's  Kecherches  siir  les  naviga- 
tions Europeennes  faites  an  moyen-dge,  Paris,  1S78. 

-  Navarrete,  i.  304,  ii.  280;  V^tndmV a  /I merigo 
Vespi4cci,  pp.  66,  83;  Humboldt,  Examen  critique, 
1.  26,  iv.  188,  233,  250,  261,  V.  182-185;  and  his 
preface  to  Ghillany's  P,/i  lini  :  Harrisse, /'Wv// 


I     -' 


'HiiS 


:a. 


COLUMUL'S   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


43 


of  the  south' 
e  his  westerly 


tlioiiijli  some, 
her  placx-  how 
I'as    irailic.ited 
y  of  even  the 
tt'riith  century, 
rval  when  Co- 
in, between  his 
■oyages.  \'asco 
Lisbon,  July  8, 
e  project  wliich 
['.  ihe  endeavors 
^.    He  doubled 
Hope  in  Nov. 
It  Calicut,  M.iy 
lys  before  Co- 
ir on  his  third 
owing  August, 
n  his   return  ; 
j;chc  reached 
49S.    The  Por- 
oniplished  their 
with    which    it 
ceived  had  not 

1-127;  Major's 
Stevens's  A'oUs, 
latives  of  Cuba 
r  of  their  island 
Columbus  in- 
KublaiKhan;" 

of  Mangon  be- 
ohn  Mandevillc. 

iigs  in  Ruge's 
■ckiiiigeii,  p.  Ill, 
iblishcd  by  the 
belongs  to  the 
portrait,  with  a 
au's  Dkotivertei 


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44 


NARKATU  i:   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMllKICA. 


I      I 
J /I 


^  ■'! 


/ii 


ill 


Hi. 


AI.i:X.ANI)KU    VI.' 

Columbus  opened,  as  was  supposed,  a  shorter  route,  wns  wanting;  and  Da  Gama,  follow- 
inij  in  the  path  marked  for  him.  would  have  failed  of  much  of  his  fame  but  for  the 
auspicious  applause  which  Camoens  created  for  hiui  in  the  /.i/sim/.' 

'  This  follows  the  cut  in  the  (';(;cc/'A'(/i-.f/)'ij«.v-  mciits,  w.is   edited  for  the   Ilakhiyt  .Society  hv 

■1r/s,  xxvii.  500,  re|)rescnliiig  a  bust  in  the  llerliii  If.  K.  J.  Stanley,  in  1S69.     Correa's  account  was 

.Museum.  not  ])rinlccl  till  iS5,S,  when  the  Lisbon  Academy 

-  Da  dania's  three  voyages,  translated  from  issued  it.  Cf.  Navarretc,  vol.  i.  ]i.  .xli ;  Rauiusio,  i 

the  narrative  of  Claspar  Correa,  with  other  dcpcn-  130 ;  dalvano,  p.  93  ;  Major,  Pr!*tct ticitry,  p.  391 : 


.1  \\ 


COLUMHL'S    ANU    HIS    DISCOVICKIKS 


45 


I),i  Cinnia  at  Calii  iil  and  C'oluniliiiH  at  Cul)a  ^ivc  tlic  lino  <>(  (l(.'inarc.ition  of  Alexander 
VI.  a  siniiiliL'.ince  t'lal  wan  not  (clt  to  be  impending,  five  years  earlier,  on  t!ie  3(1  and  4th 
of  M.iy.  I4V3'  wliMi  th«"  I'.ipal  Hull  was  issued.'  'I'liis  had  fixed  the  (icM  of  Spiinisli 
anil  rortujjuese  i  •;|iit)r.  lion  respei  lively  west  an<l  cast  of  ,1  line  one  hundred  leagues  ^  west 
of  llie  A/ores,  followirn  a  meridian  at  a  point  where  c'oluinhus  had  suppoHed  the  mag- 
netic needle"  pointed  ti  the  north  star.*  The  I'ortumiese  thought  that  |)olitieal  grounds 
Were  of  more  consideration  than  physical,  ;in(l  were  not  salislie<l  with  the  ni,i;;net  nc)verninj{ 
the  limitation  of  their  search  'I'hey  desired  .1  little  more  si',iroom  on  llic  Atl.inlic  side, 
and  were  not  displeased  to  think  th.il  a  meridian  consider.d>ly  farther  west  mi;;lit  j^ivi! 
them  a  share  of  the  new  Indies  south  and  north  of  the  Spanish  discoveries;  so  they  entered 
their  protest  against  the  partition  of  the  Hull,  and  the  two  Powers  held  a  convention  at 
Tordesill.is,  which  resulted,  in  June,  t4i;4,  in  the  line  lieiiiit;  moved  two  hundred  and  sev- 
enty leagues  westerly.'*  No  one  Init  vai;iiely  suspected  the  com|ilic.itioii  yet  to  arise  about 
this  same  meriilian,  now  selected,  when  tlie  voyage  of  Magellan  .should  bring  Spani.ird 
and  I'ortuguese  f,ice  to  face  at  the  Antipodes.  This  aspect  of  the  controversy  will  cl.iiin 
attenlion  elsewhere."  From  this  date  the  absolute  position  of  tlie  line  as  theoretically  de- 
termined, was  a  constant  source  of  dispute,  and  tlic  occasion  of  repe.ited  negoti.itions.' 


Cliulera,  /ujwtixiiiioiii's  /lislMois;  S.nint-Murtin, 
IlUloire  ili  /,t  ,i;i'i'Xi;i/>/iii;  p.  337  ;  Clarke,  /'>VL;>r~< 
of  Maritime  Disun'cry,  p.  399;  Kugc's  Ccschichte 
iks  /.citalltrs  Jer  EntJakinii^fH  pp.  109,  lJ5t 
iSS,  iSg;  l.ncas  Kcm's  Tiixi'lmc/i,  1494- 154J, 
.\iii;shMrg,  1.S61  i  Chartou's  i'l'pixviirs,  iii.  209 
(with  references),  etc. 

"  rortiij^al,"  says  Professor  Secley,  "had" 
almost  reason  to  complain  of  the  glorions  Intru- 
sion of  Cohnuhus.  She  took  the  rij;hl  w:i\,  and 
fiiinul  the  Indies;  while  he  took  the  wrong  wav, 
and  missed  them  ...  If  it  lie  answered  in*t  o- 
hnnhns's  hehalf,  that  it  is  better  to  he  wrong 
and  Ihul  .Vnierica,  than  to  he  right  and  Ihul  India, 
I'ortugal  might  answer  that  she  did  both,"  — 
referring  to  Cabral's  discovery  of  Hrazil  [i^.x- 
paiisio)!  of  Eiii;liiii(l,  p.  S3). 

'  The  Hull  is  printed  in  N'avarrete,  ii.  23, 
2S,  130;  and  in  the  app.  uf  Oscar  Peschcl's 
Die  '/'/uiliiiii;  licr  F.rtic  Hitter  Papst  Alexander  I'/, 
uiid  Julius  //.,  Leipsie,  iSyi.  Ilarrisse,  A'//'/. 
Amer.  I'el.,  Addi/ioiis, gives  the  letter  of  May  17, 
1493,  which  .Me.xander  VI.  sent  with  the  lUills 
to  his  nuncio  at  the  court  of  .Sp;iin.  fonnil  in  the 
archives  of  the  I-'rari  at  Venice.  Cf.  also  1 1  inn- 
holdt,  Ji.xdvieii  erili(/iie,  iii.  52  ;  Solorzano's  Po- 
liliea  /ndiiiiia ;  Sahin's  Dictioiuiyy,  vol.  i.  no. 
745;  and  the  illustrative  documents  in  .Andics 
Oarcia  de  Cespedes'  Keg.de  ;;<;;'.,  Madrid,  1606. 

'•'  There  is  more  or  less  confusion  in  the  esti- 
mates made  of  the  league  of  this  time.  D'Av- 
czac,  Ihtlletin  dt  la  Soei^ti  de  Geografhie  de  Paris, 
September  and  October,  1858,  pp.  130-164, 
culls  it  5.924  metres.     Cf.  also  Kox,  in  the  If.  S. 


^likid/^ 


Coast  Surrey  Ke/'ort,  18S0,  p.  59;  and  II.  II. 
liancrofi,  Central  Aiiieriea,i,  190. 

"  Cf.  Ilnmholdt,  /■'xanieii  eriti,/iie,  \\\.  17,  .|.|, 
SCi,  etc. 

*  I  lumholdt,  A'.ri;W(V/  i;;V/V///(',  iii.  5.; ;  Cmiiios, 
V.  55.  Columbus  found  this  point  of  no-varia- 
.lion,  Sept.  13,  141)2.  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
jxteenth  ceiUury,  for  a  sini'ar  reason,  St.  Mich- 
ael's in  the  Azores  was  taken  for  the  first  meri- 
dian, but  the  no-variation  then  observable  at  that 
poiiU  has  given  |)lace  now  to  a  declination  of 
twenty-live  degrees. 

''  See  the  docnmenls  in  N'avarrete,  ii.  1 16, 
and  I'eschel's  Tlieiliiin^  der  Erde  Killer  J'apsI 
Alexander  /'/.  iiitd  fiiliiis  II. 

"  Cf.,  however,  Juan  y  Ulloa's  Dissertaeioit 
sol're  el  meridiano  de  detnareaeioii,  Madrid,  1749» 
in  French,  1776.  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  iii.  no.  910; 
and  "Die  Deniarcations-linie "  in  Knge's  Vas 
'/.eitalter  der  Eiitderkiingen,  p.  267. 

"  In  1495  Jaume  Ferrer,  who  was  called  for 
advice,  sent  a  manuscript  map  to  the  Spanish 
Monanhs  to  be  used  in  the  negotiations  for 
determining  this  (piestion.  {N'avarrete;  also 
.•\niat,  Dieeioiiarij  de  los  eseritores  Caliilanes.) 
Jannie's  ililferent  treatises  are  collected  by  hi.s 
son  in  \\\s  .Seiileiieias  eat/iolieas,  1545'  (I.cclerc, 
no.  2,765,  1,000  francs;  Ilarris.se,  HiM.  Am.  let., 
no.  261  ;  Additions,  no.  154.)  This  contains 
Jaumc's  letter  of  Jan.  27,  1495,  and  the  Mon- 
archs' reply  of  Feb.  28,  1495;  and  a  letter  writ- 
ten at  the  recpiest  of  Isabella  from  liurgos,  Aug. 
5,  1495,  adilressed  to  "Chrislofol  t'olo  en  la 
gran  Isla  de  Ciban." 


46 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


NOTES. 


)   !■ 


'1  U 


A.  First  Voyage.  —  As  regards  the  first 
voyage  of  Columbus  tliere  has  come  down  to  us 
a  number  of  accounts,  resolvable  into  two  dis- 
tinct narratives,  as  originally  proceeding  from  the 
hand  of  Columbus  himself,  —  his  Journal,  which 
is  in  part  descriiitivc  and  in  part  log,  according  to 
the  modern  understanding  of  this  last  term  ;  and 
his  Letters  announcing  the  success  and  results  of 
his  search.  The  foi  tunes  and  bibliographical 
history  of  both  these  sources  need  to  be  told : 

Journal.  —  Columbus  himself  refers  to  this 
in  his  letter  to  Pope  Alexander  VI.  (1503)  as 
being  kept  in  the  style  of  Cxsar's  Commen- 
taries ,•  and  Irving  speaks  of  it  as  behig  penned 
"  from  day  to  day  with  guileless  simplicity."  In 
its  original  form  it  has  not  been  found ;  but  wc 
know  that  Las  Cas.xs  used  it  in  his  Ifistoiin,  and 
that  Ferdinand  Columbus  must  have  had  it  be- 
fore him  while  writing  what  passes  for  his  Life  of 
his  father.  An  abridgment  of  the  Journal  in  the 
hand  of  Las  Casas,  was  discovered  byXavarrete, 
who  printed  it  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Colcccion 
in  1S25 ;  it  is  given  in  a  French  version  in  the 
Paris  edition  of  the  same  (vol.  ii.),  and  in  Italian 
in  Torre's  Scritti  di  Colombo,  1S64.  Las  Casas 
says  of  his  abstract,  that  he  follows  the  very 
words  of  the  Admir.al  for  a  while  after  recording 
the  landfall  ;  and  these  parts  are  translated  by 
Mr.  Thoma?   of  the  .State  Department  at  Wash- 


1  le  prepared  another  account,  pcrhaj/s  duplicate, 
and  protecting  it  in  a  similar  way,  placed  it  on 
his  poo]),  to  be  washed  off  in  <  ase  his  vessel 
foundered.  We  know  nothing  liirther  of  this 
account,  unless  it  be  the  same,  substantially,  with 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  just  before  making 
a  harbor  at  the  .Azores.  One  of  ihesc  letters, 
at  least,  is  dated  off  the  Canaries ;  and  it  Is  pos- 
sible that  it  was  written  earlier  on  the  voyage, 
and  iiost-d.tted,  in  expectation  of  his  making  the 
Canaries ;  and  when  he  found  h*'n.ielf  by  stress 
of  weather  at  the  Azores,  he  neglected  to  change 
the  place.  The  original  of  neither  of  these  let- 
ters is  known. 

One  of  them  was  dated  Feb.  15,  1493,  wilh 
a  postscript  dated  March  4  (or  14,  copies  varv, 
and  the  original  is  of  course  not  to  be  reached- 
4  would  seem  to  be  correct),  and  is  written  '  .1 
Spanish,  and  addressed  to  the  "  Kscribano  ile 
Racion,"  Luis  do  .Santangel,  who,  as  Treasurer 
of  Aragon,  had  advanced  money  for  the  vovage. 
Columbus  calls  this  a  second  letter  j  by  which  he 
may  mean  that  the  one  cast  overboard  was  the 
first,  or  that  another,  addressed  to  Sanchez  (later 
to  be  mentioned),  preceded  it.  There  was  at 
Simancas,  in  1818,  an  early  manuscript  cojiy  of 
this  letter,  which  Navarreto  jirinted  in  his  Coh-c 
lion,  and  Kettell  translated  into  English  in  his 
book  (p.  253)  already  referred  to.* 

In    1S52  the   Daron   Pietro   Custodi  left  his 


ington,  in  G.  A.  Fo.x's  paper  on  "'I'hc  Landfall  "     collection  of  books  to  the  Biblioteca  .Ambros 


'■) 


in  the  Report  of  the  Coast  Surrey  for  iSSo.  The 
whole  of  the  Las  Casas  text,  however^  hus  'rans- 
latcd  into  English,  at  the  instigation  of  Cioorge 
Ticknor,  by  Samuel  Kettcll,  a:id  publisl,ed  in 
Boston  as  A  Personal  N'arrati'e  of  the  First  I'oy- 
i;fv  in  1827 ; '  and  it  has  ijeen  given  ir.  part,  in 
ICnglish,  in  I?ccher's  Londfall  of  Colun  mis.  The 
original  is  thought  to  have  served  Ilerrera  in 
his  IHstoria  diieral.'^ 

Letters.  —  We  know  that  on  tlie  12th  of 
Februarv,  1493,  about  a  week  before  reaching 
the  Azores  on  his  return  voyage,  and  while  his 
ship  wa.i  laboring  in  a  gale,  Columbus  prepared 
an  account  of  his  discovery,  and  incasing  the 
|iarchment  in  wax,  put  it  in  a  Ijarrcl,  which  he 
threw  overboard.     That  is  the  last  heard  of  it. 


ana  .at  Milan ;  and  among  them  was  found  a 
printed  edition  of  this  Santangel  letter,  never 
before  known,  and  still  remaining  unique.  It  is 
of  small  quarto,  four  leaves,  in  scmi-gothic  type, 
bearing  the  date  of  ■493,''  and  was,  as  Uarrisse 
and  Lenox  think,  printed  in  Sjiain,  —  Major  sug- 
gests Barcelona,  but  Gayangos  thinks  Lisbon. 
It  was  lirst  reprinted  at  Milan  in  1863,  with  a 
fac-simile,  and  edited  by  Cesare  Correnti,  in  a 
volume,  containing  other  letters  of  Columbus, 
CKtitlcd,  Lctterc  aido^^rafe  eiiitc  cd  inrdite  di 
Cristoforo  Colombo!"  From  this  reprint  Uar- 
risse coijied  it,  and  gave  an  luiglish  translation 
in  his  AWcj  on  Columbus,  p.  89,  drawing  atten- 
tion to  the  error  of  Correnti  in  making  it  ajipear 
on  liis  titlepage  that  the  letter  was  addressed  lo 
"Saxis,"''  and  testifying  that,  by  collation,  iic 


f 


'  Cf.  North  Americati  /x'crtcw,  nos.  53  .inil  5^. 

2  Cf.  portions  in  (ierinan  in  Das  Austaiid,  1S67,  p.  1. 

8  It  is  in  Italian  in  Torre's  Scritti  di Coloiiilw. 

<  Brunct,  Sii/'/'li incut,  col.  2;7. 

fi  It  appeared  in  the  series  Bihtiotcca  rara  of  G.  Oiicllt* 

8  (-'f.  Historical  .\ta\;azinc,  Septembor.  iSfi.- 


1 


COLUMUUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES 


47 


11   iS()3,  with  a 


had  found  but  slight  variation  fr<im  the  Navar- 
rttt  text.  Mr.  K.  II.  Major  also  prints  the 
Amlirosian  text  in  his  Sii,rl  f.clti-rs  of  Coltimlnis, 
Willi  an  Knglish  version  appended,  and  judges 
the  Cosco  version  eould  not  have  lieen  made 
from  it.  Other  English  translations  may  lie 
found  in  Hechcr's  Litiid/all  of  Coliim/>iis,\u  291, 
and  in  French's  llislofial  Collcclwits  of  Loiiisi- 
oiiii  ,im/  Floriiiii,  2d  series,  ii.  145. 

In  1S66  a  fae-simile  edition  (150  copies)  of 
the  .Vmbrosian  copy  was  issued  at  Milan,  edited 
by  CJerolamo  d'  Adda,  under  the  title  of  LclUra 
ill  /iiii,'ii<!  Sf<(ii;iiiio!ii  diictla  da  Cristofoio  Colombo 
(I  Luis  lie  Sttiilii>ii;i-l}  Mr.  James  Lenox,  of  New 
York,  had  already  described  it,  with  a  fac-simile 
of  the  beginning  and  end,  in  the  1  fistoriial  Mus;- 
a-iiic  (vol.  viii.  p.  2S9,  September,   1864,  April, 


186; 


and   this    paper    was   issued   separately 


(100  copies)  as  a  supiilement  to  the  Leno.x  edi- 
tion of  Scyllacius.  Ilarrisse-  Indicates  that 
there  was  once  a  version  of  this  Santangel  letter 
in  the  Catalan  tongue,  preserved  in  the  Colom- 
bina  Library  at  Seville. 

A  few  years  ago  IJergcnroth  found  at  Si- 
niancas  a  letter  of  Columbus,  dated  at  the  Cana- 
ries, Feb.  15,  1493,  with  a  postscript  at  Lisbon, 
March  14,  addressed  to  a  friend,  giving  still  an- 
other early  text,  but  adding  nothing  material  to 
our  previous  knowledge.  A  full  abstract  is  given 
m  tlie  CaUiidor  of  Shite  J'lifors  reletting  to  Eitf;- 
land  iiiid  Spain,  p   43. 

A  third  Spanish  text  of  a  manuscript  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  said  to  have  been  found  in 
the  Colegio  Mayor  de  Cuenca,  was  made  known 
by  Varnhagen,  the  Minister  of  Urazil  to  Por- 
tugal, who  printed  it  at  Valencia  in  1858  as 
Pnmera  epistola  del  Aliniraute  Don  Chrislobat 
Colon,  including  an  account  "  de  una  nueva  coiiia 
de  original  nianuscrito,"  The  editor  assumed 
i;-.n  name  of  Volafan,  and  printed  one  hundred 
copies,  of  which  sixty  were  destroyed  in  Brazil.'' 


This  letter  is  addressed  to  Cabriel  Sanchf/,  and 
dated  "sobre  la  islade  Sa.  Maria,  18  de  Fi  id;" 
and  is  without  the  postscript  of  the  letters  of 
Feb.  15.  It  is  almost  a  verbatim  repetition  of 
the  Simancas  text.  A  reprint  of  the  Cosco  text 
makes  a  jiart  of  the  volume;  antl  it  is  the  opin- 
ion of  Varnhagen  and  Ilarrisse  that  tlie  Volafan 
text  is  the  original  from  which  Cosco  translated, 
as  mentioned  later. 

Perhaps  still  another  Spanish  te.xt  is  pre- 
served and  incorporated,  as  Muiioz  believed, 
by  the  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Andres  ISernaldez, 
in  his  Ilistoria  de  los  reyes  ailolieos  (chap,  cxviii). 
This  book  covers  the  period  1488-1513  ;  has  thir- 
teen chapters  on  Columbus,  who  hail  been  the 
guest  of  liernaldez  after  his  return  from  his 
second  voyage,  in  1496,  and  by  whom  Columbus 
is  called  "  mercador  de  libros  de  estampa."  The 
manuscript  of  liernaldez's  book  long  remained 
unprintedinthe  Koyal  Library  at  Madrid.  Irving 
used  a  manuscript  coi)y  which  belonged  to  (Jba- 
diah  Rich.*  Prescott's  copy  of  the  manuscript 
is  in  Harvard  College  Library.''  Humboldt" 
used  it  in  manuscript.  It  was  at  last  printed  at 
Granada  in  1S56,  in  two  volumes,  under  the 
editing  of  Miguel  Lafuente  y  Alcantara."  It 
remains,  of  course,  possible  that  liernaldez  may 
have  incorporated  a  printed  Spanish  text,  instead 
of  the  original  or  any  early  manuscriiit,  though 
Columbus  is  known  to  have  placed  papers  in 
his  hands. 

The  text  longest  known  to  modern  students 
is  the  ])oor  I-atin  rendering  of  Cosco,  already 
referred  to.  While  but  one  edition  of  the  ori- 
ginal Spanish  text  ajipeared  presumably  in  Spain 
(and  none  of  Vespucius  and  Magellan),  this 
I>atin  text,  or  transKitions  of  it,  appeared  in 
various  editions  and  forms  in  Italy,  Fr.ance, 
and  Germanv,  which  Ilarrisse  remarks"  as  in- 
dicating the  greater  popular  impression  which 


1  Harrisse,  liiH,  Amcr.  Vcl.  .Iddilioiis,  p.  vi.,  calls  this  reproduction  extremely  correct. 

-  /?;/'/.  Amcr.  Vcl.,  p.  xii. 

3  Ticknor  Catalogue,  p.  3S7  ;  Stevens,  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  no.  1,380  ;  Sabin,  iv.  277  ;  Leclcrc,  no.  \t,2.  It  was 
noticed  by  Don  I'ascual  ilc  (iayannos  in  La  America,  April  11,  1S67.  Cf.  ancitlier  of  Vavnlianen's  ]nil)lications, 
Varta  ile  Crislilat  Colon  eir  '  -da  de  Lislva  a  Ihireehna  en  Marzo  de  1493,  publislied  at  Vienna  in  iS(n).  It  lias 
a  collation  of  texts  antl  an'  ;  itions  (Leclcrc,  no.  131 ).  .\  portion  of  the  edition  was  issued  with  the  .additional 
imprint,  "Paris,  Tross,  1870."  Of  the  120  copies  of  this  Ixmk,  60  were  put  in  the  trade.  Major,  rclVrriin; 
to  these  sevciat  Spanisli  texts,  says :  '•  I  have  carefully  collated  the  three  documents,  and  the  result  is  a  certain 
conclubion  th.it  ncitlicr  one  nor  the  other  is  a  correct  transcript  of  the  original  letter,"  — all  having  errors  which 
could  not  have  been  in  the  original.  M.ijor  also  translates  the  views  on  this  point  ot  Varnhauen,  and  enforces 
his  own  ojiininn  that  the  Spanisli  and  Latin  texts  are  derived  from  different  tlioii);Ii  similar  docimicnts.  \'arn- 
li.aj;en  held  the  two  texts  were  different  forms  of  one  letter.  Ilarrisse  disscnls  from  this  opinion  in  lisl'l, 
.Imcr.  Vet.  Additions,  p.  vi. 

<  Cf.  living's  Coliiiiil'iis,  ap]).  xxix. 

5  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isalvlla,  revised  edition,  ii.  loS;  Sabin,  vol.  ii.  no,  4,yiS;  Ilarrisse,  Notes  on 
•iliiin/iiis,  no.  7,  who  reprints  the  parts  in  ipiestion,  with  a  translation. 

•i  Cosmos,  English  translation,  ii.  fqi. 

■    'I'ieknor  Catalogue,  p.  32. 

8  lie  points  out  how  the  standard  Chronicles  .and  .Annals  (Kerreboii:,  1521  ;  Regnault,  1532;  fialliot  du 
Pr6,  ii;4<);  Fabian,  1510.  1533,  1542,  etc.),  down  to  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  utterly  ignored  the 
acts  of  CoU'inlms,  Corti's.  :ind  Magellan  iflill.  .liner.   I'et.  p.  ii). 


I 

'I 


48 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A  ■■'V. 


mil  i, 


H 


1 


^'. 


•I 


the  discovery  of  America  made  l)cyond  Spain 
tlian  within  the  kingdom  ;  and  t'.ie  monthly  de- 
livery <)f  letters  from  (iermany  to  Portugal  and 
the  Atlai.iic  islands,  at  tliis  time,  i)laccd  these 
parts  of  Europe  in  prompter  connection  than 
we  are  apt  to  imagine. ^  News  of  the  discovery 
was,  it  would  seem,  borne  to  Italy  by  the  two  (le- 
noese  ambassadors,  Marches!  and  Cirimaldi,  who 
arc  known  to  liive  left  Spain  a  few  days  after 
the  return  of  Columbus.-  The  Spanish  text  of 
this  letter,  addressed  by  Columbus  to  Gabriel 
or  Raphael  Sanchez,  or  Sanxis,  as  the  name  of 
the  Crown  treasurer  is  variously  given^  would 
seem  t(i  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  one  Aii- 
ander  dc  Cosco,  who  turned  it  int(j  Latin,  com- 
pleting his  work  on  the  29th  of  April.  Uarrisse 
points  out  the  error  of  Navarrete  and  Varnha- 
gen  in  placing  this  completion  on  the  25th, 
and  supi)oses  the  version  was  made  in  Spain. 
Tidings  of  the  discovery  must  have  reached 
Home  before  this  version  could  have  got  there  ; 
for  the  first  Pai)al  liuU  concerning  the  event  is 
dated  May  3.  Whatever  the  case,  the  first  pub- 
lication, in  print,  of  the  news  was  made  in  Rome 
in  this  Cosco  version,  and  four  editions  of  it 
were  printed  in  that  city  in  1493.  There  is 
much  disagreement  among  bibliographers  as  to 
the  order  of  issue  of  the  early  editions.  Their 
peculiarities,  and  the  preference  of  several  bib- 
liographers as  to  such  order,  is  indicated  m 
the  fttllowing  enumeration,  the  student  beitig 
referred  for  full  titles  to  the  authorities  which 
are  cited:  — 

It  Epistohi  Christofori  Colom  [1495].  Small  quarto, 
fwiir  le.ives  (one  blank),  ^othic,  is  lines  to  a  paRC. 
AddrL'ssL'il  to  i^anchis.  Cosco  is  called  Leander, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  both  named  in  the  title. 
Tlie  printer  H  tlioiit;ht  to  be  Planiick,  from  slniiiar- 
Ity  of  type  to  work  known  to  be  his. 

Major  calls  this  the  editio  primeps^  and  gives  elabo- 
rate reasons  for  Ills  npinion  {Select  Letters  of  Colntnbus^ 
p.  cxvi).  J.  R.  liartlett,  in  the  Carter-Hroxvn  Catalogue, 
vol.  i,  no.  5,  al^'t  puts  It  first ;  so  docs  Ternaux.  Variih.i- 
pen  calls  it  the  second  edition,  It  is  put  the  third  in  order 
by  Ihiinel  (vnl.  ii.  col.  lOj)  and  Lenox  (Scyllacius^  p.  xliv), 
and  fourth  by  Harrisse  [Xotes  on  Columbus,  p.  121  ;  lUN. 
A  fue*'.  I  V/.,  no.  4). 

There  are  copies  in  the  Lenox,  Carter- 1  irown.  and 
\{\.\th  {Catalogue,  i.  ^y'^  lil)raries  ;  in  the  (Irenville  (/>//•/. 
Gn-n.,  [>.  15S)  and  King's  Collections  in  the  Hritish  Mu- 
si'iim  :  in  the  Koyal  hibiaiy  at  Munich  ;  In  the  Collection 
of  the  Dnc  d'Auniale  at  Twlcketiham  ;  and  in  Mie  Com. 
mercial  Library  at  Hamburg.'  The  copy  cited  by  Har* 
risse  was  sold  in  the  Court  Collection  (.no.  72)  at  Paris  in 
1SS4. 


II.  Epistola  Christofori  Colotn,  impressii  Romf^ 
Euchnrins  Argeuteus  [Silber],  anno  dai 
MCCCCA'C///.  Small  quarto,  three  printed 
leaves,  guthic  type,  40  lines  to  the  page.  Ad- 
dres: .  '  to  Sanches.  Cosco  is  called  Leinder. 
Ferd...and  and  Isabella  both  named. 

Major,  who  makes  this  the  second  edition,  says  that 
its  deviations  from  No.  I.  are  all  on  the  side  of  ignorance. 
Varnhagen  calls  it  the  tuf/tio  princeps.  Itartlett  {OiWcr- 
liroxvn  Catalogue^  no.  6)  puts  it  second.  Lenox  {Scylla- 
rit/s,  p.  xlv)  calls  it  the  fourth  edition.  It  Is  no.  3  of  Har- 
risse(i9/^/.  Atner.  I'et.,  no.  3  ;  Notes  on  Colutnbus,  p.  121). 
Graesse  errs  in  saying  the  words  "  Indie  supra  Gangem  '' 
are  omitted  in  the  title. 

There  are  copies  in  the  Lenox,  Carter-Brown,  Huih 
{Catalogue^  i.  lyUX  and  Grenville  {Bibl,  Gren,,  p.  158) 
Libraries  It  has  been  recently  priced  at  5,000  francs 
Cf.   Murphy  Catalogue^   629. 

III.  Epistola  Christofori  Colom.  Small  quarto,  four 
leaves,  34  lines,  gothic  type.  Addressed  to 
Sanxis.  Cosco  is  called  Aliaiider.  Ferdinand 
only  named. 

This  is  Major's  third  edition.  It  is  the  editio princept 
of  Harrisse,  who  presumes  it  to  be  printed  by  Stephanus 
Plannck  at  Rome  {Notes  on  Columbus,  \\  117;  Bibl.  A  mer, 
I'et.,  vol.  i.) ;  and  he  enters  upon  a  close  examination  to 
establish  its  priority.  It  is  Lenox's  second  edition  iScyl' 
/alius,  p.  xliii).     IJarllett  places  it  third. 

There  are  copies  in  the  I'arlow  (formerly  the  Aspin- 
wall  copy)  Library  in  New  York  ;  in  the  General  Collec- 
tion and  Grenville  Library  of  the  Uriiish  Museum  ;  and  in 
the  Royal  Library  at  Munich.  In  1S75  Mr.  S.  L.  M. 
Harlow  printed  (50  copies)  a  fac-simile  of  liis  copy,  with  a 
Preface,  hi  which  he  joins  in  considering  tliis  the  first  edi- 
tion with  Harrisse,  who  (Notes  on  Columbus^  p.  101)  gives 
a  careful  reprint  of  it. 

IV  Dt!  ittsulis  iuventis,  etc.  Small  octavo,  ten  leaves, 
2'- and  27  lines,  gothic  type  The  leaf  before  the 
title  has  the  .Siianish  arms  on  the  recto.  There 
are  eight  woodcuts,  one  of  which  is  a  repetition. 
Addressed  to  Sanxis.  Cosco  is  called  Ahender. 
Ferdinand  only  named.  The  words  *'  Indie  supra 
Gangem  '*  are  omitted  in  the  title. 

This  is  Major's  fourth  edition.  Lenox  makes  it  the 
editio  princeps  (as  does  Hrunet),  and  gives  fac-siiniles  of 
the  woodcuts  in  liis  Scy/lacius,  p.  xxxvi.  IJossi  supjiosed 
the  cms  to  have  been  a  part  of  the  original  manuscript,  and 
designed  by  Columbus.*  Harrisse  calls  it  the  second  in 
order,  and  thinks  Johannes  IJesicken  may  have  been  the 
printer  {liibl.  A  mer.  I'et.,  2),  tliough  It  is  usually  ascribed 
to  Piannck.  of  Rome.  It  bears  the  arms  of  Granada;  but 
thure  was  no  press  at  tliat  time  in  that  city,  so  far  as  known, 
though  lininet  seems  to  imply  it  \\as  printed  there. 

The  only  perfect  copy  known  is  one  formerly  the  Lihri 
copy,  now  in  the  Lenox  Library,  which  has  ten  leaves.  The 
Grenville  copy  {Hibl.  Gren.,  ]»■  15S),  and  the  one  which 
IJossi  saw  in  the  IJrera  at  Milan,  now  lost,  had  only  nine 
leaves. 

\\?c\\\{Re/'crtoriitm,  no.  5.491)  describes  a  copy  which 
seems  to  lack  the  first  and  tenth  leaves;  and  it  "as  proba- 


1   'S\\\vr,  liistolre  ilipiomatiipte  i/e  lichaim,  p.  12^ 

-  They  are  mentioned  in  Senarcga's  "  Dc  rebus  Gcniieiibibus,"  printed  in  Muratt^ri's  Kcrmn  Ilalicar  .i 
scriptores^  xxiv.  5-^4,     Cf.  Harrisse,  iVotes  on  Columbus^  p.  41. 

'*  Harrisse  says  that  when  'J'toss,  of  Paris,  advertised  a  copy  at  a  high  ])rice  in  18^)5.  there  were  seven 
bidders  for  it  at  once      Qiiaritch  advertised  a  copy  in  June,  1S71.     It  was  priced  in  London  in  1S72  at  .l.'i4o. 

■1  Tliis  view  is  controverted  in  The  Booktvorm^  kS6S,  p.  9.  Cf.  1S67,  p.  103.  The  ships  are  said  to  be 
galleys,  while  Culunibiis  sailed  in  caravels. 


'I  ^ 


J   I 

,:l.( 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


49 


K 


^ressii  Rome, 
,  atttto  (it'll 
three  prinU'il 
ihc  \Mge.  Ad- 
rnlled  Le^intler. 
id. 

lilinn,  s^iys  iliat 
;le  of  ignorance. 
!artlett  {Ciirli-r- 
Lenox  {.S"o//it- 
s  no.  3  "f  'l^f 
i/iimf'iis,  p.  121). 
supra  G.ingem  " 

er-Brown,  Hutli 
Gren.,  p.  158) 
at  5,000  francs. 


lall   quarto,   four 

.Addressed    to 

Jer.      Ferdinand 

e  editio  frincrtii 
led  by  Stephanus 
117;  BibUAmer. 
e  ex.iniination  to 
lid  edition  {Scyl- 

nerly  the  Aspin- 
:  General  Colkx- 
Museuin  ;  and  in 
5  Mr.  S.  L.  M. 
Ills  copy,  with  a 
this  the  first  edi- 
ibus^  p.  101)  gives 


itavo,  ten  leaves, 
e  leaf  before  the 
llie  recto.  There 
h  is  a  repetition, 
i  called  Aheiider. 
rds  "  Indie  supra 

iiox  ni.ikes  it  the 

s  fac-similes  of 

IJossl  supposed 

manuscript,  and 

t  the  second  in 

:iy  have  been  tlie 

usually  ascribed 

of  Gran.idai  but 

so  far  as  known, 

led  there. 

jnnurly  the  l.iliri 

leii  leaves.   The 

1  the  one  which 

t,  had  only  nine 

bcs  a  copy  which 
(1  il  was  pnilM- 


yum  Ital'uai      i 

here  were  seven 
;—  at  .L'140. 
s  are  said  to  be 


ff^ffoti^btfflofbrf  CoToifltoif  (fi(»nollnimDtcu  debet:  df 
9nfuH0'5nds{fopia<5angemnuper  fnDeDti9*Bdqii<i9  perqof  / 
rendaa  occouo  antes  mmfe  oufiTid^  t  (re  inuictifTimf  f emanr 
dit>!rpaniaruin'Regi6frafru9fiKr(tfMd(Dagniftcum  dnm  lU 
pboelem  03npa*eiufdan  ferenf  ffiml  IVegia  Xcfauroria  miiTo) 
quamtiobiliB  aclieteracue  vtr  BUanderdeCofco  ablTitpono 
fdcomace  in  latimim  conoeitfr :  rertio  fcar9d7m)*$]0*cccc«rcU/* 
t)omifscatD0Blc]eandrl  @e^  Bnno  pzimo* 

QUonfamfofceptf  piotifntff  ran  perfectwn  mecSrecimiin 
filHTegrfltumribifbTe  fdo:  baaconfHnif  ejrararcqa^re 
miuroifufc^rd  in  bocnoftro  itfnere  gr  flf  innenr^  ad/ 
fttov ant:  ICricefimorertio  die  po(l$  (GadibttedifcrfTi  in  mare 
'i'nWcvi  perueni:rbi  plurimae  infotad  innnmerie  babitataa  bor 
minibus  rtpperhquarom  omnium  p70  foeliciffimo  "Regc  noftro 
pif conio  celcbzaro  %  re rillie  erf mftoc onrradicenrc  neminc  pof/ 
fcfTlionemaccq)i;pMmfcp  carom  diuf  Saluaroiienomcn  fnjpcrf 
fui:euiU9freru9  aunlio  ram  ad  banc:$  ad  c^rerad  altaa  perue/ 
nimu9>4?am  t>o  ^ndi  Ouanabanin  rocanr<filiaromeria  vnam 
quanc^  nouo  nomine  nuncupaui<(DiJippr  alia  infulam  6an£C( 
0?arif  (&ncepHoni9>aIiam  j^emandmam  •  aliam  'Dprabellam* 
fliiam  ^ob^anami  lie  de  reliquie  appellari  mfTt'(DDampzimum 
In  cam  infulam  qua  dudum  ^obana  rocari  din  appultmue:iu 
l^'a  ciu9  lirtU90ccidcnrem  rerfue  aliquanrulumpzocefTiztamq) 
cam  magna  nullorcperro  fins  «nucn!:rrnon  infulam:  fedcontf 
nenrnn  (£batai  prouinciam  dTe  crediderinnnulla  tn  videnB  op/ 
pida  munidpiaue  in  mari  ti  mi9 1'tta  ronftnib^  p;f err  aliquos  x\i 
C091  pzedia  rufbca-'cumqoo?  incolie  loqui  nrquibamquarcfl 
tiiul  acno9ridebanr  funipiebanrfugam>'p:o^ediebarrItra: 
ccifhman9  aliqua  me  rrbem  n  llafue  inuenrnrum«(Denic9  rtdFa 
0(  longe  admodum  p^ogrelTig  nibil  noui  emergebatn  bmoi  via 
no9  ad  Septcnrrionem  deferebat:q»ipfefugercc>:opraba:tcrrt9 
ercnim  regnabatbiuma:  ad  JBuftrfrnK^eratin  voro1:drend<r($ 

LOLUMBUS'   LETTER  NO.    HI. 


bly  this  copy  (Royal  Library,  Munich)  which  was  followed 
by  Pilinski  in  bis  Paris  fac-similc  (20  copies  in  1858),  which 
does  not  reproduce  these  leaves,  though  it  is  stated  by 
some  that  the  defective  liritish  Museum  copy  was  his 
Huide.  Bartlett  seems  in  error  in  calling  this  f.ac-siinile  a 
copy  of  the  Libri-Lenox  copy.^ 

V.  Efistohi  de  ittsnlis  dc  novo  repartis^  etc.  .Sni.-lll 
qu.irto,  four  leaves,  gothic,  39  lines  :  woodcut  on 
verso  of  first  leaf.  Printed  by  Guy  Marcliand  in 
Paris,  about  1494.  Addressed  to  Sanxis.  Cosco  is 
called  Aliander.     Ferdinand  only  named. 


This  is  Lenox's  {Scyllacins,  ji.  xlv.),  Major^s,  and 
Harrisse's  fifth  (iVo^fj  on  Colitinbtts,  p.  122:  Bibt,  A-mer. 
I'cf.,  p.  5)  edition. 

The  Teniaux  copy,  now  in  the  Carter-lirowii  Library, 
was  for  some  time  supposed  to  be  the  only  copy  known ; 
but  Harrisse  says  the  text  reprinted  by  Rosiiy  in  Paris,  in 
1865,  as  from  a  copy  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris,  cor- 
responds to  this.  This  reprint  (125  copies)  is  entitled, 
Lettrc  de  Christof'hi;  Colottd'  sitr  At  dhouvcrtf  dit  nou* 
Vi'au  jHOJidL'.  l^iibiih'  d\i/'f'^s  la  rarisshnc  version  Lat' 
ine  coHiervh'  ii  iti  Bibliotiiiiiue  Intfi^r'ale,  Traduite  en 
FrtiH^ais,  cotnjni'nth-  felc]  /'ar  LucicH  de  i\oiny^    Paris : 


,.  J 


'  But  coinp.tre  his  Cooke  Calalosuc,  110.  575  j  .ilso,  Pinart-Bonrbourg  Catalogue,  \>.  249. 
VOL.    II.  —  7. 


1 

1, '  "* 

'|l 

i" 

i;  I ; 


IfH 


'.!  ' 


i 

1 

,'i 

/ 1' 

i-i,. 

50 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


REVERSE   OF  TITLE   OF  NOS.   V.    AND    VI. 


J.  Gay,  1865.  44  pages  octavo.  This  edition  was  publislied 
under  the  auspices  of  the  "ComitiS  d'Arch(Sologie  Arneri- 
c.iine."  * 

VI.  Epistola  de  imulis    ttoviUr  rcffcrtiSi   etc.      Small 

quarto,  four  leaves,  gotliic,  39  lines ;  woodcut  on 
verso  of  first  leaf.  Guiot  Marchant,  of  I'ari.'i, 
printer.  Addressed  to  Sauxis.  Cosco  is  called 
Aliander.    Ferdinand  only  named. 

This  is  Major's  sixth  edition ;  Harrisse  {Notes  on 
Cohtinbus^  p.  122;  Hibl.  Atiier.  i'ef.y  »"o.  6)  and  Lenox 
{Scyllacius,  p.  xlvii)  also  place  it  sixth.  There  are  fac- 
similes of  the  engraved  title  i'l  Harrisse,  Lenox,  and 
Stevens's  A  vierican  Bibliof;r(jphcr,  p.  66. 

There  are  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown,  liodleian 
(Douce),  and  University  of  Giitti  \gen  libraries',  one  is 
also  show  1  in  tile  Murphy  Catal(\i;uc    no.  630. 

John  Harris,  Sen.,  made  a  fac-simile  edition  of  five 
copies,  one  of  whicli  is  in  the  I'ritish  Museum, 

VII.  Epislola   Cristophori  Colom,  etc     Small  quarto, 

four  leaves,  gothic,  3S  lines.   Addressed  to  Sanxis. 
Th.  Martens  is  thought  to  be  the  printer. 


This  edition  has  only  recently  been  made  known.  Cf, 
Brunei,  SuppUment,  col.  276.  The  only  copy  known  is  ic 
the  Bibliothique  Royale  at  Brussels. 

The  text  of  all  these  editions  scarcely  varies, 
except  in  the  use  of  contracted  letters.  Lenox's 
collation  was  rcjirinted,  without  the  cuts,  ni  the 
Ilistorica!  Miigazim,  February,  1861.  Other  bill- 
liographical  accounts  will  be  found  in  Graossc, 
Trespr;  BibUothcai  Gn.iviUhuia,  i.  15S;  Sabin, 
Dictionary,  iv.  274;  and  by  J.  H.  IIcsscls  in 
the  BihliophiU  Bel^e,  vol.  vi.  The  "-uts  are  also 
in  |)art  reproduced  in  some  editions  ot  Irving's 
Life  of  Columbus,  and  in  the  I'ita,  by  Bossi.'- 

In  1494  this  Cosco-Sanchcz  text  was  ap- 
penilcd  to  a  drama  on  the  capture  of  firan.ida, 
which  was  printed  at  ISasle,  beginning  [11  Uii- 
i/em  Soriiissimi  Fcrdiiuindi,  and  ascril)ed  to 
Carohis  Veradus.  The  "])c  insulis  ntipcr  in- 
ventis  "   is   found    at   the    thirtie»:i   leaf    [BiH. 


1  M.  de  Rosny  was  born  in  iSio,  and  died  in  iS;i.  M.  Geslin  published  a  jiaper  on  his  works  in  the  Ades 
U  la  Sociitc  (V Ethnologic,  vii.  115.  A  paper  by  Kosny  on  the  "  Lettre  de  Christoph  Coloinbe,"  with  his  vcr- 
.siun,  is  found  in  the  Kcvuc  OricntaU  ct  Amcricaino,  Paris,  1S76,  p.  Si. 

-  The  earliest  Knijlish  version  of  this  letter  followed  some  one  edition  of  the  Cosco-Sanchez  text,  and 
appeared  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  in  1S16,  and  was  reprinted  in  the  Analcctic  Magazine,  ix.  51-5.  A  trans- 
lation was  also  appended  by  Kettell  to  his  edition  of  the  Personal  Nariitivc.  There  is  another  i*  the 
Historical  Afagazinr,  April,   1S65,  ix.   114. 


COLUMBUS    AM)    IIIS    DISC0\"ER1ES. 


51 


j4iiltr.  .''</.,  no.  15;  Lenox's  6Vy/i;i;/«j,  p.  xlviii ; 
Major,  no.  7;  diitcr-Bi-oi.^n  i\i(,ilo,i;iii\  no.  13). 
There  arc  copies  in  the  Carter-Iirown,  Harvard 
College,  and  Lcno.x  libraries.' 

Uy  ( Ictobtr,  in  the  year  of  the  first  api'.ear- 
ance  (1493)  "f  t''^  Cosco-Sanchcz  text,  it  had 
been  turned  'wWoottaTa  yiiiui  by  (iuiliano  Dati, 
a  popular  poet,  to  be  sung  about  the  streets, 
as  is  supposed  ;  i.nd  two  cditi(jns  of  this  verse 
are  now  known.  The  earliest  is  in  quarto, 
lilack  letter,  two  columns,  and  was  printed  in 
Florence,  and  called  Qitcsu  c  la  Ilystoria  .  .  . 
•xtracte  diina  E/'istota  C/instc/niio  Colombo. 
It  was  in  four  leaves,  of  coarse  type  and 
l)aper;  but  the  second  and  third  leaves  ar-? 
lacking  in  the  unique  copy,  now  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum,  which  was  procured  in  1858  from 
the  Costabile  sale  in  "aris.'-' 

The  other  editio.i,  dated  one  day  later 
(Oct.  :6,  I4<)3),  printed  also  at  Florence,  and 
called  La  Lt-tU'i-a  dcWisolc,  etc.,  is  in  Roman 
type,  ([uarto,  four  leaves,  two  columns,  with 
a  woodcut  title  rejjresenting  Ferdinand  on  the 
European,  and  CoUnnbus  on  the  New  World 
shore  of  the  ocean.^  The  copy  in  the  British 
Museum  was  bought  for  1,700  francs  at  the 
Libri  sale  in  Paris  ;  and  the  only  other  copy 
known  is  in  the  Trivulgio  Library  at  Milan. 

In  1497  a  German  translation,  or  adaptation, 
from  Cosco's  Latin  was  i)rinted  by  Bartlomesz 
Kiisker  at  Strasburg,  with  the  title  Kyii  sclton 
\iibsch  Usui  voii  illii-hcii  iiisz/c'i/  die  do  in  kurtzot 
zvtea  fiitiden  syiid diinh  d?  kiinii; von  hispania, 
•.■nd  saj;!  vo  i;roszin  'icnndcrlicU-n  din^cn  die  in  de 
sclbe  inszL-ii  synd.     It  is  a  black-letter  quarto  of 
>even  leaves,  with  one  blank,  the  woodcut  of  the 


title  being  repeated  on  the  verso  of  the  seventh 
leaf.*  There  are  copies  in  the  Lenox  ( Libri  copy) 
and  Carter-Brown  libraries;  in  the  Greiiville  and 
Until  collections;  and  in  the  library  at  Munich. 


iitolat)etnrul/0not)i 


COLUMBUS     I.EITER    NO.    VI. 

The  text  of  the  Cosco-Sanchez  letter,  usually 
quoted  by  the  early  writers,  is  contained  in  the 
Bcllnin  C/iristianorum  Piincipnm  of  Robertas 
Monarchus,  printed  at  Basle  in  1533.'' 


1  It  was  priced  by  Rich  in  1S44  at  .C6  f«. ;  and  liy  Robert  Clarke,  of  Cincinnati,  in  i8;fi,  at  S200.  There 
was  a  cnpy  in  the  J.  J.  Cooke  sale  { 1SS3),  vol.  iii.  no.  5-4,  .and  another  in  tlie  Murphy  sale,  no.  2,602. 

-  Sabin,  vol.  v.  no.  iS.djfi;  Major,  p.  xc,  where  the  poem  is  reprinted,  as  also  in  Ilanisse's  Notes  on 
Columbus,  p.  186,  Bibl.  Aincr,  Vet.,  no.  S,  p.  461.  This  first  edition  has  sixty-seven  oct.ivcs  ;  the  second, 
sixty-eight.    Stevens's  Hist.    Coll.,  vol.  i.  no.  I2(),  sliows  a  fac-siiiiile  of  the  imperfect  first  edition. 

^  iVotes  on  Columbus,  ]i.  1 ,15  ;  Bibl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  9 ;  Ailditions,  no.  ;, ;  Lenox's  Scylhuius,  p.  Iii.  The 
last  stanza  is  not  in  tlie  otlier  edition,  and  there  are  other  revisions.  A  fac-siniile  of  the  cut  on  the  title  of  this 
Oct.  2(1,  I49-;,  edition  is  annexed.  Otlier  fac-similcs  arc  given  by  Lenox,  and  Rii^o  in  his  Ccsiiiiehte  d,s  /,ci- 
tallers  <lcr  Rntdakuiii;cii.  p.  247.  This  edition  was  rejirinted  at  Bologna,  iS;?,  edited  by  Gustavo  UzicUi,  as 
no.  136  of  Siiita  di  curiosila  Icttcraric  incdilc,  and  a  reprint  of  Cosco's  Latin  text  was  inchided. 

••  Lenox's  Scyllacius.  p.  Iv,  with  fac-similes  of  the  cuts;  Bibl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  10:  Notes  on  Columbus, 
p.  123;  Hutli,  i.  337.  The  elder  Harris  niiide  a  tracing  of  this  edition,  and  Stevens  had  six  copies  printed 
from  stone ;  and  of  these,  copies  are  noLed  in  'he  C.  Fiske-Uarris  Catalogue,  no.  553 ;  Murphy,  no.  632  !  Hrinley, 
no.  14  ;  Stevens's  (iS;o)  Catalogue,  no.  459;  and  Hi:.  Coll.,  vol.  i.  nos.  130.  13'!.  The  text  w.as  reprinted  in 
the  h'lieiuiselies  Areiiiv,  xv.  17.  It  was  also  included  in  Fin  selione  neve  /.eytung,  printed  at  .\ugsl)iirg  about 
1522,  of  which  there  are  copies  in  the  Lenox  and  Carter-Brown  liljraries.  .'^eyllaeius,  p.  hi ;  lininet,  Supfli- 
meat,  col.  277 ;  Harrisse,  Bd'l.  Amcr.  Vc/.,  no.  115.  Tlie  latest  enumeration  of  these  various  editions  is  in  the 
Studi  Nog.  c  bibliog.  della  Soe.  Geog.  Ital.,  2d  edition,  Rome,  1SS2,  p.  191,  which  describes  some  of  the 
rare  co|iie5. 

6  Ilarri  e,  3ibl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  175  ;  Carter-Brown,  no.  105 ;  Lenox,  Scyllacius,  p.  Iviii ;  Stevens,  Hist. 
Coll..  vol.  i.  no.  163,  and  Bibl.  Geog.,  no.  2,383;  Muller  (1872),  no.  3S7;  J.J.Cooke,  no.  2,183;  O'Callaghan, 
no.  1,836.  The  letter  is  on  pages  1 16-121  of  the  Bellum,  etc.  The  next  earliest  reprint  is  in  Andrras  Scliott's 
Hisfiiuiit  illustrator,  F'ankfort,  1603-1608,  vol.  ii.  (S.abin,  vol,  viii.  no.  32,005 ;  Midler,  1S77, no.  2.914  :  Stevens, 
1S70,  no.  1,845).  f'f  '''c  '■'>ter  reproductions  in  other  languages  than  English,  mention  may  be  made  of  diose  in 
Amati's  Riccrche  .S.'orieo-Critieo-Seieutifielu-,  1S28-1830  ;  liossi's  Vila  di  Colombo,  181S;  Urano's  edition  of 
liossi,  Paris,  1S24  and  1S25 :  the  Spanish  rendering  of  a  collated  Latin  text  made  by  the  royal  librarian  Oon- 


52 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


11/ 


m>^ 


i.^i.iiii  A-h-tr^-tr^V^  Jl.tc^M-K^nV^(;(.^ 


»•• 


THE    IjVNDING    of   COLUMBUS. 


iiii 


,11  •* 


B.  Landkali,.  —  It  is  a  matter  of  contro- 
versy what  was  Giianahani,  the  first  land  seen 
by  Columbus.  The  main,  or  rather  the  only, 
source  for  the  decision  of  this  question  is  the 
Journal  of  Columbus;  and  it  is  to  be  regretted 
that   Las  Casas  did  not  leave  unabridged  the 


parts  preceding  the  landfall,  as  he  did  those 
immediately  following,  down  to  October  29. 
Not  a  word  outside  of  this  Journal  is  helpful. 
The  teslinnjny  of  the  early  maps  is  rather  mis- 
leading than  reassuring,  so  conjectural  was  their 
geography.      It  will   be  remembered   that  land 


zalez  for  Navarretc,  and  the  I" ranch  version  in  tlic  Paris  edition  of  Navarrete ;  G,  li.  Torre's  Scrilti  di  Cohiiilio, 
Lyons,  1S64  ;  Cartas  y  tataincnlo  di  Colon,  Madrid,  iSSo.  There  is  in  Muratori's  Kcriim  Italicnnim  scri/'torcs 
(iii.  301)  an  account  "He  navigatiune  Colunibi,"  written  in  1409  hy  Antonio  Gallo,  of  Genoa;  but  it  adds 
nothing  to  our  knowledi^e,  being  written  entirely  from  Columbus's  own  letters. 

The  earliest  coni]iikd  account  from  the  same  sources  which  ajipcared  in  print  was  issued,  while  Columbus 
w.as  absent  on  his  last  voyage,  in  the  Noiiissimc  Hysloriariiiii  omnium  rifcriiissioiics,  t^uc  siif-f'lcmoitiim 
Siipf'lcmcnti  Cronicarum  viiiuii/iintiir  .  .  .  nsqiic  in  annum  1502,  of  Jacopo  Filippo  l'"orcsti  (called  liergo- 
nienscs,  liergonias,  or  some  odier  form),  whicli  was  dated  at  Venice,  1502  (colophon,  1503),  and  contained  a 
chapter  "  l)e  insulis  in  India,"  on  leaf  441,  which  had  not  l)oen  included  in  the  earlier  editions  of  14S3,  1484, 
14^5,  14S6,  and  I4i;3,  but  is  included  in  all  later  editions  (\'enici:,  1506 ;  Nuremberg,  1506  ;  Venice,  1513,  1524  j 
Paris,  1535),  except  the  Spanish  translation  (Harrissc,  IVibl.  Aincr,  Vet.,  nos.  42,  13S,  204,  and  Additions, 
nos.  II,  ;5 ;  Sabin,  vol.  vi.  nos.  25,083,  25,084  ;  Stevens,  1870,  no.  175,  ?u  ;  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  i.  nos.  19,  27; 
Murphy,  no.  226;  Ouantch,  no.  11,757,  X4).  There  are  copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  IIk' Carter-Iirown 
end  Lenox  libr,ines,  and  in  the  National  Library  in  Paris. 


]  :i! 


1  I 


COLUMBUS  AND   HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


53 


CUT   IN   THE   GERMAN  TRANSLATION  OF  THE   FIRST  LETTER  OF  COLUMBUS    (tITLE). 


was  first  seen  two  hours  after  midnight ;  and 
computations  made  for  Fox  show  that  the  moon 
was  near  the  third  quarter,  partly  behind  the 
observer,  and  would  clearly  illuminate  the  white 
sand  of  the  shore,  two  leagues  distant.  From 
Columbus's  course  there  were  in  his  way,  as 
constituting  the  Bahama  group,  —  taking  the 
enumeration  of  to-day,  and  remembering  that 
the  sea  may  have  made  some  changes,  —  36 
islands,  6S7  cays,  and  2,414  rocks.  I5y  the  log, 
as  included  in  the  Journal,  and  reducing  his 
distance  sailed  by  dead  reckoning  —  which  then 
depended  on  observation  by  the  eye  alone,  and 
there  were  also  currents  to  misguide  Colum- 
bus, running  from  nine  to  thirty  miles  a  day, 
according  to  the  force  of  the  wind  —  to  a  course 
west,  2°  49'  south.  Fox  has  shown  that  the  dis- 
coverer had  come  3,458  nautical  miles.  Apply- 
ing this  to  the  several  islands  claimed  as  the 
landfall,  and  knowing  modern  computed  dis- 
tances, we  get  the  following  table  :  — 


Islands. 

Course. 

Miles. 

An 

Excess 
of 

To  Grand  Turk  . 

W.  8^    i'  S. 

2834 

624 

Mnriguana     . 

W.  6=  37'  S. 

3032 

426 

W.atling     .    . 

W.  4°  38'  s. 

3'o5 

353 

Cat  ...     . 

W.  4^  20'  S. 

3141 

3>7 

Saniana     .    . 

W.  5=  37'  s. 

307' 

387 

Columbus  speaks  of  the  island  as  being 
"small,"  and  again  as  "pretty  large"  {bien 
^miit/e).  He  calls  it  very  level,  with  abundance 
of  water,  and  a  very  large  lagune  in  the  middle ; 
and  it  was  in  the  last  month  of  the  rainy  season, 
when  the  low  parts  of  the  islands  are  usually 
flooded. 

Some  of  the  features  of  the  several  islands 
already  named  will  now  be  mentioned,  together 
with  a  statement  of  the  authorities  in  favor  of 
each  as  the  landfall. 

.San  Salvador,  or  Cat. —This  island  is 
forty-three  miles  long  by  about  three  broad,  with 
an  area  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  square 
miles,  rising  to  a  height  of  four  hundred  feet,  the 
loftiest  land  in  the  group,  and  with  no  interior 
water.  It  is  usual  in  the  maps  of  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  to  identify  this 
island  with  the  Guanahani  of  Columbus.  It  is 
so  consiflered  by  Catesby  in  his  Xiitiirnl  Ilislory 
0/  Carolina  (1731);  by  Knox  in  his  Collection 
of  Voyages  (1767);  by  De  la  Roquette  m  the 
French  version  of  Xavarretc,  vol.  ii.  (182S) ; 
and  by  liaron  de  Montlezuu  in  the  iVoiifelles 
aiiiiales  lies  voyaj^'es,  vols.  x.  and  xii.  (1S2S-1S29). 
Alexander  Slidell  Mackenzie,  of  the  United 
States  Xavj',  worked  out  the  ])roblem  for 
Irving;  and  this  island  is  fixed  ujion  in  the 
latter's  Li/e  of  Cclumbus,  app.  xvi.,  editions 
of  1828  and  1848.  Hcchcr  claims  that  the  mod- 
ern charts  used  by  Irving  were  imperfect ;  and 
he  calls  "  not  worthy  to  be  called  a  chart  "  the 


54 


NARRATIVE    AM)   CRITICAL   HISTORY   Ol-'    AMERICA. 


!  i\ 


(•• 


',   :■;  ;, 


1> 


[(Pr^oupmiflft^crfc^iflftmg'^eo  mors  Qiflo/tttie  ay^ 
Ijofi  von  ^ifbanid  fc^bt  '^em  f uni(j  von  ^tfpaim  v5 

lmtn^cn4e9lari&93ntrtCT{F^cmfl"/?6fl«6W  0« 
taiu  .^a^o  rtiiffet  am  mitten  Turc^  ^as  lant>e  ui*ou 

Jifi  %e  \nx>\[ci^  m62.  ^ie  ernJIic^cn  etf imt)cn  ^ar,  vit 

^e  ^u  (ititjen  gefd^icft  if?  mir  ^ilff vn  gcofer  rc(?iffim0«  H»m 
ouc^ctlu^  vojfagung  v6  ^en  in^lcru  ©ee  grogmcc^rigifteii 
funig9jFcrad-oo0cnanrvoftf)iTpainadfWacl)^«m  vfWD  icff 
gefaren  bm  von  ^ern  gcf?a5t  ^ce  la^iDevon  f^ifpiniiL%o  man 
iiCTinet  Colunas  ^crcuko.  oOerrvon  eao  9er  tpidtJ)m  ic?  gtf 4^ 
rrti  in  %p  vnt>  "?Jf  ffig  t  jgen  irt  ^ao  mDi  fd^  m*^Z)o  ^ab  u$  gc^ 
fif '5cn  vil  in^lcn  rnit  onsalber  volcfo  wo^afftig^l^ic  ^ab  ic9 
aUtngenomen  mit  vff  gewojffnem  bjncrvnfcre  mec^tigiilm 
f ufiige.SniiD  nrmian  ^at  fici^  gtna>i*DCtt  noc^^.ininT)er  gcfhlt 
ill  f cincrlcr  a'eg4rBi€  erfl  9ic  ic^  gcfunDc  ^ab^  ^abc  id^  gc^ 
^ciffcn^ui  faluarone.lDao  i|l 5u  riierrc^^cog^rlic^en  be§al 
to©  vff  fehg  mac9era.5uein€rgc&cc^tnrg  ffnn:  wunCCTlicfe 
golden  nuieflat  9it  rmr^ar  56  ge^olfcn  ^ar.vii  ^k  von5nt)u 
^eiffent  fic  gwanagjm'froic  an^er  ()ab  icf?  gcgeiflTen  vn0  fro 
tpen cnpferignp^rfl&lil  Die 9jft f^ab ici^gei^eiffen fcman&ma 
nac^^cs  fjMge  naincn.Oic  vicrtjc  ^ab  ic8  geb'eiffcn  "?u:  ^ub 
fc^e infeL^TJ©ic fUnffte ic^ananuvno (^ab al fo ciricr  f cghc^ 
cnptcn  namen  gcgebau^lnt>  ale  bjlt>  ic^  fain  in  %c  in^el  \o'/ 
^annamal/bgcnant^ofitnc^an^CTngcflare  ^nuffgegcii  oc 
Ctoent tpert3/"da fanb ic^^ie mfcl lang  vnnx)  fcm eaoc*9ar  an* 
)Da0ic96Ct>dcBie6  wereingant)  lano.vnwcr^ic  p«)uuit3  3u 
Cflt^eigenant,E)o  fa^eicf)  oucfi  fane  fjert  nod)  fd^lojfer  nm 
0c|?at)e^e8  m6iC0»ou  ctlic^eburen  ()iifevfUrilvnwD  gcflcocl 
vnt^'^ee  felbenglici^en^^tJmit  ?en  fdbcn^wonem  tnoc^c 

ft  t 


GERMAN  TRANSLATION   OF   THE   FIRST  LETTER   OF  COLUMnUS   (TEXT"). 


I  '' 


I 


1    ■< 


i::^ 


,  ;,| 


La  Cosa  map,  which  so  much  influenced  Hum- 
boldt in  following  Irving,  in  his  Examen  criliijiie 
(1837),  iii.  iSi,  1S6-222. 

Watlinc's.  —  This  is  thirteen  miles  long  by 
about  six  broad,  containing  sixty  square  miles, 
with  a  height  of  one  hundred  and  forty  feet,  and 
having  about  one  third  its  area  of  interior  water. 
It  was  first  suggested  by  Munoz  in  1793.  Cap- 
tain liecher,  of  the  Royal  Navy,  elaborated  tlie 
arguments  in  favor  of  this  island  in  the  Jonriitil 
of  thi:  Royal  Geographical  Society,  xxvi.  1S9,  and 
Proceedings,  i.  94,  and  in  his  I.aiiJfall  of  Coliiiii- 
bus  on  his  First  yoyai;e  to  America,  London,  1.S56. 
Peschel  took  the  same  ground  in  his  Geschichte 


ties  Zeitalters  der  Entdechiingen  (1S5S).  R.  H. 
Major's  later  opinion  is  in  sujjport  of  the  same 
views,  as  shown  by  him  in  the  fournal  of  the 
Royal  Geographical  Society  (187 1 ),  xvi.  193,  and 
Proceedings,  xv.  210.  Cf.  Alw  Quarterly  Keviav, 
October,  1S56. 

Lieut.  J.  15.  Murdock,  U.  S.  N.,  in  a  paper  on 
"  Tlie  Cruise  of  Columbus  in  the  lialiamas, 
1492,"  i)ublishcd  in  the  Proceedings  (April,  1SS4, 
p.  449)  of  the  United  States  Naval  Institute 
vol.  X,  furnishes  a  new  translation  of  tlie  pas- 
sages in  Columbus'  Journal  bearing  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  made  by  Professor  Montaldo  of  the 
Naval   Academy,   and  rejjcats  the  map  of  the 


COLUlUnUS    AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


55 


5V 


.^^ 


^^ 


oCONCLPTlON 
■«RUMCAY 


LONG 


SA^N-A 


rCRTUNl, 


V?.^^-' 


c%* 


.N^: 


v^^'' 


cn>>^ 


.^^ 


i^' 


"S, 


# 


THE   BAHAMA   GROUP. ' 


modern  survey  of  the  Bahamas  as  given  by  Fox. 
Lieutenant  Murdock  follows  and  criticises  the 
various  theories  afresh,  and  traces  Columbus' 
track  backward  from  Cuba,  till  he  makes  the 
landfall  to  have  been  at  Watling's  Island.  He 
points  out  also  various  indications  of  the  Jour- 
nal which  cannot  be  made  to  agree  with  any 
supposablc  landfall. 


Grand  Turk.  —  Its  size  is  five  and  one  half 
by  one  and  a  quarter  miles,  with  an  area  of 
seven  square  miles ;  its  highest  part  seventy  feet ; 
and  one  third  of  its  surface  is  interior  water, 
Navarrcte  first  advanced  arguments  in  its  favor 
in  1S25,  and  Kettell  adopted  his  views  in  the 
Boston  edition  of  the  Persona/  A^arrativc  of 
Columbus.     George  Gibbs  argued  for  it  in  the 


f ', 


1  :  ! 


1  This  map  is  sketched  from  the  chart,  made  from  the  most  recent  surveys,  in  the  United  States  Coast-Survey 
Office,  and  given  in  Fox's  monograph,  with  the  several  routes  marked  down  on  it.  Other  cartograpliical  illu3- 
trations  of  tlie  subject  will  be  found  in  Moreno's  maps,  made  for  Navarrete's  Colcccion  in  1S25  (also  in  the 
Frencli  version) ;  in  Becher's  paper  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  x.wi.  1S9,  and  in  his 
Landfall  of  Columbus :  \\\  Varnhagen's  Das  wa/ire  Guanahani ;  in  Major's  paper  in  the  Journal  of  the 
Royal  Geographical  Society,  1871,  and  in  his  second  edition  of  the  Select  Letters,  where  he  gives  a  modern  map, 
with  Herrera's  map  (1601)  and  a  section  of  La  Cosa's  ;  in  G.  15.  Torre's  Scritti  ili  Colombo,  p.  214  ;  and  in  the 
section,  "  Wo  liegt  Guanahani  ?  "  of  Kuge's  Gesehichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen,  p.  24S,  giving  all 
the  routes,  except  that  offered  by  Fox.  See  further  on  tlie  subject  R.  Pietsclmunn's  "  Bcitriige  zur  Guanahani- 
Frage,"  in  the  Zeitschrift  fir  wissenschaflliche  Geographie  (iSSo),  i.  7,  65,  with  map;  and  A.  Breusing's 
"  Zur  Gesehichte  der  Kartographic,"  in  Ibid.,  ii.  193. 


^ 


,  r      •  li 


56 


NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


H'^ 


III 


«■: 


n 


I  ■      ' 


I         I       I 


I  .111  ; 


'ill' 


'l> 


•  u 


AW*/  K('>'/t  Historical  Society^!  Proctcdiiti^s  (\i\(i), 
p.  137,  and  in  the  llistorical  Magazine  (Jiinc, 
185S),  ii.  161.  Major  adopted  8ucl>  "icws  in 
the  first  edition  (1847)  of  his  Scl  ■.  Leitcrs  0/ 
Cotiimhiis. 

M.VKIC.UANA. —  It  ineasiires  twenty-three  and 
one  half  miles  lung  by  an  average  of  four  wide  ; 
contains  ninety-six  siinare  miles  ;  rises  one  hun- 
dred and  one  feet,  and  has  no  interior  water. 
F.  A.  de  Variihagcn  publi^lied  at  Si.  Jago  de 
Chile,  in  I.S64,  a  treatise  advocating  this  island 
as  La  vcrUadera  Gnanahani,  which  was  reissued 
at  Vienna,  in  1SC9,  as  Das  waltre  Guaiiahani  dcs 
Ciiliiml'usy 

Samana,  or  Attwood's  Cay.  —  This  is  nine 
miles  long  by  one  and  a  half  wide,  covering  eight 
and  a  half  S([uare  miles,  with  the  highest  ridge 
of  one  lumdred  feet.  It  is  now  uninhabited  ;  but 
ariow-heads  and  other  signs  of  aboriginal  occu- 
pation are  found  there.  The  Samana  of  the  early 
maps  was  the  group  now  known  as  Crooked 
Island.  The  present  Samana  has  been  recently 
selected  for  the  landfall  by  (lustavus  V.  Fox,  in 
the  United  States  Coast  Siiney  Report,  18S0, 
app.  xviii.,  —  "  An  attempt  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem of  the  first  landing-place  of  Columbus  in 
the  New  World."     He  epitomized  this  paper 


in    the   Mai^izine  of  Amtrican  History  (April, 
1883),  p.  240. 

C.  F.I'IF.rT  OI'-  Till'.  DiSCOVF.RV  IN  F.UROPR. 
—  During  the  interval  between  the  return  of 
Columbus  from  his  first  voyage  and  hi.s  again 
treading  the  soil  of  Spain  on  his  return  from 
the  second,  1494,  we  naturally  look  for  the  effect 
of  this  astounding  revelation  upon  the  intelli- 
gence of  Furope.  To  the  Portuguese,  who  had 
rejected  his  pleas,  there  may  have  been  some 
chagrin,  Faria  y  Sousa,  in  his  Eiiro/'a  J'ortii- 
Xnesa,  intimates  that  Columbus'  purpose  in  put- 
ting in  at  the  Tagus  was  to  deepen  the  regret  of 
the  Portuguese  at  their  rejection  of  his  views; 
and  other  of  their  writers  afiirm  his  overbearing 
manner  and  conscious  pride  of  success.  The  in- 
terview which  he  had  with  John  II.  is  described 
in  the  Lyiiro  das  ohras  de  Gareia  de  A'esende.'^ 
Of  his  reception  by  the  Spanish  monarchs  at 
Harcelona,"  we  perhaps,  in  the  stories  of  the 
historians,  discern  more  embellishments  than 
Ovicdo,  who  was  present,  would  have  thought 
the  ceremony  called  for.  George  Sumner  (in 
1844)  naturally  thought  so  signal  an  event  would 
find  some  record  in  the  "  Anals  consulars  "  of 
that  city,  which  were  formed  to  inake  note  of 


SIGN-MANUALS   OF   FERDINANP   AND   ISABELLA. 

I  SuJP  importanza  d'lin  maunscritto  iiiedito  delta  Bibliotcca  Impcrialc  di  Vienna  per  vcrificare  quale  /« 
la  prima  isola  scopcrta  dal  Colombo,  .  .  .  Con  una  carta  gco^^raphka,  Vienna,  1869,  sixteen  pages.  Yarn- 
hagen's  paper  first  appeared  in  the  Anales  de  la  Univcrscdad  de  Chile,  vol.  xxvi.  (January,  1864). 

■^  Evora,  1545,  and  often  reprinted.     Harrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  45  :  Dibt.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  265. 

3  A  fac-simile  of  Irving's  manuscriiit  of  his  accoimt  of  this  reception  is  given  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc. 
\x.  201. 


v);! 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


Sf 


the  ciiinmoiicst  daily  events ;  l)ut  he  cmiUl  liml 
in  them  no  ii\(lii;iition  of  the  advent  of  the  dis- 
coverer of  new  lands.'  It  Is  of  far  more  import- 
ance for  us  that  jirovision  was  soon  made  for 
future  records  in  the  estaMishment  of  wliat  he- 
(inie  finally  the  "  Casa  de  la  Contrataeion  do 
las  Indias,"  at  this  time  put  in  charge  of  Juan 
(le  Konseca,  who  controlled  its  affairs  through- 
out  the  reign  (jf  Ferdinand. '•'  We  have  seen  how 
apparently  an  eager  ])nl)lic  curiosity  prompted 
more  frei|uent  impressions  of  Cnlumbus'  letter 
In  other  lands  than  in  .^paiu  itself;  lint  there 
was  a  bustling  reporter  at  the  Spanish  Court 
fond  of  letter-writing,  having  cnrrespondeivts  in 
distant  part.s,  and  to  him  we  owe  it,  probably, 
that  the  news  spread  to  some  notable  people. 
This  w.is  I'eter  Martyr  d' Anghiera.  He  dated 
at  Harcclona,  on  the  ides  of  May,  a  letter  mention- 
ing the  event,  which  he  sent  to  Joseph  liorromeo  ; 
and  he  rejjeated  the  story  in  later  epistles,  written 
in  September,  to  Ascanio  Sfor/.a,  Tendilla,  and 
Talavera.''  There  Is  every  reason  to  suppose 
that  Martyr  derived  his  information  directly 
from  Columbus  himself.  He  was  now  probably 
about  thirty-seven  years  old,  and  he  had  some 
years  before  ac(piired  such  a  reputation  for  learn- 
ing and  elo(pience  that  he  had  been  invited  from 
Italy  (he  was  a  native  of  the  Duchy  of  Milan) 
to  the  Spanish  Court.  His  letters,  as  they  have 
come  down  to  us,  begin  about  five  years  before 
this,'  and  it  is  said  that  just  at  this  time  (1493) 
he  began  the  composition  of  his  Decades.  Las 
Casas  has  borne  testimony  to  the  value  of  the 
Decades  for  a  knowledge  of  Columbus,  calling 
them  the  most  worthy  of  credit  of  all  the  early 
writings,  since  Martyr  got,  as  he  says,  his  ac- 
counts directly  from  the  Admiral,  with  whom 
he  often  t.alked.  Similar  testimony  is  given  to 
their  credibleness  by  Carbajal,  Gomez,  Vergara, 


and  other  contemporaries."  lleginning  with 
MuRo/,  there  has  been  a  tendency  of  late  years 
to  discredit  Martyr,  arising  from  the  confu- 
sion and  even  negligence  sometimes  discerni- 
ble in  what  he  says.  Navarrete  was  inclined 
to  this  derogatory  estimate.  Hallam*  goes  so 
far  as  to  think  him  open  to  grave  suspicion 
of  negligent  and  pali>able  imposture,  antedat- 
ing his  letters  to  appear  prophetic.  On  the 
other  hand.  I'rcscott '  contends  for  his  veracity, 
and  trusts  his  intimate  familiarity  with  the 
scenes  he  describes.  Helps  interprets  the  dis- 
order of  his  writings  as  a  merit,  because  it  is 
a  reflection  of  his  unconnected  thoughts  and 
feelings  on  the  very  day  on  which  he  recorded 
any  transacti(m.'' 

What  is  thought  to  be  the  earliest  mention 
in  print  of  the  new  discoveries  occurs  in  a 
book  published  at  Seville  in  1493,  —  ^■"•'  ''■"'''" 
i/(is  i/<'/  ])iKtor  AloHso  Ortiz.  The  reference 
is  brief,  and  is  on  the  reverse  of  the  43(1  folio." 
Not  far  from  the  same  time  the  llishop  of 
Carthagena,  liernardin  do  Carvajal,  then  the 
Spanish  ambassador  to  tho  Tope,  ilelivered  an 
oration  in  Kome,  June  19,  1493,  in  which  he 
made  reference  to  tho  late  discovery  of  un- 
known lands  towards  the  Indies.'''  These  refer- 
ences are  all  scant ;  and,  so  far  as  we  know 
from  the  records  preserved  to  us,  the  great 
event  of  the  age  m.ade  as  yet  no  impression  on 
the  public  mind  demanding  any  considerable 
recognition. 

D.    Second  Voyage  (Sept.  25,  1493,  to  June 

II,  1496).  —  Kirst  among  the  authorities  is  the 
narrative  of  Dr.  Chanca,  the  physician  of  the 
Expedition.  The  oldest  record  of  it  is  a  manu- 
script of  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  in 
the  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia  at  Madrid. 


n 


II 


1(1 


1  Prescott,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (1873),  ii.  170;  M.-ijor's  Select  Letters,  p.  Ixvi ;  Harrisso,  Biil.  Amer, 
Vet.,  Addiliints,  p.  ix. 

3  Irving's  Columbus,  app.  xxxii. 

8  Humboldt  (Examen  critique,  ii.  279-294)  notes  the  letters  referring  to  CoUimbus ;  and  Harrisse, 
{Notes  on  Co/iD/itms,  p.  129)  reprints  these  letters,  with  translations.  In  the  1670  edition  the  Columbus  refer- 
ences are  on  pp.  72-77,  Si,  84,  85,  SS-90,  92,  93,  96,  loi,  102,  1 16. 

*  There  are  eifjht  hundred  and  sixteen  in  all  (14SS  to  1525),  and  about  thirty  of  them  relate  to  the  New 
World.     He  died  in  1525. 

6  Prescott,  Finlmand  a>td  Isabella  (1873),  ii.  76. 

•  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  cap.  4,  §  88. 

'  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (1S73),  ii.  507,  and  p.  77.  Referring  to  Hallam's  conclusion,  he  says:  "  I  suspect 
this  acute  and  candid  critic  would  have  been  slow  to  adopt  it  had  he  perused  the  correspondence  in  connection 
with  the  history  of  the  times,  or  weighed  the  unqualified  testimony  borne  by  contemporaries  to  Martyr's  minute 
accuracy." 

8  Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  p.  282;  Irving,  Columbus,  app.  xxvii. ;  Brevoort's  Verrazano,  p.  87  ;  H.  H. 
Bancroft's  Central  America,  i.  312.     A  bibliography  of  Martyr's  works  is  given  on  another  p.ige. 

'J  Ticknor  Catalogue,  p.  255  ;  Harrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  135  ;  Dibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  10  ;  Sabin, 
vol.  xiv,  no.  57,714. 

'"  It  is  not  certain  when  this  discourse  was  printed,  for  the  publication  is  without  date.     H,arrisse,  Notes  on 
Columbus,  p.  ijC) ;  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  1 1 ;  Sabin,  vol.  iii.  no.  1 1,175  !  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no.  4. 
There  are  copies  of  this  little  tract  of  eight  leaves  in  the  Force  Collection  (Library  of  Congress),  and  in  the 
Lenox  and  Cartcr-Iirown  libraries.    Others  are  in  the  Vatican,  Grenville  Collection,  etc.     Cf.  Court,  no.  255. 
VOL.    II.  —  8. 


'I 


I:  . 


5 


s 


NAURAI  IVi:    AM)   CKIl  ICAI.    IIISIDUY    UK  AMERICA. 


VI' 


KM 


''!",.! 


Kriim  iliiH  N'.ivarrttc  priiitrd  it  fnrtlic  I'lmt  liim,' 
iiMilir  the  ijtie  «)(  "  Siijiimlii  Viage  ilc  ('risti)l),il 
CuIdii,"  in  liin  ('(>/,  11  iiiii,  i.  |(>S. 

Nut  •in  directly  cii(;iii/aiit  of  events,  l)iit  >!cl- 
lin^  his  liiforiiiatiiin  at  secniid  hand  Ironi  (iii^li- 
elmo  Coma, —  a  iinlilu  pcniDiiane  in  Spain, 
wan  Nicolas  Styllatius,  of  I'avia,  who  translated 
Coma's  letters  into  Latin,  and  piiMished  his  nar- 
rative, /)f  iiiiiilis  mcriiiiaiii  iili/ii,'  iiiilui  iiniri.i 
Hiif'i-r  iin'dilis,  (lidicatint;  it  to  I.ndovico  Sfor/a, 
at  I'.ivia  (Itrunct  thinks  I'isa),  in  1594  or  1595. 
<  >f  tliis  littlo  ipi.irtn  ihrre  are  three  copies  known. 
( ine  is  in  the  l.cno.\  I,il)rary  ;  .md  from  tliiscopy 
.Mr.  I.eno.t,  in  1.S59,  reprinted  it  snin|)luonsly 
(one  hundred  and  two  copies'-),  with  .1  Ir.msla- 
tion  liy  tlie  Kev.  Jolm  Miilli^an.  In  .Mr.  Lenox's 
Introduction  it  is  said  that  liis  copy  li.ul  origin- 
ally liclonged  to  M.  Dlivieri,  of  I'.irina,  .ind  tlien 
to  the  Marcpiis  Kocca  Saporiti,  before  it  came 
into  Mr.  l.*ni>.\'s  hands,  and  that  the  only  other 
copy  known  was  an  inferior  one  in  the  library  of 
the  Mail,  i^  Trivnizio  at  Milan.  This  last  copy 
is  i)rol)ably  one  of  the  two  copies  which  Ilarrisse 
reports  as  being  in  the  palace  library  at  .Madrid 
and  in  the  Thottiana  (Royal  Library)  at  Copen- 
hagen, respectively.''  Scyllacius  adils  a  few  de- 
tails, cnrrcnt  at  that  time,  which  were  not  in 
Coma's  letters,  and  seems  to  have  interpreted 
the  account  of  his  correspondent  as  hnplying 
that  Columbus  had  reached  the  Indies  by  the 
I'ortiignese  route  round  the  Cape  of  (iood 
Hope.  Konchini  has  conjectured  that  this  blun- 
der may  have  caused  the  cancelling  of  a  large 
part  of  the  edition,  which  renders  the  little  book 
so  scarce  ;  but  Lenox  neatly  replies  that  "  almost 
all  the  contemporaneous  accounts  are  equally 
rare. "' 

Another  sccond-hanil  account  —  derived,  how- 
ever, most  probably  from  the  Admiral  himself  — 
is  that  given  by  Peter  Martyr  in  his  first  Decade, 
published  in  151 1,  and  more  at  length  in  1516.^ 

Accompanying  Columbus  on  this  voyage  was 
Bernardus  liuell,  or  lioil,  a  monk  cf  St.  Dcnoit, 


in  Austria,  who  was  sent  bv  I'ope  .Mcxander  VI 
as  vii  ar-generai  of  the  niw  l.mds,  to  like  charge 
of  the  nuasurt  ri  for  ediK.iling  ,ind  i  onvtrting  the 
Indians.''  It  will  be  remembered  he  afterward 
became  a  caballerag.iiiist  the  .Admiral.  What  he 
did  there,  and  a  little  of  what  Cohmibiis  did, one 
Kranciscus  llonorius  I'liiloponus  sought  to  tell 
ill  a  very  curious  book,  i\'i«7',;  /ly/t  /niiisiitfii 
>iiii/\'<i/it)  iiifi  orbis  liitlur  lucijiiiliithf'  which 
was  not  printed  till  16*1.  It  is  deilicated  to 
Caspariis  I'laiitius,  and  it  is  suspected  that  he 
is  really  the  author  of  the  book,  while  he  as- 
sumed another  n.iine,  more  easily  to  laud  himself. 
Ilarrisse  describes  the  book  as  having  "few 
ilctailsof  an  early  dale,  mixed  willi  much  sec- 
ondhand information  of  a  perfectly  worthless 
char.icter." 

.So  far  as  we  know,  the  only  contemporary 
references  in  a  printed  book  to  the  new  iliscov- 
eries  during  the  progress  of  the  second  voyage, 
or  in  the  interval  previous  to  the  undertaking  of 
the  third  voy.agc,  in  the  spring  of  t.ti>S,  arc  these  : 
The  Piis  A'i;»vv«.i(7;;^(Ship  of  Fools)  of  Sebas- 
tian Itrant,  a  satire  on  the  follies  of  society, 
published  at  liasle  in  l-Cj.),''  and  reprinted  in 
Latin  in  1497,  i4i>S,  and  in  French  in  i49;',  1498, 
and  1499,'*  has  a  brief  mention  of  the  land  jire- 
vioiisly  unknown,  until  Ferdinand  discovered  in- 
mimerable  people  in  the  great  Spanish  ocean. 
Zacharias  Lilio,  in  his  De  orii^ine  ct  l,iiiiiibut 
scicntianim,  Florence,  1496,"  has  two  allusions. 
In  1497  Fedia  Inghirami,  keeper  of  the  Vatican 
Archives,  delivered  a  funeral  oration  on  Prince 
John,  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  m.adc 
a  reference  to  the  New  World.  The  little  book 
was  probably  printed  in  Rome.  There  is  also  a 
reference  in  the  Cos>Hoi;>-ti/'/ii,i  ol  Antonius  Ne- 
brissciisis,  printed  in  1498.''' 

E.  TliiRi)  VovAdE  (Miiy  30,  1498,  to  Nov. 
20,  Ijoo). — Our  knowledge  of  this  voyage  is 
derived  at  first  hand  from  two  letters  of  Colum- 
bus himself,  both  of  which  are  printed  by  Na- 


n, 


l^i 


1  It  Is  siven  in  Italian  in  Torre's  Scritii  di  Colomlro,  p.  372  ;  and  in  F.nslish  in  Major's  Select  Letters  of 
Columbus,  repeated  in  the  appiiulix  of  Lenox's  reprint  of  .Scyllacius.  The  ''  .Memorial  .  ■  .  sobre  el  succso 
de  su  segundo  vi.ige  \  las  Iiulias,"  in  Navarrete,  is  also  printed,  with  a  tranr^lation,  by  Major,  p.  72. 

-  Tlicy  were  all  presentation-copies ;  but  one  in  Leclerc,  no.  2,c)Cio,  is  priced  400  francs.  The  Mcnzies 
copy  brought  S 


•'  Ilarrisse,  liit'l.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  1(1 ;  Nates  on  Columl'us,  p. 


Cf.  Inloruo  ail  un  rnrissimo  ofuseulo 


tli  Nheoli)  Siilliicio,  Modcna,  iSi^i,  by  Ainadeo  Konchini,  of  I'arnia. 

*  Cf.  autc  a  note  for  the  bibliog.-aphy  of  Martyr,  in  Vol.  1. 

^  Ilarrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  36,  refers,  for  curious  details  about  rtucll,  to  Pasqiial's  Descubrimientc 
de  la  situacion  tie  la  .Imeriia,  Madrid,  i7.Sr),  and  the  letter  of  tlie  I'ope  to  lioil  in  Ro^^i's  Del discaceiamenio 
Ji  Colombo  datla  Spagnuola,  Rome,  1.S51,  p.  7fi. 

8  There  are  two  copies  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Cf.  Kich  (1852),  no.  159,  .£2  2s.;  Cartcr-lirown, 
U.  no.  252;  Oiiaritcli,  .£()  \(^s.  (ul,;  O'CalKighaii,  no.  1,841  ;  .Murjihy,  no.  1,971  ;  Court,  nos.  271,  272. 

'   Harrisse,  Ji/bl.  Amcr,  Vet.,  no.  2, 

8  Carter-lirown,  vol.  i.  nos.  iC),  17,  276,  356;  Bibl.  Amcr.  P'et.,  nos.  5,  (>. 

"  Folios  II  and  40.  Cf.  Bibl.  Amer.  Kt.,  no.  17  ;  Sabin,vol.x.  no.  41,067.  Harrisse,  Notes  on  Cotumbu: 
r.  55,  says  Rich  errs  in  stating  that  an  earlier  work  of  Lilio  (141)3)  has  a  reference  to  the  discovery 

^"  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  7. 


COLUMUUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVICRIES 


SEBASTIANVS  BnANDVS 
furiTconrukus. 


59 


lUinfiorifiAmfottraiih&fmiiltJIefaitdi: 


SEBASTIAN    nRANT. 


varrcte,  and  by  Major,  with  a  translation.  The 
first  is  addressed  to  the  sovereigns,  and  fol- 
lows a  copy  in  Las  Casas's  hand,  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Duque  del  Infantado.  The  other  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  nurse  of  Prince  John,  and  follows 
a  copy  in  the   Munoz  Collection  in  the   Real 


Acadeniia  at  Madrid,  collated  with  a  copy  in 
the  Columbus  Collection  at  Genoa,  printed  by 
Spotorno.'-' 

F.    Fourth  Voyage  (,1/,y  9,  1502,  la  Xov. 
7,  1504).  —  While  at  Jamaica  Columbus  wrote 


I    fi 


*  Fac-simile  of  cut  in  Reusner's  hones,  Strasbur^,  1590. 

'  llarrisse,  Nolcs  on  Columbus,  no.  126.  The  Coronica  de  Araxfn,  of  Fabriciiis  de  Vat;ad,  which  w.is  pub- 
lished in  1499,  makes  reference  to  the  new  discoveries  {BiM.  Amur.  Kt'/.,  Adilithns,  no.  9),  as  does  the  Coronhit 
van  Cocllcn,  published  at  Cologne,  1499,  where,  on  the  verso  of  folio  ^39,  it  ^pe.iks  of  "new  lands  found,  in 
which  men  roam  like  beasts  "  (Murphy,  no.  254 ;  liaer,  Incuiiahcln,  1SS4,  no.  172,  at  iCio  marks ;  Lond(in  Cata- 
logue (18:^4),  .£12  loj.).  In  149S,  at  Venice,  was  published  M.irc.  Ant,  .S.abellicus'  In  rafsoJiain  liisloihtrion 
Jcopy  in  British  Museum),  which  has  a  brief  account  of  Columbus'  family  and  his  eat'  ife.  This  was  enlarged 
in  the  second  part,  published  at  Venice  in  1504  (Bibl.  Amcr.  yet.,  no.  21).  \n  V  >  r  lost  by  Columbus  on 
this  voyage,  at  Trinidad,  is  said  to  have  been  recovered  in  iSSo  {Bulletin  de  la  Soci  .  'Hgrafhique  d'Anvers, 
V.  515V 


r 


6d 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


I  J' 


r^i'Hi 


tv 


MAP  OF   COLUMBUS'    FOUR   VOYAGES    (WESTERN  PART), 


'  A  reproduction  of  the  map  in  (.liarton's  I'oyageiirs,  iii.  179. 


I      '; 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS   DISCOVERIES. 


61 


1  '^yaip^  dc^  aii/nii 


.-.-.i^" 


'PgtnitT'fjtt*' 

fcr>    f 


AS*  •  ■ 


!EKlt.E  fUR&lE 


■f5 


sH> 


1^ 


MAP  OF  COLUMBUS'   FOUR  VOYAGES.*      (EASTERN   I'ART.) 


1  A  reproduction  of  the  map  in  Charton's  Voyafeiirs,  iii.  178. 


If. 


1  ■/!' 


Ml 


a  I 


1 '  I, 


02 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HLSTCKV    OF    AMERICA. 


til  Fcrdinaml  and  Isaliclla  a  wiU!,  dcsi)oiult,iU 
letter,'  suggestive  of  alienation  of  niiiul.  It 
liiiiigs  the  story  of  the  voyage  down  only  to 
July  7,  150J,  leaving  four  months  unrecorded. 
I'inelo  says  it  was  printed  in  the  Spanish,  as  he 
wrote  it ;  but  no  sucli  [jrint  is  known.-  Navar- 
retc  found  in  the  King's  private  library,  at 
Madrid,  a  manuscript  transcript  of  it,  written, 
ai)i)arentlv,  about  the  middle  of  the  si.xteenth 
century  ;  and  this  he  i)rintcd  in  his  Colvccioit.'^ 
It  was  translated  into  Italian  by  Costanzo 
ISayucra,  of  Brescia,  and  published  at  Venice, 
in  1 505,  as  Cii/'M  de  lu  Icltcra  per  CoU'inho 
mandiUa.^  Cavaliere  Morelli,  the  librarian  of 
St.  Mark's,  reprinted  it,  with  conmicnts,  at 
liassano,  in  iSio,  as  Lcttcia  rtu-issiiim  di  Cris- 
toforo  Colombo'"  Navarrete  prints  two  other 
accounts  of  this  voyage,  —  one  by  Diego  I'or- 
ras;**  the  other  by  Diego  Mcndez,  given  in  his 
last  will,  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Duke 
of  Vcraguas.l 

While  Columbus  was  absent  on  this  voyage, 
as  already  mentioned,  ISergonias  had  recorded 
the  .'Vdmiral's  fnst  discoveries." 

G.  LivKs  AND  XoricKS  OK  Coi.i:.\iiii:s. — 
Ferdinand  Columbus  —  if  we  accept  as  his  the 
Italian  |>ublication  of  1571 — tells  us  that  the 
fatiguing  career  of  his  father,  and  his  infirmi- 
ties, prevented  the  Admiral  from  writing  his 
own  life.  For  ten  years  after  his  death  there 
were  various  references  to  the  new  discoveries, 


l)ut  not  a  single  attemjjt  to  commcmnrati-,  by 
even  a  brief  sketch,  the  life  of  the  discoverer. 
Such  were  the  mentions  in  the  Coiniiientarionim 
urlhiiioruin  lihri  of  Maffei,''  published  in  1506, 
and  again  in  1511;  in  Walter  Ludd's  Spctiiti 
obis,  etc. ; ''  in  K.  Petrarca's  C/iroiihu  ; "  and  in 
the  Oralio^'- o(  Marco  Dandolo  (Naples), —  all 
in  1507.  In  the  same  year  the  narrative  in  the 
J'iii'si  vovamciile  rclnr:<i!li  (1507)  established  an 
account  which  was  repeated  in  later  editions, 
and  was  followed  in  the  i\\':'iis  orbis  of  153-. 
The  ne.\t  year  ( 1 50S)  we  find  a  reference  in  the 
Omtio^-^  of  Fernando  Tellez  at  Home;  in  the 
SiippUmcnti  dc  le  chroiiichc  r'H^'ij'v,  iiavameiite 
dill  fnilc  Jiuobo  riiilUpo  III  anno  I  503  vidi^arizz., 
fcr  Franccsio  C.  Fiorcntino  (Venice);'*  in  Jo- 
hannes Stamler's  J)\'<ilo:^'ns ;'^'"  in  the  rtoleiny 
published  at  Rome  with  Ruysch's  maji ;  and  in 
the  Colhrtiinca^'^  of  Haptista  Fulgosus,  published 
at  Milan. 

In  1509  there  is  reference  to  the  discoveries 
in  the  Opera  )iiK;r  of  the  General  of  the  Carmel- 
ites, IJattista  Mantuanus."  Somewhere,  from 
1510  to  1 519,  the  j\\~o  fnterlnde '^'^  presented 
Vespucius  to  the  English  public,  rather  than 
Columbus,  as  the  discoverer  of  .America,  as 
had  already  been  done  by  Waldsecmiiller  at 
St.  Die'.  In  1511  Peter  Martyr,  in  Ids  first 
Decade,  and  Sylvanus,  in  his  annot.atlons  of 
Ptolemy,  drew  attention  to  the  New  World ; 
as  did  also  Johannes  Sobrarius  in  his  Pane- 
gyrieum  carmen  de  gest/s  lieroici'  dk'i  Ferdinandi 


1  Que  cscr'ibio  D.  Cristobal  C'^loii  a  los  .  .  .  Key  y  Keiiia  de  /Ls/aila.  Cf.  Harrissc,  iVofes  on  Columbus, 
p.  127.  It  is  given,  with  an  Iun;lish  translation,  in  Major's  Selee/  LcUcrs ;  also  in  the  Relazione  delle 
scnpcrte  fatte  da  C.  Colombo,  da  A.  Vespucei,  e  da  altri  dal  1^9'  al  1506,  iratta  dai  manoseritti  della  Eibli- 
otcca  di  Ferrara  e  pubblicnta  per  la  prima  volta  ed  annolata  dal  Prof.  G.  Fcrraro,  at  liiilogna,  in  iS-;,  as 
no.  1.(4  of  the  Seelta  di  eiiriosilh  letlerarie  incdite  0  rare  dal  sccolo  ^m  al  xvii.  A  I'rcnch  translation  is 
given  m  Charton's  Voyageiirs,  iii.  174. 

'-  It  is  usually  said  that  rerdinand  Colambus  asserts  it  was  jirinted ;  but  Ilanisse  says  he  can  lind  no  such 
statement  in  Ferdinand's  hi;ol{. 

3  \\)1.  i.  pp.  277-313. 

•  It  is  a  little  quarto  of  six  leaves  and  an  additional  bl.ink  leaf  (Lenox,  Sryllaeias,  p.  Ixi ;  Ilarrisse,  Jiibl. 
Amer.  Vet.,  no.  36).  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Marciana,  which  Ilahisse  compared  with  die  Morelli  reprint,  and 
says  he  found  the  latter  extremely  faitliful  (/j'/W.  .4mer.  Vet.,  no.  17J. 

s  Leclerc,  no.  129. 

0  In  Italian  in  Torre's  Seriiti  di  Colombo,  p.  3ofi. 

~<  This  is  also  in  Italian  in  Torre,  p.  401,  and  in  English  in  Major's  Seleet  Letters. 

s  Ste\-cns  (Notes,  etc.,  p.  31)  is  said  by  Harrissc  {Bibl.  Amer.  Ve/.,  .'Idditioiis,  p.  35)  to  be  in  Jrror  m  saying 
that  Valcntini  Fernandez's  early  collccU(,n  of  Voyai;cs,  in  Portuguese,  and  calleil  .Mareo  Paulo,  etc.,  has  any 
reference  to  Columbus. 

'■I  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  nos.  43,  67,  ami  y.  463;  Additions,  nos.  22,  40;  'J'homassy,  Les papes geosrafilies. 

VI  Bibl.  .Iwer.  Vet.,  no,  49.     See  the  chapter  on  Vespucius. 

"   Ibid.,  .-idditioiis,  no.  27. 

IJ  Ibid.,  no.  2S. 

1"  I'oid.,  no.  30. 

"■<  Sabin,  vol.  vi.  no.  24,395. 

15  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  nos.  51,  52;  Murphy,  nn.  2,353;  Stevens,  Bud.  Geoi;.,  no.  2,609.  There  are  copies 
.11  the  Librarv  of  Congress,  Harvard  '  Li'v.iry,  etc. 

'ti  Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  26,140;  >  -..i.nvn,  vol.  i.  no.  39;  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  34;  Graesse,  ii.   645; 

Brunet,  ii.  1421.     There  were  later  editions  in  151S,  1565,  1567,  157S,  1604,  1726,  etc. 

"  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  35. 

IS  See  Vol.  111.  pp.  16,  199;  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  pp.  464,  s.'S;  and  AMiiioiis,  no.  38. 


!    if  i 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


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1  Fac-simile  of  a  portion  of  the  page  of  the  Giustuiiani  Psalter,  which  shows  the  beginning  of  the  marginal 

note  on  Colunilnis. 


M;i 

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NARRATIVE    AND    ChMTICAL    H1ST''"RV    OF    \MERICA. 


,  1  'V 


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.iK(      ■  ii 


Cii//iolit-i}  Tlic  Stobnicz;i  (Cracow)  Appendix 
to  I'tiikmy  prcsL-iUcd  a  new  ni.ip  of  the  Indies 
in  151^;  and  the  Chroiiiion  of  Kusebius,  of  the 
same  date,  recorded  the  appearance  of  some  of 
the  wild  men  of  the  West  in  Rouen,  broui^ht 
over  by  a  Dieppe  vessel.  Some  copies,  at  least, 
of  Antonio  de  Lebrija's  edition  of  Priidcittii 
opera,  printed  at  Lucca,  1512,  afford  another  in- 
stance of  an  early  mention  of  the  Xew  World.- 
Again,  in  1513,  a  new  edition  of  I'lolemy  l,.ivc 
the  world  what  is  thought  to  have  been  a  niai) 
by  Columbus  hi  nself;  and  in  the  same  year 
there  was  a  Siipf-Uiiunttim  siipplcinciiti  of 
Jacobo  I'hilippo,  of  liergomas.-'  In  1514  the 
De  nattira  loeoruin  (Vienna),  of  Albertus  -Mag- 
nus, points  again  to  Vespucius  instead  of  Co- 
lumbus;  *  butCatanii',  in  a  poem  on  C;en(ja,^ 
dues  not  forget  her  .son,  Columbus. 

These,  as  books  have  jjreserved  them  for 
us,  are  about  all  the  contemporary  references 
to  the  life  of  the  great  discoverer  for  the  first  ten 
years  after  his  death.''  In  1516,  where  "ve  might 
least  e.\])ect  it,  we  find  the  earliest  small  gath- 
ering of  the  facts  of  his  life.  In  the  year  of 
Columbus'  death,  Agostino  Giustiniani  had 
bej  \\\  the  compilation  of  a  polyglot  psalter, 
which  was  in  this  year  (1516)  ready  for  publi- 
cation, and,  with  a  dedication  to  Leo  X.,  ap- 
peared in  Genoa.  The  editor  .innotated  the 
text,  and,  in  a  marginal  note  to  verse  four  of  the 
nineteenth  Psalm,  we  find  die  earliest  sketch  cf 
Columbus'  life.  Stevens ''  says  of  the  note : 
"There  are  in  it  several  points  which  we  do 
not  find  elsewhere  recorded,  especially  respect- 
ing the  second  voyage,  and  the  survey  of  the 


south  side  of  Cu'.ja,  as  far  as  Kvangclista,  in 
^lay,  1494.  Almost  all  other  accounts  of  the 
second  voyage,  e.xcejjr  that  of  liernaldei;,  end 
before  this  Cuba  excursion  began." 

Giustiniani,  who  was  born  in  1470,  died  in 
1536,  and  his  Anmili  di  Genoa*  was  shortly 
afterward  published  (1537),  in  which,  on  folio 
ccxlix,  he  gave  another  account  of  Columbus, 
which,  being  pubr  hcd  by  his  executors  with 
his  revision,  repeal  1  some  errors  or  opinions 
of  the  earlier  I'salter  account.  These  "vere  not 
pleasing  to  Ferdinand  Columbus,"  the  son  of 
the  Admiral,  —  particularly  the  statement  that 
Columbus  was  born  of  low  parentage,— "  vilibus 
ortus  iiarentibus."  Stevens  points  out  how 
Ferdinand  accuses  Giustiniani  of  telling  four- 
teen lies  about  the  discoverer  ;  "  but  on  hunt- 
ing them  out,  they  all  appear  to  be  of  Irifiing 
consequence,  amounting  to  little  more  than  that 
Columbus  sprang  from  humble  parents,  and 
that  he  and  his  father  were  jjoor,  earning  a  live- 
lihood by  honest  toil."  ''' 

To  correct  what,  either  from  pride  or  from 
other  reason-!,  he  considered  the  falsities  of  the 
I'salter,  IVrdinand  was  now  prompted  'o  com- 
pose a  Lifi;  of  his  father,  —  or  at  least  ^uch  was, 
until  recent, >,  the  universal  opinion  of  his  au- 
thor..,hip  oi!  the  book.  As  to  Ferdinand's  own 
ulalions  to  that  fuher  there  is  some  doubt, 
or  piutence  of  iloubt,  jiarticularly  on  the  part 
of  those  who  have  found  the  general  belief 
in,  and  pretty  conclusive  evidence  concerning, 
the  illegitimacy  of  Ferdinand  an  obstacle  in 
estabh-hing  the  highly  moral  character  which 
11  saint,  Uivc  Columbus,  should  have." 


'  In  the  '  xtion  "  invenfi  /  novarum  insiilaruin,"  Bihl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  Adiiilioi:;,  no.  39. 

'■^  Bruiift,  iv.  915;  nil'   timer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  44. 

••'  Ilarrisse,  Noter.  o-  J.'.iun.us,  p.  57;  Bib!.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  73.    There  is  a  copy  in  the  Boston  .Vthena^um. 

•■  Carter-Brown,  no    ,.S;  Murphy,  no.  32. 

s  Bh/.  Amer.  Vet.,  !.•   /s 

u  Cf.  bibliograpliical  note  on  Columbus  in  Chiirton's  Voyageurs,  iii.  190. 

"  Historical  Colleetioiis,  vol.  i.  no.  1,554;  Bil'l.  Hist.  (1S70),  no.  1,661  ;  J.  J.  Cooke,  no.  2,092;  Murphy, 
no.  2,042  (h'-i!,'lit  by  Cornell  University) ;  Panzer,  vii.  63  ;  Graesse,  v.  469;  Brurtt,  iv.  919;  Koseiitlual  (1884)  ; 
Baer,  /neiintde/n  (1SS4),  no.  116.  Cf.  Harrisse,  Nates  on  Columbus,  p.  74,  for  the  note  and  translation;  and 
other  versions  in  Historical  Magazine,  December.  1S62,  and  in  tlic  Christian  Examiner,  .September,  1S58. 
Also,  see  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  S.S,  for  a  full  account ;  anil  the  reduced  fac-siinile  of  title  in  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i. 
no.  51.  The  book  is  not  very  rare,  though  becoming  so,  .since,  as  the  French  sale-catalogues  say,  referring  to 
the  note,  "  Cctte  particularite  fait  de  ce  livre  uu  oljjet  de  haute  curiosite  pour  les  collf^ctionneurs  Anicricains." 
Ilarrisse  says  of  it ;  "  Although  prohibited,  confiscated,  and  otherwise  ill-treated  by  the  Court  of  Rome  and  the 
city  authorities  of  Genoa,  this  work  is  frequently  met  with,  —  owing,  perhaps,  to  the  fact  that  two  thousand 
copies  were  |)rinted,  of  which  only  live  hundred  found  purchasers,  while  the  fifty  on  vellum  were  distributed 
among  the  sovereigns  of  liurupe  and  Asia."  (Cf .  \'an  Praet,  Calaloi;ue  des  livres  sur  velin,  i.  8. )  Its  price  is, 
however,  increasing.  Forty  years  ago  Rich  priced  it  at  eighteen  sliillings.  Recent  quotations  put  it,  in  London 
and  Paris,  at  £■;,  100  marks,  and  1 10  francs.  The  Fdilor  has  used  the  copy  in  tlie  Harvard  College  Library,  and 
in  the  Boston  Public  Library,  —  which  last  belonged  to  (ieorge  Ticknor,  who  had  used  George  Liverinore's  copy 
before  he  himself  jiossessed  the  bonk.     Ticknor's  .Spanis/i  Literature,  i.  iSS;  Mass.  Hist.  .Soe.  Proc.,  x.  431. 

*  Bibl.  .liner.  Vel.,  no.  220;  .Stevens,  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no.  242.  There  is  a  cojiy  in  Harvard 
College  Library. 

'•'  We  know  that  Ferdinand  bought  a  copy  of  tiiis  book  in  1537  ;  cf.  ll.irrissu,  Fernaiid  Colonib,  p.  27. 

'"  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no.  1,554. 

»'  On  the  question  of  ilie  connection  of  Cohi.nbus  with  his  second  companion.  Donna  Bealii.'i  Enriquej 
\slio  was  of  a  respectable  family  in  Cjrdova,  —  tliat  there  was  a  marriage  tie  has  been  claimed  by  Hcriera, 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DloC JVERIKS. 


C'S 


Ferdinand  Columbus,  or  Fernando  Colon, 
was  born  three  or  four  years  before  his  father 
sailed  on  his  first  voyage.'  His  father's  favor 
at  Court  opened  the  way,  and  in  attent'ance 
upon  Prince  Juan  and  Queen  Isabella  he  gained 
a  good  education.  When  Columbus  went  on 
his  fourth  voyage,  in  1502,  the  boy,  then  thirteen 
years  of  age,  accompanied  his  father.  It  is  said 
that  he  made  two  other  voyages  to  the  New 
World;  but  liarrissc  could  only  find  proof  of 
one.  His  later  years  were  passed  as  a  courtier, 
in  attendance  cpon  Charles  V.  on  his  travels, 
and  in  literary  pursuits,  by  which  he  acquired  a 
name  for  learning.  He  had  the  papers  of  his 
father,'-  and  he  is  best  known  by  the  Life  of 
Columbus  which  passes  under  his  name.  If  it 
was  written  in  Spanish,  it  is  not  known  in  its 
original  form,  and  has  not  been  traced  since 
Luis  Colon,  the  Duijue  de  Veraguas,  son  of 
Diego,  took  the  manuscript  to  Genoa  about 
156S.  There  is  sonic  uncertainty  about  it^  later 
history;  but  it  appeared  in  1571  at  Venice  in  an 


f 


Italian  version  made  by  Alfonzo  dc  L''oa,  and 
was  entitled  Ilistorie  del S.  D.  Fiii.^  M  .'-yhmbi); 
nelU  tjimli  j'  lia  particohve  &'  veri  r:' :  i:'iie  tfriit 
vita,  1^  tic'  fiilli  Jell'  .■lmmirii:;lto  /,'.  iSkristi'J.'ro 
Colombo,  sua  fadre.  It  is  thought  tl..i  bis  trans- 
lation was  made  from  an  inaccurate  c. .)/  o;  ihe 
manuscript,  and  moreover  badly  made.  It  be- 
gins the  story  of  the  Admiral's  life  with  his 
fifty-sixth  year,  or  thereabout;  and  it  iias  lieen 
surmised  that  an  account  of  his  earlier  y.'ars  — 
if,  indeed,  the  original  draft  contained  it  — 
was  omitted,  so  as  not  to  obscure,  bv  poverty 
and  humble  station,  the  beginnings  of  a  lumi- 
nous career.-'  Ferdinand  died  at  Seville,  July 
12,  1539,''  and  bequeathed,  conditionally,  his 
library  to  the  Cathedral.  The  collection  then 
contained  about  twenty  thousan(  volumes,  in 
print  and  manuscript ;  and  it  is  still  preserved 
there,  though,  according  to  liarrissc,  much  neg- 
lected since  1709,  and  reduced  to  about  four 
thousantl  volumes.  It  is  known  as  tlie  liiblio- 
tcea    C!olombina.5      Spotorno    says     that    this 


Tiraboschi,  Boss!,  Roselly  de  Lorgues,  Barry,  and  Cadoret  (Vic  dc  Colomh,  Paris,  1S69  tppcndix);  and 
that  there  was  no  such  tic,  by  Napione  (Fatiia  di  Colomho  antl  Introtluction  to  Codicc  Coloml>o-Aiiicricaiij), 
Spotorno,  Navairctc,  Humboldt,  and  Irving.  Cf.  Hhlorical  Magazine  (August,  1S67),  p.  225;  Revue  dcs 
questions  historiqiies  (1879),  xxv.  21;;  x\ngelcj  Sanguinetti's  SidV  origine  di  Fcrdinando  Colombo  (Genoa, 
1S76),  p.  55  ;  Giuseppe  Antonio  Doiidero's  L'oncshi  di  Cristoforo  Colombo  (GcnoA,  1X77),  p.  213;  liarrissc, 
/'cniaiid  Colomb,  p.  2  ;  U'Avczac,  in  Bulletin  dc  la  Societe  dc  Geogratliie  (i!>72),  p.  ly.  It  may  lie  noted  that 
Ferdinand  du  Gatardi,  in  dedicating  his  Trade  polUiijuc  (Leyden,  1660)  to  I  Jon  Pedro  Colon,  refers  to  Ferdi- 
nand Colon  as  "Fernando  Ilenriqucz."     (Stevens,  Bill.  Gcog.,  no.  1,147). 

The  inference  from  Columbus'  final  testamentary  language  is  certainly  against  the  lady's  clw  dty.  bi  his 
codicil  he  enjoins  his  son  Diego  to  provide  for  the  respectable  maintenance  of  the  mother  (u' Fen.  ■  .mu.  "for 
the  discharge  of  my  conscience,  for  it  weighs  heavy  on  my  soul."  Irving  and  others  refer  to  this  s  the  com- 
punction of  the  last  hours  of  the  testatoi-.  De  Lorgues  tries  to  show  that  this  codicil  was  made  April  i,  1502 
(though  others  claim  that  the  document  of  this  date  was  another  will,  not  yet  found),  and  only  copied  nt  Segovia, 
Aug.  25,  1505,  aini  deposited  in  legal  forni  t/idi  a  notary  at  ValKadolid,  May  19,  13.  ■  '.Columbus  1'  ii;g  May  20, 
—  the  effect  of  all  which  is  only  to  carry  back,  much  to  Columbus'  credit,  the  ccip-  tif:'.  tou.i  ar'.icr  date. 
The  will  (1498),  but  not  the  codicil,  is  given  in  Irving,  app.  xxxiv.  Cancellii-ri,  la  ^a  tJisse  'js/oh/,  gives 
it  imperfecdy;  but  it  is  accurately  given  in  the  Transactions  oi  the  Genoa  Acai'-p  .  Cf.  Il.'arissc  (A'o/fJ' ('» 
Columbus)  p.  160 ;  Torre's  Scritti  di  Colombo ;  Colon  en  Quisgucya,  Santo  Don-  .  (  S77),  pp.  ii,  99 ;  Cartas 
y  lesta>nento,  Madrid,  i  SSo ;  Navarrete,  Coleccion  ;  and  elsewhere. 

1  De  Lorgues,  on  the  authority  of  Ziiuiga  {Anales  eclesiasfiin,  p.  496),  say.  he  ivas  bom  Aug.  29,  14S7, 
and  not  Aug.  15,  14S8,  as  Xavarrete  and  Humboldt  had  said,  ilarrisse  (Ftr)i.ii.d  CJomb.  p.  1)  allege?  ihe 
authority  of  the  executor  of  his  will  for  the  date  Aug.  li,  1408.  The  inscription  on  his  sr;>po-  d  grave  would 
make  him  born  Sept.  28,  1488. 

^  Prescott  (Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  ii.  507)  sj  iks  of  Ferdinand  Columbu^  experier,('  and  opportu- 
nities, combined  with  uncommon  literary  attaiimients.'  Il.arrisse  calculates  his  income  from  die  betpicst  of  his 
father,  and  from  pensions,  at  about  iSo,ooo  francs  of  the  present  day.     {Fernand  Colomb.  p.  -9.) 

3  There  has  been  close  scrutiny  of  the  publications  of  Europe  in  all  tongues  for  the  half  century  and  more 
following  the  sketch  of  Guistiniani  in  1516,  till  the  publication  of  tie  earlie-t  considerable  account  of  Columbus 
in  the  Ulloa  version  of  1571,  to  gather  some  records  of  the  gro.vth  or  vicissitudes  of  the  fame  of  the  groat  dis- 
co-/erer,  and  of  the  interest  felt  by  the  European  public  in  the  progress  of  events  in  the  New  World.  Harrisse's 
liiblioiheca  Americana  Vetiistissima,  and  his  Additions  to  the  same,  give  us  the  compietust  record  down  to  1 550, 
coupled  with  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue  for  the  w-hole  period. 

<  A  copy  of  the  inscription  on  his  tomb  in  Seville,  with  a  conimunication  by  George  Sumner,  is  printed  in 
Major's  Select  Letters  of  Colundnis,  p.  Ixxxi. 

f>  Cf.  Edwards,  Memoirs  of  Libraries,  [mA-,\  Memoir  of  Ferdinand,  by  Eastaquio  Feinandcz  de  Navarrete, 
in  Colcc.  de  doc.  ined,,  vol.  .xvi.  A  fac-similo  of  the  first  page  of  the  manuscript  catalogue  of  the  books,  made 
by  Ferdinand  himself,  is  given  in  Harrisse's  D.  Fernando  Colon,  of  which  the  annexed  is  !''e  heading:  — 

iS^C'^flYum  [d)tcn^  donieydjyicjxiccoloTi  yriiTji  AwirdyjiiCs 

VOL.  II. -9.  lm.iiaji^  fji'i 


I 

1) ....: 


66 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m 


if  I 


1'  'i 


I.iiis  Colon,  a  person  of  dobauchcil  character, 
bronjjlit  this  manuscript  in  the  Spanish  lan- 
guage to  Genoa,  and  left  it  in  the  hands  of 
lialiano  de  Kornari,  from  whom  it  passed  to 
another  patrician,  Cliovanni  liaptista  Marini, 
who  procured  Ulloa  to  make  the  Italian  version 
in  which  it  was  first  pu1)lishcd.' 

Somewhat  of  a  controversial  interest  has 
been  created  of  late  year:  by  the  criti(|ues  of 
Henry  Ilarrissc  on  Ferdir,.ind  Columbus  and 
his  I.ife  of  his  father,  (luostioning  the  usually 
accepted  statements  in  Spotorno's  iiitroductiou 
of  the  Coi/i(C  of  1S23.  Ilarrissc  untlertakes  to 
show  that  the  manuscript  was  never  in  Don 
Luis'  hands,  and  that  Ferdinand  could  not 
have  written  it.  He  counts  it  as  strange  that 
if  such  a  manuscript  existed  in  Spain  not  a 
single  writer  in  print  previous  to  1571  refers  to 
it.  "  About  ten  years  ago,"  says  Henry  Stevens,- 
"a  society  of  Andalusian  bibliographers  w.is 
formed  at  Seville.  Their  first  publication  was 
a  fierce  I lispano- French  attack  on  tlie  authenti- 
city of  the  Life  of  Columbus  by  his  second  son, 
Ferdinand,  written  by  Henri  Harrisse  in  French, 
and  translated  by  one  of  the  Seville  bibliofilos, 
and  adopted  and  published  by  the  Society.  The 
book  [by  Columbus'  son|  is  boldly  pronounced 
a  forgery  and  a  fraud  on  Ferdinand  Columbus. 
Some  fifteen  reasons  arc  given  in  proof  of  these 
charges,  all  of  which,  after  abundant  research 
and  study,  are  pronounced  frivolous,  false,  and 


groundless."  Such  is  Mr.  Stevens's  view,  colored 
or  not  bv  the  antipathy  which  on  more  than  one 
occasion  has  been  shown  to  be  reciprocal  in  the 
references  of  Stevens  and  Harrisse,  one  to  the 
other,  in  sundry  publications."  The  views  of 
Harrisse  were  also  expressed  in  the  supplemen- 
tal volume  of  his  [iihliotlicca  Amoicaita  V'etus- 
tissiiiui,  publislied  as  Adiiitions  in  1S73.  In  this 
he  says,  regarding  the  Life  of  Columbus  !  "  It 
was  not  originally  written  by  the  sun  of  the  bold 
navigator;  and  many  of  tlie  circumstances  it  re- 
lates have  to  be  challenged,  and  weighed  with 
the  utmost  care  and  impartiality." 

The  authenticity  of  the  book  was  ablv  sus- 
tained by  D'.\ve/ac  before  the  French  Acad- 
emy in  a  paper  which  was  printed  in  1S73  as 
Lc  tivrc  (Ic  FcrdiiiiDtd  Cotomli :  /'ti/a'  riM/iie 
des  (illtXitlioits  proposics  coiitre  son  aiitlioitkiti. 
Harrisse  replied  in  1S75  in  a  pamphlet  of  fifty- 
eight  pages,  entitled  Vhistoire  de  C.  Colomb  attri- 
I'U^e  ii  ion  fds  Fi'nntnd:  Exaiiun  critiijiic'  da 
memoire  In  par  M.  d'Ai'izac  (i  l'.L\idimi\\  S,  13, 
22  Aoi'it,  1S73.  There  were  other  disputants  on 
the  ipiestion.'' 

The  catalogue  of  the  Colombina  Library  as 
made  by  Ferdinand  shows  that  it  contained  orig- 
inally a  manuscript  Life  of  the  Achniral  written 
about  1525  by.  Ferdinand  I'erez  de  Oliva,  who 
presumably  had  the  aid  of  Ferdinand  Columbus 
himself;  but  no  trace  of  this  Life  now  e.\ists,''  un- 
less, as  Ilarrissc  ventures  to  conjecture,  it  may 


There  is  a  list  of  the  books  in  15.  Gallardo's  Ensayo  i/j  tma  bibiwtheca  dc  Uhros  espaiiolcs  raros,  Harrisse 
gives  the  fullest  account  of  Ferdinand  and  his  migrations,  which  can  be  in  part  traced  by  tlie  inscriptions 
ill  his  book?  of  the  place  01  their  purcliase;  for  he  had  the  habit  of  so  marking  tlicni.  Cf.  a  paper  on  Ferdi- 
nand, by  W.  M.  Wood,  in  Oiuc.  a  Week,  xii.  165. 

'  Barcia  says  tliat  Baliano  be^.-in  printing;  it  simultaneously  in  Spanish,  Italian,  and  Latin;  but  only  the 
Italian  seems  to  have  been  completed,  or  at  least  ii  the  only  one  known  to  bibliographers.  {Notes  on  Columbus, 
p.  24.)  Oettiiij^cr  ( WW.  biog.,  Lcipsic,  1.S50)  is  in  error  in  giving  an  edition  at  Madrid  in  1530.  Tlio  1571 
Italian  edition  is  very  rare;  there  are  copies  in  H.irvard  College,  Carter-lirown,  and  Lenox  libraries.  Kich  priced 
it  in  iS-;2  at  £1  loj.  Leclerc  (no.  1  ^S)  prices  it  at  200  francs.  The  .Sobolewski  copy  (no.  .^,756)  sold  in  1S7J 
for  2S5  francs,  was  a^-ain  sold  in  1SS4  in  the  Court  Sale,  no.  77.  The  Murphy  Catalogue  (no.  2,S.Si)  shows  a 
copy.  This  Ulloa  version  has  since  appeared  somewhat  altered,  with  several  letters  added,  —  in  1(114  (Milan, 
priced  ill  1S32,  by  Kich,  at /^i  lo.t.  ;  recently,  .at  75  francs;  Carter-Brown,  ii.  i&j);  in  1676  (Venice,  Cartor- 
lirown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,141,  \iriced  at  35  francs  and  45  m.arks) ;  in  167S  (Venice,  Carter-lirown,  vol.  ii.  no.  i,iSi. 
priced  at  50  franco);  in  16S1  (P.aris,  Court  Sale,  no.  79);  in  16S5  (Venice,  Carter-lirown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,310, 
priced  at  ^i  Sj.);  and  later,  in  1709  (Il.arvard  College  Library),  172S,  etc.  ;  and  for  the  last  time  in  1867, 
revised  by  Giulio  Antimaco,  published  in  London,  though  of  Italian  nianiifacture.  Cancellieri  eitcs  editions  of 
i6iSand  i()72.  A  F'rencli  translation, /,<i  Vic  de  Criitojle  Colomb,  was  ni.ide  by  Cotolendi,  and  published  in 
16S1  at  I'aris.  There  are  copies  in  the  llarv.ard  College  and  Carter-lirown  (CiiA//i',^'"i-,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,215)  libraries. 
It  is  worth  from  S6  to  Sio.  .\  new  French  version,  "traduite  ct  annotee  par  E.  Muller,"  appeared  in  Paris 
in  1.S79,  the  editor  calling  the  16S1  version  "  tronciii6,  incorrect,  dech.irne,  glacial."  An  Knglish  version 
appears  in  the  chiet  collections  of  Voyages  .and  Tr.avels,  —  Churchill  (ii.  479),  Kerr  (iii.  i),  and  I'inker- 
ton  (xii.  i).  liarcia  gave  it  a  Spanish  dress  after  Ulloa's,  and  this  was  printed  in  \\\i.  lUstoi-iadores  priuii- 
I'vos  de  las  Iiidias  oecidentales,  at  Madrid,  in  1749,  being  found  in  vol.  i.  \>\i.  i-i2i>.  (Cl.  Carter-lirown, 
vol.  iii.  no.  893.) 

-  //istoriiiil  Collections  (iSSi),  vol.  i.  no.  1,379. 

3  The  Spanish  title  of  Harrissc's  book  is  D.  Fernando  Colon,  /listoriador  de  su  padre:  Ensayo  crilico, 
S-.iilla,  1S71.  It  was  not  published  as  originally  written  till  the  next  year  (1S72),  when  it  bore  the  title,  Fer- 
nand  Colomb !  sa  iie,ses  ceuvres :  Essai  eritii/ue.  Paris,  Tross,  1S72.  C.{.  iXnn-i,  Bibliog.  deobras  anouimas, 
Santiago  de  Chile  (1SS2),  no.  176. 

■•  Le  Comte  Adolphe  de  Circourt  in  the  kevue  des  jueslions  histortques,  xi.  520;  and  j4«j/<jh</ (1S73;, 
p.  241,  etc. 

*  Harrisse,  Fernand  C.luitU>,  p.  152. 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


67 


only  the 
Coliimf-iis, 

ri\c  1 571 

ich  pvicnl 
I  in  iS;? 
)  sliows  a 
4  (Milan, 
Carter- 
no,  ijiSi. 
nij.  1,310, 
in  1S67, 
Jitions  uf 
blislied  in 
libraries, 
in  Paris 
1  version 
J  rinker- 
>rcs  priiiii- 
ter-lirown, 


have  been  in  some  sort  the  h.nsis  of  what  now 
passes  for  the  work  of  Ferdinand. 

For  a  long  time  after  the  //is/orie  of  1571 
there  was  no  considerable  account  of  Colum- 
bus printed.  Editions  of  I'tolcniy,  IVter  Mar- 
tyr, Ovicdo,  Grvncciis,  and  other  general  books, 
made  reference  to  his  discoveries;  but  the  next 
earliest  distinct  sketch  ajjpears  to  be  tliat  in 
the  E/(\^iii  vironiiii  itlitslriiim  of  Jovius,  printed 
in  1^51  at  Florence,  and  the  Italian  version  m.adc 
by  Donicniclii,  printed  in  155.1.'  Uanuisio's 
third  volinne,  in  1556,  gave  the  story  greater 
currency  than  before;  but  such  a  book  as 
Cunningham's  Coiinoi^niphiiiil  Glasse,  in  its 
chapter  on  America,  utterly  ignores  Columbus 
in  1559.-  We  get  what  may  i)robably  be  called 
the  hearsay  reports  of  Columbus'  exploits  in 
the  i\Toiiilo  iiiuKv  of  Heu/oni,  lirst  printed  at 
Venice  in  1565.  There  was  a  brief  memorial  in 
the  Clarontiii  l.ii^untm  dixiii  oi  Ubertus  Folieta, 
published  at  Kcmie  in  1573.''  In  15S1  his  voyages 
were  commemorated  in  an  historical  poem,  Liiu- 
rentii  Gainhira:  [irixiiuii  dc  iur,'ii;iitiotic  Chrislo- 
fhori  ColiiiiiN,  published  at  Komc.^  Boissard, 
of  the  ne  liry  coterie  at  Frankfort  in  1597, 
included  f'olimibus  in  his  Iiinics  vinn-um  il/iis- 
tn'iiHi  ;^  and  Buonfiglio  Costauzo,  in  1C04,  com- 
memorated him  in  the  llistoria  Siciliiiiui,  pulv 
lished  at  Venice." 

Meanwhile  the  stary  of  Columbus'  voyages 
was  ti.ld  at  last  with  all  the  authority  of  nfticial 
sanction  in  the  Histoiia  gciii'nil  of  licrrera. 
This  historian,  or  rather  annalist,  was  born  in 
1549,  and  tlied  in  16J5;'  and  tlie  appointment  of 
historiographer  given  him  by  I'hilip  II.  was  con- 


tinued by  the  tliird  and  fourth  monarchs  of  that 
name.  There  has  been  little  disagreement  as  to 
his  helpfulness  to  his  successors.  All  critics 
place  him  easily  first  among  the  earlier  writers; 
and  Muno/!,  K'obertson,  Irving,  I'rescott,  Tick- 
nor,  and  many  others  have  united  in  praise  of 
his  research,  candor,  and  justness,  while  they 
found  his  literary  skill  compromised  in  .1  meas- 
ure bv  his  chronological  method.  Irving  found 
that  licrrera  depended  so  much  on  J„is  Casas 
that  it  was  best  in  many  cases  to  go  to  that  ear- 
lier writer  in  preference;"  and  Muiio/i  thinks 
only  llerrera's  judicial  (piality  preserved  for  him 
a  distinct  character  throughout  the  agglutinizing 
process  by  which  he  constructed  his  book.  His 
latest  critic,  Hubert  H.  liancrcjft,''  calls  his  style 
"  bald  and  accurately  i)rolix,  his  method  slavishly 
chronological,"  with  evidence  everywhere  in  his 
book  of  "inexperience  and  incompetent  assist- 
ance," resulting  in  "  notes  badly  extracted,  dis- 
crepancies, and  inconsistencies."  'I'he  bibliog- 
raphy of  Herrcra  is  well  done  in  Sabin.'" 

Herrera  had  already  published  (1591)  a  mono- 
graph on  the  history  of  Portugal  and  the  concpiest 
( 1582-15S3)  of  the  Azores,  when  he  produced  at 
Matlrid  his  great  work,  //is/oria  general  dc  lot 
licchos  dc  los  Castcllanos,  in  eight  decades,  four  of 
which,  in  two  volumes,  were  published  in  1601, 
and  the  others  in  1615."  It  h.as  fourteen  maps; 
and  there  should  be  bound  with  it,  though  often 
founil  separate,  a  ninth  part,  called  Dcscripcioit 
dc  Ills  Indias  occidoitalis.^'-  Of  the  composite 
work,  embr.acing  the  nine  parts,  the  best  edition 
i.s  usually  held  to  be  one  edited  by  Gonzales 
Barcia,  and  supplied  by  him  wiUi  an  intlex, 
which  was  printed  in  Madrid  during  1727,  172S, 


lid  ll^Tjll 


I  Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  27,478.     Also  in  155S,  1559. 
-  Sabin,  vol.  v.  no.  17,971. 

s  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  i.  no,  293. 

■<  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  n.j.  340 ;  Leclerc,  nos.  226-228  ;  J.  J.  Cooke,  no.  575.  There  were  other  editions  In 
15S3  and  15S5  ;  they  have  a  map  of  Columbus'  discoveries.     Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  211,500. 

5  Sabin,  vol.  ii.  no.  (i.i()\~(^,\(t2\  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  i.  no.  509.  There  was  a  second  edition,  Bibliothcca, 
sire  lliesaiirus  virtntis  ct  glorhc,  in  ir)2S. 

1  Sabin,  vol.  iii.  no.  9,195. 

7  He  assumed  his  mother's  name,  but  sometimes  added  his  father's, —  flerrera  y  Tordcsillas.  Irving 
(app.  .xxxi.  to  his  Life  of  Cohiiiil'iis)  says  be  was  born  in  1565. 

8  Life  of  Columbus,  app.  xxxi. ;  llerrera's  .account  of  Columbus  is  given  in  Kerr's  Voyiie;es,  iii.  242. 
'■•  Central  America,  i.  317 ;  cf.  his  Chroniclers,  ji. 

1"  Dictionary;  also  issued  sep.arately  witl>  that  of   Hennepin. 

II  In  coniparini;  Kicli's  (1S32,  .t'4  4^.)  .and  recent  prices,  there  does  not  seem  to  lie  much  ap]!rcci.ation  in  the 
value  of  the  book  during  the  last  lifty  years  for  ordinary  copies ;  but  Quaritch  has  priced  the  lieckford  (no.  735, 
copy  so  higli  as  .L"52.  There  are  copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  Carter-Iirown,  Harvard  College,  and  Itoston 
Public  Library.     Cf.  Ticknor  Catalogue :  Sabin,  no.  31,544  ;  Carter-Iirown,  ii.  2;  Murphy,  1206;  Court,  169. 

1'^  Sabin,  no.  31,539-  This  Descripcion  was  translated  into  Latin  by  Iiarla;ns,  and  with  other  tr.acts  jcjined 
to  it  was  printed  at  .Vmsterdani,  in  1622,  as  Noviis  orbis  sive  dcscriptio  Indiir  occidentalis  (Carter-Brown) 
vol.  ii.,  no.  266;  Sabin,  no.  31,540;  it  is  in  our  principal  libraries,  and  is  worth  Sio  or  ?I5).  It  copies  the 
maps  of  the  Madrid  edition,  and  is  frequently  cited  .as  CoHn's  edition.  The  Latin  was  used  in  1624  in  part 
by  De  Bry,  pan  xii.  of  tlic  Grands  voyages.  (Camus,  pp.  147,  160;  Tielc,  pp.  jCi,  312,  who  followed  other 
engravings  than  Herrera's  for  the  Incas).  There  was  a  Dutch  version,  Miemve  Werelt,  In-  the  same  pid)lislur, 
in  i()22  {Sabin,  no.  31,542;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  264),  and  a  French  (Sabin,  no,  31,543;  Carter-Crown, 
vol.  ii.  no.  265  ;  Rich,  1S32,  Xi  io.s. ;  Ouaritcli,  £2  \2s.  (>d.). 


A 


1,1 


■.('47 


M( 


6S 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   (JF   AMERICA. 


1729,  and  1730,  su  tliat  cupics  arc  fdiiiul  witli  all 
tliosc  (laics,  tliDiigh  it  is  cominotily  cited  as  of 
1730.1 

The  priiicipal  chrcmiclcs  of  Spanish  affairs  in 
the  seventeenth  century  contributed  more  or  less 
to  Columbus'  fame  ;  -  and  he  is  commemorated 
in  the  Dutch  compihition  of  Van  dei\  lios,  Ztf.v/ 
I'll  Diu/i'ii  liii-  /.ccliiidcn,  published  at  Amsterdam 
in  1676,  and  in  a  (lerman  translation  in  iGSi.*^ 

'I'here  were  a  hundred  years  yet  to  pass  be- 
fore Robertson's ///iA)/;^)' ('//■/ ///i7-/.v;  }^ave  Colum- 
bus a  prominence  in  the  work  of  a  historian  of 
established  fame ;  but  this  .Scotch  historian  was 
forced  to  write  without  any  knowledge  of  Colum- 
bus' own  narratives. 

In  17S1  the  earliest  of  the  special  Italian 
commemorations  appeared  at  Parma,  in  J.  I)u- 
r.i/zo's  Eh\i;i  skiyici  on  Cohnubus  and  Doria.* 
Chevalier  de  Langeae  in  17S2  added  to  his 
poem,  Colomh  dans  Us  fcrs h  FerdiiMitU  et Iscihellc, 
a  memoir  of  Columbus.'" 

The  earliest  connnemoration  i;i  the  United 
States  was  in  t79J,  on  the  three  hundredth  an- 


niversary of  the  discovery,  celebrated  bv  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Societv,  when  Dr.  ler- 
emy  Iielkna|)  ilelivered  an  historical  discour.^e,'' 
i'lcluded  Liter  with  large  adtlitions  in  his  well- 
known  AmcrhuH  liit'x'nip/iy.  The  unfinished  his- 
tory of  Munoz  liarbingered,  in  1793,  '''^  revival 
in  Europe  of  the  siudy  of  hi.s  career.  Kinallv,  the 
series  of  modern  Lives  of  Columbus  began  in 
i8r8  with  the  publication  at  Milan  of  Luigi 
Hossi's  Villi  di  Crisloforo  Colom/io,  scritta  c  corn:' 
daltx  di  iiHO-.e  vsscrvauoiii^  In  1.S33  '''''  introduG 
tion  by  Spotorno  to  the  Codicc,  and  in  iSjj  the 
Coli'ccioH  of  Navarrete,  brought  much  new  ma- 
terial to  light ;  and  the  fust  lo  make  use  of  it 
were  Irving,  in  his  Life  of  i'oliiiii!>iis,  iSi.S,**  and 
II  umboldt,  in 

his  Examcn  ,  r/-    ..^J^^'^Z^^.,.^  £^ 

Ihltic  dc  r/tistoirc 

de  la  ^i^t'os^ni/'/iii:  dii  iwnviait  coiiliiicii/,  imblished 
originally,  in  1S34,  in  a  single  volume  ;  and  again 
in  five  volumes,  between  I.S36  and  1839.''  "No 
one,"  says  Ticknor,'"  "  has  comprehended  the 
character  of  Columbus  as  lliunboldl  has,  —  its 
generosity,  its  entluisiasm,  its  far-reaching  visions, 


llUflMi 


1  There  are  copies  in  the  Bostcin  Athcn.Tiini,  fioston  I'ublic,  and  Harvard  Collctje  hbr.arics  (Sabin, 
nos.  31,541,  31,54^1;  Carter- lirown,  vol.  iii.  mis.  37O,  450;  Iluth,  vol.  ii.  no.  6!5 j  ;  Leclerc,  r.(..  27.S,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  francs;  Field,  no.  689  ;  ordinary  copies  are  priced  at  X3  or  X'4  ;  large  paper  at  .L'lo  or 
X12).  .\  rival  but  inferior  edition  was  issued  at  Antwerp  in  1728,  without  maps,  and  witli  I)e  liry's  instead 
of  Herrera's  engravings  (Sal/m,  no.  31,545).  A  French  version  was  begun  at  Paris  in  1(159,  but  was  reissued 
in  1660-1670  in  three  volumes  (Sabin,  nos.  31,548-31,550;  Field,  no.  6<)o;  Cartcr-lirown,  vol.  ii.no.  S75; 
Lcclcrc,  no.  2S2,  sixty  francs),  including  only  three  decades.  Portions  were  included  in  the  Dutch  collection  of 
V'an  dcr  .Aa  (Sabin,  nos.  31,551,  etc. ;  Cartcr-lirown,  iii.  in).  It  is  also  included  in  llulsius,  jiart  xviii.  (Carter 
Brown,  i.  496).  The  English  translation  of  the  first  three  decades,  by  Captain  Jolm  Stevens,  is  in  si.\  volumes, 
London,  1725-1726;  but  a  good  many  lil)ertics  are  taken  with  the  text  (S.abin,  no.  31,557;  Carter-Ihown, 
vol.  iii.  no.  355).  New  titles  were  given  to  tlie  same  sheets,  in  1740,  for  what  is  called  a  second  edition  (Sabin, 
no.  31,558).  "  How  many  misstateuients  are  attributed  to  Ilerrcra  which  can  be  traced  no  nearer  that  author 
than  Captain  Jolni  Stevens's  Englisli  translation i'  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  study  this  latter  book  to  see 
where  so  many  English  and  American  authors  have  taken  incorrect  f.acts ''  (II.  Stevens,  Bibliotlicca  Hist,, 
p.  xiii.). 

2  Such  as  the  Aiialcs  de  Aragoii,  1610  ;  the  Coinfcndio  historial  dc  las  chrdnicas  y  universal  historia  de 
todos  los  feynos  de  Es/'aiiaj  '62S  ;  Ziiniga's  Anitales  eclcsiasticos  y  sccularcs  de  Seville^  1677  »  ^'^^  rexes  de 
Aragoii,  for  Pedro  Aliarea,  16S2  ;  and  the  Afonarquia  de  Espaiia,  for  Don  Pedro  Salazar  de  Mendoza, 
1770.  The  Varoncs  ihistrcs  del  nuevo  mondo  o{  Pizarro  y  Orellana,  published  at  Madrid  in  1639,  contained 
a  Life  of  Columbus,  as  well  as  notices  of  Ojeda,  Cortes,  Pizarro,  etc. 

3  Sabin,  vol.  ii.  no.  6,440;  .Vshcr,  no.  355 ;  Tniinel,  no.  366;  Muller  (1S72),  n<i.  126. 

^  Sabin,  vol.  v.  no.  21,418.    Cf.  Arana's  BibHoi;raJia  dc  obras  anoniinas,  Santiago  de  Chile  ( 1SS2),  no.  143. 

s  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  38,879.  Ilarrisse  (Notes  on  Cotumhiis,  p.  190)  enumerates  some  of  the  earlier  and  later 
poems,  plays,  sonnets,  etc.,  wholly  or  incidentally  illnstrriting  tlie  career  of  Columbus.  Cf.  also  liis  Fernc.nd 
Colomh,  ]).  131,  and  Larousse's  Grand  dietionnaire  nniversel,  vol.  iv.  The  earliest  mention  of  Columbus  in 
English  jioetry  is  in  Baptist  Goodall's  Tryall  of  Trauell,  London,  1630. 

«  Mass.  Hist.  Sac.  Proe.,  i.  45  ;  xii.  65. 

"  A  French  version,  by  C.  M.  Urano,  w.as  published  at  P.iris  in  1824  :  again  in  1S25.  It  is  subjected  to  an 
examination,  particul.irly  as  regards  tlie  charge  cf  ingratitude  against  Ferdinand,  in  the  French  edition  of 
Navarrete,  i.  300  (Sabin,  vol.  ii.  no,  6,464). 

n  There  w.as  a  Spanish  translation,  made  by  Jose  Garcia  de  A'illalta,  published  in  Madrid  in  1S33. 

'■>  In  vol.  iii.,  "  De  (luelques  f.iits  relatifs  ;\  Culonib  et  a  \"esi)uce."  In  vol.  i.  he  reviews  the  state  ot 
knowledge  on  the  subject  in  1833.  The  German  text,  Kritisclie  Untcrsucltuni;cn.  was  printed  in  a  translation 
by  Jules  Louis  Ideler,  of  which  the  best  edition  is  that  of  Berlin,  1S52,  edited  by  H.  Muller.  Humboldt  never 
completed  this  work.  The  parts  on  the  early  maps,  which  lie  had  intended,  were  later  cursorily  touched  in  his 
introduction  to  GhiUany's  Belaitn.  Cf.  I)'.-\vezac's  IVallzcmiiller,  p.  2,  and  B.  de  Xivrey's  Des  fremilres 
relations  enlrc  I' Ameritjiie  et  I' Europe  d'aprcs  Ics  rcehcreh.es  de  A,  dc  Humboldt,  Paris,  1S35,  —  taken  from  the 
Revue  de  Paris. 

'"  History  of  Spanish  Literature,  i.  190. 


Mi'll 


COLUMllUS    ANIJ    Ills    DISCOVEKILS. 


69 


which  sccmcil  watchliil  tictuicliaiul  tor  ihe  great 
scitiililic  discovery  (if  the  sixteenth  century." 
I'rescDtt  was  warned  by  the  pDpuliirity  u{  Irv- 
ing's  narrative  not  to  attempt  to  rival  him ; 
and  liis  treatment  of  Colinnbns'  career  was  con- 
fined to  such  a  survey  as  would  merely  com- 
plete the  picture  of  the  reign  of  I'erdinanil  and 
Isabella.' 

In  1S44  there  came  the  first  intimation  of 
a  new  style  of  biography, — a  protect  against 
(.'oluinlnis' story  being  longer  told  by  bis  natu- 
ral enemies,  as  all  who  failed  to  recognize  his 
pre-eminently  saintly  character  were  considered 
to  be.  There  was  a  purpose  in  it  to  make  the 
mo.t  possible  of  all  his  jiious ejaculations, and  of 
his  intention,  expressed  in  his  letter  to  the  Pope 
in  150.;,  to  rescue  the  Holy  City  from  the  infidel, 
with  his  prospective  army  of  ten  thousand  horse 
and  a  hundred  thousand  foot.  The  chief  spokes- 
man of  this  purpose  has  been  Ko^ully  dc  Lorgues. 
He  first  shadowed  forth  his  purpose  in  his  Zd 
ero/x  ifciiis  (V.r  i/t'iix  inoiii/is  in  1844.  It  was  not 
till  1SC4  that  he  produced  the  full  Hower  of 
his  spirit  in  his  Christof'hc  Colomb,  Histoire  de  sa 
7'it'  it  (/(•  Si's  :'ovj,i;es  iVupr^s  (/,:<  ilociniicitts  mithen- 
lit/iits  tires  </' /Sspiigiif  it  d' ltalii\-  'I'his  was  fol- 
lowed, in  1S74,  by  his  /.\iiii/>it.ssiid,'iir  </<■  Duit  et 
U  Piifi'  Pie  fX.  All  this,  however,  and  much 
else  by  the  abetters  of  the  scheme  of  the  canoni- 
zation of  Columbus  which  was  urged  on  the 
Church,  failed  of  its  purpose;  and  the  move- 
ment was  suspended,  for  a  while  at  least,  be- 
cause of  an  ultimate  adverse  determination.'' 


(If  the  other  Liter  lives  of  Columbus  it  re- 
mains to  mention  only  the  inost  considerable,  or 
those  of  significant  tendency. 

The  late  Sir  Arthur  Helps  wrote  his  S/mtis/i 
Coii./iii'st  of  Anurua  with  the  aim  of  developing 
the  results  —  political,  ethnological,  and  eco- 
nomic—  of  the  coucpiest,  rather  than  the  day- 
by-day  progress  of  events,  and  with  a  primary 
regard  to  the  ri.se  of  slavery.  His  l.ij\'  of  Coliim- 
ins  is  simply  certain  chapters  of  this  larger  work 
excerpted  and  fitted  in  order.*  Mr.  .\aron  ( iood- 
rich,  in  A  llistoiy  of  t/u-  so-ia/A-d  Chi-isto[-li,-r  L'o- 
Itimhtis,  New  Yrirk,  1.S74,  makes  a  labored  and 
somewhat  inconsiderate  ciTort,  characterized  by 
a  certain  peevish  air,  to  prove  Columbus  the 
mere  borrower  of  others'  glories.'' 

In  French,  mention  may  be  made  of  the 
liaron  dc  Uonnefoux's  K/>  i/,'  C/iristof-Iw  Colomh, 
Paris,  1S53,"  and  the  Maripiis  de  ISelloy's  C/iris- 
lop/ic  Cotoinb  ct  la  dccoincrtc  dii  A'oiityiiii  .Moiidt\ 
Paris,  1864.' 

In  (ierman,  under  the  impvdse  given  by 
IhnnboUlt,  some  fruitful  labors  have  been  given 
to  Columbus  and  the  early  history  of  Amer- 
ican discovery;  but  it  is  only  necessary  to 
mention  the  names  of  Forster,"  Peschcl,''  and 
Ruge.'u 

H.  Portraits  oi'  CouMiiis.  —  Of  Colum- 
bus there  is  no  likeness  whose  claim  to  consid- 
eration is  indisputable.  We  have  descriptions 
of  his  person  from  two  who  knew  him, —  (Jviedo 
and   his  own  son    Ferdinand ;    we  have  other 


1  Harrissc  (Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  50)  speaks  of  Prescott  as  "eloquent  but  imaginative." 

2  The  work  was  patronized  by  the  Pope,  and  was  reproduced  in  great  luxury  of  ornamentation  in  i.S;ij.  An 
English  abridgment  and  adaptation,  by  J.  J.  D.irry,  was  republished  in  New  York  in  1869.  A  Dutch  translation, 
Lrocn  en  reizcn  -an  Columbns,  was  jM-inted  at  Utrecht  in  1S63. 

"  .Some  of  the  other  contributions  of  this  movement  are  thc<;e  ;  Koselly  dc  Lorgues,  Satan  eontre  C/iristo/'lie 
Colomb,  on  la  frctendnc  chute  dn  sen  item-  de  Dieu,  Paris,  1S76  ;  Tullio  Dandolo's  I  secoti  di  Dante  e  Colombo, 
Milan,  1852,  and  his  Cristofero  Colombo,  Genovese,  1S55  ;  P.  \'entura  de  Raulica's  Cristoforo  Cohnnbo  rivoi- 
dieato  alia  eliiesa ;  Kugeiie  C'adoret,  La  vie  de  Cliristo/'he  Colomb,  Paris,  18(19,  —  in  advocacy  of  canoniza- 
tion ;  Le  liaron  van  lirocken,  Des  vieissitudes  /■ostliumes  dc  Christophe  Colomb,  ct  dc  sa  beatification  possible, 
Paris,  1S65, — which  enumerati.'s  most  of  the  publications  bearing  on  the  grounds  for  canonization;  Angclo 
Sanguineti,  La  Canonizzazione  di  Cristoforo  Colondio,  Genoa,  1875,  —  the  same  author  had  imblislied  a 
Vita  di  Colombo  in  18.(6;  Saintete  dc  Christophe  Colomb,  resume  des  merites  de  ce  scrvitcur  de  Dieu, 
traduit  de  I'ltalien,  twenty-four  pages  ;  Civilth  cattoliea,  vol.  vii.  ;  a  paper,  "  De  I'inHuenco  de  la  religion 
dans  les  decouvertes  du  .W'c  siccle  ct  dans  la  decouvcrte  de  r.\nieric|ue,"  in  Etudes  far  des  Pires  de  la  C^'m- 
pagnic  dc  Jesus,  October,  1S76;  15aldi,  Cristoforo  Colombo  glorifieato  dal  veto  deW  Episeopato  Catiolico, 
Genoa,  i8Si.     A  popular  Catholic  Life  is  .\rthur  George  Knight's  Christopher  Columbus,  London,  1S77. 

■•  There  are  various  reviews  of  it  indicated  in  Poole's  Index,  p.  29 ;  cf.  II.  H.  Bancroft's  Mexico,  li.  4S.S. 

5  A  somewhat  similar  view  is  taken  by  M.aury,  in  Harpers'  Monthly,  xlii.  425,  527,  in  "  \\\  Examination 
of  the  Claims  of  Columbus." 

O  Prom  which  the  account  of  Columb  :s'  early  life  is  tmnslatcd  in  IJecher's  Landfall  of  Columbus,  jip.  1-5.S. 

■  .-Vn  English  translation,  by  R.  .S.  IL,  .appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1.S7S.  We  regret  not  being  able  to  have 
seen  a  new  work  by  Henry  Harrisse  now  in  press:  Chrislophe  Colomb,  son  originc,  sa  Tie,  scs  voyages,  sa 
fimille,  et  ses  descendants,  d'apr^s  documents  incdits,  avec  cimj  tableaux  j;eneabi^ii^ucs  ct  un  appendice 
docunwntaire.    [See  Postscript  following  this  chapter.] 

"  Fr.  Vot'iX.Q'c,  Columbus,  dcr  Entdecker  der  Neuen  K-'t-//,  second  edition,  184^1. 

"  Oscar  T'eschel,  Geschichte  des  /.cilaltcrs  dcr  EntdccH'ungen,  second  edition,  1S77. 

'"  Sophiis  Kuge,  Die  Weltanschauung  des  Columbus,  1S76 ;  Das  '/.citaiter  dcr  F.ntdcckungcn,  1SS3. 
Cf.  Theodor  Schott's  '■Columbus  und  seine  Weltanschauung,"  in  Virchcw  and  Holtzendorff's  Vorirage, 
xiii.  30S. 


70  NAKKATUl.   AMJ    CKlllCAL    IHMOKV    OF   A.MLKICA. 


NVCERINVS,  HIST0R1CV5. 


PAULUS    JOVIUS.' 


rj.. 


accounts  from  two  who  certainly  knew  his  con- 
temporaries,—  (lomara  and  llenziini  ;  and  in 
addition  wc  possess  the  description  given  by 
Herrera,  who  had  the  best  sources  of  informa- 
tion. From  these  we  learn  that  his  face  was 
long,  neither  full  nor  thin ;  his  cheek-bones 
rather  high;  his  nose  aiiuiline ;  his  eyes  light 
gray;  his  complexion  fair,  and  high  colored. 
His  hair,  which  was  of  light  color  before  thirty, 
became  gray  after  that  age.  In  the  Ptu's/  //orw- 
i/uiitt'  retroz'ati  of  1507  he  is  described  as  having 


a  ruddy,  elongated  visage,  and  as  possessing  a 
lofty  and  noble  stature  .- 

'I'h'^e  are  the  test  with  which  to  challenge 
the  verv  numerous  so-called  likenesses  of  Colum- 
bus ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  not  a  single  out  , 
when  you  take  into  consideration  the  accessorit  -, 
and  costume,  warrants  us  in  believing  beyond 
dispute  that  wc  can  bring  before  us  the  figure 
of  the  discoverer  as  he  lived.  Such  is  the  ojjin- 
ion  of  F'euillct  dc  Conches,  who  has  produced 
the  best  critical  essay  on  the  subject  yet  written.'' 


1  Fac-siniile  of  cut  in  Kcusner's  /iviics,  Basic,  I5S(),  'J'liere  is  another  cut  in  Paiili  Joi'ii  elogia  rirorum 
bcllica  -irtute  illiistriuiii,  liasle,  1575  (copy  in  Harvard  College  Library). 

-  \h\rr\is,e,  Noh-s  oil  Coliiml'iis,  \i.  50. 

3  It  appeared  in  the  A'ci'nf  t:oiitt)ii/>i>nuii,\  xxiv.  4S4,  and  was  drawn  out  by  a  jiaper  on  a  newly  discovered 
portrait  of  Coluniljus,  whicli  had  Iwen  printed  by  Joniard  in  the  Uiillclin  ilc  lit  Soiictc  ilc  Giographic ;  by 
Valentin  Cardcrera's /«/i'/-w;(' to/';v /i'^  «/nf/i<.(  ilc  fm/iiAi/ C<'/li«.  printed  by  the  Royal  Academy  of  History 
at  Madrid,  in  1.S5;,  in  their  Mi-mmins,  vol.  viii. ;  and  by  an  article,  by  Isidore  Liiwenstern,  of  the  Aradeniy  ol 
Sciences  at  Turin,  in  the  A'lvkc  Arcliiolo^iijuc,  x.  iSi.     The  paper  by  Joniard  was  tlie  incentive  of  Cardercra." 


COLUMBUS   AM)    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


7' 


i 


COLUMBUS  (n/Ur  Giovio)A 


A  vignette  on  the  map  of  La  Cosa,  dated 
1500,  represents  Saint  Christopher  bearing  on 
his  shoulders  the  infant  Clirist  across  a  stream. 
This  has  been  considered  s)'mbolical  of  the 
purpose  of  Cohnnbus  in  his  discoveries;  and  up- 
liolders  of  the  movement  to  procure  his  canoni- 
zation, hive  De  Lorgucs,  have  cKiimcd  that  La 


Cosa  represented  the  features  of  Cohmdnis  in 
the  lace  of  Saint  Christoplicr.  It  lias  also  been 
claimed  that  Ilerrera  must  have  been  of  the 
same  opinion,  since  the  likeness  given  by  that 
historian  can  be  imagined  to  be  an  enlargement 
of  the  head  on  the  map.  This  theory  is  hardly 
accei)tc(l,  however,  by  the  critics.- 


botli  treatises  induced  the  review  of  Lowenstern  ;  while  Feuillet  de  Conches  fairly  summed  up  the  results. 
There  has  been  no  thorough  account  in  English,  A  brief  letter  on  the  subject  by  Irvint;  (printed  in  the  Li/e  of 
Irving,  vol.  iv.)  W.1S  all  there  w.i5  till  Professor  J.  D.  liutlcr  recently  traced  the  iiedigree  of  the  Yanez 
picture,  a  copy  of  which  was  lately  given  by  Governor  Fairchild  to  the  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin. 
Cf.  Untler's  paper  in  the  Collections  of  that  Society,  vol.  ix.  p.  -/fi  (.also  printed  separately);  and  articles  in 
Li/fiiuoll's  Afai;azinc,  March,  1S83,  and  T/ic  A'nlion,  Nov.  16,  1SS2. 

1  Fac-simile  of  the  woodcut  in  I'aolo  (Jiovio's  Eloqia  virontm  bellica  virlntc  illuslrium  (Basle,  ifo*)),  p.  124. 
There  are  copies  in  the  Boston  Atliena'uni  and  Boston  Public  Library.  It  is  also  copied  in  Charton's  Voya- 
gctirs,  iii.  Si,  from  whom  Wki.wxA  (Santo  Domiu go.  New  York,  1873,  p.  7)  takes  it.  The  1575  edition  is  in 
Harvard  College  Library,  and  the  s.anie  portrait  is  on  p.  191.  Tins  cut  is  also  rc-engraved  in  Jules  Verne's 
/.(7  tfccouvcrlt'  lie  ia  tcrre,  p.    113. 

2  The  vignette  is  given  in  colored  fac-simile  in  M.ajor's  Select  Letters  of  Columbus,  2d  edition.  Herrera's 
picture  was  reproduced  in  the  English  tr.inslation  by  .Stevens,  and  has  beer,  accepted  in  so  late  a  publication  as 
Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  Unite,!  States,  i.  99.  Cf.  also  the  portrait  in  die  1727-1730  edition  of  Ilerrera, 
and  its  equivalent  in  Montanus,  as  shown  on  a  later  page.  There  is  a  vignette  portrait  on  the  titlepage  of  the 
j6oi  edition  of  Herrera. 


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NARK  ATI  VE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA, 


Discarding  the  I.a  Cosa  vignette,  the  earliest 
claimant  now  known  is  an  engraving  published 
in  the  /I'A'i'/i;  zirorum  illnslrium  (1575)'  of 
I'aolo  Giovio  (I'aulus  Joviiis,  in  the  Latin  form). 
This  woodcut  is  thought  to  have  been  copied 
from  a  iiicture  which  Jovius  had  placed  in  the 
gallery  of  notable  people  which  he  had  formed 
in  his  villa  at  Lake  Comu.    That  collection  is 


THE   YANKZ  COLUMBUS 

{Xittioiia!  I. Unary,  Mailriil  .- 


now  scattered,  and  the  Columbus  picture  cannot 
be  traced  ;  but  that  there  was  a  portrait  of  the 
discoverer  there,  we  know  from  the  edition  of 
Vasari's /,/rw  of  the  raintcrs  printed  by  (iiunti 
at  Florence  (1568),  wherein  is  a  list  of  the  i)ic- 
turcs,  which  includes  likenesses  of  Vespucius, 
Cortes,  and  Magellan,  besides  that  of  "  Colombo 
Ucnovese."  This  indicates  a  single  jiicture;  but 
it  is  held  by  some  that  Jovius  must 
have  possessed  two  pictures,  sinoe 
this  woodcut  gives  Columbus  the 
garb  of  a  Franciscan,  while  the 
painting  in  the  gallery  at  Florence, 
supposed  also  to  follow  a  i)iclure 
belonging  to  Jovius,  gives  him  a 
mantle.  A  claim  has  been  made  that 
the  original  Jovius  ])ortrait  is  still  in 
existence  in  what  is  known  as  the 
Yanez  picture,  now  in  the  National 
Library  in  Madrid,  which  was  pur- 
chased of  Yanez  intiranada  in  1763. 
It  had  originally  a  close-fitting  tunic 
and  mantle,  which  was  later  painted 
over  so  .IS  to  show  a  robe  and  fur 
collar.  This  external  painting  has 
been  removed;  and  the  likeness 
bears  a  certain  rescmblanci.  to  the 
woodcut  and  to  the  Florence  like- 
ness. The  Yanez  canvas  is  cer- 
tainly the  oldest  in  .Spain;  and  the 
present  Duque  de  Yeraguas  con- 
siders it  the  most  authentic  of  all 
the  portraits.''  The  .annexed  cut  of 
it  is  taken  from  an  engraving  in 
Ruge's  Gcsrhii-htc  dcs  Zcitoltcrs  ilcr 
Eitldixictiiifffii  (p.  235).  It  bears  the 
inscription  shown  in  the  cut.' 

The  woodcut  ( 1 575)  already  men- 
tioned passes  as  the  prototype  of 
another  engraving  by  Aliprando 
Caprinlo,  in  tlie  Kitratti  di  Ciiilo 
Ciipitani  illustii,  puL\ished  at  Rome 
in  1596.'' 


'  The  edition  of  Florence,  ,  ;,,i,  has  no  cngr.ivintjs,  but  Rives  the  account  of  Columbus  on  p.  171. 

-  This  picture  was  iiroininently  hroupht  before  the  ConRress  of  .\mcricanistcs  wliich  assembled  at  Madrid  in 
iSSi,  and  not,  it  seems,  without  excilini;  suspicion  of  a  contrived  piece  of  Hattcry  for  the  Uuke  of  Ver,iguas, 
then  prcsidin;;  over  this  same  congress.     Cf.  Cortanitert,  Nouvcllc  /lisloirc  dcs  ivyagcs,  p.  40. 

^  .'ifiignziiic  of  American  History,  June,  >f>S4,  p.  554. 

^  Cf.  Dohtiii  dc  la  Socicdad  c;co);rafica  dc  Madrid^  vol.  vi.  A  jrortrait  in  the  collection  of  the  Marquis  de 
Malpica  is  said  closelv  to  rcscmhlc  it.  One  belonging  to  the  Duke  of  Veraguas  is  also  thnuglit  to  be  related  to 
it,  .and  is  engraved  in  the  French  edition  of  X.ivarre'.e.  It  is  thought  Antonio  del  Kiucon,  a  painter  well 
known  in  Columbus'  d.iy,  ui.ay  have  painted  this  Vanez  canvas,  on  the  discoverer's  return  from  his  second 
voyage.  Cardcrera  l»lievcd  in  it,  ;uul  IJanchcro,  in  his  edition  of  the  Codicc  Colombo  Americano,  ailojitcd  it 
{Afafaxiiie  of  American  //is/ory,  1.  ^i\).  The  picture  now  in  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society's  Rooms  is 
copied  directly  Iroin  tlie  Vancz  portrait. 

3  This  Capr'olo  cut  is  engraved  and  accepted  in  Cardcrera's  hiforme.  Lowcnstcrn  fails  to  sec  how  it  cor- 
responds to  the  written  descriptions  of  Colunihus'  jiurson.  It  is  changed  somewhat  from  the  1 575  cut ;  cf.  Maga- 
sin  fitlorcsijuc,  troisieme  annee,  p.  316.  The  two  cuts,  one  or  the  other,  and  a  mingling  of  the  two,  have 
given  rise  apparently  to  a  variety  of  imitations.  The  head  on  panel  preserved  now,  ir  lately,  at  Cuccaro,  and 
Ix'longing  to  Fidele  Gugiiehno  Colombo,  is  of  this  type.  It  was  engraved  !n  N.apione's  Delia  fatria  di  Co- 
iom/'o,  l''liirence,  1S08.  The  head  liy  Crispin  de  I'as,  in  the  /■f/iffics  regiim  ac  frincifnm,  of  an  early  year  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  is  also  traced  to  these  cuts,  as  well  as  the  engraving  bv  I'ieter  van  Opmcer  in  his  (^fiis 


COLUMBUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


73 


The  most  interesting  of  all  pictures  Ijc.iring 
a  supposed  relation  to  the  scattered  collection  at 
Lal\e  Como  is  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,  which 
is  sometimes  said  to  have  been  |)aiuted  by 
Cristofano  dell  'Altissimo,  and  before 
the  year  1568.  A  copy  of  it  was  made 
for  Thomas  Jefferson  in  1784,  whicli  was 
at  Monticcllo  in  1814;  and,  liaving  been 
sent  to  lioston  to  be  disposed  of,  l)c- 
camc  the  property  of  Israel  Thorndike, 
and  was  by  him  given  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society,  in  whose  gal- 
lery it  now  is ;  and  from  a  photograph 
of  it  the  cut  (p.  74)  has  been  engraved.* 
It  is  perhaps  the  most  commonly  ac- 
cepted likeness  in  these  later  ycars.'- 

After  tlie  woodcut  of  1575,  the  next 
oldest  engraved  likeness  of  Columbus 
is  the  one  usually  called  the  De  Hry 
portrait.  It  shows  a  head  with  a  three- 
cornered  cap,  and  possesses  a  Dutch 
physiognomy,  —  its  short,  broad  face 
not  corresponding  with  the  descriptions 
which  we  find  in  Ovicdo  and  the  others. 
De  Bry  says  that  the  original  painting 
was  stolen  from  a  saloon  in  the  Council 
for  the  Indies  in  Spain,  and,  being  taken 
to  the  Netherlands,  fell  into  his  hands. 
He  claims  that  it  was  painted  from  life 
by  order  of  Ferdinand,  the  King.  De 
Hry  first  used  the  plate  in  Part  V.  of 
his  Grands  Vi'yat;a,  both  in  the  Latin 
and  (Jernian  editions,  published  in  15951 
where  it  is  marked  as  engraved  by  Jean  dc  Dry. 
It  shows  what  seem  to  be  two  warts  on  the  cheek, 


which  do  not  appear  in  later  prints.'  Feiiillet  de 
Conches  describes  a  painting  in  the  Versailles  gal- 
lery like  the  De  Dry,  which  has  been  engraved  by 


COLUMBUS  (after  Capriolo).* 

Mercuri ;  *  but  it  docs  not  appear  that  it  is  claimed 
as  the  original  fronj  which  De  Bry  worked." 


ehronos;raphicum,  i6n.  Landon's  Galcric  hisloriqiic  (Paris,  1805-1809),  also  shows  an  imit.ition ;  and 
anotlicr  is  that  on  the  title  of  Cancellieri's  Notizia  di  Colombo.  N.nvarretc  published  a  lithograph  of  the  1575 
cut.  Cf.  Irving's  letter.  A  likeni'ss  of  this  type  is  reproduced  in  colors,  in  a  very  pleasing  way,  in  Koselly  de 
Lorgues'  Clirislo/lic  Colomb,  1S79,  and  in  woodcut,  equally  well  done,  in  the  same  work;  also  in  J.  J.  Harry's 
adaptation  of  Dc  Lorgues,  New  York,  1S69.  Another  good  woodcut  of  it  is  given  in  Harfcrs'  Monthly 
(October,  1S82),  p.  729.     It  is  also  accepted  in  Torre's  Scritti  di  Colombo. 

•  See  -^  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vii.  2Ss ;  Proc,  vol.  ii.  pp.  2j,  25,  2S9. 

2  There  are  two  portraits  thought  to  have  some  relation  with  this  Florentine  likeness.  One  was  formerly 
in  the  Collection  d'  Anibras,  in  the  Tyrol,  which  was  fornicil  by  a  nephew  of  Charles  V'.,  but  was  in  1.S05  removed 
to  the  museum  in  Vienna.  It  is  on  p.mcl.  of  small  size,  and  has  been  cngr.ived  in  Frankl's  Ciornian  poem  on 
Columbus.  The  other  is  one  whose  history  Isnardi,  in  his  Sulla  (•atria  di  Colombo,  i.'ijS,  traces  back  for  three 
centuries.     It  is  now,  or  w,is  lately,  in  the  common  council  hall  at  Cogolcto. 

8  What  is  known  as  the  Venetian  mosaic  portrait  of  Cohnnbus,  resembling  the  Lc  Bry  in  the  head,  the 
hands  holding  a  map,  is  engraved  in  Harpers'  Monthly,  liv.  i, 

■•  This  is  a  reproduction  of  the  cut  in  Ch.uton's  Voya^enrs,  iii.  85.  It  is  .ilso  copied  in  Carderera,and  in  the 
Magasin  pittoresgiic,  troisi^mc  annce,  p.  ,^i6, 

s  A  proof-copy  of  this  eni;raving  is  among  the  Tosti  Engravings  in  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

<1  Engravings  from  De  Dry's  burin  .also  apjieared,  in  1597,  in  Iloissard's  Icones  quinipiaginta  lira- 
rum  ad  viviim  efiietir ;  again,  in  the  Bihliotheea  sive  thesaurus  virtutis  et  gloritr  (Frankfort,  162.S- 
1634),  in  four  volumes,  usually  ascribed  jointly  to  Ue  Ury  and  Doissard ;  and,  fnially,  in  the  Diblio- 
t/ieca  chaliographiea  (VnnViori,  \()^o-i(>(>\),  ascribed  to  Doissard;  but  the  plates  are  marked  Jean  Th6odore 
de  Dry.  I'lie  De  Dry  type  was  apparent  in  the  print  in  Is.iac  liullart's  Aeadimie  des  Siieiues  ct  des  Arts, 
Paris,  1682;  and  a  few  years  later  (16SS),  an  aqu.aforte  cngr.aving  by  Hos.asplna  came  out  in  I'.aul  Freherus' 
Theatre  des  hommcs  eelHres.  For  the  later  use  made  of  this  De  Dry  likeness,  reference  may  be  made,  among 
others,  to  the  works  of  Xapione  and  Hossi,  Durazzo's  /lulofium,  the  Historia  de  Mexico  by  I'rancisco  Carbajal 
I'.spinosa,  published  at  Mexico,  in  iS(>2,  tome  i,  J.  J.  Smitli's  Amerieait  Hislori.al  and  Literary  Curiosities, 
stindry  editions  of  Irving's  Life  of  Columbus,  and  the  Limdon  (i8fj-)  edition  of  Ferdinand  Columbus'  Life  of 
VOL.    II.  —  10. 


I 


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74 


NARKATIVK    AND   CRITICAL    IIISTOKY    OF   AMERICA. 


ill 
I 


COLUMBUS  (the  Jejfcrson  copy  of  the  Florence  future). 


Jomard,  in  the  Bulhtin  de la  ^oticte  lic  GcOi^ra-     ;'i  Chiistophc  Colomb:  son  portrait,"  '  in  cxpla- 
pJiii  (3d  scries),  iii.  370,  printed  his  "  Monument     nation  and  advocacy  of  a    Titiancsque  canvas 

his  father.  There  is  a  pluitograph  of  it  in  llarrissc's  Xotcs  on  Columlnis.  Dc  liry  engraved  various  other 
pictures  ol  Columbus,  mostly  of  small  size,  —  a  full-lcnijth  in  the  corner  of  a  half-globe  (part  vi.);  a  full- 
length  on  the  deck  ui  a  caravel  (in  part  iv.,  re-enj;raveil  In  linssi,  Chartin,  etc.);  a  small  vignette  ])ortrait, 
together  with  one  of  Vcspuclus,  in  the  Latin  and  li^rnian  edition  of  part  iv.  {1504);  the  well-known  picture 
illustrating  the  anecdote  of  the  egg  (part  iv.).     Not  one  of  tliesc  has  any  claim  to  be  other  than  imaginative 


Tlivre  was  a  movement  at  this  time  ( 1S4;)  to  erect  a  nKjnumcnt  in  (lenoa. 


COLUMllUS    AND    Ills    DISCOVERIES. 


75 


>  \  ' 


H 


THE   DE   DRY    PORTRAIT   OF   COLUMBUS. 


which    he    had    found    at    Viccnza,     inscribed     the   features   corresponded   to  the   written  dc- 
"  Christophorus   Columbus."     He  claimed  that     scriptions  of  Columbus  by  his  contem])oraries 


His  brner  likeness  he  reiinuluccd  in  a  small  medallinn  as  the  title  of  the  lU'rrcra  narrative  (part  xii..  German 
and  Latin,  ifu^-KJa^),  toncthcr  with  likenesses  of  Vespucius,  I'izarm.  and  Masellaii.  Another  reminiscence  ol 
the  apocryphal  e?i;  story  is  tonnd  in  a  painting,  representing  a  man  in  a  fur  cap,  holdini;  up  an  egi;,  the  faco 
wearing  a  grin,  which  was  hrought  forward  a  few  years  ago  by  Mr.  Kinck,  of  New  York,  and  which  is  described 
and  engraved  in  the  Comfl:  rciulu  of  the  Congres  des  .Aniericanisles.  1.S77,  ii.  375. 


76 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m 


I  \ 


and  accounted  for  the  Flemish  ruff,  jiointcd 
beard,  gold  chain,  and  other  onaclironous  ac- 
cessories, by  supposing  that  these  had  been 
added   by   a   late.'    hand.     These    adornments, 


CHHlSTOPbQ 
coivimii 


M',  i 


a  lithograph  of  it.     Carderera  and  Feuillet  de 
Conches  both  reject  it. 

A  similar  out-of-date  ruff  and  mustache 
characterize  the  likeness  at  Madrid  associated 
with  the  Duke  of  Herwick-Alba,  in  wliirh 
the  finery  of  a  throne  makes  ])art  of  the 
picture.  The  owner  had  a  private  plate 
engraved  from  it  by  Kafael  Esteve,  a  copy 
of  which,  given  by  the  engraver  to  (Jba- 
diah  Rich,  who  seems  to  have  had  faith  in 
it,  is  now  in  the  Lenox  Library.- 

A  picture  belonging  to  the  Duke  of 
Veraguas  is  open  to  similar  objections,  — 
with  its  beard  and  armor  and  ruff ;  but 
Mufioz  adopted  it  for  his  ofiicial  his- 
tory, the  plate  being  drawn  by  Mariano 
Maella.^ 

A  picture  of  a  bedizened  cavalier,  as- 
cribed to  I'armigiano  (who  was  three  years 
old  when  Coluinbus  died),  is  preserved  in 
the  Museo  liorbonico  at  Naples,  and  is, 
unfortunately,  associated  in  this  cotmtry 
with  Columbus,  from  having  been  adopted 
by  I'rescott  for  his  Firiliuaiul  and  Isa- 
lu'llit,*  and  from  having  been  coi)ied  for 
the  .American  Anti(|uarian  Society."  It 
was  long  since  rejected  by  all  competent 
critics. 

A  picture  in  the  Senate  chamber  (or 
lately  there)  at  Alb;;ny  was  given  to  the 
State  of  New  York  in  1784  by  Mrs.  Maria 
Farmer,  a  granddaughter  of  Governor  Ja- 
cob Leisler,  and  was  said  to  have  been  for 
many  years  in  that  lady's  family."  There 
nnwevcr,  iirevcnteil  Jomard's  views  gaining  any  are  many  other  scattered  alleged  likenesses  of 
countenance,  though  he  sec—..,  to  have  been  Columbus,  which  from  the  data  at  hand  it  has 
contident  in  his  opinion.  .  rving  at  the  time  not  been  easy  to  link  with  any  of  those  already 
records  his  scepticism  when  Jomard  sent  him     mentioned.' 

'  Tliiii  is  a  reproduction  of  the  cut  in  Charton's  Voyageiirs,  iii.  87. 

'■'  Tickiior  CatiilogKC,  \i,  95.  The  medallion  nn  the  tomb  in  the  c.ithcdral  at  Havana  is  usually  said  to 
hiive  been  copied  from  tnis  picture;  but  the  picture  sent  to  Il.ivana  to  be  u.sed  as  a  model  is  said,  on  better 
authority,  to  have  beon  one  belonsins  to  the  Duke  of  Verai;u.is,  —  pcrh.ips  the  one  said  to  be  in  the  Consisto- 
rial  H.ill  at  II,iv.ina,  which  has  the  K^rb  of  a  familiar  of  the  Inquisition  ;  and  this  is  represented  as  the  gift 
of  that  Duke  (Ma;:;iizinc  of  Amcrunn  History,  i.  510). 

^  It  is  re  engraved  in  the  Fiigiish  and  Germ.in  translations.  Carderera  rejects  it;  but  the  portrait  in 
the  .\rchivcs  of  the  Indies  at  .'^evilln  is  said  to  be  a  copy  of  it ;  and  a  copy  is  in  the  IVnnsylvania  Academy 
of  .Arts  in  Pliiladelpliia.  \  thr.'e-<|uartcrs  length  of  Columbus,  representing  him  in  ruff  .nnd  armor,  full 
face,  mustache  and  imperial,  rigl.!  hand  on  a  globe,  left  h.ind  holding  a  truncheon,  called  "  Cristoval  Colon  : 
copiado  de  un  Quadra  origl.  fpie  sc  conserva  en  la  faniilia,"  was  engraved,  and  marked  "  Bart.  Vazque.  la 
CJrabo,  1791." 

■•  It  is  still  un.iccountably  retained  in  the  revised  1S73  edition. 

5  Cf.  \\\z\x  Piou-cilins^i,  .April,  iS:-,. 

'•  It  was  restored  in  I.S50  (Mai^iizhw  of  Aiiieriinii  History,  v.  4461. 

"  .Such  are  the  following :  (1)  In  full  dress,  with  ruff  and  rings,  ;aid  to  have  l»en  painted  by  Sir  .'.nthony 
More  for  Margaret  of  the  Netherlands,  and  taken  to  England  in  1590, —engraved  in  one  of  the  English 
editions  of  Irving,  where  .ilso  has  appe.ired  an  engraving  of  a  picture  by  Juan  de  liorgona,  painted  in  1519 
for  the  Chapter-room  of  the  Cathedral  of  Toledo.  (2)  .A  full-l.ngth  in  mail,  with  ruff,  in  the  I.onga  or 
F"..\change  at  Seville,  showing  a  man  of  thirtv  or  thirty-five  yean,  which  Irving  thinks  may  h.ave  been  t.iken 
for  Diego  Columbus.  (3)  An  engraving  in  Fuchsius'  MctopoHopia  ct  ophthalmoscof-ia,  Strasburg,  1610 
(S.ibin's  Dictionary,  vii.  S9).  (4)  An  engraving  in  N.  De  Clerck's  Tooneel  der  tcroemder  hcrtogcn,  etc_ 
Delft,  1615,  — a  collection  of  portraits,  including  also  Cortes,  Piz.arro,  Magellan,  IMontezuma,  etc.      (j)  A 


JO.M.\RIl'.S    I'lCI'L'RF.   OF   COLUMBUS.' 


s\n 


COLUMUUS   AND    HIS    UISCOVLKIES. 


77 


lliillliiilllllllial.,Mi^ 


'iTi!M"iii||ii,i||];!i:,i||i| 


II 


(I 


m 


COLUMBUS. — THE   HAVANA   MEDALLION.' 


The  best  known,  probably,  of  the  sculptured     which  was  placed  in  1S21  at  Genoa  on  the  re- 
eftigies  of  Columbus  is  the  bust  of  I'eschiera,     ceptacle  of  the  Columbus   manuscripts.'-    The 

full-length,  cnRraved  in  Philoponus,  1621.  (6)  An  old  engraving,  with  pointed  beard  .ind  ruff,  preserved 
in  the  Nation.il  Library  at  Paris.  (7)  The  engraving  in  the  iVicuuY  cii  onkkouii-  Wccrihl  of  Montanus, 
1671-1673,  repeated  in  Ogilby's  America,  and  reproduced  in  Bos's  l.niii  en  Dadcii,  and  in  Ilerrcra,  edition 
172S.  A  fac-simile  of  it  is  given  herewith.  Cf.  Ruyter's  Sic-Zhhlin,  Nurenilx'rg,  1661.  (S)  A  cop|)er 
plate,  showMig  a  man  with  a  Iward,  with  fur  trimmings  to  a  close-fitting  vestment,  one  hand  holding  an 
astrolabe,  the  other  pointing  upward, — which  accompanies  a  translation  of  Thevct's  account  of  Columbus 


I  Reproduced  from  a  cut  in  Ch.arton'-  '/oyttf:curs,  ill.  1S8. 

-  A  view  ot  this  receptacle  of  the  papers,  with  the  bust  and  the  portfoUo,  is  given  in  Hiirftrs'  Monllih^ 
vol.  liv.,  December,  1S76. 


/S 


NAKKAl  l\K   AM)    CKl  1  ICAI.    HISTORY   (.)!•    AMKKICA. 


nrlisl  (listardcd  .ill  paiiiliil  iiortr.iits  <if  C'olum-  Tlir  most  imposing  of  all  the  memorials  is  lliu 

liii-,  and  fiillowid  llif  ikscriplioiis  of  those  who     iiiomiiiitiit  at  (itiuia  irectrd  in   iSfii  after  a  dr 
liad  known  tlic  discoverer.'  siyii  by  Krctcia,  and  linislicd  by  Mitlitl  Can^io.^ 


cni.rMi'.rs.' 


1.     IMlKIAI.    A>«l)    KkMAINS    ul' 

("ol.t'Mlifs.  —  Thtrc  is  no  nu'niioii 
of  the  death  of  Colinnliiis  in  the 
Uccor'sof  Valladolid.  IVtoi  Map 
tyr,  thtit  writing  his  lelliis  fron 
that  place,  makes  no  refeienre  I  > 
such  .\n  event.  It  is  saiii  that  tht 
earliest  contemporary  notice  of  hi> 
death  is  in  an  oliii  ial  <1oeinnent, 
twenty-seve'>  davs  Liter,  where  it  is 
attiriiKd  (hit  "the  said  .\dmir.d  is 
dead."*  The  story  whiclv  Irvni.n 
has  written  of  the  successive  bur- 
ials of  Columbus  needs  to  be  re- 
written ;  and  positive  evidence  is 
wanting  to  show  tliat  his  remains 
were  pl.iced  tirsl,  as  is  alk-^jed,  in  a 
vault  of  the  I''r.iMcisians  at  Valla- 
dolid. The  further  story,  as  told 
liy  Irvinj;,  of  Kerdinand's  ordering 
the  eiiioval  of  his  reni.iins  to  Se- 
ville seven  years  later,  and  the 
erection  of  a  moniinicnt,  is  not  con- 
riniu<l  by  any  known  evidence.'' 
From  the  tenor  of  Diego's  will  in 
March,  1509,  it  would  seem  tluM  the 
body  01'  Columbus  had  already  'leen 
carried  to  Seville,  and  that  l.'vter, 
the  cot'lins  of  his  son  Diego  and 
of  his  brother  Itarthohunew  were 
laid  ill  Seville  beside   him,  in  ihe 


in  the  appendix  tn  the  Cainliridgc,  ift;*",  wlitirn  of  North's  Plutarch.  (0)  An  old  wnndciit  in  the  AV«- 
er'ojl'inlcs  .tmf'/iitliiiilriiiii,  \m\i\Uhv<.\  at  F.r'iirt  in  i;?',-!;:!)  i^DrlnUy  Cttlitloguc,  no.  ^.S).  (10)  .\  man  with 
curly  hair  niii^t.aclie  and  iinpcrial,  ruff  .and  anior,  with  a  linijer  on  a  ijIoIm;. — cni;ravcd  in  Cristiilwt  L'l.idcra's 
litvcstigacii'ius  liislorkiis,  :.tne  /,>.,  friucifilcs  ilfuuhrimicntos  ilc  /o<  F.s/'diit'les  fii  cl  iinir  Ontiiio  iii  I'l 
si ;li'  .\y.  y  f'ii)uifioi  ilil  Xl^/..  M.idrid,  I7<'4,  (it)  Colunihus  and  his  v>n-,  l)icno  and  I'enliiiand,  oii^raved 
ir.  Ilryaii  Kdw.irds'  Tlic  /listniy,  li-.i/  aiic'  oinmeiiin/,  :>f  t.'if  lliitii/i  Culoiiics  in  the  West  liidii-s,  i;i).(; 
a;;ain.  i.^oi.     I'eiiillot  do  Cundies  in  his  css.iy  <  n  the  portraits  calls  it  a  pure  fantasy. 

1  It  is  cir.;ravcd  in  tlic  llr->t  edition  of  the  Codice  ilifliniiatico  Ci'lotnht-Aincriniitii,  and  In  the  ICnijli^h  trans- 
lation of  that  bn.ik.  It  is  also  reeni^ravcd  in  the  I.enox  edition  of  .SVj'//(7iv«(.  .\nother  bust  in  (iunoa  is  t;iveii 
in  the  I'lcncli  echticn  of  Navarrolc.  Of  the  hust  i'l  the  Capitoline  .Museum  at  Koine  — purely  ideal  —  there  is 
a  copy  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society's  (iallery,  no.  \y\.  The  i'liii;ies  on  the  nionununt  at  .Seville,  and  tlic 
bust  at  Ilavaaa,  with  their  -'istuiue  of  the  latter  jiart  of  the  si.xtcenth  century,  present  no  claims  for  lidelity 
CI.  Miti^aziiic  of  Amcriciin  History,  i.  510. 

-  'I'liis  is  copied  from  one  '^ivcii  in  Kiiijc's  GcschiAitc  iles  /.tilolti-rs  tier  /uitilcii'iiii::i-ii,  p.  234,  which  fol- 
lows a  phctoi;raph  of  the  painlin;;  in  the  Ministry  of  Marine  at  M.idrid. 

'•>  There  is  a  model  of  it  in  the  Public  Library -if  lioston,  a  photograph  in  Harrisse's  Xoti-s,  p.  1S2,  and 
ensravin^s  in  lie  I.orijues,  Torri,  etc.  There  is  also  a  view  of  this  inonument  in  an  article  on  flcno.a,  tlie  hcjine 
of  Cohunbus,  by  C).  M.  Spencer,  in  //iir/irs'  AUiit/i/y,  vol.  li  •.,  Deccinlier,  iS,-6.  The  mailed  lisure  on  the 
Capitol  steps  at  Washington,  by  Persico,  is  without  claim  to  notice.  There  i.s  a  colossal  statue  at  fama, 
erected  in  iS;o  by  S.alvatore  Uevelli,  a  marble  one  at  Nass.au  (New  Providence),  ^'nd  another  at  Cardenas,  Cuba. 

*  Navarrete,  ii.  3 if'. 

5  The  tiifirmc  dc  la  Keal  AcadL-mia  says  there  is  no  proof  of  it ;  and  of  the  famous  inscription.  — 

"  .-\  Castilla  y  4  I.eoa 
Nucvo  Mundo  did  Colon,"  — 

said  to  have  lK;en  put  on  his  tomb,  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  ever    as  actu.~lly  used,  being  only  proposed  in  the 

li.'<^i,is  ui  Castellanos,  15S8. 


i} 


COLUMllLS    AND    HIS    UI:iCOVt;RIES 


79 


I 


'.'  ill  ■  1 


CO'.L'MltUS    (/(,)/«    Moiilaniis). 


f;«7'.iJ,  or  vaults  pf  the  Carthusians.     Meanwhile  wish;    but    it    sccmctl    to    require    three   royah 

the  Cathedral  in  Santo  Doniinyo  was  begun,—  orders  to  make  good  the  project,  and  overcome 

not  to  be  con.pletcd  till  1540;  and  in  this  island  objections  or  del.iys.     These  orders  were  dated 

it   had  been   the  Admiral's  wish  to   be  buried.  June  2,  1537,  Aug.  22,  1539,  and  Nov.  5,  1540.* 

His  family  were  def'.-ous  of  carrying  out   that  It  has  been  conjectured   from  the  language  of 


t  They  are  in  thf!  •Archives  at  Madrid.     Ilarrisse  found  imc  in  the  .Xrchlves  of  the  Duke  of  Vctiguas  {f.ot 
reslos,  etc  ,  p.  41),      'he  orders  are  iirinted  by  Koque  Cucchiii,  Prieto,  Colmciro,  etc. 


8o 


NARKATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   IIISTOUY   OF   A.MKKICA. 


fch 


fi.: 


Kcrdiiaiul  Ci)luii)bu!>'  >vlll,  in  1539,  tliat  (he 
rcin.iiii»  wcrv  .still  in  tli'j  i»(7'..j ,-  ,in<l  it  ix  >u|i- 
(xiMil  tli.it  llicy  wire  tarricii  to  Saiilo  DoiiiiriKci 
*  1541,  — tliciiigli,  if  SI),  ilicrt  is  tio  ricord  uf 
incir  rcsiinn  pLitu  (ri)in  1536, —  vv Inn  tliev  arc 
said,  in  the  Convent's  Kccoriis,'  to  have  been 


COFFER    AND   HONES.' 


delivered  up  for  transportation.  The  earliest 
])o.sitive  mention  of  their  beinj;  in  the  Cathedra! 
at  .Santo  Doinin(;o  is  in  I549i''  and  it  is  not  till 
the  ne.xt  century  that  hc  lind  a  positive  state- 
ment that  the  remains  of  Diego  were  also  re- 
moved.* Not  till  1655  does  any  record  say  that 
the  precise  spot  in  the  t-'athedral  containing  the 
remains  was  known,  and  ni/t  t'.l  1676  do  we 
learn  what  that  |)recise  spot  was,  —  "  on  the  right 
of  the  altar."  In  if).S3  we  first  learn  of  "a 
leaden  case  in  the  sanctuary,  at  the  side  of  the 


platform  of  the  high  altar,  with  the  remain.t  of 
hi.s  brother  l)oii  l.nis  on  the  ollui  side,  aicord- 
ing  to  the  tradition  of  the  age<l  in  this  isl.md."'' 
The  book  from  which  this  is  extracted"  w.is 
published  in  Madrid,  anil  erred  in  i.dling  I.uis 
a  brother  instead  of  grandson,  whose  father, 
Diego,  lying  beside  the 
Admiral,  seems  at  the 
time  to  h.ive  been  for- 
gotten ' 

Just  a  cent  III  V  later 
in  l7>Sj,  .\Ioreaii  lie 
Sainl-.Mery,   prefacing 

his      I  >iH  11  f^llitll     A/i|;'- 

r.if'/iiijiii-  of  .S.iiiio  1  )o- 
niingo,^  sought  pmre 
c.vpl  icit  infill  iiMllon, 
.ind  learned  that,  slmrl- 
ly  before  his  impiiry, 
Ihu  lloor  of  the  chancel 
had  been  raised  so  as 
to  conceal  the  top  of 
(he  vault,  which  wa.s 
".I  case  of  stone"  (con- 
l.iiiiing  the  leaden  col- 
liii),  on  the  "(iospel 
side  of  the  sanctuary" 
'I'his  case  had  been 
discovered. during  the 
rep.iirs,  and,  though 
"without  inscription, 
w.is  known  from  unin- 
terrupted and  invaria- 
ble tradition  to  contain 
the  remains  of  t'<ilum- 
bus  ;  "  and  the  I  >ean  of 
the  Chapter,  in  certi- 
fying to  this  effect, 
speaks  of  the  "  leaden 
urn  as  a  little  damaged,  and  containing  several 
human  bones  ;"  while  he  had  also,  some  vears 
earlier,  found  on  "  the  Kpistle  side  "  of  the  altar  a 
.similar  ,>.tcme  case,  which,  according  to  tradition, 
contained  the  bones  of  the  Admiral's  brother." 

A  few  years  later  the  treaty  of  Itasle,  July 
22,  1795,  gave  to  France  the  half  of  Santo  Do 
mingo  still  remaining  to  Spain  ;  and  at  the  cost 
of  the  Duke  of  v'eraguas,  and  with  the  con- 
currence of  the  Chanter  of  the  Cathedral,  the 
Spanish  General,  Gabriel  dc  Aristazabal,  some- 


>r  ■ 


'   Ilarrissc,  l.o!  restm,  \t.  44. 

-  This  fiillciws  an  cnHraving  given  in  John  fi.  Shea's  "  Where  arc  the  Kemains  of  Ciiluinbus  ?  "  in  .\fiii;a- 
ziiic  0/ A>mri,\iii  //:star\\  January,  1SS3,  and  separately.  There  are  other  engravings  in  Tejcra,  pp.  28,  29, 
and  after  a  phot  'graph'in  the  Iii/ormc  de  la  Kcal  Aaulcmia,  p.  ly?.     The  case  is  \by%  X  8)j   X  V/'%  inches. 

3  I'rieto,  tixi  mill,  etc.,  p.  I.S. 

^  Colnieiro,  p.  160. 

^  (Juotcd  in  Ilarisse,  La  si-fiilliircs,  etc.,  p.  22. 

"  Synodo  Diiuesi'n  Jet  Arzobhftulo  di  Siiiito  Domiiif;o,  p.  13. 

■  I'lans  of  the  chancel,  with  the  disposition  of  the  tombs  in  154c  or  1541,  as  now  supposed,  arc  given  in 
Tejcra,  p,  10;  '...xcl'ia,  p.  4.**,  etc. 

*  PublishcH  !-vjlh  in  French  and  English  at  I'liiladelphia  in  1 796. 

"  Harrissc,  Los  rcstos,  p.  47. 


COLUMUUS   ANI>    HIS    DISCOVERUIS. 


•l 


H'Imt  hurriedly  opened  ,i  vault  mi  tlic  Icfl  ci(  the 
altar,  and,  with  iliie  (crcinony  and  notarial 
record,'  took  from  it  fragment!*  of  a  leaden 
case  and  some  human  bones,  whiili  wtie 
unattested  by  any  inscription  foinid  with  ihcni. 
'I'he  relics  were  placed  in  a  ^ih  leaden  case, 
and  borne  with  military  honors  to  Havana.^ 
It  is  now  claimed  that  these  remains  were  of 
I)icf{o,  the  son,  and  that  the  vault  then  opened 
Ix  still  empty  in  the  Cathedral,  while  the  );enn- 
Inc  remains  of  Columbus  were  left  luidisturbed. 


seem  to  have  been  suitable  prerantions  taken 
to  avoid  oiiasion  for  imputations  o'  dei  eit, 
and  with  witnesses  the  case  was  examined." 
In  it  were  found  some  bones  and  dust,  a  leaden 
bullet,'  two  iron  screws,  whii  li  (itted  the  hole* 
in  a  small  silver  plate  found  ticiieath  the  moidd 
in  tl.o  bottom  of  the  case.*  This  cajtket  bore 
on  the  outside,  on  the  front,  and  two  ends 
—  one  letter  on  each  surface  —  the  letter* 
C.  C.  A.  On  the  lop  was  an  inscription  hero 
reduced  :  — 


Z).  Ji 


I.  J. 


/  y. 


/€ 


In  1877,  in  making  some  changes  aliout 
the  chancel,  on  the  right  of  the  altar,  the 
workmen  opened  a  vault,  and  found  a  leaden 
case  containing  human  bones,  with  ar  in- 
scription showing  them  to  be  those  of  I„.i9, 
the  grandson.     This   led  to  a  search  on  the 


This  inscription  Is  supposed  to  mean  "  Discov- 
erer of  America,  first  Admiral."  Opcnint;  ''"= 
case,  which  in  this  situation  presented  the  a|>- 
pearance  shown  in  the  cut  on  page  So,  the  under 
surface  of  the  lij  was  found  to  bear  the  follow- 
ing legend  :  — 


'i 


opposite,  or  "Gospel,  side "  of  the  chancel, 
where  they  found  an  empty  vault,  supposed 
to  be  the  one  from  which  the  remains  were 
taken  to  Havana.  Detween  this  and  the  side 
wall  of  the  building,  and  separated  from  the 
empty  vault  by  a  si.x-inch  wall,  was  found 
another  cavity,  and  in  it  a  leaden  ca^e.     There 


This  legend  is  translated,  "  Illustrious  and  re- 
nowned man,  Christojiher  Columbus.""  A  fac- 
simile of  the  inscri|)ti(m  found  on  the  small  silver 
plate  is  given  on  p.ige  82,  the  larger  of  which 
is  understood  to  mean  "  A  part  of  the  remains 
of  the  first  Admiral,  Don  Christopher  Colum- 
bus,   discoverer."'      The    discovery   was    made 


'  Nav,-irretc,  ii.  365;  Pricto's  F.xAmeii,  p.  20;  Koquc  Cnccliia.  p.  2S0  ;  Ilarrisse,  /.iw  rr'ti",  app.  4. 

2  Irvin!;'s  account  of  this  transportatinii  is  in  his  /,//(•  a/  Co/iiiii/'iit,  app.  i.  Cf.  litlir  of  Duke  (if 
Veraguas  (March  30,  ijt)C>)  in  Miifnziiie  of  Amcriiaii  History,  i.  247.  At  Ilav.-uia  tlie  reinterment  took  jilace 
witti  great  parade  .■\n  oration  was  delivered  by  Caballcro,  the  original  manuscript  of  wliicli  is  now  in  (he 
M.issacluisctts  Ili>torical  Society's  Library  (cf.  Proccciliiii;!,  ii.  105,  iTiS).  Prieto  (I.i>!  rato!)  prints  this 
oration;  Navarrcte  (vol.  ii.  pp.  3^15-381)  gives  extracts  from  the  oftici.il  accounts  of  the  transfer  of  the  remains. 

8  The  .Spanish  consul  is  said  to  liave  Iwen  satislied  with  the  precautici!is.  Cf.  Do  cxi.<fi-n  thfosilaJits  las 
ccnizas  dc  Colon  .'  by  Don  Jos6  de  Echeverri  (Santandcr,  1S7S).  There  are  views  of  the  Cathedral  in  Hazard's 
Snnio  /)omiiij;o,  p.  224,  and  elsewhere. 

*  Which  some  h.ave  supposed  was  received  in  Columbus'  body  in  his  early  piratical  days. 

'  This  pliite  was  discovered  on  a  later  examination. 

''  Hiith  of  these  inscriptions  ,ire  given  in  fac-simile  in  Cocchi.a,  p.  5(,,t  ;  in  Tejera,  p.  30  ;  and  in  .Arma'., 
who  calls  it  "inscripcion  autdntica  —  escritura  giitic.a-alcm.uia  "  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

"  Fac-similes  of  these  arc  given  in  the  liiforme  ilc  ht  h'eit!  A>a<l,inia,  Tejera  (pi>.  33,  34 1,  Prieto,  Cocchia 
(pp.  170,  171),  Shea's  paper,  and  in  Armas,  who  calls  the  inscription,  "Ap<krifas — escritura  inglcsa  de  la 
^pocha  actu.il." 

VOL.    II.  —  II, 


f 


I* 


83 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   ()!•    AMKRICA. 


known  by  the  Hishop,  Rnquc  Cocchia,  in  a 
pastoral  letter,'  and  the  news  spread  rapidly.'' 
The  Spanish  King  named  Seilor  Antonio  I.opez 
Pricto,  of  Havana,  to  go  to  Santo  Domingo, 
and,  with  the  Spanish  consul,  to  investigate. 
Prieto  had  already  printed  a  tract,  which  went 
through  two  editions,  Los  restos  ilc  Colon: 
fXiimiii  histirico-critiiO,  Havana,  1S77.  In 
.March,  187S,  he  addressed  his  Official  Report 
to  the  Captain-general  of  Cuba,  which  was 
printed  in  two  editions  during  the  same  year, 
as  Iiiformc  sohyc  los  rcstos  tie  Colon.  It  was  an 
attack  upon  the  authenticity  of  the  remains  at 
Santo  Domingo.  L.ater  in  the  same  year,  Oct. 
14,  1878,  Scfior  Manuel  Colniciro  presented,  in 
behalf  of  the   Royal    Academy   of   History   of 


M.idrid,  a  rejiort  to  the  King,  which  was  printed 
at  Madrid  in  1S79  as  I.os  reslos  de  Colon: 
hi/orme  lie  la  Real  Aeaiiemia  de  la  I/iiloria,  etc. 
It  reinforced  the  views  of  Trieto's  Report ; 
charged  Roipie  Cocchia  with  abetting  a  fraud  ; 
pointed  to  the  A  (America)  of  the  outside  in- 
scription as  a  name  for  the  \ew  World  which 
Spaniards  at  that  time  never  used  ;  ■'  and 
claimed  that  the  remains  discovered  in  1877 
were  those  of  Christopher  Columbus,  the  grand- 
son of  the  .\dmiral,  and  that  the  inscriptions 
had  been  tampered  with,  or  were  at  least  much 
later  than  the  date  of  reinterment  in  the  Cathe- 
dral.* liesides  liishop  Roque  Cocchia,  the  prin- 
cipal upholder  of  the  .Santo  Domingo  theory 
has  been  Emiliano  Tejera,  who  publiidied  his 


'  Dtsciibrimitnlo  de  los  verdaderos  reslos  de  Cristdbal  Colon;  carta  fastoral,  .Santo  Domingo,  1S77, — 
reprinted  in  Iiiformc  de  la  Real  .Icademia,  p.  lyi,  t'tc. 

J  The  Hishop,  in  his  subsequent  /.os  reslos  de  Colon  (S.-into  Domini;!),  1S79),  written  after  his  honesty  in  the 
matter  w.is  impu);neil,  and  with  the  aim  of  Kivini»  a  full  exposition,  shows,  in  cap.  xviii.  how  the  discovery,  as 
he  claimed  it,  interested  the  world.  Various  contemporaneous  documents  are  also  piven  in  Colon  en  Qiiisqiieya, 
Coleecion  de  documcnios,  etc.,  Santo  Domingo,  1S77.  A  movement  was  made  to  erect  a  monument  in  -Santo 
Domingo,  and  some  rcs])onse  was  received  from  the  t-'nitcd  States.  iWw  Jersey  Historical  Society's  Proceed- 
iiiX'SyV.  134;  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  iii.  465. 

'  Mr.  J.  C.  Drcvoort,  in  "  Where  are  the  Kcmains  of  Columbus  ?  "  in  Magazine  of  American  History, 
ii.  157,  suggests  th.1t  the  "  D.  dela  A."'  means  "  Difjnidad  de  la  Almirantazgo." 

■•  This  was  a  view  advanced  by  J.  I.  de  Armas  in  a  Caracas  newspaper,  later  set  forth  in  his  Las  eenixas 
de  CristShil  Colon  suflantadas  en  la  CaUdral  de  Santo  Domingo,  Caracas,  iSSi.  The  same  view  is  taken  bv 
Sir  Travers  Twiss,  in  his  Christopher  Columlius :  A  Monograph  on  his  True  niirial-flacc  (LonAon,  1879),  .1  paper 
which  originally  appeared  in  the  JVantical  Afagazine.  M.  A.  Itaguet,  in  "Oil  sont  ces  rcstes  de  Colomb?" 
printed  in  the  liullelin  de  la  .S'otV/i- (/'.///I'^rj  (1SS2),  vi.  449,  also  holds  that  the  remains  are  those  of  the 
Rrandson,  Cristoval  Colon.  For  an  adverse  view,  sec  the  Inforine  of  the  Amigos  del  Pais,  published  at  Santo 
Domingo,  1882.     Cf.  also  Juan  Maria  Asensio,  Los  reslos  de  Colon,  scgunda  ed.,  Scvile,  1S81. 


HV'^ 


COLUMHUS   AND    HIS    OISCOVKKIKS. 


H 


Li>s  rtslot  dt  Coli'ii  III  Siitilo  /)(<mini;o  in  lR;8, 
1111(1  liii  Lot  i/oi  riitos  i/i-  Cnsli^'hil  Ci'loii  in 
iS7>>,  liiilh  in  Santii  DoniinKo-  iUiiry  l(.irri'<»i', 
iinilcr  the  aiwpici's  <>(  thi'  "  Socii'd.iil  ilc  llililii'i- 
(ilcn  An<lalmcH,"  priiilcil  lii»  /.os  r(.<t,«  ,lt  Don 
CrislMttl  Colon  ill  Seville  in  1S78,  and  his  /.,•/ 
ti{<ulliirts  ,/<•  Chrislofhi-  Colomh ;  mii,-  enliqiit 
Ju  frfmur  r,i/>/>i>rl  offieifl  fiMic  sur  tt  sujd, 
the  next  year  (1S79)  at  I'aris.'  Kmni  Italy  we 
have  l,iii({i  'rninniasn  llelnrano's  Siillit  rtttittt 
Hi'fvrtit  d(tl(  osui  <//■  Colomkt  ((leima,  1S7.S).  ( )ne 
rif  the  lK»t  and  mci>it  recent  snnnnaries  (if  the 
Huliject  is  l)v  J<)hn  (>.  Shea  in  the  Mitf;nzini-  of 
Anh-rii,in  History,  January,  iSSj;  also  printed 
Heparalelv,  and  translated  into  Spanish.  Rich- 
ard I'ortainhert  {Xoufellt  hisloire  ihs  I'oyngfi, 
p.  yi))  considers  the  Santo  Domingo  theory  over- 
come by  the  evidence. 

J.  nATK  AMI  Pt.ACK  <)!•■  IllRTII  O!'  Col.UM- 
»US,    AND    AcCOtrNTS    OK     Ills     l'"AMII,V.  —  The 

year  and  |)lace  of  Colundms'  hirlh,  and  the  station 
into  which  he  was  horn,  are  tpicstions  of  dispute. 
Ilarrisse'''  epitomizes  the  authorities  upon  the 
year  of  his  nativity.  Oscar  I'eschel  reviews  the 
opposing  arnunienls  in  a  paper  printed  in  Aiisliuul 
in  lS6C).''  The  whole  subject  was  examined  at 
Hreater  length  and  with  ureat  care  by  D'Ave/ac 
before  the  (icographical  Society  of  I'aris  in 
iS72.*  The  (picstion  is  one  of  deductions  from 
statements  not  very  definite,  nor  wholly  in  ac- 
cor''  The  extremes  of  the  limits  in  dispute  are 
about  twenty  years;  but  within  this  interval, 
assertions  like  those  of  Kamusio*  (1430)  and 
Charlevoix*  (1441)  may  be  thrown  out  as  sus- 
ceptible of  no  argument.' 

In  favor  of  the  earliest  date  —  which,  with 
variations  arising  from  the  estimates  upon  frac- 
tions of  years,  may  lie  ))laced  either  in  1 435, 
1436,  or  1437 — are  Navarrete,  Humboldt.  Ker- 
(linand  Ilbfer,"  fimile  Dcschancl,"  Lamartinc,'" 


Irving,  Ilonnefonx,  Roselly  de  Lnrgucn,  I'AhM 
Cadoret,  Jiirieii  de  la  (ir.iviire,"  NapioTic,"  <*an- 
ccllieri,  and  fanlli.''  This  view  Is  fmnuled  upon 
the  statement  of  one  who  had  known  Columbus, 
Andres  llernalde/.,  in  his  A'lVts  kiMios,  that 
I'obunbus  was  about  seventy  year*  old  at  his 
death,  in  1506. 

The  other  extreme  —  similarly  varied  froim 
the  fract{(Uis  between  1455  and  1456 — is  taken 
by  Oscar  I'esihel,"  who  deduces  it  from  a  letter 
of  Colinnbus  dated  July  7,  1 503,  in  which  he 
says  that  he  was  twenty  eight  whii\  he  entered 
the  service  of  Spain  in  l4S4i  and  I'eschel  ar- 
gues that  this  is  corrolxiralcd  by  adding  the 
fourteen  years  of  his  boyhood,  before  going  to 
sea,  to  the  twenty-three  years  of  sea  lilc  which 
Colmnbus  says  he  had  had  previous  to  hii 
voyage  of  discovery,  and  dating  back  from  I4(jj, 
when  he  made  this  voyage. 

A  middle  date  —  placed,  according  to  frac- 
tional calculations,  variously  from  1445  to  1447 
—  is  held  by  Cladera,"  llossi,  MuHo/,  ('.asoni,'" 
.Salinerio,"  Robertson,  S|)(itorno,  Major,  San- 
guinetti.  and  Canale.  The  .TgiirncMt  for  this 
view,  as  presented  by  Major,  is  this  ;  It  was 
in  14S4,  and  not  in  1492,  that  this  coi\tinnous 
sea-service,  referred  to  by  Columbus,  ended ; 
accordingly,  the  thirty-seven  years  already  men- 
tioned should  be  deducted  from  l.(.S4.  which 
would  point  to  1447  as  the  year  of  his  birth, — 
a  statement  confirmed  also,  as  is  lh(Might,  by 
the  assertion  which  Colmnbus  makes,  in  1501, 
that  it  wa»  forty  years  since  he  began,  at  four- 
teen, his  se.vlifc.  Similar  reasons  avail  with 
D'Avezac,  whose  calculations,  however,  point 
rather  to  the  year  144O.'" 

A  similar  uncertainty  has  been  made  to  ap- 
pear regarding  the  place  of  Columbus'  birth. 
Outside  of  (ienoa  and  de]>endcncics,  while  dis- 
carding  such   claims    as    those   of    Kngland, '" 


t  Originally  in  the  Biillitiii  dc  la  Socieli'  de  Giitfrcifliie,  October,  1878.  Cf.  also  his  paper  in  the  Kane 
criliiiue,  Jan.  5,  1S7S,  "  I.cs  rcslcs  nKirtels  de  Colninb." 

'■*  liiH.  Amer.  I'e/.,  p.  3. 

»  Pages  1 177-1 181  :  "  Ucl)cr  d.is  riebiirts|,ilire  tics  F.ntdcckers  vcm  America." 

*  Annie  verilahle  dc  li  nnhsance  de  Chrislofhe  Cotomb,  el  rniie  ehnmoloj^iqiic  de!  frincifaUi  ffogtiei 
ie  sa  Tie,  in  Unllelin  de  la  Soeiete  ,te  Cdoi^rnf'liie,  Juillit,  1872  ;  .ilso  printed  separately  in  1S7;,.  pp.  ^14. 

»  llascd  on  a  st.itcnient  in  the  Itali.in  text  i>f  i'ctcr  Martyr  (15  !4)  which  is  nut  in  the  original  Latin. 

<■'  Also  in  Pr(;viist's  I'oya^e!:,  ami  in  Tiralx)schi"9  Lilteraturn  llaliaim. 

1  Iliunlxililt,  /ixameii  eriH,/iie,  iii.  252. 

"  Noiivelle  Hojirafiliie  xenirale,  xi.  20(j. 

'■'  C/iristo/'he  Colomh,  Paris,  iSfii, 

'"  Chrislof'her  Colomh. 

"   l.a  mariiis  ,li/  Xl'e  el  ilii  XVlc  sihle,  i.  80. 

'-  Palria  di  Colombo. 

'*  Sloria  universale. 

^*  /'^eilalter  iler /-nldeehtni^en,  \\  c)7  ;  Aiisiand,  iWi,  p.  lljS. 

t*  Invcstifaeiones  liislirieas,  p.  ;iS. 

"  Annnli  di  (lenova.  1 70S,  ]).  26. 

"  .Innolationes  ad  Tacilnm. 

'"  These  various  later  arguments  are  epitomized  in  Ruijc.  Das  /.eitaller  iter  Entdeeknngen,  p.  2to. 

''••  Charles  Malloy's  Treatise  of  Affairs  Afarilime,  y\  eil.,  London,  1682;  Harrisse,  A'b/w  »«  Colnmitii,p.6g. 


84 


NAKRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Corsica,'  and  Milaii,^  lliuic  are  iiinrc  defensible 
lircscntations  in  bclialf  ■>f  I'lacciitia  (I'iacen/.a), 
wliere  lliere  was  an  ancestral  eslale  of  the  Ad- 
miral, whose  rental  had  lieen  enjoyed  liy  him 
and  by  his  father;''  aiul  .'till  more  urgrnt  de- 
mands for  recognition  on  the  part  of  Cuccaro 
in  Montlerrat,  I'iedmont,  the  lord  of  whos^ 
castle  was  a  Dominico  Colondjo,  —  pretty  well 
proved,  however,  not  to  have  been  tlic  Domin- 
ico who  was  father  of  the  Admiral.  It  seems 
certain  that  the  paternal  Domiriiio  did  own 
land  in  Cnccaro,  near  his  kinspcople,  and  lived 
there  as  late  as  1443.* 

In  conse(|iiciui'  of  these  claims,  the  Aoadcmy 
of  Sciences  in  Genoa  named  a  connnission,  in 
1812,  to  investigate  them  ;  and  their  report,'' 
favoring  the  traditional  belief  in  (lenoa  as  the 
trne  spot  of  Columbus'  birth,  is  given  in  digest 
in  Uossi."  The  claim  of  (lenoa  seems  to  be 
generally  accciited  to-day,  as  it  was  in  the  Ad- 
miral's time  by  I'ete-  Martyr,  Las  Casas,  Her- 
naldez,  (iiustiniani,  Ceraldini,  (jallo,  Senarava, 
and  Fogliitto."  t!olumbus  himself  twice,  in  his 
will  (lioH),  sTv.'  he  was  born  In  Cenoa;  and  in 
the   codicil    (1506)   lie   refers  to  his   "beloved 


country,  the  Kei)ul)lic  of  Cicnoa."  Ferdinand 
calls  his  father  "a  Cenoese.'""  Of  modern 
writers  Spotorno,  in  the  Introduction  to  the 
Coilicc  tli/^loiiiiUico  Cotomhii-Amtricaiio  (1.S23), 
and  earlier,  in  his  Delia  origim-  <•  ,/<■//,/  f;ilna 
ili  Coloml'o  (1819),  has  elaborated  the  claim, 
with  proofs  and  arg-.-menls  which  have  been 
accepted  by  Irving,  liossi,  Sanguinetll,  Kosclly, 
De  Lorgues,  and  most  other  biographers  and 
writers. 

There  still  remains  the  possibility  of  Genoa 
as  referred  to  by  Cohunbus  and  his  conlempi>- 
rarics,  signifying  the  region  dependent  on  it, 
rather  than  the  town  It.self;  and  ivith  this  lali 
tude  recognized,  there  are  fourteen  towns,  01 
hamlets  as  Ilarrlsse  names  them,"  which  present 
their  claims. ''^ 

Ferdinand  Columbus  resented  Glustinianl's 
statement  that  the  Admiral  was  of  hmnble  ori- 
gin, and  sought  to  connect  his  father's  descent 
with  the  ColomLos  of  an  ancient  line  and  fame; 
but  his  disdainful  recognition  of  such  a  descent 
is,  after  all,  not  conducive  to  a  belief  in  Fer- 
dinand's   own    conviction    of    the    connection. 


'.':.i;l 


'  Documentary  I'.roof,  as  it  was  called,  has  heen  iirintcd  in  the  Kctiic  ilc  Paris,  where  (August,  1841)  it  is 
said  tiiat  llic  certificate  of  Columbus'  niarriaRe  s  lx?en  discovered  in  Corsica.  Cf.  Margry,  Navii^alions 
Framaius.  p.  357.  The  views  of  the  Abl)6  Manii  -asanova,  that  Columbus  was  born  In  Calvi  in  Corsica,  and 
the  act  of  the  b'rencli  rresidont  of  Au(;.  f>,  1SS3,  approving  of  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  Columbus  In  that 
town,  have  been  since  reviewed  by  Ilanissc  in  the  h'cvuc  criliqiic  ( iS  Juin,  1SS3),  who  repeats  the  arKunicnts 
for  a  Ijclicf  in  (ienoa  as  the  Ijirthpl.ice,  in  a  paper,  "Chrlstophe  Coloinb  ct  la  Corse,"  which  has  since  l)cen 
printed  separately. 

'^  Domingo  (Ic  Valtanas,  Comfendio  de  corns  notables  dc  /isfiaiia,  Seville,  1550;  liibl.  Amcr.  Vil.,  no.  183- 

•■i  The  claim  is  for  I'radello,  a  village  neishboring  to  I'lacentia.  Cf.  Canipi,  llistoria  ccclcsiastkn  di 
Piacciiza,  I'iacenza,  i65i-i('ifi2,  which  contains  a  "discorso  historico  circa  la  n.iscita  di  Colombo,"  etc.  ;  llar- 
rissc,  Notes  11)1  Columbus,  p.  67;  Cartcr-Iirovvn,  vol.  ii.  no.  711. 

*  Napione,  in  Mhnoircs  dc  V Acadhmc  dc  Turin  (iSot,),  xii.  1  if>,  and  (1823)  xxvii.  73,  —  the  first  part 
being  iirinlcd  separately  at  Florence,  in  iNo8,  as  IMla  /'atria  di  Colombo,  while  he  printed,  in  1.S09,  Del  frimo 
scof'ritore  del  contiueutc  del  iiumv  iiioudo.  In  the  same  year  J.  I).  Lanjuijiais  published  at  I'aris,  in  reference 
to  Napione,  his  Cliristof'hc  ('otomb,  on  notice  d'un  livrc  Italien  conccrnant  cet  illustre  navii^atcur.  Cf.  the 
s.aine  author's  Etudes  (I'aris,  1823/,  for  a  sketch  of  Columbus,  jjp.  7i-<)4;  l>issertazioni  di  l'ra)uescu  Can- 
ccliieri  so/^ra  Coloiubu,  Konie,  iSoq;  and  Viccnzio  Conti's  historical  account  of  Montferrat.  In  1S53  Luigi 
Colombo,  a  prelate  (jf  the  Roman  Church,  who  claimed  descent  from  .n.  uncle  of  the  Admiral,  renewed  the 
claim  in  his  i'atria  e  bioi^ra/ia  del  t^rande  antmirat^lio  I).  Cristoforo  Colombo  de^  conti  e  sit^nori  di  Cuccaro, 
Kouia,  rS5V     Cf.  Notes  on  (.'olum')us,  \^.  73. 

'<  A'aj;ion:!meiito  nel  yuale  si  coii/irma  I'o/inionr  f;cncrale  inlorno  al  fatria  di  Cristoforo  Colombo,  in 
vol.   ili.  of  the   Transactions  of  the  Society. 

"  A  view  of  the  alleged  house  and  cbamlwr  in  which  the  birth  took  place  is  given  in  Harpers'  Monthly, 
vol.  liv.,  Dctcmlier,  187^1, 

"  In  his  Clarorum  l.i^urum  clifia,  where  the  (ienoese  were  taunted  for  neglecting  the  fame  of  Columbus. 

^  Sec  his  will  in  Navarrete,  atul  in  Ilarrissc's  Fcrnan  Colon. 

"  /i:bl.  /tmc).  Vet.,  pp.  xix,  2. 

'  The  claims  of  Savona  have  been  urged  the  most  persistently.  The  Admiral's  father,  it  seems  to  lie 
admitted,  removed  to  Savona  before  M''"),  and  livcil  there  some  time;  and  It  is  found  that  members  of  the 
Colombo  family,  even  a  Cristoforo  CoIouiIk),  is  found  there  in  1472  ;  but  it  is  at  the  same  time  clainu'il  thai  this 
Cristoforo  si^'ncd  himself  as  of  (ienoa.  The  chief  advcjcate  is  lielloro,  \n  \.\\<:  Corres.  Astron.  (leoxrapb.  du 
/lainn  de  /.ach,  vol.  xi.,  hose  arjjument  is  epitomized  by  Irving,  .app.  v.  Cf.  (iiovanni  Tonunaso  lielloro, 
Nolizic  (/'  atti  csistenti  nel  publico  archirio  dc'  nolai  di  Snvona,  concernenti  la  fami^lia  di  Cristoforo 
('olombo.  Torino,  iSio,  reprinted  by  Spotorno  at  Genoa  in  1S21.  Sabin  (vol.  ii.  no.  4,565),  corrects  errors 
of  llarrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  68.  Other  d.iims  for  these  (ienoese  towns  arc  brought  forward,  lor  which 
^fi'  llarrisse.  Notes  ou  Coluinbu;  J.  K.  li.uUett,  in  //ntorical  .Mai^azine,  I'ebrnary,  1868,  p.  100;  Felico 
Isnardi's  Disscrtazionc,  183S,  and  Nuni  do,umeut>,  1840,  etc.  Caleb  Cushing  in  bis  Keminisceuces  of  Spain, 
\.  21)2  (liostcm,  1833),  gave  considerable  attention  to  the  (piestion  of  Columbus'  nativity. 


',^F 


COLUMliUS    AND    HIS    DISCOVEKIES. 


85 


;ia 


FERDINAND  OF   SPAIN.' 


riicrc  seems  little  doubt  th:it  his  father-  was     landed  ])roperties,  at  one  time  or  another,  in  or 
a    wool-weaver   or   draper,    and    owned    small     not  far  from  Genoa;*'  and,  as  I larrisse  infers, 


1  This  follows  a!i  ancient  medallion  as  cngrave<l  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Colcccion,  Cf.  also  the  sign- 
manual  on  p.  56. 

2  Ilcniardo  PallastrcUi's  //  suocero  e  la  moglie  di  C.  CdAiwAj  ( Modcna,  1S71 ;  second  ed.,  1876),  with  a 
genealogy,  gives  an  account  of  his  wife's  family.  Cf.  also  Al!i;i:miitic  /.eiliiiif;,  Ucilage  no.  iiS  (iSja),  and 
Aincr.  Anti.},  So,-,  rrnc,  Ortoher,  iS;j. 

'  IMiilip   Casoni'i  .'f»;M.V  <// 6V<(»-vi,  Cicno.i,  170S. 


% 


86 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


^QN  BARTHOtN^^^ 


-    Colon  , 


BARTHOLOMEW    COLUMBWS.' 


it  was  in  one  of  the  houses  on  the  Bisagno  road, 
as  you  go  from  Genoa,  that  Columbus  was  per- 
haps born.- 

The  pedigree  (p.  87)  shows  the  alleged  de- 
scent of  Columbus,  as  a  table  in  Spotorno's 
Delia  origiiie  e  della  patria  ili  Colombo,  18 ig, 
connects  it  with  other  lines,  whose  heirs  at  a 


later  day  were  aroused  to  claim  the  Admiral's 
honors ;  and  as  the  usual  accounts  of  his  imme- 
diate descendants  record  the  transmission  of  his 
rights  After  Columbus'  death,  his  son  Diego 
demanded  the  restitution  of  the  offices  and 
privileges '  which  had  been  suspended  during 
the  Admiral's  later  years.     He  got  no  satisfaC' 


1  This  is  a  facsimile  of  an  engra''ing  in  Herrera  (Baicia's  edition).  There  is  a  vignette  likeness  on  the 
title  of  vol  i.,  edition  of  1601.  Navarrete's  Memoir  of  Bartholomew  Columbus  is  in  the  Colcccion  de  docw 
incntos  incdilos,  vol.  xvi. 

^  Harrisse,  Notes  on  Colinnlms,  p.  73.  Ilarrisse,  in  liis  Lcs  Colombo  dc  France  ct  d'llalie,  famciix  matins 
•  In  XVe  sicclo,  1461-1492  (Paris,  1S74),  uses  some  new  material  from  the  archives  of  Milan,  Paris,  and  Venice, 
and  gathers  all  that  he  can  of  the  Colombos ;  and  it  does  not  seem  probable  that  the  Admiral  bore  anything  more 
than  a  very  remote  relationship  to  the  family  of  the  famous  mariners.  M.ajor  (Select  Letters,  p.  xllll)  has  also 
examined  the  alleged  connection  with  the  French  soa-lc.idcr,  Caseneuve,  or  Colon.  Cf.  Dcsimoni's  Rassegnn 
del  niiot'o  libro  di  Enrico  Harrisse:  Les  Colombo  de  France  ct  d' Italic  (Parigi,  1S74,  pp.  17) ;  and  the  appen 
Olces  to  Irving's  Columbus  (nos.  iv.  and     ,)  and  llarrissc's  Les  Colombo  (no.  vi). 

*  Conferred  by  the  Convention  of  1492  ;  ratified  April  23,  1497 ;  confirmed  by  letter  royal,  March  14,  150a. 


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88 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tion  but  tlie  privilege  of  contending  at  law  with 
the  fiscal  minister  of  the  Crown,  and  of  giving 
occasion  for  all  the  latent  slander  about  the 
Admiral  lO  make  itself  heard.  The  tribunal 
was  the  Council  of  the  Indies ;  the  suit  was 
begun  in  1508,  and  lasted  till  1527.  The  docu- 
ments connected  with  the  case  are  in  the 
Archives  of  the  Indies.  The  chief  defence  of 
the  Crown  was  that  the  original  convention 
was  agaiiist  law  and  public  policy,  and  that 
Columbus,  after  all,  did  not  discover  Ti-mi 
firnui,  and  for  such  discovery  alone  honors  of 
this  kind  should  be  the  reward.  Piego  won  the 
Council's  vote ;  out  Ferdinand,  the  King,  hesi- 
tated to  confirm  their  decision.  Meanwhile 
Diego  had  married  a  niece  of  the  Duke  of 
Alva,  the  King's  favorite,  and  got  in  this  way 
a  royal  grant  of  something  like  vice-royal  au- 
thority in  the  Indies,  to  which  he  went  (1509) 
with  his  bride,  prepared  for  the  proper  state 
and  display.  I  lis  uncles,  Uartholomcw  and 
Diego,  as  well  as  Ferdinand  Columbus,  accom- 
panied him.  The  King  soon  began  to  encroach 
on  Diego's  domain,  creating  new  provinces  >ut 
of  it.*  It  does  not  belong  to  this  place  to  tr.ice 
the  vexatious  factions  which,  through  Fonseca's 
urging,  or  otherwise  created,  Diego  was  forced 
to  endure,  till  he  returned  to  .Spain,  in  1515,  to 
answer  his  accusers.  When  he  asked  of  the 
King  a  share  of  the  profits  of  the  Darien  coast, 
his  royal  master  endeavored  to  show  that  Die- 
go's father  had  never  been  on  that  coast.  After 
Ferdinand's  death  (Jan.   23,   15 161,  his  succes- 


sor, Charles  V.,  acknowledged  the  injustice 
of  the  charges  against  Diego,  and  made  some 
amends  by  giving  him  a  viceroy's  functions  in 
all  places  discovered  by  his  father.  He  was 
subjected,  however,  to  the  surveillance  of  a  su- 
pervisor to  report  on  his  conduct,  upon  going  tn 
his  government  in  1520.'^  In  three  years  he  was 
again  recalled  for  e.vamination,  and  in  1526  he 
died.  Don  Luis,  who  succeeded  to  his  lather 
Diego,  after  some  years  exchanged,  in  1556,  his 
rights  of  vice-royalty  in  the  Indies  for  ten  thou- 
sand gold  doubloons  and  the  title  of  Ducjiie  de 
Ver.nguas  (with  subordinate  titles),  and  a  gran- 
decship  of  the  first  r.ink;^  the  latter,  however, 
was  not  confirmed  till  171 2. 

His  nephew  Diego  succeeded  to  the  rights, 
silencing  those  of  the  daughter  of  Don  Luis  by 
marrying  her.  They  had  no  issue ;  and  on  his 
death,  in  157S,  various  claimants  brought  suit 
for  the  succession  (as  shown  in  the  table),  which 
was  finally  given,  in  1608,  to  the  grandson  of 
Isabella,  the  granddaughter  of  Columbus.  This 
suit  led  to  the  accumulation  of  a  large  amount 
of  documentary  evidence,  which  was  printed.* 
The  ve.\ations  did  not  end  here,  the  Duke  of 
Berwick  still  contesting  ;  but  a  decision  in  1790 
confirmed  the  title  in  the  present  line.  The 
revolt  of  the  Spanish  colonies  threatened  to 
deprive  the  Duke  of  Veraguas  of  his  income ; 
but  the  Spanish  Government  made  it  good  by 
charging  it  upon  the  revenues  of  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico,  the  source  of  the  present  Duke's 
support.* 


POSTSCRIPT. 


sfj 


i 


i 


A  FTER  the  foregoing  chapter  had  been  com- 
■^  pleted,  there  came  to  hand  the  first  vol- 
ume of  Christophe  Colomb,  son  origine,  sa  vie,  ses 
voyages,  sa  famille,  ei  scs  descendants,  d'apris  des 
documents  inidits  tiris  des  Archives  de  Ghies,  de 


Savoue,  de  Skitte,  et  de  Madrid,  ittides  d'histoire 
critique  par  Henry  ffarrisse,  Paris,  1884. 

The  book  is  essentially  a  reversal  of  many 
long-established  views  regarding  the  career  of 
Columbus.     The  new  biographer,  as  has  been 


1  Such  as  New  Andalusia,  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  intrusted  to  Ojeda  |  and  Castilla  del  Oro,  and  the 
region  about  Veragua.  committed  to  Nicucssa.  There  was  a  certain  slight  also  in  this  last,  inasmuch  as  Don 
Diego  had  been  with  the  Admiral  when  he  discovered  it. 

■2  The  ruins  of  Diego  Columbus'  house  in  Santo  Domingo,  as  they  appeared  in  1801,  are  shown  in  Charton's 
Voyageiirs,  iii.  iSf),  and  Samuel  Hazard's  Santo  Domingo,  p.  47  ;  also  pp.  213,  228. 

3  Papers  relating  to  Luis  Colon's  renunciation  of  his  rights  as  Duke  of  Veraguas,  in  1556,  are  in  Peralta's 
Costa  Rica,  Nicaragua  y  Panamif,  Madrid,  1SS3,  p.  162. 

*  Harrisse,  Notes  on  Columbus,  p.  3.  Lcderc  (Dilil.  Amcr.,  no.  137)  notes  other  original  family  documents 
priced  at  1,000  francs. 

5  The  amis  granted  by  the  Spanish  sovereigns  at  Barcelona,  May  20,  1493,  seem  to  have  been  altered  at  a 
later  date.  As  depicted  by  Oviedo,  they  are  given  on  an  earlier  page.  Cf.  Lopez  de  Haro,  Nobiliario  general 
(Madrid,  1632),  pt.  ii.  p.  312  ;  Mufioz,  Historia  del  nuci'O  niondo,  p.  165  ;  Notes  and  Queries  (2d  series),  xii. 
530;  (5th  series)  ii,  152;  \fem.  de  la  Real  Academia  de  Madrid  (1852),  vol.  viii. ;  Roselly  de  Lorgues, 
Christophe  Colomb  (1856);  Documcntos  iniulitos  {iS6i),\\\\.  295;  Cod.  diplom.  Colombo- America  no,  p.  Ixx ; 
Harrisse,  Notes  en  Columbus,  p.  168;  Charlevoix,  /sle  Espagnole,  i.  61,  236,  and  the  engraving  given  in 
K.-imusio  (1556),  iii.  84.     I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  James  Carson  nrevoort  for  guidance  upon  this  point. 


COLUMBUS   AND    HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


shown,  is  not  bound  by  any  res|)fct  for  the  Life 
of  the  Admiral  which  fur  three  liundred  years 
has  been  associated  with  the  name  of  Kerdinaiid 
Columbus.  The  j;rounds  of  his  discredit  of  that 
book  are  again  asserted ;  and  he  considers  the 
..tory  as  given  in  Las  Casas  as  much  more  likely 
to  represent  the  prototype  both  of  the  Ifisloiiii 
f;eihrcii  of  tliis  last  writer  and  of  the  Huloric 
of  1 57 1,  than  the  mongrel  production  which  he 
imagines  this  Italian  text  of  L'lloa  to  be,  and 
wliicii  he  accounts  utterly  unworthy  of  credit  by 
reason  of  the  sensational  perversions  and  addi- 
ti(jns  with  which  it  is  alloyed  by  some  irrespon- 
sible editor.  This  revolutionary  spirit  makes 
the  critic  acute,  and  sustains  him  in  laborious 
search  ;  but  it  is  one  whi':h  seems  scnnetimes  to 
imperil  his  judgment.  He  does  not  at  times 
hesitate  to  involve  Las  Casas  himself  in  the 
same  condemnation  for  the  use  which,  if  we 
understand  him,  Las  Casas  may  be  supposed, 
e(|ually  with  the  author  or  editor  of  the  J/isloru; 
to  have  made  of  their  common  prototype.  That 
any  received  incident  in  Columbus'  career  is  only 
traceable  to  the  llistorie  is  sutticient,  with  our 
critic,  to  assign  it  to  the  category  of  fiction. 

This  new  Life  adds  to  our  knowledge  from 
many  sources ;  and  such  points  as  have  been 
omitted  or  slightly  developed  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  or  are  at  variance  with  the  accepted 
views  upon  which  that  chapter  has  been  based, 
it  may  be  well  briefly  to  mention. 

The  frontispiece  is  a  blazon  of  thr  arms  of 
Columbus,  "  du  cartulaire  original  dresse  sous 
ses  yeux  i  Seville  en  1502,"  following  a  manu- 
script in  the  Archives  of  the  Ministry  of  For- 
eign Affairs  at  I'ari.s.  The  field  of  the  quarter 
with  the  castle  is  red ;  that  of  the  lion  is  sil- 
ver; that  of  the  anchors  is  blue;  the  main  and 
islands  are  gold,  the  water  blue.  It  may  be 
remarked  that  the  disposition  of  these  islands 
seems  to  have  no  relation  to  the  knowledge  then 
existing  of  the  Columbian  Archipeiago.  Below 
is  a  blue  bend  on  a  gold  field,  with  red  above 
(see  the  cut,  ante,  p.  15). 

In  writing  in  his  Introduction  of  the  sources 
of  the  history  of  Columbus,  Ilarrisse  says  that 
we  possess  sixty-four  memoirs,  letters,  or  ex- 
tracts written  by  Columbus,  of  which  twenty- 
three  are  preserved  in  his  own  autograph.  Of 
these  sixty-four,  only  the  Libra  de  las  frofccias 
has  not  been  printed  entire,  if  we  except  a  /)/f- 
viorial  que  presents  CristSbat  Colon  d  los  Reyes 
Catolicos  sobrc  las  cosas  necesarias  para  abastccer 
las  Inilias  which  is  to  be  printed  for  the  first 
time  by  Ilarrisse,  in  the  appendix  of  his  decond 
volume.  Las  Casas'  transcript  of  Columbus' 
Journal  is  now,  he  tells  us,  in  the  collection  of 
the  Duque  d'  Osuna  at  Madrid.  The  copy  of 
Dr.  Chanca's  relation  of  the  second  voyage,  used 
by  Navarrete,  and  now  in  the  Academy  of  His- 
tory at  Madrid,  belonged  to  a  collection  formed 
VOL.   II.  —  12. 


by  Antonio  dc  Aspa.  The  personal  papers  of 
Columbus,  confided  by  him  to  his  friend  (iaspar 
Gorricio,  were  preserved  for  over  a  century  in 
an  iron  case  in  the  custody  of  nxmks  of  Las 
Cuevas  ;  but  they  were,  on  the  isth  of  May,  1609, 
surrendered  to  N'uno  Gelvcs,  of  I'ortugal,  who 
had  been  adjudged  the  lawful  successor  of  the 
Admiral.  Such  as  have  escaped  destruction 
now  constitute  the  collection  of  the  present 
l)u(|ue  de  Veraguas;  and  of  them  Navarrete 
has  printetl  seventy-  ght  documents.  Of  the 
|)apers  concerning  (Jolumbus  at  (icnoa,  Ilar- 
risse finds  (Mily  one  anterior  lo  his  famous  voy- 
age, and  that  is  a  paper  of  the  Katlier  Uominico 
Colombo,  dated  July  21,  14S9,  of  whom  such 
facts  as  are  known  are  given,  including  refer- 
ences to  him  in  1463  and  146.S  in  the  records  of 
the  IJank  of  St.  George  in  Genoa.  Of  the  two 
letters  of  1502  which  Columbus  addressed  to 
the  Hank,  only  one  now  exists,  as  far  as  Ilarrisse 
could  learn,  and  that  is  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville. 
Particularly  in  regard  to  the  family  of  Colum- 
bus, he  has  made  effective  use  of  the  notarial 
and  similar  reco  .Is  of  places  where  Columbus 
and  his  family  have  lived.  liut  use  of  deposi- 
tions for  establishing  dates  and  relationship 
imposes  great  obligation  of  care  in  the  identi- 
fication of  the  persons  named ;  and  this  with  a 
family  as  numerous  as  the  Colombos  seem  to 
have  been,  and  given  so  much  to  the  repeating 
of  Christian  names,  is  more  than  usually  diffi- 
cult. In  discussing  the  evidence  of  the  place 
and  date  of  Columbus'  birth  (p.  137),  as  well  as 
tracing  his  family  line  (pp.  160  and  166),  the 
conclusion  reached  by  Harrisse  fi.\es  the  humble 
origin  of  the  future  discoverer ;  since  he  finds  Co- 
lumbus' kith  and  kin  of  the  station  of  weavers, — 
an  occupation  determining  their  social  standing 
as  well  in  Genoa  as  in  other  places  at  that  time. 
The  table  which  is  given  on  a  previous  page  (««/»•, 
p.  87)  shows  the  lines  of  supposable  connec- 
tion, as  illustrating  the  long  contest  for  the  pos- 
session of  the  Admiral's  honors.  His  father's 
father,  it  would  seem,  was  a  Giovanni  Colombo 
(pp.  167-216),  and  he  the  son  of  a  certain  Luca 
Colombo.  Giovanni  lived  in  turn  at  Terrarossa 
and  Quinto.  Domenico,  the  Admiral's  father, 
married  Susanna  Fontanarossa,  and  removed 
to  Genoa  between  1448  and  1551,  living  there 
afterward,  except  for  the  interval  1471-14S4, 
when  he  is  found  at  .Savona.  He  died  in 
Genoa  not  far  from  149S.  We  are  told  (p.  -"^' 
how  little  the  Archives  of  Savona  yield  resp  .i- 
ing  the  family.  Using  his  new  notarial  evidence 
mainly,  the  critic  fixes  the  birth  of  Columbus 
about  1445  (pp.  223-241);  and  enforces  a  view 
expressed  by  him  before,  that  Genoa  as  the  place 
of  Columbus'  birth  must  be  taken  in  the  broader 
sense  of  including  tlie  dependencies  of  the  city,  in 
one  of  which  he  thinks  Columbus  was  born 
(p.  221)  in  that  humble  station  which Gallo,  in  l.is 


'; 


90 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


;    I' 


I      ''i'll 


"  De  navigatione  Columbi,"  now  known  to  us  as 
printed  in  Muratori  (xxiii.  301),  was  the  first  to 
assert.  Giustiniani,  in  his  I'salter-note,  and 
Senarcga,  in  his  "l)c  rel)us  Gcnue;isibus  "  (Mu- 
ratori, .\.viv.  354)  seem  mainly  to  have  followed 
Gallo  on  this  point.  There  is  failure  (p.  Si)  tcj 
find  confirmation  of  some  of  the  details  of  the 
family  as  given  by  Casoni  in  his  Aiiiiali  Mia 
rcpiihlica  di  Gciiofa  (170S,  and  again  1799).  In 
relation  to  the  lines  of  his  descendants,  there 
are  described  (pi).  49-60)  nineteen  dilferent  me- 
morials, bearing  date  between  1590  and  1792  — 
and  there  maybe  others  —  v.liich  grew  out  of 
the  litigations  in  which  the  descent  of  the  Ad- 
miral's titles  was  involved. 

The  usual  story,  told  in  the  Uistorie,  of  Co- 
lumbus' sojourn  at  the  University  of  Pavia  is 
discredited,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  Columbus 
himself  says  that  from  a  tender  age  he  followed 
the  sea  (but  Columbus'  statements  are  often 
inexact),  and  from  the  fact  that  in  cosinograjjliy 
Genoa  had  more  to  tv..;:h  him  than  I'avia.  Co- 
lumbus is  also  kept  longer  in  Italy  than  the 
received  opinion  has  allowed,  which  has  sent  him 
to  Portugal  about  1470 ;  while  we  are  now  told 
—  if  his  identity  is  unassailable  —  that  he  was 
in  Savona  as  late  as  1473  (I'P-  -S3--54)' 

Documentary  Portuguese  evidence  of  Colum- 
bus' connection  with  Portugal  is  scant.  The 
Archivo  da  Torre  do  Tombo  at  Lisbon,  which 
Santarem  searched  in  vain  for  any  reference 
to  Vespucius,  seem  to  be  equally  batren  of  in- 
formation respecting  Columbus,  and  they  only 
afford  a  few  items  regarding  the  family  of  the 
rerestrcllos  (p.  44). 

The  principal  contempoiary  Portuguese 
chronicle  making  any  reference  to  Columbus  is 
Kuy  de  Pina's  Ckroniai  del  Rei  Dom  Joiio  //., 
which  is  contained  in  the  ColUcciio  dc  livros  incd- 
itos  dc  historia  Piirtiii;iieza,  published  at  Lisbon 
in  1792  (ii.  177),  from  which  Garcia  de  Rcsendc 
seems  to  have  borrowed  what  appears  in  his 
C/ioroiika,  publii,hed  at  Lisbon  in  1 596;  and 
tnis  latter  account  is  simply  paraphrased  in  the 
Decada  primtira  do  Asia  (Lisbon,  1752)  of 
Joao  de  Barros,  who,  born  in  1496,  was  ioo  late 
to  nave  personal  knowledge  of  earlier  time  of 
the  discoveries.  Vasconcellos'  Vida  y  acciotics 
del  Rey  D.  Jitan  al  scgundo  (Madrid,  1639)  adds 
nothing. 

The  statement  of  the  Historic  again  thrown 
out,  doubt  at  least  is  raised  respecting  the  mar- 
riage of  Columbus  with  Philippa,  daughter  of 
Bartholomeu  Perestrello;  and  if  the  critic  can- 
not disprove  such  union,  he  seems  to  think  that 
as  good,  if  i.ot  better,  evidence  exists  for  declar- 
ing the  wife  of  Columbus  to  have  been  the 
daughter  of  V.isco  Gil  .Moniz,  of  an  old  family, 
while  it  was  Vasco  Gill's  sister  Isabel  who 
married  the  Perestrello  in  question.  The  mar- 
riage  of  Columbus   took   ])lace,   it   is   claimed 


there  is  reason  to  believe,  not  in  Madeira,  as 
Goniara  and  others  have  maintained,  but  in 
Lisbon,  and  no'  before  1474.  Further,  discard- 
ing the  Ilislorie,  there  is  no  evidence  that  Co- 
lumbus ever  lived  at  Porto  Santo  or  .Madeira, 
or  that  his  wife  was  dead  when  he  left  Portugal 
for  Spain  in  14.S4.  If  this  is  established,  we 
lose  the  story  of  the  tic  which  bound  him  to 
Portugal  being  severed  by  the  death  of  his 
companion ;  and  the  tale  of  his  porimj  over 
the  charts  of  the  dead  father  of  his  wife  at 
Pi-rto  Santo  is  relegated  to  the  region  of  fable. 

We  have  known  that  the  correspondence  of 
Toscanclli  with  the  monk  Martinez  took  place 
in  1474,  and  the  further  connnunication  of  the 
Italian  savant  with  Columbus  himself  has  al- 
w.ays  been  supposed  to  have  occurred  soon 
.ifter;  but  reasons  are  now  given  for  pushing 
It  forward  to   14S2. 

The  evidences  of  the  offers  which  Colunbus 
made,  or  caused  to  be  made,  to  Lngland,  F'ance, 
and  Portugal,  —  to  the  latter  c-rtainly,  and  to  the 
two  others  prob.ibly,  —  before  he  betook  himself 
to  Spain,  are  also  reviewed.  As  to  the  embassy 
to  Genoa,  there  i;-'  no  trace  of  it  in  the  Genoese 
Archives  and  no  e 'rljer  mention  of  it  than 
Ramusio's;  and  no  Geii,~'!se  authority  repeats  it 
earlier  than  Casoni  in  his  Annali  di  Geiio^a,  in 
1 70S.  This  is  now  discredited  altogether.  No 
earlier  writer  than  Marin,  in  h\ii  3toria  del  com- 
vicrrio  dc'  Vencziani  (vol.  vii.  published  1800), 
claims  that  Columbus  gave  Venice  the  oppor- 
tunity of  embarking  its  fortunes  with  his;  and 
the  document  which  Pcsaro  claimed  to  have  seen 
has  never  been  found. 

There  is  difficulty  in  fixing  with  precision 
the  time  of  Columbus' leaving  Portugal,  if  we  re- 
ject the  statements  of  the  Historic,  which  placss 
it  in  the  last  months  of  1484.  Other  evidence 
is  here  presented  that  in  the  summer  of  that 
year  he  was  in  Lisbon ;  and  no  indisputable  evi- 
dence exists,  in  the  critic's  judgment,  of  his  being 
in  Spain  till  May,  1487,  when  a  largess  was 
granted  to  him.  Columbus'  own  words  would 
imply  in  one  place  that  he  had  taken  service  with 
the  Spanish  monarchs  in  1485,  or  just  before 
that  date ;  and  in  another  place  that  he  had 
been  in  Spain  as  early  as  January,  1484,  01  even 
before,  —  a  time  when  now  it  is  claimed  he  is  to 
be  found  in  Lisbon. 

The  pathetic  story  of  the  visit  to  Rabida 
places  that  event  at  a  period  shortly  after  his 
arriving  in  .Spain  ;  and  the  I/isto'-ic  tells  also  of 
a  second  visit  at  a  late  -  day.  It  is  now  contended 
that  the  two  visits  were  in  reality  one,  which  oc- 
curred in  1491.  The  principal  argument  to  u|> 
set  the  Historic  is  the  fact  that  Juan  Rodriguez 
Cabezudo,  in  the  lawsuit  of  1513,  testified  that 
it  was  "  about  twenty-two  years  "  since  he  had 
lent  a  mule  to  the  Franciscan  who  accompa- 
nied Columbus  awav  from  R.lbida  I 


COLUMUUS   AND   HIS    DISCOVERIES. 


91 


With  the  same  incredulity  the  critic  spirits 
away  (p.  358)  the  junto  of  Salam  ica.  lie  can 
find  no  earlier  mention  of  it  than  that  of  Antonio 
de  Kemesal  in  his  Ilislorin  Jc  la  J'nmiiuiii  Je  S. 
I'iiiciiite  (/<•  Chyaf'iU  puMishc'  in  Madrid  in 
1C19;  and  accordingly  asks  why  Las  Casas,  from 
whom  Kemesal  borrows  so  much,  did  not  know 
something  of  this  junto?  He  counts  for  much 
that  Ovicdo  docs  not  mention  it ;  and  the  Ar- 
chives of  the  University  at  Salamanca  throw  no 
light.  The  common  story  he  believes  to  have 
grown  out  of  conferences  which  probably  took 
place  while  the  Court  was  at  Salamanca  in  the 
winter  of  1436-1487,  and  which  were  conducted 
by  Talavera ;  while  a  later  one  was  held  at  Santa 
Y€  late  in  1491,  at  which  Cardinal  Mendoza  was 
conspicuous. 

Since  Alexander  Geraldinus,  writing  in  1522, 
from  his  own  acquaintance  with  Columbus,  had 
made  the  friar  Juan  Perez,  of  RSbida,  and  An- 
tonio de  Marchena,  who  was  Columbus'  stead- 
fast friend,  one  and  the  same  person,  it  has  been 
the  custom  of  historians  to  allow  that  Geraldi- 
nus was-  right.  It  is  now  said  he  was  in  error; 
but  the  critic  confesses  he  cannot  explain  how 
Gomara,  abridging  from  Oviedo,  changes  the 
name  of  Juan  Perez  used  by  the  latter  to  Perez 
de  Marchena,  and  this  before  Geraldinus  was 
printed.  Columbus  speaks  of  a  second  monk 
who  had  befriended  him ;  and  it  has  been  the 
custom  to  identify  this  one  with  Diego  de  Deza, 
who,  at  the  time  when  Columbus  is  supposed  to 
have  stood  in  need  of  his  support,  had  already 
become  a  bishop,  and  vas  not  likely,  the  critic 
thinks,  to  have  been  called  a  monk  by  Colum- 
bus. The  two  friendly  monks  in  this  view  were 
the  two  distinct  persons  Juan  Perez  and  Anto- 
nio de  Marchena  (p.  372). 

The  interposition  of  Cardinal  Mendoza,  by 
which  Columbus  secured  the  royal  ear,  has 
usually  been  placed  in  14S6.  Oviedo  seems  to 
have  been  the  source  of  subsequent  writers  on 
the  point;  but  Oviedo  does  not  fix  the  date, 
and  the  critic  now  undertakes  to  show  (p.  380) 
that  it  was  rather  in  the  closing  months  of 
1491. 

Las  Casas  charges  Talavera  with  opposing 
the  projects  of  Columbus :  we  have  here  (p.  383) 
the  contrary  assertion ;  and  the  testimony  of 
Peter  Martyr  seems  to  sustain  this  view.  So 
again  the  new  biographer  measurably  defends, 
on  other  contemporary  evidence,  Fonseca  (p.  386) 
as  not  deserving  the  castigations  of  modern 
writers;  and  all  this  objurgation  is  considered 
to  have  been  conveniently  derived  from  the 
luckless  Historie  of  1 571. 

The  close  student  of  Columbus  is  not  un- 
aware of  the  unsteady  character  of  much  of  the 
discoverer's  own  testimony  on  various  points. 
His  imagination  was  his  powerful  faculty  ;  and  it 
was  as  wild  at  times  as  it  was  powerful,  and 


nothing  could  stand  in  the  way  of  it.  No  one 
has  emphasized  the  doleful  story  of  his  trials  and 
repressions  more  than  himself,  making  the  whole 
world,  except  two  monks,  bent  on  producing  his 
ignominy;  and  yet  his  biographer  can  pick 
(p.  388)  from  the  Admiral's  own  admissions 
enough  to  show  that  during  all  this  time  he  had 
much  encouragement  from  high  quarters.  The 
critic  is  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  this  weak- 
ness of  Coliunbus  character,  and  more  than 
once  makes  him  the  strongest  witness  against 
himself. 

It  is  now  denied  that  the  money  advanced  by 
Santangcl  was  from  the  treasury  of  Aragon.  On 
the  contrary,  the  critic  contends  that  the  venture 
was  from  Santangel's  private  resources;  and  he 
dismisses  peremptorily  the  evidence  of  the  docu- 
ment which  Argensola,  in  his  AiuiU-s  Je  Ay^v^oit 
(Saragossa,  1630),  says  was  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  treasury  of  Aragon.  He  s.ays  a 
friend  who  searched  at  liarcelona  in  1S71,  among 
the  "  Archivo  general  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon," 
could  not  find  it. 

Las  Casas  had  first  told  —  guardedly,  to  be 
sure  —  the  story  of  the  I'inzons'  contributing 
the  money  which  enabled  Columbus  to  assume 
an  eighth  part  of  the  expense  of  the  first  voyage  ; 
but  it  is  now  claimed  that  the  assistance  of  that 
family  was  confined  to  exerting  its  inriuence  to 
get  Columbus  a  crew.  It  is  judged  that  the 
evidence  is  conclusive  that  the  I'inzons  did  not 
take  pecuniary  risk  in  the  voyage  of  1492,  be- 
cause only  their  advances  of  this  sort  for  the 
voyage  of  1499  are  mentioned  in  the  royal  grant 
respecting  their  arms.  But  such  evidence  is 
certainly  inconclusive;  and  without  the  evidence 
of  Las  Casas  it  must  remain  uncertain  whence 
Columbus  got  the  five  hundred  thousand  ma- 
ravedis  which  he  contributed  to  the  cost  of  that 
momentous  voyage. 

The  world  has  long  glorified  the  story  in  the 
Historie  of  1 57 1  about  the  part  which  the  crown 
jewels,  and  the  like,  played  in  the  efforts  of 
Isabella  to  assist  in  the  furnishing  of  Columbus' 
vessels.  Peter  Martyr,  Bernaldez,  and  others 
who  took  frequent  occasion  to  sound  the  praises 
of  her  majesty,  say  nothing  of  it ;  and,  as  is  now 
contended,  for  the  good  reason  that  there  was 
no  truth  in  the  story,  the  jewels  having  lung 
before  been  ])ledged  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  with  the  Moors. 

It  is  inferred  (p.  417)  from  Las  Casas  that 
his  abridgment  of  Columbus'  Journal  was  made 
from  a  copy,  and  not  from  the  original  (Xavar- 
rete,  i.  134);  and  Ilarrisse  says  that  from  two 
copies  of  this  .-ibridgnient,  preserved  in  the  col- 
lection of  the  Uuque  d'  Osuna  at  Madrid,  Varn- 
hagen  printed  his  text  of  it  which  is  contained 
in  his  Veidadera  Guaunhani.  This  last  text 
varies  in  some  places  from  that  in  Navarretc, 
and  Ilarrisse  savs  he  has  collated  it  with  the 


"I 


i 


ll 


r.i| 


'j; 


M 


92 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


m 


<  Nima  copies  without  discovering  any  error. 
I  Ic  thinks,  however,  th.it  the  Ilistori-  of  i  s'/i,  as 
well  IS  Las  Casas'  account,  is  basic!  upon  the 
complete  tc.\t ;  :uul  his  <lis'ri(liti-  gof  ''le  //is/one 
does  not  jirevcnt  liiin  in  this  case  saying  tliat 
from  it,  as  well  as  from  Las  Casas,  a  tew  touches 
of  genuineness,  not  of  importance  to  be  sure, 
can  1)0  adde>l  to  the  narrative  of  the  abridgment, 
lie  also  points  out  that  we  should  discriminate 
as  to  the  reHcctions  which  Las  Casas  inter- 
sperses ;  but  he  seems  to  have  no  apprehension 
of  such  insertions  in  the  llisloiic  in  this  iiaiticu- 
lar  case. 

The  Ambrosian  text  of  the  first  letter  is  once 
more  rei)rinle(l  (p.  419),  accompanied  by  a 
French  translation.  In  some  appended  notes 
the  critic  collac.-s  it  with  the  Cosco  version  in 
different  shapes,  and  with  that  of  Simancas. 
He  also  suggests  that  this  text  w.as  printed  at 
Barcelona  toward  the  end  of  March,  149J,  and 
infers  that  it  ni.ay  have  been  in  this  form  that 
the  Genoes,:  ambassadors  took  the  news  t>> 
Italy  when  they  left  Spain  about  the  middle  of 
the  following  month. 

The  closing  chapt.:r  of  this  first  volume  is  on 
the  question  of  the  landfall.  The  biographer 
discredits  attempts  to  sctile  the  question  by 
nautical  reasoning  based  on  the  log  of  Columbu.s, 
averring  that  the  inevitable  inaccuracies  of  such 
records  in  Coluinbus'  time  is  proved  by  the 
widely  different  conclusions  of  such  experienced 
men  as  Navarrete,  I!echcr,  and  Fox.  He  relies 
rather  on  Cohnnbus'  description  and  on  that  in 
Las  Casaj.  The  name  which  the  latter  says  was 
borne  in  his  day  by  the  island  of  the  lai  Jfall 
was  "Triango;"  but  the  critic  fails  to  find  this 


name  on  any  earlier  map  than  that  first  made 
known  in  the  Cartas  ,/<•  InJias  \\\  1S77.  To  this 
map  he  finds  it  impossible  to  assign  an  earlier 
date  than  15.(1,  since  it  discloses  some  reminders 
of  the  expedition  of  Coronado.  He  instances 
other  maps  in  which  the  name  in  some  form  ap- 
I  ears  attached  to  an  island  of  the  liahamas,  —  as 
in  the  Caliot  mapp.nionde  of  1544  (Triangula), 
the  so-called  Vallard  map  (Triango),  that  of 
(iutierrcz  in  1550  (Trriango),  that  of  .Monso  do 
Santa  Cruz  in  his  Ishirio  of  1560  (Triangulo). 
Unfortunately  on  some  of  the  maps  '".uanahani 
appears  as  well  as  the  nan\e  which  Las  Casas 
gives.  Ilarrisse's  solution  of  this  conjunction 
of  nam  ,s  is  suggested  by  the  f.act  that  in  the 
Weimar  map  of  152;'  (see  sketch,  iiiitc,  p.  43)  an 
islet  "Tria  ^u  "  lies  just  east  of  (iuanahani,  and 
C(jrresponds  in  sii!e  and  position  to  the  "  Trian- 
gula''of  Cabot  and  the  "Triangulo"  of  Santa 
Cruz.  Guanahani  he  finds  to  correspond  to 
Acklin  Island,  the  larger  of  the  Crooked  Island 
group  (see  map,  ant,;  p.  55);  while  the  Plana 
Cay:j,  shown  east  of  it,  would  stand  for  "Tri- 
ango." Columbus,  with  that  confusion  which 
characterizes  his  writings,  speaks  in  one  place  of 
his  first  land  being  an  "isleta,"  and  in  another 
place  he  calls  it  an  "  isla  grande."  Tliis  gives 
the  critic  ground  for  supposing  that  Columbus 
saw  first  the  islet,  the  "  Triango  "  of  Las  Casas, 
or  the  modern  "  Plana  Cays,"  and  that  then  he 
disembarked  on  the  "isla  grande,"  which  was 
Acklin  Island.  So  it  may  be  that  Columbus' 
own  confused  statement  has  misled  subsequent 
writers.  If  this  theory  i.ot  accepted.  Fox,  in 
selecting  Samana,  has,  ii.  ll.e  critic's  opinion, 
come  nearer  the  truth  than  ai>v  other. 


mn 


-- —  ^'^^ 


THE   EARLIEST    MAPS 


SPANISH    AND    I'ORTUGUESE   DISCOVERIES. 


BY  THE  EDITOR. 


r 


THE  enumeration  of  the  cartographical  sources  respecting  the  discoveries  of  the  earlier 
voyagers  began  with  the  list,  "  Catalogus  auctorum  tabularum  geographicarum,  quot- 
quot  ad  nostrani  cognitionem  hactenus  pervenere;  quibus  addidimus,  ubi  locorum,  quando 
et  a  quibus  excus'.  sunt,"  which  Ortelius  in  1570  added  to  his  Theatntm  orbis  terrariim, 
many  of  whose  titles  belong  to  works  not  now  known.  Of  maps  now  existing  the  best- 
known  enumerations  are  those  in  the  Jean  et  St'bastieii  Cabot  of  Harrisse ;  the  Mapotcca 
Colombiana  of  Uricoechea ;  the  Cartografia  Mexicana  of  Orozco  y  Berra,  published  by  the 
Mexican  Geographical  Society  ;  and  Gustavo  Uzielli's  Eknco  liescritto  degli  Atlanti,  pla- 
nisferi  e  carte  nauliche,  originally  published  in  1875,  but  made  the  second  volume,  edited 
by  Pietro  Amat,  of  the  new  edition  of  the  Studi  biografici  e  bibliografici  della  Socu'td 
Geogra/ica  Italiaiia,  Rome,  1882,  under  the  specific  title  of  Mappamondi,  carte  naiitk/ie, 
portolani  ed  altri  viomimcnti  cartografici  specialmente  Italiani  dei  secoli  XIII-XVII^ 

The  Editor  has  printpj  in  the  Haniard  University  Bulletin  a  bibliography  of  Ptolemy's 
geography,  and  a  c:>!ei.uar,  with  additions  and  annotations,  of  the  Kohl  Collection  of  early 
maps,  belonging  to  the  Department  of  State  at  Washington,  both  of  which  contributions 
called  for  enumerations  of  printed  and  manuscript  maps  of  the  early  period,  and  included 
their  reproductions  of  later  years. 

The  development  of  cartography  is  also  necessarily  made  a  part  of  histories  of  geog- 
raphy like  those  of  Santarem,  Lelewel,  St. -Martin,  and  Peschel ;  but  their  use  of  maps 
hardly  made  chronological  lists  of  them  a  necessary  part  of  their  works.  Santarem  has 
pointed  out  how  scantily  modern  writers  have  treated  of  the  cartography  of  the  Middle 
Ages  previous  to  the  era  of  Spanish  discovery ;  and  he  enumerates  such  maps  as  had  been 
described  before  the  appearance  of  his  work,  as  well  as  publications  of  the  earlier  ones 
after  the  Spanish  discovery.-' 


'  Vol.  i.  of  the  Slitdi  is  a  chronological  ac- 
count of  Italian  travellers  and  voyages,  beginning 
with  Grimalclo  (1120-1122),  and  accompanied 
by  maps  showing  the  routes  of  the  principal 
ones.  Cf.  Theobald  Fischer,  "  Ueber  italien- 
ischc  Seekaiten  und  Kartographen  des  Mittclal- 
tcrs,"  in  Zcitschrift  dcr  Gesdlschaft  fiir  ErJkuiide 
zii  Berlin,  xvii.  5. 

As  to  the  work  which  has  been  done  in  the 
geographical  societies  of  Germany,  we  shall 
have    readier  knowledge  when    Dr.    Johannes 


Midler's  Die  •Misscnsc/ia/llii/ieii  I'etriiie  uiid 
Gcscllschaftcn  Deiitschhinds,  —  Bihliot^raf'liie  Hirer 
I'croffciillichungen ,  now  announced  in  ISerlin,  is 
made  public.  One  of  the  most  im])ortant  sale- 
catalogues  of  maps  is  that  of  the  Prince  Alex- 
andre Labanoff  Collection,  Paris,  1S23,  —  a  list 
now  very  rare.  Nos.  1-112  were  given  to  the 
world,  and  1480-1543  to  America  separately. 

'■^  Santarem,  J/is/oire  de  la  cartoi^rafihie,  etc., 
vol.  i.,  preface,  pp.  x.\.\ix,  1,  and  194.  .\fter  the 
present  volume  was  printed  to  this  point,  and 


i 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


W 


To  what  extent  Columbun  had  studied  the  older  maps  frotn  the  time  when  they  liejjan 
to  receive  a  certain  definiteness  in  tlie  fourteenth  century,  is  not  wholly  clear,  nor  hriw 
much  he  knew  of  the  charts  of  Marino  SanutOi  of  •'•zi'mani,  and  of  the  now  lamous  Catalan 

that  period  ;  hut  it  is  doubtless 
that  the  maps  of  Ilianio  (1436) 
and  Mauro  (i.jfjo)  were  well  known  to 
him.'  "Thouf»h  these  early  maps  and 
charts  of  the  fiftcLnth  century."  says 
Haliam,''  "are  to  us  but  a  cliaos  of  error 
and  confusion,  it  was  on  them  that  the 
l)atient  eye  of  Columbus  had  rested 
through  lonj{  hours  of  meditation,  while 
strenuous  hope  and  unsubdued  doubt 
were  struggling  in  his  soul," 

A  principal  factor  in  the  develop- 
ment of  map-making,  as  of  navigation, 
had  been  the  magnet.  It  had  been 
brought  from  China  to  the  eastern 
coast  of  Africa  as  early  as  the  fourth 
century,  and  through  the  Arabs*  and 
Crus.aders  it  had  been  introduced  into 
the  Mediterranean,  and  was  used  by 
the  Catalans  and  Hasques  in  the  twelfth 
century,  a  Inmdrcd  years  or  more  before 
Marco  Polo  brought  to  Europe  his 
wonderful  stories.''  In  that  century 
even  it  had  become  so  familiar  a  sight 
that  poets  used  it  in  their  ineta])hors. 
The  variation  of  its  neudle  was  not 
indeed  unknown  long  before  Colum- 
bus, but  its  observation  in  mid-ocean 
in  his  day  gave  it  a  new  signifi- 
cance. The  Chinese  had  stiidied  the  phenomenon,  and  their  observations  upon  it  had 
followed  shortly  upon  the  introduction  of  the  compass  itself  to  Western  knowledge  ;  and 
as  early  as  1436  the  variation  of  the  needle  was  indicated  on  maps  in  connection  with 
places  of  observation.' 


RiVRLY   COMPASS.* 


>» 


after  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  were  in  type,  Mr.  Arthur 
James  Wclsc's  Uisiarrii-s  of  America  to  f he  year 
1525  was  i)ublishe(l  in  New  York.  A  new  draft 
of  tlic  Maiullo  niai>  i)f  1527  is  about  its  only 
ini|H)rtant  feature. 

'  .See  an  enumeration  of  all  these  earlier 
maps  and  of  their  reproductions  in  part  i.  of 
The  Kohl  Colleclioii  of  F.iirly  M'l/'Sfhs  ^\\c  pres- 
ent writer,  liianco's  map  was  reproduced  in 
1869  at  Venice,  with  annotations  by  Oscar 
Pcschel ;  and  Mauro's  in  1866,  also  at  Venice. 

■^  Liliiaturc  0/ Eiirof<e,  chajj.  iii.  sect.  4. 

'  Cf.,  on  the  instruments  and  m.irinc  charts 
of  the  Arabs,  Codinc's  Lit  iinr  ,lcs  hides,  p.  74; 
Delambre,  llistoire  de  I'dstroiiomie  dii  moven- 
itx'e ;  Sdilillot's  Les  instruments  astroiiomii/iies 
lies  Anilies,  etc. 

^  Major,  Prince  Henry  (186S  ed.),  pp.  57,  60. 
There   is   some   ground   for  believing  that  the 


Northmen  were  acquainted  with  the  loadstone  in 
the  eleventh  century.  Prescott  (Ferdinand and 
Isabella,  1873  ed.,  ii.  m)  iiulicatcs  the  use  of  it 
by  the  Castilians  in  1403.  Cf.  .Santarcm,  llis- 
toire de  la  cartOi^raphie,  p.  2S0;  Journal  of  the 
Franklin  Institute,  .\xii.  68  ;  Amcriein  Journal  of 
Science,  l.\.  242.  Cf.  the  early  knowledge  regard- 
ing the  introduction  of  the  compass  in  Kden's 
Peter  Martyr  (15SS',  folio  320;  and  D'Avezac's 
A/'er(iis  his/orii/nes  siir  la  houssole,  Paris,  iSfJo, 
16  pp.;  ,ilso  Humboldt's  Cosmos,  Kng.  tr.  ii.  656. 

''  This  follows  the  engraving  in  Pigafetta's 
Voyai^e  and  in  the  work  of  Juricn  de  la  Clravierc. 
The  main  jioints  were  designated  by  the  usual 
names  of  the  winds, /tiw/z/c,  cast ;  5/>crf0,  south- 
east, etc. 

''  For  instance,  the  map  of  Bianco.  The 
variation  in  Kurope  was  always  easterly  after 
observations  were  first  made. 


THE   MAI'S   OF   Till:    KARLILST   DISCOVERIES. 


n 


The  earliest  placinj;  of  a  magnetic  nole  seems  due  to  the  voyage  of  Nicholas  of  Lynn, 
whose  narrative  was  prcstiited  to  Kdward  III.  of  llngland.  This  account  is  no  Jonger 
known,'  though  the  title  of  it,  Invcntio  Jortiinatii,  is  preserved,  with  its  alleged  date  of 
1355.  Cnoyen,  whose  treatise  is  not  extant,  is  thought  to  have  got  his  views  about  (he 
regions  of  the  north  and  about  the  magnetic  pole  from  Nicholas  of  Lynn,'  while  he 
was  in  Norway  in  1364;  and  it  is  from  Cnoyen  that  Mi;rcator  says  he  got  his  notion  of 
the  four  circumpolar  islands  which  so  long  tigurcd  in  maps  of  the  Merc  alor  and  Kinxus 
school.  In  the  Ruysch  map  (1508)  we  have  the  same  (our  polar  islands,  with  the  mag- 
netic pole  placed  within  an  insular  mountain  north  of  Grcenl.md.  Kuysth  also  depended 
on  the  Invatlio  fortunata.  Later,  by  Martin  Cortes  in  1 545,  and  by  Sanuto  in  1  s8S,  the 
pole  w.is  placed  farther  south." 

Ptolemy,  in  the  second  century,  accepting  the  generally  received  opinion  that  the 
world  as  known  was  much  longer  east  and  west  than  north  and  south,  adopted  with  this 
theory  the  'erms  which  naturally  grew  out  of  this  belief,  latitude  and  lonj^ittidc,  and  first 
instituted  them,  it  is  thought,  in  systematic  geography.* 

I'ierre  d'Ailly,  in  his  map  of  1410,'  in  marking  his  climatic  lines,  had  indicated  the  begin- 
nings, under  a  revival  of  geographical  intjuiry,  of  a  systematic  notation  of  latitude.  Several 
of  the  early  Ptolemies'  had  followed,  by  scaling  in  one  way  and  another  the  distance  from 
the  equator  ;  while  in  the  editions  of  1508  and  1511  an  example  had  been  set  of  marking 
longitude.  The  old  Arabian  cartographers  had  used  both  latitude  and  longitude  ;  but 
though  there  were  some  earlier  indications  of  the  adoption  of  such  lines  among  tiie  Kuro- 
pean  map-makers,  it  is  generally  accorded  that  the  scales  of  such  measurements,  as  we 
understand  them,  came  in,  for  both  latitude  and  longitude,  with  the  map  which  Rcisch  in 
1503  annexed  to  his  Margarita  philosophical' 

I'tolemy  had  fixed  his  first  meridian  at  the  Fortunate  Islands  (Canaries),  and  in 
the  new  era  the  Spaniards,  with  the  sanction  of  the  I'ope,  had  adopted  the  same  point ; 
though  the  Portuguese,  as  if  in  recognition  of  their  own  enterprise,  had  placed  it 
at  Madeira,  —  as  is  shown  in  the  globes  of  liehaim  and  Schoner,  and  in  the  map  of 
Ruysch.  The  difference  was  not  great  j  the  Ptolemean  example  prevailed,  however,  in 
the  end.' 


'  Mnkluyt,  i.  123. 

-  Journal  of  the  American  Geographical  Soci- 
ety, xii.  185. , 

*  It  is  supposed  to-day  to  be  in  Prince  Albert 
Land,  and  to  make  a  revolution  in  about  five 
hundred  years.  Acosta  contended  that  there 
were  four  lines  of  no  variation,  and  llalley,  in 
1 68 J,  contended  for  four  magnetic  poles. 

♦  Cf.  notes  on  p.  661,  <■/  .f<v/..  In  Uunbury's  His- 
tory of  Ancient  Gco!;ni/<liy,  vol.  i.,  on  the  ancients' 
calculations  of  latitude  and  measurements  for 
longitude.  Ptolemy  carried  the  most  northern 
parts  of  the  known  world  sixty-three  deg'ce; 
north,  and  the  most  southern  parts  sixteen  do 
grees  south,  of  the  Equator,  an  extent  north  an  I 
south  of  seventy-nine  degrees.  Marinus  of  Tyrj, 
who  preceded  Ptolemy,  stretched  the  known 
world, north  and  south,  over  eighty-seven  degrees. 


passing  by  land  from  Souti  irn  Africa  to  South- 
ern Asia,  along  a  parallel.  Marinus  had  been 
the  first  to  place  the  Fortunate  Islands  farther 
west  than  the  limits  of  .Spain  in  that  directior,, 
though  he  put  them  only  two  and  a  half  degrees 
beyond,  while  the  meridian  of  Ferro  is  nine 
degrees  from  the  most  westerly  part  of  the  main. 

*  Cf.  Lelewel,  pi.  xxviii.,  and  Santarcm,  //is- 
toirc  </<•  la  cartO!;rii/'hii;  iii.  301,  and  Atliis,  pi.  1 5. 

"  Cf.  editions  of  14S2,  14.S6,  1513,  1535. 

"  The  earliest  instance  in  a  ////'//.f/ziv/ Spanish 
map  is  thought  to  be  the  woodcut  which  in 
1534  ajipcarcd  at  Venice  in  the  combination  of 
Peter  Martyr  and  Oviedo  which  Kamusio  is 
thought  to  have  edited.  This  map  is  represented 
on  a  later  p.nge. 

"  There  was  a  tendency  in  the  latter  part  of 
the    sixteenth    century   to   remove    the    prime 


Marinus  had  also  made  the  length  of  the  known  meridian  to  St.  Michael's,  in  the  Azores,  for  the 

world  225  degrees  east  and  west,  while  Ptolemy  reason  that  there  was  no  variatitin  in  the  needle 

reduced  it  to  177  degrees ;..  It  he  did  not,  nor  did  there   at  th.it   time,   and   in    ignor.ance   of   the 

Marinus,  bound  it  definitely  in  the  east  by  an  forces  which   to-day  at    St.   Michael's  make  it 

ocean,  but  he  left  its  limit  in  that  direction  unde-  point  twenty-five  degrees  off  the  true  north.    As 

termined,  as  he  did  that  of  Africa  in  the  south,  late  as  1634  a  congress  of  Eurojiean  mathema- 

which  resulted  in  making  the  Indian  Ocean  in  his  ticians  confirmed  it  at  the  west  edge  of  th?  Isle  de 

conception  an  inland  sea,  with  the  possibility  of  Fer  (Ferro),  the  most  westerly  of  the  Canaries. 


( 


96 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA 


In  rcxpect  tn  latitude  there  w.i»  not  In  tlicriide  insttrumcnls  of  the  e.irly  navignlorit,  and 
iinilcr  favotal)ie  conditions,  tlit.-  means  of  closely  approximate  accuracy.  In  the  studv 
which  the  Rev.  I-'..  K.  Slafter  '  has  iiiade  on  the  averane  extent  of  the  error  which  we  find 
in  the  records  of  even  a  later  century,  it  appears  that  while  a  ranjje  of  sixty  RcoKraphical 
miles  will  probably  cover  such  errors  in  all  cases,  when  observations  were  made  with 
ordinary  cire  the  average  deviation  will  probably  be  found  to  be  at  least  fifteen  miles.  The 
fractions  of  decrees  were  scarcely  ever  of  much  value  in  the  computation,  and  the  minute 
gradation  of  the  instrunjents  in  use  were  subject  to  great  uncertainly  of  record  in  tremulous 

hands.  It  was  not  the  cus- 
tom, moreover,  to  make  any 
allowance  for  the  dip  of  the 
hori/on,  for  retraction  or  for 
the  parallax ;  and  when,  ex- 
cept at  the  time  of  the  etpii- 
nox,  dci)en(lence  had  to  be 
placed  ujion  tables  of  the 
sun's  declination,  the  pul>- 
lisheil  ephcmerides,  made  for 
a  seriesof  years,  were  the  sul)- 
jccts  of  accumulated  error. '■' 
With  these  im|)cdiincnt!i 
to  accurate  results,  it  is  not 
surprising  I'lat  even  errors  of 
considerable  extent  crept  into 
the  records  of  latitude,  and 
long  remained  unchallenged." 
Ptolemy,  in  A.  n.  150,  had 
placed  Constantinople  two 
degrees  out  of  the  way  ;  and 
it  remained  so  on  maps  for 
fourteen  hundred  years.  In 
Columbus'  time  Cuba  was 
put  seven  or  eight  degrees 
too  far  north  ;  and  under  this 
false  impression  the  cartog- 
raphy of  the  Antilles  began. 
The  historic  instrument  for  the  taking  of  latitude  was  the  iistrolabe,  which  is  known 
to  have  been  in  use  by  the  Majorcan  and  Catalanian  sailors  in  the  latter  part  of  the  tliir- 
teeiilli  century  ;  and  it  is  described  by  Raymond  Lullius  in  his  ^IrUifc  >ia''i;i;tir  of  that  time.'' 
Behaini,  the  contemporary  of  Columbus,  one  of  the  explorers  of  the  African  co.ast,  and  a 


KKGIOMONTANUS'   ASTROWIiF..* 


'  Edr.,Lind  Farwcll  Slafter,  History  ami 
Causes  of  !':■:  Incorrect  Latitudes  as  recorticd  in 
the  Journals  of  the  Early  Writers,  Xavigators, 
and  Explorers  relalini,'  to  the  Atlantic  Coast  of 
AV;//; /4«/</-/(ir  (1535-1740).  Uoston  :  Privately 
primed,  1SS2.  zo  i)agcs.  I<ei)rlntefl  from  the 
A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  A'ex-  for  April,  1.SS2. 

-  Kcgiomonlamis,  —  as  Johannes  Miiller,  of 
Kiiiiigsberg,  in  Franconia,  was  called,  from  his 
town,  —  published  at  Nuremberg  his  Ephcmerides 
for  the  interval  1475-1506;  and  these  were  what 
Columbus  probably  used.  Cf.  .Mex.  Ziegler's 
Ke;^omontanus,  ein  t^eistiger  Vorliiufer  des  Co- 
tunihus,    Dresden,   1874.      Stadius,   a   professor 


of  mathematics,  published  an  almanac  of  this 
kind  in  1545,  and  the  English  navigators  used 
successive  editions  of  this  one. 

"  Cf.  K(jhl,  Die  beidcn  Gcneral-A'arten  7on 
America,  p.  17,  and  Varnhagen's  Ilistoria  x'cral 
do  Brazil,  i.  432. 

*  This  cut  follows  the  engravings  in  Kuge'a 
Gcscliichtc  dcs  Zeitalters  dcr  Entdcckungcn,  p.  106, 
and  in  (Ihillany's  Rittcr  lutiaim,  p.  40.  Cf. 
Von  Murr,  Memorabilia  bililiotliccarum  A'orim- 
Itcri^ensinm,  i.  9. 

''  Humboldt,  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  630,  670; 
Keisch's  Afart^arita  fhilosofihica  (1535),  p.  1416; 
D'.Xvezac's  Waltzemiiller,  ]>.  64. 


THE   MAPS  OK    rm:  KAKLIEST   DISCOVKRIES. 


97 


pupil  of  Rc^jinmoiitanus,  had  .somewhat  changed  the  old  form  of  ihu  astrolabe  In  nd.'.ptinj; 
It  for  use  on  shiplioard.  Thiji  wan  in  1484  at  Lisbon,  and  Ilchaims  improvement  wan 
doubtluss  what  Coliinihiis  used.  Of  the  form  in  use  liefore  Ileliaim  wc  have  that  (said  to 
have  belonged  to  Kejjiomontanus)  in  the  tut  on  page  yO;  and  in  the  follgwing  cut  th« 
remodelled  Nhape  which  it  took  after  Uehaim. 


LATER  ASTROLABE.' 


1  This  cut  follows  an  engraving  (/l/iJi,'.  of 
Amrr.  Hist.,  iii.  17.S)  after  a  photograph  of  one 
used  by  Champlain,  which  bears  the  Paris 
maker's  date  of  1603.  There  is  another  cut  of 
it  in  Weise's  Discm'cries  of  America,  p.  68.  Hav- 
ing been  lost  by  Champlain  in  Canada  in  1613,  it 
was  ploughed  up  in  1S67  (see  Vol.  IV.  p.  124; 
?lso  Canadian  Monthly,  xviii.  589).  The  small 
si,.e  of  the  circle  used  in  the  sea-instrument  to 
make  it  conveniently  serviceable,  necessarily  op- 
VOL.   II.  —  13. 


crated  to  make  the  ninety  degrees  of  its  quartet 
circle  too  small  for  accuracy  in  fractions.  On 
land  much  larger  circles  were  sometimes  used  ; 
one  was  erected  in  London  in  1594  of  si.\  feet 
radius.  'i"he  early  books  on  navigation  and  voy- 
ages frequently  gave  engravings  of  the  astrolabe  ; 
as, for  instance,  in  I'igafctta's  voyage  (Magellan), 
and  in  the  Lichte  der  Zec-\'acrt  (Amsterdam, 
1623),  translated  as  The  Light  of  Navii^ation 
(Amsterdam,  1625).     The  treatise  on  navigation 


98 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


An  instrument  which  could  more  ri.aclily  adapt  itself  to  the  swaying  of  the  observer's 
body  in  a  sea-way,  soon  displaced  in  good  measure  the  astrolabe  on  shipboard.  This 
was  the  cross-staff,  or  jackstaff,  which  in  several  modified  forms  for  a  long  time  served 
mariners  as  a  convenient  help  in  ascertaining  the  altitude  of  the  celestial  bodies.  Pre- 
cisely when  it  was  first  introduced  is  not  certain  ;  but  the  earliest  description  of  it  which 
lias  been  found  is  that  of  Werner  in  1 5 14.  Davis,  the  Arctic  navigator,  made  an  improve- 
mei.t  on  it ;  and  his  invention  was  called  a  backstaff. 

While  the  observations  of  the  early  navigators  in  respect  to  latitude  were  usually 
accompanied  by  errors,  wiiich  were  of  no  considerable  e.\tent,  their  determinations  of 
longitude,  when  attempted  at  all,  were  almost  always  wide  of  the  truth,'  —  so  far,  indeed, 
that  their  observations  helped  them  but  little  then  to  steer  their  courses,  and  are  of  small 
assistance  now  to  us  in  following  their  tracks.  It  happened  that  while  Columbus  was 
ai   Hispaniola  on  his  .-second  voyage,  in  September,  1494,  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the 


\    I'J 


which  became  the  most  popular  with  the  succes- 
sors of  Columbus  was  the  work  of  I'edro  dc 
Medina  (born  abcnit  1493),  called  the  Arte'  dv 
tuiTiXtir,  published  in  1545  (reprinted  in  1552  and 
1561),  of  which  there  were  versions  in  French 
( 1 554,  and  Lyons,  i  569,  with  maps  .showing  names 
on  the  coast  of  AniLMica  for  the  first  time), 
Italian  (1555  with  1554,  at  end;  Court  Cat,iloi;iie, 
no.  235),  CJcrnian  (1576),  and  English  (1591). 
(Harrisse,  />//'/.  ///«.  v.  ?'<■/.,  no.  266.)  Its  princi- 
pal rival  was  that  of  Martin  Cortes,  lirrje  torn- 
f'cndio  dc  hi  sphcra  y  dc  la  arte  dc  navcgar,  pub- 
lislied  in  1551.  In  Columbus'  time  there  was  no 
book  of  the  sort,  unless  that  of  Raymond  Lullius 
(1294)  be  considered  such;  and  not  till  Enciso's 
Suma  dc  i^coi^rafia  was  printed,  in  1519,  had  the 
new  spirit  instigated  the  making  of  these  helpful 
and  e.xiihuiatory  books.  The  Suma  dc  gcograjia 
is  usually  considered  the  first  book  printed  in 
Spanish  relating  to  America.  Enciso,  who  had 
been  inactisiiig  law  in  Santo  Domingo,  was  with 
Ojeda's  e.\[)cditii)n  to  the  mainland  in  1509, 
and  seems  to  have  derived  much  from  his  varied 
experience ;  and  he  first  noticed  at  a  later  day 
the  different  levels  of  the  tides  on  the  two  sides 
of  the  isthmus.  The  book  is  rare;  Rich  in 
1S32  (no.  4)  held  it  at  £\o  \os.  (Cf.  Harrisse, 
Notes  on  Coliimlms,  171  ;  HiH.  Amcr.  Vet.,  nos. 
97,  153,  272,  —  there  were  later  editions  in  1530 
and  1546,  —  Sabin,  vol.  vi.  no.  22,551,  etc. ;  II.  H. 
liancroft,  Central  America,  i.  329,  339;  Carter- 
Hrown,  vol.  i.  no.  58,  with  a  fac-simile  of  the 
title:  Cat.  /fist,  do  /irazil,  Bibl.  Xac.  do  Rio 
dc  Janeiro,  no.  2.)  .\ntonio  I'igafetta  in  1530 
produced  his  Trattato  di  na''i,i,'azione :  but  Me- 
dina and  Cortes  were  the  true  begnniers  of  the 
litcr.aturcof  seamanship.  (Cf.  Urevoort's  I'crra- 
zana,  p.  116,  an<l  the  list  of  such  publications 
given  in  the  Davis  l'ova,!;es,  p.  342,  |nd)lished  by 
the  Hakluyt  Society,  and  the  English  list  noted 
in  Vol.  III.  p.  206,  of  the  present  history.) 
There  is  an  examination  of  the  state  of  naviga- 
tion in  Columbus'  time  in  Margry's  Xa:'ii;a!ions 
Fraii(aiscs,  p.  402,  and  in  M.  F.  Xavanetc'.^ 
Sol're  la  historia    dc  la  nautica  y  dc  las  eiencias 


matemdtir.as,  Madrid,  1846,  —  a  work  now  become 
rare. 

The  rudder,  in  place  of  two  paddles,  one 
on  each  cpiarter,  had  come  into  use  before  this 
time ;  but  the  reefing  of  sails  seems  not  yet  to 
have  been  practised.  (Cf.  Da  Oama's  I'oyax'cs, 
published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  p.  242.) 
Colinnbus'  record  of  the  speed  of  his  ship 
seems  to  have  been  the  result  of  observation  by 
the  unaided  eye.  The  log  w.as  not  yet  known ; 
the  Romans  had  fi.xcd  a  wheel  to  the  sides  of 
their  galleys,  e.ich  revolution  of  which  threw  a 
pebble  into  a  tally-pot.  The  earliest  description 
which  we  have  in  tlie  new  era  of  any  device  of 
the  kind  is  in  connection  with  M.agellan's  voy- 
age; for  I'igafetta  in  his  Journal  (January,  1 521), 
mentions  the  use  of  a  chain  at  the  hinder  part 
of  the  ship  to  measure  its  speed.  (Ilnmboldt, 
Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  631  ;  v.  56.)  The  log  as 
we  understand  it  is  described  in  1573  in  liourne's 
Ket^iment  of  the  Sea,  nothing  indicating  the  use 
of  it  being  found  in  the  earlier  manuals  of 
Medina,  Cortes,  and  Gemma  Frisius.  Hum- 
frcy  Cole  is  said  to  have  invented  it.  Three 
years  later  than  this  earliest  mention,  Eden,  in 
1576,  in  his  translation  of  Taisnicr's  A'avis^ationc, 
alludes  to  an  artifice  "not  yet  divulgate,  which, 
placed  in  the  pompc  of  a  shyp,  whyther  the 
water  hath  recourse,  and  moved  by  the  motion 
of  the  shyi^p,  with  wheels  anil  wevghts,  doth 
exactly  shewe  what  sjjace  the  shyp  hath  gone  " 
{Cartcr-Bro-.on  Catalo!;ue,  i.  no.  310),  —  a  remi- 
niscence of  the  Roman  side-wheels,  and  a  re 
minder  of  the  modern  patent4og.  Cf.  article 
on  "  Navigation "  in  F.neyelopicdia  Britauniea, 
ninth  cd.  vol.  .xvii. 

1  Cf.  Lclcwel,  Gcoi^raphie  du  moyen-(\i;c,  ii.  160. 
The  rules  of  Gemma  Frisius  for  discovering 
longitude  were  given  in  Eden's  Peter  Martyr 
(1 555).  folio  360.  An  earlier  book  was  Francisco 
Falero's  /Cei^irnicnto  para  obse>-L\ir  la  longitud  en 
la  mar,  1535.  Cf.  E.  F.  de  Navarretc's  "  I'^l 
problema  de  la  longitud  en  la  mar,"  in  volume 
21  of  the  Doe.  incditos  (Kspaiia)  ;  .ind  Vaseo  da 
Cama  (Hakluyt  Soc),  pp.  19,  25,  33,  43,63,  138. 


THE   MAPS   OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


99 


moon.'  Columbus  observed  it ;  and  his  calculations  placed  himself  five  hours  and  a  half 
from  Seville,  — an  error  of  eighteen  degrees,  or  an  hour  and  a  quarter  too  much.  The 
error  was  due  doubtless  as  much  to  the  rudeness  of  his  instruments  as  to  the  errors  of 
the  lunar  tables  thui  in  use.- 

The  removal  of  the  Line  of 
Demarcation  from  the  supposed 
meridian  of  non-variation  of  the 
needle  did  not  prevent  the  jihe- 
nomena  of  terrestrial  magnetism 
becoming  of  vast  importance  in 
the  dispute  between  the  Crowns 
of  Spain  and  Portugal.  It  char- 
acterizes the  difference  between 
the  imaginative  and  somewhat 
fantastic  quality  of  Columbus' 
mind  and  the  cooler,  more  prac- 
tical, and  better  administrative 
apprehension  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
that  wliile  each  observed  the 
phenomenon  of  the  variation  of 
the  needle,  and  eacli  imagined  it 
a  clew  to  some  system  of  deter- 
mining longitude,  to  Columbus  it 
was  associated  with  wild  notions 
of  a  too-ample  revolution  of  the 

North  Star  about  the  true  pole.^  It  was  not  disconnected  in  his  mind  from  a  fancy  whlcn 
gave  the  earth  the  shape  of  a  pear ;  so  that  when  he  perceived  on  his  voyage  a  clearing  of 
the  atmosphere,  he  Imagined  he  was  ascending  the  stem-end  of  the  pear :  where  he  would 
find  the  terrestrial  paradise*  To  Cabot  the  phenomenon  had  only  its  practical  signifi- 
cance ;  and  he  seems  to  have  pondered  on  a  solution  of  the  problem  during  the  rest  of 


THE  JACKSTAFF. 


1  The  Gcniiiiniif  r.v -,uiriis siriptorilnis pcrhrci'is 
explkatio  of  Hilibalthis  rirckeynicrus,  publislied 
in  1530,  has  a  reference  to  this  eclipse.  Carter- 
Hrown,  vol.  i.  no.  96;  Mtiy/'/iy  Caliiloi^in^wo.  1,992. 
The  paragraph  is  as  follows !  "  I'roinde  com- 
IJertum  est  c.x  obscrvatione  eclypsis,  qua;  fuit 
in  mcnse  Septembri  .inno  salutis  1494.  His- 
paniam  insulam,  (piatuor  fcrme  horarum  intcr- 
sticio  ab  Ilysi'ali,  qua;  Sibilia  cstdislaic,  hoc  est 
grailibus  60,  qualium  est  circuUis  inaxinius  31x3, 
mcdiiun  vero  insulx'  coiuiiicl  gradiis  :o  circitcr 
ill  altitudinc  polari.  Xavigatur  autcni  spaciiim 
ilhid  communitcr  in  dicbiis  35  altitude  vero  coii- 
tinentis  oppositi,  cui  Ilispani  sanctx  Martha; 
nomcn  indidere,  circitcr  giaduum  est  12  DarlL-iii 
vero  terra  ct  sinus  dc  Uraca  gradiis  quasi  teiieiit 
7J  in  altitudinc  polari,  undo  longissimo  tractu 
occidentcm  versus  terra  est,  qua:  vocatur  Mexico 
et  Tcmistitan,  a  <|ua  ctiam  non  longa  rcmota  est 
insula  Jucatan  cum  aliis  nuper  rcpcrtis."  The 
method  of  determining  longitude  by  means  of 
lunar  tables  dates  back  to  llipiiarcluis. 

-  These  were  the  calculations  of  Regiomon- 
tanui  (Miillcr),  who  calls  himself  "  Montere- 
gius  "  in  his  TahuUr  astioiimiiiie  Al/oiisi  rial's, 
published  at  Venice  in  the  very  year  (1492)  of 


Columbus'  first  voyage.  (Stevens,  />i7'/.  GtV!^., 
no.  S3.)  At  a  later  day  the  Portuguese  accused 
the  Spaniards  of  altering  the  tables  then  in  use, 
so  as  to  affect  the  position  of  the  Papal  line  of 
Demarcation.  Parras,  quoted  by  Humboldt, 
O'si/ics,  Kng.  tr.  ii.  671. 

Johann  Stocfilcr  was  a  leading  authority  on 
the  methods  of  defining  latitude  .xnd  longitude 
in  vogue  in  the  beginning  of  the  new  era;  cf. 
his  PJitcitlatio  fo.hricir  usKsqiic  astrolabii,  Oppen- 
heini,  1513  (col(>|)hon  1512),  and  his  edition  of 
In  Pivcli  Diiuiochi  sph.craiii  omnibus  iiuiiwyis 
toiif^e  (ihsoliilissiniiis  (Oinmriilirriiis,  Tiibingen, 
1534,  where  he  names  one  hundred  and  seventy 
contcnqiorary  and  earlier  writers  on  the  subject. 
(Stevens,  Bihl.  Givs;.,  nos.  3,633-2,634.) 

*  The  polar  distance  of  the  North  Star  in 
Columbus'  time  was  3°  2S';  and  yet  his  calcu- 
lations made  it  sometimes  5°,  and  sometimes  10°. 
It  is  to-day  1°  20'  distant  from  the  true  l)ole. 
UnitCil  Stales  Coast  Siii--cy  Kifort,  tSSo,  app. 
xviii. 

■•  Santarcm,  Hisloir,-  do  la  carto<;raphio,  vol.  II. 
p.  lix.  Colnmbns  wcndd  find  here  the  centre  of 
the  earth,  as  D'Ailly,  Mauro,  and  Eehaiin  found 
it  at  Jerusalem. 


100 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


;■■• 


K'h 


SuUil 


his  life,  if,  as  Humboldt  supposes,  the  intimations  of  his  deatli-l)ecl  in  respect  to  some 
as    yet    unregistered   way   of  discovering   longitude   refer   to   liis   observations   on   tlie 

magnetic  declination. ' 

The  idea  of  a  constantly  increasing  decli- 
nation east  and  west  from  a  point  of  non- 
variation,  which  both  Columbus  and  Cabot  had 
discovered,  and  which  increase  could  be  re- 
duced to  a  formula,  was  indeed  partly  true; 
except,  as  is  now  well  known,  the  line  of 
non-variation,  instead  of  being  a  meridian, 
and  fixed,  is  a  curve  of  constantly  changing 
proportions. - 

The  earliest  variation-chart  was  made  in 
1530  by  Alonzo  de  Santa  Cruz  ;  ^  and  schemes 
of  ascertaining  longitude  were  at  once  based 
on  the  observations  of  these  curves,  as  they 
had  before  been  made  dependent  upon  the 
supposed  gradation  of  the  change  from  me- 
ridian to  meridian,  irrespective  of  latitude.* 
Fifty  years  later  (1585),  Juan  Jayme  made 
a  voyage  with  Gali  from  the  Philippine  Islands 
to  Acapulco  to  test  a  "declinatorum  "  of  his 
own  invention.^  Cut  this  was  a  hundred  years 
(1698- 1702)  before  Halley's  Expedition  was 
sent,  —  the  first  which  any  government  fitted 
out  to  observe  the  forces  of  terrestrial  magnetism ;  "  and  though  there  had  been  suspi- 
cions of  it  much  earlier,  it  was  not  till  1722  that  Graham  got  unmistakable  data  to  prove 
the  hourly  variation  of  the  needle.' 


THE   I5.\CKSTAFF. 


'  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  658.  Humboldt  also 
points  out  how  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage 
had  attempted  to  fix  his  longitude  by  the  decli- 
nation of  the  needle  (Ibid,  ii.  657;  v.  54).  Cf. 
a  paper  on  Colinnbus  and  Cabot  in  the  Nautical 
Magazine,  July,  1S76. 

It  is  a  fact  t!iat  good  luck  or  skill  of  some  uii- 
disccrnililc  sort  enabled  Cabot  to  record  some 
remarkable  ajiproximations  of  longitude  in  an 
age  when  the  wildest  chance  governed  like  at- 
tempts in  others.  Cabot  indeed  had  the  navi- 
gator's instinct ;  and  the  modern  log-book  seems 
to  have  owed  its  origin  to  his  practices  and  the 
urgency  with  which  he  impressed  the  impor- 
tance of  it  upon  the  Muscovy  Company. 

-  Appendix  xix.  of  the  Rcf^ort  of  the  Viiilcd 
States  Coast  Sunn'  for  iSSo  (Washington,  1SS2) 
is  a  |)a]icr  bv  Charles  A.  Schott  of  "  Inquiry 
into  the  Variation  nf  the  Compass  off  the  I'a- 
hama  Islands,  at  the  time  of  the  Landfall  of 
Columbus  in  1.(92."  which  is  accompanied  by  a 
chart,  showing  by  comparison  the  lines  of  no- 
variation  rcs])cctively  in  1492,  1600,  1700,  iSoo, 
and  iSSo,  as  far  as  they  can  be  made  out  from 
available  data.  In  this  chart  the  line  of  1492 
nnis  through  the  Azores, —  bending  east  as  it 
proceeds  northerly,  and  west  in  its  southerly 
txtcnsion.     The  no-variation  line  in  1S82  leaves 


the  South  American  coast  between  the  mouths 
of  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco,  and  strikes  the 
Carolina  coast  not  far  from  Charleston.  The 
Azores  to-day  are  in  the  curve  of  250  W.  varia- 
tion, which  line  leaves  the  west  coast  of  Ire- 
land, and  after  running  through  the  Azores 
sweeps  away  to  the  St.  Lawrence  Gulf. 

•'  Navarretc,  A'oticia  iM  tosmop-a/o  Aloino 
de  Sauta  Cruz. 

^  Humboldt,  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  672;  v.  59. 

'  Cosmos,  v.  55. 

"  Cosmos,  v.  59. 

'  Charts  of  the  magnetic  curves  now  made 
by  the  Coast  Survey  at  Washington  are  capable 
of  supplying,  if  other  means  fail,  and  jiarticu- 
larly  in  connection  with  the  dipi)ing-needle,  data 
of  a  ship's  longitude  with  but  inconsiderable 
error.  The  inclination  or  dip  was  not  meas- 
ured till  1576;  and  Humboldt  shows  luiw  under 
some  conditions  it  can  be  used  also  to  determine 
latitude. 

In  1714  the  English  Government,  following 
an  example  earlier  set  by  other  governments, 
offered  a  reward  of  ^'20,000  to  any  one  who 
would  determine  longitude  at  sea  within  half  a 
degree.  It  was  ultimately  given  to  Harrison, 
a  watchmaker  who  made  an  improved  marine 
chronometer.     An  additional  ;ii'j,ooo  was  given 


wrwumrnaBWWlaiii— 


THE   MAPS    OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


lOI 


The  earliest  map  which  is  distinctively  associated  with  tlie  views  which  were  developing 
in  Columbus'  mind  was  the  one  wiiich  Toscanelli  sent  to  liim  in  1474.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  preserved  in  Madrid  in  1527  ; '  and  fifty-three  years  after  Columbus'  death,  when  Las 
Casas  was  writing  his  history,  it  was  in  his  possession.-  We  know  that  this  Italian 
geographer  had  reduced  the  circumference  of  the  globe  to  nearly  three  quarters  of  its 
actual  size,  having  placed  China  about  six  thousand  five  hundred  miles  west  of  Lisbon, 
and  eleven  thousand  five  hundred  miles  east.  Japan,  lying  off  the  China  coast,  was  put 
somewhere  from  one  hundred  degrees  to  one  hundred  and  ten  degrees  west  of  Lisbon ; 
and  we  have  record  that  Martin  Pinzon  some  years  later  (1491)  saw  a  map  in  Home 
which  put  Cipango  (Japan)  even  nearer  the  European  side.^     A  similar  view  is  supposed 


at  the  s.imc  time  to  tlie  \vidi)W  of  Tobias  Me\"er, 
who  had  improved  tlie  lunar  tables.  It  also 
instigated  two  ingenious  mechanicians,  who  hit 
u\nm  the  same  principle  independently,  and 
worked  out  its  practical  application,  —  the  Phila- 
dclpliian,  Thomas  Godfrey,  in  his  "mariner's 
how"  (rciiit.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  422);  and  the 
Englishman,  Iladley,  in  his  well-known  quad- 
rant. 

It  can  hardly  be  claimed  to-day,  with  all  our 
modern  appliances,  that  a  ship's  longitude  can 
be  ascertained  with  anything  more  than  approxi- 
mate precision.  The  results  from  dead-reckon- 
ing are  to  be  corrected  in  three  ways.  Obser- 
vations on  the  moon  will  not  avoid,  except  by 
accident,  errors  which  may  amount  to  seven  or 
eight  miles.  The  dililiculties  of  making  note  of 
Jupiter's  satellites  in  their  eclipse,  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions,  will  be  sure  to  entail 
an  error  of  a  half,  or  even  a  whole,  minute. 
This  method,  first  tried  effectively  about  1700, 
was  the  earliest  substantial  progress  which  had 
been  made ;  all  the  attempts  of  observation  on 
the  opposition  of  planets,  the  occultations  of 
stars,  the  difference  of  altitude  between  the 
moon  and  Jupiter,  and  the  changes  in  the  moon's 
declination,  having  failed  of  satisfactory  results 
'Humboldt,  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  671).  John 
Werner,  of  Nuremberg,  as  early  as  1514,  and 
Gemma  Frisius,  in  1545,  had  suggested  the  meas- 
ure of  the  angle  between  the  altitude  of  the 
moon  and  some  other  hcavenlv  body  ;  but  it  was 
not  till  161 5  that  it  received  a  trial  at  sea,  through 
the  assiduity  of  Baffin.  The  newer  method  of 
Jupiter's  satellites  proved  of  great  value  in  the 
handi  of  Delisle,  the  real  founder  of  modern 
gC(i!Trai)hical  science.  l!y  it  he  cut  off  three 
hundred  leagues  from  the  length  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea,  and  carried  Paris  two  and  a  half 
degrees,  and  Constantinople  ten  degrees,  farther 
west.  Corrections  for  two  centuries  had  been 
chietly  made  in  a  similar  removal  of  places. 
For  instance,  the  longitude  of  Gibraltar  had 
increased  from  7°  50'  W.,  as  Ptolemy  handed  it 
down,  to  9°  30'  under  Ruscclli,  to  13°  30'  under 
Mercator,  and  to  14°  30'  under  Ortelius.  It  is 
noticeable  that  Eratosthenes,  who  two  hundred 
years  and  more  before  Christ  was  the  librarian 
at    ,\le.\andria    and   chief  of    its    geographical 


school,  though  he  made  the  length  of  the  Medi- 
terranean si.\  hundred  geographical  miles  too 
long,  did  better  than  Ptolemy  three  centuries 
later,  and  better  even  than  moderns  had  done 
up  to  1668,  when  this  sea  w.as  elongated  by 
nearly  a  third  beyond  its  proper  length.  Cf. 
Punbury,  History  0/  Ancient  Gcoi^'ro/'liy,  i.  635; 
Gosselin,  Geoi;:  des  Grecs,  p.  42.  Sanson  was 
the  last,  in  166S,  to  make  this  great  error. 

The  method  for  discovering  longitude  which 
modern  experience  has  settled  upon  is  the  not- 
ing at  noon,  when  the  weather  jjcrmits  a  view 
of  the  sun,  of  the  difference  of  a  chronometer 
set  to  a  known  meridian.  This  instrument,  with 
all  its  modern  perfection,  is  liable  to  an  error  of 
ten  or  fifteen  seconds  in  crossing  the  Atlantic, 
uliich  may  be  largely  corrected  by  a  mean, 
derived  from  the  use  of  more  than  one  chro- 
nometer. The  first  proposition  to  convey  time 
as  a  means  of  deciding  longitude  dates  back  to 
Alonzo  dc  Santa  Cruz,  who  had  no  better  time- 
keepers than  sand  and  water  clocks  (Humboldt, 
Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  O72). 

On  land,  care  and  favorable  circumstances 
may  now  place  an  object  within  si.x  or  eight 
yards  of  its  absolute  place  in  relation  to  the 
meridian.  Since  the  laying  of  the  Atlantic 
cable  has  made  it  possible  to  use  for  a  test  a 
current  which  circles  the  earth  in  three  seconds, 
it  is  significant  of  minute  accuracy,  in  fi.xing  the 
difference  of  time  between  Washington  and 
Greenwich,  that  in  the  three  several  attempts  to 
apply  the  cable  current,  the  difference  between 
the  results  has  been  Irss  than  ijn  of  a  secund. 

Put  on  shipboard  the  variation  is  still  great, 
though  the  last  fifty  years  has  largely  reduced 
the  error.  Professor  Rogers,  of  the  Harvard 
College  Observatory,  in  examining  one  hundred 
log-books  of  Atlantic  steamships,  has  fountl  an 
average  error  of  three  miles ;  and  he  reports  as 
significant  of  the  superior  care  of  the  Cunard 
commanders  that  the  error  in  the  logs  of  their 
shiiis  was  reduced  to  an  average  of  a  mile  and 
a  half. 

1  Pelewel,  ii.  130. 

-  Humboldt,  E.xamen  critiqicc,  ii.  210. 

^  The  breadth  cast  and  west  of  the  Old 
World  was  marked  variously,  —  on  the  Laon 
globe,   250°;   Ikhaim's  globe,    130°;  Schoner's 


%,k 


k 


\im 


ii .,' 


'11 


I'  I. 


lo: 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


BIHBALDVS  PIRCHAIMERVS  PATR. 
NoricusjHiftoricus. 


OammsauUortrant  bonus, bijior'ta^  tfedorw 
Zammsduttoresbifiovu^  magif. 

M.     O,     XX  XL 


PIRCKF.YMERUS.' 


to  have  been    presented  in  the  map  which  Bartholomew  Cohimbus  took  to  England  in 
14S8  ;  -  but  we  have  no  trace  of  the  chart  itself.^     It  has  always  been  supposed  that  in  the 


globe,  22S';  Ruvsch's  map,  224°;  Sylvanus' 
map,  220°;  and  the  Portuguese  chart  of  1503, 
220°. 

1  Fac-simile  of  a  cut  in  Reusner's  Icones, 
Strasburp  1590,  p  42.  This  well-known  cos- 
mographical  student  was  one  of  the  collabora- 
ters  of  the  series  of  the  printed  Ptolemies, 
beginning  with  that  of  1525.  There  is  a  well- 
known  print  of  Pirckeymerus  by  Albert  Diircr, 
1524,  which  is  reproduced  in  the  Gazette  des 
Beaux-Arts,  xix.  114.  Cf.  Friedrich  Campe's 
/.urn  Ainienken  Wilibald  Pirkhewiers,  Mitglieds 
des    Katlis    zii    Xiirnberg    (Nurnberg,    58    pj)., 


with  jiortrait),  and  Wilibald  Pirkheimer''s  Atifen- 
t/ialt  zti  A'eiiiihof',  ;■.'«  i/tm  sclbst geschildert ,  ncbst 
Beilrdi^eii  zii  dent  Lebeu  itiid  dem  xVachlasse  seiner 
Set.  :c'esten!  itiid  Tikhter,  von  Moritz  Maximilian 
Meyer  (Niirnberg,  1S2S). 

-  This  sea-chart  was  the  first  which  had  been 
seen  in  England,  and  almanacs  at  that  time  had 
only  been  known  in  London  for  fifteen  years, 
with  their  tables  for  the  sun's  declination  and 
tlie  altitude  of  the  pole-star. 

3  Cf.  Atti  della  Sceietc)  Ligiire,  1867,  \>.  174, 
Dcsimoni  in  Giornale  Liffiistieo,  ii.  52.  liar 
tholomew  is  also  supposed  fo    have   been    the 


&m:^ 


TOSCANKLLl's     MAI'.* 

'  This  is  a  restoration  of  the  map  as  given  in     original  was  doubtless  Latin.     Another  itstora- 
Z>as  Ausland,  lS6;,  p.  5.     The  language  of  the     tioii  is  given  in  St.  Martin's  Atlas,  pi.  i.\. 


I04 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


P 

ml 


m 


\  . 


well-known  globe  of  Martin  Behaim  we  get  in  the  main  an  expression  of  the  views  held 
by  Toscanelli,  Columbus,  and  other  of  lichaim's  contemporaries,  who  espoused  the  notion 
of  India  lying  over  agaiiist  Europe. 

Eratosthenes,   accepting    the   splierical    theory,   had   advanced    the   identical   notion 
which  nearly  seventeen  liundred  years  later  impelled  Columbus  to  his  voyage.     He  held 

the  known  world  to  span 
one  third  of  the  circuit  of 
the  globe,  as  Stralio  did  at 
a  later  day,  leaving  an  un- 
known two  thirds  of  sea ; 
and  "if  it  were  not  that 
the  vast  e.xtent  of  the  Atlan- 
tic Sea  rendered  it  impos- 
sible, one  might  even  sail 
from  the  coast  of  Spain 
to  that  of  India  along  the 
same  parallel."  ^ 

Behaim  had  spent  much 
of  his  life  in  Lisbon  and  the 
Azores,  and  was  a  friend  of 
Columbus.  He  had  visited 
Nuremberg,  pro!)ably  on 
some  family  matters  aris- 
ing out  of  the  death  of  his 
mother  in  1487.  While 
in  this  his  native  town,  he 
gratified  some  of  his  towns- 
people by  embodying  in 
a  globe  the  geographical 
views  which  prevailed  in  the 
maritime  countries  ;  and  the 
globe  was  finished  before 
Columbus  had  yet  accom- 
plished his  voyage.  The 
next  year  (1493)  Behaim  returned  to  Portugal ;  and  after  having  been  sent  to  the  Low 
Countries  on  a  diplomatic  mission,  he  was  captured  by  English  cruisers  and  carried  to 
England.  Escaping  finally,  and  reaching  the  Continent,  he  passes  from  our  view  in  1494, 
and  is  scarcely  heard  of  again.  , 

Of  Columbus'  maps  it  is  probable  that  nothing  has  come  down  to  us  from  his  own 
hand. 8    Humboldt  would  fain  believe  that  the  group  of  islands  studding  a  gulf  which 


"" U  D     y 


M'RTIN  BEHAIM." 


maker   of  an   anonymous   planisphere  of    1489 
(Peschcl,  Vcbcr  dnc  altc  Welthntc,  p.  213). 

'  Strabo,  i.  65.  Bunbury,  Ancient  Gtuip-aphy, 
i.  627,  says  the  passage  is  unfortunately  muti- 
lated, but  the  words  preserved  can  clearly  have 
no  other  signification.  \Vhat  is  left  to  us  of 
Eratosthenes  are  fragments,  whicli  were  edited 
by  Scidcl,  at  Gottingen,  in  1789;  again  and 
better  by  Hcrnhardy  (Berlin,  \%zz).  Uunburv 
(vol.  i.  ch.  .\vi.)  gives  a  suliicient  survey  of  liis 
work  and  opinions.  The  spherical  sliajie  of  the 
earth  was  so  generally  accepted  by  the  learned 
after  the  times  of  Aristotle  and  Euclid,  that 
when   Eratosthenes   in   the   third  century,   n.c. 


went  to  some  length  to  prove  it,  Strabo,  who 
criticised  him  two  centuries  later,  thought  ho 
had  needlessly  c.\erted  himself  to  make  plain 
what  nobody  disputed.  Eratosthenes  was  so 
nearly  accurate  in  his  supposed  size  of  the  globe, 
that  his  excess  over  the  actual  size  was  less  than 
one-scveuth  of  its  great  circle. 

-  This  cut  follows  the  engravings  in  Ghil- 
lany's  Behaim,  and  in  Kuge's  Ccsehiehte  Jes  Zeit- 
alters  der  Enliieckuiii^eu,  [i.  105. 

3  There  is  a  manuscript  map  of  Hispaniola 
attached  to  the  cony  of  the  1511  edition  of 
Peter  Martvr  in  the  Colombina  Library  which  is 
sometimes  ascribed  to  Columbus;  but  Harrisst 


THE   MAPS   OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


105 


Cathaja 


^ 


AZORtS 


y 


SECTION   OF   BEHAIM'S   GLOBE.* 

appears  on  a  coat-of-arms  granted  Columbus  in  May,  1493,  has  some  interest  as  the 
earliest  ol  all  cartographical  records  of  the  New  World ;  but  the  early  drawings  of  the 


thinks  it  rather  the  work  of  Iiis  brother  Bar- 
tholomew {BiV.  Ai?it:r.  Vet.,  Add.,  xiii.)  A  map  of 
this  island,  with  the  native  divisions  as  Columbus 
found  them,  is  given  in  Mufioz.  The  earliest 
separate  map  is  in  the  combined  edition  of 
Peter  Martyr  and  Oviedo  edited  by  Ramusio 
in  Venice  in  1534  (Stevens,  Bibliotheca  gco- 
^rafhicii,  no.  1,778).  Lc  disioiirs  dc  la  uavii:;atioii 
(/.■  [can  it  Raoiil  Parmcnticr,  de  Du'pl'c,  including 
a  description  of  .Santo  Domingo,  was  edited  by 
Ch.  Schefer  in  Paris,  18S3;  a  description  of 
the  "  isle  de  Ilaity  "  from  Lc  ^s^rand  insttlahc 
ct  pilotage  d''Andrl  Thevct  is  given  in  its  ap- 
pendi.x. 

'  This  globe  is  made  of  papier-mache,  cov- 
ered with  gypsum,  and  over  this  a  parchment 
surface  received  the  drawing;  it  is  twenty 
inches  in  diameter.  It  having  fallen  into  decay, 
the  Behaim  family  in  Nuremberg  caused  it  to  be 
repaired  in  1S25.  In  1S47  a  cojiy  was  made  of  it 
VOL.   li. —  14. 


for  the  Depot  Geographique  (National  Library) 
at  Paris;  the  origin.tl  is  now  in  the  city  hall  at 
Nuremberg.  The  earliest  known  engraving  of 
it  is  in  J.  G.  Doppelmayr's  Historisclic  A'luhricht 
von  dill  nunibcri^hihen  Matlu-malikcrii  mid  K'iinst- 
Icrn  (1730),  which  preserved  some  names  that 
have  since  become  illegible  (Stevens,  Historical 
Collection,  vol.  i.  no.  1,396).  Other  representa- 
tions are  given  in  Jomard's  Monuments  de  la  f^.o 
ra/'/iie  ;  Ghillany's  Martin  Behaim  (1S53)  and  his 
F.rdf;lohus  dcs  Behaim  itnd derdes  Sc/ioner  (iS.(2) ; 
C.  G.  von  Murr's  Diplomatische  Ceschichte  des 
Kilters  Behaim  (177S,  and  later  editions  and 
translations);  Cladera's  Investii:aciones  (\-^C)\); 
Amorctti's  translation  of  Pigafetta's  Voyai;e  de 
Magellan  (Paris,  1801);  Lelf^wel's  Moyen-Ai^e 
(pi.  .to;  also  see  vol.  ii.  p.  131,  and  Epilos^ue, 
p.  1S4) ;  Saint-Martin's  Atlas ;  Santarem's  Atlas, 
pi.  61;  the  /oil null  of  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  vol.  xviii.;  Kohl's  Disccrcery  of  Maine  ; 


'.I » 


1 06 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


arms  are  by  no  means  constant  in  the  kind  of  grouping  whicli  is  given  to  these  islands.' 
(^ucen  Isabella,  writing  to  the  Admiral,  Sept.  5,  1493,  asks  to  sec  the  marine  chart  which 
he  had  made ;  and  Columbus  sent  such  a  map  with  a  letter.'     We  have  various  other 

references  to  copies  of  this  or  similar 
charts  of  Columbus.  Ojeda  used  such 
a  one  in  following  Columbus'  route,'  as 
he  testified  in  the  famous  suit  against  the 
heirs  of  Columbus.  Uernardo  dc  Ibarra, 
in  the  same  cause,  said  that  he  had  seen 
the  Admiral's  chart,  and  that  he  had 
heard  of  copies  of  it  being  used  by 
Ojeda.  and  by  some  others.''  It  is  known 
that  about  i4yS  Columbus  gave  one  of  his 
charts  to  the  Pope,  and  one  to  Kent'  of 
Lorraine.  Angelo  Trivigiano.  secretary 
of  the  Venetian  Ambassador  to  Spain, 
in  a  letter  dated  Aug.  21,  1501,  addressed 
to  Dominico  Malipiero,  speaks  of  a  map 
of  the  new  discoveries  which  Columbus 
had.o 

Three  or  four  maps  at  least  have 
come  down  to  us  which  are  supposed  to 
represent  in  some  way  one  or  several  o( 
these  drafts  by  Columbus.  The  first  of 
these  is  the  celebrated  map  of  the  pilot 
Juan  de  la  Cosa,"  dated  in  1500,  ot  which 
some  account,  with  a  lieliotype  fac-simile 


LA.  COSA,    1500. 


I     > 


;  ,1 


i  )•)■  i-' 


Irving's  Coliimhus  (some  editions)  ;  Gay's  Popu- 
lar Histoyy  of  the  United  Sliiti-s,  i.  103;  Harnes' 
Popular  History  of  the  United  States  ;  Harpers' 
Monthly,  vol.  xlii.;  H.  li.  liancroft's  Central 
America^  i.  93.  Rugc,  in  his  Geschiehte  des  Zeit- 
alters  der  Entdeekiinqen,  p.  230,  reproduces  the 
colored  fac-simile  in  Ghill.any,  and  shows  ad- 
ditionally upon  it  the  outline  of  America  in  its 
proper  place.  The  sketch  in  the  text  follows 
this  representation.  Cf.  -lapers  on  Behaim 
.Hiid  his  globe  (besides  those  accompanying 
the  en?;ravings  above  indicated)  in  the  Jour- 
nal of  the  American  Ge()f;ra])hical  Society 
(1S72),  iv.  432,  by  the  Rev.  Mvtton  Maury;  in 
the  publications  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society  by  Robert  Dodge  and  John  G.  Morris; 
in  the-  Jaiireshericht  des  I'ereins  fUr  F.rdkunde 
(Dresden,  1S66),  p.  59.  Pcschcl,  in  his  Zeitalter 
der  Entdeekuni^en  (i.''5S),  ]).  90,  and  in  the  new 
edition  edited  bv  Kugc,  has  a  lower  opinion 
of  liehaim  than  is  usu.ally  t.aken. 

'  Cosmos,   Eng.  tr.,  ii.  647.     One   of 
early  engravings  is  given  on  page  15. 

-  Xavarrete,  i.  253,  264. 

^  Xavarrete,  i.  5. 

■•   Xavarrete,  iii.  5S7. 

'•'  Harrisse,   A\'tes  on   Coliimhus,  p.  34 
rcUi's  I.cttera  rarissinia  (Bass.ino,  iSio),  ajipcn- 
A\\.     A  "carta  nautica  "  of  Columbus  is  named 


these 


Mo- 


under  1501  in  the  Atti  della  Soeietii  lii;i:re,  1S67, 
\t.  174,  and  GiornaU  Lii;ustieo,  ii.  52. 

''  Of  La  Cosa,  who  is  said  to  have  been  of 
l?as(|iie  origin,  we  know  but  little.  I'etcr  Martvr 
tells  us  that  his  "  cardes  "  were  esteemed,  and 
mentions  finding  a  map  ot  his  in  1514  in  liishop 
Fonseca's  study.  We  know  he  was  with  Colum- 
bus in  his  expedition  along  the  southern  co,ast 
of  Cuba,  when  the  Admiral,  in  his  folly,  m.ade 
his  companions  sign  the  declaration  that  they 
were  on  the  coast  of  Asia.  This  was  during 
Columbus'  second  voyage,  in  1494;  and  Stevens 
{.Votes,  etc.)  claims  that  the  way  in  which  La 
Cosa  cuts  off  Cuba  to  the  west  with  a  line  of 
green  |)aint  —  the  conventional  color  for  "terra 
incognita  "  —  indicates  this  possibility  of  connec- 
tion with  the  main,  as  Kuysch's  scroll  does  in 
his  map.  The  interpretation  may  be  correct ; 
but  it  might  still  have  been  drawn  an  island 
fri  m  intimations  of  the  natives,  though  Ocampo 
did  not  circumnavigate  it  till  150S.  The  natives 
of  Guanahani  distinctly  told  Columbus  that  Cuba 
was  an  island,  as  he  relates  in  his  Journal.  Ste- 
vens also  remarks  how  I^a  Cosa  colors,  with  the 
same  green,  the  extension  of  Cuba  beyond  the 
limits  of  Columbus'  exploration  on  the  north 
coast  in  1492.  La  Cosa,  who  had  been  with 
Ojeda  in  1499,  and  with  Rodrigo  de  B.astidas  in 
1 501,  was  killed  on  the  coast  in  1509.     Cf.  En. 


II 

\n\ik 


THE    MAI'S   OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


107 


of  the  Amurican  part  of  the  map,  is  given  in  another  place.'  After  the  death  (April  27, 
1S52)  of  Walckenaer  (who  had  bought  it  at  a  moderate  co.st  of  an  ignorant  dealer  in 
second-hand  articles),  it  was  sold  at  public  auction  in  I'aris  in  the  spring  of  1853,  wiien 
Jomard  failed  to  secure  it  for  the  Imperial  Library  in  I'aris,  and  it  went  to  Spain,  where, 
in  the  naval  museum  at  Madrid   it  now  is. 

Of  the  next  earliest  of  the  American  maps  the  story  has  recently  been  told  with  great 
fulness  by  Il.irrisse  in  his  I.es  Corlercal,  accompanied  by  a  large  colored  fac-simile  of  the 
map  itseh'.  executed  by  I'ilinski.  The  map  was  not  unknown  before,-  and  Ilarrissc  had 
earlier  described  it  in  his  Cabots.-^ 

We  know  that  Caspar  CortereaH  had  already  before  1500  made  some  explorations, 
during  which  he  had  discovered  a  mainland  and  some  islands,  but  at  what  precise  date 
it  is  impossililc  to  determine  ;  ^  nor  can  we  decide  upon  the  course  he  had  taken,  but  it 
seems  likely  it  was  a  westerly  one.  We  know  also  that  in  this  same  year  (1500)  he 
made  his  historic  voyage  to  the  Newfoundland  region,''  coasting  the  neighboring  shores, 
probably,  in  September  and  October.  Then  followed  a  second  expedition  from  Janu.iry 
to  October  of  the  next  year  (1501),  —  the  one  of  which  we  have  the  account  in  the  I'lirsi 
iiovainciitc  retro-iHiti,  as  furnished  by  Pasqualigo.'  There  was  at  tliis  time  in  Lisbon 
one  Alberto  C.intino,  a  correspondent  —  with  precisely  what  quality  we  know  not  —  of 
Hercule  d'  Este,  Duke  of  Ferrara;  and  to  this  noble  jjcrsonage  Cantino,  on  the  19th  of 
October,  addressetl  a  letter  embodying  what  he  had  seen  and  learned  of  the  newly 
returned  companions  of  Caspar  Cortereal." 

The  Report  of  Cantino  instigated  the  Duke  to  ask  his  correspondent  to  procure  for  him 
a  map  of  these  explorations.  Cantino  procured  one  to  be  made  ;  and  inscribing  it,  "  Carta 
da  navigar  per  le  Isole  novam"'  tr.  .  .  .  in  le  parte  de  I'lndia :  dono  Alberto  Cantino  Al 
S.  Duca  Hercole,"  he  took  it  to  Italy,  and  delivered  it  by  another  hand  to  the  Duke  at 
Ferrara.  Here  in  the  family  archives  it  was  preserved  till  1592,  when  the  reigning  Duke 
retired  to  Modena,  his  library  following  him.  In  1868,  in  accordance  with  an  agreement 
between  the  Italian  Covernment  and  the  Archduke  Francis  of  Austria,  the  cartographical 
monuments  of  the  ducal  collection  were  transferred  to  the  Uiblioteca  ICstense,  where  this 
precious  map  now  is.     The  map  was  accompanied  when  it  left  Cantino's  hands  by  a  note 


rique  dc  Legiiina's  Juan  dc  la  Cosa,  estudio  biog- 
riijico  (Madrid,  1S77);  Ilumlwldt's  Examen  cri- 
tique and  his  Cosmos,  Eiig,  tr.  ii,,  639;  Ue  la 
Ko([uette,  in  the  Bulletin  dc  la  Socictl  dc  Gcogra- 
fhiedc  Paris,  Mai,  1S62,  p.  29S ;  Harrisse's  Catwts, 
pp.  52,  103,  15O,  and  his  Lcs  Cortcreal,  p.  94 ;  and 
the  references  in  Vol.  IIL  of  the  present  His- 
tory, p.  8. 

1  Vol.  III.  p.  8.  The  fac-simile  there  given 
follows  Joniard's.  I  larrissc  (Xotcs  on  Columbus, 
p.  40),  comparing  Jomard's  reproduction  with 
Humboldt's  description,  thinks  there  are  omis- 
sir)ns  in  it.  liecher  {Landfall  of  Columbus) 
speaks  of  the  map  as  "the  clumsy  production, 
of  an  illiterate  seaman."  T'  re  is  also  a  repro- 
duction of  the  American  i)arts  of  the  map  in 
Weise's  Disc  enterics  of  America,  1SS4. 

-  Ongania,  of  Venice,  announced  some  years 
ago  a  fac-simile  rcproduclion  in  his  Raccolta  di 
maft'i""i"di,  edited  by  Professor  Fischer,  of 
Kiel.  It  was  described  in  1S73  by  Giusepp? 
IJuni  in  Cenni  storici  della  Rcale  Bibliotccu  Estetisc 
in  Modena,  and  by  Gustavo  Uzielli  in  his  Studi 
bibliografici  e  bio^rafici,  Rome,  1S75, 

»  Pages  143,  1 58. 


*  He  was  born  about  1450;  Lcs  Cortereal,\>.Tf>. 
Cf .  E.  do  Canto's  Os  Cortc-Rcacs  ( 1SS3),  p.  28. 

s  Lcs  Cortcreal,  p.  45. 

•■'  Sec  Vol.  IV.  chap.  i. 

■J  I  larrissc,  L.es  Cortcreal,  p.  50,  translates  this 

•*  Printed  for  the  first  time  in  I  larrissc, /^I'j 
Cortcreal,  app.  xvii.  From  I'asciualigo  and 
Cantino  down  to  the  time  of  Gomara  we  find  no 
mention  of  these  events;  and  Gomara,  writing 
fifty  years  later,  seems  to  confound  the  events 
of  1500  with  those  of  I50t.  Gomara  also  seems 
to  have  had  some  Portuguese  charts,  which  we 
do  not  now  know,  when  he  says  that  Cortcreal 
gave  his  name  to  some  isl.ands  in  llie  entrance 
of  the  gulf  "Cuadrado"  (.St.  Lawrence  .>  ),  lying 
under  50°  north  latitude.  Further  than  this, 
Gomara,  as  well  as  Kamiisio,  seems  to  have 
depended  mainly  on  the  Pasqualigo  letter  ;  and 
Herrera  followed  (jomara  (Harrisse,  Lcs  Cortc- 
real, p.  59).  Harrisse  can  now  collate,  as  he  does 
(p.  65),  the  two  narratives  of  I'ascpialigo  and 
Cantino  for  the  first  time,  and  finds  Cortereal's 
explorations  to  have  covered  the  Atlantic  coast 
from  Delaware  Pay  to  Baffin's  Pay,  if  not  far- 
ther to  the  north. 


loS 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


> 


>:  V 


j 


i  OCEANliSOCCIDENTALIS 


♦:^ 


"too 


HAS  ANTILHAS 

O 


gjir  TCRRA 
R[Y 
DE 
PORTUGU/ILL 


THE  CANTINO   MAP, 


'r 


ill;* 


ill 


11.  ■/    !! 


I 


■fill 


addressed  to  the  Duke  and  dated  at  Rome,  Nov.  19,  1502,-  which  fortunately  for  us  fixes 
very  nearly  the  period  of  the  construction  of  the  ni.ap.  A  mucii  reduced  sketch  is 
annexed. 

For  the  northern  coast  of  South  America  La  Cosa  and  Cantino's  draughtsmen  seem 
to  have  had  ditTerent  authorities.  La  Cosa  attaciies  forty-five  names  to  that  coast:  Can- 
tino  only  twenty-nine;  and  only  three  of  them  are  common  to  the  two."  Harrisse 
argues  from  the  failure  of  the  La  Cosa  map  to  give  certain  intelligence  of  the  Atlantic 

1  This  is  sketched  from  Harrisse';;  fac-siinile,  — which  h.is  been  calculated  by  ILirrisse  to  1)8 

which  is  of  the  si/c  of  the  original  map.     The  at  62"  30,'  weat  of  Paris, 
(lotted    line    is   the    Line    of    Demarcation, —  -'  Harrisse,  Z«  Cc;-/(m'<7/,  p.  71. 

"Este  he  omarco  dantre  castella  y  Portiiguall,"  '  Ibid,  p.  96. 


Tin;  MAI'S  nv  tiik  kakmkst  discovkkies. 


109 


coast  of  the  Unitcil  .Stales  (Iiltc  represented  in  tlie  luirtli  and  south  trend  of  shore,  iiottli 
of  Cuba),  that  there  was  existinjj;  in  October,  1 500,  at  least  in  Spanisii  t  irclcs,  no  knowledge 
of  it,'  but  tiiat  explorations  must  inve  taken  place  before  the  summer  of  1 502  which  afforded 
tlie  knowledge  cmi)odied  in  this  Cantino  ma|).  This  coast  was  not  visited,  so  far  as  is 
positively  known,  by  any  Spanish  expedition  previous  to  1502.  Besides  the  eight  Spanish 
voyajjcs  of  this  period  (not  countiTif;  tlie  proiilematical  one  of  \'espucius)  of  which  we  have 
ilocumentary  proof,  there  were  doubtless  others  of  which  we  have  intimations;  but  we 
know  nothing  of  their  discoveries,  except  so  far  as  those  before  1500  may  be  eniimdied  in 
La  Cosa's  chart.-  The  researclies  of  Harrisse  have  failed  to  discover  in  J'ortugal  any 
positive  trace  of  voyages  made  from  that  kingdom  in  isot,  or  tliereabout,  records  of  which 
iiave  been  left  in  the  Cantino  map.  Ilumbolilt  had  intimated  that  in  Lisbon  at  that  time 
there  was  a  knowledge  of  the  connection  of  the  Antilles  with  the  northern  discoveries  of 
Cortereal  by  an  intervening  coast ;  but  Ilarri.sse  iloubts  if  Humboldt's  authority  —  which 
seems  to  have  been  a  letter  of  I'asciualigo  sent  to  Venice,  dateil  Oct.  18,  1501,  found  in  the 
/h'ani  of  Marino  Sanuto,  a  manuscript  preserved  in  Vienna  —  means  anything  more 
than  a  conjectural  belief  in  such  connection.  Ilarrisse's  conclusion  is  that  between  the 
close  of  1500  and  the  summer  of  1502,  some  navigators,  of  whose  ames  and  nation  we 
are  ignorant,  but  who  were  ])robably  Spanish,  explored  the  coast  of  the  present  United 
States  from  Pensacola  to  the  Hudson.  This  Atlantic  coast  of  Cantino  terminates  at 
about  51/  north  latitude,  running  nearly  north  and  south  from  the  Ca|ie  of  Florida  to  that 
elevation.  Away  to  the  cast  in  mid-ocean,  and  placed  so  far  easterly  as  doubtless  to  ajipear 
on  the  Portuguese  side  of  the  Line  of  Demarcation,  and  covering  from  about  fifty  to  tifty- 
nine  degrees  of  latitude,  is  a  large  island  which  stands  for  the  discoveries  of  Cortereal, 
"  Terra  del  Key  du  I'ortuguall ;  "  and  northeast  of  this  is  the  point  of  Greenland  apparently, 
with  Iceland  very  nearly  in  its  proper  place."  This  Cantino  map,  now  positively  fixed  in 
1502,  establishes  the  earliest  instance  of  a  kind  of  delineation  of  North  Ainerica  which  pre- 
vailed for  some  time.  Students  of  this  early  cartography  have  long  supposed  this  geo- 
graphical idea  to  date  from  about  this  time,  and  have  traced  back  the  origin  of  what  is 
known  as  "The  Admiral's  Map"''  to  data  accumulated  in  the  earliest  years  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Inileed  Lelewel,''  thirty  years  ago,  made  up  what  he  called  a  Portuguese 
chnrt  of  1501-1504,  by  combining  in  one  draft  the  maps  of  the  1513  Ptolemy,  with  a  hint 
or  two  from  the  Sylvanus  map  of  1 51 1,  acting  on  the  belief  that  the  Portuguese  were  the 
real  first  pursuers,  or  at  least  recorders,  of  explorations  of  the  Floridian  peninsula  and  of 
the  coast  northerly." 

The  earliest  Spanish  map  after  that  of  La  Cosa  which  has  come  down  to  us  is  the 
one  which  is  commonly  known  as  Peter  Martyr's  map.  It  is  a  woodcut  measuring  11  X 
y'/<  inches,  and  is  usually  thought  to  have  first  appeared  in  the  Lei^atio  Dabylonica.  or 


1  Some  have  considered  that  this  Atlantic 
coast  ill  Cantino  may  in  reality  have  been  Yuca- 
tan. But  this  peninsula  was  not  visited  earlier 
than  1506,  if  we  suppose  Soils  and  Pinzon 
reached  it,  and  not  earlier  than  15 17  if  Cor- 
dova's expedition  was,  as  is  usually  supposed, 
the  first  c.\])lor.ation.  The  n.anies  on  this  coast, 
twenty-two  in  number,  arc  all  legible  hut  si.\. 
They  resemble  those  on  the  Ptolemy  iiiajis  of 
150S  and  1 51  J,  and  on  Schiincr's  globe  of 
1520,  which  points  to  an  earlier  map  not  now 
known. 

-  These  earliest  Spanish  voyages  are,  — 

1.  Columbus,  Aug.  3,  1492  —  March  15, 1493. 

2.  Columbus,  Sept.  25,  1493  —  June  II,  1496. 

3.  Columbus,  May  30,  1498  —  Nov.  25,  1500. 

4.  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  May  20,  1499  —  June, 
I  500,  to  the  Orinoco. 


5.  Piro  Alonzo  Niiio  and  Christuval  Guerra, 
June,  1.199  —  April,  1500,  to  Paria. 

6.  Vicente  Yafiez  I'inzon,  December,  1499  — 
September,  1500,  to  the  Amazon. 

7.  Diego  de  Lepe,  December,  1499  (?)  — 
June,  1500,  to  Cape  St.  Aiigustin. 

8.  Rodrigo  de  liastidas,  October,  1500  — 
September,  1502,  to  Panama. 

^  The  (Jrecnlaiid  peninsula  seems  to  have 
been  seen  by  Cortereal  in  i  500  or  1501,  and  to 
be  here  called  "  Poiita  d'  Asia,"  in  accordance 
witli  the  prevalent  view  that  any  mainland  here- 
about nuist  he  .\sia. 

^  .See  fac-simile  on  liage  \iz, post. 

'•'  Plate  43  of  his  Gcoi^aphie  dti  Moycn-age. 

'^  De  Costa  points  out  that  La  Cosa  com- 
plains of  the  Portuguese  being  in  this  region 
in  1503. 


no  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


",   1% 


1 


4 


^1 


bm 


I 


'  The  1 51 1  map,  here  given  in  fac-simile 
after  another  fac-similc  in  the  duter-Brmoii  Cotu- 
/i'Xiu;  lias  been  several  times  reproduced,  —  in 
Stevens's  ^\'<>/i'j-,  pi.  4;  J.  II.  I.cfrov's  AAiiiiiriii/s 
of  tliv  Ih'riniidas,  London,  1S77;  H.  \.  Schu- 
macher's J'itnis  Miirtyr,  New  York,  1S79;  and 
crroneousU-  in  1 1.  It.  I'ancroft's  Cciitriil  Ameriai. 
I- 1 27.  Cf.  also  I  larrissc,  BM.  Amcr.  l\-t.,  no.  66 ; 
■l./,!iiit»is,  p.  viii  anil  no.  41  ;  A'l'A'.f  .'//  Columbus, 


p.  9;  and  his  Lcs  Cortercal,  p.  113.  Copies  of 
the  book  are  in  the  Carter-lirown,  l.eno.\,  Daly, 
and  Harlow  libraries.  A  copy  (no.  1605*)  was 
sold  in  the  Murphy  sale.  Quaritch  has  jiriced 
a  jicrfect  copy  at  /"too.  The  map  gives  the 
earliest  knowledge  which  we  have  of  the  lier- 
nuidas.  Cf.  the  "  I)cscripcion  do  la  isla  lier- 
muda"  (iSjSJ.in  ISuckingham  Smith's  CoUccion. 
1'-  92' 


PART   OF   THK   ORIilS   'lYPUS   UNIVERSALIS    (PTOLEMY,    I513).' 


'    Pile   Euroiiean  prolongation  of   Gronland     Another  reduced  fai-simile  is  given  in  Kuge's 
••esemWes  that   of  a   Portuguese  map  of  1400.      Gi:u/i/r/i/e(/i-s  /,-i/,i//irst/cr  /iii.'d'iiuii,!,vii  (iS^t-) 


iia 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AiMERICA. 


iH 


O 


H/r»rrr.t  turn  .i>M»tn(il«''infu(i<  mamlntllpnCflimlni 


TERKA 


Trpyfart      CtptAmm 


TABULA  TERRE   NOVE,    OR   THE   ADMIRAI.'s  MAP   (PTOI.EMY,    1513).^ 


'  'i 


'  I 


.1  ■' 


If 


Martyr's  first  decade,  at  Seville,  1511 ;  but  Harrisse  is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  map  dia 
not  originally  belong  to  Martyr's  book,  because  three  copies  of  it  in  the  original  vellum 


These  1513  niajis  were  reprinted  in  the  Stras- 
burg,  1520,  cditiim  oi  Ptolciny  (co|)ics  in  the  Car- 
ter-lirowii  Library  and  in  tlic  M'lii/'/ty  Gi/iiliX'i'', 
no.  3,05.';),  and  were  rc-cngraved  on  a  reduced 
scale,  Imt  with  more  elaboration  and  with  a  few 
changes,  for  the  J'lo!t-iiiics  of  1522  and  i  i;25  :  and 
they  were  again  the  basis  of  those  in  Scrvcliis' 
Violcmy  of  15;,  5. 

1  Koh!  remarks  that  tlie  names  on  the  Snuth 
American  coast    (north    i)art)   are   carried    no 


farther  than  (Ijcda  went  in  1499,  and  no  farther 
south  than  Vespucius  went  in  1503;  while  the 
connection  made  of  the  two  .Americas  was  \\xo\y- 
ablv  conjectural.  Other  fac-siniilcs  of  the  map 
are  given  in  Varnhagen's  Premier -•■oyni^e  dc  /Vr- 
piirci\  in  Weise's  Discc^'erics  of  America,  p.  124J 
and  ill  Stevens's  Histoyicii!  am!  Geixrap/iiral 
Xo/es,  1)1.  2.  Cf.  Santarem  (Childe's  tr.).  153. 
Wicscr,  in  his  .1Ai/:a//iii,:r-Sfrass<-  (Innsbruck, 
iSSi),  p.   15,  mentions  a  manuscript  note-book 


s 


niE    MATS   OF   THE    EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


I  1 


which  lie  has  examined  do  not  havu  the  map.  Ouarilch  *  says  that  coj^ies  vary,  that  the 
leaf  containing  the  map  is  an  insertion,  and  tliat  it  is  sometimes  on  different  folios.  'I'lius 
of  two  issues,  one  is  called  a  second,  because  two  leaves  seem  to  have  been  reprinted  to 
correct  t  rrors,  and  two  new  leaves  are  inserted,  and  a  new  title  is  printed.  It  is  held  by 
some  th;it  the  map  properly  belongs  to  this  issue.  Urevoort  -  thinks  that  the  publication 
of  the  map  was  tlistasteful  to  the  Spanish  Government  (since  the  King  this  .same  year 
forbade  maps  being  given  to  foreigners);  and  he  argues  that  the  scarcity  of  the  book  may 
indicate  that  attempts  were  made  to  suppress  it.^ 

The  maker  of  tlie  1513  map  is  we  have  it  was  Waldseemullcr,  or  Ilylacomylus,  of  St. 
Die.  in  the  Vosges  Mountains  ;  and  Lelewel  ■*  gives  reasons  for  believing  that  the  plate  had 
been  engraved,  and  that  copies  were  on  sale  as  early  as  1507.  It  had  been  engraved  at  the 
expense  of  Duke  Rend  II.  of  Lorraine,  from  information  furnished  by  him  to  perfect  some 
anterior  chart ;  but  the  plate  does  not  seem  tj  have  been  used  in  any  book  before  it  ap- 
peared in  this  1513  edition  of  I'tolemy.'*  It  bears  along  the  coast  this  legend:  "Ilec 
terra  adjacentibus  insulis  inventa  est  per  Columbu  ianuensem  ex  mandato  Regis  Cas- 
telle  ;  "  and  in  the  Address  to  the  Reader  in  the  .Supiilement  appears  the  following  sentence, 
in  which  the  connection  of  Columbus  with  the  map  is  thought  to  be  indicated  :  "  Cliarta 
ante  marina  (juam  lIydrograi)hiam  vocant  per  Adniiralem  [?  Coluniliiis\  quondam  serenissi. 
I'ortugalie  \)  llispaiii(c'\  regis  Eerdinandi  ceteros  denique  lustratores  verissimis  pagra- 
tioibus  lustrata,  ministerio  Renati,  dum  vixit,  nunc  pie  mortui.  Duels  illustris.  Lotharingie 
liberalius  prclographationi  tradita  est."  '' 

This  •'  Admiral's  map  "  seems  to  have  been  closely  followed  in  the  map  which  Gregor 
Reisch  annexed  to  his  popular  encyclopx'dia,'  the  Marij^aritix  philosofiliica.  in  1 5 1 5  ;  though 
there  is  some  difference  in  the  coast-names,  and  the  river  mouths  and  deltas  on  the  coast 
west  of  Cuba  are  left  out.  Stevens  and  others  have  contended  that  this  represents 
Columbus'  Ganges  ;  but  Varnhagen  makes  it  stand  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Missis- 
sippi,—a  supposition  more  nearly  like  Reisch's  interpretation,  as  will  be  seen  by  his 
distinct  separation  of  the  new  lands  from  Asia.     Reisch  is,  however,  uncertain  of  their 


of  Schijner,  the  globe-maker,  preserved  in  the 
Hof-l)iblii)thck  at  Vienna,  which  has  a  sketch 
resembling  this  1513  map.  Harrisse  ([.cs  Cor- 
IciYiil,  |-)p.  122,  120)  has  ])ointed  (uit  the  corre- 
spondence of  its  names  to  the  Cantiiio  map, 
ihouLli  the  WaUlsecmiiller  map  has  a  few  names 
which  arc  not  on  the  Cantino.  Again,  Harrisse 
(Lis  Corterciil,  p.  1 28)  argues  from  the  fact 
that  tlie  relations  of  Duke  Rene  with  Portugal 
were  cordial,  while  they  were  not  so  with  Spain, 
and  from  the  resemblance  of  Rene's  map  in  the 
I'tolemy  of  1513  to  that  of  Cantino,  that  the 
missing  map  ujjon  which  Waldseemiiller  is  said 
to  have  worked  to  produce,  with  Rene's  help, 
the  so-called  "  .\ilmirars  map,"  was  the  origi- 
nal likewise  of  that  of  Cantino. 

'  Catidos^iic  of  Kehruarv,  1S79,  pricing  a 
C)  )y  of  tlie  book,  with  the  map,  at  ^100.  This 
(Tiiaritcli  copy  is  now  owned  bv  Mr.  C.  1 1. 
Kalhlleisch,  of  New  York,  and  its  title  is  differ- 
ent from  the  transcription  given  in  S.abin,  the 
Carter-lirown  and  liarlow  catalogues,  whicl 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  title  was  set  up 
three  times  it  least. 

-   ]'t'rntzi:m\  p.  102. 

"  The  editions  of  1516  and  1530  have  no 
map,  and  no  .iflir/,!/ mciyi  was  published  in  Siiaiu 
(ill    1790.     The   Cabot   map   of  1544  is  clearly 

VOL.    II.  —  15. 


from  Spanish  sources,  and  Urevoort  is  inclined 
to  think  that  the  single  copy  known  is  the 
remainder  after  a  like  suppression.  The  Medina 
sketch  of  1545  is  too  minute  to  have  convcved 
much  intelligence  of  the  Spanish  knowledge, 
and  may  have  been  jiermitted. 

<  Vol.  ii.  p.  143. 

''  This  edition  will  come  under  more  partic- 
ular observation  in  connection  with  Vespucius. 
There  are  cojiies  in  the  Astor  Library  and  in  the 
libraries  of  Congress,  of  the  Aincrican  Anti- 
quarian Society,  and  of  Trinity  College,  Hartford 
(Cooke  sale,  no.  1,950),  and  in  the  Carter-lirown, 
liarlow,  and  K.albtleisch  collections.  There 
was  a  copy  in  the  Murpliv  sale,  no.  2,052. 

"  Cf.  Santarem  in  />'////<■////  ,/,■  /,i  Soa'i'/r  tie 
C'o^nf'/iU' tit:  J'tu-is (I'&yj),  viii.  [71, and  inhis  K,- 
eho-fhes sitr  Vesfucc cl scs-'oviii^t-i,  p.  165;  Wieser'x 
Mti-^'ii/.'ni.  Slnisst;  p.  10.  It  will  be  seen  that  in 
the  Latin  ipioted  in  the  text  there  is  an  incon- 
gruity in  making  a  "  Ferdinand  "  king  of  Por- 
tugal at  a  time  when  no  such  king  ruled  that 
kingdom,  but  a  Ferdinand  did  govern  in  ."^iiain. 
The  Admiral  could  hardly  have  been  other 
than  Columbus,  but  it  is  too  much  to  sav 
that  he  made  the  map,  or  even  had  a  chief 
hand  in   it. 

'   Cf.  IhinibokU,  Ci'siiit's.  Eng.tr.,  ii.fijo,  C21 


114  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Ilv' 


hHi! 


4 


m 


\i 


PART  OF   REISCH'S   MAP,    1515.' 


'  There  is  another  fac-similc  in  Stevens's  (Murphy,  no.  3,089);  but  in  150,}  tl\ere  were 
Historical  and  Ccot^raphical  Notes,  pi.  4.  An  two  editions,  with  a  niappeniondc  wliicli  had  no 
edition  of  Reisch  aiii)carcd  at  Freiburg  in  1503     otlier  reference  to  America  tlian  in  the  legend; 


THJi   MAPS    OF   THE   EARLIEST  DISCOVERIES. 


115 


,uL> 


"""AZORES 


C.V£f^d*£. 


TiRRA  5ANCT£  CRI''CI^ 

5IV£ 

MUMOUS  NOVOS. 


RUYSCH,    1508.* 

western  limits,  which  are  cut  off  by  the  scale,  as  shown  in  the  map ;  while  on  the  other 
side  of  the  same  scale  Cipango  is  set  clown  in  close  proximity  to  it. 


"Hie  lion  terra  setl  mare  est  in  qao  mira;  mag- 
nitudiiiis  insula;  sed  I'tolcnia;o  fucrunt  incog- 
nita;." Some  copies  are  (lilted  1505.  (Miirphy, 
r  •).  3,ogo.)  A  copy  dated  150S,  Basle,  "cum  :id- 
ditionilnis  novis  "  (Quaritch,  no.  12,363;  Baer's 
Ituiiuakbi,  1SS4,  no.  64,  at  36  marks  ;  and  .Mur- 
phy, no.  2,112  *)  had  the  same  map.  The  1515 
edition  had  the  map  above  given.  (Ilairissc, 
/)'//'/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  82 ;  AMitions,  no.  45, 
noting  a  copy  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna. 
Kohl  copies  in  his  Washington  Collection  from 
one  in  the  library  at  Munich.)  The  Basle  edi- 
tion of  1517  has  a  still  different  wood-cut  map. 


(Beckford,  Cat(ih'i;ii(,vo\.  iii.  no.  1,256;  Murphy, 
no.  2,112  **.)  Not  till  1535  did  an  edition  have 
any  reference  to  America  in  the  text.  (JSibl, 
Ai>!ei:  IW;  no.  20S.)  The  latest  edition  is  that 
of  15.S3,  Basle,  with  a  mappemonde  showing 
America.  (Leclerc,  no.  2,926.)  Cf.  further  in 
D'Avezac's  Wallziiiiii/h'r,  p.  94;  Kunstmann's 
Eiitdtckuii!^  Amerikas,  p.  130;  Ste\'ens's  Notes, 
p.  52 ;  Kohl,  Die  heideii  iiltesten  Ceiieral-Karten 
von  America,  p.  33. 

'  .\  heliotypc  fac-simile  is  given  in  Vol.  IIL 
p.  9,  where  are  various  references  and  a  record 
of  other  fac-siiniles;   to   which   may  be   added 


,N 


h    i 


,f!i      I 


m 


i^' 


':i;''i: 


\:'y 


t 

I- 

J. 


Il6  NARRATUK    AM)    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


E^J^J^S^ 


STOIiXlC^A,     1512.' 


Varnhagen's    A^ik'ps    esfiidos    (Vienna,     1S74);  •  It  is  held  that  this  map  shows  the  earliest 

Kiige's  0,.!c-/iit/i/i-  ifi's  /.lititticrs  i/i'-  EiitJickiiii-  attempt  to  represent  on  a  plane  a  si)here  trim 

s^eii ;  Weise's  DisciKcrit-s  of  Aiiieyica  ;  and  on  a  cated  at  the  jioles.     Wieser  (M,i!^ittlht!i-Sliiisse, 

small  scale  in  H.  II.  Bancroft's  Ccnlrai  AvuriiM,  p.  1 1 )  speaks  of  a  mamiscript  copy  of  Slobnicza's 

vol.  i.  western  hemisphere,  maile  liv  Cilareaniis,  which 


IHE    MAI'S   OF   THE    EARI  lES  T    DISCOVERIES. 


Mathemaricus. 


117 


SCHONEK.' 


c  earliest 
icre  trun 
's-Slnisse, 
Dbnicza's 
us,  wliich 


It  has  been  supposed  that  it  was  a  map  of  this  type  whicii  Bartholomew  Columbus, 
when  he  visited  Rome  in  1505,  jj;ave  to  a  canon  of  St.  John  Lateran,  toitether  with  one 
of  the  printed  accounts  of  his  brother's  voyaije ;  and  this  canon  i;ave  the  map  to  Ales- 
sandro  Strozzi,  '-suo  amico  e  compilatore  della  raccolta,"  as  is  .stated  in  a  marginal  note  in 
a  coiM'  of  the  Mundiis  novus  in  the  Magliabecchian  library.^ 

Cnluiiiiius  is  said  to  have  had  a  vision  before  his  fourth  voyage,  during  which  he  saw 
rmd  depicted  on  a  map  a  strait  between  the  regions  north  and  south  of  the  .Antillian  .Sea. 
I)e  Lorgues,  with  a  convenient  alternative  for  his  saintly  hero,  savs  that  the  mistake  was 
only  in  making  the  strait  of  water,  when  it  should  have  been  of  land  ! 


's  bound  with  a  cnpv  of  WaUlsccuiiiller's  Cos- 
niOi;ra['h!(t  iitlroiliiitio,  preserved  in  the  Univer- 
sity I.ihrarv  at  .Nrimicli.  Cf.  Vol.  I'',.  \i.  1.),  with 
references  there,  and  Winsor's  Jiihlicxrii/'/iy  of 
Ptolt-niv  sub  anno  1512;  Ilarrisse,  Xotc:  on 
Columbus,  \i.  17S,  and  />//'/  Aincr.  l\-t.,  nos.  69 
and  05,  and  AMilious,  no.  .(7.  The  only  co|)ies 
of  the  Stubnicza  lutroductio  in  this  country  lack 
the  maps.  One  in  the  Carter-lirown  Library  has 
it  in  fac-simile,  and  the  other  was  sold  in  the 
Afurphv  sale,  no.  2.075 


'  I'ac-simile  of  a  cut  in  Rcusner's  liones 
(Strasluug,  1590),  p.  127.  Cf.  on  Schoner's 
gciij,'ra])liical  lal)ors,  Doppclniayr's  Ilistoruilu 
A'lic/nii/it  :'oi!  ticu  iiurulvri;isi/icn  Miitlumiilikerii 
uud  Kiiustlcrn  (1730);  Will  uud  Nnpitsch's 
A'urulii>xisi-/us  Gi-U-lnti-n-Ltxicon  (1757);  Ghilla- 
ny's  En/^/o/ius  d,:s  Bohahn  uiul  dcr  dcs  Schoucr  ; 
anil  Varnhagen's  Sc/toui-r  <•  Apiauus  (Vienna, 
1 87  2). 

-  This  supposition  is   not  .-ustaincd  in  Wie. 
ser's  A'iiitodos  /!.  l\''i<ui/'o  (l.Sy^). 


tl8  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


SCHOVER,    1515. 


11 


«;i! 


'I,'- 


b.''^il 


We  have  a  suspicion  of  this  strait  in  another  map  whicli  has  been  held  to  have  had 
some  connection  with  the  drafts  of  Columbus,  and  tiiat  is  the  Ruysch  rnap,  which  appeared 


'  According  to  Wieser  {Miif;,tl/idcs-Slr<issc, 
p.  ig)  this  glol)C,  which  exists  in  copies  at  Wei- 
mar (of  which  Wicscr  gives  the  above  sl<etcli 
from  Jomard's  fac-simile  of  the  one  nt  Fraiil<- 
fort,  but  with  some  particulars  added  from  tliat 
at  Weimar)  and  at  Franlcfort  (which  is  figured 
in  Jomard),  was  made  to  accompany  Schiiner's 
Lnc!i!,-ii/istii)i<i  ijiiu-ildni  /ei-ric  totiiis  JcSiViptio, 
printed  in  1 5 1 5.  Cf.  I larrisse,  A\'tes  on  Cohinihus, 
p.  179,  and  /)'//'/.  Aiiicr.  l',i.,  nos.  So,  Si  ;  Mur- 
phy, no.  2,233-     Copies  of  .SchiJner's  [.itciilciilis- 


j/wi/,  etc.,  are  in  tlie   Harvard  College,  Carter- 
li'own,  and  Leno.\  libraries. 

In  1523  SchiJner  printed  another  tract,  Dc 
iiiipcr  sub  Ciis/iliu-  nc  Porliigali<c  rcqihiis  Siiriiis- 
<i»/is  ref^irtis  iiuiilis  ac  >V!,'/i'iii7>us,  descriptive  of 
his  globe,  which  is  extremely  rare.  Wieser  re- 
ports copies  in  the  great  libraries  of  Vienna  and 
T,ondon  onlv.  Varnliagcn  reprinted  ii  from  the 
Vienna  copy,  at  St.  Petersburg  in  1S72  (forty 
copies  onlv),  under  the  designation,  Raiiipyi-ssion 
Jidik  tfuiic  ktlrc  lie  Jean  Sc/ioiu);  1)  profos  dt 


M 


THE   .MAI'S   OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


119 


' 


SCHONER.    1530.' 


SOI!  f;/olie,  iivile  en  1523.  The  Latin  is  given 
in  Wicscr's  ^fll■^',^''  ics-S/rasse,  \t.  118.  Joliann 
SclKjncr  or  Scliiinci  (for  the  spcllinc;  varies)  was 
burn  in  1477,  and  died  in  1547.  Tl'.e  testimony 
of  tliis  globe  to  an  early  knowledj;';  of  the  straits 
afterward  made  known  bv  ^^agellan  is  exam- 
ined on  a  later  page.  The  notions  which  long 
l)revailed  respecting  a  large  Antarctic  continent 
arc  traced  in  Wieser'.s  Miii;ii//i<ii's-Sfi\j.<:st\  \i.  59, 
And  in  Santarem,  Histoii-c  de  lit  cartoi^mpliii-, 
li.  277. 

Cf.  on  the  copy  at  Frankfort,  —  Vol.  III. 
p.  215,  of  the  present  f/is/oiy ;  Kohl's  General- 
Kartell  von  Aiiierika,  p.  33,  and  liis  Visco7>eiy  of 
Maine,  XI.  159;  Encye!op(cdia  Britannica,  x.  6S1 ; 


Von  Kichthofcn's  C/iiiia,  p.  641  ;  yournal  ol  the 
Royal  Geographical  Society,  xviii.  45.  On  the 
copy  at  Weimar,  see  Humboldt,  Kxaiiien  erit- 
iijue,  and  his  Introduction  to  Ghillany's  Kitler 
Behaiin. 

^  This  globe,  which  has  been  distinclively 
known  as  Schiincr's  globe,  is  preserved  at  Xu- 
rcmburg.  There  are  representations  of  it  in 
Santarem,  Lclewcl,  Wieser,  Ghillany's  Be/iai'ni, 
Kohl's  Ge.u/n\-///e  i/er  /ut/,/ee/:nnx'sreisen  :iir  Ma- 
xe//an's-S/rasse  (lierlin,  1S77),  p.  S  ;  1 1.  II.  Ban- 
croft's Central  Anieriea,  i.  1 37;  an'  in  Harper's 
Ma^i^azine,  February,  iS7i,and  December,  1SS2, 
p.  731.  The  earliest  engraving  appeared  in  the 
Jahre^berieht  Jer  techiiischcn  Anstalteu  in  Xiirn 


M 


I20 


NARRATIVF.    AVD   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


THE    TROSS    GORKS,    1514-1519.' 

in  the  Roman  Ptolemy  of  ijoS,^  the  earliest  published  map,  unless  the  St.  Die  map  takes 
precedence,  to  show  any  part  of  tlie  new  discoveries.     It  seems  from  its  resemblance  to 


beri^  fio-  1.S42,  accompanied  by  a  paper  by  Dr. 
Ghillaiiy;  and  the  same  writer  repriKluced  it  in 
his  Ei\l.:lohiis  diS  Ihhaim  uiul  tier  dcs  Sc'/ioiit'r 
(1.S4J).  The  globe  is  signed:  "  Pcrfecit  euni 
Haml)eiga;  1520,  Joh.  Schiinenis."  Cf.  Von 
Murr,  Mimoriil'iliii bil'liothccaruin  Noril<crs;ciisiHm 
(17S6),  i.  5;  llnmlioldt,  I'.xiuniii  criliqiic,  ii.  2S ; 
Winsor's  /iihiii'xmp/iy  of  Ptolemy  sub  anno  1522  ; 
and  Vol.  III.  p.  214,  of  the  present  ITistoiy. 

1  Twelve  gores  of  a  globe  found  in  a  cojiy  of 
the  Cosmo;^mphi<i  iiitrodiictio,  published  at  Lug- 
duni,  1 514  (?),  and  engraved  in  a  catalogue  of 
Tross,  the  Paris  bookseller,  in  iS.Si  (nos.  xiv. 
4,924).  The  book  is  now  owned  bv  Mr.  C.  H. 
Kalbfleisch,  of  New  York.  Ilarrisse  {C.iliofi, 
\i.  1S2)  says  the  map  was  engraved  in   rji.),  and 


ascribes  it  to  Louis  IJmilcngcr.  (Cf.  Vol.  TIL 
p.  214,  of  the  [ireseut  History.)  There  are  two 
copies  of  this  edition  of  the  Cosmo^^ruf'Iiiic  iiitro- 
i/iirtio  in  the  liritish  Museum;  and  D'.Vvezac 
[Wii/lzciiiiUh'i;  ]).  123)  says  the  date  of  it  cannot 
be  earlier  than  1517.  Ilarrisse  says  ho  erred 
in  dating  it  1510  in  the  />V/'/.  Aiin-r.  I'o/.,  no.  63. 
Cf.  Winsor's  Bi/ilio'^ivp/iy  of  Ptilcmy  sub  anno 
1522. 

-  Pope  Julius  n.  (July  2.S,  1506)  gave  to 
Tosinus,  the  publisher,  the  exclusive  sale  of  this 
edition  for  six  years.  It  was  first  issued  in 
1507,  and  had  six  new  maps,  besides  those  of  the 
editions  of  147S  and  1490,  but  none  of  America. 
There  are  copies  in  the  Carter-Prown  Library; 
and  noted  in  the  Mttifhy  Cittiloi^iiv,  no.  2,049; 


i    ',i 


■^. 


131 

gcog- 
III  La 


IlIK    MAI'S    OF   THK    KAKLIKST   DISCOVERIKS. 

tfic  l.a  Cosn  cli;irt  to  have  liccn  kept  duilIi  iicirer  the  Columhian  draft  than  tli(: 
rapher  of  St.  Di<5,  with  liis  Portuguese  helps,  was  coiUunted  to  leave  it  in  his  map. 
Cosa  tlie  vignette  of  St. 
Ciiristoplii-'r  had  concealed 
the  mystery  "f  a  westerly 
passage  ; '  Kuysch  assumes 
it,  or  at  least  gives  no  inti- 
mation of  his  belief  in  the 
inciosure  of  the  Antillian 
Sea.  Harrisse  -  has  |)uinted 
out  how  an  entirely  ditVer- 
ent  coast-nomenclature  in 
the  two  ma|)s  points  to  dif- 
ferent originals  of  the  two 
map-makers.  The  text  of 
this  1508  edition  upon 
"  Terra  Xova  "  and  "  Santa 
Cruz  "  is  l)v  Marcus  Hene- 
ventanus.  There  are  rea- 
.sons  to  believe  that  the  map 
may  have  been  issued  sep- 
arately, as  well  as  in  the 
book  ;  and  the  cojiies  of  the 
map  in  the  liarlow  Collec- 
tion and  in  Harvard  College 
Library  are  perhaps  of  this 
separate  issue." 

The  distinctive  features 
both  of  the  La  Cosa  and  the 
Kuysch  drafts,  of  the  Can- 
tino  map  and  of  the  Wald- 
seemiiller  or  St.  Die  map  of 
I3I3,  were  preserved,  with 
more  or  less  modifications 
in  many  of  the  early  maps. 
The  Stobnicza  map  —  pub- 
lished in  an  Iiitnufuclio  to 
Ptolemy  at  Cracow  in  1512 
—  is   in   effect  the   St.  Did 

map,  with  a  western  ocean   in   place  of  the   edge   of  the   plate  as   given   in   the    15 13 
Ptolemy,  and  is  more  like  the  draft  of   Reiscli's  map  published  three  years  later. 


mOnster, 


^sy-* 


ive  to 
.f  tills 
in 
if  the 


and  one  was  recently  priced  by  Rosenthal,  of 
Munich,  at  500  marks.  It  was  reissued  in  150S, 
with  a  description  of  the  \ew  World  by  lienc- 
ventanus,  accompanied  by  this  map  of  Ruysch; 
and  of  this  150S  edition  there  are  copies  in 
the  Aster  Library,  the  Library  of  Congress, 
of  tlie  American  Geographical  Society,  of  Yale 
College  (CooUe  sale,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,949),  and  in 
the  Carter-ISrown  and  Kalbtleisch  collections. 
One  is  noted  in  the  Afniphy  sale,  no.  2,050, 
which  is  now  at  Cornell  University. 

'  H.  II.  liaiicroft  [Ct-iitral  Ai/ii'rua,  p.  116) 
curiously  intimates  that  the  dt>tted  line  which 
VOL.    II. —  16. 


he  gives  in  his  engraving  to  mark  the  [ilace  of 
this  vignette,  st.ands  for  some  sort  of  a  fen.i 
ii!iOi;iiitii ! 

-  Les  Coytercat,  ]).  llS. 

•^  Harrisse,  Cabots,  p.  164.  In  his  JVo/cs  on 
Coliimliiis,  p.  56,  he  conjectures  that  it  sold  for 
forty  florins,  if  it  be  the  same  with  the  map  of 
the  Xcw  World  which  J<ihauues  Trithemus  com- 
plained in  1507  of  his  inability  lo  buy  for  that 
price  (Episto/tefiiiiiiliiurs,  1536). 

••  There  are  other  drawings  of  this  map  i.\ 
Stevens's  A'oles ;  in  Nordenskiijld's  Bi-od:nit 
/ciios  (Stockholm,  1SS3) ;  etc 


/■* 


I 


I  'iF' 


hm 


122 


NARRATIVE   ANO   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OK   A.MF.RICA. 


7^t>^'' 


•'«=C3 


The  Schoncr  globe  of  1515,  often  cited  as  the  Frankfort  globe  ;  (he  ScIupirt  glolie  of 
1570;  the  so-called  Tross  gores  of  1514-1519;  Ihcmapof  I'ctriis  Apianiis  '      or  liicnewitz, 

as  he  was  calluil  in  his  vernacular  — 
which  appeared  in  the  t'olyliistoriii 
of  Soliniis,  uditcd  hy  the  Itali.m 
monk  Caniers,  and  also  in  1522  in 
the  Dcorbis  situ  of  I'omponius  Mela, 
published  by  \'adiai)us,  —  all  pre- 
serve the  same  characteristics  with 
the  St.  Uie  map.  excepting  thai  they 
show  the  western  [lassage  referred 
to  in  Columbus'  dream,  and  so  far 
unite  some  of  the  inferences  from 
the  map  of  Ruysch.  There  was  a 
curious  survival  of  this  Cantino  type, 
particularly  as  regards  North  Amer- 
ica for  many  years  yet  to  come,  as 
seen  in  the  map  which  Miiiister 
added  to  the  Basle  edition  of  the 
Nevus  oi/iis  in  1532  and  lS37i  and 
in  the  drawing  which  Jomard  gives  - 
as  from  "  une  cassette  de  la  Collec- 
tion Trivulci,  dite  Cassettina  all' 
Agemina."  This  last  drawing  is  a 
cordiform  mai)pemonde,  very  like 
another  which  accompanied  Hon- 
ter's  Kudimciitii  cosiiiot^niphica  in 
1542,  and  which  was  repeated  in  va- 
rious editions  to  as  late  a  period  as 
1590.  Thus  it  happened  that  for 
nearly  a  century  geograi)hical  views 
which  tlie  earliest  navigators  evolved, 
continued  in  popular  books  to  con- 
vey the  most  inadequate  notion  of 
the  contour  of  the  new  continent.* 

tion  witli  the  naming  uf  .\merica.     See 
post,  p.  1S3. 
■•i  PI.  xviii. 

'  The  bibliograpliy  of  Ilonter  has 
been  traced  by  G.  D.  Tciitsch  in  tlie 
Arcliiv  ih's  I'crt'ins  fiir  Shih7i/iiiri;i.<c/ie 
LtiuiUskuiiih',  neue  Folge,  xiii.  137;  and 
ail  estimate  of  llnmcr  bv  F.  Tcutscli 
1  Its  date  was  altered  to  1530  when  it  ap-  is  given  in  Ibid.,  .\v.  5S6.  The  earliest  form  of 
pearcd  \\\  the  first  complete  edition  of  Peter  \\o\-\Xc\Wvm\i\^\.\\z  Rii(liiiu'ntonimiosiiu>;^ri>phitC 
Martyr's /JtVv/uVx  There  are  fac-similcs  in  tlic  li/iri  liiin,  iXiXcd  1 531,  and  published  at  Cracow, 
Carter- Brcnun  Catalogue-  and  in  Santarem's  At-  in  a  tract  of  thirty-two  pages.  It  is  a  description 
ias.     It  will  be  considered   further  in  conncc-     of  the  world  in  verse,  and  touches  America  in  the 


TERRA  SANGT/t 


CRUC"^- 


SYLVANUS'    MAP,     I5II. 


I  Ml*    ', 


'hi 


p}i 


m 


p. 


*  The  map  is  given  in  its  origin.al  projection  llcisch  collections.    Cf.   Jfiir/'/iy   Catalos^ie,  no. 

in  I.elewcl,  ])1.  xlv.,  and  on  a  greatly  reduced  scale  2,051,  for  a  co])y   now   in    the   .\niericau  Geo- 

in  Daly's  Early  Cartography,  p.  32.     There  arc  graphical    Society's    Library,  and  references  in 

copies  of  this  1511  Ptolemy  in  llie  Lenox,  Car-  Winsor's    Bililiography   of   Ptolemy    sub    anno 

ter-llrown,  Astor,  Prevoort,  liarlow,  and  Kalb-  151 1. 


THE    MAPS    OF   Till:    EARLIKST    DISCOVEIIKS. 


123 


37 ;  ^'id 


III  ilic  sanv  year  with  the  puhlicaiioii  (if  the  Peter  Martyr  map  of  151 1,  an  edition  of 
I'tolemy,  iiulilisiied  at  N'enice  and  edited  by  Uernardus  Sylvanus,  contained  a  mappeinondo 
on  a  mnlifonn  iirojection, 
wliicli  is  said  to  lie  the 
tirst  instance  of  the  use 
of  liiis  method  in  drafting 
majis.  Wiiat  is  shown 
of  tlie  new  discoveries  is 
i)roui;lit  in  a  distorted 
sliapc  on  the  extreme  west- 
ern vcr;,'e  of  tiie  map  ;  and 
to  mal<e  tlie  contour  more 
intelh^'ilile,  it  is  rediiced  in 
tlie  sl<etcli  annexed  to  an 
ordinary  plane  projection. 
It  is  llie  earliest  engraved 
map  to  nive  any  trace  of  the 
Cortereal  discoveries '  and 
to  indicate  the  Square,  or 
St.  Lawrence,  Gulf.  It 
gives  a  curious  Latinized 
form  to  the  name  of  the 
navigator  himself  in  "  Re- 
galis  Domus"  (Cortereal), 
and  restores  Greenland,  or 
Knjjronelant,  to  a  peninsu- 
lar connection  with  north- 
western Europe  as  it  had 
appeared  in  the  Ptolemy 
ef  1482. 

It  will  be  seen  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  vague  limits  of  the  "  Rcgalis  Domus," 
there  was  no  sign  of  tlie  continental   line  of  North  America  in   this  map  of  Sylvanus. 


THE    LE.NUX    GLOISE. 


cliaptcr,  "  Nomina  insularinii  oceaiii  et  maris." 
It  is  extremely  r.iic,  and  the  only  copy  to  be 
noted  is  one  priced  by  llarrassowitz  (Calalogii,' 
of  1876,  no.  2),  of  Leipsic,  for  2:5  marks,  and 
subsequently  sold  to  Tross,  of  Paris.  Most  bibli- 
ographers give  Cracow,  with  the  date  1534  as 
the  earliest  (Sabiii,  no.  32,792;  Muller,  1S77, 
no.  1,456,  —  37.50  tl.)  ;  there  was  a  li.isle  edi- 
tion of  the  same  year.  (Cf.  Ilarrissc,  /iili/. 
Amer.  IW.,  no.  194  ;  Wicscr,  AAixn/Ziiii's-S/rnsst; 
p.  22.)  Editions  seem  to  have  followed  in  1540 
(([ueried  by  Sabin,  no.  32,793);  in  1542  (if  !'te- 
vcns's  designation  of  his  fac-similc  ot  the  mai'  is 
correct,  A'>/i'.r,  pi.  3);  in  154),  when  the  map  is 
inscribed  "  Universalis  cosmograjjhia  .  .  .  Tiguri, 
J.  II.  V.  K.  [in  monogram],  1546."  (Ilarrisse, 
110.271  ;  Muller,  1S77,  no.  1,457;  Carter-lSriiwn, 
no.  143;  Sabin,  no.  32,794.)  The  .same  map, 
which  is  part  of  an  appendix  of  thirteen  maps, 
was  repeated  in  the  Tiguri  edition  of  154S,  and 
there  was  another  issue  the  same  year  at  IJaslc. 
(Ilarrisse,  no.  287;  Sabin,  no.  32,795;  \Veigcl, 
.'S77,  no.  1,26s.)  The  maps  were  reiicatcd  in  the 
1549  edition.  (Sabin,  no.  32.796  ;  Cartcr-liiown, 
no.  153.)    The  edition  at  .Xntwerp  in  1552  leaves 


off  the  date.  (IIarris.se,  no.  2S7  ;  \Veigel,  no. 
1,269;  Murphy,  no.  1,252.)  It  is  now  called, 
A'7'(/imciilor:'»i  ios»ioi;r,i/'/ihonim  likri  ///.  ciim 
fiiM/is  ^i^'ivj^'rii/i/iiiis  i-/iXiiiifis.\/mis.  Dc  uannniin 
icnim  itomeiuhilHris  per  classes,  liber  I.  There 
was  a  liasle  edition  the  same  year.  The  maps 
continued  to  be  used  in  the  Antwerp  edition  of 
1554,  the  Tiguri  of  155S,  and  the  Antwerp  of 
1660. 

In  1 561  the  edition  published  at  Basle,  De 
ii'si)itx>'ii/'lii<e  riidiiiieiitis  libri  I '///.,  was  ratlicr 
tardily  furnished  with  new  maps  better  corre- 
sponding to  the  developments  of  American  geog- 
raphy. (Muller,  1S77,  no.  1,459.)  The  Tiguri 
publishers  still,  however,  adhered  to  the  old 
plates  in  their  editions  of  1565  (Cartcr-Hrown, 
no.  257;  Sabin,  no.  32,797) ;  and  the  same  iilates 
again  reappeared  in  an  edition,  without  place, 
iniblished  in  1570  (Muller,  1877,  no.  1,457),  in 
another  of  Tiguri  in  1 5S3,  and  in  still  another 
without  place  in  1590  (Murphy,  no.  1,253;  •^'"'" 
ler,  1872,  no.  763  ;  Sabin,  no.  32,799). 

'  Ilarrisse  (Les  Cortereal,  p.  121)  says  there 
is  no  Spanish  maj)  showing  these  discoveries 
before  1 534. 


134 


NARRATIVi:   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1^ 


'1!. 


l>V 


i;    l^'^^f 


!> 


i:'  i :    '1 


I      'I 


DA  VINCI,   NORTHERN   HEMISPHERE  (oni^iiin/  drafl  rcliucd). 

Much  the  same  views  were  possessed  l)y  the  maker  of  the  undated  Lenox  globe,  which 
probably  is  of  nearly  the  same  date,  and  of  which  a  further  account  is  given  elsewhere.* 

Anotlier  draft  of  a  globe,  likewise  held  to  be  of  about  the  same  date,  shows  a  sim- 
il.ir  configuration,  except  that  a  squarish  island  stands  in  it  for  Florida  and  adjacent  parts 
of  the  main.  This  is  a  manuscript  drawing  on  two  sheets  preserved  among  the  Queen's 
collections  at  Windsor;  and  since  Mr.  U.  H.  Major  made  it  known  l)y  a  communication, 
with  accompanying  fac-similes,  in  tlie  A>-chtcol(\^ia-  it  has  been  held  to  be  the  work  of 
Leonardo  da  \'inci,  though  this  has  lieen  recently  questioned.''  If  deprived  of  the  associ- 
ations of  that  august  name,  the  map  loses  much  of  its  attraction  ;  but  it  still  remains  an  intor- 


'  Vol.  III.  p.  212,  and  tlu-  present  volume, 
page  170. 

-  Vcl.  xl. ;  also  Majni's  rriiue  Ihiiry,  \i.  3S8.     its  assii^nmc-nt  to  the  gic.Tt  Italian. 


'  J.  P.  Kichtcr,  IJIcrary  Works  of  Da  Vinci, 
London,  1883,  ([Uuting  the  critic,  who  questions 


THE   MAPS  OF  THli:  EAKLIKST   DISCOVERIES. 


Ui 


DA   VINCI,    SnUTIIKKN'    IIEMISPHLRE    {original  ,/nifl  n;/,nr,/).^ 


esting  memorial  of  geographical  conjecture.  It  is  without  tiatu,  and  can  only  be  fixed  in 
tiie  chain  of  cartographical  ideas  by  its  internal  evidence.  This  has  led  Major  to  place  it 
between  1512  and  1514.  and  Wieser  to  (\x  it  at  1515-1516.-  A  somewhat  unsatisfactory 
map,  since  it  shows  nothing  north  of  "  Ysabeila "  and  "  Spagnollo,"  is  that  inscribed 
Or//is  typiis  iinivcrsiilis  Jii.vta  liyiliih^iapJiornin  Iraditioiicm  exactissime  depicta,  1522, 
L.  F.,  which  is  the  work  of  Laurentius  Frisius.  and  appeared  in  the  I'toleniy  of  1522.^ 


'  Another  sketch  nf  this  hemis|)herc  is  given 
in  I/iirpi-r's  Moiilldy,  December,  1S82,  p.  733. 

-  Tlic  rortiigiicsc  purtolano  of  about  this 
date  given  in  Kuii.stmann,  pi.  4,  i>  examined 
on  another  page. 


(Cf.  Ilarrisse's  A'otcs  on  Coliiiiibus,  176;  his  lUhl. 
Aiiiii-.l'c-t.,  no.  117;  and  Winsor's ///7V/(;;'n;///_)' <>/ 
rtoUiiiy's  Ct<;;'7(7///_('sub  anno  1522.)  Tlie  majjs 
closely  resemble  those  of  Waldscemiiller  in  the 
edition  of  1513;  and  indeed  Frisius  assigns  them 


^  This  Strasburg  edition  is  particularly  de-     as  re-engraved  to  Martin  Ilaconiylus,  the  Greek 
scribed    in    P'Avczae's     WiiltzcmiUUr.    \i.    159.     form   of   tliat   geographer's   name.     There    are 


(26 


MAKRATIX'E  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


»,!l!!! 


1 1  ilW.i*.  ' 


'J  . 


'    > 


'/'■! 


■'  •■: 


DA    VINCI    (lu-.rly  frojcc/cd).^ 


'./i     ' 


A  new  element  appears  in  a  map  which  is  one  of  the  charts  belonging  to  the  ^'slei^Hitg 
iLr  Mcr-Carthcn  odcr  Caitha  Marina,  said   also  to  he  the  work  of  Frisius.  whicii  was 


:';> 


i'nl   i(!j 


copies  of  this  15:12  Ptolemy  ill  tlic  Harvard  Col-  wliiili  tlicrc  arc  copies  in  the   Library  of  Con- 

k'ge,  Cartcr-Iirown,  Cornell  University,  and  liar-  gress,  iii  the  \cw  York  Historical  Socictv,  ISos- 

low  libraries,  and  one  is  noted  in  the  Afiirf/iy  ton  I'ublic,  lialtiniore  Mercantile,  Carter-lirown, 

Ciitiiloi;ue,  no.  2,054,  which  is  now  in  the  Lenox  Trinity  College,  anil  the  American  Anticpiarian 

Library.    The  map  of  Frisius  (F.orcnz  Friess,  as  Society  libraries,  and  in  the  collections  of  Wil- 

he   was  called  in  unlatini/.ed  form)   was  rcpro-  liam   C.    Prime    and    Charles     H.   Kalblleisch. 

diiced  in  the  next  Strasburg  edition  of  1525,  of  There  were    two    copies   in   the   Murphy   sale, 


'  This   follows   the    i)roJection    as   given   by  Wieser    in   liis   Magitl/iah-Slnisse,  who   dates    it 
1515-1516. 


THE   MAI'S   OF   THE   EARLIEST   DISCOVERIES. 


127 


,...c. 


DASMERGLGLNNIDLRGANC 


"  TLRRACl  CUBA  t» ••••/; 
PARriSAFfRlCI. 


_«' 


0         \^^  o^-       "^^O' 


CARTA    MARINA   OF    FRISIUS,    1525. 

issued  in  1525,  in  exposition  of  his  theories  of  sea-(  i.irts.'     The  map  is  of  interest  as  the 
sole  instance  in  which  North  America  is  called  a  part  of  Africa,  on  the  supposition  that 


^•~— ,  K 


J)    0 


yc^ 


«>.• 


coppo.  1528.- 


nos.  2,oc;5  and  2.056.  one  nf  whicli  is  now  at 
CoriifU  rnivcrsiiy.  Cf.  references  in  Winsor'a 
lUbliogritpliy  of  rtoU-iiiy. 

This  "  I„  1".  1522  "  map  (see  p.  175),  as  well  as 
the  "Admiral's  map,"  was  rejjroduced  in  the  edi- 
tion of  1535,  edited  by  Servetns.  of  wl'icli  lliere 
are  copies  in  the  .Vsior,  the  lioston  I'lililic,  and 
the  College  of  New  Jersey  libraries,  and  in  the 
Carter-Iiniwn  and  liarlow  collections.  A  copy 
is  also  noted  in  the  Afio/'/iy  CiiAi/oi^'/ie,  no.  2,057, 
which  is  now  at  Cornell  University. 


I'he  American  maps  of  these  editions  were 
again  reprodncod  in  the  I'tolcniv,  piilillshed  at 
Vienna  in  1541,  of  which  there  .ire  copies  in  the 
Carter-lirown,  ISrcvoorl,  and  Kalhlleisch  collec- 
tions.    Cf.  Winsor's  Iiihli,>i:;ya['liy  of  riolemv. 

'  Ilarrisse,  />'//'/.  Amcr.  /V/.,  no.  133.  The 
edition  of  1530  has  no  ma|)S  (ibid.,  no.  15S). 

-'  This  is  drawn  from  a  sketch  given  by  Kohl 
in  his  ntannscript,  "On  the  Connection  of  the 
New  and  Old  World  on  the  Pacific  Side,"  pre- 
served in  the  American  Antiquarian   Society's 


111 


/■! 


»'!     ■.h. 


128 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  continental  connection  by  the  south  enclosed  the  '•  sea  toward  the  sunset."  The 
insular  Yucatan  .vill  he  observed  in  the  annexed  sketch,  and  what  seems  to  be  a  misshapen 
Cuba.  Tiie  land  at  the  east  seems  intended  for  Ijaccalaos,  jadginj;  from  the  latitude  and 
tiie  indication  of  fir-trees  upon  it.  This  map  is  one  of  twelve  engraved  sheets  constituting 
the  aliove-named  work,  which  was  puljlished  by  Johannes  Gricniny;er  in  1530.  Friess,  or 
Frisius,  who  was  a  German  matiiematician,  and  had,  as  we  have  seen,  taken  part  in  the 
1522  Ptolemy,  says  tliat  he  drew  his  information  in  tiiese  maps  from  ori;j;inal  sources; 
but  he  does  not  name  these  sources,  and  Dr.  Kohl  thinks  the  maps  indicate  tiie  work  of 
Waldseemuller. 

Anions;-  tlie  last  of  tlie  school  of  geographers  who  supposed  North  America  to  be  an 
«rchipelago.  was  I'ierro  Coppo.  wlio  puhlislied  at  X'enice  in  1528  wiiat  has  become  ;•.  very 
rare  I'ortolano  dclli  lochi  inaritinii  ed  isolc  <icf  niar.^ 


Library.    There  is  another  copy  in  his  Washing- 
ton Collection. 

The  map  is  explained  by  the  following  key : 
I.  Asia.  2.  India.  3.  Ganges.  4.  Java  major. 
5.  Cimpangi  [Jajian].  6.  Isola  vcrde  [Green- 
land?]. 7.  Cuba.  S.  lamaiqua.  9.  Spagnola. 
10.  Monde  nuova  [South  America]. 


'  There  is  a  copy  in  the  (iienville  Collection 
in  the  liritish  Museinn.  Cf.  llani.sse,  Bib!.  Aiini: 
I'c-t.,  MO.  144;  Zmla,  /■'ill  Miiiiro,  p.  9,  and  his 
Mitrio  1\'! \  ii.  363.  Ilarrissc,  in  his  A'olcs  on 
ColiDiilnis,  p.  56,  cites  from  Morclli's  Opcrcttc, 
i.  309,  a  passage  in  which  Co])po  refers  to 
Columbus. 


/,l' 


t  '  I 


CHAPTER     II. 

AMERIGO     VESPUCCI. 

HV  SVDXKV   HOWARD  GAV. 

AMI'^RIGO  VESPUCCI,'  the  third  sou  of  Nastiigio  Vespucci,  a  notary 
of  Florence,  and  his  wife  Lisabetta  Mini,  was  born  on  the  9th  of 
March,  145  1.  The  family  had  the  respectability  of  wealth,  acquired  in  trade, 
for  one  member  of  it  in  the  preceding  century  was  rich  enough  to  endow 
a  public  hospital.  Over  the  portal  of  the  house,  so  dedicated  to  charity  by 
this  pious  Vespucci  nearly  three  quarters  of  a  century  before  Amerigo  was 
born,  there  was,  says  Humboldt,  engraved  in  17 19,  more  than  three  hun- 
dred years  after  the  founding  of  the  hospital,  an  inscription  tleclaring  that 
here  Amerigo  had  lived  in  his  youth.  As  the  monks,  however,  who  wrote 
the  inscription  also  asserted  in  it  that  he  was  the  discoverer  of  .America, 
it  is  quite  possible  that  they  may  have  been  as  credulous  in  the  one  case  as 
in  the  other,  and  have  accepted  for  fact  that  which  was  only  tradition.  But 
whether  Amerigo's  father,  Nastugio,  lived  or  did  not  live  in  the  hospital 
which  his  father  or  grandfather  founded,  he  evidently  maintained  the 
respectiibility  of  the  famil)'.  Three  of  his  sons  he  sent  to  be  educated 
at  the  University  of  Pisa.  Thenceforth  they  are  no  more  heard  of,  except 
that  one  of  them,  Jerome,  afterward  went  to  Palestine,  where  he  remained 
nine  years,  met  with  many  losses,  and  endured  much  suffering, —  all  of  which 
he  related  in  a  letter  to  his  younger  brother  Amerigo.  But  the  memory 
even  of  this  Jerome  —  that  he  should  have  ever  gone  anywhere,  or  had  any 
adventures  worth  the  telling — is  only  preserved  from  oblivion  because  he 
had  this  brother  who  became  the  famous  navigator,  and  whose  name  by 
a  chance  was  given  t(j  half  the  globe. 

Amerigo  was  not  sent  to  the  university.  Such  early  education  as  he 
received  came  from  a  learned  uncle,  Giorgi  Antonio  Vespucci,  a  Dominican 
friar,  who  must  have  been  a  man  of  some  influence  in  Morence,  as  it  is 


1  Harrissc  (^/^/. /4;//«/-.  K<^/.)  gives  the  various  .Vlmerigo    Florentino  {Viaitello);   Ue   Espuchc, 

ways  of  siielling  the  name  by  different  authors  Vcspuche,     Despuche,     Vcspuccio     (Ramiisio) ; 

as  follows:  "  tWhrncus  [.]f<u/rignano,  /^iic/hiiiier,  Vcspuchy  (C/irist.  Colitnitiiis)."    Variihagcu  uni- 

/e/ian  Lambert);  V.m.a'K(  Dti  /KiJouer);  A\\isx'\ca  furmly  calls  him  Amerigo   Vespucci;  and  that 

or     Amcrico     (Coniaya)  \      Morigo     (llojeJa);  is  the  signature  to  the  letter  written  from  Spain 

Amerrigo  [MiiTioz);  Aniericus  (Pclcr  Martyr);  in  1492  given  in  the  r//,/ by  Handini. 

vol..  11.  — 17. 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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claimed  for  him  that  ht  was  the  friend  and  colleafijitc  of  the  more  famous 
monk  Savonarola.  The  nephew  acknowledged  later  in  life  that  he  was  not 
among  the  most  diligent  of  his  uncle's  pupils ;  and  the  admission  was  as 
true  as  it  was  ingenuous,  if  one  may  judge  by  a  letter  in  Latin  written,  when 
he  was  twenty-tive  years  old,  to  his  father.  He  excuses  himself  to  that 
spcctabili  ct  cgrcgio  viro  —  as  he  addresses  his  father  —  for  recent  negligence 
in  writing,  as  he  hesitates  to  commit  himself  in  Latin  without  the  revision 
of  his  uncle,  and  he  happens  to  be  absent.  Probably  it  was  poverty  of 
expression  in  that  tongue,  and  not  want  of  thought,  which  makes  the  letter 
seem  the  work  of  a  boy  of  fifteen  r;ither  than  of  a  young  man  of  five  and 
twenty.  A  mercantile  career  in  preference  to  that  of  a  student  was,  at  any 
rate,  his  own  choice ;  and  in  due  time,  thougii  at  what  age  precisely  docs 
not  appear,  a  place  was  found  for  him  in  the  great  commercial  liouse  of  the 
Princes  Medici  in  Florence. 

In  I'lnrence  he  remained,  apparently  in  the  service  of  the  Medici,  till 
1490;  for  in  that  year  he  complains  that  his  mother  prevented  him  from 
going  to  Spain.  But  the  delay  was  not  long,  as  in  Januar  ,  1492,  he  writes 
from  Cadiz,  where  he  was  then  engaged  in  trade  with  an  associate,  one 
Donato  Xicolini,  —  perhaps  as  agents  of  the  Medici,  whose  interests  in  Spain 
were  large.  Four  years  later,  the  name  of  Vespucci  appears  for  the  first 
time  in  the  Spanish  archives,  when  he  was  within  two  months  of  being  forty- 
six  years  of  age.  Meanwhile  he  h;.d  engaged  in  the  service  of  Juonato 
Ik^ardi,  a  Florentine  merchant  established  at  Seville;  who  had  fitted  out 
the  second  expedition  of  Columbus  in  1493.^ 

It  has  been  conjectured  that  Vespucci  became  known  at  that  time  to 
Columbus,  —  which  is  not  improbable  if  the  former  was  so  early  as  1493  in 
the  service  of  Ikrardi.  But  the  suggestion  that  he  went  withi  Columbus  either 
on  his  first  or  second  expedition  cannot  be  true,  at  any  rate  as  to  the 
second.^     For  in  1495  Berardi  made  a  contract  with  the  Spanish  Government 


only  autographs  of  Vespuciiis  known."  Since 
then  another  fac-simile  of  a  letter  by  V'espiiciiis 
ha.s  been  published  in  the  Cartas  tie  Imiias, 
l)cing  a  letter  of  Dec.  9,  150S,  about  goods  which 
ought  to  be  carried  to  the  Antilles.  Cl.  Afass. 
Ifist.  Si\:  Proc.,}i\\.  ^iS,  and  Mai^a^^iiu'  of  Aiiicr- 
iian  Ilislory,  iii.  193,  where  it  is  translated,  and 
accompanied  by  a  fac-simile  of  a  part  of  it. 
The  signature  is  given  on  an-ithcr  page  of  the 
present  cha]Her.  —  Ed.] 

'  The  facts  relative  to  the  birth,  jjarcntage, 
and  early  life  of  Vespucci  are  given  bv  the  .\bbe 
liandini  in  his  I'i/aeteltcrct/iAincn'o  Vcsfiicci, 
1745,  •>"''  -""c  generally  accep'.ed  by  tnose  whoso 
'Avn  researches  have  l)een  most  thorough,  —  as 
Humboldt  in  h\%  Exaiiit'ii  Cvitiquc ;  V'arnhagcn 
in  his  Amerigo  I'/spiitri,  sou  earaeth-e,  ses  ecri/s, 
sa  7'i(,  ct  ses  invii^atioiis,  ai  d  in  his  A'currt/es 
recherches,  p.  41,  where  he  .-ejirints  Handini's 
account ;  and  Santarem  in  his  Researches  resfect- 
iiiir  Aiiierieus    ]'espiiiiiti  and  /lis    / 'civ'^'t'J',  as  the 


English  translation  is  called.  In  relation  to  rep- 
rcse<itativcs  of  the  family  in  our  dav,  see  Lester's 
I'esf'Hcius,  p.  405.  The  newspapers  within  a  vcar 
have  said  that  two  female  descendants  were 
living  in  Rome,  the  last  male  representative 
dying  seven   vears  ago. 

-  Humboldt  says  that  it  cannot  be  true  of 
cither  voyage,  and  relies  for  proof  upon  the 
documentary  evidence  of  Vespucci's  ])rcsence 
in  Spain  during  the  absence  of  Columbus  u])on 
those  expeditions,  lint  he  makes  a  curious  mi.s- 
take  in  regard  to  the  first,  which,  we  think,  has 
never  been  noticed.  Columbus  sailed  on  his 
first  voyage  in  August,  1492,  and  returned  in 
March,  1493.  Humboldt  .asserts  that  Vespucci 
could  not  have  bcii  with  him,  because  the  letter 
written  from  Cadiz  and  jointly  signed  l)y  him 
and  I'^onato  Xicolini  was  dated  Jan.  30,  1493. 
lint  Hi.nd}oldt  has  unaccountably  mistaken  the 
date  of  that  letter;  it  was  not  1493,  but  1493, 
seven  months   before   Columbus  sailed  on  his 


:  il 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


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to  furnish  a  fleet  of  ships  for  an  expedition  westward  which  he  did  not  hvc 
to  complete.  Its  fulfilment  was  intrusted  to  Vespucci;  and  it  appears  in 
the  public  accounts  that  a  sum  of  money  was  paid  to  him  from  the  Treasury 
of  the  State  in  Januarj-,  1496.  Columbus  was  then  absent  on  his  second 
voyage,  begun  in  September,  I4(J3,  from  which  he  did  not  return  till  June, 
1496. 

In  the  interval  between  the  spring  of  1495  and  the  summer  of  149;  an)' 
adventurer  was  permitted  by  Spain,  regardless  of  the  agreement  made  with 
Columbus,  to  go  upon  voj-ages  of  commerce  or  discovery  to  that  New  India 
to  which  his  genius  and  courage  had  led  the  wa}-.  "  Xow,"  wrote  Columbus, 
"  there  is  not  a  man,  down  to  the  very  tailors,  who  does  not  beg  to  be  allowed 
to  become  a  discoverer."  The  greed  of  the  King;  the  envy  of  tlie  naviga- 
tors who  before  1492  had  laughed  at  the  theories  of  Columbus  ;  the  hatred 
of  powerful  Churchmen,  more  bitter  now  than  ever,  because  those  theories 
whicii  they  had  denounced  as  heres)-  had  proved  to  be  true, —  all  these 
influences  were  against  him,  and  had  combined  to  rob  the  unliappy  Admiral, 
even  before  he  had  returned  from  his  second  vo\-age,  of  the  honor  and  the 
riches  which  he  thought  would  rightfully  become  hi-  own.  Ships  now 
could  go  and  come  in  safet\-  over  that  wide  waste  of  waters  which  even 
children  could  remember  had  been  looked  upon  as  a  "  .Sea  of  Darkness," 
rolling  westward  into  never-ending  space,  whence  there  was  no  return  to 
the  voyager  mad  enough  to  trust  to  its  treacherous  currents.  It  was  no 
longer  guarded  by  perpetual  Night,  bj-  monsters  hideous  aijd  terrible,  and 
by  a  constant  wind  that  blew  ever  toward  the  west.  Hut  siiips  came  safely 
back,  bringing,  not  much,  but  enough  of  gold  and  pearls  to  seem  an  earnest 
of  the  promise  of  the  marvellous  wealth  of  India  that  must  soon  be  so  easil}' 
and  so, quickh' reached ;  with  the  curious  trappings  of  a  picturesque  bar- 
barism; the  soft  skins  and  gorgeous  feathers  of  unknown  beasts  and  birds; 
the  woods  of  a  new  beaut}'  in  grain  and  vein  and  colors;  the  aromatic  herbs 
of  subtle  \irtue  that  would  stir  the  blood  beneath  the  ribs  of  Death  ;  and  \\ith 
all  these  precious  things  the  captive  men  and  women,  of  curious  complexion 
and  unknown  speech,  whose  people  were  given  as  a  prey  to  the  stranger  by 
God  and  the  Pojje.  ICvery  rough  sailor  of  these  returning  ships  was  greeted 
as  a  hero  when  to  the  gaping,  wide-ej'cd  crowd  he  told  of  his  adxentures  in 
that  land  of  perpetual  summer,  where  the  untilled  virgin  soil  brought  fortli 
its  fruits,  and  the  harvest  never  failed ;  where  life  was  without  care  or  toil, 
sickness  or  povert)';  where  he  who  would  might  gather  wealth  as  he  would 
idly  pick  up  pebbles  on  a  beach.  These  were  the  sober  realities  of  the 
times;  and  there  were  few  so  poor  in  spirit  or  so  lacking  in  imagination 
as  not  to  desire  to  share  in  the  possession  of  these  new  Indies.  It  was  not 
long,    indeed,   before   a    reaction    came;    when    disappointed    adventurers 


liist  voyage.     Tlic  iih'/i/',  thcrcl'oic,  is  not  proved,  life  to  suggest  that  lie  was  ;  and,  moreover,  tlio 

There  is  indeed  no  positive  proof  lliat  Vespueei  strong  negative  evidence  is  —  unusually  strong 

was  not  on  that  voyage  ;  but,  on  the  othci  hand,  in   his  case  —  that   he   never   claimed   to   have 

there  is  nothing   known  of  that   period  of  his  sailed  with  Columbus. 


!"':! 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


133 


ri'tiirncd  in  poverty,  and  sat  in  rags  at  tlio  gates  (if  the  palace  to  beg 
relief  of  tlie  King.  And  when  the  sons  of  Columbus,  who  were  pages  in 
the  Court  of  the  Queen,  passed  by,  "  they  shouted  to  the  very  heavens, 
saying:  'Look  at  the  sons  of  the  Admiral  of  Mosquitcjhuu!  ! — -of  that 
man  who  has  discovered  the  lands  of  deceit  and  disajipointment,  —  a  place 
of  sepulchre  and  wretchedness  to  Spanish  hidalgos !  '  "  ' 

From  his  second  voyage  Columbus  returned  in  the  summer  of  1496;  and 
meeting  his  enemies  with  the  courage  and  energy  which  never  failed  him, 
he  induced  the  King  and  Oueen  to  revoke,  in  June  of  the  next  year,  the 
decree  of  two  years  before.  Meanwhile  he  made  preparations  for  his  third 
voyage,  on  which  he  sailed  from  San  Lucaron  the  30th  of  May,  1498.  Two 
months  later  he  came  in  sight  of  the  island  he  named  Trinidad;  and  enter- 
ing iheCiulfof  Paria,  into  wiiich  empties  the  Orinoco  by  several  mouths, 
he  sailed  along  the  coast  of  the  mainland.  He  had  reached  the  continent, 
not  of  Asia,  as  he  supposed,  but  of  the  western  hemisphere.  None  of  the 
four  voyages  of  the  great  discoverer  is  so  illustrative  of  his  peculiar  faith, 
his  religious  fervor,  and  the  strength  of  his  imagination  as  this  third  vo}'age  ; 
and  none,  in  that  respect,  is  so  interesting.  The  report  of  it  which  he  sent 
home  in  a  letter,  with  a  map,  to  the  King  and  Queen  has  a  ilirect  relation 
to  the  supi)osed  first  voyage  of  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

As  he  approached  the  coast,  Columbus  wrote,-  he  heard  "  in  the  dead 
of  night  an  awful  roaring;  "  and  he  saw  "  the  sea  rolling  from  west  to  east 
like  a  mountain  as  high  as  the  ship,  and  approaching  little  by  little ;  on  the 
top  of  this  rolling  sea  came  a  mighty  wave  roaring  with  a  frightful  noise." 
When  he  entered  the  Gulf,  and  saw  how  it  was  filled  by  the  flow  of  the  great 
river,  he  believed  that  he  had  witnessed  far  out  at  .sea  the  mighty  struggle 
at  the  meeting  of  the  fresh  with  the  saltwater.  The  river,  he  was  persuaded, 
must  be  rushing  down  from  the  summit  of  the  earth,  where  the  Lord  had 
planted  the  earthly  Paradise,  in  the  midst  whereof  was  a  fountain  whence 
flowed  the  four  great  rivers  of  the  world,  —  the  Ganges,  the  Tigris,  the 
Euphrates,  and  the  Nile.  He  did  not  quite  agree  with  those  earlier  philo- 
sophers who  believed  that  the  earth  was  a  perfect  sphere;  but  rather  that 
it  was  like  "  the  form  of  a  pear,  which  is  very  round  except  where  the  stalk 
grows,  at  which  part  it  is  most  prominent;  or  like  a  round  ball,  upon  one 
part  of  which  is  a  prominence  like  a  woman's  nipple,  this  protrusion  being 
the  highest  and  nearest  the  sky,  situated  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and  at 
the  eastern  extremity  of  this  sea."  "  I  call  that  the  eastern  extremity,"  he 
adds,  "  where  the  land  and  the  islands  end." 

Now  had  come  to  him  at  last  in  the  observations  and  experience  r)f  this 
voyage  the  confirmation  of  his  faith.     That  "  eastern  extremity  of  the  sea 

1    The   History   of  the   Life  ami  Actions  of  other   Orioimil  Documents  relating  to   his   Four 

Aiimirnl  Christopher   Colon.      Hy  hi.s  .son,  Don  J'oyn^es  to   the  iVr,i)    World.      'Pr.inslatcil   and 

Fcrdin.-ind  Colon.     [For  the  story  of  this  book,  edited  by    R.    If.  M.njor,   J'.s(|.,   of   tlie   I'ritish 

sec  the  previou",  ch.ipter.  —  F.D.j  Museum,    London.      Printed    for    the    llakltiyt 

■'  Select  I.ei':ers  of  Christopher  Colitiiilnis,  'oith  Society,  1847. 


^'t-  . ' 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


where  tlie  lands  and  tlie  islands  end  "  he  had  reached,  he  thought,  at  the 
islands  of  Trinidad,  of  Margarita,  and  of  Cubagiia,  and  at  the  coast  of 
the  (Inlf  of  I'aria,  into  which  poured  this  great  river  rushing  down  from 
the  pinnacle  of  the  globe.  I'or  he  had  observed,  as  he  sailed  westward 
from  a  certain  line  in  the  ocean,  that  "  the  ships  went  on  rising  smoothly 
towards  the  sky."  Some  of  the  older  astronomers,  he  said,  believed  that 
the  Arctic  pole  was  '•  the  highest  point  of  the  world,  and  nearest  to  the 
heavens;  "  and  others  that  this  was  true  of  the  Antarctic.  Tiiough  all  were 
wrong  as  to  the  exact  locality  of  that  elevation,  it  was  plain  that  they  held 
a  common  faith  that  somewhere  there  was  a  point  of  exaltation,  if  only  it 
could  be  found,  where  the  earth  approached  the  sky  more  nearly  than  any- 
where else.  But  it  had  not  occurred  to  any  of  them  that  possibly  the 
blessed  spot  which  the  first  rays  of  the  sun  lit  up  in  crimson  and  in  gold 
on  the  morning  of  creation,  because  it  was  the  topmost  height  of  the  globe, 
and  because  it  was  in  the  cast,  might  be  under  the  equinoctial  line;  and 
it  had  not  occurred  to  them,  because  this  eastern  c.xtrcmit}'  of  the  world, 
which  it  had  pleased  God  he  should  now  discover,  had  hitherto  been 
unknown  to  civilized  man. 

Every  observation  and  incident  of  this  voyage  gave  to  Columbus 
proof  of  the  correctness  of  his  theory.  The  farther  south  he  had  gone 
along  the  African  coast,  the  blacker  and  more  barbarous  he  had  found  the 
people,  the  more  intense  the  heat,  and  the  more  arid  the  soil.  For  many 
days  they  had  sailed  under  an  atmosphere  so  heated  and  oppressive  that 
he  doubted  if  his  ships  would  not  fall  to  pieces  and  their  crews  perish, 
if  they  did  not  speedily  escape  into  some  more  temperate  '•egion.  He  had 
remarked  in  former  voyages  that  at  a  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Azores 
there  was  a  north-and-south  line,  to  cross  which  was  to  find  an  immediate 
and  grateful  change  in  the  skies  above,  in  the  waters  beneath,  and  in  the 
reviving  temperature  of  the  air.  The  course  of  the  ships  was  altered 
directly  westward,  that  this  line  might  be  reached,  and  the  perils  escaped 
which  surrounded  him  and  his  people.  It  was  when  the  line  was  crossed 
that  he  observed  how  his  ships  were  gently  ascending  toward  the  skies. 
Not  only  were  the  expected  changes  experienced,  but  the  North  Star 
was  seen  at  a  new  altitude ;  the  needle  of  the  compass  varied  a  point, 
and  the  farther  they  sailed  the  more  it  turned  to  the  northwest.  How- 
ever the  wind  blew,  the  sea  was  always  smooth ;  and  when  the  Island 
of  Trinidad  and  the  shores  of  the  continent  were  reached,  they  entered 
a  climate  of  exceeding  mildness,  where  the  fields  and  the  foliage  were 
"  remarkably  fresh  and  green,  and  as  beautiful  as  the  gardens  of  Valencia 
in  April."  The  people  who  crowded  to  the  shore  "  in  countless  num- 
bers "  to  gaze  at  these  strange  visitors  were  "  very  graceful  in  form, 
tall,  and  elegant  in  their  movements,  wearing  their  hair  very  long  and 
smooth."  They  were,  moreover,  of  a  whiter  skin  than  any  the  Admiral 
had  heretofore  seen  "  in  any  of  the  Indies,"  and  were  "  shrewd,  intelligent, 
and  courageous." 


fill.    I! 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


'35 


The  more  he  saw  and  the  mure  he  rellected,  the  more  convinced  he  was 
that  this  country  was  "  the  most  elevated  in  the  world,  and  the  nearest  to 
tiic  sky."  Where  else  could  this  majestic  river,  that  rushed  eayerly  to  this 
mij^hty  strugi^ie  with  tlie  sea,  come  from,  but  from  that  loftiest  peak  of  the 
ylobe,  in  the  midst  whereof  was  the  ine.\haustible  fountain  of  the  four  f^reat 
rivers  of  the  earth?  The  faith  or  the  fanaticism  —  whichever  one  may 
please  to  call  it  —  of  the  devout  cosmographer  was  never  for  an  instant 
siiadowed  by  a  doubt.  The  human  learnin^^  of  all  time  had  taught  him 
tliat  the  shorter  way  to  India  must  be  across  that  western  ocean  which,  he 
was  persuaded,  covered  on!)-  one  third  of  the  ylobe  and  separated  the 
western  coast  of  Europe  from  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia.  When  it  was 
taken  for  granted  that  his  first  voyage  had  proved  this  geographical  theory 
to  be  the  true  one,  then  he  could  only  understand  that  as  in  each  succes- 
sive voj'age  he  had  gone  farther,  so  he  was  only  getting  nearer  and  nearer 
to  the  heart  of  the  empire  of  the  Great  Khan. 

But  to  the  aid  of  human  knowledge  came  a  higher  faith ;  he  was 
divinely  led.  In  writing  of  this  third  voyage  to  Dona  Juana  de  la  Torres, 
a  lady  of  the  Court  and  a  companion  to  the  Queen,  he  said :  "  God  made 
me  the  messenger  of  the  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth  of  which  he  spoke 
in  the  Apocalypse  by  Saint  John,  after  having  spoken  of  it  by  the  mouth 
of  Isaiah  ;  and  he  showed  me  the  spot  where  to  find  it."  ^  The  end  of  the 
world  he  believed  was  at  hand;  by  which  he  meant,  perhaps,  only  the 
world  of  heathenism  and  unbelief.  In  his  letter  to  the  sovereigns  he  said 
that  "  it  was  clearly  predicted  concerning  these  lands  by  the  mouth  of  the 
prophet  Isaiah  in  many  places  in  Scripture,  that  from  Spain  the  holy  name 
of  God  was  to  be  spread  abroad."  Amazing  and  even  fantastic  as  his  con- 
clusions were  when  they  came  from  the  religious  side  of  his  nature,  they 
were  to  him  irrefragable,  because  they  were  so  severely  logical.  He  was 
the  chosen  instrument  of  the  divine  purpose,  because  it  was  to  him  that 
the  way  had  been  made  straight  and  plain  to  the  glorious  East,  where  God 
had  planted  in  the  beginning  the  earthly  Paradise,  in  which  he  had  placed 
man,  where  man  had  first  sinned,  and  where  ere  long  was  to  break  the 
promised  dawn  of  the  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth. 

The  northern  continent  of  the  New  World  was  discovered  by  the  Cabots 
a  year  before  the  southern  mainland  was  reached  by  Columbus.  Possibly 
this  northern  voyage  may  have  suggested  to  the  geographers  of  England 


'  The  very  name  he  bore  had  a  divine  sig- 
nificance, according  to  the  fanciful  interpreta- 
tion of  his  son,  Don  Ferdinand  Colon.  For 
as  the  name  Christopher,  or  Christophorus, — 
the  Christ-bearer,  —  was  bestowed  upon  the 
.Saint  who  carried  the  Christ  over  deep  waters  at 
his  own  great  peril,  so  had  it  fallen  upon  him, 
who  was  destined  to  discover  a  new  world, 
"  that  those  Indian  nations  might  become  citizens 
and  inhabitants  of  the  Church  triumphant  in 
heaven."     Nor  less  appropriate  was  the  family 


name  of  Columbus,  or  Colomba,  —  a  dove,  —  for 
him  who  showed  "those  people,  who  knew  him 
not,  which  was  God's  beloved  .Son,  as  the  Holy 
Ghost  did  in  the  figure  of  a  dove  at  Saint  John's 
baptism ;  and  because  he  also  carried  the  olive- 
branch  and  oil  of  baptism  over  the  waters  of 
the  ocean  like  Noah's  dove,  to  denote  the  peace 
and  union  of  these  jieoplc  with  the  Church, 
after  they  had  been  shut  up  in  the  ark  of  dark- 
ness and  confusion."  Saint  Christopher  carrying 
Christ,  appears  as  a  vignette  on  Cosa's  chart. 


DM/ 


;   !■) 


;( 


m 


J, 


■' .)' 


M' 


136  NARKATIVK    ANU   CKITICAL    HISTORY   Ol     AMERICA. 

a  new  theory,  as  yet,  so  far  as  we  know,  not  ihoiij^lu  of  in  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal,—  that  a  hemisphere  was  to  be  circumn;ivi<;atecl,  and  a  passage  found 
among  tlioiisands  of  leagues  of  islands,  or  else  through  some  great  conti- 
nent hitlierto  unknown,  —  except  to  a  few  forgotten  Northmen  of  five 
hundred  years  earlier,  —  before  India  could  be  reached  by  sailing  westward. 
Jn  speaking  of  this  voyage  long  afterward,  Sebastian  Cabot  said:  "  I  began 
to  saile  tow;ird  the  northwest,  not  thinking  to  find  any  other  land  than  that 
of  Cathay,  and  from  thence  turne  towa'  '  'ndia;  but  after  certaine  dayes 
I  found  that  the  land  ranne  towards  the  Aorth,  which  was  to  mee  a  great 
displeasure."  '  This  may  have  been  the  afterthought  of  his  old  age,  when 
the  belief  that  the  new  Indies  were  the  outlying  boundaries  of  the  old  was 
generally  discarded.  lie  had  forgotten,  as  the  same  narrative  shows, — 
unless  the  year  be  a  misprint,  —  the  e.xact  date  of  that  voyage,  saying  that 
it '•  was,  as  farre  as  I  remember,  in  the  yeare  1496,  in  the  beginning  of 
SumuHr."  This  was  a  year  too  soon.  Hut  if  the  statement  be  accepted  as 
literally  true  that  he  was  disappointed  in  finding,  not  Cathay  and  India, 
as  he  had  hoped,  but  another  land,  then  not  only  the  honor  of  the  dis- 
covery of  the  western  continent  belongs  to  his  father  and  10  him,  —  or 
rather  to  the  father  alone,  for  the  son  was  still  a  boy,  —  but  the  further 
distinction  of  knowing  wh.it  they  had  discovered  ;  while  Columbus  never 
awoke  from  the  delusion  that  he  had  touched  the  confines  of  India. 

A  discussion  of  the  several  interesting  questions  relating  to  tlu'  voyages 
of  the  Cabots  belongs  to  another  chapter;-  but  assuming  here  that  the 
vo\-age  of  the  "Mathew"  from  Hristol,  ICngland,  in  the  summer  of  1497, 
is  beyond  controvers)-,  the  precedence  of  the  Cabots  over  Columbus  in  the 
discovery  of  the  continent  may  be  taken  for  granted.  There  is  other 
ample  evidence  besides  his  curious  letters  to  show  that  the  latter  was  on 
the  coast  of  South  America  in  the  summer  of  149S,  just  thirteen  months 
and  one  week  after  the  Cabots  made  the  term  pritiiuvi  visa,  whether  on  the 
coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  Labrador,  or  possibly  Newfoundland.''  Not  that  this 
detracts  in  any  degree,  however  slight,  from  the  great  name  of  Columbus 
as  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World.  Of  him  Sebastian  Cabot  was  mindful 
to  say,  in  conversation  with  the  Pope's  envoy  in  .Spain, — just  quoted  from 
in  the  preceding  paragraph,  —  that  "when  newes  were  brought  that  Don 
Christopher  Colonus,  Genoese,  had  discovered  the  coasts  of  India,  whereof 
was  great  talkc  in  all  the  Court  of  King  Henry  the  7,  who  then  raigned, 
insomuch  that  all  men  with  great  admiration  affirmed  it  to  be  a  thing  more 
divine  than  humane  to  saile  b_\-  the  West  into  the  Easte,  where  spices 
growe,  by  a  map  that  was  never  knowcn  before,  —  by  this  fame  and  report 
there  increased  in  my  heart  a  great  flame  of  desire  to  attempt  some  notable 

'  //  DiscoiDSc  of  Sehastian  Cahot  toiic/iiiij^  his  -  [See  Vol.  III.  chap.  i.  —  Ed.] 

Discovery,  ttc.    Translated  from  Ramusio  ( 1 550)  ■•  For  the  distinction  which  possibly  Cabot 

bv  Hakluyt  for  his  rrincipal  iVaviffalioiis,  Voy-  meant  to  convey  between  terra  and  insula,  see 

ai;es,  and DisccT'cries  of  the  English  A^atioii,\^<),  Biddle's   Memoir  of  Sebastian    Cabot    (London 

and  in  later  editions.  1831),  p.  54. 


AMEKUiO    VliSI'UCCI. 


^2>7 


thiiij^."  However  notable  the  tiling'  ini^lil  be,  it  could  be  only  secondary 
to  that  achievement  of  Coliinibus  which  Cabot  looked  upon  as  "  more  divine 
than  human;"  but  whether  in  the  first  si^dit  of  the  mainland  which  all 
lioped  to  find  be)dntl  the  islands  airi'ady  visited,  Vespucci  did  not  take 
precedence  both  of  the  Cabots  ami  of  Columbus,  has  been  a  disputed 
(jucstion  for  nearly  four  hundred  years;  and  it  will  probably  never  be 
considered  as  satisfactorily  settled,  shouU!  it  continue  in  dispute  for  four 
hmulred  years  lonj^^er. 

The  question  is,  whether  X'espucci  made  four  voyages  to  that  half  of  the 
world  which  was  ever  after  to  bear  his  name,'  and  whether  those  voyafjes 
were  reall)'  nuide  at  the  time  it  is  said  they  were.  The  most  essential  point, 
liowcvcr,  is  that  of  the  date  of  the  fu'st  voyage :  for  if  that  wliich  is 
asserted  to  be  the  true  date  be  correct,  the  first  discoverer  of  the  western 
continent  was  neither  the  Cabots  nor  Columbus,  but  X'espucci ;  and  his 
n.uue  was  properly  enoUL^di  bestowed  upon  it.  "  In  the  year  1497,"  sa)'s  an 
ancient  and  authentic  Bristol  manuscript,-  "  the  ::4th  June,  on  .St.  John's 
day,  was  Newfoundland  found  by  Bristol  men  [the  Cabotsl  in  a  shin  called 
the  '  Mathew.' "  (~)n  his  third  voyai^e,  in  1498,  Columbus  says:  "We  saw 
land  [Trinidad]  at  noon  of  Tuesday  the  31st  of  Jul\'."  In  a  letter,  written 
no  doubt  b)' X'espucei,  he  says:  "  W'e  sailed  from  the  port  of  Cadi/,  on 
the  lOth  of  Ma_\-,  1497;  "''and  after  leaving  the  Canaries,  where  the  four 
ships  of  the  expedition  remained  a  few  days  to  take  in  their  final  supplies 
of  wood,  water,  and  provisions,  they  came,  he  continues,  "  at  the  end  of 
twenty-seven  days,  upon  a  coast  which  we  thought  to  be  that  of  a  con- 
tinent." Of  these  dates  the  first  two  mentioned  are  unquestionably 
authentic.  If  tiiat  last  given  were  equally  =0,  there  wouKl  be  an  enil  of  all 
controversy  upon  the  subject;  for  it  would  prove  that  Vespucci's  discov- 
ery of  the  continent  preceded  that  of  the  Cabots,  though  only  by  a  week 
or  two,  while  it  must  have  been  earlier  than  that  of  Columbus  by  about 
•ourteen  months. 

It  should  first  of  all  be  noted  that  the  sole  authority  for  ,i  voyage  made 
by  Vespucci  in  1497  is  Vespucci  himself  All  contemporar}-  history,  other 
than  his  own  letter,  is  absolutely  silent  in  regard  to  such  a  voyage,  whether 
it  be  history  in  printed  books,  or  in  the  archives  of  those  kingdoms  of 
iMU'ope  where  the  precious  documents  touching  the  earlier  expedition.- 
to  the  New  World  were  deposited.  Santarem,  in  his  Rcscair/ics,  goes  even 
farther  than  this;  for  he  declares  that  even  the  name  of  Vespucci  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  Royal  Archives  of  Portugal,  covering  the  period  from 
1495  to  1503,  and  including  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  documents 
relating  to  voyages  of  discovery ;   that  he  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Diplo- 

1  Humboldt  (Exumeii  critique,  vol.  iv.),  sii])-  Amuliich,  w.is  sinead  through  Europe  by  the 

ported  by  the  authority  of  Professor  Von  dcr  Goths  and  other  Xorthern  invaders. 
Ilugcn,  of  the  University  of  Berlin,  shows  that  -  [See  Vol.  III.  p.  53.  —  ICn.] 

the  Italian  name  Amerigo  is  derived  from  the  ^  On  the  :oth  of  May,  according  to  one  edi- 

German   Amalrich  or  Amelrich,  which,  under  tion  of  the   letter,  —  that  published  by   Ilyla- 

the  various  forms  of  Amalric,  .\malrili.  'lUiilrich,  comylus  at  St-Uie. 
VOL.   11.  — 18. 


M»i 


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i.V^ 


NAKRATlVi:    AND   CKITICAL   HISTORY   OF   A.MKKICA, 


matic  Kccorils  of  I'orlULial,  wliicli  Inal  <if  tlu'  relations  of  tliat  kingdom 
witli  Spain  and  Italy,  wlan  oiii'  of  tin.'  iliitics  of  .imbassatlurs  was  to  keep 
their  (iowiniiKiits  ailviseil  of  all  new  iliscoveries ;  ami  tlial  amoiiv;  the 
many  v.iliiable  mamiscripts  beloii^in^'  to  the  Royal  Library  al  I'aiis.  he, 
M.  Santarem,  soiiij;lit  in  vain  for  any  allusion  to  W-spucci.  Hut  these 
assertions  have  liulc  influence  over  those  who  do  not  a^Mve  with  Santarem 
that  \'espiicci  was  an  impostor.  The  eviilence  is  ovirw helming;  that  he 
belunj^ed  to  some  of  the  e.\i)editions  sent  out  at  that  period  to  the  south- 
west;  and  if  he  was  so  obscure  as  not  to  be  reco^Miized  in  any  contem- 
Dorary  notices  of  those  voyages,  then  it  coidd  be  maintaineil  with  some 
plausibility  that  he  mii^ht  have  maile  An  i.u'lier  voyaije  about  which  noth- 
ing was  known.  Ami  this  woukl  seem  the  more  probable  when  it  was 
remembered  that  the  time  (1497)  of  this  alle<:;ed  expedition  was  within  that 
interval  when  "  the  very  tailors,"  as  Columbus  said,  mij^ht  yo,  without  let 
or  hindrance,  in  search  of  riches  and  renown  in  the  new-fouml  world. 
Many,  no  doubt,  took  advantage  of  this  freedom  of  navigation  whose 
names  and  exploits  are  (piite  unknown  to  history. 

Xeverthel<'ss,  the  fact  of  the  obscurity  of  Vespucci  at  that  period  is  not 
without  'f^reat  weij^ht,  thou^^di  Santarem  fails  in  his  attempt  to  prove  too 
nuich  by  it.  Columbus  believed  when,  on  his  second  voyage,  he  coasted 
the  southern  shore  of  Cuba,  that  he  had  touched  the  continent  of  Asia.  The 
extension  of  that  continent  he  supposed,  from  indications  given  by  the  natives, 
and  accepted  by  him  as  conhrmmg  a  foregone  conclusion,  would  be  found 
farther  south;  and  for  that  reason  he  took  that  course  on  his  third  voyage. 
"The  land  where  the  spices  grow"  was  now  the  aim  of  all  Spanish  energy 
and  enterprise;   and  it  is  not  likely  that  this  theory  of  the  Admiral  was  not 


cAvvjy^ 


AUTOGRAPH    OF   VF.SPL'CIUS,    I50S.' 

well  understood  among  the  merchants  and  navigators  who  took  an  intelli- 
gent as  well  as  an  intense  interest  in  all  that  he  had  done  and  in  all  that  he 
said.  Is  it  probable,  then,  that  nobody  should  know  of  the  sailing  of  four 
ships  from  Cadiz  for  farther  and  more  important  disco\'erics  in  the  direc- 

1  [This  is  the  conclusion  of  a  letter  of  Vespucius,  printed  and  given  in  fac-similc  in  the  Cartas 
,/,■  /;/fl'/,;.f.  —  Ed.] 


AMi.KlGO  VtlSl'UCCl 


'39 


)\ 


VKSPUCIUS.' 


tioii  pointed   out  by  Columbus?     Or,   if  tiieir   tlcparturc   was   secret,   can 
there  be  a  rational  doubt  that  the  return,  with  inteiliLjence  so  important 


'  lAftcr  a  pictiiie  in  the  MassacliiiscUs  His- 
torical Society's  Gallery  (no.  253),  which  is  a 
copy  of  the  best-known  portrait  of  Vcspucius. 
It  is  claimed  for  it  that  it  was  painted  from  life 
by  lironzino,  and  that  it  had  been  preserved  in 
the  family  of  Vcspncins  till  it  was  conmiittcd,  in 
1S45,  to  Charles  Edwards  Lesler,  United  States 
consul  at  (icnoa.  It  is  engraved  in  Lester  and 
Foster's  Life  mul  I'oytii^cs  of  Amcriciis  Vesfiidiis 


(\cw  York,  1S46),  and  described  on  p.  .|i.(  of 
that  book.  Cf.  also  Sparks's  statement  in  Miiss. 
Hist.  Soc.  rioc,  iv.  117.  It  has  been  also  en- 
graved in  Canovai  among  the  Italian  authorities, 
and  was  first,  I  think,  in  ihis  country,  proi'uced 
in  riiiladelphia,  in  1S15,  in  Delaphune's  Reposi- 
tory of  the  Lives  mid  Portraits  of  Jistiir^uished 
American  chanicters,  and  later  in  various  other 
places.     The  likeness  of  Vespucius  in  tlie  Koyal 


(;''/■• 


':':'i 


j;  h 


im 


140 


NARKAIIXK    A\D    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


and  generally  interesting,  would  have  been  t.dked  about  in   all  the  ports 
of  Spain,  and  the  man  wiio  brought  it  have  become  instantly  famous? 

But  as  no  account  of  the  voyage  appeared  till  years  afterward,  and  then 
in  a  letter  from  Vespucci  himself;  and  as,  meanwhile,  for  most  of  those 
years  the  absence  of  his  name  from  contemporary  records  shows  that  no 

celebrity  whatever  was  attached 
to  it,  —  the  logical  conclusion 
is,  not  only  that  the  voyage 
was  unknown,  but  that  it  was 
unknown  because  it  was  never 
made.  [Moreover,  if  it  was  ever 
made  it  could  not  have  been 
unknown,  if  v 


we  may  iru< 
pucci's    own    statement. 


r 


or 


in  his  letter — not  written  till 
1 504,  and  not  published  in  full 
till  1507 — he  said  that  this 
e.xpedition  was  sent  out  b\- 
order  of  KiuLT  l""ertlinantl ;   that 


he,  Vespucci,  went 


upon 


it  b^ 


royal  command  ;  and  that  after 
his  return  he  made  a  report  of 
it  to  the  King.  The  expedi- 
tion, therefore,  was  clearly  not 
one  of  those  which,  in  the  in- 
terval between  the  summers  of 
1495    and    1497,  so   often    re- 


ferretl    It 


scaiieii    all    publ 


ic 


VF.SPLXIUS.- 


recortl 


and 


;>s 


th 


ere   cannot 


be    found    anj'    ;ecognit 


ion    o 


f 


sucli  an 


enterprise  at  that  date  either  in  contemporaneous  liistory  or  State 


documents,  what  other 


conclusion  can  be  accepter 


as   i-atioiial   ;uid  without 


prejudice,  than  that  no  such  \'oj-age  so  commanded  was  nude  at  that  time? 
riiere  seems  to  be  no  escape  from  this  evidence,  though  it  is  so  piireh- 


netrative  and  circumstant'il.      Hut   I  lumlioldt,  iei\-inL 


'P 


)n  tlu 


researcnes 


he 


(lalleiy  at  X,ii)le>,  i)aliUc'(l  liy  rarmij^iaiiiiici,  is 
.supposed  to  hu  tlic  one  orii^iiially  in  the  jiosses- 
.sion  of  the  Cardinal  .Alexander  Fariiese  [ISidhtiii 
lie  hi  Socicl,'  lie  Gc\><^r<ip/ii<:  i/r  J'liris,  iii.  ,570,  li\- 
Jomard).  That  artist  was  but  eleven  years  old 
at  the  death  of  Vespucius,  and  eould  not  have 
painted  Vespucin.s  from  life.  \  cojjv  in  iSj-; 
was  placed  in  the  gallerv  of  the  .Vnierican  An- 
•'"iiarian  Si  :icty  (rroii\-iiiiii;s,  April.  1S5;,, 
p.  i_j,  ■-••<•.'.  Portrails  and  Busts,  etc.,  no.  28). 
('.  \V.  Peale  s  copv  of  the  likeness  in  the  gal- 
lery of  the  llrand  Dnke  of  Tuscany  is  in  the 
collection  belonging    to    the    I'ennsvlvania   His- 


torical S'H  icty  \Catah\^iii\  1S72,  no.  14S).  'I'liere 
is  also  a  ])ortrait  in  the  gallery  of  the  New  \'orl< 
Historical  Society  (Caliiloi^iic,  wo.  131),  but  the 
origin  of  it  is  not  n.uned.  l)e  Hry  gives  vig- 
nette portraits  in  jiarts  iv.,  vi.,  and  .\ii.  of  his 
Gniiids  I'oyas^cs.  See  liandini's  Vita  c  Icttere 
lii  I'cspiiai,  chap.  vii.  f(n'  an  account  of  the  vari- 
on.s  likenesses. —  Kd.] 

'  [.\  sketch  of  an  old  engraving  as  given  in 
the  .ilix'fm.  gC(%'.  I-.f'liciin-ridvii  (Weimar,  1S07I, 
vol.  .\xiii.  There  arc  other  engravings  of  it  in 
Jules  Verne's  J^ccoiivcrte  lii  In  lerrc,  and  else- 
where. —  I'"li.^ 


\    , 


AMERIGO   VESl'UCCl. 


141 


ViiSPUCIUS. 


o(  the  Spanish  historian  Miiiloz,  and   upon   those  jratlicrcd   bj-  Navarrcte 
in  his  Colcccion  dc  los  viagcs  y  (icsctibriiiiieiitos,  presents  tlie  proof  of  an  alibi 

'  [A  fac-siiiiilc  of  the  cni^raviiig  in  MinihiiiKf,  copied  in  0:;i//>v,  p.  60.  —  Kl).] 


,.  I 


\:h 


IJ.2 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


! 


i'  \ 


%: 


^•i'1 


'  \ 


I'i'  i 


for  Vespucci.  As  has  been  already  said  on  a  previous  page,  the  fact  is 
unquestioned  that  Vespucci,  who  had  been  a  resident  of  Spain  for  some 
time,  became  in  1495  a  member  of  the  commercial  house  of  Juanoto 
l^erardi,  at  Seville,  and  that  in  January  of  the  next  year,  as  the  pub;.c 
accounts  show,  he  was  paid  a  sum  of  money  relative  to  a  contract  with 
Government  which  Berardi  did  not  live  to  complete.  The  presumption  is 
that  he  would  not  soon  absent  himself  from  his  post  of  duty,  where  new 
and  onerous  responsibilities  liad  been  imnosed  upon  him  by  the  recent 
death  of  the  senior  partner  of  the  house  with  which  he  was  connected. 
Hut  at  any  rate  he  is  found  there  in  the  spring  of  1497,  Munoz  having 
ascertained  that  fact  from  the  official  records  of  expenses  incurred  in  fitting 
out  the  ships  for  western  expeditions,  still  preserved  at  Seville.  Those 
records  show  that  from  the  middle  of  April,  1497,  to  the  end  of  May,  1498, 
Vespucci  was  busily  engaged  at  Seville  and  San  Lucar  in  the  equipment  of 
the  fleet  with  which  Columbus  sailed  on  his  third  voyage.  The  a/il>i,  there- 
fore, is  complete.  Vespucci  could  not  have  been  absent  from  Spain  from 
May,  1497,  to  October,  1498,  —  the  period  of  his  alleged  first  voyage. 

All  this  seems  incontrovertible,  and  should  be  accepted  as  conclusive  till 
fresh  researches  among  the  archives  of  that  age  shall  show,  if  that  be  pos- 
sible, that  those  hitherto  made  have  been  either  misunderstood  or  are 
incomplete.  Assuming  the  negative  to  be  proved,  then,  as  to  the  alleged 
date  of  Vespucci's  first  voyage,  the  positive  evidence,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
ample  and  unquestioned,  that  Columbus  sailed  from  San  Lucar  on  his  third 
voj'age  on  the  30th  of  May,  1498,  and  two  months  later  reached  the  western 
continent  about  the  Gulf  of  Paria. 

Was  Vespucci  then  a  charlatan?  Was  he  guilty  of  acts  so  base  as  a 
falsification  of  dates,  and  narratives  of  pretended  voyages,  that  he  might 
secure  for  himself  the  fame  that  belonged  to  another,  —  that  other,  more- 
over, being  his  friend?  There  are  reasons  for  believing  this  to  be  quite  true 
of  him ;  and  other  reasons  for  not  believing  it  at  all.  There  is  not,  to  begin 
with,  a  scrap  of  original  manuscript  of  his  bearing  on  this  point  known  to 
exist;  it  is  not  even  positively  known  in  what  tongue  his  letters  were 
written ;  and  anything,  therefore,  like  absolute  proof  as  to  what  he  said 
he  did  or  did  not  do,  is  clearly  impossible.  The  case  has  to  be  tried  upon 
circumstantial  evidence  and  as  one  of  moral  probabilities;  and  the  verdict 
must  needs  differ  according  to  the  varying  intelligence  and  disposition  of 
different  juries. 

He  made,  or  he  claimed  to  have  made,  —  assuming  the  letters  attributed 
to  him  to  be  his,  —  four  voyages,  of  each  of  which  he  wrote  a  narrative. 
y\ccording  to  the  dates  given  in  these  letters,  he  twice  sailed  from  Spain  by 
order  of  Ferdinand,  —  in  May,  1497,  and  in  May,  1499;  and  twice  from  Por- 
tugal, in  the  service  of  King  Emanuel,  —  in  May,  1501,  and  in  May,  1503. 
He  was  absent,  as  we  learn  from  the  same  letters,  about  seventeen  months 
on  the  first  voyage,  about  sixteen  each  on  the  second  and  third,  and  on  the 
fourth  eleven  months.     If  he  went  to  sea,  then,  for  the  first  time  in  May, 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


Hi 


might 


1497,  and  the  last  voyage  ended,  as  the  narrative  says,  in  June,  1504,  the 
whole  period  of  his  seafaring  life  was  eighty-four  months,  of  which  sixty 
were  passed  at  sea,  and  twenty-four,  at  reasonable  intervals,  on  shore.  As 
the  dates  of  departure  and  of  return  are  carefully  given,  obviously  the 
period  from  May,  1497,  to  June,  1504,  must  be  allowed  for  the  four  expe- 
ditions. But  here  we  come  upon  an  insurmountable  obstacle.  If  to  the 
first  voyage  of  1497  the  wrong  date  was  given,  —  if,  that  is,  the  actual  first 
voyage  was  that  of  1499,  which  Vespucci  calls  his  second,  —  then  he  could 
not  have  gone  upon  four  expeditions.  From  May,  1499,  to  June,  1504,  is 
a  period  of  sixty  months;  and  as  the  aggregate  length  he  gives  to  the 
assumed  four  voyages  is  sixty  months,  they  could  not  have  been  made  in 
that  time,  as  that  would  have  compelled  him  to  be  at  sea  the  whole  five 
years,  with  no  interval  of  i-eturn  to  Spain  or  Portugal  to  refit,  —  which  is 
manifestly  absurd. 

The  solution  of  the  difficulty  relied  upon  by  Humboldt  and  others 
seems,  therefore,  insufficient ;  it  is  not  explained  by  assuming  that  the  date 
1497  in  the  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  was  the  careless  blunder  of  the 
translator,  copyist,  or  printer  of  Vespucci's  original  letter.  It  is  not  an 
error  if  there  were  four  voyages ;  for  as  the  date  of  the  last  one  is  undis- 
puted, the  date  of  1497  for  the  first  one  must  remain  to  give  time  enough 
for  the  wnole.  But  that  there  were  four  voyages  does  not  depend  solely 
upon  the  date  given  to  the  first  one.  That  there  were  four  — "  quatuo. 
navigationes  "  —  is  asserted  repeatedly  by  Vespucci  in  the  dift"erent  letters. 
In  the  relation  of  the  first  one,  wherein  is  given  this  troublesome  date  which 
has  so  vexed  the  souls  of  scholars,  he  says  at  some  length  that  as  he  had 
seen  on  these  "twice  two"  voyages  so  many  .strange  things,  differing  so 
much  from  the  manners  and  customs  of  his  own  country,  he  had  written  a 
little  book,  not  yet  published,  to  be  called  "  Four  Expeditions,  or  Four 
Voyages,"  in  which  he  had  related,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  about  all  he 
had  seen.i  If,  then,  the  dale  1497  is  :o  be  explained  away  as  the  result 
of  carelessness  or  accident,  —  even  admitting  that  such  an  explanation 
would  explain,  —  what  is  to  be  done  with  this  passage?  It  cannot,  like  a 
single  numeral  —  a  7  for  a  9  —  be  attributed  to  chance;  and  it  becomes 
necessary,  therefore,  to  regard  it  as  an  interpolation  contrived  to  sustain 
a  cluuLsy  falsification  of  date. 

It  has  also  been  conjectured  that  two  of  the  letters  have  been  misappre- 
hended ;  that  Vespucci  meant  one  as  only  a  continuation  of  the  other  in 
a  description  of  a  single  voyage,  or  if  intended  as  two  letters,  they  were 
meant  to  describe  the  same  voyage.  The  early  editors,  it  has  been  sug- 
r-..;ed,  supposing  that  each  letter  described  a  separate  voyage,  forgetl  or 

1  "  Et  qiioiiiani  in  mcis  hiscc  bis  gemiiiis  navi-  visarum    partem   clistinctu   satis   ju.xta   ingeiiioi 

^atioiiibus,  tarn  varia  (tivcrsaquc,  ac  tarn  a  nos-  mei  tciiuitatem  collcgi :  verumtamen  non  atlliuc 

tris  robiis,  ct  modis  differentia  perspexi,  idcirco  publicavi."     From  the  Cosiiios^nil^hia  iiilrodiiitio 

libelhim  (lucmpiain,  quern  Quauior  dia;tas  sive  of   Ilylacomylus  (Martin  Waldseemiiller).    St.- 

(|uatuor  navigationes  appcllo,  conscriberc  par-  Die,   1507.     Repeated    in   essentially  the   same 

avi,  "onscripsiiiuc;  in  quo  maiorem  rerum  a  nic  words  in  other  editions  of  the  letter. 


ndm 


/,. 


U  )'l:  *) 


i  I 


^/> 


J'  ■■ 


I'll  I 


144 


NAURATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


changed  the  dates  in  accordance  with  that  supposition.  If  there  were  no 
other  objection  to  this  theory,  it  is  untenable  if  what  has  just  been  said  be 
true.  The  duration  of  each  voyage,  the  aggregate  lengtli  of  the  whole,  and 
the  distinct  and  careful  assertion  that  there  were  four  of  them,  require  that 
there  should  be  one  prior  to  that  which  N'espucci  calls  his  second. 

All  this  leads,  according  to  our  present  knowledge  of  the  facts,  ine\i- 
tably  to  this  conclusion,  —  whether  Vespucci  himself  wrote,  or  others  wrote 
for  him,  these  letters,  their  very  consistenc)'  of  dates  and  of  circumstantial 
assertion  show  them  to  ha  .e  been  deliberitely  composed  to  establish  a 
falsehood.  For  tlie  researches  of  Munoz  and  of  Navarrete,  a;  -s  said  above, 
provi.  that  V^espucci  could  not  have  sailed  from  Spain  on  his  first  voyage 
on  the  loth  or  20th  of  May,  1497;  for  from  the  middle  of  April  of  tliat 
year  to  ihe  end  of  .May,  149S,  he  was  busil)'  employed  at  Seville  and  San 
Lucar  in  fitting  out  the  lleet  for  the  tiiird  e.'-:[)edition  of  Columbus. 

There  is  other  evidence,  negative  indeed,  but  hardly  less  conclusive,  that 
this  assumed  vo}'age  of  1497  ^\'^'*'  never  made.  In  15  12  Don  Diego  Colum- 
bus brought  an  action  against  the  Crown  of  Spain  to  recover,  as  the  heir 
of  his  father,  Christopher  Columbus,  the  go\-ernnient  aiul  a  portion  of  the 
revenues  of  certain  pn)\inces  on  tlie  continent  of  America.  The  defence 
was  that  those  countries  were  ncjt  discovered  b)'  Columbus,  antl  tlie  claim, 
therefore,  was  not  valid.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Crown  was 
negligei'v  in  the  search  'or  testimony  to  sustain  its  own  cause,  for  nearly  a 
lumdretl  w  itnesses  were  examined.  But  no  evidence  was  offered  to  prove 
that  \'espucci  —  whose  nephew  was  present  at  the  trial  —  visited  in  1497 
the  Terra  I'irma  which  the  plaintiff  maintained  his  father  discovered  in 
1498.  On  the  other  hand,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  an  eminent  navigator,  declared 
that  he  was  sent  on  an  ex[)edition  in  1499  to  the  coast  of  I'aria  next  after 
it  was  disco\ered  by  the  ^Admiral  (Columbus) ;  and  that  "  in  this  voyage 
which  this  said  witness  made,  he  took  with  him  Juande  la  Cosa  and  Morigo 
Vespuche  [.Amerigo  Vespucci]  and  other  pilots."  '  When  asked  how  he 
knew  that  Columbus  had  made  the  discovery  at  the  time  named,  his  reply 
was  tliat  he  kneu  it  because  the  Bishop  Fonseca  had  supplied  him  with  that 
map  which  tlie  Admiral  had  sent  home  in  his  letter  to  the  King  and  Queen. 
The  act  of  tlie  Bishop  was  a  dishonorable  one,  and  intended  as  an  injury  to 
Columbus;  and  to  this  purpose  Ojeda  further  lent  himself  by  stopping  at 
Ilispaniola  on  tie  return  fron-  his  voyage,  and  by  exciting  there  a  revolt 
against  the  authority  of  the  Admiral  in  that  island.  Perhaps  the  bitter 
animosity  of  those  years  had  been  buried  in  the  gra\e  of  the  great  navi- 
gator, together  with  the  chains  A\liich  had  liung  alwa}-s  in  his  chamber  as 
a  memento  of  the  royal  ingratitude ;  but  even  in  that  case  it  is  not  likely 
that  Ojeda  would  have  lost  sucli  an  opportunity  to  justif}',  in  some  degree, 

'  In  the  original :  En  estf  viiii;i  iiiie  t-ste  ilicho  records  of  this  tri.il  .irc    jncscrvcil  among  the 

icstigo  hizo  Iriijo  cousigo  a  Juan  dc  la  Cosa,  pilotCy  arcliivcs  at  Seville,  ami  were  e.xamincdby  Munoz, 

<•  Morigo  VespitcJu;  f  otros  pilotos.     The  testimony  and  also  by  Washington  Irving  in  his  studies  for 

of  other  jjilots  ccjnfirmcd  that  of  (Ijeda.     'I'll'.'  the /,//;•  i/Cc\'»w/viV.     See  also  (i»A',  p.  S8. 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


145 


his  own  conduct  by  declaring,  if  he  knew  it  to  be  so,  that  Cohimbus  was 
not  the  first  discoverer  of  the  continent.  It  is  of  course  possible,  but  it  is 
certainly  not  probable,  that  he  should  not  have  heard  from  Vespucci  that 
this  was  his  second  visit  to  the  Gulf  of  I'aria,  if  that  were  the  fact,  and  that 
his  first  visit  was  a  year  before  that  of  Columbus,  whose  chart  Ojcda  was 
using  to  direct  his  course  through  seas  with  whicli  Vespucci  was  familiar. 
This  reasonable  reflection  is  dwelt  upon  by  Humboldt,  Irving,  and  others; 
and  it  comes  with  peculiar  force  to  the  careful  reader  of  the  letters  of 
Vespucci,  for  he  was  never  in  the  least  inclined  to  hide  his  light  under  a 
bushel. 

The  originals  of  the  letters,  as  has  already  been  said,  are  not,  so  far  as 
is  known,  in  existence ;  it  is  even  uncertain  whether  they  were  written  in 
Latin,  Italian,  Spanish,  or  Portuguese.  Nor  has  the  book  which  Vespucci 
said  he  had  prepared  —  "The  F'-  r  Voj-ages "  —  ever  been  found;  but 
Humboldt  believed  that  the  collected  narrative  first  published  at  St.-Die  in 
1507,  in  the  Cosmographia:  introductio  of  Hylacomylus,  was  made  up  of  ex- 
tracts from  that  book.  This  St.-Die  edition  was  in  Latin,  translated,  the 
editor  says,  from  the  French.'  There  is  in  the  British  Museum  a  rare  work 
of  four  pages,  published  also  in  1507,  the  author  of  which  was  Walter  Lud. 
This  Lud  was  the  secretarj-  of  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  a  canon  of  the  St.- 
Die  Cathedral,  and  the  founder  of  the  school  or  college,  where  he  had  set 
up  a  printing-press  on  which  was  printed  the  Cosmographicc  introductio. 
From  this  little  book  it  is  learned  that  the  Vespucci  letters  were  sent  from 
Portugal  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  in  French,  and  that  they  were  translated 
into  Latin  by  another  canon  of  the  .St.-Die  Cathedral,  one  Jean  Basin  de 
Sandacourt,  at  the  request  of  Lud.'^ 

Vespucci's  last  two  voyages  were  made,  so  his  letters  assert,  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  King  of  Portugal.  The  narrative  of  the  first  of  these  —  the 
third  of  the  four  voyages  —  appeared  at  different  times,  at  several  places, 
and  were  addressed  to  more  than  one  person,  prior  to  the  publication  of 
the  St.-Die  edition  of  all  the  letters  atU'ressed  to  Rene  TI..  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raiiie.  This  fact  has  added  to  the  con  asion  and  doubt;  for  each  of  these 
copies  sent  to  dift"erent  persons  was  a  translation,  presumably  from  some 
common  original.  One  copy  of  them  was  addressed  to  Pietro  Soderini, 
Gonfaloniere  of  I'lorence,  whom  Vespucci  claimed  as  an  old  friend  and 
school-fellow  under  the  instruction  of  his  uncle,  Giorgi  Antonio  Vespucci ; 
another  was  sent  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici,  — Vespucci's  early 
employer,  —  both  appearing  prior  to  that  addressed  in  the  collected  edition 
of  St.-Die  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  Of  the  earlier  editions 
there  was  one  published,  according  to  Humboldt,  in  Latin,  in  1504,  at  Augs- 

'  The  title  uf  this  work  is  Co.  •lo.^nip/iiu'  in-  published    .it    Strasbiirg    in    1509.      [Sec  /<«/, 

troiiiiilio  iiim  qiiihusdiiiH  geomctriie  ac  aslroiwiiiiiv  p.  167,  —  Ed.] 

priiicipiis  mi  eavi  rem  nccesmriis.     iHsupcr  qua-  -  See  Major's  Ilciity  the  Navif;ator,  p.  3S3. 

titor  Amend  Vespiicii  navigiitioius.    The  iiuu.e  of  The  title  of  Liid's  four-le.avcd  book  is  Speeiili 

the  editor,  M.irtiiuis  Ilylacomj'Uts,  is  not  given  orbis  succinctiss.  scd  luqne  pceniteuda  neqiie  inelc- 

ill    the   first    edition,   bnt    appears    in   a    later,  };aus  dceUiratio  et  emioii. 
\'0r.,  II.  —  19. 


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^/^  t- 


U\ 


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1iii 


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146 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


burg  and  also  at  Paris;  another  in  German,  in  1505,  at  Strasburg,  and 
in  1506  at  Lcipsic;  and  still  another  in  Italian  at  Vicenza,  in  the  collection 
called  Pacsi  iiovauimte,  simultaneously  with  the  St.-Die  edition  of  1507. 
These  in  later  years  were  followed  by  a  number  of  other  editions.  While 
they  agree  as  to  general  statement,  they  differ  in  many  particulars,  and 
especially  in  regard  to  dates.  These,  however,  are  often  mere  typographi- 
cal blunders  or  errors  of  copyists,  not  unusual  at  that  era,  and  always 
fruitful  of  controversy.  But  upon  one  point,  it  is  to  be  observed,  there  is 
no  difference  among  them;  the  voyage  of  1501  —  the  first  from  Portugal  — 
is  always  the  third  of  the  four  voyages  of  Vespucci.  This  disposes,  as 
Humboldt  points  out,  of  the  charge  that  Vespucci  waited  till  after  the  death 
of  Columbus,  in  1506,  before  he  ventured  to  assert  publicly  that  he  had 
made  two  voyages  by  order  of  the  King  of  Spain  prior  to  entering  the 
service  of  the  King  of  Portugal. 

To  induce  him  to  leave  Spain  and  come  to  Portugal,  Vespucci  says,  in 
the  letter  addressed  to  Pietro  Soderini,  that  the  King  sent  to  him  one 
Giuliano  Bartholomco  del  Giocondo,  then  a  resident  of  Lisbon.  Jocundus 
(the  hitinized  pseudonym  of  Giocondo)  is  named  as  the  translator  of  the 
Augsburg  edition  of  1504,  addressed  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  This  Jocundus, 
Humboldt  thinks,  was  Giuliano  Giocondo.  But  Major,  in  his  Henry  the 
Navigator,  saj's  that  the  translation  was  made,  not  by  Giuliano  Giocondo, 
but  by  his  kinsman  Giovanni  Giocondo,  of  Verona.  His  authority  for 
this  statement  is  apparently  Walter  Lud's  Speculum.  Varnhagen  thinks  it 
possible  that  the  work  may  have  been  done  by  one  ]\Lathias  Ringman,  — 
of  whom  more  presently.  Varnhagen  sa)'s  also,  in  another  place,  that  the 
translator  of  the  Italian  version  —  published  in  the  Paesi  novamcntc  at 
Vicenza  in  1507  —  unwittingly  betrayed  that  he  lied  {son  mcnsongc)  \s\i(^n. 
he  said  that  he  followed  a  Spanish  copy ;  for  while  he  failed  to  compre- 
hend the  use  of  the  word  Jocimdus,  he  showed  that  it  was  before  him  in  the 
Latin  copy,  as  he  rendered  Jocundus  intafrcs — Jocundus  the  translator  — 
as  el  iocondo  intcrpretc,  the  agreeable  translator.  This  is  only  one  example 
of  the  confusion  in  which  the  subject  is  involved. 

It  was  due,  however,  to  the  Cosinographice  introductio  of  St.-Die,  in  which 
the  letters  appeared  as  a  sort  of  appendix,  that  the  name  of  America, 
from  Amerigo,  was  given  to  the  western  hemisphere.  But  how  it  hap- 
pened that  the  Quatuor  navigationes  should  have  been  first  published  in 
that  little  town  in  the  Vosgcs  mountains  ;  and  what  the  relation  was  between 
Vespucci  and  Rene  II.,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  —  are  among  the  perplexing 
questions  in  regard  to  the  letters  that  have  been  discussed  at  great  length. 
Major  finds  in  the  fact,  or  assumed  fact,  that  I'ra  Giovanno  Giocondo  was 
the  translator  of  the  narrative  of  the  third  voyage,  the  first  published,  in 
1504,  an  important  link  in  the  chain  of  evidence  by  which  he  explains  the 
St.-Die  puzzle.  This  Giocondo  was  about  that  time  at  Paris  as  the  archi- 
tect of  the  bridge  of  Notre  Dame.  A  young  student,  Mathias  Ringman,  from 
Alsace,  was  also  there  at  that  period;   and  Major  supposes  he  may  have 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


147 


become  acquainted  with  Giocondo,  who  inspired  him  with  great  admiration 
for  Vespucci.  It  is  certain,  ^  any  rate,  that  Ringman,  whose  Hterary 
pseudonym  was  Philcsiu;  Vogcsina,  —  that  is,  I'hilesius  of  tlie  Vosges, — 
on  his  return  to  his  native  province  edited  the  Strasburg  edition  (1505)  of 
Giocondo's  translation,  appending  to  it  some  verses  written  by  himself  in 
praise  of  Vespucci  and  his  achievements. 

In  the  rare  book  already  referred  to,  the  Spccultmi  of  Walter  Lud,  it 
is  said  of  this  Strasburg  edition  that  "  the  booksellers  carry  about  a  cer- 
tain epigram  of  our  Philesius  in  a  little  book  of  Vespucci's  translated  from 
Italian  into  Latin  by  Giocondo,  of  Verona,  the  architect  of  X'enicc."  Doubt- 
less Ringman  is  here  spoken  of  as  "  our  I'hilesius,"  because  he  had  become 
identified  with  Lud's  college,  where  he  was  the  professor  of  Latin.  It  seems 
almost  certain,  therefore,  that  the  interest  at  St.-Die  in  \'espucci's  voyages 
was  inspiretl  by  Kingman,  whether  his  enthusiasm  was  first  aroused  by  his 
friendship  with  Giocondo  at  Paris,  or  whether,  as  Varnhagen  supposes,  it 
was  the  result  of  a  visit  or  two  to  Italy.  The  latter  question  is  not  of  nuich 
moment,  except  as  a  speculation  ;  and  certainly  it  is  not  a  straining  of  prob- 
abilities to  doubt  if  Ringman  would  have  taken  for  his  Strasburg  edition 
of  1505  the  Giocondo  translation,  as  Lud  says  he  did,  if  he  had  himself 
translated,  as  Varnhagen  supposes,  the  Augsburg  edition  of  1504. 

Lud  also  asserts  in  the  Speculum  that  the  French  copy  of  the  Qiiatiior 
navigationcs  which  was  used  at  St.-Die  came  from  Portugal.  ALijor  sup- 
poses that  Ringman's  enthusiasm  may  have  led  to  correspondence  with 
Vespucci,  who  was  in  Portugal  till  1505,  and  that  he  caused  his  letters  to  be 
put  into  French  and  sent  to  Ringman  at  his  request.  The  narrative  of  the 
third  voyage  in  its  several  editions  must  have  already  given  some  renown  to 
Vespucci.  Here  were  other  narratives  of  other  voyages  by  the  same  nav- 
igator. The  clever  and  enterprising  young  professors,  eager  for  the  dis- 
semination of  knowledge,  and  not  unmindful,  possibly,  of  the  credit  of  their 
college,  brought  out  the  letters  as  a  part  of  the  CosmograpJdcc  iiitroductio 
by  Hylacomylus  —  Ahutin  Waldzccmuller  —  the  teacher  of  geography,  and 
the  proof-reader  to  their  new  press.  Their  prince,  Rene  II.,  was  known  as 
a  patron  of  learning ;  and  it  is  more  likely  that  they  should  have  prefixed 
his  name  to  the  letters  than  that  Vespucci  should  have  done  so.  Their 
zeal  undoubtedly  was  greater  than  their  knowledge;  for  had  they  known 
more  of  the  discoveries  of  the  previous  fifteen  years  they  would  have  hesi- 
tated to  give  to  the  new  continent  the  name  of  one  who  would  be  thereby 
raised  thenceforth  from  comparative,  though  honorable,  obscurity  to  dis- 
honorable distinction.  That  Vespucci  himself,  however,  was  responsible 
for  this  there  is  no  positive  evidence;  and  were  it  not  for  the  difficulty  of 
cxplaini'-'2  his  constant  insistence  of  the  completion  of  four  voyages,  it 
might  be  possible  to  find  sonic  plausible  explanation  of  the  confusion  of 
the  St.-Die  book. 

In  that  book  are  these  words  :  "  And  the  fourth  part  of  the  world  having 
been  discovered  by  Americus,  it  may  be  called  Amerigc  ;'  that  is,  the  land  of 


,'?JIH! 


i'ii\ 


'S  '' 


!'■: 


t'i 


148 


NARRATIVE   AND    CKITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


Amcriciis  or  America,"'  And  a^^;iiii :  "  Now  truly,  as  these  regions  are  more 
widely  explored,  and  another  fourth  part  is  discovered,  by  Amcriciis  Ves- 
j)iitii's,  as  may  be  learned  from  the  followin}^  letters,  I  see  no  reason  why  it 
should  not  be  justly  called  iXmeris^en,  —  that  is,  the  land  of  Americus,  or 
./Xnierica,  from  Americus,  its  disco\erer,  a  man  of  acute  intellect;  inasmuch 
as  both  Europe  and  Asia  ha\e  chosen  their  names  from  the  feminine 
form.  "  - 

It  was  discovered,  less  tli^Mi  half  a  centurj'  ago,  through  the  diligent 
researches  of  IluniboMt,  I  lat  this  professor  of  geography  at  St.-Die,  Iljla- 
comylus,  was  th  ;  in\"ntor,  so  to  speak,  of  this  wortl  America.     That  it 

came  at  last  to  be  •  :  eivr  i  .;s  the  designation  of  the  western  continent  was 
due,  perhaps,  very  i  ii;jh  to  '.(■"  absence  of  an\'  suggestion  of  anj' other  dis- 
tinctive name  that  seemed  appi  priate  and  was  generall)'  acceptable,  ivare 
as  the  little  work,  the  Cosmogmphia'  introduction  now  is,  it  w  as  probabl)-  w  ell 
known  at  the  time  of  tlie  publication  of  its  several  editions ;  as  the  ci  ntral 
position  of  .St.-Die-  between  l'"rance,  ("ierman\%  and  Italj'  —  gave  to  the 
bot)k,  as  Jlumboklt  thought,  a  witle  circulatit)n,  impressing  the  word  i\mer- 
ica  upon  the  learned  world.  The  name,  however,  came  \'ery  slowly  into 
use,  appearing  only  occasionally  in  stmie  book,  till  in  152:3  it  gaineil  a  more 
permanent  i)lace  on  a  mappemonde  in  the  Gcogmpliia  of  I'tolemy.  J'"roni 
that  time  it  ai)pearetl  frecpientl}"  u])on  other  maps,  and  l>_v  the  middle  of  the 
centurv'  became  generally  recognized  outside  of  Spain,  at  least,  as  the 
establishetl  continental  name.  JUit  the  effect  of  its  suggestion  was  more 
immediate  \\\w\\  the  fame  of  \'espucei.  While  the  learned  understood  that 
the  great  captain  of  that  time  was  Christopher  Columbus,  the  name  of 
iXmerigo  was  often  united  with  his  as  deserxing  of  at  least  the  second 
place,  and  sometimes  e\en  of  the  fust.  The  celebrit)'  which  Iljlaconnlus 
bcstowetl  \\\w\\  him  w.is  accepted  for  performance  by  those  who  were 
ignorant  of  the  exact  truth ;  and  those  who  knew  better  tliil  not  gi\e 
themseh-es  the  trouble  to  correct  the  error. 

In  each  <jf  \''espucci's  voyages  he  probably  held  a  subordinate  posi- 
tion, llis  place  ma}-  sometimes  have  been  that  of  a  pilot,''  or  as  the  com- 
mander of  a  single  ship,  or  attached  to  the  fleet,  as  Ilerrera^  says  he  was  in 
Ojeda's  expedition  (1499),  "  as  merchant,  being  skilful  in  cosmography  and 
na\igation."     Vespucci  himself  does  not  in  so  many  words  assert  that  he 

'  "  Et  ijiiarta  orbis  pars  ijiiaiii  (/iiis  A»uy/riis  an  iin|)iirtaiil  cilficcr  of  all  (liou  uarly  fxpcclitiuns. 

iinviiit,   A/!it-ri:;,-ii    quasi  Ai)icrici    Urrain,   sivc  Isaljclla    urged    Coliimlnis   iKit    to    go   witlioiit 

Amcricaiii  iiuiiiul'ayi  licet.""  one  on  his  sccoiul  VDvagc ;  and  iji  his  narrative 

'"  iViincfcri' ct  !ii>-c /'arlcs  sunt  latins  liisti-ati,-,  of   his  fourth  voyage,  Columbus  contends  that 

tt  alia  qiiaytu  Pars  pvy  Americiim  J'es/'iifiniii,  itt  there  is  but  one  infallible  method  of  making  a 

in   scqiicntihus  aiidictnr,  invcnta  est,  ipiaiii    iioii  ship's  reckoning,  that  employed  by  astronomers. 

77V/t't)  cur  ijiiis  iiire  vctet  ah  America  iireentore,  Cf.  Humboldt,  Cosmos,  luig.  tr.,  ii.  O71.  —  Ed.] 
sagacis  iiigeuii  viro,  Ameriffeii  quasi  Americi  tcr-  ''  Herrcra, — of   whom    Robertson  says  that 

ram  sive  Americam  diceiiiltim,  cum  et  /■'uro/>a  et  "of  all  Spanish  writers  ho  furnishes  the  fullest 

Asia  a  mulieriOus  sua  sorlitic  siiil  uomiiia."    Ifyla-  and  most  authentic  information  upon  American 

comyliis.  ditcoverics "  —  accuses     Vespucci     of     "false- 

■' lVes])ucci  himself  savs  that  his  mission  was  hoods'"  in  pretending  to  have  visited  the  Gulf 

"per  ajiit.ire  a  discoprire."     .\n  astronomer  was  of   I'aria   before  (.'(jiumbus. 


AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 


149 


was  in  command  of  the  expeditions  upon  which  he  sailed,  while  he  occa- 
sionally alludes,  though  usually  in  terms  of  contempt,  to  those  whose 
authority  was  above  his  own.  Once  lie  speaks  of  Columbus,  and  then 
almost  parenthetically,  as  the  discoverer  merely  of  the  Island  of  llispaniola; 
but  of  other  t>f  his  achievements,  or  of  those  of  other  eminent  navigators, 
he  has  nothing  to  say.  In  reply  to  such  criticisms  of  his  letters  it  has  been 
urtred  on  his  behalf  that  they  were  written  for  intimate  frienils,  as  familiar 
narratives  of  personal  experiences,  and  not  meant  to  be,  in  any  broad 
sense,  historical.  But  the  deception  was  as  absolute  as  if  it  had  been 
deliberately  contrived;  and,  whether  intentional  or  not,  was  never  by  act  or 
word  coiixcted,  though  Vespucci  lived  for  five  years  after  the  appearance 
of  the  letters  from  the  St. -Die  press. 

Hut  whatever  can  be  or  may  be  said  in  extenuation  of  Vespucci,  or  how- 
ever strong  the  reasons  for  supposing  that  for  whatcvci  .as  reprehensible 
in  the  matter  he  was  innocent  and  the  St.-Die  professors  t.lo-;  responsible, 
there  nevertheless  remains  the  one  thing  unexplained  nd  i 'e\plicable, — 
his  own  repeated  assertion  that  he  made  four  voyages.  Humboldt  supposes 
that  the  narrative  of  the  first,  so  called,  of  these  four  voyages,  beginning  in 
May,  1497,  was  made  up  of  that  on  which  Vespucci  crtainly  sailed  with 
Ojeda,  starling  in  May,  1499.  The  points  of  resen^  'ance  are  so  many  and 
.so  striking  as  to  seem  not  only  conclusive,  but  to  pri-.iude  any  other  theory. 
If  this  be  true,  then  it  follows  that  the  narrative  of  the  voyage  of  1497  was 
simply  a  forgery,  who.soever  was  responsible  for  it;  and  if  a  forgery,  then 
Vespucci  was  not  the  discoverer  of  the  western  continent,  and  an  historical 
renown  was  given  to  his  name  to  which  he  was  not  entitled. 

The  second  of  the  assumed  four  voyages  Humboldt  supposes  to  be  the 
first  voyeige  of  Vincente  Yanez  Pinzon,  —  hesitating,  however,  between  that 
and  the  voyage  of  Diego  de  Lepe:  the  former  sailing  with  four  ships  in 
December,  1499,  and  returning  in  September,  1500;  the  latter  with  two  ships, 
in  January,  1500,  and  returning  in  June.  Vespucci  says  that  he  had  two 
ships;  that  he  sailed  in  May,  1499,  and  returned  in  June  or  September  of 
the  next  year.  It  is  of  the  first  voyage  of  1497  that  he  says  he  had  four 
ships.  As  on  that  assumed  voyage  there  arc  many  incidents  identical  with 
those  related  of  Ojeda's  voyage  of  1499,  so  here  there  arc  strong  points 
of  resemblance  between  Vespucci's  supposed  second  voyage  and  that  of 
Pinzon.  In  both  cases,  however,  there  are  irreconcilable  differences, 
which  Humboldt  does  not  attempt  to  disguise;  while  at  the  same  time 
they  indicate  either  dishonesty  on  the  part  of  Vespucci  in  his  letters,  or 
that  those  letters  were  tampered  with  by  others,  either  ignorantly  or  with 
tlishonest  intent,  to  which  Vespucci  afterward  tacitly  assented. 

It  would  be  hypercritical  to  insist  upon  a  strict  adherence  to  the  dates  of 
the  several  voyages,  and  then  to  decide  that  the  voyages  were  impossible 
because  the  dates  are  irreconcilable.  The  figures  are  sometimes  obviously 
mere  blunders ;  as,  for  example,  the  assertion  in  the  St.-Die  edition  that  the 
second  voyage  was  begun  in  May,  1489,  when  it  had  been  already  said  that 


'50 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


«.•(■  ' 


i   I'! 


the  first  voyage  was  made  in  1497.  But  there  are  statements  of  facts,  never- 
theless, which  it  is  necessary  to  reconcile  witli  date.' ,  and  when  this  is  im- 
possible, a  doubt  of  truthfulness  is  so  far  justifiable.  Thus  in  ihe  relation 
of  the  second  voyage  Vespucci  asserts,  or  is  made  to  assert,  that  on  the 
23d  of  August,  1499,  he  saw  while  at  sea  a  conjunction  of  Mars  and  the 
Moon.  That  phenomenon  did  occur  at  that  time,  as  Humboldt  learned 
from  the  I'2i)henKris ;  and  if  it  was  observed  b)  \'espucci  at  sea,  tliat  could 
not  have  been  upon  a  voyage  with  I'inzon,  who  did  not  sail  till  (Uecenibcr, 
1499)  four  months  after  the  conjunction  of  the  planets.  IJut  here,  moreover, 
arises  another  difficulty:  Vespucci's  second  voyage,  in  which  he  observed 
this  conjunction,  could  not  have  been  made  with  Ojcda,  and  must  have  been 
made  with  I'inzon,  if  on  other  points  the  UcU'rative  be  accepted ;  for  it  was 
upon  that  voyage  that  Vespucci  says  he  sailed  several  degrees  south  of  the 
equinoctial  line  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  —  which  Pinzon  did  do,  and 
Ojeda  did  not.  These  and  other  similar  discrepancies  have  led  iiaturall)'  to 
the  suspicion  that  the  incidents  of  more  than  one  expedition  were  used,  with 
more  or  less  discrimination,  but  with  little  regard  to  chronology,  for  the 
composition  of  a  plausible  narrative  of  two  voyages  made  in  the  service  of 
Spain.  One  blunder,  detected  by  Navarretc  in  this  so-called  second  voyage, 
it  is  quite  incredible  that  Vespucci  could  have  committed;  for  according  to 
the  course  pursued  and  the  distance  sailed,  his  ships  would  have  been  navi- 
gated over  nearly  three  hundred  leagues  of  dry  land  into  the  interior  of  the 
continent.  No  critical  temerity  is  required  to  see  in  such  a  blunder  the 
carelessness  ol  a  copyist  or  a  compositor. 

It  was  of  the  first  voyage  from  Lisbon  —  the  third  of  the  Quatuor  navi- 
gationes  —  that,  as  has  been  already  said,  a  narrative  was  first  published  in 
a  letter  addressed  to  Lorenzo  do'  Medici.  This  was  illustrated  with  diagrams 
of  some  of  the  constellations  of  the  southern  hemisphere ;  and  the  repute  it 
gave  to  the  writer  led  the  way  to  his  subsequent  fame.  What  Vespucci's 
position  was  in  the  expedition  is  not  known ;  but  that  it  was  still  a  subordi- 
nate one  is  evident  from  his  own  words,  as  he  speaks  of  a  commander, 
though  only  to  find  fault  with  him,  and  without  giving  his  name.  The 
object  of  the  expedition  was  to  discover  the  western  passage  to  the  Spice 
Islands  of  the  East  (Melcha,  Melacca,  Malaccha,  according  to  the  varying 
texts  of  different  editions  of  the  letter) ;  and  though  the  passage  was  not 
found,  the  voyage  was,  like  Cabot's,  one  of  the  boldest  and  most  important 
of  the  age.  But  it  is  also,  of  all  Vespucci's  voyages,  real  or  assumed,  that 
which  has  been  most  disputed.  Navarrcte,  however,  after  a  careful  exami- 
nation of  all  the  evidence  that  touches  the  question,  comes  to  the  conclusion 
that  such  an  expedition,  on  which  Vespucci  may  have  gone  in  some  subor- 
dinate position,  was  really  sent  out  in  1501  by  the  King  of  Portugal;  and 
Humboldt  concurs  in  this  opinion. 

The  Terra  de  Vera  Cruz,  or  Brazil,  as  it  was  afterward  named,  was  visited 
successively  for  the  first  time,  from  January  to  April,  1500,  by  Pinzon,  De 
Lcpe,  De  Mendoza,  and  Cabral.     But  the  expedition  to  which  Vespucci  was 


,)•■ 


AMERIGO   VESl'UCCI. 


151 


attached  explored  the  coast  from  the  fifth  parallel  of  southern  latitude,  three 
dej^rees  north  of  Cape  St,  Aii^ustin,  —  first  discovered  and  so  named  by 
Pinzon,  —  as  far  south,  [jerliaps,  as  about  the  thirty-eij^hth  parallel  of  lati- 
tude. They  had  sailed  alonj,'  the  coast  for  about  seven  hundred  leagues; 
and  so  beautiful  was  the  country,  so  luxuriant  its  vegetation,  so  salubrious  its 
climate,  where  men  did  not  die  till  they  were  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  old, 
thai  Vespucci  was  persuaded  —  as  Columbus,  only  three  years  before,  had 
said  of  the  rej^ion  ilrained  by  the  Orinoco  —  that  the  earthly  I'aradise  was 
not  far  off.  Gold,  the  natives  said,  was  abundant  in  the  interior;  but  as  the 
visitors  found  none,  it  was  determined  at  last  to  continue  the  voyaye  in 
another  direction,  leaving  behind  them  this  coast,  of  what  seemed  to  Ves- 
pucci a  continent,  along  which  they  had  sailed  from  the  midtlle  of  August 
to  the  middle  of  February.  Startin;j  now  on  the  15th  of  February  from  the 
mainland,  they  steered  southeast,  till  they  reached,  on  the  3d  of  April,  the 
fifty-second  degree  of  latitude.  They  had  sailed  through  stormy  seas,  driven 
by  violent  gales,  running  away  from  daylight  into  nights  of  fifteen  hours  in 
length,  and  encountering  a  severity  of  cold  unknown  in  Southern  luirope, 
and  quite  beyond  their  power  of  endurance.  A  new  land  at  length  was 
seen ;  but  it  only  needed  a  few  hours  of  observation  of  its  dangerous,  rocky, 
and  ice-bound  coast  to  satisfy  them  that  it  was  a  barren,  uninhabited,  and 
uninhabitable  region.  This,  Varnhagcn  suggests  most  reasonably,  was  the 
Island  of  Georgia,  rediscovered  by  Cai)tain  Cook  nearly  three  centuries 
afterward. 

The  return  to  Lisbon  was  in  September,  1502.  By  order  of  the  King^ 
Vespucci  sailed  again  in  May,  1503,  from  Lisbon  on  a  second  voyage,  — the 
fourth  of  his  Qnatuor  navigationes .  The  object,  as  before,  was  to  find  a 
western  passage  to  the  Moluccas ;  for  it  was  the  trade  of  India,  not  new 
discoveries  in  the  western  continent,  upon  which  the  mind  of  the  King  was 
bent.  There  were  six  .ships  in  this  new  expedition  ;  and  it  is  generally  agreed 
that  as  Gonzalo  Coclho  sailed  from  Lisbon  in  May,  1503,  by  order  of  Eman- 
uel, in  command  of  six  ships,  Vespucci  probably  held  a  subordinate  position 
in  that  fleet.  He  does  not  name  Coelho,  but  he  refers  to  a  superior  officer  as 
an  obstinate  and  presumptuous  man,  who  by  his  bad  management  wrecked 
the  Rag-ship.  Vespucci  may  have  been  put  in  command  of  two  of  the  ships 
by  the  King;  with  two,  at  any  rate,  he  became  separated,  in  the  course  of 
the  voyage,  from  his  commodore,  and  with  them  returned  to  Lisbon  in  June 
of  the  next  year.  The  rest  of  the  fleet  Vespucci  reported  as  lost  through 
the  pride  and  folly  of  the  commander ;  and  it  was  thus,  he  said,  that  God 
punished  arrogance.  But  Vespucci  either  misunderstood  the  divine  will  or 
misjudged  his  commander,  for  the  other  ships  soon  after  returned  in  safety. 

The  southernmost  point  reached  by  him  on  this  voyage  was  the  eigh- 
teenth degree  of  southern  latitude.  At  this  point,  somewhere  about  Cape 
Frio,  he  built  a  fort,  and  left  in  it  the  crew  of  one  of  the  two  vessels  which 
had  been  shipwrecked.  The  precise  spot  of  this  settlement  is  uncertain  ;  but 
as  it  was  planted  by  Vespucci,  and  as  it  was  the  first  colony  of  Europeans 


'5^ 


NAKKATIVK   AND   CKITICAI.    IIISTOKY    OK    AMKRICA. 


^ 


in  that  part  nf  the  New  Woiltl,  lluii'  was  an  cviclc-nt  and  just  propriety 
in  bcstowinfj  tlic  derivative  —  i\nierica — of  his  name  upon  tiie  country, 
which  at  (irst  was  known  as  "  The  Land  of  tiie  True  Cross,"  and  aftirwar<i 
as  "  Hra/.il."  Tiie  name  of  Urazil  was  retained  when  tiie  wider  a|)plication 
—  iVmerica  —  was  ^'iven  to  tiie  whole  continent. 

Soon  after  iiis  return  from  this,  tlie  last  of  tiie  .Vavii^^ationcs  of  which  he 
Iiimself,  so  far  as  is  l<nown,  j^ave  any  account,  lie  went  back,  in  1505,10 
Spain.  It  is  conjectured  that  he  made  other  voyages ;  but  whether  he  diii 
or  ditl  not,  no  .ibsdiute  eviilence  has  ever  been  found.'  We  know  almost 
notiiin^f  of  him  up  to  that  time  except  what  is  told  by  himself  When  he 
ceased  writing  of  his  own  exfjloits,  then  also  the  exploits  ceasi'd  so  far  as 
can  be  learned  from  contemporai)'  authors,  who  hitherto  also  had  been 
silent  about  him.  In  1508  (March  22)  Ferdinand  of  Spain  ai)pointed  him 
pilot-major  of  tiie  kin^ulom,''*  —  an  office  of  dij^iiity  and  importance,  wliicli 
probably  he  retained  till  he  died  '  I''eb.  22,  15  I  J).  His  fame  was  largely 
posthumous;  but  a  luiiiispiure  is  his  monument.  If  not  amoni;'  the  greatest 
of  the  world's  great  men,  he  is  among  the  happiest  ^^'i  those  on  whom  good 
fortune  has  bestowed  renown. 


^f,0y 


'  i  I 


'  [V.irnli.ngcn  thinks  there  is  rc.nsfm  to  believe,  to  the   coast   of   Daricn   (/'o.<l/ii<y   in  XoiirMw 

from  tlic  letter  ot' Vi.incllii,  that  Vespiieius  ni.-idc  irc/icrc/ifs,  ]).  56).      Harrisso  (/>//'/.  A»iir.  Vet., 

a  voyage  in  1 505  to  the  northern  eo.ast  nf  South  Addilions,  p.  .\xvii)  gives  reasons,  from  letters 

America,  when  he  tracked  the  shore  from  the  (liscovercU    hy    Rawdon    lirown    at  Venice,  for 

point  of  departure  on  his  second  voyage  as  far  lielicving    that   Vespucius    made    .1    voyage    in 

.as  Darien  ;  and  he  is  further  of  the  opinion,  from  TSoS.  —  Kr).| 

passages  in  the  letters  of  Francesco  Corner,  that  '^  Cf.  Navarretc,  iii.  ^^1,  for  the  instructions 

Vespucius  made  still  a  linal  voyage  with  LaCosa  of  tlie  King. 


Duruig  recent  years  (iSy^-j)  John  Mske,  in  his  Z)/.fciT'i';i'  o/  .hiu'iitii,  vol.  ii.,  has  reinforcctl 
the  argument  of  Varnliagen  in  favor  of  the  disputed  (i.m)  voyage  of  Vespucius  ;  Henry  I  farrisse, 
in  his /^/jvcrwi'  of  No  it /i  .////^//Vi/,  rejects  his  own  earlier  arguments  in  its  favor;  Clements  K. 
Markham,  in  C/iristop/ifr  CWiim/'iis,  totally  tliscredils  ihr  theory,  and  Justin  Winsor,  in  his  (Viris- 
toHu-r  Cotiimbus,  has  considered  the  proposition  not  proven. 


I    . 


CRITICAL   AND    HIHI-IOGUAIMIICAL 


NOTES    ON     VESPUCIUS 


NAM  INC.    OF    AMERICA. 


nY  nil'.  I'.DrroK. 


Wllll.l';  Vcspucins  never  diicc  clearly  at- 
firms  that  he  discovered  the  main,  siidi 
an  inference  may  be  drawn  from  what  he  says. 
I'cter  Marlvr  f;ivcs  no  date  at  all  for  the  voyaye 
of  I'inzon  and  Solis  to  the  llondnrns  coast, 
which  was  later  claimed  liy  Ovicdo  and  Cioniara 
to  have  preceded  that  of  Columlins  to  the  main. 
Navarrete  has  pointed  ont  the  v.uied  inonsist- 
encies  of  the  Ve.-.piiciiis  narrativi','  as  well  as 
the  changes  of  the  dates  of  tin  setting  out  and 
the  retnrn,  as  given  in  the  various  editions. - 
All  of  them  give  a  period  of  twenty-nine  months 
for  a  voyage  which  Vespucius  says  only  took 
eighteen,  —  a  difliculty  Canovai  and  others  have 
tried  to  get  over  by  changing  the  date  of  return 
to  i.(i>S;  and  some  such  change  was  necessary 
to  enable  Vespucius  to  be  in  Spain  to  start 
again  with  ( )jeda  in  May,  1409.  Humboldt 
further  instances  a  great  variety  of  obvious 
tvpographical  errors  in  the  publications  of  that 
dav,  —  as,  for  instance,  where  Oviedo  says  Co- 
lumbus made  his  first  voyage  in  I.t9i.''  Hut,  as 
shown  in  the  preceding  narrative,  an  allowance 
forcrrors  nf  the  press  is  not  sullicient.  In  regard 
to  the  proof  of  an  <;///'/  which  Humboldt  brought 
forward  from  documents  said  to  have  been 
collectLd  by  Muno^-  from  the  archives  of  tlic 
Casa  <U  la  Contratacion,  it  is  unfortunate  that 
Mufioz  himself  did  not  complete  that  part  of 
his  work  which  was   to  pertain  to  Vespucius, 


and  that  the  documents  as  he  collated  tlicm  have 
not  been  published.  In  the  absence  of  such 
te.\tual  ilcmoiistration,  the  inference  which  Hum- 
boldt drew  from  Xavarrete's  representations  of 
those  documents  has  been  denied  by  Varidi.igen  ; 
and  II.  II.  liancroft  in  his  Cciiti.il  Aniiiuii  (i.  99, 
102,  106)  does  not  deem  the  proof  complete.'' 

Vespucius'  own  story  for  what  he  c.dls  l>is 
second  voyage  (1.199)  is  that  he  sailed  from 
Cadi/,  shortly  after  the  middle  of  .M.iv,  1.199. 
'The  subsc(pient  dates  of  his  being  on  the  coast 
are  contlicting ;  but  it  would  appe.ir  that  he 
reached  Spain  on  his  return  in  June  or  Seplend)cr, 
1500.  We  have,  of  course,  his  narrative  of  this 
voyage  in  the  collective  letter  to  Soderini  ;  •'  but 
there  is  also  an  independent  narrative,  published 
by  llandini  (p.  64)  ii\  1745,  said  to  have  been 
written  July  i,S,  1300,  and  printed  from  a  manu- 
script preserved  in  the  Uiccardiana  at  Florence.'' 
'I'he  testimony  of  <  tjeda  th.it  Vespucius  was 
his  companion  in  the  vovagc  of  xj^qiy-itpo 
seems  to  need  the  ipi.dilication  that  he  was 
with  him  for  a  part,  and  not  for  the  whole,  of 
the  voyage;  and  it  has  been  advanced  thai:  Ves- 
pucius left  ()je(hi.at  llisp.iniola,  and,  reluming 
to  Spain,  -ailed  again  with  Pinzon  in  Decem- 
ber, 1499,  —  thus  attemjjting  to  account  for  the 
coiid)ination  of  events  which  seem  to  connect 
Vespucius  with  the  voyages  of  both  these 
navig.ators. 


1  "  Noticias  cxaL'as  dc  .\morico  Ve-,]iucio,"  in  his  Coercion,  iii.  315.     The  narrative  in  English  will  be 
found  in  Lester's  Li/i-  of  Vesf'iiciiis,  pp.  ii2-i;^g, 
-  May  10,  20,  1407,  and  Oct.  i,  15,  iS,  I4()y. 

3  Cf.  F.xiimcn  crilii/iir,  iv.  150,  151,  273-2S2;  v.  iii,  112,  197-202;  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  678. 
■•  Humboldt,  F.xamcn  criliipie,  iv.   50,  267,  26S,   172;  Ilarrisse,  5;W.  Amcr.   Vet.,  no.  57;  Navarrete;. 

>'■•  .V7- 

5  This  part  is  given  in  English  in  I. ester,  p.  175. 
c  It  is  translated  in  I.estcr.  pp.  i;i-i7-;;  cf.  Canovai,  p.  50. 
VOL.    II.  —  20. 


'54 


NAKRATI\K    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OK   AMERICA. 


w  .i  ii;- 


•k ; 


.,4i  r 


' '  I, 


Wiil 


'''I, 


W/' 


:^^; 


^^iiS 


!,'< 


ji 


hi'  M 


It  is  nolfworthy  tliat  Ovicdo,  wlui  souglil. 
to  interpret  Pctur  Martyr  as  tiiidwiiig  that  Solis 
and  I'inzon  liad  prcLX'tlcd  Cnhinilnis  to  the  main, 
makes  no  mention  of  Vespiicius.  Tliere  is  no 
.nention  of  him  in  what  lieneventano  furnislied 
to  the  I'tolemy  of  150S.  Caslanheda  does  not 
allude  to  him,  nor  docs  liarreiros  in  liis  yji: 
0/'/itr,i  ri-gioiie  (Coimlira,  1560),  nor  (lalvano 
in  liis  Dcicohniiiiciitos,  nor  I'edro  Magalhaes  tic 
("randavo  in  his  accomit  of  Santa  Cm/,  (1570).' 

liiit  il  was  not  all  forgctfnlncss  as  time  went 
on.  The  currency  to  liis  lame  wliicli  had  been 
given  by  the  J)c  orbd  iiiilti>r/uii,  bv  the  J\usi 
innhiiiiciih;  by  the  Cosinoi;yii/>/iii€  introdiictio,  as 
well  as  by  the  Mitmliis  lun-iis  and  the  publications 
which  rellectetl  these,  was  helped  on  in  1510 
b)  the  Roman  archx'ologist  Francesco  Alber- 
tini  in  his  OpHsaihim  il,-  inirtihililnis  L'rhis  A'i'mi/; 
who  fine's  Florence,  and  not  Cicnoa,  to  have  sent 
forth  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World.- 

Two  years  later  (151J)  an  edition  of  I'oni- 
l>onius  Mela  whicli  Cocleus  edited,  probabiv  at 
Nuremberg,  contained,  in  a  marginal  note  lo  a 
passage  on  the  "Zona  incognita,"  the  following 
words;  "  Verns  Americus  Vesimtius  iam  uoslni 
secnlo  I  novu  illumundu  invcnissefert  I'ortugalie 
Castilieci.  regu  navibus,"  etc.  I'ighius  in  1520 
had  spoken  of  the  magnitude  of  the  region  dis- 
covered by  Vesi)ucius,  whi-h  had  gained  it  the 
appellation  of  a  new  world.^  The  references 
in  (^'larcanus,  Apian,  I'hrysius,  and  Miinster 
show  familiarity  with  his  fame  by  the  leading 
cosmogra])hical  writers  of  the  time.  Natale 
Conti,  in  his  Viiiversic  hisloritc  sni  Imiporis  tibri 
XXX  (1545-1581),  bronj;ht  him  within  the 
range  of  his  memory.''  In  1590  Mvritins,  in  liis 
Opiisdiliim };t\\i;riipliicum,  the  last  dving  dicker,  as 
it  was,  of  a  belief  in  the  Asian  connection  of  the 
New  World,''' repeats  the  oft-told  story,  —  "l)e 
Urasilia,  terra  ignis,  de  meridionali  parte  Africa; 
ab  Albcrico  Vcspulio  inventa." 


In  the  ne.M  century  the  story  is  still  i.  .pt  up 
by  the  Florentine,  Francesco  liocchi,  in  his 
I.ibri  duo  tioxiorum  (1607),''  and  bv  another 
Florentine,  Raflael  Ciuallerotti,  in  a  poem, 
/,'  Aiiienca  l(\b\\),'< — not  to  name  many 
others.** 

lint  all  this  fame  was  not  unclnided,  and  it 
faileil  of  rellection  in  some  (|narters  at  least. 
The  contemporary  I'orlnguese  pilots  and  cosmog- 
ra|>liers  give  no  record  of  'Vespucins'eminence  as 
a  nautical  geometrician.  The  Tortugnesc  annal- 
ist J  )aniiao  de  (Joes  makes  no  mention  of  him. 
Neither  I'eter  Martyr  nor  iJcn/oiii  allows  him  to 
have  preceded  Columbus.  .Sebastian  Cabot,  as 
early  as  1515,  iiuestioned  if  any  faith  could  be 
placed  in  the  voyage  of  1497  "which  .\niericus 
says  he  made."  It  is  well  known  that  I.as 
t-'asas  more  than  intimated  the  chance  of  his 
being  an  impostor;  nor  do  we  deduce  from 
ine  way  that  his  countrymen,  Cuicciardiui  "  and 
Segni,  speak  of  him,  that  tlicii  faith  in  the  prior 
claim  in  his  behalf  ,vas  stable. 

.\n  important  contestant  apjieared  in  ller- 
rera  in  l6oi,'"who  ojieiily  charged  Vespucuis 
with  falsil'ying  his  dates  and  changing  the  date  of 
I.J99  to  1497;  Ilerrcra  jirobablv  followed  I^as 
Casas'  manuscripts  which  he  had."  The  alloga- 
ti(jn  fell  in  with  the  preva'ent  indignation  that 
somebody,  rather  than  a  blind  fortune,  had  de- 
Ijrivod  Columbvis  of  the  naming  of  the  New 
World;  and  Herrera  heljied  this  belief  by  stat- 
ing positively  that  the  voyage  of  Pinzon  and 
Soils,  which  had  been  depended  upon  to  ante- 
date Columbus,  liad  taken  place  as  late  as 
1506. 

In  the  last  century  Aiigelo  Maria  Bandini 
attempted  to  stay  this  tide  of  reproach  in  the 
I'ita  c  hitcre  ifi  Aniirris^v  I'espncii,  ^I'litiliiomo  fwr- 
iiitino  which  was  printed  at  Florence  in  1745.''-' 
It  was  too  manifestly  an  unbounded  panegyric 
to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  scholars.     More  atten- 


1  TliL'So  inst.Tncos  an-  cited  hv  .'santareni.     Cf.  Tcniaiix's  Co/hr/io/i,  vol.  ii. 

-  Ilarrisse,  Bib/.  Amvr.  Vr/.,  no.  (14;  Hunihiiklt,  Examtit  critique,  v.  20(i.  'J'here  were  other  ixlitions  of 
Albcrtini  in  1519  and  1520,  as  well  as  his  Dc  Rniiui  prisui  of  1525,  repeating  the  credit  of  the  first  discovery 
in  language  wliich  Muller  says  that  Ilanissc  docs  not  give  correctly.  Cf.  /)'//■/.  Anicr.  Vet.,  nos.  96,  loj,  loO; 
Additions.  ^Tt,  74  ;   Mnller,  Books  on  America  (1S72),  no.  17. 

•'  /)'//'/'.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  107. 

■*  Tulitions  at  Venice  in  1572  and  15S9  (.Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  10,161). 

^  Cf.  Vol.  IV.  ]).  90. 

ij  Sabin,  vol.  ii.  no.  C>,io2. 

"  Cartcr-Iirown,  ii.  114.     It  was  reprinted  at  riorcncc  in  1S59,  .ind  at  Milan  in  1865. 

8  .Santarem  enumerates  various  others  ;  if.  t,'liilde':.  translation,  p.  34  etc.  liandini  ( Vita  c  lettcre  di  Ves- 
pucci, cap.  vii.)  also  enumerates  the  early  references. 

'J  Though  Guicciardini  died  in  1^40,  his  Historic  d'  Italia  (1494-15V)  did  not  ap)iear  at  Florence  till 
1 564,  and  ayain  at  Venice  in  15S0.  Sej,'ni,  who  told  the  history  of  l'"lorencc  from  152710  1555,  and  died  in 
1559,  was  also  late  in  appearing. 

'"  Dec.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  2  ;  lib.  vii.  c.  :;. 

'■    Kobertson  ba.:"d  his  disbelief  laru'cly  upon  Herrcra  {History  of  .tmerica,  note  xxii.). 

'-  (Jarter-Iirown,  vol.  iii.  no.  79;;  Murphy,  no.  142;  T.eclerc,  no.  2,47?.  There  was  a  Cicrinan  translation 
in  17.1S  (Carter-Hrown,  iii.  Sr/i ;  Sabin.  vol,  i.  no.  ",.150),  with  annututioii.s,  which  gave  occasion  te  a  paper 
by  Caleb  Cusliiii',:  in  the  Nortti  .■imeriean  Revieiv,  xii.  318. 


Ml' 


I 


VESPUCIUS    AND    THE    NAMING    OV   AMERICA. 


155 


tioii  was  aroused  '  by  an  address,  with  ccnial 
adiilatidii,  \vl\icli  Staiiislao  Canovai  dclivcrci  tn 
the  Acatleiiiy  at  Ccjuona  in  17!SS,  .ind  which  was 
1  riiited  at  mice  as  /■Uii^mi  di  A-iiifi^o  ViSpiuci, 
and  vnrioiis  times  afterward,  with  more  or  less 
cliange,  till  it  a])pcarcd  to  reviv?  anew  the 
antai;i)iii..m  of  scliolars,  in  i.Siy."  Mufioz  had 
promised  to  disclose  the  inipostii.-es  of  Ves- 
pucius,  but  his  inicompleted  task  fell  to  San- 
tarem,  who  found  a  sympathizer  in  Xavarrcte ; 
and  .Santareni's  labored  depreciation  of  Vcs- 
pucius  first  appeared  in  Navarrcte's  Coli\cion? 
where  Cauovai's  arguments  arc  examined  at 
length,  with  sludicil  refutatioils  of  some  points 
hardlv  worlli  the  labor.  This  paper  was  later 
c.vpanded,  as  e.\i)lained  in  another  place. 

He  claims  tliat  one  hundred  thousand  docu- 
ments in  the  Koval  Archives  (jf  I'ortngal,  and 
tliu  register  of  maps  which  belonged  to  King 
I'anmanuel,  make  no  mention  of  Vespucius,^  and 
tliat  there  is  no  register  of  the  letters-patent  which 
Vespucius  claimed  to  have  received.  Nor  is  there 
any  mention  in  several  hundred  other  contcm- 
porarv  manuscripts  preserved  in  the  great  library 
at  Paris,  and  in  other  colli.ctions,  which  San- 
tarem  says  he  has  examined.'' 

An  admirer  of  Vespucius,  and  t!'.'  most 
prominent  advocate  of  a  belief  in  the  dis- 
puted vovage  of  1497,  is  Francisco  Adolpho 
dc  Vainliagen,  tlie  Baron  de  Porto  Seguro.     As 


early  as  lS',i;,  in  miles  to  iiis  Jhiirio  of  Lopez  de 
Souza,  he  began  a  long  series  of  publications  in 
order  to  coiuUeract  the  ile|ueeiation  of  Vesi)n- 
cius  by  Ayres  de  Cazal,  N'avarrete,  and  Santa- 
rem.  [n  1854,  in  his  Ilisloyia  gvral  do  />i;izil, 
he  had  combated  Humboldt's  opinion  that  it 
was  Pinzon  with  whom  \'espuciiis  had  sailed 
on  his  second  voyage,  and  had  contended  for 
Ojcda.  \'arnhagen  not  only  accepts  the  stale- 
inenls  of  the  St. -Die  publications  regarding  that 
voyage,  but  undertakes  to  track  the  explorer's 
course.  In  his  .■1/iirri^ci  ri:</ui;i,  son  ,;irin-- 
tht;  etc.,  he  gives  a  map  marking  the  various 
voyages  of  the  I'Morentine.*'  l-'or  the  voyage  of 
1497  he  makes  him  strike  a  little  south  of  west 
from  the  Canaries ;  but  leaving  his  course  a 
blank  from  the  mid-.''  'lantic,  he  resumes  it  at 
C!ape  Gracias  a  Dios  on  the  point  of  Honduras,' 
and  follows  it  by  the  coast  thence  to  the  Chesa- 
peake, when  he  passes  by  l!eriuuda,^  and  reaches 
Seville.  In  this  he  departs  from  all  previous 
theories  of  the  landfall,  which  had  placetl  the 
contact  on  the  coast  of  Paria.  He  takes  a  view 
of  the  Ruysch  map''  of  1  50S  different  from  that 
of  any  other  commentator,  in  holding  the  smaller 
land  terminated  with  a  scroll  to  be  not  Cuba, 
but  a  part  of  the  main  westerly,  visited  by 
Vespucius  in  tliis  1497  voyage;  and  recently 
Ilarrissc,  in  liis  CivVivv,;/,"  argues  that  the  de- 
scriptions of  ^'tspucius  in  this  disputed  voyage 


1  Santarem  reviews  this  literary  warfaio  of  1788-1781)  (Cliil'lt^'s  translation,  ji.  140). 

-  .Sabin  (Dkticiiary,  lii.  312)  gives  the  following  contributions  uf  Canovai ;  (1)  Difcnsa  d'  Amerigo  I'es- 
fiucio,  I'"l(jrcnce,  1796  (15  \->\>).  (2)  Disscitazionf  sopra  il  frimo  riaggh'  d'  Amerigo  Ves/'uci  alle  Indie 
occidenlnli,  Morcucc,  1S09.  ( ;)  F.logio  P  Amerigo  Vcspua-i  .  .  ,  eon  una  disserlozione  giiistifunti-oo,  I'Morence, 
17SS;  con  illustrazioni  eil  aggiunte  [Cortona],  17S9;  noplace,  1790,  Florence,  1798.  (.))  Esame  critico  del 
primo  viiiggio  d'  Amerigo  Vespiieei  al  niio-v  mondo,  Florence,  iSii.  Cf.  II  Marquis  Gino  Cappimi, 
Ossenazioni  mil'  esame  critico  del  primo  viaggio  il'  Amerigo  Vespudi  al  niiovo  mondo,  Florence,  1811. 
Leclcrc,  no.  400  ;  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  (5)  Lettera  alio  Slampal.  Sig.  P.  Allegrini  a  nome  dell' 
aiitore  dell'  clogio  prem.  di  .Int.  Vespucci,  Florence,  1789.  (6)  Monumenti  relativi  al  giudizio  pronitnziato 
daW  Aecadcmii  Etruscn  di  Cortona  di  an  Elogio  d'  Ameiigo  Vespucci,  l'"lorence,  17S7.  (7)  Viaggi  </' 
Amerigo  Vespucci  con  la  rUa,  /'  elogio  e  la  dissertnzione  giustifuativa,  Florence,  1S17;  again,  1S32.  There 
w.as  an  Fnglisli  version  of  the  it/<;(,'7i'  printed  at  New  Haven  in  1852.  Canovai  rejects  some  documents  which 
B.andini  accepted;  as,  for  instance,  the  letter  in  Da  Cama,  of  whicli  there  is  a  version  in  Lester,  p.  313.  Cf. 
also  Variiliageii,  Amerigo  Vespucci,  pp.  07,  69,  where  it  is  reprinted. 

^  Irving  got  his  cue  from  this,  and  calls  thf;  voyage  of  1497  pure  invcnti.m.  The  documents  whicli 
Navarrcte  gives  are  epitomized  in  Lester,  p.  395,  and  rcprintcil  in  Varnhagcn's  Noinelles  rccherchcs,  ji.  2I1. 

■•  Chilile's  translation,  \i.  2.\. 

•'■  Childe's  translation,  pp.  65,  (»6. 

•J  There  is  another  laying  down  of  his  course  in  a  map  published  with  a  vohune  not  seldom  cjuotcd  in  the 
present  work,  and  which  may  be  well  described  here  ;  Stiidi  liografici  c  InMiogralici  siilla  storia  delta  geografia 
in  Italia  piiHicati  in  occasioiic  del  ///o  Congresso  Geogra/ico  /nternazionale,  Edizione  seeonda,  Rome,  1882. 
Vol.  i.  contains  Diografia  dei  -■iaggia/ori  /taliani,  colla  M'liografia  delle  loro  opcre  per  J'ietro  Aniat  di  San 
Filippo.  The  special  title  of  vol.  ii.  is  Mappamondi,  carte  naiiliclie,  portolani  ed  altri  monumenti  earto- 
grafici  spccialmcnte  Ilaliani  dei  secoli  Xfil-Xl'll.  per  Gustavo  Uzietli  c  Pietro  Amat  di  San  Filippo. 

'  He  gives  his  reasons  for  this  landfall  in  his  Le premier  voyage,  p.  5. 

8  \Vc  liave  no  positive  notice  of  liernuida  being  seen  earlier  than  the  record  of  the  I'oter  .M.irtyr  map 
of  151 1. 

'•*  Sec  Vol.  HI.  p.  8.  and  the  present  volume,  p.  iiv 

I"  Where  (p.  lod)  he  amioimced  his  iatention  to  discuss  at  some  future  time  the  voy.ages  of  Vespucius, 
and  to  bring  forward,  "selon  niitre  habitude,"  some  new  documentary  evidence.  He  has  since  given  the 
proposed  title;  Anieric  Vcspiicc,  sa  Corrcspondance,  1.(83-1.191  \  soixantediuit  letlres  ineditcs  tirces  du  forte- 
Jcuiile  des  Medicis,  with  annotations. 


•56 


XAKRAIIVE   AND    CRmCAL    IIISIORY   OF   AMERICA. 


t'"  '       ,1,    j 


^i 


' 


M! 


cr 


W.. 


tiirrcspoiKl  more  nearly  with  the  Caiitinci  map  ' 
llian  witli  any  (itlicr.  llarrisse  also  asUs  if 
vVaUlsefimillcr  did  not  have  such  a  map  as 
Cantino's  licloie  him  ;  and  it'  the  map  ol  \'es- 
piK'iiis,  which  I'eler  Maityr  says  Fonscca  had, 
may  not  have  been  the  same  ? 

Vaiiihagen,  as  mijjht  ho  cxpecteil  in  such  an 
advocate,  turns  every  imdated  incident  in  Vespn- 
ciiis'  favor  if  he  can.  lie  believes  that  the  ■.••', ite- 
bearded  men  who  the  natives  said  preceded 
the  .'^'p''"''"''^  were  Vespucius  and  his  compan- 
ions. .\  kiter  of  N'ianello,  dated  Dec.  2S,  1  50*), 
which  ihindioklt  cpiotes  as  mentioniiiL;  an  early 
vovagc  in  which  Fa  Cosa  took  part,  but  hesi- 
tates to  assign  to  inv  particular  year,  Varnhagen 
eagerly  makes  api)licablc  to  the  voyage  of  1.(97.- 
Tlie  records  of  the  ( 'asa  de  la  ("ontratacion 
whicli  seem  to  be  an  impediment  to  a  belief  in 
the  voyage,  he  makes  to  have  reference,  not  to 
the  sliips  of  ColMndHi>,  l)nl  to  those  of  Vespucius' 
own  command.  N'arnliagcn's  efforts  to  elucidate 
the  career  of  Ves[Hicius  have  been  eager,  if  not 
in  .ill  respects  conclusive.-' 

We  get  upon  iiuich  Inuier  ground  when  ue 
come  to  the  consideration  of  the  vovagc  of  1501, 
—  the  lirsl   I'or  I'ortugal,  and  the  third  of  \'es- 


pucins'  so-called  loin'  voyages.  It  seems  clear 
that  this  voyage  was  ordered  by  the  Portu- 
guese (lovermnent  to  follow  up  the  chance 
discovery  i>f  the  Ihazil  coast  l)v  C'abral  in 
1500,  of  which  that  navigator  had  sent  word 
back  by  a  messenger  vessel.  When  the  new 
e.\ploring  fleet  sailed  is  ;i  matter  of  uuccrtaintv, 
for  the  accounts  differ.  —  the  Dutch  edition  of 
the  account  putting  it  as  earlv  .is  .Ma'-  I,  1501, 
while  one  account  places  it  as  lale  as  |une  io.< 
When  the  lleet  reached  the  (ape  de  \'ei-df 
Islands,  it  found  there  Cabral's  vessels  on  the 
retmn  voy.ige  ;  and  what  Vespucius  here  learned 
from  Cibral  he  embodied  in  a  letter,  dated 
June  4,  1 501.  which  is  (irinted  by  I'aldelli  in 
his  //  .\FilioHi-  i/i  Miiiro  I'olo,  from  .1  manuscript 
preserved  in  the  Kiccardiana  Collection.-''  Some 
time  in  August  —  idr  the  e.xact  day  is  in  dis- 
pute—  he  struck  the  coast  of  South  .\merica, 
and  coursed  southw.ird,  —  returning  to  Lisbon 
Sept.  7,   t50J.'"' 

Ve>|)ncins  now  wrote  an  account  of  it,  ad- 
dressed to  Loreu/io  I'icro  Francesco  de  Medici,' 
in  which  he  proposed  a  designation  of  the  new 
regions,  "  novum  nuindum  a])peliare  licet.'  Sucli 
is  the  Fatin  pluaseologv,  for  the  original  It.dian 
text  is  Icwt.''     Within  the  ne.M  tw-o  vear>  nunur- 


1  Sec  p.  loS. 

■-  Tliis  \'iancllii  dncuiucnl  was  printed  by  l-'erraro  in  liis  Rchi-Joiic  in  i.S;;. 

■I  His  jnihlicatidns  on  the  suhject  of  \'esiiiitius  are  as  follinvs:  (1)  I'fsf-iici-ef  foii  /'irwii.-i- z<inixi;oii  )ioliic 
,riiih-  iiiioiix't-rlc  el  exfloralkm  ihi  Colfi  ilii  Mixi<]iif  ct  ilcs  cotes  tics  litnts-Uiiis  cii  1^07  ct  14'iS,  avcc  le  texte 
(/,:  /rots  iio/t-s  1/0  la  iiiaiii  </f  CoUuiih,  I'aris.  iS3,S.  This  had  firiginally  appeared  from  the  same  tvpe  in  Bulletin 
ile.  la  Soeiite  lie  Geof,raphie  Ue  /'(»-;.',  I  an  nary  and  l-"ehruary,  1S5.S  ;  and  a  summary  of  it  in  Miijjlish  will  he 
found  in  the  Ilis/oiieal  Maga-juie,  iv.  i|S,  together  with  a  letter  from  \'arnhagen  to  liiickinijliam  ."^niith. 
(2)  Exaiiien  tic  qiietques  fomts  dc  I-  Ilistoirc  geogra/liii/iie  ilit  Hresil.  —  secoiiil  -eoyas:e  tic  I'csfiiee,  Paris,  i.SjS- 
(;)  Aii>crii;o  VefJ-iieei,  son  eartietere,  ses  eerils,sa  ric,  ct  scs  iiaxit^ntions,  Lima,  iSfjv  (4)  Lc /remicr  Tovtige 
t/e  Aiiierit;o  I'esfiieci  ile/iiiitheiiieiit  ex/liqne  tians  ses  ililails,  Vienna,  iSfM).  (5)  A'oiivellcs  reelicrelies  siir  les 
tleniiers  rovtt^fts  till  iia-,/j;ateiir/liirciitiii,  ct  Ic  rcstc  ties  tloeuments  et  iilaireissemcnts  siir  Int.  \'ienna,  1S69. 
(())  I'oslfaec  anxtiois  livraisoiis  siir  Aineiii^o  r<-.>/»iv/ \'ieniia,  1.S70.  This  is  also  given  as  jiagus  55-57  of 
the  Noiivelles  ree/irreltes,  though  il  is  not  included  in  its  contents  table.  (7)  Ainila  Aiiterigo  I'es/neei,  no-cos 
e\'tii/os  caeliei;ns,cs/'irialineitte  cin/anirtlii  intcr/re/itit'ii  ilaila  I!  stia  1"  vingeni,  em  \^<}-;-\^t,f;  lis  Costas  lio 
Vneatan.  Vienna,  1874,  eight  p.ages,  with  fae-siniiles  of  part  of  Rnysch's  map.  C'f.  Caf.  Ilhl.  lirazil.  liiH. 
line,  do  K.  de  'Janeiro,  no.  .S30.     (S)  Cartas  de  Aineri-^o  I'-.-spi.ti.  in  the  A'.:-,  do  Inst.  Hist.,  i.  5. 

'  If.  Ilarrisse.  />'//'/.  Ainrr.  Vet.,  p.  61. 

■'•  h  is  reprinted  in  X'arnhagcii,  Anierii^o  Vesfiieei.  ji.  7.S.  Hie  lll,llUl•^cript  Is  not  in  Vespucius' 
h.oid  (I'uilletin  de  ia  S.wiete  de  Geox-raphie  dc  Paris.  \\m\.  i,S5,S).  Variiliageii  is  not  s.itislied  "f  its 
gemuneness. 

I-.  Cf.  Iliiiuhi.lcU.  l-.xamett  erititpf.  v.  1.  7,4  ;  Major.  Prina  Henry,  y.  \-\  :  Xavanele,  iii.  4,,,  ihi  ;  Kaimi- 
sio,  i.  IV);  (iryiia-us.  p.  in.^  ;  (ialvanc\  p.  <)S.  .--.iiit.in'iii.  in  liis  iconoclastic  spirit,  will  not  allow-  tliat  Vespu- 
cius went  on  this  vc.yase,  c)r  on  tli.at  with  Coellio  in  150;,,  — holding  that  the  one  with  Ojeda  and  I.a  Cosa 
is  tlie  only  indisputaijle  voyage  which  \'espucius  made  (Cliiklc's  translatioi.,  |).  14;),  though,  as  .Navarrete  also 
admits,  he  may  have  been  on  these  or  other  voyages  in  a  subordinate  capacity.  Santarein  cites  l.alitau.  Uar- 
ros.  and  ( isorius  as  ignoring  any  such  voyage  hy  X'espucius.  \'espiicius  says  he  could  still  see  the  tireat 
lte.ar  constellatiini  when  at  ',3"  south:  hut  I  liiiiihi>ldt  points  out  that  it  is  not  visible  beyond  zb°  south 
la.itude. 

"  This  w-as  a  cousin  of  l.oien/o  the  IManniliceiit  ;  lie  was  horn  in  146J;,  and  died  in  1503.  Cf.  Kanke's 
letter  in  Humboldt's  Pxamen  eritit/ne.  and  translated  in  Lester's  /.//<■  ami  Voyages  of  Vesfticitts,  {.  401. 
Varnhagen   has   an  "  F.lude  bililiogr.iphiiiuc  "  on   this   1503   letter  f  '.'<"■  igo  Ve^f-neei.  son  earaetire. 

'tC.    p.    I). 

.••  N'arnhagen  is  confident  {Postftiec  in  Noiivelles  rcch.erelics.  p.  56,  that  \'espiicius  was  aw.ue  that  he  h.ul 
found  a  new  continent,  and  thought  it  no  longer  .-Xsia.  and  that  the  letter  uf  Vesi)ucius,  on  which  Humboldt 
based  the  statement  of  Vespucius'  dying  in  the  belief  that  only  .Xsia  had  been  found,  is  a  forgery. 


■I 


.      -11  I 


r' 


\i:SIM'CIUS    AND    THE    NAMIXd    Ol'    AMERICA. 


157 


\'L'-.liucius' 
tistied  "t  its 


I 


(HIS  i-->iies  iif  (iiiicniidip's  l.aiiii  tfxl  wurc  piiiitcil,  'riicrc  is  :i  cupv  in  llit-  I.cniix  Libiai v,  wliicli 
only  two  ot  wliicli  arc  dated,  —  one  at  Augsburg  has  anotliL-r  issiii.',  MiiiiJiis  ikk'iis,  also  in  black- 
in  150.1,  tin.- itllicr  at  Strasbiiri;  in  1505;  and,  witli  letter,  iDrly-two  lines  to  the  pajje;''  still  an- 
a  tew  exceptions,  tlicy  all,  liy  (heir  imblislu-d  title,  othei,  .l/////(/;.','  ;;,'rv/.r,  fortv  line^   to   the   pa;.;e;'' 


;avc  currency  to  the 
designation  of  MniuiKs 
iioriis.  The  earliest  of 
these  editions  is  usu- 
ally thought  to  be  one 
Allvrii' 7v.'7>//iv;'  hviri- 
!:>•  f-iiri  /iiiihisii  dc 
iih-dicis  Siiliilcm  f'lii- 
':ino  Jiiit.  of  which  a 
l.ic-siniile  of  the  title 
i>  annexed,  and  wliieh 
bears  the  imprint,  of 
lehan  l.amliert.'  It  i> 
a  small  plai|Uelle  ol 
six  lcave^  ;  and  there 
are  copies  in  the  I.enox 
and  Carter-lSrown  col- 
lections. D'Ave/ac, 
and  ll.urisse,  in  his 
l.itei  upinion  (Ai/i/i- 
/ioii.i,  ]).  \'j),  agree  in 
supposing  r.iis  the  Mrst 
edition.  The  da  te  d 
(1504)  Augsburg  edi- 
tion, Miimliis  nmnis,  is 
called  "  extraordinarily 
r.ne  "  bv  (Irenville, 
who  had  a  copy,  lujw 
in  the  Uritish  Museum. 
<  )n  the  reverse  of  the 
fointh  and  last  leaf  we 
read  :  "  M  agister  |o- 
hitncsotmar :  vindelicc 
inipressit  Augnste  An- 
no millesinio  ^|uuigen- 
tcsinioipiarli  "  There 
arc  copies  in  the  l.eno.x 
and  Carler-lirown  li- 
braries.-' .\n  edition, 
Muiuiiis  iiiKii<,  whose 
four  unnumbered 
leaves,  forty  linos  to  the 

full  page,  correspcmd  wholly  with  this  last  i^sue, 
exce])t  that  for  the  dated  coloph<in  'he  words 
I,.\us  Dko  arc  substituted,  was  put  at  hrst  by 
llarrisse-'  at  the  head  of  the  list,  with  this  title. 


atbcric^  x)erpucci^ldurerio 

pcm  frandfcidc  nfiedids  Salutcm  plurituadlde 


and  another,  with  the  words  Miiiii/iis  m 
Koman,  of  eight  leaves,  thirty  lines  to  tlic 
At  this  |)oint  in  his  enumeration  llarrisse 
originallv  the   K'luin  Lambert  ir-sue  (men 


I        \ 


page." 
placed 
lioued 


'  mill.  Aiiiff.  I'cf..  nil.  J(i  ;  l)'.\\czac.  IWillzt'iiiiillfi-.  p.  74;  Caiter-liiown.  i.  2i,\  ."SumK  rhmd,  v.il.  v. 
no.  12,1)11);   lirunet.  vol.  v.  cnl.    1.1551  li'ilHolluwi  Grcir.:lHana.  p.  -Ui\. 

-  lilbl.  Amcy.  Vet.,  lui.  31  ;  C.irter-ltruwn.  i.  21  ;  Ternaii.x,  no.  6;  l>il'ii,tllu\ci  Ciirnvilliniia,  p.  ;i>ii ;  ISnnut, 
vti/.  V.  col.  t,i5t;  Ihitli,  p.  1525.  A  cnpy  was  sold  in  the  Hamilton  sale  (iS.S^)  fur  .i;4;.  and  siil)^e(HK'iitly 
held  by  Ouaritcli  at  .C5;.  The  Court  Ciitaloi;iii'  (no.  3(11))  shows  a  dii))licate  from  the  Muniih  I.ilnavy. 
Ilarrassowitz.  A'iiri.<sh/iit  Amiiuniia  (<ii   in   1SS2).  no.  i,  priced  a  cnpv  at   1.250  marks. 

•'  /)'//'/.  .liner.  I'if..  no.  22. 

•"  /)'//'/.  Aiinr.  (',-/..  no.  2;;  Carteilirown.  i.  22;  /til>li,illuvti  Grciirilliuiia.  p.  ;6() ;  Court,  no.  368; 
(Juaritch  (no.  ^21.  title  12,4811)  held  a  copy  at   .L'loo. 

'<  liihl.  Atmr.  I'd.,  no.  24. 

^  Hill.  .-Im-r.  Vet.,  no.  2;  ;  Hilliothcii  f'oeir,  i'.Utiiui.  il.  7(10  :   lluth.  v.  1525. 


158 


NARKAlIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


above),  and  after  it  a  Muiidiis  nm'tis  printed  in     (five  leaves)  exists,   sold  in  tlie    Liliri    saio  in 
Paris  by  Denys  Knee,  of  wliicli  only  a  fragment     London,  KS65,  and  now  in  the  liritish  Museum. ' 

Another    Paris   cdi- 


m\ 


i-i 


I  ,'■ ' 


m 


Quci  nouo  mtioo  opriav  impf  fie  ferrnifrmu 
pdmK0aUtete0t9  rupmottbueantamucnta 

fltbotcuo  v«fputi»o  XawJtto  pctrtftetiKJitato  Sniurt  plurimJ^  6tot 
1  Upciio«b'6ttt)U8  fatto  ampl<  tibi  fcnpfl  c<<rc&ini  mco  a&  no 
lUidilKoreglonib^cjudO  7c:a^c.'^lmpcrln^.7nlan^uro  itlius 

tiouanmn&tinppd(ar<Iicct(I2u&cioflpud  moioue  nonroottuiin  Cicip 
!fo  fuerttbabitaco0nltlo?ira!>«c«ttib<'  ontb'  fttnouifftitia  rco.tu.ih  btf 
BpmionSnoftrottarmgiiopfffcOit.cQ.illo^mnioi  paro  otcittMtroUne 
Bm<0[Ulttoctial?.«pmuommt>icmn5<flcptitJcnTc.  fci>  tn.irc  tin  quo> 
fltlanttcIivocaa-:nqiU<ot(iptntcnt2tbi(frea(firmnucrQtr3c(rctinTam 
iMWtabilSnmltio  r5nib'  ncgaiKrilt  ^c&  Imiic  C09  opmionScfTe  falftij 
svent(Uiottio;>tratt}rmlxcnteAVltim3nmiig()tiot>cclnrault:dJin{>ti 
l)lio»lKam(Ti{*anio:ptin«itfmtmicucr4ni.frequ2nojib^popul«sj.iaii» 
lib'bflbiwtS.^noftrnm  CtiropamftH  Hfliim  vd  £lfnca.2in  fu^  acrg 
nidfit8qjiinini7n»ucnn.iglnqufluie<iliar«fitc<ncanob'cognimpiciit 
IrxfmuointcKigco.vbrfuccitictetintf  'irc^AipiM  faibcinuo.ctrcoOigj 
tii<3zcoiinnot!iTtoiK.tituitiotiaqu<am£ih:ivir£.vclaUi>tuuibocnouo 
mmoofiwcvftnfrapqttbit, 

1W*p«'datifiiciiMVt(>6a£«io»ii2fi8Jfl)9§5flJilIcflniQ«ling(!« 
1ft  tdlmotnimorocfftrnttsflt)  OlpfippomaWK^fatorcgccfl 
trifc"  naiiiy  a&  iit4uircrt&fl6  itoutjo  rcgtoncd  t  f9  nuftrfi  Ui 
gintiittmfU?'  ^tincntcnMitigauimtto  itb  tnericiS  Ciuuo  nmiigat&to  ot 
Dot.1llOdt11nutgationoftrafuit|2mfuLl8foTtutlntad.l1coUm^u:ta^ 
nQcsi&tsippcuaturinrukm.ignecdnaric.()ucfunt  in  ttTaccUmnre.-rtn 
PfinilT'babttatiefciOentie  3ii&c(!occflnQ  tottllittuoafricQ.^  pt^ctbt 
'Op(aj»anTumisi?fq5flOp»montoJtnctbtop0.nc«tpttioIomc«v)lcrtiq8 
nOc  anoftn©  appcllsif  Capiuvin^c?  at*  ctb*opit)uo  i5e)l'#w:c.i  rcgio 
illsiinnJt&tnfiflgraMe''  cj«amio«>«imi!irr»i  rctrtsninTor  "ii  a  Utwaes 
qtilnocrtaUpafuoScptftnonJ^antgriogcrib^i  yc  i:  **  o  ttouatiir 
3bircfumpttoplnb^2ncccflan|o  »to!  a  f  naut^flhoniisniltimis  antbo 
raa7crpaiiMniM8rdap«nti8.7nortrtiiii:rEt»aftii'flmt4  iij.ifibirijif 
tcovcrfiioantflrttoimptn-nperBoccfOcnrttnfUirtmuepvYntum.cim. 
Uulnirnn^  Mat  ■:  a  bicflua  rcc€fi1m«8  at>lcfo  ptomofirotio  ?iu(i  nicm 
lHini.'Ztnn6lCTafpad3naolgamroucflnte^«>i(atcTrjnot?inp|jarcrct 
3tiefltiritmari6raftiwtcqut&p3fl\fiifi1mu85naufriit5ip(najrsi.iq5 
co:gt8tn£5mo&afuftini2enmu84btirq3  anctiiti)^  ahni  laboicwmma, 
«ttfhm,itionico:Qrdinqno.qitl  mulMiilrertidrpmctun  optiiijcnerOt 
i^5  ficiitccrti  qiift'cre.i^  an  A  fmtignoMtiree  mudtigarc.t  p  t  vtwt'bA 
vnmerfiipftnn(iflinrci«3q3cFbid)'r(i;rtg»ntafq)tem  cjuib"  nawgaut: 
»ttt!«piinuo8Q«.i6ia^taquatuoibabtiini'c8pliiuU.ton!trtuo7Co 

wr«liw»il?^Utl«^?^a»rootVt^c<)5f'?wntn^ic^«)3fa•cnwm«^f^i!lc{tc 


MkST    PACK   (ir    MUN'DrS    \OVI"S.' 


tion,  Afuiii/iis  iiiwiis, 
printed  by  Gillcs 
de  Gourmont,  eight 
leaves,  thirty-one 
lines  to  the  paf;e,  is, 
according  lo  Ilar- 
risse,-  known  only 
in  a  copy  in  llic 
Lenox  Library;  but 
D'Avezac  refers  to 
a  coi)y  in  the  Na- 
tional Library  in 
l'aris/1 

Another  ,]/»//(/«.f 
iip-iii  is  sn]>posed 
by  llarrissc  to  liave 
bcc'i  jirintcd  scjuie- 
whcrc  in  I  he  lower 
Kbijieland,  and  to 
bear  the  mark  of 
Wni.  V'orsternian, 
of  Antwerp,  on  the 
last  leaf,  mertiv  t^ 
give  il  ciirrenev  .n 
the  Netherlands.  It 
has  four  leaves,  and 
forty-four  lines  to 
tl-.e  full  page.  There 
are  copies  in  the 
Lenox  and  ILiri  ard 
College  ;:br.iries.< 
The  SiiMpiiim  for 
January,  iSiil,  de- 
scribes a  Miiiidiis 
!to7'tis  as  ju-eserved 
in  the  Mercantile 
Library  at  Ham- 
burg, —  a  plaquette 
of  four  leaves,  with 

1  BiH.  Amcr.  Vd.. 
n(i.  2-. 

-  Ihl'l.  Aiiur.  I'd.. 
no.  2S. 

•'  (Jf.  also  I.ibri 
(CaUih\qiic  of  1S5.))  ; 
lirinict,  vol.  v.  col. 
1,155;  "  arrisse,  Notes 
on  Coliim/ms,  p.  30. 
"  I. a  petite  edition  de 
la  lottre  di-  \'rs|nice  ;\ 
.Medicis  sur  son  troi- 
sienic  voyase,  inipri- 
inuL'  ^  I';uis  chez  (iiUes 
ridie  collection  de  'S\.  James 
i\  la  I>ibliothe(|ue  Mazarine." 


'A^' 


tie  Goiirijio"*  vendue  .\  I.niidres  en  i,S;o  aii  jiiix  di  ,(.'',2  n^.c.  et  |)laci'<' dans  la 
Lenox  de  Ni  ■  \mk,  n'cxiste  plus  dans  Ic  volunie  ,"i  l,i  lin  duqiiel  elle  etait  rcliee 
D'Avczac  :   Walfzomiilli-r,  \t.  5, 

'  Bibl.  Amcr.  Kt/..  no.  20  ;   Hulh.  ■• ,  1525;   llumholdt.   I'.x.nmn  iiiti,/ue.  v.   ;,  describing  a  copy  in   the 
Gtitlinrcn  Library  ;  biblioph'de.  Be/q'-  v.  ;,o3. 

"  Uanis.sc,  no   jq.     Cf.  Nav.irrcle,  ('/'«.(( ;//,).>■  i.  i;i). 


%V.  ' 


VESI'MCIUS    AND   THE    .\AML\G    OF   AMERICA. 


'59 


Btmm^tAm 

jfttttgm9>tntng0t 


forty-five  lines  to  the  Jiago,  —  which  seems  to     ciit  welt  seiieimt  ma);  tucrden  diircli  den  cristcn- 

(lilfcr  from  all  others.'     Later,  in  \\\^  Additions     lichen  K'iiiiij^von  Portiigall '.i'iiunderlm>lii:li  erjiin- 

(1S73),  Ilarrissc  described  other  issues  <jf  the     i/tv;."     'I'he   eolophon   shows   that  this  German 

.iViirvw  w//«(/«j- whicli  do  not  seem  to  be  identical     version  was  made  from  a  cojiy  of  the  Latin  te;a 

with    tliose    mentioned    in    his 

liit'liotticiti  AiiicriiLina   I \tiijtis- 

simii.     One  of   these  —  Miidns 

inr;'iis,  printed   in  a  very  small 

gothic  letter,  four  leaves  —  he 

lotind  in  the  liiblioleca  Cosatc- 

nense  at  Rome.-    The  other  has 

for   the   leading   title,  El^istola 

All'criiii :  </,•  norv   in  undo,  —  a 

pla(|iietlc  of  four  leaves,  forly- 

eiglit    lines    to    the    page,   with 

map  and  woc.dcut.^ 

This  ki'.cr  of  Vespuciiis  was 
again  i^siiid  at  Strasbnrg  in 
1505,  with  the  title  /)'(■  [A|  ora 
mitarctici,  as  shown  in  the  an- 
nexed fai'-simile ;  and  jcjined 
W'ith  this  text,  in  the  little  si.\- 
leavcd  trad,  was  a  letter  of  I'hi- 
lesins  to  llrnno,  and  some  Latin 
verses  bv  I'hilesins;  and  in  this 
form  we  have  it  |)riibably  for 
tlie  la^t  time  in  that  lani^nage.'' 
This  I'hilesius  we  shall  en- 
counter again  later. 

It  was  this  Latin  rendering 
by  Giocondo,  the  architect,  as 
Ilarrissc  thinks,''  upon  which 
the  Italian  text  of  the  Piicsi  110- 
'•iiiinnli-  was  fonnded.  Varnha- 
gcn  in  his //;//,7'/i,'V)  l'i-sf'niri,so)i 
carthtcre  (p.  13),  prints  side  by 
side  this  Italian  and  the  Latin 
text,  marking  different  read- 
ings in  the  latter.  In  this  .same 
year  (1505)  the  I'rst  German 
edition  was  issued  at  Xurem- 
bcrg,  though  it  is  undated  :  Von 
d-:r  ne-Li)  gcfiind?  Rct^ioii  die  vol 


,11  I.iljii 
>t    1S5.,); 

.    v.    col. 

issc.  ^Vii/« 
'».t,   p.   30. 

I'ditinn  de 

\c>puce  ;\ 
Sim  troi- 

1^0,    impri- 

ihiz  (iilles 
M.  I  aunts 

M.izaiiiK'.'' 

(tpy  in   the 


1  />;/'/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  ni).  ;,o  ;  Cartcr-lirown.  i.  zy.  .\  ciipy  was  (no.  333)  in  a  sale  at  Sotheby's.  London, 
X'\'b.  3:!,  1SS3.  It  seenis  prub.ible  that  no.  i^  iif  I larrissc's  ./(/iZ/Vw^j,  ccirrcspdndins  to  copies  in  the  Lenox. 
Trividzi.ana,  and  Marciana  lil)raries.  is  identical  with  this. 

2  Ilarrissc,  .Ulditiniis.  p.  12,  where  it.i  fust  page  is  said  to  have  thirty-three  lines :  ijut  the  Court  Ciila!i>;^uc 
(no.  36;).  describing;  what  seems  to  be  the  same,  says  it  has  forty-two  lines,  and  suggests  that  it  was  printed 
at  Cologne  about  i  503. 

3  Ailditions,  p.  13,  describing  a  copy  in  the  liritisli  Museum.  Vanihagen  (.t»ieiii;o  Vcfiici,  Lima,  1SC15, 
p.  ())  describes  another  copy  which  he  had  seen. 

*  lUl'l.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  39 ;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  24  ;  nrunct,  vol.  v.  col.  i,  1  j', ;  Court,  no.  370  ;  Huth, 
V.  152O;  D'/Vvezac,  WaltzemiUlcr,  p.  91.  Tross,  of  Paris,  in  1S72,  issued  a  vellum  fac-simile  reprint  in  ten 
copies.     Murphy,  no.  2,615;  Court,  no.  371. 

5  Hit'!.  Amcr.  I  'ct..  Additions,  p.  36. 

<•  This  title  is  followed  on  the  same  page  by  p.  large  cut  of  the  King  of  I'ortugal  with  sceptre  and  shield. 
The  little  placpiette  has  six  folios,  small  quarto  (/?//'/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  1,1).  A  fac-simile  cdit'on  was  made  by 
Pilin^ki  at  Paris  (twenty-five  copies),  in  1S61.  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  25,  with  fac-simile  of  title;  Mur- 
pliy,  no.  2,()if>;  llutb,  v.  1525;  i  'Callaghan,  no.  2,328;  Cooke,  no.  2,519.  There  is  a  copy  of  this  fac-simile, 
which  brings  aljout  S5  or  S6,  in  the  Boston  Public  Library.  Cf.  also  Panzer,  Annaleii,  Siiffl.,  no.  561  I/is, 
and  Wei  lor.  Rc/>ertoriiim,  no.  335. 


i6o 


NAKRAIIVK    AND    CKIIICAI.    l!ISIOKV    OK    AMKUICA. 


1     ,   !«■' 


il  \ 


ii* 


):i:; 


Till, I,  oi-   r"|-  iiRi>iii.x  iiii'w' 


ni-oii'.,!it  'run  Tan>  Ji  M.iw  i  ^05  :  /4«.t;  /./AvV/  /../  i^i-fiiiuii-n  Ju-:^io/i  so  u'ol ,  in  loell ;^ciiciiipi  mai;  "uvr- 

ilist  iiiifsiiie  in  Ti'iits.-h    ':ogi-  lUisz  ilcm  t:\ym p/iir  ,/i-n,  ihircli  diu  ChristliUIu-n  /:uni,:;;  <;vi  JW/ij;<il 

ii,}s  rvn  7\iris:  kam  uii  irikn  moiwt  niuli  C/iri>fi  wnndn-lhvliih  crjiuuh-n.    Tliis  is  followed  by  the 

'^ebitrt,  Fnuffhcnliu.'lcrt  r,,.:d l^'Unffiiir.    Cci/nnkt  same  till  of  the  King,  aiul  has  a  similar  colophon. 

t'«  Niocmbiitx  Jnich    IV,  •■)l'„,.i;    //n, /;■>■.     The  Its  full  page  contains  thiily-thiee  liiies.- 

f  till  page  of  thi,-,  cdil  ion  h„-  thirtv-seven  lius.  Still  another  edition  of  the  same  year  and 

Another  cdiiion,  issued  I  he  >:inie  year  {1505).  publisher  shows  thirty-live  lines  to  the  page,  and 

>how.-  a  slight   change  in  tlie  title.  Ion  ,irr  noii  above  the  same  cut  the  title  reads:    ]'on  tier  ncit 

'  This  follows  tne  l;n-^iinilo  yivpi]  in  Kudo's  C-uliuhti-  i/.t  /.cHalh-r^  Jir  Eiif,l,\i:iini;,'ii.  p.  333,  cif  an 
'  tlition  in  the  Koyal  Library  at  nrodiii. 

-  There  is  a  copy  in  tin-  Carler-Hrown  Collection  (Ci/i7/iV«f,  vul.  i.  no.  5S6;.  li  ^eem-  to  he  Harri.»>e'5 
no.  37,  whore  a  copy  in  the  liiiti^h  Miiseuiii  i■^  dcscrihed. 


VESPUCIUS   AND   THE    NAMING    01'    AMERICA. 


i6l 


pibmttt$>Jrrii(ima$  tmrntit)  pr  tn 

Standfcibe  m&ids  vd  Qni^ 

n  vcrgangm  wgm  t><»6  td)  bt'r  Sen  vccft  gcfcijtypf  it  vd»t 
<  meiixer  wrtxrfhrt  x>Ofi  b«i  mucii  lantjc^a^cn  ?>ic  id?  inie 
(n4frtivn'frtmPrtrtierfcl?y^mitfci)ttwciiil'<>ficn  voitge 
Pot  bcs  burcl>lciKi^ng»ft«i  Baimgs  von  poitiQa\bitYd)fud)t  ^is 
Pen  rrtb  fiiribcn/iOie  man  irwg  bic  rimm  xoelt  nennm/  ©o  ^cy  vrt 
fern  vojfvtm  vcttern  t>(»uon  Ccyti  n)i0cn  gctvcfcrt/vrtt)  alien  ben  bie 
foltd^s  i)Sin  allcr  tutg  art  neud  fey/^unbcr  and)  bae  a\k  ntetrtug 
»»i^cr  cltmt  u^er  txyffi  |c  body  ba  »ttcrtc>pl  bev  felPeti  fpnd)t  /  bos 
v^cr  bic  glad>mtmrd>nge  Ivmm  gmonc  t&]uittoctialid  /  vnb  ge^ 
gen  mittaa  tcyti  woming  bcr  kuttcn/funbor  tfUc^rt  b««6  gro^  mcr 
I'n^rtltctt/©a6  j^  nennm  baa  atAanbxfd)  mcr/  Vn  oP  ycmant)  bar 
fcl^en  tvoniHtgm  baf3$6  fan  gercbr  fo  l^(^  fv  bod)  tnt^  vtl  fad^e 
t«0  bo  wcn^fjtig  li«il>  r  n  mrid?  ^  wtbaTc&t/3Pcr  boe  (oUdt> 
ir  m<rpnmtg  ^Ifc^  vnnb  bo*  reat^at  wiber  fey  in  alle  wcg  tjat  bi^ 
mem  U^ee  fct)ifTung  0etvei|f  /  €o  id^  in  ben  fel6m  gegnuitge  gegS 
imctag  mcnfcljudjc  inwjoming  fitnbcn  ^40  ntit  vil  volcf 0  vnb  vtl 
e^crcn  Scvcm/ban  vnfer  (^uropa  obcr  2lfiam  ober  2(fJTia:m/rti 
fb  tnl  mer  gcfiinbcrt  tempenerten  liif]T  fcijdn  vnb  lautcr  mer  vmiS> 
lugger  boti  m  eyttid^o-  <mbem  lmtfd)affc  bie  voir  wiOrn/  2Ud  bo 
^emoc^  fe^cn  vnnb  verfkn  wwrfl/  fo  id^  Wrgbie  o5mt  btng  6e^ 
fi^tvPen  vnb  bie  bing  fo  vcrmmf  ene  twinb  gebegim^^Uer  wixbi 
oefl  vnnb  vott  mir  gcfi^  ob«r  gc^^:t  jn  biefcr  nawi  welt  ]^nb/ 
4\lk  ^cm4ct>  ge^eygt  ivurt; 


FROM   THE    DRESDEN   COPY.l 


gefunJeti  Repon  die  wol  eiii  welt  {'eiiati  via^  wer- 
deit  (liirc/i  den  Cristcnlicheii  kiiiiii;  -•on  fortii^al 
viuniierbarlich  erfunden.  Tliis  is  tlie  copy  de- 
scribed ill  tlie  Ciirto-BriKi-n  dUalos^iic  (vol.  i. 
no.  26),  and  seems  to  correspond  to  the  copy  in 
the  Dresden  Library,  of  which  fac-similcs  of  the 
title  and  its  reverse  are  given  hercwith.'- 

Harrisse  '■^  cites  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum 
(Grenville),  which  has  thirty-five  lines  to  the 
pr.ge,  with  the  title :   Vondcrncmi)  f^cfiindcn  Re- 


gion,  etc.  It  Is  without  date  and  place;  but 
Harrisse  sets  it  under  1505,  as  he  does  an- 
other issue,  Von  der  Netiwen  gefiiiide  Region,  of 
which  he  found  a  copy  in  the  Royal  Library  at 
Munich,^  and  still  another,  Von  den  Xawcn  Insu- 
/i-n  iinnd  Landen,  printed  at  Ixipsic'' 

In  1506  there  were  two  editions,  —  one  pub- 
lished at  Strasburg,"^  Von  d-n  Xmcv  /nsu/e  und 
liinden  (eight  leaves) ;  and  '.e  other  at  Leipsic, 
Von  den  ne-.iteii  Insulen  and  T.anden  (si.v  leaves).'' 


1  Till,  follows  the  lac-simile  5,'ivcn  in  Kuge's  Gcschichte  dcs  Zcitalters  der  En/deeiun^en.  [>.  r,4,"f  the 
reverse  of  title  of  a  copy  preserved  in  the  Koyal  Library  at  Dresden. 

2  Harrisse  (BiiL  Amer.  Vet.-)  says  he  describes  his  no.  ,S  from  the  Carter-Brown  and  I.enox  copies ;  but 
tne  colophon  as  he  gives  it  does  not  corresi>ond  with  the  Carter-Broum  Calalosue.  nor  with  the  Dresden  copy 
a,  described  by  Ruge.     Ct.  also  Panzer,  Annalen,  vol.  i.  p.  27.,  no.  561  ;   Humboldt,  Examev  critijuc,  v.  (,. 

•  Bilil.  Amer.   Vet.,  no.  34. 
'  BM.  Amer.   Vet.,  Additions,  no.  21. 

■''  BiM.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  20,  following  Weller's  Re/ertoyi„m.  no.  320. 
'  Bit''.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  40  ;  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox  Library. 

■  BiM.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  41  ;   Heber.  vol.  vi.  n<,.  :„$.^G  ■   Rich,  no.' 1  ;   Uuniboldt,  Exitmen  erittque,  iv.  160. 
VOL.    II.  —  21. 


w 


m  i"i' 


vi  I 


162 


NAKKAIUK    AM)    CKlllCAL   lllS'ir^KV    oK    A.MKKICA. 


In  T50S  then.'  was,  accdrdiiiH  tn  liniiul,'  ,1 
Strasl)urg  Lilition,  Kiv/  </<«  AViiWiii  Jinuliii  uiul 
J^iiithn.  There  was  also  a  Dutch  fditidii,  l\iii 
i/cT  niiircvr  ■avivU,  etc.,  i)rinle(l  at  Aiitwuip  l>y 
Jan  van  Doesburgli,  wliich  was  lirst  niatlc  known 
liy  MuUer,  of  Amsterdam,  tlinnigh  liis  /loi'ls  on 
Aiiiiiiui  (1S7J,  no.  2.\).  It  is  a  little  i|iiarto 
traet  ut'  eight  leaves,  without  tiate,  printed  in 
gotliic  type,  thirty  and  thirty-one  linos  to  the 
p.ige,  with  various  woodcuts.  It  came  fnim  an 
"  iiisignilicant  library,"  —  that  of  the  architect 
liiisscliaert,-'  —  sold  in  1.S71  in  .\iitwerp,  and  wa> 
bounil  up  with  three  other  tracts  of  the  tirst  ten 
vears  of  the  sixteenth  centurv.     It  cost  Muller 


.Sjo   rtorin.s, 


subsecjuently   passed   into  the 


Carter-lirown  Library,  and  still  remains  uni(pie. 
Muller  had  placed  it  between  1506  and  1509; 
but  Mr.  Ilartlett,  in  the  CtirUr-Drircn  Ciit,i!,\i;iu' 
(vol.  i.  no.  jS),  assigns  it  to  1  50.S.  Muller  had 
also  given  a  fac-siniilc  of  the  lirst  page  ;  but  only 
the  cut  on  that  page  is  reproduced  in  the  dirtii- 
Jiny-u'ii  Ciitultif^iu-  (i.  46),  as  well  as  a  cut  show- 
ing a  group  of  four  Inilians,  which  is  on  the  re- 
verse of  the  last  leaf.  Mr.  Carter-lirown  printed 
a  fac-simile  edition  (twenty-live  copies)  in  1.S7.) 
for  private  distribution.' 

That  portion  of  the  Latin  letter  which  Vcs- 
pucius  addressed  to  Soderini  on  his  four  voyages, 
diffeis  from  the  text  connected  with  Giocondo's 
name,  and  will  be  found  in  the  various  versions 
of  the  Paisi  niyiMmciitc  and  in  Gryn.T--us,  as  well 
as  in  Ramusio  (i.  128),  liandini  (p.  100),  and 
Canovai  in  Italian,  anil  in  Knglish  in  Kerr's  \'ov- 
:igcs  (vol.  iii.,  iSi:;,  p.  342)  and  in  Lester  (p.  2J3). 
There  are  also  German  versions  in  Voss,  Allcf- 
lilh'slc'  Nn-liricht  -\»i  ticii  ihu,ii  \\\lt  (lierlin, 
1722),  ai..i  Ml  Spanish  in  Xavarrete's  Cohwioii 
(iii.  190). 

There  is  another  text,  the  "Rela/ione,"  pub- 
lished by  Fr.iucesco  IJartolozzi  in  17S9,'  after  it 
had    long    remained    in  manuscript  ;    it   also   is 


addressed  to  the  same  Loren/o.^  If  the  original 
•icconnt  .is  written  by  Vespucius  himself  w.is  in 
l'<irtugue.se  and  addressed  to  King  .Man<iel,  it  i» 
lost.'' 

I  If  the  Vespncui>-< 'oelho  voyage  we  li.ive 
only  the  account  which  is  given  in  connection 
with  the  other  three,  in  which  Ve>pucius  gives 
May  io  as  tl'.e  date  of  sailing;  but  Coelho  is 
known  to  have  started  Jinie  10.  with  si.x  ships 
Varnhagen  ha.s  identillcd  the  harbor,  where  he 
left  the  shipwrecked  crew,  with  I'ort  Frio  ' 
Returning,  they  reacheil  Lisbon  June  i.S  (or  j.S), 
and  on  the  4th  of  the  following  .Se|)trnil>i.r  \'es- 
pucius  dated  his  account.'' 

If  we  draw  a  line  from  Nancy  to  .Stra.ilnng 
as  the  longer  side  of  a  triangle,  its  ape.\  to  the 
south  will  fall  among  the  Vo.sges,  where  in  a 
secluded  valley  lies  the  town  of  St. -Die.  What 
we  see  there  to-day  of  man's  work  is  scarcely  a 
century  and  a  half  old;  for  the  place  was  burned 
in  1756,  ;iiul  shortly  after  rebuilt.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  si.vtccnlh  century  .St.-I)ie  was  in  the 
doniinion  of  Duke  Rene  of  Lorraine.  It  had  its 
cathedral  and  a  seminary  of  learning  (under  the 
patronage  of  the  Duke),  and  a  printing-iircss  had 
been  set  up  there.  The  reigning  prince,  as  an 
enlightened  friend  of  erudition,  had  drawn  to  his 
college  a  number  of  learned  men;  and  Pico  de 
Mirandola,  in  addressing  a  letter  to  the  editor 
of  the  Ptoleniy  of  I  513,  expressed  surprise  that 
so  scholarly  a  body  of  men  existed  in  so  obscure 
a  place.     Who  were  these  scholars  i" 

The  chief  agent  of  the  Duke  in  the  matter 
seems  to  have  been  his  secretary,  Walter  Lud 
or  Ludd,  or  Gualtenis  Ludovicus,  as  his  name 
was  latini/ed.  The  |)receding  narrative  has  indi- 
cated his  ])osition  in  this  learned  conimunity,'' 
aiul  has  cited  the  little  tractate  of  four  leaves  by 
him,  the  importance  of  which  was  first  discov- 
ered, about  twenty  years  .ago,  by  Henry  Stevens,'" 


1  Vol.  V.  col.  115I);  liibl.  Amcr.   Vet.,  no.  50. 

-  BiilUtin  dc  III  Stvic/i:  i/c  Gii'srn^/iii:  d'Aiivi'rs,  1S77,  p.  349. 

I  Tliere  is  a  copy  of  this  lac-siiuilu  in  tlio  I!.)st.in  I'liblic  Library  [G.  302,  22].  t-'f.  Hhtorical  \Iaf;azinc, 
xxi.  III. 

■t  Riccrclic  istorico-L-rituiic  circa  allc  scopcrtc  iV Aiiicn^^j  Vespucci  con  V  uq^i^iiiiita  i/i  unit  re'iiziinic  del 
mcdcsimo  fi)i  oru  inedita  (Florence,  I7.S<)),  p.  16S.  He  followed,  not  an  original,  but  a  co])y  found  in  the  Bib- 
lioteca  .Strozziana.     This  text  is  reprinted  in  Varnha,i;en's  Amcri^^o  V'-s/'iicci,  p.  S;. 

■>  Cf.  the  Rehizione  Idle  scoferle  fatte  da  C.  CoUnnbo,  da  A.  Vespucci,  etc.,  I'ollowin.i,'  a  niamiscript  in  the 
Ferrara  Library,  edited  by  Profes.sor  Ferraro,  and  published  at  Bologna  in  1.S75  as  no.  144  of  the  series  Scclta 
di  euriosita  Ictterarie  inedife  e  rare  dai  seci'h  XI! I  at  XVI!. 

'i  Lucas  Kom's  Tai;e/mc/i  aiis  den  Jaliicn  1494-1542.  Beitrac;  zur  Haiulelsi;escliiclilc  dcr  Stadt  Atigs- 
I'ltrg.  Mitgclhcilt  mit  lieiiu-rkuiigen  und  cinem  .■\uhaiigc  von  noch  ungednickleii  Brie/en  mid  Berichien 
iiher  die  F.iifdectiiiig  dcs  iieuvii  Sce^irges  lac/i  Amerika  nuJ  Ost-Indicn,  von  B.  Grciff.  Augshiirg,  i,S6i. 
riiis  privately  printed  book  in  a  "knrtzer  lieiicht  aus  der  neuen  Welt,  1501,''  is  said  to  contain  an  account  of 
.1  voyage  nf  Vespucius,  ])robably  this  one  (.Muller,  Books  on  America,  1877,  no.  2,727). 

"  Hist,  geral do  Brazd  (\'?.t,A,),  p.  427.  Cf.  Navarrete,  iii.  2S1,  294;  Handini,  p.  57;  Peschel.  Erdkunde 
(1S77),  p.  27;;  Callondcr\  Voyages  to  Terra  Australis  (iS'id),  vol.  i. ;   Kaiiuisio,  i.  150,  141. 

"  That  portion  of  it  relating  to  this  voyac;e  is  given  in  Knglish  in  Lester,  p.  23S. 

''  N.  F.  Gr-avier  in  his  liistoire  de  Saint-Die,  published  at  I^pinal  in  liyd,  p.  202,  depicts  the  character  of 
Lud  and  the  infincnce  of  his  press.     Lud  died  at  St.-Die  in  1527,  at  the  age  of  seventy-nine. 
I'l  Cf.  his  Notes,  etc.,  p.  35 


.         I 


\  KSITCIUS    AND   THE    NA.MlNc;    OF   AMERICA. 


I6 


.iiul  i)t  wIiilIi  tlu'  .piily  cc)|)ics  at  pii-iciit  kiicnvii 
arc  ill  the  liritisli  .Miisciim  and  tlii;  Impciiil 
Library  at  N'iciiiia.'  iMoiii  this  tiny  S/'cailiim, 
as  >VL'  >hall  sec,  \vc  Icarn  some  inipurtant  par- 
titulars,  lust  over  the  line  of  Lorraine,  and 
within  the'limits  of  Alsace,  there  was  born  and 
had  lived  a  certain  Matliias  Ringinann  or  Kinn- 
man.  In  these  early  years  of  the  century  (1504) 
he  was  a  student  in  I'aris  among  the  pupils  of  a 
certain  Dr,  Jnlni  Kalier,— to  be  in  other  ways,  as 
we  shall  see,  connectcil  with  the  development  of 
the  little  story  now  in  progress.  In  I'aris  at  the 
same  time,  and  engaged  in  building  the  Notre 
Dame  bridge,  was  the  Veronese  architect  l-'ra 
Giovanni  C.iocondo.  Major  ihlnUs  there  is 
great  reason  for  believing  that  the  young  Alsa- 
tian stutlent  formed  the  accpiaintance  of  the 
Italian  architect,  and  was  thus  brought  to  enter- 
tain that  enthusiasm  for  Vcspucius  which  Gio- 
condo,  as  a  counlrymau  of  the  navigator,  seems 
to  have  imparted  to  his  young  friend.  At  least 
the  little  th.it  is  known  positively  seems  to  indi- 
cate this  transmission  of  admiration. 

We  nui>t  ne.vt  revert  to  what  Vcsi)ucius 
himself  was  doing  to  afford  material  for  this 
Increase  of  his  fame.  On  his  return  from  his 
l.ist  voyage  he  had  prepared  an  account  at  full 
length  of  his  experiences  in  the  New  World, 
■'  that  coming  generations  might  remember  him." 
No  such  ample  document,  however,  is  now 
known.  There  was  at  this  time  (1504)  living  in 
Florence  a  man  of  fifty-four,  I'iero  Sodcrini, 
who  two  years  before,  had  been  made  perpetual 
Gonfaloniere  ol  the  city.  He  had  been  a  school- 
mate of  Vespucius  ;  and  to  him,  dating  from  Lis- 
bon, Sept.  4,  1504,  the  navigator  adihessed  an 
account  of  what  he  called  his  four  voyages,  ab- 
str.acted   as  is  sul)]>o^■ed  from  the   larger  narra- 


tive, The  ririginal  text  of  this  abslr.ict  is  .dso 
nursing,  unless  we  believe,  with  Varnhagen,  that 
I  he  text  which  he  gives  in  his  .-/w/./vi.v  I'l.t/'iitii, 
j,'«  iiiitiiliir,  etc.  (p.  34),  printed  at  Lima  in 
l.Slij,  is  such,  which  he  supposes  to  have  been 
published  tl  Florence  in  1505-1506,  since  a 
printed  copy  of  an  Italian  te.xt,  undated,  had 
been  bought  by  him  in  Havana  (iSl'ij)  in  the 
s.ime  covers  with  another  tract  of  150O.-  Other 
commentators  have  not  i)laced  this  Italian  tract 
so  early  It  has  not  usually  been  pl.iced  before 
1510.'  Dr,  Court  put  it  before  1512.  Harrissc 
g.we  It  the  date  of  1516  because  he  had  found  it 
bound  with  another  tract  of  that  dale  ;  but  !n  his 
AJilith'Us,  p.  .XXV,  he  acknowledges  the  reasons 
incoiicln.sive.  Major  contemls  that  there  is  no 
reason  to  believe  that  any  known  Italian  text 
antedates  the  Latin,  yet  to  be  mentioned.  This 
Italian  text  is  called  Ldtcrti  Ji  AiiiliI^o  I'esf'iicci 
ilille  isoU  iiKOvanifiiU  trcnuut  in  i/iuiliro  siioi  77'./;%7" 
.  .  .  Diilit  in  Lishona  a  di  4  di  Si/'li'iiil'ic,  1  504. 
It  is  a  small  ipiarto  of  sixteen  leaves.' 

Varnhagen  does  not  ijuestion  that  the  early 
Italian  print  is  the  better  text,  ditfering  a^  it 
does  from  liassin's  Latin  j  and  he  follows  it  by 
preference  in  all  his  arguments.  Ho  comi)lains 
that  llaiulini  and  Canovai  reprinted  it  with  many 
errors. 

Ramusio  in  his  tirst  volume  had  rciirintcd 
that  part  of  it  which  covers  the  third  and  fourth 
voyage;  and  it  had  also  been  given  in  French  in 
the  collection  of  Jean  Temporal  at  Lyons  in 
1556,  known  otherwise  as  Jean  Leon's  (Leo  .\fri 
caiuis)  //istorialt'  dcsiri['lion  de  l'A/'n,/i(,,  with  a 
preface  by  Ranui>io.^ 

It  is  Major's  belief  that  the  origin. d  text  of 
the  abstract  intended  for  Soderini  was  written 
in  a  sort  of  coni])Osite  Spanish-Italian  dialect, 
such    as   an     Italian    long    in    the    service    of 


ErdknuJt 


I  Varnhagen's  y.(;/ri-«/Vj- t'o>'i7i;r,  p.  i. 

-  \'arnli,it;en|  Amviiiio  Vespucci,  son  cijracli!rc,  etc.,  p.  2.S  ;  D'.Avezac's  IViil/zcmiiiler,  \\  ^('\  Uarrisse. 
/(.'/■/.  Aiihi:  Vet.,  Addilhois,  p.  xxiv. 

•^  Napione  puts  it  in  this  year  in  his  Del  fyimo  scofritorc,  Florence,  1809. 

1  Harrissc  {Bi.'il.  Aincr.  Vc/.,  no.  87)  describes  it  from  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum  which  is  noted  in 
the  Cir,iivillcCatidi\i;uc,  p.  764,  no.  6,535.  U'.Vvezac,  in  iSC>7.  noted,  besides  tlie  Grenville  copy,  one  beloni;ing 
to  the  Marcjuis  Gino  Cappoiii  at  Florence,  and  Varnhagcn's  (  WallzcmiiUcr,  p.  45 ;  I'eignot,  A'tpcrfj/rc,  p.  159; 
Ileber,  vol.  vi.  no.  ";,S4.S  ;  N'apionc,  Del  pyitiio  SiO^ritore  del  /itto'v  mondo,  1S09,  p.  107;  Fbcrt,  Dietiottary, 
no.  J7, 542;  Tcrnaux,  lU).  5).  Uarrisse  in  1.S73  (/>'/'•/.  Amer.  Vet.,  .Additions,  p.  xxiv),  added  a  tourtli  copy, 
belonging  to  the  Palatina  in  Florence  (liiblioteca  Nazionale),  and  thinks  there  may  have  been  formerly  a 
duplicate  in  that  collection,  whiili  Napione  descrilx-s.  The  copy  described  by  I'eignot  may  have  been  the  same 
with  tlie  Ileber  and  Grenville  copies  ;  and  the  I'lorence  copy  mentioned  by  Harrissc  in  his  Ferdinand  Colmdi, 
p.  1 1,  may  also  be  one  of  those  abeady  mentioned.  The  copy  whicli  lirjuict  later  describeil  m  his  Sii/'f-lement 
passed  into  the  Court  Collection  (no.  366) ;  .and  when  that  splciulid  library  w.as  sold,  in  1.^,^4,  this  copv  was  con- 
sidered its  gem,  .and  w.as  bought  by  tjuaritchfor  ,£5J4,butis  now  owned  by  Mr.  Chas.  U.  K.dblleiscli,iif  N'ewVork. 
The  copies  known  to  \'arnh.igen  in  i,S65  were  —  one  which  luad  belonged  to  Daccio  V.alori.  used  bv  li.andini  ;  one 
which  belonged  to  G.aetano  Poggiale,  described  by  Xapione  ;  the  Grenville  copy;  and  his  own,  which  had 
f<irmerly  belonged  to  'he  Libreria  dc  N'uestra  Seiiora  de  las  Cuevas  dela  Cartuja  in  .■Seville.  'I'he  .same  text  w.as 
printed  in  1745  in  Haiulini's  Vita  e  letlere  di  Amcriiro  Vespucci,  ■\ni\  in  1S17  in  Canovai's  Viags^i  d'  Anierieo 
Vespucci,  where  it  is  interjected  among  olhcr  matter,  voyage  by  voyage. 

5  There  was  also  a  French  edition  at  .Vntwerp  the  same  year,  and  it  was  reprinted  in  Paris  in  1830. 
There  were  editions  in  Latin  at  .\ntwerp  in  1556,  .U  Tiguri  in  1559,  .anJ  :in  Elzevir  edition  m  1632  (Carter- 
Brown,  vol.  i,  no.  211). 


y.  \\ 


^^ 


104 


NAKRATU  i;    AM)    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OK    AMKRICA. 


,■ 


M  i 


»k 


i! 


i! 


till'  Ibcri:ui  natloiiH  mi^lit  ncc|uii'c,'  niul  that  a 
copy  of  it  timiiiig  iiiti)  the  pcisscs.-iloii  nl  Vis- 
piicius'  ciiuntrymaii,  (iliicoiuln,  in  I'aris,  it  w.is 
liy  that  aHhilcit  Iranslalid  iiiln  I'lcnch,  and  at 
KiiigiM.mu's  Miggcstion  aildrusstd  to  Kl-hO  and 
iiiirustud  Id  Kiiinmann  to  convey  tu  the  Duke,  of 
whom  the  Ai^^itiaii  felt  proud,  a.>  an  enligliteneil 
sovereign  wiiose  dominions  weie  within  easy 
u.ich  ol  his  own  home.  M.ijor  also  .snggests 
that  the  prelimniary  parts  of  the  narrative,  re- 
ferring to  tile  school-day  accpiuintance  of  Ves- 
piicius  with  the  person  whom  he  addressed, 
while  it  was  true  of  Soilerini,'''  was  not  so  of 
keite  ;  but,  being  retained,  has  given  rise  to  eon- 
fusion.'  I.ud  tells  us  only  that  the  letters  were 
sent  from  Portugal  to  Kend  in  l-'rench,  and 
WaUlseemuUer  says  that  they  were  translated 
from  the  Italian  to  the  French,  but  uithoul 
telling  Us  whence  they  came. 

We  know,  at  all  events,  that  Rin;;m.inn  re- 
turned to  the  Vosges  country,  and  was  invited 
to  become  professor  of  Latin  in  the  new  col- 
lege, where  he  taught  thereafter,  and  that  he 
had  become  known,  as  was  the  fashion,  under 
the  Latin  name  of  I'hilesius,  whose  verses  have 
already  been  referred  to.  The  narrative  of 
Vespucius,  whether  Kingmann  brought  it  from 
I'aris,  or  however  it  came,  was  not  turned  from 
the  French  into  Latin  by  him,*  but,  as  Lud 
informs  us,  by  another  canon  of  the  Cathedral, 
Jean  liassin  de  Sandacourt,  or  Johannes  liasinus 
.Sandacurms,  as  he  appears  in  Lud's  Latin. 

Just  before  this,  in  1504,  tliere  had  joined 
the  college,  as  teacher  of  geoj;raphy,  another 
young  man  who  had  classicized  his  name,  and 
was  known  as  Ifylaconiyhis.  It  was  left,  as 
has  been  mentioned,  for  IluniboUlt  (/i.\ci»icit 
trrifii/iir,  iv.  99)  to  identify  him  as  Martin  Waltzc- 
miiUer,  —  who  however  preferred  to  write  it 
Waldseemiiller. 


It  was  a  project  among  this  .St, -Die  coturib 
to  edit  I'lolemy,')  and  illustrate  his  cosiiiu. 
graphical  views,  just  as  another  coterie  at 
Vienu.i  wire  engaged  then  and  Liter  in  study- 
ing the  complemcnl.il  theories  of  I'omponius 
•Mela.  W.iklseenuiller,  .is  the  teacher  of  geog 
rapliy,  nalin. illy  assumed  control  (jf  this  under- 
taking; and  the  Duke  himself  so  far  encour.iged 
the  scheme  as  to  order  the  engraving  of  a  map 
to  accompany  the  e.\|iositioii  of  the  new  discov- 
eries,—  the  saiui  wliuh  is  now  known  as  the 
Admiral's  map." 

In  pursuance  of  these  studies  Waldseemiiller 
had  prepared  a  little  cosmographical  treatise, 
and  this  it  was  now  determined  to  prim  at  the 
College  I'less  at  .St.-Hic'.  Nothing  could  better 
accompany  it  than  the  Latin  transl.ilion  of  the 
Four  Voyages  of  Vespucius  and  scpine  verses  by 
I'hilesius;  for  Kingmann,  as  we  lia\c  seen,  was 
a  verse-maker,  and  had  a  local  fame  .is  a  Latin 
poet.  Accordingly,  unless  Vainh.agen's  theory 
is  true,  which  most  critics  are  not  inclined  to 
accept,  these  letters  of  Vespucius  first  got  into 
print,  not  in  their  original  Italian,  but  in  a  little 
Latin  quarto  of  Waldseemiiller,  printed  in  this 
obscure  nook  of  the  Vo.sges.  Under  the  title  of 
Cosiiioj^i'd/'/iiu''  iiitrO(liic/ii',  this  ajipearcd  twice, 
if  not  oftenc,  in  iso;.' 

To  establi.  h  the  se<pience  of  the  editi(nis  of 
the  Cosinoj;i\i/'/:  '.<■  intrihliictio  in  1 507  "  is  a  biblio- 
grajihical  task  of  some  dil'ticulty,  and  experts 
are  at  variance.  I )'Avezae  (  WaltzcinitlUr,  ]).  112) 
makes  four  editions  in  1507,  and  estalilishes 
a  test  for  distinguishing  them  by  taking  the 
first  line  of  the  title,  together  with  the  date  of 
the  colophon  ;  those  of  May  corresponding  to  the 
25th  of  April,  .and  those  of  September  to  the 
29th  of  August :  — 

1 .  Ci>siiiOi;rti/'/ii<,'  iiitrodii  —  vij  Id'  MaiJ. 

2.  Cosiiii'i^'ni/'/iiiC  i/ifroilidtio  —  vij  kV  Afiiij. 


„^h  ■:, 


1  Cf.  Varnliascn,  Le  frcmicr  voyngc,  p.  i. 

-  Bandiiii,  p.  xxv;  liartolo/zi,  h'fclicrchc,  p.  67. 

i)  S.-intarcm  dismisses  tlie  claim  lliat  Vespucius  was  the  intimate  of  either  the  first  or  second  Duke  Ren6. 
Cf.  Childe's  translatiim,  p.  57,  and  H.  Lcp.ijjc's  Lc  Due  Hcni-  II.  cl  Amiric  Vcspiicc,  Nancy,  1S75.  Irvinj; 
(Columbus,  ajip.  i.x.)  duuhts  the  view  which  Major  has  conterulcd  for. 

■1  Varnliaijcn,  ignorant  of  I.ud,  lalx)rs  to  make  it  clear  that  Kingmann  must  have  been  the  translator 
(Amerii;,!  J  V-i/WiV/,  p.  30) ;  he  learned  his  error  later. 

5  Sie  the  chapters  of  Bunbury  in  his  History  of  Ancient  Gco\;iaj-hy^  vol.  ii.,and  the  articles  by  De  Morgan 
in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Ancient  IViografhy,  and  by  Malte-linm  in  the  Bioj^rafhie  nniverscllc. 

'■'  See  Vol.  IV.  p,  55,  and  this  volume,  p.  112. 

■  Cf.  D'.Nvez.ic,  \Vaitzemiillcr,\i.  S;  Lclewel,  Moyen-ii!;e,  p.  142;  N.  1".  Gravier,  Histoire  dc  la  villc  de 
Saint-Die,  lipinal,  1836.  'I'he  full  title  of  D'.Vvezac's  work  is  Martin  llylaeomylus  VVallzemiiller,  ses  ou- rages 
ct  ses  eollaboratcurs.  Voyage  d'exfloration  el  dc  dccouvcrtes  it  Iravers  iiuelques  efitres  didieatoires,  prefaces^ 
el  opuscules  du  eomiiiencement  du  XVI'  si^cle:  notes,  eauseries,  et  digressions  bibliograpliiqucs  ct  autres  par 
un  Giographe  Dibliopliile  (E.\trait  des  Annaies  des  Voyages.  1S66).  I'aris,  iSf)7,  pp.  x.  176,  Svo.  D'Avezac, 
as  a  learned  writer  in  historic.il  geo;;raphy,  has  put  his  successors  under  obligations.  .See  an  enumeration  of  his 
writings  in  S.abiii,  vol.  i.  nos.  2,492,  etc.,  and  in  Leclerc,  no.  164,  etc.,  and  the  notice  in  the  Proceedings  of 
the  .\nierican  Antiiiuarian  Society,  .-Xpril,  1S76.  He  published  in  die  Bulletin  de  la  Socicte  de  Geographic  de 
Paris,  1S5S,  and  also  separately,  a  valuable  paper.  I.cs  voyages  de  ^Inieric  Vcspucc  au  comptc  dc  I'Espagne 
ct  les  mcsures  itincraires  employees  par  les  marins  Espagnols  ct  Portugais  des  XV  ct  XVI  sil-cles  (iXS  pp.). 

*  They  bear  the  press-mark  of  the  St.-Dic  Association,  which  is  given  in  fac-similc  in  lirunet,  vol.  ii. 
no.  316.     It  is  also  in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  33,  anil  in  the  Murp/iy  Catalogue,  p.  94. 


I 


VESPUCIUS   AND   THE   NAMING   OF   AMERICA. 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


3.  Cosmogral'hue  —  *///'  kP  Stftcmiris. 

4.  CosmogrnpltM  introdu  —  iiij  kl'  Sc/'tcmhris. 
Tlic  late  Henry  C.  Murphy'  mnintained  that 

nos.  I  and  4  in  this  cnumcratiun  arc  simply 
made  up  from  nos.  2  and  3  (the  original  May 
and  Septeirber  editions),  to  which  a  new  title, — 
the  same  in  each  ease,  —  with  the  substitution  of 
other  leaves  for  the  originals  of  leaves  1,  2,  5, 
and  C,  —  also  the  same  in  each  case,  —  was  given. 
Harrissc,  however,  dissents,  and  thinks  D'Ave- 
/ac's  no.  I  a  genuiivj  first  edition.  The  only 
copy  of  it  known  -  was  picked  up  on  a  Paris  cpiay 
for  a  franc  by  the  geographer  liyries,  which  was 
sold  at  his  death,  in  1S46,  for  160  francs,  and 
again  at  the  Nicholas  Yemt'niz  sale  (Lyons,  no. 
2,676),  in  1867,  for  2,000  francs.  It  is  now  in 
the  Lenox  Library.'' 

Of  the  second  of  D'Avezac's  types  there 
are  several  copies  known,  llarrisse  <  names 
the  copies  in  the  Lene.x,  Murphy,^  and  Carter- 
Urown  "  collections.  There  is  a  record  of  other 
copies  in  the  National  Library  a.  Rio  Janeiro," 
in  the  Royal  Library  at  Uerlin,"  in  the  Huth 
Collection "  in  London,  and  in  the  Mazarine 
Library  in  Paris,  —  a  copy  which  D'Avczac  "• 
calls  "  irreproch.ible."  Tross  held  a  copy  in 
1S72  for  1,500  francs.  W-aldseemiiller's  name 
does  not  appear  in  these  early  May  issues, 
which  are  little  quartos  of  fifty-two  leaves, 
twenty-seven  lines  to  the  full  page,  with  an  in- 
scription of  twelve  lines,  in  Roman  type,  on  the 
b.nck  of  the  folding  sheet  of  a  skeleton  globe. 'l 

Oil  the  29th  of  August  (iiij  kl'  Septembris) 
it  was  reissued,  still  without  W.ildseemiiller's 
name,  of  the  same  size,  and  fifty-two  leaves ; 
but  the  folding  sheet  bears  on  the  reverse  an 
inscription  in  fifteen  lines.  The  ordinary  title 
is  D'.Vvezac's  no.  3.  Harrisse  >-  mentions  the 
Lenox  and  Carter-lirown  '•'  copies  ;  but  there  are 
others  in  Harvard  College  Libiary  (formerly  the 
Cooke  copv,  no.  625,  besides  an  imperfect  copy 
which  belonged  to  Charles  Sumner),  in  Charles 
Dcanc's  Collectior.  .id  in  the  Harlow  Library. 
The  Murphy  Libi   vv  .lad  a  copy   (no.  6S0)  in 


its  catalogue,  and  the  house  of  John  Wiley's 
Sons  advertised  a  copy  in  New  York  in  1SS3 
for  f35o. 

There  are  records  of  copies  in  Europe,  —  in 
the  Imjierial  Library  at  Vienna,  in  the  Nation- 
al Library  at  Paris,  and  in  the  Huth  Collec- 
tion {Cal,ili<i;iic,  i.  356)  in  London.  D'Avezac 
( U'altztiniilU-r,  pp.  54,  55)  describes  a  copy 
which  belonged  to  Vemeniz,  of  Lyons.  Ikock- 
haus  advertised  one  in  1S61  (Tromel,  no.  1). 
Another  was  sold  in  Paris  for  2,000  francs  in 
1S67.  There  was  another  in  the  Sobolewski 
sale  (no.  3,769),  and  one  in  the  Court  Cata- 
logue (no.  92).  Leclerc,  1878  (no.  599),  has 
advertised  one  for  500  francs,  Harrassowitz, 
18S1,  (no.  309)  one  for  1,000  marks,  and  Ro- 
senthal, of  Munich,  in  1S84  (no.  30)  held  one 
at  3,000  marks.  One  is  also  shown  in  the  Oil- 
alt\t^'iic  of  the  Kl  served  and  Most  Valuable  Portion 
of  the  I.ihri  Collection  (no.  15). 

The  latter  portion  of  the  book,  embracing 
the  Quattiior  Ameriei  I'esputii  iiavigationes, 
seems  to  have  been  issued  also  separately,  and 
is  still  occ.isionally  found.'* 

What  seems  to  have  been  a  composite  edition, 
corresponding  to  D'Avezac's  fourth,  made  up,  as 
Hairisse  thinks  (/>//'/.  Amer.  V--t.,  no.  47), of  the 
introductory  part  of  D'Avezac's  first  and  the 
voyages  of  his  third  edition,  is  also  found,  though 
very  rarely.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox 
Library  of  this  description,  and  another,  described 
by  Harrisse,  in  the  Mazarine  Library  in  Paris.'* 

It  was  in  this  precious  little  quarto  of  1507, 
whose  complicated  issues  we  have  endeavored 
to  trace,  that,  in  the  introductory  portion, Wald- 
seeniiiller,  anonymously  to  the  world,  but  doubt- 
less with  the  privity  of  his  fellow-collegians, 
proposed  in  two  passages,  alre.idy  quoted,  but 
here  presented  in  facsimile,  to  stand  sponsor 
for  the  new-named  wt  tern  world ;  and  with  what 
result  we  shall  sue. 

It  was  a  strange  sensation  to  name  a  new 
continent,  or  even  a  hitherto  unknown  part  of 


1  Carter.Hrov>n  Calahc'ie,  i.  35  ;   Harrissc,  /?;/'/.  Aiiirr.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  24. 

2  D'Avezac,  Waltzeiniillcr,  p.  2.S. 

8  /UN.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  44;  Ailditions,  no.  24;  D'Avczac,  Wallzemiilley,  p.  31.  It  is  said  that  an 
Imperfect  copy  in  the  Mazarine  Lilirary  corresponds  as  far  as  it  goes.  D'.ivc-ac  sajs  the  Vatican  copy, 
mentioned  hy  Napione  and  Koscarini,  cannot  he  found. 

4  Ilil'l.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  45. 

I  Catalogue,  no.  679,  bought  (1SS4)  liy  President  White  of  Cornell  I'nivcrsity. 

1  Cittalogiie,  vol.  i.  no.  2S. 

'  Ciit.  Hist.  Jiictzil,  iiibl.  Noc.  do  Rio  de  Jiuicir,<.  no.  f,2-y 

8  Described  by  Humboldt. 

"  Ciitn/ogiie.  i.  35'i. 

'"    H'o/tzewiil/er.  p.  ^2,  cic. 

11  Cf.  liriinet,  ii.  317 ;  Ternaux,  no.  10. 

1-  /Id/.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  46  :  .Additions,  no.  24. 

'"  Cnto/oi^iie,  i.  2f).     It  was  Ternaux's  co|)y,  no.  10. 

t*  /id/.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  2-;  ;  I.cderc,  no.  600  (100  francs);  D'Avezac,  Walttcmiillcr,  p.  58. 

"  Cf.  D'.Vvcz.ic,  Widlzcmiiller.  p.  111.  and  Orozco  y  Ka[n\  Cartografia  Afexieana  (Mexico.  1S71),  p.  19 


VESPUCIUS    AND   THE    NAMINC,    OF    AMERICA. 


167 


John  Wiley's 

York  in   1883 

Europe,  —  in 

n  the  Nation- 

lliith    Collcc- 

)n.     D'Avczac 

!^S 

cribcs    a   copy 

,yons.     Hroclt- 

riinicl,  no.   i). 

,000  francs  in 

ic   Sobolewski 

Court   Cata- 

(no.    599),  has 

Harrassowitz, 

arks,  and  Ko- 

30)  held  one 

m 

)wn  in  the  Cat- 

aliiabU  Portion 

Wt 

ok,  embracing 

1 

iiai'igiUifliics, 

jepurately,  and 

nposite  edition, 

■■■■t 

h,  made  up,  as 

1 

no.  47),  of  the 

first  and   the 

)  found,  though 

in  the    Lenox 

)ther,  described 

ary  in  Paris." 

}uarto  of  1507, 

ve  endeavored 

portion.Wald- 

rld,  but  doubt- 

low-collegians, 

iy  quoted,  but 

stand  sponsor 

and  with  what 

)  name  a  new 

vuown  part  of 

Is  said  that  an 

;  Vatican  copy. 

COSMOGRAPHIAE 
INTRODVCTIO 
CVM  Q VIBVS 
DAM  GEOMB 
TRIAE 
AC 
ASTRONO 
MIAB  PRINCIPIIS  AD 
E AM  REM  NECESSARIIS 

Inluper  quattuor  Amerid 
Ve^ud)  nauigationc8«> 

VmueHalis  CoimographiaecleMptiotam 
infolido  ^plano/cisettam  ihlcitis 
quscPtholomgo  i^otaanu 
pexis  nperca  funt» 

DISTHYCON 

Camdeus  aifaaregat/&terrse<IimataCaerar 
Nee  tellus/nec  ds  iydera  tnatus  habent*. 

TITLE   OF   THE    SEPTEMBER    EDITION,    1507.^ 


an  old  one.  There  was  again  the  same  uncer- 
tainty of  continental  Wies  as  when  Europe  had 
been  named  ^^  by  the  ancients,  for  there  was  now 
only  the  vaguest  notion  of  what  there  was  to  be 
named.  .Columbus  had  already  died  in  the  be- 
lief that  he  had  only  touched  the  eastern  limits 
of  Asia.  There  is  no  good  reason  to  believe  that 
Vespucius  himself  was  of  a  different  mind.''    .So 


insignificant  a  gain  to  Europe  had  men  come  to 
believe  these  new  islands,  compared  with  the 
regions  of  wealth  and  spices  with  which  Vasco 
da  Gama  and  Cabral  had  opened  trade  by  the 
African  route,  that  l..c  advocate  and  deluded 
finder  of  the  western  route  had  died  obscurely, 
with  scarcely  a  record  being  made  of  his  depar 
ture      A  few  islands  and  their  savage  inhabi- 


liillcr,  p.  58. 
:o,  1S71),  p.  19 


1  This  is  the  third  edition  of  D'Avezac's  enumeration. 

3  How  Europe,  which  on  a  modern  map  would  seem  to  be  but  one  continent  with  Asia,  became  one  of 
three  great  continents  known  to  the  ancients,  is  manifest  from  the  wi.rld  as  it  was  conceived  by  Eratosthenes 
in  the  third  century.  In  his  map  the  Caspian  Sea  was  a  gulf  indented  from  the  Northern  Ocean,  so  that  only 
a  small  land-connection  existed  between  Asia  and  Europe,  spanned  by  the  Caucasus  Mountains,  with  the 
Euxine  on  the  west  and  the  Caspian  on  the  east  i  just  .is  the  isthmus  at  the  head  of  the  .\rabian  Gulf  also 
Joined  Libya,  or  Africa,  to  Asia.     Cf.  Bunbury's  History  of  Ancient  Gi-ogruf'liy,  \.  660. 

8  Humboldt,  Examcn  criliqucy  v.  182;  but  Varnhagen  thinks  Humboldt  was  mistaken  so  far  as  Vespu- 
cius was  concerned. 


i68 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!■( 


RVDIMENTA 

quf  oppofihi  vel  contra  dcnotat  Atc]^  fn  fcxto  di 
mate  Antarcflicu,  verfus/  Sc  pars  extrema  ASrksc 
iiuperrepertaS^  Zamziber/Iaua  minor/ &  Seula 
inrul£/&!quarcaorbis  parse  quam  quia  Americus 
inuenic  Amengen/qua(i  Amend  terra/fiue  Ame^  Ame# 
camnunaiparelicct)rita;runt»Oequibus  AuRrali  ^§1^ 
bus  dimadbus  ha^cPomy  oni|  MeUg  Geographi  Popo; 
verba  I'atelligenda  Cunt/  vbi  ait;  Zone  Iiabirabiles  M^l^ 
pana  agunt  anni  tempora/verum  non  paricer  An# 
tichthones  alteram/nos  alteramincoUmus.Illius  fi^ 
cus  ob  ardoreintercedetfs  plageincpgnicus/ltQfiis 
dicendus  eil;  Vbi  ani'maduertendumedqubd  cH^ 
matum  quodqp  alios  ^  aliud  plerumcjp  fixtus  pro> 
ducat/cum  diuerrgluntnaturar/^aliaacq^  aliai^^ 
derumvirtutemoderentur*  Vnde  Virgflinv*         \ftfott 

FROM    THE    COSMOGR.APHI/E    INTRODUCTIO.* 


I"N 


'■■     I! 


Nuncvero  &he^partes{unt1atiusluflTatae/5d 

a!aqiianapaisperAmericu\M*pudumcvtia{e^ 

■irjR  qucntibus  audietur)iniientaeft:quanon video  cut 

Affle^    quis  iure  vetet  ab  Americo  inuenton:  (agads  inge 

Vico       hi)  vito  Amedgen  quad  Amena'terram/nue  Ame 

iicamdicendam:cum&:Enropa8^AfiaamuUeri^ 

Bus  fiiaibrdta  (int  nomina.Ems  Gm  8C  gentis  mo^ 

xes  eKbisbiniiAmeridnau]gadon!bus  quf  (eqau 

HirliquideintelligiLdatan 


'!.' 


FROM   THE   COSMOGRAPHI,E   INTRODUCTIO. 

tants  had  scarcely  answered  the  expectation  of  To  Columbus  himself  the  new-found  regions 

those  who  had  pictured  from  Marco  Polo  the     were   only   "insulx   Indix   s'-jjer  Gangem,"  — 
golden  glories  of  Cathay.  India  east  of   the  Ganges  ;   and  the   "  Indies  " 

'  That  part  of  the  page  (sig.  C)  of  the  September  edition  (1507)  which  has  the  reference  to  America  and 
Vespucius. 

*  That  part  of  the  p.ige  of  the  1507  (September)  edition  in  which  the  name  of  America  is  proposed  for 
the  New  World. 


,,l.'l 


VKSPUCIUS    AND   THIi    NAMING   OF   AMERICA. 


169 


which  he  supposed  he  hsd  found,  and  (or  whose 
native  races  the  Asiatic  name  was  borrowed 
and  continues  to  abide,  remained  the  Spanisli 
designation  of  their  possessions  therein,  tliough 
distinguished  in  time  by  the  expletive  H'tst 
Indies.'  It  never  occurred  to  the  discoverers 
themselves  to  give  a  new  name  to  regions  which 
they  sometimes  designated  generically  as  Afiiii- 
diis  Xoriis  or  Alhr  Orbis ;  but  it  is  doubtfid 
as  Humboldt  says,  if  they  intended  l)y  such 
designation  any  further  description  than  that 
the  parts  discoi-ered  were  newly  found,  just  as 
Strabo,  Mela,  Cadamosto  and  others  had  used 
similar  designations.''  It  was  at  a  much  later  day, 
and  when  the  continental  character  of  the  New 
World  was  long  established,  that  some  Span- 
iard suggested  Colonia,  or  Coliim/iiiiiiu  ;  and  an- 
other, aiwious  to  C(mime:norate  the  sovereigns 
of  Castile  and  Leon,  futilely  coined  the  cum- 
brous designation  of  /•'ir-ZsitMicd.^  When  Co- 
lumbus and  others  had  followed  a  long  stretch 
of  the  norlliern  coast  of  South  America  without 
finding  a  l)rcak,  and  when  the  volume  of  water 
j)ouring  through,  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco 
betokened  to  his  minda.ast  interior,  it  began 
to  be  suspected  that  the  main  coast  of  Asia  had 
been  found;  and  the  designation  of  Turra  firntc 
was  naturally  attached  to  the  whole  region,  of 
which  I'aria  and  the  Pearl  co.ast  were  distin- 
guishable parts.  This  designati<m  of  Firm  Land 
was  gradually  localized  as  explorations  ex- 
tended, and  covered  what  later  was  known  as 
Castilla  del  Oro  ;  and  bega"  lo  ,.omprehend  in 
the  time  of  I'urchas,*  for  instance,  all  that  ex- 
tent of  coast  from  I'aria  to  Costa  Rica.* 

When  Cabral  in  1500  sighted  the  shores  of 
Brazil,  he  gave  the  name  o.  i  ^■iitct<c  CnicL 

to  the  new-found  region,  —  the  land  of  the  Holy 
Cross;  a:d  this  name  continued  for  some  time 
to  mark  as  much  as  was  then  known  of  what 
we  now  call  South  America,  and  we  find  it  in 
such  early  delineations  as  the  I  enox  globe  and 
the  maj)  of  H  Iv.Mius  in  151 1."  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  in  1502,  after  what  is  called  his 
third  voyage,  Vespucius  had  simply  named  the 
same  region  Alundus  Ncn<Hs. 


Thus  in  1507  there  was  no  general  concur- 
rence in  the  designaticMis  which  h.ad  been  be- 
stowed on  these  new  i.^lands  and  coasts  ;  and 
the  only  unbroken  line  which  ha'.l  then  been 
discovered  was  that  stretching  from  lloiuluras 
well  down  the  eastern  coast  of  South  America, 
if  Vespucius'  statement  of  having  gone  to  the 
thirty-secon  1  degree  of  southern  latitude  was  to 
be  believed.  After  the  exploration  of  this  coast, 
—  thanks  to  the  skill  of  Vespuciu.'j  in  sounding 
his  own  exploits  and  giving  them  an  attractive 
setting  out,'  aided,  probably,  by  that  fortuitous 
dispensation  of  fortune  which  sometimes  awards 
fame  where  it  is  hardly  deserved,  —  it  had  come 
to  pass  that  the  name  of  Vespucius  ha<l,  in  com- 
nioM  report,  become  better  asso  iatcd  than  that 
01  Columbus  with  the  maguilude  of  the  new 
discoveries.  It  was  not  so  strange  then  as  it 
apjiears  now  that  the  Floreiiliui.,  rather  than 
the  Cienoese,  was  selected  for  such  continental 
commemoration.  All  this  happened  to  some 
degree  irrespective  of  the  (piestion  of  priority 
in  touching  Tierra  Firiue,  as  turning  U|)on  the 
truth  or  falsity  of  the  date  1497  assigned  to 
the  first  of  the  voyages  of  Ves])ucius. 

The  proposing  of  a  name  was  easv  ;  the  ac- 
cci)tance  of  it  was  not  so  certain.  The  little  tr.act 
had  apjieared  without  any  responsible  voucher. 
The  press-mark  of  St.  Die  was  not  a  powerful 
St  imp.  The  community  was  obscure,  and  it  had 
!)■  en  invested  with  what  influeiice  it  possessed 
by  the  association  of  Duke  Kcne  with  il. 

This  did  not  last  long.  The  Duke  died  in 
l5aS,  and  his  death  put  a  stop  to  the  proje.  ted 
edition  of  Ptolemy  and  broke  up  the  little  ])ress; 
so  that  next  year  (1509),  when  Waldscemiiller 
planneil  a  new  edition  of  the  Cosnioi^raf'/ii.r  in- 
IroJiiitio,  it  was  necessary  to  commit  it^  to  Griin- 
inger  in  Strasburg  to  print.  In  this  edition 
Waldseemiiller  first  signed  his  own  name  to  the 
preface.  Copies  of  this  issue  are  somewhat  less 
rare  than  those  of  1507.  It  is  a  little  tract  of 
thirty-two  leaves,  some  copies  having  fourteen, 
others  fifteen,  lines  on  the  back  of  the  folding 
sheet."  The  Lenox  Library  has  examples  of 
each.     There  are  other   copies   in   the   Carter- 


1  As  early  as  1510,  for  ins.    ice,  by  F.nciso  in  his  Siniia  >ic  gct\c;ia/:'n,T. 

'^  lixaincn  ,ritii/iic,  i.  i.Si  ;  v.  1S2. 

3  .Suggested  by  I'izanu  y  Orellano  in  1639 ;  cf.  Navarrctc,  [-"rcnch  tr.,  ii.  2S2. 

'  Pilgiimcs,  iv.  143V 

'  liancrijft,  Central  America,  i.  291. 

^  See  p.  122. 

'  lliunboldt  {Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  420)  particul.uly  instances  his  descriptions  of  the  coast  of  lirazil.  l'"or 
fifteen  biiniliod  years,  as  lliimboklt  points  out  (p.  fifio),  naturalists  had  known  \vi  mention,  except  that  of 
Adiilis,  of  snow  in  the  tropical  resiuns,  when  \'espucius  in  1500  s.aw  the  snowy  mountains  of  Santa  Mai  t.i. 
Ilunibuldt  (a>;aiii  in  his  Cosmos,  FCng.  tr.,  ii.  664, 667),  .iccording  Vespucius  higher  literary  accpiireincnts  than  tlie 
other  c.irly  navii;ators  h.iu  possessed,  speaks  of  his  extolliiii;  not  ungracefully  the  glowing  richness  of  the  light 
and  pictiirestiuc  Rroupini;  and  stranijo  aspect  of  the  constellations  that  circle  the  .Southern  Pole,  which  is  sur- 
rounded by  ST  few  stars,  —  and  tells  how  effectively  he  quoted  Dante  .at  the  siyht  jf  the  four  stais,  which  were 
not  yet  for  several  years  to  be  called  the  Soutliern  Cross.     Irving  speaks  of  Vespucius'  narrative  as  "  spirited." 

s  Ilarrissc,  no.  60;  Brunet,  ii.  319. 
VOL.    II.  —  22. 


i;o  NARKATIVL    AND   CRITICAL    H'STORV    OF   AMERICA. 


.',!■ 


.ir 


i:i 


1:1  \ 


■'0 


1  '*' 


THE    LENOX   GLOBE.' 


Brown  (Cidi/cxiu;  vol.  i.  no.  40),  H.irlow,  and  is  still   preserved  in   Seville;  but   its   annota- 

Harvard  College   libraries.     Another  is  in  the  tions  do  not  signify  that  the  statements  in  it 

Force  Collection,  Libr.iry  of  Congress,  and  one  respecting  Vespucius'  discoveries  attracted  his 

was  sold  in   the  Murphy  sale  (no.  6S1).     The  attiiition.''     It   was  this  edition  which   Navar- 

cojiy  which  belonged  to  Ferdinand  Columbus  ret  j  used  when  he  made  a  Spanish  version  for 

'  A  section  nf  the  drawing  given  by  Dr.  De  Costa  i'l  his  monograph  on  the  globe,  showing  the  American 

parts  reduced  to  a  plane  pnijection.  and  presenting  the  name  of   Term  Sanctce  Criicis.    There  is  another 
sketch  on  p.  123. 

'^  Harrlsse,  Fcmand  Colomb.  p.  145. 


^ 


VESI'UCIUS    AND   THE    NAMI.\(;    OF   AMERICA. 


'/' 


his   C't'.'iVi7i'«  (iii.    ifjj)    D'Avt/at    used   a  cony  arc  giviii  in  fac-similt  (Ui  |iaj;c>  m  .\ncl  1 1.:,     In 

ill   the    Ma/ariiic     Lil)rary  ;    and    oilier    copies  one  ihe  large   region   whieli   stands    (or   South 

arc  noted  in  the  lliitli  (i.  J56)  and  Sunderland  America  lias  no  designation ;  in  the  other  lliere 

(C<;Ai/i|;7/c,  vol.  V.  no.   12,9^0)  collections.     The  is  supposed  to  be  some  relation  to  I'oUimbus' 

account  of  the  voyages  in  this  edition  was  also  own  map,  while  it  bears  a  legend  which  gives  to 

printed  separately  in  German   as  Diss  kuliliii  Columbus  uncquivucally  the  credit  of  the  dis- 
sii.;t/ -iii<- i/ii- z-i'c-  ■  ■  ■  /urn;  ctc.^ 


While  Ihe  Strasburg  press  was 
emitting  this  1509  edition  it  was  also 
pr''  ling  the  sheets  of  another  little 
iraci,  the  anonymous  CiM'iis  ii:iiiiiii^- 
of  which  a  facsimile  of  the  title  is 
annexed,  in  which  it  will  be  perceived 
the  bit  of  the  New  World  shown  is 
called  "  Newe  welt,"  and  not  America, 
though  "  .\merica  lately  discovered  " 
is  the  de.--ignation  given  in  the  text. 
The  credit  of  the  discovery  is  given 
unreservedly  to  Vespucius,  and  Co- 
lumbus is  not  mentioned." 

The  breaking  up  of  the  press  was 
a  serious  blow  to  the  little  community 
at  St.-Die.  Ringmann,  in  the  full 
faith  of  completing  the  edition  of 
I'tolemy  which  they  had  in  view,  had 
brought  from  Italy  a  Greek  manu- 
script of  the  old  geographer;  but  the 
poet  was  soon  to  follow  his  patron, 
for,  having  retired  to  Schlestadt,  his 
native  town,  he  died  there  in  151 1  at 
the  early  age  of  twenty-nine.  The 
Ptolemy  project,  however,  did  not 
fail.  Its  production  was  transferred 
to  Strasburg;  and  there,  in  1513,  it 
appeared,  including  the  series  of 
maps  associated  ever  since  with  the  name  of 
Hylac  mylus,  and  showing  evidences  in  the  te.\t 
of  the  use  which  had  been  made  of  Ringmann's 
Greek  manuscript. 

We  look  to  this  book  in  vain  for  any  attempt 
to  follow  up  the  conferring  of  the  name  of  Ves- 
pucius on  the  New  World..  The  two  maps 
which  it  contains,  showing  the  recent  discoveries. 


^ndfotcum  qufbtifdaiti  tkorngf 
pijefldcamrcm 

3nrnperQiM(ttiMatneiic(;^e 
9ocqiuw(gatipne9* 

ttm  to  lbUdPi|puno«0QUiiii 
lnra1foqD(1^Mlllls» 
idiofa«iin{xn8 

Com9ctt0(rflMK0(rt/tfC(n^d6iuMiC$raf 
!8afclltt8/nccaoi|dcrfl.nMib9Mxm» 

TITLE   OF  THE    1509    (sTRASBURG)    EDITION. 


coverv  of  the  New  World.  It  Ins  been  con- 
tended of  late  that  the  earliest  cartograi)hical 
application  of  the  name  is  on  two  globes  i)re- 
servcd  in  the  collection  of  the  Frciherr  von 
Ilauslab,  in  Vienna,  one  of  which  (printed)  Varn- 
hagen  in  his  jiaper  on  Apianus  and  Schiiner  puts 
under  1509,  and  the  other  (manuscript)  under 
1513.     Weiser  in  his  A/a^al/idts-Strassc  (p.  j;) 


'  Biit.  Aiiier.  yc!.,\\n.  62;  Additions,  no.  31;  Iluth,  v.  1,526;  V.irnhagcn,  Amerigo  Visfucci.  p.  11. 
Cf.  Navarreto,  Ofiisciilos,  \.  94. 

•-'  Equally  intendrd,  as  Varnhagen  (Le  premier  voyage,  j).  36),  thinks  to  be  accompanied  by  the  Latin  ot  tlie 
Qiiatliior  n(ivii;atioiies. 

8  This  little  black-letter  quarto  contains  fourteen  unnumbered  leaves,  and  the  wDoclcut  on  tlic  title  is  re- 
Ijcated  on  I3ii,  verso,  E,  redo,  and  Eiiii,  verso.  There  are  five  other  woodcuts,  one  of  which  is  repeated  three 
times.  Harrisse  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vel.,  no.  61 ;  also  p.  462)  reports  only  the  ILirvard  Colle,i;e  copy,  whicli  was 
received  from  Obadiah  Rich  in  1S30.  There  are  other  entries  of  this  tract  in  I'anzer,  vi.  44,  no.  140.  under 
Argentomti  (.Strasburg),  referring  to  the  Cievenna  Cata/ogiie,  ii.  117;  Sabin,  vii.  2S6;  Greiiville  Cal.ilo-uc, 
p.  480;  Graesse,  iii.  94;  Henry  Stevens's  Historical  Niif;gets,  no.  1,252,  pricing  a  copy  in  i,';r,2  at  .Cio  \os.; 
Harrassowitz  (Si,  no.  4S),  pricing  one  at  1,000  m.irks;  Huth,  ii.  602;  Court,  no.  (45  :  BiMiotlieca  Thotliana, 
V.  219:  and  Humboldt  refers  to  it  in  his  Examen  critique,  \\.  142,  and  in  his  introduction  toGhillany's  Bchaim, 
p.  S,  note.  Cf.  also  D'Avezac's  Waltzemiiller,  p.  114;  M.ijor's  Prince  Henry  Ihe  A'avigal.ir,  p.  3,^7,  and  his 
paper  in  the  Archirologia,  vol.  xl.;  Harrisse,  Notes  on  Colitmlms,  p.  173.  D'.\vezac  used  a  copy  in  the 
Mazarine  Library.  A  German  translation,  printed  also  by  Griininger  at  Strasburg,  appeared  under  the  title. 
Dcr  Welt  Kugcl,  etc.  (BiH.  Amc.  I'f.,  Additions,  no.  32.1  Varnhagen  ile  premier  voyage,  p.  36)  thinks 
this  Gerni.-.n  text  the  original  one. 


172 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


<  i 


';  'I 


mfbmmm 

^edaratioliite  OefcriMo  mimtrt 

cttoriuo^o!bioterranim«6lobttlon)(oiid6(»mpsira(ivtfpcfafciU 
da^i^a'ctiiuie  col  mcdiocntertMcro  adou^ridtreHmont 
npode8c(rc^uo{i|MrcU0«io(trt8opgolitirurit«j&tquaUr«r  inxmtf 
qu9(^o2bi0pamiy«>muicoTft9magcre  qaoint  ralutars,fole  (in* 
jBfxhtcfK  locatUunranrr.'qu^nmmtcrramvaaioaeKpcndaie 
vfdcntrifolo  t)a'ntttufufle(a(a.altif(B  DurmoUJo  te  quatta  0}toi9 
tcrrarii  parte  nupcrab  Smcnco  rcpcrtai 


CtkXf.'tvMctf 


fmfMm^ 


TITLE   OF   THK    1509    (sTRASnURO)    EDITION. 


;■  i; 


doubts  these  dates.'  The  ap))licrition  of  the 
new  n.ime,  America,  we  also  find  not  far  from 
this  time,  say  between  I'I2  and  1515,  in  a 
manuscript  mappenioudc  (sec  ]i.  125)  which 
Nfajor,  when  he  describ'.-d  it  in  the  Arc/iirologiii 
(xl.  ]■>.  l),  unhesitatingly  ascribed  to  Leonardo 


rel.itions  l)ctween  Da  Vinci  and  Vespucius. 
This  map  bears  distinctly  the  name  Amvruij 
on  the  South  American  continent.  Its  connec- 
tion with  Da  Viuci  is  now  denied. 

Not  far  from  the  same  time  a  certain  undated 
editioi\  of  the  Cosnuxriif'/iitr  inttodintio  appeared 


da  Vinci,  thinking  that  he  conld  trace  ccrta'n     at   [,yons,  though   no  place  is  gi'cn.     Of   this 

1  Cf.  Ilarrissc,  Cabots,  1.S2;  O'.Avcz.ic,  AliWiituni  h  Ui  Sociilc  etc  Ceografhic  ih-  P,uis.  Oct.  20,  1871, 
p.  ifi;  .nnd  his  Waltzcmiiller,  p.  116. 


■|  ! 


VESPUCIUS    AND   TMK    NAMIVC    OF   AMERICA. 


173 


i 

V 

re 


Vespucius. 
ime  America 
Its  coiiiiec- 


edition  there  arc  two  copies  in  tlie  llritisli  Mu- 
seum, and  others  in  tlic  I.cno.v  and  llailow  col- 
Itttions  ;  l)iit  iIkv  all  l.itl<  a  map,'  which  is  luuml 
in  a  copv  lirst  bioiinht  to  public  atlcnlioii  by  lliu 
book.sclicr  Tross,  of  I'aiis,  in  iSSi,-  and  which 
is  now  owned  by  Mr.  ('.  II.  Kalbllciscli,  of  New 
Vorl<.  Its  dale  is  uncertain.  Ilarrisse  (/)'///. 
Amo.  I'll.,  no.  ('},)  l)laced  il  first  in  1510,  but 
later  (Cal'ots,  p.  182)  he  dated  it  abont  1514,  as 
Tross  had  already  done.  D'Avezac  [l^altze- 
miiller,  p.  I2J)  thinks  it  could  nut  have  been 
earlier  than   1517.' 

The  chief  interest  of  this  map  to  us  is  the 
tact  that  it  bears  the  words  "America  noviler 
rcperta"  on  wnat  stands  for  South  America; 
and  there  is  fair  j;roinul  for  supposing  that  it 
antedates  all  other  printed  maps  yet  known 
which  bear  this  name. 

At  not  far  from  the  same  time,  li.vcd  in  this 
instance  certainly  in  1515,  we  lird  Am,ri,,i  on 
the  earliest  known  globe  of  .Schiini  r  ■•  I'rol.  -'ily 
lirinted  to  accompany  this  globe,  is  a  rare  little 
tract,  issued  the  same  year  (1515)  at  Nuremberg, 
under  the  tKli  of  LihiiAii/issimu  i/iucJa  ttiric 
Mills  diSiriptio.  In  this  Schoner  speaks  of  a 
"fourth  part  of  the  globe,  i.amed  after  its  tlis- 
coverer,  Amcricus  Vespucius,  a  man  of  sagacious 
mind,  who  "^ound  it  in  1497,"  adopting  the  con- 
troverted  uite.'' 

Meanwhile  the  fame  of  Vespucius  was  jiros- 
pering  with  the  Viemia  coterie.  One  of  them, 
Georg  Tanstetter,  sometimes  called  CoUimitius, 
was  editing  the  Dc  italiira  locontm  iil'inm  of 
Albertus  Magnus ;  and  apparently  after  the  iiook 
was  printed  he  made  with  type  a  marginal  note, 
to  cite  the  profession  of  Vespucius  that  he  had 
reached  to  fifty  degrees  south,  as  showing  that 


there   was   habitable   land  so   far   towards   the 
Southern   Pole.'" 

Joachim  Watt,  or  Vadianu.s,  as  he  was  called 
in  ''is  edil'irl.il  Latin,  had  in  1515  ulopted  the 
new  n  'me  of  America,  and  repeated  it  in  151S, 
when  liL-  re|iroibKtd  hi»  Utter  in  his  edition  of 
I'oniponii.s  Mel.i,  a>  explained  on  another  page.' 
Apian  had  been  employed  to  make  the  niappe- 
mondK.'  fi  .  il,  which  was  t  >  slmw  the  new  discov- 
eries. Tl^e  map  seems  not  to  have  been  hnished 
in  time;  Imt  when  it  appeared,  two  yrars  later 
(1520),  in  the  new  edition  of  Solinus,  by  Ca- 
nters, thoiigh  it  bore  the  laine  of  America  on 
the  soutliirn  main,  it  still  p  esencdthe  legend  in 
connection  tliei.with  which  awarded  the  discov- 
ery to  Colundius."  Watt  now  (piarrelled  with 
I'amers,  for  they  had  worked  jointly,  and  their 
two  books  are  usually  found  in  one  cover, 
with  Apian's  map  between  them.  Returning  to 
St.  dall,  Vadi.uuis  practised  there  as  a  physi- 
cian, ant'  re-issued  his  Mela  at  Uasle  in  15-.;, 
dedicating  it  to  that  l)i.  1  al)cr  who  had  been 
tl.e  teacher  of  Kingmann  in  I'aris  eighteen  years 
before." 

In  1522  Lorenz  Friess,  or  Laurenlius  I'hry- 
sius,  another  of  Duke  Rene's  coterie,  a  corre- 
spondent of  Vespucius,  published  a  new  edition 
of  I'tolemy  at  the  Griininger  press  in  Stras- 
burg,  in  which  the  fame  of  Columbus  and  Ves- 
pucius is  kept  up  in  the  usual  etpializing  way. 
The  preface,  by  T 'lomas  Ancuparius,  sounils  the 
praises  of  the  Florentine,  ascribing  to  him  the 
discovery  "of  what  we  to-day  call  America;" 
the  Admiral's  map,  Tiihiiht  7',)-)e  .A'.tc,"'  which 
Waldsecmiiller  hail  published  in  the  1513  edi- 
tion, is  once  more  reproduced,  with  other  of  flu 
maps  of  that  edition,  re-engraved  on  a  reduced 


t  S'^c  this  Vol.  p.  120. 

"  No.  4,f)24  of  Ins  Ciittiloi;tie,  no.  xiv.  of  that  year. 

'  This  I^itin  text  of  liassin  was  also  printed  at  Venice  in  1537  (/?//■/.  Amer.  l\t.,  Aildilioits,  no.  156; 
Lederc,  no.  2,517).  Ilumbolilt  {Exniiicn  critique,  iv.  io2,  114)  and  others  h.ive  been  misled  by  a  similarity  of 
title  in  supposinfi  that  there  were  other  editiuns  of  the  Cosmogra/'liitr  introdiiclh  published  at  Ingolclstadt  in  1529, 


15V,  .ind  at  Venice  in  1535,  1541,  1; 


..nd  1 


554.     'I his  book,  however,  is  only  an  abridgment  of  Apian's 


CDw;iy»-(7//;ra,  which  was  originally  printed  at  I,.->ndshiit  in  1524.  Cf.  Huth,  i.  357  ;  I,eclcrc,no.  1561  D'Avezac, 
WaltzemiiUer,  p.  124.  Tlie  liassin  versii.n  of  the  voy.igcs  was  later  the  Ijasis  of  the  accounts,  eUher  at  length 
or  abridged,  or  in  versions  in  other  languages,  in  the  Paesi  nmamciilc  and  its  translations ;  in  the  Noviis  orbis 
of  1532  (it  is  here  given  .is  .addressed  to  Kcne,  King  of  Sicily  .and  Jerusalem),  and  later,  in  Kanuisio's  Viafi;:, 
vol.  i.  ( 1 550) ;  in  Ede  's  Trcatyse  of  tlic  Ncwe  India  (1553);  in  the  I'.'isloricilc  description  dc  I'A/rii/iic  o'  Leo 
Africanus  (ijjf)),— c.  Cnrter-llnmii  Catalogue,  i.  211,  229;  in  I)e  Bry,  first  .tnu  second  parts  of  tlie 
Grands  loyajic  and  third  and  fomlh  of  the  Pclits  !'i>;',;.',-.(,  not  to  name  other  of  the  older  collections;  and 
among  later  ones  in  Uandini,  Vita  c  letlerc  di  Vcsf-iicci  (pp.  1,  3;;,  46.  5;),  and  in  the  Collec(ao  dc  noticias  fara 
a  historia  c  gcoxrafia  das  na^'es  iillramarinas  (iS  1 2),  published  by  the  K(jyal  Academy  of  Lisbon.  Varnhagcn 
reprints  the  Latin  text  in  his  Aiiicrij;o  Vcs/>iicci.  p.  ^4. 

■•  Depicted  on  p.  iiS.     Cf.  Wiese-,  Magallnics-Strassc,  pp.  26,  27. 

«  Bil'l.  After.  Vet.,  p.  ij3. 

«  The  original  edition  appeared  .at  Vienna  i.i  1514;  but  it  was  reprinted  at  Strasburg  in  151;.  Cf.  .Sibin, 
vol.  i.  no.  671 ;  Bil>l.  Amrr.  Vet.,  nos.  y(,,  77,  7S  ;  Stevens,  Bibliothcca  t^cographica,  70;  Cartcr-Bro\vn,  vol.  i. 
no.  4.S. 

•  See  the  following  section  of  the  present  chapter. 

'  See  a  fac-simile  of  this  part  of  the  map  in  the  chaiiter  on  Magellan. 

»  Stevens,  liiHi^ilieca  historica  (1S70),  no.  1,272  ;  Bibliothcca  geograpliica,  no.  1,824. 

'"  See  p.  112. 


,"■'(' 


•74 


NAUkATIVL    AND    CKlTlCAL    HISTOUY    OF    AMLKICA. 


*'    !l  . 


!'.     ! 


im 


, 


ii 


stale.  Tlic  itMLiI  Icneiitl,  cnditing  the  iliscmcry 
Id  C'i)liiiiil)\i.<,  IS  shiiMr,  in  ;i  sccliiiii  of  the  map, 
wliitli  In  fjivcn  ill  aiiiiilicr  place'  I'hrysius  .n  ■ 
kliiiwlc-ilnca  that  the  maps  are  essentially  Wald- 
scemullcr'.s,  though  they  have  some  thaiines  and 
addititiiis;  hilt  he  adds  a  new  niappenioinle  nt' 
hi*  own,  piilliiiH  the  name  America  mi  the  ureal 
southern  main,  —  the  (list  lime  of  its  appearing 
in  any  map  of  the  riokiny  st.ies  A  (ac-simile 
is  annexed. 

'I'lure  is  thus  far  alisolntely  no  proof  that 
any  one  disputed  the  essential  fads  of  the  dis- 
covery liy  ('olnmbns  of  the  unliving  islands  of 
Asia,  as  the  belief  went,  or  denied  him  llie  credit 
of  K'^i"K  •'  I'cw  world  to  the  crowns  of  Ara^on 
and  Castile,  whether  that  were  Asia  or  not. 
'I'he  maps  which  have  come  (U)wii  to  lis,  so  far 
as  they  record  anything,  invariably  jjivc  Colnm- 
bus  the  credit.  The  detractors  and  panegyrists 
of  Vespuciii.s  have  asserted  in  turn  that  he  was 
privy  to  the  doings  at  St. -Die  and  Strasluirj,', 
and  that  he  was  not ;  liut  proof  is  lacking  for 
either  pioposition.  No  one  can  dispute,  how- 
ever, that  he  was  dead  before  his  name  was  ap- 
plied  to  the  new  discoveries  on  any  published 
map. 

If  indeed  the  date  of  1497,  as  given  by  the 
.St.-I)ie  publication,  was  correct,  there  niii^lit  liave 
been  ground  for  adjudging  liis  explorations  of 
the  mainland  to  have  antedated  tliose  of  Colum- 
bus; but  the  conclusion  is  irresistible  lliat  either 
the  Spanish  authorities  did  not  know  that  sucli 
a  claim  had  been  made,  or  they  decmeil  the  date 
.m  error  of  the  press;  since  to  rely  upon  the 
claim  would  have  helped  them  ni  their  conthct 
with  the  heirs  of  (.'oUimbiis,  which  began  the 
year  following  the  publication  of  that  claim,  or 
in  150S,  and  continued  to  ve.\  all  concerned  till 
1527;  antl  (luting  all  that  time  Vespucius,  as 
has  been  mentioned,  is  not  named  in  llie 
records  of  the  proceedings.  It  is  eipiaily  hard 
to  believe  that  Ferdinand  Columbus  woukl 
have  passed  by  a  claim  derogating  from  the 
fame  of  his  father,  if  it  had  tome  to  him  as  a 
positive  assertion.  That  he  knew  of  the  Sl.- 
Die  tract  we  liave  direct  evidence  in  his  pos- 
session of  a  copy  of  it.  i'hat  it  did  not  trouble 
him  we  know  also  with  as  much  confidence  as 
negative  testimony  can  impart;  for  we  have  no 
knowledge   of   his  noticing   it,  but  instead    the 


positive  assertion  of  a  contemporary  that  he  di'tj 

not  notice  it. 

The  claim  for  Vespuciu-',  however,  was  soon 
lo  be  set  up.  In  1527  l.as  Casas  began,  if  we 
m.iy  believe  (Juintana,  the  writing  of  his  ///.i- 
A''/,;,-  It  is  not  e;isy,  however,  to  \\x  precisely 
the  year  when  he  tells  us  that  the  belief  hail 
liccomc  current  of  V'espiiciiis  being  really  ihe 
first  to  set  his  foot  on  the  main.  "  .Amerigo,"  he 
tell",  us  further,'  "  is  saiil  to  have  placed  the  n,ime 
of  AiiKiic  >  on  maps,'  thus  sinfully  f.iiling  toward 
the  .\dmii,il.  If  he  purposely  gave  ciirreucv  to 
this  belief  in  his  first  setting  foot  on  the  main,  it 
was  a  great  wickedness;  and  if  it  was  not  done 
intenti<mally,  it  look-  like  it."  l.as  Casas  still 
m;ikes  ;illowances,  and  fails  of  positive  accns.a- 
lion,  when  again  he  speaks  of  "the  injustice 
of  Amerigo,  or  the  injustice  perhaps  lho.se  who 
printed  the  Qidiltiiio-  lurixiitioiu's  appear  to  have 
c<immilted  lowanl  Ihe  Admiral;"  and  once  more 
when  he  says  that  "  foreign  writers  call  the 
country  .Vmerica:  it  ought  to  lie  called  Co- 
lumba  "  liUt  he  grows  more  positive  as  he  goes 
on,  when  he  wonders  how  Fer(lin;ind  Columbus, 
who  had,  as  he  says,  Vespucius'  account,  could 
have  found  nothing  in  it  of  deceit  and  injustice 
to  object  to. 

Who  were  these  "foreign  writers,'"  Slob- 
nicza,  of  Cracow,  in  the  hitiwliutio  in  C/.iiiilii 
Ptholomci  cosmof;)\tphi(i,  which  he  published  in 
1513,  saiil :  "  Kt  no  soli  I'lolomeo  laborassem, 
cnravi  etiani  notas  faccre  ipiasdam  partes  terre 
ipsi  ptoloineo  alijsipie  velustioribus  ignolas  tpie 
Amerii  vespucij  aliorum(|uc  liistratione  ad  nos- 
tram  noticiam  puenere,"  I'pon  the  reverse  of 
folio  v.,  in  the  chapter  "  I)e  meridianis,"  occurs : 
", "similiter  in  occasu  ultra  africam  &  europam 
magna  pars  terre  (|uaiii  ab  .Americo  eius  reptore 
.Americam  vocani  vulgo  autem  novus  mundus 
dicitur."  Upon  the  reverse  of  folio  vii.  in  the 
chapter  "De  partibus  terre"  is  this;  "  Non 
solu  aut  pdictc  Ires  ptes  nunc  sunt  lacius  lnstr:ite, 
veiuin  iV  alia  ipiata  pars  ab  Americo  vesputio 
sagacis  ingenii  viro  inventa  est,  quam  ab  ipso 
Americo  eius  inventore  .Amerigem  qsi  a  americi 
terrain  sive  americii  appellari  volunl  cuius  lati- 
tudo  est  sub  lota  toirida  zona,"  etc.  These 
expre:,sions  were  repeated  in  the  second  edition 
in  1519.  -Apian  in  1524  had  accepted  the  name 
in  his  Cosiin\'r,t^/uiii.i  li/vr,  as  he  had  in  an 
uncertain   way,  in    1522,    in   two   editions,   one 


'  .'see  chapter  on  Ma';ellan. 

2  Helps,  lunvevLT,  cannnt  trace  liiin  at  work  upon  it  before  1552,  ami  he  had  nut  finished  it  in  1561  ;  and 
for  till  'e  centuries  yet  to  come  it  was  to  remain  in  manuscript. 

"  I.  lok  i.  cap.  140. 

*  W^m^sd  {Fcnianil  Co/.wii.  p.  30),  says:  "The  .absence  of  nautical  charts  and  planispheres,  not  only 
in  the  Co,.iinbina,  but  in  all  the  nniniincnt  offices  of  Spa'ii.  is  a  sign.il  disappointment.  There  is  one  chart 
which  abo\  •  all  we  need,  —  made  by  Vespucius,  and  wliicli,  in  i;iS,  was  in  the  collection  of  the  Infanta 
l"i.rdinand,  'jrothcr  of  Charles  V."  .\  copy  of  Valscjua's  chart  of  1430  which  belonged  to  Vespucius,  being 
marked  '•  Oi  csta  ,ampla  pclle  di  gcojraphia  fii  pa.^.ita  da  .AnuTigo  Vespucci  cxxx  duciti  di  oro  di  m.irco,"  was, 
accurdini;  tj  Ilarrisse  (Biei/.  .Im-i.  Vit.  AJJ..  p.  xxiii),  in  existence  in  Majorca  as  late  as  1S3S. 


VESPUCIU.S    AM)   THE    N.\.MIN'(;   OF   AMERICA. 


J75 


ry  that  Ik*  (IkJ 

VCT,   W.ls   MJilll 

<  l)cnaii,  It  wu 
t;  <if  his  ///.I- 
)  li.x  pii'tisflv 
lie  liclii'f  linil 
IK  really  the 
AmcriHo,"  he 

ICLll  lIlC  IlillllC 

f.iilini;  tnwanl 
c  ciiirenty  ti> 
II  the  main,  it 
was  not  (lone 
as  Casas  still 
isitive  accuaa- 
'the  injustice 
ips  those  who 
))|)eai  to  have 
^nil  once  more 
iters  call  the 
)C  called  Co- 
ive  as  he  j^oes 
nd  Coliimlnis, 
jccoimt,  could 
:  and  injustice 

iters?"  Stob- 

;7/i>  in  C/iiiiifii 

published  in 

c)  laborassem, 

II  partes  terre 

is  ij;nolas  ipie 

^tioiie  ad  nos- 

he  reverse  of 

aiiis,"  occurs : 

n  iV  europam 

)  eiiis  rcplori' 

)vus  muiulus 

lio  vii.  in  the 

this;    "  Non 

kIus  liistrale, 

rico  vesputio 

nam  ab  i|)so 

('isi  a  americi 

ml  cuius  lali- 

etc.      These 

ccoiid  edition 

)tc(l  the  name 

ic   had    in   an 

editions,    one 


t  in    1 561  ;  ,incl 


hcres,  not  only 

;re  is  one  chart 

of  the  Infanta 

espucius,  bcinij 

di  m.irco,"  was, 


a 


LAURENTIUS    FRISIUS,    IN    THE   IIOLEMY    OK    15^2    {^watcrly  /■arl.) 


i7<> 


NAKKAIIVK   AND   CKITlCAL    HISTORV   OK    AMl.KICA, 


M 


|>rliilc(l  at  Katiitboii,  ihc  other  wilhinit  placi', 
iif  till  tract,  Ihihtiiitio  cl  USUI  fyfi  lOsmixni/'/iiii, 
illu.ttralivc  i>f  IiIk  map.' 

(<larcaiiu«  in  1529  Hiiokc  o(  the  land  to  tliv 
wett  "(luam  AnuTicani  vocant,"  ilimi);!)  la- 
ic)u|ilcs  till'  names  of  C'i>ltiinl)ii!t  and  V>'>|iik'Iu!I 
in  >|>eakinK  •'!  itn  diitcoviTy.  Apian  and  (ii  nini.i 
riirysius  in  tliiir  Ci'snii\i;iiif'/iiii  of  tin  s.iine  Viar 
ti'iogni/i  till'  niw  name;'''  and  I'liry»in»  again 
in  his  /'<  f-iiiiiipiis  iislii'iiomuc,  first  published 
at  Antwerp  in  I5,}0,  )!fl\K  a  chapter  (im.  xxx.) 
to  "  Aineriia,"  and  rtpe.iled  it  in  later  edi- 
tions,'' Munstcr  in  the  .Wrus  cr/'is  of  1552 
finds  that  the  extended  loast  of  South  America 
"lakes  the  name  of  America  from  Amcricus, 
who  discovered  it."*  We  lind  the  name  again 
in  the  Efilome  Iriiim  ti-riic /'iirliiim  cjf  V'adianus, 
published  at  'I'iguri  in  1534/'  and  in  llonlcr's 
Kiiilinuntorum  d'smogiiipliiir  libri,  published  .it 
llask'  in  the  same  year  When  the  Spanish 
sea-manual,  Medina's  Aitt'  tie  iiii-rxd'',  was  pub- 
lished in  Italian  at  Vjnice  in  154.),  it  had  a 
chart  with  America  on  it ;  and  the  /)i-  s/'/iura 
of  (.'ornclius  Valerius  (Antwerp,  1561)  says 
this  fourth  part  of  the  world  took  its  naiiic 
from  Americus. 

Thus  it  was  manifest  that  popular  belief,  out- 
si<le  of  Spain,  at  least,"  was,  as  LasCasas  altirms, 
working  at  last  into  false  channels.  Of  course 
the  time  would  come  when  Vespuiius,  wrong- 
fully or  rightfully,  would  be  charged  with  pro- 
moting this  belief.  He  was  already  dead,  and 
could  not  repel  the  insinuation.  In  1533  this 
charge  came  for  the  first  time  in  print,  so  far  as 
we  now  know,  and  from  one  who  had  taken  his 
part  in  sjjreading  the  error.  It  has  already  been 
mentioned  how  Schiiner,  in  his  globe  of  1515, 
and  in  the  little  book  which  explained  (hat 
globe,  had  accepted  the  name  from  the  coterie 
of  the  Vosgc.s.     He  still  used  the  name  in  1520 


In  another  globe.'  Now  in  1533,  in  his  0/«/- 
(iiliim  .(.'iryii;////! ;«;«  fx  dnvnorum  lihiis  lU  ciir/is 
siimniii  iiDii  »>  <////(,'<•////.»  tMitum,  lUivmiUitiim 
tiif  ntfiiti-r  iliihoiiiliim  ,ih  eoJcm  j;Miim  t/fni/^ 
fii'iiis  li-rreiM.  loiu/nmi  ('iiHitiiirii.  J:x  iirb* 
i\'i<rhii,  .  .  .  Aniiii  XXX///,'*  he  unreservedly 
charged  Ve.^pucius  with  fixing  his  own  name 
upon  that  region  of  Indi.i  Superior  which  lie 
believed  to  be  an  i.«laiiil." 

In  I  S35,  in  a  new  edilion  of  i'tolemy,  Serve- 
tiis  repeated  the  map  of  the  New  World  from 
the  editions  of  15:2  and  1525  which  liell)e(l  to 
give  further  currency  to  the  ii.inie  of  America; 
but  he  checks  his  readers  in  his  text  by  saying 
that  those  arc  misled  who  call  the  continent 
America,  since  Vespnciiis  never  touched  it  till 
long  after  Columbus  had.'"  This  cautious  state- 
ment did  not  save  Servetus  from  the  disdainful 
comment  of  Ooinara  (1551),  who  accuses  th.at 
editor  of  I'tidemy  of  attempting  to  blacken  the 
name  of  the  Florentine. 

It  was  but  an  easy  process  for  a  euphonious 
name,  once  acce;ited  for  a  large  l)arl  of  the  new 
discoveries,  gradually  to  be  extended  until  it 
covered  thim  all.  The  discovery  of  the  Smith 
.Sia  by  Ilalboa  in  1513  rendered  it  certain  that 
there  was  a  country  of  unmistakably  continental 
extent  lying  south  of  the  field  of  Columbus' 
observations,  which,  though  it  might  prove  to  be 
connected  with  Asia  by  the  Isthmus  of  Panama, 
was  still  Worthy  of  an  indei)endent  designation." 
We  have  seen  how  the  Land  of  the  Holy  Cross, 
I'aria,  and  all  other  names  gave  way  in  recog- 
nition of  the  one  man  who  had  best  satisfied 
Europe  that  this  region  had  a  continental  extent. 
If  it  be  admitted  even  that  Vespucius  was  in 
any  way  privy  to  the  bestowal  of  his  naine  upon 
it,  there  was  at  first  no  purpose  to  enlarge  the 
application  of  such  name  beyond  this  well-rec- 
ognized coast.     That    the   name   went   beyond 


|;},t|" 


I  '1  iiC  letters  AM  apjicar  upon  the  representation  of  the  New  World  contained  in  it. 

'■1  Cf.  (in  r.emnia  Frisiiis'  additions  to  Apianiis'  Cosmografhia,  published  in  Spanish  from  the  Latin  in 
154S,  what  Nav.-irrete  says  in  his  Ofiisciilos,  ii.  ■;(>. 

8  Antwcrj),  1544,  cap.  xxx.  "  America  ab  inventore  Amcrio  [«V]  Vesputio  noinen  habet ;  "  Antwerp,  1548, 
adds  "  alii  llrcsiliam  vocat ; "  Paris,  1548,  cap.  xxx.,  "de  America,"  and  cap.  xxxi.  "de  insulis  apud  Amcri- 
cam;"  I'.iris,  ujfi,  etc.     Cf.  Harrisse,  Bilil.  Amcr.  Vet.,  nos.  156,  252,  279;  Additions,  nos.  92,  168. 

♦  "(luam  ab  .\nierico  prinio  inventore  Americam  vocant." 

*  "  Insularum  America  cognoniinata  obtenditur." 

1  Sir  Tliumas  More  in  his  Utofta  (which  it  will  be  remembered  was  an  island  on  which  Vespucius  is  repre- 
sented as  IcavinK  one  of  his  companions),  .as  published  in  the  1551  edition  at  London,  speaks  of  the  general 
repute  of  \'espiicius'  account,  —  "  Those  iiii  voyaj;es  that  Ix!  nowe  in  printe  and  abrode  in  cuery  manncs  handes." 
Cf.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no.  162.  William  Cuningham,  in  his  Cosmografhical  Glasse  (London, 
1559),  ignores  Columbus,  and  gives  Vespucius  the  credit  of  finding  "  America  "  in  June,  1497  (Ibid.,  no.  228). 

'  Sec  p.  119. 

s  Bihl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  17S;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i,  no.  106;  Charles  Deane's  paper  on  Schoner  in  the 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1S83. 

u  /ixamcn  critique,  v.  174.  Here  is  a  contemporary's  evidence  that  Vespucius  supposed  the  new  coasts 
to  be  Asia. 

'"  "  Tota  itatpie  tjuod  aiunt  alwrrant  cielo  qui  banc  contincntem  Americd  nuncupari  contendunt,  cum  Amer- 
icus multo  post  Columbfl  candO  tcrram  .idicret,  nee  cum  Ilispanis  illc,  sed  cum  Portugallensibus,  ut  suas  merces 
coinmutarct,  co  sc  contulito."    It  was  repeated  in  the  edition  of  1541. 

"  Pedro  de  Lcdesma,  Columbus'  pilot  in  his  third  voyage,  deposed  in  1513  that  he  considered  Paria  a  part 
of  Asia  (Navarrcte,  iii.  539). 


i>' 


(!!' 


,  ill  his  Ofui- 
lihns  III-  (iirlii 
,  iUivmoJiitiim 
\;liil>iim  lUiii/^ 
rii.  Ji\  tirbt 
:  unrcscrvciily 
lis  own  iiniiR' 
rior  which  he 


THIll 


-  a  euphonious 
lart  of  tlic  new 
ended  until  it 
y  of  the  South 

it  certain  that 
ibly  continental 

of  Columbus' 
ght  prove  to  he 
lus  of  I'anama, 
it  designation." 
he  Holy  Cross, 

way  in  rccog- 
I  best  satisfied 
tinental  extent, 
spucius  was  in 

his  name  upon 

to  enlarge  the 
this  wcU-rec- 
went   beyond 


Dm  the  Latin  In 


tspucms  IS  repre- 
s  of  the  general 
manncs  handes." 
Glasse  (London, 
(Ibid.,  no.  228). 

Schoner  In  the 

1  the  new  coasts 

idunt,  cum  Amcr- 
IS,  ut  suas  merces 

ercd  Paria  a  part 


MERCATOR,    1541.' 

1  This  Is  the  configuration  ol  Mercator's  gores  (for  a  globe)  reduced  to  Mercator's  subiequently-derlsed 
projection. 

VOL.    II.  —  23. 


M 


I 


178 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


lU 


liA 


:ji^! 


(!    : 


m 


t 


that  coast  came  of  one  of  those  shaping  tenden- 
cies which  are  without  control.  "  It  was,"  as 
Humboldt  says,'  "  accident,  and  not  fraud  .md 
dissensions,  which  deprived  the  continent  of 
America  of  the  name  of  Columbus."  It  was 
in  1541,  and  by  Mercator  in  his  ;irinted  ^orcs 
for  a  globe,  tha'  in  a  cartographical  r-cord 
we  first  find  the  name  Aiiiirica  extended  to 
cover  the  entire  continent ;  for  he  places  the 
letters  AME  at  liacc.alaos,  and  completed  the 
name  with  RIC,\  at  the  La  Plata.'  T'l.us 
the  injustice  was  made  perpetual ;  .and  there 
seems  no  greatei  instance  of  the  instability 
of  truth  in  the  world's  history.  Such  mon- 
strous perversion  could  but  incite  an  indigna- 
tion which  needed  a  victim,  —  and  it  found  him 
in  Vcspucius.  The  intimation  of  Hchoncr  was 
magnified  in  lime  by  everybody,  .and  the  unfor- 
tunate date  of  M97,  as  well  as  the  altogether 
doubtful  .ispect  of  his  Qiiattiioy  navi^^ationcs, 
heljicd  on  the  .accusation.  Vespucius  stood  in 
every  cyclop.xdia  and  iiistoiy  as  the  personifi- 
cation of  baseness  and  arrogance ; '  and  his 
treacherous  return  for  the  kindness  which  Co- 
lumbus did  him  in  February,  1505,  when  he  gave 
him  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  his  son 
Diego,^  at  a  time  when  the  Florentine  stood  in 
need  of  such  assistance,  was  often  mad"  to  point 
a  moral.  The  most  cmph.atic  of  these  .ccuscrs, 
worising  up  his  case  with  every  subsidiary  help, 
has  been  the  V,. ..count  Santarem.  lie  will  not 
admit  the  possibility  of  Vespucius'  ignorance 
of  the  movement  at  St. -Die.  "  We  are  led  to 
the  conclusion,"  he  says,  in  summing  up,  "  that 
the  name  given  to  the  new  continent  after  the 
death  of  Columbus  was  the  result  of  a  precon- 
ceived plan  against  his  memory,  either  design- 
edly and  with  malice  aforethought,  or  by  the 
secret   influence   of  an   extensive   patronage  of 


foreign  merchants  residing  at  Seville  and  else- 
where, dependent  on  Vespucius  as  naval  con- 
tractor."'' 

It  was  not  till  Humboldt  approached  the 
subject  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  volumes  of  his 
E.xiiiiitii  critique  i/<?  I'/iistoirc  ct  </<•  la  giograpliie  ,iit 
ih'iiTium  monde  that  the  great  injustice  to  Ves- 
pucius on  account  of  the  greater  injustice  to 
Columbus  began  to  be  apparent.  No  one  but 
Santareiv  since  Humboldt's  time,  has  attempted 
to  rehabilitate  the  old  arguments.  Those  who 
are  cautious  had  said  before  that  he  might 
pardonably  have  given  his  name  to  the  long 
coast-line  which  he  had  tracked,  but  that  he  was 
not  responsible  for  its  ultimate  expansion."  Hut 
Humboldt's  opinion  at  once  prevailed,  and  he  re- 
viewed and  confirmed  i.hem  in  his  Cosmos?  Hum- 
boldt's views  are  convincingly  and  elaborately 
cnfcrced  ;  but  the  busy  reader  ni.iy  like  to  know 
they  are  well  epitomized  by  Wiescner  in  a  paper, 
".Vmeric Ve.spuce  et  Christophe  Colonib:  la  ve- 
ritable origine  du  noin  d'.Vmeritiue,"  which  was 
published  lii  the  Rcviic  dcs  questions  /listoiii/iws 
(1866),  i.  225-252,  and  translated  into  English 
in  the  Catholic  Jfor/i/  (1S67),  v.  611. 

The  best  English  authority  on  this  question 
is  Mr.  R.  II.  Major,  who  has  examined  it 
with  both  thoroughness  and  condensation  of 
statement  in  his  paper  on  the  Da  Vinci  map  in 
the  Arc/h<-olox'ia,  vol.  .xl.,  in  his  Prince  I/cnry 
the  A'avigittor  (|)p.  367-380),'*  and  in  his  Dis- 
coi'crics  of  Prince  Henry,  chap.  .xiv.  Harrisse 
in  his  Fill.  Amer.  Vet.,  pp.  65,  94,  enumerates 
the  contestants  on  the  question  ;  and  Varnhagen, 
who  is  never  unjust  to  Columbus,  traces  in  a 
summary  way  the  progress  in  the  .acceptance  of 
the  name  of  America  in  his  Non-rclles  recherches 
sur  les  (ieniiers  voyaj^vs  tin  iiarigitteur  Florentin. 
In  German,  Oscar  Peschel  in  his  Geschichte  des 


'   Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  676. 

2  Wicscr,  Dcr  Portulan  ties  Kbnigs  Philifp,  vol.  ii.  Vienna,  i.S;6. 

■''  See  instances  cited  by  Prof.  J.  D.  Butler,  Transactions  of  the  Wisconsin  Academy  of  Sciences,  vol.  ii. 
(1S73,  '574).  Tlieiewas  .an  attempt  made  in  1S4;,  by  some  within  tlie  New  York  Historical  Society,  to  render 
'ardy  justice  to  the  memory  of  Cohimbus  by  taking  his  name,  in  the  form  of  Columbia,  as  a  national  designation 
01  the  United  States;  but  il  necessarily  failed  {^fass.  Hist.  Soc.  I'roc,  ii.  313).  "  .MIegania ''  was  an  alter- 
native suggestion  made  at  the  same  time. 

<  This  letter  is  preserved  in  t!".c  .Archives  of  the  Oiike  of  Veragii.is.  It  lus  been  often  printed.  Harrisse, 
Notes  or.  Columbus,  p.  149. 

■'  Vizcondc  de  Santarem  ( .Manoel  Francisco  de  Barros  y  .Sousa),  Researches  respectinf;  Amcricus  Vesfncius 
andhis  Voyages.  Translated  by  E.V.  Childe  (liostcm,  1.S50),  221  pp.  lomo.  This  isa  translation  of  the  Recherches 
historii/iies.  critiques  et  bihliograj'hiqiies  sur  Ainiric  Vcspuce  ct  scs  voyages,  which  was  published  In  Paris  in 
1842.  Santarem  had  before  this  sought  to  discredit  the  vo\ ages  claimed  for  Vesimcius  in  i;oi  and  1503,  and 
had  communicated  a  memoir  on  the  subject  to  Navarretc's  Colccciou.  He  also  published  a  paper  in  the  Bulletin 
de  la  .'^ocicte  de  Gcogra/>hi'-  do  Paris  m  October,  1.S3;,  and  added  to  his  statements  in  subsetiuent  numbers 
(October,  1835;  September.  1S3');  February  and  September,  1S37).  These  various  contributions  were  com- 
bined and  annotat''d  in  the  Recherches.  etc.,  already  mentioned,  Cf.  his  Mcmoria  e  investigacioncs  hisloricas 
sobre  los  viajcs  de  Amcrico  Vesfucio.  in  the  Recucil  complet  de  trades,  vi.  304.  There  is  a  biography  of  \'cs- 
puciu-.,  with  an  appendix  of ''  Pruebas  e  ilustraciones  "  in  the  Colccciou  de  Opusculos  of  Navarrete,  published 
(KS4S)  at  Madrid,  after  his  death. 

"  Such,  for  instance,  was  Caleb  Cushing's  <,pinion  in  his  Reminiscences  v' .*>/>'"",  ii.  234. 

'  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  fiSo. 

3  These  chapters  are  reprinted  in  Sabin's  American  liibiiofolist,  1870-1871. 


-y.\ 


\    Il 


VESI'L'CIUS   AND    THE    NAMING   OF   AMEFUCA. 


179 


ZdUlUrs  ,kr  Entikckiiiif;ai  (book  ii.  chap.  13)  has 
examined  tlie  matter  with  a  scholar's  instincts. 
The  siiljject  was  loUowcd  by  M.  Schoctter  1 
paper  read  at  tlie  Congres  dcs  Amcricani>  at 
laixemburg  in  1S77  ;  but  it  is  not  apparent  Irom 
the  abstract  of  the  paper  in  the  Pio,ccdiiiss  of 
that  session  (!>.  357)  dwt  any  new  light  was 
thrcjwn   iii)on  the   matter. 

I'rofessor   Jules    Marcou    would    drive    the 
subject    beyond   the    bounds    of    any    personal 


associations  by  establishing  the  origin  of  the 
name  in  the  native  designation  (Americ,  Amer- 
rique,  Ameri(iue)  of  a  range  of  mountains  in 
Central  America;'  and  Mr.  T.  H.  Lambert, 
in  the  BiilUtin  of  the  American  Geographical 
Society  (no.  i  of  1SS3),  asks  us  to  find  the  ori- 
gin in  the  name  given  by  the  Peruvians  to  their 
country,  —  neither  of  which  theories  has  re- 
ceived or  is  likely  to  receive  any  considerable 
acceptance.- 


1  His  theory  was  advanced  in  a  paper  on  "The  Orit;in  of  the  Name  Amurica"  in  \.\\c  AllitnliiMoiilhly 
(March,  iS;,),  .\xxv.  jyi.andin  "  Sur  I'drigine  du  nom  d'Ainerique,''  in  the  Biilhtin  dc  la  SiKiitc  Je  Giog- 
i-iifhie  ile  Paris,  June,  1S75.  He  aij.iin  advanced  his  theory  in  the  New  York  Nation,  April  10,  1SS4,  to  which 
the  ditors  replied  that  it  w.is  "  fatally  ingenious,''  —  a  courteous  rejoinder,  quite  in  contrast  with  that  of  II.  H. 
U.incro.''  in  his  Central  America  (i.  291),  who  charges  the  I'rofessor  with  •'  seeking  fame  through  foolishness  " 
and  his  I  'eory.  Marcuu's  argument  in  part  depends  upon  the  fact,  .as  he  claims,  that  Vespucius'  n.ame  was 
projierly  .-Vlhericus  or  Alherico,  and  he  disjiutes  the  genuineness  of  autographs  wliicli  make  it  Amerigo;  but 
nothing  was  mure  common  in  those  days  than  variety,  fur  one  cause  or  another,  in  the  fashioning  of  names. 
\Vc  hnd  the  Florentine's  n.ime  variously  written,  —  .-Xnierigo,  Merigo,  ..Mmerico,  Alberico,  Alberigo ;  and 
Vespucci,  Vospucy,  Vespuchi,  Vespuchy,  Vespuuo,  Vespulsius,  Uespuchi,  lispuchi ;  or  in  Latin  Vespucius, 
Vespuccius,  and  Vcsputius. 

-  The  Cicrmans  have  written  more  or  less  to  connect  themselves  with  the  name  as  with  the  naming,  — 
deducing  Amerigo  or  Americus  from  the  Old  German  Eniinerich.  C'f.  Von  der  Hagcn,  Ja/iriiic/i  </er  Berliner 
Geselheliaft  (Hr  Deutsche  Sfrache,  iS;;;  Notes  and  Queries,  1856;  Histcrical  Magazine,  January,  1857, 
p.  24  ;  Dr.  Theodo-  Vcttcr  in  New  York  Nation,  March  20,  1SS4  ;  Humboldt,  Examen  critique,  iv.  52- 


ntcd.     Harrisse, 


AI'I.\NUS  {from   Kuusner's  [cones,  1590,  p.  175). 


It 

^tFlT' 

if 

.  'r  ii 
.^1  II 

!i   , 


i^r-i] 


1.1 


t'tfl 


I'f 


■LIS 


(Hi 


•!» 


■H-1 


^i:  111 


; '  I 


THE    BIBLIOGRAPHY 


OF 


POMPONIUS    MELA,  SOLINUS,  VADIANUS, 

AND  APIANUS. 


BY  THE  EDITOR. 


OF  Pcmponius  Mela  we  know  little  beyond  the  year  43  a.  d.'     The  Mfio  prinaps  of  this 

the  fact  that  he  was  born  in  Spain,  not  far  treatise  was  printed  in  147     at  Milan,  it  is  sup- 

from   Gibraltar,   and   that   he  wrote,  as  seems  posed,  by   Antonius   Zarotus,    under    the   title 

probable,  his  popular  geographical  treatise  in  Cesmographia.    It  was  a  small  quarto  of  fifty- 


.tJT 


t^  n  II  » 


/  "Pi--  ■■ 


"^         I         C        H        X        «        " 


POMPONIUS   MF.LA'S   world.'' 


1  Bimbury,  A  Jory  of  Ancient  Geography ,  ii.  352-36S. 

2  Reduced  after  map  in  liunbury's  Ancient  Geography  (London,  iS;o),  ii.  368. 


POMPONIUS    MELA,   SOLINUS,   VADIANUS,   APIANUS.  l8l 


lOACHIMVS  VADIANVS  MEDI. 
cus.&l'oeta. 


Phahieultorermumedtujtudtolk^artis, 
AC  milieu  Calli  c.oufiiLin  vrbe  loBUs, 

Mf    P.     LI, 


VADI.\NUS.' 


nine  leaves.  Two  copies  have  been  sold  lately. 
The  Suiulcrland  copy  (no.  10,117)  brought 
;fii  5^.,  and  has  since  been  held  by  Quaritch 
at  /i5  15.?.  Another  copy  was  no.  S97  in 
part  iii.  of  the  lUckforJ  Catalos^ue.  In  1478 
there  was  an  edition,  De  situ  orHs,  at  Venice 
(Sunderland,  no.  io,iiS);  and  in  1482  another 
edition,  Cosmosp-aphin  geot^afhica,  was  also  pub- 
li.shed  at  Venice  (Leclcrc,  no.  456 ;  Murphy, 
no.  2,003  >  T)'Avezac,  Gt'otjrapfies  Grecs  et  Latins, 
p.  13).  It  was  called  Ccs/inxni/'/iia  in  the  edi- 
tion of  1498  (Bin.  Amer.  I'lt.,  Additions,  no.  8  ; 


Huth,  iv.  1 166) ;  Dc  orbis  situ  in  that  of  Venice, 
1502  ;  De  totins  orbis  descriptione  in  the  Paris 
edition  of  1507,  edited  by  Geofroy  Tory  (A.  J. 
Bernard's  Ccofroy  Tory,  premier  imprimeur 
royal,  Paris,  1865,  p.  81;  Carter-Brown,  i.  32; 
Muller,  1872,  no.  2,318  ;  1877,  no.  2,062). 

In  1512  the  text  of  Mela  came  under  new 
influences.  Henry  Stevens  (Biblictheea  geo- 
f;rap/iica,  p.  210)  and  others  have  pointed  out 
how  a  circle  of  geographical  students  at  this 
time  were  making  Vienna  a  centre  of  interest 
by  their  interpretation  of  the  views  of  Mela  and 


Fac-simile  of  a  cut  in  Keusner's  hones  (Strasburg,  1590).  p   162. 


l82 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m  I  in 


s^jki'ii;''^' 


I    ■  . 


i    I, 


■m 


i)f  Solinus,  a  writer  of  tlif  third  century,  wliosc 
I'otyhistor  is  a  description  of  the  world  known 
to  the  ancients.  Within  this  knot  of  cosniogra- 
phers,  John  Camers  inidertook  the  editing  of 
Mela  ;  and  his  edition,  Dc  situ  orl'is,  was  printed 
1)V  Jean  Singrein  at  Vienna  in  1512,  though  it 
bears  neither  iilace  nor  date  (Stevens,  liihlio- 
t/iiCii  j;ii'i,'rti/'/iiiti,  no.  1,825;  D'Avezac,  Giv- 
i,'i-(i/>/iis  Gnrs  ct  Latins,  p.  14;  Lcclcrc,  no.  457  ; 
Sunilerlaiul,  no.  10,119).  Anotlier  Mela  of  the 
same  year  (1512)  is  known  to  have  been  printed 
liy  WLi.-SL'nburger,  presumably  at  Nuremberg, 
and  edited  by  Johannes  Cocleius  as  Cosmogra- 
phiii  Pviiifonii  Mclc :  oiitluuis  ititiJissimi  tribiis 
lihris  dii^cstit ....  compcndio  yoliannis  CocUi 
Xonti  iidiiiicfii  (juo  ,4Vi;j,'/v;///;'i'  priihipia  f;ciicr- 
<i/it,r  comprelicduntiir  (Weigcl,  1S77,  no.  227; 
there  is  a  copy  in  Charles  Deane's  library).  In 
1517  Mela  made  a  part  of  the  collection  of 
Antonie  Francino  at  Florence,  which  was  re- 
issued in  1519  and  1526  (l)'Avezac,  p.  iC;  Sun- 
derland, nos.  10,121,  10,122). 

Meanwhile  another  student,  Joachim  Watt, 
a  native  of  .St.  Clall,  in  Switzerland,  \  w  about 
thirty  years  old,  who  had  been  a  student  of 
Camers,  and  who  is  better  known  by  the  latin- 
ized form  of  his  name,  Vadianus,  had,  in  No- 
vember, 1 514,  addressed  a  letter  to  Kudolfus 
Agricola,  in  which  he  adopted  the  suggestion 
lirst  made  by  Waldsecmiiller  that  the  fore-name 
of  Vespucius  should  be  applied  to  that  part  of 
the  New  World  which  we  now  call  Brazil.  This 
letter  w.is  printed  at  Vienna  (1515)  in  a  little 
tract,  —  Iltibis,  Lector,  hoc  lilh-Uo,  Rmiolplii  Ai^'ii- 
coiif  yimioris  Rlicti  ad  Joclinitiim  I'adiaiium  cfis- 
tolavi,  —  now  become  very  rare.  It  contains  also 
the  letter  of  Agricola,  Sept.  i,  1514,  which  drew 
out  the  response  of  Vadianus  dated  October  16, 
—  Agricola  on  his  part  referring  to  the  work  on 
Mela  which  was  then  occupying  Vadianus  (a 
copy  ownetl  by  'itXcstWi,  Bibliothcca  i;coi;rafliica, 
no.  2,799,  passed  into  the  Iluth  l,ibrarv,  Cata- 
loi^'iit;  V.  1506.  Harrassowitz  has  since  priced  a 
copy,  Cat,dv:^iic,  List  61,  no.  57,  at  2S0  marks). 

The  Dc  situ  orbis  of  Mela,  as  edited  by  Vadi- 
anus, came  out  finally  in  151S,  and  contained 
one  of  the  two  letters,  —  that  of  Vadianus  him- 
self; and  it  is  in  tliis  reproduction  that  writers 
have  usually  referred  to  its  te.\t  (llarrisse,  Bibl. 
Amer.  /'(/.,  no.  92;  Murphy,  no.  2,004  ;  Leclerc, 
no.  45S ;  Sunderland,  no.  10,120;  Gracsse,  v. 
401  ;  Carter-lirown,  i.  55).  Camers  also  issued 
at  the  same  time  an  edition  uniform  with  the 
Aldiiie  imprint  of  Solinus;  and  this  and  the 
Mela  are  often  found  bound  together.  Two 
years  later  (1520)  copies  of  the  two  usiiallv  have 
bound  up  between  them  the  famous  cordiform 
map  of  Apiar  (I'ctrus  Apianus,  in  the  Latin 
form;  IJienewit/,  in  his  vernacular).  This  for  a 
long  time  was  considered  the  earliest  engraved 
map  to  show  the  name  of  America,   which  ap- 


peared, as  the  annexed  fac-simile  shows,  on  the 
representation  of  South  America.  'I'here  may 
be  some  question  if  the  map  eijually  belongs  to 
the  Mela  and  to  the  Solinus,  for  the  two  in  this 
edition  are  usually  bound  together  ;  yet  in  a  few 
copies  of  this  double  book,  as  in  the  Crannier 
copy  in  the  ISritish  Museum,  and  in  the  Iluth 
copy  (Catalogue,  iv.  1372),  there  is  a  map  for 
each  book.  There  are  copies  of  the  .Solinus 
in  the  Carter-Urown,  Leno.x,  Harvard  College, 
Boston  Public,  and  American  Antiquarian  Soci- 
ety libraries  (cf.  llarrisse,  A'olcs  on  Columbus, 
p.  175;  liibl.  Anicr.  i'ct.,  no.  loS ;  Murphy,  no. 
^,ii^\  Triibner,  1S76, /is  \y.;  Weigel,  1S77, 
240  marks ;  Calvary,  1SS3,  250  marks;  Leclerc, 
iSSi,  no.  2,686,  500  francs  ;  Kills  i\:  White, 
1S77,  ^^25).  The  inscription  on  the  map  reads: 
"Tipus  orbis  universalis  ju.vta  I'tolomei  cos- 
mographi  traditiouem  et  Americi  Vespucii  ali- 
osque  lustrationes  a  I'etro  Apiauo  Leysnico 
elucbrat.  An.  Do.  AL  I).  NX."  narris.sc'(AV/V. 
Aiucr.  I'ct.,  Additions,  no.  68)  cites  from  \'arnha- 
gen's  J'ostfacc  au.x  trois  li~rraisons  sur  Vespucci,  a 
little  tract  of  eight  leaves,  which  is  said  to  be 
an  exposition  of  the  map  to  accompany  it,  called 
Dcclaratio  ct  usus  typi  cosniographici,  Katisbt)n, 
1522.  The  map  was  again  used  in  the  first  com- 
plete edition  of  I'etcr  ALartyr's  Decades,  when 
the  date  was  changed  to  "  M.  D.  XXX  "  (Carter- 
Brown,  i.  94;  liibl.  Ainer.  I'et.,  no.  154;  Kunst- 
maun,  Entdeckuni;  Ainei-ikas,  p.  134;  Kohl, 
Die  beiden  iiltesten  General-h'artcn  -con  Anierika, 
p.  T,},;  Uricoechea,  Mapotcca  Colombiana,  no.  4). 
Vadianus  meanwhile  had  quarrelled  with  Ca- 
mers, and  had  returned  to  St.  Gall,  and  now 
re-edited  his  Mela,  and  published  it  at  Basle 
in  1522  (Bibl.  Amcr.  I'et.,  no.  112;  Murphy, 
no.  2,004**;  Carter-Brown,  i.  590;  Leclerc, 
no.  459). 

In  1524  Apianus  published  the  first  edition 
of  his  cosmographical  studies, — a  book  that 
for  near  a  century,  under  various  revisions,  main- 
tained a  high  reputation.  The  Cosmographicus 
liber  was  published  at  Landshut  in  1524,  —  a 
thin  cpiarto  with  two  diagrams  showing  the 
New  World,  in  one  of  which  the  designation  is 
"  .Vmeri  "  for  an  island  ;  in  the  other,  "America." 
Bibliographers  differ  as  to  collation,  some  .giv- 
ing t'.fl\two,  and  others  si.xty  leaves;  and  there 
are  evidently  different  editions  of  the  si'.ine  year. 
The  book  is  usually  priced  at  £.^  or  £,(i.  Cf. 
ILirrisse,  A'otes  on  Columbus,  p.  174;  Bibl. 
Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  127,  anA  Additions, -p.  ^y  ;  Carter- 
Brown,  i.  78;  Iluth,  i.  39;  Murphy,  no.  93; 
Sabin,  no.  1,738.  There  is  an  account  of  Api- 
anus (born  1495;  '^i'-'''  '55'  "■'  '55-)  '"  Clem- 
ent's Bibliograf-hie  curiense  (Giittingcn,  1750- 
1760).  It  is  in  chapter  iv.  of  part  ii.  of  the 
Cosinograp/iicus  liber  that  America  is  men- 
tioned ;  but  there  is  no  intimation  of  Columbus 
having   discovered   it.      Where    "  Isabella   aut 


L      (1 


III 


POMPONIUS    MELA,   SOLINUS,   VADIANUS,    APIANUS.  183 


lows,  on  the 
There  may 
y  licldligs  to 
two  ill  this 
ytt  ill  a  few 
he  Craiiiiicr 
n  the   lliith 
i  a  map  for 
the  S(j|iiuis 
arcl  College, 
liiariaii  Soci- 
»i   Colidiihiis, 
Mini>hy,  no. 
Veigel,  1S77, 
rks;  Leclere, 
is   I'i    White, 
e  iiiap  reads : 
'tcjlomci    cos- 
Vcspucii  ali- 
no    Leysnico 
arrissc  {Bihl. 
from  Varnha- 
'ir  Vespucci,  a 
is  said  to  be 
paiiy  it,  called 
id,   Katisbon, 
the  first  com- 
DcciiJcs,  when 
XX  "  (Carter- 
I.  154 ;  Kunst- 
.    1 34 ;    Kohl, 
'•■oil  Amcrika, 
uhhiita,  no.  4). 
lied  with  Ca- 
iall,  and  now 


PART    OF   APIANUS'S    MAP,    152O.' 


Cuba"  is  spoken  of,  is  an  early  instance  of  con-  In  1529  a  pupil  of  Apianus,  Gemma  Frisius, 

ferriiig  the  latter  name  on  that  island,  after  La    annotated  his  master's  work,  when  it  was  pub- 
Cosa's  use  of  it.  lished  at  Antwerp,  while  an  abridgment,   Cos- 

1  There  arc  fac-siniiles  of  the  entire  map  in  the  Cartcr-Brouii  Catalogue,  i.  69,  and  in  Santarem's  Atlas , 
and  on  a  much  reduced  scale  in   Daly's  Early  Cartography.    Cf.  Variihagcn's  Jo    Schoner  e  P.  Afirmus: 


1 84 


-\ARK\TIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I' 


Ml 


«  I 


t  '' 


\\\: 


'l: 


mt'i,'rit/>/iiir  iiilyot/iiitio,  was  printed  the  same 
year  (15^9)  at  Ingdlilstadt  (Sabiii,  no.  1,739; 
Court,  no.  21;  Iiil</.  Aiiur.  /<■/.,  nos.  14S,  i.)^, 
anil  AdJilions,  no.  8S.  There  is  a  eopy  of  the 
abridgment  in  Harvard  Cullege  Library). 

The  tliird  edition  of  .1/t'/./,  ,iini  ,i<iiimi'iit,triis 
I'ld/'/i;/!/' appeared  at  I'aris  in  1550,1)11!  witliont 
maps  (cf.  Carter-liriiwn,  i.  97  ;  Midler,  1S77, 
no.  J.ooj ;  /)'//'.''.  .l/ihr.  fit.,  no.  157)  ;  and  again 
in  155J  (Sunderland,  no.  10,124;  Harrassowitz, 
list  61,  no.  (kd). 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow,  other  than  syr- 
optically,  the  various  snbsecjnent  editions  of 
these  three  representative  books,  with  brief 
indications  of  the  changes  that  they  assiniied 
to  comi)ort  with  the  now  rai>idly  advancing 
knowledge  of  the   New  World. 

1533.  Apiamis,  full  or  abridged,  in  Latin,  at 
Venice,  at  Freibing,  at  Antwerp,  at  Ingoldstadt, 
at  I'aris  (Carter-llrown,  i.  591  ;  /,'//'/.  .'iiur.  I',;/., 
nos.  179,  202,  anil  Adciitions,  no.  100;  Sabin, 
nos.  1,742,  1,7 1;7.  Some  copies  have  1532  in 
the  colophon),  .\i.ianus  printed  this  year  at 
Ingoldstadt  various  tracts  in  Latin  and  (lerman 
on  the  instruments  used  in  observations  for  lati- 
tude anil  longitude  (Stevens,  Jiil'Iioliuwi  i;co- 
graphitii,  no.  173,  etc).  Vadianus,  in  his /f/Z/w//^ 
triiim  tcrr.c  J'url.'iim,  published  at  'I'iguri,  de- 
scribed America  as  a  part  of  .Vsia  (Weigel, 
1877,  no.  1,574).  lie  dated  his  preface  at  St. 
Gall,  "VH.  Kallen.  August,  ^L  D.  W.XIII." 

1534.  .Apiaiuis  in  '.atin  at  \'eiiice  {/iihl. 
/l»nr.  ]\t.,  Adtiitions,  no.  106).  The  l''.piti>mc 
of  Vadianus  in  folio,  published  at  Tiguri,  with 
,1  map,  "  Typns  cosniogra|>hicus  universalis,  '["i- 
guri,  anno  ^LD.  X.XXIIII,"  which  resembles 
somewhat  that  of  Finxus,  representing  the  New 
World  as  an  island  approaching  the  shape 
of  South  America.  The  Carter-lhown  copy 
has  no  map  (cf.  Uuth,  v.  150S;  Leclerc,  no. 
5S6,  130  francs;  Carter-llrown,  i.  112;  Weigel, 
1S77,  ""•  1,576;  />'//'/.  Aiiur.  I'l'f.,  no.  1S9).  An 
edition  in  octavo,  without  date,  is  held  to  be  of 
the  same  year.  It  is  usually  said  to  have  no 
map;  but  Quaritch  (no.  12,475)  has  advertised 
a  copy  for  ^4,  —  "  the  only  coj^'V  he  had  ever 
seen  containing  tlie  map."  The  J/iit/i  Cati!loi;iit; 
V.  150S,  shows  a  copy  with  twelve  wood-cut 
maps  of  two  leaves  each,  and  four  single  leaves 
of  maps  and  globes.  The  part  pertaining  to 
America    in    this    edition     is    pages    544-564, 


"  Insulx  Oceani  pra;cipn.x',"  which  is  con- 
sidered to  belong  to  the  .A.datic  continent  (cf. 
Stevens,  1S70,  no.  2,179-  •'^luller,  1S72,  no.  1,551  i 
1S77,  no.  3.293;   Weigel,  1S77,  no.  1,575). 

1535.  .\pianus,  in  Latin,  at  Venice  (Sabin, 
no.  1,743;  Jli/</.  .l/inr.  /  V/.,  no.  202).  Vadianus, 
in  Latin,  at  .Vntwcrp.  (/>'//'/.  Aiiur.  l\t.,  J09; 
Iluth,  V.  150S;  Court,  no.  360). 

1536.  An  edition  of  .Mela,  A-  situ  oi/'u, 
wilhonl  place  and  date,  was  printed  at  Uasle,  in 
small  octavo,  ',\ith  the  corrections  of  (Jlive  and 
iSarbaro.  Cf.  D'.Vvczac,  OAxni/Zu:!  Gnrs  ,/ 
J.,itiii.<,  p.  20;  Sunderland,  no.  10,1:3;  ^Veigel 
(1S77),  p.  99. 

1537.  The  lirst  Dutch  edition  of  .\pianus, 
Dc  ii's/ii('i,'r(i///ii  lit  /'(J  A/tiiiiiis,  .\ntwerp,  with 
woodcut  of  globe  on  the  title.  The  lirst  of  two 
small  maps  shows  .Vmerica.  It  contains  a  de- 
scri|)tion  of  Peru.  Cf.  Carter-llrown,  i.  121  ; 
^hlller  (1S75),  no.  2,314. 

1538.  .Mela  and  Solinns,  printed  by  Henri 
Petri  at  ISasle  with  large  and  small  maps,  one 
representing  the  New  World  to  the  east  of  Asia 
as  "Terra  incognita."  Cf.  Harrassowitz  (1SS2), 
no.  91,  p.  2,  60  marks;  D'.Vvezac,  p.  21. 

1539.  An  edition  of  Mela,  Uc'  orfi/s  situ,  at 
I'aris  (Suni.."rland,  no.  10,124).  Apianus's  Cw- 
mi'i^raf'/iiii  per  "■•inmam  I'hrysiiim  rcstitiitii,  in 
small  ([uarto,  was  published  at  .Vntwerp  by  .\. 
lierckinan.  ;\  glol-.e  on  the  titlepage  shows  the 
Old  World.  It  has  no  other  map  (Carter- 
lirown,  i.  124;  Sabin,  no.  1,744;  ISibl.  Aiiur. 
I'ct.,  nos.  229,  230). 

1540.  An  edition  of  .Mela,  issued  at  I'aris, 
has  the  Orontius  Finx'us  map  of  1531,  with  the 
type  of  the  Dedication  changed.  The  Harvard 
College  copy  and  one  given  in  Harrassowitz' 
Oitii/o!;iu'  (81),  no.  55,  show  no  map.  Cf. 
Leclerc,  no.  460,  200  francs  ;  HarrLsse,  />'//'/. 
A/iicr.  I't-t.,  no.  230,  Ai/i/itimis,  nos.  126,  127, 
460;  Court,  no.  2.S3 ;  Rosenthal  (1SS4),  no.  51, 
at  1 50  marks.  \\\  edition  of  Apianus  in  Latin 
at  Antwerp,  witl'.out  map  ;  ,)ut  Lclewel  (Moyiii- 
i{i,v,  pi.  46)  gives  a  map  purporting  to  fellow 
one  in  this  edition  of  .Xpianus.  Cf,  Carter- 
IJrown,  i.  125;  /)//'/.  Ainvr.  I'ct.,  no.  230;  Sabin, 
no.  1,745. 

1541.  Editions  of  Apianus  in  Latin  at  Ven- 
ice and  at  Nuremberg.  Cf.  Biil.  Amei  ■  Vet., 
nos.  235,  236;  Sabin,  nos.  1,746,  1,747. 

1543.  Mela  and  Solinus  at  Basle  (D'.\vezac, 
p.  21). 


Ir 


% 


Influencia  de  um  e  oiitro  e  de  varies  de  sens  coiitcmporancos  iia  ado/(t1o  do  noiiw  Amt'rica ;  primciros  glohos 
efrimtiros  mappas-nmndi  com  cste  name  :  glol'o  de  Waltzccmiiller,  c  ptaqucttc  iucrca  do  de  Sclidiicr,  Vienna, 
1872,  privately  printed,  61  pp.,  100  copies  (.'ifurpliy  Cutalogiie,  no.  2,^  ;i  ;  Qii.aritch  prices  it  at  about  £1). 
A  recent  account  of  the  history  of  the  Vienna  presses,  Wieiis  Buchdriukcr-geschichte  (1S83),  by  .Vnton  Mayer, 
refers,  co  the  edition  of  Solinus  of  1520  {vol  i.  pp.  -jS,  41),  and  to  the  editions  of  Foniponius  Mela,  edited  by 
Vadianus,  giving  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  (p.  39)  i.i  one  case. 

Santarem  gives  twenty-five  editions  of  Ptolemy  between  151 1  and  1584  which  do  not  be.ar  the  name  of 
America,  and  three  (1522,  1541,  and  1552)  which  have  it.  Cf.  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geographic  de  Paris 
(1837),  v-1.  viii. 


'5h 


h 


I'O.Ml'ONIUS    MELA,    SOLINUS,    X'ADIANIS,    Al'lAXL'S. 


185 


\     IS      Coll" 

lini'iit    (i-f. 
111).  1,55"  i 

tc  (Sabin, 
Vailiaiiiis, 

;■;/.,  -'oyj 

si/ii  01  /'is, 
It  Uaslc,  ill 

(Jlivc  aiul 
•s  Gnus  it 
33;  Wcigel 

if  Apiamis, 
twerp,  with 
liist  of  two 
\taiiis  a  (Ic- 
wii,   i.    121  ; 

tl  by  Henri 
1  maps,  one 
cast  of  Asia 
iwitz  (iSSj), 

21. 

I'rl'is  situ,  at 
[liamis's  Cos- 

rcstitiiht,  in 
twerp  by  A. 
;e  shows  tlie 
lap  (Carter- 
Bibl.   Aiiur. 

ed  at  I'aris, 
with  tlie 
c  Harvard 
irrassowitz' 
map.  Cf. 
sse,  JiiM. 
126,  127, 
I,  no.  51, 
us  in  Latin 
cl  (Moycn. 
to  fellow 
Cf.  Carter- 
,0;  Sabin, 

11  at  Ven- 
.linci.   Vvt., 

(D'Avezac, 


mciros  f;lobos 
liner,  Vienna, 
It  about  £0. 
Viiton  Mayer, 
;l.i,  edited  by 

the  name  of 
Mic  i/e  Paris 


«4 


1544.  An    edition   of   Apianus    in    French  1545.   Apianus,  in  Latin,  at  Antwerp,  with 

at  Antwerp,  with   a  map,  which  was   used  in  the  same  map  as  "i  the   1544  French  edition, 

various   Later  editions.     Cf.    .S.abin,   no.    1,752;  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  i.  135;  /?//'/.  Amfr.  I'.f.,  no. 

Carter-Brown,    i.   593;    Biit.  Amer.    i^et.,   no.  262;    Muller  (1875),  no.  2,365  (1S77),  no.  158; 

253.  Sabin,  no.  1,748. 

•  Tliis  follows  a  fac-simile  of  an  old  cut  given  in  the  Carlo -Brown  Cilnlngue,  i.  294. 
VOL.   II.  —  24. 


l<^^ 


i,    I- 


,^1' 


'Xr 


1 86 


NAKKATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


U 


■1,1 


1948.  Apiamis  in  .Spanisli,  C'i'.tw/i|.,'/v/////./ 
iUix'iiiiiilMta  f'or  in-minii  F>isu\  ,it  Antwcrj),  with 
the  s.imc  fdkliiig  map.  Cf.  Bihl.  Amcr.  Vet., 
no.  283;  Sabin,  no.  l,7S3-  C^.i^r-Hrown,  i.  147; 
Dufosse,  no.  10,201,  45  francs;  (Jnarilch  (1S7S), 
111).  104,  £,(3  6.r. ;  Cat.  hist.  Btiizii,  lUbt.  A'nc.  do 
Kio  tie  Janeiro,  no.  j.  Apianus  in  Italiar  .it 
Antwerp,  l.ihro  de  Id  iosmoi;>ii/'/iiii  </,•  Pedro 
A/'iiiiio,  with  the  same  map.  The  /if'itonie  of 
V'adiamis,  published  ;>t  Tignri,  with  double 
maps  engraved  on  wiiod,  contains  one,  dated 
1546,  showin.4  America,  which  is  repiochiced  in 
Santarem's  Alliu.  Cf.  (.'arter-lirown,  i.  151  ; 
Bibl.  Aiiier.  I'et.,  nos.  170,  464,  Addilioiis,  no. 
104. 

1550.  A])ianus  in  Latin  at  Antwerp,  with 
map  at  folio  30,  with  additions  by  Krisins  ;  and 
folios  30-48,  on  America  (ci.  Carter-llrown, 
i  154;  Bibl.  Amer.  I'et.,  no.  2(>S ;  Murphy,  ".o. 
94;  Sabin,  no.  2,749;  Mullcr,  1S75,  no.  ',;66). 
Some  bibliographers  rcjjort  Latin  ediii  >ns  of 
this  year  at  Amsterdam  and  Hasle. 

1551.  Editions  of  Apianus  at  Paris,  in  Latin 
and  French,  with  a  folding  map  and  two  smaller 
ones,  —  a  re]ir  nt  of  the  Antwerp  edition  of  1  C50. 
The  language  of  the  maps  is  French  in  both 
editions  (Court,  no.  20).  Clement  [Bib/iot/iei/iie 
eiirieiise,  i.  404)  gives  1553  as  the  date  of  the 
colophon.  An  edition  of  Mela  and  Solinus 
(D'Ave/.ac.  p.  21). 

1553.  Editions  of  Apianus  in  Latin  at  Ant- 
werp and  Paris,  and  in  Dutch  at  Antwerp,  with 
mappemonde  and  two  small  maps.  Cf.  Carter- 
lirown,  i.  174,  594.  Some  copies  have  1551  in 
the  colophon,  as  does  that  belongi.ig  to  Jules 
Marcou,  of  Cambridge.  There  is  a  copy  of  the 
Paris  edition  in  the  Boston  I'nblic  Library,  no. 
2,285,  SS- 

1554.  An  abridged  edition  of  Apianus, 
Cosmoi^raf^liiie  iiitrodiietio,  Venice.  A  copy  in 
Harvard  College  Library. 

1556.  An  edition  of  Mela,  at  Paris  (Sun- 
derland, no.  10,125). 

1557.  An  edition  of  Mela,  as  edited  by  Va- 
dianns,  at  Hasle  (I)'Avezac,  p.  21). 

1561.  A  Dutch  edition  of  Apianus,  at  Ant- 
werp, without  map.  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  i.  597  ; 
Sabin,  no.  1,754. 

1564.  An  octavo  edition  of  Vadianus'  JMela 
(D'Avezac,  p.  21).  A  Latin  ."..aon  of  .Apianus 
at  Antwerp,  with  ma;  ,,^inondc. 

1574.  Latin  editions  of  Apiartiis  at  Antwerp 
and  Cologne,  with  a  folding  mappenionde 
(Carter-Brown,  i.  296,  297;  Sabin,  no.  1,750). 


1S79.  .Spanish  and  Italian  ti;.\ts  of  Apianus 
published  at  Antwerp,  with  niapptmoiule,  and  ilc- 
scriptions  of  the  New  World  taken  from  (iomara 
and  Girava.  Cf.  Carter- Itrown,  i.  302;  Sabin, 
no.  1,756;  Clement,  BiMiot/ii(/iie  eiirieiise,  i.  405. 

1576.  Mela,  as  edited  by  Vadianus  (D  Ave- 
zac,  p.  21).  With  the  Polyliistor  of  Solinus, 
publishod  at  .'asle.  The  Harvard  College  copy 
has  no  map  of  .Nmerica.     Cf.  Graesse,  v.  402. 

1577.  Henri  Kstienne's  collection  in  (juarto, 
containing  Mela  (U'Avezac,  p.  24). 

1581.  .Apianus  in  French,  .-it  Antwerj),  with 
a  folding  mappemonde  (p.  72).  The  part  on 
America  is  ;)p.  155-1S7  (Murphy,  no.  95). 

1582.  An  edition  of  .Mela  edited  bj  A. 
Schottus,  published  at  Antwerp,  with  map  by 
(Jrtel;      (Sunderland,  no.  10,126). 

1584.  The  Cosmograf'hia  of  Apianus  and 
Frisius,  called  by  Clement  (/iibliot/i\/ue  eiirieiise, 
i.  404)  the  best  eilltion,  published  at  Antwerp  by 
Bellero,  in  two  issues,  a  change  in  the  title  dis- 
tinguishing them.  It  has  the  same  mapwiih  the 
1564  and  1574  editions,  and  the  .section  (ui 
"  bisula;  America; "  begins  on  p.  1 57.  Cf.  Carter- 
Brown,  i.  354,  no  map  mentioned ;   Sabin,  no. 

'.75< 

1585.  An  edition  of  .Mela  in  English,  trans- 
lated by  Arthur  Golding,  published  at  London 
as  T/ie  IVorkc  of  rompoiiiiis  Mela,  the  CosnH\i;ra- 
pher,  concerning  the  Situation  of  the  World.  The 
preface  is  dated  Feb.  6,  1584,  in  which  Golding 
promises  versions  of  Solinus  and  Thevet.  There 
is  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Societ- 

1592.  A  Dutc.  edition  of  Apianus,  pub- 
lished at  Antwerp  (Sabi'i,  no.  1,755). 

1595.  An  edition  of  Mela,  as  edited  by 
Vadianus,  published  at  Basle  (D'Avezac,  p.  21). 

1598.  A  Dutch  ed'tion  of  Apianus,  pub- 
lished at  Amsterdam,  with  foKinig  map.  Cf 
Carter-Brown,  i.  521  ;  Muller  (1877),  no.  164. 

1605.  Mathias  Bonhomme  published  an 
edition  of  Mela  and  -Solinus  (D'Avezac,  p.  21). 

1609.  A  Dutch  edition  of  Apianus,  printed 
at  Antwerp,  with  mappemonde  (Carter-Brown, 
ii.  76;  Sabin,  no.  ,755)-  Bonhomme's  edition 
of  Mela  and  Solinus,  reissued  (D'Avezac, 
p.  21). 

1615,  etc.  Numerous  editions  of  Mela  a(> 
jjcarcd  subsequently:  1615  (Vadianus),  liasle, 
1619,  .'625,  1626,  1635;  at  Madrid,  1642,  1644, 
in  Spanish;  Lcyden,  1646,  in  Latin;  and  under 
different  editors,  1658,  1685,  and  1700,  and 
of'c"  later 


.;(L 


CHAPTER     III. 

THE   COMI  ANIONS   OF   COLUMBUS. 

BY    KPWAKl)    CIIANNING,  I'H.D., 

hntrititor  tit  H iitory  in  Harvard  CotUgC' 


IN  1498  the  news  of  the  discovery  of  Paria  and  the  pearl  fisheries  reached 
Spain ;  and  during  the  next  year  a  number  of  expeclliions  was  fitted 
out  at  private  expense  for  trade  and  exploration.  The  first  to  set  sail  was 
commanded  by  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  the  quondam  captor  of  Caonabo,  who, 
with  Juan  de  la  Cosa  —  a  mariner  scarcely  inferior  in  his  own  estimation 
to  the  Admiral  himself —  and  with  Morigo  Vespuche,  as  Ojeda  calls  him, 
left  the  liay  of  Cadiz  toward  the  end  of  May,  1499.  Ojeda,  provided 
with  a  copy  of  the  track-chart  sent  home  by  Columbus,  easily  found  his 
way  to  the  coast  of  South  America,  a  few  degrees  north  of  the  equator, 
ri^ence  he  coasted  northward  by  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Dulcc  (Esscquibo) 
into  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  which  he  left  by  the  Boca  del  Drago.  He  then 
passed  to  the  Isla  Margarita  and  the  northern  shores  of  Tierra  Firme, 
along  which  he  i^aiied  until  he  came  to  a  deep  gulf  into  which  opened 
a  Icirge  lagoon.  The  gulf  he  called  the  Golfo  de  Venecia  (Venezuela), 
from  the  fancied  resemblance  of  a  village  on  its  shores  to  the  Queen  of 
the  Adriatic ;  while  to  the  lagoon,  now  known  as  the  Lake  of  Maracaibo, 
he  gave  the  name  of  S.  Bartolom^o.  From  this  gulf  he  sailed  westward 
by  the  land  of  Coquibacoa  to  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  whence  he  took  his 
departure  for  home,  where,  after  many  adventures,  he  arrived  in  the 
summer  of  the  following  year. 

Close  in  his  track  sailed  Cristobal  Guerra  and  Pedro  Alonso  Nino,  who 
arrived  off  the  coast  of  Paria  a  few  days  after  Ojeda  had  left  it.  Still 
following  him,  they  traded  along  the  coast  as  far  west  as  Caucheto,  and 
tarried  at  the  neighboring  islands,  especially  Margarita,  'until  their  little 
vessel  of  fifty  tons  was  well  loaded  ;  when  they  sailed  for  Spain,  where  they 
arrived  in  April,  1500,  "so  laden  with  pearls  that  they  were  in  maner  with 
every  mariner  as  common  as  chaffe." 

About  four  months  before  Guerra's  return,  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  the 
former  captain  of  the  "  Nina,"  sailed  from  Palos  with  four  vessels ;  and, 
pursuing  a  southerly  course,  was  the  first  of  Europeans  to  cross  the  equator 


t  I 


i88 


NAKKATIVE   AND    CKITICAL   HISIOKY   UK   AMERICA. 


on  the  Anioricaii  side  of  the  Atlantic,  lie  sij^htcil  the  coast  of  the  New 
Worlil  in  li^'ht  deforces  soiitli  iatititdc,  near  a  cape  to  whicii  lie  j,'ave  the 
name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  C(jnsolacio'i  (S,  Aii^iistin).  There  he  landeii ; 
but  met  u  ith  no  vestij;c.^  of  luima;  e.vccpt  some  footprints  of  tji^jan- 

tic  size.  Af'jr  takinj,'  possession  .  ^  country  witli  all  proper  forms,  he 
reimbarked ;  and  proceediiij^  northward  and  westward,  discovered  and  par- 
tially explored  the  delta  of  an  inunense  river,  which  he  called  the  I'aricura, 
and  which,  after  beint;  known  as  the  MaraAon  or  Orellana,  now  appears  on 


\f^ 


TRAMONlTANA 


/ ; 


w 


A  G  N  V  CVLA 


MEZO   DI 


IEVA>JTE 


MOMA. 

•l4iOVAMM 


HISPANIOLA. 


t      '/ 


III 


the  maps  as  the  Amazon.  Thence,  by  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  Espanola  (His- 
paniola),  and  the  Bahamas,  he  returned  to  Spain,  where  he  arrived  in  the 
latter  part  of  September,  1500.^ 

Diego  de  Lepc  left  Palos  not  long  after  Vicente  Yaiicz.  and  reached  the 
coast  of  the  New  World  to  the  south  of  the  Cabo  de  S.  Augustin,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Rostra  liermoso ;  and  doubling  it,  he  ran  along  the  coast 

'  A  reduced  f.ic-similc  of  the  map  (1556)  in  ^  [Cf.  the  section  on  the  "  IIistoric.il  chorog- 

Ramusio,  iii.  44,  following  th.at  which  originally  raphy  of  South  America  "  in  which  the  gradual 

appeared  in  the  Venice  edition  of  Peter  Martyr  development  of  the  outline  of  that  continent  is 

and  Ovicdo,  1534,  traced.  — Ed.) 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF   COLUMBUS. 


189 


to  the  Gulf  of  I'aria,  wlu-ncc  he  lelmncil  to  I'.ilo?,.  In  OcIkIkt,  1500,  Kod- 
rieo  tie  Hastidas  ami  Juan  de  la  Cosa  sailed  from  the  bay  of  Cailiz  for  the 
Golfo  de  Venecia  (Venezuela),  which  they  entered  and  explored.  Thence, 
stopping,'  occasionally  to  tratle  with  the  natives,  tluy  coasted  the  shores  of 
'I'icrra  i'irine,  by  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  the  province  of  Santa  Marta,  the 
mouths  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  la  Magdalena,  the  port  of  Cartagena,  the  river 
of  Genu,  and  the  I'unta  Caribana,  to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  (  Uarien),  which  they 
explored  willi  some  care.  They  were  unsuccessful  in  their  search  for  a  strait 
to  the  west ;  and  after  sailing  along  the  coast  of  Veragua  to  Xombre  de  Dios, 
they  started  on  the  return  voyage.  Hut  the  ravages  of  the  f/romi  (teredo) 
rendering  their  shi[)s  leaky,  they  were  forced  into  a  Jiarbor  of  ICspaftola, 
where  the  vessels,  after  the  most  valuable  jiortions  of  the  cargo  had  been 
removed,  went  to  the  bottom.  Hastidas  was  seized  by  order  of  Hobadilhi, 
then  governor  of  Kspartola,  for  alleged  illicit  traffic  with  the  natives,  and  sent 
to  Spain  for  trial,  where  he  arrived  in  September,  1502.  He  was  soon  after 
acquitted  on  the  charges  brought  against  him. 

Alonso  de  Ojeda  had  reported  the  presence  of  ICnglishmen  on  the  coast 
of  Tierra  Firme ;  and,  partly  to  forestall  any  occupation  of  the  country  by 
them,  he  had  been  given  permission  to  explore,  settle,  and  govern,  at  his 
own  expense,  the  province  of  Coquibacoa.  He  associated  with  him  Juan 
de  V^ergara  and  Garcia  de  Ocampo,  who  provided  the  funds  required,  and 
went  with  the  expedition  which  left  Cadiz  in  January,  1502.  They  reached, 
without  any  serious  mishap,  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  where  they  beached  and 
cleaned  their  vessels,  and  encountered  the  natives.  Thence  through  the 
Hoca  del  Drago  they  traded  from  port  to  port,  until  ♦hey  came  to  an 
irrigated  land,  which  the  natives  called  Curiana,  but  to  \,  lich  Ojeda  gave 
the  name  of  Valfernioso.  At  this  place  they  seized  whauver  they  could 
which  might  be  of  service  in  the  infant  settlement,  and  then  proceeded 
westward ;  while  Vergara  went  to  Jamaica  for  provisions,  with  orders  to 
rejoin  the  fleet  at  S.  Hartolomeo  (Maracaibo),  or  at  the  Cabo  de  la  Vela. 
After  visiting  the  Island  of  Curazao  (Cura9ao)  Ojeda  arrived  at  Coquibacoa, 
and  finally  decided  to  settle  at  a  place  which  he  called  Santa  Cruz,  —  prob- 
ably the  Hahia  Honda  of  the  present  day.  Vergara  soon  arrived  ;  but  the 
supply  of  food  was  inadequate,  and  the  hostility  of  the  natives  made  for- 
aging a  matter  of  great  difficulty  aiid  danger.  To  add  to  their  discomfort, 
quarrels  broke  out  between  the  IciiJcrs,  and  Ojeda  was  seized  by  his  two 
partners  and  carried  to  Kspanola,  where  he  arrived  in  September,  1503. 
He  was  eventually  set  at  liberty,  while  his  goods  were  restored  by  the  King's 
command.     The  expedition,  however,  was  a  complete  failure. 

This  second  unprofitable  voyage  of  Ojeda  seems  to  have  dampened  the 
ardor  of  the  naviga.  irs  and  their  friends  at  home  ;  and  although  Navarretc 
regards  it  as  certain  that  Juan  dc  la  Cosa  sailed  to  Uraba  as  chief  in  com- 
mand in  1 504-1 506,  and  that  Ojeda  made  a  voyage  in  the  direction  of 
Tierra  Firme  in  the  beginning  of  1505,  it  was  not  until  after  the  successful 
voyage  of  La  Cosa  in   1 507-1 508,  that  the  work  of  colonization  was  again 


I  It- 


M 


I  :>. 


I  I 


I.I  it 


W 


V 


I 


X 

o 
w 


•>',■ 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF  COLL'MHUS. 


191 


taken  lip  with  vit;or.'  Two  iikii  nilcrcil  tl)ciusclvcA  as  leaders  in  this 
enterprise;  and,  as  it  was  impossible  to  decide  between  tliem,  they  were 
botli  coniniissioned  to  settle  anil  ^jovern  for  four  years  the  mainland  from 
the  Cabo  de  la  Vela  to  the  Cabo  (iracias  a  Dios,  while  the  (iulf  of  Urabd 
(I)arien)  was  to  be  tlie  boundary  between  their  respective  t,'overnnuiits. 
To  Alonso  de  Ojeda  was  jjiven  the  eastern  province,  or  Niieva  Andaluqia, 
while  Diei^o  de  Nicuesa  was  the  destineil  j^overnor  of  the  western  ])rov- 
ince,  then  for  the  first  time  named  Castilla  ilel  Oro,  The  fertile  Island  of 
Jamaica  was  intended  to  serve  as  a  granary  to  the  two  j;overnors;  and  to 
them  were  also  ^jranted  many  other  privileges, —  as,  for  instance,  freedom 
from  taxation,  and,  more  imi)ortant  still,  the  ri^jht  for  each  to  take  from 
Espaiiol.i  four  hundred  settlers  and  two  hundred  miners. 

Nicuesa  and  Ojeda  met  at  Santo  Domingo,  whither  they  had  gone  to 
complete  their  preparations,  and  became  involved  in  a  boundary  dispute. 
K.ach  claimcil  the  province  of  Uarien  '  as  within  his  jurisdiction.  It  was 
finally  a^lieed,  however,  that  the  river  of  Darien  shouUl  be  the  boundary 
line.  With  regard  to  Jamaica,  the  new  admiral,  Diego  Columbus,  prevented 
all  disputes  by  sending  Juan  de  Ksquivel  to  hold  it  for  him.  Diego  further 
contributed  to  the  failure  of  the  enterprise  by  preventing  the  governors 
from  taking  the  colonists  from  I'-spailola,  to  which  they  were  entitled  by 
their  licenses.  At  last,  however,  on  Nov.  12,  1509,  Ojeda,  with  Juan  de  la 
Cosa  and  three  hunilred  men,  left  Santo  Domingo;  and  five  days  later 
entered  the  harbor  of  Cartagena,  where  he  landed,  and  had  a  disastrous 
engagement  with  the  natives.  These  used  their  poisoned  arrows  to  such  good 
purpose  that  sixty-nine  Spaniards,  Juan  de  la  Cosa  among  them,  were  killed, 
Nicuesa  arrived  in  the  harbor  soon  after ;  and  the  two  commanders,  joining 
forces,  drove  the  natives  back,  and  recovered  the  body  of  La  Cosa,  which 
they  found  swollen  and  disfigured  by  poison,  and  suspended  from  a  tree. 
The  two  fleets  then  separated  ;  Nicuesa  standing  over  to  the  shore  of  Castilla 
del  Oro,  while  Ojeda  coasted  the  western  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Uraba,  and 
settled  at  a  place  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  San  Sebastian.  Here  they 
built  a  fort,  and  ravaged  the  surrounding  country  in  search  of  gold,  slaves, 
and  food ;  but  here  again  the  natives,  who  used  poisoned  arrows,  kept  the 
Spaniards  within  their  fort,  where  starvation  soon  stared  them  in  the  face. 
Ojeda  despatched  a  ship  to  Ivspartola  for  provisions  and  recruits ;  and  no 
help  coming,  went  himself  in  a  vessel  which  had  been  brought  to  San 
Sebastian  by  a  certain  piratical  Talavera.  Ojeda  was  wrecked  on  Cuba; 
but  after  terrible  suffering  reached  Santo  Domingo,  only  to  find  that  his 
lieutenant,  Enciso,  had  sailed  some  time  before  with  all  that  was  neces- 
sary for  the  relief  of  the  colony.     The    future    movements  of  Ojeda  ara 

'  It  should  be  remembered  that  Columbus  on  fore  that  in  150S  the  coast-line  was  well  known 

his  fourth  voyage  had  sailed  along  the  coast  from  from  the  Cibo  de  S.  .Augustin  to  Honduras. 
Cape   Honduras  to  Nombre  de  Ilios,  and  th.it  '■'  [This   name   in  the   early  narratives   .and 

Vicente  Yaiiex  Pinzon  and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  maps  appears  as  Tarena,  Tariene,  or   Darien, 

coasting  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Honduras,  had  with  a  great  variety  of   the   latter  form.     Cf. 

sailed  within  sight  of  Yucatan  ini  506  J  and  there-  Bancroft,  Central  America, '\.  326. —  Ed.) 


192  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


!       I 


'M 


I, ,  <    ii 


I' , 


!■■  I"    !i 


i''M 


1  ! 


,1   1 

I 


l:; 


•I  t' 


li     ' 


THE    COMPANIONS    OF    COLUMBUS. 


19. 


iK^t  known.  He  testified  in  the  trial  of  Talavera  anil  his  companions, 
who  were  hanged  in  15 11;  and  in  15 13  and  1515  his  depositions  were 
tai<en  in  the  suit  brought  by  the  King's  attorney  against  the  heirs  of 
Columbus.  Broken  in  spirit  and  ruined  in  fortune,  he  never  returned  to 
his  colony. 

Martin  Fernandez  de  luiciso,  a  wealth}-  lawj-er  (bachillcr^  of  Santo 
Domingo,  had  been  appointed  by  (^jeda  alcalde  mayor  of  Nueva  Andaluc^ia, 
and  had  been  left  behind  to  follow  his  chief  with  stores  and  recruits.  On 
his  way  to  San  Sebastian  he  stopped  at  Cartagena;  found  no  difficulty  in 
making  friends  with  the  nati\es  who  had  opposed  Ojeda  so  stoutly ;  and 
while  awaiting  there  tlie  completion  of  some  repairs  on  a  boat,  was  surprised 
by  the  appearance  of  a  brigantinc  containing  the  remnant  of  the  San 
Sebastian  colony.  When  Ojeda  had  sailed  with  Talavera  he  had  left 
Pizarro,  the  future  conqueror  of  Peru,  in  command,  with  orders  to  hold 
the  place  for  fifty  days,  and  then,  if  succor  had  not  arrived,  to  make  the 
best  of  his  way  to  Santo  Domingo.  Pizarro  had  waited  more  than  fifty 
days,  until  the  colonists  had  dwindled  to  a  number  not  too  large  for  the  two 
little  vessels  at  his  disposal.  In  these  they  had  then  left  the  place.  But 
soon  after  clearing  the  harbor  one  of  his  brigantines,  struck  by  a  fish,  had 
gone  down  with  all  on  board ;  and  it  had  been  with  much  difficulty  that  the 
other  had  been  navigated  to  Cartagena.  Enciso,  commander  now  that 
Ojeda  and  La  Cosa  were  gone,  determined  to  return  to  San  Sebastian  ;  but, 
while  rounding  th'^  Punta  Caribana,  the  large  vessel  laden  with  the  stores 
went  on  the  rocks  and  became  a  total  loss,  the  crew  barely  escaping  with 
■  heir  lives.  They  were  now  in  as  bad  a  plight  as  before ;  and  decided,  at 
the  suggestion  of  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  to  cross  the  Gulf  of  Uraba  to  a 
countr)'  where  the  natives  did  not  use  poisoned  arrows,  and  where,  therefore, 
foraging  would  not  be  so  dangerous  as  at  San  Sebastian.'  The  removal 
to  the  other  side  of  the  gulf  was  safely  carried  out,  and  the  natives  drix'en 
from  their  village.  The  Spaniards  settled  themselves  here,  and  called  the 
place  Santa  Maria  del  Antigua  del  Darien.  Provisions  and  gold  were  found 
in  abundance;  but  luiciso,  declaring  it  unlawful  for  private  persons  to  trade 
with  the  natives  for  gold,  was  deposed;  for,  as  Vasco  Nunez  said,  the  new 
settlement  was  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Nicuesa,  and  therefore  no  obedi- 
ence whatever  was  due  to  P^nciso.  A  municipal  form  of  government  was 
then  instituted,  with  Vasco  Nunez  and  Zaniudio  as  alcaldes,  and  Valdivia 
as  rcgidor.  But  the  iVntigua  settlers  were  no  more  disposed  to  obey  their 
chosen  magistrates  than  they  had  been  to  give  obedience  to  him  who  had 
been  appointed  to  rule  over  them,  and  they  soon  became  divided  into 
factions.  At  this  juncture  arri\'ed  Rodrigo  Enriquez  de  Colmenares,  whom 
Nicuesa  had  left  at  Espanola  to  follow  him  with  recruits  and  provisions. 
Colmenares  easily  persuaded  the  settlers  at  Antigua  to  put  themselves  n,   lei' 


(y>' 


11 !' 


'  This  Vasco  Nuiicz  w.is  a  b.inkrupt  farmer  caiclullv  concealed   aboard   I'.nciso's   sl.ip  that 

of   Espanola   wlio  went  with  Hastidas   011   his  the  olliccrs  sent  to  ajiprelieiid  absconding  dcbtovi 

voyage  to  the  Gulf  of  Uraba,  and  had  been  so  had  filled  to  discover  hini. 
VOL.   II.  — 25. 


i:j^ :  J- 


194 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1,^1 


,M 


'    '    r.    \]'.    i! 


I  1  ' 


the  government  of  Nicucsa ;  and  then,  accompanied  by  two  agents  from 
Darien,  sailed  away  in  search  of  his  chief  Nicuesa,  after  aiding  Ojeda  at 
Cartagena,  had  sailed  for  Castilla  del  Oro ;  but  while  coasting  its  shores  had 
become  separated  from  the  rest  of  his  fleet,  and  had  been  wrecked  off  the 
mouth  of  a  large  river.  He  had  rejoined  the  rest  of  his  expedition  after  the 
most  terrible  suffering.  Nicuesa  had  suspected  Lope  de  Oiano,  his  second 
in  command,  of  lukewarmncss  in  going  to  his  relief,  and  had  put  him  in 
chains.  In  this  condition  he  was  found  by  the  agents  from  Antigua,  to  one 
of  whom  it  appears  that  Olano  was  related.  This,  and  the  punishment 
with  which  Nicuesa  threatened  those  at  Antigua  who  had  traded  for  gold, 
impelled  the  agents  to  return  with  all  speed  to  oppose  his  reception ;  and, 
therefore,  when  he  arrived  off  Antigua  he  was  told  to  go  back.  Attempt- 
ing to  sustain  himself  on  land,  he  was  seized,  put  on  a  worn-out  vessel,  and 
bid  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  to  Espanola.  He  sailed  from  Antigua  in 
March,  151 1,  and  was  never  heard  of  again. 

After  his  departure  the  quarrels  between  the  two  factions  broke  out 
again,  and  were  appeased  only  by  the  sending  of  Enciso  and  Zamudio  to 
Spain  to  present  their  respective  cases  at  Court.  They  sailed  for  Espa- 
fiola  in  a  vessel  commanded  by  the  fciq-idor  Va.ld'wia.  (a  firm  friend  of  Vasco 
Nunez),  who  went  well  provided  with  gold  to  secure  the  favor  and  protec- 
tion of  the  new  admiral,  Diego  Columbus,  and  of  Pasamonte,  the  King's 
treasurer  at  Santo  Domingo,  for  himself  and  Vasco  Nunez.  While  Valdivia 
was  absent  on  this  mission,  Vasco  Nunez  explored  the  surrounding  country 
and  won  the  good-will  of  the  natives.  It  was  on  one  of  these  expeditions 
that  the  son  of  a  chief,  seeing  the  greed  of  the  Spaniards  for  gold,  told  them 
of  the  shores  of  a  sea  wliich  lay  to  the  southward  of  the  mountains,  where 
there  were  kings  who  possessed  enormous  quantities  of  the  highly  coveted 
metal.  Valdivia,  who  brought  a  connnission  from  the  Admiral  to  Vasco 
Nunez  (commonly  called  Balboa)  as  governor  of  Antigua,  was  immediately 
sent  back  with  a  large  sum  of  money,  carrying  the  news  of  a  sea  to  be  dis- 
covered. Valdivia  was  wrecked  on  the  southern  coast  of  Yucatan,  where, 
with  all  but  two  of  his  crew,  he  was  sacrificed  and  eaten  by  the  natives. 
After  some  time  had  elapsed  with  no  news  from  Espanola,  Vasco  Nunez, 
fearing  that  Valdivia  had  proved  a  treacherous  friend,  despatched  two 
emissaries  —  Colmenares  and  Caicedo  —  to  Spain  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs 
at  Darien  before  the  King. 

Not  long  after  their  departure  a  vessel  arrived  from  Espanola,  commanded 
by  Serrano,  with  food,  recruits,  and  a  commission  from  Pasamonte  tc  Vasco 
,  Nunez  as  governor.  But  Serrano  also  brought  a  letter  from  Zamudio,  giving 
an  account  of  his  experience  in  Spain,  where  he  had  found  the  King  more 
disposed  to  consider  favorably  the  complaints  of  Enciso  than  the  justifica- 
tions which  he  himself  offered.  Indeed,  it  seems  that  Zamudio,  who  barely 
escaped  arrest,  wrote  that  it  was  probable  that  Vasco  Nunez  would  be 
summoned  to  Spain  to  give  an  account  of  himself  Upon  the  receipt  of 
this  unpleasant  letter,  Vasco  Nunez  determined  to  discover  the  new  sea  of 


i  •-•' 


'       il 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF   COLUMBUS. 


195 


El     Adclevfttn.^o  BASCO  KUNES    dc 
>^eres     qtit    dcs^cubrio .  la  tiiile (Ul  Silt , 


imanded 
t(^  Vasco 
o,  giving 


balb6a.i 

which  there  was  report,  and  thus  to  atone  for  his  shortcomings  with  respect 
to  Knciso  and  Nicuesa. 

To  this  end  lie  left  Antigua  on  the  1st  of  September,  1513  ;  and  proceed- 
ing by  the  way  of  the  country  of  Careta,  on  the  evening  of  September  24 
encamped  on  the  side  of  a  mountain  from  whose  topmost  peak  his  nati\-e 
guide  declared  the  other  sea  could  be  discerned.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  the  next  day,  Sept.  25,  1 5 13,  the  sixty-seven  Spaniards  ascended 
the  mountain ;  and  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  going  somewhat  in  advance, 
found  himself — first  of  civilized  men  —  gazing  upon  the  new-found  sea. 
which  he  called  Mar  del  Siir  (South  Sea),  in  distinction  to  the  Afar  del 


li  i 


• 


'i  W 


'   [F.ic-similc  (if  an  engraving  in  I  lerrera,  edition  nf  172S. —  Iji-l 


196 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i'i 


:  '' '' 


J).l 


,.   !■!    il 


illn 


,.!!i 


■{il. 


Norte,  or  the  sea  on  the  nortlicrn  side  of  the  isthmus,  although  it  is  known 
to  us  by  tlie  name  of  Pacific,  which  Magellan  later  gave  to  it.  Of  this  ocean 
and  all  lands  bordering  upon  it  he  took  possession  for  his  ro)'al  master  and 
mistress,  and  then  descended  toward  its  shores.  The  sea  itself  was  hard  to 
reach,  and  it  was  not  until  three  days  later  that  a  detachment  under  Alonso 
Martin  discovered  the  beach;  when  Alonso  Martin,  jumping  into  a  conven- 
ient canoe,  pushed  forth,  while  he  called  upon  his  comrades  to  bear  wit- 
ness that  he  was  the  first  European  to  sail  upon  the  southern  sea.  On  the 
29th  of  September  Vasco  Nunez  reached  the  water;  and  marching  boldly 
into  it,  again  claimed  it  for  the  King  and  Queen  of  Castile  and  Aragon.  It 
was  an  arm  of  the  ocean  whicli  he  had  found.  According  to  the  Spanish 
custom,  he  bestowed  upon  it  the  name  of  the  patron  saint  of  that  particular 
day,  and  as  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel  it  is  still  known  to  us.  After  a  short 
voyage  in  some  canoes,  in  the  course  of  which  Vasco  Nunez  came  near 
drowning,  he  collected  an  immense  amount  of  tribute  from  the  neighboring 
chiefs,  and  then  took  up  his  homeward  march,  arriving  at  Antigua  without 
serious  accident  in  the  latter  part  of  January,  1 5 14.  When  we  consider 
the  small  force  at  his  command  and  the  almost  overpowering  difficulties 
of  the  route,  —  to  say  nothing  of  hostile  natives,  —  this  march  of  Vasco 
Nunez  dc  Balboa  is  among  the  most  wonderful  exploits  of  which  we  have 
trustworthy  information. 

But  this  achievement  did  not  bring  him  the  indemnity  and  honors  for 
which  he  hoped.  A  new  governor,  appointed  July  27,  1513, —  notwith- 
standing the  news  which  Colmenarcs  and  Caicedo  had  carried  with  them 
of  the  existence  of  a  sea,  —  had  sailed  before  Pedro  dc  Arbolancha,  bearing 
the  news  of  the  discovery,  could  arrive  in  Spain,  inasmuch  as  he  did  not 
even  leave  Antigua  until  March,  1514.  This  new  governor  was  Pedro 
Arias  de  Avila,  better  known  as  Pedrarias,  though  sometimes  called  by 
English  writers  Davila.  Pedrarias,  dubbed  El  Galaji  and  El Justador  in  his 
youth,  and  Furor  Domini  in  his  later  years,  has  been  given  a  hard  cliaracter 
by  all  historians.  This  is  perfectly  natural,  for,  like  all  other  Spanish  gov- 
ernors, he  cruelly  oppressed  the  natives,  and  thus  won  the  dislike  of  Las 
Casas ;  while  Oviedo,  who  usually  difiers  as  much  .ns  possible  from  Las 
Casas,  hated  Pedrarias  for  other  reasons.  Pedrarias'  treatment  of  Vasco 
Nunez,  in  whose  career  there  was  that  dramatic  element  so  captix'ating,  was 
scant  at  least  of  favor.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  remembered  i.iat 
Pedrarias  occupied  an  office  from  which  Nicuesa  and  Enciso  had  been 
driven,  and  he  ruled  a  community  vhich  had  required  the  utmost  vigilance 
on  the  part  of  Vasco  Nunez  to  hold  in  check. 

With  Pedrarias  went  a  goodly  company,  among  whom  ma)'  be  mentioned 
Hernando  de  Soto,  Diego  de  Almagro,  and  Benalcazar,  who,  with  Pizarro, 
alread)'  in  ^Antigua,  were  to  push  discovery  and  conquest  along  the  shores 
of  the  Mar  del  Sur.  There  also  went  in  the  same  company  that  Bcrnal  Diaz 
del  Castillo  who  was  to  be  one  of  the  future  conquistadores  of  Mexico  and 
the  rude  but  charming  relater  of  that  conquest ;   and  Pascual  de  Andagoja, 


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THE   COMPANIONS    OF   COLUMBUS. 


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who,  uliile  inferior  to  Henalcazar  as  a  ruler  and  to  Bcrnal  Diaz  as  a  narrator, 
was  yet  a  very  important  character.  The  lawyer  Enciso  returned  among 
them  to  the  scene  of  his  former  disappointment  as  ali^uazil  mayor ;  and, 
lastly,  let  us  mention  Gonzalo  I'ernandez  de  Oviedo  y  Valdes,  who  accompa- 
nied the  expedition  as  escriban  general  and  veedor.  Pednirias  sailed  from 
San  Lucar  on  the  I2th  of  April,  15 14,  and  arrived  safely  in  the  harbor  of 
Antigua  on  the  29th  of  June.  The  survivors  of  the  companies  of  Ojeda 
and  Xicucsa,  and  of  the  reinforcements  brought  thither  at  different  times, 
numbered  in  all  but  four  hundred  and  fifty  souls;  and  they  could  have 
offered  little  opposition  to  the  fifteen  hundred  accompanying  Pedrarias, 
if  they  had  so  desired.  l?ut  no  attempt  was  made  to  prevent  his  landing; 
and  as  soon  as  Pedrarias  felt  himself  fairly  installed,  an  inquiry  was  instituted 
into  the  previous  acts  of  Vasco  Nuflez.  This  trial,  or  rcsideiicia,  was  con- 
ducted by  I"'spinosa,  the  new  alcalde  tnayor.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that 
luiciso  tried  hard  to  bring  the  murder  of  Nicuesa,  for  such  it  was,  home  to 
Vasco  Xuiiez.  The  efforts  of  Quivedo,  the  recently  appointed  bishop  of 
Santa  Maria  de  la  Antigua  e  Castilla  del  Oro,  and  of  Isabel  del  Bobadilla, 
the  new  governor's  wife,  who  had  been  won  over  in  some  unknown  way, 
secured  the  acquittal  of  Vasco  Nunez  on  all  criminal  charges.  In  the  in- 
numerable civil  suits,  however,  which  were  brought  against  him  by  Enciso 
and  by  all  others  who  felt  grieved,  he  was  mulcted  in  a  large  amount. 

This  affair  off  his  hands,  Pedrarias  set  about  executing  his  supplemen- 
tary instructions,  which  were  to  connect  the  north  and  south  seas  by  a  chain 
of  posts.  He  sent  out  three  expeditions,  which,  besides  exploration,  were 
to  forage  for  food,  since  the  supply  in  Antigua  was  very  small.  The  stores 
brought  by  the  fleet  had  been  in  a  great  measure  spoiled  on  the  voyage, 
and  the  provisions  at  Antigua  which  Vas'  o  Nunez'  foresight  had  provided, 
while  ample  for  his  little  band,  were  entirely  inadequate  to  the  support  of  the 
augmented  colony.  The  leaders  of  these  expeditions  —  with  the  exception 
of  Enciso,  who  went  to  Ccnu,  whence  he  was  speedily  driven — acted  in  a 
most  inhuman  fashion ;  and  the  good  feeling  which  had  subsisted  between 
Vasco  Nufiez  and  the  natives  was  changed  to  the  most  bitter  hatred.  To 
use  Vasco  Nunez'  own  words:  "  For  where  the  Indians  were  like  sheep,  they 
have  become  like  fierce  lions,  and  have  acquired  so  much  daring,  that 
formerl)'  they  were  accustomed  to  come  out  to  the  paths  with  presents 
to  the  Christians,  now  they  come  out  and  they  kill  them ;  and  this  has  been 
on  account  of  the  bad  things  which  the  captains  who  went  out  on  the 
incursions  have  done  to  them."  He  especially  blamed  Ayora  and  Morales, 
who  commanded  two  of  the  earliest  expeditions.  Ayora  escaped  with  his 
ill-gotten  wealth  to  Spain,  where  he  died  before  he  could  be  brought  to 
justice. 

Morales,  following  the  route  of  Vasco  Nuiiez  across  the  isthmus,  arrived 
on  the  other  side,  and  sailed  to  the  Pearl  Islands,  which  Vasco  Nufiez  had 
seen  in  the  distance.  Here  he  obtained  an  immense  booty;  and  thence, 
crossing  to  the  southern  side  of  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel,  he  endeavored 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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to  return  tf>  Daricn  by  the  way  of  Biru  aiul  llic  River  Atrato.  But  he  was 
speedily  driven  b;ick ;  and  was  so  hard  pressed  by  the  natives  throughout 
his  liomeward  march  tiiat  he  and  his  companions  barely  escaped  with 
their  treasure  and  their  lives.  It  was  about  this  lime  that  Vasco  Nunez 
went  for  a  second  time  in  search  of  the  golden  temple  of  Dabaibe  and 
suffered  defeat,  with  the  loss  of  Luis  Carillo,  his  second  in  commaml,  and 
many  of  his  men  ;  while  another  attempt  on  Cenii,  this  time  by  J?ecerra, 
ended  in  the  death  of  that  commander  and  of  all  but  one  of  his  companions. 
In  1515,  however,  a  force  commanded  by  Gonzalo  de  Badajos  crossed 
the  isthmus  and  discovered  the  rich  country  lying  on  the  Gulf  of  I'arita. 
Badajos  accumulated  an  enormous  amount  of  gold,  which  he  was  obliged 
to  abandon  when  he  sought  safety  in  ignominious  flight. 

These  repeated  disasters  in  the  direction  of  Cemi  nettled  old  Pedrarias, 
and  he  resolved  to  go  himself  in  command  of  an  expcditijn  and  chastise 
the  natives.  He  was  speedilj'  defeated;  but,  instead  of  returning  immedi- 
ately to  Antigua,  he  sailed  over  to  Veragua  and  founded  the  town  of  Ada 
(Bones  of  Men),  as  the  northern  termination  of  a  road  across  the  isthmus. 
He  then  sent  Caspar  Espinosa  across  the  isthmus  to  found  a  town  on  the 
other  side.  Espinosa  on  his  way  met  the  fleeing  Badajos;  but  being  better 
prepared,  and  a  more  able  commander,  he  recovered  the  abandoned  treas- 
ure and  founded  the  old  town  of  Panama;  while  a  detachment  under 
Hurtado,  which  he  sent  along  the  coast  toward  the  west,  discovered  the 
Gulf  of  San  Lucar  (Nicoya). 

As  we  have  seen,  Vasco  Nunez'  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  South 
Sea  reached  Spain  too  late  to  prevent  the  sailing  of  Pedrarias;  but  the 
King  nevertheless  placed  reliancj  hi  him,  and  appointed  him  adelantado, 
or  lieutenant,  to  prosecute  discoveries  along  the  shores  of  the  southern  sea, 
and  also  mai^e  him  governor  of  the  provinces  of  Panama  and  Coyba.  This 
commission  had  reached  Antigua  before  the  departure  of  Espinosa ;  but 
Pedrarias  withheld  it  for  reasons  of  his  own.  And  before  he  delivered  it 
there  arrived  from  Cuba  a  vessel  commanded  by  a  friend  of  Vasco  Nunez,  — 
a  certain  Garabito,  —  who  by  making  known  his  arrival  to  Vasco  Nunez  and 
not  to  Pedrarias,  aroused  the  latter's  suspicions.  Accordingly,  Vasco  Nunez 
was  seized  and  placed  in  confinement.  After  a  while,  however,  upon  his 
promising  to  marry  one  of  Pedrarias'  daughters,  who  at  the  time  was  in 
Spain,  they  became  reconciled,  and  Vasco  Nunez  was  given  his  commission, 
and  immediately  began  preparation  for  a  voj'age  on  the  South  Sea.  As  it 
seemed  impossible  to  obtain  a  sufficient  amount  of  the  proper  kind  of  tim- 
ber on  the  other  side  the  isthmus,  enough  to  build  a  few  small  vessels  was 
carried  over  the  mountains.  When  the  men  began  to  work  it,  they  found  it 
worm-eaten  ;  and  a  new  supply  was  procured,  which  was  almost  immediately 
washed  away  by  a  sudden  rise  of  the  Rio  Balsas,  on  whose  banks  they  had 
established  their  ship-yard.  At  last,  however,  two  little  vessels  were  built 
and  navigated  to  the  Islas  de  las  Perlas,  whence  Vasco  Nunez  made  a  short 
and  unsuccessful  cruise  to  the  southward.     But  before  he  went  a  second  time 


I  i) 


"C    H 


THE    COMI'ANIONS    Of"   COLUMBUS. 


199 


lie  sent  Garabito  and  other  emissaries  to  Ada  to  discover  whether  Pedrarias 
had  been  superseded.  It  seems  to  have  been  arranged  that  when  these 
men  arrived  near  Acla  one  of  their  number  should  go  secretly  to  the  house 
of  Vasco  Nunez  there  and  obtain  the  required  information.  If  a  new 
governor  had  arrived  they  were  to  return  to  the  southern  side  of  the 
isthmus,  and  Vasco  Nunez  would  put  himself  and  his  little  fleet  out  of  the 
new  governor's  reach,  trusting  in  some  grand  discovery  to  atone  for  his 
dislo\'altj'.  Pedrarias  was  still  governor ;  but  Garabito  proved  a  false  friend, 
and  told  Pedrarias  that  Vasco  Nunez  had  no  idea  of  marrying  his  daughter : 
on  the  contrary,  he  intended  to  sail  away  with  his  native  mistress  (with 
whom  Garabito  was  in  love)  arnd  found  for  himself  a  government  on  the 
shores  of  the  Mar  del  Sur.  Pedrarias  was  furious,  and  enticed  Vasco  Nunez 
to  Acla,  where  this  new  charge  of  treason,  added  to  the  former  one  of  the 
murder  of  Nicuesa,  secured  his  conviction  by  the  alcalde  mayor  Espinosa, 
and  on  the  very  next  day  he  and  his  four  companions  were  executed.  This 
was  in  1 5 17. 

In  1519  Pedrarias  removed  the  scat  of  government  from  Antigua  to 
Panama,  which  was  made  a  city  in  1521,  while  Antigua  was  not  long  after 
abandoned.  In  15 19  Espinosa  coasted  northward  and  westward,  in  V'^asco 
Nunez'  vessels,  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Culebras;  and  in  1522  Pascual  de  An- 
dagoj'a  penetrated  the  country  of  Birii  for  twenty  leagues  or  more,  when  ill 
health  compelled  his  return  to  Panama.  He  brought  vvonderf-l  accounts 
of  an  Inca  empire  which  was  said  to  exist  somewhere  along  tie  coast  to 
the  south.^ 

In  1 5 19  a  pilot,  Andrds  Nino  by  name,  who  had  been  with  Vasco  Nunez 
on  his  last  cruise,  interested  Gil  Gonzalez  de  Avila,  then  contador  of  Es- 
panola,  in  the  subject  of  exploration  along  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea. 
Gonzalez  agreed  to  go  as  commander-in-chief,  accompanying  Nino  in  the 
vessels  which  Vasco  Nunez  had  built.  The  necessary  orders  from  the  King 
were  easily  obtained,  and  they  sailed  for  Antigua,  where  they  arrived  safely; 
but  Ped "arias  refused  to  deliver  the  vessels.  Gil  Gonzalez,  nothing  daunted, 
took  in  pieces  the  ships  by  which  he  had  come  from  Spain,  transported  the 
most  important  parts  of  them  across  the  isthmus,  and  built  new  vessels. 
These,  however,  were  lost  before  reaching  Panama ;  but  the  crews  arrived 
there  in  safety,  and  Pedrarias,  when  brought  face  to  face  with  the  com- 
mander, could  .lot  refuse  to  obey  the  King's  orde/s.  Thus,  after  many 
delays,  Gil  Gonzalez  and  Andres  Nino  sailed  from  the  Islas  de  las  Perlas 
on  the  2 1  St  of  January,  1522.  After  they  had  gone  a  hundred  leagues  or 
more,  it  was  found  necessary  to  beach  and  repair  the  vessels.  This  was 
done  by  Nino,  while  Gil  Gonzalez,  with  one  hundred  men  and  four  horses, 
pushed  along  the  shore,  and,  after  many  hairbreadth  escapes,  rejoined 
the  fleet,  which  under  Nino  had  been  repaired  and  brought  around  by  water. 
The  meeting  was  at  a  gulf  named  by  them  Sanct  Vicente ;   but  it  proved 


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200 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I  I 


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to  be  the  San  Lucar  of  Hurtado,  and  the  Nicoya  of  the  present  day. 
After  a  short  time  passed  in  recuperation,  the  two  detachments  ayaiii 
separated.  Nino  with  the  vessels  coasted  the  shore  at  least  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Fonseca,  and  thence  returned  to  the  Gulf  of  Nicoya  Here  he  was 
soon  rejoined  by  the  land  party ;  which,  after  leaving  the  gulf,  had  pen- 
etrated inland  to  the  Lake  of  Nicaragua.  They  explored  the  surround- 
ing country  sufliciently  to  discover  the  outlet  of  the  lake,  which  led  to 
the  north,  and  not  to  the  south,  as  had  been  hoped.  They  had  but 
one  severe  fight  with  the  natives,  accumulated  vast  sums  of  gold,  and 
baptized  many  thousand  converts.  With  their  treasuie  they  returned  in 
safety  to  Panama  on  the  25th  of  June,  1523,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  a 
year  and  a  half. 

At  Panama  Gil  Gonzalez  found  an  enemy  worse  than  the  natives  of 
Nicaragua  in  the  person  of  Pcdrarias,  whose  cupidity  was  aroused  by  the 
sight  of  the  gold.  But  crossing  the  isthmus,  he  escaped  from  Nombre  de 
Dios  just  as  Pedrarias  was  on  the  point  of  arresting  him,  and  steered  for 
Espafiola,  where  his  actions  were  approved  by  the  Hieronimitc  Fathers,  who 
authorized  him  to  return  and  explore  the  country.  This  he  endeavored 
to  do  by  the  way  of  the  outlet  of  the  Lake  of  Nicaragua,  by  which  route  he 
would  avoid  placing  himself  in  the  power  of  Pedrarias.  He  unfortunately 
reached  the  Honduras  coast  too  far  north,  and  marched  inland  only  to  be 
met  by  a  rival  party  of  Spaniards  under  Hernando  de  Soto.  It  seemed 
that  as  soon  as  possible  after  Gil  Gonzalez'  departure  from  Nombre  de 
Dios,  Pedrarias  had  despatched  a  strong  force  under  Francisco  Hernandez 
de  Cordoba  to  take  possession  of  and  hold  the  coveted  territory  for  him. 
Cordoba,  hearing  from  the  natives  of  Spaniards  advancing  from  the  north, 
had  sent  De  Soto  to  intercept  them.  Gil  Gonzalez  defeated  this  detach- 
ment; but  not  being  in  sufficient  force  to  meet  Cordoba,  he  retreated  to 
the  northern  shore,  where  he  found  Cristobal  de  Olid,  who  had  been  sent 
by  Cortes  to  occupy  Honduras  in  his  interest.  Olid  proved  a  traitor  to 
Cortes,  and  soon  captured  not  only  Gil  Gonzalez,  but  Francisco  de  las 
Casas,  who  had  been  sent  by  Cortes  to  seize  him.  Las  Casas,  who  was 
a  man  of  daring,  assassinated  Olid,  with  the  help  of  Gil  Gonzalez. 
The  latter  was  then  sent  to  make  what  terms  he  could  with  Cortes  as 
to  a  joint  occupation  of  the  country.^  But  Gil  Gonzalez  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemies  of  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico,  and  was  sent  to  Spain 
to  answer,  among  other  things,  for  the  murder  of  Olid.  He  reached 
Seville  in  1526;  but,  completely  overwhelmed  by  his  repeated  disasters, 
died  soon  after. 

Cordoba,  who  had  thrown  off  allegiance  to  Pedrarias,  was  executed. 
Pedrarias  himself  was  turned  out  of  his  government  of  Darien  by  Pedro 
de  los  Rios,  and  took  refuge  in  the  governorship  of  Nicaragua,  and  died 
quietly  at  Leon  in  1530,  at  the  advanced  age  of  nearly  ninety  years. 


■li!  ' 


'  [Cf.  the  chapter  on  Cortes.  —  Ed.] 


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THE   COMPANIONS   OF   COLUMBUS. 


aoi 


In  1493  Christopher  Columbus  had  discovered  Cuba,  whicli  he  called 
Juana;  and  two  years  later  he  had  partially  explored  the  Island  of  Jamaica, 
whither  he  had  been  driven  on  his  fourth  voyai^e,  and  compelled  to  stay 
from  June,  1503,  to  June,  1504.  In  150S  this  lesser  island  had  been  granted 
to  Ojeda  and  Nicucsa  as  a  storehouse  from  which  to  draw  supplies  in  case 
of  need.  Hut,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Admiral  of  the  Indies  at  that  time, 
Die"o  Coiiinibus,  son  of  the  ^rcat  Admiral,  had  sent  Juan  de  Msquivel  with 
sixtv  men  to  seize  the  island  and  hold  it  for  him  against  all  comers. 
Ksquivel  founded  the  town  of  Sevilla  Nucva  —  later  Sevilla  d'  Oro  —  on  the 
shores  of  the  liarbor  where  Columbus  had  stayed  so  long ;  and  thus  the 
island  was  settled. 

Although  Cuba  had  been  discovered  in  1492,  nothing  had  been  done 
toward  its  exploration  till  1 508,  when  Ovando,  at  that  time  governor  of 
Kspanola,  sent  Sebastian  dc  Ocampo  to  determine  whether  it  was  an  island 
or  not.  Columbus,  it  will  be  remembered,  did  not,  or  would  not,  believe 
it  insular,  though  the  Indians  whom  he  brought  from  Guanahani  had  told 
him  it  was;  and  it  had  suited  his  purpose  to  make  his  companions  swear 
that  tliey  believed  it  a  peninsula  of  Asia.  Ocampo  settled  the  question 
by  circiminavigating  it  from  north  to  south ;  and,  after  another  delay,  Diego 
Columbus  in  15 11  sent  Diego  Velasquez,  a  wealthy  planter  of  Espartola, 
to  conquer  and  settle  the  island,  which  at  that  time  was  called  Fernandina. 
Velasquez,  assisted  by  thirty  men  under  Pamphilode  Narvaez  from  Jamaica, 
had  no  difficulty  in  doing  this;  and  his  task  being  accomplished,  he  threw 
oti'  his  allegiance  to  the  Admiral.  Settlers  were  attracted  to  Cuba  from  all 
sides.  With  the  rest  came  one  hundred,  Bcrnal  Diaz  among  them,  from 
Antigua.  But  Velasquez  had  distributed  the  natives  among  his  followers 
with  such  a  lavish  hand  that  these  men  were  unable  to  get  any  slaves  for 
themselves,  and  in  this  predicament  agreed  with  Francisco  Hernandez  de 
Cordoba '  to  go  on  a  slave-catching  expedition  to  some  neighboring  islands. 
Velasquez  probably  contributed  a  small  vessel  to  the  two  vessels  which  were 
fitted  out  by  the  others.  With  them  went  Anton  Alaminos  as  pilot.  Sailing 
from  Havana  in  February,  15 17,  they  doubled  the  Cabo  de  S.  Anton,  and 
steered  toward  the  west  and  south.  Storms  and  currents  drove  them  from 
their  course,  and  it  was  not  until  twenty-one  days  had  passed  after  leaving 
S.  Anton  that  they  sighted  some  small  islands.  Running  toward  the 
coast,  they  espied  inland  a  city,  the  size  of  which  so  impressed  them  that 
they  called  it  El  gran  Cairo.  Soon  after  some  natives  came  on  board,  who, 
to  their  inquiries  as  to  \vhat  land  it  was,  answered  "  Conex  Catochc ;  "  and 
accordingly  they  named  it  the  Punta  de  Catoche.  At  this  place,  having 
landed,  they  were  enticed  into  an  ambush,  and  many  Spaniards  were  killed. 
From  this  inhospitable  shore  they  sailed  to  the  west,  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Yucatan,  and  in  two  weeks  arrived  at  a  village  which  they  named 
5.  Lazaro,  but  to  which  the  native  name  of  Campeche  has  clung.     There 


I  i  'A 


*  Not  the  Cordoba  of  Nicaragua. 


VOL.   IT   — 26. 


I ' 


m 


s 


M 


<  1 


%     i 


hl.i\ 


THi:   COMI'AMONS   OF  COLUMUUS. 


203 


the  natives  were  liostilc.  So  they  sailed  011  for  six  days  more,  when  they 
arrived  oiVaviiiatie  callcil  roiitoiiciian,  now  known,  however,  as  Chanipoton. 
As  tiu'V  were  sliort  of  water  tliey  laniled  at  tills  place,  and  in  a  li^dit  which 
followed,  fifty  seven  Spanianls  were  killed  and  five  were  drowneil.  Never 
thclcss  the  survivors  continued  their  voyajje  for  three  ilays  lon^'er,  win  n 
thev  came  to  a  river  with  three  mouths,  one  of  which,  the  l^stero  tie  loi 
La^artos,  ihey  entered.  I'here  they  burned  one  of  their  vessels;  and,  hav- 
in^;  ybtaiiicd  a  supi)ly  of  water,  sailed  for  Cuba.  The  reports  which  they 
jjave  of  thr  riches  of  the  newly  discovered  country  so  excited  the  yreed  of 
Wlasquez  that  he  fitttd  out  a  fleet  of  four  vessels,  the  command  of  which 
he  yave  to  his  nephew,  Juan  de  (irijalva.  Anton  Alaminos  aijain  went  as 
pilot,  and  I'cilro  de  Alvarado  was  captain  of  one  of  the  ships.  They  left 
the  Cabo  de  S.  Anton  on  the  1st  of  May,  1518,  and  three  days  later  sighted 
the  isl.md  of  Cozumel,  which  they  called  Santa  Cruz,  l-'rom  this  island  tluy 
sailed  aloni(  the  southern  coast  of  Yucatan,  which  the)-  th(jii  ^lit  an  isl.ind, 
and  which  they  named  Santa  Maria  de  los  Reniedios.  They  came  finally 
to  a  shallow  baj-,  still  known  by  the  name  which  they  jjave  it,  Hahia  de  la 
Ascension.  Hut  the  prospect  not  lookin^^  ver)-  promising  in  this  direction, 
they  doubled  on  their  track,  and  in  due  season  arrived  at  S.  Lazaro  (Cam- 
peche  ),  or,  more  probably,  perhaps,  at  Chanipoton,  where  they  had  their 
first  hostile  encounter  with  the  natives.  Hut,  beinj^  better  pri)viiled  with 
artillery  and  cotton  armor  than  was  l-'rancisco  Hernandez,  Grijalva  and  his 
men  maintained  their  ground  and  secured  a  much-needed  supply  of  water. 
Thence  following  the  shore,  they  soon  came  to  an  anchorage,  which  they 
at  fust  called  Puerto  Deseado.  On  further  investigation  the  pilot  Alaminos 
declared  th;it  it  was  not  a  harbor,  but  the  mouth  of  a  strait  between  the 
island  cf  Santa  Maria  de  los  Remedios  (Yucatan)  and  another  island,  whir'-' 
they  called  Nueva  I'-spafia,  but  which  afterward  proved  to  be  the  mainland 
of  Mexico.  They  named  this  strait  the  Hoca  de  Terminos.  After  recu- 
perating there,  they  coasted  toward  the  north  by  the  mouths  of  many  rivers, 
among  others  the  Rio  dc  Grijalva  (Tabasco),  until  they  came  to  an  island 
on  which  they  found  a  temple,  where  the  native  priests  were  wont  to 
sacritice  human  beings.  To  this  island  they  gave  the  name  of  Isla  de  los 
Sacrificios;  while  another,  a  little  to  the  north,  they  cahed  S.  Juan  de  Ulua. 
The  sheet  of  water  between  this  island  and  the  mainland  afforded  good 
anchorage,  and  to-day  is  known  as  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz.  There  Grijalva 
stayed  some  time,  trading  with  the  inhabitants,  not  of  the  islands  merely, 
but  of  the  mainland.  To  this  he  was  beckoned  by  the  waving  of  white 
flags,  and  he  found  himself  much  honored  when  he  landed.  After  sending 
I'edro  de  Alvarado,  with  what  gold  had  been  obtained,  to  Cuba  in  a  cara\  el 
which  needed  repairs,  Grijalva  proceeded  on  his  voyage ;  but  when  he  had 
arrived  at  some  point  between  the  Hahia  dc  Tanguijo  and  the  Rio  Panuco, 
the  pilot  Alaminos  declared  it  madness  to  go  farther.  So  the  fleet  turned 
back,  and,  after  more  trading  along  the  coast,  they  arrived  safely  at  Matanzas 
in  October  of  the  same  year.     Velasquez,  when  he  saw  the  spoil  gathered 


'^ 


|. 


.t,^  1'^ 


V 


\  V 


'l     I 


,1  (  : 


204 


NAKKAlIVt:   AND    CKI  IICAL    IIISIUKY    OF    AMLKICA. 


on  this  cxpcilition,  was  much  vexed  that  Grijalva  had  not  broken  his  in* 
striictions  ami  founded  a  settlement.  A  new  expedition  wan  immediately 
prepared,  tlie  command  of  which  was  yiven  to  lieruan  Cortes.'  As  for 
Grijalva,  he  took  service  under  I'eilrilrias.  and  perishetl  with  Hurtado  in 
Nicaragua. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    TIIK   SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 


II    :i'! 


I  m 


'T'HF;  best  .iccouiit  of  the  voy.ii^cs  and  expeditions  of  the  comp.-xnion!*  of  Columbus, 
witli  tlie  e.vception  of  those  relating  immediately  to  tiie  scltlemeru  of  Darieii  anil  the 
exploration  of  the  western  coast  of  the  isthmus,  is  Nav.-.rrete's  I'iai^es  menores:^  This  his- 
torian ■'  had  extraordinary  opportunities  in  this  field  ;  and  a  nautical  education  contributed 
to  ills  power  of  wcinhini;  evidence  witli  rcjjard  to  maritime  aff.iirs.  No  part  of  Nav.irrete 
has  been  translated  into  F.nglish,  unless  the  first  portion  of  Washington  Irving's  CompaH' 
ions  of  Columbus  may  be  s'l  regarded.  The  best  account  of  these  voyages  in  English, 
however,  is  Sir  Arthur  Helps's  Spanish  Conquest  in  //wt'/vtvr,*  which,  although  defective 
in  form,  is  readable,  and,  so  far  as  it  goes,  trustworthy.  This  work  deals  not  merely 
with  the  riat^i's  inenores,  but  also  with  the  settlement  of  Darien;  as,  too,  dci  Irving's 
Coinpapuons. 

The  first  voyage  of  Ojeda  rests  mainly  on  the  answers  to  the  questions  propounded  by 
the  y/.ivij/  real  in  the  suit  brougiit  against  Diego,  the  son  of  Columbus,  in  which  the 
endeavor  was  made  to  show  that  Ojeda,  and  not  Columbus,  discovered  the  pearl  coasts. 
Hut  this  claim  on  the  part  of  the  King's  attorney  was  unsuccessful  ;  for  Ojeda  hin..sell 
expressly  stated  in  his  deposition,  taken  in  Santo  Domingo  in  1513,  that  he  was  the  first 
man  who  went  to  Tierr.a-Firme  after  the  Admiral,  and  that  he  knew  that  tlie  Admir.il  had 
been  there  because  he  s.aw  tlie  chart ''  which  the  Admiral  had  sent  home.  This  lawsuit  is 
so  important  in  relation  to  tliese  minor  voy.ages  that  Navarrete  [jrinted  much  of  the  testi- 
mony then  taken,  with  some  notes  of  his  own,  at  the  end  of  his  third  volume."  Among 
the  witnesses  were  Ojeda.  Hastidas,  Vicente  Yaflez  I'inzon,  Garcia  Hernandez  a  "yis/eo," 
who  had  accompanieil  \'icente  Yaflez  on  iiis  first  voy.ige,  the  pilots  Ledesma,  Andrei  de 
Morales,  Juan  Rodriguez,  and  many  other  mariners  who  had  .liled  with  the  different 
commanders.  Their  testimony  w.as  taken  with  rog.ard  to  the  thud  voyage  of  Columbus 
(second  question)  ;  the  voyage  of  Guerra  and  Nifio  (third  and  fourth  questions)  ;  Ojeda's 
first  voyage  (fifth  question);  Dastid.is  (sixth  que, lion);  Vicente  Yaflez  (seventh  ques- 
tion) :  Lepe  (eighth  question)  ;  etc.  Taken  altogether,  this  evidence  is  the  best  authority 
for  what  was  done  or  was  not  done  on  these  early  voyages.' 


1! 


'  [From  this  point  the  story  is  cuiUinued  in 
the  chapter  on  Cortc.s.  —  Ki).| 

-  CoU-ccioii  lie  tos  rvi/^iM-  y  ,lcsail'riiii.icnlos, 
que  liicicron  /or  mar  los  Es/'anoles  ihsi/e  fines  ilel 
sii;lio  XV.,  por  Don  Martin  Fcrnandcv  de  N.ivar- 
rete.  The  third  volume  of  this  scries  consti- 
tutes the  Viages  mciwrcs,  y  tos  de  I  'espticio  : 
Pohtacioites  en  el  Darien,  siiplcnieuto  at  tomo  If, 
Madrid,  18:9.  [Cf.  the  Introduction  to  the  pres- 
ent volume.  —  Ed.] 

•'  Cf.  Biblioteca  maritima  es/'aiiola,  ii.  436-438 ; 
H.  II.  Bancroft,  Central  Amerien,  i.  19S.  [Cf. 
Introduction  to  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

^  [Cf.  the  chapters  on  Columbus,  Las  Casas, 
and  I'izarro.  —  Ed.] 


■'  Xavarrete,  ill.  i,note  i,  .mu  539,  544;  Hum- 
boldt, Exainen  critii/iie,  i.  SS,  note. 

"  Coleeeion,  iii.  53S-615. 

'  I'lcsides  this  original  m.iiurial,  something 
concerning  this  fir.st  voyage  of  Ojeda  is  contained 
in  Ovicdo,  i.  76,  and  ii.  132;  Las  Casas,  ij.  389- 
434  (all  references  to  Oviedo  and  Las  Casas  in 
this  chapter  are  to  the  editions  issued  by  the 
Iteal  Aeademia)  ;  licrrcra,  dec.  i.  lib.  4,  chaps, 
i.-iv.j  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  4-1 1,  167,  543- 
545  ;  Humboldt,  Examen  critique,  i.  313,  and  iv. 
195,  220;  Helps,  Spanish  Conquest,  i.  263,  2S0,  ii. 
106  ;  Irving,  Companions,  p]).  9-27  ,•  IJancroft, 
Central  America,  i.  I  n .  1 18, 308 ;  Ruge,  Gescliichle 
lies  Zeitallers  tier  Entdeckuniien,  p.  322.     There 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF   COLUMHUS. 


905 


The  only  ihinRS  worth  nntiiiK  in  tlic  voyajfc  ol  (iucrra  and  Nino  are  the  umallncs*  of 

the  vcNSi  I  (fifty  Ions),*  and  the  tnormims  pi'diniary  return.  Oni'  of  the  voyajjcrs,^  very 
i)()»sil)ly  Nino  liiniself,"  wrote  an  ainiiiMl  of  llie  voyage,  wliicli  was  translated  into  Itahan, 
and  piilili^licd  ai  cliaptern  ex.  and  cxi.  of  tlie  /Wxi  iioviIMihU  rtOofa/i.  It  was  tiicn 
translated  into  Latin,  anti  inserted  hy  (iryn.ius  in  the  A'ovhx  oihis.* 

A  contemporary  account  of  the  voyajje  of  Vicente  Yaftcz  I'inzon  was  printed  in  the 
J'ltai  iinv.imi'iilr.''  hy  whom  wrillLii  is  not  l<nown.  Varnha^en  has  attempted  to  show 
tliat  the  cape  near  wliich  \'icenle  Y.ine/  l.uided  was  not  the  Caho  <lc  S.  Au;;ustin,  Imt 
»i)M)e  point  mucli  farther  north."  For  a  time  tlie  point  wa.s  raised  that  Vicente  Yane« 
arrivid  on  the  eoast  alter  Cahral  ;  Init  that  w.as  plainly  impossil)le,  as  he  undoulitedly 
sijj;hled  the  American  coast  hefore  Cahral  left  rortu;,'al.''  As  to  the  landfall  itself,  both 
Navarrele  and  llumlioldt  place  it  in  about  eight  decrees  south  latitude;  and  they  base 
their  ar;;umont  on  the  answers  to  the  seventh  question  of  the  Jisnil  real  in  the  cele- 
brated l.iwsuit,  in  which  Vicente  Yaflez  said  that  it  was  true  that  lie  discovered  from  "  lil 
cabo  de  t'onsolacion  ([lie  es  en  la  parte  de  Portugal  i<  agora  se  llama  cabo  de  .S.  Angus- 
tin.""  In  this  he  w.is  corroborated  liy  the  other  witnesses."  The  voyage  was  unsuccess- 
ful in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view.  Two  vessels  were  lost  at  the  Ilahanias,  whither  \'icente 
Yanez  had  gone  in  ques  of  slaves.  After  his  return  to  Si)ain  it  was  only  through  the 
iiiterjiosition  of  tiie  King  that  he  was  able  to  save  a  small  portion  of  his  property  from  the 
clutches  of  the  merchants  who  had  fitted  out  the  fleet.'" 

The  voyage  of  Diego  de  Lcpe  rests  entirely  on  the  evidence  given  in  the  Columbus 
lawsuit,"  from  which  it  also  appears  that  he  drew  a  map  for  Fonseca  on  which  the  coast 
of  the  New  World  was  (k'lineated  trending  toward  the  south  and  west  from  Kostro  Iler- 
moso  (Cabo  de  .S.  Aiigustin).  lattle  is  known  of  the  further  movements  of  Diego  de  I.epe, 
who,  accoriling  to  Morales,  died  in  Portugal  before  1515.'-  Navarrete  printed  nothing; 
relating  to  him  of  a  later  date  than  November,  1500;"  but  in  \\\ft  Documentos  incditos 


:|i 


559.  S44 !  Hum- 


is  also  a  notice  of  Ojcda  by  Navarrete  in  his 
Pf'thculos,  i.  113. 

'  [On  this  see  note  on  p.  7  of  tlie  present 
voliiiiic.  —  Kl).] 

-  Navarrete,  Colcccioii,  iii.   12,  note  I. 

■'  liiblioUwi  nuirtlitna  es/'ittiola,  ii.  535. 

••  I'ngc  117,  C'V  1532.  For  other  references 
to  this  voy.igc,  see  I'eter  Martyr  (dec.  i.  chap, 
viii.),  whose  account  is  l)ascd  011  the  aliove ; 
Herrcra,  dec.  i.  lib.  4,  chap.  v. ;  Navarrete,  Co- 
haio)i,  ill.  11-18,  540-542;  Ilumboklt,  lixa- 
men  crilii/iie,  iv.  220;  Hancroft,  Central  Aiiicriea, 
i.  Ill;  Irving,  Companioiis-,  pp.  2S-32. 

'  Chapters  c.\ii.  and  cxiii.  In  Latin  in  Gry- 
nxiis,  p.  119,  cditinii  of  1532. 

''  ^'arllhagen,  Examen  ile  (/iielques  points  de 
Vhistohe geoi^ra^hique du  Brhil,  pp.  ig-24;  Varn- 
\\igcn.  /Ihlona  i;eral  do  /y'nni'l  (2d  etl),  i.  7.S-,So. 

'  Cf.  Navarrete,  Coleeeion,  iii.  19,  note.  Hum- 
boldt (Exiiinen  eritiqne,  i.  313)  savs  that  Vicente 
Vifiez  saw  the  coast  forty-eight  days  before 
Cal)ral  left  Lisbon.  As  to  the  exact  date  of 
Vicente  \'ariez'  landfall,  the  /'oesi  lur-riimenle 
(cliap.  cxii.)  gives  it  as  January  20,  while  Tcter 
.Martyr  (dec.  i.  chap,  ix.),  who  usually  follows 
the  Piusi  noramente,  in  his  description  of  this 
and  of  the  Guerra  and  Nino  vovages  gives  it  as 
"  Septimo  kalcndas  Februarii,"  or  Januarv  26. 
Hut  the  difference  is  unimportant.  [Cf.  further 
t!)c   section   on  the    "Historical    Chorography 


of  South  America,"  in   which    the  question   is 
further  ex.iniined.  —  En.) 

"  Navarrete,  iii.  547  etseq. 

"  See  also  Navarrete,  Xoliee  ctironolo'^Ujne, 
in  Qiiatre  -oyages,  i.  349,  and  Humboldt,  Intro- 
duction to  Ghillany's  Itehitim,  p.  2,  where  he 
says,  in  the  description  of  the  La  Cosa  map, 
that  Cabo  de  S.  Augustin,  whose  |)ositiun  is  very 
accurately  laid  down  on  that  map.  was  first 
caMed  kostro  Ilermoso,  Cabo  .Sta.  Maria  de  la 
Consolacion,  and  Cabo  Sta.  Cruz.  In  this  he  is 
probably  correct ;  for  if  Vicente  Vatlez  or  Lcpe 
did  not  discover  it,  how  did  La  Cosa  know 
where  to  place  it.'  —  unless  he  revised  his  map 
after  1500.  This  is  not  likely,  as  the  map  con-  ■ 
tains  no  hint  of  the  discoveries  made  during  his 
third  voyage  undertaken  with  Kodrigo  de  15as- 
tidas  in  1500-1502.  Cf.  Stevens,  A'otes,  p.  33, 
note. 

•"  Cf.  two  /I'lv;/  pnn'isions  of  date  Dec.  5, 
1500,  in  Navarrete,  iii.  82,  S3;  and  see  also  a 
Cii/'ilulaeioii  and  Asienlo  of  date  Sept.  5,  1 501, 
in  Doeumenlos  itu'ililos,  xxx.  535.  <  )tlier  refer- 
ences to  this  voyage  are, —  Hcrrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  4, 
chap,  vi.;  Navarrete,  iii.  iS-23;  Humboldt,  I'.Xii- 
men  eriliijue,  iv.  221  ;  Hancroft,  Central  Ameriea, 
i.  112;  and  Irving,  Companions,  pp.  33-41. 
^'  Navarrete,  Coleeeion,  iii.  553-555. 

12  Ibid.,  iii.  552. 

13  Ibid.,  iii.  80,  Si. 


'  \  ■  . 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


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are  documents  which  would  seem  to  show  that  he  was  preparing  for  a  voyage  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1502.* 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  returned  with  Ojeda  in  the  middle  of  June,  1500,  and  he  sailed  with 
Bastidas  in  the  following  October.  The  intervening  time  he  probably  spent  in  work- 
ing on  the  map  which  bears  the  legend  "Juan  de  la  Cosa  la  fizo  en  Puerto  de  Sta. 
Maria  en  ano  de  1500."  This  is  the  earliest  existing  chart  made  by  one  of  the  navigators 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  track-chart  sent  home  by  Columbus  in  1498,-  and  the  Lepe  map, 
being  lost.  Humboldt  was  especially  qualified  to  appreciate  the  clearness  and  accuracy 
of  this  La  Cosa  map  by  the  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  Spanish  America  which  he 
gained  during  a  long  sojourn  in  that  part  of  the  world;  "  and  this  same  knowledge  gives 
especial  value  to  whatever  he  says  in  tiie  Examen  critique^  concerning  the  voyages  herein 
described.  Of  Juan  de  la  Cosa's  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  the  northern  coast  of 
South  America  there  can  be  little  doubt,  especially  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  he  made 
no  less  than  six  voyages  to  that  part  of  the  world,''  only  two  of  which,  however,  preceded 
the  date  which  he  gives  to  his  map.  A  comparison  of  La  Cosa's  map  with  the  chart  of 
1527  usually,  but  probably  erroneously,  ascribed  to  Ferdinand  Columbus,  and  with  that  of 
1529  by  Ribero,  gives  a  clearer  idea  than  the  chron'cles  themselves  do,  of  the  discoveries 
of  the  early  navigators." 

Like  all  these  early  minor  voyages,  that  of  Rodrigo  Bastidas  rests  mainly  on  the  testi- 
mony given  in  the  lawsuit  already  referred  to."  Navarrete  in  his  Viai;es  menorcs  stated 
that  Ojeda  procured  a  license  from  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  had  been  empowered  to  give 
such  licenses.  No  document,  however,  of  the  kind  has  been  produced  with  regard  to 
Ojeda  or  any  of  these  commanders  before  the  time  of  Bastidas,  whose  Asicnto  que  hizo 
con  SS.  MM.  Catolicas  of  June  ;,  1500.  has  been  printed.'  As  already  related,  the  ravages 
of  the  teredo  drove  Bastidas  into  a  harbor  of  Espaflola,  where  he  was  forced  to  abandon 
his  vessels  and  march  to  Santo  Domingo.  He  divided  his  men  into  three  bands,  who 
saved  themselves  from  starvation  by  ex"hanging  for  food  some  of  the  ornaments  which 
they  had  procured  on  the  coast  of  Tierra-Firme.  This  innocent  traffic  was  declared 
illegal  by  Bobadilla,  who  sent  Bastidas  to  Spain  for  trial.  But  two  years  later,  on  Jan.  29, 
1504,  their  Majesties  ordered  his  goods  to  he  restored  to  him,  and  commanded  that  all 


1  Capitiilacion,  etc.,  -Sept.  14,  1501  (Docii- 
meiitos  iiu't/ilos,  xxxi.  5) ;  CA/nlas,  November, 
1 501  {Dc'triimciitos  ineditos,  xxxi.  100,  102); 
another  c^dula  of  January,  1502  (Dociimeiifos 
iiilditos,  xxxi.  119).  See  also  Ilerrera,  dec.  i. 
lib.  4,  chap.  vii. ;  Navarrete,  iii.  23,  594 ;  Hum- 
boldt, Examai  critique,  i.  314,  iv.  221;  Han- 
croft,  Central  America,  i.  113;  and  Irving, 
Companious,  p.  42. 

•^  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  5,  and  note,  and 
P-  539;  Humboldt,  Examen  critiqne,  i.  S8,  and 
note.  [Cf.  the  section  in  the  present  volume 
on  "The  Karly  Maps  of  the  Spanish  and  Por- 
tuguese Discoveries,"  ante,  p.  106.  — Ed.] 

•■i  Cf.  l'oya:;e  aiix  rt'^ions  eqiiinoxia/es  dii 
tifluveaii  eoutinent  fait  en  1799,  iSoo,  1801,  1S02, 
1S03,  et  1S04,  A"'  Alexandre  de  Ifiiinholdt  ct  A. 
Bonpland,  r{dit;e  par  Alexandre  de  flnmholdt, 
avic  Hit  atlas  ^!;eo<;raphu]uc  et  physique  (8  vols.), 
Paris,  1816-1832.  Translated  into  English  by 
Helen  Maria  Williams,  and  published  as  Per- 
sonal A\irrativc  of  Travels  to  the  Equinoctial 
Kcffions,  etc.  (7  vols.),  Loudon,  1S18-1829. 
There  is  another  translation,  with  the  same 
title,    by  Thomassma  Ross   (7   vols.),    London, 


181S-1829,  of  which  a  three-volume  edition  was 
brought  out  in   1S52. 

*  Examen  critique  de  I'/iistoire  de  la  ghigra- 
phie  du  noHveati  continent,  etc.,  par  A.  de  Hum- 
boldt, Paris,  1836-1S39.  This  was  first  published 
in  Voyai^e  de  Humboldt  et  Bonpland.  Cf.  Bibli- 
oi;raphy  of  Humboldt,  vol.  iii. 

■^  (i)  With  Columbus  —  .September,  1493  'o 
June,  1496.  (2)  With  Ojeda  —  May,  1499  to 
June,  1500.  (3)  With  Bastidas  —  October,  1500 
to  SejiteiTibcr,  1502.  (4)  In  command  —  1504 
to  1506.  (s)  In  command  — 1507101508.  (6) 
With  Ojeda — 1509.  Cf.  Humboldt,  Examen 
critique,  v.  163;  also  Navarrete,  Biblioteca  mari- 
tinia  espanola,  ii.  2oS. 

"  [See  fuithcr  on  the  La  Cosa  map,  Vol.  IH. 
of  the  present  History,  ]>.  8,  and  the  present 
volume,  p.  106,  where  fac-siniiles  and  sketches 
are  given.  —  Ed.] 

">  .'\nswers  to  the  sixth  question  {Coleccion, 
iii.  545),  reviewed  by  the  editor  on  pp.  591  and 
592  of  the  same  volume. 

"  Doeumeiitos  ineditos,  ii.  362.  It  was  par- 
tially translated  in  Hancroft,  Central  America,  i 
186,  note. 


h"^!i 


1    ' 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF   COLUMBUS. 


207 


further  proceedings  should  be  abandoned. 1  They  also  granted  him  a  pension  of  fifty 
thousand  maravedis,  to  be  paid  from  the  revenues  "  de  los  Golfos  de  Huraba  e  Bani ; "  ^ 
while  Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  not  only  pensioned  in  a  similar  fashion,  but  also  made  alguacil 
viayor  of  the  Gulf  of  Uraba.''  With  the  exception  of  a  slave-catching  voyage  to  UrabA 
in  1504,  Bastidas  lived  quietly  as  a  farmer  in  EspaHoIa  until  1520,  when  he  led  an  expedi- 
tion to  settle  the  province  of  Santa  Marta,  and  was  there  killed  by  his  lieutenant.  After 
his  death  his  family,  seeking  to  receive  compensation  for  his  services  and  losses,  drew 
up  an  Infonnacion  dc  los  servkios  del  adclaniado  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas ;  *  and  eight  years 
later  presented  another.''  From  this  material  it  is  possible  to  construct  a  clear  and 
connected  account  of  this  voyage,   especially  when   supplemented  by  Oviedo  and  Las 

Casas." 

This  was  the  first  voyage  which  really  came  v^'ithin  the  scope  of  Hubert  H.  Bancroft's 
Central  America;  and  therefore  he  has  described  it  at  some  length.'  This  book  is  a  vast 
and  invaluable  mine  of  information,  to  be  extracted  only  after  much  labor  and  trouble, 
owin"  to  a  faulty  table  of  contents,  and  the  absence  of  side-notes  or  dates  to  the  pages  ; 
and  there  is  at  present  no  index.  The  text  is  illustrated  with  a  mass  of  descriptive  and 
biblio'aaphical  notes  which  are  really  the  feature  of  the  work,  and  give  it  its  encyclo- 
pedic value.  Considering  its  range  and  character,  the  book  has  surprisingly  few  errors 
of  any  kind  ;  and  indeed  the  only  thing  which  prevents  our  placing  implicit  reliance  on  it 
is  Mr.  Bancroft's  assertion  *  that  "  very  little  of  the  manuscript  as  it  comes  to  me,  whether 
in  the  form  of  rough  material  or  more  finished  chapters,  is  the  work  of  one  person  alone;  " 
while  we  are  not  given  the  means  of  attaching  responsibility  where  it  belongs,  as  regards 
both  the  character  of  the  investigation  and  the  literary  form  which  is  presented.  As  to 
the  ultimate  authorship  of  the  text  itself,  we  are  only  assured  '  that  "  at  least  one  half  of 
the  manuscript  has  been  written  by  my  own  hand."  " 


le  edition  was 


The  second  voyage  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda  rests  entirely  on  some  documents  which 
Navarrete  printed  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Coleccion,  and  upon  which  he  founded  his 
account  of  the  voyage."  The  first,  in  point  of  time,  is  a  ct'dula  of  June  8,  ijoi,  continuing  a 
license  of  July,  1500,  to  explore  and  govern  the  Isla  de  Coquivacoa.'^  Two  days  later,  on 
June  10,  1501,  a  formal  commission  as  governor  was  given  to  Ojeda,'*  and  the  articles 
of  association  were  executed  by  him  and  his  partners,  Vergara  and  Ocampo,  on  the  Jth 
of  July."  An  escribano,  Juan  de  Guevara  by  name,  was  appointed  in  the  beginning  of 
September  of  the  same  year.  The  fleet  was  a  long  time  in  fitting  out,  and  it  was  not  till 
the  next  spring  that  Ojeda  issued  his  orders  and  instructions  to  the  commanders  of  the 
other  vessels  and  to  the  pilots. 1^  These  are  of  great  importance,  as  giving  the  names  of 
the  places  which  he  had  visited  on  his  first  voyage.  The  attempt  at  colonization  ended 
disastrously,  and  Ojeda  found  himself  at  Santo  Domingo  as  the  defendant  in  a  suit  brought 
against  him  by  his  associates.  Navarrete  used  the  evidence  given  in  this  suit  in  his 
account ;  but  he  printed  only  the  cjeaUoria,  in  which  the  King  and  Queen  ordered  that 
Ojeda  should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  that  his  goods  should  be  restored   to  him.'"     The 


) 


'  Navarrete,  Coleciion,  ii.  416. 

-  Doiumcntos  iucditos,  xxxi.  230. 

''  Tiliilo  (1502,  April  3),  Docnmcntos  ineditos, 
xxxi.  [29. 

*  Doctimentos  ineditos,  ii.  366. 

5  Ibid.,  xxxvii.  459. 

"  Oviedo,  i.  76,  and  ii.  334;  Las  Casas,  iii. 
10.  Something  may  also  be  found  in  Herrer?, 
dec.  i.  lib.  4,  chap,  xiv.,  and  in  Navarrete, 
Voleccion,  iii.  25;  Quintana,  Obras  completas  in 
Bibliotcca  de  autores  Espaholes,  xix.  281 ;  IIuip- 
\in\A\.,  Examen  critique,  i.  360,  iv.  224;  Helps, 
i.  281 ;  and  Irving,  Cotn/'iuiiom,  p.  43-45. 


'  Vol.  i.  pp.  114,  183-194. 
*  Cf.  Early  American  Chroniclers,  p.  44. 
9  Chroniclers,  p.  44. 

■"  [There  is  a  further  estimate  in  .mother  part 
of  the  present  work.  —  Ed.] 

11  Coleceion,  pp.  28,  16S,  591;   sec  also  Hum- 
boldt, Examen  critique,  i.  360,  and  iv.  226;  and 
Irving,  Companions,  pp.  46-53. 
'-  Coleceion,  iii.  85. 
"  Ibid.,  iii.  89. 
"  Ibid.,  iii.  gi. 
1^  Ibid.,  iii.  103,  105-107. 
"  Ibid.,  ii.  420-436. 


ri  ■ '   :i 


ii''     I, 


208 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAI,   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


'  (' 


'V!'!! 


position  of  tliu  irrigated  land  '  which  he  called  X'alfermoso  is  difficult  to  determine  ;  but  it 
certainly  was  not  the  Curiana  of  the  present  day,  which  is  identical  with  the  Curiana  of 
Guerra  and  Nino.'- 

Martin  Fernandez  de  Enciso  —  thti  />ac/n7/c-r  Eiia'so  —'■  drat  came  to  the  Indies  with 
Bastidas,"  says  Bancroft,^  and  practised  law  to  such  good  purpose  that  he  accumulated  two 
thousand  castellanos.  —  equivalent  to  ten  thousand  in  our  day.''  This  he  contributed 
toward  the  expenses  of  the  Nueva  Andalucia  colony,  of  which  he  was  made  alcalde  mayor. 
But  he  was  unfortunate  in  that  office,  as  we  have  seen,  and  was  sent  to  Spain,  whence  he 
returned  in  1513  with  Pedrdrias  as  alj^uacil  mayor.  In  im4he  led  an  expedition  to  Genu, 
to  which  Irving  erroneously  gives  an  earlier  date.^  From  1514  to  1519  nothing  is  known 
of  Enciso"s  movements :  but  in  the  latter  year  he  published  the  Siima  de  j^cografia  que 
trata  dc  todas  las  partidas y  provincias  del  tnuiido,  en  especial  de  las  Indias,  which  contains 
much  bearing  on  this  period.     What  became  of  tiie  author  is  not  known. 

The  trading  voyages  to  Tierra-Firme  between  Ojeda's  two  attempts  at  colonization 
have  no  geographical  importance;  and,  indeed,  their  very  existence  depends  on  a  few 
documents  which  were  unearthed  from  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  by  the  indefatigable 
labors  of  Mufloz,  Navarrete,  and  the  editors  of  the  Coleccion  de  documentos  iiUditos  rela- 
tivos  al  descubrimieuto,  conqiiista  y  ort^anizacion  de  las  antiguas  posesiones  EspaTtolas  de 
AmMca  y  Oceania.^'  Of  these  trading  voyages  first  comes  the  cruise  of  Juan  de  la  Gosa,  or 
Juan  \'izcaino,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  whose  intention  to  embark  upon  it  is  inferred 
from  a  letter  from  the  Queen  to  the  royal  officers,'  and  an  asicnto  bearing  date  Feb.  14, 
1504.8  Nothing  is  known  ot  the  voyage  itself,  except  that  Navarrete,  on  the  authority 
of  a  cMnla  which  he  did  not  print,  gives  the  amount  of  money  received  by  the  Grown  as 
its  share  of  the  profits.'-' 

The  voyage  which  Ojeda  is  supposed  to  have  made  in  1505  rests  on  a  still  weaker 
foundation,  as  there  is  nothing  with  regard  to  it  except  a  ct'ditla,  bearing  date  Sept.  21, 
iSOji^"*  concerning  certain  valuables  which  may  have  been  procured  on  this  voyage  or  on 
the  first  ill-fated  attempt  at  colonization.  That  it  was  contemplated  is  ascertained  from  a 
C^dula  para  que  Alfonso  Doxcda  sea  Gobernador  de  la  Costa  de  Ququebacda  e  Huraba,^'^ 
etc.  The  document,  dated  Sept.  21,  1504,  is  followed  by  two  of  the  same  date  referring 
to  Ojeda's  financial  troubles.  Is  it  not  possible  that  the  above-mentioned  document 
of  Sept.  21,  1505,  belongs  with  them?  The  agreement  {asieuto)  of  Sept.  30,  1504,  con- 
firmed in  March  of  the  next  year,  is  in  the  same  volume,  while  an  order  to  the  Governor 
of  Espanola  not  to  interfere  with  the  luckless  Ojeda  was  printed  by  Navarrete  (iii.  iii), 
who  has  said  all  that  can  be  said  concerning  the  expedition  in  his  Noticia  biogrdjica.'^''- 

The  voyage  of  Juan  de  la  Gosa  with  Martin  de  los  Reyes  and  Juan  Gorrea  rests 
entirely  on  the  assertion  of  Navarrete  that  they  returned  in  1508,  because  it  was  stated 
(where,   he  does  not   say)  that   the  proceeds  of  the   voyage   were   so   many  hundred 


ri 


ifl ' 


'   Ticvra  itc  rkgo,  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  32. 

^  Navarrete,  iii.  32.  note  3.  In  this  note 
he  mentions  Kiiciso's  Sntiui  ilc  f:^co^i^rafk  as  an 
authoritv. 

'   Cciitnil  .-imcrica,  i.  339,  note. 

■•  Nav.irrcte,  />i/i!iotcCii  marltima  csparohi, 
ii.  432;  but  .see  also  Hancroft,  Central  America, 
i.  192,  note, 

'  Irving,  Companions,  pp.  126-129.  •'''^'^ 
Afemorial  ijue  lUScl  hachitU  •  Enciso  de  lo  ejecntailo 
for  el  en  lie  fen  sa  dc  los  /Scales  dcreclios  en  la  materia 
dc  /oi  inJios,  in  Documentos  inAlitos,  i.  441.  Tliis 
document  contains,  pp.  442-444,  the  celebrated 
reijncrimiento  which  I'cdrarias  was  ordered  to 
read  to  the  natives  before  he  seized  their  lands. 
A  translation  is  in  IJancroft,  Central  America,  i. 


397,  note.  It  may  also  he  found  in  Oviedo,  iii.  28. 
Bancroft  in  the  above  note  also  indicates  the 
depositary  of  the  requcrimiento  drawn  up  for  the 
use  of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa.  With  regard  to 
this  Ccni'i  e.\i)edition,  see  also  Enciso,  Suma  de 
gcop-afia,  p.  56. 

•>  Cited  in  this  chapter  as  Documentos  iniditos. 
[See  further  on  this  collection  in  the  Introduction 
to  the  jjresent  voUuuc.  —  El).] 

"  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  109;  and  see  also 
DiHioteca  marltima  espanola,  ii.  210,  211. 

"  Documentos  iueditos,  xxxi.  2:0. 

"  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  161. 

'''  Documentos  iniditos,  xxxi.  360. 
'1  Ibid.,  xxxi.  250. 

'-  Coleccion,  iii.  169. 


i     I 


THE   COMPANION'S   OF   COLUMBUS. 


209 


thousand  maravedis.'  Concerning  the  discovery  of  Yucatan  by  Vicente  Yaflez  Pinzon,  there 
is  no  original  material ;  -  but  iicre  again  evidence  of  preparation  for  a  voyage  can  be  found 
in  an  asicnto y  capytulacion  of  April  24,  1505,  in  the  Docninentos  incditos  (xxxi.  309). 

After  this  time  the  liistory  of  Tierra-Pirme  is  much  better  l<no\vn  ;  for  it  is  with  the 
colonies  sent  out  under  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa  in  1509  that  the  Historia  general  of  Oviedo 
becomes  a  standard  authority.  Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y  Valdes  was  born  in 
Madrid  in  147S,  and  in  1490  he  entered  the  household  of  the  Duke  of  Villahermoso. 
Later  lie  served  under  Prince  Juan  and  the  King  of  Naples  until  1507,  wiien  he  entered 
the  service  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain.  In  1513  he  was  appointed  escn'bano,  and 
later  (upon  the  death  of  Caicedo,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the  agents 
\'asco  Nunez  had  sent  to  Spain  to  announce  the  existence  of  an  unlcnown  sea)  vcedor  de 
las  fuiidaciones  d'  oro  to  the  expedition  whicli  under  Pedrilrias  was  sent  to  Tierra-Firme 
in  that  year.  Oviedo  did  not  approve  of  tlie  course  pursued  by  that  worthy,  and  returned 
to  Spain  in  1515  to  inform  the  new  King,  Charles  I.  (Emperor  Charles  V.)  of  the  true  con- 
dition of  afleiirs  in  the  Indies.  He  brought  about  many  important  reforms,  secured  for 
himself  the  office  of  perpetual  regidor  of  Antigua, — cscribano  general  of  the  province, 
receiver  of  the  fines  of  the  cdinara,^  —  and  cargoes  and  goods  forfeited  for  smuggling 
were  also  bestowed  upon  him.  His  veedurla  was  extended  so  as  to  include  all  Tierra- 
Firme  ;  and  when  the  news  of  the  execution  of  Vasco  Nufiez  arrived  at  Court,  he 
was  ordered  to  take  charge  of  his  goods  and  those  of  his  associates.  Oviedo,  provided 
with  so  many  offices  and  with  an  order  commanding  all  governors  to  furnish  him 
with  a  true  account  of  their  doings,  returned  to  Antigua  soon  after  the  new  governor, 
Lope  de  Sosa,  who  had  been  appointed,  upon  his  representations,  to  succeed  Pedrdrias. 
But  unfortunately  for  him  Lope  de  Sosa  died  in  the  harbor  of  Antigua  (1520),  and 
Oviedo  was  left  face  to  face  with  Pedrarias.  It  was  not  long  before  they  quarrelled  as  to 
the  policy  of  removing  the  seat  of  government  of  the  province  from  Antigua  to  Panamd, 
which  Oviedo  did  not  approve.  Pedrdrias  craftily  made  him  his  lieutenant  at  Antigua,  in 
which  office  Oviedo  conducted  himself  so  honestly  that  he  incurred  the  hatred  of  all  the 
evil-dispostil  colonists  of  that  town,  and  was  forced  to  resign.  He  also  complained  of 
Pedrdrias  b  ore  the  new  alcalde  mayor,  and  was  glad  to  go  to  Spain  as  the  representative 
of  Antigua.  On  his  way  he  stopped  at  Cuba  and  Santo  Domingo,  where  he  saw  Velasquez 
and  Diego  Columbus;  with  the  latter  he  sailed  for  home.  There  he  used  his  oppor- 
tunities so  well  that  he  procured,  in  1523,  the  appointment  of  Pedro  de  los  Rios  as 
Pedrdrias'  successor,  and  for  himself  the  governorship  of  Cartagena  ;  and  after  publishing 
his  Sumario  he  returned  to  Castilla  del  Oro,  where  he  remained  until  1530,  when  he 
returned  to  Spain,  resigned  his  veedurla,  and  some  time  after  received  the  appointment  of 
Cronista  general  de  Indias.  In  1532  he  was  again  in  Santo  Domingo,  and  in  1533  he  was 
appointed  alcaid  of  the  fortress  there.  But  the  remainder  of  his  life  was  passed  in 
literary  pursuits,  and  he  died  in  Valladolid  in  1557  at  the  age  of  seventy-nine.  From  this 
account  it  can  easily  be  seen  that  whatever  he  wrote  with  regard  to  the  affairs  of  Tierra- 
Firme  must  be  received  with  caution,  as  he  was  far  from  being  an  impartial  observer.* 

The  first  document  with  regard  to  the  final  and  successful  settlement  of  Tierra-Firme 
is  the  cMiila  of  June  9,  1508,  in  which  Diego  de  Nicuesa  and  Alonso  de  Ojeda  were  com- 
missioned governors  of  Veragua  and   Urabd  for  four  years.i^     Juan  de  In    Cosa  was 


'   Tolcciii'ii,  iii.  162. 

'^  Navarrete,  Ctf/fc/Vw,  iii.46;  Humboldt,  y;.va- 
»/(•«  criliquc,  iv.  22S  ;  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  6,  cha]). 
xvii.     liut  this  discovery  is  denied  by  Ilarrisse. 
3  "  Collector   of    penalties."     Of.   Bancroft, 
Central  America,   i.  473, 

*  [The   bibliographical  history  of   Oviedo's 
writings   is  given    in   the    note    following  the 
chapter  on  Las  Casas.     Harrisse,  who  gives  a 
VOL.  II.  —  27. 


chapter  on  Oviedo  in  his  Christophe  Colomh, 
p.  97,  points  out  how  rarely  he  refers  to  original 
documents.  —  Ed.] 

*  Real  cedilla  por  la  cual,  con  referenda  a  to 
capitulado  con  Diego  de  Nicuesa  y  Alonso  de  IIo- 
jeda,  y  al  nomhramiento  de  dmbos  por  ciiatro  aiios 
para  gobernadores  de  Veragua  el  primero  y  de 
Urabd  et  segundo,  debiendo  ser  Teniente  suyo  Juan 
de  la  Cosa,  se   ra/ijica  el  nomhramiento  a  //ojeda 


11 


Hi 


if/; 


'.'  '■' 


l>  I. 


Vi  I 


Hi! 


i1 


I- 

l! 


2IO 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


confirmed  in  his  office  of  algtuicil  mayor  tie  L/rabd  on  the  seventeenth  of  the  same  month ; » 
and  the  Governor  of  Espaflola  was  directed  to  give  him  a  house  for  his  wife  and  children, 
togetiier  with  a  sufficient  niimlier  of  Indians.'- 

As  we  have  seen,  the  two  governors  were  prevented  by  Diego  Columbus  from  taking 
the  well-to-do  class  of  colonists  from  Espaflola  upon  which  they  had  counted.  This 
statement  is  made  on  the  authority  of  Nicuesa's  lieutenant,  Rodrigo  de  Colmcnares,  who 
afterward  deserted  Nicucsa  at  Antigua,  and  went  to  Spain  in  1512  in  company  with 
Caicedo  to  report  the  existence  of  a  new  sea.  Wliile  there,  either  on  this  or  a  later  visit, 
he  presented  a  memorial  to  the  Kw^  sobrc  el  liemraciiufo  siiceso  de  Diei^o  i/e  A'uuesa.'' 
The  allegations  of  Colmenarcs  are  borne  out  by  two  ccdnlas  of  Feb.  28,  1510;  ■»  wliile  a 
cedilla  of  June  15,  1510,  declared  that  the  Gulf  of  Urabd  belonged  to  the  province  which 
had  been  assigned  to  Ojeda/"  Nicuesa  was  informed  of  this  decision  \n!L  cc'diila  oi  the 
same  date."  There  are  four  more  cedillas  of  July  25,  15 11,  in  two  oi  which  the  Admiral 
Diego  Columbus  and  the  treasurer  Pasamonte  are  ordered  to  assist  the  unhappy  gover- 
nors, while  the  other  two  were  written  to  inform  those  governors  that  such  orders  had 
been  sent.'  The  f.tte  of  neither  of  them,  however,  is  certain.  The  judges  of  appeal  in 
Espanola  were  ordered  to  inquire  into  the  crimes,  delils,  and  excesses  of  Ojeda,  Talavera, 
and  companions.^  Talavera  and  lus  associates  were  hanged  in  Jamaica  in  1511,  and 
Ojeda's  deposition  was  taken  in  1513,  and  again  in  1515  in  Santo  Domingo,  in  the  cele- 
brated lawsuit ;  but  beyond  this  liis  further  movements  are  not  accurately  known.'  As 
for  Nicuesa,  he  too  underwent  shipwreck  and  starvation ;  and  when  at  last  fortune 
seemed  about  to  smile  upon  him,  he  was  cruelly  cast  out  by  the  mutinous  settlers  at 
Darien;  and  although  a  story  was  current  that  he  had  been  wrecked  on  Cuba  anU  had 
there  left  inscribed  ..n  a  tree,  "  Here  died  the  unfortunate  Nicuesa,"  yet  the  best  opinion  is 
that  he  and  his  seventeen  faithful  followers  perished  at  sea.  i" 

The  only  complete  biography  of  Vasco  Nufiez  de  Balbda  is  that  of  Don  Manuel  Jos^ 
Quintana,"  who  had  access  to  the  then  unpublished  portion  of  Oviedo,  and  to  documents 
many  of  which  are  possibly  not  yet  published.  His  I'l'da,^'-  therefore,  is  very  useful  in 
filling  gaps  in  the  account  of  the  expeditions  from  Antigua  both  before  and  after  the 
coming  of  Pedrdrias.  There  is  no  account  by  an  eye-witness  of  the  expeditions  under- 
taken by  Vasco  Nuiiez  before  15 14;  and  the  only  approach  to  such  a  document  is  the 


(June  9,  TjoS),  Navanctc,  Colcrc-iait,  iii.  116;  in 
the  oiir;'i  .il  spelling,  and  bearing  date  May  9, 
150S,  ill  Document  hiedi/os,  xxxii.  25.  The 
"  fafilidiiiio"  mentioned  in  the  above  title  is  in 
Documeiitos  iiteiiitos,  xxxii.  29-43,  •*"''  '*  followed 
bv  the  Kt'dl  ccdii'ui  para  Xoati  de  la  Cossa  sea  capi- 
tan  c  golh-riiador  for  Al/ionso  Doxcda  ;  e  en  las 
fc.-tes  doiide  estlwhicre  cl  dieho  Doxcda  sit  Lugar 
Tlii"ie>t/c  {June  9,  1508);  and  see  also  Capi'/ii- 
laeion  que  se  tonia  con  Diego  de  A'leuesa  y  Alouso 
de  Ojcda  (June  9,  1508),  Documentos  iueditos, 
xxii.  13. 

'  Navarrete,  Colcccion,  iii.  liS;  Documentos 
iniditos,  x.xxii.  46 ;  and  see  al.so  Ibid.,  p.  52. 

2  Cedilla,  Documentos  iueditos,  xxxii.  51. 

'  Navarrete,  Colcccion,  iii.  386  and  note; 
probably  presented  in  1516.  Cf.  Dihlioteca 
maritima  espanola,  ii.  666. 

^  Documentos  incditos,  xxxi.  529,  533. 

"  Il)id.,  xxxii.  lor. 

'  Ibid.,  xxxii.  103. 

■^  Ibid.,  xxxii.  231,  236,  240,  257. 

*  See    document    of    October     c,     iiii,    in 


Navarrete,  Colcccion,  iii.  120,  .ind  of  Oct.  6,  151 1, 
in  Documentos  incditos,  xxxii.  284. 

"  Other  references  are  Oviedo,  ii.  421 ;  Las 
Casas,  iii.  2S9-311 ;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  ii.  chap, 
i. ;  Herrcra,  dec.  i.  lib.  7,  chaps,  vii.,  xi.,  xiv.-xvi., 
and  lib.  8,  iii.-v. ;  Navarrete,  Colcccion,  iii. 
170;  Qiiintana,  17.  S.,  pp.  281,  301;  Helps,  i. 
287-296;  Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  289-301; 
Irving,  Companions,  pp.  54-102. 

'"  .See,  however,  on  the  career  of  Nicuesa  af- 
ter leaving  Cart.igena  the  following  authorities: 
Oviedo,  ii.  465-477 ;  Las  Casas,  iii.  329-347  ; 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  ii.  chaps,  ii.-iii. ;  Herrcra,  dec. 
i.  lib.  7,  chap,  xvi.,  and  lib.  8,  chaps,  i.-iii.  and 
viii. ;  I'idas  de  Espaholcs  cclcores  in  vol.  xix.  of 
Bil'lioteca  dc  autorcs  EspanoUs,  ohras  completas  del 
Excimo  Sr.  D.  Manuel  Jose  Qiiintana,  p.  2S3 ; 
Helps,  i.  303-317;  Bancroft,  Central  America, 
I.  289-308,  and  336,  note ;  Irving,  Companions, 
pp.  103-117,  138-146. 

"  Cf.  Navarrete,  Biblioteca  maritima  espa- 
nola, fi.  409. 

'^  Qniiitana,  U.  S.,  pp.  281-300. 


THE   COMPANIONS   OF  COLUMBUS. 


211 


f  Oct.  6,  1511, 


letter  which  Vasco  NuFlez  wrote  to  the  Kiiiij;  on  J.td.  20,  15 13.*  The  writer  of  this  letter 
cume  to  the  Indies  with  liastidas  in  1500  :  and  after  tiie  unhappy  ending  of  tliat  voyage 
settled  in  I'^spanola.  But  he  was  not  suited  to  the  placid  life  of  a  planter,  and  lieconiing 
involved  in  debt,  was  glad  to  escape  from  his  creditors  in  Enciso's  ship.  It  was  by  his 
advice  tiiat  the  San  Sebastian  colony  was  transferred  to  the  other  side  of  the  (ailf  of 
Urab.i  ;  and  when  there  his  shrewdness  had  discovered  a  way  of  getting  rifl  of  Enciso. 
The  exact  part  he  played  in  the  murder  of  N'icuesa  is  not  clear;  but  it  is  certain,  as 
ISaiuroft  points  out,  that  his  connection  with  that  nefarious  act  was  the  lever  by  which 
his  enemies  linally  accomplished  his  overthrow.  It  can  be  thus  easily  undcrstond  that  the 
censures  which  he  passes  on  Enciso  and  .\icuesa  must  l)c  received  with  caution.  Still, 
we  should  not  forget  that  Vasco  Nufiez  succeeded  where  they  failed,  lie  was  a  man  of 
little  or  no  education,  and  portions  of  this  letter  are  almost  untranslatable.  Nevertheless, 
Clements  K.  .Markham  Ins  given  an  English  rendering  in  the  Introduction  to  his  trans- 
lation of  Andagoya's  Relacion."^  .'Vmong  the  other  accounts,*  that  of  Herrera  is  very  full, 
and,  so  far  as  it  can  be  compared  —ith  accessible  documents,  sufficiently  accurate. 

There  is  no  real  discrepancy  in  the  various  narratives,  except  will  regard  to  the  date 
of  the  discovery  of  the  Pacific,  which  Peter  Martyr  says  took  place  on  the  26th  of  Sei> 
teiiiber,  while  all  the  other  authorities  have  the  25th  ;  Oviedo  going  so  far  as  to  give  the 
very  hour  when  the  new  waters  first  dawned  on  lialbda's  sight.* 

There  is  no  lack  of  original  material  concerning  the  government  of  Pedrdrias.  First 
come  his  commission''  (July  27,  1513)  and  instructions "  (Aug.  2,  1513),  which  Xavarrete 
has  printed,  together  with  the  letter  written  by  the  King  on  receipt  of  the  reports  of  N'asco 
Nunez'  grand  discovery.'  The  date  of  this  paper  is  not  given  ;  but  there  has  recently 
been  printed  ^  a  letter  from  the  King  to  Vasco  Nunez  of  Aug.  19,  IJ14.  In  this  note  the 
monarch  stales  that  he  has  heard  of  the  discovery  of  the  new  sea  through  I'asamonte, 
although  he  had  not  then  seen  Arbolancha.  Pasamonte  had  probably  written  in  \'asco 
Nui'iez'  favor;  for  the  King  adds  that  he  has  written  to  Pedrarias  that  he  (Vasco  Nunez) 
should  be  well  treated.  It  is  possible  that  this  is  the  letter  above  mentioned,  a  portion 
only  of  which  is  printed  in  Navarrete. 

The  date  of  the  expedition  to  Dabaibe,  in  which  so  many  men  were  lost,  is  not  certain  ; 
but  X'asco  Nufiez  saw  the  necessity  of  putting  forward  a  defence,  which  he  did  in  a  letter 
to  the  King  on  the  i6th  of  October,  1515.'  In  this  letter,  besides  describing  the  really 
insuperable  obstacles  in  the  way  of  a  successful  expedition  in  that  direction,  —  in  which 
the  lack  of  food,  owing  to  the  ravages  of  the  locusts,  bears  a  prominent  part,  —  he  attacks 
Pedr.lrias  and  his  government  very  severely. 

The  doings  of  Arbolancha  in  Spain  are  not  known.  There  is  a  letter  of  the  King  to 
Pedrarias,  dated  Sept.  27,  1514,  appointing  Vasco  Nufiez  addantado  of  the  coast  region 


'iiaritima   cspa- 


'  Navarrete,  CoUccioit,  iii.  358-375. 

-  A'arratij.  .  .  .  of  Pascual  de  Aiidagoya, 
translated  bv  0.  K.  Markham  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society,  if*  J5,  Introduction,  pp.  iii,  xix. 

*  O'i^do,  iii.  4-21  ;  Las  Casas,  iii,  312-328, 
iv,  66-134  ;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  ii.  chai)S.  iii.-vi., 
dec.  iii.  chap.  i. ,  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  9  and  10, 
viitii  the  e.Nception  of  chap.  vii.  of  book  10,  which 
relates  10  I'edrarias,  and  of  a  few  other  chapters 
with  regard  to  the  affairs  of  Velasquez,  etc.  ; 
Galvano,  Hakluyt  Society  ed.,  p.  124;  Helps, 
'•  3- '-352,  and  chap.  iv.  of  his  Pizarro ;  Ban- 
croft, Cmtral  America,  i.  129,  133,  330-3S5,  438  ; 
and  Mexico,  iii.  558  ;  Irving,  Companions,  pp. 
136-212  and  254-276  ;  Ruge,  Ccschichic  dcs  Zcit- 
alters  der  l-'.nldeckiiir^en,  p.  347. 

'■  Cf.  liancroft.  Central  America,  i.  364,  note. 
Irving  unluckily  followed  I'cter  .Martyr,  as  lian- 


croft  shows.  [Humboldt  is  inclined  to  magnify 
the  significance  of  the  information  which  Co- 
lumbus in  his  third  voyage  got,  as  looking  to 
a  knowledge,  by  the  Spaniards,  of  the  south  sea 
as  early  as  1503.  Cf.  his  Relation  historiqiie  dii 
voyai,v  aitx  rei;ions  hjiiinoxiales,  iii.  703,  705, 
713  ;  Cosmos,  ICng.  tr.  (Bohn),  ii.  642;  V'iruis  of 
Nature  (Bohn),  p.  432.  —  Kd.1 

6  Coleccion,  iii.  337-342- 

0  Ibid.,  iii.  342-355- 

'  Ibid.,  iii.  355. 

"  Dociimcnios  ini'dilos,  xxxvii.  2R2. 

9  Ibid.,  ii.  526 ;  Navaiiete,  Coleccion,  iii.  375. 
Cf.  Xavarrcte's  nola  on  the  credibility  of  Vasco 
Nufiez  in  Ibid.,  p.  3S5.  Portions  of  this  letter 
have  been  translated  by  Markham  in  the  notes 
to  p.iges  I  and  10  of  .Andagoya's  A'arrative, 
published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society. 


•1 


m 


if 


2l: 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


;■  I- 


H    ''^ 


f!j  , 


It''     I     .  '' 


which  he  liatl  discovered. '  VVe  have  several  letters  of  the  King  to  l'e(h.irias,  to  the  new 
adclanlado,  and  to  other  officers,  on  November  23  and  27.'- 

The  next  document  of  iniiMirlance  is  llie  narrative  of  Espinosa's  expedition,  written 
by  himself.  It  is  printed  in  the  Dthitiiicii/os  iiuh/itos  (vol.  ii.  pp.  467-522),  with  some 
corrections  by  tiie  editors  ;  but  it  may  be  found  in  the  original  spelling,  and  witiiout  such 
corrections,  in  anotlier  volume  of  that  series,''  wiiere  the  date  of  514  is  most  erroneously 
assigned  to  it. 

The  lici'iuiate  (Caspar  de  Espinosa  came  to  Tierra-Kirme  with  I'ednirias  as  ahali/e 
mayor.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Antigua  he  held  tiie  rcsidcncia  of  Vasco  Nuflez,  and 
then  is  not  heard  of  again  until  lie  is  found  in  command  of  this  exjiedition.  He  founded 
Panama  (for  the  first  time)  and  returned  to  Antigua,  whence  he  followetl  I'ednirias  to 
Ada  to  try  \'asco  Nufiez  for  treason.  He  unwillingly  convicted  him,  but  recommentied 
mercy.  After  the  great  explorer's  death  he  cruised  in  his  vessels  to  the  coast  of 
Nicaragua;  and  later  he  played  an  important  part  in  die  conquest  of  Peru,  and  died  at 
Cuzco  while  endeavoring  to  accommodate  the  differences  between  Pizarro  and  Alniagro. 
The  only  oilier  document  of  his  which  I  have  found  is  a  Rchicion  e  proceso  concerning  the 
voyage  of  1519.'' 

There  are  a  few  other  documents  bearing  on  the  history  of  Tierra-Firme  ;'  but  the 
best  and  most  complete  cc  ntemporarv  account  of  this  period"  was  written  by  Pascual  de 
Andagoya,  who  came  to  Antigua  witii  Pedrdrias.  Andagoya  was  with  Vasco  NuAez  on 
his  last  voyage,  accompanied  Espinosa  on  both  his  expeditions,  and  led  a  force  into  liin'i 
in  1522.  After  his  return  from  that  expedition  he  lived  in  PananiA  until  1529,  when 
Pedro  de  los  Rios  banished  him  from  the  isthmus.  After  a  few  years  spent  in  Santo 
Domingo  he  returned  to  Panaii'.d  as  lieutenant  to  the  new  governor,  Barrionuevo,  and 
acted  as  agent  to  Pizarro  and  tiie  other  conquerors  of  Peru  until  1536,  when  his  resi- 
dencia  was  held  with  much  rigor  by  the  licenciate  Pedro  Vasquez,  and  he  was  sent  to 
Spain.  In  1539  he  returned  a:,  adclantado  and  governor  '  Castilla  Nueva,  as  the  province 
bordering  on  the  Mar  del  Sur  from  the  Gulf  of  San  iM._^  ;1  to  the  San  Juan  River  was 
then  called.  But  the  remainder  of  his  life  was  one  succession  of  disappointments,  and  he 
died  some  time  after  1545.' 

From  this  brief  biography  it  will  be  seen  that  Andagoya's  earlier  career  was  successful, 
and  that  he  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Pedr.irias,  Espinosa,  and  Vasco  Nuflez.  He  was 
therefore,  so  far  as  we  are  concerned,  an  impartial  witness  of  the  events  which  he  describes  ; 
and  his  testimony  is  therefore  more  to  be  relied  on  than  that  of  Oviedo,  who  was  absent 
from  Tierra-Firme  a  great  part  of  the  time,  and  who  was  besides  inimical  to  Pedrrfrias. 
Otherwise  Oviedo's  account  is  tlie  better;  for  the  sequence  of  events  is  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  to  unravel  from  Andagoya. 


Il     r 


i?-' 


lit 


1  Cf.  Sabin,  DUtioimry,  vol.  xiii.  no.  56,338  ; 
also  vol.  .\.  no.  41,604. 

-  Letter  from  the  King  to  Pedr.irias,  Sept. 
23,  1514  (Doiumentos  iiuditos,  xxxvii.  285); 
to  Alonso  de  la  Fucnte,  nuestro  Thcsordro  de 
Castilla  del  Oro.  same  date  (Doc.  in.,  p.  2S7)  ;  to 
other  officials  (Doc.  in.,  p.  2S9)  ;  to  Vasco  Nunez 
(Doc.  ill.,  p.  290).  See  also  some  extracts  printed 
in  the  same  volume,  pp.  193-197. 

"  DocHinentos  incditos,  xxxvii.  5-75. 

*  Ibid.,  XX.  5-1 19. 

*  Carta  dc  Alonso  de  la  Piientc  [tliesorero  of 
Tierra-Firme]  y  Diego  Maiqiiez,  1516  (Docii- 
mciitos  incditos,  ii.  538);  Carta  al  Mr.  dc  Zn'res 
cl  lycenciado  fiia(0,  1518  (Dociimentos  incditos, 
i.  304).  AI011.W  dc  ^luifo,  or  /nazo,  was  jiiez  de 
Rcsidencia  en  Santo  Domingo.  Cf.  Dociimentos 
tneditos,  i.  292,  note. 


^  Relacion  dc  los  siicesos  de  Pcdrdrias  Ddvila 
en  las  fro^^'incias  dc  Tierra  Jirme  6  Castilla  del 
oro,  y  de  lo  occurido  en  el  descnbrimiento  de  la 
mar  del  Sur  y  castas  del  Peril  y  A'icara^iia,  escrita 
por  el  Adclantado  Pascual  de  Andagoya,  in  Xavar- 
rete,  Coleccion,  iii.  393-456.  The  portion  beai  ing 
on  the  events  described  in  this  chapter  ciid.s  at 
page  419.  This  has  been  translated  and  edited 
with  notes,  a  map,  and  introduction  bv  Clem- 
ents R.  Markhani,  in  a  volume  published  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society,  London,  1S65.  [Cf.  chapter 
on  Peru,  and  the  paper  on  Andagoya  by  Navar- 
rete  in  his  O/'tisculos,  i.  137. —  E13.] 

"  Cf.  Navarretc,  A'oticia  biografica  del  Adcl- 
antado Pascual  de  Andagoya,  Coleccion,  iii.  457 ; 
also  Bihlioteca  niaritiina  cspaTwla,  ii.  519;  and 
Markham's  translation  of  Andagoya's  Relacion, 

])p.  XX  -XXX. 


I 


i<\ 


TIIK   COMPANIONS   OK   COIA'MIU'S. 


213 


to  the  new 


'rjie  second  chronicler  of  the  Indies,  Antonio  <Ic  Ikrroiii  y  'rordcsillas.  wlio  i)nblislied 
the  first  two  vohniies  of  his  Itistoria  i;cii(>al  in  1601,'  drew  upon  liiinself  tlie  wratli  of 
a  descendant  of  rednirias,  Don  Francisco  Arias  Djivihi,  Conde  dc  I'tifionrostro,  who 
petitioned  f-r  redress.  Memorials,  rclncioncsy  and  rcj'nttuionfs  were  ijivcn  on  both  sides 
until  September,  1603,  when  the  matter  was  referred  to  '•  \il  Ramirez  de  Arellano,  del 
CoMsexo  de  Su  Maxestad  e  Su  Fiscal.''  This  imiijire  decided  in  elfect  -  that  Ilerrera 
had  ({one  too  far,  and  that  the  acrimony  -f  .some  of  the  jiassages  objected  to  should  be 
militated.  The  papers  which  passed  in  this  discussion,  after  remaining  for  a  long 
tinic  l)urie(l  in  the  Arcliives  of  the  Indies,  have  been  printed  in  the  thirty-seventh  volume 
of  l)ihiiiiit-iitos  incclitos^''  and  are  wiinout  doubt  one  of  tlic  most  valuable  sets  amon)^  tlie 
papers  in  that  collection.  Amonj;  them  are  many  letters  from  the  King  to  the  royal 
officials  which  throw  much  light  on  the  history  of  that  time.  There  is  nothing  in  them, 
however,  to  remove  the  unfavorable  opinion  of  I'edr.-irias  which  the  execution  of  Vasco 
Nuflez  aroused;  for  although  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Vasco  Nunez  meditated 
technical  treason,  yet  conviction  for  treason  by  the  ulcaldc  mayor  would  not  have  justi- 
fied execution  without  appeal,  especially  when  the  fair-minded  judge,  Ga.spar  Espinosa, 
recommended  mercy.  This  is  perfectly  clear ;  but  the  mind  of  Pednirias,  who  presented 
the  facts  from  his  point  of  view,  in  the  TestimiUiio  de  mondamidnlo  dc  J'cdrun'as  Davila 
iiiividando  prosccsar  a  Vasco  Niiiies  dc  Balbda,^  had  been  poisoned  by  the  jealous 
Garabito. 

The  convicted  traitors  were  executed  vvithout  del.ay  or  appeal  of  any  kind  being  given 
tliem.  The  general  opinion  is  that  this  execution  took  place  in  1517,  and  that  date  has 
been  adopted  in  this  chapter;  but  in  the  second  volume  of  Dociimcutos  iiicdiios  fn.  556), 
there  is  a  Pcticion  prcscntada  por  Hernando  de  Ari;ucllo,  d  nombrc  dc  Vasco  Nitucz  de 
Jud/wti,  sohre  que  se  le  prorroi^ne  el  U'rmino  que  se  Ic  habia  dado  para  la  construccion  de 
uHos  iiiivlos,  etc.,  which  was  granted,  for  eight  months,  on  the  13th  day  of  January,  1518 
(<•«  /reze  de  Ei .  -o  de  quiiiu'ntos  e  diez  i ocho  aiios).  This  document  is  signed  by  Fedr.irias 
Davila,  Alonso  de  la  Puente,  and  Diego  Marquez;  and  it  is  properly  attested  by  Martin 
Salte,  escrilnino.  Argiiello  was  the  principal  financial  supporter  of  Vasco  Nufiez  in  the 
South  Sea  enterprise,  and  was  executed  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  on  which  his 
chief  suffered.'' 

The  first  fifty-seven  pages  of  the  fourteenth  volume  of  the  Documentos  int'ditos  are 
taken  up  with  the  affairs  of  Gil  Gonzalez  D.ivila.  The  first  is  an  asicnto  with  the 
pilot  Nifio,  by  which  he  was  given  permission  to  discover  and  explore  for  one  thousand 
leagues  to  the  westward  from  Panamii.  Gil  Gonzalez  was  to  go  in  command  of  the  fleet,' 
composed  of  tlie  vessels  built  by  Vasco  Nufiez,  which  Pedrdrias  was  ordered  to  deliver  to 
the  new  adventurers,  but  which  he  refused  to  do  until  Gil  Gonzalez  made  the  demand 
in  person.' 

A  full  statement  of  the  equipments  and  cost  of  fitting  out  the  fleet  in  Spain  is  given 
in  Documentos  ineditos  (vol.  xiv.  pp.  8-20),  and  is  exceedingly  interesting  as  showing 
what  the  Spaniards  thought  essential  to  the  outfit  of  an  exploring  expedition.     What  was 


1 .' 


'  [See  the  bibliograph"  of  Hcrrera  on  p.  67, 
uiil,-.  —  El).] 

-  Documentos  ineditos,  .xxxvii.  311. 

'  See  also  Oviedo,  iii.  21-51.  83  et  sen. ;  Las 
Casas,  iv.  135-244;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  ii.  chap, 
vii.  dee.  iii.  chaps,  i.-iii.,  v.,  vi.,  and  x.,  and  dec.  v. 
chap.  ix. ;  Herrcra,  dec.  ii.  lib.  t,2,  3,  dec.  iii.  lib. 
4,  5, 8, 9,  and  10  passim  :  Quintana,  6'.  S.,  p.  294 
Helps,  i.  353-3SS;  iJancroft,  Centnd  Amtriai,  i. 
386-431;  Irving,  Companions,  pp.  212-276. 

■•  Documentos  ineditos,  xxxvii.  215-231. 

'  Oviedo,  iii.  56;  Eas   Casas,   iv.   230-244; 
Peter  ^Eii  tyr,  dec.  iv.  chap.  ix. ;  Herrera,  dee.  ii. 


lib.  2,  chaps,  xiii  ,  xv.,  and  xxi. ;  Quintana,  U.  S., 
pp.  29S-299;  Helps,  i.  3S9-411  ;  Pancroft,  CtV///'.;/ 
America,  i.  432-459;  Irving,  Companions,  pp. 
259-276.  Cf.  Manuel  M.  De  Peralta,  Costa  Rica, 
Xicara<;ua  y  Panartd  en  el  sij^/o  X]'I.  (Madrid, 
1^83),  pp.  ix,  707,  for  documents  relating  to 
Pedrdrias  in  Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua,  and 
p.  S3  for  Diego  Machuca  de  Zuazo's  letter  to 
the  Eni]3cror,  written  from  (jranada.  May  30, 
1531,  referring  to  the  death  of  Pcdrarias. 

8  Documentos  ineditos,  xiv.  5,  partly  translated 
in  Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  480,  note. 

'  Bancroft,  Central  Ama  ica,  i.  481,  note. 


I   ■' 


I'l'   ;i 


214 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


r  * 


iW'.li 


.iV 


i  :t 


,1./'Mf|' 


actually  accomplislicd  in  the  way  of  sailing,  niarcliinj;,  aticl  baptizing  is  fully  set  forth  in 
Kelacion  dc  las  /ei;;iias  i/uc  el  capitan  Gil  Gonzalez  DAvila  anduvit  a  pW  par  ticrra  por 
la  casta  de  la  mar  del  Siii\y  de  los  caciques  y  indios  que  descidnid  y  se  baldizaron,  y  del 
oro  que  dieron  para  S'us  Afai^estades  (1522)-' 

The  latter  i)art  of  the  career  of  Gil  Gonzalez  is  described  in  the  Informacion  sobt-e 
la  lUj^ada  de  Gil  Gonzalez  Ddvila  y  Cristdbal  de  Olid  A  las  Ifii^iieras  (Oct.  S,  1524)  - 
and  in  the  succeeding  documents,  especially  a  Tra^'ado  tcstiinoniado  de  una  ci'dula  del 
Empcrador  Carlos  /'....  entre  los  capitanes  L.il  Gonzalez  DAvila  y  Cristdbal 
Dolid  (Nov.  20,  1525).''  The  Relacion  of  Andagoya^  contains  a  narrative  of  the  ex- 
jiedition  iVom  a  different  point  of  view.  Besides  these  papers,  Bancroft  found  a  docu- 
ment in  the  Squier  Collection,' which  he  cites  as  Carta  de  Gil  Gonzalez  Ddvila  el  A'ey 
(.March,  1524).  This  letter  contains  a  great  deal  of  detailed  information,  of  which 
Bancroft  has  made  good  use  in  his  account  of  that  adventurer." 

There  is  no  documentary  evidence  with  regard  to  the  settlement  of  Jamaica  by  Juan 
de  Esquivel,  or  of  the  circumnavigation  of  Cuba  by  Sebastian  de  Ocanipo ;  and  there  are 
but  slight  allusions  to  them  in  the  "chroniclers."'  There  is  not  much  to  be  found  con- 
cerning the  settlement  of  Cuba,  except  the  accounts  given  by  the  early  chroniclers. 
1  should  i)lace  Oviedo  (vol.  i.  p.  494)  first,  although  he  got  his  knowledge  second  hand 
from  the  account  given  by  Las  Casas  ;  wliilc  the  story  of  this  actual  observer  is  necessarily 
tinged  by  the  peculiar  views  —  peculiar  for  the  nation  and  epoch  — which  he  held  in  later 
life  with  regard  to  the  enslavement  of  the  natives.' 

With  the  voyage  of  C6rdoba  to  Yucatan,  Navarrete  '  again  becomes  useful,  although 
he  printed  no  new  evidence.  Tiie  voyage,  therefore,  rests  upon  the  accounts  given  in  the 
standard  books,*"  upon  the  Historia  verdadera  of  Bernal  Diaz,  the  \'ida  de  Corti's  in 
Icazbalceta  (i.  33S),  and  a  few  documents  recently  dragged  from  the  recesses  of  the  Indian 
Archives. 

Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  came  to  Tierra-Firme  with  Pednirias  ;  but,  discouraged  with 
the  outlook  there,  he  and  about  one  hundred  companions  found  their  way  to  Cuba, 
attracted  thither  by  the  inducements  held  out  by  Velasquez.  But  there  again  he  was 
doomed  to  disappointment,  and  served  under  C(5rdoba,  Grijalva,  and  Cort(5s.  After  the 
conquest  of  Mexico  he  settled  in  Guatemala.  Whatever  may  be  the  exaggerations  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  Historia  I'crdadera}'^  there  is  no  reason  why  Bernal  Diaz  should 


t  '\ 


!•  !' 


1!*^;, 


'  Documciitos  iucditos,  xiv.  20. 

-  ll)itl.,  xiv.  25. 

"  Ibitl.,  xiv.  47. 

<  Navarrete,  Colcaioii,  iii.  413-418;  Mark- 
ham's  translation,  pp.  31-3S ;  .see  also  Oviedo,  iii. 
65  et  seq.  ;  Las  Casas,  v.  200  et  seq.  ;  Peter  Martyr, 
dec.  vi.  chaps,  ii.-viii. ;  Ilerrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  3, 
chap.  XV.  and  lib.  4  etc.,  dec.  iii.  lib.  4,  chaps,  v. 
and  vi. ;  Heliis,  iii.  69-76. 

''  Cf.  ISancroft,  Central  Amcridj,  i.  483,  note. 
[See  the  Introduction  to  the  present  volume. — 
Ed.) 

•>  Central  America,  i.  47S-492,  512-531,  and 
527-53S.  This  letter,  which  is  dated  at  .Santo 
Domingo  (March  6, 1524),  liassincc  been  printed 
in  Peralta's  Ci'.rA;  Rica,  Xidiraf^ua y  Paiianta  cu  el 
Sigh  XJ'/,  (Madrid,  1SS3),  p.  3,  where  is  also 
(p.  27)  his  Itiiicraric,  beginning  "21  de  Enero 
dc  1522." 

"  For  Esquivel  and  Jamaica,  see  Ilerrera, 
dec.  i.  lib.  8,  chap,  v.;  Navarrete,  Coleccioii, 
iii.  171.     For  Ocampo's  voyage,  Oviedo,  i.  495; 


Las  Cas.is,  iii.  210;  Ilerrera,  dec.  i,  lib.  7, 
chap,  i.;  Stevens's  A'otes,  p.  35;  Helps,  i.  415, 
and  ii.  165. 

'  See  also  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  9,  chaps,  iv., 
vii.,  and  xv.  ;  also  lib.  10,  chaj),  viii.;  Helps,  i. 
415-432,  and  ]'iila  de  Corti's  in  Icazbalceta, 
Colcccion  .  .  .  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  i.  319- 
337.  [There  is  a  little  contemporary  .iccount  of 
tlie  conquest  of  Cuba  in  the  Lenox  Library, 
Pro7'inci(C .  . .  iioviter  rcperta  in  ultima  uavii^atione, 
which  seems  to  be  a  Latin  version  of  a  .Spanish 
origin.al  now  lost  (Hibl.  Amer.  Vet.  no.  loi). 
On  tlie  dcatli  of  Velasquez,  see  Magazine  oj 
American  History,  i.  622,  692.  —  Ed.] 
"  Coleccion,  iii.  53. 

1"  Oviedo,  i.  497;  Las  Casas,  iv.  34S-363; 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  chap.  i.  ;  Ilerrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  2,  chap.  xvii. ;  Navarrete,  Coleccion,  iii.  53 
CogoUudo,  Historia  tie  Yucatan,  3 ;  Prescott, 
il/exico,  i.  232;  Helps,  ii.  211-217;  Bancroft, 
Central  America,  i.  132,  and  Mexico,  i.  5-1 1. 

"  [Cf.  the  chapter  on  Cortes.  — Ed.1 


:,l      ' 


THK   COMPANIONS   01'   COLUMHUS. 


215 


not  have  wislicd  to  tell  the  truth  as  to  tlie  voyages  of  Cordoba  anil  C.rijalva,  witli  one  or  two 
exceptions,  to  be  hereafter  noted. 

I'rtscott,  in  his  Con;ue!^t  0/  Afexico  (vol.  i.  p.  222),  says  that  Cc^riloha  sailed  for  one 
of  the  neighboring  liahamas,  but  that  storms  drove  him  far  out  of  his  course,  etc. 
liancrnft '  has  effectually  disposed  of  this  error.  lUit  is  it  not  a  tiiiinus  tact  that  liernal 
Diaz  and  Uviedo  should  j;ive  the  length  of  the  voyage  from  Cape  .St.  Anton  to  the  sighting 
of  the  islands  off  Yucatan  as  from  six  to  twenty-one  days .'  Ovicdo  was  probably  nearer 
the  mark,  as  it  is  very  likely  that  tlic  old  soldier  had  forgotten  the  exact  circumstances  of 
the  voyage  ;  for  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  he  did  not  write  his  book  until  long  after  die 
events  which  it  chronicles.  As  to  the  ojjject  of  tlic  expe<iition,  it  was  undoiihtedly  luuler- 
takcn  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  slaves,  and  very  possibly  Velasquez,  contributed  a  small 
vessel  to  the  two  fitted  out  by  the  other  adventurers  ;  ■'  but  the  claim  set  forth  by  the  de- 
scendants of  Velas([ucz,  that  he  sent  four  fleets  at  his  own  cost  —  La  una  ron  iin  /■'.  If.  de 
(  ordoba '  —  is  preposterous. 

The  voyage  of  Juan  de  Grijalva  was  much  better  chronicled  ;  for  with  regard  to  it 
there  arc  in  existence  three  accounts  written  by  eye-witnesses.  The  first  is  tiiat  of  Hernal 
Diaz,'' wliich  is  minute,  and  generally  accurate ;  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  in  his  envy  at 
the  praise  accorded  to  Corti5s,  he  may  have  exaggerated  the  virtues  of  Grij.alva.  The 
Latter  also  wrote  an  account  of  the  expedition,  which  is  embodied  in  Oviedo,''  together 
with  corrections  suggested  by  Velasquez,  whom  Ovicdo  saw  in   1523. 

lUit  before  these  I  should  place  the  /linerario  of  ]\\An  Diaz,  a  priest  who  accompanied 
the  expedition."  Tiie  original  is  lost ;  but  an  Italian  version  is  known,  which  was  printed 
with  the  Itiiicrario  dc  I'arthema  at  Venice,  in  1520.'  This  edition  was  apparently 
unknown  to  Navarrete,  who  gives  1522  as  the  date  of  its  appearance  in  Italian,  in  which 
he  is  followed  by  Ternaux-Compans  and  Prcscott. 

Notwithstanding  this  mass  of  original  material,  it  is  not  easy  to  construct  a  connected 
narrative  of  tliis  voyage,  for  Oviedo  sometimes  contradicts  himself;  liernal  Diaz  had 
undoubtedly  forgotten  the  exact  dates,  which  he  nevertheless  attempts  to  give  in  too  many 
cases  :  Juan  Diaz,  owing  partly  to  the  numerous  translations  and  changes  incidental 
thereto,  is  sometimes  unintelligible  ;  and  Las  Casas,'  who  had  good  facilities  for  getting 
at  the  exact  truth,  is  often  very  vague  and  difficult  to  follow. 


i 


:'   » 


'  History  oj  Mexico,  i.  7,  note  4. 

•i  li.mcrofl,  Mexico,  i.  5,  6,  notes. 

^  Memotial  del  nes^ocio  de  D.  Antonio  I'elas- 
qiiez  lie  luizan,  etc.,  Jlocumentos  Inlditos,  x.  80- 
86;  this  extract  is  on  p.  82. 

*  /fistoriii  verdaderii,  chaps,  viii.-xiv. 

*  llisloriii  i^'enenil,  I.  502-537. 

*  As  to  the  identity  of  Juan  Diaz,  see  note 
to  Ikrnal  Diaz,  Ilisloria  verdadera,  ed.  of  1632, 
folio  6;  Oviedo,  i.  502;  Ilerrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  31, 
chap.  i.  As  to  his  future  career,  sec  liancroft, 
Mexico,  ii.  158  and  note  5.  Tlie  full  title  of  this 
account  of  Juan  Diaz  is :  Itinerario  del  arniata  del 
Re  catliolico  in  India  verso  In  isola  de  /iic/inl/ian  del 
anno  M.D.X  I'll  I.  alia  qua  I  fu  preside  nte  &^  cap- 
itan  generate  loan  de  Grisalra :  el  qua!  c  facto 
per  el  capellano  maggior  de  di<ta  armala  a  sua 
altezza. 

'  [A  copy  of  this,  which  belonged  to  Ferdi- 
nand Columbus,  is  in  the  Cathedral  Library  at 
.Seville.  The  book  is  so  scarce  that  Mufioz  used 
amanuscript  copy,  and  from  Mufioz' manuscript 
the  one  used  by  Prescott  was  copied.  Maison- 
ncuve  (1882  Catalogue,  no.  2,980)  has  recently 
priced  a  copy  at  600  francs.     There  is  a  copy 


in  the  Carter-Hrown  Library  (Catalogue,  vol.  i. 
no.  65),  and  was  sold  the  present  year  in  the 
Court  sale  (no.  362).  It  was  reprinted  in  1522, 
1526  (Murphy,  110,  2,580),  and  1535,  —  the  last 
priced  by  Maisonncuve  (no.  2,g8r)  at  400  francs. 
Cf.  Harrisse,  lii/il.  Ainer.  Vet.,  no.s.  98,  114,  137, 
205,  and  Additions,  no.  59.  Tlie  Carter-Pi rorun 
Catalogue  (i.  119)  jnits  a  Venice  edition,  without 
date,  under  1536.  Ternaux  gives  a  French  trans- 
lation in  his  A'elations  et  m^moires,  vol.  x.  Icaz- 
balceta  has  given  a  Spanish  version  from  the 
Italian,  together  with  the  Italian  text,  in  his  Ci>- 
leccion  de  documentos  para  la  historia  de  Mi'xico, 
i.  281  ;  also  see  his  introduction,  p.  xv.  He 
points  out  the  errors  of  Ternaux's  version.  Cf. 
Bandelier's  "  Hibliography  of  Yucatan"  in 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.  (October,  1880),  p.  82. 
Harrisse  in  his  Bibl.  Amer.  I'et.,  Additions, 
no.  60,  cites  a  f^ettera  mddata  delta  insula  de 
Cuba,  1520,  which  he  says  differs  from  the 
account  of  Juan  Diaz.  —  En.] 

8  Las  Casas,  iv.  421-449.  Other  references 
to  this  voyage  are,  —  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv. 
chaps,  iii.  and  iv. ;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  3, 
chaps,  i.,  ii.,  ix.,  x.,  and  xi. ;  Navarrete,  Coleccion, 


8l6  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   GK   AMERICA. 


'^1 


'I   .*1 


I'll  ' 


*'^Capitan"Iva1J 

""^    &R1JALVA  ^'^ 
Cuclfcir 


,1      I' 


i'l 


JUAN  DE   GRIJAI.VA.' 

In  addition  to  this  material,  the  D^cadax  abreviadas  de  los  dcsitibrhnientos,  conquistas. 
fundaciones  y  otras  rosas  notables,  acaecidas  en  las  Indias  occiden tales  desde  1492  d  1640, 
has  been  of  considerable  service.  This  paper  was  found  in  manuscript  form,  without  date 
or  signature,  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional  by  the  editors  of  the  Docunientos  indditos,  and 
printed  by  them  in  their  eighth  volume  (pp.  5-52)-  It  is  not  accurate  throughout ;  but 
it  gives  the  dates  and  order  of  events  in  many  cases  so  clearly,  that  it  is  a  document  of 
some  importance. 


iii.  55;  Cogolludo,  riistoria  de  Yucathan,  p.  8;  '  Fac-simile  of  an   engraving  in  Herrera,  i 

Rrasseur  de  Bourbourg,  iv.  50;  Helps,  ii.  217;  312.    Cf.  also  the  Mexican  edition  of  Prescott, 

Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  132;  and  Mexico,  and   Carbajal    Espinosa'.'s    ffistoria   de  Mixico 

pp.  15-35.  '•64- 


11     11 


THE  EARLY   CARTOGRAPHY 


GULF   OF    MEXICO   AND   ADJACENT    PARTS. 


HY  THE   EDITOR.  ,  , 

IN  .1  previous  section  on  the  early  maps  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  discoveries 
the  Editor  has  traced  the  d-ivelopment  of  the  geography  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
with  the  group  of  the  Antilles  and  the  neighboring  coasts,  beginning  with  the  delinea- 
tion of  La  Cosa  in  1500.  He  has  indicated  in  the  same  section  the  influence  of  the 
explorations  of  Columbus  and  his  companions  in  shaping  the  geographical  ideas  of 
the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Balbda's  discovery  in  1513  was  followed  by 
the  failure  to  find  any  passage  to  the  west  in  the  latitude  of  the  Antilles  ;  but  the 


'!!' 


i 


ttnuRAS 


»1;-5) 


/HAIUQU* 


TLRA  BlMlNi     "\ 

i  "1 


/lARHiTOPtlOS 
CA5T£IHAN0S 


If    ,'"1 


THE   PACinC,    15 18. 


disappointment  was  not  sufficient  to  remove  the  idea  of  such  a  passage  from  the  minds 
of  certain  geographers  for  some  years  to  lome.  The  less  visionary  among  them  hesi- 
tated to  embrace  the  notion,  however,  and  we  observe  a  willingness  to  be  confined  by 
something  like  definite  knowledge  in  the  maker  of  a  map  of  the  Pacific  which  is  pre- 
served in  the  Military  Library  at  Weimar.  This  map  shows  Cordova's  discoveries 
about  Yucatan  (1517),  but  has  no  indication  of  the  islands  which  Magellan  discovered 
(1520)  in  the  Pacific;  accordingly,  Kohl  places  it  in  1518.  Balbda's  discovery  is  noted 
in  the  sea  which  was  seen  by  the  Castilians.* 


'  This  map  has  seemingly  some  relation  to  a     which  mention  is  made  by  Thomassy,  /,«  fiapes 
tiiap.  preserved  in  the  Propaganda  at  Rome,  of    giografihes,  p.  133. 
VOL.  II.  — 28. 


il  i 


3l8  NAKKATIVE   ANU   CRITICAL   HlSTUKY   UK   AMERICA. 


A 


GULF   OF    MEXICO,    152O.' 

A  sketch  of  a  map  found  by  Navarrete  in  tlie  Spanish  archives,  and  given  by 
him  in  iiis  Coleccion,  vol.  iii.,  as  "  Las  Costas  de  Tierra-Firme  y  las  tierras  nuevas," 
probably  embodies   the   results  of  Pineda's  expedition  to  the  northern  shores  of  the 


■  ir 


•Mr 


il! 


[ft : 


TLRRA  PARIAS 


LORENZ   FRIF-SS,    15 2«. 
1  This  map  is  also  given  in  Weise's  Discoveries  of  America,  p.  *78 


THE  KARIA'  CARTOGRAPHY  OF  THE  GULF  OF  MEXICO.        219 

Gulf  in  1519.  This  was  the  map  sent  to  Spain  by  Garay,  the  governor  of  J.imalca. 
Wiiat  seems  to  be  tiic  moutli  of  tiie  Mississippi  will  l)e  noted  as  tliu  "  Kio  del 
Espiritii  Santo."     The  suri)risingly  accurate  draft  of  tlic   shores  of  the  Gulf  which 


MAKt   INOiCUM 


J     pianu 


MARt   OCIANUM 


JJ- 


m 


M- 


'(» 


[\\    h 


n. 


MAIOLLO,    1527.* 


*  Sketch  of  the  map  in  the  Ambrosian  Li-  with  coast  names,  in  the  present  History,  Vol, 
brnry,  of  which  the  part  north  of  Florida  is  IV.  pp.  28,39.  The  present  sketch  follows  a  fac- 
given  on  a  larger  scale,  after  Desimoni's  sketch,     simile  given  in  ^Ycise's  Discir.'cries  of  America. 


'       I; 


!'  :J 


220 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


.)    .^ 


Mi;!lM 


i  .t 


Cortes  sent  to   Europe  was  published  in    1524,  and  is  given  to  the  reader  on  another 
page.' 

There  is  a  sketch  of  the  nortliern  siiore  of  South  America  and  tlie  "  Insule  Caniba- 
lorum  sive  Antiglie  "  wliich  was  inade  by  Lorenz  Friess  (Laurcntius  Frisius)  in  1522. 
The  outline,  which  is  given  herewith,  represents  one  of  the  sheets  of  twelve  woodcut 
tnaps  which  were  not  published  till  1 530  —  under  the  title  Car/u  marina  navigatoria 
roitiii^akusiuin.  Frief  does  not  mention  whence  he  got  his  material,  which  seems 
to  be  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  time  of  using  it ;  and  Kohl  suspects  it  came  from 
Waklseemiiller.     South  America  is  marked  '"  Das  niiw  Erfunde  land." 

In  the  MaioUo  map  of  1527  we  find  two  distinct  features,  the  strait,  connecting 
with  the  Pari  lie,  which  Cortes  had  been  s(/  anxious  to  find  ;  and  the  insular  Yucatan 
pushed  larther  than  usual  into  the  Gulf.  The  notion  that  Yucatan  was  an  island  is  said 
to  have  arisen  from  a  misconception  of  the  meaning  of  the  designation  which  the  Indians 
applied  to  the  country.'-'  The  Portuguese  Portulano  of  1514-1518'  had  made  Yucatan  a 
peninsula ;  but  four  years  later  Grijalva  had  been  instructed  to  sail  round  it,  and  Cortes  in 
his  map  of  1520  had  left  an  intervening  channel.''    We  see  the  uncertainty  which  prevailed 

among  cartographers  re- 
garding this  question  in 
the  peninsular  character 
wliich  Yucatan  has  in  the 
nw]i  of  1 520,'' as  resulting 
from  Pineda's  search  ;  in 
the  seeming  hesitancy  of 
the  Torcno  map,"  and  in 
the  unmistakable  insular- 
ity of  the  Friess,''  Verra- 
zano,'  and  Ribero  *  charts. 
The  decision  of  the  latter 
royal  hydrographer  gov- 
erned a  school  of  map- 
makers  for  some  years, 
and  a  similar  strait  of 
greater  or  less  width  sep- 
arates it  from  the  main  in 
the  Fin?Eus  map  of  1531,'"  the  Lenox  woodcut  of  1534,"  the  Ulpius  globe  of  1542, ^'^  not  to 
name  others  ;  though  the  peninsular  notion  still  prevailed  with  some  of  the  cartographers. ^' 
A  map  which  shows  the  extent  of  the  explorations  on  the  Pacific  from  ISalbda's  time 
till  Gonzales  and  others  reached  the  country  about  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  is  that  of 


THK    WEIMAK    MAI'    UK    j     .. /. 


111! 


!'  ^ 


m,\\ 


'  Sec  notes  following  cliaj).  vi. 

-  Yucatan  sccnis  to  have  been  first  named, 
or  its  name  .nt  least  was  first  rcciirdcd,  as 
Y'-inr.Tt.Tn  bv  I'artholomcw  Cohuiibiis  [Bibl. 
Am,r.  J'et.,  p.  471)-  There  arc  various  theories 
regarding  the  origin  of  tlic  name.  Cf.  ISancroft, 
Mexico,  i.  II,  12;  Prcpcntt,  Mexico,  i.  223.  A 
new  Government  map  of  Yucatan  was  published 
in   1S7S  (Miii,'dziiu'  of  Aincvicau  History,  vol.  iii. 

P-  295)- 

■'  .As  given  l)v  Kunstniauu.  See  Yol.  TV.  p.  36 
of  the  present  work. 

■•  .See  notes  following  chap.  vi. 

''  See  ante,  p.  21S. 

•"'  See  aittc,  p.  43. 

''  See  ante,  p.  127. 

"  See  Yol.  IV.  p.  26. 


"  See /(',!/,  p.  221. 

If  See  Vol.  in.  p.  II. 

"  See/('.r/,  p.  223. 

'■■;  See  Vol.  lY.  p.  42. 

'■'  rf.  Bancroft,  Mexieoi  i.  21  ;  Valentini  in 
Af:i<;azine  of  Amerieun  History,  iii.  295,  who 
supposes  that  the  laud  usually  thought  to  he 
an  incomplete  Cuba  in  Kuvsch's  map  of  150S 
(p.  1 15,  ante)  is  really  Yucatan,  based  on  the  re- 
sults of  the  so-called  first  voyage  of  Yospucius, 
and  that  its  seven  Latin  names  correspond  to  a 
part  of  the  nineteen  Portuguese  names  which 
are  given  on  the  western  shore  of  the  so-called 
Admiral's  map  of  the  Ptolemy  of  1513  (p.  112, 
ante].  Peschcl  (Geseliielile  i!cr  Enilainiie,  1SG5, 
p.  235)  also  suggests  that  this  map  is  the  work 
of  Yespucius. 


t  1  '  ' 


THE  EARLY  CARTOGRAPHY  OF  THE  GULF  OF  MEXICO.        221 


on  another 


1527,  wliich  was  formerly  ascribed  to  Ferdinand  Columl)us,  but  has  been  shown  (?)  l>y 
Harrisse  to  be  more  lii<ely  the  work  of  Nuflo  Garcia  de  Toreno.  The  map,  whicli  is  of 
tlie  world,  and  of  which  but  a  small  section  is  given  herewith,  is  called  Cariu  universal 
I'll  que  se  conticiic  todo  lo  que  del  inuiido  se  a  dcscubicrto  liasta  aora;  hizola  un  cosmogiapho 
de  SH  iiKii^estad  anno  M.  D.  XXVII  en  Sevilla.  Its  outline  of  the  two  Americas  is  shown 
in  a  sketch  given  on  an  earlier  page.'  The  original  is  preserved  in  the  Grand-Uucal 
Library  at  Weimar; 

A   map    of  similar   character,  dated   two  years   later,  is  one  wliich  is  the   work   of 
IJicijo  Ribero,  a  Portuguese  in  the  service  of  Spain,  who  had  been  the  royal  cosmogra- 


TlLRA  Dt  AVLLON 
TILRA    OLGARAY  \^ 


CvaTIMALA 


<5.-  ^PvvSj  HAITI         "V 


''A  J    '•  • .       •" 


Wo 

I 


/WAR  0LL5UR 


CASTILLA  DLLORO  '^'\, 


! 


RIliKRO,    1529. 


pher  since  1523,  —an  office  which  he  was  to  hold  till  his  death,  ten  years  later,  in  1533. 
There  are  two  early  copies  of  this  map,  of  which  a  small  section  is  herewith  given  ;  both 
are  on  parchment,  and  are  preserved  respectively  at  Weimar  and  Rome,  though  Thom- 
assy^  says  there  is  a  third  copy.  The  Roman  cojjy  is  in  the  Archivio  del  CoUegio  di 
Propaganda,  and  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  Cardinal  Botgia.  The  North  American  sec- 
tions of  the  map  have  been  several  times  reproduced  in  connection  with  discussions  of  tlie 
voyages  of  Gomez  and  Verrazano.^  The  entire  American  continent  was  first  engraved  by 
M.  C.  Sprengel  in  1795,  ^^^'^^  ^  copy  then  in  Biittner's  library  at  Jena,  when  it  was  appended 
to  a  German  translation  of  Mufioz,  with  a  memoir  upon  it  which  was  also  printed  sepa- 
rately as  C/eier  Ribero' s  dlteste  Welt-karte.     The  map  is  entitled  Carta  universal  en  que 


'  Pago  43.  The  best  reproduction  of  it  is  in 
Kolil's  Die  beiden  dltcsicn  Gencnd- Kartell  von 
Ameriliii ;  and  there  is  another  fac-simile  in  San- 
tarcm's  Atlas,  no.  xiv.  Cf.  Humboldt,  Examen 
critique,  ii.  1S4,  and  his  preface  to  Ghillany's 
Behaim ;  Harrisse,  Cabots,  pp.  69,   172;  Murr, 


Memorabilia bihliothccarum  (Nuremberg,  17S6),  ii. 
97  ;  Lindcnau,  Correspondanee  de  Zach  (October, 
1810) ;  Lelewel,  Glographie  du  moyen-Age,  ii.  110} 
lie;  Ocean  Hif;hways  (1872). 

'  Lis  papes  ,!;eofiraphes,  p.  118. 

3  See  Vol.  iv.'  p.  38. 


% 


Iml 


n    '   ■•) 


■.111-  ■: 


;   I 


W 


«  i 


m 


».'■ 


;i  f ! 


i:  ' 


I    !■ 


I    :' 


222 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


si'  conticuc  ioiio  lo  que  del  in  undo  se  ha  liescnbierto  fast  a  agora  :  Hisola  Diego  Ribcro 
cosinogiapho  fj  su  mages  lad :  ano  de  1529.  La  Qttal  se  divide  en  dos  partes  conforine  A 
la  capititlai^ion  que  hisieron  los  catholicos  Reyes  de  EspaTia,  y  el  Rey  don  Juan  de  Portu- 
gal en  la  rilla\j:itta'\de  Tordesillas :  Aiiode  1494,  —  thus  recording  the  Spanish  uiuler- 
stamling,  as  the  map  of  1527  did,  of  the  line  of  demarcation.  Tlie  Propaganda  copy  has 
"  en  Sevilhi  "  after  tlie  date.  'I'lie  most  serviceable  of  the  modern  reproductions  of  the 
American  parts  is  that  gi\en  by  Kohl  in  his  Die  bciden  iiltesten  Ceneral-Karten  von 
Anierika,  though  other  drafts  of  parts  are  open  to  the  student  in  Santarem's  Atlas 
(pi.  x.w.),  Lelewel's  Moyen-age  (pi.  xli.),  Ruge's  Gcscltichte  des  Zeitaltcrs  dcr  Ent- 
deckungcn,  and  Bancroft's  Central  America  (i.   146).' 

These  two  maps  of  1527  and  1529  established  a  type  of  the  American  coasts  which 
prevailed  for  some  time.  One  such  map  is  that  of  which  a  fac-simiie  is  gi<en  in  the 
Cartas  de  Indias,  called  "  Carta  de  las  Antillas,  seno  Mejicano  y  costas  do  tierra-firme,  y 
de  la  .America  setentrional,"  which  seems,  however,  to  have  been  made  later  than  1541.- 
Anothci  is  preserved  in  the  Ducal  Library  at  Wolfcnbiittel,  of  which  Harrisse  makes 
mention  in  his  Cabots,  p.  1S5.  A  significant  map  of  this  type,  commonly  cited  as  the 
Atlas  de  Philippe  //.,  dcdic'  a  Charles  Quint,  is  more  correctly  defined  in  the  title  given 
to  a  photographic  reproduction,''  Portutano  de  Ciiarles  Quint  donnc  a  Philippe  II., 
accompagnc  dune  notice  par  MM.  F.  Spitzer  et  Ch.  Wiener,  Paris,  1875.  The  map 
is  net  dated  ;  but  the  development  of  the  coasts  of  Florida,  California,  Peru,  and  of  .Magel- 
lan's Straits,  with  the  absence  of  the  coast-line  of  Chili,  which  had  been  tracked  in  1 536, 
has  led  to  the  belief  that  it  represents  investigations  of  a  period  not  long  before  1540. 
The  original  draft  first  attracted  attention  when  exhibited  in  1875  at  the  Geographical 
Congi^ess  in  Paris,  and  shortly  after  it  was  the  subject  of  several  printed  papers.*  Major 
is  inclined  to  think  it  the  work  of  Baptista  Agnese,  and  Wieser  is  of  the  same  opinion  ; 
while  for  tlie  American  parts  it  is  contended  that  the  Italian  geographer  —  for  the  lan- 
guage of  the  map  is  Italian  —  followed  the  maps  of  1527  and  1529. 

What  w^ould  seem  to  be  the  earliest  engraved  map  of  this  type  exists,  so  far  as  is 
known,  in  but  a  single  copy,  now  in  the  Lenox  Library.  It  is  a  woodcut,  measuring 
21X17  inches,  and  is  entitled  La  carta  nniucrsdle  delta  terra  Jirma  S-"  Isole  delle  Indie 
occidetali,  cio  e  del  mondo  nuouo  fatta  per  dichiaratione  delli  libri  delle  Indie,  cauata  da 
due  carte  da  nauicn>-e  fatte  in  Sibilia  da  li  piloti  delta  Maiesta  Cesarea,  —  the  maps 
referred  to  being  those  of  1527  and  1529,  as  is  supposed.  Harrisse,  however,  claims  that 
this  \'enicc  cut  preceded  the  map  of  1527,  and  was  probrbly  the  work  of  the  same  chart- 
maker.  Stevens  holds  that  it  followed  both  of  these  maps,  and  should  be  dated  1534; 
while  Harrisse  would  place  it  before  Peter  Martyr's  death  in  September,  1526.  According 
to  lirevoort  and  Harrisse.*  the  map  was  issued  to  accompany  the  conglomerate  work  of 
i\Iartyr  and  Oviedo,  Summario  de  la  generale  historia  de  l' Indie  occidcntali,  which  was 
printed  in  thr  •  parts  at  Venice  in  1534."  Murphy,  in  his  \'errazzano  (p.  125),  quotes  the 
colophon  of  the  Oviedo  part  of  the  book  as  evidence  of  the  origin  of  the  map,  which 
translated  stands  thus:  "  Printed  at  Venice  in  the  month  of  December,  1534.  For  the 
explanation  of  these  books   there  has  been  made  a  universal  map  of  the  countries  of 


'  Cf.  Humboldt,  E.xunu'u  critique,  iii.  1S4 ; 
Gazel/a  Ictlcrarii)  uiihcrscile  (May,  1796),  p.  46S ; 
Santarem  in  FuUt-tin  dc  la  Socictc  tie  Gi'o^rnpltie 
(1S47),  vii.  310,  and  in  liis  A'lilien-l/es  stir  la 
ilicouvcrfe  des  pays  aii-ileiii  itu  Cap-Dojaiior, 
pp.  x.xiii  and  125;  Murr,  Histoirc  diplomatique 
de  Pcliaiiti,  p.  26;  Lclewcl,  Geographic  du  moycn- 
iSf;e,  ii.  166. 

-  .See  ante,  p.  92. 

3  One  hundred  copies  issued. 

^  Dr.  J.  Chav.inue  in  Mitthciluiif^cu  der  k.  k. 
geogyaphischen     Gisellschaft     iu     H'ien     (1S75), 


]).  4S5  ;  A.  Steinhauser  in  Ibid.,  p.  5SS ;  Pe/er- 
miiitu's  Mif/lieilungeii  (ICS76),  p.  52;  Malte-Iiruu 
in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Soi-iele  de  Geographic  de 
Paris  (1876),  p.  6^5;  Dr.  Franz  Wieser's  "Dcr 
PortuUin  des  Infanten  und  nachmaligen  Kiinigs 
Philipp  II.  von  Spanicn,"  printed  in  the  Sitzuugs- 
I'crichtc  der  philosophisch-historischcn  Classe  dcr 
l-aiscrlicheu  Akademic  dcr  Wisscnscliafteii  tn 
IVicn,  Ixxxii.  541  (March,  1S76),  and  also  printed 
separately. 

'"  Cabots.  \i.  1 68. 

0  Sec  Vol.  III.  p.  ig. 


y.il 


Tliis  is  a  fac-similc  after  the 
one  siveii  by  Stevens  in  his 
AVc.i  (pi.  ii.)  anil  in  the  illus- 
trated edition  ot  his  ISi/i/inl/ieai 
.i,'i'(<i,v, !////<,;,  no.  2,(|;i.  It  lol- 
lows.  I  siippose.  a  fac-siniile  made 
by  hand  In-  Harris  in  1S50.  .Ste- 
vens sold  the  niapin  1S5 ;  to  Mr. 
I.enoxfor  t'lS  KS.f.  Tlie  present 
l:'C-siniile  is  consiciurabiv  rediiceil. 


9 


)\ 


/  r 


h.i 


:i 


II' 


"  *<;i:i 


If'     ,! 


'/  '- 


224 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


P.,i^i  1! 


all  the  West  Imlies,  together  witli  a  special  map  (  Hispaniola]  taken  from  two  marine 
charts  of  the  Spaniards,  one  of  which  belonged  to  Don  Pietro  Martire,  councillor  of  the 
Royal  Council  of  said  Indies,  and  was  made  by  the  pilot  and  master  of  marine  charts, 
Niflo  Garzia  de  Loreno  \sic\  in  Seville  ;  the  other  was  made  also  by  a  pilot  of  his  Majesty, 
the  Emperor,  in  Seville."  Quaritch  '  says  that  an  advertisement  at  the  end  of  the  secundo 
libra  of  Xeres,  Conquista  del  Peru  (Venice,  1534),  shows  that  the  map  in  the  first  edition 
of  Peter  Martyr's  Decades  was  made  by  Nufio  Garcia  de  Toreno  in  Seville;  but  the  state- 
ment is  questionable.  Ilarrisse  refers  to  a  map  of  Toreno  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library 
at  Turin,  dated  1522,  in  which  he  is  called  "piloto  y  maestro  de  cartas  de  nauegar  de  su 
Magestad  "     The  American  part  of  this  last  chart  is  unfortunately  missing.'^ 

Harrisse  calls  this  Lenox  wood;,  it  the  earliest  known  chart  of  Spanish  origin  which 
is  crossed  by  lines  of  latitude  and  longitude,  and  thinks  it  marks  ,1  type  adopted  by  the 
Spanish  cosmographers  a  little  after  the  return  of  Del  Cano  from  his  voyage  of  circum- 
navigation and  the  coming  of  Andagoya  from  Panama  in  1522,  with  additions  based  on 
the  tidings  which  Gomez  brought  to  Seville  in  December,  1525,  from  his  voyage  farther 
north. 

It  is  not  worth  while  to  reproduce  here  various  maps  of  this  time,  all  showing  more  or 
less  resemblance  to  the  common  type  of  this  central  portion  of  the  New  World.     Su' 


\    .^ 


'1  •  I 


llil 


fin 


LAMtXl 


QUE     (^ 


^(.«"0  0f 


»  ? 


.0 


l''ii 


AN   EARLY    FRENCH   MAP. 


1  Cataloi<ue,  no.  349,  p.  1277.  Gcschichte  der  Erdkunde  in  der  letzten  Halftc 

2  Cf.  Vincenzo  Proniis,  Memormle  di  Diego  dcs  Mittelaltcrs,"  in  \\\<t  Jalireskricht dcs  I'cieiiis 
Colombo  con  notti  sidla  holla  Ji  Alcssoftilro  VT.  fiir  Erdkunde  in  Dresden  (1870),  vol,  vi.  and  viL 
(Torino,  1S69),  p.  11;  Heinrich  Wuttke,  "Zur  p.  61,  etc. :  AVieser, />i7- /'t)r/«/jH,  etc.,  p.  15. 


THK  EARLY  CARTOGRAI'HY  OF  THK  GULF  OF   MEXICO.         225 


two  marine 
:illor  of  the 
fine  charts, 
lis  Majesty, 
the  secundo 
first  edition 
at  the  statc- 
lyal  Library 
leuar  de  su 


finsr  more  or 


are  the  maps  of  \'crrazano  '  and  of  Thorne.-  tlic  draft  of  tlie  Sloane  manuscript.''  tlic  cordi- 
fnrm  ma')  of  Orontius  Fin-xus,*  one  given  l^y  Kunstmann,'  and  tlie  wliole  series  of  tlie 

A,i,'nese  type." 

There  is  a  Frencli  map.  which  was  found  by  Jomard  in  the  possession  of  a  noble 
lamilv  in  France,  whicli  Koiil  supposes  to  be  drawn  in  part  from  I^ilicro.  A  sketcli  is 
annexed  as  of  '•  An  Early  French  Map."     The  absence  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  of  all 


o^ 


•"^  £i3 


^COZUMEL 


"V-^UAjLf-«'.  jj\ 


u; 


hi 


i> ,/ 


GULF   OF   MEXICO,    1 536. 


traces  of  De  Soto's  expedition  leads  Kohl  to  date  it  before  1533-  Jomard  placed  the 
(late  later ;  but  as  the  map  has  no  record  of  the  expeditions  ot  Ribault  and  Laudonnicre, 
it  would  appear  to  be  earlier  th.-'.n  1554-' 


M 


letzten  Hiilfte 
iihtJi's  J 'tit-ins 

ol.  vi.  and  viL 
,  etc.,  p.  15. 


1  'vol.  IV.  p.  26. 
-'  Vol.  III.  p.  17. 
■'  See  fosf,  p.  432. 
*  Vol.  III.  p.  u. 
''  Vol.  IV.  p.  46. 

VOL.    II.  —  20- 


»  Vol.  IV.  p.  40. 

"  Kohl,  ignorant  of  the  Peter  Martyr  map  of 
151 1  (sec  p.  no),  mistakes  in  considering  that  the 
map  must  he  nssigned  to  a  date  later  than  1530, 
for  the  reason  that  tne  Hcrnuulas  are  shown  in  it. 


226 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'!    I. 


There  is  a  large  manuscript  map  in  the  British  Museum  which  seems  to  have  been 
made  by  a  Frenchman  from  Spanisii  sources,  judging  from  the  mixture  and  corruption  of 
the  languages  used  in  it.  In  one  inscription  there  is  mention  of  "  the  disembarkation 
of  the  Governor;  "  and  this,  together  with  tlie  details  of  the  harioors  on  the  west  coast 
of  Florida,  where  Narvaez  went,  leads  Kohl  to  suppose  the  map  to  have  been  drawn  from 
that  commander's  reports.  The  sketch,  which  is  annexed  and  marked  "  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
1536,"  follows  Kohl's  delineation  in  his  Washington  collection. * 

We  can  further  trace  the  geographical  history  of  the  Antilles  in  the  Miinster  map  of 
1540,^  in  the  Mercator  gores  of  1541,'  and  in  the  Ulpius  globe  of  1542. ■•  In  this  last  year 
(1542)  we  find  in  the  Rotz  Idrography,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  a  map  whicli 


T 


8   'oo»^ 


^^  ^^o^f-^"^"' 


.JO* 


-«• 


-20* 


^   .•■■      «5  -lo- 


'.I 


ROTZ,    1542, 


: 


1'  1: 


■li 


records  the  latitudes  about  three  degrees  too  high  for  the  larger  islands,  and  about  two 
degrees  too  low  for  the  more  southern  ones,  making  the  distance  between  Florida  and 
Trinidad  too  great  by  five  degrees.  The  map  is  marked  "  The  Indis  of  Occident  quhas 
the  Spaniards  doeth  occupy."  The  sketch  here  given  follows  Kohl's  copy.o  Rotz 
seems  to  have  worked  from  antecedent  Portuguese  charts  ;  and  in  the  well-known  Cabot 
map  of  1544,  of  which  a  section  is  annexed,  as  well  as  in  the  Medina  map  of  1 545,*  we 
doubtless  have  the  results  reached  by  tlie  Spanish  hydrographers.  The  "  Carta  marina  " 
of  the  Italian  Ptolemy  of  1548,'  as  well  as  the  manuscript  atlas  of  Nicholas  Vallard 
(1547),  now  in  tlie  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps  Collection,  may  be  traced  ultimately  to  the  same 


1  This  may  be  the  map  referred  to  by  R.  II. 
Schomburgk  in  his  Barhadot-s  (London,  1S48), 
as  being  in  the  British  Mnscnm,  to  which  it  was 
restored  in  1790,  after  having  been  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Edward  Ilarley  and   Sir  Joseph  IJanks. 

-'  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  41. 


3  See  ante,  p.  177. 

4  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  4:. 

•''  Cf.  Schonibingk's  Barlhuiocs,  p.  256. 

6  See  "  Hist.  Chorography  of  S.  America." 

7  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  43,  and  fac-similc  given  io 
'  Hist.  Chorograpliy  of  South  America." 


ill 


'^'!  ■ 


THE  EARLY  CARTOGRAPHY  OF  THE  GULF  OF  MEXICO.        22/ 

source ;  and  the  story  goes  respecting  the  latter  that  a  Spanish  bishop,  Don  Miguel  de 
Silva.  brought  out  of  Spain  and  into  France  the  originals  upon  wiiich  it  was  founded. 
These  originals,  it  would  appear,  also  served  Homem  in  1558  in  the  elaborate  manuscript 
map,  now  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  of  which  a  sketch  (in  part)  is  annexed  (p.  229). 
The  maps  of  the  middle  of  the  century  which  did  most  to  fix  popularly  the  geography 
of  the  New  World  were  probably  the  Bellero  map  of  1554,'  which  was  so  current  in 


-JfJ 


LA  &UMUOA 


^  OCLANUS 

'"*"'$..W  ^T^'^D^^  OCCIOLNTALIS 

0        A  3     - 

3-* 


MAR  DfL  5UR 


«•. 


it 


CABOT,    1544.'' 

Antwerp  publications  of  about  that  time,  and  the  hemisphere  of  Ramusio  (1556)  which 
accompanied  the  third  volume  of  his  Viaggi,  and  of  which  a  fac-simile  is  annexed.  There 
is  a  variety  of  delineations  to  be  traced  out  for  the  Antilles  tlirough  the  sequence  of  the 
better-known  maps  of  the  next  following  years,  which  the  curious  student  may  find  in  the 
maps  of  the  Riccardi  Palace,*  the  Nancy  globe,*  the  Marlines  map  of  iis-,^  that  of  For- 
lani  in  1560,^  the  map  of  Ruscelli  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1561,  besides  those  by  Zalterius  (1566),' 
Des  Liens  (1566),'*  Diegus  (1568),' Mercator  (1569),'"  Orteliu.s  (1570),"  and  Porcacchi 
(1572).'-    Of  the  map  of  Martines,  in  1578,  which  is  in  a  manuscript  atlas  preserved  in 


01 


1  See  "  Hist.  Chorography  of  S.  America." 

2  Sketch  of  a  section  of  the  so-called  Sebas- 
tian Cabot  Mappciiiondc  in  the  National  Library 
at  Paris,  following  a  iiholographic  reproduction 
belonging  to  Harvard  College  Library.  There 
is  a  rnde  draft  of  the  Antilles  by  Allfonscc  of 
tliis  s.inie  year. 

•'  Figured  in  tlic  Jahrhuch  dcs  I'cn'iiis  fiir 
lirdkundc  in  Dresden,  (S70. 


■<  See  fast,  p.  433. 

*  See  post,  ]).  450. 

"  See  post,  p.  438. 

'  See  Vol.  IV.  p.  93. 

s  See  Vol.  IV.  p.  79. 

^  See  post,  p.  449. 
1"  See  Vol.  IV.  pp.  94,  373. 
n  See  Vol.  IV.  p.  95. 
•■^  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  96. 


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228  NARRATIVE   AXU   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Sl'WAJ^tUittl/tS 

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RAMUSIO,    1556.* 

1  H,  H.  Bancroft,  Northwest  Coast,  i.  49,  sketclies  this  map,  but  errs  iii  saying  the  shape  of  the  California  peninsiilj  was  no; 
copied  in  later  maps.    Cf.  map  in  Best's  Froais/ier  (i:,yS). 


THE   EARLY   CARTOGRAPHY   OK  THE  GULF  OF   MEXICO.        229 


.5i' 


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TIRInADE  FLORIDA 


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HOMEM,    1558. 


tlie  British  Museum,  Kohl  says  its  parallels  of  latitude  are  more  nearly  correct  than  on 
any  earlier  map,  while  its  meridians  of  longitude  are  expanded  far  too  much.i 


NIOVA   SPAtWA 


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MARTINTS.     1578. 
1  Cf.  Vol.  IV.  p.  97. 


^:i 


,1> 


111 


California  peninsul 


230 


NAKKAri\'':   AM)   CKIIICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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CHAPTER    IV. 

ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 
BY  JOHN  GILMARY  SHEA,  LLD. 

THE  credit  of  being  the  first  to  explore  our  Atlantic  coast  has  not  yet 
buen  positively  awarded  by  critical  historians.  Ramusio  preserves  the 
report  of  a  person  whom  he  does  not  name,  which  asserts  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  claimed  for  his  father  and  himself,  in  the  summer  of  1497,  to  have 
run  down  the  whole  coast,  from  Cape  15reton  to  the  latitude  of  Cuba; 
but  the  most  recent  and  experienced  writer  on  Cabot  treats  the  claim  as 
unfounded.' 

The  somewhat  sceptical  scholars  of  our  day  have  shown  little  inclination 
to  adopt  the  theory  of  l-'rancisco  Adolpho  de  Varnhagen,  that  Americus 
Vespucius  on  his  first  voyatje  reached  Honduras  in  1497,  and  durinj:;  the 
ensuing  year  ran  along  the  northern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  doubled 
the  Florida  cape,  and  then  sailed  northward  along  our  v\tlantic  coast  to  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  where  he  built  a  vessel  and  sailed  to  Cadiz.^ 

Although  Columbus  made  his  first  landfall  on  one  of  the  Bahamas,  and 
Cuba  was  soon  after  occupied,  no  definite  knowledge  seems  to  have  been 
obtained  of  the  great  mainland  so  near  them.  There  is  nothing  in  narrative 
or  map  to  betray  any  suspicion  of  its  existence  prior  to  the  year  1 502,  when 
a  map  executed  in  Lisbon  at  the  order  of  Cantino,  an  Italian  merchant,  for 
Hercules  d'  Este,  shows  a  mainland  north  of  Cuba,  terminating  near  that 
island  in  a  peninsula  resembling  Florida.  The  tract  of  land  thus  shown 
has  names  of  capes  and  rivers,  but  they  can  be  referred  to  no  known 
exploration.  To  some  this  has  seemed  to  be  but  a  confused  idea  of  Cuba 
as  mainland ;  ^  by  others  it  is  regarded  as  a  vague  idea  of  Yucatan.  But 
Harrisse  in  his  Corte-Rcal,  where  he  reproduces  the  map,  maintains  that 


I  !:■ 


- 


i  "II  =■ 


ii 


S  S   o    «   g  .^ 


t^   3 


'  Harrissc,yi'(7;;  ct  Sebasticn  Cabot,  leiir  originc 
tt  leitrs  vov(7!^i's  (Paris,  1882),  pp.  97-104.  The 
Ciibot  claim  ajjpears  in  Peter  Martyr,  Dtcadis 
(liasle,  1533),  dec.  iii.  lib.  6,  folio  55;  Ramusio, 
^''''KS'  ('55°-' 553).  torn.  i.  folio  414;  Jacob 
Ziegler,  O/'era  varia  (Argentorafi,  1532),  folio 
xcii.  [Cf.  the  present  History  Vol.  III.  chap,  i., 
where  it  is  shown  that  the  person  not  named  by 
Ramusio  was  Gian  Giacomo  Bardolo.  —  Ed.] 


-  Histon'ail  Ar,i^<izim;  1S60,  p.  98.  Yarn- 
hagen  ascribes  the  names  of  the  Cantino  and 
subsequent  Ptolemy  maps  to  Ves|)ncius.  The 
name  Paria  near  Florida  seems  certainly  to 
have  come  from  this  source.  [The  question  of 
this  disputed  voyage  is  examined  in  chapter  ii. 
of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

3  James  Carson  Bretoort,  Verrazano  the 
A^dvi^ator,  p.  72. 


r 


v:  -J  -2  ^ 


—    c 


:U-. 


NAKKATIVK    AM)    IKII  ICAL    lllslKKS    ()!•    A.Ml.KICA. 


I    li 


f  i  I        ' 


■r 


"between  the  end  of  15CX)  and  tlu'  siimniLT  of  1502  iiavit,'ator9,  whose  name 
ami  nationality  arc  imknnwn,  l)iU  wlioni  we  pifsiinu!  10  he  Spaniards,  dis- 
covered, cxplorcil,  and  n.iincd  llie  p.irl  of  llie  sliorc  of  llie  United  Stales 
which  from  tlie  vicinity  of  I'ensacohi  Hay  runs  alon^  tlie  Gulf  of  Mexieo 
to  the  Cape  of  Florida,  ami,  turning,'  it,  runs  norllnvanl  alon^;  the  Atlantic 
coast  to  about  the  mouth  of  the  l.'lu'sa|)eal<i'  or  Hudson."' 

Hut  liMvini;  llirsc  [Uvrc  cl.iims  in  the  realm  of  conjecture  and  doubt,  we 
couK'  to  a  piriod  o(  more  ciM'tain  knowledge. 

The  I.ucayos  of  the  Mahamas  seem  to  have  talked  of  a  great  land  of 
Himini  not  far  from  them.  The  Spaniards  repeated  the  story;  and  in  the 
edition  of  I'eter  Martyr's  Dadiiis  publisiied  in  1511  is  a  map  on  which 
a  hnrge  island  appears,  nanieil  "  Ilia  de  Heimeui,  i)arte."- 

Discovery  had  taken  a  more  southerlj-  route;  no  known  Spanish  vessel 
had  passed  throu^ii  the  Mahama  channel  or  skirted  the  coast.  Hut  some 
ideas  must  have  [)revailed,  picketl  up  from  natives  of  the  islands,  or  adven- 
turous pilots  wiio  iiad  ventured  farllur  llian  tiu'ir  instructions  authorized. 
•Stories  (jf  an  island  north  of  1  lispaiiiola,  with  a  fountain  whose  waters 
conferred  perpetual  youth,  had  reached  I'eter  Martyr  in  Spain,  for  in  the 
same  edition  of  his  Dcauifs  lie  allmlcs  to  the   li'^ends. 

John  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyaj^e,  and  liad  since  played  his  part  bravely  amid  the  jjjreatcst  vicissitudes, 
resolved  to  explore  and  concjuer  Himini.  lie  had  friends  at  Court,  and 
seems  to  ha\e  lieen  a  personal  favorite  of  the  King,  who  expressed  a  wish 
for  his  advancement.''  The  patent  he  solicited  was  based  on  that  orii^inaily 
issued  to  Columbus;  but  the  King  laughingly  said,  that  it  was  one  thing 
to  grant  boundless  power  when  nothing  was  expected  to  come  of  it,  and 
very  different  to  do  so  when  success  was  almost  certain.  Yet  on  the  J31I 
of  February,  151  J,  a  royal  grant  empowered  John  I'once  de  Leon  "to  pro- 
ceed to  discover  and  settle  the  Island  of  Himini."  '  The  patent  was  subject 
to  the  condition  that  the  island  had  not  been  already  discovered.  He 
was  required  to  make  the  exploration  within  three  years,  liberty  being 
granted  to  him  to  touch  at  any  island  or  mainland  not  subject  to  the  King 
of  Portugal.  If  he  succeeded  in  his  expedition  he  was  to  be  governor 
of  Himini  for  life,  with  the  title  o{  adclantado? 

The  veteran  immediately  purchased  a  vessel,  in  order  to  go  to  Spain 
and  make  i)reparations  for  the  concpiest  of  Himini.  Hut  the  authorities  in 
Porto  Rico  seized  his  vessel;   and  the  King,  finding  his  services  necessary 


'!i' 


fij'i 


Wi 


'  Ilarrissc,  f.fs  Corte-Keal  it  leiirs  7'pyai;es  nil 
A'oir.raii  Monde,  pp.  Ill,  1 51.  [The  Ciiuiiio 
map  is  sketched  on  p.  loS.  —  I'.n.] 

2  P.  Martyris  Aiixli  Mcdiohiiicnsis  o/<i-t\i. 
Jlispiiti  Corumbcrgcr,  151 1.  [A  fac-simile  of  this 
map  in  given  on  p.  no.  —  ICn.] 

■'  King  to  Ccron  and  Piaz,  .Aug.  12.  1512. 

'  Las  Casas  was  certainly  mistaken  in  saying 
that  Ponce  de  Leon  gave  the  name  Bimini  to 


Florida  ;  the  name  was  in  print  l.efore  it  appears 
in  connection  with  him,  and  is  in  his  first  patent 
before  he  discovered  or  named  Florida  (Las 
C.isas,  Histcria  de  his  /iidins,  lib.  ii.  chap,  xx., 
iii.  ]).  460. 

^  Cafituliuion  que  el  Rev  conccdio  a  Joan  Pome 
de  /.eon  para  i/ue  vaya  al  deseuhrimienlo  de  la  ysla 
de  Pemini.  Feclia  en  Burgos  a  xxiij  de  hebrero 
de  Dxij  a '. 


ANCIKNT    KLOKIDA. 


^ii 


ill  ccmtrollin^;  tlir  Indians,  stnt  ordiis  tu  Mic  Council  of  the  liulies  to  dcfct 
ihc  Miinini  (.'spfdition,  and  ^javc  I'oncc  dc  l.coii  command  of  llic  fort  in 
I'n.to  Rico.' 

Tluis  ilcla\(.'il  in  tiu'  royal  service  I''  -.  e  de  I.eon  was  iiiiahle  to  obtain 
vessels  or  supplies  till  the  following  year.  He  at  last  set  sad  from  the  purl 
of  San  (ierman  n  I'orto  Rico  in  March,  I:,!,},-  with  three  caravels,  taking 
a-«  pilot  Anton  ile  .\laminos,  a  native  of  I'alos  who  had  as  a  boy  accompa- 
nird  Columbus,  and  who  was  lon^^  to  associate  his  own  name  with  explo- 
r.ilioa^  iif  tlu'  Ciulf  of  Mexico,  They  tirst  steered  northeast  hy  north,  ami 
soon  made  the  Caieos,  Vaj,'una,  .\maL;iia>(),  and  M.iiii^ua.  AtUr  retittini^ 
at  (iu.uiahani,  I'oncc  de  I.eon  jjore  northwest;  and  on  Master  Sunday 
(March  -'j)  iliscovcreil  the  mainland,  alonjj;  which  he  ran  till  the  2il  of 
April,  when  he  anchoreil  in  ?o"  8' and  landed.  On  the  8th  he  touk  pos- 
session in  the  n.um;  of  the  Kin^'  of  Spain,  ami  named  the  counti)'  —  wliieh 
the  l.ucayos  calleil  Cancio — i'lorida,  from  I'ascua  I'lurida,  the  Spanish 
name  for  Master  Sunday. 

The  vessels  then  turned  southward,  following  the  coast  till  the  20th, 
wlun  I'once  landed  near  Abayoa,  a  cluster  of  hulian  huts.  On  attinipt- 
ini^  to  sail  aL,'ain,  he  met  such  violent  currents  that  his  vessels  couKl  make 
no  liculwav,  and  were  forccil  to  anchor,  except  one  of  the  caravels,  which 
w.is  driven  out  of  siL;ht.  On  laiulin;^  at  this  point  I'once  found  the  Imlians 
so  hostile  that  he  was  obli^reil  tu  repel  their  attacks  by  force.  He  named 
a  river  Rio  de  la  Cruz ;  and,  doid)lin^f  Cape  Corrientes  on  the  8th  of  May. 
sailed  on  till  he  reached  a  chain  of  islands,  to  which  he  t^a\e  the  name  of 
the  Martyrs.  On  one  of  these  he  obtained  wood  and  water,  and  careened 
a  caravel.  The  Indians  were  very  thievish,  endeaxoriuf;'  to  steal  the  anchors 
or  cut  the  cables,  so  as  to  seize  the  ships.  lie  ne.Nt  discovered  and  nametl 
the  I'ortugas.  After  doublin^f  the  cape,  he  ran  up  the  western  shore  of 
I'lorida  to  a  bay,  in  27'  30',  which  for  centuries  aftcrwanl  bore  the  name 
of  Juan  ponce.  There  are  indications  that  before  he  turned  back  he  ma\- 
have  followed  the  coast  till  it  trended  westward.  After  discoveriuff  liahama 
he  is  said  to  ha\e  despatched  one  caravel  from  Cluanima  under  John 
I'erez  de  Ortubia,  with  Anton  de  Alaminos,  to  search  for  Himini,  while  he 
himself  returned  to  I'orto  Rico,  which  he  reached  SeiJtember  21.  He  was 
soon  ft)llowed  by  Ortubia,  who,  it  is  said,  had  been  successful  in  his  search 
for  Himini. 

Althou<^h  Ponce  dc  Leon  had  thus  explored  the  Florida  coast,  and  added 
greatly  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Bahama  group,  his  discoveries  are  not  noted 
ill  the  editions  of  Ptolemy  which  appeared  in  the  next  decade,  and  which 
retained  the  names  of  the  Cantino  map.  The  Ribeiro  map  (1529)  gives 
the   Martyrs   and   Tortugas,   and    on   the    mainland    Canico,  —  apparently 


'  Letter  of  the  King  to  Ccron  and  Ilia/.  .Aug.  -  Tlie   King,   writing   to  the   autliorlties   in 

i:;,  151  2 ;  the  Iving  to  Ponce  do  I.eon,  and  letter  Espafiola  Jnly  4.  I  5'.).  ^ay.s  :  "  .Mcuromc  dc  la 

of  the  King,  Dec.  lo,  1512,  to  the  ofticials  in  the  ida  de  Juan  Ponce  a  liiminv;  tened  cuidado  dp 

Indies.  provcerle  i  avisadmc  dc  lodo." 
VOL.   n.       30. 


?34 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


■It 


■•'I       'i    ''    i 

m  Hi): 


•:l'' 


Cdiicto,    che   Lucayan    name  of   Florida. 

Vinci's   Mappcmonde,  Florida  appears  as   an  island   in   a  vast  ocean  that 

rolls  on  to  Japan. ^ 

Elated  with  his  success,  John  Ponce  dc  Leon  soon  after  sailed  to  Spain ; 
and,  obtaining  an  audience  of  the  Kint;, —  it  is  said  through  the  influence 
of  his  old  master,  Pero  Nuiiez  de  Guzman,  Grand  Comcndador  of  Calatra\a, 
—  gave  the  monarch  a  description  of  the  attractive  land  which  he  had  dis- 
covered. He  .'solicited  a  new  patent  for  its  conquest  and  settlement;  and 
on  the  27th  of  September,  15  14,  the  King  empowered  him  to  go  and  settle 
"the  Island  of  Brimini  and  the  Island  Florida  "  which  he  had  discovered 
under  the  royal  orders.  He  was  to  effect  this  in  three  years  from  the 
delivery  of  the  asiciito ;  but  as  he  had  been  employed  in  I  lis  Majesty's 
service,  it  was  extended  so  that  this  term  was  to  date  from  the  day  he  set 
sail  for  his  new  province.  After  reducing  the  Caribs,  he  was  empowered 
to  take  of  tiic  vessels  and  men  emplo}'ed  in  that  ser\ice  whatever  he  chose 
in  order  to  conquer  and  settle  hMorida.  The  natives  were  to  be  summoned 
to  submit  to  the  Catholic  Faith  and  the  authority  of  .Spain,  and  they  were 
not  to  be  attacked  or  captured  if  they  subiuitted.  Provision  was  made 
as  to  the  revenues  of  the  new  j>rovince,  and  orders  were  sent  to  the  \'iceroy, 
Don  Diego  Columbus,  to  carr}'  out  the  ro\-al  wishes.''^ 

The  Carib  war  was  not,  however,  terminated  as  promptly  as  the  King 
and  his  officers  desired.  Time  passed,  and  adventurers  in  unauthorized 
expeditions  to  Florida  rendered  the  Indians  hostile.'''  It  was  not  till  1521 
that  Poui  tie  Leon  was  able  to  gi\c  serious  thought  to  a  new  expedition. 
His  early  hopes  seem  to  have  faded,  and  with  them  the  energy  and  im- 
pulsi\-eness  of  his  j'outh.  He  had  settled  his  daughters  in  marriage,  and, 
free  from  domestic  cares,  offered  himself  simply  to  continue  to  serve  the 
King  as  he  had  done  for  years.  Writing  to  Charles  V.  from  Porto  Rico 
on  the    lOth  of  February,    1521,  he  says:  — 


il!l 


"  Among  my  ser\i(Cs  I  (liscovercd,  at  my  own  cost  and  charge,  the  Island  Florida 
a\v\  others  in  its  district,  wliich  arc  not  mentioned  as  l)eing  small  and  useless  ;  and  now 
I  return  to  that  island,  if  it  please  God's  will,  to  settle  it,  being  enabled  to  carry 
a  ninnber  of  people  with  wliich  I  shall  be  able  to  do  so.  that  the  n"me  of  Christ  inay 
he  ])raised  there,  and  Vour  Majesty  served  with  the  fruit  that  land  iiroduces.  .And  I  also 
intend  to  explore   the  cjast  of  said   island  further,  and  see  whether  it  is  an  island,  or 


;  I. 


II       ■  i 


^  iMciiioir  en  a  ^fil/•pl•lllOlld^'  by  I.foimrifi'  </.; 
Vinci  ciimmiinicatccl  to  the  Society  of  Antiqua- 
ries by  R.  H.  Major,  wlio  makes  its  date  between 
1 513  add  I  519,  —  probably  1 514.  The  /'/,'/,•«/ r 
printed  at  liasle  1552  lays  down  Terra  Florida 
and  Ins.  Tortiic.irnni,  and  the  map  in  Girava's 
Cosnios^i'ii/'/iy  shows  Florida  and  Hacalaos ;  b\it 
the  1!.     e  Joan   I'once  appears  in  I.a  i^vof^ya/iti 

'^I'i7\  '0  Ftolonu'o  Alessaiidriiio,  Venice,  1548. 
[A  fac-aimile  of  the  sketch  accredited  to  Da 
Vinci  is  (^iven  on  p.  1  id.  —  Fn  ] 


-  Asicfifo  y  cii/'ifiildrion  (jiw  sc  hizo  demas  t'on 
Jmu  J\vI('c  dc  Lioii  sohrc  lii  yslii  liiiiiiii y  la  ys/ii 
Floridii,  in  the  volnmc  of  Asiciitos y  capiliilacioncs 
([508-1574),  Royal  Archives  at  .Seville,  in  Colcc- 
cioii  dc  (iocumcntos  iitcJilos,  xxii.  pp.  33-3S. 

■'  Ccdida  to  the  Jcronyniite  Fathers,  July 
22,  1 517  (Colcccioii  de  documcutos  inlditos,  xi. 
295-296).  One  of  these  surreptitious  voyaf,'(s 
was  made  by  .\nton  de  Alaminos  as  pilot 
(Il)id.,  pp.  435-43S).  [See  ante,  p.  201,  for  the 
vovage  of  .Alaminos.  —  En.] 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


235 


ZC    AdUcnitado     \\JAN    FONCJL   Dcs 

CAilrridor  dt    la  Fiorida,  * 


1,1 


1 


•I 


fr 


POXCE    DK    LKDN'. 


-  1 


H  t 


///ci'  (iciiiiis  ct'it 
mini  y  i'l  ysl'i 


ulK'ther  it  connects  with  the  land  wlicre  Diego  Velasquez  is,  or  any  other  ;  and  I  shall 
enileavor  to  learn  all  I  can.  I  shall  set  out  to  '^ursue  my  voyage  hence  in  five  or  six 
days."-' 

As  he  wrote  to  the  Cardinal  of  Tortosa,  he  had  expended  all  his  sub- 
stance in  the  King's  service;  and  if  he  asked  favors  now  it  was  "not 
to  treasure  up  or  to  pass  this  miserable  life,  but  to  serve  Mis  Majesty  with 
them  and  his  person  and  all  he  had,  and  settle  the  land  that  he  had  dis- 
cmxTed,""* 

'  I''ac-similc  of  an  engraving  in  Ilcrrcra,  edi-  '  Kxtractcd  from  n  letter  of  Ponce  de  Leon 

lion  of  172S.  to  the  Cardinal  of  Tortosa  (who  was  afterward 

-  I'once  de  I.con  to  Charles  V.,  Porto  Rico,  Pope  Adrian  VI.),  dated   at   Porto   Kico,  Fel). 

IVI).  10,  1521.  ruary  10,  1521. 


!,  L-   .'    ' 


230 


NARRA1'1\"K    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMllNICA. 


'•'  i   .     I 


r  I'l 


'  I'    > 


[III 


j,i  (  I 


C) 


He  went  prepared  to  settle,  carr\in^  clerL^yineii  for  tlie  coloiiistii,  friars 
to  foiuKl  Iiulian  missions,  and  liorses,  cattle,  sheep,  and  swine.  Where 
precisely  he  niatle  the  l'"k)rida  coast  we  do  not  know;  but  it  is  stated  that 
on  attempting  to  erect  dwellings  for  his  colonists  he  was  attacked  b;  the 
natives,  who  showed  great  hostility.  Ponce  himself  while  leading  his 
men  against  his  assailants,  received  so  dangerous  an  arrow  wound,  that, 
after  losing  many  of  his  settlers  by  sickness  and  at  the  hands  of  the 
Indians,  he  abandoned  the  attempt  to  plant  a  colony  in  Florida,  which 
had  so  long  been  the  object  of  his  hopes ;  and  taking  all  on  board  his 
vessels,  he  sailed  to  Cuba.  There  he  lingered  in  pain,  and  died  of  his 
woiuul  ' 

John  Ponce  de  Leon  closed  his  long  and  gallant  career  without  solving 
the  problem  whetlier  Florida  was  an  island  or  \ydrt  of  the  northern  continent. 
IMeanwhik  others,  following  in  the  path  he  had  opened,  were  contributing 
to  a  more  definite  knowledge.  Thus  Diego  Miruelo,  a  pilot,  sailed  from 
Cuba  in  1516  on  a  trading  cruise;  and  running  up  the  western  shore  of  the 
Moridian  peninsula,  discov(M-ed  a  bay  which  long  bore  his  name  on  Spanish 
maps,  and  was  apparently  Pensacola.  Here  he  found  the  Indians  friendly, 
and  e.Nchangeil  his  store  of  glass  and  .^teel  trinkets  for  silver  and  gold. 
Then,  satisfied  with  his  cruise,  and  without  making  any  attempt  to  explore 
the  coast,  he  returned  to  Cuba.'-^ 

The  ne.xt  year  Francis  Hernandez  de  Cordova '^  sent  from  Cuba  on  the 
8th  of  P'ebruary  two  ships  and  a  brigantinc,  carrying  one  hundred  and  ten 
men,  with  a  less  humane  motive  than  Miruclo's;  for  Oviedo  assures  us 
that  his  object  was  to  capture  on  the  I.ucayos,  or  Bahama  Islands,  a  cargo 
of  Indians  to  sell  as  slaves.  His  object  was  defeated  by  storms;  and 
the  vessels,  driven  from  their  course,  reached  Yucatan,  near  Cape  Catoche, 
which  he  named.  The  Indians  here  were  as  hostile  as  the  elements; 
and  Hernandez,  after  several  sharp  engagements  with  the  natives,  in  which 
almost  every  man  was  wounded,  was  sailing  back,  when  storms  again  dro\e 
his  vessels  from  their  course.  Unable  to  make  the  Island  of  Cuba, 
Alaminos,  the  pilot  of  the  expedition,  ran  into  a  bay  on  the  Florida  coast, 
where  he  had  been  with  Ponce  de  Leon  on  liis  first  expedition.  While  a 
party  which  had  landed  were  procuring  water,  they  were  attacked  with 
the  utmost  fury  by  the  Indians,  who,  swarming  down  in  crowds,  assailed 
those  still  in  the  boats.  In  tliis  engagement  twent>'-two  of  the  Indians  were 
killed,  si.x  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  landing  party  were  wounded, —  includ- 
ing Bernal  Diaz,  who  records  the  event  in  his  History,  —  and  four  of  those 
in  the  boats,  among  the  number  Anton  de  Alaminos,  the  pilot.  The  only 
man  in  the  expedition  who  had  come  away  from  Yucatan  unwounded, 
a  soldier  named   Berrio,  was   acting  as  sentry  on  shore,  and  fell  into  the 


1  Herrera,  (Ice.  iii.liook  r,cli.ip.  xiv. ;  Oviedo,  ii.  143),  gives  in  his  /)<-nvUrty,  "  l.i  b.ihi.i  que 

lib.    36,  Lh.i|i.    i.    pp.   6:21-623;    li.irci.i,  Ensato  ll.nman  de  Minielos  "  as  west  of  Apalaclie  Hay 

^roiwhguo,  jip.  5,  (').  Sec  Hareia's  Ensaio  cyoiio!i[!;i\-i',  p.  2. 

-  Oviedo  (edition  of    Amador  dc  los  Rios,  •''  [Tlic  C6rd(jba  of  cliap.  \\\-iiiiU.  —  En.] 


!'•    I 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


237 


lists,  friars 
'..  Wiicrc 
itated  that 
ccd  h  the 
.■adin^r  liis 
uiid,  that, 
ds  of  tlic 
da,  wliich 
board  his 
led  of  his 

lit  sohinij; 

continent, 
intribiiting 
ailed  from 
ore  of  the 
)n  Spanish 
IS  frieiull)', 

ant!  ;4old. 
to  explore 

iba  on  the 
cd  and  ten 
assures  ns 
Is,  a  cartjo 
)rms ;  and 
e  Catoche, 
elements ; 
5,  in  which 
gain  drove 

of  Cuba, 
rida  coast, 
While  a 
icked  with 
Js,  assailed 
dians  were 
-  includ- 
ur  of  those 

The  onh' 
nwounded, 
II  into  the 


In  bahia  que 
Vpalndic  Bay 


ite. 


■En.] 


hands  of  the  Indians.  The  commander  himself,  Hernandez  de  Cordova, 
reached  Cuba  only  to  die  of  his  wounds. 

This  ill-starred  expedition  led  to  two  other  projects  of  settlement  and 
conquest.  Diego  Velasquez,  governor  of  Cuba,  the  friend  and  host  of 
Hernandez,  obtained  a  grant,  which  was  referred  to  by  I'once  de  Leon  in 
his  fnial  letter  to  the  King,  and  which  resulted  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico;  ' 
and  Francis  de  Garay,  governor  of  Jamaica,  persuaded  by  Alaminos  to 
enter  upon  an  exploration  of  the  mainland,  obtained  permission  in  due 
Inrni  from  the  priors  of  the  Order  of  St.  Jerome,  then  governors  of  the 
Indies,  and  in  1519  despatched  four  caravels,  well  ecpiipped,  with  a  good 
number  of  men,  and  directed  by  good  pilots,  to  discover  some  strait  in  the 
mainland,  —  then  the  great  object  of  search. 

Alon/o  Alvarez  de  I'ineda,  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  reached 
the  coast  within  the  limits  of  the  grant  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  endeavored 
to  sail  eastward  so  as  to  pass  bej'ond  and  continue  the  exploration.  Un- 
able, from  headwintls,  to  turn  the  Cape  of  Floiida,  he  sailed  westward  as  far 
as  the  River  iVuiuco,  which  owes  its  name  to  him.  Here  he  encountered 
Corles  and  his  forces,  who  claimed  the  country  by  actual  possession. 

The  voj-age  lasted  eight  or  nine  months,  and  possession  was  duly  taken 
for  the  King  at  various  points  on  the  coast.  Sailing  eastward  again,  Garay's 
lieutenant  d'  covered  a  river  of  very  great  volume,  e\'idently  the  Missis- 
sippi.- Here  he  found  a  considerable  Indian  town,  and  remained  forty 
days  trading  with  the  natives  and  careening  his  vessels.  He  ran  up  the 
river,  and  found  it  so  thickly  inhabited  that  in  a  space  of  six  leagues 
he  counted  no  fewer  than  forty  Indian  hamlets  on   the  two  banks. 

According  to  their  report,  the  land  abounded  in  gold,  as  the  natives  wore 
gold  ornaments  in  their  noses  and  ears  and  on  other  parts  of  the  body.  The 
adventurers  told,  too,  of  tribes  of  giants  and  of  pigmies;  but  declared  the 
n,ili\  es  to  have  been  friendly,  and  well  disposed  to  receive  the  Christian  Faith. 

Wild  as  these  statements  of  Pineda's  followers  were,  the  voyage  settled 
conclusively  the  geography  of  the  northern  shore  of  the  Gulf,  as  it  proved 
that  there  was  no  strait  there  by  which  ships  could  reach  Asia.  Florida 
was  no  longer  to  be  regarded  as  an  island,  but  part  of  a  vast  continent. 
The  province  discovered  for  Garay  received  the   name  of  Amichel. 

Garay  applied  for  a  patent  authorizing  him  to  conquer  and  settle  the 
new  territory,  and  one  was  issued  at  Burgos  in  1521.  B}-  its  tenor  Christo- 
pher de  Tapia,  who  had  been  appointed  governor  of  the  territory  discovered 
by  Velasquez,  was  commissioned  to  fix  limits  between  Amichel  and  the 
discoveries  of  Velasquez  on  the  west  and  those  of  Ponce  de  Leon  on  the 
east.  ^\i  the  map  given  in  Navarrete,^  Amichel  extends  apparently  from 
C;'.ji    Roxo  to  Pensacola  Bay. 

'  [See  chap.  vl.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.]  sijjpi  is  indicated  on  the  map  of  his  province 

-  The  great  river  might  be  supposed  to  be  with  its  name  K.  del  Espiritu  Santo,  evidently 

the  Rio  Grande;  but  its  volume  is  scarcely  snfli-  given  bv  Garay. 

ticnt  '.o  justify  the  supposition,  while  the  Missis-  •''  |Sce  unit.;  p.  2lS.  —  Ed.| 


m) 


:  I' 


\\ 


'  H  >l 


'I         1      JJ 
1.     1,1 


't;ii 


I  1 


ii 


M 


il' 


I'.i 


i  .1 


't: 


I  \ 


li'    •, 


I''    I 


Vi 


'!) 


:'/ 


238 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


After  sending  his  report  and  application  to  the  King,  and  without  await- 
ing any  further  authority,  Garay  seems  to  have  deemed  it  prudent  to  secure 
a  footing  in  the  territory;  and  in  1520  sent  four  caravels  under  Diego  dc 
Camargo  to  occupy  some  post  near  Panuco.  The  expedition  was  ill  man- 
aged. One  of  the  vessels  ran  into  a  settlement  established  by  Cortes  and 
made  a  formal  demand  of  Cortes  himself  for  a  line  of  demarcation,  claim- 
ing the  country  for  Garay.  Cortes  seized  some  of  the  men  who  landed, 
and  learned  all  Camargo's  pians.  That  commander,  with  the  rest  of  his 
force,  attempted  to  begin  a  settlement  at  Panuco ;  but  the  territory  afforded 
no  food,  and  the  party  were  soon  in  such  straits  that,  unable  to  wait  for  two 
vessels  which  Garay  was  sending  to  their  aid,  Camargo  despatched  a  caravel 
to  Vera  Cruz  to  beg  for  supplies.' 

In  1523  Garay  equipped  a  powerful  fleet  and  force  to  conquer  and  settle 
Amichel.  He  sailed  from  Jamaica  at  the  end  of  June  with  the  famous 
John  de  Grijalva,  discoverer  of  Yucatan,  as  his  lieutenant.  His  force  com- 
prised thirteen  vessels,  bearing  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  cavalry  and  eight 
hundred  and  forty  infantry,  with  a  supply  of  field-pieces.  He  reached  Rio 
de  las  Palmas  on  the  2Sth  of  July,  and  prepared  to  begin  a  settlement;  but 
his  troops,  alarmed  at  the  unpromising  nature  of  the  country,  insisted  on 
proceedipg  southward.  Garay  yielded,  and  sailed  to  Panuco,  where  he 
learned  that  Cortes  had  already  founded  the  town  of  San  Esteban  del 
Puerto.  Four  of  his  vessels  wee  lost  on  the  coast,  and  one  in  the  port. 
He  himself,  with  the  rest  of  his  force,  surrendered  to  Cortes.  He  died  in 
Mexico,  while  still  planning  a  settlement  at  Rio  de  las  Palmas ;  but  with 
his  death  the  province  of  Amichel  passed  out  of  existence. 

Thus  the  discoveries  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and  of  Garay,  with  those  of 
Miruelos,  made  known,  by  ten  years'  effort,  the  coast-line  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  the  St.  John's  in  Florida. 

The  next  explorations  were  intended  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  our 
Atlantic  coast  north  of  the  St.  John's. 

In  1520  Luoas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  one  of  the  auditors  of  the  Island  of 
St.  Domingo,  diough  possessed  of  wealth,  honors,  and  domestic  felicity, 
aspired  to  the  glory  of  discovering  some  new  land,  and  making  it  the 
scat  of  a  prt  :perous  colony.  Having  secured  the  necessary  license,  he 
despatched  a  caravel  under  the  command  of  Francisco  Gordillo,  with 
directions  to  sail  I'orthward  through  the  Bahamas,  and  thence  strike  tlie 
shore  of  the  continent.  Gordillo  set  out  on  his  exploration,  and  near  the 
Island  of  Lucayoncque,  one  of  the  Lucayuelos,  descried  another  caravel. 
His  pilot,  Alonzo  P'ornandcz  Sotil,  proceeded  toward  it  in  a  boat,  and  soon 
recognized  it  as  a  caravel  commanded  by  a  kinsman  of  his,  Pedro  de 
Ouexos,  fitted  out  in  part,  though  not  avowedly,  by  Juan  Ortiz  de  M^tienzo, 
an  auditor  associated  with  Ayllon  in  tlie  judiciary.  This  caravel  was  return- 
ing from  an  unsuccessful  cruise  among  the  Bahamas  for  Caribs,  —  the  object 

'  [See  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ei).| 


ANCIENT    KLOiUDA. 


239 


of  the  expedition  being  to  capture  Indians  in  order  to  sell  them  as  slaves. 
Un  ascertaining  the  object  of  Gordillo's  voyage,  Quexos  proposed  that  they 
should  continue  the  exploration  together.  After  a  sail  of  eight  or  nine 
days,  in  which  they  ran  little  more  than  a  hundred  leagues,  they  reached 
the  coast  of  the  continent  at  the  mouth  of  a  considerable  river,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  from  the  fact  that  they 
touched  the  coast  on  the  day  set  apart  to  honor  the  Precursor  of  Christ. 
Tlic  year  was  1521,  and  the  point  reached  was,  according  to  the  estimate  of 
the  explorers,  in  latitude  33°  30'.^ 

Boats  put  off  from  the  caravels  and  landed  some  twenty  men  on  the 
shore ;  and  while  the  ships  endeavored  to  enter  the  river,  these  men  were 
surrounded  by  Indians,  whose  good-will  they  gained  by  presents.^ 

Some  days  later,  Gordillo  formally  took  possession  of  the  country  in 
the  name  of  Ayllon,  and  of  his  associate  Diego  Caballero,  and  of  the  King, 
as  Qucxos  did  also  in  the  name  of  his  employers  on  Sunday,  June  30,  1 521. 
Crosses  were  cut  on  the  trunks  of  trees  to  mark  the  Spanish  occupancy.^ 

Although  Ayllon  had  charged  Gordillo  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  the  Indians  of  any  new  land  he  might  discover,*  Gordillo  joined 
with  Quexos  in  seizing  some  seventy  of  the  natives,  with  whom  they  sailed 
away,  without  any  attempt  to  make  an  exploration  of  the  coast. 

On  the  return  of  the  vessel  to  Santo  Domingo,  Ayllon  condemned  his 
captain's  act;  and  the  matter  was  brought  before  a  commission,  presided 
over  by  Diego  Columbus,  for  the  consideration  of  some  important  affairs. 
The  Indians  were  declared  free,  and  it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be 
restored  to  their  native  land  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  Meanwhile 
they  wei  ^  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  Ayllon  and  Matienzo. 

The  latter  made  no  attempt  to  pursue  the  discovery ;  but  Ayllon,  adhering 
to  his  original  purpose,  proceeded  to  Spain  with  Francisco,  —  one  of  the 
Indians,  who  told  of  a  giant  king  and  many  provinces,^  —  and  on  the  12th 
of  June,  1523,  obtained  a  royal  cMiila?  Under  this  he  was  to  send  out 
vessels  in  1524,  to  run  eight  hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  or  till  he 
reached  lands  already  discovered ;  and  if  K  discovered  any  strait  leading 
to  the  west,  he  was  to  explore  it.  No  one  was  to  settle  within  the  limits 
explored  by  him  the  first  year,  or  within  two  hundred  leagues  beyond  the 
extreme  points  reached  by  him  north  and  south  ;  the  occupancy  of  the 
territory  was  to  be  effected  within  four  years;  and  as  the  conversion  of 
the  natives  was  one  of  the  main  objects,  their  enslavement  was  forbidden, 
and  Ayllon  was  required  to  take  out  religious  men  of  .;ome  Order  to 
instruct  them  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  He  obtained  a  second 
ccditla  to  demand  from  Matienzo  the  Indians  in  his  hands  in  order  to 
restore  them  to  their  native  country." 


'  Testimony  of    Pcdi  o  tic  Qucxos ;   Act  of 
t^ikini;  possession  by  Qucxos. 

-  Testimony  of  Pedro  de  Quexos. 

-  Act  of  possession ;   Testimony  of  Aldana. 


^  Answer  of  Ayllon  to  ^Matienzo. 
''  Navarrcte,  Cohxcioii,  iii.  69. 
6  Thid,  p.  153. 
'  CiVhAj,  June  12,  1523. 


I'l  I 


14 


% 


240 


NARRATIVE    AM)   CRITICAL    IIISTORV    OF   AMERICA. 


m 


i»  ■  ^ 


1'  i.j-' 


'(,!' 


:i  .1 


!l: 


fill 


:!■  i   I 


On  his  ruliini  to  tlic  West  Indies,  A\llc)n  was  called  on  the  Kind's  servici 


to  Porto  Rico;   and  lindinij  it  inii 


mIjIo  to  1) 


pursii 


e   his  disct)\ei\',  the   ti 


nie 


fo 


r  carrjnu 


)ut  th 


e  iisifiito  was,  b}'  a  cedilla  of  March  23,  1524,  exteniled 


to  th 
1 


e  year  1525 
his 


-  I 


o  secure 
I'edn 


;hts  under  the  nstL-iitc,  he  despatciied  two  cara\el 


un- 


le   (Juexos  to  the  newly  disco\'ered   laiul   earl}'  in    I 


:>-:>■ 


•I'hev 


regained  the  j^ootl-will  of  the  natives  aiul  explored  the  coast  for  two  hundred 
and  flit)'  leai^ues,  settini;  up  stone  crosses  with  the  name  of  Charles  \.  and 


the  date  of  the  act  of  tak 


ni 


J 


ul\',  i;2 


?-:>• 


wvji,  ])ossession. 
Indi 


The\'  returned  to  Santo  Doming 


rnii^ni!^  one  or  two  Indians  ironi  each  ])ro\ince,  wiio  nii^iit 


be  trained  to  act  as   interi)reters.- 
Mcanwhilc    Matienzo    beyan    lei 


iroceec 


lini 


■s    to   \aca 


le    tl 


trran 


ted  by  the  Kini;  to  Ayll 


on,  o 


n  tl 


le 


ind  that  it  w 


is  o 


le    (isiiitto 


btaincil  sur- 


reptitiousl)',  and  in  fraud  of  his  own  riiihts  as  joint  disco'.'crer.  ills  wit- 
nesses failed  to  show  that  his  caravel  had  any  license  to  make  a  vo)-aL;e 
of  exploration,  or  that  ho  took  any  steps  to  follow  up  the  discover}-  made; 
i)ut  the  suit  enibcU'r.issed  Aj'llon,  who  was  fittint;  out  four  \-essels  to  s.iii  in 
1526,  in  ortler  to  colonize  the  territor)-  L;ranted  to  him.  The  armada  from 
SiKiin  was  threat!)'  delaj-ed ;  anil  as  he  expected  b)-  it  a  store  of  artiller)' 
and  muskets,  as  well  as  cjther  reipiisites,  he  was  at  great  loss.  .At  last,  how- 
e\er,  lie  sailetl  from  Puerto  de  la  Plata  w  ith  three  large  vessels,  —  a  caraxel, 
a  breton,  antl  a  brigantine,  —  early  in  June,  1526.''  As  missionaries  he  took 
the  famous  Dominican,  Antonio  de  Montesinos,  the  i'lrst  to  denounce  Indian 
shu'ery,  with  leather  .\ntonio  de  Cer\-antes  and  ISrother  Pedro  de  Mstrada, 
of  the  same  Order.  The  ships  carried  six  hundred  per.sons  of  both  sexes, 
including  clergx'men  and  physicians,  besiiles  one  hundred  horses. 

They  reached  the  coast,  not  at  the  .San  Juan  ]5autista,  but  at  another 
river,  at  33'  40',  s.ij's  Xavarrete,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Jordan.' 
Their  hrst  misfortune  was  the  loss  of  the  brigantine ;  but  AjJlon  imme- 
diatel)-  set  to  work  to  replace  it,  and  built  a  small  vessel  such  as  was  called 
a  ^ifcri'tjrnr,  —  the  fust  instance  of  ship-building  on  our  coast.  I'rancisco,  his 
Indian  guide,  deserted  him;  and  parties  sent  to  explore  the  interior  brought 
back  such  unfax'orable  accounts  that  A\'llon  resoh'cd  to  seek  a  more  fertile 
district.  That  he  sailed  northward  there  can  be  little  doubt;  his  original 
nsicnto  requiretl  him  to  rim  eight  hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  and  he, 
as  well  as  Gomez,  was  to  seek  a  strait  or  estuary  leading  to  the  Spice 
Pslantls.  The  Chesapeake  was  a  body  of  water  which  it  would  be  impera- 
tive on  him  to  explore,  as  possibly  the  passage  sought.  The  soil  of  the 
country  bortlering  on  the  ba\',  sujierior  to  that  of  the  sand}'  region  south 
of  it,  would  seem  better  suited  for  purposes  of  a  settlement.     lie  at  last 


r^ 


'  Cciluhi  given  ;it  Diirgos.  before  June  9,  as  Aylloii  testified  on  the  foimc; 

-  Interidgaturies  of  .Vyllon  ;   Testimony   of  day,  and  on  the  hitter  his  jji-ocuralor  appeared 

Quexos.  for  liiin.    Xavarrete  is  wrong  in  mal<ing  him  sail 

'^  Testimony  of  .\lonzo  Dcspinosa  Cervantes  about  the  middle  of  July  { Co/arioii ,  iii.  72). 
and  of  Father  Antonio  de  C'ervantes,  O.S.I).,  in  ■*  If  .Ayllon   really  reached  the  Jordan,  thii 

1561.    The  date  is  clearlv  lixctl  alter  .Mav  26,  and  was  the  Watcree. 


IK 


f  S  SCfVlCl,' 

,  the  time 
exleiuled 

•a\-els  un- 
:5.  riiey 
)  hundred 


aiut 


les  V, 
l)oiiiins;(; 

ilio  miL;lil 

le    asiriito 

lined  siir- 

liis  wit- 

a  \(>\a_L;e 
:r\-  made ; 
I  to  sail  in 
iiatla  fiiim 
)f  artiller)- 

last,  how- 

a  cai'a\ei, 
es  he  toi)k 
ice  Indian 
L'   l'",strada, 

oth  sexes, 

it  anolliei 
f  Jordan.' 
on  imnie- 
was  called 
ncisco,  his 
jr  brouL;ht 
lore  fertile 
is  ori^L^inal 
it,  and  he, 
the  Spice 
)e  imj)eia- 
oil  of  the 
;ion  soutli 
Me  at  last 

oil   the   fOillK. 

itor  ai)i)c;ircci 
lUing  him  sail 
;,  iii.  72). 
;  Jordan,  thii 


I 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


241 


reached  Guandapc,  and  began  tlic  settlement  of  San  Miguel,  where  the 
En-^'lish  in  the  next  century  founded  Jamestown,' 

Here  he  found  only  a  few  scatters  d  Indian  dwellings  of  the  communal 
s\stem,  long  buildings,  formed  ■..  pine  posts  at  the  side,  and  covered  with 
branches,  capable  of  holding,  in  their  length  of  more  than  a  hundred  feet, 
a  vast  number  of  families.  Ayllon  selected  the  most  favorable  spot  on  the 
bank,  though  most  of  the  land  was  low  and  swampy.  Then  the  Spaniards 
be,L;;ui  to  erect  houses  for  their  shelter,  the  negro  slaves  —  first  introduced 
iieie  —  doing  the  heaviest  portion  of  the  toil.  Before  the  colonists  were 
housed,  winter  came  on.  Men  perished  of  cold  on  the  caravel  "  Catalina," 
and  on  one  of  the  other  vessels  a  man's  legs  were  frozen  so  that  the  flesh 
fell  off.  Sickness  broke  out  among  the  colonists,  and  many  died.  Ayllon 
iiimsclf  had  sunk  under  the  pestilential  fevers,  and  expired  on  St.  Luke's 
Day,  Oct.  18,  1526. 

lie  made  his  nephew,  John  Ramirez,  then  in  I'orto  Rico,  his  successor 
as  head  of  the  colony,  committing  the  temporary  administration  to  Francis 
(uiinez.  Troubles  soon  began.  Gines  Doncel  and  Pedro  de  Bazan,  at  the 
In  ad  of  some  malcontents,  seized  and  confined  Gomez  and  the  alcaldes,  and 
began  a  career  of  tyranny.  The  Indians  were  provoked  to  hostility,  and 
killed  several  of  the  settlers ;  the  negroes,  cruelly  oppressed,  fired  the  house 
of  Doncel.  Then  two  settlers,  Oliveros  and  Monasterio,  demanded  the 
release  of  the  lawful  authorities.  Swords  were  drawn ;  Bazan  was  wounded 
and  taken,  Doncel  fled,  but  was  discovered  near  his  blazing  house.  Gomez 
and  his  subordinates,  restored  to  power,  tried  and  convicted  Bazan,  who 
was   put  to  death. 

Such  were  the  stormy  beginnings  of  Spanish  rule  in  Virginia,  It  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at  that  with  one  consent  the  colonists  soon  resolved  to 
abandon  San  Miguel  de  Guandape.  The  body  of  Ayllon  was  placed  on 
board  a  tender,  and  they  set  sail ;  but  it  was  not  destined  to  reach  a  port 
and  receive  the  obsequies  due  his  rank.  The  little  craft  foundered ;  and 
of  the  five  hundred  who  sailed  from  Santo  Domingo  only  one  hundred  and 
llfty  returned  to  that  island. 

Contemporaneous  with  the  explorations  made  by  and  under  Ayllon  was 
an  expedition  in  a  single  vessel  sent  out  by  the  Spanish  Government  in 
1324  under  Stephen  Gomez,  a  Portuguese  navigator  who  had  sailed  under 
^lagallanes,  but  had  returned  in  a  somewhat  mutinous  manner.  He  took 
l)art  in  a  congress  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  pilots  held  at  Badajoz  to 
consider  the  probability  of  finding  a  strait  or  channel  north  of  Florida  by 
which  vessels  might  reach  the  Moluccas.  To  test  the  question  practically, 
Charles  V.  ordered  Gomez  to  sail  to  the  coast  of  Bacallaos,  or  Newfound- 
land and  Labrador,  and  examine  the  coast  carefully,  in  order  to  ascertain 
whether  any  such  channel  existed.  Gomez  fitted  out  a  caravel  at  Corunna, 
in  northern  Spain,  apparently  in  the  autumn  of  1524,  and  sailed  across. 


1  fSee  Vol.  III.  p.  130. —  Ed.] 


VOL.   u. 


■3i- 


V  i 


'■ 


i '  in  ,i 


! 


V\ 


If    I 


?42 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


\H  -^ 


ir      \': 


lil 


'ifl 


IM  \ 


l.'l  1 


,!lll 


1  '1 


,(  '. 


After  examining  the  Labrador  coast,  he  turned  southward  and  leisurely 
explored  the  whole  coast  from  Cape  Race  to  Florida,  from  which  he  steered 
to  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  thence  to  Corunna,  entering  that  port  after  ten 
months'  absence.  lie  failed  to  discover  the  desired  channel,  and  no 
account  in  detail  of  his  voyage  is  known ;  but  the  map  of  Ribciro,'  drawn 
up  in  1529,  records  his  discoveries,  and  on  its  coast-line  gives  names 
which  were  undoubtedly  bestowed  by  him,  confirming  the  statement  that 
he  sailed  southerly.  From  this  map  and  the  descriptions  of  tiie  coast 
in  Spanish  writers  soon  after  in  which  descriptions  mention  is  made  of  his 
discoveries,  we  can  t-ce  liiat  he  noted  and  named  in  his  own  fashion  what 
we   now   knov  AT'js=achusctts   Bay,  Cape   Cod,  Narragansett  Bay,  the 

Connecticut,  H.  ■     'U,  .  1  i  Delaware  rivers. 

This  voyage  ••  iplett-'  'he  exploration  of  our  coast  from  tiie  Rio 
Grande  to  the  Bay  of  Funo;  ,  yet  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1536  declared  that 
it  was  still  uncertain  whether  a  single  continent  stretched  from  the  Missis- 
sippi to  Newfoundland.^ 

The  success  of  Cortes  filled  the  Spanish  mind  with  visions  of  empires 
in  the  north  rivalling  that  of  Mexico,  which  but  awaited  the  courage  of 
valiant  men  to  conquer. 

Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  after  being  defeated  by  Cortes,  whom  he  was  sent 
to  supersede,''  solicited  of  Charles  V.  a  patent  under  which  he  might  con- 
quer and  colonize  the  country  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  from  Rio  de  Palmas 
to  Florida.  A  grant  was  made,  under  which  he  was  required  to  found  two 
or  more  towns  and  erect  two  fortresses.  He  received  the  title  of  adclan- 
tado,  and  was  empowered  to  enslave  all  Indians  who,  after  being  summoned 
in  due  form,  would  not  submit  to  the  Spanish  King  and  the  Christian  Faith. 
In  an  official  document  he  styles  himself  Governor  of  Florida,  Rio  do 
Palmas,  and  ICspiritu  Santo,  —  the  Mississippi.^ 

Narvaez  collected  an  armament  suited  to  the  project,  and  sailed  from 
San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  June  17,  1527,  in  a  fleet  of  five  ships  carrying 
six  hundred  persons,  with  mechanics  and  laborers,  as  well  as  secular  priests, 
and  five  h'ranciscan  friars,  the  superior  being  Father  Juan  Xuarez.  On  the 
coast  of  Cuba  his  fleet  was  caught  by  a  hurricane,  and  one  vessel  perished. 
After  refitting  and  acquiring  other  vessels,  Narvaez  sailed  from  Cuba  in 
March  with  four  vessels  and  a  brigantinc,  taking  four  hundred  men  and 
eighty  hor.ses,  his  pilot  being  Diego  Miruelo,  of  a  family  which  had  acquired 
experience  on  that  coast. 

The  destination  was  the  Rio  de  Palmas ;  but  his  pilot  proved  incom- 
petent, and  his  fleet  moved  slowly  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba, 
doubled  Cape  San  Antonio,  and  was  standing  in  for  Havana  when  it  was 


'  See  aule,  p.  221;  and  references  to  repro-  \i.  266,  where  Cabot's  testimony  in  tlie  Colon 

ductions,  on  p.  222.  Pinzon  suit  is  given. 

-  Duro,  Iiiforme  rclativo  a  los  formcnores  dc  ^  [See  cliaptcr  vi.  of  this  volume — En.] 

desciibrimicnto  del  y\«,.fo  J/mWi',  Madrid,  18S3,  ••  CoUxiion  de  dociinwiitos  iiu'ditos,  xW.  &(>■ 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


243 


iliivcn  by  a  storm  on  the  Moiida  coast  at  a  bay  which  he  called  Hahia  de 
1,1  Cniz,  and  which  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot  iilentifics  witli  Apalache 
15,1V.'  Merc  Narvaez  landed  a  part  of  his  force  (April  15),  sending,  his 
bii'antine  to  look  for  a  port  or  the  way  to  IVunico,  —  much  vaunted  by  the 
pilots,  — and  if  unsuccessful  to  return  to  Cuba  for  a  vessel  that  had  remained 
there.  Ho  was  so  misled  by  his  pilots  that  though  he  was  near  or  on  the 
i'lorid.'i  peninsula,  he  supposed  himself  not  far  from  the  rivers  IVmuco  and 
I'lilin.is.  Under  this  impression  he  landed  most  of  his  men,  and  directed 
his  vessels,  with  about  one  hundred  souls  remaining  on  them,  to  fcjllow  the 
coast  while  he  marched  inland.  No  steps  were  taken  to  insure  their  meeting 
,it  the  harbor  proposed  as  a  rendezvous,  or  to  enable  the  brigantine  and  the 
(itlur  ship  to  follow  the  party  on  land.  On  the  19th  of  ,\pril  Narvaez  struck 
inland  in  a  northward  or  northeasterly  direction  ;  and  having  learned  a  little 
(if  the  country,  moved  on  with  three  hundred  men,  forty  of  tht  mounted. 
On  the  15th  of  the  following  month  they  reached  a  river  with  a  itrc-  ,  cur- 
rent, which  they  crossed  some  distance  from  the  sea.  Cabcza  de  V;^..  sent 
at  his  own  urgent  request  to  find  a  harbor,  returned  with  no  ene^.uraging  tid- 
ings; and  the  expedition  plodded  on  till,  on  the  25th  of  June,  they  reached 
.Apalache,  —  an  Indian  town  of  which  they  had  heard  magnifies  '  accounts. 
It  proved  to  be  a  mere  hamlet  of  forty  wretched  cabins. 

The  sufferings  of  Narvaez'  men  were  great;  the  coun  'was  poverty- 
stricken  ;  there  was  no  wealthy  province  to  conquer,  no  fertile  lands  for 
settlement.  Ante  (a  harbor)  was  said  to  be  nine  days'  march  to  the  south- 
ward ;  and  to  this,  after  nearly  a  month  spent  at  Apalache,  the  disheartened 
•Spaniards  turned  their  course,  following  the  Magdalena  River.  On  the  31st 
of  July  they  reached  the  coast  at  a  bay  which  Narvaez  styled  Hahia  de 
Cavallos;  and  seeing  no  signs  of  his  vessels,  he  set  to  work  to  build  boats 
in  which  to  escape  from  the  country.  The  horses  were  killed  for  food  ;  and 
making  forges,  the  Spaniards  wrought  their  stirrups,  spurs,  and  other  iron 
articles  into  saws,  axes,  and  nails.  Ropes  were  made  of  the  manes  and  tails 
of  the  horses  and  such  fibres  as  they  could  find  ;  their  shirts  were  used  for 
sailcloth.  By  the  20th  of  September  five  boats,  each  twenty-two  cubits  long, 
were  completed,  and  two  days  afterward  the  sur\ivors  embarked,  forty-eight 
or  nine  being  crowded  into  each  frail  structure.  Not  one  of  the  whole 
number  had  any  knowledge  of  navigation  or  of  the  coast. 

Running  between  Santa  Rosa  Island  and  the  mainland,  they  coasted 
along  for  thirty  days,  landing  where  possible  to  obtain  food  or  water,  but 
i;L'nerally  finding  the  natives  fierce  and  hostile.  On  the  31st  of  October 
lluy  came  to  a  broad  river  pouring  into  the  Gulf  such  a  vohune  of 
water  that  it  freshened  the  brine  so  that  they  were  able  to  drink  it;   but 

'  "  Aqui   clesemb.irco   Panfilo  de  N.irv.icz."  printed  elsewhere,  "  in  linissels  or  Anisterdam, 

Mappcmonde   of   Sebastian   Cabot  in   Joniard.  or  some  such  place,"  as  Gayangos  thinks.     It 

riiis  map  has  always  been  supposed  to  be  based  is  seemingly  engraved  on  wood  (.Smith's  AV/i;- 

im  Spanish  sources;  but  owing  to  the  strict  pro-  tion  of  Ahar  XiiTtiz  Cahfn  de  Vaai,  p.  56)  |  or 

liihition  of  publication  in  Spam,  it  was  probably  at  least  some  have  thought  so. 


i^, 


l.J 


M 


i-r 


ai .' 


J 


li  ( 


jji»  '  1 


i'; 


k  h 


) 


'  'tj 


i 


244 


NARKATIVF.   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  current  was  too  much  for  their  clumsy  craft.  Tlie  boat  commanded  by 
Narvaez  was  lost,  and  never  heard  of;  that  containing  I'ather  Xuarez  and 
the  other  friars  was  driven  asliore  bottom  iipv. d;  the  three  remaininj, 
boats  were  thrown  on  the  coast  of  western  Louisiana  or  eastern  Texas. 
The  crews  barely  e.sciiped  with  life,  and  found  themselves  at  the  mercy  of 
cruel  and  treacherous  savayes,  who  lived  on  or  near  Maihailo  Island,  and 
drew  a  precarious  living  from  shellfish  and  minor  animals,  prickly-pears 
and  the  like.  They  were  consequently  not  as  far  west  as  the  bison  range, 
which  reached  the  coast  certainly  at  Matagorda  Hay,'  Here  several  of  thi' 
wretched  Spaniards  fell  victims  to  the  cruelty  of  the  Indians  or  to  disease 
and  starvation,  till  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  the  treasurer  of  the  expe- 
dition, escaping  from  six  years'  captivity  among  the  Mariames,  reached  ti>e 
Avavares,  farther  inland,  with  two  companions,  Castillo  and  Dorantes,  ami 
a  negro  slave.  After  spending  eight  months  with  them,  he  penetrated  to 
the  .^\rbadaos,  where  the  mesquite  is  fust  found,  near  the  Rio  Grande; 
and  skirting  the  San  Saba  Mountains,  came  to  the  bison  plains  and  the 
hunter  nations;  then  keeping  westward  through  tribes  that  lived  in  houses 
of  earth  and  knew  the  use  of  cotton  and  mined  the  turquoise,  he  finally 
came  upon  some  Spanish  explorers  on  the  River  Petatlan ;  and  thus  on  the 
1st  of  April,  1536,  with  hearts  full  of  joy  and  gratitude,  the  four  men 
entered  the  town  of  San  Miguel  in  Sinaloa. 

The  vessels  of  Narvaez,  not  finding  the  alleged  port  of  the  pilots, 
returned  to  the  harbor  where  they  had  landed  him,  and  were  there  joined 
by  the  two  vessels  from  Cuba;  but  though  they  remained  nearly  a  year, 
cruising  along  the  coast  of  the  Gulf,  they  never  encountered  the  slightest 
trace  of  the  unfortunate  Narvaez  or  his  wretched  followers.  They  added 
nothing  apparently  to  the  knowledge  of  the  coast  already  acquired;  for  no 
report  is  extant,  and  no  map  alludes  to  any  discovery  by  them. 

Thus  ended  an  expedition  undertaken  with  rashness  and  ignorance,  and 
memorable  only  from  the  almost  marvellous  adventures  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  his  comrades,  and  the  expeditions  by  land  which  were  prompted  by 
his  narrative. 

The  wealth  of  Mexico  and  Peru  had  inflamed  the  imagination  of  Span- 
ish adventurers;  and  though  no  tidings  had  been  received  of  Narvaez, 
others  were  ready  to  risk  all  they  had,  and  life  itself,  in  the  hope  of  findini; 
some  wealthy  province  in  the  heart  of  the  northern  continent.  The  next 
to  try  his  fortune  was  one  who  had  played  his  part  in  the  conquest  of 
Peru. 

Hernando  de  Soto,  the  son  of  an  esquire  of  Xerez  de  Badajoz,  wai- 
eager  to  rival  Cortes  and  Pizarro.  In  1537  he  solicited  a  grant  of  the 
province  from  Rio  de  las  Palmas  to  Florida,  as  ceded  to  Narvaez,  as  well  as 

'  Compare     Cabeza     de    Vaca's     account,     Joutcl  and  Anastase  Houay  in  I,e  Clerc<|,  /■y.i/'- 
Oviciln,  lib.  35,  chap.  i.-vii.,pp.  5S2-61S ;  and  the     lissiiiu'iit  i/c  A?  foi,  fur  the   animals  and  i)lant 
French   accounts   of   La   Sallc'.s    expedition,  —     of  the  ilistricl. 


nandc'd  by 
ktiarcz  and 

remain  ill}, 
LMii  Texas. 
c  mercy  of 
Island,  and 
ickly-pears 
ison  ran^e, 
eral  of  tlu' 

to  disease 
f  the  expe- 
eached  the 
irantes,  and 
netrated  to 
io  Cirandc ; 
ns  and  the 
d  in  houses 
;,  he  finally 
thus  on  the 
:   four   men 

the  pilots, 
here  joined 
irly  a  year, 
le  sli^ditest 
rhey  added 
red;   for  no 

orance,  and 
za  de  Vaca 
■ompted  by 


)n  of  Span- 
jf  Narvaez, 
e  of  findini; 
The  ne.xl 
conquest  of 

adajoz,   wa^ 

rant  of  tlic 

z,  as  well  a- 

,0  Clerc(|,  Et.ih- 
iials  and  i>lanl 


ANCIi:XT    FLORIDA. 


245 


III'  the  province  discovered  by  .\)ll(>n  ;  and  the  Kin^  at  Valladolid,  on  the 
_'otli  ()f.\pril,  issued  a  concession  to  him,  .ip|)ointin^  him  to  the  ffovernment 
of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  requirini;  him  in  person  to  coiupier  and  occupy 
I'lorida  within  a  year,  erect  fortresses,  and  carry  over  at  least  five  hundred 
men  as  settlers  to  hold  the  country.  The  division  of  the  gold,  pearls,  and 
other  valuables  of  the  conquered  cacitjues  was  regulate<l,  and  provision 
made  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Christian  religion  anil  of  an  hospital  in 
the  territory. 

The  air  of  mystery  assumed  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as  to  the  countries 
th.it  he  had  seen,  served  to  inllamc  the  imagination  of  men  in  Spain ; 
and  Soto  found  many  ready  to  give  their  persons  and  their  means  to 
his  expedition.  Nobles  of  Castile  in  rich  slashed  silk  dresses  mingled 
with  old  warriors  in  well-tried  coats  of  mail.  He  sailed  from  San  l.ucar 
in  April,  153S,  amid  the  fanfaron  of  trumpets  and  the  roar  of  cannon, 
with  six  hundred  as  high-born  and  well-trained  men  as  ever  went  forth 
from  Spain  to  win  fame  and  fortune  in  the  New  World.  Thej'  reached 
Cuba  safely,  and  Soto  was  received  with  all  honor.  More  prudent  than 
Narvaez,  Soto  twice  des])atched  Juan  de  Anasco,  in  a  caravel  with  two 
pinnaces,  to  seek  a  suitable  harbor  for  the  fleet,  before  trusting  all  the 
vessels  on  the  coast.' 

i'.iicouraged  by  the  reports  of  this  reconnoitring,  Soto,  leaving  his  wife 
in  Cuba,  sailetl  from  Havana  in  May,  1539,  and  made  a  bay  on  the  I'lorida 
coast  ten  leagues  west  of  the  Bay  of  Juan  I'once.  To  this  he  gave  the 
name  of  lispiritu  .Santo,  because  he  reached  it  on  the  Feast  of  I'entecost, 
which  fell  that  year  on  the  25th  of  May.'^  On  the  30th  he  began  to  land 
his  army  near  a  town  ruled  by  a  chief  named  U^ita.  Soto's  whole  force  was 
composed  of  five  hundred  and  seventy  men,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
thicc  horses,  in  five  ships,  two  caravels,  and  two  pinnaces.  He  took  formal 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain  on  the  3d  of 
June,  and  prepared  to  explore  and  subject  the  wealthy  realms  which  he 
supposed  to  lie  before  him.  Though  the  chief  at  his  landing-place  was 
frii;ndly,  he  found  that  all  the  surrounding  tribes  were  so  hostile  that  they 
began  to  attack  those  who  welcomed  him. 

Ortiz,  a  Spaniard  belonging  to  Narvaez'  expedition,  who  in  his  long  years 
of  captivity  had  become  as  naked  and  as  savage  as  were  the  Indians,  soon 
joined  Soto.-'  He  was  joyfully  received  ;  though  his  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
tr)'  was  limited,  his  services  were  of  vital  necessit}',  for  the  Indians  sccuretl 
!))■  .\nasco,  and  on  whom  Soto  relied  as  guides  and  interpreters,  deserted  at 
the  first  opportunity. 

Soto  had  been  trained  in  a  bad  school ;  he  had  no  respect  for  the  lives 
or  rights  of  the  Indians.     As  Oviedo,   a  man   of  experience  among  the 


'  Kclaaim  voti^idcirii   (Evoia,   1 557),  chaps.  -  Piiednia 

i.-vi.,  continued  in  Smith's  translation,  pp.  i-:i  ;     and   liis   Soli 


m  Ilalvliiyt's  Sup])lcmentaiy  Volnnie  (London, 
\'<\2'\,  pp.  695-712;  and  ill  Force's  Traits. 
K,iii.;cl  in  Oviedo,  book  .wii.  cliap.  .\xii.  ]).  546. 


Rclachni    in    Smitli's    Colcccion, 
p.   231  ;    Colcccion  Je  documcntos 
iitcJitos,  iii.  414-441. 

■'  Cf.  Bucl<ingham  -Smith  on  "  The  Captivity  of 
Ortis,"  in  the  appcndi.x  to  his  Letter  on  De  Solo. 


"   » 


t' 


\^ 


w\. 


\f 


246 


NARUATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMICRICA. 


/    i. 


"  I 


coiKjiiistiuioiTs,  says ;  "  This  governor  was  very  fond  of  tliis  sport  of  kill, 
ing  Indians."  ' 

)lan    i)f  Ills    march    shouid    his   disroijard    of  \.\k    ri^dits    of   thi- 
/\t   each  place   he  ileinaiuied  of  the  cacicpie,  or  heail  chief,  co 


I'l 


le    I 


native- 
for  \\h 


rn 


d  he 


)f  both 


to 


ills  bajif^; 


orscs,  ami  Indians  01  ootn  sexes 
and  do  the  menial  work  in  his  camp.  After  obtaining  these  supplies,  iie 
comi)elled  the  chief  to  accompany  his  army  till  he  re.iclud  another  tribe 
whose  chief  he  could  treat  in  the  same  waj- ;  but  lhoiiL;h  the  first  chief  was 
then  released,  few  of  the  people  of  the  tribe  whicli  he  ruled,  and  who  h.id 
been  carried  off  by  Soto,  were  so  fortunate  as  ever  to  be  allowed  to  return 
to  their  homes. 

On  the  15th  of  Jul)' Soto,  sending  back  his  largest  ships  to  Cuba,  moved 
to  the  northeast  to  make  his  toilsome  way  amid  the  lakes  and  streams  and 
everglades  of  I'lorida.  Heforc  long  his  soldiers  began  to  suffer  from 
hunger,  and  were  glad  to  eat  water-cresses,  shoots  of  Indian  corn,  and  pal- 
metto, in  order  to  sustain  life  ;  for  native  villages  were  few  and  scattered,  and 
afforded  little  corn  for  the  plunderers.  The  natives  were  met  only  as  foe- 
men,  harassing  his  march.  At  C.iliciuen  the  Indians,  to  rescue  their  chief, 
whom  Soto  was  carrying  to  the  ne.xt  town,  made  a  furious  onslaught 
on  the  Spaniards;  but  were  driven  to  the  swamps,  and  nearly  all  killed 
or  taken.  Their  dauntless  spirit  was,  however,  unbroken.  The  survivors, 
though  chained  as  slaves,  rose  on  their  masters;  and  seizing  any  weapon 
within  their  reach,  fought  desperately,  one  of  them  endeavoring  to  throttle 
Soto  himself.  Two  hundred  survived  this  gallant  attempt,  only  to  be 
slaughtered  by  the  Indian  allies  of  the  .Spanish  commander.  Soto  fought 
his  way  westward  step  by  step  so  slowly  that  at  the  end  of  three  months, 
Oct.  30,  1539,  he  had  only  reached  Agile,  —  a  town  in  the  province  of 
Apalache.  Anasco,  sent  out  from  this  point  to  explore,  discovered  the 
port  where  Narvaez  had  embarked,  —  the  remains  of  his  forges  and  the 
bones  of  his  horses  attesting  the  fact.  Soto  despatched  him  to  Tampa  Ikiy. 
Anasco  with  a  party  marched  the  distance  in  ten  days ;  and  sending  two 
caravels  to  Cuba,  brought  to  Soto  in  the  remaining  vessels  the  detachment 
left  at  his  laiuling-place.  Before  he  reached  his  commander  the  Indians 
had  burned  the  town  of  Anaica  Apalache,  of  which  Soto  had  taken 
possession.'^ 

A  good  port,  that  of  Pcnsacola,  had  been  discovered  to  the  westward ; 
but  Soto,  crediting  an  Indian  tale  of  the  rich  realm  of  Yupaha  in  the  north- 
cast,  left  his  winter  quarters  March  3,  1540,  and  advanced  in  that  direc- 
tion through  tribes  showing  greater  civilization.  A  month  later  he  reacheil 
the  Altamaha,  receiving  from  the  more  friendly  natives  corn  and  game. 
This  was  not  sufficient  to  save  the  Spaniards  from  much  suffering,  and  they 
treated  the  Indians  with  their  wonted  cruelty.''' 


y  j) 


'  Ovicdo,  i.  547. 

-  /Mi>aii/i  'rn/iniciiM,  chap.  xi. ;  Smith's  Solo,  pp.  43-44;  Bicdma,  Ibid.,  234, 

•''  Ovicdo,  i.  554-557- 


ort  of  K-ill- 

lits  of  tin- 
cliicf,  corn 
is  baggage 
.iipplics,  he 
otiicr  tribe 
it  cliicf  was 
1(1  will)  li;i(i 
•d  to  return 

nba,  movcil 
trcams  and 
suffer  from 
•n,  and  [lal- 
ittered,  and 
jnly  as  foe- 
tlieir  chief, 
onslau|^lit 
y  all  killed 
:  survivors, 
my  weapon 
I  to  throttle 
)nly  to  be 
■ioto  fou^dit 
ee  months, 
province  of 
ovcred  the 
cs  and  the 
"ampa  Hay. 
LMiding  two 
jetachnient 
he  Indians 
had    taken 

westward ; 
the  north- 
that  direc- 
hc  reached 
and  s;ame. 
J,  and  they 


234. 


ANCIKNT   ILOKIDA. 


«47 


At  last  Soto,  after  a  march  <if  fiKir  iHindnil  ,md  thirty  leagues,  much  of 
it  tliroii'di  uninliabited  land,  reacheil  the  province  ruled  by  the  cliieftainess 
ul  I  ofitachiijui.  On  the  isl  of  May  she  went  forth  to  meet  the  Spanish 
cxiilorer  in  a  palancpiin  or  litter;  anil  crossing  the  river  in  a  canopieil 
canoe,  she  approached  Soto,  and  after  presenting  him  the  gifts  of  sh.iwls 
.inil  skins  brought  by  her  retinue,  she  look  off  her  necklace  of  pearls  and 
placed  it  around  the  neck  of  Soto.  Vet  her  courtesy  and  generosity 
Jill  not  save  her  from  soon  being  led  about  on  foot  as  a  prisoner.  The 
M.iintry  around  her  chief  town,  which  Jones  iilentifies  with  Silver  Bluff, 
oil  tile  Savannah,  below  Augusta,'  tempted  the  followers  of  Soto,  who 
wi-lied  to  settle  there,  as  from  it  Cuba  could  be  readily  reachetl.  lUit  the 
commander  would  attempt  no  settlement  till  he  IkuI  discovered  some  rich 
kingdom  that  would  rival  Peru;  and  chagrined  at  his  failure,  refused  even 
to  send  tidings  of  his  operations  to  Cuba.  At  Silver  Hluff  he  came  upon 
tr.ices  of  an  earlier  Spanish  march.  A  dirk  and  a  rosary  were  brought  to 
him,  which  were  supposed,  on  good  grounds,  to  have  come  frt)m  the 
i\']>edition  of  Ayllon. 

I'oring  over  the  cosmography  of  y\lonzo  dc  Chaves,  Soto  and  the  officers 
of  his  expedition  concluded  that  a  river,  crossed  on  the  j6th  of  Ma)-,  was 
the  I'^spiritu  Santo,  or  Mississippi.  A  seven  days'  march,  still  in  the  cliief- 
taincss's  realm,  brought  them  to  Chelaque,  the  country  of  the  Clurokces, 
poor  in  maize  ;  then,  over  mountain  ridges,  a  northerly  march  brought  them 
1(1  .\ualla,  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  Silver  Mluff.  At  the  close  of 
Ma)-  they  were  in  (jiiaxule,  where  the  cliieftainess  regained  her  freedom.  It 
was  a  town  of  three  hundred  houses,  near  the  mountains,  in  a  well-watered  and 
pleasant  land,  probably  at  the  site  of  Coosawattie  Old  'I'own.  The  chief  gave 
Soto  maize,  and  also  three  hundred  dogs  for  the  maintenance  of  his  men. 

Marching  onward,  Soto  next  came  to  Canasagua,  in  all  probability  on  a 
river  even  now  called  the  Connasauga,  flowing  through  an  attractive  land  of 
imiiherries,  persimmons,  and  walnuts.  Mere  they  found  stores  tif  bear  oil 
and  walnut  oil  and  lioiiej-.  Marching  down  tlii.s  stream  and  the  Oostanaula, 
into  which  it  flows,  to  Cliiaha,  on  an  island  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  lUoua, 
in  the  district  of  the  pearl-bearing  mussel-streams,  Soto  was  received  in 
amity;  and  the  caciipie  had  some  of  the  shellfish  taken  and  pearls  extracted 
ill  the  presence  of  his  guest.  The  Spaniards  encamiicd  under  the  trees  near 
the  town,  leaving  the  inhabitants  in  quiet  possession  of  their  homes.  Here, 
on  the  spot  apjiarently  now  occupied  by  Rome,  they  rested  for  a  month. 
.\  detae  ment  sent  to  discover  a  reputed  gold-producing  province  returned 
with  no  i  dings  to  encourage  the  adventurers;  and  on  the  2Sth  of  June 
Soto,  with  iiis  men  and  steeds  refreshed,  resumed  his  march,  having  obtained 
men  to  beai  his  baggage,  though  his  demand  of  thirty  women  as  slaves 
was  refused.''^ 

'  Mc-/<i(,im  -rcrdiideira,  chap,  xii.-xv. ;    Biedma,  Relacion ;   Smith's  Soto,  pp.  49-68,   236-341; 
Kaiigcl  ill  Ovitclo,  tliskniu  General,  i.  562. 
-  ()vi(.(iii,  i.  563. 


Va 


til' 


'■■;.■ 
'      i; 

■  '  "    I, 


,  I 


'w^ 


i 


-:i 


ti\ 


[i  t 


ii'   * 


248 


NARRATIXE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Cliisca,  to  which  he  sent  t\v<i  men  to  exphjre  for  Lj;okl,  proved  to  be  in 
a  nifjL^cd  mountain  land;  and  tlie  buffalo  robe  which  the}- brouL:;!'^  back 
was  :nore  curious  than  encouraLjiny.  Soto  therefore  left  the  territory  of 
the  Cherokccs,  and  took  the  direction  of  Co(^a,  probably  on  the  Coosa 
river.  The  cacique  of  that  place,  warned  doubtless  b)-  the  rumors  which 
must  have  spread  through  all  the  land  of  the  danijer  of  thwartintj  the  fierce 
strangers,  furnished  supplies  at  several  points  on  the  route  to  his  town,  and 
as  Soto  approached  it,  came  out  on  a  litter  attired  in  a  fur  robe  and  pl'inud 
headpiece  to  make  a  full  surrender.  The  Spaniards  occupietl  the  town  and 
took  possession  of  all  the  Indian  stores  of  corn  and  beans,  the  neighboring 
woods  adding  persimmons  and  grapes.  This  town  was  one  luindretl  and 
ninety  leagues  west  of  Xualla,  and  la\'  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Coosa,  bi - 
tween  the  mouths  of  the  Talladega  and  Tallasehatchee,  as  I'ickett,  the  his- 
torian of  Alabama,  determines.  Soto  heh^  the  chief  of  Cocja  \irtuall)-  as  a 
prisoner;  but  when  he  demanded  porters  to  bear  the  baggage  of  his  men. 
most  of  the  Indians  fletl.  The  Spanish  commainler  then  sei^.ed  ever\' 
Indian  he  could   find,  and  put  him  in  irons. 

iVfter  remaining  at  Coga  for  twenty-five  da\s,  Soto  marched  to  L  lii- 
bahali,  a  strongly  palisaded  town,  situated,  as  we  ma)'  conjecture,  on  I  latchet 
Creek.  This  place  submitted,  giving  men  as  porters  and  women  as  slaves. 
Leaving  this  town  on  the  2d  of  September,  he  marched  to  Tallisc,  in  a 
land  teeming  with  corn,  whose  people  proved  equall}-  tl(>cile.'  This  sub- 
mission was  perhaps  onl}'  to  gain  time,  and  draw  the  in\aders  into  a  tlis- 
advantageous  position. 

Actahachi,  the  gigantic  chief  of  Tastaluza,  sixty  leagues  south  of  Co^a, 
which  was  Soto's  next  station,  received  him  with  a  pomp  such  as  the  Span- 
iards had  not  yet  witr.essed.  The  cacicpie  wa^  seated  on  cushions  on  a 
raisetl  platform,  with  his  chiefs  in  a  circle  around  him;  an  umbrella  of 
buckskin,  stained  red  and  white,  was  held  over  him.  The  curveting  steetls 
and  the  armor  of  the  Spaniartls  raised  r.o  look  of  curiosity  on  his  stern 
countenance,  am'  he  calmly  awaiteil  Soto's  approach.  Not  till  he  found 
himself  detained  as  a  prisoner  would  he  [)romise  to  furnish  the  Spaniards 
with  porters  and  supplies  of  pro\-isions  at  Manila-  to  enable  .Soto  to  continue 
his  march.  He  then  sent  oixlers  to  his  vassal,  the  chief  of  Manila,  to  have 
them  in  readiness. 

As  the  Spaniards,  accompanied  by  Actahachi,  descended  the  Alabama, 
passing  by  the  strong  town  of  Piache,  the  cacique  of  Manila  came  to  meet 
them  with  friendly  greetings,  attended  b\-  a  number  of  his  subjects  playing 
upon  their  native  musical  instruments,  and  proffering  fur  robes  and  service; 
but  the  demeanor  of  the  people  was  so  haughty  that  Luis  de  Moscoso  urged 
Soto  not  to  enter  the  town.  The  adclautado  persisted ;  and  riding  in  with 
seven  or  eight-  -  f  !-.is  guartl  aiul  four  horsemen,  sat  down  with  the  cacicpie 


'  Ki-!,h;iiii  7  vi;/,h/,-ir,},  cli.ip.  xv.-xvi.  ;  liicdmn, 
/Cd.uioii  :  Siiiitli's  S,>/,\  |ip.  ()6-77,  240-242; 
Kaiigel  in  Ovicdo,  i.  565-5O6. 


-  It   is   v.inously   written   also   .)Aivi/u  and 
.UaviUa. 


yj< 


ANClEXr    FLORIDA. 


H9 


)f  C<i(^;i, 
10  Span- 
Mis  on  a 
)rclla  (if 
stcctls 
lis  stern 
fountl 
Spaniards 
continue 
to  have 

Alabama, 
U>  meet 
plax'iiii; 
service ; 
so  ur;4ed 
<l  in  witli 
caciciue 


iiiu-l  llie  chief  of  Tastaluza,  wliom,  according;  to  custom,  he  had  brought  to 
lliis  phicc.  The  latter  asked  leave  to  '•eturn  to  his  own  town;  when  Soto 
rel'used,  he  rose,  pretending  a  wish  to  confer  with  some  chiefs,  and  entered 
a  lunise  where  some  armed  Indians  were  concealed.  lie  refused  to  come 
(Hit  when  summoned;  and  a  chief  who  was  ordered  to  carry  a  message  to 
the  cacique,  but  refused,  was  cu;  down  by  Gallego  with  a  sword.  llien  the 
iiiiliaiis,  pouruig  out  from  the  houses,  sent  volleys  of  arrows  at  Soto  and  his 
|..nt\.  Soto  ran  toward  his  men,  but  fell  two  or  three  times;  and  though 
\\v  reached  his  main  force,  five  of  liis  men  were  killed,  and  he  himself,  as 
uill  as  all  the  rest,  was  severely  wounded.  The  chained  Indian  porter.-i, 
v.iio  bore  the  baggage  and  trea;nres  of  .Soto's  force,  had  set  down  their 
loads  just  outside  the  palisade.  When  the  party  of  Soto  had  been  driven 
out,  the  men  of  Manila  sent  all  these  into  the  town,  took  oh  their  fetters, 
and  L;ave  them  weapons.  Some  of  the  military  equipments  of  the  Spaniards 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  several  of  Soto's  followers,  who  had 
like  liini  entered  the  town,  among  them  a  friar  and  an  ecclesiastic,  remained 
as  prisoners. 

The  Indians,  sending  off  their  caciques,  and  apparently  their  women, 
prepared  to  tiefend  the  town;  but  Soto,  arranging  his  militar_\-  array  into 
four  detachments,  surrounded  it,  and  made  an  assault  on  the  gates,  where  the 
natives  gatheretl  to  withstand  them.  By  feigning  flight  Soto  drew  them  out ; 
and  by  a  sudden  charge  routed  them,  and  gaining  an  entrance  for  his  men, 
set  fire  to  the  houses.  This  was  not  effected  without  loss,  as  the  Spaniards 
were  several  times  repulsed  by  the  Indians.  When  they  at  last  fought  their 
ua\-  into  the  town,  the  Indians  endeavored  to  escape.  Finding  that  impos- 
sible, as  the  gates  were  held,  the  men  of  Manila  fought  desperately,  and  died 
by  the  sworti,  or  plunged  into  the  blazing  houses  to  perish  there. 

The  battle  of  Manila  was  one  of  the  bloodiest  ever  fought  on  our  soil 
between  white  and  reel  men  in  the  earlier  daj's.  The  Adclantado  had 
twenty  of  his  men  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  wounded ;  of  his 
horses  twelve  were  killed  and  seventy  wountled.  The  Indian  loss  was 
estimated  by  the   Portuguese  chronicler  of  the  expedition  at  twenty-five 


liiMKlrec 


1,  and  by  Rangel  at  three  thousand.     At  nightfall  Hiednia  tells  uh 


that  duK'  three  Inilians  remained  ali\'e,  ':wo  of  whom  v.'ere  killetl  fight 


lUL 


lie  las 


t  hung  himself  from  a  tree  in  the  palisade  with  his  bowstring.' 


i  ne 


(ientlenian  of  I'^lvas  states  Soto' 


s  whole  loss 


up  to  his  leaving  Manila  to 


lia\e   Deell    o 


ne  hundred  and  two  by  disease,  accident,  and  Indian  fight 


UlL 


Divine  worship  had  been  apparently  offered  in  the  camp  regularly  up  to 
this  time;  but  in  the  flames  of  Manila  perished  all  the  chalices  and  vest- 
ments of  the  clergy,  as  well  as  the  bread-irons  and  their  store  of  wheat- 
Ihuir  and  wine,  so  that  ]\lass  ceased  from  this  time.- 

'  /\'(7i((';w;  irn/iji/./Vi;,  clis.  .wii.-xix. ;  IJicdm.i,  have  been  cli.iiitcd  over  Soto's  body  avc  tlieic- 

kt-l.uio'i ;  Smitli's  .S'ii/o,  pp.  So-90,  24.;-245.  fore  iinaginarv.     Xo  Mass,  wlietlier  of  reipiiein 

-  See  Smilli's  Solo,  ]).  ()0 ;  Range]  in  Oviedo,  or  oilier,  coiiUl  have  been  said  or  sung  after  tlic 

1.  ^(f).     The  re(inicnis  said  vears  afleruard    to  Ijattlc  of  'Sh  nila. 
vol..   tl.  —  32. 


,1' 


,» 


,M 


M 


T  II 


1    I 


iO 


NARRATIVE    AN'I)    CRITICAL    UISIORY   OF   AMKKICA. 


VAfr 


,'l'' 


!:! 


1 1' 


Suto  here  asccilaiiicd  thai  I-'raiicisco  Maldonado  was  with  vessels  at  the 
port  of  Ichuse  (or  OchiiseJ  only  six  da\-s'  march  from  liim,  awaitiiiL; 
liis  orders.  Me  was  too  proud  to  return  to  Cuba  with  his  force  reduced 
thout  their  ba^Ljage,  or  an>-  trophy  from  the  lands  he  had 
dd  not  even  send  an\-  tidings  to  Cuba,  but  concealed 
from   his   men   the  knowletlge  which   had    been  brc 


m  numbers,  wi 


\1S1 


ted.      IK 


;t  to  him   b)-  Ort 


\7. 


tl 


le  rescuet 


1   foil 


owcr  o 


f  X 


U'\  ae 


Stubborn  in  his  pride,  Soto,  on  the  14th  of  November,  marcheti  norlli 
ward  ;  and  tra\ersing  the  land  of  I'afallaya  (now  Clarke,  Marengo,  and  Greem 
counties),  passed  the  town  of  Taliepatua  and  reached  Cabusto,  iilentified 
by  I'ickett  with  the  site  of  the  modern  town  of  I'j-ie,  on  the  Hlack  Warrior. 
Here  a  series  of  battles  with  the  natives  occurred ;  but  Soto  fought  his  way 
through  hostile  tribes  to  the  little  town  of  Chicaqa,  with  its  two  hundred 
houses  clustered  on  a  hill,  probablj'  on  the  western  bank  of  the  \'azoo,  which 
he  reached  in  a  :;now-storm  on  the  17th  of  December.  The  cacique  Micu- 
lasa  recei\ed  Soto  graciousl)',  and  the  Spanish  commander  won  him  b\- 
sending  part  of  his  force  to  attack  Sacchimia,  a  hostile  town.  I  laving  thu-^ 
propitiated  this  powerful  chief,  Soto  remained  here  till  March;  when,  being 
ready  to  adx'ance  on  his  expedition  in  search  of  some  wealthy  province,  he 
demanded  porters  of  the  cacique.  The  wil)'  chief  amused  the  in\ader  with 
promises  for  several  dajs,  and  then  suddenU^  attacked  the  town  from  foui 
sides,  at  a  very  carlj-  hour  in  the  morning,  dashing  into  the  place  and  set 
ting  fire  to  the  houses.  The  Spaniards,  taken  by  surprise,  were  assailed  as 
they  came  out  to  put  on  their  armor  and  mount  their  horses.  Soto  and  one 
other  alone  succeeded  in  getting  into  the  saddle;  but  Soto  himself,  after 
killing  one  Indian  with  his  spear,  was  throwu,  his  girths  gix'ing  way. 

The  Indians  drew  off  with  the  loss  of  this  one  m.in,  having  killed  cle\en 
Spaniards,  many  of  their  horses,  and  having  greatly  reduced  their  herd  of 
swine.  In  the  conflagration  of  the  town,  Soto's  force  lost  n:ost  of  their 
remaining  clothing,  with  many  of  their  weapons  and  saddles.  They  at 
once  set  to  work  to  suiip!)-  the  loss.  The  woods  gave  asli  to  make  sad- 
dles and  lances;  forges  were  set  up  to  temper  the  swords  and  make  such 
arms  as  they  could ;  while  the  tall  grass  was  woven  into  mats  to  serve  as 
blankets  or  cloaks. 

The}-  needed  their  arms  indeed;  for  on  the  15th  of  March  the  enemw 
in  three  di\i.;ions,  advanced  to  attack  the  camp.  Soto  met  them  with  as 
many  squadrons,  and  routed  them  w  ith  loss. 

When  Soto  at  last  took  up  his  march  on  the  25th  of  April,  the  stuniv 
Alibamo,  or  .Xlimamu,  or  Limamu,  barred  his  way  with  a  palisade  manned 
by  the  painted  warriors  of  the  tribe.  Soto  carried  it  at  the  cost  of  tin 
li\cs  of  sex'cn  or  eight  of  his  men,  and  twenty-five  or  six  wountlcd;  only 
to  find  th.it  the  Intlians  hatl  made  the  palisade  not  to  protect  any  stores, 
but  sim]il)-  to  cope  with  tlu'  in\aders.' 


1  A',/, 


iciini  -'t'n, 


/./(/(vn;,  chap.  x.\.-xxi.;  liicdma,      Kan.m'l  ill  Ovicdo, ///>/,' 


/\\/ii(ioii ;   Smith'.s   Soto,   pp.    91-100,    24C-24S;     pp.  571-573. 


Coieiiil,  thap.  .\.\v 


X      li 


I!     . 


:a. 

sscls  at  the 
n,  awaitiiv^ 
ce  reduced 
nds  he  had 
t  concealed 
II   by  Ortiz. 

:hed   iKirlli 
and  Greeni 
3,  identified 
ick  Warrior, 
t^ht  his  way 
wo  hundred 
'azoo,  which 
cique  Micu- 
,von  him  by 
i  Ia\'in^  tlui-^ 
when,  beinj4 
province,  he 
in\ader  willi 
vn  from  four 
lace  and  set- 
•c  assailed  as 
:ioto  and  one 
liimsclf,  after 
way. 

killed  cle\en 

their  herd  of 

ost  of  theii 

They  at 

iviake  saii- 

make  such 

to  scr\'e  a-^ 

the  enemy, 
Hem  with   a- 

the  .sturd> 

sade  manned 

cost   of  till- 

mded  ;   only 

:l  any  stores, 

,;/,  chap,  x.xvii'. 


AXCIF.XT    FLORID.\, 


251 


At  Ouizquiz,  or  Ouizqui,  near  the  banks  nf  the  Mississippi,  Soto  sur- 
prisetl  the  place  and  captured  all  the  \v(imen  ;  but  released  them  to  obtain 
,, nines  to  cross  the  ri\er.  .\s  the  IiK.lians  failed  to  keep  their  prt)mise,  Soto 
iiicainped  in  a  plain  and  spent  nearl)-  a  month  buikliiiL,r  four  large  boats, 
( ,icli  capable  of  carrying;'  sixty  or  sevent\-  men  and  fi\e  or  si.x  horses.  The 
iinpnsile  shore  was  held  by  hostile  Indians;  and  bands  of  finely  formed 
warriors  constantly'  came  down  in  canoes,  as  if  read)-  to  eni^aL^e  them,  but 
[ilwa\-s  drawing,'  off. 

The  Spaniards  finally  crossed  the  ri\er  at  the  lowest  Chickasaw  Hlulf, 
all  wondering  at  the  mighty  turbid  stream,  with  its  fish,  strange  to 
their  e\es,  and  the  trees,  uprooted  on  the  banks  far  above,  that  came 
lloating  down.'  Soto  marched  northward  to  Little  Prairie  in  quest  of 
I'aeaha  aiul  Chisca,  prcn'inces  reported  to  abound  in  gold.  After  plant- 
ing a  cross  on  St.  John's  Day-  at  Casqui,  where  the  bisons'  heads  above 
tiie  entrances  to  the  huts  reminded  them  of  Spain,  he  entered  I'acaha 
I  line  J9,  as  Oviedo  says.  These  towns  were  the  best  they  had  seen 
since  they  left  Cofitachiqui.  Pacaha  furnished  them  with  a  booty  which 
they  prized  Miighly, — a  fine  store  of  skins  of  animals,  and  native  blankets 
woven  probabh'  of  bark.  These  enabled  the  men  to  make  clothing, 
of  which  man>-  had  long  been  in  sore  want.  The  people  gradually 
returned,  and  the  caci([ue  received  Soto  in  friendlj'  guise,  giving  him 
his  two  sisters  as  wi\'es. 

While  the  armj'  rested  here  nearl}'  a  month,  expeditions  were  sent  in 
various  directions.  One,  marching  eight  days  to  the  northwest  through  a 
land  of  swamps  and  ponds,,  reached  the  prairies,  the  land  of  Caluc^a,  where 
Indians  lived  in  portable  houses  of  mats,  with  frames  so  light  that  a  man 
could  easily  cru'iy  them.'' 

Despairing  of  finding  his  long-sought  Kl  Doratlo  in  that  direction,  Soto 
marched  south  and  then  southwest,  in  all  a  hundred  and  ten  leagues,  to 
Ouiguate,  a  town  on  a  branch  of  the  iVIississippi.  It  was  the  largest  they 
had  yet  seen.  Tlie  Indians  abandoned  it;  but  one  half  the  houses  were 
sufticient  to  shelter  the  whole  of  .Soto's  force. 

On  the  tir.st  of  September  the  expedition  reached  Coligua,  —  a  populous 
town  ill  a  vallc}'  among  the  mountains,  near  which  vast  herds  of  bison  roamed, 
river  again,'  Soto': 


It; 


j; 


oiiwanl 


Ca\'as,  with  its  salt  ri\er  and  fertile  m.aize-l; 


UK  Is,  was  re 


ached ;   and 


then  the  Spaniards  came  to  Ttilia,  where  the  Indians  attacked  them,  fighting 
from  their  housetops  to  the  last.     The  cacique  at  last  jielded,  and  came 


weep- 


ing with  great  sobs  to  make  h 


IS  submission. 


IMarching  southeast,  Soto  reached  Ouipana;   and  crossing  the  mountains 
eastwarii,  wintered  in  the  province  of  Viranque,  or  Autiamque,  or  Utianque, 


a;-/,, 


•■rc/iit/ririi,    ch,i|).    xxii 


)ii.diii  1,    /u/ii 


KiliU 

ll:ikUiyt;  Kangel  in  Oviedo. 


ill    Smilh's    .Si'to,    ])|).     106- 


/i'«,  in  Smitli,  Soto,  pp.   101-105,  249-J50 ;      117,    250-252;     IlakUiyl;     Rangcl    in     Ovicilo. 


Ovifd 


('iin)|)aie  Ko/tuioii  of  (.'oronado's  cxpcditi 


o,  p.  57  J. 


.Smith's  Coli-c 


h\-l, 


ii,>iiii 


■J.h/,; 


cha 


P-  '5j 


p.     X.Mll., 


Kaiif^fl  ill  ')vii;do,  i.  576. 


f  n' 


U   I   I' 


,  '  1  , 


<V  '  jl 


I'       1 


iit«   ' 


V 


>52  NARRATIVE   A\D   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AAIERICA 


i 


wri 


li':-: 


^mm 


Ml' 


!)  ' 


Ii 


V 


i!/  Adclantado 

Soti 


'noAicLo  ae 


SOTO. 


cn  a  branch  of  tlic  Mississippi,  apparently  the  Washita.^  The  sufferings 
of  the  Spaniards  durincj  a  lony  and  severe  winter  were  terrible,  and  Ortiz, 
their  interpreter,  snccnmbed  to  his  liardships  and  died.  Even  the  proud 
spirit  of  .Soto  j-iclded  to  his  disappointments  and  toil.  Two  hundred  and 
fift\-  of  his  splendid  force  had  left  their  bones  to  whiten  along  the  path 
which  he  had  followeil.  He  determined  at  last  to  push  to  the  shores  of  the 
Gulf  ai:d  there  build  two  brii^antines,  in  order  to  send  to  Cuba  and  to  New 
Spain  for  aid. 

'  Fac-.simile    of    ,nii    ciisjiavini;    in    llcncr.i     ahri'l.iiiiicnt  of    Range]  ends.     The  contents  of 
f.;-8),   iv.   31.  two  suljsequent  chapters  arc  given,  but  not  the 

•  Ovit-nlo,  p.   577.     Here,    iinlo'tnnalely,  his     text. 


i 


AN  TIE. NT    FLORIDA 


25.3 


Passing  through  Ayays  and  the  well-peopled  land  of  \ilco,  Soto  went 
with  the  cacique  of  Guachoyanque  to  his  well-palisaded  town  on  the  banks 
cif  the  Mississippi,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Reil  River,  arriving  tliere  on  Sunday, 
Anril  l',  1542.  Here  he  fell  ill  of  the  fever;  difficulties  bes:t  him  on  every 
side,  and  he  sank  under  the  strain.  Appointing  Luis  de  M0SC090  as  his  suc- 
cessor in  command,  he  died  on  the  2 1st  of  JMay.  The  Addaiiiado  of  Cuba 
and  Florida,  who  had  hoped  to  gather  the  wealth  of  nations,  left  as  his 
property  five  Indian  slaves,  three  horses,  and  a  herd  of  swine.  His 
body,  kept  for  some  days  in  a  house,  was  interred  in  the  town  ;  but  as  fears 
were  entertained  that  the  Indians  might  dig  up  the  corpse,  it  was  taken, 
wr.ipped  in  blankets  loaded  with  sand,  and  sunk  in  the  Mississippi.' 


AUTOGRAPH   OF   SOTO. 

Musco^o's  first  plan  was  to  march  westward  to  Mexico.  But  after  advan- 
cing to  the  pro^'ince  of  Xacatin,  the  survivors  of  the  expedition  lost  all 
hope;  and  returning  to  the  Mississippi,  wintered  on  its  banks.  There 
building  two  large  boats,  they  embarked  in  them  and  in  canoes.  Hostile 
Indians  pursued  them,  and  twelve  men  were  drowned,  their  canoes  being 
run  down  by  the  enemy's  pcriagiias.  The  survivors  reached  i  le  Gulf  and 
coasted  along  to  Panuco.- 

The  expedition  of  Soto  added  very  little  to  the  knowledge  of  the  conti- 
nent, as  no  steps  were  taken  to  note  the  topography  of  the  country  or  the 
language  of  the  various  tribes.  Diego  Maldonado  and  Gomez  Arias,  seek- 
ing Soto,  explored  the  coast  from  the  vicinity  of  the  Mississippi  nearly  to 
Newfoundland  ;   but  their  reports  are  unknown. 

Notwithstanding  the  disastrous  result  of  Soto's  expedition,  and  the 
conclusive  proof  it  afforded   that  the    country  bordering  on  the   Gulf  o\ 

'  Rchifam  vcrdiuL,  chaps,    x.w.-.xx.  ;    liicd-  -  Rthicam  vcrdad.,  chaps.   xxxi.-.\lii. ;    Bicd' 

m.i.  Kiiacwii,  in  Smith's  Solo,  pp.  iiS-149,  252-     ma,  A\/,i,ifln,  in  Smith's  ^t'/i',  pp.  150-196,  257- 
257.  261. 


n 


I 


i  '.I 


I    ! 


,! 


'i 


•'54 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRIl'lCAL    HISIORY    UF    AMERICA. 


(i    ■  J' 


* 


III 


i  1 :  ''c  f 


1  1 


'i  I 


.WrOMO    OK    MKNUD/A, 

V'ucroy  of  Sew  S^iiiii. 

and  to  treat  the  Iiulians  well. 


Mexico   contained   no   rich   kingdom    and    afforded    little    indncement   foi 
settlements,  other  commanders  were  ready  to  undertake   the   conquest  of 

Florida.     Among  these  was  Don  Antonio 
^  A  de    Mentloza,   the   viceroy   of   New   Spain, 

//^ ^T^/t^ri/uyfY'^^^      ^^'"J  sought,  by  offers  of  rank  and  lionors, 

to  enlist  some  of  the  survi\'ors  of  Soto's 
march  in  a  new  campaign.  In  a  more 
mercantile  ipirit,  Julian  de  Samano  and 
I'eilro  de  Aluim.;ula  applied  to  the  Spanish 
monarch  for  a  patent,  promising  to.  make 
a  good  use  of  the  privileges  granted  them. 
The}'  hoped  to  buy  furs  and  [)earls,  and 
carry  on  a  trade  in  them  till  mines  of  gold  and  silver  were  found.  The 
Court,  however,  refused  to  permit  the  grant.' 

\'et  as  a  matter  of  policy  it  became  necessary  for  Spain  to  occupy 
Florida.  This  the  Court  felt;  and  when  Cartier  was  preparing  for  his 
voyage  to  the  northern  part  of  the  continent,"  Spanish  spies  followed  his 
movements  and  rejjortetl  all  to  their  Go\'ernment.  In  Spain  it  was  decided 
that  Cartier's  occupation  of  the  frozen  land,  for  which  he  was  cciuipping  his 
vessels,  could  not  in  any  way  militate  against  the  interests  of  the  Catholic 
monarch ;  but  it  was  decided  that  any  settlement  attempted  in  Florida 
must  Oil  some  pretext  be  crushed  out.'*  Florida  from  its  position  affordeil 
a  basis  for  assailing  the  fleets  which  bore  from  Vera  Cruz  the  treasures  of 
the  Indies  ;  and  the  hurricanes  of  the  trc  .ics  had  already  strewn  the  Florida 
coast  with  the  fragments  of  Spanish  wrecks.  In  1545  a  vessel  laden  with 
silver  and  precious  conmiodities  perished  on  that  roast,  and  two  hundred 
persons  reached  land,  only  to  faU  by  the  hands  of  the  Indians.* 


\% 


■■'  !r 


y    ,.« 


'■''■  s 


II. 


^H 


The  next  Spanish  attempt  to  occupy  Florida  was  ni>i  unmixed  with  ro- 
mance; and  its  tragic  close  invests  it  with  peculiar  interest.  The  Domini- 
cans, led  b)'  Father  Antonio  de  Montcsinos  and  Las  Casas, —  who  had  by  this 
time  become  Bishop  of  Chiap.i,  —  were  .active  in  condemning  the  cruelties 
of  tluir  countr)-men  to  the  natives  of  the  New  World ;  and  the  atrocities 
perpetr;ited  b\'  .Soto  in  his  disastrous  march  ga\e  new  themes  for  their 
indignant  denunciations.' 

One  Dominican  went  further.  I'ather  Luis  Cancer  de  liarbastro,  when 
the  Ind-ansof  ;.  province  had  so  steadily  defied  the  Spaniards  and  prevented 
their  cntr.mce  Mhit  it  was  styled  "  Tierra  de  Guerra,"  succeeded  by  mild 
and  gentle  means  in  winning  the  whole  Indian  population,  so  that  the 
province  obtained  iKe  'vuiie  of  "  Vera  I'az,"  or  True  Peace.     In  1546  thi^ 

*  Barci.i,  /■'iisaio  nviiMi^/iO,  p.  24  ;  Goiiiar.-i,  ^  L.is  Casas,  Dcstniccioit  dc  las  Iiulias.  Dc 
Hist,  gill.,  lib.  i.  c.  .)  5.                                                    his  pnroimiiis  Jc  la  Tierra  Firm.;  por  la  parti  que 

■  Cf.  Vol.  \X.  rJKip.  2.  SI  llama  la  Fh'riJa, — a  cluiptcr  written  pailly 

■'  Documents   p  ■■iitcd    in    Sniitli's  Cohciioii,     before   and    partly   after    Moscujo's   arrival    in 

pp.  103-llS.  Mexico.     |.See  the  chapter  on  Las  Casas,  follow 

*  B.ircia,  EiLuiio  croiwlagito,  p.  ^4.  ing  tb«  present  one.  —  Ed] 


i. 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


255 


cm  cut  foi 
)nqucst  i)f 
11  Antoiiitj 
c\v  Spain, 
1(1  honors, 
of  Soto's 
1  a  moir 
nano    and 

0  Spanisli 

1  to.  make 
itcd  them 
icarls,  and 
.nul.      I'hc 

to  occupy 
ig  for  his 
Uowcd  his 
ns  decided 
ipping  his 
e  CathoUc 
in  Florida 
n  aft'ordetl 
easures  of 
he  r'lorida 
ulen  with 
1  hundred 


d  with  ro- 

e  Domiiii- 

lad  by  this 

cruelties 

atrocities 
for  their 

,tro,  wlien 

l)re\ented 

J  by  mild 

that   tlu- 

1546  this 

/m/icis.  /> 
/■  /lI  parti:  que 
litten  partly 
's  arrival  in 
!asas,  follow 


I  iierL;otic  man  conceived  the  idea  of  atlemptinij  the  peaceful  conquest  of 
I  iurida.  I'"ather  Gregory  de  Beteta  and  other  influential  members  of  his 
(  )rder  seconded  his  views.  The  next  year  he  went  to  Spain  and  laid  his 
jiroiect  before  the  Court,  where  it  was  favorably  recei\ed.  lie  returned 
til  Mexico  with  a  royal  order  that  all  l'"loridians  held  in  slavery,  carried 
thillur  b\'  the  survivors  of  Soto's  expedition,  should  be  confided  to  l'"ather 
(, nicer  t<i  be  taken  back  to  their  own  land.  The  order  proved  ineffectual, 
f.itlur  Cancer  then  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  in  1549  in  the  "  Santa  .Mari.i  del 
I  ji/iiia,"  without  ;irms  or  soldiers,  taking  l'"ather  Heteta,  l'"ather  l)iego  de 
j'.il.i-,,!,  I'ather  John  (jarcia,  and  others  to  conduct  the  mission.  At  Havana 
lu  obtained  Magdalen,  a  woman  who  had  been  brought  from  I'lorida,  and 
who  had  become  a  Christian.  The  vessel  then  steered  for  Morida,  and 
riaehing  the  coast,  at  about  28",  on  the  e\'e  of  Ascension  Da)-,  ran  north- 
w.iid,  but  soon  sailed  back.  The  missionaries  and  their  interpreter  landed, 
,uicl  found  some  of  the  Indians  fishing,  who  proved  friendly.  I'^ither  Diego, 
a  mission  coadjutor,  and  a  sailor,  resolved  to  remain  with  the  natives,  and 
went  off  to  their  cabins.  Cancer  and  his  companions  awaited  their  return  ; 
!)tit  they  never  appeared  again.  For  some  da\-s  the  Spaniards  on  the  ship 
endeavored  to  enter  into  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians,  and  on  Cor[)us 
Christi  Fathers  Cancer  and  Garcia  landed  antl  said  Mass  on  shore.  At  last 
a  Spaniard  named  John  Munoz,  who  had  been  a  prisoner  among  the  Indians, 
managed  to  reach  the  ship;  and  from  him  they  learned  that  the  missionar\' 
and  his  companions  hatl  been  killed  by  the  treacherous  nati\es  almost  im- 
mediately after  reaching  their  cabins,  lie  had  not  witncssctl  their  murder, 
biu  declared  that  he  had  seen  the  missionary's  scalp.  Magdalen,  howe\'cr, 
came  to  the  shore  and  assured  the  missionaries  that  their  comrade  was  alive 
and  well. 

It  had  thus  become  a  serious  matter  what  course  to  pursue.  The  vessel 
was  too  heavy  to  enter  the  shallow  bays,  the  provisions  were  nearly  cx- 
li.uisted,  water  could  not  be  had.  and  the  .ship's  people  were  clamoring  to 
return  to  Mexico.  The  missionaries,  all  except  h'ather  Cancer,  desired  to 
abandon  the  projected  settlement,  but  he  still  believed  that  by  presents  and 
kiiulness  to  the  Indians  he  could  safely  remain.  Mis  companions  in  \ain 
eiidea\ored  to  dissuade  him.  On  Tuesda}',  June  25,  he  was  pulled  in  a  boat 
near  the  shore.  He  leaped  into  the  water  and  waded  towards  the  land. 
riiough  urged  to  return,  he  pcrse\-ered.  Kneeling  for  a  few  minutes  on  the 
licach,  he  advanced  till  he  met  the  Indians.  The  sailors  in  the  boat  saw 
one  Indian  pull  off  his  hat,  and  another  strike  him  down  with  a  club.  Owe 
cr\'  csca]:)ed  his  lips.  A  crowd  of  Indians  streamed  down  to  the  shore  and 
with  arrows  drove  off  the  boat.  Lingering  for  awhile,  the  vessel  sailed  back 
to  Vera  Cruz,  after  fi\-e  li\'es  had  thus  rashh'  been  sacrificed.' 

'  The  best  account  of  this  affair  is  a  "  Rcla-  first  jiart  is  liv  Cancer  himself,  the  conclusion 

ODi-.  de  la  riorida  para  el   111'""  Seiior  Visorrci  by    Beteta.     There   are   also   extant    "  Keeiuiri- 

(le  la  in'     Espana  la  ([ual  trajo  Fray  Greg'^  dc  mentos    y  respuestas  que    |iasaron    en  la  Nao 

l.tteta,"  in  Sn.ith's  Colcci-ioii,  |)p.  190-202.     The  S"  Maria  de  la  Eiicina,"  and  the  Minutes  nf  dis- 


I* 


I    ( 


i'l 


ii 


11  Hi, 


%     ^ 


!(:'i^ 


!56 


NAKKA'1I\K    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   ()!••    AMERICA. 


m 


\i. 


I  ?,'  ! 


ft'l 

'''F 

j.i'. 

Oil  iIk.  airival  of  llic  tidiii^rs  of  this  tragic  close  of  Cancer's  mission  ,i 
con;4russ  was  convened  by  Maximilian,  Kinij  of  Bohemia,  then  regent  in 
Spain;  and  the  advocates  of  the  [)eace  [)olicy  in  regard  to  the  Indians  lost 
much  of  the  inlliience  which  the)'  hail  obtained  in  the  royal  councils.' 

The  wreck  of  the  fleet,  with  rich  cargoes  of  silver,  gold,  and  othei 
precious  commodities,  on  the  northern  shore  of  the  (julf  of  Mexico  in  1553, 
when  several  hundretl  perst)ns  perished,  and  the  sufferings  of  the  survix'ing 
passengers,  among  whom  were  several  Dominicans,  in  their  attempt  to  reach 
the  settlements;  and  the  wreck  of  I'arfan's  fleet  on  the  Atlantic  coast  near 
Santa  l-^lena  in  December,  1554,  —  showed  the  necessity  of  having  posts  on 
that  dangerous  coast  of  l-'lorida,  in  tirder  to  save  life  and  treasiire.- 

The  Council  of  the  hulies  advised  l'hili[)  II.  to  confide  the  con(iuest  and 
settlement  of  l'"!orida  to  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  \Mceroy  of  New  Spain,  who 
was  anxious  to  undertake  the  task.  The  Catholic  monarch  had  previously 
rejected  the  projects  of  Zurila  and  .Samano ;  but  the  high  character  of 
Velasco  induced  him  to  confide  the  task  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico.  The 
step  was  again  for  the  humanitarian  part)';  and  the  King,  on  giving  his 
approval,  directed  that  Dominican  friars  should  be  selected  to  accompany 
the  colonists,  in  order  to  minister  to  them  and  convert  the  Indians.  Don 
Luis  de  Velasco  had  directed  the  government  in  Mexico  since  November, 
1550,  with  remarkable  iM'udence  ami  ability.  The  natives  found  in  him 
such  an  earnest,  capable,  and  unwavering  protector  that  he  is  styled  in 
history  the  leather  of  the  Indians. 

The  plans  adopted  by  this  excellent  governor  for  the  occupation  of 
Morida  were  in  full  harmony  with  the  Dominican  views.  In  the  treatment 
of  the  Indians  he  anticipated  the  just  and  equitable  methods  which  give 
Calvert,  Williams,  and  Penn  so  enviable  a  place  in  American  annals.^ 

The  occupation  was  not  to  be  one  of  conquest,  and  all  intercourse  with 
the  T;idians  was  to  be  on  the  basis  of  natural  equity.  His  first  step  was 
prompted  by  his  characteristic  prudence.''  In  September,  1558,  he  de- 
spatched Guido  de  Labazarcs,  with  three  vessels  and  a  sufficient  force,  to 
exjilore  the  whole  Florida  coast,  and  select  the  best  port  he  found  for  the 
l)rojected    settlement.     Labazares,  on  his  return   after   an  investigation  of 


cussioiis  between  tlie  niLssionaiies,  and  the  dp- 
tain's  order  to  liis  jjilot  and  .sailors.  'I'lierc  is 
a  somewhat  detailed  sketeli  of  Cancer's  life  in 
Davila  I'adilhi's  Ilisloyia  dc  l<i  fiimlacum  t/c  la 
Pro-jincia  Jc  Siiuli,ti^o  ilc  Mixko,  1596,  cliapters 
liv.-lvii.,  and  a  brief  notice  in  Touron,  Ilistoire 
lie  rAmeriipiCy  vi.  Si.  Cl.  Ilerrera,  dec.  vii;. 
lib.  5,  ]).  112;  Gnniara,  e.  xlv. ;  \^^^xz\■^,  Eiisaio 
cronoloi^ito,  \>\i.  25-26. 

'  Hiircia,  Eiisaio  cyoiiol6:^ico,  p.  2O. 

-'  liaicia,  Eiisaio  croiio/oi^ico,  \\\i.  2S-20.  "  Don 
I.iiis  Velasco  a  los  ofticialcs  de  Sevilla,"  Mexico, 
November,  1554.  Farfan  to  same,  Jan.  3,  1555. 
The  vessels  were  wrecked  at  Cape  .Santa  Klena, 
y-  N'.     Villafafie  was   sent  to   rescue   the   sur- 


vivors. Davila  I'adilla  gives  details  in  his 
sketches  of  Fathers  DicL!0  de  la  Cruz,  Juan  dc 
Mcna,  Juan  F'errer,  and  Marcos  de  .Mena. 

^  "  The  Viceroy  has  treated  this  matter  in  .1 
must  Christian  way,  with  much  wisdom  an. I 
counsel,  insisting  strenuously  on  their  under 
standing  that  they  do  not  go  to  C(jni|uer  thosr 
nations,  nor  do  what  has  been  done  in  tin: 
iliscuverv  of  the  Indies,  but  to  settle,  and  bv 
good  e.\ami)le,  with  good  works  and  with  pre- 
ents,  to  bring  them  to  a  knowledge  of  our  holv 
Faitli  and  Catholic  truth."  — F.M'llKR  I'EnKo  in. 
Fi;ri.\,  Lclli'r  of  Ma>\/i  3,  1559. 

■*  Alaman,  J)i.u  li.uiont's  A/sAh-ii'iis,  vol.  iii , 
apendice,  p.  11. 


(  I'll 


mission  .1 
1  rct^cnt  in 
uliaiis  Uisl 
:ils.' 

and  otlui 
;o  in  1553, 
:  siirviviiiL; 
pt  to  reach 
coast  near 
g  posts  on 

iKliicst  ami 
Spain,  who 
previously 
laractor  nf 
<ico.  Tiu' 
t;iviiii^  \us 
iccompaii)' 
ians.  ]Jt)i) 
Xovenibcr, 
nd  in  him 
s  styled  111 

upation  of 

trcatmL-iU 
vhich  give 

,1s.'' 

;ourse  with 
step  was 

8,  he   de- 
force, to 

nd  for  tin 
tigation  of 

t.iils     ill    lii^ 
Cni/:,  Juan  '.W 
Mfii.i. 

in:itu.'r  in  .1 

wisdom   ami 

llicir   uiidur- 

inqucr  thosr 

il(inc   in   llii 

utile,   and  liv 

nd  with  pre~- 

.■  i)f  our  h'llv 

R  I'EDKii  M. 

,;.f,   vol.    iii , 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA 


!57 


sc\ era!  months,  reported  in  favor  of  Pensacola  Hay,  which  he  named  I'eli- 
pin.i.  anil  he  describes  its  entrance  between  a  long  isUmd  and  a  point 
(,f  laiul.  Tile  country  was  well  wooded,  game  and  fisii  abounded,  and 
the  Intlian  fields  showed  that  Indian  corn  and  vegetables  could  be  raised 
siucessfullj'.'  On  the  return  of  Labazarcs  in  December,  preparations  were 
mack:  for  the  expedition,  which  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Don 
I'li-iaii  de  Luna  y  Arellano.  I'he  force  consisted  of  fifteen  hundred  soldiers 
,iml  settlers,  under  six  captains  of  cavalry  and  six  of  infantry,  some  of  whom 
had  been  at  Co(,'a,  and  were  consequently  well  acquainted  with  the  eoMUtry 
ulure  it  was  intended  to  form  the  settlement.  The  Dominicans  selected 
were  l-'athers  Pedro  de  Feria,  as  vicar-pnn'incial  of  Morida,  Dominic  of 
the  Annunciation,  Dominic  dc  Salazar,  John  Ma5uelas,  Dominic  of  Saint 
1  )ominic,  and  a  lay  brother.  The  object  being  to  settle,  provisions  for  a 
whole  year  were  prepared,  and  ammunition  to  meet  all  their  wants. 

The  colonists,  thus  well  fitted  for  their  undertaking,  sailed  from  Vera 
t'ni/  <in  the  1  itli  of  June,  1559;  and  by  the  first  of  the  following  month 
were  off  the  bay  in  Florida  to  which  Miruelo  had  given  his  name.  Although 
l.ahazaies  had  recommended  Pensacola  Hay,  Tristan  de  Luna  seems  to  have 
Imn  induced  b}'  his  pilots  to  give  the  preference  to  the  l^ay  of  Ichuse ;  and 
he  >aikd  west  in  search  of  it,  but  [jassed  it,  and  entered  Pensacola  Hay. 
finding  that  he  had  gone  too  far,  Luna  sailed  back  ten  leagues  east  to 
Ichiise,  which  must  have  been  Santa  Rosa  Hay.  Here  he  anchored  his 
tleet,  and  despatched  the  factor  Luis  Daza,  with  a  galleon,  to  Vera  Cruz  to 
announce  his  safe  arrival,  lie  fitted  two  other  vessels  to  proceed  to  Spain, 
awaiting  the  return  of  two  exploring  parties ;  he  then  prepared  tc  land  his 
colonists  and  stores.'^  Meanwhile  he  sent  a  detachment  of  one  hundred  men 
mukr  captains  Alvaro  Nyeto  and  Gonzalo  Sanchez,  accompanied  by  one  of 
the  missionaries,  to  explore  the  country  and  ascertain  the  disposition  of  the 
Indians.  The  exploring  [jarties  returned  after  three  weeks,  having  found 
only  one  hamlet,  in  the  midst  of  an  uninhabited  country.^  Ik'fore  Luna 
had  unloaded  his  vessels,  they  were  struck,  during  the  night  of  September 
ly,*  by  a  terrible  hurricane,  which  lasted  twenty-four  hours,  destroying  five 
ships,  a  galleon  and  a  bark,  and  carrying  one  caravel  and  its  cargo  into  a 
grove  some  distance  on  land.  Many  of  the  people  perished,  and  most  of 
the  stores  intended  for  the  maintenance  of  the  colony  were  ruined  or  lost. 

rile  river,  entering  the  Bay  of  Ichuse,  proved   to  be  very  difficult  ot 
naviijation,  and   it  watered  a  sparsely-jieopled  country.     Another  detach- 


'  IX'iliiracion  de  Gtiido  </,•  /uizures  dc  la  />■•■ 
iiii,iit  i/iic  liizo  ti  dcscuhrir  las  f^ui-ytos y  vaias  </'  liai 
ai  la  ,-osta  </,■  la  Florida,  Feb.  I,  1559.  A  poor 
iianslation  of  this  document  is  given  in  French 
in  Ternanx'  royaf;es,  vol.  x.,  and  a  still  worse 
"lie  in  Kngliish  in  French's  Ilistorh-al  Collations 
of  lAHilsiaiuu  etc..  new  scries,  ii.  2-;6. 

"  Rclacion  ,/,■  Dn  Luis  de  Wiasco  a  S.  M. 
•U  r/.M,  Sept.  24,  1559.     This  was  written  after 


receiving,  on  the  9th,  the  letters  sent  by  Tristan 
de  Luna  on  the  galleon.  It  is  given  in  B.  .Smith's 
Coleceion,  p.  10.  See  Davila  Padilla,  Histovia  de 
la  fiindacion  de  la  Prctnncia  do  Saiitia^'o  de  Mi'xiro 
(Madrid,  1596),  chaps.  Iviii.-lix.,  pp.  2JI-234. 
Ichuse  ill  some  documents  is  written  Ochuse. 

3    Testimony  of  Cristf~^\xl  J'lasr/iie:. 

*  Uavila  Padilla  (p.  236)  says  .\ugust  20- 
but  it  was  evidently  .Seiitembcr. 


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NAKRATIVE   AND    CUITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


nicnt,'  sent  apparently  to  the  nortluvest,  after  a  forty  days'  marcli  tlirou,L;li 
uiiciillivatcd  coimtr)',  re.iched  a  larj^e  river,  apparently  the  Escambia,  and 
followed  its  banks  to  Nanipacna,  a  deserted  town  of  ei^dily  houses,  1C\- 
plorations  in  various  directions  found  no  other  signs  of  Indian  occupation. 
The  natives  at  last  returned  and  became  friemll)'. 

Finding  his  original  site  unfavor.ible,  I'ri.-itan  de  l.una,  after  exhausliin.; 
the  relief-supplies  sent  him,  and  being  hiniself  prostrated  by  a  fever  in  which 
he  became  delirious,  left  Juan  dc  Jaramillo  at  tin:  port  with  lifty  men  and 
negro  slaves,  and  proceeded"'^  with  the  rest  of  his  ccnpan)',  nearly  a  thou- 
sand souls,  to  Nanipacna,  some  by  land,  and  some  ascending  the  river  in 
their  lighter  craft.  To  tljis  town  he  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Cruz.  The 
stores  of  Inilian  corn,  beans,  and  other  vegetables  left  by  the  Indians  were 
soon  consumetl  by  the  Spaniards,  who  were  forced  to  live  on  acorns  or  any 
herbs  they  could  gather. 

The  Viceroy,  on  hearing  of  their  sufferings,  sent  two  vessels  to  their  relief 
in  Xovembcr,  promising  more  ample  aid  in  the  spring.  Thr  provision.s 
they  obtained  saved  them  from  starvation  during  the  winter,  but  in  the 
spring  their  condition  became  as  desperate  as  ever.  No  attempt  seems 
to  have  been  made  to,cultivate  the  Indian  fields,  or  to  raise  anything  for 
their  own  support.'^ 

In  hope  of  obtaining  provisions  from  Co(^a,  Jaramillo  sent  his  sergeant- 
major  with  six  captains  and  two  hundred  soldiers,  accompanied  by  h'ather 
Dominic  de  Salazar  and  Dominic  of  the  Annunciation,  to  that  province. 
On  the  march  the  men  were  forced  to  eat  strap;,  harnesses,  and  the  leather 
coverings  of  their  shields;  some  diet!  of  starvation,  while  others  were  poi- 
soned by  herbs  which  the}-  ate.  \  chestnut  wood  proved  a  godsend,  and  a 
fifty  days'  march  brought  them  to  Olibahali  (Hatchet  Creek),  where  the 
friendl)'  natives  ministered  to  their  wants.' 

.\bout  the  beginning  of  July  they  reached  Co^a,  on  the  Coosa  River,  then 
a  town  of  thirty  houses,  near  which  were  seven  other  towns  of  the  same 
tribe.  Entering  into  friendly  intercourse  with  these  Indians,  the  Spaniards 
obtained  food  for  themselves  and  their  jaded  horses.  After  resting  here 
for  three  months,  the  Spaniards,  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  Coosas,  agreed 
to  aid  them  in  a  campaign  again.st  the  Napochics,  —  a  nation  near  the 
Ochechiton,"'  the  h'spiritu  Santo,  or  Mississippi.  These  were  in  all  proba- 
bility the  Natche/.  The  Coosas  and  their  Spanish  allies  defeated  this  tribe, 
and  compelled  them  to  pay  tribute,  as  of  old,  to  the  Coosas.     Their  town, 

1  Letter  of  W-liuco,  Oct.  J5,  1559,  citing  .i  letter  -  Letter  of  Tristan  </e  L.una  to  the  A'liii;,  Sept. 

of  Tri.stan  de    I.un.i.     Said   I)V  .\roiitalv.iii  and  24,    1559,    in   Coleeeion   Je  doeiiiiientos    iiiediloi, 

Velas(iiicz  to  have  lieen  one  liundred  and  fifty  .xii.  2So-:?S3. 

men,  liorsc  and  foot,  under    Mateo   de  Sauce,  ^  L.etter  of  Velasco  to   Luna,  Oct.  25.    155O; 

the  sergeant-ni.ajor,  and  Captain  Cliristopher  de  Davila  I'adilla,  liook  i.  chap.  l.xi.  pp.  242-244. 

Arellano,  accomi>:inied  l)y  F'atlicrs  Annunciation  *  llarcia,  Eiisaio  croiiolit^ieo,  pp  .53-34 ;  I^^" 

and  Salazar  (  Testimony  of  Mi:^iie!  Saneltcz  Ser-  vita  P.adilla,  Ijook  i.  chap.  l.\ii.,  i)|).  245-246. 

>-ano).      He  remained  three  months  at   Iclui.se  ^  Ochechiton,  like  Mississip])i,  means  great 

before  he  heard  from  Vpacana;  and  though  urged  river,  —  from  d/7////(;,  river  ;  e/ii/o,  great  (Bying- 

to  go  there,  lingered  five  or  si.v  months  more.  ton's  C/iocfa-w  Dejiner,  pp.  79,  97). 


1  Uiroui^Mi 
inbia,  ami 
scs.  Ex- 
:ciipatiun. 

xhaustiiu; 
r  in  wliicl) 
men  and 
ly  a  thuu- 
e  river  in 
ruz.  The 
lians  were 
rns  or  any 

their  relief 
provisions 
jut  in  the 
npt  seems 
ything  for 

s  sergeant- 

by  l'"athcr 

t  province. 

:lic  leather 

were  poi- 

Mid,  and  a 

.here  tin. 

Liver,  then 
llie  same 
Spaniartls 
itin^  here 
as,  a^reeil 
near  the 
all  prol)a- 
this  tribe, 
leir  town, 

King,  Sept. 

iilos    iiu-ditos, 

'ct.  25.    1559; 

242-244. 

.53-34 ;  I"*^- 
245---|6- 
means  grc.it 
i^reat  (Byiiig- 


ANCIENT    KLORIDA. 


259 


s.ived  ^vith  diffictdt)-  from  tlie  llaines,  gave  the  Spaniards  a  supply  of  corn. 
<  )ii  their  return  to  L'oea,  the  sergeant-major  sent  to  report  to  I'ristan  ile 
I  ,111,1;  but  his  messengers  found  no  Spaniard  at  Xanipacna,  save  one  hang- 
nig  from  a  tree.  Tristan  de  I. una,  supposing  his  men  lost,  had  gone  down 
III  Oiiiiise  Hay,  leaving  directions  on  a  tree,  ami  a  buried  letter.'  l-'ather 
|'\  ri.i  and  some  others  had  sailed  for  Havana,  and  all  were  eager  to  leave 
the  rdunli)-.''^  Tristan  de  I, una  was  reluctant  to  abandon  tin:  projecteti  set- 
tlement, and  wished  to  proceed  to  Cotja  with  all  the  survivors  of  his  force, 
jlis  sickness  had  left  him  so  capricious  and  .severe,  that  he  seemed  actually 
insane.  The  siip[)lies  promised  in  the  spring  hail  not  arrived  in  September, 
though  four  ships  left  Vera  Cniz  toward  the  end  of  Jnne.  Parties  sent  out 
he  land  and  water  found  the  fields  on  the  F.scambia  and  Mobile''  forsaken 
li\tlie  imlians,who  had  laitl  waste  their  towns  and  removed  their  [jrovisions. 
In  this  desperate  state  George  Ceron,  the  maestro  dc  cavtpo,  opposed  the 
Cidvernor's  plan,"*  and  a  large  part  of  the  force  rallied  around  him.  When 
Tristan  de  lama  issued  ;i  proclamation  ordering  the  march,  there  was  an 
open  mutiny,  ami  the  Tiovernor  condemned  the  whoK;  of  the  insurgents  to 
death.  Of  course  he  coidd  not  attempt  to  execute  so  man\',  but  he  tlid 
hang  one  who  deserted.  The  mutineers  secretly  sent  word  to  Coqa,  and 
ill  Xovember  the  party  from  that  province  with  the  two  missionaries  arrived 
at  I'ensacola  Bay.''  Don  Tristan's  detachment  was  also  recalled  from  the  orig- 
inal landing,  and  the  \vhole  force  united.  Th'^  dissensions  continued  till 
the  missionaries,  amid  the  solemnities  of  Holy  Week,  by  appealing  to  the 
religions  feelings  of  the  commander  and  Ceron,  effected  a  reconciliation." 

At  this  juncture  Angel  dc  ViIIafai"ie's  fleet  entered  the  harbor  of  Ichuse. 
Me  announced  to  the  people  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Santa  ICIena,  which 
Tristan  de  Luna  had  matle  an  imlTectual  effort  to  reach.  All  who  chose 
were  at  liberty  to  accompany  him.  The  desire  to  evacuate  the  country 
where  they  had  suffered  so  severely  was  universal.  None  expressed  a  wish 
to  remain  ;  and  Tristan  de  Luna,  seeing  himself  utterly  abandoned,  embarked 
for  Havana  with  a  few  servants.  Villafane  then  took  on  board  all  except  a 
detachment  of  fifty  or  sixty  men  who  were  left  at  Ichuse  under  Captain 
Biedma,  with  orders  to  remain  five  or  six  months;  at  the  expiration  of 
which  time  they  were  to  sail  away  also,  in  case  no  instructions  came. 

Villafane,  with  the  "  ,San  Juan  "  and  three  other  vessels  and  about  two 
iiundied  men,  put  into  Havana;  but  there  many  of  the  men  deserted, 
and  several   officers   refused   to   proceed.' 


'  Testimony  of  soldiers. 

-  Davila  I'adilla,  bo(iI<  i.  chap.  i.\iii.-l.\vi.  jip. 
-•47-265. 

'  These  I  take  to  be  the  Rio  Manipacna  and 
Kio  Tiime. 

*  Cltoii,  Rcspucsta^  Sept.  16,  1560.     Velascn 


treated  brietlv  in  the  Kciacio)t  </<•  /./  fmul.irion 
lie  hi  Pnniih  i,i  Ji  Siviliir^o,  1 567.  Cf .  Cotcicioit  de 
•Jo.umciitos  inciiitos,  v.  447. 

'"  liarcia,  F.hslUO  cronologico^  pji.  34-4'  ; 
Davila  Padilla,  pp.  271-277. 

"   Testimony  of  I'cliUi/iicz  and  Miguel  SiDichez 


l''U>\  Atii^.   zo-Si-pt.  3,   15C0;  Davila   I'adilla,  Si-rniiia.     The   e.xpcdition  sent  out   l)y  Tristan 

li'ok  i.  p.  26S.  dc  lAina  to  occupy  Santa   Elena  was  composed 

^  D.ivila    Padilla,   p.    270.      The   labors   of  of   tlirce   vessels,   bearing    one    hundred   men. 

e'mcir  and  of  Fcria  and   his  companions   are  The  vessels  were  scattered  in  a  storm,  and  ran 


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NARRATIVE   ANO   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


{  I 


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With  Gonznio  Gayon  as  pWot,  Villafanc  reached  Santa  Elena  —  now  Port 
Royal  Sound —  May  27,  1561,  and  took  possession  in  the  name  of  tlie  Kinjr 
of  Sjjain.  l-'inding  no  soil  adapteil  for  cultivation,  and  no  port  suitable  for 
planting:;  a  settlement,  he  kept  aloni;  the  coast,  doubled  Cape  Roman,  and 
landing  on  the  2d  of  [une,  went  inland  till  he  reached  the  Santce,  where  he 
again  took  formal  [jossession.  On  the  8th  he  was  near  the  Jordan  or  Pedec; 
but  a  storm  drove  off  one  of  his  vessels.  With  the  rest  he  continued  his 
survey  of  the  coast  till  he  doubled  Cape  Ilatteras.  There,  on  tlie  14th  of 
June,  his  caravel  well-nigh  foundered,  and  his  two  smaller  vessels  undoubt- 
edly perished.  lie  is  said  to  have  abandoned  the  exploration  of  the  coast 
here,  although  apparently  it  was  his  vessel,  with  the  Dominican  Fathers, 
which  about  this  time  visited  A.xacan,  on  the  Chesapeake,  and  took  off  a 
brother  of  the  chief.' 

Villafafie  then  sailed  to  Santo  Domingo,  and  I'lorida  was  abandoned. 
In  fact,  on  the  23d  of  September  the  King  declared  that  no  further  attem])t 
was  to  be  made  to  colonize  that  country,  either  in  the  Gulf  or  at  Santa 
Elena,  alleging  that  there  was  no  ground  to  fear  that  the  French  would  set 
foot  in  that  land  or  take  possession  of  it ;  and  tlie  royal  order  cites  the 
opinion  of  Pedro  Mencndez  against  any  attempt  to  form  settlements  on 
cither  coast.'- 

As  if  to  show  the  fallacy  of  their  judgment  and  their  forecast,  the  French 
(and  what  was  worse,  from  the  Spanish  point  of  view,  French  Calvinists) 
in  the  next  year,  under  Ribault,  took  possession  of  Port  Royal,  —  the  very 
Santa  I",lena  which  Villafafie  considered  unfitted  for  colonization.  Here 
the)'  founded  Charlesfort  and  a  settlement,  entering  Port  Royal  less  than 
three  months  after  the  Spanish  officers  convened  in  Mexico  had  united  in 
condemning  the  country. 

Pedro  Mencndez  de  A\'iles  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  general  of  the 
fleet  to  New  Spain  in  1560,  and  on  his  return  received  instructions  to 
exar'inc  the  Atlantic  coast  north  of  the  very  spot  where  the  French  thus 
soon  a'ler  settled.  In  1561  he  again  commanded  the  fleet;  but  on  his 
homeward  voyage  a  terrible  storm  scattered  the  vessels  near  the  Bermudas, 
and  one  vessel,  on  which  his  only  son  and  many  of  his  kinsmen  had 
embarked,   disappeared.      With    the   rest  of  his  ships   he  reached  Spain, 


,!l 


to  Mrxico  ami  ('iil).-i.  After  that  IVdrn  Mencn- 
dez, wiv.  was  in  command  of  a  fleet  sailing  from 
Vera  Cruz,  was  ordered  In  run  along  tlie  .\tlanllc 
coast  for  a  liuiulred  leagues  above  Santa  I'.lena. 
/.<■//(■;■  (>/  /  V/i/.(i(',  .SV//.  3,  1 560 ;  Ttilimoiiy  of 
Montahmi. 

'  Tcstinunio  dc  J-'niiiiisio  </<•  A,:;ni!,v\  fsni- 
Vivio  i/iif/iit'  til  1,1  joniiuiii  (i  111  /•'/oiii/.i  fon  Aiii^i! 
(if  I'illi) filth'  Kihuioii  litl  iicoiioiimiento  que 
/lizfl  el  Citf-ihin  General  Aiis^et  Jc  Vili'iifiiiie  tie  li 
( 'sta  de  la  Florida,  y  posesioii  (]ue  lomo  .  .  .  deide 
^y  lias/a  J5".  Testimony  of  Montalvan,  Vclas- 
que/,  Serrano,  etc.     The  Indian,  however,  may 


have  been  found  among  a  still  more  southerly 
tribe. 

-  A  council  held  in  Mexico  of  iiersons  who 
had  been  in  Florida  agreed  that  the  royal  order 
was  based  on  accurate  information  (/\ireeer  ,/ue 
da  S.  .1/.  (•/  eonse/o  de  la  A'liiTa  /\s/'<ifia,  .Match 
12,  1562).  Tristan  de  Luna  sailed  to  Spain,  and 
in  a  brief,  manly  letter  solicited  of  the  King  an 
investigation  into  his  conduct,  i)rofessing  his 
readiness  to  submit  to  any  punishment  if  he  was 
deemed  deserving  of  it  {Metnorial  que  dii  al 
Key  Don  Tristan  de  I. una  y  ArelUno  dandoli 
euenta  del  siieeso  de  la  Jornada  de  la  I'lorida). 


I       ''i! 


.(.'    f 


k*..'.i 


:a. 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


261 


—  now  Port 
of  tlie  King 
suitable  for 
Roman,  and 
:c,  where  he 
n  or  Tedec ; 
intiniied  his 
1  tlie  I4lh  of 
L-'ls  undoubt- 
of  the  coast 
:an  Fatliers, 
d  took  ^>(i'  a 

abandoned, 
ther  attenijjt 

or  at  Sai'U 
ch  would  set 
dcr  cites  the 
ttlenients  on 

t,  the  French 
h  Calvinists) 
il,  —  the  very 
ation.  Here 
yal  less  than 
lad  united  in 

cncral  of  the 

structions  to 
rench  thus 
but  on   his 

le  l^ermudas, 
nsnien  had 

iched  Spain, 

more  soutlitrly 

of  ])crsuiis  will) 

tliL'  royal  oiilcr 

ion  {/\inrfr  i/iif 

/■.'j/.;;7i/,  M  at  cli 

li..l  to  Simin,  and 

of  the  King  an 

inoft'ssing   his 

sliMK-nt  if  he  was 

wn'ti/  que  dio  <;/ 

AielUiio  dandoh 

h  riorida). 


filkd  with  anxiety,  eat;er  only  to  fit  out  vessels  to  seek  his  son,  who,  he  be- 
licvcii,  had  been  driven  <>n  the  Florida  coast,  and  was  probably  a  prisoner 
in  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  .\t  this  critical  moment,  however,  char<^es  were 
ljinii;4ht  a^'ainst  him;  and  he,  with  his  brother,  was  arrested  and  detained  in 
prison  for  two  years,  unable  to  bring  the  case  to  trial,  or  to  obtain  his  release 
on  bail. 

W  hill  Menendez  at  last  succeeded  in  obtaining  an  audience  of  the  King, 
lie  sulicited,  in  1564,  permission  to  proceed  with  two  vessels  to  Bermuda  and 
I-'lorida  to  seek  his  son,  and  "ihen  retire  to  his  home,  which  he  had  not  seen 
for  eighteen  years.  Philip  II.  at  last  consented;  but  ren-iired  him  to  make 
a  thorough  coast-survey  of  Morida,  so  as  to  prepare  charts  that  would  pre- 
vent tiie  wrecks  which  had  arisen  from  ignorance  of  the  real  character  of 
tlic  sea-line.  .Menendez  replied  that  his  Majesty  could  confer  no  higher 
boon  upon  him  for  his  long  and  successful  services  on  the  seas  than  to 
authorize  him  to  conquer  and  settle  Florida. 

Nothing  could  be  in  greater  accordance  with  the  royal  views  than  to 
commit  to  the  energy  of  Menendez  '  the  task  which  so  many  others  had  un- 
dirtaken  in  vain.  A  patent,  or  asicnto,  was  issued  March  20,  1565,  by  the 
provisions  of  which  Menendez  was  required  to  sail  in  May  with  ten  ves- 
si  is.  carrying  arms  and  supplies,  and  five  hundred  men,  one  hundred  to  be 
capable  c  f  cultivating  the  soil.  He  was  to  take  provisions  to  maintain  the 
uholL  force  for  a  year,  and  was  to  conquer  and  settle  Florida  within  three 
years ;  e.Kplore  and  map  the  coast,  transport  settlers,  a  certain  number  of 
whom  were  to  be  married  ;  maintain  twelve  members  of  religious  Orders  as 
missionaries,  besides  four  of  the  Society  of  Jesus ;  and  to  introduce  horses, 
black  cattle,  sheep,  and  swine  for  the  two  or  three  distinct  settlements 
he  was  required  to  found  at  his  own  expense.^  The  King  gave  onlj'  the 
use  (if  the  galleon  "San  Pclayo,"  and  bestowed  upon  Menendez  the  title 
of  Aih'hintatio  of  I'lorida,  a  personal  grant  of  twenty-five  leagues  square, 
with  the  title  of  Marquis,  and  the  office  of  Governor  and  Captain-General 
of  Florida. 

While  Menendez  was  gathering,  among  his  kindred  in  Asturias  and 
Biscay,  men  and  means  to  fulfil  his  part  of  the  undertaking,  the  Ccurt  of 
Spain  became  aware  for  the  first  time  that  the  Protestants  of  I'rance  had 
([uictly  plan^xl  a  colony  on  that  very  Florida  coast.  Menendez  was  imme- 
diately summoned  in  haste  to  Court;  and  orders  were  issued  to  furnish  him 
in  .\merica  three  vessels  fully  equippcil,  and  an  expeditionary  force  of  iwo 
iuiiuhed  cavalry  and  four  hundred  infantry.  Menendez  urged,  on  the  con- 
tr.uy,  that  he  should  be  sent  on  at  once  with  some  light  vessels  to  attack 
the  I'rench ;   or,  if  that  was  not  feasible,  to  occupy  a  neighboring  port  and 

'  There  is  a  copperplate  engraving  of '•  IVdro  Camaron,  engraved  bv  Franco  dc  Panla  Marte, 

Menendez    de    .Aviles,    Natural    dc    .Vvijes   en  1791   (7|s    X    ll-'s   inches).      Mr.   F^irknian  en- 

Astnrias,  Comendador  de  la  ordcn  dc  Santiago,  graved   the    head   for   his    Fr,i)ici-   in   (he   AWo 

C'.in(|nista<l()r  dc  la  Florida,  nonibrado  Oral  dc  UWld,    and    Hr.    Shea   used    the    iilate   in   his 

la  .\iinada  contra  Jnglatcrra.     Muriiien  Sanlan-  Ch<irh-;oix. 

iler  A  '  I  574,  .i  los  55,  de  edad."     I  )rawn  bv  Josef  -  Coleeeii'it  de  d,\-iime>it,'s  iii,\/i/(U,  xxii.  242. 


■  I    t1 


tM 


■I'J     ^■ 


\      ' 


A 


■m%. 


363 


NARRATIVIi   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    AMMRICA. 


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Mi  < 


W;^ 


UM, 


'■!      il 


ail 


(^;. 


:v 


(! 


<  I 


:(y 


fortify  it,  while  .iwaitiii^^  icinforcLMiKiits.  The  (jovciiiiiKiU,  by  siicccssi\e 
(irdfis,  increased  the  I""lorida  armament,  so  tliat  Menendez  finally  sailed  from 
Cadiz,  JiiiU'  2'),  with  the  t^allcon  "San  rela\-o  "  anil  other  vessels  to  the 
nnaiber  of  ninileen,  carryini;  more  tlian  tifteen  hundretl  persons,  including 
farmers  and  mechanics  of  all  kinds. 

I'he  liLjht  in  which  Si)ani;irds,  especially  those  connected  with  com- 
merce iuul  colonies,  re^'anletl  the  I'rotestants  of  l-'rance  was  simpl_\- that  ol 
pirates.  l'"rench  cruisers,  often  makini;  their  I'rotestantism  a  prete.\t  for 
their  actions,  sconretl  the  seas,  captiirini,'  Sp.inish  and  I'ortnj^uese  vessels, 
and  commiltiiiL^  the  greatest  atrocities.  In  1555  Jacques  Sorie  surprised 
Havana,  plundered  it,  and  ^Mve  it  to  the  tiames.  butchering  the  prisoners 
who  fell  into  his  hanils.  In  1559  Met;ander  i)illa,L;ed  I'orto  Rico,  and  John 
de  la  Roche  phindereti  the  ships  ,uul  settlements  near  Cartha^ena.' 

It  seems  straUL^e,  however,  th.it  neither  in  SjKun  nor  in  America  was  it 
known  that  this  dre.ided  and  hated  comnuinit),  the  1  hiyuenots  of  I-"rance, 
had  actuall)',  in  1562,  begun  a  settlement  at  the  very  harbor  of  Santa  IClena 
where  \'illafane  had  taken  possession  in  the  name  cf  the  Spanish  monarch 
a  )ear  before.  S(jme  of  the  I'rench  settlers  revolted,  and  verv  naturally 
went  off  to  cruise  against  the  Spaniards,  and  with  success;  but  the  ill-man- 
aged colonj-  of  Charlesfort  on  Port  Royal  Sound  had  terminated  its  brief 
existence  without  drawing  down  the  vi  ageance  of  Spain. 

When  the  tidings  of  a  I-'rench  occu]>ancy  of  I'^orida  startled  the  Spanish 
Court,  a  second  attempt  of  the  Huguenots  at  settlement  had  been  made, — 
this  time  at  the  mouth  of  St.  John's  River,  where  I'^ort  Caroline  was  a  direct 
menace  to  the  rich  Spanish  fleet:.,  offering  a  safe  refuge  to  cruisers,  which  in 
the  name  of  a  pure  gospel  could  sally  out  to  plunder  and  to  slay,  ^'et  that 
settlement,  thus  provoking  the  fiercest  hostility  of  Spain,  was  ill-manag  ' 
It  was,  in  fact,  sinking,  like  its  predecessor,  from  the  unfitness  of  its  mem- 
bers to  make  the  teeming  earth  yield  them  its  fruits  for  thjir  maintenance. 
Rend  Laudonniere.  the  commandant,  after  receiving  some  temporary  relief 
from  the  ICnglish  corsair  Hawkins,'"'  and  learning  that  the  Spaniards  medi- 
tated hostilities,  was  about  to  burn  his  fort  and  abandon  the  ccuiitry,  when 
John  Ribault  arri\'eil  as  commandant,  with  supplies  and  colonists,  as  well  as 
orders  to  maintain  the  post.  His  instructions  from  Coligny  clearl)-  intended 
•■hat  he  should  attack  the  Spaniards.'' 

'   "  Plicv    burned   it    [llav;in;i|,   with    .ill   the  lislird   by   the    Ilakliiyt    Society.     A    jiiojcct   df 

town  and  church,  ami  put  to  clc.Uh  all  the  inhabi-  the    Ijiglisli   fur   a   .scttlcnient   011    the    Klorida 

taiits  thev  I'oiMul,  and  the  rest  lied  to  the  iiioiin-  coast   (1563),  under   Sliikely,  came   to   nought, 

tains;  so  that  nolhiiij;  remained  in  the  town  that  Cf.  Doyle's  Eui^lish  in  Amcticti,  p.  55.  — \'.\i.\ 
was  not  Inirned,  and  there  was  ii(>t  an  inhabitant  ■'  "  Kn   fcrmant   ccste   lettre  i'ay   cu  certain 

lel't  alive  or  dwelling  theic  "  (j'/i"'"!''/!;/ (/(• /'<.//!>  aduis,    coninie   doni    I'etro    Melandes    se    i)art 

Mcnciulcz  ih-  Ai'i'iS  a  S.M.  sobic  los  ai^ritvios  .  .  .  d'Kspagne,  pour  allcr  a  la  coste  de  la  Xouvclle 

i/iic  nuhio  t/t- los  oficidlcs (it' Itirasa (ii'ii'iitiiitiicioit,  Fracc  ;  vous  rcgardcrcz  n'endurur  qu'il  n'cntre- 

156.)).     >rcncndcz  was  iicrsonallv  cognizant,  as  prcine   sur  nous  non  plus   qu'il  veut  que  nous 

he  sent  a  vessel  and  men  froni  his  tlcct  to  help  n'cntreprcnions   sur   cux."      As    Mr.    Parkman 

restore  the  place.  remarks,  "  Ribault  interpreted  this  into  a  coin- 

'^  |[,audo!miere's   account    of    this    relief   is  maud    to  attack  the   Spaniards."  —  Pioneers  ('/ 

translated  in  the  //,iwkiiis  I'onixvs  (p.  fn),  jiub-  Fniiro-  in  the  v\>r,'  HWIL 


CA. 


ANCIENT    P'LORIDA 


26- 


y  successive 
,■  sailed  fnmi 
isscls  to  the 
IS,  inclutlin^ 

I  willi  coni- 
nipl}-  that  iif 

pretext  for 
iicsc  \'csscls, 
ric  surprised 
lie  prisoners 
(),  and  Jolin 
na.' 

lerica  was  it 
s  of  France, 
Santa  I'.iena 
ish  inonarcli 
:vy  naturally 

the  ill-nian- 
ted  its  brief 

the  Spanish 

;en  made,  — 

was  a  direct 

crs,  which  in 

>-.     ^'et  that 

ill-ni:ina<j    " 

of  its  niem- 

naintenance. 

oorary  relief 

niards  medi- 

intry,  when 

s,  as  well  as 

rl)'  intended 


A  iirojcct  nf 
111  tliL'  l'"lori(l:i 
luc    ti)   noujjlu. 

55.-K1..I 

i'av   CM  certain 

aiuk-s    sc    jian 

(Ic  la  Niiuvtllc 

;r  (|u'il  n'ciilro- 

VCllt    (,11C    IICIU.'- 

Mr.  Tarkmaii 
lis  into  a  cum- 
'  —  Pnvieers  of 


The  two  bitter  antagonists,  each  stimulated  by  his  superiors,  were  thus 
r.uitiL;  across  the  Atlantic,  each  endeavoring  to  outstrip  the  other,  so  as  to 
111.'  able  first  to  assume  the  offensive.  The  stru<;j  'e  was  to  be  a  deadly 
line,  for  on  neither  side  were  there  any  of  the  ordinary  restraints ;  it  was 
ti.  be  a  warfare  without  mere)-. 

.After  leaving;  the  Canaries,  Menendez'  fleet  was  scattereil  by  storms. 
( iiie  vessel  put  back;  the  flaLjship  and  another  were  driven  in  one  direction, 
five  vessels  in  another.  These,  after  encountering;  another  storm,  final!)- 
n ML-hed  I'orto  Rico  on  the  9th  of  August,  and  found  the  llay;siiip  and  us 
tender  there.' 

The  other  ships  from  Biscay  and  Asturias  had  not  arrived ;  but  Menen- 
dc/,  fearing  that  Ribault  might  outstrip  him,  resolved  to  proceed,  though  his 
vc-sils  needed  repairs  from  the  injuries  sustained  in  the  storm.  If  he  was 
111  crush  Fort  Caroline,  he  felt  that  it  must  be  done  before  the  French  post 
u.is  reinforced;  if  not,  all  the  force  at  his  disposal  would  be  insufficient  to 
assume  the  offensive,  lie  made  the  coast  of  Florida  near  Cape  Canaveral 
on  the  25th  of  August;  and  soon  after,  bj-  landing  a  party,  ascertained 
from  the  natives  that  the  I*"rench  post  was  to  the  northward.  Following 
tlir  coast  in  that  direction,  he  discovered,  on  the  28th,  a  harbor  which 
seeiiud  to  possess  advantages,  and  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  the 
great  Hishoi)  of  Hippo,  Augustine,  who  is  honored  on  that  day.  Sailing 
(111  cautiously,  he  came  in  sight  of  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  River  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  of  September.  The  ten  days  he 
iiad  lo.st  creeping  along  the  coast  were  fatal  to  his  project,  for  there  lay 
llu'  four  vessels  of  Ribault,  the  flagship  and  its  consort  flinging  to  the 
breeze  the  colors  of  l''rance. 

Menendez'  oflicers  in  council  were  in  favor  of  running  back  to  Santo 
Domingo  till  the  whole  force  was  united  and  ready  to  assume  the  offensive; 
but  Menendez  inspired  them  with  his  own  intrepidity,  and  resolved  to 
attack  at  once,  A  tremendous  ::hunderstorm  prevented  operations  till  ten 
at  night,  when  he  bore  down  on  the  I'-rench,  and  ran  his  ship,  the  "  Pclaj'o," 
between  the  two  larger  vessels  of  Ribault.  To  his  hail  who  they  were 
and  what  they  were  doing  there,  the  reply  was  that  John  Ribault  was  their 
c;q)tain-general,  and  that  they  came  to  the  country  by  order  of  the  King  of 
!■' ranee;  and  the  French  in  return  asked  what  ships  they  were,  and  who 
ciiminanded  them.  To  quote  his  own  words,  "I  replietl  to  them  that  I 
w.is  Peter  Menendez,  that  I  came  by  command  of  the  King  of  Spain  to 
this  coast  and  land  to  burn  and  liang  the  French  Lutherans  found  in  it, 
and  that  in  the  morning  I  would  board  his  ships  to  know  whetiier  he 
belonged  to  that  sect ;  because  if  he  did,  I  could  not  avoid  executing  on 
tliem  the  justice  which  liis  Majesty  commanded.  They  replietl  that  this 
was  not  right,  and  that  I  might  go  without  awaiting  the  morning." 

'  /Ct/tiiioii  J,-  A/tiz<iiie!;os.  Rcliicioii  dc  lo  sub-  loi  rohos  que  corsario;:  franccsis  luui  lu-cho  I559- 
ii-iliiio  en  la  ILthauti  cawi  de  la  entrada  dt'  los  1 57 1.  Rclacion dclos navios  t)uc  robarou  fyanccses 
J'ranccscs.     Smith,  Ci'Arr/V"/,  p.  202.     Rilaciou  de     los  auas  ,le  l ^^r)  v  i ^60. 


'I'M 

r  w 


'.'  I 


!',< 


\V.\ 


I, 


M'.i 


'   I 


a64 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


AfAP,OF 
l.)C5 


jr^u/iuiyra/ 


■in 


19 


2S 


FLORIDA.' 

As  Mcncndcz  manoeuvred  to  ^ct  a  favorable  position,  the  French  vessels 
cut  their  cables  and  stood  out  to  sea.  The  Spaniards  cjavc  chase,  rapid!)' 
firint,^  five  cannon  at  Kibault's  flat:;ship,  —  which  Mcnendcz  supposed  that 
he  injurctl  badlj-,  as  boats  put  off  to  the  other  vessels.  Finding  that 
the  French  outsailed  him,  Mcncndez  put  back,  intending  to  land  soldiers 
on  an  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  fortify  a  position  which  would 
command  the  entrance ;  but  as  he  reached  the  St.  John's  he  saw  three 
French  vessels  coming  out,  ready  for  action. 

'  |This  sketch-map  of  the  •<cciie  "f  the  of  St.  /In^iis/iii,:  Other  modern  m.Tps,  givini, 
operaticins  of  the  SpanUli  and  the  FrciK  h  foi-  the  old  locaHlii-;,  are  found  in  Parkman,  Gal' 
lows    one  given    by    Fairbanks    in    his    History     farel,  etc.  —  Ed] 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA.  265 

Hi-;  project  was  tliiis  defeated;  aiul  too  wil)-  to  be  caiiy;ht  at  a  dis- 
ulvantage  by  fhe  returning  Frcncli  vessels,  Mencndez  bore  away  to  the 
harbor  of  St.  Augustine,  which   lie  estimated   at   eight   leagues   from  the 


maps,  givini, 
r.iikman,  Gal' 


O 


ImcucIi  by  sea,  and   six  by  land.     Here  he  proceeded  to  found  the  old- 
est city  in   the    present   territory  of  the    United    States.      Two   hundred 
inall-clad    soldiers,   commanded    by   Captain    John    de   San    Vicente    and 
VOL.  n.  —  34. 


I   f 


U, 


■ 


I  1.  •  ;  I 


l"    I 


200  NAKKAl  l\K       M)    CKIIIlAI.    IIISIOKV    Ol     A.MKKIC.V 


'in 


i!    . 


'I  ! 


li' 


•  ;•'  li   j, 


■..II- 


ir,  'I' I     1 1  .'11  ■'■■''i' 


,,i'i  iI:I!|In'i1I 


lll'illi 

p! 


',|:|  'I  !■  W 

•  '  ".■il.'ji'rr;'!*? 

:,ll|i    ^"^1- 
!iii||  I:    ^i:b:1)!;iiiiiii;;it;;,iii!i 


1     I 


I'l 


'  'i 


'  [This  view  ()  l'a,i;us  I  lispaii'iiun,  as  yivi-M  pciicMl,  if  it  is  wlicilly  truthful  of  any  perimi 
ill  MdTitaiius  and  Ogilliy,  repicsciils  the  town  The  same  view  was  l)etter  engraved  at  Leidt 
founded    liy   Menendez    at   a    somewhat    later     by  Varder  Aa. — Ku.] 


111! 


ANCIKNT    ILoKilJA. 


267 


m  I 


of   any   i)erinil 
Igravcd  at    Lcidt 


SPANISH  vi:.ssr,i,s. 

(/•■(  1,7/  Ml-  l'.\(iis   Ilisi'ANduiM  III  Mtniliiniii.) 

Ca])l:uii  I'atino,  laiulcd  on  tlic  6th  of  Sc]itcmbcr,  1565.  The  Indians  were 
liiriull)',  and  readil)'  i^ax'c  the  settlers  tlie  Iart;e  house  of  one  of  the  caciques 
Nvhicli  stt>od  near  the  shore  of  tlie  ri\  er.  .Around  this  an  intrenclnneiit 
w.is  traced;  and  a  ditch  was  soon  ihii;',  and  earthw<jrks  tlirown  up,  witli 
-nrh  implements  as  they  had  at  hand,  for  the  vessel  bearinij  their  tools 
had  not  }'et  arrived. 

The  next  da\-  three  of  the  smaller  vessels  ran  into  the  iiari:)or,  antl  from 
liuMii  three  luiiuhetl  more  of  the  sokliers  disendiarked,  as  well  as  those  who 
lia(l  come  to  settle  in  the  country,  —  men,  women,  and  children,  .\rtillery 
.mil  munitions  for  the  fort  were  also  landed.  The  eighth  beint;  a  holiday 
in  the  Catholic  Church,  —  the  Nativity  of  the  Hlessed  N'Tj^in,  —  was  cele- 
lirated  with  ilue  solemnitx'.  Mass  was  offered  for  the  first  time  at  a  sjiot 
( \er  alter  hekl  in  wneration,  ami  where  in  time  arose  the  primitive  shrir,c 
"t  Xuestra  .Senora  de  la  I.eche.  Then  the  work  of  debarkation  was 
ri--uined;    one   hundred    more    persons   landed;    and    threat   i;uns,    precious 


1    .'li 


!  'i 


!    > 


'   ihi  I 


268  NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


!4 


Hi 


; ! 


if  n 


'I'M 


M. 


■  • ; 


P 


stores  of  provisions,  and  munitions  were  brought  to  the  new  fort.     Amid 
all  this  bustle  and  activity  the  Spaniards  were  startled  by  the  appearance 


w  fort.     Amid 
le  appearanci; 


ANCILNI   FLUKIUA. 


369 


'  ITnci    ])ictnrcs   of    Fort    Caroline    accniii-  l)iit  to  be  taken  as  a  correct  outline,"  as  Fair- 

p:inv  the  /Jn-r/r //.nvj/'/c  of  Ixmovnc,  —  one  the  banks  (p.  54)  ]>rcsunies      The  cnuravini;  of  the 

Iieuinnitic  of  work   npon   it,   and  the   other  the  complclcd  fort  is  reproduced  in  Fairbanks's  Sf. 

rom|iUted  structure,  "a  more  finished  fortifica-  .•//^'//.f////!'.  Stevens's  (Tivr;'/.;,  etc.     Another  and 

linn  than  could  possibly  have  been  constructed,  better  view  of  it,  called  "Arx  Carolina — Charles- 


1   fi 


U4 


if! 


n 


i,  I 


lU   1 


If  h  'A 

I  'Mi 


270 


NAKRATIVi:    AND   CHITICAI.    HISTORY   OF   AMKKICA. 


of  two  Iar{;c  French  vessels '  in  tlic  oflTin^;,  evidently  ready  for  action. 
It  was  no  part  of  MLiieiide/'  pi. in  to  enj^a^je  them,  and  he  waited  till,  about 
three  in  the  afternoon,  they  bore  away  for  the  St.  John's.  Then  he  pn- 
pared  to  land  in  person.  As  his  boat  left  the  vessel  with  banners  un- 
furled, amiil  the  thunder  of  cannon  and  the  sounds  of  warlike  music. 
Mendoza  Cirajales,  the  first  priist  of  St.  Aut^ustine.  bearin^j  a  cross,  went 
down  at  the  heailof  those  on  shore  to  meet  the  aiiciaiitai/o,  all  chanting; 
the  Te  Deum.  Minendez  proceeded  at  once  with  his  attendants  to  the 
cross,  which  he  kissed  on  bended  knee. 

I'ormal  possession  of  the  land  was  then  taken  in  the  name  of  Philip  II., 
Kin^  of  Spain.  The  captains  of  the  troops  and  the  officers  of  the  new 
colony  came  forwani  to  take  the  oath  to  I'ctcr  Menendcz  de  Aviles  as 
j;overnor,  captain-^^eneral,  and  adclautado  of  l-'lorida  and  its  coa.sts  under 
the  patents  of  the  Spanish  Kinjj.  Crowils  of  friemlly  Indians,  with  their 
chieftains,  {;athereil  around. 

From  them  the  Spanish  commander  learned  that  his  position  was  admi- 
rably taken,  as  he  couki,  at  a  short  distance,  strike  the  river  on  which  the 
FVench  lay,  and  descend  it  to  assail  them.  Here  then  he  resolved  to  make 
his  position  as  stronj;  as  possible,  till  the  rest  of  his  armament  arriveii. 
His  galleon  "  San  I'elayo,"  too  large  to  enter  the  port,  rode  without,  in 
danger  from  the  sudden  storms  that  visit  the  coast,  and  from  the  I'"rencl). 
Putting  on  board  some  French  prisoners  whom  he  had  captured  in  a  boat, 
he  despatched  her  and  another  vessel  to  Santo  Domingo.  He  organized  his 
force  by  appointing  officers,  —  a  lieutenant  and  a  .^ergeant-major,  and  ten 
captains.  The  necessity  of  horses  to  operate  rapidly  induced  him  to  semi 
two  of  his  lighter  vessels  to  Havana  to  seek  them  there;  and  by  this 
conveyance  he  addressed  to  Philip  II.  his  first  letter  from  h'lorida.'^ 

The  masts  of  his  vessels  could  scarcely  have  vanished  from  the  eyes 
of  the  Spanish  force,  when  the  French  vessels  appeared  once  more,  and 
near!)-  captured  Menendez  him.self  in  the  harbor,  where  he  was  carrying  to 
the  shore,  in  the  smaller  vessels  that  he  had  retained,  some  artillery  and 
munitions  from  the  galleons.  He  escaped,  however,  though  the  Frencl; 
were  so  near  that  they  called  on  him  to  surrender.  And  he  ascribed  his 
deliverance  rather  to  prayer  than  to  human  skill ;  for,  fierce  seaman  as 
he  was,  he  was  a  man  of  deep  .ind  practical  religious  feeling,  which  influ- 
enced all  his  actions. 

Menendez'  position  was  now  one  of  danger.  The  force  at  his  command 
was  not  large,  and  the  French  evidently  felt  strong  enough,  and  were  deter- 
mined to  attack  him.     He  had  acknowledged  his  inability  to  cope  with  them 


fort  sur  Floriilc,"  was  cngr.ived  .it  Lcide  by 
V.-uidcr  A.n,  l)ut  it  is  a  question  if  it  be  truth- 
ful. No  traces  of  the  fort  have  ever  been  re- 
corded by  subsequent  observers,  but  Fairbanks 
places  it  near  a  place  called  St.  John's  Hluff, 
as  shown  in  the  accompanying  map.  Others 
have  placed  it  on  the  liell  Kiver  (an  estuary  of 


the  St.  Mary's  River),  at  a  place  called  Battle 
Bluff.    Cf.  Carroll's  Hist.  Coll.,  \.  p.  xxxvi.  —  Fi'  | 

'  One  was  commanded  by  Captain  Cossettf 
(BiuaiiUr,  p.  105). 

-  Lctterof  Menendez  to  the  King,  dated  Prov- 
ince of  Florida,  .Sept.  1 1, 1565.  Mendoza  Grajalcs, 
Relacion  de  la  Jornada  de  /'•'  Menendez,  1565. 


ANCIENT    ILOKIUA. 


271 


on  the  ocean,  and  could  not  liavc  felt  very  saMt;iiini-  of  bcinj^  able  to  defend 
tlu'  >li^'lU  i)reast\vorks  tliat  had  been  thrown  up  at  St.  Auj^'iistine. 

I'\)rtune  favored  hin>.  Ribault,  after  so  earnestly  determinin^j  to  assume 
the  offensive,  fatally  hesitated.  Within  two  da)-.  ,1  tiemen<loiis  hurricane, 
which  the  practised  eye  of  Menemlez  had  anticipated,  burst  on  the  coast. 
The  French  were,  he  believed,  still  hovering  near,  on  the  look-out  for  his 
1,11 'r;er  vessels,  and  he  knew  that  with  such  a  norther  their  peril  was 
( \triine.  It  was,  moreover,  certain  that  they  could  not,  for  a  time  at 
least,  make  the  St.  John's,  even  if  they  rode  out  the  storm. 

This  gave  him  a  temporary  superiority,  and  he  resolved  to  seize  his 
n|ip(irtunity.  Summoning  his  ofTicers  to  a  council  of  war,  he  laid  before 
tlieni  iiis  plan  of  marching  ;it  once  to  attack  h'ort  Caroline,  from  which  the 
i'rench  had  evidently  drawn  a  part  of  their  force,  and  probably  their  most 
effective  men.  The  officers  generally,  as  well  as  the  two  clergymen  in  the 
settlement,  opposed  his  project  as  rash  ;  but  Menendcz  was  determined. 
Five  himdred  men— three  hundred  armed  with  arquebuses,  the  rest  with 
pikes  and  targets  —  were  ordered  to  march,  e.ach  one  carrying  rations  of  bis- 
cuit and  wine.  Menendcz,  at  their  head,  bore  his  load  like  the  rest.  They 
niinched  out  of  the  fort  on  the  l6th  of  September,  guided  by  two  caciques 
who  had  been  hostile  to  the  French,  and  by  a  Frenchman  who  had  been  two 
years  in  the  fort.  The  route  proved  one  of  great  difficulty;  the  rain  poured 
in  torrents,  swelling  the  streams  and  flooding  the  lowlands,  so  that  the  men 
were  most  of  the  time  knee-deep  in  water.  Many  loitered,  and,  falling  back, 
made  their  way  to  St.  Augustine.  Others  showed  a  nuitinous  disposition, 
ami  loudly  expressed  their  contempt  for  their  sailor-general. 

On  the  29th,  at  the  close  of  the  day,  he  was  within  a  short  distance  of 
the  h'rench  fort,  and  halted  to  rest  .so  as  to  storm  it  in  the  morning.  At 
daybreak  the  Spaniards  knelt  in  prayer ;  then,  bearing  tv/enty  scaling-ladders, 
Menendcz  advanced,  his  sturdy  Asturians  and  Biscayans  in  the  van.  Day 
broke  as,  in  a  heavy  rain,  they  reached  a  height  from  which  their  F'rcnch 
guide  told  them  they  could  sec  the  fort,  washed  by  the  river.  Menendez 
.ulvanccd,  and  saw  some  houses  and  the  St.  John's ;  but  from  his  position 
could  not  discover  the  fort.  He  would  have  gone  farther;  but  the  Macse 
de  Campo  and  Captain  Ochoa  pushed  on  till  they  reached  the  houses,  and 
reconnoitred  the  fort,  where  not  a  soul  seemed  astir.  As  they  returned 
they  were  hailed  by  a  French  sentinel,  who  took  them  for  countrymen. 
Ochoa  sprang  upon  him,  striking  him  on  the  head  with  his  sheathed  .sword, 
while  tho  Macsc  dc  Campo  .st.nbbed  him.  He  uttered  a  cry;  bu*'  was 
threatened  with  death,  bound,  and  taken  back.  The  cry  had  c?.':itcd 
Menendez,  who,  supposing  that  his  officers  had  been  killed,  callec  ut: 
"Santiago!  at  them!  God  helps  us!  Victory!  The  French  arc  slaugh- 
tered !  Don  Pedro  dc  Valdes,  the  Macse  de  Campo,  is  in  the  fort,  and 
has  taken  it !  " 

The  men,  supposing  that  the  officers  were  in  advance  with  part  of  the 
f'Tcc,  rushed  on  till  they  came  up  with  the  returning  officers,  who,  taking 


5  > 


'.I'l 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'I  A 


III 


ii   Hi 


ilil 


jit 


Hi  ' 


1,0.   V 


:r!    ,'      t. 


in  the  situation,  despatched  the  sentry  and  led  the  men  to  tiie  attack.  Two 
Frenchmen,  who  rushed  out  in  their  shirts,  were  cut  down.  Others  outside 
the  fort  seeing  the  danger,  gave  tin  ahirni ;  and  a  man  at  tiie  principal 
gate  threw  it  open  to  ascertain  what  the  trouble  was.  Valdcs,  ready  to 
scale  the  fort,  saw  the  advantage,  sprang  on  the  man  and  cut  him  down, 
then  rushed  into  the  fort,  followed  by  the  fleetest  of  the  Spanish  detach- 
ment. In  a  moment  two  captains  had  simultaneously  planted  their  colors 
on  the  walls,  and  the  trumpets  sounded  for  victory. 

The  French,  taken  utterly  by  surprise,  made  no  defence;  about  fifty, 
dashing  over  the  walls  of  the  fort,  took  to  the  woods,  aln.ost  naked,  ami 
unarmed,  or  endeavored  in  boats  and  by  swimming  to  reach  the  vessels 
in  the  stream.  When  Menendez  came  up  with  «^he  main  body,  his 
men  were  slaughtering  the  French  as  they  ran  shrieking  through  the 
fort,  or  came  forward  declaring  that  they  surrendered.  The  women,  and 
children  under  ihe  age  of  fifteen,  were,  by  orders  of  the  commander, 
spared.  Laudonniere,  the  younger  Ribault,  Lemoync,  and  the  carpenter 
Le  Challcux,  whose  accounts  have  reached  us,  were  among  those  who 
escaped. 

Menendez  had  carried  the  fort  without  one  of  his  men  be-ng  killed  or 
wounded.  The  number  of  the  French  thus  unsparingly  put  to  the  sword 
is  stated  by  Menendez  himself  as  one  hundred  and  thirty-two,  with  ten  of 
the  fiigitives  who  were  butchered  the  ne.xt  day.  Mendoza  Grajales  cor- 
roborates this  estimate.  Iv'fty  were  spared,  and  about  as  many  escaped  to 
the  vessels ;   and  some,  doubtless,  perished  in  the  woods. 

The  slaughter  was  too  terrible  to  need  depicting  in  darker  colors;  but 
in  time  it  was  declared  that  Menendez  hung  many,  with  an  insulting  label : 
"  I  do  not  this  to  I'Vcnchmen,  but  to  Heretics."  The  Spanish  accounts, 
written  with  too  strong  a  conviction  of  the  propriety  of  their  course  to  seek 
any  subterfuge,  make  no  allusion  to  any  such  act;  and  the  earliest  Frencli 
accounts  are  silent  in  regard  to  it.  The  charge  first  occurs  in  a  statement 
written  with  an  evident  design  to  rouse  public  indignation  in  France,  and 
not,  therefore,  to  be  deemed  absolutely  accurate. 

No  quarter  was  given,  for  the  French  were  regarded  as  pirates;  and  as 
the  French  cruisers  gave  none,  these,  who  were  considered  as  of  the  sanie 
class,  received  none. 

The  booty  acquired  was  great.  A  brigantine  and  a  galiot  fell  into  the 
liands  of  the  Spaniards,  with  a  vessel  that  had  grounded.  Another  vessel 
lay  near  the  fort,  and  Spanish  accounts  claim  to  have  sunk  it  with  the 
cannon  of  the  fort,  while  the  I'rench  declare  they  scuttled  it.  Two  other 
vessels  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  watching  for  the  Spaniards,  whoso 
attaclv  was  expected  from  the  sea,  and  not  from  the  land  side.  Besides 
these  vessels  and  their  contents,  the  Spaniards  gained  in  the  fort  artillery 
and  small-arms,  supplies  of  flour  and  bread,  horses,  asses,  sheep,  and  hogs' 

1  Letter  of  Afciicmlc/.  to  llic  Kinj»,  Oct.  15,  (/;■  (hkumciilos  iiu'Jitos  {edited  by  Pacheco,  etc), 
1565;    MencUua  Giaj.iles,  hMiUion  in  Co/ivcioii     iii.  44T-' "> 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


273 


Such  was  the  first  striiLjtjlc  on  our  soil  between  civiUzed  men;   it  was  brief, 
sangiiinnry,  merciless. 

Menendez  named  the  captured  fort  San  Mateo,  from  its  capture  on  the 
feast  of  St.  Matthew  (September  21).  lie  set  up  the  arms  of  Spain,  and 
selected  a  site  for  a  church,  which  he  ordered  to  be  built  at  once.  Then, 
leaving  Gon^alo  de  Villarocl  in  command,  with  a  garrison  of  three  hundred 
nun,  he  prepared  to  march  back  to  St.  Augustine  with  about  one  hundred, 
wiici  composed  the  rest  of  the  force  which  had  remained  with  him  till  he 
reached  Caroline.  Hut  of  them  all  he  found  only  thirty-five  able  or  willing 
ti)  undertake  the  march;  and  with  these  he  set  out,  deeming  his  presence 
necessary  at  St.  Augustine.  Before  long,  one  of  the  party  pushed  on  to 
announce  his  coming. 

The  Spaniards  there  had  learned  of  the  disaster  wjiich  had  befallen  Ri- 
b.uilt's  fleet  from  a  Frenchman  w  ho  was  the  sole  survi\  or  of  one  small  vessel 
that  lunl  been  driven  ashore,  its  crew  escaping  a  watery  death  only  to  perish 
!))•  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  The  vessel  was  secured  and  brought  to  St. 
Augustine.  The  same  day,  September  23,  a  man  was  seen  running  toward 
the  fort,  uttering  loud  shouts.  The  priest,  Mendoza  Grajales,  ran  out  to 
leain  the  tidings  he  bore.  The  soldier  threw  his  arms  around  him,  crying: 
"  N'ictory !  Victory!  the  French  fort  is  ours!"  He  was  soon  recounting 
to  his  countrymen  the  story  of  the  storming  of  Caroline.  Toward  night- 
fall the  luiclantado  himself,  with  his  little  part}',  was  seen  approaching. 
Mendoza  in  surplice,  bearing  a  crucifix,  went  forth  to  meet  him.  Menen- 
dez knelt  to  ki.ss  the  cross,  and  his  men  imitated  his  example ;  then  they 
entered  the  fort  in  procession,  chanting  the  Tc  Deum.* 

Menendez  despatched  some  light  boats  with  supplies  to  San  Mateo ;  but 
the  fort  there  took  fire  a  few  days  after  its  capture,  and  was  almost  entirely 
destroyed,  with  much  of  the  booty.  He  sent  other  light  craft  to  Santo 
Domingo  with  prisoners,  and  others  still  to  patrol  the  coa.st  and  seek  any 
siL;ns  of  the  galleon  "  San  Pelayo,"  or  of  the  French  Then  he  turned  his 
whole  attention  to  \.ork  on  his  fort  and  town,  so  ^.^  '■■  be  in  readiness  to 
withstand  any  attiick  from  Ribault  if  the  French  commander  should  return 
and  prove  to  be  in  a  condition  to  assail  him  while  his  forces  were  divided. 
He  also  cultivated  friendlyintercour.se  with  the  neighboring  chiefs  whom 
he  found  hostile  to  the  French  and  their  allies. 

On  the  28th,  some  of  the  Indians  came  to  rei)ort  by  signs  that  the  iM-cnch 
were  six  leagues  distant,  that  they  had  lost  their  ships,  and  that  the)-  had 
reached  the  shore  by  swimming.  The}'  had  halted  at  a  stream  which  they 
could  not  cross,  —  evidently  Matanzi;:;  inlet.  Menendez  sent  out  a  boat, 
and  followed  in  another  with  some  of  his  oflicers  and  Mendoza,  one  of  the 
clergymen.  He  overtook  his  party,  and  they  encamped  near  the  inlet,  but 
out  of  sight.  On  the  opposite  side,  the  light  of  the  camp-fires  marked  the 
spot  occupied  by  the  French.  The  next  day,  seeing  Menendez,  a  sailor 
swam  over,  and  stated  that  he  had  been  sent  to  say  that  they  were  survivors 


'  Mendoza  Grajales,  Rdacion. 


.1    \\ 


t   li- 


,1    ■.' 


imn 


VOL.  II.  —  35. 


K 


,1 


^. 


I 

1; 


iii 


ill''' 


i.v'/' 


:/!;■ 


'   [This  is  the  only  cartni;r;ii)liical  result  of     in  Gaffarel's   Floride  Fraii^aise,  and  in  Shipps 
ini'    Krench  occupation.     It  is  also  reproduced     Di  Holo  and  l-'lorida.      It  was   literally   copied 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


275 


of  ^omc  of  Ribault's  vessels  which  had  been  wrecked ;  tliat  many  of  their 
jjioplc  had  been  drowned,  others  killed  or  captured  by  the  Indians;  and 
tli.it  tlic  rest,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  forty,  asked  permission 
and  aid  to  reach  their  fort,  some  distance  up  the  coast.  Mencndez  told 
him  that  he  had  captured  the  fort  and  put  all  to  the  sword.  Then,  after 
askiiis;  whether  they  were  Catholics  or  Lutherans,  and  receiving  the  reply, 
tlu'  Spaniard  sent  the  sailor  to  his  companions,  to  say  that  if  they  did  not 
Ljivc  up  their  arms  and  surrender,  he  would  put  them  all  to  the  sword.  On 
tills  an  officer  came  over  to  endeavor  to  secure  better  terms,  or  to  be  allowed 
to  remain  till  vessels  could  be  obtained  to  take  them  to  France;  but  Menen- 
<ic/.  was  inexorable.  The  officer  pleaded  that  the  lives  of  the  French  should 
be  spared  ;  but  Menendez,  according  to  Mendoza,  replied,  "  that  he  would 
not  L;ive  them  such  a  pledge,  but  that  they  should  bring  their  arms  and 
their  persons,  and  that  he  should  do  with  them  according  to  his  will ; 
because  if  he  spared  their  lives  he  wished  them  to  be  grateful  to  him  for  it, 
and  if  he  put  them  to  death  they  should  not  complain  that  he  had  broken 
his  word."  Solis  dc  Meras,  another  clergyman,  brother-in-law  of  Menendez, 
and  in  St.  Augustine  at  the  time,  in  his  account  states  that  Menendez  said, 
"  That  if  they  wished  to  lay  down  their  colors  and  their  arms,  and  throw 
themselves  on  his  mercy,  they  could  do  so,  that  he  might  do  with  them  what 
(iod  should  give  him  the  grace  to  do  ;  or  that  they  could  do  as  they  chose  : 
for  other  truce  or  friendship  could  not  be  made  with  him;  "  and  that  he 
reJL'ctcd  an  ofifer  of  ransom  which  they  made. 

Menendez  himself  more  briefly  writes :  "  I  replied  that  they  might 
surrender  me  their  arms  and  put  themselves  under  my  pleasure,  that  I 
mii^dit  do  with  them  what  our  Lord  might  ordain  ;  and  from  this  resolution 
1  do  not  and  will  not  depart,  unless  our  Lord  God  inspired  me  otherwise." 
The  words  held  out  hopes  that  were  delusive ;  but  the  French,  hemmed 
in  by  the  sea  and  by  savages,  saw  no  alternative.  They  crossed,  laid  down 
tiicir  arms,  and  were  bound,  by  order  of  Menendez,  —  ostensibly  to  conduct 
tliem  to  the  fort.  Si.xteen,  chiefly  Breton  sailors,  who  professed  to  be 
C'atholics,  were  spared ;  the  rest,  one  hundred  and  eleven  in  all,  were  put 
to  death  in  cold  blood,  —  as  ruthlessly  as  the  French,  ten  years  before,  had 
despatched  their  prisoners  amid  the  smoking  ruins  of  Havana,  and,  like 
them,  in  the  name  of  religion.' 


In  lldiiiliiis  ill  1607,  ami  not  sd  well  in  the 
\Kri  itui-HoiKlius  At/iis  of  1633.  I.escarbot 
fi'lliiwcd  it;  hut  in  his  1618  edition  .iltcieil  for 
Ilk-  wcirse  the  course  of  the  St.  John's  River; 
.111(1  ~.)  did  De  Laet.  Cf.  Kohl,  .l/r;/,f  in 
ll.tkluyl,  p.  48,  and  Urinton,  Ftoriduvi  Peninsula, 
|).  .So,  who  says  (p.  86)  th.it  Dc  Laet  was  the 
liist  to  confine  the  name  Florida  to  the  penin- 
^iil... ;  hut  Thevct  seems  nearly  to  do  so  in  the 
iii^ip  in  his  Cosmo\;riipliiiu  which  he  hased  on 
"'Xlius,  a  part  of  which  is  given  in  fac-simil' 
ill  Wcise's  Disancries  of  Anu-fica,  p.  304  ;  and 


It  seems  also  to  be  the  case  in  the  earlier  >rer- 
cator  sores  of  154I.  The  map  accompanying 
Charlevoix'  narrative  will  be  found  in  his 
Xouvclle  Fnuui;  i.  24,  and  in  Shea's  transla- 
tion of  it,  i.  133.  —  Ell.] 

•  Jacques  de  Sorie,  in  1555,  at  Havana, 
after  pledging  his  word  to  spaic  the  lives  of  the 
.Spaniards  who  surrendered,  jnit  them  and  his 
I'ortnguese  prisoners  to  death  ;  negroes  he  hung 
up  and  shot  while  still  alive  (A'l'/dcion  i/c  Dics^o 
lie  M(iziiitei;os,  AfS.  ;  Letter  of  liishop  Sarmicnto 
in     Coleccion    <le   ilociimcntos    ineditos,    v.     5-1 


Ji     \ 


v,*3 


.■lit  ! 


^1 


iH!' 


m 


m 


f 


276 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


m 


T?i 


^'1  I 


',.   I 


I     i 


Ribault  himself,  who  was  advancing  by  the  same  fatal  route,  was  ignoraiii 
alike  of  the  fall  of  Caroline  and  of  the  slaughter  of  the  survivors  of  tin 
advanced  party ;  he  too  huped  to  reach  Laudonnierc.  Some  days  after  the 
cruel  treatment  of  the  first  band  he  reached  the  inlet,  whose  name  to  tills 
day  is  a  monument  of  the  bloody  work,  —  Matanzas. 

The  news  of  the  appearance  of  this  second  French  party  reached 
Mencndez  on  the  loth  of  October,  —  at  the  same  time  almost  as  that  of  the 
destruction  of  Fort  San  Mateo  and  its  contents  by  fire,  and  while  writing  a 
despatcli  to  the  King,  unfolding  liis  plan  for  colonizing  and  holding  Florida, 
by  means  of  a  series  of  forts  at  the  Chesapeake,  Tort  Royal,  the  Martyrs, 
and  the  Hay  of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon.  He  marched  to  the  inlet  with  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  The  French  were  on  the  opposite  side,  some 
making  a  rude  raft.  Both  parties  sounded  drum  and  trumpet,  and  flung 
their  standards  to  the  breeze,  drawing  up  in  line  of  battle.  Mcnendez  then 
ordered  his  men  to  sit  down  and  breakfast.  Upon  this,  Ribault  raised  a 
white  flag,  and  one  of  his  men  was  soon  swimming  across.  He  returned 
with  an  Indian  canoe  that  lay  at  the  shore,  and  took  over  La  Caille,  an 
ofiicer.  Approaching  Mcnendez,  the  French  officer  announced  that  the 
force  was  that  of  John  Ribault,  viceroy  for  the  French  king,  three  hundred 
and  fifty  men  in  all,  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast,  and  was  now 
endeavoring  to  reach  Fort  Caroline.  He  soon  learned  how  vain  was  the 
attempt.  The  fate  of  the  fort  and  of  its  garrison,  and  the  stark  bodies  of  the 
preceding  party,  convinced  him  that  those  whom  he  represented  must  prepare 
to  meet  a  similar  fate.  He  requested  Mcnendez  to  send  an  officer  to  Ribault 
to  arrange  terms  of  surrender;  but  the  reply  was  that  the  French  comman- 
der was  free  to  cross  with  a  few  of  his  men,  if  he  wished  a  conference. 

When  this  was  reported  to  him,  the  unfortunate  Ribault  made  an  effort 
in  person  to  save  his  men.  He  was  courteously  received  by  Menendez, 
but,  like  his  lieutenant,  saw  that  the  case  was  hopeless.  According  to  Soiis 
de  Meras,  Ribault  offered  a  ransom  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
ducats  for  himself  and  one  part  of  his  men  ;  another  part,  embracing  many 
wealthy  nobles,  preferring  to  treat  separately.  Menendez  declined  the  offer, 
expressing  his  regret  at  being  compelled  to  forego  the  money,  which  lu; 
needed.  His  terms  were  as  enigmatical  as  before.  He  declared,  so  ho 
himself  tells  us,  "  that  they  must  lay  down  their  arms  and  colors  and  put 
themselves  under  my  pleasure;  that  I  should  do  with  their  persons  as  1 
chose,  and  that  there  was  nothing  else  to  be  done  or  concluded  with  me." 


•^!R\ 


>'!J 


! :'  ^  ; 


Priests,  especially  those  of  religions  Orders, 
met  no  mercy  at  the  hands  of  the  French 
cruisers  at  this  period,  the  most  atrocious 
case  being  that  of  the  Portuguese  Jesuit 
Father  Ignatius  Azcvedo,  captured  by  the 
French  on  his  way  to  lirazil  with  thirty-nine 
missionary  companions,  all  of  whom  were  put 
to  death,  in  1570.  In  all  my  reading,  I  find 
no  case  where  the   French  in   Spanish  waters 


then  gave  quarter  to  Spaniards,  except  in  linpc 
of  large  ransom.  Two  of  the  vessels  found  .ii 
Caroline  were  Spanish,  loaded  with  sugar  .11;' 
hides,  captured  near  Vaguana  by  the  Frend  . 
who  threw  all  the  crew  overboard  ;  and  Gourgui  -, 
on  reaching  Florida,  had  two  barks,  evidcmly 
captured  from  the  Spaniards,  as  to  the  fate  of 
whose  occu|)ants  his  eulogists  observe  a  (lis 
erect  silence. 


Ii    M. 


ilCA. 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


277 


,  was  Ignorant 
■vivors  of  till 
days  after  tin 
:  name  to  this 

party  reached 
;  as  that  of  the 
vhilc  writing  a 
)lding  Florida, 
,  the  Mart>'rs, 
inlet  with  onr 
ite  side,  some 
ipet,  and  flung 
VIenendez  then 
ibault  raised  a 
He  returned 
r  La  Caille,  an 
unced  that  the 

three  hundred 
,  and  was  now 
w  vain  was  the 
k  bodies  of  the 
;d  must  prepare 
jificer  to  Ribault 
cnch  comman- 

nference. 
made  an  effort 

jy  Menendez, 
ording  to  Solis 

fifty  thousand 
nbracing  many 
ined  the  offer, 

incy,  which  lu: 

eclared,  so  he 

;olors  and  put 
persons  as  I 

■d  with  me." 


l>libault  returned  to  his  camp  and  held  a  council  with  his  officers.  Some 
uiic  inclined  to  throw  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  Menendez;  but  the 
mail irity  refused  to  surrender.  The  next  morning  Ribault  came  over  with 
.■,c\cnty  olTiccrs  and  men,  who  decidetl  to  surrender  and  trust  to  the  mercj- 
i,f  the  merciless.  The  rest  had  turned  southward,  preferring  to  face  new 
perils  rather  than  be  butchered. 

The  l-"rench  commander  j^ave  up  the  banner  of  France  and  that  of 
Cdli^ny,  w'th  the  colors  of  his  force,  his  own  fine  set  of  armor,  antl  his  seal 
(if  nitice.  As  he  and  his  comrades  were  bound,  he  intoned  one  of  the 
l'-,il:ns;  and  after  its  concluding  words  added:  "We  are  of  earth,  and  to 
cai  til  we  must  return  ;  twenty  years  more  or  less  is  all  but  as  a  tale  that  is 
tnld."  Then  he  bade  .Menendez  do  his  will.  Two  young  nobles,  and  a 
few  men  whom  Menendez  could  make  useful,  he  spared ;  the  rest  were  at 
imcc  despatched.' 

The  French  who  declined  to  surrender  retreated  unpursued  to  Can- 
;i\crai,  where  they  threw  up  a  log  fort  and  began  to  build  a  vessel  in 
orilcr  to  escape  from  Florida.  Menendez,  recalling  some  of  the  men 
who  remained  at  San  Mateo,  set  out  against  them  with  one  hundred 
,uid  fifty  men,  three  vessels  following  the  shore  with  one  hundred  men 
to  support  his  force.  On  the  8th  of  November  apparently,  he  reached 
the  fort.  The  French  abandoned  it  and  fled ;  but  on  promise  that 
tlicir  lives  should  be  spared,  one  hundred  and  fifty  surrendered.  Menen- 
dez kept  his  word.  He  destroyed  their  fort  and  vessel ;  and  leaving 
a  detachment  of  two  hundred  under  Captain  Juan  Velcz  de  Medrano 
to  build  Fort  Santa  Lucia  de  Canaveral  in  a  more  favorable  spot,  he 
sailed  to  Havana.  Finding  some  of  his  vessels  there,  he  cruised  in 
search  of  corsairs  —  chiefly  French  and  English  —  who  were  said  to  be 
in  great  force  off  the  coast  of  Santo  Domingo,  and  who  had  actually 
captured  one  of  his  caravels;  he  was  afraid  that  young  Ribault  might 
have  joined  them,  and  that  he  would  attack  the  Spanish  posts  in  Flor- 
ida.- Hut  encountering  a  vessel,  Menendez  learned  that  the  King  had 
sent  him  reinforcements,  which  he  resolved  to  await,  obtaining  supplies 
from  Campechy  for  his  forts,  as  the  Governor  of  Havana  refused  to 
fm-iiish  any. 

The  Spaniards  in  the  threi.  Florida  posts  were  ill-prepared  for  even  a 
I'lorida  winter,  and  one  hundred  died  for  want  of  proper  clothing  and  food. 
Captain  San  Vicente  and  other  malcontents  excited  disaffection,   so  that 


eni 


.il  (I 


/    !k 


•ds,  except  in  hopu 
ic  vessels  found  al 
ed  with  sugar  and 
la  by  the  I'rencli, 
ird;  andGourgutN 
o  Ijaiks,  evidcnlly 
;,  as  to  the  fate  of 
sts   observe  a  dis 


'  This  is  the  -Spanish  account  o  olis  de 
.Ml IMS.  Lemoync,  who  escaped  from  Caro- 
liiiL',  gives  an  account  based  on  the  statement  of 
a  Diop|)e  sailor  who  made  his  way  to  the  Indians, 
aiu!  though  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  fell  at  last 
into  French  hands.  Challeu.\,  the  carpenter 
of  Caroline,  and  another  account  derived  from 
Cliristophe  le  Breton,  one  of  those  spared  by 
Mciicnde/,  maintain  that  Menendez  oromised 
La  Caille,  under  oath  and  in  writing  to  spare 


their  lives  if  they  surrendered.  This  seems 
utterly  improbable  ;  for  Menendez  from  first  to 
last  held  to  his  original  dcrlaration,  "  1/  i/ne 
fucrc  /wrixc  mon'rii."  Lemoync  is  so  incorrect 
as  to  make  this  last  slaughter  take  place  at 
Caroline. 

-  Menendez  to  the  King, —  writing  from 
Matanzas,  Dec.  5,  1565;  and  again  from  H.i- 
vana,  Dec.  12,  1565.  Uarcia,  Enmio  cronoli^ico. 
p.  91. 


ii  I 


278 


NARRATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMLRICA. 


(      .    ' 


Pii 


'i'i 


III! 


■  ,;i  V 


'  (<■  i 


nn 


-a 


'i  ; 


II. 


mutinies  broke  out,  and  tlie  insurgents  seized  vessels  and  deserted.     Fort 
San  Mateo  was  left  with  only  twenty-one  persons  in  it. 

In  February,  1566,  Menendez  explored  the  Tortugas  and  the  adjacent 
coast,  seeking  some  trace  of  the  vessel  in  which  his  son  had  been  lost.  I  lis 
search  was  fruitless ;  but  he  established  friendly  relations  with  the  cacicj.ic 
Carlos,  and  rescued  several  Spanish  prisoners  from  that  cruel  chief,  who 
annually  sacrificed  one  of  them. 

Meanwhile  the  French  fugitives  excited  the  Indians  who  were  friendly  to 
them  to  attack  the  Spanish  po^is;  and  it  was  no  longer  safe  for  the  settlers 
to  stir  beyond  the  works  at  San  Mateo  anJ  St.  Augustip'\  Captain  Martin 
de  Ochoa,  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  faithful  officers,  was  slain  at  San 
Mateo ;  and  Captain  Diego  de  Hevia  and  several  others  were  cut  ofif  at  St. 
Augustine.  Emboldened  by  success,  the  Indians  invested  the  latter  fori, 
and  not  only  sent  showers  of  arrows  into  it,  but  by  means  of  blazing  arrows 
set  fire  to  the  palmetto  thatching  of  the  storehouses.  The  Spaniards  in 
vam  endcavorcri  to  extinguish  the  flames;  the  building  was  consumed,  with 
all  their  munitions,  cloth,  linen,  and  even  the  colors  of  the  adclatitutio  and 
the  troops.  This  encouraged  the  Indians,  who  despatched  every  Spaniard 
they  could  reach. 

Menendez  reached  St.  Augustine,  March  20,  to  find  it  on  the  brink 
of  ruin.  Even  his  presence  and  the  force  at  his  command  could  not  bring 
the  mutineers  to  obedience.  He  was  obliged  to  allow  Captain  San  Vicente 
and  many  others  to  embark  in  a  vessel.  Of  the  men  whom  at  great  labor 
tind  expense  he  had  brought  to  Florida,  full  five  hundred  deserted.  After 
their  departure  he  restored  order;  and,  proceeding  to  San  Mateo,  rclie\''jcl 
that  place.  His  ne.xt  step  was  to  enter  into  friendly  relations  with  the  chief 
of  Guale,  and  to  begin  a  fort  of  stockades,  earth,  and  fascines  at  Port  Royal 
which  he  called  San  Felipe.  Here  he  left  one  hundred  and  ten  men  under 
Stephen  de  las  Alas.  From  this  point  the  adventurous  Captain  Pardo,  in 
1566  and  the  following  year,  explored  the  country,  penetrating  to  the  silver 
region  of  the  Cherokees,  and  visiting  towns  reached  by  De  Soto  from 
Cofitachiqui  to  Tascaluza.^ 

Returning  to  St.  Augustine,  Menendez  transferred  the  fort  to  its  present 
position,  tn  be  nearer  the  ship  landing  and  less  exposed  to  the  Indians.  All 
the  posts  suffered  from  want  of  food  ;  and  even  for  the  soldiers  in  the  King's 
pay  the  adclantado  could  obtain  no  rations  from  Havana,  although  he  went 
there  in  person.  He  obtained  means  to  purchase  the  necessary  provisions 
only  by  pledging  his  own  n<"r;;onal  effects. 

Before  his  return  there  came  a  fleet  of  seventeen  vessels,  bearing  fifteen 
hundred  men,  with  arms,  munitions,  and  supplies,  under  Sancho  de  Arciniega. 
Relief  was  immediately  sent  to  San  Mateo  and  to  Santa  P21ena,  where  most 


I"-' 


nI^. 


'  Juan  de  l.T  Vandera,  Memoir,  —  in  Eiiglisli  and   in  Ruckingham    Smith's  Colcccioii.    There 

in  Historical  I\ragiiziih;   1.S60,  pp.  230-232,  with  is  also  a  version   in  U.   V.   Frcnch'.s  //istoru,:} 

notes    by   J.    G.     Shea,    from    the    original    in  Coltcctioits  of   Loiiistana    and    Florida    (1S75). 

Colcccion  de  dociimeiitos    im'ditos,    iv.    5O0-566,  p.  2S9. 


'■\      M 


:•■ » 


:ii 


ANCIENT   FLOKIUA. 


279 


uf  the  soldiers  had  mutinied,  and  had  put  Stephen  de  las  Alas  in  iron.-,  and 
^aikd  away.  Menendez  divided  part  of  his  reinforcements  amonj;  his  three 
pnsts,  and  then  with  lij^ht  vessels  ascended  the  St.  John's.  He  endeavored 
10  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  caciques  Otina  and  Macoya;  but  those 
rhiifs,  fearing  that  he  had  come  to  demand  reparation  for  the  attacks  on  the 
Sp.miarils,  fled  at  his  approach.  lie  ascended  the  river  till  he  found  the 
stnani  narrow,  and  hostile  Indians  lining  the  banks.  On  his  downward 
Vdy.ige  Otina,  after  making  conditions,  received  the  aciclniitatio,  who  came 
asimre  with  only  a  few  attendants.  The  chief  was  surrounded  by  three 
hunilred  warriors;  but  showed  no  hostility,  and  agreed  to  become  friendly 
to  llie  Spaniards. 

On  his  return  Menendez  despatched  a  captain  with  thirty  soldiers  and 
two  Dominican  friars  to  establish  a  post  on  Chesapeake  Bay;  they  were 
accompanied  by  Don  Luis  Velasco,  brother  of  the  chief  of  Axacan,  who 
liad  been  taken  from  that  country  apparently  by  Villafaiie,  and  who  had 
been  baptized  in  Mexico.  Instead,  however,  of  carrying  out  his  plans,  the 
party  persuaded  the  captain  of  the  vessel  to  sail  to  Spain. 

Two  Jesuit  Tathers  also  came  to  found  missions  among  the  Indians ;  but 
line  of  them,  laihcr  Martinez,  landing  on  the  coast,  was  killed  by  the 
Indians;  and  the  survivor.  Father  Rogcl,  with  a  lay  brother,  by  the  direc- 
tion of  Menendez  began  to  study  the  language  of  the  chief  Carlos,  in  order 
to  found  a  mission  in  his  tribe.  To  facilitate  this,  Menendez  sent  Captain 
Rcynoso  to  establish  a  post  in  that  part  of  Florida.' 

News  having  arrived  that  the  French  were  preparing  to  attack  Florida, 
and  their  depredations  in  the  Antilles  having  increased,  Menendez  sailed 
to  I'orto  Rico,  and  cruised  about  for  a  time,  endeavoring  to  meet  some  of 
the  corsairs.  But  he  was  unable  to  come  up  with  any ;  and  after  visiting 
Carlos  and  Tequeste,  where  missions  were  now  established,  he  returned 
to  .St.  Augustine.  His  efforts,  individually  and  through  his  lieutenants,  to 
gain  the  native  chiefs  had  been  to  some  extent  successful ;  Saturiba  was 
the  only  cacique  who  held  aloof.  He  finally  agreed  to  meet  Menendez  at 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's ;  but,  as  the  Spanish  commander  soon  learned, 
th(.'  cacique  had  a  large  force  in  ambush,  with  the  object  of  cutting  him  and 
his  men  off  when  they  landed.  Finding  war  necessary,  Menendez  then  sent 
four  detachments,  each  of  seventy  men,  against  Saturiba;  but  he  fled,  and 
tlie  Spaniards  returned  after  skirmishes  with  small  bands,  in  which  they 
killed  thirty  Indians. 

Leaving  his  posts  well  defended  and  supplied,  Menendez  sailed  to 
Spain ;  and  landing  near  Coruna,  visited  his  home  at  Aviles  to  sec  his  wife 
and  fn-!iily,  from  whom  he  had  been  separated  twenty  years.  He  then 
jiroceedcd  to  Valladolid,  where,  on  the  20th  of  July,  he  was  received  with 
lumor  by  the  King. 


'I  ,;• 


!■-,  I 


'  Letter  of  Menendez,  October  15,  1566,  in  vol,  ii.  dec.  iii.  afio  vi.  cap.  iii.,  translated  by 
Mcazar,  Chrono.  hisloria  dc  la  Coiiipaiila  di'  Dr.  D  G.  Brinton  in  the  Ifislorical  Magaziiu\ 
I'Mis  en  la  prminciii  de  Toledo  (Madrid,  17 10),     1861,  p.  292. 


'i  ii 

I'  k 


280 


XAKKArU'E    AND    CKll  ICAL    IIISIORV    ()V    A  M  K  K I '. ;  A. 


\ 


l#l 


:i\ 


m 


Ut 


1)1 


ii .'. 


During  his  absence  a  Freich  attack,  such  as  lie  had  expected,  was  made 
on  I''lcrichi.  I-'earing  this,  \ij  liad  ondcavoivd  to  obtain  forces  and  suppMes 
for  his  colony;  but  was  detained,  iVettinL;  and  chalinj,'  at  the  delays  and 
formalities  of  the  Cnsa  dc  Coiitratiicioi'  in  Seville.' 

An  expedition,  comprising  one  small  and  two  large  vessels,  was  fitted  out 
at  Hordeaux  by  Dominic  de  Ciourgues,  with  a  commission  to  capture  slaves 
at  Benin.  De  Gourgues  sailed  Aug.  22,  1567,  and  at  Cape  Hlaiico  had  ,1 
skirmish  with  some  negro  chiefs,  secureil  the  harbor,  and  sailetl  off  with  ,1 
cargo  of  slaves.  With  these  he  ran  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  an  1  disposed 
of  them  at  Dominica,  I'orto  Rico,  and  Santo  Domingo,  fmding  .Spaniards 
ready  to  treat  v.ith  him.  At  Puerto  de  la  I'lat.i,  in  tiie  List  island,  he  met  a 
ready  confederate  in  /.aballos,  who  was  accustomed  to  trade  with  the  French 
pirates.  Zaballos  bou.flit  slaves  and  goods  from  him,  and  furnished  him  a 
pilot  for  the  Florida  coast.  Puert')  de  la  I'lata  had  b,^en  a  refuge  for  some 
of  the  deserters  from  Florida,  and  could  afford  tlefinite  inform.ation.  Here 
probably  the  idea  of  Gourgues'  Florida  expedition  originated ;  though, 
according  to  the  bombastic  French  account,  it  was  only  off  the  Island  of 
Cuba  that  Do  Gourgues  revealed  his  design.  Me  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  John's,  where  the  French  narratives  place  two  forts  that  a-c  utterly 
unknown  in  Spanish  documents,  and  which  were  probably  only  batteries 
to  cover  the  entrance.  Saluted  here  as  Spanish,  the  French  vessels  passed 
on,  and  anchored  off  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Mary's,  —  the  Tacatacuru  of  the 
Indians.  By  means  of  a  I'rcnchman,  a  refugee  among  the  Indians,  Gour- 
gues easily  induced  Saturiba,  smarting  under  the  recent  Spanish  attack,  to 
join  him  in  a  campaign  against  San  Mateo.  T!:c  first  redoubt  was  quickly 
ta  ?i) ;  and  the  I'rench,  crossing  in  boats,  their  allies  swimming,  capturcil 
the  second,  and  then  moved  on  Fort  San  Mateo  itself.  The  I"'rench  acco  int 
makes  sixty  men  issue  from  each  of  what  it  calls  forts,  each  partv  .0  be 
tut  off  by  the  French,  and  then  makes  all  of  each  party  of  sixty  to  fall  liy 
the  hr.nds  of  the  French  and  Indians,  except  fifteen  or  thereabout  kept 
for  an  ignominious  death. 

Gourgues  carried  off  the  artillery  of  the  fort  and  redoubts ;  but 
before  he  could  transport  the  rest  of  his  booty  to  the  vessels,  a  train 
left  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  fort  was  accidentally  fired  by  an  Indian  who 
was  cooking  fish;  the  magazine  blew  up,  with  all  in  it.  Gourgues 
hanged  the  prisoners  who  fell  into  his  hands  at  San  Mateo,  and  descend- 
ing the  river,  hanged  thirty  more  at  the  mouth,  setting  up  an  inscrip- 
tion: "Not  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as  to  Traitors,  Robbers,  and  Murderers." 
Returning  to  his  vessels,  he  hoisted  sail  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  early 
in  June  entered  the  harbor  of  La  Rochellc.  His  loss,  which  is  not  ex- 
plained, is  said  to  have  been  his  smallest  vessel,  five  gentlemen  and  some 
soldiers  killed.^ 


t" 


'  llarci.i,  Ensaio  cronolos^iio,  p.  133.  and  carried  off  the  artillery  of  San  Mateo,  and 

-  /..;  Ki'/rise  de  la  Fioru/e,  etc.     Garibay  says     then   menaced    Havana  (Sucesos  dc  la  Isla  di 
bri'"*ly  that  they  went  to  I'lorida  and  destroyed     Santo  Domingo). 


I;. A. 


ANCIENT    FLOKIUA. 


381 


L'd,  was  m;ulc 

ami  supplies 

c  delays  aiul 

was  fitted  oui 
aptiirc  slaves 
Manco  liad  a 
It!  oft"  with  ,1 
an  1  dis|)(isi(| 
ii;4  Spaniaiils 
iild,  he  met  a 
li  the  iM'eiicI) 
iiished  him  a 
i^c  for  some 
atioii.  Here 
ted;  thoii;4h, 
the  Island  of 
mouth  of  the 
t  a-c  utterly 
)nly  batteries 
'csscls  passed 
tacuru  of  the 
adians,  Gour- 
ish  attack,  to 
:  was  quickl} 
ing,  captured 
ench  accomt 

party  .0  be 
ty  to  fall  b\ 

about  kept 

oubts;  but 
sels,  a  train 
Indian  who 
Gourgiies 
nd  dcsceml- 
an  inscrip- 
IMurdcrcrs." 
and  early 
is  not  CN- 
n  and  some 


an  Mateo,  and 
at  /a  Isla  di. 


When  Gourgucs  made  his  descent,  Mcnendez  was  already  at  sea,  having 
sailed  from  San  Lucar  on  the  13th  of  March,  with  abundant  supplies  and 

'  [Cf.  the  "Florida  et  Apalche  "  in  Accsta,  1592;  and  later  the  maps  of  the  French  cartng- 

fitvman  edition,  Cologne,  1598  (also  in  1605);  raphcr  Sanson,  showing  the  coast  from  Texas- 

th.it  of  Ilicronymns  Chaves,  given  in  Ortelius,  to  Carolina.  —  Ed.] 
VOL.   II. — 36. 


> 


)»' 


■■A\    \ 


ii  1 


''  m 


^k  r 


'  i 


282 


NAKKATIVr.    AM)   CKITKAI     IIISTOKV    Ol'    AMKKICA. 


reinforcements,  as  well  as  aiUiitional  missionaries  for  tlu'  Indians,  iindi  i 
I-'ather  John  Haptist  Segiira  as  vici.'-provincial  AftiT  rrlii\  iii^'  his  posts  in 
Floriila  and  i)lacin^'  a  hundred  anil  lil't>  men  al  San  Mateo,  he  proceeded 
to  Cuba,  of  which  he  had  been  appointed  governor.  To  stren^jthen  hi^ 
colony,  he  soliciteil  permission  to  coloni/e  tlie  Rio  I'dnuco;  but  the  au- 
thorities in  Mexico  opposeil  his  project,  and  it  failed.  The  Mississi|>pi, 
then  known  as  the  iispiritu  Santo,  was  supposed  to  flow  from  the  nei^dibm 
hood  of  Santa  lUena,  and  was  depended  on  as  a  means  of  communication.' 
The  next  year  the  adclantado  sent  a  hundred  and  ninety  three  persons  to 
San  I'"elipe,  and  eighty  to  St.  Auj,Mistine.  I'ather  RoLjel  then  be^'an  missions 
among  the  Indians  around  I'ort  Royal ;  I'"atlier  Seilefio  and  Mrother  Uaez  be 
gan  similar  labors  on  Gualc  (now  Amelia)  Island,  the  latter  soon  compiling.;  a 
grammar  and  catechism  in  the  language  of  the  Indians.  Others  attemptiil 
to  bring  the  intractable  chief  Carlos  and  his  tribe  within  the  Christian  fold. 
Rogel  drew  Inilians  to  his  mission  at  ( )rista  ;  he  put  up  housi's  and  a  church, 
and  endeavored  to  induce  them  to  cultivate  the  ground.  Hut  their  natural 
fickleness  would  not  submit  to  control ;  they  so(tn  abandoneil  the  place,  and 
the  mi.ssionary  icturned  to  Fort  San  Felipe.  A  school  for  Indian  boys  was 
opened  in  Havana,  and  youths  from  the  tribes  of  the  coast  were  sent  there 
in  the  hope  of  iraking  them  the  nucleus  of  an  Indian  civilization.  In  1570 
Menendez,  carrying  out  his  project  of  occupying  Chesapeake  Hay,  sent 
Father  Segura  wiih  several  other  Jesuits  to  establish  a  mission  at  Axacan, 
the  country  of  the  Indian  known  as  Don  Luis  Velasco,  who  accompanied 
missionaries,  promising  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure  for  them  a  welcome 
from  his  tribe.  The  vessel  evidently  ascended  the  Potomac  and  landed  the 
mission  party,  who  then  crossed  to  the  shores  of  the  Rappahannock. 
They  were  received  with  seeming  friendship,  and  erected  a  rude  chapel ; 
but  the  Indians  soon  showed  a  hostile  spirit,  and  ultimately  massacred  all 
the  party  except  an  Indian  boy.  When  Menendez  returned  to  Florida  from 
Spain  in  1572,  he  sailed  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  endeavored  to  .secure  Dun 
Luis  and  his  brother;  but  they  fled.  Me  captured  eight  Indians  known 
to  have  taken  part  in  the  mfirder  of  the  missionaries,  and  hanged  them  at 
the  yard-arm  of  his  vessel.^ 


'  Parecn-  que  lUi  d  S.  M.  la  Aiuiiiiuiii  lie 
Niirca  F.spaua,  Jan.  19,  1569  The  fort  at  San 
Mateo  was  not  ininicdialely  restored  ;  a  new 
fort,  San  Pedro,  was  e.stalilislicd  at  Tacatacuru 
(Colcccion  (fc  dociinieiiti's  iiictlilos.  \\\.  307-308). 
Stephen  dc  las  Alas  in  1570  withdrew  the  garri- 
sons, except  fiftvnien  in  each  fort,  —  a  step  which 
led  to  official  invcsti,i;ation  (Ibid.,  xii.  309,etc.). 

-  liarcia,  /•'iisiiio  cm.  olof^iio,  ]>p.  137-146. 
For  the  Jesuit  mission  in  Florida,  sec  Ale.t;aml)c, 
Aforfrs  iUi/j/res,  pp.  44,  etc. ;  'I'aniier,  SiYiWdS 
»ti/i/:iin,  ])p.  447-451  ;  Letter  of  Koyel,  Dec.  9, 
1570,  in  the  C/iidi/o.  /listoriii  lU  lit  Coiii/'tinid  lic 
fi'sus  01  1,1  Prmhiiiii  Jr  ToL-do,  by  Alcazar 
(Madrid,  1710),  ii.   145,  translated  by  Dr.  D.  G. 


lirinton  in  the  Ifistorical  Masjazim;  1S61,.  p.  3.;;, 
and  chap.  v.  of  his  FloriJian  J\-niiiuila  ;  Letter  o( 
Kogel,  Dec.  2,  15O9,  MS. ;  one  of  Dec.  It,  I5(]i», 
in  Cohrcion  de  dociimciitos  iiiiditos,  xii.  301 ;  oik' 
of  Qniros  and  Segnra  from  Axacan,  Sept.  \i, 
1570;  Sacchini,  Hisloria  Soiietnlis  Jtsii,  ])art  iii., 
pp.  86,  etc. 

|Dr.  Shea,  in  1S46,  published  a  paper  in  the 
I'liiU-d  Stales  CatltoUc  Maxazi/u;  v.  604  'trans 
laled  into  Ciernian  in  /)/i'  Katolischc  Kirclu-  in 
dcti  V.  S.  f'lv;  X'ydamcrika,  Kcgensburg,  lS().|, 
pp.  202-2CK)),  on  the  Segura  mission  ;  and  anotlur 
in  1S59  in  the  Hislorical  Magazine,  iii.  268,  on 
the  Spanish  in  the  Chesapeake  from  1566  11 
1 573 ;  and  his  account  of  a  temporary  Spanish 


i.^ 


ICA. 


ANCIENT    II.ORIDA. 


«83 


lulians,  tmdiT 
^  his  posts  ill 
l\c  prod'ciiid 
trcMiKllun  hi-, 
;  l)iit  tlic  iui 
c  Mississippi, 
tlic  nci^Mibiii 
nmunicatiun.' 
•fL-  |)crsoiis  ti) 
I'^aii  missions 
)thi.'r  Hac'z  be- 
lli coinpilinj,'  a 
icrs  attcmptid 
Jliiistiaii  fold. 
and  a  cliiiicii, 
t  tlicir  natural 
tlic  i)lacc,  and 
dian  boys  was 
■crc  sent  then- 
tion.  In  1570 
ake  ]iay,  sent 
on  at  Axacaii, 

accompanied 
[cm  a  welcome 

id  huuled  the 
)pahannock. 

rude  chapel ; 

massacred  all 
""lorida  from 
secure  Don 

idians  known 

lyed  them  at 


:/«.■,  1861,.  p.  3:7. 
'iiii.rit/,1  ;  Letter  o( 

of  Dec.  II,  I56<), 
'i/iis,  xii.  301 ;  one 

Ixacan,  Sept.  12, 
ills  Jisii,  part  iii., 

:d  a  paper  in  tlic 
'/£•,  V.  604  'tran^ 
'fllisclic  Kirchc  m 
legensbiirg,  iSd.), 
iioii ;  ami  anotlur 
;/«!•,  iii.  268,  oil 
le  from  1566  t'l 
mporary  Spanisli 


I'roni  this  time  Menendez  y.ive  little  personal  attention  to  the  affairs  of 
I'ldriila.  beiny  elsewhere  entjatjed  by  tlie  Kin^;;  and  he  dieil  at  Santaiuler, 
in  Spain,  Sept.  17,  1574,  when  about  to  take  command  of  an  immense  fleet 
v.liirli  i'hilip  II.  was  preparin^j.  With  his  death  I'loriil.i,  where  his  nephew 
IViIri)  Menendez  Manpiez  '  hail  acleil  as  ^iovernor,  lan^niished.  Indian  hos- 
tilities increased,  San  Felipe  was  invested,  abandoned,  and  burned,  and 
.soon  after  the  Governur  him.self  was  slain.-  St.  Augustine  was  tinally 
burned  by   Drake. 


CRITICAL   KSSAY   ON   THK   SOURCES   OF    INFORMATION. 

OUR  account  of  tlic  voyages  of  Toiice  tie  Leon  i.s  mainly  froin  the  ci'iUilas  to  him  and 
ofTuial  correspondence,  correcting  Ilerrera,"  wlio  is  su|)|josetl  hy  some  to  have  liad 
the  explorer's  iliury,  now  lost.  Ovictio*  mentions  Itimini''  as  forty  leagues  from 
Guaii.iliani.  The  nuulern  edition  •  of  Oviedo  is  vaj,'ue  and  incorrect ;  and  j,'ivcs  I'once  de 
Leon  two  caravels,  hut  has  no  details,  (lomara'  is  no  less  vague,  (lirava  records  the 
(iiscnvery,  hut  dates  it  in  1512."  As  early  as  15191110  statement  is  found  that  the  Hay 
of  Ju.ui  I'once  li.ad  been  visited  by  Alaminos,  while  accompanying  I'once  de  Leon,'  — 
wliiih  mu.st  refer  to  this  expedition  of  1513.  The  "  Traza  de  bs  costas "  given  by 
Navarrete  (and  reproduced  by  Huckingham  Smitii),"'  with  the  Oaray  patent  of  1521, 
would  seem  to  make  Ap.ilache  l!ay  the  western  limit  of  the  discoveries  of  I'once  ile 
Leon,  of  whose  expedition  and  of  Alaminos's  no  report  is  known.  I'eter  .Martyr  "  alludes 
to  it,  hut  only  Incidentally,  when  treating  of  Diego  Velasquez.  liarcia,  in  hi.s  Ensayo 
innwloi^iiO,'^''  writing  specially  on  Florida,  seems  to  have  had  neither  of  the  ])atents  of 


settlement  on  the  i  /pahanuoek  in  1 570  is  given 
in  Heiuh's  Iiuluiii  M.  ullaiiy,  or  the  "  Log  t'hapel 
on  the  Kappalianmck  "  in  the  Ciilhotic  IPWA/, 
Marel),  1S75.  Cf.  present  History,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  167,  and  a  paper  on  the  "  Larly  Indian  History 
of  the  Su<c|nehanna,"  l)y  .\-  L.  (Uiss,  in  the  His- 
toriiil  A'lX"''''  •'  A'i'ti's  mill  Qiwiiis  rcltithig  to  the 
Iiitiiior  of  Vciinsyhiiiiia,  18S3,  p.  1 15  ft  st-q. 
I>e  Wilt  Clinton,  in  a  Memoir  on  the  Anti(|uities 
ol  the  Western  I'arts  of  New  York,  pid)lishcd 
at  Albany  in  1820,  expressed  an  opinion  that 
traces  of  .'Spanish  penetration  as  far  as  Onon- 
ilaj^a  Connty,  X.  V.,  were  discoveral)lc ;  but  he 
(iniiited  this  stateiTient  in  his  second  edition. 
Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.   13,718.  —  Ed.] 

'  This  officer,  Fairbanks,  in  his  misundcr- 
htandiiig  of  Spanish  and  Spanish  authorities, 
transfiirms  into  Marquis  of  Menendez  I 

-  Wwxdn,  Eiisiiyo  cron.  ogic-a,  pp.  146-151. 

•'  llistoria  i;ciicyal  dc  las  fiulias  (cd.  1601), 
(lee.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  10-12,  |).  303  (313). 

*  //istoria  general  (1535),  part  i.  lib.  xix.  cap. 
15.  p.  clxii. 

■^  [The  Peter-Martyr  map  (1511)  represents 
aland  called  Himini  ("ilia  de  Keimcni  "  —  sec 
iiulc- \).  110)  in  the  relative  jiosition  of  Florida. 
'1  lie   fountain  of    peri)ctual    youth,  the   searcli 


for  which  was  a  part  of  the  motive  of  many  ol' 
these  early  expeditions,  was  often  supposed  to 
exist  in  Itimini ;  but  official  documents  make 
no  allusion  to  the  idle  story.  \)r.  I).  G.  lirinton 
(/'lorUian  Peninsula,  p.  99)  has  collectetl  the 
varying  statements  as  to  the  position  of  this 
fountain.  —  El),  j 

"  Oviedo,  Madrid  (1850),  lib.  xvi.  cap.  11, 
vol.  i.  |).  482. 

'  Primera  y  sci^unda  parte  de  la  historia 
ffenexal  de  las  Indias  (1553),  cap.  45,  folio  xxiii. 

8  Dos  libros  de  eosmoi;rafia  (Milan,  1556), 
p.  192. 

8  Kcrnal  Diaz,  llistoria  verdadera  (1632). 
1"  Calie^a  de  V'aca,  W-ishington,  1851.     [It  is 
also  sketched  ante,  p.  218.  —  Ed.) 

"  De  insults  nuper  inventis  (Cologne,   1574), 

P-  .•?49- 

'■-  Ensayo  eronoh^xico  fnra  la  llistoria  general 
de  la  Floriaa,  por  Don  Gahriel  de  Cardenas y  Cano 
[anagram  for  Don  A.idrcs  Gonzales  liarcia], 
Madrid,  1723.  [He  includes  under  the  word 
"  Florida  "  the  adjacent  islands  as  well  as  the 
main.  Joseph  de  Salazars'  Crisis  del  ensayo 
cronoloiiieo  (1725)  is  merely  a  literary  review  of 
Harci.i's  rhetorical  defects.  Cf  Brinton's  Flori- 
Han  Peninsula,  p.  51.  —  Ed.] 


•Jj 


^u 


■^'Jj:ft 


!'. 


I    :» 


>5'i 


2S4  NAKKATIVi;   AM)   CRITUAI.   HISTORY   OK   AMLKICA. 

Fence  ilc  Leon,  .iml  no  rt-portn;   iiid  liv  placet  the  diiicovery  in  1513  instead  of 

N.iv.\rrctc '^  Himply  I'ollows   MiTrLT.i. 

in  tilt  unliirtun.ilc  oxpcdiiion  oi'  C'ordnv.i  Itcrn.il  Diaz  was  an  actor,  and  giv^•^ 
UM  a  witness's  testimony  ;  ■'  and  it  is  made  tlic  sulijcct  of  evidence  in  tlio  niiit  in 
1536  l)i'twcen  tlic  I'iii/on  and  Colon  f.imilics*  The  general  liislorians  treat  it  it, 
course." 

'The  main  authority  for  the  first  voyage  of  (l.iray  is  the  royal  letters  patent."  llu' 
dot  unients  which  .ire  j;iven  liy  N.ivarrele"  and  in  liie  DodiiiitHtos  iiu'iiilos^''  a.s  well  .u 
the  accounts  ){iven  in  I'eter  .Martyr,"  Gom.ira,'*"  and  llerrcra." 

Of  tite  pioneer  expedition  which  Caniarijo  conducted  for  Oaray  to  make  settlement 
of  Amicliel,  and  of  its  encounter  with  Cortes,  we  h.ue  the  effect  which  the  lirst  tidin;;s  m 
it  prochuedoii  tlie  mind  of  the  Concpieror  of  .Mexico  in  his  second  letter  of  Oct.  50,  1520, 
while  in  his  tliird  letter  he  made  reiiresentation.s  of  tlie  wronj;s  done  to  the  Indians  hy 
c;,ir,ny'H  people,  and  of  his  own  determination  to  protect  the  chiefs  who  had  submitttil 
to  him.'-  for  the  untoward  endinij  of  Caray's  main  ex[)edition,  Corti's  is  still  a  princip.ii 
(Kpcndence  in  his  fourth  letter;  '•'  .md  the  ot'tici.d  records  of  his  |)roceedinj;s  a>;ainst  Caray 
in  October,  1523,  with  a  letter  of  Ci.iray  dated  i\'oveini)er  iS,  and  evidently  addressed  to 
Curies,  are  to  he  found  in  the  /Viv/wiv/Aw />/(■'.//'/('.>,'*  while  I'eter  Martyr,'"  Oviedo,'"  and 
Herrera  "  are  the  chief  general  authorities,  (iaray's  renewed  effort  under  his  person. d 
leadership  is  m. irked  out  in  three  several  petitions  which  he  made  for  authority  to  colonize 
the  new  country.'^ 


1:1' 


ll;i 


/;■! 


t' 


Hi 


'  narcia,  in  the  liitroducJon  ti  el  F.nsayo 
fronti/t<t;/i.(',  pp.  26,  27,  discusses  the  date  of 
I'oiite  de  Leon's  discovery,  lie  refutes  Ueine- 
s.il,  .\yeta,  and  Morcri,  who  gave  1510,  and 
adopts  the  dale  1512  .is  given  hy  the  "  safest 
liislniians,"  declaring  that  Tonce  de  I.eoii  went 
to  .'^p.iin  in  151,5.  Tin  date  1512  was  adopted 
hy  llakhiyt,  (ieorgc  llancroft,  and  Irving;  hut 
after  reschel  in  his  (>>:u/ii,/iU  des  /.eitalters  der 
Entd,\kiiiis;cH  called  alleiition  to  the  fact  that 
Kasler  Sinulay  in  1512  did  not  fall  on  March  27, 
the  dale  given  hy  llerrcra,  without  mentioning 
the  year,  hut  that  it  did  fall  on  that  day  in  151  J, 
Kohl  (Disiifery  of  Main,;  p.  240),  (ieorge 
I'aiicKift,  in  later  editions,  and  others  adopted 
1513,  without  any  positive  evidence.  lUit  1512 
is  ncvcrlheless  clung  to  hy  (iravier  in  his  "  Route 
ihi  Mississip|)i  "  (('r';/;';v.v  dts  .liiu'riiiiiiis/is,  1878, 
i.  23S),  liv  Shipp  in  his  /V  .Solo  ,iiid  Ftoi idiu  and 
hy  II.  II.  I'laiicriift  in  his  (\>ilral  Anicrua  (vol. 
i.  p.  1 28).  Mr.  De.iiie,  in  a  note  to  Ilakluyt's 
use  of  1512  in  the  IWstcriic  rtiinthii;  (p.  230), 
says  the  mistake  probahly  occurred  "  hy  not 
noiiiig  the  vr.rialion  which  prevailed  in  the 
mode  of  reckoning  time."  The  documents  cited 
in  cliaplcr  iv.  ..;tltlc  die  jjoint.  The  Ciif'iliiliuioit 
under  which  I'once  do  t.enn  sailed,  was  issued 
at  Iiiirgos,  Feb.  23,1512.  He  could  not  possibly 
by  March  27  have  leturned  to  I'orto  Rico, 
e(piip|)cd  a  vessel,  and  reached  I'lorida.  The 
letters  of  the  King  to  Ccroii  and  r)iaz,  in  .August 
and  IlccembLr  1512,  show  that  Ponce  de  Leon, 
after  returning  to  i'orto  Kico,  was  prevented 
from  sailing,  and  was  otherwise  emjiloyed.  The 
letter  written  by  the  King  to  the  authorities  in 
Kspafioln,   Julv     (,    1 51 3,    shows    that    he    had 


reccivcil  from  them  information  that  Ponce  de 
Leon  h.ul  sailed  in  that  year. 

•^  Co/irtioii  (  I'liixis  miiiorts),  iii.  50-53. 

■■'  //isforiii  •■i-rdiidttii  (1632),  cap.  vi.  p.  .(, 
versa. 

*  Duro,  Colon  y  /'//izoii,  p.  268. 

'  Oviedo  (ed.  Amador  de  los  Kios),  lib.  x.\i. 
cap.  7,  vol.  ii.  p.  139;  Herrera,  //itforia  f^i-uei.il, 
dec.  ii.  p.  63;  Navarrele,  Colivcion,  iii.  53  ;  li.ii- 
cia,  Ensayo  tro>ioli\:;ico,  p.  3;  Peter  Martyr,  dec. 
iv.  cap.  I ;  Torcpiemaila,  i.  350;  Gomara,  folio  i); 
Icazbalccta,  Colfirwn,  i.  33S. 

"  /i'<i;/  Ci'diilii  dtiiido  Jiuiil/iid  li  f'raiiciSiO  ./<• 
Gariiy  /'ara  ^ohlir  la  ^nnhioia  dc  Amulu'l  oi  i'l 
cosia pimc,  lUirgos,  1521. 

'  Coli'icio/i,  iii.  147-153. 

"  Colniioii  de  dociimcittos  iiu'dilos,  ii.  558-507. 

'•  /Miides,  dec.  v.  cap.  1. 

"   In  his  llistoria. 

"  Jlisloiiii,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x,  cap.  18. 

'-  [Cf.  the  bibliograi)hy  of  these  letters  ti 
chap.  vi.  The  notes  in  lirinton's  Floiidnn 
Peninsula  arc  a  good  guide  to  the  study  of  tin.' 
various  Indian  tribes  of  the  peninsula  at  this 
time.  — Ll).] 

'•'  (Cf.  chap.  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  I'l' I 

n  Vol.  xxvi.  pp.  77-'3S- 

'■'■  T'-pis.  June  20,   1524,  in   Opus  epistolarum. 

PP-47'-47f'- 

I"  /fisloi-iii,  lib.  x.xxiii.  cap.  2,  p.  263. 

"  //isloria,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  5.  Cf.  also 
Barcia,  Ensayo  eronol^x'i'">  p.  8,  and  GaUim) 
(Hakluyt  Society's  eil),  pp.  133,  153. 

"  Coleccion  de  documentos  iiieditos,  x.  40-17; 
and  the  "tcstimonio  de  la  capitulacion  "  in  vol. 
xiv.  pp.  503-516. 


■J       /. 


ANCIllNI    ILOUIDA. 


385 


nitlead  of  i;m  ' 


icrs  patent,"  tlic 
'ilos,*  aH  well  .1-. 


ion  that  Pdik'c  tie 


'<///«,  ii.  558-567. 


of  ilu-  preliminary  extieditlnn  on  lite  Atlantic  tnaNi  of  dordillo  and  the  unli^cqiicnt 
allcnii'i  <J  l'i>*  I'liief.  Ayllon,  to  scttk'  in  \'irj;iiiia.  tluTf  is  i  uind  oi  lustimcny  in  the 
papiTH  of  tlic  suit  wliitli  Matii'ii/o  iiistiuilcd  against  Ayllon,  .iiul  of  which  the  ^reaicr  part 
J!.  slill  un|)rinted;  liut  .1  few  p.ipers,  like  the  complaint  of  .M.itien/o  and  Home  te.stimony 
Liken  liv  Ayllon  when  al)out  to  sail  himself,  cm  lie  found  in  the  Poaimtntos  iiu'ditos.^ 
Ah  rt^anls  the  joint  explorations  of  the  vchhcIs  of  Gordillo  and  (^ucxoit,  the  tcittlnnny 
of  the  latter  helps 
IIS,  as  well  as  ids 
ait  of  taking  posses- 
hioii.  which  puts  the 
piiicccdin«  in  1521 ; 
IhnUiili  some  of  Ayl- 
Iiin'd  witnesses  nivc 
ii;.'o  as  the  tlate. 
I'.oth  parties  unite 
in  tallinj;  the  river 
which  they  reached 
the  San  I  nan  li.iu- 
tista.  and  the  la/ii/ii 
In  .Ayllon  places  it 
in  thirty. five  de- 
(.Tccs.  Navarrele  in 
sayini;  llicy  loui  lied 
at  C'hicoraanil  (iii.d- 
dape  confounds  ihe 

first  and  third  voyages  ;  and  was  clearly  ij,'norant  of  the  three  distinct  expeditions  ;^  and 
Ilerrera  is  wrong  in  calling  the  river  the  Jordan,*  —  named,  as  he  says,  after  the  cap- 
l.iiii  or  i)ilot  of  one  of  the  vessels,  —  since  no  such  jierson  was  on  cither  vessel,  and 
110  such  name  appears  in  the  testimony  :  the  true  Jorilan  was  the  Watcrec  (Guatari)* 
'I'liat  it  was  the  intention  of  Ayllon  to  make  the  expedition  one  of  slave-catching,  would 
seem  to  he  abundantly  disproved  hy  his  condemnation  of  the  commander's  act." 

Ayllon,  according  to  .Spanish  writers,  after  reaching  the  ci>ast  in  his  own  voy- 
age, in  i5:!6,  took  a  northerly  course.  Ilcrrera '  says  he  attempted  to  colonize  north 
of  Cape  Trafalgar  (Ifatteras);  and  the  ■piloto  vuiyor  of  Florida,  Ecija,  who  at  a 
Liter  day,  in  1609,  was  sent  to  find  out  what  the  Engl'-  1  were  doing,  says  posi- 
tively that  Ayllon  had  fixed  his  settlement  at  Guandape.  Since  by  his  office  Ecija 
must  have  hail  in  his  possession  the  early  charts  of  his  people,  and  must  have  made 
the  locality  a  matter  of  special  study,  his  assertion   has   far  greater  weight  than  that 


AVI.LONS  EXPI.ORATinXS. 


lit  volume.  —  I'i>  1 


Opus  efistoLiriiii 


'  Vol.  xxxiv.  pp.  563-567 ;  XXXV.  547-562. 

■-'  (I'hi'i  sketch  follows  Dr.  Kohl's  copy  of  a 
in;i|)  ill  a  maiuiscripl  atlas  in  the  liritish  Musciini 
(110.  9,.Sl4),  without  date;  but  it  seems  to  be  a 
Kiord  of  the  exiilorations  (i5:;o)  of  .\vlloii, 
ttlinsc  name  is  corruiUed  on  the  map.  The 
iii.ip  bears  near  the  main  inscription  the  figure 
iif  a  Chinaman  and  an  elephant,  —  tokens  of 
ihu  current  belief  in  the  Asiatic  connections 
of  Xorth  America.  Cf.  Ibiiilon's  /•'/orii/iiin 
I'aiitKuLi,  p.  82,  99,  on  the  "  Traza  de  costas 
lie  Ticrra  Kcrme  y  de  las  Tlcrras  Xucvas,"  ac- 
i'iini|)aiiying  the  royal  grant  to  Garav  in  1521, 
lieiii};  the  chart  of  Cristobal  de  Toi)ia,  given 
ill  the  third  volume  of  Navarretc's  Colcccion, 
mill  sketched  on   another  page  of  the  present 


Volume  [lOite,  p.  31S)  in  a  section  on  "  The  Karly 
Cartoi;ra))hy  of  the  Ciulf  of  Me.\ico  and  .idjacent 
I'arts,"  where  some  light  is  thrown  on  contem- 
porary knowledge  of  the  Florida  coast.  —  IC!).| 

•■'  Vol.  iii.  p.  69.  His  conjectures  and  those 
of  modern  writers  (Stevens,  Al'to,  p.  .(S|,  ac- 
cordingly require  no  examination.  As  the  docu- 
ments of  the  lirst  voyage  name  both  •53'  30'  and 
35°  as  the  landfall,  conjecture  is  idle. 

*  Dec.  ii.  lib.  xi.  cap.  6.  This  statement  is 
adopted  by  many  writers  since. 

■'  Pedro  M.  Marqucz  to  the  King,  Dec.  12, 
15.S6. 

"  Gomara,  I/istoria,  cap.  xlii. ;  Hcrrera,  I/h 
tortile  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  5. 

"  Vol.  ii.  lib.  xxi.  cap.  8  and  9. 


^"1 


m 


286 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


m 


I H 


••  l< 


'   M 


vV: 


of  any  liistorian  writing  in  Spain  merely  from  documents.'  It  is  also  the  opinion  of 
Navarrete-  that  Ayllon's  course  must  have  been  north. 

Oviedo'  does  not  define  the  region  of  this  settlement  more  closely  than  to  say  that  it 
was  under  thirty-three  degrees,  adding  that  it  is  not  laid  down  on  any  map.  The  Oydores 
of  Santo  Domingo,  in  a  letter  to  the  King  in  1528,*  only  briefly  report  the  expedition,  and 
refer  for  particulars  to  Father  Antonio  Montesinos.''  • 

The  authorities  for  tiie  voyage  of  Gomez  are  set  forth  in  another  volume.* 

Upon  the  e.\pedition  of  Narvacz.  and  particularly  upon  the  part  taken  in  it  by  Cabeza 
lie  Vaca,  the  principal  authority  is  the  narrative  of  the  latter  published  at  Zamora  in  1543 

as  La  rclacion  que  dio  Aliiar  A'n- 
ties  Catena  de  Vaca  de  lo  acaesciiin 
en  las  Indias  en  la  armada  donde 
yua  por  goiiernador  Paphilo  de 
narbaezi'  It  was  reprinted  at 
Valladolid  in  1555,  in  an  edition 
usually  quoted  as  La  relacioii 
y  comcntarios^  del  goveritador 
Aluar  A'linez  Cabeqa  de  Vaca 
de  lo  acaescido  en  las  dos  joi- 
nadas  que  hiso  d  los  /ndios.'^ 
This  edition  was  reprinted  under 
the  title  of  A'a'c'/ragios  de  Alvnr 
NuTiez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  by  I?ar- 
cia  (1749)  '"  '''^  Historiadorts 
primilivos,'^''  accompanied  by  an 
"exdmen  apologdtico  de  la  his- 
toria"  by  Antonio  /Lrdoino, 
which  is  a  defence  of  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  against  the  aspersions  of  Honorius  Philoponus,Mvho  charges  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
with  claiming  to  have  performed  miracles. 

The  Relacion,  translated  into  Italian  from  the  first  edition,  was  included  by  Ramusio 


AUTOGRAPH     OF     NARVAEZ 
{From  Bui'kiiii^ham  Smith), 


! 


'  Kcija,  Ki-huiou  </,•/  rvV7i,v  { Juiic-Septcmber, 
1609). 


Vol.    iii. 


!'!'•    72-73- 


Recent     American 


writers  have  taken  another  view.  Of.  Tirevoort, 
V'crrazaiw,  p.  70;  Muriihy,  \'err,izziino,  p.  123. 

"  //isforia,  lib.  .wxvii.  cap.  1-4,  in  vol.  iii. 
pp.  624-633. 

'  Donimfiitos  iiiMitos,  iii.  347. 

''  Cialvano  (Hakluyt  Society's  cd.,  p.  144) 
gives  the  cnrrcnt  account  of  his  day. 

f  Cf.  Vol.  IV.  p.  2S.  The  i(;/'//'«/(;ivV>«  is  given 
in  the  Doiiimeiiffls  iiu'iiito!,  .\.\ii.  74. 

^  |IIaiiissc, /^/7'/  .-/wiv.  I''/.,  no.  239  ;  .S.-ibin, 
vol.  iii.  no.  9,767.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  I.eno.x 
Library.  Cf.  the  Ri-hicion  as  given  in  the  Doiii- 
meiilos  iiitditos,  vol.  .\iv.  ]ip.  265-279,  and  the 
"C'apitulacion  que  se  tomo  con  Panlilo  dc  Nar- 
vacz "  in  vol.  .\.\ii.  p.  224.  There  is  some  diversity 
of  opinion  as  to  the  Irnstworthincss  of  this  narra- 
tive; cf.  Helps,  SpiDiish  Conquest,  iv.  397,  and 
l!rinton's  F/oriJinn  Peiiixsiilii,  \t.  17.  "C.ibeja 
has  left  an  artless  account  of  his  recollections 
of    the   journey ;    but    his    memory   sometimes 


called  up  incidents  out  of  their  place,  so  that 
his  narrative  is  confused."  —  Hancroft:  His- 
tory of  the  Viiitcd  States,  revised  edition,  vol.  i. 
p.  31.  — Ed.) 

"  The  Comciitarios  added  to  this  edition  were 
by  Pero  Hernandez,  and  relate  to  beza  tie 
Vaca's  career  in  South  America. 

'■'  [There  are  copies  of  this  edition  in  the 
Carter  lirown  (Catidoi^ne,  vol.  i.  no.  197)  ami 
Harvard  College  libraries;  cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iii. 
no.  9,768.  Coi)ies  were  sold  in  the  Murpliv 
(no.  441),  lirinley  (no.  4,360  at  ?34),  and  lieck- 
ford  {Ciitohxiie,  vol.  iii.  no.  1S3)  sales.  Ricli 
(no.  28)  priced  a  copy  in  1832  at  ^'4  4.f.  l,e- 
clcrc  (no.  2,487)  in  1S7S  prices  a  copy  at  1,500 
francs  ;  and  sales  have  been  reported  at  £:\- 
£2-^,  £y)  io.r.,  and  ^^42.  — El).| 

''  [Vol.  i.  no.  6.  Cf.  Carter-lSrown,  iii.  893; 
Field,  /iidiiui  niblio;,inipliy,  no.  79.  —  Ed.] 

"  [A't'ij  ty/<is  triinsitcia  uavii^titio  iVffi'i  Orlm, 
1621.  .Xrdoino's  ExAmeti  apoloi^^tico  was  fir<t 
publisheil  separately  in  \--ifi  {Carler-Brtrn»i,'\\\ 
545).  — En.] 


Rl 


.ICA. 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


287 


the  opinion  of 

in  to  say  that  it 
.  The  Oydores 
expedition,  and 

ie.' 

in  it  by  Cabeza 
Zamora  in  1542 
e  diu  A  luar  Nu- 
ll dc  lo  acacsciihi 
a  armada  donde 
dor  Paphilo  de 
as  reprinted  at 
15,  in  an  edition 
as  La  relacion 
'iel  govcriiador 
Cahei;a  de  Vaca 
en   las  dos  joi- 

d  los  Indios? 
reprinted  under 
'ra^^ios  dc  Alvar 
(.'  I'aca,  by  Bar 
is  Historiadorcs 
anipanied  by  an 
dtico  de  la  his- 
>  n  i  o  /i  r  d  o  i  n  o, 
pee  of  Cabeza 
Cabeza  de  Vaca 

led  by  Ramusio 

place,  so  lluit 

iANCROI-T:     His- 
edition,  vol.  i. 

this  edition  were 
to        beza   de 

edition  in  the 
110.  197)  aiul 
Sal)in,  vol.  iii. 
in  the  Murpliv 
$34),  and  ISeek- 
sales.  Rieli 
at  £\  .\s.  I  e- 
a  copy  at  1,500 
sported  at  ^f.M. 

■  Drown,  iii.  893; 

-Ed.] 
\itio  A'cK'i  Orhi', 
I'X'i'/iiv  was  tii'^t 
iiter-Brmvii,  iii 


In  his  Collection  '  in  1556.  A  French  version  was  given  by  Ternau.x  in  1837.'  The  ear- 
liest English  rendering,  or  rather  paraphrase,  is  that  in  I'urchas;^  but  a  more  important 
version  was  niatle 
bv  I  he  late  Ihick- 
inuli.im  Smith,  and 
printed  (loo  cop- 
ies) at  the  expense 
111'  Mr.  (icorge  W. 
Ki^jjs,  of  Washing- 
ton, ill  1 85 1,  for  pri- 
vate circulation.'  A 
second  edition  was 
undertaken  by  Mr. 
.Smith,  embodying 
llie  results  of  inves- 
tij,Mtions  in  Spain, 
will]  a  revision  of 
the  translation  and 
considerable  addi- 
tional annotation  ;  but  the  completion  of  the  work  of  carrying  it  through  the  press,  owing 
to  .Mr.  Smith's  death, ^  devolved  upon  others,  who  found  his  mass  of  undigested  notes 
not  vciy  intelligible.  It  appeared  in  an  edition  of  one  hundred  copies  in  1871."  In 
these  successive  editions  Mr.  Smith  gave  different  theories  regarding  the  route  pursued 
liy  Cabeza  de  Vaca  in  his  nine  years  journey.' 

Tlic  documents  '  which  Mr.  Smith  adds  to  this  new  edition  convey  but  little  informa- 
tion beyond  what  can  be  gathered  from  Cabeza  de  Vaca  himself.  He  adds,  however, 
engravings  of  Father  Juan  Xuarez  and  Brother  Juan  Palos,  after  portraits  preserved 
in  Me.\ico  of  the  twelve  Franciscans  who  were  first  sent  to  that  country." 


AUTOGR.\PH    OF   CAliKZA    DE   VACA 
(From  Buckhig/itim  Smith). 


1   Vol.  iii.  pp.  310-330. 

-  Kollowint;  the  1555  edition,  and  published 
in  his  ; '(MW,<,v.v,  at  Paris. 

•'  Vol.  iv.  pp.  1499-1556. 

*  [M-iizic's  C(i/ii/oi,'ui;  no.  315;  Field,  bidian 
BiMiox'iii/'/iy,  nos.  227-229.  —  El).| 

''  [Cf.  Field,  /iidian  BiUiog.,  no.  364.,  —  Ed.] 

•>  I'rinted  by  .Munsell  at  .Mbanv,  at  the  charge 
of  the  late  Henry  C.  Muri)hy.  [Dr.  Shea  added 
to  it  a  memoir  of  Mr.  Smith,  and  Mr.  T.  W. 
Field  a  memoir  of  Cabeza  dc  Vaca.  —  Fn.] 

'  [The  writinf;  of  his  narrative,  not  during 
liiu  after  the  completion  of  his  journey,  does  not 
cimihiee  lo  making  the  statements  of  the  wan- 
derer very  explicit,  and  different  interpretations 
of  his  itinerary  can  easily  he  made.  In  1851 
Mr,  Smith  made  him  cross  the  Mississippi  within 
die  sduthern  boundary  of  Tennessee,  and  so  to 
|ii~s  along  the  Arkansas  and  Canadian  rivers 
to  New  Me.\ico,  crossing  the  Rio  Grande  in 
tin:  nei;,'hl)orhood  ot  thirty-two  degrees.  In  his 
seioiul  edition  he  tracks  the  traveller  nearer  the 
(iiilf  of  .Me.\ico,  and  makes  him  cross  the  Rio 
Grande  near  the  mouth  of  thcCoiK  1' is  River  in 
Ti\.is,  which  he  follows  to  the  ,i;i'.u  mountain 
cliiin,  and  then  crosses  it.  Mr.  liartlett,  the 
editor  of  the  Curffr/inraiii  Catalogue  (see  vol.  i. 
V-  I'^S),  who  has  himself  tracked  both  routes,  is 


not  able  to  decide  between  them.  Davis,  in  his 
Conquest  of  A'r.i'  !\rcxiii\  also  follows  Cabeza  de 
Vaca's  route.  11.  H.  liancroft  (Xorth  Mexican 
Sfii/es,  i.  63)  finds  no  ground  for  the  northern 
route,  and  gives  (p.  67)  a  map  of  what  he  sup- 
poses to  be  the  route.  There  is  also  a  map 
in  Paul  Chaix'  Bassin  du  Mississif>i  au  seiziime 
sii\/e.  Cf.  also  I,,  liradford  Prince's  JVem 
.Vrx/e,'  (USS3),  p.  89.  — El).]  The  buffalo  and 
mes(iiiile  afford  a  tangible  means  of  fi.\ing  the 
limits  of  his  route. 

**  Including  the  petition  of  Narvaez  to  the 
King  and  the  royal  memoranda  from  the  origi- 
nals at  Seville  (p.  207I,  the  instructions  to 
the  factor  (p.  211),  the  instructions  to  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  (p.  21S),  and  the  summons  to  be  made 
by  Narvaez  (p.  215).  Cf.  French's  //is/<<n\ii/ 
Ci'llirtions  0/  /.ouisiiinti,  szconiX  series,  ii.  153; 
Historical  Magazine,  April,  1862,  and  faiuiarv 
and  .\ugust,  1867. 

■'  Smith's  Ca/ie(a  de  I'aca,  \i.  too ;  Tor- 
<|uein.ida  {Monan/uia  /iidiaita,  1723,  iii.  437-447) 
gives  Lives  of  these  friars,  liarcia  savs  Xiiarez 
was  made  a  bishoj);  but  Cabeza  de  Vaca  never 
calls  him  bishop,  but  simplv  commissarv,  and 
the  portrait  at  Vera  Cruz  has  no  episcopal  em- 
blems. Torquemada  in  his  sketch  of  Xuarez 
makes  no  allusion  to  his  being  matle  a  bishop 


Ki  1 


f 


% 


[ 


>\>s 


M> 


n.y   'i  '" 


¥m 


I 


'>.  I 


»/( 


ifi'i:  /<  i  I 


■i  '■ 


h  .1 


1^ 


^:i." 


28S 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTURV    OF    AMERICA. 


Some  additional  facts  respecting  tiiis  expedition  are  derived  at  second  hand  from  .1 
letter  which  Caljeza  de  \'aca  and  Doranles  wroie  after  their  arrival  in  Mexico  to  the 
Audicncid  of  llispaniola,  which  is  not  now  known,  but  of  wiiich  the  suijstance  is 
professedly  given  by  Oviedo.' 

The  Hahia  de  la  Cruz  of  Narvaez'  landing,  made  identical  with  Apalache  Bay  by 
Cabot,  is  likely  to  have  been  iiy  iiiin  correctly  identified,  as  tlie  point  could  be  fixcl  by 
the  pilots  wiio  returned  with  the  ships  to  Cuba,  and  would  naturally  be  recorded  on  tlic 
charts.-  Smith  ^  believed  it  to  be  Tampa  I5ay.  The  Relacion  describes  the  bay  as  one 
whose  head  could  be  seen  from  the  mouth  ;  though  its  author  seems  in  another  place  id 
make  it  seven  or  eight  leagues  deep.*  Narvaez  and  his  party  evidently  thought  they  were 
nearer  I'anuco,  and  had  no  idea  they  were  so  near  Hav^.na.  Had  they  been  at  Tampa  Hay, 
or  on  a  coast  running  north  and  south,  they  can  scarcely  be  supposed  to  have  been  so 
egregiously  mistaken.''  If  Tampa  was  his  landing  place,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  b.iy 
where  he  subsequently  built  his  boats  as  Apalache  Ray.'  Charlevoix '  identifies  it  with 
Apalache  li.iy,  and  Siguenza  y  Gongora  tinds  it  in  Pensacola."* 

Of  the  expedition  of  Soto  we  have  good  and  on  the  whole  satisfactory  records.  Tlie 
Concession  made  by  the  Spanish  King  of  the  government  of  Cuba  and  of  the  conquest 
of  Florida  is  preserved  to  us."  There  are  three  contemporary  narratives  of  the  progress 
of  the  march.  The  first  and  best  was  printed  in  1557  at  Evora  as  the  Rclai^am  vcrdadciin 
dos  trabalhos  q  liogonernador  do  Fernddo  de  Sou  to  c  certos  Jidalgos  poriiigneses  passa- 
rom  no  descobrimcto  da  piovincia  da  Frolida.  Ai^ora  noitameiitc  feita  per  hu  JidaZ-^o 
De/uas.^"     It  is  usually  cited  in  English  as  the  "  Narrative  of  the  Gentleman  of  Elvas," 


and  the  name  is  not  fuuiul  in  any  list  of 
bishops.  \Vc  owe  to  Mr.  Smith  another  con- 
tribution to  the  history  of  this  region  and  this 
time,  in  a  Cokccion  de  varios  Jocumeiitos  para  la 
liistoria  dc  la  Florida y  ticrras  adyaicntcs,  —  only 
vol.  i.  of  the  contemplated  work  appearing  at 
Madrid  in  1S57.  It  contained  thirty-three  im- 
jiortant  papers  from  1 516  to  1569,  and  five  from 
161S  to  1794 ;  they  arc  for  the  most  part  from  the 
Simancas  Archives.  This  volume  has  a  portrait 
of  Ferdinand  V.,  which  is  reproduced  anli\  11.85. 
Various  manuscripts  of  Mr.  Smith  arc  now  in  the 
cabinet  of  the  New  Vork  Historical  Society. 

1  Ovicdo's  account  is  translated  in  the  His- 
torical Maiiaziiie,  xii.  141,  204,  267,  347.  [II.  li. 
Uancroft  (/\'<'.  Mi'xicaii  States,  i.  62)  says  that  the 
collation  of  this  accoiuit  in  Ovicdo  (vol.  iii.  pp. 
5S2-618)  with  the  other  is  very  imjiorfectly  done 
by  Smith.  He  refers  also  tcfccaruliil  notes  on  it 
given  by  Davis  in  his  .?/<////.(/;  Conquest  of  A'r<ii 
Mexico,  pp.  20-10S,  liancroft  (pp.  62,  63)  gives 
various  other  references  to  accounts,  at  second 
hand,  of  this  cx])e(litioii.  Cf.  also  L.  P.  h'ishcr's 
paper  in  the  Orcrlaud  Moiilhly,  x.  514.  Gal- 
vano's  sinnmarized  account  will  he  fomul  in  the 
Ilakhiyt  Society's  edition,  p.  170  — Kl).| 

-  liancroft.  United  States,  i.  27. 

'  Calicfa  dc  I'aca,  p.  5S ;  cf.  Fairbanks's 
Florida,  chap.  ii. 

■•  ('at'Cfa  de  I'ica,  pp.  20,  204. 

''  [Tampa  is  the  point  selected  by  II.  II. 
Bancroft  {A'o.  J/exicaii  States,  i.  Co)  ;  cf.  liritv 
ton's  note  oh  the  varying  names  of  Tampa 
{F/oridiai/  Peiiiiisiila,  p.  113).  —  Ed.] 

"  Ii.  Smith's  JJe  Soto,  pp.  47,  234. 


"  A'oirccllc  France,  iii.  473. 

"  liarcia,  p.  30S.  The  Magdalena  may  he 
the  Apalachicola,  on  which  in  the  last  century 
Spanish  maps  laid  down  Echctc;  cf.  I.eroz, 
Geograpliia  de  la  America  (1758). 

"  The  manuscript  is  in  the  Hydrographic 
liuveau  at  Madrid.  The  Lisbon  Academy  printed 
it  in  their  (1844)  edition  of  the  Klvas  narrative. 
Cf.  Smith's  Soto,  pp.  266-272 ;  Historical  Mo;^a- 
zinc,  V.42;  Dociimeutos  iiieditos,  xxii.  534.  |lt  is 
dated  April  20,  1537.  In  the  following  August 
Cab-^za  de  Vaca  reached  Si)ain,to  find  that  Solo 
had  already  secured  the  government  of  Floiid.i, 
and  w.as  thence  turned  to  seek  the  government 
of  La  Plata.  It  was  probably  before  the  tidings 
of  Xarvaez'  expedition  reached  Spain  that  Soto 
wrote  the  letter  regarding  a  grant  he  wished  in 
Peru,  which  country  he  had  left  on  the  outhre.ik 
of  the  civil  broils.  This  letter  was  communi- 
cated to  tnc  Historical Mai;a-Jne  (July,  185S,  \m1. 
ii.  pp.  193-223)  by  liuckingham  Sndth,  with  a  t.ic- 
simile  of  the  signature,  given  on  an  earlier  [Line 
(J//A',  p.  253).  — Kl). I 


[Rich 


1832   (no.    34)    cited   a   cojiy  at 


/■31  lOf.,  which  at  that  time  he  believed  to  lie 
unique,  and  the  identical  one  referred  to  by  I'i- 
nelo  as  l)cing  in  the  library  of  the  Dutpie  ile 
Sessa.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Grenvillc  CuUei- 
tion,  Hritish  Museum,  and  another  is  in  die 
Lenox  I.ilirary  (H.  "nxm^^  Letter  of  De  Soto,\<X*)). 
It  was  rciirinted  at  Lisbon  in  1844  by  the  Rov:iI 
Academy  at  Lisbon  (Murphy,  no.  1,004;  Cartoi- 
Hrown,  vol.  i.  no.  596).  Si)arks  says  of  il: 
"Tlipr;  is  much  show  of  exactness  in  regard  11 
dates  ;  but  the  account  was  evidently  drawn  \\\\ 


W.  \:  -\ 


UCA. 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


289 


)nd  hand  from  .1 
11  Mexico  to  tlu: 
ho   sulistancc   is 

Vpalache  May  hy 
ould  be  fixed  liy 

recorded  on  thi- 
s  the  bay  as  one 
I  another  place  to 
hoiight  thoy  wen: 
en  at  'I'ampa  I!ay, 
to  have  been  so 
D  consider  the  liay 

identifies  it  with 

Dry  records.  The 
1  of  tlie  conquest 
;s  of  the  progress 
•lixi^am  veidadciia 
'ortiti^iicses  /lassu- 
ii  per  hu  Jidah^o 
tleman  of  Elvas," 

S- 

Magdalcna  may  l)i.' 

in  the  hist  century 

Kchcte;    cf.   J.nioz, 

5S). 

the  Hydrograplnc 
on  Academy  printe<l 
he  IClvas  narrative. 
; ;  Ilislorical  Ma^a- 
'OS,  xxii.  534.  litis 
e  following  August 
[in,  to  find  that  Solo 

rnment  of  Floiiil.i, 

ck  the  government 
IV  hcfore  the  tiding.s 
[cd  SiKiin   that  Soto 

grant  he  wislictl  in 
iclt  on  the  onthreak 
Ittcr  was  connnnni- 

!///,■  (July,  1S5.S,  \..l. 

n  Smith,  witli  a  f.ic- 
on  an  earlier  pa,;c 

I  cited  a  copy  at 
lie  believed  to  In.- 
referred  to  by  I'i- 
of  the  Diiipie  du 
:  Cirenvillc  Collct- 

■another   is   in   the 

\r,>/n.'S,'/o,\->.6(>). 
1H44  by  the  Koval 
no.  1,004;  Carter- 
parks  says  of  it: 
ctness  in  regard  to 

Ividently  drawn  \:\i 


since  Hakluyt  first  translated  it,  and  reprinted  it  in  1609  at  London  as  Vtrginia  richly 
valued  by  the  Description  of  the  Mainland  of  Florida,  her  next  iXcighbor}  It  appeared 
again  in  1611  as  The 
wortlive  and  famous 
Historic  of  the  Tra- 
vaillis,  Discovery,  and 
CoHijucst  of  Terra  Flor- 
ida, and  was  included 
in  the  supplement  to  the 
1809  edition  of  the  Col- 
lection of  Hakluyt.  It 
was  also  reprinted  from 
the  161 1  edition  in  1S51 
by  the  Hakluyt  Society 
as  Discovery  and  Con- 
quest of  Florida,'-  ed- 
ited by  William  B.  Rye, 
and  is  included  in 
Force's  Tracts  (vol. 
iv.)  and  in  French's 
Historical  Collections 
of  Louisiana  (vol.  ii. 
pp.  m-220).  It  is 
abridged  by  Purchas 
in  his  Pilgrimes? 

Another  and  briefer 
original  Spanish  ac- 
count is  the  Relacion 
del  suceso  dc  la  Jornada 

que  hizo  Hernando  de  Soto  of  Luys  Hernandez  de  Biedma,  which  long  remained  in  manu- 
script in  the  Archivo  General  de  Indias  at  Seville,*  and  was  first  published  in  a  French 


YO   EL   REY.' 


for  till;  most  part  from  memory,  being  vague  in 
its  descriptions  and  indefinite  as  to  localities, 
distances,  and  other  points."  Field  says  it  ranks 
second  only  to  the  Relation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as 
an  early  authority  on  the  Indians  of  this  region. 
Thert;  was  a  French  edition  by  Citri  de  la  Guette 
in  16S5,  which  is  supposed  to  have  afforded  a 
text  for  the  English  translation  of  1686  entitled 
A  Rcliilion  of  the  Conquest  of  Florida  by  the  Span- 
iards (see  Field'.'.  Indian  Bibliography,  nos.  325, 
340).  These  editions  are  in  Harvard  College 
I.ihrary.  Cf.  Sabin,  Dictionary,  vi.  488,  491,  492  ; 
Stevens,  Historical  Collections,  i.  S44  ;  Field,  Ind- 
ian JJiblio^raphy,  no.  1,274;  CarterTirown,  vol. 
ill.  iios.  1,3^4,  1,329;  Arana,  Biblioi^rafia  de  obras 
anoiiimas  (Santiago  de  Chile,  1SS2),  no.  2v 
The  (Jcntlenian  of  lilvas  is  supposed  by  somr 
to  he  Alvaro  Fernandez;  but  it  is  a  matter  A 
mmli  doubt  (cf.  lirinton's  Floridian  Peninsula, 
|i  Jo).  There  is  a  Dutch  version  in  Gottfried 
and  Vandcr  .Aa's  Zee-  und Landreizen  ( 1727),  vol. 
vii.  (Carter-brown,  iii.  117). — Ed.] 

'  [Carter-Brown,   vol.   ii.  no.   86 ;    Murphy, 
11  I.  1,118.     Rich  (no.  no)  priced  it  in   1832  at 

C^   2J.-ED.] 

VOL.    IL  — 37. 


2  Field;  Indian  Bibliography,  no.  1,338. 

*  [It  is  also  in  Vander  Aa's  Versameling 
(Leyden,  1706).  The  Relafam  of  the  Gentle- 
man of  Elvas  has,  with  the  text  of  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega  and  other  of  the  accredited  narra- 
tives of  that  day,  contributed  to  the  fiction 
which,  being  published  under  the  sober  title 
of  Histoire  natiirelle  et  morale  des  lies  Antilles 
(Rotterdain,  1658),  passed  for  a  long  time  as  un- 
impeached  history.  The  names  of  Cesar  de 
Rochefort  and  Louis  de  Poincy  are  connected 
with  it  as  successive  signers  of  the  introductory 
matter.  There  were  other  editions  of  it  in  1665, 
1667,  and  1681,  with  a  title-edition  in  1716.  An 
English  version,  entitled  History  of  the  Carib/y 
Islands,  was  printed  in  London  in  1CC6.  Cf. 
Duyckinck,  Cvclopcrdia  of  American  literature, 
supplement,  p.  12;  Leclerc,  nos.  1,332-1,335, 
2>i34-2,i37-— Ed.] 

^  [The  sign-manual  of  Charles  V.  to  the 
Asiento  y  Capitidacion  granted  to  De  Soto, 
1537,  as  given  by  B.  Smith  in  his  Coleecion, 
p.  146.  — Ed.] 

^  [A  copy  of  the  original  Spanish  manuscript 
is  in  the  Lenox  Library.-- Ed.] 


'       \ 


I  { 


m 


|H| 


0 


i   I 


iv3' 


3r 


'  /', 


ii  ■  ■',.' 


\ : 


V  I 


) 


290 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


bled 


version  by  Ternaux  in  1841;*  and  from  this  William  B.  Rye  translated  it  for  the  Hakluyt 
Society.'  Finally,  the  original  Spanish  text,  "  Relacidn  de  la  Isla  de  la  Florida,"  was 
published  by  Buckingham  Smith  in  1857  in  his  Coleccion  de  varios  documentos  para  la 

historia  de  la  Florida? 

In  1866  Mr.  Smith  pul>- 
lished  translations  of  thu 
narratives  of  the  Gentleman 
of  Elvas  and  of  Biedma,  in 
the  fifth  volume  (125  copies) 
of  the  Bradford  Club  Se- 
ries under  the  title  of  Nai- 
ratives  of  the  Career  cf 
Hernando  de  Soto  in  the 
Conquest  of  Florida,  as 
told  by  a  Knight  of  Elvas, 
and  in  a  Relation  [pre- 
sented 1544]  by  Luys  Her- 
nandez de  Biedma. 

The  third  of  the  original 
accounts  is  the  Florida  del 
Ynca  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  published  at  Lisbon  in  1605,^  which  he  wrote  forty  years 
after  Soto's  death,  professedly  to  do  his  memory  justice.*  The  spirit  of  exaggeration  which 
prevails  throughout  the  volume  has  deprived  it  of  esteem  as  an  historical  authority,  though 
Theodore  Irving'  and  others  have  accepted  it.  It  is  based  upon  conversations  with  a 
noble  Spaniard  who  had  accompanied  Soto  as  a  volunteer,  and  upon  the  written  but  illiter- 
ate reports  of  two  common  soldiers,  —  Alonzo  de  Carmona,  of  Priego,  and  Juan  Coles,  of 
Zabra.'    Herrera  largely  embodied  it  in  his  Historia  general. 


AUTOGRAPH  OF  BIEDMA.^ 


'  Recueil  des  piices  sur  la  Floride. 

^  In  the  volume  already  cited,  including 
Hakluyt's  version  of  the  Elvas  narrative.  It  is 
abridged  in  French's  Historical  Collections  of 
Lcuisiaita,  apparently  from  the  same  source. 

°  Pages  47-64.  Irving  describes  it  as  "  the 
confused  statement  c^  an  illiterate  soldier."  Cf. 
Documentos  inMilos,  iii.  414. 

*  From  the  Coleccion,  p.  64,  of  Buckingham 
Smith. 

^  [Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  42;  Sunderland, 
vol.  V.  no.  12,815;  Leclerc,  no.  8S1,  at  350 
francs ;  Field,  Indian  Bibliography  no.  5S7 ; 
biinley,  no.  4,353.  Rich  (no.  102)  priced  it 
in  1832  at  £,2  zs. — Ed.] 

'  [Drinton  (Floritiian  Peninsula,  p.  23)  thinks 
Gaicilasso  h.id  never  scei  the  Elvas  narrative; 
but  Sparks  (Marquette,  in  Aniericiin  Bio^rap/iy, 
vol.  X.)  intimates  that  it  was  Garcilasso's  only 
written  source.  —  En.] 

"^  [Theodore  Irving,  Tlic  Conquest  of  Florida 
by  Hernando  de  Soto,  New  York,  1851.  The  first 
edition  appeared  in  1S35,  and  there  were  editions 
printed  in  London  in  1S35  and  1850.  The  book 
is  a  clever  popularizing  of  the  original  sources, 
with  main  dependence  on  Garcilasso  (cf.  Field, 
Indian  Biblios^rap/iy,  no.  765),  wliom  its  author 
believes  he  can  better  trust,  especially  as  regards 
the  purposes  of  Dc  Soto,  wherein  he  differs  most 


from  the  Gentleman  of  Elvas.  Irving's  cham- 
pionship of  the  Inca  has  not  been  unchallenged; 
cf.  Rye's  Introduction  to  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
volume.  The  Inca's  account  is  more  than  twice 
as  long  as  that  of  the  Gentleman  of  Elvas,  while 
Biedma's  is  very  brief,  —  a  dozen  pages  or  so. 
Davis  (Conquest  of  New  Mexico,  p.  25)  is  in  crnir 
in  saying  that  Garcilasso  accompanied  Ue 
Soto.  — Ed.] 

*  [There  was  an  amended  edition  published 
by  Barcia  at  Madrid  in  1723  (Carter-Brown,  iii. 
328  ;  Leclerc,  no.  882,  at  25  francs) ;  again  in 
1803  ;  and  a  French  version  by  Pierre  Richelet, 
Ilistoire  de  la  lOnquUte  de  la  Floride,  was  puli- 
lished  in  1C70,  1709,  1711,  1731,  1735,  and  '737 
(Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,050;  vol.  iii.  iios. 
132,  470;  O'Callaghan  Catalogyie,  no.  965).  A 
German  translation  by  II.  L.  Meier,  Cesiliiifite 
der  Eroberung  von  Florida,  was  printed  at  Zelle 
in  1753  (Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  no.  997)  willi 
many  notes,  and  again  at  Nordhausen  in  1785. 
The  only  English  version  is  that  embodied  in 
Bernard  Shipp's  History  of  Hernando  de  Solo  ,vit\ 
Florida  ( p.  229,  etc. ),  —  a  stout  octavo,  published 
in  Philadelphia  in  iSSi.  Shipp  uses,  not  the 
original,  but  Richelct's  version,  the  Lisle  edition 
of  171 1,  and  prints  it  with  very  few  notes.  Ilis 
book  covers  the  expeditions  to  North  America 
between  1 512  and  1568,  taking  Florida  in  its  con- 


/?p^ 


HBnuHtti 


:ICA. 

for  the  Hakluyt 
la  Florida,"  was 
■mentos  para  la 
la  Florida? 
•  Mr.  Smith  pul>- 
islations    of   tliu 
af  the  Gentleman 
nd  of  Biedma,  in 
ume  (125  copies) 
idiord   Club  Sc- 
the  title  of  Na>- 
f   the    Career  0/ 
de   Soto  in  the 
of   Florida,    as 
Knight  of  Elvas, 
I   delation    [pre- 
.4]  dy  Luys  Her- 
Biedma. 

ird  of  the  original 
s  the  Florida  del 
wrote  forty  years 
xaggeration  which 
authority,  though 
tiversations  with  a 
written  but  illiter- 
ind  Juan  Coles,  of 


as.  Irving's  cham- 
been  unchallenged; 
e  Hakluyt  Society's 
It  is  more  than  twice 
man  of  Elvas,  while 
dozen  pages  or  so. 
'CO,  p.  25)  is  in  error 
accompanied    L)e 

edition  publislicd 
(Carter-Urown,  iii. 
francs) ;  again  in 
[by  Pierre  Richcltt, 
Floride,  was  pul)- 

73I.  '735.  aiwl  '737 

[,050;   vol.  iii.  nos. 

\ogtie,  no.  965).    •\ 

Meier,   Ccschichk 

|as  printed  at  ZcUe 

iii.  no.  997)  with 

jrdhausen  in  1785. 

that  embodied  in 

[■nunido  dv  Soto  oihi 

It  octavo,  publislu-d 

liipp  uses,  not  ilie 

In,  the  Lisle  edition 

Iry  few  notes.     His 

Ito  North  .America 

Florida  in  its  con- 


ANCIENT   FLORIDA. 


291 


Still  another  account  of  the  expedition  is  the  ofificial  Report  which  Rodrigo  Ranjel,  the 
secretary  of  Soto,  based  upon  his  Diary  kept  on  the  march.  It  was  written  after  reaching 
Mexico,  whence  he  transmitted  it  to  the  Spanish  Government.  It  remained  unpublished 
in  that  part  of  Oviedo's  History  which  was  preserved  in  manuscript  till  Amador  de  los  Kios 
issued  his  edition  of  Oviedo  in  1851.  Oviedo  seems  to  have  begun  to  give  the  text  of 
Ranjel  as  he  found  it ;  but  later  in  the  progress  of  the  story  he  abridges  it  greatly,  and  two 
chapters  at  least  are  missing,  which  must  have  given  the  wanderings  of  Soto  from 
•Viitiamque,  with  his  death,  and  the  adventures  of  the  survivors  under  Mosqoso.  The 
original  text  of  Ranjel  is  not  known. 

These  independent  narratives  of  the  Gentlemen  of  Elvas,  Biedma,  and  Ranjel,  as  well 
as  those  used  by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  agree  remarkably,  not  only  in  the  main  narrative  as 
to  course  and  events,  but  also  as  to  the  names  of  the  places. 

There  is  also  a  letter  of  Soto,  dated  July  9,  1539,  describing  his  voyage  and  landing, 
which  was  published  by  Buckingham  Smith  in  1854  at  Washington,'  following  a  transcript 
(in  the  Lenox  Library)  of  a  document  in  the  Archives  at  Simancas,  and  attested  by  Mufloz. 
It  is  addressed  to  the  municipality  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  was  first  made  known  in 
Ternaux's  Recueil  des pikes  stir  la  Floride.  B.  F.  French  gave  the  first  English  version 
of  it  in  his  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,  part  ii.  pp.  89-93  (1850).'' 

The  route  of  De  Soto  is,  of  course,  a  question  for  a  variety  of  views."  We  have  in  the 
preceding  narrative  followed  for  the  track  throu"''  "Jeorgia  a  paper  read  by  Colonel  Charles 
C.  Jones,  Jr.,  before  the  Georgia  Historical  Sc'  ty,  and  printed  in  Savannah  in  i88o,'»  and 
for  that  through  Alabama  the  data  given  by  Pickett  in  his  History  of  Alabama,^  whose 
local  knowledge  adds  weight  to  his  opinion.*    As  to  the  point  of  De  Soto's  crossing  the 


tinental  sense ;  but  as  De  Soto  is  his  main  hero, 
he  follows  him  through  his  Peruvian  ;  ireer. 
.Shipp's  method  is  to  give  large  extracts  from  the 
most  accessible  early  writers,  with  linking  ab- 
stracts, making  his  book  one  mainly  of  compila- 
tion.—  Ed.) 

'  Lvtter  of  ffernando  de  Soto,  and  Memoir  of 
Hirnaiido  de  Escalante  Fontaneda.  [The  tran- 
script of  the  Fontaneda  Memoir  is  marked  by 
Munoz  "  as  a  very  good  account,  although  it  is  by 
a  man  who  did  not  understand  the  art  of  writing, 
and  therefore  many  sentences  are  incomplete. 
On  the  margin  of  the  original  [at  Simancas)  are 
|)oints  made  by  the  hand  of  Herreri,  who  doubt- 
less drew  on  this  for  that  part  [of  his  Ilistoria 
'^cncrat\  about  the  River  Jordan  which  he  says 
was  sought  by  Ponce  de  Leon."  Thi.'-  memoir 
on  Florida  and  its  natives  was  written  in  Spain 
about  1575.  It  is  also  given  in  English  in 
l-'rcuch's  IHstoriiiil  Collection  of  Louisiana  ( 1S75), 
|).  J 15,  from  the  French  of  Ternaux  ;  cf.  Ikinton's 
Floridiaii  Peninsula,  p.  26.  The  Editor  appends 
various  notes  and  a  comparative  statement  of 
the  authorities  relative  to  the  landing  of  De  Soto 
and  his  subsequent  movements,  and  adds  a  list 
of  the  origin.al  authorities  on  De  Soto's  expedi- 
tion and  a  map  of  a  part  of  the  Floridian  penin- 
sula. The  authorities  are  also  reviewed  by  Rye 
in  llie  Introduction  to  the  Ilakluvt  Societv's  vol- 
ume. Smith  also  ]irinted  the  will  of  De  Soto  in 
the  Hist.  Mag.  (M.iy,  1S61),  v.  134.  — Ea] 

-  I A  memorial  of  Alonzo  Vasqucz  (1560), 
asking  for  ])rivilegcs  in  Florida,  and  giving  evi 
ileuces  of  his  services  under  De  Soto,  is  tran.~- 


lated   in   the   Historical  Magazine   (September, 
i860),  iv.  257.  — Ed.) 

*  [Buckingham  Smith  has  considered  the 
question  of  De  Soto's  landing  in  a  paper,  "  Es- 
piritu  Santo,"  appended  to  his  Letter  of  De  Soto 
(Washington,  1854),  p.  1,1.  — Ed.) 

♦  [Colonel  Jones  epitomizes  the  march 
through  Georgia  in  chap.  ii.  of  his  History  0/ 
Georgia  (Boston,  1883).  In  the  Annual  Report 
of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  188 1,  p.  619,  he 
figures  und  describes  two  silver  crosses  which 
were  taken  !n  1832  from  an  Indian  mound  in 
Murray  County,  Georgia,  at  a  spot  where  he  be- 
lieved De  Soto  to  have  encimped  (June,  1540), 
and  which  he  inclines  to  associate  with  that 
explorer.  Stevens  [History  of  Georgia,  i.  26) 
thinks  but  little  positive  knowledge  can  be  made 
out  regarding  De  Soto's  route.  —  En.] 

^  [Pages  25-41.  Pickett  in  1849  printed  the 
first  chapter  of  his  proposed  work  in  a  tract 
called,  Invasion  of  the  Territory  of  Alabama  by 
One  Thousand  Spaniards  under  Ferdinand  de 
Soto  in  1540  (Montgomery,  1849).  Pickett  says 
he  got  confirmatory  information  respecting 
the  route  from  Indian  traditions  among  the 
Creeks.  — Ed.] 

Ii  "  We  are  satisfied  that  the  Mauvila,  the 
scene  of  Soto's  bloody  fight,  was  upon  the  north 
bank  of  the  .Mabama,  at  a  ])lace  nov  called  Choc- 
taw Bluff,  in  the  County  of  Clarke,  about  twentv- 
fivc  miles  .above  the  confluence  of  the  Alabama 
and  Tombigbce  "  (Pickett,  i.  27),  The  name  of 
tliis  town  is  written  "Manilla"  bv  the  Gentleman 
of  Elvas,  "  Mavilla"  by  Biedma,  but  "  Mabile" 


I    I  1 


M 


l\l  1 


/' 


■nir 


rii'' 


fri 


29: 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OP'   AMERICA. 


Mississippi,  tliere  is  a  very  general  agreement  on  the  lowest  Chickasaw  lilulT.i    We  are 
without  the  means,  in  any  of  the  original  sources,  to  determine  beyonil  dispuie  tliu  most 

northerly  point  reachc<l 
by  Soto.  He  had  cvi 
dently  approaiJiud,  l)ut 
had  learned  nothing  of, 
the  Missouri  River. 
Almost  at  the  same 
time  that  Soto,  with  tlio 
naked,  starving  rem- 
nant of  his  army,  was 
at  I'acaha,  another 
Spanisli  force  under 
Vascjuez  de  Coronado, 
well  handled  and  per- 
fectly equipped,  must 
in  July  and  August, 
1541,  have  been  cn- 
^  camped  so  near  tiiat  .ui 

I  Indian  runner  in  a  few 

^  days  might  have  carried 

tidings  between  them. 
Coronado  actually 
heard  of  his  country- 
man, and  sent  him  a  letter;  but  his  messenger  failed  to  find  Soto's  party."  But,  strangely 
enough,  the  cruel,  useless  expedition  of  Soto  finds  ample  space  in  history,  while  the  well- 
managed  march  of  Coronado's  careful  exploration  finds  scant  mention.*  No  greater 
contrast  exists  in  our  history  than  that  between  these  two  campaigns. 

A  sufficient  indication  has  been  given,  in  the  notes  of  the  preceding  narrative,  of  the 
sources  of  information  concerning  the  futile  attempts  of  the  Spaniards  at  colonization  on 
the  Atlantic  coast  up  to  the  time  of  the  occupation  of  Port  Royal  by  Ribault  in  1362.  Of 
the  consequent  bloody  struggle  between  the  Spanish  Catholics  and  the  French  Huguenots 
there  are  original  sources  on  both  sides. 


THE   MISSISSIPPI,   SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.S 


!i|l 


f  .1 


hs 


ii/  I  ■ ' 


ti    I 


by  Ranjel.  The  11  and  r'  were  interchangeable 
letters  in  Spanish  priming,  and  readily  changed 
to  i.     (Irving,  second  edition,  p.  261). 

>  Bancroft,  C/iiiwJ  Sf,ifc-s,\.  s,}  ;  Pickett,  .,4/,;- 
bama,  vol.  i. ;  Martin's  Loiiisiaiiii,  i.  12;  Nut- 
tail's  Tyavcls  into  Arkansas  (1S19),  p.  24S  ;  Fair- 
banks's  History  of  FlcriJa,  chap.  v. ;  Fllicott's 
Journal,  p.  125;  lielknap,  American  Bioi;raf'liy, 
i.  19:.  [Whether  this  passage  of  the  Mississipjji 
makes  De  Soto  its  discoverer,  or  whether  Caheza 
de  V.aca's  account  of  liis  wandering  is  to  be  inter- 
preted as  bringing  him,  tirst  (jf  Kinopeans,  to  its 
bank."!,  when  on  tlic  30th  of  October,  152S,  he 
crossed  one  of  its  mouths,  is  a  question  in  dispute, 
even  if  we  do  not  accept  the  view  that  Alonzo 
de  Pineda  found  its  mouth  in  1519  and  called  it 
Rio  del  Espiritu  .Santo  (Navarrete,  iii.  64).  The 
arguments  pro  and  con  are  examined  by  Rye  in 
the  Ilakluyt  Society's  volume.  Cf.,  besides  the 
authorities  above  named,  French's  Historical 
Collections  of  Louisiana  ;    Sparks's  Marquette  ; 


Gay^m's  Louisiana ;  Theodore  Irving's  Conquest 
of  Florida  :  Gravier's  /.i.  Salle,  chap,  i.,  and  his 
"  Route  du  Mississipi  "  iri  Coni;ris  ties  Ameri- 
canistes  (1S77),  vol.  i.;  De  liow's  Commercial 
Kezicw,  1849  and  1S50;  Southern  IJterary  Ma- 
senger.  December,  1S4S  ;  Aortli  American  kez'ieu; 
July,  1S47.  —  Ei).] 

-  [This  sketch  is  from  a  cop.-  in  tlie  Kulil 
Washington  Collection,  after  a  manuscript  atl.is 
in  the  Dodleian.  It  is  witliout  date,  but  seem- 
ingly of  about  the  middle  of  the  si.xteeinh 
century.  The  "li.  de  Miruelio  "  seems  to  C(jm- 
mcmoratc  a  pilot  of  Ponce  de  I.enn's  day.  The 
sketch  of  tlie  Atlantic  coast  made  by  Chives 
in  15J6  is  preserved  to  us  only  in  the  descrip- 
tion given  by  Oviedo,  of  which  an  English  ver- 
sion will  be  found  in  the  Historical  Magazine, 
X.  371.  — Fd.] 

^  Jaramillo,  in  Smith's  Colccciou,  p.  160. 

*  jSee  chap.  vii.  on  "  Early  Explorations  uf 
New  Mexico."  —  Ed.I 


ICA. 


ANCIENT    I'LOKIDA. 


293 


IJlutT.»  Wc  arc 
lispute  the  most 
ly  point  reacliLil 
).  He  liad  cvi- 
api)roa(;huil,  but 
mud  nothin;.';  of, 
issouri    River. 

at     the    samo 
at  Soto,  witli  tin- 

starving  rcm- 
[  his  army,  \v;i.s 
caha,  another 
sh  force  under 
ez  de  Coronadi), 
andled  and  per- 
eqiiipped,  must 
y  and  Autjusl, 
have  been  eii- 
d  so  near  tiiat  an 

runner  in  a  few 
light  have  carried 
1  between  tliem. 
n  a  d  o  actually 

of  his  country- 
"  But,  strangely 
,  while  the  well- 
n.*      No  greater 


narrative,  of  the 
colonization  on 
lit  in  1562.     of 

ijncli  Huguenots 


Irviiig's  ConqiiesI 

chap,  i.,  and  his 

Miiiris  dcs  Aini-ri- 

iow's    Comiiit'riidl 

■II  Litiiaiy  Mci- 

■lliwricdlt  /wT/tTC, 

p.-  ill  tlie   Kohl 

nuuiuscript  atlas 

date,  but  scciii- 

f    the    sixtcemli 

seems  to  cmii- 

I.edii's  day.     'I'lie 

made  by   Chaves 

Iv  in  the  descii|>- 

an  English  vei- 

>i-iiiil  Miigiiziiu; 

ii'ioii,  p.  160. 
Explorations  uf 


On  the  Spanish  part  we  iiave  the  Caftas  fscritas  al  ny  of  Pedro  Menendez  (Sept. 
II.  Oct.  15,  and  Dec.  5,  1565),  which  are  preserved  in  the  Archives  r.c  Seville,  and  have 
been  used  by  I'arkman,'  and  the  MciitoiUi  liti  /men  siiceso  i  biicn  vii\i;e  of  the  chaplain 
(if  the  expedition,  Francisco  Lopez  de  Mendoza  Grajales."  Barcia's  Ensayo  cro>io/i[^ko 
is  the  most  comijrehensive  of  the  Spanish  accounts,  and  he  gives  a  large  part  of  the 
Memorial  de  las  jonunias  of  Soils  de  Meras,  a  brother  in-law  of  Menendez.  It  has 
never  been  printed  separately  j  bu*  Charlevoix  used  Barcia's  extract,  and  it  is  translated 
from  Harcia  in  French's  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida  (vol.  ii.  p.  216). 
i'l.utia  seems  also  to  have  had  access  to  the  papers  of  Menendez, ^  and  to  have 
reieivcd  this  Journal  of  Soils  directly  from   his  family. 

On  the  French  side,  for  the  first  expedition  of  Kibault  in  isr'2  we  ha\e  the  very  scarce 
text  of  tlie  Histoire  de  Pexfii'dition  Fran^aise  en  Floride,  p  iblished  in  London  in  1563, 
wliich  Hakhiyt  refers  to  as  being  in  print  "in  French  and  English"  when  he  wrote  his 
W'esKine  I'lantini^.^  Sparks  ^  could  not  find  that  it  was  ever  published  in  French;  nor 
was  Winter  Jones  aware  of  the  existence  of  this  1563  edition  when  he  prepared  for  the 
Ilakhiyt  Society  an  issue  of  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages  (1582),  in  which  that  collector 
had  included  an  English  version  of  it  as  The  True  and  Last  Discoveric  of  Florida, 
transhUid  into  Fnt^lislie  by  one  Thomas  ffackil,  being  the  same  text  which  appeared 
sejiarately  in  1563  as  the   Whole  and  True  Discovery  of  Terra  Florida.^ 

At  Paris  in  15S6  appeared  a  volume,  dedicated  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  entitled, 
I.'histoire  notable  de  la  Floride,  .  .  .  contenant  les  trois  voyat^es  fails  en  icelle  par 
certains  capitaines  et  pilotes  Francois  descrits  par  le  Capitaine  Laudonnihc,  .  .  .  a 
laqiicllc  a  esti!  adjonste  un  i/iiatriesnie  voyage  fait  par  le  Capitaine  Goiirn^ues,  Mise  en 
htmiere  par  M.  Basanicr.  This  was  a  comprehensive  account,  or  rather  compilation, 
of  tlie  four  several  French  expeditions,  —  1562,  1564,1565,  1567, — covering  the  letters 
of  Laudonni5re  for  '  e  first  three,  and  an  anonymous  account,  perhaps  by  the  editor 
liasanier,  of  the  foui.li.  FLtkluyt,  who  had  induced  the  French  publication,  gave  the 
whole  an  English  dress  in  his  A'otable  History,  translated  by  R.  //.,  jirinted  in  London 
in  ijS;,'  and  again  in  \\\'i  Principall  A'avii;ations,  vol.  iii.,  the  text  of  which  is  also  to 
be  found  in  the  later  edition  and  in  French's  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and 
/■lorida  (1869),  i.  165.8 


'  J'loiiivrs  of'  Fiance  in  the  A'nv  World;  of. 
(jallarel,  l.n  FlorUie  Fraiifniso,  p.  341. 

-  There  is  a  French  version  in  Ternaux' 
AWi/cil  <U  la  Floride,  and  an  English  one  in 
French's  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and 
h'hnida  (1S75),  ii.  190.  The  original  is  some- 
what diffuse,  but  is  minute  upon  interesting 
points. 

■'  Cf.  Sparks,  JCihiu/t,  \i.  155;  Field, ///(//.(h 
/>i/'ih>i;i-n//n',  p.  20.  Fairbanks  in  his  Ifistory 
of  SI.  Aiii;i(siiiie  tells  the  story,  mainly  from  the 
Spanish  <!dc. 

■•  Edited  by  Charles  Dcane  for  the  Maine 
Historical  Socictv,  pp.   20,   195,213. 

'  Life  of  RihiUitl,  p.  147. 

''  [Tliis  original  I'.nglish  edition  (a  tract  of 
■12  pages)  is  extremely  scarce.  There  is  a  copv 
in  the  liritish  Museum,  from  which  Rich  had 
transcripts  made,  one  of  which  is  now  in 
Harvard  College  library,  and  another  is  in  the 
< Airier-Brown  Collection  (cf.  Rich,  1832,  no. 
(o;  Carlci-Iirown,  i.  244).  The  text,  as  in  the 
/hrers  Toyiif^es,  is  rejirinted  in  French's  llistori- 
"il  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida  (1S75), 
p.  159.     Kibault  supposed  that  in  determining  to 


cross  the  ocean  in  a  direct  wcsterlv  course,  he 
was  the  first  to  make  such  an  attempt,  not 
knowing  that  Verrazano  had  already  done  so. 
Cf.  ISrevoort,  J'ernizano,  p.  110;  Hakhiyt, 
Divers  Voyages,  edition  by  J.  W.  Jones,  p.  95. 
See  also  Vol.  HE  p.  172.  —  En.| 

■  [This  is  the  rarest  of  Hakluyt's  publica- 
tions, the  only  copy  known  in  America  being 
in  the  Lenox  Library  (Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  39,236) 
-  F1..I 

'^  [Iirinton,  Ftoridiiiii  Peninsida,  p.  39.  The 
original  French  text  was  reprinted  in  Paris 
in  1S53  in  the  Fil>/,.Ji!'<pie  FJzk'iyienne :  and 
this  edition  is  worth  about  30  francs  (Eicld, 
Indian  J^il'lios^rapliy,  no.  97;  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no. 
(39,235).  The  edition  of  15S6  was  jniccd  by  Rich 
in  1S32  at  ^5  5.V.,  and  has  been  sold  of  late  years 
for  3250,  ^63,  and  1,500  francs.  Cf.  Leclerc,  no. 
2,662  ;  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  39,234  ;  Cartcr-lSrown,  i. 
366;  Court,  nos.  27,  28;  Muriihv,  no.  1,442; 
lirinley,  vol.  iii.  no.  4,357  ;  Field,  Indian  Ili/iliofr- 
raf'liy,  p.  24.  Gaffarcl  in  his  La  Floride  Fran- 
j-ai.'-e  (p.  347)  gives  the  first  letter  entire,  and 
parts  of  the  second  anil  third,  following  the 
15S6  edition.  —  F.i>.] 


.i  L  I  M 


,    i 


■Jt 


im; 


I 


ROUTE   or    DE   SOTO   (,7//<c  Z^.V/V/O,  —  WESTEKl.V    I'AKT.l 

1  [This  map  of  Delislc,  issued  originally  at  la  i-omiiietc  de  la  Floriilc,  vol.  ii ;  cf.  Voya(^i's  a:i 
Paris,  is  given  in  the  Amsterdam  (1707)  edition  iun-il,  vol.  v.,  and  Dclislc's  Atlas  iiomcau.  The 
of  Garcilasso  dc  la  Vega's //mA'/>y  (/<■.(■ ///u/Ji'/i/f     map  is  also  reproduced  in  French's  Ilistorkal 


l"i       :|i|         * 


Irs  Cjidllai 


'^"^tCit 


D    U 


.i'  i 


ROUTE   OF    DE   SOTO   («/?6V /Jf/wA),  — EASTERLY    I'ART. 


;  cf.  Voyoi^cs  ati 
s  iiouvvaii.  The 
ench's  I/istoriui! 


Coll.rtioiis  of  LfliiisiaiM,  and  Gravicr's  /.<r  S,i!!e  in  Smith's  y\'(r;v7//rv'.fi'/' //.■;•«,?;/(/(',?;•  A'/*,  and  in 
([S70).  Otiier  maps  of  the  route  arc  given  by  V:i\\\  C\\m\' Passiii  du  .Ifhsissif'i <'i<  sazihne  sihle. 
Rye,  McCulloch,  and  Irving  ;  by  J.  C.  Brevoort  Besides  the  references  already  noted,  tlie  cuies- 


296 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMLRICA. 


a,'    I        <| 


J:icque»  Lemoyne  do  Morjjues,  an  artist  accompanying  Laudonnitrc,  wrote  some  ycari 
later  an  account,  and  made  maps  and  drawings,  wilii  notes  ilescriljinf;  tiiem.  lie  lirv 
made  a  visit  to  London  in  1587  to  see  I.emoyne,  who  was  tiien  in  Kalcinli's  service, 
but  Lemoyne  resisted  all  persuasions  to  part  with  his  papers  '  After  Lcnioyne's  death 
De  Hry  bought  them  of  his  widow  (1588),  and  published  them  in  1591,  in  the  second 
part  of  his  Gratuh  voyaj^cs,  as  Ihevis  ttarratio.'^ 

One  Nicolas  le  Challeux,  or  Challus,  a  carpenter,  a  man  of  sixty,  who  was  an  eye- 
witness of  the  events  at  Fort  Caroline,  and  who  for  the  cxpericnics  of  KIbault's  party 
took  the  statements  of  Dieppe  sailors  and  of  Christopher  le  Breton,  published  a  simple 
narrative  at  Dieppe  in  1566  under  the  title  of  Discoiiis  de  fhistoire  de  la  Floride,  which 
was  issued  twice,  —  once  with  fifty-four,  and  a  second  time  witli  sixty-two,  pages,"  and  the 
same  year  reprinted,  with  some  variations,  at  Lyons  as  Jlistoire  iiu'moral'le  du  demur 
voyage  fait  par  le  Capitaine  lean  Ribaut  en  Van  AfPL.Yl' (pp.  $6).* 


riit.'' 


4 


1 1 


tion  of  his  ro\itc  has  been  discussed,  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent,  in  Cliarlcvoix'  Noir.vllt-  Ffiince ; 
ill  Warden's  Chroiioloi;!,-  historiqiie dc  V Amhiiitic, 
where  the  views  of  the  );eonrapher  Ilomann  arc 
cited;  in  Albert  (iallatin's  "Synopsis  of  the 
Indian  Tribes"  in  the  Arehirologki  Americana, 
vol.  ii. ;  in  Nuttall's  'I'raivls  in  Arkansas  (1S19 
and  1821);  in  Williams's  Floriiia  (New  York, 
1837);  in  McCuUoch's  Antiquarian  Researches 
in  America  (Haltimorc,  1S29)  ;  in  Schoolcraft's 
Indian  Tribes,  vol.  iii. ;  in  Paul  Chaix'  Hassin 
liii  Mississi^i an  seizO'me siie/e  ;  in  J.  W.  Moncttc's 
raZ/ey  of  the  Mississi/'f-i  (1846);  in  Pickett's 
Alahama;  in  Gayarre's  Louisiana  ;  in  Martin's 
Louisiana ;  m  LListorical Mai;azine,\,?i\  in  Knick- 
frbocker  Mai^azine,  Ixiii.  457;  in  Shar/>e's  .Mai;a- 
xine,  xlii.  265;  and  in  Lambert  A.  Wilmer's  Life 
of  De  Soto  (1S5S)  Altliongh  Dr.  ISelknap  in  his 
American  niog;rafhy  (1794,  vol.  i.  p.  1S9),  had 
sought  to  establish  a  few  points  of  De  Soto's 
march,  the  earliest  attempt  to  track  his  steps 
closely  was  made  by  Alexander  Meek,  in  a  paper 
published  at  Tuscaloosa  in  1839  in  The  Southron, 
and  reprinted  as  "The  I'ilgriniage  of  De  Soto," 
in  his  Romantic  L'assiix'es  in  Southioestern  History 
(Mobile,  1857),  ]).  213.  Irving,  in  the  revised 
edition  of  his  Conquest  of  Florida,  tlepended 
largely  upon  the  assistance  of  Fairbanks  and 
Smith,  and  agrees  mainly  witli  Meek  and  Pickett. 
In  his  appendix  he  epitonii/cs  the  indications  of 
the  route  according  to  Gnrcilasso  and  the  Portu- 
guese gentleman.  Rye  collates  the  statements 
of  McCulloch  and  Monettc  regarding  the  route 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  infers  that  the  iden- 
tifying of  the  localities  is  almost  impossible. 
Chaix  {/fassin  du  JMssissi/'i)  also  traces  this 
part.— El>.| 

•  Cf.  Stevens  Fitdiotheca  historica  (1S70,)  p. 
224  ;   Hrinton,  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  32. 

-  Ihci'is  narratio  eorum  qiue  in  Florida 
Americtr  proi'icia  Gallis  acciderunt,  secunda  in 
illam  A\ivis;ationc,  duct  Kenato  de  Laudofliere 
elassis  Pnefecto :  anno  MPLXLllL  Qu<r  est 
secunda  /-ars  America:  Additie  /ixunr  et  Lnco- 
larum    eicones   ihidem   ad  vivu  cxprcsscc,   brevis 


tliam  declaratio  relij^ionts,  rituiim,  vivendiqut 
ratione  i/sonim.  Auctore  Jacobo  Le  Morne, 
eui  cognomen  de  A/oixues,  /.audoiliernm  in  ea 
A'oTixatione  .'(equnto.  [There  was  a  second 
edition  of  the  Latin  (1^)09)  and  two  editions  in 
German  (1591  and  1603),  with  the  same  plates, 
Cf.  Carter-Hrown,  vol.  i.  nos.  399,  414  ;  Court,  no. 
243 ;  Rrinley,  vol.  iii.  no.  4,359.  The  original 
Latin  of  1591  is  also  found  separately,  with  its 
own  pagination,  and  is  usually  in  this  con<litii>n 
priced  at  about  too  francs.  It  is  sup|)osed  to 
have  ])recedc(l  the  issue  as  a  part  of  De  Ilry 
(Dufosst",  1878,  nos.  3,691,  3,602). 

The  engravings  were  reproduced  in  helio- 
types  ;  and  with  the  text  translated  by  Frederick 
B.  Perkins,  it  was  published  in  lioston  in  1875 
as  the  /Varratiiie  of  L.e  Moynr,  an  Artist  7vho 
aceomfanied  the  J'rench  Fxfedition  to  Florida 
under  Laudon$tih'e,  1564.  These  engravings 
have  been  in  part  reproduced  several  times 
since  their  issue,  as  in  the  Mai^azin  fitloresque, 
in  L'liniiers  fittoresque,  in  Pickett's  Alabama, 
etc.  -  Kl\| 

'  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  39,631-32  ;  Carter-limwn, 
i.  262. 

■•  [Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  39,634  ;  Carter-lirown, 
vol.  i.  no.  263.  An  English  translation,  follnw- 
ing  till  Lyons  text,  was  issued  in  London  in 
1 566  as  A  True  and  Perfect  Description  of  the 
Last  l'oya!;e  of  Kibaut,  of  which  only  two  ct>pies 
are  reported  by  Sabin,  —  one  it\  the  Carter- 
Hrowr  Library  (vol.  i.  no.  264),  and  the  other  in 
the  British  Museum.  This  same  Lyons  text 
was  included  in  Ternaux'  Rcfueil  de  pieces  sur  la 
Floride  and  in  Gaffarel's  /m  Floride  Franfaise, 
p.  457  (cf.  also  pp.  337-339),  and  it  is  in  part 
given  in  Cimber  and  Danjun's  ArchiTcs  eurieuses 
de  rhistoire  de  France  (  Paris,  1835),  vi.  200.  The 
original  Dieppe  text  was  reprinted  at  Roncn  in 
1S72  for  the  Societe  Koucnnaise  de  Biblio- 
philes, and  edited  by  (iravier  inulcr  the  title: 
Dcuxihne  r'criyv'  du  Dicf'pois  Jean  Ribaut  H  la 
Floride  en  1 565,  pn'cedc  ifune  notice  historique  ct 
bibliographique.  Cf.  Briuton,  Floridian  J'enin- 
sula,  p.  30.  —  Fi).| 


V.  ^ 


;ICA. 


ANCIENT    FLORIDA. 


997 


rote  some  years 
tliL-m.  I)e  Ilrv 
ilci^li's  service; 
.cnioyiic's  duatli 
,  ill  the  second 

ho  was  an  eye- 
Kibault's  |).-\rty 
liiislied  a  simple 
I  Floriiic,  wliicli 
paj^es,"  and  the 
'able  tilt  do  nUr 


tiiiim,  vivemiii/iif 
iiiolh'  I.e  Moyiu; 
iiilo)iit)iim  ill  ,:i 
:  was  a  sccoiul 
I  two  editions  in 

tile  same  plali  s. 
9,  414  ;  Court,  lui. 
59.  'I'lie  <iri(;ih,il 
paiatcly,  with  its 

in  this  condition 
It  is  supposed  to 

part  of  I)c  l!ry 

<)(hiccd  in  helin- 
itcd  by  Frcderiili 
1  Hoston  in  1875 
c,  an  Artist  who 
tilion  to  Moiiilii 
:se  engravings 
several  tiniis 
:/;/  pittorcsqut, 
:l<ctt's   Alalhim.i, 

Carter-lirown, 

Cartcr-lirmvn, 

iislation,  follow- 
in  London  in 
iription  of  the 
mly  two  copies 
in  tlic  Carter- 
(1  the  otlier  in 
Lyons  text 
ile  pitccs  sur  hi 
;•/./<•  Fruiifiiisc, 
it  is  in  part 
v/;;>v',f  ciiritiisis 
,  vi.  200.  Tlic 
.'d  at  Rouen  in 
ise  de  liililio- 
tile  title  : 
"'  Kilhiiit  A  /.I 
v  Itisloriijut  it 
'oridiixii  Viiiiii- 


It  is  thought  that  Thevet  in  his  Cosmojiraphit  univtrselU  (1575)  may  liavc  had  access 
lo  Laudi)iini6re's  papers ;  and  some  details  from  Thevet  are  cmlindicd  in  what  is  mainly 
a  translation  of  Le  Citalleux,  the  He  Gallonim  fxJ)Ctfilioni-  in  I'lotidain  ittino  MDl.XV 
bifvii  liistoiiti,  which  was  added  (p.  427)  by  Uiliain  Cltaiivclon,  or  Calveton,  to  tlie  Latin 
edition  of  Ilcnzoni,  —  A'oiur  iiovi  orbis  historiir  ires  libri,  i)riiited  at  Geneva  in  1578  and 
1581,'  and  reproduced  under  different  titles  in  the  French  versions,  published  likewise 
.-It  (leneva  in  iS79i  IS^S,  and  1589.'  There  is  a  separate  issue  of  it  from  the  1579 
edition.'' 

It  wan  not  long  before  exaggerated  statements  were  circulated,  based  upon  the 
reprusintations  made  in  Cue  rcqiule  au  rot  (Charles  IX  )  of  the  widows  and  orphans 
of  tlie  victims  of  Mencndez,  in  which  the  numl)er  of  the  slain  is  reported  at  the  impossible 
finurc  of  nine  hundred.* 

Respecting  the  expedition  of  Do  Gourgues  there  are  no  .Spanish  accounts  what- 
e\er,  llarcia""  merely  taking  in  the  tnain  the  French  narrative,  —  in  which,  s.iys  I'ark- 
man.  "  it  must  be  admitted  there  is  a  savor  of  romance. "  •  That  Gourgues  was  merely 
a  slaver  is  evident  from  this  full  French  account.  Garibay  notes  his  attempt  to  cap- 
ture A\  least  oi.e  Spanish  vessel ;  and  he  certainly  had  on  reaching  Florida  two  barks, 
whicii  he  must  liave  captured  on  his  way.  Basanier  and  many  who  follow  him  sup- 
press entirely  the  shiver  episode  in  this  voyage.  All  the  Dc  Gourgues  narratives  ignore 
entirely  the  existence  of  St.  Augustine,  and  make  the  tlirce  pretended  forts  on  the  St. 
John  to  have  been  of  stone;  and  I'rdvost,  to  heighten  tlie  picture,  invents  the  story  of 
the  II, tying  of  Ribault,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the  earlier  French  accounts. 

There  are  two  French  narratives.  One  of  them.  La  rcprinse  tie  la  Floride,  exists, 
according  to  Gaffarel,''  in  five  different  manuscript  texts.'    The  other  I'rench  narrative 


'  (U'Callaghan,  no.  463;  Rich  (1832),  no.  60. 
There  was  an  edition  at  Cologne  in  1612 
(Stevens,  iViii^gtts,  no.  2,300;  Carter-lirown,  ii. 
123).  Sparks  (Life  of  Kihault,  p.  152)  reports  a 
De  imvigiUioiie  Gallonim  in  terrain  Floridam  in 
cdinitition  with  an  Antwerp  (1568)  edition  of 
Levinus  ApoUonius.  It  also  nin  ears  in  the 
saute  cduiteetion  in  the  joint  German  edition 
of  lien/oui,  I'eter  Martyr,  and  Levinns  printed 
at  Uasle  in  15S2  (Carter-lirown,  vol.  i.  no.  344). 
It  may  have  been  merely  a  translation  of  Chal- 
Icux  or  Ribault  (lirinton,  Floridian  Peninsula, 
p.  36)  -  Ed.]. 

-  Murphy,  nos.  564,  2,853. 

■'  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no.  39,630;  Carter-Brown, 
vol.  i.  ito   330;  ]")nfosse,  no.  4,211. 

*  This  petition  is  known  as  tl.c  Epistola 
suff/ratoria,  atid  is  embodied  in  the  original 
te.xt  in  Chauveton's  French  edition  of  lienzoni. 
It  is  also  given  in  Ciniber  and  Danjon's  Aril/i^vs 
airieiises,  vi.  232,  and  in  Gaffarel's  Floride 
Fnmcaiie,  p.  477  ;  and  iti  Latin  in  Dc  Dry, 
parts  ii.  and  vi.  (cf.  Sparks's  Kilhudt,  appendix). 
(There  are  other  contemporary  accounts  or 
illustrations  in  the  "  Lcttres  et  papiers  d'etat 
ilii  Siiur  de  Forqitevaulx,"  for  the  most  part 
»ni)rinted,  and  preserved  in  the  liibliotheipie 
Nalioiiale  in  Paris,  which  were  used  by  l)n  Prat 
ill  his  Ilistoire  d' Elisabeth  de  I'alois  (1S59),  and 
.some  of  which  are  printed  in  Gaffarel,  p.  409. 
The  nearly  contemporary  accounts  of  Popel- 
liniere  in  his  Trois  tnondes  (158"!)  and  in  the 
VOL.   II.  — 38. 


Ilistoire  universelle  of  Ue  Thou,  represent  the 
French  current  belief.  The  volume  of  Tcrnaux' 
rovas^'os  known  as  Keeueil  de  piiccs  sur  la  Floridi 
inedites,  contains,  among  eleven  documents,  one 
called  Copfie  d'line  httre  tenant  de  la  Floride,  .  , , 
ensemble  le  plan  et  portraict  du  fort  que  Its 
Franfois  y  ont  faiet  (1564),  which  is  reprinted 
in  Gaffarel  and  in  I'Vench's  Historical  Collections 
of  /.oiiisiana  and  Florida,  vol.  iii.  This  tract, 
with  a  plan  of  the  fort  on  the  sixth  leaf,  recto, 
was  originally  i)rinted  at  Paris  in  1565  (Carter- 
lirown,  i.  256).  None  of  the  reprints  give  the 
engravings.  It  was  seemingly  written  in  the 
summer  of  1564,  and  is  the  earliest  account 
which  was  printed.  —  Ed.] 

'"'  Fnsayo  cronoh['^'it  ,• 

"  I  Parkman,  howevc  ■,  inclines  to  believe 
that  liarcia's  acceptance  is  a  kind  of  admission 
of  its  "  broad  basis  of  tru:h." —  Ed] 

"  Page  340.  Cf .  Manuscri's  de  la  Bibtiothiqiie 
du  l^oi,  iv.  72. 

*  |Tlicy  arc:  a.  Preserved  in  the  Chateau 
de  Vayres,  belonging  to  M.  dc  liony,  wh'"h  is 
presumably  that  given  as  belonging  to  the 
(iourgues  family,  of  which  a  copy,  owned  by 
liancroft,  was  used  bv  Parkman.  It  was  printed 
at  Mont-de-Marsan,  1S51,  63  pages. 

/'.  In  the  P.ibliotheque  Xationale,  no,  i,8S6. 
Printed  by  Ternaux-Compans  in  his  /ur«c/7,  ete., 
p.  301,  and  by  Gaffarel,  p.  4.S3,  collated  with  the 
other  manuscripts  and  translated  into  English 
in  French's  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and 


-\ 


A'    1 


298 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


'ij  I  < 


i;i;i 


m  J 


ii  tlie  last  paper  in  the  compilntion  of  Unsanicr,  already  mentioned.  Ilrinton  '  is  inclined 
to  l)flicvc  tli.it  it  is  nut  an  ci)ltt)nu'  of  tlic  Ki'/>rin.u\  l)ut  tliat  it  was  written  by  Ilasanici 
himself  frotii  llie  llo.iting  accounts  of  his  d.iy,  or  from  some  unknown  relatvr.  Charlevoix 
mentions  a  manuscript  in  the  possession  of  tlie  Ue  Gourgucs  family ;  but  it  is  not  cle.ii 
which  of  tlicsc  papers  it  was. 

I'liu  story  of  tl)c  nii>,'ucnot  colony  passed  naturally  into  the  historical  records  of  tiic 
seventecntl)  century  i''  but  it  };ot  more  sjieci.il  treatment  in  tlie  next  century,  wlicn 
Cliarlcvoix  issued  his  A'oiit'ellc  J'raiLe^  Tlie  most  consiilerable  treatments  of  tlic 
present  century  have  been  by  Jarcd  Sparks  in  his  I.i/f  0/  Kihault,*  by  Francis  I'arkni.m 
in  liis  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  t\eu<  iVorlil^  and  by  Paul  (latT.ircl  in  his  Hisloire  dc  A; 
Floridc  I'ran^ixise'^  The  story  lias  also  necessarily  passed  into  local  and  (general  histories 
of  this  period  in  America,  and  into  the  accounts  of  the  Huguenots  as  a  sect.'' 


''t;i 


1 » 


1 1 


% 


f\ 


11 

■■■'if  I 


'!    'i: 


'.  i 


Florida,  ii.  267.  This  copy  bears  the  name 
of  Robert  Prtivost ;  but  wlicthcr  as  .■nitlior  or 
copyist  is  not  tlcMr,  s;iys  I'arknian  (p.  14J). 

1-.  In  the  liibliotheipic  Naiionale,  no.  2,145. 
Printed  at  Iiordcaii.\  in  iSfi^  by  Ph.  T.iini/ey 
de  I.arroipiu,  with  preface  an.l  notes,  and  giving 
also  the  text  marked  <■  below. 

d.  In  the  I!il)li(illu(|iic  Nationale,  no.  3,3S4 
Pi intcd  by  Taschcrcaii  in  tlie  Kniic  retrospective 
(i8j5),  11.321. 

c.  In  the  Bibliothequc  Nationale,  no.  6,124. 
See  (•  .ibovc. 

The  account  in  the  Histoire  noltd'le  is  called 
an  aliridgment  by  .Sparks,  and  of  this  abridg- 
ment lliere  is  a  Latin  version  in  I)c  liry,  jiart 
ii.,  —  De  ijiKirlii  Gidlorum  in  Floiidom  iiir.'ixii- 
tioite  sid>  Gotiri;it(sio.  See  other  al)riilgments 
in  I'opellinicrf,  Histoire  des  trois  iiioiides  (15S2), 
Lescarbol,  and  Charlevoix. 

'   Floridhiit  Peiiiiisulo,  \i.  35. 

-  Such  as  W\  tfliet's  Histoire  des  Indes ; 
I)'.\iibigne's  Histoire  iiniverselle  (1626);  Dc 
Lact's  A'o!.'iisorl>is,  book  iv. ;  I.escarbni's  Xouvetle 
Fro  nee ;  Chaniplain's  }'oy<i^es :  I!rantomc's 
Crouds  capitoines  Frmii^ois  (also  in  his  (Kinres). 
KaiUon  (Co'oine  /-'ronfoise,  i.  543)  bases  his 
account  on  I.cscarbot. 

■'  Cf.  Shea's  edition  with  notes,  where  (vol.  i. 


p.  71 )  Charlevoix  char.ictcrizes  the  contemporaiv 
sources  ;  and  he  points  out  how  the  Abln'  dii 
Fresnoy,  in  his  JM/iode  pour  itiulier  ioglografhie, 
falls  into  some  errors. 

*  Amerieon  lUoi^rophy,  vol.  vii.  (new  series) 

''  Boston,  1865.  Mr.  Parkm.ui  had  alrea<lv 
printed  parts  of  this  in  the  Atlontie  Monthly, 
xii.  225,  536,  and  xiv.  530. 

"  Paris,  1875.  lie  gives  (j).  517)  a  succinci 
chronology  of  events. 

'  Cf.,  for  instance,  Bancroft's  I 'nited  Stoles, 
chap.  ii. ;  Gay's  Popiilor  History  of  the  I'liile,! 
States,  chap.  viii. ;  Warburton's  C'oni/iiest  of  Con 
ado,  ai)p.  xvi.;  Conway  Robinson's /J;.r,i'rv;7(-..;H 
the  West,  ii.  cha|).  xvii.  et  seq  ;  Kohl's  JJisetnerv 
ofMiiiiie  ;  Fairhanks's  Florida  :  Itrinton's  Flori- 
dian  Feuiiisula,  —  among  American  writers;  and 
among  the  French,  —  (luerin,  I.es  na-'it^ateiirs 
/•><i/;(v;/.t  (1846) ;  I'erland,  Canada;  Martin, //;> 
toire  de  France  ;  1  laag.  La  France  prolestanic  ; 
Poussielgiic,  "  Quatre  mois  en  Floride,"  in  /..• 
tonr  dn  ,iionde,  1S69-1870;  and  the  Fives  cif 
Coligny  by  Tessier,  Hesant,  and  Labordc, 
There  are  other  references  in  Claffarel,  ]).  344. 

There  is  a  curious  article,  "  Dominique  de 
Ciourgucs,  the  Avenger  of  the  Huguenots  in 
Florida,  a  Catholic,"  in  the  Catholic  World,  x.\i 
701. 


\\    I 


ICA. 


ton  I  is  iiiciincii 
len  by  Ilasanici 
cr.  Charlevoix 
t  it  is  nut  clcai 

I  records  of  tlic 
century,  wIumi 
latnients  of  the 
rancis  I'arkni.in 
is  Ilistoire  </»■  lit 
l^eneral  liistorics 
ct.' 


CHAPTER    V. 


■i  :  I 


I  the  coiitfmpor.il  y 
how  the  Al)l)r  dii 

.  vii.  (new  series) 
iiii.iii  had  alruach 
.Itliiiiti,     Monthlw 

\i.  517)  a  succiiKl 

)ft's  I'nitiii  Stiitis. 
fffiy  of  the  I'liiliJ 
s  Conquest  o/Can 
oil's  Disiiffiii-.i  in 
Kohl's  VisiiK/iy 
llrinton's  Flori- 
rican  writers ;  ami 
/.es  ii,i7{i,'<iUiirs 
iilii  ;  Martin,  //is 
III,,'  pyotcstiiiitc : 
Floride,"  in  /.i' 
and  the  Lives  «' 
and  I-abiirdu 
Claffarel,  \>.  3.(1. 

Dominiciuc  de 
lie  IIugiicni)t>  in 
i//'o/k  IVorlJ,  xxi 


LAS  CASAS,  AND  THE  RELATIONS  OF   TIIIC  SPANIARDS  Td 

THE  INUIANS. 

HY   {;i;ORGE    KDWAKl)    lil-MS, 
Vkf-I'miiltHl  0/ Iht  Mitttachiuittt  Hiilorical  Socitly, 

WHEN  tlic  great  apostle  of  the  new  faitli,  on  his  voyafjc  from  Asia 
to  Europe,  was  shipwreclsed  oil  a  Metiiterranean  island,  "  the  bar- 
haroiis  people"  showed  him  and  his  company  "  no  little  kindness."  On 
first  aciiiiaintance  with  their  chief  visitor  they  hastily  judged  him  to  be  a 
murderer,  whom,  though  he  had  escaped  the  sea,  yet  vengeance  woidd  not 
sufter  to  live.  But  afterward  "they  changed  their  minds,  and  said  that 
In:  was  a  god."  '  The  same  extreme  revulsion  of  feeling  and  judgment 
was  wrought  in  the  minds  of  the  natives  of  this  New  World  when  the 
ocean-tossed  voyagers  from  the  old  continent  first  landed  on  tiiese  shores, 
liringing  the  parted  representatives  of  humanity  on  this  globe  into  mutual 
ac(|uaintance  and  intercourse.  Only  in  this  latter  case  the  change  of 
fueling  and  judgment  was  inverted.  The  simple  natives  of  the  fair  west- 
ern island  regariletl  their  mysterious  visitors  as  superhuman  beings;  fur- 
tlur  knowledge  of  them  proved  them  to  be  "murderers,"  rapacious,  cruel, 
ami  inluiman,  —  fit  subjects  for  a  dire  vengeance. 

in  these  si)fter  times  of  ours  the  subject  of  the  present  chapter  might 
well  be  passed  silently,  denied  a  revival,  and  left  in  the  pitiful  oblivion 
which  covers  so  many  of  the  distressing  horrors  of  "  man's  inhumanity  to 
m.iii."  Hut,  happily  for  the  writer  and  for  the  reader,  the  title  of  the  chap- 
ter is  a  double  one,  and  embraces  two  themes.  The  painful  narrative  to 
be  rehearsed  is  to  be  relieved  by  a  tribute  of  admiring  and  reverential 
homage  to  a  saintly  man  of  signal  virtues  and  heroic  services,  one  of  the 
grandest  and  most  august  characters  in  the  wc.'d's  history.  Many  of  the  ob- 
scure and  a  few  of  the  dismal  elements  and  incidents  of  long-passed  times, 
ill  the  rehearsal  of  them  on  fresh  pages,  are  to  a  degree  relieved  b_\-  new 
light  thrown  upon  them,  by  the  detection  and  exposure  of  errors,  and  by 

•    The  Acts  of  the  Apost/.-s,  x.wiii.  2-6. 


K 


'W  ''! 


lii.''  : 


'''is' 1:111 


!  I 


h    ■ 


'I  1  ;; 


, 


uiS' 


;  t  t 


?oo 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


rradjustmcnts  of  truth.  Gladly  would  a  writer  on  the  subject  before  im 
a\ail  himself  of  any  sucli  means  to  reduce  or  to  qualify  its  repulsivcncs^;. 
But  advancing  time,  with  the  assertion  of  the  higher  instincts  of  humaniu- 
which  have  sharpened  regrets  and  reproaches  for  all  the  enormities  of  tlu- 
past,  has  not  furnished  any  abatements  for  the  faithful  dealing  with  tliis 
subject  other  than  that  just  presented. 

It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  a  pause  for  thought,  that  in  no  single  instance  sinci.' 
the  discovery  of  our  islands  and  continent  by  Europeans  —  to  say  nothint; 
about  the  times  before  it  —  has  any  new  race  of  men  come  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  travellers,  explorers,  and  visitors  from  the  realms  of  so-called 
civilization,  when  the  conditions  were  so  fair  and  favorable  in  the  first 
introduction  and  acquaintance  between  the  parties  as  in  that  between 
Columbus  and  the  natives  of  the  sea-girt  isle  of  Ilispaniola.  Not  even  in 
the  sweetest  idealizings  of  romance  is  there  a  more  fascinating  picture  th<ui 
that  which  he  draws  of  those  unsophisticated  children  of  Nature,  their  gen- 
tleness, docility,  and  friendliness.  They  were  not  hideous  or  repulsive,  as 
barbarians;  they  did  not  revolt  the  sight,  like  many  of  the  African  tribes, 
like  Irishmen,  Feejcans,  or  Hottentots;  they  presented  no  caricaturings  of 
humanity,  as  giants  or  dwarfs,  as  Amazons  or  Esquimaux ;  their  naked 
bodies  were  not  mutilated,  gashed,  or  painted;  they  uttered  no  yells  or 
shrieks,  with  mad  and  threatening  gestures.  They  were  attractive  in  per- 
son, well  formed,  winning  and  gentle,  and  trustful;  they  were  lithe  and  soft 
of  skin,  and  their  hospitality  was  spontaneous,  generous,  and  genial.  Tribes 
of  more  warlike  and  less  gracious  nature  proved  to  exist  on  some  of  tho 
islands,  about  the  isthmus  and  the  continental  regions  of  the  early  invasion ; 
but  the  first  introduction  and  intercourse  of  the  representatives  of  the 
parted  continents  set  before  the  l'>uropeans  a  race  of  their  fellow-creatures 
with  whom  they  might  have  lived  and  dealt  in  peace  and  love. 

And  what  shall  we  sa}'  of  the  new-comers,  th5  Spaniards,  —  the  subjects 
of  the  proudest  of  monarchies,  the  representatives  of  the  age  of  chivalry ; 
gentlemen,  nobles,  disciples  of  the  one  Holy  Catholic  Church,  and  soldiers 
of  the  Cross  of  Christ  ?  What  sort  of  men  were  they,  what  was  their 
errand,  and  what  impress  did  they  lca\  upon  the  scenes  so  fair  before 
their  coming,  and  upon  those  children  of  Nature  whom  they  found  so 
innocent  and  loving,  and  by  whom  they  were  at  first  gazed  ui)on  with  awe 
and  reverence  as  gods? 

In  only  one  score  of  the  threescore  years  embraced  in  our  present  sub- 
ject the  Spaniards  had  sown  desolation,  havoc,  and  misery  in  and  arouiul 
their  track.  They  had  depopulated  some  of  the  best-peopled  of  the  islands, 
and  renewed  them  with  victims  deported  from  others.  They  had  inflicted 
upon  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  natives  all  the  forms  and  agonies  of  fiend- 
ish cruelty,  driving  them  to  self-starvation  and  suicide  as  a  way  of  mercy 
and  release  from  an  utterly  wretched  existence.  They  had  come  to  lu' 
viewed  by  their  victims  as  fiemls  of  hate,  malignit}',  and  all  dark  and  crurl 
desperation  and  mercilessnuss  in  passion.     The  hell  which  they  denounced 


LAS    CASAS,    AM)    rHK   SI'AXIARDS    AND    IN'DIAXS. 


;,oi 


ii|i(in  tlicir  victims  was  shorn  of  its  worst  terror  by  the  assurance  that  these 
tdiimiitors  were  not  to  be  there. 

On\y  what  is  needful  for  the  triitli  of  history  is  to  be  told  here,  wiiilc 
sliDckini;  details  are  to  be  passed  by.  And  as  the  rehearsal  is  made  to  set 
forth  in  relief  the  nobleness,  grandeur  of  soul,  and  heroism  of  a  man  whose 
lU'.ni)'  a  century  of  years  was  spent  in  holy  rebuke,  protest,  exposure,  aiul 
attempted  redress  of  this  work  of  inicjuit)',  a  reader  may  avert  his  gaze  from 
tile  narration  of  the  iniquity  and  fix  it  upon  the  character  and  career  of  the 
"  Ajiostlc  to  the  Indians." 

There  was  something  phenomenal  and  monstrous,  something  so  aimless, 
reckless,  wanton,  unprovoked,  utterly  ruinous  even  for  themselves,  in  that 
course  of  riot  and  atrocity  pursued  by  the  Sjianiards,  which  leads  us  —  while 
l);illiation  and  excuse  are  out  of  the  question  —  to  seek  some  physical  or 
moral  explanation  of  it.  This  has  generally  been  found  in  referring  to  the 
training  of  Spanish  nature  in  inhumanity,  cruelty,  contempt  of  human  life, 
anil  obduracy  of  feeling,  through  many  centuries  of  ruthless  warfare.  It 
was  ill  the  very  year  of  the  discovery  of  America  that  the  Spaniards,  in  the 
coii([uest  of  Granada,  had  finished  their  eight  centuries  of  continuous  war 
for  wresting  their  proud  country  from  the  invading  Moors.  This  war  had 
iii.uie  e\ery  Spaniard  a  fighter,  and  every  infidel  an  enemy  exempted  from 
ail  tolerance  and  mercy.  Treachery,  defiance  of  pledges  and  treaties,  bru- 
talities, and  all  wild  and  reckless  stratagems,  had  educated  the  champions 
of  the  Cross  and  faith  in  what  were  to  them  but  the  accomplishments  of  the 
soldier  and  the  fidelity  of  the  believer.  Even  in  the  immunities  covenanted 
to  the  subject-Moors,  of  tolerance  in  their  old  home  and  creed,  the  inge- 
nuities of  their  implacable  foes  found  the  means  of  new  devices  for  oppres- 
sion and  outrage.  The  Holy  Office  of  the  Inquisition,  with  all  its  cavernous 
secrets  and  fiendish  processes,  dates  also  from  the  same  period,  and  gave  its 
fearful  consecration  to  all  the  most  direful  passions. 

With  that  training  in  inhumanity  and  cruelty  which  the  Spanish  adven- 
turers brought  to  these  shores,  we  must  take  into  view  that  towering,  over- 
mastering rapacity  and  greed  which  were  to  glut  themselves  upon  the  spoils 
of  mines,  precious  stones,  and  pearls.  The  rich  soil,  with  the  lightest  till- 
age, would  have  yielded  its  splendid  crops  for  man  and  beast.  Flocks 
wmilil  have  multiplied  and  found  their  own  sustenance  for  the  whole  year 
without  any  storage  in  garner,  barn,  or  granary.  A  rewarding  commerce 
would  have  enriched  merchants  on  either  side  of  well-traversed  ocean  path- 
wa)s.  IJut  not  the  slightest  thought  or  recognition  was  given  during  the 
urst  half-century  of  the  invasion  to  any  such  enterprise  as  is  suggestetl  by 
the  terms  colonization,  the  occupancy  of  soil  for  husbandry  and  domesti- 
cation. Spanish  pride,  indolence,  thriftlessness  regar.ied  every  form  of 
manual  labor  as  a  demeaning  humiliation.  There  was  no  peasantry  among 
the  new-comers.  The  humblest  of  them  in  birth,  rank,  and  means  was  a 
gentleman ;  his  hands  could  not  hold  a  spade  or  a  rake,  or  guide  the 
plough.     The   horse  and   the   hound  were  the  only  beasts  on   his  inven- 


rf 


I ,. 


Ll: 


::   \ 


iH 


\m  II 


,V  i 


"I 


if.;  vj 


I,'''   1 


11 '  m 


"I 


;)! 


!■'! 


«  ;/i 


;.i    I 


'( / 


^liN 


:'J!i' 


I;-! 


302 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tory  of  values.  Sudden  and  vast  enrichment  by  the  treasures  of  gold 
wrung  from  the  natives,  first  in  their  fragmentary  ornaments,  and  then  1)\- 
compulsory  toil  from  the  mines  which  would  yield  it  in  heaps,  were  tlie 
lure  and  passion  of  the  invaders.  The  natives,  before  they  could  reach  any 
conception  of  the  Divine  Being  of  the  Catholic  creed,  soon  came  to  tlic 
understanding  of  the  real  object  of  their  worship:  as  a  cacique  plainlv 
set  forth  to  a  group  of  his  trembling  subjects,  when,  holding  up  a  piece  of 
gold,  he  said,  "  This  is  the  Spaniards'  god."  A  .sordid  passion,  with  its 
overmastery  of  all  the  sentiments  of  humanity  would  inflame  the  nerves 
and  intensify  all  the  brutal  propensities  which  arc  but  masked  in  men  of 
a  low  range  of  development  even  under  the  restraints  of  social  and  civil 
life.  We  must  allow  for  the  utter  recklessness  and  frenzy  of  their  full  in- 
dulgence under  the  fervors  of  hot  climes,  in  the  loosening  of  all  domestic 
and  neighborly  obligations,  in  the  homelessness  of  exile  and  the  mad  free- 
dom of  adventure.  Under  the  fretting  discomforts  and  restraints  of  the 
ocean-passage  hither,  the  imagination  of  these  rapacious  treasure-seekers 
fed  itself  on  visions  of  wild  license  of  arbitrary  power  over  simple  victims, 
and  of  heaps  of  treasure  to  be  soon  carried  back  to  Spain  to  make  a  long 
revel  in  self-indulgence  for  the  rest  of  life. 

"  Cruelties  "  was  the  comprehensive  term  under  which  Las  Casas  gathered 
all  the  eno-mities  and  barbarities,  of  which  he  was  a  witness  for  half  a  cen- 
tury, as  perpetrated  on  the  successive  scenes  invaded  by  his  countrymen 
on  the  islands  and  the  main  of  the  Nev.'  World.  He  had  seen  thousands 
of  the  natives  crowded  together,  naked  and  helpless,  for  slaughter,  like 
.sheep  in  a  park  or  meadow.  He  had  seen  them  wa-'od  at  the  extremities 
by  torturing  fires,  till,  after  hours  of  agony,  they  turned  their  dying  gaze, 
rather  in  amazed  dread  than  in  rage,  upon  theii  tormentors.  Mutilations 
of  hands,  feet,  cars,  and  noses  surrounded  him  with  ghastly  spectacles  of 
all  the  processes  of  death  without  disease.  One  may  well  leave  all  details 
to  the  imagination;  and  may  do  this  all  the  more  willingly  that  even  tlie 
imagination  will  fail  to  fill  and  fashion  the  reality  of  the  horror. 

Previous  to  the  successful  ventures  on  the  western  ocean,  the  Portuguese 
had  been  resolutely  pursuing  the  work  of  discovery  by  pushing  their  dar- 
ing enterprise  farther  and  farther  down  the  coast  of  Africa,  till  they  at  last 
turned  the  Cape.'  The  deportation  of  the  natives  and  their  sale  as  slaves 
at  once  became  first  an  incidental  reward,  and  then  the  leading  aim  of 
craving  adventurers.  It  was  but  natural  that  the  Spaniards  should  turn 
their  success  in  other  regions  to  the  same  account.  Heathen  lands  and 
heathen  people  belonged  by  Papal  donation  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Cross ; 
they  were  the  heritage  of  the  Church.  The  plea  of  conversion  answered 
equally  for  conquest  and  subjugation  of  the  natives  on  their  own  sciil, 
and  for  transporting  them  to  the  scenes  and  sharers  of  a  pure  and  saviiii; 
faith. 

'  [Sl'c  Chiiptcr  I.  — El). I 


RICA. 


LAS   CASAS,   AND   THE    SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


303 


asures  of  gdltl 
ts,  and  then  Ijv 
leaps,  were  tlu: 
ould  reach  aii\- 
n  came  to  the 
:aciquc  plainly 
g  up  a  piece  (if 
assion,  with  its 
.me  the  nerves 
sked  in  men  of 
locial  and  ci\il 
of  their  full  in- 
of  all  domestic 
d  the  mad  frcc- 
cstraints  of  the 
reasure-seekers 
simple  victims, 
to  make  a  long 

Casas  gathered 

for  half  a  cen- 
liis  countrymen 
seen  thousands 

slaughter,  like 
the  extremities 
;ir  dying  gaze, 
s.  Mutilations 
spectacles  of 

cave  all  details 
that  even  the 

lorror. 

the  Portuguese 
ling  their  dar- 
ill  they  at  last 
r  sale  as  slaves 
cading  aim  of 
should  turn 
len  lands  and 
of  the  Cross ; 
sion  answered 
leir  own  soil, 
re  and  saving 


A  brief  summary  of  the  acts  and  incidents  in  the  first  enslavement  of 
the  natives  may  here  be  set  down.  Columbus  took  with  him  to  Spain, 
on  his  first  return,  nine  natives.  While  on  his  second  voyage  he  sent  to 
Spain,  in  January,  1494,  by  a  return  vessel,  a  considerable  number,  de- 
scribed as  Caribs,  "  from  the  Cannibal  Islands,"  for  "  slaves."  They  were 
to  be  taught  Castilian,  to  serve  as  interpreters  for  the  work  of  "  conversion" 
wlien  restored  to  their  native  shores.  Columbus  pleads  that  it  will  benefit 
them  by  the  saving  of  their  souls,  while  the  capture  and  enslaving  of  them 
will  give  the  Spaniards  consequence  as  evidence  of  power.  Was  this  even 
a  plausible  excuse,  and  were  the  victims  really  cannibals?  The  sovereigns 
seemed  to  approve  the  act,  but  intimated  that  the  "  cannibals  "  might  be 
converted  at  home,  without  the  trouble  of  transportation.  But  Columbus 
enlarged  and  generalized  sweepingly  upon  his  scheme,  afterward  adding  to 
it  a  secular  advantage,  suggesting  that  as  many  as  possible  of  these  canni- 
bals should  be  caught  for  the  sake  of  their  souls,  and  then  sold  in  Spain  in 
payment  for  ca'-'^oes  of  live  stock,  provisions,  and  goods,  which  were  much 
needed  in  the  islands.  The  monarchs  for  a  while  suspended  their  decision 
of  this  matter.  But  the  abominable  traffic  was  steadily  catching  new  agents 
and  victims,  and  the  slave-trade  became  a  leading  motive  for  advancing  the 
rage  for  further  discoveries.  The  Portuguese  were  driving  the  work  east- 
ward, while  the  Spaniards  were  keenly  following  it  westward.  In  February, 
1495,  Columbus  sent  back  four  ships,  whose  chief  lading  was  slaves.  From 
that  time  began  the  horrors  attending  the  crowding  of  human  cargoes  with 
scant  food  and  water,  with  filth  and  disease,  and  the  daily  throwing  over 
into  the  sea  those  who  were  privileged  to  die.  Yet  more  victims  were  taken 
by  Columbus  when  he  was  again  in  Spain  in  June,  1496,  to  circumvent  his 
enemies.  Being  i^ere  again  in  1498,  he  had  no  positive  prohibition  against 
continuing  the  traffic.  A  distinction  was  soon  recognized,  and  allowed  even 
b}-  the  humane  and  pious  Isabella.  Captives  taken  in  war  against  the  Span- 
iards might  be  brought  to  Spain  and  kept  in  slavery ;  but  natives  who  had 
been  seized  for  the  purpose  of  enslaving  them,  she  indignantly  ordered 
sliould  be  restored  to  freedom.  This  wrong,  as  well  as  that  of  the  reparti- 
micnto  system,  in  the  distribution  of  natives  to  Spanish  masters  as  laborers, 
was  slightly  held  in  check  by  this  lovable  lady  during  her  life.  She  died 
while  Columbus  was  in  Spain,  Nov.  26,  1504.  Columbus  died  at  Valladolid, 
Ma\- 20,  1506.  The  ill  that  he  had  done  lived  after  him,  to  qualify  the 
splendor  of  his  nobleness,  grandeur,  and  constancy. 

And  here  we  may  bring  upon  the  scene  that  one,  the  only  Spaniard 
who  stands  out  luminously,  in  the  heroism  and  glory  of  true  sanctity,  amid 
these  gory  scenes,  himself  a  true  soldier  of  Christ. 

Bartholomew  Las  Casas  was  born  at  Seville  in  1474.  Llorcntc  —  a  faith- 
tul  biographer,  and  able  editor  and  expositor  of  his  writings,  of  whom 
farther  on  we  are  to  say  much  more  —  asserts  that  the  family  was  French 
in  its  origin,  the  true  name    being  Casuas;    which  appears,  indeed,  as   an 


im 


s ' 


^ 


151 


i  r 


■  I  ■  . 


504 


NARRATIVE   A.N'D    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ilil 


•(' 


■  If!  i« 


'f  i 


■ii 


alias  on  the  titlcpage  of  some  of  his  wr'tings  pubUshcd  by  the  apostle  in 
his  Ufetimc.^ 

Antoine  Las  Casas,  the  father  of  Bartholomew,  was  a  soldier  in  tin. 
marine  service  of  Spain.  We  find  no  reference  to  him  as  being  either  in 
sympathy  or  otherwise  with  the  absorbing  aim  which  ennobled  the  career 
of  his  son.  He  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  first  western  voyage  in 
1492,  and  returned  with  him  to  Spain  in   1493. 

During  the  absence  of  the  father  on  this  voyage  the  son,  at  the  age  uf 
eighteen,  was  completing  his  studies  at  Salamanca.  In  May,  1498,^  at  the 
age  of  about  twenty-four,  he  went  to  the  Indies  with  his  father,  in  employ- 
ment under  Columbi's,  and  returned  to  Cadiz,  Nov.  25,  1500.  In  an  ad- 
dress to  the  Emperor  in  1542,  Bartholomew  reminded  him  that  Columbus 
had  given  liberty  to  each  of  several  of  his  fellow-voyagers  to  take  to  Spain 
a  single  native  of  the  islands  for  personal  service,  and  that  a  youth  among 
those  so  transported  had  been  intrusted  to  him.  Perhaps  under  these 
favoring  circumstances  this  was  the  occasion  of  first  engaging  the  sym- 
pathies of  Las  Casas  for  the  race  to  whose  redemption  he  was  to  const- 
crate  his  life.  Isabella,  however,  was  highly  indignant  at  this  outrage  upon 
the  natives,  and  under  pain  of  death  to  the  culprits  ordered  the  victims  to 
be  restored  to  their  country.  It  would  seem  that  they  were  all  carried 
back  in  1500  under  the  Commander  Bobadilla,  and  among  them  the  young 
Indian  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  Bartholomew.  One  loves  to  imagine 
that  in  some  of  the  wide  wanderings  of  the  latter,  amid  the  scenes  of  the 
New  World,  he  may  again  have  met  with  this  first  specimen  of  a  heathen 
race  who  had  been  under  intimate  relations  with  himself,  and  who  hail 
undoubtedly  been  baptized. 

We  shall  find  farther  on  that  the  grievous  charge  was  brought  against 
Las  Casas,  when  he  had  drawn  upon  himself  bitter  animosities,  that  he 
was  the  first  to  propose  the  transportation  of  negro  slaves  to  the  islands,  in 
1517.  It  is  enough  to  say  here,  in  anticipation,  that  Governor  Ovando,  in 
1500,  received  permission  to  carry  thither  negro  slaves  "who  had  been 
born  under  Christian  Powers."     The  first  so  carried  were  born  in  Sc\ilie 


:i- 


;;   <    \ 


11 


'!■    I 


'  Llorcnte  adds  tliat  he  liad  a  personal  ac- 
quaintance with  a  blanch  of  the  family  at  Gala- 
horra,  his  own  birthplace,  and  that  the  first  of 
the  family  went  to  Spain,  under  Ferdinand  III., 
to  fight  against  the  Moors  of  Andalusi.i.  He 
also  traces  a  connection  between  this  soldier 
and  Las  Cases,  the  chamberlain  of  Xapoleon, 
one  of  his  cjuncillors  and  companions  at  St. 
Helena,  thvo'igh  a  Charles  Las  Casas,  one 
of  the  Spanish  seigneurs  who  accompanied 
ISlanche  of  Castile  when  she  went  to  France, 
in  [200,  to  es|)onse  Louis  VIII. 

-  There  is  a  variance  in  the  dates  assigned 
by  historians  for  the  visits  of  both  Las  Casas 
and  his  father  to  the  Indians.  Irving,  follow- 
ing Navarretc,  says  that  Antoine  returned  to  Se- 


ville in  1498,  havin^  become  rich  {Colitmbus 
iii.  415)  He  nlso  says  that  Llorentc  is  in- 
correct in  asserting  that  IJartholomew  in  his 
twenty-foi.iih  year  accompanied  Columbus  in 
his  thiid  voyage,  in  149S,  returning  with  him 
in  1500,  as  the  young  man  was  then  at  his 
studies  at  Salamanca.  Irving  savs  Bartluiln- 
niew  first  went  to  Hispaniola  with  Ovando  in 
II,  jl,  at  the  age  of  about  twenty-eight.  I  have 
allowed  the  dates  to  stand  in  the  text  as  given 
by  Llorente,  assigning  the  earlier  year  for  tin; 
first  voyage  of  Las  Casas  to  the  New  \\  orUl 
as  best  according  with  the  references  in  wrii- 
ings  by  his  own  pen  to  the  period  of  his 
acquaintance  with  the  scenes  which  ho  df 
scribes. 


RICA. 


LAS    CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


305 


the  apostle  ill 

soldier  in  tlu 
3eing  either  in 
(led  the  carecr 
:ern  voyage  in 

1,  at  the  age  uf 
/,  1498,2  at  the 
er,  in  employ- 
10.  In  an  ad- 
hat  Coliinib'is 
)  take  to  Spain 

youth  among 
s  under  these 
ging  the  syni- 
was  to  conse- 
<  outrage  upon 

the  victims  to 
ere  all  carried 
em  the  young 
vcs  to  imagine 

scenes  of  the 

of  a  heathen 

and  who   had 

■ought  against 
sities,  that  he 
the  islands,  in 
or  Ovando,  in 
10  had  been 
orn  in  Seville 


rich  (Columbus 

at  IJorcntc  is  in- 

rtholomcw  in   liis 

eel   Columbus  in 

turning  with  him 

was   then   at   liis 

ig  says   Bartholo- 

with  Ovando  in 

uy-oight.     I  h.iw; 

tlic  text  as  given 

lier  year  for  \\v: 

tlic  New  Uoriil 

fcrcnccs  in  wri'- 

e    period    of    liii 

s   wliich   he    Ut- 


i,f    parents   brought   from  Africa,   and   obtained    through  the    Portuguese 
traffickers. 

On  May  9,  1502,  Las  Casas  embarked  for  the  second  time  with  Columbus, 
reaching  San  Domingo  on  June  29.  In  15 10  he  was  ordained  priest  by  the 
fu'st  Hishop  of  llispaniola,  and  was  the  first  ecclesiastic  ordained  in  the 
so-called  Indies  to  say  there  his  virgin  Ma.ss.  This  was  regarded  as  a 
great  occasion,  and  was  attended  by  crowds;  though  a  story  is  told,  hardly 
credible,  that  there  was  then  not  a  drop  of  wine  to  be  obtained  in  the 
colony.  The  first  Dominican  monks,  under  their  Bishop,  Cordova,  reached 
the  islands  in  1510.  As  we  .shall  find,  the  Dominicans  were  from  the  first, 
and  always,  firm  friends,  approvers,  and  helpers  of  Las  Casas  in  his  hard 
conflict  for  asserting  the  rights  of  humanity  for  the  outraged  natives.  The 
fact  presets  us  with  one  of  the  strange  anomalies  in  history, —  that  the 
founders  and  prime  agents  of  the  Inquisition  in  Europe  should  be  the 
champions  of  the  heathen  in  the  New  World. 

The  monks  in  sympathy  with  the  ardent  zeal  of  Las  Casas  began  to 
preach  vehemently  against  the  atrocious  wrongs  which  were  inflicted  upon 
the  wretched  natives,  and  he  was  sent  as  curate  to  a  village  in  Cuba.  The 
Franciscans,  who  had  preceded  the  Dominicans,  had  since  1502  effected 
nothing  in  opposition  to  these  wrongs.  Utterly  futile  were  the  orders 
which  came  continually  from  the  monarchs  against  overworking  and  op- 
pressing the  natives,  as  their  delicate  constitutions,  unused  to  bodily  toil, 
easily  sank  under  its  exactions.  The  injunctions  against  enslaving  them 
were  positive.  Exception  was  made  only  in  the  case  of  the  Caribs,  as 
reputed  cannibals,  and  the  then  increasing  number  of  imported  negro 
slaves,  who  were  supposed  to  be  better  capable  of  hard  endurance.  Las 
Casts  was  a  witness  and  a  most  keen  and  sensitive  observer  of  the  inflictions 
—  lashings  and  other  torturing  atrocities  —  by  which  his  fellow-countrymen, 
as  if  goaded  by  a  demoniac  spirit,  treated  these  simple  and  quailing  chil- 
dren of  Nature,  as  if  they  were  organized  without  sensitiveness  of  nerve, 
fibre,  or  understanding,  requiring  of  them  tasks  utterly  beyond  their 
strength,  bending  them  to  the  earth  with  crushing  burdens,  harnessing  them 
to  loads  which  they  could  not  drag  and  with  fiendish  sport  and  malice 
hacking  off  their  hands  and  feet,  and  mutilating  their  bodies  in  ways  which 
will  not  bear  a  description.  It  was  when  he  accompanied  the  expedition 
tiiuler  Velasquez  for  the  occupation  of  Cuba,  that  he  first  drew  the  most 
jealous  and  antagonistic  opposition  and  animosity  upon  himself,  as  stand- 
ing between  the  natives  and  his  own  countr)'men,  who  in  their  sordidness, 
ra|)acit\-,  and  cruelty  seemed  to  have  extinguished  in  themselves  e\-cry 
instinct  of  humanity  and  every  sentiment  of  religion.  Here  too  was  first 
ludught  into  marked  observation  his  wonderful  power  over  the  natives 
in  winning  their  confidence  and  attachment,  as  they  were  ever  after  docile 
tnuler  his  advice,  and  learned  to  look  to  him  as  their  true  friend.  We 
pause  to  contemplate  this  wonderful  and  most  engaging  character,  as,  after 
lilling  his  eye  and  thought  with  the  shocking  scenes  in  which  hi.  country- 
VOL.  II.  —  39, 


)^ 


li  n 


)\ 


[   I 


iv' 


F'H        'i 


!i; 


ir 


,:.  >Ji:. 


■■ 


I    :'l; 


»^    I 


i/i 


if» 


';!■ 


:( 


,- 


<  .1 


J    i! 


W 


11 


1    (! 


306 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


men  —  in  name  the  disciples  of  Jesus  and  loyal  members  of  his  Church  — 
perpetrated  such  enormities  against  beings  in  their  own  likeness,  he  bej,'an 
his  incessant  tracking  of  the  ocean  pathways  in  his  voyages  to  lay  his 
remonstrances  and  appeals  before  successive  monarchs.  Beginning  this 
service  in  his  earliest  manhood,  he  was  to  labor  in  it  with  unabated  zeal 
till  his  death,  with  unimpaired  faculties,  at  the  age  of  ninety-two.  lie  calls 
himself  "the  Clerigo.'  He  was  soon  to  win  and  worthily  to  bear  the  title 
of  "  Universal  Protector  of  the  Indians."  Truly  was  he  a  remarkable  and 
conspicuous  personage, —  unique,  as  rather  the  anomaly  than  the  product 
of  his  age  and  land,  his  race  and  fellowship.  His  character  impresses  us 
alike  by  its  loveliness  and  its  ruggedness,  its  tenderness  and  its  vigor,  its 
melting  .sympathy  and  its  robust  energies.  His  mental  and  moral  endow- 
ments were  of  the  strongest  and  the  richest,  and  his  spiritual  insight  and 
fervor  well-nigh  etherealized  him.  His  gifts  and  abilities  gave  him  a  rich 
versatility  in  capacity  and  resource.  He  was  immensely  in  advance  of  his 
age,  so  as  to  be  actually  in  antagonism  with  it.  He  was  free  alike  from  its 
prejudices,  its  limitations,  and  many  of  its  superstitions,  as  well  as  from  its 
barbarities.  He  was  single-hearted,  courageous,  fervent,  and  persistent, 
bold  and  daring  as  a  venturesome  voyager  over  new  seas  and  mysterious 
depths  of  virgin  wildernesses,  missionary,  scholar,  theologian,  acute  logician, 
historian,  curious  observer  of  Nature,  the  peer  of  Saint  Paul  in  wisdom  and 
zeal.  Charles  V.  coming  to  the  throne  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  when  Las  Casas 
was  about  forty,  was  at  once  won  to  him  by  profound  respect  and  strong 
•tachment,  as  had  I^-^en  the  case  with  Charles's  grandfather  Ferdinand, 
whom  Las  Casas  survived  fifty  years,  while  he  outlived  Columbus  sixty 
years. 

The  Clerigo  found  his  remonstrances  and  appeals  to  his  own  nominally 
Christian  fellow-countrymen  wholly  ineffectual  in  restraining  or  even  miti- 
gating the  oppressions  and  cruelties  inflicted  upon  the  wretched  natives. 
There  was  something  phenomenal,  as  has  been  said,  in  the  license  yielded 
to  the  ingenuity  of  Spanish  barbarity.  It  combined  all  the  devices  of  in- 
quisitorial torturing  with  the  indulgence  of  the  bestial  ferocities  of  the  bull- 
fight. At  times  it  seemed  as  if  the  heartless  oppressors  were  seeking  only 
for  a  brutal  mirth  in  inventing  games  in  which  their  victims  should  writhe 
and  yell  as  for  their  amusement.  Then,  as  opportunity  suggested  or  served, 
a  scheme  of  the  most  cunning  treachery  and  malice  would  turn  an  occasion 
of  revelry  or  feasting,  to  which  the  natives  had  been  invited  or  L-on  be- 
guiled by  their  tormentors,  into  a  riot  of  fury  and  massacre.  The  utter 
aimlessness  and  recklessness  of  most  of  these  horrid  enormities  impress 
the  reader  in  these  days  as  simply  the  indulgence  of  a  wanton  spirit 
in  giving  free  license  in  human  passions  to  those  mocking  employments 
of  grinning  devils  in  the  old  church  paintings  as  they  inflict  retributions 
on  the  damned  spirits  in  hell.  The  forked  weapons,  the  raging  flames, 
and  the  hideous  demoniac  delights  exhibited  in  paintings,  with  which  the 
eyes  of  the  Spaniards  were  so  familiar,  found  their  all-too-faithful  counter- 


CA. 


LAS   CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


307 


is  Church  — 
ss,  he  bcj,'an 
s  to  lay  his 
ginnini,'  this 
iKibatcd  zeal 
o.  He  calls 
car  the  titU' 
larkable  and 

the  product 
impresses  us 
its  vigor,  its 
loral  endou- 

insight  and 
■c  him  a  rich 
vance  of  his 
like  from  its 
I  as  from  its 
i  persistent, 
1  mysterious 
:utc  logician, 

wisdom  and 
en  Las  Casas 
:  and  strong 

Ferdinand, 

mbus  sixty 

n  nominally 
even  miti- 
cd  natives, 
nse  yielded 
vices  of  in- 
of  the  bull- 
ceking  only 
ould  writhe 
d  or  served, 
an  occasion 
r  L_en  bc- 
Thc  utter 
les  impress 
anton  spirit 
njiloymenls 
retributions 
ing  flames, 
which  the 
ul  counter- 


parts in  the  tropical  zones  and  v.dleys  of  our  virgin  islands.  The  only 
pictcnccs  offered,  not  for  justifying  but  for  inflicting  such  wanton  barbar- 
ities on  the  natives,  were  such  as  these,  —  that  they  refused  to  make  known 
(ir  to  guide  their  oppressors  to  rich  mines,  or  to  work  beyond  their  powers 
of  endurance,  or  to  bear  intolerable  burdens,  or  to  furnish  food  which  they 
had  not  to  give.  Touching  and  harrowing  it  is  to  read  of  many  instances 
in  which  the  simple  diplomacy  ot  the  natives  prompted  them  to  neglect  the 
little  labor  of  husbandry  required  to  supply  their  own  wants,  in  order  that 
the  invader?  might  with  themselves  be  brought  to  starvation.  Whenever 
the  Clerigo  accompanied  a  body  ol  Spaniards  on  the  way  to  an  Indian 
\  illage,  he  always  made  an  effort  to  keej.  the  two  people  apart  by  night 
and  by  day,  and  he  employed  himself  busily  in  baptizing  infants  and  little 
children.  He  could  never  be  too  quick  in  this  service,  as  these  subjects  of 
his  zeal  were  the  victims  of  the  indiscriminate  slaughter.  The  only  con- 
solation which  this  tender-hearted  yet  heroic  missionary  could  find,  as  his 
share  in  the  enterprise  of  his  people,  was  in  keeping  the  reckoning  on  his 
tablets  of  the  number  of  those  born  under  the  common  heathen  doom 
whom  he  had  snatched,  by  a  holy  drop,  from  the  jaws  of  hell. 

Baffled  in  all  hf .  nearly  solitary  endeavor?  to  check  the  direful  havoc 
and  wreck  of  poor  humanity  on  the  scenes  which  were  made  so  gory  and 
hateful.  Las  Casas  returned  again  to  Spain  in  1515,  buoyed  by  resolve  and 
hope  that  his  dark  revelations  and  bold  remonstrances  would  draw  forth 
something  more  effective  from  the  sovereign.  He  was  privileged  by  free 
and  sympathizing  interviews  with  Ferdinand  at  Placentia.  But  any  hope 
of  success  here  was  soon  crushed  by  the  monarch's  death.  Las  Casas  was 
intending  to  go  at  once  to  Flanders  to  plead  with  the  new  King,  Charles  L, 
afterward  Emperor,  but  was  delayed  by  sympathetic  friends  found  in  Car- 
dinal Ximenes  and  Adrian,  the  Regents. 

It  may  seem  strange  and  unaccountable  that  Las  Casas  should  have 
encoimtered  near  the  Court  of  a  benignant  sovereign  a  most  malignant 
opposition  to  all  his  endeavors  from  first  to  last  in  securing  the  simply  humane 
objects  of  his  mission.  But  in  fact  he  was  withstood  as  resolutely  at  home 
as  abroad,  and  often  by  a  more  wily  r.nd  calculating  policy.  He  found 
enemies  and  effective  thwarters  of  his  influence  and  advice  in  the  order  of 
the  jeronymites.  Of  the  grounds  and  methods  of  their  harmful  activity-, 
as  well  as  of  some  of  the  more  ostensible  and  plausible  of  the  motives  and 
alleged  reasons  which  made  him  personal  enemies  both  in  Spain  and  in  the 
Indies,  we  must  speak  with  some  detail  farther  on.  It  may  be  well  here 
to  follow  him  summarily  in  his  frequent  alternation  between  his  missionary 
lields  and  his  homeward  voyages,  to  ply  his  invigorated  zeal  with  new  and 
iiitcnser  earnestness  from  his  fuller  experiences  of  the  woes  and  outrages 
which  he  sought  to  redress.  With  some,  though  insufficient,  assurances 
tif  regal  authority  in  support  of  his  cause,  he  re-embarked  for  the  Indies, 
Xov.  II,  1516,  and  reuv-hed  Hispaniola  in  December,  fortified  with  the  per- 
?;onal  title  of  the  "  Universal  Protector  of  the  Indians."     He  sailed  again 


•^l^.l 


',  - 


'  t» 


'I  i| 


■\ 


',l/  - 


,!)■; 


ii  I. 


''iM" 


V,! 


\  '' 


'':! 


f? 


i ' 


A 


•    uT 


!)':,    I 


;(,'     i 


^^1 


3OS 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


for  Spain,  May  7,  15 17.  His  plainness  of  speech  Iinil  in  tlic  interval  in- 
creased the  animosity  and  tiic  elTorls  to  thwart  him  of  the  local  authorities 
on  the  islands,  and  had  even  induced  coldness  and  lack  of  aid  amonj;  his 
Dominican  friends.  He  had  many  public  and  private  hearings  in  Spain, 
stirrin<j  up  atjainst  himself  various  plottint^s  and  new  enemies.  In  each  of 
these  homeward  visits  Las  Casas  of  course  brou^'ht  with  him  revelatit)ns 
€ind  specific  details  of  new  accumulations  of  iniquity  against  the  natives; 
and  with  a  better  understanding  of  himself,  and  also  of  all  the  intrigues  and 
interests  warring  against  him,  his  honest  soul  assured  him  that  he  must  ;it 
last  win  some  triumph  in  his  most  righteous  cause.  So  he  heaped  the 
charges  and  multii)lied  the  disclosures  which  gave  such  vehemence  and 
eloquence  to  his  pleadings.  Having  during  each  of  his  home  visits  nut 
some  form  of  misrepresentation  or  falsehood,  he  vvould  re-embark,  furnislutl 
as  he  hoped  with  some  new  agency  and  authority  against  the  evil-doers. 
]iut  his  enemies  were  as  ingenious  and  as  active  as  himself  Perhaps  the 
same  vessel  or  fleet  which  carried  him  to  the  islands,  with  orders  intended 
to  advance  his  influence,  would  bear  fellow-passengers  with  documents  or 
means  to  thwart  all  his  reinforced  mission.  He  left  Spain  again  in  1520, 
only  to  cast  himself  on  a  new  sea  of  troubles  soon  inducing  him  to  return. 
His  sixth  voyage  carried  him  this  time  to  the  mainland  in  Me.vico,  in  1537. 
He  was  in  Spain  once  more  in  1539.  While  waiting  here  for  the  return  of 
the  Emperor,  he  composed  si.K  of  his  many  essays  upon  his  one  unchan- 
ging theme,  all  glowing  with  his  righteous  indignation,  and  prouering  wise 
and  plain  advice  to  the  monarch.  Yet  again  he  crossed  the  now  familiar 
ocean  to  America,  in  1544,  it  being  his  seventh  western  voyage,  and  returned 
for  the  seventh  and  last  time  to  Spain  in  1547.  Here  were  fourteen  sea- 
voyages,  with  their  perils,  privations,  and  lack  of  the  common  appliances  and 
comforts  shared  in  these  days  by  the  rudest  mariners.  These  voj-ages 
were  interspersed  by  countless  trips  and  ventures  amid  the  western  islantls 
and  the  main,  involving  twofold,  and  a  larger  variety  of  harassmcnts  and 
risks,  with  quakings,  hurricanes,  and  reefs,  exposures  in  open  .skiffs,  and  the 
privilege  of  making  one's  own  charts.  But  one  year  short  of  fifty  in  the 
count  out  of  his  lengthened  life  w-ere  spent  by  this  man  of  noble  ardor,  of 
dauntless  soul,  and  of  loving  heart  in  a  cause  which  never  brought  to  him 
the  joy  of  an  accomplished  aim. 

Las  Casas  shared,  with  a  few  other  men  of  the  most  fervent  and  self- 
sacrificing  religious  zeal,  an  experience  of  the  deepest  inward  conviction, 
following  upon,  not  originally  prompting  to,  the  fidl  consecration  of  his 
life  to  his  devoutest  aim.  Though  he  had  been  ordained  to  the  priesthood 
in  I  510,  he  was  afterward  made  to  realize  that  he  had  not  then  been  the 
subject  of  that  profound  experience  known  in  the  formulas  of  piety  as  true 
conversion.  He  dates  this  personal  experience,  carrying  him  to  a  deeper 
devotional  consciousness  than  he  had  previously  realized,  to  the  influence 
over  him  of  a  faithful  lay  friend,  Pedro  de  la  Renteria,  with  whom  he  be- 
came intimate  in  1514.     To  the  devout  conversation,  advice,  and  example 


LAS    CASAS,    AND    IHL;   Sl'AMAROS    AND    INDIANS. 


309 


i<(  tliis  intimate  companion  lie  ascribed  his  bcttcr-infornici!  appiohension 
of  tiic  railical  inlliicnccs  wliicii  wrought  out  tiic  whole  s\  stcni  of  wron^ 
iiithctcd  upon  the  natives.  I, as  Casas  himself,  like  all  the  <jther  Spaniards, 
li.uj  a  company  of  Indian  servants,  who  were  in  effect  slaves;  and  he  put 
then'  to  work,  the  benefit  of  which  accrued  to  himself.  A  f(jrm  of  servitude 
which  exceeded  all  the  conditions  of  plantation  slavery  had  been  instituted 
by  Columbus  under  the  system  of  so-called  repartimiciitos.  It  was  founded 
oil  the  assumption  that  the  Spanish  monarcli  had  an  absolute  proprietary 
ri^'lit  over  the  natives,  and  could  make  disposals  and  allotments  of  their  ser 
vices  to  his  Christian  subjects,  the  numbers  being  proportioned  to  the  rank, 
.standing,  and  means  of  individuals,  the  meanest  Spaniard  being  entitled 
to  share  in  the  distribution  of  these  servitors.  This  allowance  mide  over 
to  men  of  the  lowest  grade  of  intelligence,  character,  and  humanity,  the 
absolute  and  irresponsible  power  over  the  life  and  death  of  the  natives 
intrusted  to  the  disposal  of  masters.  Under  it  were  perpetrated  cruelties 
against  which  there  were  no  availing  remonstrances,  and  for  which  there 
was  no  redress.  The  domestic  cattle  of  civilized  men  arc  to  be  envied 
abo\e  the  human  beings  who  were  held  under  the  system  of  reparti- 
miciitos,  —  tasked,  scourged,  tormented,  and  hunted  with  bloodhounds,  if 
they  sank  under  toils  and  inflictions  beyond  their  delicate  constitutions, 
or  sought  refuge  in  flight. 

The  slavery  which  afterward  existed  in  the  British  Colonies  and  in  these 
United  States  had  scarce  a  feature  in  common  with  that  which  originated 
witii  the  Spanish  invaders.  Las  Casas  thinks  that  Ferdinand  lived  and 
died  without  having  had  anything  like  a  full  apprehension  of  the  enormities 
of  the  system.  This,  however,  was  not  because  efforts  were  lacking  to 
inform  him  of  these  enormities,  or  to  engage  his  sovereign  intervention  to 
modify  and  restrain,  if  not  positively  to  prohibit,  them.  As  we  shall  see,  the 
system  was  so  rooted  in  the  greed  and  rapacity  of  the  first  adventurers  here, 
who  were  goaded  by  passion  for  power  and  wealth,  that  foreign  authority 
wa'^  thwarted  in  every  attempt  to  overrule  it.  The  most  favored  advisers  of 
l*\idinand  endeavored  at  first  to  keep  him  in  ignorance  of  the  system,  and 
tluii,  as  he  obtained  partial  information  about  it,  to  lead  him  ',0  believe  that 
it  was  vitally  indispensable  to  conversion,  to  colonization,  and  to  remunera- 
tive trade.  The  Dominican  missionaries  had,  as  early  as  '501,  informed 
the  monarch  of  the  savage  cruelties  which  the  system  imposed.  AD  that 
they  effected  was  to  induce  Ferdinand  to  refer  the  matter  ;o  a  coun  :il  of 
jurists  and  theologians.  Some  of  these  were  even  alleged  to  have  pergonal 
interests  in  the  system  of  rcpartimioitos ;  but  Pt  any  rave  they  we^c  under 
the  influence  and  sway  of  its  most  s;clfish  supporters.  As  the  result  of  their 
conference,  they  persuaded  the  monarch  that  the  system  was  absolutely 
necessary,  —  as,  first,  the  Spaniards  themselves  were  incapable  of  bodily  labor 
under  a  debilitating  climate;  and  second,  that  the  close  and  dependent 
relation  under  which  the  natives  were  thus  brought  to  their  masters  could 
alone  insure  the  possibility  of  their  conversion  to  the  true  faith.     Ferdinand 


;Vl, 


it ,  lii' 


■1   .        ! 


iM 


\'l 


I.)l 


\ui 


il  'f 


ll=i    I       . 


310 


NAKKATIN'i:    AND   CRITICAL    IIISTOKY   OF  Ai\.KRICA. 


was  so  far  won  over  to  the  allowance  of  tlic  wron|^  as  to  issue  an  ordinance 
in  its  favor;  while  he  sought  to  limit,  restrain,  and  tiualify  it  by  injunctions 
which,  of  course,  were  futile  in  their  tlictation,  for  operating  at  a  distance, 
in  islantls  where  sordid  personal  interests  were  all  on  the  side  of  a  ilefiance 
of  them. 

The  Clerigo  affirms  that  his  own  conscience  was  more  startlingly  aroused 
to  a  full  sense  of  the  wrongs  and  ini(iuities  of  the  system  of  the  ir/>artiini- 
ciitos  by  his  religious  friend  Rentcria.  He  had  previously,  of  course,  so 
far  as  he  was  himself  made  the  master  or  guardian  in  this  relation  of  any 
number  of  the  natives,  brought  his  humanity  and  his  ardor  for  justice  inl(j 
full  exercise.  But  he  was  quickened  by  his  frijnd  to  the  duty  of  private 
and  also  of  bold  public  protest  against  the  system,  and  most  plainly  to 
offenders  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  victims  which  they  enthralled 
and  to  the  cruelty  inflicted  upon  them.  It  was  not  his  wont  to  allow  any 
timidity  or  personal  regards  or  temporizing  calculations  to  compel  his 
silence  or  to  moderate  his  rebukes.  I  lis  infirmity  rather  led  him  to  e.\- 
ccss  in  impatience  and  passion  in  his  remonstrances.  I  lis  bold  and  de- 
nunciatory preaching  —  though  it  appears  that  in  this,  and,  as  we  shall 
note,  on  other  occasions  of  speech  and  writing,  he  restrained  himself  from 
using  the  name  of  conspicuous  offenders  —  caused  an  intense  consterna- 
tion and  excitement.  His  clerical  character  barely  saved  him  from  per- 
sonal violence.  He  found  his  hearers  obdurate,  and  utterly  beyond  the 
sway  of  his  protests  and  appeals.  Again,  therefore,  he  turned  his  face 
toward  Spain,  sustained  by  the  fond  assurance  that  he  could  so  engage 
the  King's  intervention  by  his  disclosures  and  rehearsals,  that  the  royal 
authority  should  at  this  time  be  effectually  exerted  against  a  giant  iniquity. 
This  was  his  homeward  errand  in  1515.  That  even  his  presence  and  speech 
had  had  some  restraining  influence  in  Cuba,  is  signified  by  the  fact  that 
after  his  withdrawal  and  during  his  absence  all  the  wrongs  and  miseries  of 
which  the  natives,  wholly  impotent  to  resist,  were  the  victims,  ran  into 
wilder  license.  The  Spaniards  kept  bloodhounds  in  training  and  in  hun- 
ger, to  scour  the  woods  and  thickets  and  wilderness  depths  for  the  despair- 
ing fugitives.  Whole  families  of  the  natives  took  refuge  in  voluntary  and 
preferred  self-destruction. 

Two  Dominicans  of  like  mind  with  Las  Casas  accompanied  him  on  his 
errand.  Pedro  de  Cordova,  prelate  of  the  Dominicans,  was  his  stanch 
friend.  The  Clerigo  reached  Seville  in  the  autumn  of  1515,  and  at  once 
addressed  himself  to  Ferdinand.  He  found  the  monarch  old  and  ailing. 
The  most  able  and  malignant  opponent  with  whose  support,  enlisted 
upon  the  side  of  the  wrong  and  of  the  wrongdoers.  Las  Casas  had  to  con- 
tend, was  the  Bishop  of  Burgos,  Fonseca,  whose  influence  had  sway  in  the 
Council  for  the  Indies.^     After  the  King's  d-iiath,  Jan.  23,  15  16,  Las  Casas 

1  Theadministrationof  affairs  in  the  Western  and  jurist;.,  called  "The  Council  for  the  In- 
colonies  of  .Spain  was  coniniitted  by  Ferdinand,  dies."  Its  powers  originally  conferred  by  Fcrdi- 
in  1511,  to  a  body  composed  chiefly  ot   clergy     nand  were  afterward  greatly  enlarged  by  Charles 


IAS   CASAS,   AND   THK   Sl'ANIARUS    AND   INDIANS. 


3«I 


enjoyed  the  countenance,  ;uul  Iiad  liopc  of  the  effectual  aid,  of  the  two  Ke- 
f^ciits,  previously  mentioned,  durin^,^  the  minority  of  Charles,  the  iieir  to 
till-  throne.  The  earnestness  and  persistency  of  the  Cieri^'o  so  far  availed 
as  to  obtain  for  him  instructions  to  be  carried  to  those  in  autliority  in  tlie 
islands  for  qualifying  the  npartimiaito  system,  and  with  penalties  for  the 
njjpressions  under  it.  Some  Jeronyniitci'  were  selected  to  accompany  him 
on  iiis  return,  as  if  to  reinforce  the  objects  of  his  mission,  and  to  insure  the 
efficacy  of  the  title  conferred  upon  him  as  the  "  Protector  of  the  Indians." 
The  Jeronymites,  however,  had  been  corrupted  by  the  cunning  and  in- 
trigues of  the  wily  and  exasperated  enemies  of  La.s  Casas,  who  effected 
in  secrecy  what  they  could  not  or  dared  not  attempt  publicly  aijainsl  the 
conrafTcous  Clerigo  and  his  purposes  backed  by  authority.  Already  alien- 
ated during  the  voyage,  they  reached  San  Domingo  in  December,  1516. 
IVrliaps  candor  may  induce  the  suggestion  that  while  the  Jeronymites,  from 
motives  of  prudence,  temporized  and  qualified  their  activity  in  their  errand, 
Las  Casas  was  heady  and  unforbcaring  in  his  uncompromising  demand  for 
instant  redress  of  wrong.  At  any  rate  he  was  wholly  foiled  in  the  exercise 
of  his  delegated  authority;  and  so,  with  a  fire  in  his  blood  which  allowed 
no  peace  to  his  spirit,  he  was  again  in  Spain  in  July,  1517.  Here  he  found 
Cardinal  Ximenes,  his  friendly  patron,  near  to  death.  He  was,  however, 
encouraged  with  the  hope  and  promise  of  patronage  from  high  quarters. 
I'Or  a  season  his  cause  presented  a  favorable  aspect.  He  had  become 
sadly  assured  that  upon  the  Spaniards  in  the  islands,  whose  hearts  and 
consciences  were  smothered  by  their  greed  and  inhumanity,  no  influence, 
not  even  that  of  ghostly  terrorism,  which  was  tried  in  the  refusal  of  the 
sacraniciiis,  would  be  of  the  least  avail.  His  only  resource  was  to  engage 
wliat  force  there   might  be  in  the  piety  and  humanity  of  the  Church  at 


,( 


fi 


V.  Tluse  powers  were  full  and  supreme,  and  any 
infurniation,  petition,  appeal,  or  matter  of  l)usi- 
ntss  concerning  the  Indies,  though  it  had  been 
first  brouglit  before  the  monarcli,  was  referred 
by  liim  for  at'judication  to  the  Council.  This 
liddy  had  an  almost  absolute  sway  alike  in  mat- 
ters civil  and  ecclesiastical,  with  supreme  author- 
ity liver  all  appointments  and  all  concerns  of 
gijvtrnment  and  trade.  It  was  therefore  in  the 
|"nvcr  of  the  Coimcil  to  overrule  or  qualify  in 
iM:iiiy  ways  the  will  or  purpose  or  measures  of 
the  sinereigns,  which  were  really  in  favor  of 
right  or  justice  or  humane  [iroceedings  in  the 
affairs  of  the  colonies.  For  it  naturally  came 
about  that  some  of  its  members  were  personally 
.ind  selfishly  interested  in  the  abuses  and  iniqui- 
lits  which  it  was  their  rightful  function  and  their 
duty  to  withstand.  At  the  head  of  the  Council 
was  a  dignitary  whose  well-known  character 
nud  (|ualities  were  utterly  unfavorable  for  the 
rightful  discharge  of  his  high  trust.  This  was 
Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  successively  Hishop 
ui   llad.ijoz,  Valencia,  and  Uurgos,  and  consti- 


tuted "  P.atriarch  of  the  Indies."  He  had  full 
control  of  colonial  affairs  for  thirty  years,  till 
near  his  death  in  1547.  He  bore  the  repute 
among  his  associates  of  extreme  worldliness  and 
ambition,  with  none  of  the  graces  and  virtues 
becoming  the  priestly  office,  the  duties  of  which 
engaged  but  little  of  his  time  or  regard.  It  is 
evident  also  that  he  was  of  an  unscrupulous 
and  malignant  disposition.  Ife  was  inimical  to 
Columbus  and  Cortes  from  the  start.  He  triid 
to  hinder,  and  succeeded  in  delaying  and  cnib.ir- 
rassing,  the  second  westward  voyage  of  the  great 
admiral.  (Irving's  Coltimlnis,  iii. ;  Appendix 
XXXIV.)  He  was  a  bitter  opponent  of  Las 
Casas,  even  resorting  to  taunting  insults  of  the 
apostle,  and  either  openly  or  crookedly  thwart- 
ing hiin  in  every  stage  and  effort  of  his  patient 
importunities  to  secure  the  intervention  of  tiie 
sovereigns  in  the  i)rotection  of  the  natives. 
The  explanation  of  this  enmity  is  found  in  the 
fact  that  Fonseca  himself  was  the  owner  of  a 
rcpixrtimiento  in  Hispaniola,  with  a  large  num- 
ber of  nativo  slaves. 


,< 


3'-^ 


NAKRATIVK   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


U''  si 


'(     (I 


'.'-I 


i 


I  ,• 


'^'1 


'     Ml 

;i! 


Iionio,  in  the  sense  of  justice  amonj^  hif^h  civil  dif^nitaries,  and  in  siuli 
siinpatlu'tic  aid  as  lie  mi^lit  tiraw  fnun  his  Cdiintijnuii  ulio  had  no  in- 
terest ill  the  niininjj  or  the  commerce  sustaiiicd  !))•  tlie  impositions  iiixm 
the  natives.  The  yoiinj;  Kin^j  iiail  wise  coiincilh)rs,  and  they  made  willi 
him  some  ^ooil  plans  for  means  of  relieving;  tlie  natives  from  severities 
in  tiieir  tasks  of  labor,  from  cruel  intlictions  in  working  tiie  mines,  and  fmni 
exorbitant  ta\es  exacting;  of  them  produce  and  commodities  enormously 
exceeding;  their  possible  resources,  however  willing;  they  mij^ht  be  in  yield 
inpj.  It  was  at  this  time  and  under  its  emergency,  that  Las  C'asas  uuI'M. 
Innately  gave  something  more  than  his  assent,  even  his  countenance  ami 
ailvice,  to  a  proposition  the  effect  of  which  was  to  root  in  pure  and  free 
soil  an  enormity  whose  harvesting  and  increase  were  a  sum  nf  woes.  He 
certainly  ilid  advisi;  that  each  Spaniard,  resident  in  llispaniola,  should 
be  allowed  to  import  a  do/en  negro  slaves.  He  did  this,  as  he  afterwaid 
affirmed  and  confessed,  under  the  lure  of  a  deep  mist  and  delusion. 
So  painful  was  the  remorse  which  he  tlieii  experienced  for  his  folly  and 
error,  that  he  avows  that  he  woukl  part  with  all  he  had  in  the  world  to 
redress  it.  He  says  that  when  he  gave  this  advice  he  had  not  at  all  been 
aware  of  the  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  Portuguese  dealers  in  entrapping 
these  wretched  Africans.  Besides  this,  he  had  been  promised  by  the  (Zi- 
onists that  if  they  might  be  allowed  to  have  negroes,  whose  constituti  hh 
were  stronger  for  endurance,  they  would  give  up  the  feeble  natives.  We 
may  therefore  acquit  Las  Casas  in  his  confessed  sin  of  ignorance  and  will- 
ing compromise  in  an  alternative  of  v/rongs.  Ikit  he  is  wholly  guiltless  of 
a  charge  which  has  been  brought  against  him,  founded  upon  this  admitted 
error,  of  having  been  the  first  to  propose  and  to  secure  the  introduction  nf 
African  slavery  into  the  New  World.  .'\s  has  already  been  said,  the  wrong 
hatl  been  [jcrpetrated  many  years  before  Las  Casas  had  any  agency  in  it 
by  deed  or  word.  While  the  young  King  was  still  in  Flanders  negro  slaves 
had  been  sent  by  his  permission  to  llispaniola.  The  number  was  limited 
to  a  thousand  for  each  of  the  four  principal  islands.  As  there  was  a  mo- 
nopoly set  up  in  the  sale  of  these  doleful  victims,  the  price  of  them  was 
speedily  and  greatly  enhanced.* 

Las  Casas  devised  and  initiated  a  scheme  for  the  emigration  of  laboring 
men  from  Spain.  Thwarted  in  this  purpose,  he  formed  a  plan  for  a  colony 
where  restrictions  were  to  be  enforced  to  guard  against  the  worst  abuses 
Fifty  Spaniards,  intended  to  be  carefully  selected  with  regard  to  character 
and  habits,  and  distinguished  by  a  semi-clerical  garb  and  mode  of  life, 
were  his  next  device  foi    introducing  some   more   tolerable   conditions  of 


Hi; 


'  There  is  an  cxtciulcd  Xote  on  Las  Casas 
in  Appendix  X.WIIL  of  Irving's  Co/iim/nis. 
That  author  most  effectively  vindicates  Las 
C.isas  from  having  first  advised  and  been  in- 
strumental in  the  introduction  of  African  slav- 
ery in  the  New  World,  giving  the  dates  and 
the   advisers   and   agents   connected   with   that 


wrong  previous  to  any  word  on  the  subject 
from  Las  Casas.  The  devoted  missionary  had 
been  brought  to  acepiicsce  in  the  measure  nii 
the  plausible  pica  stated  in  the  text,  acting  from 
the  purest  spirit  of  benevolence,  though  under 
an  erroneous  judgment.  Cardinal  Ximenes  haJ 
from  the  first  opposed  the  project. 


LAS   CASAS,  AND   THK   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


i^i 


vviiik  .md  tliiift  in  the  isl.uuls.  Kidiciili;  was  brnii<,'lu  to  heir,  with  all  sorts 
of  iiitri^;ucs  and  tricks,  to  baffle  this  scliciiu'.  lUit  the  Clori^jo  persevered 
ill  iiieetint;  all  the  obstructions  thrown  in  his  way,  ant!  sailed  for  San  Do- 
wuw^o  in  July,  1520.  lie  established  his  little  L'topian  colony  at  Ciimana; 
lull  misadventures  befel  it,  and  it  came  to  a  melancholy  eml.  It  seemed 
for  a  season  as  if  the  tried  and  patient  Cleri^o  was  at  last  ihiven  to  com- 
pkte  ilisheartenment.  Wearied  and  exhausted,  he  took  refuse  in  a  Domi- 
niiMii  convent  in  San  Domingo,  receivinjf  the  tonsure  in  1523.  Here  he 
\,is  in  retirement  for  eij,'ht  years,  occupying  himself  in  stutlying  anil  writ- 
ing, of  which  we  have  many  results.  During  this  interval  the  work  of  de- 
|)ii|)uI,ition  and  devastation  was  ruinously  ailvancing  under  Cortes,  Alvarado, 
.iiul  I'i/arro,  in  Mexico,  (iuatemala,  and  leru.  There  is  some  uncertainty 
.ihout  an  alleged  presence  of  Las  Casas  at  the  Court  in  Spain  in  1530. 
Hut  he  was  in  Mexico  in  1531,  in  Nicaragua  in  1534,  and  in  Spain  again 
in  1539,  in  b(.'half  of  a  promising  work  undertaken  in  Tuzulutlan,  from 
which  all  lay  Spaniards  were  to  be  excluded.  Having  accomplished,  as 
he  Imped,  the  object  of  his  visit,  he  would  have  returned  at  once  to  the 
■\nierican  main;  but  was  detained  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  as  the  per- 
son best  able  and  most  trustworthy  to  give  them  certain  information  which 
they  desired.  It  was  at  this  period  that  he  wrote  his  remarkable  work, 
T/ie  Destruction  of  the  Indies.  This  bokl  and  daring  product  of  his  pen 
and  of  the  righteous  indignation  which  had  heretofore  found  expression 
from  his  eloquent  and  fervid  speech,  will  soon  be  examined  in  detail.  It 
inaj'  be  said  now  that  this  work,  afterward  so  widely  circulated  and  trans- 
lated into  all  the  languages  of  Europe,  —  perhaps  with  some  reduction.; 
fiiim  the  original,  —  was  not  at  first  allowed  to  be  published,  but  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  Emperor  and  his  ministers.  As  the  shocking  revelations 
made  in  this  book  state  in  round  numbers  the  victims  of  the  Spaniards  in 
different  places,  it  is  at  once  observable  that  there  are  over-statements  and 
exaggerations.  This,  however,  applies  only  to  the  numbers,  not  at  all  to  the 
acts  of  barbarity  and  iniipiity. '  The  book  was  published  twelve  years  after 
it  was  written,  and  was  dedicated  to  Philip,  the  heir  to  the  throne. 

'  .\s  will  .ippe.ir  farther  (iii  in  these  p.i,i;es,  In    the    .second    of    liis    admirable    works    he 

l.iis  Casas  stands  justly  chaii^uable  with  enor-  refers  as  follows    to    this    stricture   upon  him: 

iiiniis  (.x.agijcrations  of  tiie  number  or  estimate  of  "To  .Vnierican  and    Knglish   readers,   acknnwl- 

tile  victims  of  .Spanish  cruelty.     But  I  have  not  edging  so  different  a  mural  standard  frnin  that 

n\Lt   with   it   single   case    in   any  contemporary  of    the   si.Meenth    century,    I    may    pnssibly   be 

writer,  nor  in   the   challengers   and    opponents  thought  too  indulgent  to  tlie  errors  of  the  Con- 

of  his  iileadings  at  the  Court  of  .Spain,  in  which  querors  ;"  and  he  urges  that  while  he  has  '•  not 

liis  liidcous  portrayal  of  the  forms  and  methods  hesitated   to   expose   in   their   strongest    colors 

lit  that  cruelty,  its  dreadful   and  revolting  tor-  the  excesses  of  the  Conquerors,   I   have  given 

lures  .and  mutilations,  have  been  brought  under  them  the  benefit  of  such  mitigating  retlections 

ijueslion.     Mr.    Prescott's   f.ascinating   volumes  as   might   be    suggested   by   the   circumstances 

h:ive   been   often   and  sometimes  very  sharply  and  the   period  in  which  they  lived"   (Preface 

•ensured,  because  in  the  glow  of  romance,  chi-  to  the  Coinjiicst  of  Mexico). 

valric  daring,   and   heroic  adventure    in  which  It  is   true  that  scattered   over   all  the  ably- 

lie  sets  the  achievements  of    the  Sjianish  "  Con-  wrmight   pages  of    'SXr.  Prescott's  volumes   are 

i|uerors"  of   the    New   World   ho    would  seem  expressions  of  the  sternest   judgment   and  the 

I"   be    somewhat    lenient    to  their   barbarities,  most  indigna-'t  OLMdemnation  passed  uiK)n  the 
VOL,   II.  — 40. 


f 


i 


X.\\l 


IM 


3'4 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


TJ 


It  may  be  as  well  here  to  complete  the  summary  of  the  career  of  Las 
Casas.  While  detained  by  the  Council  he  was  engaged  in  the  advice  and 
oversight  of  a  new  code  of  laws  for  the  government  of  the  colonies  ami 
the  colonists.  Up  to  this  time  he  hid  crossed  the  ocean  to  the  islantls 
or  the  main  twelve  times,  and  had  journeyed  to  Germany  four  times  to 
confer  with  the  limperor.  He  was  offered  the  bishopric  of  Cusco,  in  To- 
ledo, but  was  not  thus  to  be  withdrawn  from  his  foreign  mission.  In  order, 
however,  to  secure  authority  to  enforce  the  new  laws,  he  accepted  the  ft)r- 
eign  bishopric  of  Chiapa,  was  consecrated  at  Seville  in  1544,  embarked 
on  July  4,  with  forty-four  monks,  and  arrived  at  Ilispaniola.  He  b'ore  the 
aversion  and  hate  which  his  presence  everywhere  provoked,  was  faithful  to 
the  monastic  habits,  and  though  so  abstemious  as  to  deny  himself  meat,  he 
kept  the  vigor  of  his  body.  He  resolutely  forbade  absolution  to  be  given 
to  Spaniards  holding  slaves  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  new  laws. 
Resigning  his  bishopric,  he  returned  to  Spain  for  the  last  time  in  1547, — 
engaging  in  his  bold  controversy  with  Sepulveda,  to  be  soon  rehearsed. 
He  resided  chiefly  in  the  Dominican  College  at  Valladolid.  In  1564,  in 
his  ninetieth  year,  he  wrote  a  work  on  Peru.  On  a  visit  to  Madrid  in  the 
service  of  the  Indians,  after  a  short  illness,  he  died  in  July,  1566,  at  the  age 
of  ninety-two,  and  was  buried  in  the  convent  of  "  Our  Lady  of  Atocha." 


■  n« 


i'i'  /. 


K'    i  * 


il<  I' 


The  most  resolute  and  effective  opponents  which  Las  Casas  found  at  the 
Spanish  Court  were  Oviedo  and  Sepulveda,  representatives  of  two  different 
classes  of  those  who  from  different  motives  and  by  different  methods  stood 
between  him  and  the  King.  Oviedo  had  held  high  offices  under  Govern- 
ment both  in  Spain  and  in  various  places  in  the  New  World.  He  wrote 
a  history  of  the  Indies,  which  Las  Casas  said  was  as  full  of  lies  almost  as 
of  pages.  He  also  had  large  interests  in  the  mines  and  in  the  enslaving 
of  the  natives.     Sepulveda '  was  distinguished  as  a  scholar  and  an  author. 


most  signal  enormities  of  these  intnrnate  spoilers, 
who  made  a  sport  of  their  barbarity.  But  those 
who  have  most  severely  censured  the  author 
upon  the  matter  now  in  view  have  done  so  under 
the  conviction  that  cruelty  unprovoked  and  un- 
relieved was  so  awfully  dark  and  prevailing  a 
feature  in  every  stage  and  incident  of  the  Span- 
ish advance  in  America,  that  no  glamour  of 
adventure  or  chivalric  deeds  can  in  the  least 
lighten  or  redeem  it.  The  undLrlving  ground 
of  variance  is  in  the  objection  to  the  use  of  the 
terms  "  Coni|uest  "  and  "  Contiucrors,  "  as  bur- 
dened with  the  relation  of  such  a  pitiful  strug- 
gle between  the  overmastering  power  of  the 
invaders  and  the  abject  lielplessness  of  their 
victims. 

As  I  am  writing  this  note,  niv  eve  falls  u|)on 
the  following  extract  from  a  private  letter  writ- 
ten in  1S47  by  that  eminent  and  highlv  revered 
divine,  Hr.  Orville  Dewey,  and  just  now  put 
into   print  :    "  I    have   been    reading    I'rescott's 


Pi-ni.  What  a  fine  accomplishment  there  is 
about  it  I  And  yet  there  is  something  wanting  to 
me  in  the  moral  nerve.  History  should  tcacli 
men  how  to  estimate  characters  ;  it  should  be 
a  teacher  of  morals ;  and  I  think  it  should 
make  us  s/iiidJey  at  the  names  of  Cortez  ami 
I'izarro.  Hut  Prescott  does  iKit  ;  he  seems  to 
have  a  kind  of  sympathy  with  these  inhuman 
and  i)erfidious  adventures,  as  if  they  were  his 
heroes.  It  is  too  bad  to  talk  of  them  as  the 
soldiers  of  Christ;  if  it  wire  said  of  the  Devil, 
they  would  have  better  fitted  the  char.tcter" 
( Anlohioj^rafhy  and  Letters  of  On'ille  Dewey,  D.D. 
p.  190). 

•  Juan  Ginez  de  Sepulved.a,  distinguished 
both  as  a  theologian  and  an  historian,  w,as  born 
near  Cordova  in  1490,  and  died  in  1573.  Ho 
was  of  a  noble  but  impoverished  family,  lb' 
availed  himself  of  his  o])portunities  for  obtain- 
ing the  best  educaticm  of  his  time  in  the  uni- 
versities of  Spain  and   Italy,  and   acquired  .in 


ICA. 


LAS    CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


315 


career  of  Las 
ic  advice  and 

colonies  and 
o  the  islands 
Four  times  to 
^usco,  in  To- 
in.  In  order, 
:pted  the  for- 
1.4,  embarked 

He  b'ore  tlic 
vas  faithful  to 
isclf  meat,  he 
n  to  be  given 
he  new  laws, 
le  in  1547.— 
Dn  rehearsed. 
In  1564,  in 
Madrid  in  the 
56,  at  the  age 
■  Atocha." 

5  found  at  the 
two  different 
lethods  stood 
nder  Govern- 
He  wrote 
es  almost  as 
le  enslaving 
an  author. 

shmcnt  there  is 
:thing  w.-inting  to 
■y  should  te.icU 
it  should  be 
think  it  should 
of  Cortez  .ind 
he  seems  to 
these  iiihuMKin 
if  they  were  his 
if  them  as  tlie 
.lid  of  the  Devil, 
the  ch.ir.icter" 
•ilUDfwey,D.D. 

■X,  distinguished 
torian,  was  born 
;d  in  1573.  He 
led  family.  Hi- 
lilies  for  obt.iiiv 
time  in  the  uni- 
,nd   aciiuired  .in 


Las  Casas  charges  that  his  pen  and  influence  were  engaged  in  the  interest 
of  parlies  who  had  committed  some  of  the  grcate.st  ravages,  and  who  had 
niiMinal  advantages  at  stake.  Sepulveda  in  his  opposition  to  the  Clengo 
makes  two  points  or  "Conclusions," — i.  That  the  Spaniards  had  a  right 
to  sidijugate  and  require  the  submission  of  the  Lidians,  because  of  their 
superi(^r  wisdom  and  prudence;  and  that,  therefore,  the  Indians  were  bound 
t<i  sul)mit  and  acquiesce.  2.  That  in  case  of  their  refusal  to  do  so  tliey 
iniglit  justly  be  constrained  by  force  of  arms.  It  was  the  proceeding  on 
these  assumptions  that,  as  Las  Casas  pleaded,  had  led  to  the  entire  de- 
population of  vast  territories.  With  high  professions  of  loyalty  Sepul- 
veda urged  that  his  motive  in  writing  was  simply  to  justifj-  the  absolute 
tilk'  of  the  King  of  Spain  to  the  Indies.  In  offering  his  book  to  the  Royal 
Council  he  importunately  solicited  its  publication ;  and  as  tiiis  was  repeat- 
edi)-  refused,  he  engaged  the  urgency  of  his  friends  to  bring  it  about.  Las 
Casas,  well  knowing  what  mischief  it  would  work,  strongly  opposed  the 
publication.  The  Council,  regarding  the  matter  as  purely  theological, 
referred  Sepulveda's  treatise  for  a  thorough  examination  to  the  universi- 
ties of  Salamanca  and  Alcala.  They  pronounced  it  unsound  in  doctrine 
and  unfit  to  be  printed.  Sepulveda  then  .secretly  sent  it  to  Rome,  and 
through  his  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Segovia,  procured  it  to  be  printed.  The 
lauperor  prohibited  its  circulation  in  Spain,  and  caused  the  copies  of  it 
to  be  seized. 

Las  Casas  resolved  to  refute  this  dangerous  treatise,  and  Sepulveda 
was  personally  cited  to  a  dispute,  which  was  continued  through  five  days. 
.\s  a  result,  the  King's   confessor,  Dominic  de  Soto,  an  eminent  divine, 


einiiu  lit  reputation  as  a  scholar  and  a  disputant, 
—  mil,  however,  for  any  elevation  of  principles  or 
imhluncss  of  thought.  In  1536  he  was  appointed 
by  Charles  V.  his  historiographer,  and  put  in 
ch;irgc  of  hi.s  son  Philip.  Living  at  Court,  he 
h:ul  die  repute  of  being  crooked  and  unscrupu- 
lous, his  influence  not  being  given  on  the  side 
o[  rectitude  and  progressive  views.  His  writ- 
ings iiiuceruing  men  and  public  affairs  give  evi- 
ikiue  of  the  faults  imputed  to  liim.  lie  was 
/(.hcnienl,  intolerant,  and  dogmatic  He  justi- 
fied llie  most  extreme  absolutism  in  the  c.xcr- 
cisr  of  the  royal  prerogative,  and  the  l.iwfulness 
.iml  even  the  expediency  of  aggressive  wars 
simply  for  the  glory  of  the  State.  Mclchior 
C'ano  and  Antonio  Ramirez,  as  well  as  L.as  Ca- 
s.iN  entered  into  antagonism  and  controversy 
with  his  avowed  principles.  One  of  his  works, 
cntilk'd  Democnxti-s  Scaindus,  sen  dc  jiistis  belli 
i',!,iwf,  niay  be  pronounced  almost  lirutal  in  the 
lia use  which  it  allowed  in  the  stratagems  and 
vi  ii.:ifiilness  of  warfare.  It  was  condemned  by 
llu'  universities  of  Alcala  and  Salamanca.  He 
«.is  a  voluminous  author  of  works  of  history, 
pliili's.iphv,  and  theology,  and  was  ailmitted  to 
he  ;i  line  and  able  writer.     Kvasmus  pronounced 


him  the  Spanish  Livy.  The  disputation  between 
him  and  Las  Casas  took  place  before  Charles  in 
1550.  The  monarch  was  very  much  under  his 
influence,  and  seems  to  some  extent  to  have 
sided  with  him  in  some  of  his  views  and  prin- 
ciples. Sepulveda  was  one  of  the  very  few  jicr- 
sons  whom  the  monarch  admitted  to  interviews 
and  intimacy  in  his  retirement  to  the  Monastery 
at  Vuste. 

It  was  this  formidable  opponent  —  a  personal 
enemy  also  in  jealousy  and  malignity  —  wliom 
Las  Casas  ci^.^rontcd  with  such  boldness  and 
earnestness  of  protest  before  the  Court  and 
Council.  It  was  evidently  the  aim  of  Sepulveda 
to  involve  the  advocate  of  the  Indians  in  some 
disloyal  or  heretical  questioning  of  the  prerog- 
atives of  monarch  or  jiopc.  It  seemed  at  one 
time  as  if  the  noble  pleader  for  equity  and  hu- 
manity would  come  under  the  clutch  of  the 
Holy  Office,  then  exercising  its  new-born  vigor 
upon  all  who  could  be  brought  under  inquisi- 
tion for  constructive  or  latent  heretical  proclivi- 
ties. For  Las  Casas,  though  true  to  his  priestly 
vows,  made  frecpient  and  bold  nttciances  of 
what  certainly,  in  his  time,  were  advanced  views 
and  principles. 


"  • 


,U 


IS 


1  I  ■  i ' 


I' 


4 


:!    :i  . 


316 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


!)   » 


lit  «  ' 


;„i 


" 


i 


:» 


.11 


M 

/!'; 


i'i 


was  asked  to  give  a  summary  of  the  case.     This  he  did  in  substance  as 
follows :  — 

"  '["lie  prime  point  is  whether  the  Emperor  may  justly  make  war  on  the  Indians 
before  the  Faith  has  been  preached  to  tiiem,  and  whether  after  being  subdued  hv 
arms  they  will  be  in  any  condition  to  receive  the  light  of  the  Gospel,  more  tractable, 
more  docile  to  good  impressions,  and  ready  to  give  up  their  errors.  The  issue  between 
the  disputants  was,  that  Sepulveda  maintained  that  war  was  not  only  lawful  and  allow- 
able, but  necessary  ;  while  I,as  Casas  insisteil  upon  tlie  direct  contrary,  —  that  war  was 
wholly  unjust,  and  offered  invincible  obstacles  to  conversion.  Sepulveda  presented 
four  arguments  on  his  side  :  i.  'i"he  enormous  wickedness  antl  criminality  of  the 
Indians,  their  idolatry,  and  their  sins  against  nature.  2.  Their  ignorance  and  barliarity 
needed  the  mastery  of  the  intelligent  and  polite  Spaniards.  3.  The  work  of  con\er- 
sion  would  be  ficilitated  after  subjugation.  4.  That  the  Indians  treat  each  other  with 
great  cruelty,  and  offer  human  sacrifices  to  false  gods.  Sepulveda  fortifies  these  argu- 
ments by  examples  and  authorities  from  Scripture,  and  by  the  views  of  doctors  ami 
canonists, — ^all  proceeding  upon  the  assumed  exceeding  wickedness  of  the  Indians. 
In  citing  Dciikronomy  xx.  10-16,  he  interprets  'far-off  cities'  as  those  of  a  differ- 
ent religion.  Las  Casas  replies  that  it  was  not  simply  as  idolaters  that  the  seven 
nations  in  Can.oan  were  to  be  destroyed,  —  as  the  same  fate,  on  that  score,  might  have 
been  visited  upon  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  except  Israel, —  but  as  intruders  upon 
the  Promised  Land.  The  early  Christian  emperors,  beginning  with  Constantine,  did  not 
make  their  wars  as  against  itlolaters,  but  for  political  reasons.  He  cites  the  Fathers  as 
giving  testimony  to  the  effect  of  a  good  example  and  against  violent  measures.  The 
Indians  under  the  light  of  Nature  are  sincere,  but  are  blinded  in  offering  sacrifices. 
They  are  not  like  the  worst  kind  of  barbarians,  to  be  hunted  as  beasts;  they  have 
princes,  cities,  laws,  and  arts.  It  is  wholly  unjust,  impolitic,  and  futile  to  wage  war 
against  them  as  simply  barbarians.  The  Moors  of  Africa  had  been  Christians  in  the 
time  of  Augustine,  and  had  been  perverted,  and  so  might  rightfully  be  reclaimed." 

The  Royal  Council,  after  listening  to  the  dispute  and  the  summary  of  its 
points,  asked  Las  Casas  to  draw  up  a  paper  on  the  question  whether  they 
might  lawfully  enslave  the  Indians,  or  were  bound  to  set  free  all  who  were 
reduced  to  bondage.  He  replied  that  the  law  of  God  docs  not  justify  war 
against  any  people  for  the  sake  of  making  them  Christians;  so  the  whole 
course  of  treatment  of  the  Indians  had  been  wrong  from  the  start.  The 
Indians  were  harmless ;  they  had  never  had  the  knowledge  or  the  protTer 
of  Christianity:  so  they  had  never  fallen  away,  like  the  Moors  of  ^Xfrica, 
Constantinople,  and  Jerusalem.  No  sovereign  prince  had  authorized  the 
Spaniards  to  make  war.  The  Spaniards  cannot  pretend  that  their  reason 
for  making  war  was  because  of  the  cruelty  of  the  Indians  to  each  other. 
The  slaughter  of  them  was  indiscriminate  and  universal.  They  were  en- 
slaved and  branded  with  the  King's  arms.  The  monarch  never  authorized 
these  execrable  artifices  and  shocking  atrocities,  a  long  catalogue  of  whicli 
is  specified. 

The  Clerigo  then  warms  into  an  earnest  dissertation  on  natural  and  Cluis- 
tian  equity.     He  quotes  some  beautiful  sentences  from  the  will  of  Isabella, 


ERICA. 

in  substance  as 


ar  on  the  Imliaiis 
being  siiljducd  by 
el,  more  tractaljle, 
Tlie  issue  hetwcni 
y  lawful  and  allow- 
ry,  --  that  war  uas 
pulvetla  presented 
criminality  of  the 
ance  and  barbaritj- 
le  work  of  conver- 
;at  each  other  with 
brtifies  these  argu- 
vs  of  doctors  and 
;ss  of  the  Indians. 

those  of  a  differ- 
;rs  that  the  seven 
;  score,  might  have 
t  as  intruders  upon 
onstantine,  did  not 
ites  the  Fathers  as 
It  measures.  The 
offering  sacrifices, 
beasts;  they  have 
futile  to  wage  war 

Christians  in  ihe 
je  reclaimed." 

summary  of  its 
whether  tiiey 
ee  all  who  were 
not  justify  war 
so  the  whole 
ic  start.  The 
or  the  proffer 
oors  of  Africa, 
authorized  the 
at  their  reason 
to  each  other. 
They  were  cii- 
vcr  authorized 
otjue  of  which 

ural  and  Chris- 
/ill  of  Isabella, 


LAS    CASAS,    AND    THE    SPANIARDS    AND    INDIANS. 


317. 


enjoining  her  own  humanity  on  her  husband  and  tlaut^hter.  He  makes  a 
stnmL;  point  of  the  fact  that  Isabella  first,  and  then  a  council  of  divines  and 
lawyers  at  Burgos,  and  Charles  himself  in  1523,  had  declared  that  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  New  World  had  been  born  free.  Only  Las  Casas'  earnest- 
ness, his  pure  and  persistent  purpose,  relieve  of  weariness  his  reiteration  of 
the  same  truths  and  appeals  to  the  King.  He  insists  over  and  over  again 
that  the  delegating  of  any  portion  of  the  King's  own  personal  authority'  to  any 
Sjjaniard  resident  in  the  New  World,  or  even  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
opens  the  door  to  every  form  and  degree  of  abuse,  and  that  he  must  strictly 
reserve  all  jurisdiction  and  control  to  himself 

In  a  second  treatise,  which  Las  Casas  addressed  to  Charles  V.,  he  states 
at  length  the  practical  measures  needful  for  arresting  the  wrongs  and  disas- 
ters consequent  upon  the  enslaving  of  the  Indians.  Of  the  twenty  methods 
specified,  the  most  important  is  that  the  King  should  not  part  with  the  least 
1)1  irtion  of  his  sovereign  prerogative.  He  meets  the  objection  artfully  raised 
by  Sepulveda,  that  if  the  King  thus  retains  all  authority  to  himself  he  may 
lose  llie  vast  domain  to  his  crown,  and  that  the  Spaniards  will  be  forced  to 
return  to  Europe  and  give  up  the  work  of  Gospel  conversion. 

Las  Casas  wrote  six  memorials  or  argumentative  treatises  addressed  to 
tlie  sovereigns  on  the  one  same  theme.  The  sameness  of  the  information  and 
appeals  in  them  is  varied  only  by  the  increasing  boldness  of  the  writer  in 
exposing  iniquities,  and  by  the  warmer  earnestness  of  his  demand  for  the 
royal  interposition.  His  sixth  treatise  is  a  most  bold  and  searching  expo- 
sition of  the  limits  of  the  royal  power  over  newly  discovered  territory,  and 
within  the  kingdoms  and  over  the  natural  rights  of  the  natives.  A  copy 
of  this  paper  was  obtained  by  a  German  ambassador  in  Spain,  and  published 
at  Sjjire,  in  Latin,  in  1 571.  It  is  evident  that  for  a  considerable  period  after 
the  composition — and,  so  to  speak,  the  publication  —  of  these  successive  pro- 
tests and  appeals  of  the  Clerigo,  only  a  very  limited  circulation  wa^  gained 
h\-  them.  Artful  efforts  were  made,  first  to  suppress  them,  and  then  to 
confine  the  knowledge  of  the  facts  contained  in  them  to  as  narrow  a  range 
as  possible.  His  enemies  availed  themselves  of  their  utmost  ingenuity  and 
cunning  to  nullify  his  influence.  Sometimes  he  was  ridiculed  as  a  crazy 
enthusiast,  —  a  visionary  monomaniac  upon  an  exaggerated  delusion  of 
his  own  fancy.  Again,  he  would  be  gravely  and  threateningly  denounced 
as  an  enemy  to  Church  and  State,  because  he  imperilled  the  vast  interests 
of  Spain  in  her  colonies. 

The  principal  and  most  important  work  from  the  pen  of  Las  Casas,  on 
which  his  many  subsequent  writings  are  based  and  substantially  developed, 
bears  [\n  luiglish)  the  following  title:  A  Relation  of  the  First  Voyages  and 
Ihsioi'cries  made  by  the  Spaniards  in  America.  With  an  Aecount  of  their 
I  npixralleled  Cruelties  on  the  Indians,  in  the  Destruction  of  above  Forty  Mill- 
inns  of  People  ;  together  with  the  Propositions  offered  to  the  King  of  Spain 
!>>  prevent  the  further  Ruin  of  the  West  Indies.  By  Don  Bartliolomew  de 
/<?v  Casas,  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  who  was  an  Eye-toitness  of  their  Cruelties.     It 


'.'I 


f 


1  i 


h 


V  i. 


i/; 


1  \ 


^'1 W' 


la   i; 


'  i 


r-! 


Ip  :   i!: 


« i' ' :, 


318 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


was  composed  in  Spanish,  and  finished  at  Valencia,  Dec.  8,  1542,  near 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Philip  II.,  to  whom  it  is  dedicated.  This  was 
about  fifty  years  after  the  discovery  of  America ;  and  during  the  greater 
part  of  the  period  Las  Casas  had  lived  as  an  observer  of  the  scenes  and 
events  which  he  describes.  He  makes  Hispaniola  his  starting-point,  as 
the  navigators  usually  first  touched  there.  The  reader  will  at  once  be 
struck  by  the  exaggeration,  the  effect  of  a  high-wrought  and  inflamed  im- 
agination, so  evident  in  the  words  of  the  title,  which  set  the  number  of  the 
victims  of  Spanish  cruelty  at  forty  millions.  Of  this  weakness  of  Las  Casas 
in  ver-estimate  and  exaggeration  of  numbers,  we  shall  have  to  take  special 
nuiioe  by  and  by.  It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  his  license  in  this  direc- 
tion is  confined  to  this  one  point,  and  is  by  no  means  to  be  viewed  as  dis- 
crediting his  integrity,  fidelity,  and  accuracy  in  other  parts  of  his  testimony. 
He  certainly  had  been  deeply  impressed  with  the  density  of  the  population 
in  some  of  the  islanr's,  for  he  says :  "  It  seems  as  if  Providence  had  amassed 
together  the  greate,  part  of  mankind  in  this  region  of  the  earth."  He  tells 
us  that  his  motives  for  writing  and  publishing  his  exposure  of  iniquities 
were,  —  the  call  made  upon  him  by  pious  and  Christian  people  thus  to  enlist 
the  sympathies  and  efforts  of  the  good  to  redress  the  wrong;  and  his  sin- 
cere attachment  to  his  King  and  Master,  lest  God  should  avenge  the  wrong 
on  his  kingdom.  For  this  purpose  he  has  followed  the  Court  with  his 
pleadings,  and  will  not  cease  his  remonstrances  and  appeals.  At  the  time 
of  completing  his  work  savage  cruelties  were  prevailing  over  all  the  parts  of 
America  which  had  been  opened,  slightly  restrained  for  the  time  in  Mexico, 
through  the  stern  intervention  of  the  King.  An  addition  to  his  work  'n 
1546  recognized  many  new  ordinances  and  decrees  made  by  his  Majesty 
at  Barcelona  since  1542,  and  signed  at  Madrid  in  1543.  But  nevertheless 
a  new  field  for  oppression  and  wickedness  had  been  opened  in  Peru,  with 
exasperations  from  civil  war  and  rebellion  among  the  natives;  while  the 
Spaniards  on  most  frivolous  pretexts  defied  the  orders  of  the  King,  pre- 
tending to  wait  for  his  answers  to  their  pleas  in  self-justification.  The 
period  was  one  in  whicli  the  rapacity  of  the  invaders  was  both  inflamed 
and  gratified  by  abundance  of  spoil,  which  sharpened  the  avarice  of  the 
earlier  claimants,  and  drew  to  them  fresh  adventurers. 

Las  Casas  gives  a  very  winning  description  of  the  natives  under  liis 
observation  and  in  his  ever-kindly  and  sympathetic  relations  with  them. 
He  says  they  are  simple,  huinblc,  patient,  guileless,  submissive,  weak,  and 
effeminate ;  incapable  of  toil  or  labor,  short-lived,  succumbing  to  slii,dit 
illnesses;  as  frugal  and  abstemious  as  hermits;  inquisitive  about  the  Cath- 
olic religion,  and  docile  disciples.  They  were  lambs  who  had  encountered 
tigers,  wolves,  and  lions.  During  the  lifetime  of  Las  Casas  Cuba  had  been 
rendered  desolate  and  a  desert;  then  St.  John  and  Jamaica;  and  in  all  thirty 
islands  had  come  to  the  same  fate.  A  system  of  deportation  from  one 
island  to  another  had  been  devised  to  obtain  new  supplies  of  slaves.  The 
Clerigo  deliberately  charges  that  in  forty  years  the  number  of  victims  counted 


ERICA. 


LAS    CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


319 


•  8,  1542,  near 
;atcd.  This  was 
ring  the  greater 

the  scenes  and 
tarting-point,  as 
vill  at  once  be 
nd  inflamed  im- 
:  number  of  tlic 
2SS  of  Las  Casas 
c  to  take  special 
ic  in  this  direc- 
ic  viewed  as  dis- 
if  his  testimony. 

the  population 
ice  had  amassed 
arth."  He  tells 
ire  of  iniquities 
3le  thus  to  enlist 
ig;  and  his  sin- 
'enge  the  wrong 

Court  with  his 
s.     At  the  time 

•  all  the  parts  of 
time  in  Mexico, 

to  his  work  "n 
by  his  Majesty 
ut  nevertheless 
in  Peru,  with 
ives;  while  the 
the  King,  pre- 
cation.  The 
3oth  inflamed 
avarice  of  the 

ives  under  his 

ns  with  them. 

\c,  weak,  and 

ling  to  slij,dit 

out  the  Cath- 

1  encountered 

uba  had  been 

md  in  all  thirty 

ion   from  one 

slaves.     The 

ctims  counted 


tc  t'lfty  millions.  Enslaving  was  but  a  protracted  method  of  killing,  — all  in 
the  greed  for  gold  and  pearls.  The  sight  of  a  fragment  of  the  precious  metal 
in  the  hands  of  a  native  was  the  occasion  for  demanding  more  of  him,  as  if 
he  had  hidden  treasure,  or  for  his  guiding  the  Spaniards  to  some  real  or 
imagined  mines.  Las  Casas  follows  his  details  and  examples  of  iniquity 
through  the  islands  in  succession,  then  through  the  provinces  of  Nicaragua, 
Xew  Spain,  Guatemala,  Pannco,  Jalisco,  Yucatan,  St.  Martha,  Carthagena, 
the  Pearl  Coast,  Trinidad,  the  River  Yuya-pari,  Venezuela,  Florida,  La  Plata; 
and  Peri',  —  being  in  all  seventeen  localities,  —  repeating  the  similar  facts, 
hardly  with  variations.  Against  ihe  Spaniards  with  their  horses,  lances, 
swords,  and  bloodhounds,  the  natives  could  oppose  caly  their  light  spears  and 
poisoned  arrows.  The  victims  would  seek  refuge  in  caves  and  mountain  fast- 
nesses, and  if  approached  would  kill  themselves,  as  the  eas'est  escape  from 
wanton  tortures.  Las  Casas  says  :  "  I  one  day  saw  four  or  five  persons,  of  the 
highest  rank,  in  Hispaniola,  burned  by  a  slow  fire."  Occasionally,  he  tells  us, 
a  maddened  Indian  would  kill  a  Spaniard,  and  then  his  death  would  be 
avenged  by  the  massacre  of  a  score  or  a  hundred  natives.  Immediately 
upon  the  knov.  ledge  of  the  death  of  Isabella,  in  1504,  as  if  her  humanity 
had  been  some  restraint,  the  barbarous  proceedings  were  greatly  intensified. 
The  Spaniards  made  the  most  reckless  waste  of  the  food  of  the  natives. 
Las  Casas  says  :  "  One  Spaniard  will  consume  in  a  day  the  food  of  three 
Indian  families  of  ten  persons  each  for  a  month."  He  avows  that  when  he 
wrote  there  were  scarce  two  hundred  natives  left  in  St.  John  and  Jamaica, 
where  there  had  once  been  six  hundred  thou-sand.  For  reasons  of  caution 
or  i)rudcnce  —  we  can  hardly  say  from  fear,  for  never  was  there  a  more 
courageous  champion  —  Las  Casas  suppresses  the  names  of  the  greatest 
offenders.  The  following  are  specimens  of  his  method :  "  Three  merciless 
tjrants  have  invaded  Florida,  one  after  another,  since  1510."  "A  Spanish 
conunander  with  a  great  number  of  soldiers  entered  Peru,"  etc.  "  In  the 
year  1 5 14  a  merciless  governor,  destitute  of  the  least  sentiment  of  pity  or 
humanity,  a  cruel  instrument  of  the  wrath  of  God,  pierced  into  the  continent." 
"  The  fore-mentioned  governor,"  etc.  "  The  captam  whose  lot  it  was  to 
travel  into  Guatemala  did  a  world  of  mischief  there."  "  The  first  bishop 
that  was  sent  into  America  imitated  the  conduct  of  the  covetous  governors 
in  enslaving  and  spoiling."  "  They  call  the  countries  they  have  got  by  their 
unjust  and  cruel  wars  their  conquests."  "  No  tongue  is  capable  of  describ- 
ing to  the  life  all  the  horrid  villanies  perpetrated  by  these  bloody-minded 
men.  They  seemed  to  be  the  declared  enemies  of  mankind."  The  more 
j^enerous  the  presents  in  treasures  which  were  made  by  some  timid  cacique 
to  his  spoilers,  the  more  brutally  was  he  dealt  with,  in  the  hope  of  extorting 
wluit  he  was  suspected  of  having  concealed.  Las  Casas  stakes  his  veracity 
"II  tlie  assertion  :  "  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes  above  six  thousand  children  die 
.11  tliree  or  four  months." 

To  reinforce  his  own  statements  the  Clerigo  quotes  letters  from  high 
•aithoritics.     One  is  a  protest  which  the  Bishop  of  St.  Martha  wrote  mi  1541 


U 


i 


)■ . ' 


'  !l: 


.1     i 


320 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    IIISIOKV    OF    AMERICA. 


I  . , 


I  ,' 


'i; 


I  • 


':;)i| 


!;i 


•0\ 


to  the  Kin;4  of  Spain,  saying  tliat  "the  Spaniards  live  there  hke  devils, 
rather  than  Christians,  vioiatini;  all  the  laws  of  God  and  man."  .Another  i^ 
from  Mark  de  Xlicia,  a  Franciscan  friar,  to  the  Kiny,  the  General  of  1ik 
Order,  who  came  with  the  first  Spaniards  into  Peru,  testifyin,^^  frt-m  his  v\\- 
sii^ht  to  all  enormities,  in  mutilations,  cnttin<,'  off  the  noses,  cars,  and  hands 
of  the  natives,  burning  and  tortures,  and  keeping  famished  dogs  to  chase 
them. 

Las  Casas  follows  up  his  direful  catalogue  of  horrors  into  the  "  New 
Kingdom  of  Grenada,"  in  1536,  which  he  says  received  its  name  from  tlir 
native  place  of  "  the  captain  that  first  set  his  foot  in  it."  Those  whom  lie 
took  with  him  into  Peru  were  "  very  profligate  and  extremely  cruel  nieii, 
without  scruple  or  remorse,  long  accustomed  to  all  sorts  of  wickedness." 
The  second  "  governor,"  enraged  that  his  predecessor  had  got  the  first  share 
of  the  plunder,  though  enough  was  left  for  spoil,  turned  informer,  and  made 
an  exposure  of  his  atrocities  in  complaints  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in 
documents  which  "  are  yet  to  be  seen."  The  spoils  were  prodigious  quanti- 
ties of  gold  and  precious  stones,  especially  emeralds.  The  "governor" 
seized  and  imprisoned  the  cacique,  or  inca,  liogata,  requiring  him  to  send 
for  and  geither  up  all  the  gold  within  his  reach  ;  and  after  heaps  of  it  had 
been  brought,  put  him  to  horrid  torture  in  order  to  extort  more. 

There  were  published  at  Madeira  certain  "  Laws  and  Constitutions " 
made  by  the  King  at  Barcelona,  in  1542,  under  the  influence  of  Las  Casas, 
as  the  result  of  a  council  at  Valladolid.  Strict  orders  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
iniquitous  proceedings  were  circumvented  by  agents  sent  in  the  interest  of 
the  authors  of  the  outrages.  The  Clerigo  petitioned  the  King  to  constitute 
all  the  natives  his  free  subjects,  with  no  delegated  lordship  over  them,  and 
enjoined  upon  him  "  to  take  an  oath  on  the  Holy  Gospels,  for  himself  and 
Ilis  successors,  to  this  effect,  and  to  put  it  in  his  will,  solemnlj'  witnessed." 
He  insists  that  this  is  the  only  course  to  prevent  the  absolute  extermina- 
tion of  the  natives.  He  adds  that  the  Spaniards  in  their  covetousness  com- 
bine to  keep  out  priests  and  monks,  not  the  slightest  attempt  being  made 
to  convert  the  nati\'cs,  though  the  work  would  be  easy,  and  they  themsehcs 
crave  it.  "The  Spaniards  have  no  more  regard  to  their  salvation  than  if 
their  souls  and  bodies  died  together,  and  were  incapable  of  eternal  rewards 
or  punishments."  Yet  he  admits  that  it  would  hardly  be  reasonable  to 
expect  these  eftorts  for  conversion  of  the  heathen  from  men  who  are  thcn> 
selves  heathen,  and  so  ignorant  and  brutish  that  they  "  do  not  know  e\  en 
the  number  of  the  commandments."  "As  for  your  Majesty,"  the  Clerii^i) 
says,  with  a  keen  thrust,  '  the  Indians  think  you  are  the  most  cruel  and 
impious  prince  in  the  world,  while  they  see  the  cruelty  and  impiety  yonr 
subjects  so  insolently  commit,  and  they  verily  belie\'e  your  Majesty  li\es 
upon  nothing  but  human  flesh  and  blood."  He  positix'elj'  denies  the  imiMi- 
tations  alleged  to  justify  cruelty,  —  that  the  Indians  indulged  in  abominable 
lusts  against  nature,  and  were  cannibals.  As  for  their  idolatry,  that  is  a  sin 
against  God,  for  Him,  not  for  man,  to  punish.     The  monarchs,  he  insists 


I'ii, 


i^  Ji 


H  ,' 


S'i  'I, 


LAS    CASAS,   AND    THE   SPANIARDS    AND    INDIANS. 


321 


li.ul  been  most  artfully  imposed  upon  in  allowing  the  deportation  of  natives 
lioin  the  Lucay  Islands  to  supply  the  havoc  made  in  Ilispaniola.  The 
C  leri;;o  goes  into  the  most  minute  details,  with  specifications  and  reitera- 
tions of  horrors,  ascribing  them  to  the  delegated  authority  exercised  by 
petty  officers,  under  the  higher  ones  successively  intrusted  with  power. 
There  is  a  holy  fervor  of  eloquence  in  his  remonstrances  and  appeals  to  his 
Majesty  to  keep  the  sole  power  in  his  own  hands,  as  he  reminds  him  that 
fearful  retributive  judgments  from  God  may  be  visited  upt)n  his  own  king- 
dom. The  Council  of  the  Indies,  he  says,  had  desired  him  to  write  to  the 
monarch  about  the  exact  nature  of  the  right  of  the  kings  of  Spain  to  the 
Indies;  and  he  intimates  that  the  zeal  which  he  had  shown  in  exposing 
iniquities  under  those  whom  the  King  had  put  in  authority  in  the  New 
World  had  been  maliciously  turned  into  a  charge  that  he  had  que;  tioned 
the  royal  title  to  those  regions.  As  will  appear,  Las  Casas,  under  the  lead- 
ings of  that  intelligent  gearch  for  the  fundamentals  of  truth  and  righteous- 
ness which  a  quickened  conscience  had  prompted,  found  his  way  to  the 
principles  of  equity  on  this  subject. 

He  had,  therefore,  previously  sent  to  the  King  thirty  well-defined  and 
carefully  stated  "  Propositions,"  which  he  regards  as  so  self-evident  that  he 
makes  no  attempt  to  argue  or  prove  them.  His  enemies  have  in  view  to 
cover  up  their  iniquities  by  misleading  the  King.  Therefore,  for  conscience' 
sake,  and  under  a  sense  of  obligation  to  God,  he  sets  himself  to  a  sacred 
task.  Little  foreseeing  that  his  life  and  labor  were  to  be  protracted  till  he 
had  nearly  doubled  his  years,  he  says  that,  finding  himself  "  growing  old, 
being  advanced  to  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age,"  and  "  from  a  full  acquain- 
tance with  America,"  his  testimony  shall  be  true  and  clear. 

His  subtle  enemies  plead  against  him  that  the  King  has  a  right  to 
establish  himself  in  America  by  force  of  arms,  however  ruthless  the  pro- 
cess,—  quoting  the  examples  of  Nimrod,  Alexander,  the  old  Romans,  and 
the  Turks.  They  allege  also  that  the  Spaniards  have  more  prudence  and 
wisdom  than  other  peoples,  and  that  their  country  is  nearest  to  the 
Indies.  He  therefore  announces  his  purpose  to  put  himself  directly  before 
the  King,  and  stand  for  his  "  Propositions,"  which  he  sends  in  advance 
in  writing,  suggesting  that  if  it  be  his  Majesty's  pleasure,  they  be  translated 
into  Latin  and  published  in  that  language,  as  well  as  in  Spanish. 

Tlie  "  Propositions  "  may  be  stated  in  substance  as  follows ;  the}'  were 
keenly  studied  and  searched  by  those  who  were  anxious  to  detect  flaws  or 
heresies  in  them  :  — 


\l  ■!  'X 


I. 


.)  't 


1,|1 


§i: 


!llK'j 


1.  The  Pope  derives  from  Christ  authority  and  power  extending  over  all  men, 
believers  or  infidels,  in  matters  pertaining  to  salvation  and  eternal  life.  But  these 
shcMild  be  exercised  differently  over  infidels  and  those  who  have  had  a  chance  to  be 
l)i-'lic\ers. 

2.  This  prerogative  of  the  Pope  puts  him  luider  a  solemn  obligation  to  propagate 
thij  Gospel,  and  to  offer  it  to  all  infidels  who  will  not  oppose  it. 

T,.  The  Pope  is  obliged  to  send  capable  ministers  for  this  work. 
VOL.  ir.  —  41. 


322 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'  \ 


I   ; 


,w;^:)! 


(  I  'I 


1 

iV'KiM 

1 

If., 

I'i. 


\b      ■  \  0: 


4.  Christian  princes  are  liis  most  proper  and  able  lielpers  in  it. 

5.  Tiic  Pope  may  exiiort  and  even  oblige  Christian  princes  to  this  work,  bv 
authority  and  money,  to  remove  obstructions  and  to  send  true  workers. 

6.  The  Pope  and  princes  should  act  in  accord  and  harmony. 

7.  The  Po[)e  may  distribute  infidel  provinces  among  Christian  princes  for  this 
work. 

8.  In  this  distribution  should  be  had  in  view  the  instruction,  conversion,  am! 
interests  of  the  infidels  themselves,  not  the  increase  of  honors,  titles,  riches,  and 
territories  of  the  princes. 

9.  Any  incidental  advantage  which  princes  may  thus  gain  is  allowable;  but  tem- 
poral ends  should  be  wholly  subordinate,  the  paramount  objects  being  the  extending 
of  the  Church,  the  propagation  of  the  Faith,  and  the  service  of  God. 

10.  The  lawful  native  kings  and  rulers  of  infidel  countries  have  a  right  to  thr 
obedience  of  their  subjects,  to  make  laws,  etc.,  and  ought  not  to  be  deiirivcd, 
expelled,  or  violently  dealt  with. 

11.  To  transgress  this  rule  involves  injustice  and  every  form  of  wrong. 

12.  Neither  these  native  rulers  nor  their  subjects  should  be  deprived  of  their  lands 
for  their  idolatry,  or  any  other  sin. 

13.  No  tribunal  or  judge  in  the  world  has  a  right  to  molest  these  infidels  f(ir 
idolatry  or  any  other  sins,  however  enormous,  while  still  infidels,  and  before  thev 
have  voluntarily  received  baptism,  unless  they  directly  oppose,  refuse,  and  resist  the 
publication  of  the  Gospel. 

14.  Pope  .\lexander  VI.,  under  whom  the  discovery  was  made,  was  indispensably 
obliged  to  choose  a  Christian  prince  to  whom  to  commit  these  solemn  obligations 
of  the  Gospel. 

15.  Ferilinand  and  Isabella  had  especial  claims  and  advantages  for  this  intrust- 
ment  by  the  Pope  above  all  other  Catholic  princes,  because  they  had  with  noble 
effc  ts  driven  oat  the  infidels  and  Mohammedans  from  the  land  of  their  ancestors, 
and  because  they  sent  at  their  own  charge  Columbus,  the  great  discoverer,  whom 
they  named  the  chief  admiral. 

16.  As  the  Pope  did  right  in  this  assignment,  so  he  has  power  to  revoke  it,  to 
transfer  the  country  to  some  other  prince,  and  to  forbid,  on  pain  of  excommunication, 
any  rival  prince  to  send  missionaries. 

1 7.  The  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon  have  thus  come  lawfully  to  jurisdiction  o\cr 
the  Indies. 

18.  This  obliges  the  native  kings  of  the  Indies  to  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
kings  of  Spain. 

19.  Those  native  kings,  having  freely  and  voluntarily  received  the  Faith  ami 
baptism,  are  bound  (as  they  were  not  before)  to  acknowledge  this  sovereignty  of  tin.' 
kings  of  Spain. 

20.  The  kings  of  Spain  arc  bound  by  the  law  of  God  to  choose  and  send  fu 
missionaries  to  exhort,  convert,  and  do  everything  for  this  cause. 

21.  They  have  the  same  power  and  jurisdiction  over  these  infidels  before  their 
conversion  as  the  Pope  has,  and  share  his  obligations  to  convert  them. 

22.  The  means  for  establishing  the  Faith,  in  the  Indies  should  be  the  same  as  those 
by  which  Christ  introduced  his  religion  into  the  world,  —  mild,  peaceable,  and  chir- 
itable  ;  humility  ;  good  examples  of  a  holy  and  regular  way  of  living,  especially  o\c» 
such  docile  and  easy  subjects ;  and  presents  bestowed  to  win  them. 


li': 


mm\  '\ 


L.\S    CASAS,   AND   THE    SPANIARDS   AND   INDIANS, 


32s 


23.  Attem))ls  liy  force  of  arms  arc  inii)ioiis,  like  those  of  Mahometans,  Romans, 
Turks,  and  Moors  :  they  are  tyrannical,  and  unwortliy  of  Christians,  calling  out  blas- 
phemies ;  and  they  have  already  made  the  Indians  Lelieve  tliat  our  (lod  is  the  most 
iiiunerciful  and  cruel  of  all  Gods. 

24.  The  Indians  will  naturally  oppose  the  invasion  of  their  country  by  a  title  of 
( oiiijuest,  ancl  so  will  resist  the  work  of  conversion. 

25.  Tiie  kings  of  Spain  have  from  tiie  first  given  and  reiterated  their  orders  against 
war  and  the  ill-treatment  of  the  Indians.  If  any  officers  have  shown  commissions  and 
warrants  for  such  i)ractices,  they  have  been  forged  or  deceiitive. 

26.  So  all  wars  anil  conquests  which  have  been  made  have  been  unjust  and  tyran- 
nical, and  in  effect  null ;  as  is  proved  by  jjroceedings  on  record  in  the  Council  against 
sue!)  tyrants  and  other  culprits,  who  are  amenable  tc  judgment. 

27.  The  kings  of  S])ain  are  bound  to  reinforce  am!  estalilish  those  Indian  laws 
and  customs  which  are  good  —  and  such  are  most  of  them  —  ant!  to  abolish  the  bad; 
thus  upholding  good  manners  and  civil  policy.  The  Gospel  i^;  the  method  for  effecting 
this. 

2.S.  'I'he  Devil  could  not  have  done  ■  re  mischief  than  the  Spaniards  have  done  in 
ilisiril)uting  and  spoiling  the  countries,  ui  their  rapacity  and  tyranny;  subjecting  the 
natives  to  cruel  tasks,  treating  them  like  beasts,  and  persecuting  those  especially  who 
apply  to  the  monks  for  instruction. 

29.  The  distribution  of  the  Indians  among  the  Spaniards  as  slaves  is  wholly  con- 
\iarv  to  all  the  royal  orders  given  by  Isabella  successively  to  Columbus,  Hol)adilla,  and 
De  Lares.  Columbus  gave  three  hundred  Indians  to  Spaniards  who  had  done  the 
nuist  service  to  the  Crown,  and  took  but  one  for  his  own  use.  The  Queen  ordered  all 
i.\ce])t  that  one  to  be  sent  back.  Wliat  would  she  have  said  to  the  present  iniquities? 
'I'lie  King  is  reminded  that  his  frequent  journeys  and  absences  have  prevented  his 
fully  informing  himself  of  these  facts. 

30.  From  all  these  considerations  it  follows  that  all  conquests,  acquisitions,  usur- 
pations, and  a])propriations  by  officers  and  private  persons  have  no  legality,  as  con- 
trary to  the  orders  of  the  Spanish  monarchs. 


I''    ' 


ricrc  certainly  is  an  admirable  and  cogent  statement  of  the  principles  of 
equity  and  righteousness,  as  based  upon  natural  laws  and  certified  and  forti- 
ficti  b}'  the  great  verities  and  sanctions  supposed  to  be  held  in  reverence  by 
professed  Christians.  Las  Casas,  in  taking  for  his  starting-point  the  Pope's 
supreme  and  inclusive  right  over  half  the  globe,  just  brought  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  civilized  men,  seems  to  make  a  monstrous  assumption,  only  greater 
than  that  of  the  Spanish'  kings'  holding  under  and  deriving  dominion  from 
him.  But  we  may  well  pardon  this  assumption  to  so  loyal  a  disciple  of  the 
Church,  when  we  consider  how  nobly  he  held  this  Papal  right  as  condi- 
tioned and  limited,  involving  lofty  duties,  and  balanced  by  an  obligation 
to  confer  inestimable  blessings.  He  had  ever  before  him  the  contrast 
between  fair  scenes  of  luxurious  Nature,  ministering  to  the  easy  happiness 
ol  a  gentle  race  of  delicate  and  short-lived  beings  akin  to  himself,  and  the 
ruthless  passions,  lusts,  and  savagery  of  his  own  countrymen  and  fellow- 
Christians.  We  can  well  account  for  the  opposition  and  thwarting  of  his 
eilorts  amid  these  scenes,  but  may  need  a  further  explanation  of  the  re- 


'  I' 


'i 


r1 


( 


324 


NARUATIVE   AMJ   CUITICAL    IIISIOKV    OK    AMKRICA. 


hta 


i;!: 


.'  It 


M».|' 


i    ■ 


sistancc  anil  ill-success  which  he  cncoimtcrcil  when  pleading  his  cause 
before  monarchs  and  ^'real  councillors  at  home,  whose  s)'in|)athies  seem 
to  have  been  tjenerally  on  his  side.  1  le  often  stood  wholl)'  alone  in  scenes 
where  these  ravayiny  cruelties  had  full  sweep,  alone  in  the  humane  sen- 
sitiveness with  which  he  re^.irtU.'d  them;  alone  in  fniiloni  from  tlie  ma->- 
terin^;  passions  of  ^'reed  and  rapacity  which  excited  them;  and  alone  ni 
realizing  the  appalling  contrast  between  the  spirit  of  blood  and  rapine  whieii 
l)rompteil  them,  and  the  spirit  of  that  Gospel,  the  assumed  championship  n| 
which  at  these  ends  of  the  earth  was  the  blasphemous  pretence  of  these 
nuirtierers.  Those  ruthless  tyrants,  who  here  treated  lumdreils  and  thou- 
sands of  the  n.itives  subject  to  them  worse  than  even  brutes  from  whii  li 
useful  service  is  expected,  would  not,  of  course,  have  the  front  to  offer  on 
the  spot  the  pretence  set  up  for  them  by  their  abetters  at  the  Spanisli 
Court,  —  that  they  were  thus  drawing  the  natives  to  them  for  their  con\er- 
sion;   they  laughed  at  the  Clerigo  when  they  did  not  openly  thwart  him. 

Las  Casas  had  many  powerful  ami  embittered  opi)onents,  and  bj'  tiic 
use  of  various  means  and  artifices  they  were  able  to  put  impediments  in 
his  way,  to  qualify  and  avert  what  would  seem  to  be  the  natural  effects  of 
his  ardent  appeals  and  shocking  disclosures,  and  to  keep  hmi  through  his 
jirotracted  life  in  what  looked  like  a  ho[)eIess  struggle  against  giant  ini- 
quities. Nor  is  it  necessary  that  we  go  tleeper  than  the  obvious  surface  nf 
the  storj'  to  find  the  reasons  for  the  opposition  and  discomfiture  which  lie 
encountered.  It  may  be  that  all  those  who  opposed  him  or  who  would  nni 
co-operate  with  him  were  not  personall)'  interested  in  the  iniquities  which 
he  exposed  and  sought  to  redress.  Something  may  need  to  be  said  by 
and  b)-  concerning  alleged  faults  of  temper,  over-ardor  of  zeal  and  oxer- 
statement,  and  wild  exaggeration  attributed  to  this  bold  apostle  of  right- 
eousness. But  that  the  substance  of  all  his  charges,  and  the  specifications 
of  inhumanity,  cruelt)',  and  atrocit)'  which  he  set  forth  in  detail,  and  wilii 
hardly  enough  diversity  to  vary  his  narrative,  is  faithful  to  the  soberest  truth, 
cannot  be  (juestioned.  He  spoke  and  wrote  of  what  he  had  seen  and 
known.  Me  had  looked  upon  sights  of  shocking  and  enormous  iniquit)' 
and  barbarity,  over  every  scene  which  he  had  visited  in  his  unresting 
travel.  His  sleep  b)'  night  had  been  broken  by  the  piteous  shrieks  of 
the  wretched  victims  of  slow  tortures. 

Much  help  ma}'  be  derived  by  a  reader  towards  a  fuller  appreciation  n( 
the  character  and  life-work  of  Las  Casas  from  the  biography  of  him  am! 
the  translation  and  editing  of  his  principal  writings  by  his  ardent  admirer, 
Llorente.^     This  writer  refers  to  a  previous  abridged  translation  of  the  works 


1  Ju.in  Antonio  I.lorciite,  eminent  .is  a  writer 
■ind  histori.m,  both  in  Sp.inish  and  French,  was 
liorn  near  C'alahorra,  Aragon,  in  1756,  and  died 
at  .Madrid  in  1S23.  He  received  the  tonsure 
when  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  was  ordained 
priest  at  Saragossa  in  1779.  He  was  of  a  vigo- 
rous, inquisit've,  and  liberal    spirit,  giving  free 


range  to  his  mind,  and  turning  his  wide  study 
and  deep  investigations  to  the  account  of  his 
enlargement  and  emancipation  from  the  linii'.i- 
tions  of  his  age  and  associates.  He  tells  us  th.it 
in  17S4  he  had  abandoned  all  ultramontane  doc- 
trines, and  all  the  ingenuities  and  perple.xities  if 
scholasticism.     His  liberalism  ran  into  ratioiul- 


;;  t 


I    )' 


ll>. 


IRICA. 

liiij^   his   cause 

nipathics  scliii 

aloiiu  ill  scL'iu?i 

ic  liumaiic  scii- 

from  the  ma>- 

;   aiui  alone  in 

ul  rapine  w  hich 

liampioiiship  n| 

.•tence  of  tliese 

Ircds  and  thoii- 

tes  from  whicii 

■ont  to  ol't'i  V  on 

at  the  Spani.-.li 

)r  tlu'ir  conver- 

tlnvart  him. 

its,  and  b)'  tlic 

impediments  in 

\tiiral  effects  of 

im  throu^^li  |ijs 

ainst  ^n'ant  ini- 

/ious  surface  of 

ifiture  which  lie 

wlio  wouid  nni 

niquities  wiiicii 

to  be  said  by 

zeal  and  o\ci- 

lostle  of  ri^rin_ 

specifications 

etail,  and  witii 

soberest  truth, 

lad   seen    and 

■mous  iniquit)' 

his  unrestin;^ 

lus    shrieks  of 

ipprcciation  nf 
hy  of  him  and 
•dent  adniinr, 
n  of  the  works 

ing  his  wide  stihly 
ic  account  of  liis 
111  from  the  liniita- 
lie  tells  us  tll:\t 
ultramontane  iI.jc- 
and  perplexities  nl 
ran  into  rationul- 


LAS    CASAS,   AND    IIIL    Sl'AMAKDS   AND    INUIANS. 


325 


of  Las  Casas,  published  in  I'aris  in  if)4J.  His  own  edition  in  l-'rench,  in 
iS_'2,  is  more  full,  tiiou;4h  somewhat  condensed  and  recunstructeil.  lie 
remarks  justly  upon  the  prolixity  of  Las  Casas,  his  lon^'  periods,  his  repe- 
tiiicns,  his  pedantic  quotations  from  Scripture  and  the  Latin  aiilliur-,  as  the 
riMilts  of  his  peripatetic  training.  His  translator  and  editor  credits  to  the 
niai^nanimity  ami  nobleness  of  nature  of  Las  Casas  the  omission  of  the 
names  of  {ffeat  offenders  in  connection  with  the  terrible  wronj^s  rlone  by 
tli(  111.  This  reserve  of  Las  Casas  has  been  already  refirred  Ul  Hut  I.inr- 
cntc,  in  seventeen  critical  notes,  answeriii;^^  to  the  same  number  of  di\i-,i()ns 
in  the  Relation  of  Las  Casas,  supplies  the  names  of  the  leadin^^  criminals; 
anil  he  also  yives  in  a  nccrolo^fy  the  shockinj.,'  or  tra,t,MC  elements  and  the 
dates  of  the  death  of  these  "  men  of  blood."  He  adds  to  the  "  Remedies" 
uliich  Las  Casas  had  su^^^K'sted  to  Charles  W  the  whole  atlditional  series  of 
imasiires  projjoseil  up  to  \'^~2.  Llorente  saj's  that,  admilliii;4  that  the  slart- 
ini;-point  in  the  Thirty  Propositions  of  Las  Casas,  —  namely,  the  assumption 
(if  the  I'apal  prero^^•ltivc  as  to  new-discovered  territory,  —  was  in  his  day 
"  incontestable,"  it  is  now  recofjnized  as  a  falsit\'.  He  furnishes  an  essay  of 
his  own  upon  the  ri^dit  and  wron^'  of  the  claim;  and  he  adds  to  that  of 
Las  Casas  a  treatise  on  the  limits  of  the  sovereign  power  of  the  Kin,L,^  I'aw 
fnst,  and  then  Raynal  ami  Robertson,  had  brought  the  charLje  aijainst  Las 
Casas  of  havin^f  first  introduced  African  slavery  into  the  New  World.  As 
we  have  seen,  the  charge  was  false.  Gre<,mire,  bishop  of  IMois,  read  an 
.//■('/('^w  before  the  Institute  of  France  in  i.Soi,  in  vindication  of  the  Clerigo. 
This  Apologic  \'r.  <^iven  at  lenj;th  by  Llorente.  He  adds,  from  manuscripts 
in  the  Royal  Librar\'  of  Paris,  two  inedited  treatises  of  Las  Casas,  written 
in  1555-1564,  —  one  against  a  project  for  perpetuating  the  cointnaiuiiriis 
ill  the  New  \\\)rld ;  the  (jther  on  the  necessit)' of  restorintj  the  crown  of 
IVni  to  the  Inca  Titus.' 


ism.  His  secret  or  more  or  less  avowed  alicna- 
liipu  from  the  prejudices  and  ol)ligalions  of  the 
prii-llv  order,  wl\ile  it  l)y  no  means  made  his 
po>iii(in  a  singular  or  even  an  embarrassing 
one  under  the  inliiiences  and  surroundings  of 
his  time,  does  at  least  leave  us  perple.\cd  to 
ai  cnnnt  for  the  conlidencc  with  which  functions 
a:.cl  high  ecclesiastical  trusts  were  commitled  to 
;uul  exercised  bv  liim.  lie  was  even  made  Sec- 
riLuy-deneral  of  tlic  Impiisition,  and  was  thus 
put  in  cliarge  of  the  enormous  nutss  of  records, 
witli  all  their  dark  secrets,  belonging  to  its 
wlinle  history  and  processes.  This  charge  he 
Kiained  for  a  time  after  the  In(|U'sition  was 
:il>'ilished  in  iSoj.  It  was  thus  by  a  singular 
felicity  of  opportunity  that  those  terrible 
.iichives  should  have  been  in  the  care,  and 
Mil'ject  to  the  free  and  intelligent  use,  of  a  man 
l'L>t  (pialified  of  all  others  to  tell  the  world 
llu  ir  contents,  and  afterward  prompted  and  at 
lilicrly  to  do  so  from  subsequent  changes  in  his 
lun  opinions  and  relations.     To  this  the  world 


is  indebted  for  a  IHitory  of  llw  Imjiihilioiiy  the 
lidelity  and  suf'liciency  of  whii:li  satisfy  all  candid 
judgments.  He  was  restive  in  spirit,  provoked 
strong  opposition,  and  was  thus  fmallv  deprived 
of  Ids  office.  .After  performir.g  a  v.^riety  of 
services  not  clerical,  and  mining  from  place  to 
place,  he  went  to  Paris,  where,  in  l8l7-i,Si;'.  he 
courageously  pid)lished  the  above-mentioiR-l 
History.  He  was  interdicted  the  exercise  oi' 
clerical  functions.  In  1.S22,  the  same  year  in 
which  he  published  his  liiography  and  French 
translation  of  the  principal  works  of  l,as  Casas, 
he  published  also  his  Potiliatl  J\>iii;ii/.!  of  the 
/'opes.  For  this  he  was  ordered  to  ipiit  I'aris, 
—  a  deep  tlisappointment  to  liim,  causing  ch.a- 
grin  and  heavy  depression.  He  found  refuge 
in  Madrid,  where  he  died  in  the  following 
year. 

'  Mr.  Ticknor,  however,  says  that  these  two 
treatises  "  are  not  absolutely  jiroved  "  to  be  by 
Las  Casas.  —  //istoi-y  of  Sfaiiish  [.it/raturc, 
i.  566. 


( 


ti. 


^'''iy| 


li 


! 


>V  ] 


M 


W 


1^- 


J    ll 


326 


NAKRATIVK   AND   CKHICAL    HISTORY   OK   AMKRICA. 


/':  W 


;'H 


J  ^ 


ii(\,'i' 


II' 


Llorcntc  says  it  is  not  strange  that  the  apostle  Las  Casas,  like  otliii 
great  aiul  noble  men,  met  with  enemies  and  (iv-tractors.  Some  assailed  liim 
throuf^h  prejudice,  others  merely  from  levity,  ami  without  reflection.  I'Our 
principal  reproaches  have  been  brout,'ht  a^jainst  him:  — 

1.  He  is  char^jed  with  gross  exaggeration  in  his  writi*  gs,  as  by  the 
Spanish  writers  Camporicanes,  Nuix,  and  Mufloz,  and  of  course  by  those 
interested  in  excusing  the  work  of  concpiest  and  devastation,  who  cannot 
justify  themselves  without  impeaching  Las  Casas  as  an  impostor.  His 
sufficient  vindication  from  this  charge  may  be  founti  in  a  mass  of  k-gal  docu- 
ments in  the  Archives,  in  the  Records  of  the  Council  for  the  Indies,  and  in 
Cjovernment  processes  against  wrong-doers.  Herrera,  wlu)  hail  seen  these 
documents,  says :  "  Las  Casas  was  worthy  of  all  confidence,  and  in  no  par- 
ticular has  failed  to  present  the  truth."  Torijuemada,  having  personally 
sought  for  evidence  in  America,  says  the  same.  Las  Casas,  when  challenged 
on  this  point,  boldly  afllrmeil :  "  There  were  once  more  natives  in  1  Iisi)aniul,i 
than  in  all  Spain,"  and  that  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  forty  other  islands,  with 
parts  of  Terra  Firnia,  had  all  been  wrecked  and  made  desolate.  Me  insists 
over  and  over  again  that  his  estimates  are  within  the  truth. 

2.  Another  charge  was  of  imprudence  in  his  ill-considered  proceedings 
with  the  Indians.  Allowance  is  to  be  made  on  the  score  of  his  zeal,  his 
extreme  ardor  and  vehemence,  —  an  offset  to  the  apathy  and  hard-hearted- 
ness  of  those  around  him.  He  was  in  a  position  in  which  he  could  do 
nothing  for  the  Indians  if  he  kept  silence.  He  witnessed  the  reckless  ami 
defiant  disobedience  of  the  positive  instructions  of  the  King  by  his  own 
high  officers. 

3.  The  third  charge  was  of  iiicoHsisteiicy  in  condemning  the  enslaviii;^' 
of  Indians,  and  favoring  that  of  negroes.  This  has  already  been  dis- 
posed of. 

4.  The  final  charge  was  that  he  was  consumed  by  ambition.  Only  a 
single  writer  had  the  effrontery  to  ascribe  to  Las  Casas  the  desperate  pur- 
pose of  seizing  upon  the  sovereignty  of  a  thousand  leagues  of  territory. 
The  whole  foundation  of  the  charge  was  his  attempt  to  plant  a  particular 
colon)-  in  the  province  of  Cumana,  near  St.  Martha,  on  Terra  Firma.  Sd 
far  from  claiming  sovereignty  for  himself,  he  even  denied  the  right  of  the 
King  to  bestow  such  sovereignty. 

He  was,  says  Llorcnte,  blameless;  there  is  no  stain  upon  his  great 
virtues.  Indeed,  not  only  Spain,  but  all  nations,  owe  him  a  debt  for  his 
opposition  to  despotism,  and  for  his  setting  limits  to  royal  power  in  the  aL;c 
of  Charles  V.  and  the  Inquisition. 

Then  follows  Llorentc's  translation  into  French  of  Las  Casas'  Memoir  on 
the  Cruelties  practised  on  the  hniians,  with  the  Dedicatory  Letter  addresseil 
to  Philip  II.,  1552.  The  Spaniards  at  Hispaniola  and  elsewhere  forgot  thai 
they  were  men,  and  treated  the  innocent  creatures  around  them  for  forty- 
two  j'ears  as  if  they  were  famished  wolves,  tigers,  and  lions.  So  that  in 
Hispaniola,  where  once  were  three  millions,  there  remained  not  more  than 


1 1. 1' 


\    ;) 


LAS   CASAS,   AND   THIC   Sl'ANIAKUS   AND    INDIANS. 


327 


tu(i  luiiulri'il.  Cuba,  I'orto  Rico,  ami  Jamaica  luul  been  wlioll)-  ilcpopiilatcd. 
( )ii  more  tlian  sixty  Liicayan  islaiuls,  on  tljc  smallest  of  which  were  once 
li\c  hundred  thousand  natives,  Las  Casas  says,  "  my  own  eyes"  have  seen 
hut  I  leven. 

Ihese  appalling  enumerations  of  the  victims  of  Spanish  cruelty  chiriiifj 
li  ilf  a  century  from  the  first  comin^j  of  the  invaders  to  the  islands  and  main 
of  America,  are  set  before  the  reader  in  the  fij^'ures  and  estimates  of  Las 
Casas.  Of  course  the  instant  jud^'ment  of  the  reader  will  be  that  there  is 
obvious  and  gross  exaggeration  in  them.  It  remains  to  this  ilay  a  debated 
aiul  wholly  undecided  question  among  arch;eologists,  historians,  and  ex- 
ulmers  best  able  to  deal  with  it,  as  to  the  number  of  natives  on  islaiul  and 
continent  when  America  was  opened  U>  knowledge.  There  arc  no  facts 
within  our  use  for  any  other  mode  of  dealing  with  the  question  than 
by  estimates,  conjectures,  and  inferences.  A  reasonable  view  is  that  the 
soiitlurn  islands  were  far  more  thickly  peopled  than  the  main,  vasi  regions 
of  which,  when  first  penetrated  by  the  whites,  were  found  to  be  perfect 
solitudes.  The  general  tendency  now  with  those  who  have  pursued  any 
thorough  investigations  relating  to  the  above  question,  is  greatly  to  reduce 
the  number  of  the  aborigines  below  the  guesses  antl  the  once-acceplod 
estimates.  Nor  does  it  concern  us  much  to  attempt  any  argument  as  to  the 
obvious  over-estimates  made  by  Las  Casas,  or  to  decide  whether  they  came 
from  his  imagination  or  fervor  of  spirit,  or  whether,  as  showing  himself 
inciediblc  in  these  rash  and  wild  enumerations,  he  brings  his  veracitj'  and 
trustworthiness  under  grave  doubts  in  other  matters. 

Las  Casas  says  that  near  the  Island  of  San  Juan  are  thirty  others  without 
a  single  Indian.  More  than  two  thousand  leagues  of  territory  arc  wholly 
deserted.  On  the  continent  ten  kingdoms,  "  each  larger  than  Spain,"  with 
Aragon  and  Portugal,  arc  an  immense  solitude,  human  life  being  annihilated 
there.  He  estimates  the  number  of  men,  women,  and  children  who  have  been 
slaughtered  at  more  than  fifteen  millions.  Generally  they  were  tormenti'd, 
no  ctibrt  having  been  made  to  convert  them.  In  vain  did  the  natives,  helpless 
with  their  feeble  weapons,  hide  their  women  and  children  in  the  mountains. 
When,  maddened  by  desperation,  they  killed  a  single  Spaniard,  vengeance 
was  taken  by  the  score.  The  Clerigo,  as  if  following  the  strictest  process 
of  arithmetic,  gives  the  number  of  victims  in  each  of  many  places,  only 
with  variations  and  aggravations.  Me  asserts  that  in  Cuba,  in  three  or  four 
months,  he  had  seen  more  than  seven  thousand  children  perish  of  famine, 
tlieir  parents  having  been  driven  off  to  the  mines.  Me  adds  that  the  worst 
of  tlie  cruelties  in  Ilispaniola  did  not  take  place  till  after  the  death  of 
Isabella,  and  that  efforts  were  made  to  conceal  from  her  sucli  as  did  occur, 
•IS  she  continued  to  demand  right  and  mercy.  She  had  done  her  utmost 
to  suppress  the  system  of  rcpaytiinicntos,  by  which  the  natives  were 
distributed  as  slaves  to  masters. 

An  inference  helpful  to  an  approximate  estimate  of  the  numbers  and 
extent  of  the  depopulation  of  the  first  series  of  islands  seized  on  by  the 


'^: 


\        \ 


> 


'   ,'  i 


ll 


-•  i? 


i 


sal  1'! 


■J 

'  i^   J*".  1 


>i  1 -l!" 


1 1 


III 


'I 


V'i 


1  '/lf, 


I  \\ 


'J 


:- 


^ 


; 


'/ ,, 


328 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Spaniards,  might  be  drawn  from  the  vast  numbers  of  natives  deported  from 
other  groups  of  islands  to  replace  the  waste  and  to  restore  laborer^.. 
Geographers  have  somewhat  arbitrarily  distinguished  the  West  Indies  intd 
three  main  groupings  of  islands,  —  the  Lucayan,  or  Bahamas,  of  fourteen 
large  and  a  vast  inmiber  of  s.nall  islands,  extending,  from  opposite  the  coasi 
of  Morida,  some  seven  hundred  and  lift}'  miles  oceanward ;  the  Greater 
Antilles,  embracing  Cuba,  San  Domingo,  Porto  Rico,  Jamaica,  etc.,  running, 
from  opposite  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  from  farther  westward  than  the  other 
groups;  and  the  Lesser  Antilles,  ur  Carribean,  or  Windward  Islands.  The 
last-named,  from  their  repute  of  cannibalism,  were  from  the  first  coming 
of  the  Spaniards  regarded  as  fair  subjects  for  spoil,  violence,  and  devasta- 
tion. After  ruin  had  done  its  work  in  the  Greater  Antilles,  recourse  was 
had  to  the  Lucayan  Islands.  V>y  the  foulest  and  meanest  stratagems  for 
enticing  away  the  nati\es  of  these  fair  scenes,  they  were  deported  in  \ast 
numbers  to  Cuba  and  elsewhere  as  slaves.  It  was  estimated  that  in  '[\\\^ 
years  Ovando  had  beguiled  and  carried  off  fo)ty  thousand  natives  of  the 
Lucayan  Islands  to  Hispaniola. 

The  amiable  and  highly  honored  historian,  Mr.  Prcscott,  says  in  general, 
of  the  numerical  estimates  of  Las  Casas,  that  "  the  good  Bishop's  arithme- 
tic came  more  from  his  heart  than  his  head."  '■ 

From  the  fullest  examination  which  I  have  been  able  to  make,  by  the 
comparison  of  authorities  and  incidental  facts,  while  I  should  most  frankly 
admit  that  Las  Casas  gave  even  a  wild  indulgence  to  his  dismay  and  his 
indignation  in  his  figures,  I  should  conclude  that  he  had  positive  knowledge, 
from  actual  eyesight  and  observation,  of  e\'er}-  form  and  sha[)e,  as  well  as 
instance  and  aggregation,  of  the  cruelties  and  enormities  which  aroused  his 
lifelong  efforts.  Besides  the  means  and  methods  used  to  discredit  the  state- 
ments and  to  thwart  the  appeals  of  Las  Casas  at  the  Court,  a  very  insidious 
attempt  for  vindicating,  palliating,  and  even  justif\-ing  the  acts  of  violence 
and  cruelty  which  he  alleged  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  islands  and  on  the 
main,  was  in  the  charge  that  their  victims  were  horribl}-  addicted  to  canni- 
balism and  the  offering  of  human  sacrifices.  The  number  estimated  of  the 
latter  as  slaughtered,  especially  on  great  ro}-al  occasions,  is  aiijialling,  and 
the  rites  described  are  hideous.  It  seems  impossible  for  us  now,  from  so 
many  dubious  and  confiicting  authorities,  to  reach  any  trustwortlu'  knowl- 
edge on  this  subject.  ]''or  instance,  in  Anahuac,  Mexico,  the  annual  nuni^ 
ber  of  human  sacrifices,  as  stated  by  different  writers,  varies  from  twenty 
to  fifty  thousand.     Sepul\-eda  in  his  contest  with  Las  Casas  was  bound  to 


1  Conquest  pf  Mcxid^  i.  So,  11.  Of  liis.V//,'r/ 
Account  of  the  Deslructiou  of  the  luilies.  tliis  his- 
torian savs :  "  However  cood  the  ir.oiivcs  of  its 
author,  we  may  regret  that  llie  bool<  was  ever 
written.  .  .  .  The  aiUhor  lent  a  willing  ear  to 
every  tale  of  violence  and  rapine,  and  magnified 
the  anioimt  to  a  degree  which  borders  on  the 
ridiculous.    The  wild  extravagance  of  his  numer- 


ical estimates  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  shake 
confidence  in  the  accuracv  of  his  statements 
generally.  Vet  the  naked  truth  was  too  startling 
in  itself  to  demand  the  aid  of  c.vaggeration." 
The  historian  truly  savs  <.f  himself,  in  his  Trc- 
face  to  the  work  quoted  :  "  I  have  not  hesitated 
to  expose  in  their  strongest  colors  the  excesses 
of  the  conqtierors." 


l!   il.M' 


:rica. 


LAS    CASAS,    AMJ    THE    SPANIARDS    AND    IXDI..NS. 


329 


deported  from 
store  laborers. 
I'cst  Indies  into 
las,  of  fourteen 
positc  the  coast 
1 ;  tlic  Greater 
a,  etc.,  runniiiL;, 
than  the  otlur 
.1  Islands.  The 
le  first  comiii|4 
:e,  and  devasta- 
s,  recourse  was 
;  stratagems  for 
leported  in  vast 
ited  that  in  five 

natives  of  the 

says  in  jfcncral, 
shop's  arithme- 

)  make,  by  the 

Id  most  frankly 

dismay  and  his 

ti\'e  knowledi^e, 

lape,  as  well  as 

ich  aroused  his 

:redit  the  statc- 

ery  insidious 

ts  of  violence 

ids  and  on  the 

;ted  to  canni- 

i mated  of  the 

ippalliui;',  and 

now,  from  so 

.iirth}"  knowl- 

annual  nuiU' 

from  twenty 

was  bound  ti> 


ifficient  to  sliakc 
)f  his  statements 
h  w.is  toil  stnrtlin,^ 
if  exaggeration." 
niself,  in  liis  Pre- 
lavc  not  liesitatcil 
olors  the  excesses 


make  die  most  of  this  dismal  story,  and  said  that  no  one  of  the  authorities 
c-tiniated  the  number  of  the  victims  at  k  than  twenty  thousand.  Las 
Cas.is  replied  that  this  was  the  estimate  of  brigands,  who  wished  thus  to  win 
tok'rance  for  their  own  slaut^diterinj^s,  and  that  the  actual  number  of  annual 
victims  did  not  exceed  twenty.^  It  was  a  hard  recourse  for  Christians  to 
seek  palliation  for  their  cruelties  in  noting  or  exaggerating  the  superstitious 
and  hideous  rites  of  heathens ! 

it  is  certain,  however,  that  this  plea  of  cannibalism  was  most  effectively 
iistd,  from  the  first  vague  reports  which  Columbus  took  back  to  Spain  of 
iu  prevalence,  at  least  in  the  Carribean  Islands,  to  overcome  the  earliest 
liiniiane  protests  against  the  slaughter  of  the  natives  and  their  deportation 
fur  slaves.  In  the  all-tt)o  hideous  engra\'ings  presented  in  the  \t)lumes  in 
all  the  tongues  of  lun'ope  exposing  the  cruelties  of  the  Spanish  invaders, 
arc  found  revolting  delineations  of  the  Indian  shambles,  where  portions  of 
hiiman  bodies,  subjected  to  a  fiendish  butchery,  are  exposed  for  sale. 
I. as  Casas  nowhere  denies  positively  the  existence  of  this  shocking  bar- 
barism. One  might  well  infer,  however,  from  his  pages  that  he  was  at  least 
incredulous  as  to  its  prevalence;  and  to  him  it  would  only  ha\e  height- 
ened his  constraining  sense  of  the  solemn  duty  of  professed  Christians  to 
bring  the  power  of  the  missionary,  rather  than  the  maddened  violence  of 
dLstruction,  to  bear  upon  the  poor  victims  of  so  awful  a  sin.  Nor  docs  the 
c\iiK'nce  within  our  reach  suffice  to  pros'c  the  prevalence,  to  the  astound- 
ing extent  alleged  by  the  opponents  of  Las  Casas,  of  monstrous  and  bes- 
tial crimes  against  nature  practised  among  the  natives.  Perhaps  a  parallel 
between  the  general  morality  respectively  existing  in  the  license  and  vices 
(ifllie  invaders  and  the  children  of  Nature  as  presented  to  us  by  Columbus, 
as  well  as  b}-  Las  Casas,  woidd  not  leave  matter  for  boasting  to  the  Kiu'o- 
pcans.  Mr.  Prescott  enters  into  an  elaborate  examination  of  a  subject  of 
iVciiueiu  discussion  by  American  historians  and  archieologists,  —  who  have 
.idiipteil  different  conclusions  upon  it, —  as  to  whether  venereal  diseases  had 
pivvalencc  among  the  peoples  of  the  New  World  before  it  was  opened  to 
the  intercourse  of  foreigners.  I  have  not  noticed  in  anything  written  by 
I. as  I'asas  that  he  brings  an)-  charge  on  this  score  against  his  countr_\-men. 
Oiiile  recent  exhumations  made  by  our  archa,*ologists  have  seemingh'  set 
tlu'  question  at  rest,  by  re\'ealing  in  the  bones  of  our  prehistoric  races  the 
c\  idences  of  the  prevalence  of  such  diseases. 

.Snllicicnt  means,  in  hints  and  incitlental  statements,  ha\'e  been  ftirnishetl 
in  the  preceding  pages  from  which  the  reader  may  draw  his  own  estimate, 
as  appreciative  aiul  judicious  as  he  may  be  able  to  make  it,  of  the  character 
of  Las  Casas  as  a  man  and  as  a  missionary  of  Christ.  -V  labored  analysis 
iif  an  indiscrimin.'^'ug  eulogitim  of  that  character  is  wholh-  uncalled  for, 
anil  would  he  a  work  of  supererogation.  His  heart  and  mind,  his  soul  and 
biidv',  his  life,  with  all  of  opportunity  which  it  offered,  were  consecrated; 


f    ' 


V  . 


Iiir'li',1 


m 


^ 


vr.  ; 


t , 


I: 


|1-i 


*■  V    i 


■1  A 


VOL.    II. 


Llorcnte,  i.  J65,  jStj. 


iil  f 


ItPvJ 


U\^iM 


■|'i 


■  /s    i 


't'l; 


:/i/  .;  n 


i  fi ; 


I  { 


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I  li  I' 


Ii^.1  ■! 


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':<  :    i 


fiH 


if 


nr 


330 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


his  foibles  and  faults  were  of  the  most  trivial  sort,  never  leading  to  injury 
for  others,  and  scarcely  working  any  harm  for  himself. 

It  is  a  well-proved  and  a  gladdening  truth,  that  one  who  stands  for  the 
championship  of  any  single  principle  involving  the  rights  of  humanity  will 
be  led  by  a  kindled  vision  or  a  gleam  of  advanced  wisdom  to  commit 
himself  to  the  assumption  of  some  great,  comprehensive,  illuminating  verity 
covering  a  far  wider  field  than  that  which  he  personally  occupies.  Thus 
Las  Casas'  assertion  of  the  common  rights  of  humanity  for  the  heathen 
natives  expanded  into  a  bold  denial  of  the  fundamental  claims  of  ecclesi- 
asticism.  It  was  the  hope  and  aim  of  his  opponents  and  enemies  to  drive 
him  to  a  committal  of  himself  to  some  position  which  might  be  charged 
with  at  least  constructive  heresy,  through  some  implication  or  inference 
from  the  basis  of  his  pleadings  that  he  brought  under  question  the  author- 
ity of  the  Papacy.  Fonseca  and  Sepulveda  were  both  bent  upon  forcing 
him  into  that  perilous  attitude  towards  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  power. 
To  appreciate  fully  how  nearly  Las  Casas  was  thought  to  trespass  on  the 
verge  of  a  heresy  which  might  even  have  cost  him  his  life,  but  would 
certainly  have  nullified  his  personal  influence,  we  must  recognize  the  full 
force  of  the  one  overmastering  assumption,  under  which  the  Pope  and  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  claimed  for  themselves  supreme  dominion  over  territory 
and  people  in  the  New  World.  As  a  new  world,  or  a  disclosure  on  the 
earth's  surface  of  vast  realms  before  unknown  to  dwellers  on  the  old  conti- 
nents, its  discovery  would  carry  with  it  the  right  of  absolute  ownership  and 
of  rule  over  all  its  inhabitants.  It  was,  of  course,  to  be  "  conquered  "  and 
held  in  subjection.  The  earth,  created  by  God,  had  been  made  the  king- 
dom of  Jesus  Christ,  who  assigned  it  to  the  charge  and  administration  of 
his  vicegerent,  the  Pope.  All  the  continents  and  islands  of  the  earth  which 
were  not  Christendom  were  heathendom.  It  mattered  not  what  state  of 
civiHzation  or  barbarism,  or  what  form  or  substance  of  religion,  might  be 
found  in  any  new-discovered  country.  The  Papal  claim  was  to  be  asserted 
there,  if  with  any  need  of  explanation,  for  courtesy's  sake,  certainlj'-  without 
any  apology  or  vindication.  Could  Las  Casas  be  inveigled  mto  any  denial 
or  hesitating  allowance  of  this  assumption?  He  was  on  his  guard,  but  lie 
stood  manfully  for  the  condition,  the  supreme  obligation,  which  alone 
could  give  warrant  to  it.  The  papal  and  the  royal  claims  w  ^-e  soinid 
and  good  ;  they  were  indeed  absolute,  liut  the  tenure  of  possession  and 
authority  in  heathendom,  if  it  were  to  be  claimed  through  the  Gospel  am' 
\h".  Church,  looked  quite  beyond  the  control  of  territory  and  the  lordship 
over  heathen  natives,  princes,  and  people, — it  was  simply  to  prompt  the 
work  and  to  facilitate,  while  it  positively  enjoined  the  duty  of,  conversion, — 
the  bringing  of  heathen  natives  through  bapti  ;  .uid  instruction  into  the 
fold  of  Christ.  Fonseca  and  Sepulveda  we*--"  baffled  by  the  Clerigo  as  lu; 
calmly  and  firmly  told  the  monarchs  that  their  prerogative,  though  lawful 
in  itself,  was  fettered  b\'  this  obligation.  In  asserting  this  just  condition. 
Las  Casas  effectuall_\'  disabletl  his  opponents. 


LAS   CASAS,  AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


33i 


iding  to  injury 


The  following  are  the  closing  sentences  of  the  Reply  of  Las  Casas  to 
Sepulvcda:  — 

'•  Tlie  damages  and  the  loss  which  have  befallen  the  Crown  of  Castile  and  Leon 
« ill  be  visited  also  upon  the  whole  of  Spain,  because  the  tyranny  wrought  by  these 
(JLSolations,  murders,  and  slaughters  is  so  monstrous  that  the  blind  may  see  it,  the  deaf 
may  hoar  it,  the  dumb  may  rehearse  it,  and  the  wise  judge  and  condemn  it  after  our 
very  short  life.  I  invoke  all  the  hierarchies  and  choirs  of  angels,  all  the  saints  of  the 
(Alcstial  Court,  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  globe,  and  chiefly  all  those  who  may  live  after 
nu',  for  witnesses  that  I  free  my  conscience  of  all  that  has  transpired  ;  and  that  I  have 
fully  exposed  to  his  Majesty  all  these  woes ;  and  that  if  he  leaves  to  Spaniards  the 
tyranny  and  government  of  the  Indies,  all  of  them  will  be  destroyed  and  without 
inhabitants, —  as  we  see  that  Hispaniola  now  is,  and  the  other  islands  and  parts  of  the 
continent  for  more  than  three  thousand  leagues,  without  occupants.  For  these  reasons 
God  will  punish  Spain  and  all  her  people  with  an  inevitable  severity.     So  may  it  be  1 " 

It  is  grateful  to  be  assured  of  the  fact  that  during  the  years  of  his  last 
retirement  in  Spain,  till  the  close  of  his  life  at  so  venerable  an  age.  Las  Casas 
enjoyed  a  pension  sufficient  for  his  comfortable  subsistence.  Allowing  only 
a  pittance  of  it  for  his  own  frugal  support,  he  devoted  it  mostly  to  works  of 
charity.  His  pen  and  voice  and  time  were  still  given  to  asserting  and 
defending  the  rights  of  the  natives,  not  only  as  human  beings,  but  as  free  of 
ail  mastery  by  others.  Though  his  noble  zeal  had  made  him  enemies,  and 
he  had  appeared  to  have  failed  in  his  heroic  protests  and  appeals,  he  had 
tile  gratification  of  knowing  before  his  death  that  restraining  tneasurcs, 
sterner  edicts,  more  faithful  and  humane  officials,  and  in  general  a  more 
wise  and  righteous  policy,  had  abated  the  rage  of  cruelty  in  the  New  World. 
But  still  the  sad  reflection  came  to  qualify  even  this  satisfaction,  that  the 
Spaniards  were  brought  to  realize  the  rights  of  humanity  by  learning  that 
their  cruelty  had  wrout;lit  to  their  own  serious  loss  in  depopulating  the 
most  fertile  regions  and  tastcning  upon  them  the  hate  of  the  remnants  of 
tile  people.  The  reader  of  the  most  recent  histories,  even  of  the  years  of 
the  first  quarter  of  this  century,  relating  to  the  Spanish  missions  in  the 
pueblos  of  Mexico  and  California,  will  note  how  some  of  the  features  of 
the  old  rcpartiniioito  system,  first  introduced  among  the  Greater  .Vntilles, 
survived  in  the  farm-lands  and  among  the  peons  and  con\-crts  of  the 
missionaries. 


n 


!l 


h( 


\\ 


■'I 


Vl^ 


'  fe'-l 


\  >  r  '■  ■  .1 


k  \    t, 


though  lawful 
ust  condition. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF    INFOR.MATION. 

""yHE  subject  of  this  chapter  is  so  nearly  exclusively  concerned  \\  th  the  personal  his- 
*  tiiry,  the  agency,  and  the  missionary  work  of  Las  Casas,  both  in  the  New  World  and 
.It  the  Court  of  S])ain,  that  we  are  rather  to  welcome  than  to  regret  the  fact  tliat  he  is 
almost  our  sole  authority  for  the  statetiients  and  incidents  with  wiiicli  we  have  had  to  deal. 
<iiv!ni:  due  allowance  to  what  has  already  been  sufficiently  recognized  as  his  intensity  of 


Mm 


w 

m 


I; .)) ,  ' 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF    A.MERICA. 


spirit,  liis  wil'lness  of  imagination,  and  his  enormous  overstatement  in  his  enumeration 
of  tlie  victims  of  Spanish  cruelty,  he  must  lie  rei;ar(lecl  as  tlie  l)est  autliority  we  could  havf 
for  the  use  which  he  serves  to  us.'  Free  as  he  was  from  all  selfish  and  sinister  motives, 
even  tiie  darinsj;  assurance  with  which  he  speaks  out  before  the  monarch  and  his  council- 
lors, and  prints  on  his  titlepai;es  tlie  round  numbers  of  these  victims,  prompts  us  to  j;ivc 
full  credit  to  his  testimony  on  other  matters,  even  if  we  substitute  thousands  in  place  of 
millions.     As  to  the  forms  and  aggravations  of  the  cruel  methods  in  which  the  Spaniards 


^1 


n"   'ii 


.!/  '! 


lf!i 

i!  :  'i 


ll/f-'f 


»>:  fr 


LAS    C.J.SAS. 


i|-„ 


'  [I  kills  {S/>ciii/.'/i  Comnirs/)  savs  :  "  I, as 
Casas  may  be  tluiriuii;lily  trusted  wliciicvcr  he 
is  sjicaking  of  things  nf  which  he  liad  compe- 
tent kndwlodgc."  'I'icUiuir  (.S'/iiiiis/i  Lilcraliire., 
ii.  3')  calls  liini  "a  iircjiidiccd  witness,  but  on 
a  point  of  fact  witliin  his  own  knowledge  one 
til  lie  believed."      II.  H.  llaiunift  (E.trly  Amcr- 


iiiiii  C/iro>ii(/,-rs,  p.  jo ;  also  Ci'it/i;i/  Amt'n\;:,\. 
274,  309;  ii.  337)  speaks  of  the  c.x.aggcrali -n 
which  the  zeal  of  l.as  Casas  leads  him  inin; 
but  with  due  abatement  therefor,  he  considiis 
him  "a  keen  and  valuable  observer,  guided  by 
l)r.ictical  sagacity,  and  endowed  with  a  cert.nii 
genius."  —  Ki>.] 


1   '  1' 


"It  i  ^ .  'ill.  ^ ' 


LAS   CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AM)    INDIANS. 


'i  ^  n 


(U  ;ilt  with  tin-'  natives,  the  recklessness  and  ingenuity  of  the  work  of  depopulation,  — 
whicli  was  as  naturally  the  consequence  of  the  enslaving  of  the  Indians  as  of  their  indis- 
Liiminate  slaughter,  —  Las  Casas' revelations  seem  to  have  passed  unchallenged  by  even 
his  most  virulent  enemies. 

Sc'iHilveda  may  be  received  by  us  as  the  representative  alike  in  spirit  and  in  argument 
iif  die  opposition  to  Las  Casas.  He  was  an  acute  and  al)le  disputant,  and  would  readily 
have  availed  himself  of  any  weak  points  in  the  positions  of  the  apostle.  It  is  observable 
that,  instead  of  assailing  even  the  vehement  and  exaggerated  charges  alleged  by  Las 
Casas  against  the  Spanish  marauders  for  their  cruelty,  he  rather  spends  his  force  upon  the 
iii.iiiitenance  of  the  abstract  rights  of  Christian  champions  over  the  lieathen  and  their 
tenitciry.  The  Papal  and  the  Koyal  prerogatives  were,  in  his  view,  of  such  supreme  and 
sweeping  account  in  the  controversy,  as  to  cover  all  the  incidental  consequences  of 
establishing  them.  He  seemed  to  argue  that  heathens  and  heaUienism  invited  and 
justitied  conquest  by  any  method,  however  ruthless  ;  that  the  rights  of  the  Papacy 
ami  of  Christian  monarchs  would  be  perilled  by  allowing  any  regards  of  sentiment 
or  hui.ianity  to  stand  in  the  way  of  their  assertion  ;  and  that  even  the  sacred  duty  of 
conversion  was  to  be  deferred  till  war  and  tyranny  had  obtained  the  absolute  mastery 
over  the  natives. 

The  eight  years  spent  by  Las  Casas  in  retirement  in  the  Dominican  convent  at  San 
Domingo  were  used  by  him  in  study  and  meditation.     His  writings  prove,  in  their  referen- 
ces and  quotations  from  the  classics, 
as  well  as  from  Scripture,  that  his 

range  was  wide,  and  that  his  mind  //        A^  9  ^  )    •"•        /^       1 

was  invigorated  by  this  training.  /  I        2y\     ^  O^  fOO  "^s  ^    ltZ 

In    1552-1553,    at    Seville,  Las       /     I    f^-^  /^f  "^ 

Casas  printed  a  series  of  nine  tracts,  /  V^— •'"^  ^\^<.4f^~^^-i  iXS 
wliii.h  are  the  principal  source  of  our  I 
inlorniation  in  relation  to  his  allega-  \^y^ 
tiiins  against  the  Spanish  oppressors 
of  tlie  Indians.  It  is  only  necessary 
to  refer  the  reader  to  the  bibliographies '  for  the  full  titles  of  these  tracts,  of  which  we 
simply  quote  enough  for  their  identification,  while  we  cite  them  in  the  order  in  which  they 
seem  to  have  been  composed,  following  in  this  the  extensive  Note  which  Field  has  given 
in  his  Indian  Dihtiograplty :  — 

I.  Brcuissima  relacion  de  ladestntycion  de  las  Indias  .  .  .  <?wi552;  50  unnumbered 
leaves. 

The  series  of  tracts  is  usually  cited  by  this  title,  which  is  that  of  the  first  tract,-  for 
there  is  no  general  printed  designation  of  the  collection.  Four  folios  appended  to  this, 
but  always  reckoned  as  a  distinct  tract,  are  called, — 


AUTOGR.APH   OF    L.\S    CASAS. 


■   \ 


'  .Sabiii's  IfW^-s  of  Las  Casas,  and  liis  £)ic- 
lioii.iiy.  iii.  38S-402,  and  x.  S.S-91  ;  Field's 
/ih/iaii  Biblioi^raphy  ;  CarLr-Brmou  Catalogiif  ; 
ll.inisseV.  jVoUs  on  Coliimlms,  pp.  lS-24;  the 
Ifiilh  Catalox'hc' ;  Bnin,/'s  Maiim-l,  etc. 

-  [Field  says  it  was  written  in  1540,  and  suh- 
iiiiited  to  the  Emjjcror  in  M.S. ;  1)ut  in  the  sha|)c 
in  which  it  was  printed  it  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  1 54 i-i  542.  Cf.  Field,  /;;,//,;;/  Bihlios;- 
iJf/iy,  nos.  S60,  870;  Sabin,  iVor/cs  of  Las 
C.has,  no.  I;  Carto-Bnrunt  Catah^nie,  i.  164; 
Ticknor,  Sfaiiish  Lit,-rat:in;  ii.  38;  aiid  Cata- 
<<',i:iii;  ]).  62.  The  work  has  nhicteen  sections  on 
as  many  provinces,  ending  with  a  summary  for 


tiic  year  1546.  This  separate  tract  was  reprinted 
in  the  original  .Sp.inish  in  London,  in  1S12,  and 
again  in  Philadelphia,  in  iS2r,  for  the  Mexican 
market,  with  an  introductory  essay  on  Las  Ca- 
sas. Stevens,  Bibliotlu-ca  historica,  1105;  cf. 
also  Colcccion  tie  documctitos  incJitos  (Esfina), 
vol.  vii. 

The  Caiuionero  spiritual.,  jirinted  at  Mex- 
ico in  1546,  is  not  assigned  to  Baytliolome'o  Las 
Casas  in  TicknorV  Spaitisli  Literature,  iii.  44, 
but  it  is  in  Gayangos  and  Vedia's  Spanish  trans- 
lation of  Ticknor.  Cf.  also  Sabin,  vol.  x.  no. 
39,122;  Harrisse,  >5//'. /i/«.  /'•/..  Additions,  No. 
159.  — Kn.  I 


K     « 


M 


n 


: 


'■  ';:5'i 


Pi'''  'i    '  ■       ■  ill 
/  ■  1 


irli 


f;i!f:fi''' 


.  ■!' 


fl 


I' 


334 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


TITLE    OF    FIRST  TRACT. 


LAS   CASAS,   AND   THE   SPANIARDS   AND    INDIANS. 


335 


2.  l.o  que  se  sij^HC  es  'I'll  pt'da(;o  de  vtia  caria,  etc.  It  records  the  observations  of  a 
Hiianish  traveller  upon  the  enormities  practised  on  tlie  natives,' 

3.  Entrc  los  remedios  .  .  .  para  refonnacio  dc  las  Jiidias  ;  1552;  53  unnumbered 
IcavLS.  It  gives  the  eighth  of  the  proposed  remedies,  assigning  twenty  reasons  against 
llu-  enslaving  of  the  natives. - 

4.  .Iqiii  se  io/ienH  viios  aiiisos  y  rci^las  para  los  coiifessores,  etc;  1552;  lOunnum- 
ln  red  leaves.  It  gives  the  rules  for  the  confessors  of  his  bishopric  of  Chiapa  to  deny 
ihc  offices  of  the  Church  to  such  as  held  riparlimientos.^ 

5.  Aqiti  se  contienc  vna  dispitta  .  .  .  cntre  cl  ohispo  .  .  .  y  el  doctt^r  Giiics  de  Sepul- 
III  da  :  1552;  61  unnumbered  leaves.  This  strong  enunciation  of  Las  Casas'  convic 
lions  grew  out  of  his  controversy  with  Sepulveda.''  It  contains,  first,  a  summary  by 
DdMiingo  de  Soto  of  the  differences  between  the  two  disputants;  second,  the  argumentf 
iif  Sepulveda;  and  third,  the  replies  of  Las  Casas,  —twelve  in  all. 

(').  Este  cs  vn  tratado  .  .  .  sobre  la  maleria  de  los  \  'ndios,  que  sc  han  hccho  en  cllas. 
vsilaiios ;  1552  ;  36  unnumbered  leaves.  This  contains  reasons  and  judicial  autlioiities 
on  the  question  of  the  restitution  of  the  natives  to  freedom.'' 

7.  Aqui  se  coliene  treynta  proposiciones  .  .  .;  1552;  10  leaves.  These  are  the 
I'lopositions,  mentioned  on  a  preceding  page,  as  Las  Casas'  reply  to  those  who  ohjeclcd 
t(i  die  rigor  of  his  rules  for  his  confessors." 

8.  J'riiicipia  qucdd  e.v  qiiibiis  procedeiiditni,  etc;  1552;  10  leaves.  This  gives  the 
principles  on  which  he  conducts  his  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  natives.' 

9.  Tratado  copiobatorio  del  imperio  soberaiio,  etc.  ;  80  unnumbered  leaves.  The 
title-date  is  1552,  but  that  in  the  colophon  is  1553.  The  purpose  is  "  to  prove  the  sovereign 
empire  and  universal  dominion  by  which  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon  hold  the  West 
Indies.''  ^ 

Complete  sets  of  these  tracts  have  become  very  rare,  though  it  is  r.  I'ncommon  to 
liiul.  in  current  catalogues,  single  copies  of  some  of  those  less  scarce.'' 


■  [Field  docs  not  give  it  a  date ;  but  Sal)in 
savs  it  was  written  in  1552.  Cf.  Field,  nos.  S60, 
870,  noli- :  .Sabin,  no.  2;  Carter-Brown,  i.  165; 
Tiikuor  Calalo:^iic,  p.  62.  —  Ed.] 

-  I  Field  says  it  was  written  "  soon  after  "  no. 
1;  Saliiii  pl.iccs  it  in  1543.  Cf.  F'icid,  no.  S62, 
%-o,  note  :  Carter-Hrowii,  i.  166;  Sabin,  3;  .Ste- 
vens, /)//'/.  Geoi^.,  no.  595 ;  Tioknor  Ciitidogne, 
|i.  ri.\  —  Fi).] 

'  [Sabin  says  it  was  written  in  America  in 
1546-1547.  Field,  nos,  S03,  870,  note ;  Cartcr- 
linnvn,  i.  1C7  ;  Sabin,  no.  6.  —  Ed.] 

*  [There  seems,  according  to  Field  (nos. 
i)(j^,  S65),  to  have  been  two  distinct  editions  in 
1552,  as  he  deduces  from  his  own  copy  and  from 
a  (lil'ftrunt  one  belonging  to  Mr.  ISievoort,  there 
Ixing  tliirty-tlirce  variations  in  the  two.  (Juaritch 
has  noted  (no.  11,855,  Pf'ced  a' .1^6  6.f.)  a  copy 
likewise  in  Gothic  letter,  but  with  dilferent  wood- 
rut  initials,  which  he  places  about  1570.  Cf. 
Field,  ]).  217  ;  Carter-lirown,  i.  16S  ;  Sabin,  no.  S; 
Thknoi-  Ciilalo;^iu\  j).  62. 

'I'lie  initial  work  of  Sepulveda,  Democratcs 
.S'.,  ««<//«,  defending  the  rights  of  the  Crown  over 
'IK'  natives,  w.as  not  published,  though  he 
I'linted  his  A/^ologia  pro  lil>ro  de  justis  belli  cnusis, 
Rome,  1550  (two  copie-i  of  which  are  known),  of 
which  there  was  a  later  edition  in  1C02;  and 
Muiie  of  his   views   may  be  found   in  it.      Cf. 


Ticknor,  S/<ani>li  Literature,  ii.  37  ;  Ilarrisse, 
Azotes  on  Coliindms,  p.  24,  and  £ib.  Anier.  Vet. 
no.  303 ;  and  the  general  histories  of  Bancroft, 
Heli)s,  and  Prcscott.  The  Ciirter-Braiun  Cata- 
logne,  no.  173,  shows  a  MS.  copy  of  Sepul- 
veda's  book.  It  is  also  in  Sepulveda's  Opera, 
Cologne,  i6o2,  p.  423;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii. 
no.  15.  —  En.] 

■''  [Sabin  dates  it  in  1543.  Cf.  Field,  nos. 
S66,  S70,  note;  Sabin,  no.  4;  Carter-Brown, 
i.  170.  —  Ed.] 

''  [Sabin  s.iys  it  was  written  in  Spain  in  154S 
Cf.  Field,  nos.  SO7,  S70,  note;  Sabin,  no.  7; 
Carter-Brown,  i.  171.  —  En.] 

"  [Field,  nos.  S6S,  S70,  «()/c  ;  S.abin,  no.  9; 
Carter-lirown,  i.  169.  —  Fd.] 

'  [This  is  the  longest  and  one  of  the  rarest 
of  the  series.  Sabin  says  it  was  written  abouf 
1543.  There  were  two  editions  of  the  same 
date,  having  resiiectively  So  and  H4  leaves;  but 
it  is  uncertain  which  is  the  earlier,  though  Field 
su])poses  the  fewer  pages  to  indicate  the  first. 
Field,  nos.  S69,  S70,  note  ;  Sabin,  no.  5;  Carter 
Brown,  i.  172.  —  Ed.] 

'■'  [It  is  only  of  late  years  that  the  entire  .scries 
has  been  described.  He  Bure  gives  only  five  of 
the  tracts  ;  Dibdin  enumerates  but  seven  ;  and 
Llorente  in  his  edition  omits  three,  .as  was  done 
in  the  edition  of  1646.     Rich  in  1S32  priced  a 


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336  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'^iSUf 


1 
1 


CSciuifecoficnc  vno0  ^§ 


(.^ 


m 


auifoBt  teniae  para  lo8confelTo7C8q 

otercnconfdrionee  oeloe  iEfpano 

lee  que  fon/o  Ipan  fido  en  cargo  a 

I08  ^Dndtoeoelas^ndiaeoel 

mar  9dceano:colegida<po: 

el  obilpooc  Cljiapa  pon 

frat2tiartbolonic6la5 

caiae/ocafsuerela 

^:d^noc  Sancto 

U^omingo, 


TITLE  OF  THE  FOURTH  TRACT.* 


1  [From  the  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  —  Ed.] 


J 


1(1''       . 


I'.). 


■M 


^   (llli 


m 


'llrr 


CA. 


LAS    CASAS,    AND   THE   Sl'ANIAKDS   AND    INDIANS. 


?,^7 


In  1 57 1,  five  years  after  Las  Casus'  death,  what  is  sometimes  called  a  tenth  part  was 
■>iintcil  at  I'rankfort,  under  the  title  of  Ex[>licatio  qucstionis  utrum  A't\i;t-s  vcl  i'tiiuipa 
jn'c  iilii/i(o  .  .  •  Civis  ac  sndditos  a  ref^ia  cotonu  ''••nare  /  This  further  showinj;  of  the 
arguments  of  Las  Casas  is  even  rarer  than  its  j  lecessors.'  Its  authorship,  witliout 
niiiLJi  reason,  has  been  sometimes  ilenied.-  It  ix  t'.  .ishited,  however,  in  Llorente's  edition, 
as  is  also  a  letter  of  Las  Casas  wliich  he  wrote  in  1555  to  the  Arehljishop  of  Toledo, 
iirotestiiig  against  the  contemplated  sale  of  Eucoiiiicndas  in  per[)etuity,  which,  being  com- 
nuiiiiL-ated  to  the  Kiny,  led  to  tlie  prohibition  of  the  plan. 

Ill  1S54  Henry  Stevens  printed,  in  a  style  corresjionding  to  tliat  of  the  tracts  of  1552, 
a  SI  lies  of  six  papers  from  original  manuscripts  in  his  possession,  interesting  as  contribu- 
lidiis  to  the  history  of  Las  Casas  and  his  work ;  ^  and  there  is  also  a  letter  of  Las  Casas 
ill  the  volume  a  few  years  since  printed  by  the  Spanish  (lovernment  as  Cartr.s  de  Iiidias. 
'I  here  is  an  eininieration  of  thirteen  other  treatises,  noted  as  still  in  manuscript,  which  is  to 
I,'  foimd  in  Sabin's  Dictionary  or  in  his  separate  Works  of  Las  Casas  ;  but  Mr.  I'itid  is 
iiu  lined  for  one  reason  or  another  to  reduce  the  number  to  five,  in  addition  to  the  two 
wliiih  were  published  by  Llorente.*  There  are  also  two  manuscripts  recorded  in  tlie 
Ciu III-- Brown  C     iloi.'ucJ' 


s  r  at  ;£'l2  I2J.  A  fill'  't  is  now  wortli  from 
Sioo  to  S150;  '  t  Led  TL  (nos.  327,  3,556)  lias 
nuntly  priced  a  ^Jt  of  seven  at  700  francs,  ami 
a  full  set  at  1,000  francs.  An  Knglisli  dealer 
li,i>  lately  held  orn  at^^J.  (,)iiaritch  has  held 
fniir  parts  at  ^10  and  a  cumplcte  set  at  ^^40. 
Single  tract  are  usually  priced  at  from  £\  to 
f^y  Rcceri  \lcs  have  been  shown  in  the  Sun- 
(krhiiid  (no.  .,459,  9  parts) ;  Field  (no.  1,267)  ; 
Ciiukc  (vol.  iii.  no.  369,  7  parts) ;  Stevens,  Hist. 
C'll.  (no.  311,  8  parts);  Pinart  (no.  536);  and 
Murphy  (no.  4S7)  catalogues.  The  set  in  the 
Cartcr-llrown  Library  belonged  to  Ternau.x  ;  that 
liclunging  to  Mr.  lirevoort  came  from  the  Ma.\i- 
ini!iaii  Library.  Th<j  Leno.x  Library  and  Mr.  liar- 
low's  Collection  h.ive  sets.  There  are  also  sets 
ill  die  Grcnvillc  and  Ihitli  collections. 

The  l646reprint,  above  referred  to,  has  some- 
times a  collective  title.  Las  Olmis,  etc.,  but  most 
ciijjics,  like  the  Harvard  College  copy,  lack  it. 
As  the  titles  of  the  separate  tracts  (printed 
ni  this  edition  in  Roman)  retained  the  original 
1552  dates,  this  reprint  is  often  called  a  sjiurious 
cililiou.  It  is  usually  priced  at  from  §15  to  $30. 
Cf.  Sabiii,  no.  13;  Field,  ]).  216;  Quaritcli,  no. 
ii,,S50;  Carter-Brown,  i.  173;'  ii.  5S4 ;  Stevens, 
flisl.  Coll.,  i.  312;    Cooke,  iii.  370. 

Some  of  the  Tracts  are  included  in  the  Ohras 
tscofiii/iis  Jc  filosofos,  etc.     Madrid,  1873.  —  El).] 

'  [Kick!,  no.  S70,  and  note;  Sabin,  no.  II; 
llir  Carter-Hrowii  Collection  lacks  it.  It  was 
reprinied  at  Tiibingen,  and  again  r.t  Jena,  in  1 678. 
It  has  never  been  reprinted  in  .Spain,  s.ays  Ste- 
vcu>  (/;//;/.  Hist.,  no.  1,096).  —  El).] 

"^  ["  Not  absolutely  proved  to  be  his,"  says 
Takuor  (Sfiaiiis/i  Literature,  ii.  37). — El).] 

'  [There  were  a  hundred  copies  of  these 
.^■iiilecl.    They  are:  — 

I.   Memorial  dc  Don   Die\;o   Colon   sohre  la 

conversion  de  las  gentcs  de  las  Yndias.     With  an 

Kiii-llc   to   Dr.    Rciuhold    Pauli.     It   is   Diego 

Col. Ill'-    favorable    comment   on     Las    Casas's 

VOL.    II. —43. 


scheme  of  civilizing  the  Indians,  written  at  King 
Charles's  recpiest.  Cf.  Stevens,  //ist.  Coll.,  \. 
88 1. 

2.  Carta,  dated  1520,  and  addressed  to  the 
Chancellor  of  Charles,  in  which  Las  Casas  urges 
his  scheme  of  coloui/ation  of  the  Lidiaiis  Mr. 
.Stevens  dedicates  it  to  Arthur  Helps  in  .1  letter. 
Cf.  Stevens,  Llist.  Coll.,  i  S82  ;  the  manuscript 
is  described  in  his  liilil.  Geoi;.,  no.  598. 

3.  Paresfi-r  o  dctcrminacio  de  los  scnores 
tltc'oloj,'os  de  Salamanca,  dated  July  I,  15.11. 
This  is  the  response  of  the  Faculty  of  Salaman- 
ca to  the  question  put  to  them  by  Charles  V., 
if  the  baptized  natives  could  be  made  slaves. 
Mr.  Stevens  dedicates  the  tract  to  Sir  Thomas 
I'hillipps.     Cf.  Stevens,  Hist.  Coll.  i.  SSj. 

4.  Carta  dc  Hernando  Cortis.  Mr.  Stevens,  in 
his  Dedication  to  Leopold  von  Rankc,  supposes 
this  to  have  been  written  in  1541-1542.  It  is 
Cortes'  reply  to  the  Emperor's  request  for  his 
opinions  regarding  Enconticndas,c\.i:.,  in  Mexico. 
Cf.  Stevens,  Hist.  Coll.,  \.  SS4. 

5.  Carta  dc  Las  Casas,  dated  Oct.  22,  1545, 
with  an  abstract  in  English  in  the  Dedication 
to  Colonel  Peter  Force.  It  is  addressed  to 
the  Audiencia  in  Honduras,  and  sets  forth  the 
wrongs  of  the  natives.  Cf.  .Stevens,  L/ist.  Coll., 
i.  885.  The  manuscript  is  now  in  the  Iluth 
Collection,  Cataloj^'nc,  v.  1,681. 

6.  Carta  dc  Las  Casas  to  the  Dominican 
Fathers  of  Guatemala,  jirotcsting  against  the 
sale  of  the  reversion  of  the  lincomicndas.  Mr. 
Stevens    supposes    this   to   have   been   written 


m    1554, 


his    Dedication   to   Sir    Frederick 


Madden.  Cf.  Stevens,  Hist.  Coll.,  i.  886.  A  set 
of  these  tracts  is  worth  about  S25.  The  set  in 
the  Cooke  Sale  (vol.  iii.  no.  375)  is  now  in  Har- 
vard College  Library;  another  set  is  shown  in 
the  Mar/'liy  Catalo^'ac,  no.  488,  and  there  is  one 
in  the  ISoston  Public  Library.  —  En.] 

••  Field,  p.  211). 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  160. 


I,   ■•, 


,  i,ir 


< 


338  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   ()1    AMERICA. 


i'!''-,; 


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ifi'ij 


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I  ', 


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f. 


C^quifccoticnctrc 

tnta  propoficiones  muT  iurfdicae:  en 
laDguQlcafumana  Tfuccinranicn re fc 
toca  mucl?aocorae  pertcncctetee  ol  oe 
recbocilavglcriatlooD?iniircocb:i« 
fb'anoo  r(enen/o  pucdl  rener  fobze  loa 
inficlcvoequalquicrefpccicqucican. 
<flDato:mcnt£fe  alTignaci  rcrdadcro 
Y  foiti iTimo  fundamenco  en  que  fc  aifi 

ffiotrn^ttcr^aIqucloe  iKcvcod  Caih 
1 1:  iicon  (icnen  al  o^bcoc  laoqite  Ila 
mamoeoccidctalcs^^ndiae.  Ifbozclql 

ion  conflt  tutdos  r  nt  uerfalee  reno?e^  t 
(HmDerado?c9cncll9a  fob:e  mucbof  re 
tcs.^punta  fe  cambien  otraecofaeco 

§crmcfUeo  al  bccbo  acaccido  en  aq!  oz 
c  nomiWimasi  i  oignae  6  fer  vidas 

vfab(da8,£pliioIaeoicb99tretnfa4^ 
pbricionca  tlobifpooo  trat  IBartbo- 

lomeQela^Cafas/o  Carcue:I©biipo 
qfueSlacttmddlRealoe  C)?tapa:c(er 

to  iRci^noDcIoe  oeia  nucua  {l^fpana, 
iy*«^  •  o  !?r-  -^  — ^»— " 


inn  III 


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//^ 


IITLE    OF   THE   SEVENTH    IRACr. 


r,'-; 


'  fFroin  a  coi)y  in  Harv;ircl  College  Library,  —  En.l 


■I  I 


LAS    CASAS,    AND    IIIi:    Sl'ANIARIXS   AND    INDIANS. 


339 


riic  Miosl  l.il)ore(l  of  Las  Casas'  hooks  was  his  llistoria  de  hn  Inditts, — tlic  orij;itial 
manuscript  of  wliicii  is  still  (jrcscrvcil,  .iccordin^  lo  lli'lps,  in  tlic  lil)r,iry  of  tlif  AiMclumy 
III'  History  at  Mailritl.'  Las  Casas  liu^aii  tliis  work  wliilc  in  liis  coiivunt  \\\  15^7,-  and 
.sLcms  to  liavc  worked  upon  it,  vvitliout  tinisliinn  it,  up  to  1561.  It  has  all  the  fervor 
.iiul  vi^;<)r  of  his  nature  ;  and  so  far  as  it  is  the  result  ol'  his  own  oljservation,  its  ciiaracter 
Is  unimpeachable.      It  is  in  large  part,  as  Helps  has  remarked,  autol)iojjra|ihic  ;  but  it  does 


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UAS    C.'iS.^S'    INDORSE.MKNI-   (IN    IIIF.    M.WUSCRIIT   OK    IIIS    •'  HISTOKIA."  ^ 


V: 


'  lUairisse,  yVtf/«   on    Columtms,    says    vol-  -  [.Such  is  Qnintaiia's  statement;  l)nt  Helps 

■init-  i.  and  ii.  arc  in  the  Academy  |   but  vol-  failed  to  verify  it,  and  says  he  could  only  ti.\  the 

uiiiL- iii.  is  in  the  Royal   Library.     Cf.,  however,  dales   1552,   1560,   1561    as   those  of  anv  part  of 

tlie   "  .Vdvertencia   prcliminar"   of  the    Madrid  the  writing.     Life  of  Las  Casas,  \i.  x-^^.  —  Kn.] 
(1*^75)  edition  of  the  Historia  on  this  point,  a;  ■*    [This    is   slightly   reduced   from    the   fac- 

«\ll  ,is  regards  the  various  cojiies  of  the  manu-  simile  given  in   vol.   iii.   of  the    1S75    (Madrid) 

■■•cripl  existing  in  M.idrid.  —  Kl).]  edition  of  the   Uislol■ia.  —  \•A^.\ 


►■  /   ill 

J' '  l'J"l 


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•III 


M.l     :,|,;i|','l 


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J* f  Infill!' 


340 


NAKKAI  l\  li    AM)    CKITICAL    IIISIOKV    i)F    A.MKKICA. 


not  lirin;;  tliu  story  down  later  lli.m  1520.  Its  siylo  is  char.ictcri.stic.illy  r.imlilinx  aivl 
awkwaril,  ami  more  or  less  confused  with  extraneous  Ic.irnin);,  the  result  of  his  convent 
studies,  and  interjected  with  his  usual  hursts  of  a  somewhat  tiresome  indignation.  Oiii- 
side  of  his  own  knowledge  he  h.ul  l.irjje  resources  in  documents,  of  which  we  have  no 
|iresenl  knowle(lj;e.  lie  seems  to  h.ive  had  a  prescience  of  tlie  feelings  in  his  countryineii 
which  would  lonj;  keep  the  m.umscript  from  the  printinfj-ollke,  for  he  let't  instructions  ,11 
his  death  that  no  one  should  use  it  for  forty  years.  The  injunction  did  not  prevcni 
llerrera  h,ivini{  access  to  it ;  and  when  this  latter  historian  published  his  hook  in  i^kdi,  iIi.- 
world  not  a  l,ir;;e  part  of  L.is  C.isas'  work,  —  much  ot'  it  copied  l)y  1  Icrrer.i  Vi-ilhilim,  —  hm 
exlr.icted  in  sticli  a  way  that  Las  Casas  could  have  none  of  his  proper  effect  in  amelioratiii:; 
the  condition  of  the  Indians  and  exposing  the  cruelty  of  their  oppression.  Inthiswav 
Las  Casas  remained  too  lonj;  ecli|)sed,  as  Irvirij;  s.iys,  hy  his  copyist.  Notwithsiandiii;,' 
the  puhlication  of  the  hook  w.is  prohihited,  various  manuscript  copies  fjot  abroad,  .iiid 
every  rc|)Utalile  histori.in  of  the  Spanish  nde  has  m.ide  use  of  L.is  Casas'  labors.'  Kin. illy. 
the  Uoyal  Academy  of  History  at  M.ulrid  undertook  the  revision  of  the  manuscript  •.  but 
that  body  was  ileterred  from  puttinj;  their  revision  on  the  press  by  the  sentiments,  wliii  h 
Spanish  schol.iis  h.ul  .dsvays  felt,  adverse  to  makiiif;  public  so  intense  an  arr.iinnmeni  ol 
their  countrymen.'-  At  last,  however,  in  1.S75-1.S76,  tlie  Aculeiny  litially  [irinted  it  in  livr 
volumes. I'  The  llixloria  was  of  course  not  included,  nor  were  two  of  the  tracts  of  the 
issues  of  1552  (nos.  4  and  8)  embraced,  in  tlie  edition  of  Las  Casas'  Ohms  which  Llorci ir 
issued  in  I'aris  in  1S22  in  the  orij,'inal  Spanish,  and  also  in  the  same  year  in  ,1  I'Venili 
translation,  (louvres  i/c  l.ds  Casas.*  This  work  is  dedicated  "  Au  modele  des  virtues 
hereilit.iires,  A.  M.  le  Conue  de  las  C.isas."  Sullicieiit  reco.i,;nilion  has  l)een  made  in  the 
preceding  narrative  of  this  work  of  Llorente.  As  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  and  a  sduil.ir 
well  read  in  the  hisioric.d  literature  of  his  own  country,  as  one  trained  and  exercised  in 
the  [)rieslly  ot'fice,  though  he  h.ul  become  more  or  less  of  a  herelic,  and  as  a  most  ardeiu 
admirer  of  the  virtues  anil  the  heroic  services  of  the  j;re,it  Apostle  to  the  Indians,  he  h.ul 
the  attainments,  qualitications,  and  motives  for  discharging  with  ability  and  fidelity  the 
biographical  and  editorial  task  which  he  undertook.  It  is  evident  from  lii.s  pages  that  lie 
devoted  conscientious  l.iljor  in  investigation,  and  a  purpose  of  strict  imp.irtiality  to  its 
discharge.  lie  is  not  an  undiscriminating  eulogist  of  Las  Casas,  but  he  penetrates  with 
a  true  sympathetic  admiration  to  the  noble  unselfishness  and  the  sublime  constancy 
of  this  sole  champion  of  righteousness  against  powerful  forces  of  iniquity. 

The  number  of  versions  of  all  or  of  part  of  the  series  of  the  1552  tracts  into  ntlur 
languages  strikingly  indicates  the  interest  which  they  created  and  the  effect  which  they 
produced   throughout   Europe.     None  of  the  nations  showed  more  eagerness  to  make 


1  [I  trace  no  copy  earlier  than  one  Rich  had 
made.  I'vcscott  iiad  one,  which  was  probably 
burned  in  ISoston  (1S72).  Helps  used  another. 
Thtfio  are  ullier  i(i|)ies  iu  tlie  I.ijjrarv  of  Cim- 
gress,  ill  the  Lenox  Library,  and  in  If.  II.  Dan- 
croft's  Collection.  —  l'',i).| 

-  [Il.urisse,  A'//'/.  Amir.  /',•/.,  p.  119,  savs 
the  purpose  of  llie  .\cadeiny  at  one  time  was 
to  annotate  the  manuscript,  so  as  to  show  Las 
Casas  ill  a  new  li};ht,  using  contemporary 
writers.  —  Kii.] 

'  [It  is  worth  from  5;,o  to  *'.\o.  It  is  called 
///sfon'a  dc  Lis  Iiuiias,  ahora  f<or  f'rimcra  rez  d,ida 
1!  Iiiz po>-  cl  Mtin/iii's  dc  la  Fii,-iisaiila  del  \'alU y 
Josi'  Saiic/io  Kiiw'ii-  It  contains,  hej;iiiiiiiij,'  in 
vol.  V.  at  p.  237,  the  Apoloxt'/iia  liistoi-ia  which 
Las  Casas  had  wriitcii  to  defend  the  Indians 
against  a>persioiis  upon  their  lives  and  charac- 
ter.    This    latter   work  was    not    included   in 


another  edition  of  the  llistoria  printed  at  Mex- 
ico in  two  volumes  in  iS77-i87.S.  Cf.  VigrI, 
liibliotcca  MtxUaihi.  Parts  of  the  A/'oto:^i'litii 
are  given  in  Kiiigshorough's  Mi:ri,o,  vol.  viii. 
Cf.  on  the  llistoria,  Irving's  Coluinbiis,  .Vpii.; 
Ilelps's  Sfiainsli  Coiiipicsl  (Am.  ed.),  i.  23,  aiul 
Life  of  Las  Casas,  p  175;  Tickiior,  Sfianish  Lit- 
ciatiin;  ii.  39;  ILn  iholdt's  Cosmos  (Lng.  Ir.), 
ii.  679  ;  II.  H.  Hancn/i',  Ccii/ral  America,  \.  yvr, 
I'rescott's  Mexico,  i.  378;  Quiiitana's  I'lJ.tu 
iii.  507.  —  Kd.) 

^  |I.loreiite's  version  is  not  always  stiiillv 
faithful,  being  in  parts  condensed  and  parapliri- 
tic.  Cf.  Field,  no.  SS9;  Ticknor,  S/'iiiii<h  Lilot- 
lure,  ii.  38,  and  Calaloi^iic,  \i.  62  ;  .Sabiu,  nos.  1 1. 
50;  II.  II.  Hancroft,  Central  America,  i.  307. 
Tliis  edition,  besides  a  life  of  Las  Casas,  ti"i- 
tains  a  necrology  of  the  Coiupierors,  and  mbcr 
annotations  by  the  editor.  —  Ld.] 


:i<iCA. 

.illy  r.iinliliii;^  ani 
ill  cif  Ills  convent 
iiiliL;n.iti(in.  Oiii- 
which  wc  liavc  im 
in  his  coiintrynuMi 
oft  instructions  at 
I  iliil   not  prcMiii 

l)Oi)k  in  1601,  till- 
:i  Vi-rhiiliin,  —  Inn 
lit  in  ameliorating^ 
sion.     In  this  way 

Notwithstandin,' 
i  Rot  al)roail,  ami 
'  labors.'  I'in.illy, 
:  manuscript  ;  liiit 
sentiments,  wliii  h 
an  arraignment  nl 
•  printed  it  in  tive 
f  the  tracts  of  the 
as  which  Llorci  ti' 
year  in  .1  French 
odcle  des  virtues 
leen  made  in  the 
h,  and  a  scholar 
1  and  exercLsed  in 
I  as  a  most  ardent 
0  Indians,  he  had 
ty  and  tidelity  the 

hi.s  pajj;es  that  he 
Impartiality  to  its 
le  penetrates  with 
iililime  constancy 

y- 

tracts  into  other 

effect  which  tlay 

erness  to  ni.ike 

/./  printed  at  \Kx- 

-1S7S.     Cf.  Vigol, 

of   the   Apoloi;(tua 

.l/i'.i7(i',  vol.  viii. 

Cohinil'iis,   Ap|). ; 

U11.  ed.),  i.  2J,  nnd 

knor,  Spttnish  Lit- 

Cosmos  (Kng.  (r.|. 

Ill  Amcriij,  i.  50(1; 

Qiiint.uia's     I'lJ.ii, 

Kit  always  striitlv 
setl  and  paraplir.i^- 
ir,  S/'iini</i  Liti  t-i- 
c  ;  .Sahin,  nos.  1 1, 
/  America,  i.  .;0'i- 
f  I.as  Casas,  c'l- 
iiurors,  and  other 

•:u.i 


I.A.S   CASAS,   AND   TIIF.   SI'ANIARr).S    AND    INDIANS. 


34 » 


public  these  accunations  aK-dnxt  the  Sp.miards  by  one  of  their  own  nundier,  th.m  the 
I  le  minus  and  Dutch.  The  c.irliest  of  all  the  tr.msl.itions,  and  one  of  the  r.irest  of  these 
publications,  is  the  version  of  the  first  tr.ict,  with  part.s  of  others,  which  appe.ired  in  the 
dialect  of  lirabant,  in  157.S,  —  the  jirecursur  of  a  lonj{  series  of  such  testimonies,  u.sed  lo 
incite  the  Netherlanders  aj,'ainst  the  .Spanish  rule.'  The  I'rench  (.line  next  with  their 
TymnniiS  it  •rimuti'-  ifes  JCspai;iiiils,  published  at  Aniwer|)  in  1571^,  in  which  the  tran.sl.i- 
lor,  Jacques  tie  Mi^tjrodc,  softened  the  horrors  of  the  story  with  a  due  regard  for  his 
Spanivh  neii^hbors.'^  A  somewhat  holder  venture  was  a  new  version,  not  from  the  orii;in,ds. 
but  from  the  Dutch  tr.msl.ition,  and  set  out  with  all  tin;  horrors  of  De  llry's  seventeen 
tnj;ravinj;s,  which  was  sui)plie  1  to  the  French  m.irket  with  an  Amsterdam  imprint  in  |().:o. 
It  is  a  distorted  (jatchwork  of  parts  of  the  three  of  the  155.;  tr.icts."  In  a  brief  prelace, 
the  translator  says  that  the  part  relating  to  the  Indies  is  derived  from  the  original,  jjrinted 
.It  .Seville  by  Seb.istian  Trugillo  in  155,1,  the  writer  "  being  Las  Casas,  who  seems  to  be 
a  hoh  man  an.l  a  Catholic."  'I'here  were  still  other  French  versions,  printed  both  in  France 
.uid  in  Holland.''  The  earliest  Fnglish  transl.ition  is  a  version  signed  by  M  M.  S., 
eniiiled  /'//(•  S/),viiih  Colonic,  or  HrL'fe  C/ironiile  oj  the  /his  mid  Gcstes  of  the  Spaiiiiudes 
ill  the  West  I  ndies,  tailed  the  Neive  lVorlde,for  the  Space  of  XL.  Vceres,  issued  in  London 
in  I  j.Sj."  The  best-known  of  the  luiglish  versions  is  The  Tears  of  the  Indians,  "  made  laig- 
lish  by  J.  1'.,"  and  printed  in  London  in  1656."  "J.  1'."  is  John  Phillips,  a  nei)hcw  of  John 
.Milton.  His  little  book,  whicli  contains  a  terse  translation  of  Las  Casas's  "  Cruelty,"  etc., 
without  his  controversy  with  Sepulvedi,  is  dedicated  to  Oliver  Cromwell.  It  is  prefaced 
by  a  flowing  appeal  "  To  all  true  I'nglishmen,"  which  rehearses  the  proud  position  they 
hold  in  history  for  religion,  liberty,  and  human  rights,  and  denounces  the  Spaniards  as 


'  [This  earliest  version  is  a  tract  of  70 
leaves,  printed  probably  at  lirussels,  and  called 
^ter  (ort  I'er/nul  Tiiiide  tLslriiclie  van  d'/iiilien. 
Cf.  Sahin,  no.  23  ;  Carter-Iirown,  i.  320;  .Stevens, 
mi'l.  Hist.,  no.  1,097.  The  whole  series  is  re- 
viewed ill  Tide's  Mhiioiir  />ili!io!;ni/'Jii(jiii-  (who 
(jives  twenty-one  editions)  and  in  Sal)in's  /KvAv 
0/  I.as  Casas  (taken  from  his  Pictioiiary) ;  and 
many  of  them  are  noted  in  the  Carti>-/>ii'7oii 
Calahxiii  a.ni.\  in  Miillci's  Hooksoii  Aitieriia,  1S72 
and  1S77.  This  157.S  edition  was  reissued  in 
1579  with  a  new  title,  S/iix/i,-/  iter  S/^'eiisi/wr 
Tiraiiiiije,  which  in  some  form  continued  to  he 
llie  title  of  sub.sccpient  editions,  which  were  is- 
sued in  1596,  1607,  1609,  1610,  161 2  (two),  1620 
(two),  1621,  1627  (?),  1634,  163.S,  1663,  1664,  etc. 
Several  of  these  editions  give  De  liiy's  cngrav- 
injjs  sonielinics  in  reverse.  A  popular  chap- 
hoiik,  printed  about  1730,  is  made  up  from  Las 
I'as.is  and  other  sources.  —  Kl).] 

■  [This  included  the  first,  second,  and  sixth 
of  tile  tracts  of  1552.  In  I5S2  there  was  a  new 
cdilioi,  of  the  Tyraiiiiic-s,  etc  ,  printed  at  Paris; 
hut  sonic  copies  seem  to  have  had  a  chaujjcd 
lillc.  Itistoire  admirahle  tics  horribles  iusotciiccs, 
<  ii  ■  It  was  again  reissued  with  the  original 
iiile  at  Kouen  in  1630.  Cf.  Field,  S73,  874; 
Saliin,  nos.  41,  42,  43,  45  ;  Uich(lS32);  Stevens, 
/>'//'/.  IJtst.,  no.  1,098;  Leclerc,  nos.  334,  2,55.8; 
('arter-brown,  i.  329,  345,  347  ;  O'Callaghan, 
.'11.  1,336;  a  London  catalogue  (.\.  U.  S  :  h, 
1S74)  notes  an  edition  of  the  IHstoirc  at/ii  'le 
1/: '  /lorrihles  fnsolciices,  Cniaiitez  ct  tyrraiiii 
itc>  /■ar  lis  /Cs/<aL;iitils,  etc.,  Lyons,  1 594.  —  Li).] 


•'  (Sahin,  no.  44;  Leclerc,  no.  335;  Field, 
no.  S76;  Carter-Drown,  ii.  236;  O'Callaghan, 
""•  '>337-  It  is  *  f'TC  book,  and  is  sometimes 
quoted  at  ^^15  or  thereabout.  It  is  ealled  /.e 
miroir  tie  la  tyraiime  /■'.s/'ii^iioU. —  Ed. J 

■*  [One  jirinted  at  Lymis  in  1642  is  called 
Ilistoire  tics  Iiiilcs  occidciitalcs,  which  Ciraesse 
says  follows  a  Paris  edition  of  1635.  Cf.  Field, 
p|i.  222,  223;  Carter-Iirown,  ii.  498;  Sahin, 
no.  .(6;  Miiller  (1877),  no.  1797.  Kich  says  this 
translation  was  made  by  the  .\hhe  de  liellcganle, 
who  tempered  the  rougher  |iarts,  as  his  i)rc<le- 
cessors  had  done.  'I'he  te.\t  is  much  abbreviated 
from  Las  Casas,  using,  however,  only  a  part  of 
his  tracts.  This  version  was  reissued,  according 
to  (Jraesse,  in  1692;  but  n.ost  bibliographers 
cite  as  the  same  with  it.  La  ih'coinertc  ties  In- 
des  t'cciilentales,  Paris,  1697  and  1701,  and  the 
Aclii/ioii  tics  Toytixcs  .  .  .  tlaiis  Ics  Indes  ccci- 
itciitales,  Amsterdam,  169S.  Cf.  Sabin,  nos.  47, 
48,  49;  Carter-brown,  ii.  1,510,  1,527;  O'Cal- 
laghan, nos.  1,340,  1,342. —  F,i).| 

'''  [It  is  a  tract  of  si.\ty-four  leaves  in  Gulhic 
letter,  and  is  very  rare,  prices  being  ipioled  at 
/'2oaiid  more.  Cf.  .Sabin,  no.  61  ;  Carlcr-Krown, 
i.  351  ;  Stevens,  Bib!.  Geot;.,  59C,  Iliitli  Cataloxiie, 
i.  271.  Cf.  William  Liglitfoote's  Complaints 
of  JSnxlaiicl,  honiVm,  15S7,  for  English  opinion 
at  this  time  on  the  .Spanish  e.xces.ses  (Sahin, 
vol.  X.  no.  41,050),  and  the  Foreign  Quarterly 
Kifino  (1841),  ii.  102.  —  Kd.] 

''  [Field,  p.  S77  ;  Cartcr-Prown,  ii.  S04 ;  S.ibin, 
no.  60.  The  first  tract  is  translated  in  Purchas's 
Pilxrimes,  iv.  i.5(')().  —  F.l).| 


K 


\  I. 


I  ''^ 


w.'"r 


'A  •% 


m  'It  1 1 


1* ;;  - 


I  '■■'  \ ;/  .>: 


^:'i   '1 


' 


11 :! 


1'^. 


■I/. 


!   I 


■I 


A 


. » , 


342 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


"al'roud,  Duceitl'iil,  Cruel,  and  Treacherous  Nation,  whose  chicfLSt  Aim  luitli  been  tlitt 
Conquest  of  this  1  \nd,"  etc.,  closing  witli  a  call  u|)on  them  to  aid  the  I'rotector  in  the 
threatened  contest  for  the  West  Indies. 

While  Phillips  places  th ;  number  of  the  slaughtered  Indians  at  twenty  millions,  these 
are  reckoned  at  forty  millions  by  the  editor  of  another  English  version,  based  upon  thi; 
French  Tyrannies  et  cruautcs,  which  was  jirinted  at  London,  in  1699,  as  .-/  Relation  oi 
the  First  Voyai^es  and  Disco7ieries  made  by  tlie  Spaniards  in  tinier ica}  The  earliest  Ger- 
man etlition  appeared,  in  1597,  as  Neiue  IVelt:  warhafflii^e  Anz^iguui^  der  Hispanier 
grewlii/ien  .  .  .  Tyranueyr  The  Latin  edition  appeared  at  I'rankfort,  in  1598,  as 
\arratio  rei^ioniiiii  Inaitarvm  per  Hispanos  qvosdam  deuastatarum  verissiina.'  This 
Latin  translation  has  a  brief  introduction,  mainly  a  quotation  from  Lipsius,  commenting  mi 
these  atrocities.  The  version  is  spirited  and  faithful,  covering  the  narrative  of  Lai;  Casas 
and  his  discussion  with  .Sepulveda.  The  engravings  by  De  liry  are  ghastly  and  revolliny, 
and  present  all  too  laithfully  the  shocking  enormities  related  in  the  tc.\t.  It  is  a  fearful 
parody  of  deception  anil  truth  which  irtroduces  a  hooded  friar  as  holding  a  crucifix  before 
the  eyes  of  one  under  torment  by  fire  or  mutilation.  We  can  scarcely  regret  that  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  indiscriminate  slaughter  was  waged  but  rarely  allowed  of  this 
desecration  of  a  sacred  symbol.  Tlie  artist  has  overdrawn  his  subjects  in  delineating 
heaps  of  richly  wrought  and  chased  .essels  as  brought  by  the  houniled  victims  to  appease 
their  tormentors. 

To  close  this  list  of  translations,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  sundry  w.u  s  in 
which  Las  Casas  was  helped  to  create  an  i'ltiuence  in  Italy,  the  Italian  text  in  these 
publications  usually  accompanying  the  Spanish.* 


1  [Some  copies  read,  Aicoiitit  of  the  First 
Voyages,  etc.  Cf.  Field,  no.  SSo  ;  Carter-Brown, 
vol.  ii.  no.  1,556;  Sabin,  no.  6j  ;  Stevens,  Hihl. 
Geog.,  no.  603 ;  and  Prince  Library  Catalogm, 
p.  34.  Another  English  edition,  London,  16S0, 
is  called  Popery  truly  tlisplay'd  in  its  Blooily 
Colours.  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,374 ; 
S.Tbin,  no.  62.  .Xiiotlier  London  book  of  l7.;o. 
Old  Eui^laiut  for  E-er,  is  often  called  a  Las 
Casas,  but  it  is  not  his.     F'iclil,  no.  SSS. —  Kl).| 

'^  [Sabin,  no.  51  ;  Carter-Brown,  i.  510;  .Ste- 
vens, Hist.  Coll.,  i.  319.  It  has  no  place.  Muller 
calls  a  Warluiftiger  Ferielit  of  1509,  with  no 
place,  the  earliest  German  edition,  with  De  livy's, 
engravings,  —  which  were  also  in  the  Opiieiiheiiii 
edition  of  1613,  Warlinffliger  und  griiiullielier 
Berielit,  axe.  Cf.  Sabin,  no.  54;  Carter-Brown, 
ii.  146.  A  similar  title  belongs  to  a  Frankfort 
edition  of  1597  (based  on  the  .\nt\verp  French 
edition  of  1579),  which  is  noted  in  Sabin,  no. 
52,  and  in  Bil.  Crenvilliana,  ii.  S;8,  and  was 
acconi]ianicd    by    a   volume   of    plates    (S.ibin, 

no.  S3)- 

There  seem  to  be  two  varieties  of  the  Ger- 
man edition  of  1665,  dn/<sHiiidii;e  warliafl'tige 
Fese/ircilinng  der  India>iisehen  I.iindern.  Cf. 
Carter-Brown,  ii.  957 ;  Sabin,  no.  55 ;  Field, 
no.  882.  Sabin  (no.  56)  also  notes  a  1790  and 
other  editions.  —  En.] 


"^^^^t^cS.   &^. 


3  [It  followed  the  French  edition  of  1371), 
and  was  reissued  at  Oppcnlicini  in  i(t\.\.  C'l. 
F'ield,  p.  871  ;  Carter-ISrown,  i.  453,  524;  ii.  i(i|; 
Sabin,  nos.57,  5S. 

The  Heidelberg  edition  of  1664,  Rcgioiinm 
Indiearum  per  Hispanos  oliin  dr.\istalariim 
deseriptio,  omits  the  si.xteen  pages  of  preliniinaiv 
ni.'itter  of  the  early  editions ;  and  the  plates,  judg- 
ing from  the  Harvard  College  and  other  copies, 
show  wear.  Sabin,  no.  50;  Carter-Brown,  ii 
944.  —  ICd.] 

■*  [As  in  the  Istoria  b  brevissima  relatione, 
Venice,  1626,  1630,  and  1643,  a  version  of  the 
lirst  tract  of  1552,  made  by  Castcllani.  It  w:i> 
later  included  in  Marmocchi's  Raecolta  di  rvi/.s'C'- 
Cf.  Sabin,  nos.  16,  17,  iS;  Carter-Brown,  ii.  311, 
360,  514;  Leclerc,  no.  331 ;  Field,  no.  885;  Stevon>, 
I/ist.  Coll.,  i.  31 5  ;  /)'//'/.  /list.,  no.  1,100.  The  si.\tii 
tract  was  translated  as  //  supplicc  seliiaTo  In- 
diano,  and  jinblished  at  Venice  in  1635,  1630, 
and  1657.  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  ii.  434,  81(1; 
Field,  no.  886;  Sabin,  nos.  20,  21.  It  was  \y 
issued  in  1640  as  La  liberh)  pretesa.  Sabin 
no.  19;  Field,  no.  887;  Carter-Brown,  ii.  473- 
The  eighth  and  niiitli  tracts  a|>pe'.rcd  as  Con 
i/uiita  deW  Lndie  oecidcnlaii,  Venice,  1645.  ''! 
I'"ield,  no.  884;  Sabin,  no.  22;  Canerlhnuu 
ii.  566.  —  F.n.) 


.^5*-^..^ 


LAS    CASAS,   AND    THE   SPANIARDS    AND    INDIAN'S. 


343 


EDITORIAL    NOTE. 


'I'lIL  iiost  iin|)nrtant  distinctive  lives  of  I,as 
'^  Casas  arc  those  of  l.lorciite,  prctixcd  to 
Ills  eilitioii  of  Las  Casas'  (Eiit/is  ;  that  wliich 
<,iiiiiUaiia  (born,  177.:;  (lied,  1S57)  gives  in  liis 
l'i.{,if  i/c  Espiiiiolfs  tYlfhres,  vol.  iii.,  i)ul>lished  at 
M.ulrid  in  1S33,  and  reprinted,  witli  (^nintana's 
0!'>\is,  in  the  lUbliotecti  tie  aiitorcs  EspanoUs  in 
iS^j;  and  the  Vida  y  escrilos  de  Las  Casas  of  A. 
M.  Fabie,  pubHshed  at  Madrid  in  i87(),  in  two 
\nUinic>,  with  a  large  nundier  of  unpublished 
(Idiiiincnts,  Making  vols.  70  and  71  of  the 
J)i',ii>ii,-)iti>s in(i/ito<  (/is/'aiia).  The  life  which  way 
(onslrncled  mainly  by  the  son  of  Arthur  Helps 
cull  ol  7'/n'  S/'aiii.t/i  Couc/iiist  in  America  by  the 
fillur,  is  the  most  considerable  account  in  Eng- 
lish. The  larger  work  was  written  in  a  spirit 
re.idily  appreciative  of  the  character  of  I.as  Casas, 
aiul  he  is  n\adc  such  a  centre  of  interest  in  it  as 
casilv  to  favor  the  e.\cisio)t  of  parts  of  it  to  form 
tlie  lesser  book.  This  was  hardly  jjossible  with 
t'lie  broader  connections  established  between 
!,as  Casas  and  his  times  which  accompany  the 
portrayal  of  his  career  in  the  works  of  I'res- 
ott  and  11.  H.  liancroft.  The  great 
fiiend  ol  the  Indian  is  mainly,  how- 
ever, to  be  drawn  from  his  own  writings. 
I.as  Casas  was  by  no  means  alone 
ill  his  advocacy  of  the  rights  of  the 
ii.ilives,  as  Ilarrissc  (/>';/)/.  Am.  Vet. 
Ailif.,  p.  ti9)  has  pointed  out;  naming 
Julian  Garces,  Francis  of  Vittoria, 
Diego  de  Avcndaiio,  Alonzo  de  No 
rina,  and  even  ()ueen  Isabel  herself, 
as  evinced  by  her  will  (in  Hornier, 
Diviirsos  varios,  \i.  3.S1).  The  fame 
of  I.as  Casas  was  steadfastly  upheld 
by  Remesal  in  his  Ilhtoria  di'  C/iyapa, 
( IL.,  1619  (cf.  Bancroft,  Central  America^  ii.  339) ; 
and  the  great  apostle  found  a  successor  in  his 
l.ibors  in  Juan  dc  I'alafo.x  y  Mendoja,  whose 
appeal  to  the  King,  ])rinted  about  1650,  and 
ciUed  I'irtiides  de!  Iiidio,  1!  natiiraleza  y  lOSliim- 
lires  de  los  Jndios  de  Niu-.a  Espana,  has  become 
very  rare.  (Cf.  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  ii.  no.  fi9i.) 
llrasseur  dc  Hourbourg,  in  the  fourth  volume  of 
liis  Xatioiis  ch'ihsccs  dii  Me.xiipie,  set  forth  in  all 
tlieir  eiiormiiy  the  barbarities  of  the  Spanish 
KiiuiiiLrors;  but  he  seeks  to  avoid  all  imput.a- 
li'ins  of  exaggeration  by  shunning  the  evidence 
drawn  from  L.as  Casas. 

The  opponents  of  Las  Casas  —  who  became 
ill  due  time  the  best-hated  man  in  the  Spanish 
loliiiiics  — were  neitlier  few  nor  powerless,  as 
the  thwarting  ot  Las  Casas'  plans  constantly 
^.liowed.  The  Fray  Toribio  Motolinia  took  issue 
with   Las   Casas,  and   Ramirez,  in  his   Life  of 


Motolinia  contained  in  Icazbalceta's  Co/eecion, 
undertakes  to  show  (p.  Ivii}  the  dillerence  be- 
tween them.     Cf.  Ii.  Smith's  Co/eejioii,  p.  67. 

The  most  consi)icuons  of  his  fellow-observers, 
who  reached  conclusions  constantly  quite  at  v.i- 
riance  with  Las  Casas,  was  (Jonzalo  Fernandez 
de  Oviedo  y  Valdes,  —  to  give  his  full  name, 
though  t)viedo  is  the  one  by  which  he  is  usually 
cited.  Oviedo  was  but  a  few  years  younger  than 
Las  Casas.  He  had  seen  Columbus' triumph  at 
liarcelona,  and  had  come  to  .\inerica  with  I'edra- 
rias  ten  years  after  Las  Casas,  and  spent  thirty- 
four  of  the  next  forty  years  in  the  New  World, 
holding  part  of  the  time  the  oflice  of  inspector  of 
the  gold-smeltings  at  Darien,  and  latterly  living  at 
HispanioUu  He  is  thought  to  have  begun  his 
historical  studies  as  early  as  i5:;o,  and  he  pub- 
lished his  first  book,  usually  called  the  Stimario, 
in  1526,011  his  return  from  his  second  voyage. 
It  is  a  description  of  the  West  Indies  and  its 
natives.  Returning  to  Spain  in  1530,  he  was 
after  a  while  made  the  official  chronicler  of  the 
Indies,  and  in  1535  began  the  publication  of  his 


grtM  Jfis/oria  de /as  Iiidias.  On  this  chief 
labor  Ticknor  {S/>a/iis/i  [.ileratiire,  'i.  y-,] 
traces  him  at  work  certainly  as  late  as  1 54S,  and  he 
may  have  added  to  it  down  to  1555.  He  had  the 
royal  direction  to  demand  of  tlie  various  gover- 
nors whatever  document  and  aid  he  might  need 
as  he  went  on.  Ticknor  calls  him  the  hrst  author, 
ized  chronicler  of  the  New  World, — "an  office," 
he  adds,  "  which  was  at  one  time  better  paid  than 
any  other  similar  otilicc  in  the  kingdom,  and  was 
held  at  different  times  by  Herrcra,  Tamavo,  So- 
bs, and  other  writers  of  distinction,  and  ceased 
(he  believed)  with  the  creation  of  the  .Academy 
of  History."  Oviedo  was  a  correspondent  of 
Ramusio,  and  found  the  accpiaintaiice  helpful. 
He  knew  Cortes,  and  exchanged  letters  with 
hnn.  Ticknor,  after  speaking  of  the  scope  of 
the  Ilistoria  as  taxing  the  powers  of  Oviedo 
beyond  their  strength,  still  accounts  the  work  of 
great  value  as  a  vast  repositorv  of  facts,  and  not 
wholly  without  merit  as  a  composition.     In  the 


-I;!:!* 


-'  ^^ 


*•< 


•!'•■ 


1 


;.y; 


;i     'I 


'I  ; 


^-•n 


■• 


''■  y 


\i 


1 . 

'Si  1, 


111    ih''i-^>' 


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riTi.r:  o\-  nviirin,   1526.  Ririr(  fh. 


m'x 


LAS    CASAS,    AND    TlIi:    .SPANIARDS    AND    INDIANS. 


345 


estimates  ccniimiMily  hkkIl'  of  Ovicdn  there  is  al- 
lowed him  but  scant  scholarship,  liitlc  power  of 
iliscrimination,  —  as  shown  in  his  giving  at  times 
ns  much  weight  to  hearsay  evidence  as  to  estab- 
lished testimony,  —  a  curious  and  shrewd  insiglit, 
wliieh  sometimes,  with  his  industry,  leads  him 
i.i  a  better  balance  of  authorities  than  might  be 

xpccted  from  his  deficient  judgment.  His  re- 
Miurces  of  material  were  uncommon;  but  his 
use  of  them  is  generally  tedious,  with  a  tenden- 
IV  to  wander  from  his  theme. 

IVrnau.x  sees  in  him  the  pre- 
judices of  his  times,  —  and 
these  were  not  certainly  very 
friendly  to  the  natives.  Las 
(asas  could  no  more  endure 
him  than  he  couhl  1)ear  with 
the  average  lOiiqiiis/iu/in:  'I"he 
hisliop  charges  the  historian 
with  constantly  bearing  false 
witness  against  the  Indians, 
and  with  lying  on  every  page. 
Oviedo  died  at  Valladolid  in 
1557.  (Cf.  I'rcscott's  Mfxico, 
ii.  283;  Irving's  Columbus, 
App.  .\xviii. ;  II.  II.  liancroft, 
Chro)iiclcrs,  \t.  20,  and  Central 
Jiihru-,!,  i.  309,  463-467.) 

The  bibliography  of  Oviedo 
(Icservcs  lO  be   traced.     His 
initial  publication,  Vr  hi  luit- 
ural  hystoria    ik   his   Iihliiis, 
was  printed  at  Toledo  in  1 526, 
—  lint   in    1525,  as  the   Real 
Aiademia  says    in    their   re- 
print, nor    1528,   as  Ticknor 
gives  it.     It  is  often  cited  as 
Oviedo's  Siiiiiiivio,  since  that 
is  the  first  word  of   the  sec- 
ondary title.    (Cf.  Habin,  Dit- 
tiiinary,  vol.  xiv.   no.   57,987; 
Ilairisse,  A'otcs  on  Coliiml'iis, 
|i.  12;  and  Bi/il.  Amcr.   ?'<•/., 
no.  139;  Ternaux,no.35;  Rich, 
1S32,  no.  6,  jCj2  12.1'.;   Car- 
tii-l'.rcnvn,  i.  89.)    There  aie 
also  copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  Har- 
vard College.     The  Spanish  te.xt  is  included  in 
Itarcia's  llistoriiidores  f'riinitivos  and  in  Vedia's 
lliJ.  frii'i.  i/i'  Iiuiiiis,  185S,  vol.  i.     It  is  in  large 
part  translated  into  Knglish  in  Kden's  Di\ad,-s 
vf  llw  A'i'w  llorh/,  1555  (chap.  iS),  and  this  ver- 
sion is  condensed  in   I'urchas's  J\7i;n'»tis,  iv.  5, 
There  is  an  Italian  version  in  Kamusio's  I'ld^X', 

iii.  44- 

The  publication  of  Oviedo's  great  work,  which 
i^  'liiile  different  from  the  1526  book,  was  begun 
at  Seville,  in  1535,  under  the  title  of  IHsloria 
i^iufiil  Ji'  tiis  Iihihis.     In  this  he  gave  the  first 


nineteen  books,  and  ten  chapters  of  book  20.  At 
the  end  is  a  avta  missi-ra,  to  which  tlic  author 
usually  attached  his  (jwn  sign.iture,  and  that 
annexed  is  taken  (slightly  reduced)  from  the 
copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  (Cf.  Sabin, 
vol.  .\iv.  no.  57,988  ;  Harrisse,  Dihl.  Am.  l\t.,  no. 
207;  Murphy,  nos.  1886-S7 ;  Carter-Iinnvn,  i. 
114,  with  fac-simile  of  title.)  Ramusio  translated 
these  nineteen  books.  In  1547,  wT.at  purports  to 
be  a  summary,  but  is  in  fact  a  version,  of  Xeres 


.^RMS    OF    OVIEDO.* 

Iiv  Jacques  Gohory,  a])pcarcd  in  Paris  as  Uhis 
toii-e  de  la  fcnv  iwiive  dii  J'l'ni  en  V hide  occidenlah: 
(Cf.  Bib.  Am.  \'ct.,  no.  2C4 ;  Ternaux,  no.  52; 
Sabin,  vol.  xiv.  no.  57,994.) 

In  1547  a  new  edition  of  the  Spanisli,  some- 
.vhat  increased,  appeared  at  Salamanca  as 
Coroniiii  dc  lis  litdiis ;  hi  liyitoria  i^ciicral  de 
las  Iitditis  a^'ora  luii'itamciiti-  impirssa,  tonvi;iihi,y 
cmciidada.  Sometimes  it  is  found  in  the  same 
cover  with  the  Peru  of  Xeres,  and  then  the  title 
varies  a  .'ittle.  The  book  is  rare  and  costly. 
Rich,  in  1832  (no.  17),  priced  it  at  £\ci  \os.  ;  it 
has  been  so.d  recently  at  the  Sunderland  sale 


:'[ 


n\ 


h. 


|i-: 


: » 


I  ,• 


II 


1  Rechued  fruni  the  cut  at  tliecnd  nf  the  edition  ol  Oviedo,  1535. 


VOL.    II. 


44. 


wmpp. 

M 


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'1  J' 


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I        '        t'  !     » 


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340 


V.MOvA  !MVF.    A  :n    CRITICAL    iIIS'l'dRY   OF    AMERICA. 


fii 


jC',  M\d  in   tlu'  ii!)iavv    ■•'  an  oM  adiiiir.il 


(1SS3,  no.  340)  for  jC.\o;  (Jiiaiitcli  has  priced  it 
••'  Z^jji''""'  Maisonncuvc  (Lcclcrc,  no.  43-),  at 
1,000  francs.  Tlicri.' is  a  copy  in  Harvard  Col- 
lege Lilirary.  (Cf.  .Saliin,  vol.  .\iv.  no,  57,9X9; 
Cartc-r-lirown,  i.  145;  />'//■/.  A/ii.  I'lf,  no.  27S ; 
Additions,  no.  163  ;  and  .Murphy,  '  ■'.  1SS5.) 

.\  full  French  translation  of  tun  books,  made 
by  Jc:ii   I'olcur,  appeared   ir   I'aris    under  the 


set  is  worth  about  S-O.  See  further,  Hrunct,  iv 
290  ;  Ternau.x,  no.  46  ;  I'anzer,  vii.  1  z.\ ;  Stevens, 
A'iii;i;,-/s,  ii.  2,067.)  Turnau.x  had  already,  in 
1S40,  published  in  French,  as  a  l.'istoirt'  </,• 
A'iiiirtii;iiii  (in  his  second  series,  vol.  iii.)  thirteen 
chapters  of  book  .\lii. 

There  was  an  Italian  traveller  in  the  Spanish 
provinces  between  1541  and  [556  who,  while  he 
thought  that  I, as  Casas  mistook  his  vocation  in 


cu'cia  real  oe  Cefar  i  la  oc.'gl.S.i  euo  conTima  n  ocfTos  fcnojca  oel  cofqo  mae  fm  cf 
crupuiotlliiuieflen:  iloe  vfvnosoe  jqilaep.irrcsmaaft'guros  ipacificametebiuief 
Icnioo  a  glona  •:  alabaj  a  dc  lefu  cf;?i(lo:el  qual  la  rcuereiioiHima  i  Uliiftn(Tima  perfo/ 

n>»fellaoooe.'Q.£»  largos  tiefnpo9pjorpcreqrufanton,ruJaOi®efeBllld8treEr?ta 


■^ftCj/l^ 


iety  . 


title  of  HiJtoire  n.iturdle 
ft  i;hicrallc  dcs  Indc,  with- 
out   the     transl.itor  s     name 
in  1555,  and  with  it  in  1556.     (Cf. 
Sabin,  vol.  xiv.  no.  ')7,9n2-93J   Tcr- 
naux,    no.    47;    Carurllrown,    i.    214; 
Heckford,  iii.  342;   Mi:iphy,  no.  18S4;  Leclerc, 
no.  434,  130  francs,  ard  no.  2,SSS,  350  francs; 
Quaritch,  no.  12,313,  /,'7  ioj.)     There  is  a  copy 
in  Harvard  Coli -ye  Library. 

The  twenticih  book,  l.ihyo  xx  dc  In  StX"iidii 
parte  dc  la  i;e)ii)\n  histoi-ia  de  las  Indias  appeared 
for  the  first  time  ami  separately  at  Vall.idolid  in 
1557;  the  death  of  tue  author  while  his  book 
was  in  press  prc\enied  the  continuance  of  its 
publication.  (Cf.  Kieh,  1832,  no.  34,  £,(i  fo.  ,• 
Sabin,  vol.  xiv.  no.  57,991 :  Cartcr-lirown,  i.  219.) 

The  fate  of  the  remaining  parts  of  the  manu- 
script was  for  a  while  uncertain.  Rich,  in  1832, 
said  that  books  xxi.  to  xxviii.,  which  were  in  the 
printer's  hands  at  Oviedo's  death,  were  not  re- 
covered, while  he  knew  of  manuscript  copies 
of  books  xxix.  to  xlviii.  in  several  collections. 
Irving  says  he  found  a  copy  ( f  Mie  unprinted 
parts  hi  the  Colondiina  Library  at  Seville. 
Harrisse  (Notes  on  Colnm/ms  and  Z>V/'/.  Am.  I'ct., 
no.  207)  says  the  manuscript  w.as  scattered,  but 
was  brought  together  pgain  after  some  vicissi- 
tudes. Another  statement  places  it  in  the  Casa 
de  la  Contratacion  after  Oviedo's  death  ;  whence 
it  was  tr.insferred  to  the  Convent  of  Monserrat. 
Meanwhile  sundry  manuscript  copies  were  taken. 
(Cf.  A'otcs  on  Coliiin/'iis,  p.  17.)  In  1775  the 
publication  of  it  was  ordered  by  Cioveriuuent ; 
l)ut  it  W.1S  not  til!  1851-1855  that  the  Real 
.Vcademia  de  la  Historia  at  Madrid  issued  the 
fiftv  books,  complete  in  four  volumes  folio, 
under  the  editing  of  Jose  .Vmador  de  los  Rios, 
who  added  to  the  ])ublication  several  maps,  a 
bibliographv,  and  the  best  Life  of  Oviedo  yet 
written.     (Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiv.  no.   57,990;    the 


mA 


t^  fcT^s^ 


attempting  to  administer  .1  colony,  bears  evidence 
to  the  atrocities  which  Las  Casas  so  iiersistently 
magnified.  This  wanderer  was  a  Milanese,  Giro- 
lamo  l!en/.oni,  who  at  the  early  age  of  twenty- 
two  had  stalled  on  his  .American  travels.  He 
did  not  altogether  succeed  in  ingratiating  him- 
self v.'ith  the  Spaniards  whom  he  encountered, 
and  perhaps  his  discontent  colored  somewhat 
his  views.  He  was  not  much  of  a  scholar, 
yielded  not  a  little  to  credulity,  and  picked  up 
mere  gossip  indeed,  but  of  a  kind  which  gives  us 
much  light  as  to  the  conditions  both  of  the  Kuni- 
peans  and  natives.  (Cf.  Field,  Indian  Bitiliogra- 
///I',  no.  117;  Bancroft,  Central  America,  ii.  232; 
.•\dmiral  Smith's  Introduction  to  the  Hakhiy! 
Society  edition.)  After  his  return  he  prepared 
and  published  —  prefixing  his  own  likeness,  as 
shown  here  in  fac-simile  —  the  results  of  his  olv 
servations  in  his  Ilistoria  del  Mondo  A'iuko, 
which  was  issued  at  Venice  in  1565.  It  he 
came  a  popular  book,  and  spread  through  Ku- 
ro|)e  not  only  in  the  original  Italian,  but  i'. 
French  and  Latin  versions.  In  Spanish  it 
never  became  current ;  for  though  it  sogri.'.tK 
concerns  that  jieople,  no  one  of  them  ventuiei! 
to  give  it  the  help  of  a  ifanslation  into  thcii 
vernacular;  and  as  he  had  not  said  much  ii 
praise  of  their  American  career,  it  is  not  altf 
gethcr  strange. 


t  ♦ 


LAS    CASAS,   AND    TIIL    Sl'AMAKiS   /.aI)    'KLMANS. 


347 


The  bibliography  of  the  book  merits  ex- 
pl.mation.  It  's  treated  at  length  in  Sabin's 
DutioiMiy,  vol.  ii.  no.  4,791,  and  in  the  Sliu/i 
liio".  e  /'i/'/ii'X.  iMl'i  Sodtitt  Caxrcijiai  Jtnluiiui. 
i.  :i)!  (1SS2).  The  original  Italian  editior.,  La 
llislitria  (Id  ■''foiulo  Xiun'o,  IikjiuiI  tratlu  Jdl' 
/.,'/<•  S^  Mari  ii'iovameiite  ritiovati,  &'  ddli: 
lui.'-.c  Cilia  da  liii  propria  vcdnU,  per  aa/iia  C^ 
/■, ;■  t,-rra  in  ijuatlordici  aiiiii,  was  publislRil  at 
Wnicc  in  1565.  There  are  copies  in  Harvard 
1  iilkgc,  Cornell  University,  and  the  Carter- 
r,i,.«ii  libraries.  Cf.  Rich  (1S32),  no.  43  — /i 
I ,.  0,1. ;  i.eclerc  ( 1S78),  no.  59—120  francs  ;  A.  K. 
.Siiiiih  (1S74),  £2  2s.  oJ.  ;  Drinlcy,  no.  10; 
(  .utir-r.rown,  i.  253;  lluth,  i.  132;  Field, 
liuihiii  h'iNii'i^rap/iy,  no.  1 17;  .Sparks, 
1111.240;  Stevens  (1S70),  no.  171.  A  second 
Italian  edition — A'liirraiiicnte  rislaiiipata 
.  .  ,  it'll  1,1  i^iitiila  d'aUiiiie  cose  iiotahile  dell' 
ls,'U-  Ji  CaiKiria  —  was  issued  at  Venice  in 
1572.  Cf.  Rich  (1S32),  no.  49,  £1  IS.  od. ; 
Cartcr-lirown,  i.  2S9;  Stevens,  no.  172: 
Miiller  (1S7-),  no.  285;  Sunderland,  no. 
1,213;  II.  C.  Murphy,  no.  2,838;  lluth, 
i.  [32;  J.  J.  Cooke,  nos.  2ig,  220. 

The  first  Latin  edition  A'lK'ir  A'lTi  Orbis 
IlisloriiC,   translated  by  Urban  Chauveton 
(who  added  an  accoinit  of  the  Krench  ex- 
pcilition    to    Florida),    was    published    at 
(Iviicva  ill  1578;  followed  by  a  second  in 
15S1  ;   a  third  in   1586,  with  Lery's  book 
on  liraiil  adiled  ;  others  in  1590  (no  place) ; 
i5yS  and  1600  (Geneva);   (Colonic  Allo- 
biuguMi),   iCt2,  with   three   other   tracts; 
and  at  Hamburg  in   164S.     Besides  these 
the   Latin   version   appeared   in   De   Hry, 
parts  iv.,  v.,  and  vi.,  printed  at  Frankfort 
i'>  '59-.  '593.  1594.   1595.  •■"«'  a'  Oppen- 
luiniin  1617.    Cf.  Carter-Drown,  i.  318,  338. 
3(15;  ii.  123,  629;  Stevens,  A'lr^^s^eis  2.300, 
Bihl.  lfij/.,v\o.   173-174;  Mulkr  (1872),  n^,=.  7'^ 
79;  (''^77),  2S7;  Simderland,  no.  1,214;  t\j,,i<..... 
11ns.  21S,  222;  I'inart, no.  ^7  ;  lluth,  i.  132;  Field, 
p.  119.     There  are  copies  of  the  1578  edition  in 
thu  Boston  I'ublic     id  Harvard  College  libra'."    . 
The  Fre;ich  editions  were  issued  at  Geneva 
ill  1579  :ind  1589.     The  notes  are  different  from 
tho.se  of  the  Lat'u  editions;  and  there  are  no 
notes  to  book  iii.,  as  in  the  Latin.     Cf.  Carter- 
ISrown,  i.  326;  Cooke,  no.  221 ;  Court,  no.  32. 

There  are  two  German  versions.  The  lir-^t 
w.i>  by  Nicholas  Iloniger,  and  was  |)rinted  ,it 
T'.l^l^-■,  in  1579,  as  Dcr  A'c-mciiii  Wcldl.  It  was 
iti.-~ued,  with  tracts  of  Peter  Martyr  and  others, 
111  15S2.  The  version  of  Abel  Scherdigers  wa;: 
i"'.ii.cl  at  Ilelmstadt  in  1590,  I59r,  again  at 
li.uikfurt  in  1595,  and  at  Wittenberg  in  1606. 
There  were  in  addition  some  later  im|)rints, 
li. --ides  those  included  in  Ue  IJry  .iiid  in  Saegh- 


ni:in's  i  ■'•'ii^icii.  ''A.  Rich,  no.  61  ;  Cartcr-lirown, 
5.  3)4,  :  S,  ii.  44,  91;  ;  MuUcr  (1872),  nos.  80, 
l,S8o.  ^S77),  '.loe. 

'ill:  'irst  Dnifh  edition  appeared  at  Ilaarkni 
in  u  I  .  theic  was  an  abridged  issue  at  Amster- 
dam !■■  iijoj.  Cf,  Tide,  nos.  276,277;  Muller 
(1872),  ncs  81,82;  Curtor-lirown,  :■.  97. 

I'urclias  gave  a.i  ab^'ract  in  1' ijglish ;  but 
there  was  no  complete  haigli;.]!  version  till  Ad- 
miral Smith's  was  published  by  the  Ilakluyt 
Society  in  1857.  This  has  f.ic-similes  of  the  cuts 
of  the  1572  edition;  and  De  Biy  also  followed 
the  early  cuts. 


In  1542  and  1543  Las  Casas  largely  influenced 
the  royal  decrees  relating  to  the  treatment  of 
the  r;'dians,  which  were  signed  by  ;'  c  monarch, 
!'  1-  ;o,  1542,  and  June  4,  1543,  and  printed  at 
Alcn'a  in  1543  as  Liyvs  y  Ordenaiifiis.  This 
book  stands  as  the  earlu>t  printed  ordinances 
for  ihe  New  World,  and  is  rare.  Rich  in  1832  (no. 
(3)  jniced  it  at  ^'21.  (Cf.  /)';/'.  Am.  I'et.,  no.  247  ; 
Carter-Hrown,  vol.  i.  no.  130 ;  Sabin,  vol.  x.  p.  320.) 
There  were  later  editions  at  Mai  Lid  in  1585,' 
and  ,at  Valladolid  in  1003.  Henry  Stevens,  in 
1878,  issued  a  fac-simile  edition  made  by  Harris 
after  a  vellum  copy  in  the  Grenvillc  Collectinii, 
accompanied  by  a  translation,  with  an  historical 
and  bibliographical  introduction. 

T"he  earliest  comijilation  of  general  laws  for 
the  Luhes,  entitled  /'riKisioiies,  ie,/ii/as,  inslni,- 
cif/ics  de  sii  Magesuid,  was  printed  ..1  Mexico  in 
1563.     This  is  also  very  rare;   Kich  priced  it  in 


i     .\ 


It  ■•; 


I        ,> 


\^  } 


'::M 


In  Harvard  '  ulle-^e  Library,  with  also  the  On/c/iu.'iz.js  ffu/i-s  </(■'  Couscio  de  ias  /uJir.s,  of  'W-  >.inie  rliite 


P- WWVWMKVIAIU.,^  .„ 


i,;,i 


m 


I 


in 


''jillVJl 


i.N^'! 


/  \\ 


*'tf1l 


1'  v„i-:;ii^ 


i 


I      I  !  i     I 


1     '.' 


lit 


r"  '  I  ):!  * 


■■'! 


348 


XARRATIVK    AND    CRITICAL    IIISTCIRY    f.)V    AMERICA. 


lS',i  at  £\G  if)..  It  was  tlie  work  of  Vascii  dc 
I'una,  ami  Ilcljis  calls  it  "  tlic  earliest  smiimary 
i)f  Spanish  colonial  law."  'I'lii:  Cartcr-lirown 
ropy  (C(itali\i;iii;  i.  ^42)  was  sent  to  Kngland  for 
Mr.  Ilclps's  use,  there  being  no  copy  in  that 
country,  so  far  as  known. 

'J'hc  next  collcctl  ju  was  PrtK'isioncs,  cedtihis, 
etc.,  arranged  by  Diego  de  Kncinas,  and  was 
printed  at  Madrid  in  1596.  The  work  earlv  be- 
came scarce,  and  Rich  priced  it  at  ^5  5,f.  in  1S32 
(no.  Si).  It  is  in  Harvard  College  and  the  Car- 
ter-l!ro\vn  Library  ( dilaloi^uv,  vol.  i.  no.  502).  The 
bibliography  of  the  general  laws,  iiarticularly  of 
later  collections,  is  sketched  in  l!ancroft's  i'oi- 
trill  America^  i.  2S5,  and  Mexico,  iii.  550;  and  in 


chap,  xxvii.  of  this  same  volume  the  reader  wll 
tind  an  examination  of  the  administration  ami 
judicial  system  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Xi-w 
World;'  and  he  nuist  go  chiefly  to  liancmft 
(CtiHral  Aiinncn,\.  2^1,  257,  261,  2S5;  Mcxi,.\ 
ii.  130,516,  563,  etc.  land  Helps  [Spanish  Con- 
ijiicst  and  Lift'  of  Liis  Casus)  for  aid  in  tracing 
the  sources  of  the  subject  of  the  legal  ))rotcclic«ii 
sought  to  be  afforded  to  the  natives,  and  ihc 
attemiited  regulation  of  the  slavery  which  tluv 
endured.  Helps  carefully  defines  the  meanim; 
and  working  of  the  ciuomiiniia  system,  wliiili 
gave  in  effect  a  pro|)erty  value  to  the  subjectidii 
of  the  natives  to  the  Concpierors.  Cf.  Spaiiis/i 
Conquest  (Am.  cd.),  iii.  113,  128,  157,  212. 


'  There  nro  convenient  explanations  and  references  respecting  the  functions  of  the  Casa  de  la  Contrat.iciiin, 
the  Council  of  the  Indies,  the  Process  of  tlic  Audicncia,  and  the  duties  of  .an  .'Vlcaldc,  in  Bancroft's  Centnil 
America,  vol.  i.  pp.  270,  2S0,  2S2,  297,  330. 


Ill'  ,'• 

'A 


CHAPTER    VI. 


CORTfiS  AND  HIS  COMPANIONS. 


\    I, 


BY   JUSTIN   WINSOR, 

r/ii  Editar. 


("^  RIJ ALVA  had  returned  in  1518  to  Cuba  from  his  Western  expedition,' 
-^  flushed  with  pride  and  expectant  of  reward.  It  was  his  fate,  iiow- 
L'vcr,  to  be  pushed  aside  unceremoniously,  while  another  was  sent  to  follow 
up  his  discoveries.  Before  (irijalva  had  returned,  the  plan  was  formed; 
and  Hernando  Cortes  distanced  his  competitors  in  suing  for  the  leadership 
of  the  new  expedition.  Cortes  was  at  this  time  the  alcalde  of  Santiago  in 
Cuba,  and  about  thirty-three  years  old, — a  man  agile  in  mind,  and  of  a 
frame  well  compacted  for  endurance;  with  a  temper  to  please,  and  also  to 
be  pleased,  if  you  would  but  wait  on  his  wishes.  He  had  some  money, 
which  Velasquez  de  Cuellar,  the  Governor,  needed;  he  knew  how  to  decoy 
the  intimates  of  the  Governor,  and  bait  them  with  promises :  and  so  the 
ap])ointmcnt  of  Cortes  caime,  but  not  altogether  willingly,  from  Velasquez. 

Cort<is  was  born  in  Spain,^  of  humble,  respectable  stock.  Too  con- 
siderable animal  spirits  had  made  him  an  unprofitable  student  at  Salamanca, 
though  he  brought  away  a  little  Latin  and  a  lean  store  of  other  learning. 
A  passion  for  the  fairer  sex  and  some  military  ardor,  dampened  with  scant 
income  all  the  while,  characterized  the  following  years;  till  finally,  in  1504, 
he  sailed  on  one  of  the  fleets  for  the  New  World.  Here  he  soon  showed 
bis  quality  by  participating  in  the  suppression  of  an  Indian  revolt.  This 
got  him  a  small  official  station,  and  he  varied  the  monotony  of  life  with 
love  intrigues  and  touches  of  military  bravado.  In  151 1,  when  Diego 
Columbus  sen'  Velasquez  on  an  expedition  to  Cuba,  Cortes  joined  it  iis 
the  commander's  executive  officer.  A  certain  adroitness  turned  a  quar- 
rel which  he  had  with  Velasquez  (out  of  which  grew  his  marriage  with 
a  fair  Catalina)  to  his  advantage  with  the  Governor,  who  made  him  in  the 
end  the  alcalde  of  Santiago,  —  a  dignity  which  mining  and  stock-raising 
luckily  enabled  the  adventurer  to  support.  He  was  in  this  condition  when 
all  schemes  worked  happily,  and  Velasquez  was  induced  to  commission 
liim  commander-in-chief  of  the  new  expedition.     The  Governor  gave  him 


'    I 


%\ 


( 


a 


'  See  chap.  iii.  p.  2oj,  iinte. 


2  At  .Mcdcllin,  in  Esticni.icUua,  in  14S5. 


V 


,!;i.-; 


.'i^, 


.'■:i 


^!'i;!t!j|riJ|V 


»  ' 


m 


i; 


"1. 


,  I 


350  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


£l  Aciclayitm/oDON BlEdO  VLLASQlTES  cCe 
Cue  liar   Ancor  del  dexcytii6t'i77vie/7ztQ 
ii!'  iiticfa  Ejpnila  • 

VELASQUEZ.' 

instructions  on  tlic  23ci  of  October,  1518.  Cortes  understood,  it  tunic;! 
out,  that  these  were  to  be  followed  wlicn  necessary  and  disregarded  wlieii 
desirable.  There  seemed,  indeed,  to  have  been  no  purpose  to  confine  tlic 
business  of  the  expedition  to  exploration,  as  the  instructions  set  fortii.- 
Cortes  put  all  his  substance  into  ships  and  outfits.  He  inveiL^leil  his  friends 
into  helping  him.  X^elasquez  converted  what  Government  rcrources  he 
could  to  the  purpose  of  the  expedition,  while  at  the  same  time  he  seems 
to  have  cunningly  sold  to  Cortes  his  own  merchandise  at  exorbitant  prices. 

'   Fac-simile    of    an    cnpravini;    m    llcrrer.i,  -  Tlicy  .irc  given  in  I';ichcco'.s  Co/aciiVi,sl'y 

i.  29S.  It  is  liltiogiaplitd  in  Caljaj.if.s  .lA'xico,  225,  I'rcscolt's  .Ut'xiin,  app.  i.,  and  elsewlicn;. 
ii.  21.  Cf.  II.  II.  liancroft,  AffxUo,  i.  55. 


»  .     t 


RICA. 


CORTfiS   AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


351 


)od,  it  tunic;} 
egarded  wlicii 
o  confine  tlic 
ns  set  fortli.'- 
cd  his  fricnJs 

resources  he 
me   he  seciiis 

bitant  prices. 

;co's  Colcccioii,  xii. 
i.,  and  elsewlitic. 
55- 


rwcnty  thousand  ducats  apparently  went  into  somebody's  pockets  to  get 
tlic  expedition  well  started.'  Three  luindred  men,  including  some  of 
l)t)sition,  joined  him.  The  Governor's  jester,  instigated,  as  is  supposed, 
liy  Velasquez'  relatives,  threw  out  a  hint  that  Cortes  was  only  preparing 
to  proclaim  his  independence  when  he  reached  the  new  domain.  The 
tliought  worried  the  Governor,  and  seems  in  part  to  have  broken  the  spell 
of  the  admiration  v/hich  he  entertained  for  Cortes;  yet  not  so  much  so  but 
he  could  turn  a  cold  shoulder  to  Grijalva  when  he  arrived  with  his  ships, 
as  happened  at  this  juncture. 

Cortes  could  not  afford  to  dally;  and  secret  orders  having  been  given 
for  all  to  be  in  readiness  on  the  evening  of  the  17th  of  November,  on  the 
next  morning  the  fleet  sailed.'^  There  were  six  vessels  composing  it,  and 
a  seventh  later  joined  them.  At  Trinidad  (Cuba)  his  force  was  largely 
augmented  with  recruits  from  Grijalva's  men.  Here  messengers  arrived 
fiiiim  Velasquez,  ordering  the  authorities  to  depose  Cortes  and  put  another 
in  command.  Cortes  had,  however,  too  strongly  environed  himself;  and 
lie  simply  took  one  of  the  messengers  into  his  service,  and  sent  back  the 
other  with  due  protestations  of  respect.  Then  he  sailed  to  San  Cristobal 
( Havana),  sending  a  force  overland  to  pick  up  horses.  The  flagship  met 
a  mishap  on  the  way,  but  arrived  at  last.  Cortes  landed  and  displa)-cd 
his  pomp.  Letters  from  Velasquez  still  followed  him,  but  no  one  dared 
to  arrest  him.  He  again  sailed.  His  fleet  had  now  increased  to  twelve 
vessels,  tiic  largest  measuring  one  hundred  tons;  his  men  were  over  six  hun- 
dred, and  among  them  only  thirteen  bore  firelocks ;  his  artillery  consisted 
of  ten  guns  and  four  falconets.  Two  hundred  natives,  men  and  women, 
were  taken  as  slaves.  Sixteen  horses  were  stowed  away  on  or  below 
dcck.'^  This  was  the  force  that  a  few  days  later,  at  Guaguanico,  Cortes 
passed  in  review,  while  he  regaled  his  men  with  a  specious  harangue, 
steeped  in  a  corsair's  piety.  On  the  i8th  of  February  they  steered  boldly 
away  on  the  mission  which  was  to  become  famous. 

Looking  around  upon  his  officers,  Cortes  could  discover,  later  if  not 
tiien,  that  he  had  some  stanch  lieutenants.  There  was  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
wlio  had  already  shown  his  somewhat  impetuous  quality  while  serving 
under  Grijalva.  There  was  Francisco  de  Alontcjo,  a  good  administrator 
as  well  as  a  brave  soldier.  Names  not  yet  forgotten  in  the  story  of  the 
Conquest  were  those  of  Alonso  de  Avila,  Cristobal  de  Olid,  and  the 
youngest  of  all,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  who  was  inseparable  from  his  white 
stallion  Alotilla.  Then  there  were  Velasquez  de  Leon,  Diego  de  Ordaz, 
and  others  less  known  to  fame. 

The  straggling  vessels  gathered  again  at  Cozumel  Island,  near  the  point 
ol    N'ucatan.     Cortes   sent   an   expedition    to    discover  and    ransom   some 

'  There  is  much  conflict  of  testimony  on  the  IJ.mcroft  makes  his  departure  a  hurried  l<ut  open 

ii.-spcctivc  sliare  of  Cortes  .md  Velastiucz  in  one;  and  this  is  Heljjs's  view  of  the  authorities. 
ei|uipping    tlie    expedition.      II.    H.    Banctoft  ■'  Tlic  authorities  are  not  in  unison  about  all 

l.I/<'.r;,-ii,  i.  57)  collates  the  authorities.  these    f.gures.      Cf.    H.    H.    Bancroft,   Mexico. 

-  Frescolt  makes  Cortes  sail  clandcstmely  ,  i.  70. 


I 


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353 


NAKRATlVIi   AND   CUITICAL   HISTORY    Ol'    AMERICA. 


Christians  wild  were  in  tlic  interior,  as  he  heard.  The  mission  failed;  but 
a  single  one  of  tlic  wanderers,  by  some  other  course,  found  the  Spaniard  , 
and  was  welcomed  as  an  interpreter.  This  man  reported  that  he  and 
another  were  the  sole  survivors  of  a  ship's  company  wrecked  on  thi' 
coast  eiylit  years  before 

ICarly  in  March  the  fleet  started  to  si<irt  the  Yucatan  shore,  and  Cortes 
had  his  first  fi^dit  with  the  natives  at  Tabasco,  —  a  conflict  brought  on 
for  no  reason  but  lli.it  the  town  would  not  supply  provisions.     The  stock- 


CANNON  OF  coRTf.s'  ri.\n;.' 

adc  was  forced,  and  the  place  formally  occupied.  A  more  signal  vic- 
tor}- was  reciuired ;  and  the  Spaniards,  getting  on  shore  their  horses  and 
artillery,  encountered  the  savage  hordes  and  dispersed  them,  —  aided,  as 
the  veracious  story  goes,  by  a  spectral  horseman  who  shone  upon  the 
field.  The  native  king  only  secured  immunity  from  further  assaults  h\ 
large  presents.  The  Spaniards  then  rc-enibarked,  and  next  cast  ancliur 
at  San  Juan  de   Ulloa. 


•  As  represented  in  a  cut  by  Israel  van 
Meckcn,  which  is  here  reduced  from  a  fac-simile 
in  .\.  O.  Kssenwein's  Kiiltiirliistorischer  Bi/i/t'r 
^/Ais,  ii.,  .'\filtdaltcr  (I.eipsic,  1SS3),  pi.  cxv.  It 
will  be  observed  that  the  iMcces  have  no  trun- 
nions, and  are  supported  in  a  kind  of  trouu;li. 
They  were  breech-loaders  l)y  means  of  cham- 
bers, three  of  which,  witli  handles,  are  seen  (in 
the  cut)  lyinj;  on  the  ground,  and  one  is  in 
place,  in  the  j;un  <in  the  right.  In  the  Naval 
Museum  at  Annapolis  tliere  arc  guns  captured  in 
the  .Mexican  war,  that  are  supposed  to  be  the  ones 
used  by  Cortes.     A  search  of  the  records  of  the 


Ordnance  Department  at  Washington,  instituicil 
for  me  by  Cominotlore  Sicard,  at  the  suggestion 
of  Prof,  Charles  K.  Munroe  of  the  Naval  .\c  u!- 
emy,  has  not,  h.nvcver,  revealed  any  docuniciu- 
arv  evidence  ;  but  a  paper  in  the  Aniiv iiiii/  A'tiiv 
Joiirihil,  Nov.  2J,  1SS4,  ]).  2,-1,  shows  such  guns 
to  have  been  captured  by  Lieutenant  Wyse  in  the 
"  Daricn."  The  guns  a;  .Annapolis  are  provided 
with  like  chambers,  as  seen  in  i)hotographs  kindly 
sent  to  me.  Similar  chandlers  are  now,  or  were 
recently,  used  in  firing  salutes  on  the  Queen's 
birthday  in  St.  James's  Park.  Cf.  Stanley's  Dt 
Gama's  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Society),  p.  227. 


\\\  i    ' 


CA. 


COKTES    AM)    Ills    Co.M  I'AXIONS. 


353 


failed ;  but 
.'  Spaniardh, 
hat  he  aiiil 
kcd    on    til  • 

ami  Corti'-; 

brou^dit  oil 

The  stock- 


signal  vic- 

horses  ami 

—  aided,  as 

upon    the 

assaults  by 

cast   anclinr 


gtoii,  instiliiinl 

tliL'  suggestiim 

lie  Xaval  Ac:u!- 

any  docmiiciit- 

4n>!y  tiiid  XtU'V 

)\vs  such  giiii> 

lilt  Wyse  in  tin; 

lis  arc  proviiK.I 

tcigraplis  kindly 

c  now,  or  wiTC 

n  the  Quccn^ 

f.  Stanley's  Pt 

:).  p.  227- 


8 


o 

H 

14 
O 
< 


o 


i\Iean\vhilo  the  rumors  of  the  descent  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast  had 
certainly  hurried  to  Montezuma  at  his  capital ;  and  his  people  doubtless 
rehearsed  some  of  the  many  portents  which  are  said  to  ha\'e  been  regarded.' 
We  read  also  of  new  temples  erected,  and  immense  sacrifices  of  war- 
captives  made,  to  propitiate  the  deities  and  avert  the  dangers  which  these 

'  Sec  the  long  note  comparing  some  of  these  -  This  is  a  reproduction  of  the  map  in  Arthur 

n( counts  in  H.  II.  liancroft's  Mexico,  i.  102,  etc.      Helps's  Sf'iiiiish  Coxqiicst,  ii.  236. 
VOL.  n.  —45. 


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354  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CORTfe  AND   HIS  ARSS.' 

portents  and  forebodings  for  years  past  had  indicated  to  the  believin;; 
The  men  of  Grijalva  had  already  some  months  earlier  been  taken  to  bo 
similar  woful  visitants,  and  one  of  Montezuma's  officers  had  visited  (iri 
jalva's  vessel,  and  made  report  of  the  wonders  to  the  Mexican  monarch. 

'  Copied  from  a  cut  in  Gabriel  Lasso  de  I;i  College  Library;  cf.  Carter-Brown,  i.  377.  Tlie 
Vepa's  Corth  7'alerosi',  —  a  poem  piiblislied  at  same  cut  is  also  used  in  the  edition  published  in 
Madrid  in  1588.     There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard     1594,  then  called  ,lAu/t<7«u. 


•n 


(II  r;  'till 


CORTlfs   A\D    HIS    COMPANIONS. 


355 


Stutiicd  offices  of  propitiation  had  been  ordered,  when  word  came  back 
that  the  ship  of  the  bearded  men  had  vanished. 

The  coming  of  Cortes  was  but  a  dreaded  return.  While  his  ship  lay 
at  Juan  de  Ulloa,  two  canoes  came  from  the  main,  and  their  occupants 
climbed  to  his  deck.  No  one 
could  understand  them.  The 
rescued  Spaniard  who  had 
been  counted  on  as  an  inter- 
preter was  at  a  loss.  At  last 
a  female  slave,  Marina  by 
name,  taken  at  Tabasco, 
solved  the  difficulty.  She 
could  understand  this  same 
Spaniard,  and  knew  also  Az- 
tec' Through  this  double 
interpretation  Cortds  now 
learned  that  the  mission  of 
his  visitors  was  one  of  wel- 
come and  inquiry.  After  the 
usual  interchange  of  gifts, 
Cortes  sent  word  to  the  ca- 
cique that  he  would  soon 
confer  with  him.  He  then 
landed  a  force,  established  a 
camp,  and  began  to  barter 
with  the  natives.  To  a  chief, 
who  soon  arrived,  Cortes  an- 
nounced his  intention  to  seek  the  presence  of  Montezuma  and  to  deliver 
the  gifts  and  messages  with  which  he  was  charged  as  the  ambassador  of 
his  sovereign.  Accordingly,  bearing  such  presents  as  Cortes  cared  to 
send  forward,  native  messengers  were  seni  to  Montezuma  to  tell  tales  of 
the  sights  they  had  seen,  —  the  prancing  horses  and  the  belching  cannon. 
The  Mexican  king  sought  to  appease  the  eagerness  of  the  new-comers  by 
returning  large  stores  of  fabrics  and  gold,  wishing  them  to  be  satisfied  and 
to  depart.     The  gold  was  not  a  happy  gift  to  produc  ';uch  an  end. 

Meanwhile  Cortes,  by  his  craft,  quieted  a  rising  faction  of  the  party 
of  Velasquez  which  demanded  to  be  led  back  to  Cuba.  He  did  this  by 
seeming  to  acquiesce  in  the  demand  of  his  followers  in  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  a  town  and  constituting  its  people  a  municipality  competent  to 
choose  .-?  representative  of  the  royal  authority.  This  done,  Cortes  resigned 
his  commission  from  Velasquez,  and  was  at  once  invested  with  supreme 

'  Marin.i  did  more.     She  impressed  Cortes,  purports  to  be   a  lilceness  of  licr  is  given  in 

whi]  found  her  otherwise  convenient  for  a  few  Cibaj.nl's  Mt'xko,  ii.  64. 

Uir-;  and  after  she  had  l)orne  him  children,  -  Fac-simile   of   the   portrait   in   Corth  val- 

"i.iiried    her   to    one   of   his  captains.      What  eioso. 


GAliRlEL   LASSO  DE   LA   VEGA/ 


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356 


NARRATIVE    AM)   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


power  by  tlic  new  nuiiiicipality.  The  sclieine  which  \'el;is(nicz  had  sus- 
pected was  thus  brouglit  to  iVuitioii.  \\'liuc\'er  resisted  the  new  captain 
"was  conquered  by  force,  persuasion,  tact,  or  magnetism;  and  Cortes 
became  as  popular  as  lie  was  irresistible. 

At  this  point  niessenc,aM-s  presented  themselves  from  tribes  not  far  off  who 
were  unwilliiiL;  subjects  of  the  Aztec  j)ower.  The  presence  of  possible  allies 
was  a  propitious  circumstance,  and  Cortes  proceeded  to  cultivate  the  friend 
ship  of  these  tribes.  He  moved  his  camp  day  by  day  along  the  shore, 
inuring  his  men  to  marches,  while  the  fleet  sailed  in  company.  Tiny 
reached  a  large  cit)',  and  were  regaled.  I'-ach  chief  told  of  the  tyranny  of 
Montezuma,  and  the  e\es  .-f  Cortes  glistened.  The  Spaniards  went  on  to 
another  town,  slaves  being  provided  to  bear  their  burdens.  Here  tliey 
found  tax-gatherers  of  Montezuma  collecting  tribute.  ICiP.boldened  by 
Cortes'  glance,  his  hosts  seized  the  Aztec  emissaries  and  delivered  theni 
to  the  Spaniards.  Cortes  now  played  a  double  game.  I  le  propitiated  tiie 
servants  of  Montezuma  by  secretly  releasing  them,  and  ailded  to  his  allies 
by  enjoining  every  tribe  he  could  reach  to  resist  the  Aztec  collectors  <if 
tribute. 

The  wandering  municipality,  as  represented  in  this  piratical  army,  at  last 
stojjped  at  a  harbor  where  a  town  (La  Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz)  sprang  up, 
and  became  the  base  of  future  operations.' 

Montezuma  and  his  advisers,  angered  by  the  reports  of  the  revolt  of  liis 
subjects,  had  organized  a  force  to  proceed  against  them,  when  the  tax- 
gatherers  whom  Cortos  had  released  arrived  and  told  the  story  of  Cortes' 
gentleness  and  sympcithy.  It  was  enough;  the  rebellion  needed  no 
such  active  encounter.  The  troops  were  not  sent,  and  messengers  were 
despatched  to  Cort<!:s,  assuring  the  .Spanish  leader  that  Montezuma  for- 
bore to  chastise  the  entertainers  of  the  white  strangers.  Cortes  now 
produced  other  of  the  tax-gatherers  whom  he  had  been  holding,  ami 
they  and  the  new  embassj'  went  jjack  to  Montezuma  more  impresseii 
than  before ;  while  the  neighboring  people  wondered  at  the  deference  paid 
by  Montezuma's  lieutenants  to  the  Spaniards.  It  was  no  small  gain  for 
Cortes  to  have  instigated  the  equal  wonder  of  two  mutually  inimical 
factions. 

The  .Spanish  leader  took  occasion  ^o  increase  his  prestige  by  desjjatcli- 
ing  expeditions  hither  and  thither.  Then  he  learned  of  efforts  made  by 
Velasquez  to  supplant  him.  To  confirm  his  rule  against  the  Cuban  Guv- 
crnor  he  needed  the  royal  sanction;  and  the  best  waj*  to  get  that  was  tn 
despatch  a  \essel  with  messages  to  the  I'mperor,  and  give  him  earnest 
of  what  he  might  yet  expect  in  piles  of  gold  thrown  at  his  feet.  So  tin: 
flagship  sailed  for  Spain  ;   and  in  her  in  command  and  to  conduct  his  suit 

'  Prcscott    (Jlfc'x/co,   revised  edition,  i.   345)  traiisfciicd  to  anotlior  point  still  farther  suiilli, 

points   out   how  this  site  ivas  abaiuloin-d   later  — Nueva    Vera  Cruz.       These    changes    h.ivc 

for    one    farther    south,   wlurc    the    town    was  caused   some  confusion  In  the  inajis  of  I.onii- 

callcd  Vera  Cruz  Vicja  ;  and  atiain,  early  in  the  zana  and  o'hers.     Cf.  the  maps  in  Prescoll  u.d 

seventeenth   century,   the  name  and  town  were  H.  IT.  liancroft. 


'V.I 


v\ 


CORIKS   AND    HIS   COMrAXIONS. 


357 


jucz  had  sus- 
•  new  captain 
;    and    Corlis 


1  army,  at  last 
iz)  sprang  up, 

l;  revolt  of  his 
■hen  the  tax- 
nvy  of  Cortes' 


It 


b\'  despatcli- 
urts  made  by 

Cuban  Guv- 
t  that  was  to 
;  him  earnest 
feet.  So  tin- 
iduct   his  suit 

(ill  farther  soiitii, 
c  changes  li.uc 
■  maps  of  Lorcn- 
)s  in  PrcscDit  aiiil 


CORTis.l 

before  the  thrc  e,  Cortes  sent  faithful  servitors,  siicli  as  bad  influence  at 
court,  to  outwit  tlie  emissaries  of  Velascpiez.  Sailint;  in  Jul)',  touching  at 
Cuba  long  enough  to  raise  the  anger  of  Velasquez,  but  not  long  enough  for 
iiini  to  catch  them,  these  followers  of  Cortes  reached  Spain  in  October,  and 
found  the  agents  of  Velasquez  read)'  for  them.  Their  vessel  was  seized, 
;nid  the  royal  ear  was  held  by  Bishop  I'onseca  and  other  friends  of  the 

'  After  a  piituie  on  panel  in  tlic  Mas^aclni-  iiv,//;/^-v,  i.  446,  where  it  is  said  tci  liave  been  given 

setts  Historical  Society's  j;allery.     It  is  described  bv  the  faniilv  of  the  late  Dr.  Foster,  of  llrighton, 

in  the  Ci/ii/oi;iic  c/"  //u-  Ci/n'iut  of  that  Society  as  who  received  i    bv  inheritance  from  a  Huguenot 

"Restored  by  Henry  Sargent  about  1831,  and  family  who  brought  it  to  New  laigland  after  the 

ic;ain  by  George  Howorth  about  1855."     Cf.  Pio-  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 


ii 


<}  J 


I  .■ 


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H 


tsr^       ..•«_■> 


358  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


o 
u 

§ 
o 

I 

8 

b. 

o 

s 
u 


i^ 


■'  A  reproduction  of  the  map  in  Ruge's  Zeit-  route  followed  from   the   Gulf,   with  a   profile 

alter  der  EnUUckiiiigeii,  j).  363.     Similar  ir.aps  of  the  country  traversed.      Bancroft    (Mcxio, 

are  given   by   Prescott,   Helps,    and   Hancroft.  vol.  ii.)  gives  a  map  of  New  Spain  as  known  to 

Cabajal  (RUxico,  ii.   200)  gives   a  map  of  the  the  Conquerors.     Early  maps  of  Nova  Hispania, 


CORTES    AND    HIS   COMI'ANIONS. 


359 


Cuban  Governor;  yet  not  so  effectually  but  that  the  duplicate  letters  of 
Cortds'  messengers  were  put  into  the  Emperor's  hand,  and  the  train  of 
natives  paraded  before  him. 


Now  came  the  famous  resolve  of  Cortes.  He  would  band  his  hetero- 
{Tcncous  folk  together  —  adherents  of  Cortds  and  of  Velasquez  —  in  one 
common  cause  and  danger.  So  he  adroitly  led  them  to  be  partners  in 
tlic  deed  which  he  stealthily  planned.'  Hulk  after  hulk  of  the  apparently 
worm-eaten  vessels  of  the  fleet  sank  in  the  harbor,  until  there  was  no 
flotilla  left  upon  which  any  could  desert  him.  The  march  to  Mexico  was 
now  assured.  The  force  with  which  to  accomplish  this  consisted  of  about 
four  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards,  six  or  seven  light  guns,  fifteen  horses,  and 
a  swarm  of  Indian  slaves  and  attendants.  A  body  of  the  Totonacs  accom- 
panied them.'*  Two  or  three  days  brought  them  into  the  higher  plain  and 
its  enlivening  vegetation.  When  they  reached  the  dependencies  of  Monte- 
zuma, they  found  orders  had  been  given  to  extend  to  them  every  courtesy. 
They  soon  reached  the  Anahuac  plateau,  which  reminded  them  not  a  little 
of  Spain  itself.  They  passed  from  cacique  to  cacique,  some  of  whom 
groaned  under  the  yoke  of  the  Aztec;  but  not  one  dared  do  more  than 
orders  from  Montezuma  dictated.  Then  the  invaders  approached  the 
territory  of  an  independent  people,  those  of  Tlascala,  who  had  walled  their 
country  against  neighboring  enemies.  A  fight  took  place  at  the  frontiers, 
in  which  the  Spaniards  lost  two  horses.  They  forced  passes  against  great 
odds,  but  again  lost  a  horse  or  two,  —  which  was  a  perceptible  diminution 
of  their  power  to  terrify.  The  accounts  speak  of  immense  hordes  of  the 
Tlascalans,  which  historians  now  take  with  allowances,  great  or  small. 
Cortes  spread  what  alarm  he  could  by  burning  villages  and  capturing  the 
country  people.  His  greatest  obstacle  soon  appeared  in  the  compacted 
army  of  Tlascalans  arrayed  in  his  front.  The  conflict  which  ensued  was 
for  a  while  doubtful.  Evefy  horse  was  hurt,  and  sixty  Spaniards  were 
wounded ;  but  the  result  was  the  retreat  of  the  Tlascalans.  Divining  that 
the  Spanish  power  was  derived  from  the  sun,  the  enemy  planned  a  night 
attack;  but  Cort«^s  suspected  it,  and  assaulted  them  in  their  own  ambush. 

Cortes  now  had  an  opportunity  to  display  his  double-facedness  and  his 
wiles.  He  received  embassies  both  from  Montezuma  and  from  the  senate 
of  the  Tlascalans.  He  cajoled  each,  and  played  off  his  friendship  for  the 
one  in  cementing  an  alliance  with  the  other,  But  to  Tlascala  and  Mexico 
he  would  go,  so  he  told  them.     The  Tlascalans  were  not  averse,  for  they 


or  New  Spain,  are  not  infrequent.  Cf.  Blaeu's 
Alius,  De  Ury,  several  issued  by  Vander  Aa, 
of  Amsterdam,  the  Brussels  edition  (1704) 
of  Solis,  Lorenzana's  Cortis  (1770),  and  various 
others. 

'  There  is  some  discrepancy  in  the  authori- 
ties here  as  regards  the  openness  or  stealth  of 
he  act  of  destroying  the  fleet.    See  the  authori- 


ties collated  in  Prescott,  Mexico,  new  edition,  i. 

369.  370- 

*  The  estimates  of  number.-i  in  all  the  opera- 
tions throughout  the  Conquest  differ  widely, 
sometimes  very  widely,  according  to  different 
authorities.  The  student  will  find  much  of  the 
collation  of  these  opposing  statements  done  for 
him  in  the  notes  of  Prescott  and  Bancroft. 


>   ., 


■ii_ 


i;' 


11' 

m 

m  I 

4' 


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r: 


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-:  ,-i: 


B:^(|:,i 


■'I 


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1 1   ' 


ti«' 


..'I' 


300 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CORTfiS.' 

thought  it  boded  no  good  to  the  Aztecs  if  he  could  be  bound  to  them- 
selves. Montezuma  dreaded  the  contact,  and  tried  to  intimidate  the 
strangers  by  tales  of  the  horrible  difficulties  of  the  journey. 

'  Fac-simile  of  an  engr.iving  on  copper  in  the     It  is  inscribed :  " Cava;o  da  vn  origin.ilc  fatto  ifiazl 
edition  of  Solis  printed  at  Venice  in  1715,  p.  29.     chei  si  portassi  alia  C  )nqvista  del  Mcssico." 


cort£s  and  mis  companions. 


361 


i'    I 


•    I* 


i     'I' 


.1  \)  li 


.^t 


!'   t   SJ' 


,il 


'  ll-f- 


d  to  thcm- 
midate   the 


MONTEZUMA. 


n.ilc  fatto  iiiazl 
Mcssico-" 


'  This  cut    of   the  "  Rex   ultimus   Mexica-  not  apparent,  and  the  picture  seems  question 

I.     im "    is   a   .ac-simile    from    Montanus   and  able.     Prescott,  in  his  second  volume,  gives  a 

U.   by,  p.  353.     The  source  of  the  likeness  is  likeness,  which  belonged  to  the  descendants  oJ 
VOL.  n.  -4C. 


t 


;63 


NARRATIVE   ANM)   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


f^: 


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Presently  the  army  took  up  its  march  for  TIascala,  where  they  were 
roynllv  received,  ami  wives  in  abundance  were  bestowed  upon  the  leaders. 
Next  th».-y  passed  to  Cholula,  which  was  subject  to  the  A/tecs;  and  luic 
the  Spanianls  were  received  with  as  nuich  'velcome  as  could  be  expect<  il 
to  be  bestowed  on  stranjjers  with  the  hostile  Tlascalans  in  their  train 
The  scant  welcome  covered  treachery,  and  Cortes  met  it  boldly.  Murder 
and  plund'.-r  impressed  the  Cholulans  with  his  power,  and  j^'ave  some  swit  t 
reven^je  to  his  allies.  Through  the  wiles  of  Cortes  a  sceminfj  reconciliation 
at  last  was  effected  between  these  nei^hborinj;  enemies.  Mut  the  mas.sacrc 
of  Chuluia  was  not  a  pastime,  the  treachery  of  Montezuma  not  forjjotten ; 
and  the  march  was  a^jain  resumed,  about  six  thousand  native  allies  of  one 
tribe  and  another  following  the  army.  The  passaj^e  of  a  defde  brought 
the  broad  Valley  of  Mexico  into  view;  and  Monte/uma,  awed  by  the  coin- 
in^f  host,  sent  a  courtier  to  personate  him  anil  to  prevail  upon  Cortes  to 
avoid  the  city.  The  trick  and  the  plea  were  futile.  On  to  one  of  tlie 
.'iqu.atic  cities  of  the  Mexican  lakes  the  Spaniards  went,  and  were  received 
in  great  state  by  a  vassal  lord  of  Montezuma,  who  now  invited  the  Spanish 
leader  to  the  Aztec  city.  On  they  went.  Town  after  town  received  tluin; 
and  finally,  just  without  his  city,  Montezuma,  in  all  his  finery  and  pomp,  met 
the  Spanish  visitors,  bade  them  welcome,  and  committed  them  to  an  escort 
which  he  h.nd  provided.  It  was  the  8th  of  November,  1519.  Later  in  his 
own  palace,  in  the  quarters  which  had  been  .issi^ned  to  Cortes,  and  on 
several  occasions,  the  two  indulged  in  reciprocal  courtesies  and  watclud 
each  other.  Cortes  was  not  without  fear,  and  his  allies  warned  him  of 
Aztec  treachery.  His  way  to  check  foul  designs  was  the  bold  one  of  seiz- 
ing Montezuma  and  holding  him  as  a  hostage  ;  and  he  did  so  under  pretence 
of  honoring  him.  A  chieftain  who  had  attacked  a  party  of  the  Spaniards 
by  orders  of  Montezuma  some  time  before,  was  executed  in  front  of  the 
palace.  Montezuma  himself  was  subjected  for  a  while  to  chains.  Expedi- 
tions were  sent  out  with  impunity  to  search  for  gold  mines;  others  explored 
the  coast  for  harbors.  A  new  governor  was  sent  back  to  Villa  Rica,  and  he 
sent  up  shipwrights ;  so  it  was  not  long  before  Cortes  commanded  a  flotilhi 
on  the  city  lakes,  and  the  captive  king  was  regaled  with  aquatic  sports. 


the  Aztec  king,  the  Counts  of  Mir.ivallc.  It  i.s 
cl.nimcti  to  lave  been  jiaintcd  liv  an  artist,  Mal- 
dortado,  wlio  accompanied  CortCs;  but,  on  the 
other  liand,  sonic  have  represented  it  as  an  ide.al 
portraif  painted  after  the  Conquest.  Prescott 
(vol.  ii.  p.  72)  makes  up  his  description  of  Mon- 
tezuma from  various  early  authorities,  —  Hiaz., 
Zuazo  (MS.),  Ixtlilxochitl,  Oomara,  Ovicdo, 
.Acosta,  Sahagun,  Toribio,  etc.,  particularizinj; 
the  references.  If.  H.  I'ancmft  {A/rxiro,  i.  2S5) 
jIso  depicts  him  from  the  earlv  sources.  He  is 
made  of  an  age  from  forty  to  fiftv-four  liv  different 
writers ;  but  the  younper  period  is  thought  by 
most  to  be  nearest.  Hancroft  refers  to  the  prints 
in  Th.  Armin's  Das  alle  Mi-xuo  (Lcipsic,  1S65)  as 


rcpreser'ing  a  coarse  Aztec  warrior,  and  the  na- 
tive picture  in  Carb.ijal  Kspinosa's  Ifistoriii  Ji 
Mexico  (Mc.vico,  1S62)  as  purely  convention.il. 
The  .same  writer  thinks  the  colored  portr.iil, 
"peint  par  ordre  dc  Cortes,"  in  I.inati's  Costihiiis 
ct  maurs  ih  McxiqiiL-  (IJrussels)  conforms  to  tlii: 
descriptions;  while  that  in  Clavigcro's  Sloihi 
initial  di-I  Mcssico  (1780)  is  too  small  to  be  sali^• 
factorv.  The  line  of  Monlczuma'.s  descendant>  i-. 
traced  in  Prescott,  ^fexi^l\  ii.  339,  iii.  446,  and  in 
Hancroft,  Mexico,  i.  459.  Cf.  also  the  porii.m 
of  Montezuma,  "d'apres  Sandoval,"  given  11. 
Charton's  Voya!;euys,  iii.  393,  and  that  in  Cuin- 
plido's  Mexican  edition  of  Prescott's  Mtxtc 
vol.  iii. 


/'!' 


hv    I 


k':  f' 


I     If 


UCA. 

-Tc  they  wrrc 
\  the  leaders 
;cs ;  and  lien; 
be  cxpecttil 
n  tlieir  train 
Idly.  Murder 
/c  some  sweet 
reconciliation 
.  tlie  massacre 
lot  forj,n)tteii ; 
:  allies  of  one 
ii't'de  hroii^;lil 
1  by  the  cum- 
)on  Cortes  t(» 

0  one  of  the 
were  recei\i'(l 

1  the  Spanish 
jccivcd  them ; 
nd  pomp,  nut 
11  to  an  escort 

Later  in  liis 
iortds,  and  on 
and  watclud 
arncd  him  of 
1  one  of  sei/- 
nder  pretence 
the  Spaniards 
1  front  of  tin: 
ins.  Expedi- 
licr.s  explored 
I  Rica,  and  lie 
nded  a  flotilla 
ic  sports. 


irior,  ;iiul  the  in- 

iosa'.s  //istoriii  tit 

cly  coiivcntiDii.il. 

colored   poilr.iil, 

Linati's  Coslimui 

conforms  to  tlie 

ivigcro's   Stond 

.small  to  be  sal  is. 

's  clesceii(iani>  i» 

9,  iii.  446,  and  in 

also  the  porliiil 

doval,"  given   ii. 

nd  that  in  Ciim- 

tescott's  Mixuo 


CORTfis    AM)    IMS   COMl'A.MONS. 


363 


cyvvi\.TOi]^c 
yENV2p,mi;MESsi 


MONTEZU.MA.' 

'  Fac-simile  of  the  copper  plate  in  the  Ven-     "  Cavato  dall'  originaie  vcnvto  dal'  Messico 
ax  edition  of  Solis'  Conquista  (1715)  inscribed     Ser"'"  G.  D.  di  Toscana." 


I, 


im 


:^l  \\ 

1 

'V  I    \ 

i 

1*  1,  Ii, 

1 

lif  F 

ii 

/Sf^  E 

ii 

364  NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF   AMliKICA. 


\l  'i 


ii  I 


,  '■  I  ■ 


T  ^' 


MEXICO  hefore  the  conquest.' 

Tlicn  came  symptoms  of  conspiracy  among  the  native  nobles,  with  tlie 
iibject  of  overthrowing  the  insolent  strangers;  and  Cacama,  a  ncphiw 
of  Montezuma  and  a  chief  among  them,  indulged  the  hope  of  seizing  the 


.''(' 


ii' 


1  This  is  reduced  from  the  cut  in  Henry  Ste- 
vens's Amen'can  /Uhliogra/'hcr,  p.  86,  which  in 
turn  is  reproduced  from  the  cflition  of  Cortes' 
letters  published  at  Nuremberg  in  1524.  Han- 
croft  in  his  Mexico  (vol.  i.  p.  2S0)  gives  a  greatly 
reduced  sketch  of  the  same  plan,  and  adds  to 
it  a  description  and  references  to  the  various 
sources  of  our  information  regarding  the  Aztec 
town  ;  and  this  may  be  comjiared  witli  the  same 
author's  A'lthe  Races,  ii.   560.     Helps  describes 


the  city  in  his  Spanish  Conquest  (New  York 
ed.,  ii.  277,  423),  where  he  thinks  that  the  e.irly 
chroniclers  failed  to  make  clear  the  full  mini- 
her  of  the  causeways  connecting  the  town  will' 
the  main,  and  traversing  the  lake.  Prescnit 
describes  it  in  his  Mexico  (Kirk's  ed.,  ii.  101), 
and  discredits  the  plan  given  in  Bullock's  Mex- 
ico as  one  prepared  by  Montezuma  for  Cnrlcs. 
This  last  plan  is  also  given  in  Carbajal's  ///>•'"• 
ria  de  Mixico  (1862),  ii.  221.    The  nearly  e(i«a/ 


li^ 


COKTliS  AMJ   HIS   COMTAMONS. 


365 


tliioiif  itself.  Montezuma  protestetl  to  liis  people  that  iii-.  durance  was 
iliiccled  by  the  jjods,  iiul  counselled  caution.  When  this  did  not  sulVice, 
lie  fjavc  orders,  at  the  instit;ation  of  Cortes,  to  sei/u  Cacama,  who  was 
brout;ht  to  Me.\ico  and  placeil  in  irons.  The  will  of  Cortes  effected  other 
ilislilacements  of  the  rural  chiefs;  and  the  alle^'iance  of  Monte/unia  to 
the  Sp.uiish  sovereign  became  very  soon  as  sure  and  abject  as  forms  could 
Mi.iku  it. 

i'ributc  was  ordered,  and  trains  bore  into  the  city  wealth  from  all  the 
provinces,  —  to  be  the  cause  of  hea't-burnin^js  and  (piarrels  in  the  hour 
(if  distribution.  The  .Aztec  kin^,'  and  the  priests  were  compLlletl  to  onler 
the  removal  of  idols  from  their  temples,  and  to  .>-ee  the  cross  and  altar 
erected  in  their  places. 

Meanwhile  the  difficulties  of  Cortes  were  increasing.  The  desecration 
(if  the  idols  had  strengthened  the  party  of  revolt,  and  Montezuma  was 
powerless  to  (piiet  them.  lie  warned  the  Spaniards  of  their  danger. 
Cortes,  to  dispti  apprehension,  sent  men  to  the  coast  with  the  ostensible 
purpose  of  building  ships  for  departure.  It  was  but  a  trick,  however, 
to  gain  time;  for  he  was  now  expecting  a  response  to  his  letters  sent  to 
.S|)aiii,  and  he  hoped  for  supplies  and  a  royal  commission  which  might 
enable  him  to  draw  reinforcements  from  Cuba. 

The  renegade  leadei-,  however,  had  little  knowledge  of  what  was  pl.ui- 
iimg  at  this  very  moment  in  that  island.  Velasipiez  de  Cuellar,  acting  under 
a  sufficient  commission,  had  organized  an  expedition  to  pursue  Cortes,  and 
had  given  the  command  of  it  to  I'anfilo  de  N'arvaez.  The  friends  of  Cortes 
.md  those  who  dreaded  a  fratricidal  war  joined  in  representations  to  the 
niidiiiicta,  which  sent  Lucas  Vastpiez  de  Aillon  to  prevent  an  outbreak. 
The  fleet  under  Narvaez  left  Cuba,  Aillon  on  board,  with  instructions  to 
reach  a  peaceable  agreement  with  Cortes ;  but  this  failing,  they  were  to 
seek  other  regions.  In  April,  1520,  after  some  mishaps,  the  lleet,  which 
IkuI  been  the  largest  ever  seen  in  those  waters,  anchored  at  San  Juan  de 
L'lloa,  where  they  got  stories  of  the  great  success  of  Cortes  from  some 
iltsLiiers  of  one  of  his  exploring  parties.  On  the  other  hand,  these  same 
deserters,  learning  from  Narvaez  the  strength  and  purpose  of  the  new- 
comers,—  for  the  restraint  of  Aillon  proved  ineffectual,  —  communicated 
with  the  neighboring  caciques;  and  the  news  was  not  slow  in  travelling  to 


n 


•I  !■ 


distance  on  all  sides  at  which  the  shores  of  ilie 
lake  sl.md  from  the  town  is  characteristic  of 
this  eirhest  of  the  plans  (i5::,();  and  in  this 
I'.irticiilar  it  is  followed  in  various  plans  and 
I'ird's-eye  views  of  the  town  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  in  some  of  a  later  date.  The  A/tec 
li'wn  had  been  founded  in  1335,  and  had  been 
more  cuinmnuly  called  Tenochtitlan,  which  the 
Spaniards  turned  into  Temixtitan  and  Tenus- 
titan,  the  term  Mexico  being  properly  applied 
t"  one  of  the  principal  wards  of  the  city. 
I  he  two  names  were  first  sometimes  joined,  as 


Tcniixtitlan-Mcxico  (1555)1  but  in  the  end  the 
more  pionnunceable  part  survived,  and  the  rest 
was  lost.  Cf  llancrofi,  A/<\\h\',  i.  12-1.1,  with  ref- 
erences. The  correspondence  of  sites  in  the 
present  city  as  compared  with  those  (jf  the  Aztec 
time  and  of  the  conciuerors,  is  examined  in 
Alaman's  Jtiutitaciitiii's  sohrc  la  liiitoria  </<■  la 
iifiiliU,-,!  M.'jh.iiiit  (Mexico,  1S44-1S49),  ii.  202, 
246;  Carbajal  I^spinosa's  /fis/orhi  Jc  Mi'xiio, 
ii.  226,  and  bv  Ramirez  in  the  Mexican  edition 
of  Prescott.  Cf.  .\nt.  du  I'inct's  Dcscrif^lions  Jt 
plusit'His  -.'Hits  ct/orliirsses,  l.yon,  1564. 


■Vt  ■ 


il  \ 


\h\' 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1.L  AcicCeu-UaJo  Don  PEDRO  dn  ALVAKADQ 
de\Ba  doAoz, ,  ^ 


Montezuma,  who  heard  it  not  long  after  the  mock  submission  of  Cortes 
and  the  despatching  of  the  ship-builders  to  the  coast.  Narvaez  next  tried, 
in  vain,  to  swerve  Velasquez  dc  Leon  from  his  fidelity  to  Cortes,  —  for  this 
officer  was  exploring  with  a  party  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  coast.  San- 
doval, in  command  at  Villa  Rica,  learned  Narvaez'  purposes  from  spies; 
and  when  messengers  came  to  demand  the  surrende*-  of  the  town,  an 
altercation  ensued,  and  the  chief  messengers  were  seized  and  sent  ti 
Cortes.  The  Conqueror  received  them  kindly,  and,  overcoming  their 
aversion,  he  sent  them   back  to  Narvaez  with   letters  and  gifts  calculatcil 

•  Fac-simile  of  an  engraving  in  llerrera,  ii.  is   given  in   Cab.ijal's   Mixico,  ii.  341:    in  tlii. 

274.     For  appearance  anrl  other  portraits,  see  Froccso  de    residcncia  contni   Pedro  de  AlViinnh 

Bancroft,  .I/(T/i(|,  i.  75.     (Ine  of  a  sinister  aspect  (Mexico,   iS47);and  in    Cumplido's     Mexican 

often    engraved,   but  whicli    Ramirez   distrusts,  edition  of  Prescott's  Afc.vho,  vol.  iii. 


ERICA. 


cort£s  and  his  companions. 


Z(>7 


^^ 


ssion  of  Cortes 
acz  next  trii'd, 
rtcs,  —  for  tin's 
c  coast.  Saii- 
cs  from  spies; 
the  town,  an 
1  and  sent  t<> 
-Tcomin^f  their 
rifts  calculatcil 


to  conciUate.  While  many  under  Narvacz  were  affected,  the  new  leader 
remained  stubborn,  seized  i^i'lon,  who  was  endeavoring  to  mediate,  and 
sent  him  on  shipboard  wi  orders  to  sail  for  Cuba.  Thus  the  arro- 
gance of  Narvacz  was  greatly  helping  Cortes  in  his  not  very  welcome 
environment. 

Cortes  now  boldly  divided  his  force;  and  leaving  Alvarado  behind  with 
perhaps  one  hundred  and  forty  men,  —  for  the  accounts  differ,'  — and  tak- 
ing  half  that  number  with  him,  beside  native  guides  and  carriers,  marched 
to  confront  Narvaez.  Velasquez  do  Leon  with  his  force  joined  him  on 
tlie  way,  and  a  little  later  Sandoval  brought  further  reinforcements;  so 
that  Cortes  had  now  a  detachment  of  nearly  three  hundred  men.  Cortes 
'lad  prudently  furnished  them  long  native  lances,  with  which  to  meet 
^.arvaez'  cavalry,  for  his  own  horsemen  were  very  few.  Adroitness  on 
the  part  of  Cortes  and  a  show  of  gold  had  their  effect  upon  messen- 
t^^ers  who,  with  one  demand  and  another,  were  sent  to  him  by  Narvaez. 
Velasquez  was  sent  by  Cortes  to  the  enemy's  camp ;  but  the  chief  gain 
to  Cortes  from  this  manoeuvre  was  a  more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  army 
and  purpose  of  Narvaez.  He  then  resolved  to  attack  the  intruder,  — 
who,  however,  became  aware  of  the  intention  of  Cortes,  but,  under  the 
stress  of  a  storm,  unaccountably  relaxed  his  precautions.  Cortes  took 
advantage  of  this  careless- 
ness; and  attacking  boldly 
by  night,  carried  everything 
before  him,  and  captured 
the  rival  leader.  The  loss 
was  but  small  to  either  side. 
The  followers  of  the  invader 

now  became    adherents    of  y^       Jf>^i^^**  r\      «a 

Cortes,  and  were  a  powerful  /^  v<^lr<Cvlv(AyCL^ 

a  it!  in  his  future  move- 
ments.^ The  same  good 
fortune  had  given  him  pos- 
session of  the  invader's  fleet. 

Meanwhile  there  were 
-Stirring  time'  with  Alvarado 
in  Mexico.  The  Aztecs 
[irepared  to  celebrate  a  high  religious  festival.  Alvarado  learned,  or 
liretendcd  to  learn,  that  the  disaffected  native  chiefs  were  planning  to 
vise  upon  the  Spaniards  at  its  close.  So  he  anticipated  their  scheme  by 
attacking  them  while  at  their  worship  and  unarmed.     Six  hundred  or  more 


AUTOGRAPH    OF    PEDRO    DE   ALVAR.^I30." 


t'j 


'ij>  « 


M 


■o,  11.  341  :  III  tiK.' 
Pedro  de  Ah>anv.h 
nplido's  Mcxic.in 
vol.  iii. 


'  II.  II.  B.incroft  (.)/f.r/Vo,  i.  378)  and  Prcs-  Cortes  now  commanded;   cf.   H.   II.   Bancroft, 

lott   (new  edition  vol.   ii.,  p.   231)   colKatc   the  Mexico,  1.  424. 
.uilhorities.  '  Copied     from    a    fac-simile    \\\    Cab.ijal'3 

'^  There  are  a  variety  of  views  as  to  the  force  M/xUo,  ii.  686. 


« 


n.  u 


<:\\ 


^ 


1''- 


'iii'';i^  11 


?68 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


c*"  the  leading  men  were  thus  slain.  The  multitude  without  the  temple 
were  infuriated,  and  the  Spaniards  regained  their  quarters,  not  without  difli- 
culty,  Alvarado  himself  being  wounded.  Behind  their  defences  they  man- 
aged to  resist  attack  till  succor  came. 

Coi'tes,  who  had  learned  of  the  events,  was  advancing,  attaching  to  him- 
self the  peoples  who  were  inimical  to  the  Aztecs ;  but  as  he  got  within  tliu 
Aztec  influence  he  found  more  sullenness  than  favor.  When  he  cntei\il 
Mexico  he  was  not  resisted.  The  city  seemed  almost  abandoned  as  his 
force  made  their  way  to  the  Spanish  fort  and  entered  its  gates. 

As  a  means  of  getting  supplies,  Cortes  ordered  the  release  of  a  brother 
of  Montezuma,  v.ho  at  once  used  his  liberty  to  plan  an  insurrection.  An 
attack  on  the  Spanish  quarters  followed,  which  Cortes  sought  to  repel  by 
sorties ;  but  they  gained  little.  The  siege  was  so  roughly  pressed  thai 
Cortes  urged  Montezuma  to  present  himself  on  the  parapet  and  check  llic 
fierceness  of  the  assault.  The  captive  put  on  his  robes  of  state  and  addressed 
the  multitude;  but  he  only  became  the  target  of  their  missiles,  and  was 
struck  down  by  a  stone.'  The  condition  o(  the  Spaniards  soon  became 
perilous  in  the  extreme.  A  parley  with  the  chief  of  the  Aztecs  was  of  no 
avail ;  and  Cortes  resohcd  to  cut  his  way  along  the  shortest  causeway  fron\ 
the  city,  to  the  mainland  bordering  the  lake.  In  this  he  failed.  Meanwhile 
a  part  of  his  force  were  endeavoring  to  secure  the  summit  of  a  neighboriiii; 
pyramid,  from  which  the  Mexicans  had  annoyed  the  garrison  of  the  f  nt. 
Cortes  joined  in  this  attack,  and  it  w;.s  successful.  The  defenders  of  the 
temples  on  its  summit  were  all  killed  or  hurled  from  the  height,  and  Corti's 
was  master  of  the  spot. 

Events  followed  quickly  in  this  June  of  1520.  There  was  evidently 
a  strong  will  in  command  of  the  Mexicans.  The  brother  of  Montezuma 
was  a  doughtier  foe  than  the  King  had  been.  The  temporary  success 
on  till;  pyramid  had  not  diminished  the  anxiety  of  Cortes.  Montezuma 
way  nou'  d)'ing  on  his  hands.  The  King  had  not  recovered  from  the 
injuries  which  his  own  people  had  inflicted,  and  sinking  spirits  completed 
the  work  of  the  mob.  On  the  30th  of  June  he  died,  at  the  age  of  forty-one, 
having  been  on  the  throne  since  1503.^  Cortes  had  hoped  for  some  turn 
of  fortune  from  this  event;  but  none  came.  lie  was  more  than  ever  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  of  evacuating  the  city.  7\nothi  1  sortie  had  failed 
as  before ;  and  the  passage  of  the  causeway  was  again  planned  for  the 
evening  of  that  day.''  The  order  of  march,  as  arranged,  included  the  whole 
Spanish  force  and  about  six  thousand  allies.  Pontoons  of  a  rough  cK- 
scription  were  contrived  for  bridging  the  chasms  in  the  causeway.  As 
many  jewels  and  gold  as  would  not  encumber  them  were  taken,  together 

'  Prcscott  (.i/iuvVc,  new  e(!.,  ii.  309)  collates  out  of  the  fort.     Indignities  were  offered  il  •  inii 

the  diverse  .iccounts.  some  of  the  inii)erial  party  got  jjossession  of  it, 

^  It  must  be  mentioned  that   the  Spaniards  and   buried   it  with    such    honor  as   the  times 

have  liccn   accused   of   murdering   Monle/uma.  permitted. 

T5ancroft  (  A/    iro,  i.  464)  collates  the  different  ■'  There  are  difliculties  about  the  exact  d.ai ; 

views  of  the    jthorities.     Cortes  sent  the  body  cf.  II.  II.  ISancroft,  ,U('xicii,\.  472. 


cort£s  and  his  companions. 


369 


w^m 


with  such  prisoners  of  distinction  as  remained  to  them,  besides  the  sick  and 
wounded. 

A  drizzling  rain  favored  their  retreat;  but  the  Mexicans  were  finally 
.iroused,  and  attacked  their  rear.  A  hundred  or  more  Spaniards  were  cut 
nil',  and  retreated  to  the  fort,  where  they  surrendered  a  few  days  later, 
and  were  sacri- 
ficed. The  rest, 
after  losses  and 
nuich  tribulation, 
rc:;chcd  the  main- 
land. Nothing  but 
llic  failure  of  the 
Mexicans  to  pur- 
sue the  Spaniards, 
weakened  as  they 
\>cre,  saved  Cortes 
from  annihilation. 
Tlie  Aztecs  were 
too  busy  with  their 
successes ;  for 
forty  Spaniards, 
not  to  speak  of 
numerous  allies, 
had  been  taken, 
and  were  to  be 
immolated ;  and 
rites  were  to  be 
performed  over 
tlicir  own  dead. 

Cortes  the  next 
morning  was  marshalling  the  sorry  crowd  which  was  left  of  his  army, 
when  a  new  attack  was  threatened.  His  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  Span- 
iards and  six  thousand  allies  had  been  reduced  respectively  to  five  hundred 
and  two  thousand ;  ^  and  he  was  glad  to  make  a  temple,  which  was  hard 
liy,  a  i)lace  of  refuge  and  defence.  Here  he  had  an  opportunity  to  count 
liis  losses.  His  cannon  and  prisoners  were  all  gone.  Some  of  his  bravest 
officers  did  not  respond  to  his  call.     He  could  count  but  twent}--four  of 

'  This  is  tlic  m.np   given    l)y    Helps    in   liis  as  Helps  does.     The  m.ip  in   Bancroft  (vol.  i. 

S/i(tiiis/i    Coiii/iii-s/.     One   of   the   differences   in  p.  5S3)  is  still  different  in  this  respect.     There 

the  variety  of   maps  which   have  been  offered  is  also  a  plan  of  the  city  and  surrounding  coun- 

i<f  the  Valley  of   Mexico,  to  illustrate  the   con-  try  in  Caliajal's  A/Jxiro  (vol.  ii.  p.  53S);  and  two 

'HiLst  by  Cortes,  consists  lit   the    numlier    and  others  have  been  elsewhere  given  in  the  jires- 

ilirection  of  the   causeways.     The    description  ent  volume  (pp.  364,  379). 
.ind  the  remains  of  the  structures  themselves  -  Bancroft  (.1/c.v;Vi',  1.488)  collates  the  various 

li.ive  not  sufliced  to  make  investigators  of  one  authorities;  so  does  I'rescott  (.)/<mvVii,  new  ed., 

mind   respecting   them.      Prescott    (Kirk's   ed.,  ii.     3C4)   of    the   losses   of   this   famous    tnsfe 

\'il.  ii.)  does  not  represent  so  many  cause\v.iys  Noclu: 
VOL.    II.  —47. 


THE  VALLEY  OF 
MEXICO. 


■iL^ 


HELPS'S    M.\P.' 


'  i''  . 


\    K. 


I 


:o 


1^ 


^  V\ 


ll'-r  rill'' 


r 


(I 


% 


is.' 


r* 


i'  ■'*'  lit. 


>rf 


I    i 


/ifl 


370 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


his  three  or  four  score  of  horses.  After  dark  he  resumed  his  march. 
His  pursuers  still  worried  him,  and  hunger  weakened  his  men.  He  lo^t 
several  horses  at  one  point,  and  was  himself  badly  wounded.  Rcacli- 
ing  a  plain  on  the  7th  of  July,  the  Spaniards  confronted  a  large  force- 
drawn  up  against 
them.  Cortes 
had  but  seven 
muskets  left,  an,! 
no  powder ;  so 
he  trusted  to  pike 
and  sabre.  Willi 
these  he  rushed 
upon  them ;  but 
the  swarm  of  the 
enemy  was  too 
great.  At  last, 
however,  making,' 
a  dash  with  some 
horsemen  at  tlie 
native  comman- 
der, who  was  rec- 
ognized by  his 
state  and  banner, 
the  Mexican  was 
hurled  prostrate 
and  killed,  and 
the  trophy  cap- 
tured. The  spell 
was  broken,  and  the  little  band  of  Spaniards  and  their  allies  hounded  the 
craven  enemy  in  every  direction.  This  victory  at  Otumba  (Otompan) 
was  complete  and  astounding. 

The  march  was  resumed;  and  not  till  within  the  Tlascalan  borders  was 
there  any  respite  and  rest.  In  the  capital  of  his  allies  Cortes  breathed 
freer.  He  learned,  however,  of  misfortunes  to  detached  parties  of  Span- 
iards which  had  been  sent  out  from  Villa  Rica.  He  soon  got  some  small 
supplies  of  ammunition  and  men  from  that  seaport.  Amid  all  this,  Cortes 
himself  succumbed  to  a  fever  from  his  wounds,  and  barely  escaped  death. 

Meantime  Cuitlahuatzin,  the  successful  brother  of  Montezuma,  had  beei, 
crowned  in  Mexico,  where  a  military  rule  (improved  by  what  the  Spaniards 
had  taught  them)  was  established.  The  new  monarch  sent  ambassadors 
to  try  to  win  the  Tlascalans  from  their  fidelity  to  Cortes ;  but  the  schenii; 
failed,  and  Cortes  got  renewed  strength  in  the  fast  purpose  of   his  allies. 

1  This  cut  is  borrowed  from  Ifarper's  Mag-  followers  gathered  .iftcr  that  eventful  night 
aziiit-,  January,  1874,  p.  172,  and  represents  the  There  is  another  view  o£  this  tree  in  Tour  lin 
remains  of  the  tree  under  which  Cortis  and  his     moiiJi;  1862,  p.  277. 


TRKF.   OF   TRISTE   NOCHE.' 


.ICA. 


cokt£s  and  his  companions. 


i7i 


d  his  march, 
icn.  He  lost 
tied.  Rcacli- 
a  hirgc  force 
Avn  up  against 
m.  Cortes 
1  but  seven 
skets  left,  and 

powder ;  so 
trusted  to  pike 
I  sabre.  Witli 
sc  he  rushed 
)n  them ;    but 

swarm  of  tlie 
.my  was  too 
at.  At  last, 
vever,  makini; 
ash  with  some 
semen  at  the 
ive  comman- 
,  who  was  rea- 
lized by  his 
:e  and  banner, 

Mexican  was 

led    prostrate 

killed,    and 

trophy  cap- 
id.     The  spell 

hounded  the 
(Otompan) 

borders  was 
tes  breathed 
ies  of  Span- 
:  some  small 

this,  Cortes 
ped  death, 
iia,  had  beei; 
le  Spaniards 
ambassadors 

the  scheme 
)f   his  allies, 

eventful  night 
tree  in  Tour  n'u 


•> 


CHARLES   V 

His  prompt  and  defiant  ambition  again  overcame  the  discontents  among 
his  own  men,  and  induced  him  to  take  the  field  once  more  against  the 
Tcpeacans,  enemies  of  the  Tlascalans,  who  lived  near  by.  It  took  about 
a  month  to  subdue  the  whole  province.  Other  strongholds  of  Aztec 
inniicnce  fell  one  by  one.  The  prestige  of  the  Spanish  arms  was  rapidly 
rc'-established,  and  the  Aztec  forces  went  down  before  them  here  and  ilicre 
in  detachments.  New  arrivals  or.  the  coast  pronounced  for  Cortes,  and 
two  hundred  men  and  twenty  horses  soon  joined  his  army.  The  small-pox, 
winch  the  Spaniards  had  introduced,  speedily  worked  more  disaster  than 
tlic  Spaniards,  as  it  spread  through  the  country;  and  among  the  .ictims 
of  it  was  the  new  monarch  of  the  Aztecs,  leaving  the  throne  open  to  the 
succession  of  Oiiauhtemotzin,  a  nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Montezuma. 

On  the  30th  of  October,  1530,  Cortes  addressed  his  second  letter  to  the 
I'.mperor  Charles   V.     He  and  his  adherents  craved  confirmation  for  his 

'  Fac-simile  of  a  woodcut  of  Charles  V.  in  P,!tt/i  /iki'i  e/<X':'  rirontm  bellira  riiiute  iHv.strium, 
Hi-lo,  1571,,  p.  365,  .ind  1596,  p.  240. 


I  '.. ; 


li 


■1 1  \- 


\ 


11  i 


1 

i 

i 

i 

ff 

i' 

!!il 


f:!l.'i;):i;)i,j 


fi; 


v' f*  i'i 


I :;  1  • 


;i-«i  ■  f'-T-ii 


I  - 


I! 


^ 


372  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

acts,  and  reinforcements.  Other  letti;rs  were  despatched  to  Hispanic-ia  and 
Jamaica  for  recruits  and  supphes.  Some  inisfortun-s  prevented  the  prompt 
sailing  of  the  vessel  for  Spain,  and  Cortes  was  enabled  to  join  a  anppk- 
mental  letter  to  the  Emperor.  The  vessels  also  carried  away  some  of  tin; 
disaffected,  whom  Cortes  was  not  sorry  to  lose,  now  that  others  had  joined 
him. 

Meanwhile  Cortds  had  established  among  the  Tepeacans  a  post  of  ob- 
servation named  Segura;  and  from,  this  centre  Sandoval  made  r  success. 
ful  incursion  among  the  Aztec  dependencies,  Cortes  himscll  -.vas  again 
at  Tlascala,  settling  the  succession  of  its  government;  for  the  small-po\ 


AUTOGRAPH    OF   CHARLES    V. 

had  carried  off"  Maxixcatzin,  the  firm  friend  of  the  Spaniards.  Here  Cortes 
set  carpenters  to  work  constructing  brigantines,  whicli  he  intended  to 
carry  to  Tczcuco,  on  the  Lake  of  Mexico,  where  it  was  now  his  purpose 
to  establish  the  base  of  future  operations  against  the  Aztec  capital.  Tiie 
opportune  arrival  of  a  ship  at  Villa  Rica  with  supplies  and  materials  of 
war  was  very  helpful  to  him. 

Cortes  first  animated  all  by  a  review  of  his  forces,  and  then  went 
forward  with  the  advance  toward  Tezcuco.  He  encountered  little  opposi- 
tion, and  entered  the  town  to  find  the  inhabitants  divided  in  their  fears  and 
sympathies.  Many  had  fled  toward  Mexico,  including  the  ruler  who  had 
supplanted  the  one  given  them  by  Cortds  and  Montezuma.  Under  ihc 
instigation  of  Cortes  a  new  one  was  chosen  whom  he  could  trust. 

Cortes  b^f""!  his  approach  to  Mexico  by  attacking  and  capturing,  with 
great  loss  to  the  inhabitants,  one  of  the  lake  towns ;  but  the  enemy,  cutting 
a  dike  and  flooding  the  place,  forced  the  retirement  of  the  invaders,  who 
fell  back  to  Tezcuco.     Enough  had  been  accomplished  to  cause  manv  ol 


:rica. 


CORTES   AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


373 


Hispanio'a  and 
ted  tht;  prompt 
join  a  :;'ipplL'- 
ay  sonic  of  the 
icrs  had  joined 

IS  a  post  of  ob- 

lade  r  success- 

isclt  ".vas  af,rain 

the  small-pox 


Here  Cortes 

ic   intended   to 

ow  his  purpose 

capital.     The 

id  materials  of 

uid  then  went 
J  little  opposi- 
thcir  fears  and 
ruler  who  had 
a.  Under  tlic 
id  trust, 
capturing,  vith 
enemy,  cutting 
invaders,  who 
cause  many  oi 


El  InuictUfimo  I^mperador   CAKLOS 
Q,uintc    B.cy  natit/rai  de   Castiua 
u  de  L  eon  etc  . 


CHARLES  V.' 

the  districts  dependent  on  the  Aztecs  to  send  in  embassies  of  submission; 
and  Cortes  found  that  he  was  daily  gaining  ground.  Sandoval  was  sent 
back  to  Tlascala  to  convoy  the  now  completed  brigantines,  which  wore 
borne  in  pieces  on  the  shoulders  of  eight  thousand  carriers.  Pending  the 
launching  of  the  fleet,  Cortes  conducted  a  rrconnoissance  round  the  north 
(■nd  of  the  lakes  to  the  scene  of  his  sorrowful  night  evacuation,  hoping  for 
an  interview  with  an  r\ztcc  chief.  In  this,  however,  he  failed,  and  returned 
lu  Tezcuco.     Then  followed  some  successful  fighting  on  the  line  of  com- 

'  F,ic-similc  of  an  engraving  in  Ilerrcra,  iii.     piido's  ^^cxican  edition  of  Prcscoit's.l/c.r/cfl,  vol. 
84.    Cf.  the  full-length  likeness  given  in  Cum-     iii.,  and  various  other  portraits  of  the  Emperor. 


I 


'      I 


'   n 


i  '^  iff  li 


I'M    .- 


■  I 


Hr 


•' 


374  NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


mi 


,/j 


Ki.  ', ! 


\M 


A, ! 


i.;«  p, 


T<fV 


a' 


Ac«plcllll\    •    ■•  • 


TOPOGRAPHY   OF  THE   MEXICAN   VALLEY.^ 

munication  with  tke  coast,  which  enabled  Cortes  to  bring  up  safely  some 
important  munitions,  besides  two  hundred  soldiers,  who  had  lately  reached 
Villa   Rica  from  the  islands  whither  he   had  sent  for  help   the  previous 

1  This  is  the  map  given  in  Wilson's  A'w  time,  in  opposition  to  the  usual  view  that  at  the 
Conquest  of  Mexico,  p.  390,  in  which  he  makes  period  of  the  Conquest  the  waters  of  the  lake 
the  present  topography  represent  that  of  Cortes'     c;  'ered  the  parts  here  represented  as  marsh, 


RU.trtM^ 


y  Zumpunsb 


ro  (/e  />au/a 


JOURDANET'S 


K/»I££r  OF  MEXICO. 


H' 


'.  I 


:i 


il 


\ 


I :/  i 


I 


1 1 


I  /*; 


l\ 


ta 


If! 


•\\ 


a 
tl 
c 
o 
w 
h 

h 

ci 
(II 
b: 
ai 


(li( 

th 
ni< 

W.1 

of 

s'w 

als 
(■( 

ot 

.1/ 

III! 

mi 

■SC 
Ml 

la( 
nil 
ile 
,/,• 

!'• 
bo 

C(l 

aK 
I  hi 
till 
m; 

IC! 

"( 

(I'i 
V; 
lin 


th( 
(If 


CORTf.S   AND   HIS    COMI'ANIONS. 


375 


.lutumn.  The  Spanish  leader  now  coiulucted  another  rcconnoissancc  into 
the  southern  borders  (jf  the  Mexican  Valley,  —  a  movement  which  over- 
came much  opposition,  —  and  selected  Coyohuacan  as  a  base  of  operations 
on  that  side  ajjainst  the  Aztec  city.  After  this  he  returned  to  Tezcuco,  and 
was  put  to  the  necessity  of  quelling  an  insurrection,  in  which  his  own  death 
had  been  planned. 

At  last  the  brigantincs  were  launched.  At  the  command  of  Cortes  the 
allies  mustered.  On  the  28th  of  April,  1 521,  the  Spanish  general  counted 
his  own  countrymen,  and  found  he  had  over  nine  hundred  in  all,  including 
eighty-seven  horsemen.  He  had  three  heavy  guns,  and  fifteen  smaller 
ones,  which  were  mostly  in  the  fleet.  Cortes  kept  immediate  charge  of  the 
brigantines,  and  allotted  the  main  divisions  of  the  army  to  Alvarado,  Olid, 
and  Sandoval.     The  land  forces  proceeded  to  occupy  the  approaches  which 


The  waters  of  Tezcuco  are  at  present  seven  or 
ti(;lit  feet  (Prescott  s.iys  four  feet)  below  the 
level  of  the  city,  ami  Wilson  cuntcnils  that  they 
did  not  in  Cortes'  time  much  exceed  in  extent 
their  present  limits ;  and  it  is  one  of  his  argu- 
ments against  Cortes'  repre.sentations  of  deep 
water  about  the  causeways  that  such  a  level 
of  the  lake  would  have  pn  the  town  of  Tezcuco 
six  or  seven  feet  under  water.  Wilson  gives 
his  views  on  this  point  at  length  in  his  Wno 
Conquest,  pp.  452-460.  The  map  will  be  seen 
also  to  show  the  line  of  General  .Scott's  a])- 
proach  to  the  city  in  1847.  (Cf.  Prof.  Henry 
I'oppee  on  the  "Coincidences  of  the  Conquests 
of  Mexico,  1520-1847,"  in  the  Joiinml  of  the 
Military  Service  fiislilutioH,  tAdiXch,  1884.)  The 
modern  city  of  Mexico  lies  remote  by  several 
miles  from  the  banks  of  the  lake  which  repre- 
.scnts  to-day  the  water  commonly  held  to  have 
surrounded  the  town  in  the  days  of  the  Con- 
quest. The  question  of  the  shrinking  of  the 
lagunes  is  examined  in  Orozco  y  Berra's  Af^- 
niciie  pour  la  carte  hydroi^raphiqiie  de  la  ValUe 
lie  Mexico,  and  by  Jourdinet  in  his  Influence 
lie  la  pression  </<•  fair  sur  la  vie  de  I'homme, 
p.  486.  A  colored  map  prepared  for  this  latter 
book  was  also  introduced  by  Jourdanet  in  his 
edition  of  Sahasun  (1880),  where  (p.  xxviii)  he 
again  examines  the  question.  From  that  map 
the  one  here  presented  was  tai'.f:n,  and 
the  marsh  surrounding  "  Lac  de  '  'excoco  " 
marks  the  supposed  limits  of  the  lak(  in  Mon- 
tezuma's time.  Jourdanet's  map  is  called, 
"  Carte  hydrographique  de  la  Vallee  de  Mexico 
(I'apres  les  travaux  de  la  Commission  de  la 
Vallee  en  1862,  avec  addition  des  anciennes 
limites  du  Lac  de  Texcoco." 

Humboldt  in  I's  Essai politique  sur  la  Nou- 
vclle  Espaj;ne,  while  studying  this  problem  of 
the  original  bounds  of  the  water,  gives  a  map 
defii^.ing  them  as  traced  in  1804-1807  ;  and  this 
i>  reproduced  in  John  Black's  translation  of 
iUimboldt's  Personal  Essay  on  the  Kingdom  of 


Neio  Spain,  third  edition,  London,  1822.  Hum- 
boldt gives  accoimts  of  earlier  atteni))ts  to  map 
the  valley  with  something  like  accuracy,  as  was 
the  case  with  the  Lopez  map  of  1785.  Siguenza's 
map  of  the  sixteenth  century,  though  false,  has 
successively  supplied,  through  the  publication 
of  it  which  Alzate  made  in  178O,  the  geogra- 
phical data  of  many  more  modern  maps.  C"f. 
the  map  in  Cumplido's  edition  of  Prescoit'.s 
J/t'.wo  (1846),  vol.  iii.,  and  the  enumeration  of 
maps  of  the  valley  given  in  Orozco  y  Berra's 
Cartografia  Mexicann,  pp.  31 5-3 1 6. 

A  map  of  Mexico  and  the  lake  also  appeared 
in  Le  petit  atlas  maritime  (Paris,  1764) ;  and  this 
is  given  in  fac-siniile  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  xxi.  616,  in  con- 
nection with  a  tr  lation  of  the  Codex  Ramirez 
by  Henry  Phillips,  ^r. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  decrease 
in  the  waters  had  begun  to  be  perceptible  in 
the  time  of  Cortes ;  and  Humboldt  traces  the 
present  subsidence  to  the  destruction  of  neigh- 
boring forests.  Bernal  Diaz  makes  record  of 
the  changes  observable  within  his  recollection, 
and  he  wrote  his  account  fifty  years  after  the 
Conquest. 

The  geographers  of  the  eighteenth  century 
often  made  the  waters  of  the  valley  flow  into 
the  Pacific.  The  map  in  the  1704  edition  of 
Solis  shows  this;  so  do  the  maps  of  Bower  and 
other  English  cartographers,  as  well  as  the  map 
from  Herrera  on  a  later  page  (p.  392). 

The  inundations  to  which  the  city  has  been 
subjected  (the  most  serious  of  which  was  in 
1629),  and  the  works  planned  for  its  jjrotec- 
tion  from  such  devastations  are  the  subject  of 
a  rare  book  by  Cepeda  and  Carillo,  Relacion 
universal  del  sitio  en  que  esta  fundada  la  ciudad 
de  Mixico  (Mexico,  1637).  Copies  are  found 
complete  and  incomplete.  Cf.  Carter-Biown, 
ii.  441 ;  Leclerc,  no.  1,095,  complete,  400  francs, 
and  no.  1,096,  incomplete,  200  francs;  Quaritch, 
incomplete,  ;^io. 


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Z7^ 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


the  rcconnoissanccs  had  imlicatcd, —  Alvarado  at  TIacopan,  Olid  at  Coyo. 
hiiacan,  on  the  westerly  shores  of  the  lake,  and,  later,  Sandoval  at  I/tapa- 
Japan,  on  the  eastern  side.  I'"ach  of  these  places  commanded  the  entrance 
to  causeways  leading  to  the  city.  The  land  forces  were  no  sooner  in  pn^i 
tion  than  Cortes  appeared  with  his  fleet.  The  Aztecs  attacked  the  brigaii 
tines  with  several  hundred  canoes;  but  Cortiis  easily  overcame  all,  and 
established  his  naval  supremacy.  lie  then  turned  to  assist  Olid  and  Alva- 
rado, who  were  advancing  along  their  respective  causeways;  and  the  stronj^- 
hold,  Xoloc,  at  the  junction  of  the  causeway,  was  easily  carried.  Here  the 
besiegers  maintained  themselves  with  an  occasional  fight,  while  Sandoval 
was  sent  to  occupy  Tepcyacac,  which  commanded  the  outer  end  of  iIk: 
northern  causeway.  This  completed  the  investment.  A  simultaneous 
attack  was  now  made  from  the  three  camps.  The  force  from  Xoloc  alone 
succeeded  in  entering  the  city;  but  the  .idvantage  gained  was  lost,  and 
Cortes,  who  was  with  this  column,  drew  his  forces  back  to  camp.  His 
success,  however,  was  enough  to  impress  the  surrounding  people,  who  were 
watching  the  signs  ;  and  various  messengers  came  and  offered  the  submission 
of  their  people  to  the  Spaniards.  The  attacks  were  renewed  on  subsequent 
days;  and  little  by  little  the  torch  was  applied,  and  the  habitable  part  of 
the  town  grew  less  and  less.  The  lake  towns  as  they  submitted  furnisheci 
flotillas,  which  aided  the  brigantines  much  in  their  incursions  into  tiie 
canals  of  the  town.  For  a  while  the  Mexicans  maintained  night  commu- 
nication across  the  lake  for  supplies;  but  the  brigantines  at  last  stopped 
this  prcarious  traffic. 

Alvarado  on  his  side  had  made  little  progress ;  but  the  market  of 
Tlatelulco  was  nearer  him,  and  that  was  a  point  witliin  the  city  which  it 
was  desirable  to  reach  and  fortify.  Sandoval  was  joined  to  Alvarado, 
who  increased  the  vigor  of  his  assault,  while  Cortes  again  attacked  on  the 
other  side.  The  movement  failed,  and  the  Mexicans  were  greatly  encour- 
aged. The  Spaniards,  from  their  camps,  saw  by  the  blaze  of  the  illumina- 
tions on  the  temple  tops  the  sacrifice  of  their  companions  who  had  been 
captured  in  the  fight.  The  bonds  that  kept  the  native  allies  in  subjection 
were  becoming,  under  these  reverses,  more  sensibly  loosened  day  by  day, 
and  Cortes  spared  several  detachments  from  his  weakened  force  to  raid  in 
various  directions  to  preserve  the  prestige  of  the  Spanish  power. 

The  attack  was  now  resumed  on  a  different  plan.  The  fighting-men  led 
the  way  and  kept  the  Mexicans  at  bay;  while  the  native  auxiliaries  razetl 
every  building  as  they  went,  leaving  no  cover  for  the  Aztec  marauders. 
The  demolition  extended  gradually  to  the  line  of  Alvarado's  approach, 
and  communication  was  opened  with  him.  This  leader  was  now  approach- 
ing the  great  market-place,  Tlatelulco.  By  renewed  efforts  he  gained  it, 
only  to  lose  it;  but  the  next  day  he  succeeded  better,  and  formed  a 
junction  with  Cortes.  Not  more  than  an  eighth  part  of  the  city  was  now  in 
the  hands  of  its  inhabitants ;  and  here  pestilence  and  famine  were  i\v: 
Spaniards'  prompt  allies.     Still  the  Aztec  King,  Quauhtemotzin,  scorned  to 


I'}  ,1 1,1.  ■  ■" 


ncA. 

")liil  at  Coyo. 
v;i\  at  Iztapa- 
1  tlie  entrance 
)()m.T  ill  posi- 
d  tlic  briijan 
:amc  all,  and 
)li(l  and  y\lva- 
k1  tlu-  stron:^- 
jd.  Ilcrc  tilt 
hilc  Sandov.tl 
cr  end  of  the 
simultaneous 
I  XdIoc  alone 
was  lost,  and 
3  camp.  Ills 
plc,  who  were 
he  submission 
3n  subsequent 
itable  part  of 
tted  furnished 
ions  into  the 
nifjht  commu- 
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city  which  il 
to  Alvarado, 
tacked  on  the 
eatly  encoiir- 
the  illumina- 
lo  had  been 
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cr. 

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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


yield;  and  the  slaughter  went  on  from  day  to  day,  till  finally,  on  the  I3tli 
of  August,  I52i,thc  end  came.  The  royal  Aztec  was  captured,  trying  lu 
escape  in  a  boat;  and  there  was  no  one  left  to  fight.  Of  the  thousand  Sp.ui- 
iards  who  liad  done  the  work  about  a  tenth  had  succumbed ;  and  probabl\- 
something  like  the  same  proportion  among  the  many  thousand  allies.  The 
Mexican  loss  must  have  been  far  greater,  perhaps  several  times  greater.' 
The  Spaniards  were  no  sooner  in  possession  than  quarrels  began  over  the 
booty.  Far  less  was  found  than  was  hoped  for,  and  torture  was  applicti, 
with  no  success,  to  discover  the  hiding-places.  The  captive  prince  was 
not  spared  this  indignity.  Cortes  was  accused  of  appropriating  an  undue 
share  of  what  was  found,  and  hot  feelings  for  a  while  prevailed. 

The  conquest  now  had  to  be  maintained  by  the  occupation  of  the  country ; 
and  the  question  was  debated  whether  to  build  the  new  capital  on  the 
ruins  of  Mexico,  or  to  establish  it  at  Tczcuco  or  Coyohuacan.  Cortes  pre- 
ferred the  prestige  of  the  traditional  site,  and  so  the  new  Spanish  town  rose 
on  the  ruins  of  the  Aztec  capital ;  the  Spanish  quarter  being  formed  about 
the  square  of  Tenochtitlan  (known  in  the  early  books  usually  as  Tcmix- 
titan),  which  was  separated  by  a  wide  canal  from  the  Indian  settlement 
clustered  about  Tlatelulco.  Two  additional  causeways  were  constructed, 
and  the  Aztec  aqueduct  was  restored.  Inducements  were  oft'ered  to  neigli- 
boring  tribes  to  settle   in  the   city,  and    districts  were  as.signed  to  them. 


be  traced  back  as  a  sketch  to  the  much  less 
elaborate  one  given  by  Hordone  in  his  Liiro  of 
1528,  later  called  his  Isolario,  which  was  accom- 
panied by  one  of  the  earliest  descriptions  by 
a  writer  not  a  conqueror.  Bancroft  (Mexico,  ii. 
14)  gives  a  snmll  outline  engraving  of  a  similar 
picture,  and  recapitulates  the  authorities  on  the 
rebuilding  of  the  city  by  Cortes.  The  Cathe- 
dral, however,  was  not  begun  till  1573,  and  was 
over  sixty  years  in  building  (Ibid.,  iii.  173). 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  cariy 
accounts,  accompanied  as  it  was  with  a  plan  of 
the  town  and  lake,  made  part  of  the  narrative 
of  the  "Anonymous  Conqueror."  This  picture 
has  been  reproduced  by  Icazbalceta  in  his  Colcc- 
cion  (  i.  390)  from  the  engraving  in  Ramusio, 
whence  we  derive  our  only  knowledge  of  this 
anonymous  writer.  The  Ramusio  plan  is  also 
given  on  the  nc.\t  page. 

The  plate  used  in  the  1572  edition  of  Por- 
cacdii  (p.  105)  served  for  many  successive  edi- 
tions. Another  plan  of  the  same  year  showing 
an  oval  lake  surroniuling  the  town,  is  found  in 
Uraun  and  Ilogenberg's  Civitatcs  orbis  terranim 
(Cologne,  1572),  and  of  later  dates,  and  the 
French  edition,  TheAtre  des  citls  tin  moudc  (l!rus- 
sels,  1574),  i.  59.  A  similar  outline  character- 
izes the  small  woodcut  (6x6  inches)  which 
is  found  in  Miiiister's  Cosmog^raphia  (159S), 
p.  dccccxiiii. 

T.ater  views  and  plans  appeared  in  Gott- 
friedt's  A'i"(r  Welt  (1655);  in  Sulis's  Coiiquista 


(1704),  p.  261,  reproduced  in  the  English  edition 
of  1724;  in  La  Croix'  Algemeene  IVeereld  lits- 
chryi'titg  (1705);  in  Herrera  (edition  of  172.S), 
P-  399;  '"  Clavigero  (1780),  giving  the  lake 
and  the  town  (copied  in  Verne's  De' coiiveile  de 
la  Terre,  p.  248),  and  also  a  map  of  Anahiiac, 
both  reproduced  in  the  London  (1787)  and 
Philadelphia  (1817)  editions,  as  well  as  in  the 
Spanish  edition  published  at  Mexico  in  1844 ; 
in  Solis,  edition  of  1783  (Madrid),  where  the 
lake  is  given  an  indefinite  extension  ;  in  'Ceal- 
ing's  edition  of  Kernal  Diaz,  besides  engraved 
plates  by  the  Dutch  publisher  Vander  Aa. 

The  account  of  Mexico  in  1554  written  by 
Francisco  Cervantes  Salazar,  and  republished 
with  annotations  by  Icazbalceta  in  1875  (Carter- 
Brown,  i.  595)  is  helpful  in  this  study  of  the 
ancient  town.  Cf.  "  Mexico  et  ses  environs  cii 
•554'"  ''y  L'  Massbieau,  in  the  Revue  de  geogra- 
phic, October,  1878. 

A  descriptive  book,  Sitio,  naturaleza  y  pro- 
priediides  de  lu  ciudud  de  Mexico,  by  Dr.  Dioqo 
Cisneros,  published  at  Mexico  in  1618,  is  become 
very  rare.  Rich  in  1S32  priced  a  copy  at  /(> 
6^., —  a  great  sum  for  those  days  (Sabin,  vol.  iv. 
no.  13,146;  Carter-Brown,  ii.  199). 

1  The  figuies  usually  given  are  enormous, 
and  often  greatly  vary  with  the  different  autlim  i- 
ties.  I.i  this  as  in  other  cases  where  nunilHis 
are  mentioned,  Prescott  and  Bancroft  coll.ni; 
the  several  reckonings  which  have  been 
recorded. 


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Thus  were  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  abundantly  secured.  But 
Mexico  never  regained  with  the  natives  the  dominance  which  the  Aztecs 
had  given  it.  Its  population  was  smaller,  and  a  similar  decadence  marked 
the  fate  of  the  other  chief  towns ;  Spanish  rule  and  disease  checked  their 
growth.  Even  Tezcuco  and  Tlascala  soon  learned  what  it  was  to  be  the 
dependents  of  the  conquerors. 

Cortes  speedily  decided  upon  further  conquests.  The  Aztec  tribute- 
rolls  told  him  of  the  comparative  wealth  of  the  provinces,  and  the  turbulent 
spirits  among  his  men  were  best  controlled  in  campaigns.  He  needed 
powder,  so  he  sent  some  bold  men  to  the  crater  of  Popocatepetl  to  get 
sulphur.  They  secured  it,  but  did  not  repeat  the  experiment.  Cortes 
also  needed  cannon.  The  Aztecs  had  no  iron,  but  sufficient  copper;  and 
finding  a  tin  mine,  his  craftsmen  made  a  gun-metal,  which  soon  increased 
his  artillery  to  a  hundred  pieces. 

Expeditions  were  now  despatched  hither  and  thither,  and  province  after 
province  succumbed.  Other  regions  sent  in  their  princes  and  chief  men 
with  gifts  and  words  of  submission.  The  reports  which  came  back  of  the 
great  southern  sea  opened  new  visions ;  and  Cortes  sent  expeditions  to 
find  ports  and  build  vessels;  and  thus  Zacalula  grew  up.  Revolts  here 
and  there  followed  the  Spanish  occupancy,  but  they  were  all  promptly 
suppressed. 

While  all  this  was  going  on,  Cortes  had  to  face  a  new  enemy.  Fonseca, 
as  patron  of  Velasquez,  had  taken  occasion  in  the  absence  of  the  Emperor, 
attending  to  the  affairs  of  his  German  domain,  to  order  Crist6bal  de 
Tapia  *"rom  Hispaniola  to  take  command  in  New  Spain  and  to  investigate 
the  doings  of  Cortds.  He  arrived  in  December,  1521,  with  a  single  vessel 
at  Villa  Rici,  and  was  guardedly  received  by  Gonzalo  de  Alvarado,  there 
in  command.  Tapia  now  despatched  a  messenger  to  Cortes,  who  replied 
with  many  blandishments,  and  sent  Sandoval  and  others  as  a  council  to 
confer  with  Tapia,  taking  care  to  have  among  its  members  a  majority  of 
his  most  loyal  adherents. 

They  met  Dec.  12,  1521,  and  the  conference  lasted  till  Jan.  6,  1522.  It 
resulted  in  a  determination  to  hold  the  orders  borne  by  Tapia  in  abeyance 
till  the  Emperor  himself  could  be  heard.  Tapia  protested  in  vain,  and 
was  quickly  hustled  out  of  the  country.  He  was  not  long  gone  when  new 
orders  for  him  arrived,  —  this  time  under  the  sign-manual  of  the  Emperor 
himself.  This  increased  the  perplexity;  but  Cortes  won  the  messenger  in 
his  golden  fashion.  Shortly  afcerwards  the  same  messenger  set  off  for 
Spain,  carrying  back  the  letters  with  him.  The::e  occurrences  did  not 
escape  notice  throughout  the  country,  and  Cortes  was  put  to  the  necessity 
of  extreme  measures  to  restore  his  prestige ;  while  in  his  letter  to  tlie 
Emperor  he  threw  the  responsibility  of  his  action  upon  the  council,  who 
felt  it  necessary,  he  alleged,  to  take  the  course  they  did  to  make  good  the 
gains  which  had  already  been  effected  for  the  Emperor.  In  a  spirit  of 
conciliation,  however,   Cortes   released   Narvaez,  who   had  been  confined 


J',; 


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RICA. 

secured.  But 
ch  the  Aztecs 
idence  marked 

checked  their 
was  to  be  tlic 

Aztec  tributc- 
d  the  turbulent 
5.  He  needed 
:atepetl  to  get 
iment.  Cortes 
it  copper;  and 
soon  increased 

province  after 
and  chief  men 
le  back  of  the 
expeditions  to 
Revolts  here 
2  all  promptly 

my.     Fonseca, 

F  the  Emperor, 

r  Crist6bal  de 

to  investigate 

a  single  vessel 

^Ivarado,  there 

s,  who  replied 

a  council  to 

a  majority  of 


CORTES   AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 


381 


.s 


m.  6,  1522.     It 

ia  in  abeyance 

in  vain,  and 

jone  when  new 

f  the  Emperor 

messenger  in 

cr  set  off  for 

ences  did   not 

)  the  necessity 

letter  to  the 

c  council,  who 

nake  good  the 

In  a  spirit  of 

been  confined 


CORTfe.* 


1  Fac-simile  of  .i  woodcut  in  Ptiii/i  Jcnii  elo- 
^avironim hcllicaviytiitL- illiistfium  (Basle,  1575), 
|).  348,  and  1596,  p.  229,  called  a  portrait  of 
Curtc's. 

The  autograph  follows  one  given  by  Prcs- 
colt,  revised  ed.,  vol.  iii.  Autographs  of  his 
\)ri)per  name,  and  of  his  title,  Martiuesdel  Valle, 
ate  given   in   Cumplido's   edition   of   Prescott, 


vol.  iii.  An  original  autograph  was  noted  tor 
sale  in  Stevens  [Bibliotliecu ^i^cograpJiiiW^wo.-Cio), 
which  is  given  in  fac-simile  in  some  of  the  illus- 
trated copies  of  that  catalogue.  Prescott  (vol.  i. 
p.  447)  mentions  a  banner,  ])reserved  in  Mexico, 
though  in  rags,  which  Cortes  is  said  to  have 
borne  in  the  Conquest.  lUit  cum])are  Wilson's 
A'e^o  Coiu/iiest,  p.  3C9. 


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382 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


at  Villa  Rica ;  and  so  in  due  time  another  enemy  found  his  way  to  Spain, 
and  joined  the  cabal  against  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico. 

In  the  spring  (1522)  Cortes  was  cheered  by  a  report  from  the  Audiencia 
of  Santo  Domingo,  confirming  his  acts  and  promising  intercession  with  the 
Emperor.  To  support  this  intercession,  Cortes  despatched  to  Spain  some 
friends  with  his  third  letter,  dated  at  Coyohuacan  May  15,  1522.  These 
agents  carried  also  a  large  store  of  propitiatory  treasure.  Two  of  the 
vessels,  which  held  most  of  it,  were  captured  by  French  corsairs,^  and  the 
Spanish  gains  enriched  the  coffers  of  Francis  I.  rather  than  those  of 
Charles  V.  The  despatches  of  Cortes,  however,  reached  their  destination, 
though  Fonseca  and  the  friends  of  Velasquez  had  conspired  to  prevent 
their  delivery,  and  had  even  appropriated  some  part  of  the  treasure  which 
a  third  vessel  had  securely  landed.  Thus  there  were  charges  and  counter- 
charges, and  Charles  summoned  a  council  to  investigate.  Cortes  won. 
Velasquez,  Fonseca,  and  Narvaez  were  all  humiliated  in  seeing  their  great 
rival  made,  by  royal  command,  governor  and  captain-general  of  New 
Spain. 

Meanwhile  Cortds,  hearing  of  a  proposed  expedition  under  Garay  to 
take  possession  of  the  region  north  of  Villa  Rica,  conducted  a  force  him- 
self to  seize,  in  advance,  that  province  known  as  Panuco,  and  to  subju- 
gate the  Huastecs  who  dwelt  there.  This  was  done.  The  plunder  proved 
small ;  bat  this  disappointment  was  forgotten  in  the  news  which  now,  for 
the  first  time,  reached  Cortes  of  his  late  success  in  Spain.  The  whole 
country  was  jubilant  over  the  recognition  of  his  merit;  and  opportunely 
came  embassies  from  Guatemala  bringing  costlier  tributes  than  the  Span- 
iards had  ever  seen  before.  This  turned  their  attention  to  the  south. 
There  was  apprehension  that  the  Spaniards  who  were  already  at  Panama 
might  sooner  reach  these  rich  regions,  and  might  earlier  find  the  lookcd- 
for  passage  from  the  Gulf  to  the  south  sea.  To  anticipate  them,  no  time 
could  be  lost.  So  Alvarado,  Olid,  and  Sandoval  were  given  commands  to 
push  explorations  and  conquests  southward  and  on  either  shore.  Before 
the  expeditions  started,  news  came  that  Garay,  arriving  from  Jamaica,  had 
landed  with  a  force  at  Panuco  to  seize  that  region  in  the  intcrc'^ts  of  the 
Velasquez  faction.  The  mustered  forces  were  at  once  combined  under 
Cortes'  own  lead,  and  marched  against  Garay, — Alvarado  in  advance. 
Before  Cortes  was  ready  to  start,  he  was  relieved  from  t  .e  necessity  of 
going  in  person  by  the  receipt  of  a  royal  order  from  Spain  confirming  him 
in  the  possession  of  Panuco  and  forbidding  Garay  to  occupy  any  of  Cortes' 
possessions.  This  ordjr  was  hurriedly  despatched  to  Alvarado;  but  it 
did  not  reach  him  till  he  had  made  some  captives  of  the  intruders.  Garay 
readily  assented  to  lead  his  forces  fiirthcr  north  if  restitution  should  be 
made  to  him  of  the  captives  and  munitions  which  Alvarado  had  taken. 
This  was  not  so  easily  done,  for  plunder  in  hand  was  doubly  rich,  and 
Garay's  own  men   preferred  to  enlist  with   Cortes.     To   compose  matters 

'  Tlirir  chief  w.i?  Juan  Florin,  who  has  been  ichntificd  by  some  with  Vcrrazano 


/«qjpp,:v 


CORTES    AND   HIS    COMPANIONS. 


383 


way  to  Spain, 


Ciaray  went  to  Mexico,  where  Cortes  received  him  with  ostentatious 
kindness,  and  promised  him  assistance  in  his  northern  conquests.  In  the 
midst  of  Cortes'  hospitaUty  his  guest  sickened  and  died,  and  was  buried 
with   pomp. 

While  Garay  was  in  Mexico,  his  men  at  Panuco,  resenting  the  control  of 
(laray's  son,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  them,  committed  such  ravages 
(in  the  country  that  the  natives  rose  on  them,  and  were  so  rapidly  annihilat- 
ing them  that  Alvarado,  who  had  left,  was  sent  back  to  check  the  outbreak. 
Ho  encountered  much  opposition;  but  conquered  as  usual,  and  punished 
afterward  the  chief  ringleaders  with  abundant  cruelty.  Such  of  Garay 's 
men  as  would,  joined  the  forces  of  Cortes,  while  the  rest  were  sent  back 
to  Jamaica. 

The  thoughts  of  Cortes  were  now  turned  to  his  plan  of  southern  explor- 
ation, and  early  in  December  Alvarado  was  on  his  way  to  Guatemala.^ 
Desperate  fighting  and  the  old  success  attended  Cortes'  lieutenant,  and  the 
Quiche  army  displayed  their  valor  in  vain  in  battle  after  battle.  It  was  the 
old  story  of  cavalry  and  arquebusiers.  As  Alvarado  approached  Utatlan, 
the  Quiche  capital,  he  learned  of  a  plot  to  entrap  him  in  the  city,  which 
was  to  be  burned  about  his  ears.  By  a  counterplot  he  seized  the  Quiche 
nobles,  and  burned  them  and  their  city.  By  the  aid  of  the  Cakchiquels 
lie  devastated  the  surrounding  country.  Into  the  territory  of  this  friendly 
people  he  next  marched,  and  was  received  royally  by  King  Sinacam  in  his 
city  of  I'atinamit  (Guatemala),  and  was  soon  engaged  with  him  in  an 
attack  on  his  neighbors,  the  Zutugils,  who  had  lately  abetted  an  insurrec- 
tion among  Sinacam's  vassals.  Alvarado  beat  them,  of  course,  and  estab- 
lished a  fortified  post  among  them  after  they  had  submitted,  as  gracefully 
;is  they  could.  With  Quiches  and  Cakchiquels  now  in  his  train,  Alvarado 
still  went  on,  burned  towns  and  routed  the  country's  defenders,  till,  the 
rainy  season  coming  on,  he  withdrew  his  crusaders  and  took  up  his  quar- 
ters once  more  at  Patinamit,  late  in  July,  1524.  From  this  place  he  sent 
despatches  to  Cortes,  who  forwarded  two  hundred  more  Spanish  soldiers 
for  further  campaigns. 

The  Spanish  extortions  produced  the  usual  results.  The  Cakchiquels 
turned  under  the  abuse,  deserted  their  city,  and  prepared  for  a  campaign. 
Tlie  Spaniards  found  them  abler  foes  thari  any  yet  encountered.  The 
Cakchiquels  devastated  the  country  on  which  Alvarado  depended  for  sup- 
[ilics,  and  the  Spaniards  found  themselves  reduced  to  great  straits.  It  was 
only  after  receiving  reinforcements  sent  by  Cortes  that  Alvarado  was 
inablcd  to  push  his  conquests  farther,  and  possess  himself  of  the  redoubt- 
able fortress  of  Mixco  and  successfully  invade  the  Valley  of  Zacatepcc. 

The  expedition  to  Honduras  was  intrusted  to  Cristobal  de  Olid,  and 
started  about  a  month  after  Alvarado's  to  Guatemala.     Olid  was  given  a 

'  H.  H.  Bancroft  (C,-ii/ial  Afcxico,  i.  626)  collates  .is  usual  tlie  v.irious  estimates  of  .Alvarado's 

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584 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


fleet ;  and  a  part  of  his  instructions  was  to  search  for  a  passage  to  the  great 
south  sea.  He  sailed  from  the  port  now  known  as  Vera  Cruz  on  the  nili 
of  January,  1524,  and  directed  his  course  for  Havana,  where  he  was  to  find 
munitions  and  horses,  for  the  purchase  of  which  agents  had  already  been 
sent  thither  by  Cortes.  While  in  Cuba  the  blandishments  of  Velasquez 
had  worked  upon  Olid's  vanity,  and  when  he  sailed  for  Honduras  he  was 
harboring   thoughts  of  defection.     Not  long   after   he   landed   he  openly 


GUATENrALA   AND    HONDURAS.' 

announced  them,  and  gained  the  adherence  of  most  of  his  men.  Cortes, 
who  had  been  warned  from  Cuba  of  Olid's  purpose,  sent  some  vessels  after 
him,  which  were  wrecked.  Thus  Casas,  their  commander,  and  his  men  fell 
into  Olid's  hands.  After  an  interval,  an  opportunity  offering,  the  capti\c 
leader  conspired  to  kill  Olid.  He  wounded  and  secured  him,  brought  him 
to  a  form  of  trial,  and  cut  off  his  head.  Leaving  a  lieutenant  to  conduct 
further  progress,  Casas  started  to  go  to  Mexico  and  make  report  to  Cortes. 
Meanwhile,  with  a  prescience  of  the  mischief  brewing,  and  impelled  by 
his  restless  nature,  Cortes  had  determined  to  march  overland  to  Honduras; 
and  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  1524,  he  set  out.  He  started  with  great 
state;  but  the  difficulties  of  the  way  made  his  train  a  sorry  sight  as  they 
struggled  through  morass  after  morass,  stopped  by  river  after  river,  which 
they  were  under  the  necessity  of  fording  or  bridging.     All  the  while  their 


1  Following  the  m.ip  given  m  Knee's    /.citalter 
sliawe's  Yucatan. 


tlr  F.itt,icchiiiii:;en,  p.  391.     Cf.  map  in  In. 


t 


11 .  !l 


CORTES    AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


385 


Cf.  map  ill  r.i!' 


provisions  grew  less  and  less.  To  add  to  the  difficulties,  some  Mexican  chief- 
tains, who  had  been  taken  along  as  hostages  for  the  security  of  Mexico,  had 
conspired  to  kill  Cortf^s,  and  then  to  march  with  their  followers  back  to  Mex- 
ico as  deliverers.  The  plot  was  discovered,  and  the  leaders  were  executed.^ 
Some  of  the  towns  passed  by  the  army  had  been  deserted  by  their  inhabi- 
tants, without  leaving  any  provisions  behind.  Guides  which  they  secured 
ran  away.  On  they  went,  however,  hardly  in  a  condition  to  confront  Olid, 
should  he  appear,  and  they  were  now  approaching  his  province.  At  last 
some  Spaniards  were  met,  who  told  them  of  Casas'  success ;  and  the  hopes 
of  Cortes  rose.  He  found  the  settlers  at  Nito,  who  had  been  decimated  by 
malaria,  now  engaged  in  constructing  a  vessel  in  which  to  depart.  Mis  com- 
ing cheered  them  ;  and  a  ship  opportunely  appearing  in  the  harbor  with  pro- 
visions, Cortes  purcha;:ed  her  and  her  lading.  He  then  took  steps  to  move 
tlie  settlement  to  a  more  salubrious  spot.  Using  the  newly  acquired  vessel, 
he  explored  the  neighboring  waters,  hoping  to  find  the  passage  to  the  south 
sea ;  and  making  some  land  expeditions,  he  captured  several  pueblos,  and 
learned,  from  a  native  of  the  Pacific  coast  whom  he  fell  in  with,  that 
Alvarado  was  conducting  his  campaign  not  far  away.  Finally,  he  passed 
on  to  Trujillo,  where  he  found  the  colony  of  Olid's  former  adherents,  and 
confirmed  the  dispositions  which  Casas  had  made,  while  he  sent  vessels  to 
Cuba  and  Jamaica  for  supplies. 

At  this  juncture  Cortes  got  bad  news  from  Mexico  Cabal  and  anti- 
cabal  among  those  left  in  charge  of  the  government  were  having  their 
effect.  When  a  report  reached  them  of  the  death  of  Cortds  and  the  loss 
of  his  army,  it  was  the  signal  for  the  bad  spirits  to  rise,  seize  the  govern- 
ment, and  apportion  the  estates  of  the  absentees.  The  most  steadfast 
friend  of  Cortes  —  Zuazo  —  was  sent  off  to  Cuba,  whence  he  got  the  news 
to  Cortes  by  letter.  After  some  hesitation  and  much  saying  of  Masses, 
Cortes  appointed  a  governor  for  the  Honduras  colony;  and  sending 
Sandoval  with  his  forces  overland,  he  embarked  himself  to  go  by  sea. 
'/irious  mishaps  caused  his  ship  to  put  back  several  times.  Discouraged 
at  last,  and  believing  there  was  a  divine  purpose  in  keeping  him  in 
I  londuras  for  further  conquest,  he  determined  to  remain  a  while,  and  sent 
messengers  instead  to  Mexico.  Runners  were  also  sent  after  Sandoval  to 
bring  him  back. 

Cortes  now  turned  his  attention  to  the  neighboring  provinces ;  and  one 
after  another  he  brought  them  into  subjection,  or  gained  their  respect  by 
interfering  to  protect  them  from  other  parties  of  marauding  Spaniards, 
lie  had  already  planned  conquests  farther  south,  and  Sandoval  had  received 
orders  to  march,  when  a  messenger  from  Mexico  brought  the  exhortations 
of  his  friends  for  his  return  to  that  city.  Taking  a  small  force  with  him, 
including  Sandoval,  he  embarked    in  April,   1526.     After   being   tempest- 

'  There  is  some  doubt  whether  the  alleged  Bancroft  [Central  America,  1.   555)  collates  the 

plot  was  not,  after  all,  a  fiction  to  cover  the  various  views,  but   it  does   not  seem  that  any 

getting  rid  of  burdensome  personages.     H.  H.  unassailable  conclusion  can  be  reached. 
VOL.    II.  —  49. 


••♦4. 


vB  I 


;i 


I,  J 


I   i 


i  u 


)l: 


386 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i;i;:;: 


tossed  and  driven  to  Cuba,  he  landed  late  in  May  near  Vera  Cruz,  and 
proceeded  in  triumph  to  his  capital.  ' 

Cortes'  messenger  from  Honduras  had  arrived  in  good  time,  and  hail 
animated  his  steadfast  adherents,  who  succeeded  very  soon  in  overthrowing' 
the  usurper  Salazar  and  restoring  the  Cortes  government.  Then  followed 
the  request  for  C<^rtes'  return,  and  in  due  time  his  arrival.  The  natives 
vied  with  each  other  in  the  consideration  which  they  showed  to  Malinche, 
as  Cortes  was  universally  called  by  them.  Safe  in  their  good  wishes, 
Cortes  moved  by  easy  stages  toward  Mexico.  Everybody  was  astir  with 
shout  and  banner  as  he  entered  the  city  itself.  He  devoted  himself  at  once 
to  re-establishing  the  government  and  correcting  abuses. 


'-M 


m 


' .  :  r;, 


J  iii 


r    ! 


1:1  ) 


m 


■I'ii 


!.  n 


if'-, 
it  V 


'if ): 


f:      \> 


I      ■ 


Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  CorttJs  at  Madrid  had  so  impressed  the 
Emperor  that  he  ordered  a  judge,  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  to  proceed  to 
Mexico  and  investigate  the  charges  against  the  Governor,  and  to  hold 
power  during  the  suspension  of  Cortes'  commission.  Cortes  received  him 
loyally,  and  the  transfer  of  authority  was  duly  made,  —  Cortds  still  retainiujj 
the  position  of  captain-general.  Before  any  charges  against  Cortes  could 
be  heard,  Ponce  sickened  and  died,  July  20,  1526;  and  his  authority 
descended  to  Marcos  de  Aguilar,  whom  he  had  named  as  successor.  He 
too  died  in  a  short  time ;  and  Cortes  had  to  resist  the  appeals  of  his 
friends,  who  wished  him  to  reassume  the  governorship  and  quiet  the  com- 
motions which  these  sudden  changes  were  producing.  Meanwhile  the 
enemies  of  Cortes  were  actively  intriguing  in  Spain,  and  Estrada  received 
a  royal  decree  to  assume  alone  the  government,  which  with  two  others  he 
had  been  exercising  since  the  death  of  Agu  lar.  The  patience  of  Cortes 
and  his  adherents  was  again  put  to  a  test  when  the  new  ruler  directed 
the  exile  of  Cortes  from  the  city.  Estrada  soon  saw  his  mistake,  and  made 
advances  for  a  reconciliation,  which  Cortes  accepted. 

But  new  developments  were  taking  place  on  the  coast.  The  Emperor 
had  taken  Panuco  out  of  Cortes'  jurisdiction  by  appointing  Nuno  de 
Guzman  to  govern  it,  with  orders  to  support  Ponce  if  Cortes  should  resist 
that  royal  agent.  Guzman  did  not  arrive  on  the  coast  till  May  20,  1527, 
when  he  soon,  by  his  acts,  indicated  his  adherence  to  the  Velasquez  party, 
and  a  disposition  to  encroach  upon  the  bounds  of  New  Spain.  He  was 
forced  to  deal  with  Cortds  as  captain-general ;  and  letters  far  from  con- 
ciliatory in  character  passed  from  Guzman  to  the  authorities  in  Mexico. 
Estrada  had  found  it  necessary  to  ask  Cortes  to  conduct  a  campaign  against 
his  ambitious  neighbor ;  but  Cortes  felt  that  he  could  do  more  for  himself 
and  New  Spain  in  the  Old,  and  so  prepared  to  leave  the  country  and 
escape  from  the  urgency  of  those  of  his  partisans  who  were  constantly 
trying  to  embroil  him  with  Estrada.  A  letter  from  the  new  President 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  urging  his  coming,  helped  much  to  the 
determination.  He  collected  what  he  could  of  treasure,  fabric,  and  imple- 
ment to  show  the  richness  of  the    country.     A  great  variety  of  animals, 


CORTES   AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


387 


a  Cruz,  and 


representatives  of  the  various  subjugated  peoples,  and  a  showy  train  of 
dependents,  among  them  such  conspicuous  characters  as  Sandoval  and 
Tapia,  with  native  princes  and  chieftains,  accompanied  him  on  board  the 
vessels. 


Cortes,  meanwhile,  was  ignorant  of  what  further  mischief  his  enemies 
had  done  in  Spain.  The  Emperor  had  appointed  a  commission  {audimcia) 
to  examine  the  affairs  of  New  Spain,  and  had  placed  Guzman  at  the  head. 
It  had  full  power  to 
assume  the  govern- 
ment and  regulate  the 
administration.  In 

December,  1528,  and 
January,  1529,  all  the 
members  assembled  at 
Mexico.  The  jealous 
and  grasping  quality 
of  their  rule  was  soon 
apparent.  The  ab- 
sence of  Cortes  in 
Spain  threatened  the 
continuance  of  their 
power ;  for  reports  had 
reached  Mexico  of  the 
enthusiasm  which  at- 
tended his  arrival  in 
Spain.  They  accord- 
ingly despatched  mes- 
sengers to  the  Spanish 
court  renewing  the 
charges  against  Cor- 
tes, and  setting  forth  the  danger  of  his  return  to  Mexico.  Alvarado  and 
other  friends  of  Cortes  protested  in  vain,  and  had  to  look  on  and  see,  under 
cine  pretext  or  another,  all  sorts  of  taxes  and  burdens  laid  upon  the  estates 
(if  the  absent  hero.  He  was  also  indicted  in  legal  form  for  every  vice  and 
crime  that  any  one  might  choose  to  charge  him  with ;  and  the  indictments 
stood  against  him  for  many  years. 

Guzman  was  bOon  aware  of  the  smouldering  hatred  which  the  rule  of 
himself  and  his  associate  had  created ;  and  he  must  have  had  suspicions 
of  the  representations  of  his  rapacity  and  cruelty  which  were  reaching 
Madrid  from  his  opponents.  To  cover  all  iniquities  with  the  splendor 
ol  conquest,  he  gathered  a  formidable  army  and  marched  to  invade  the 
province  of  Jalisco. 


AUTOGRAPH   OF  SANDOVAL.* 


l'^ 


'     1 


is  '«* 


11: 


'  After  a  fac-simile  in  Cabajal,  Mexico,  ii.  686. 


388  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


:m  ■ 


!/ 


ft!. 


.!",.! 


(If 


SANDOVAI-.' 


■!/! 


■ '  1 


I    ' 


Cortds,  with  his  following,  had  landed  at  I'alos  late  in  1528,  and  was 
under  the  necessity,  a  few  days  later,  of  laying  the  body  of  Sandoval  —  worn 
out  with  the  Honduras  campaign  —  in  the  vaults  of  La  Rabida.  It  was 
a  sad  duty  for  Cortes,  burdened  with  the  grief  that  his  young  lieutenant 
could  not  share  with  him  the  honors  now  in  store,  as  he  made  liis 
progress  to  Toledo,  where  the  Court  then  was.  He  was  received  with 
unaccustomed  honor  and  royal  condescensions,  —  only  the  prelude  Id 
substantial  grants  of  territory  in  New  Spain,  which  he  was  asked  to  par- 
ticularize and  describe.  He  was  furthermore  honored  with  the  station 
and  title  of  Marques  del  Valle  dc  Oajaca.  He  was  confirmed  as  captain- 
general;  b'lt  his  rein.statement  as  governor  was  deferred  till  the  reports  uf 
the  new  commission  in  New  Spain  should  be  received.     He  wae,  however, 


;   »     '!-, 


'  Fac-similc  of  an  engraving  in  Ilerrera,  ii.  32.     It  is  dressed  up  in  Cabajal's  AfJxico,  ii.  254. 


COKTl^S   AND    HIS   COMPANIONS. 


389 


i 


CORTES.' 


assured  of  liberty  to   make   discoveries    in  the    south  sea,  and  to  act  as 
governor  of  all  islands  and  parts  he  mifjht  discover  westward. 

The  wife  of  Cortes,  whom  he  had  left  in  C:'ba,  had  joined  him  in  Mexico 
after  the  conquest,  and  had  been  received  with  becoming  state.  Her  early 
decease,  after  a  loftier  alliance  would  have  become  helpful  to  his  ambition. 


'  Fac-simile  of  an  engraving  in  Ilcrreia, 
ii.  I.  There  is  also  a  portrait  wliich  hangs,  or 
(lid  hang,  in  the  series  of  Viceroys  in  the  Miiseo 
at  .Mexico.  This  \va^  engraved  for  Don  Antonio 
I'guina,  of  Madrid  ;  and  from  his  engraving  the 
picture  given  second  by  Prescott  is  copied. 
Kngravings  of  a  picture  ascribed  to  Titian  are 
);iven  in  Townscnd's  translation  of  Solis  ( London, 
17-4)  and  in  the  Madrid  edition  of  Solis  (1783). 
Cf  H.  H.  Bancroft,  J/,-.r/W),  i.  39,  noU.  The 
Spanish  translation  of  Clavigero,  published  in 
Mexico  in  1844,  has  a  portrait;  and  one  "after 


Velaseiuez  "  is  given  in  Laborde's  Voyage  pitto- 
rcsijHc,  vol.  iv.,  and  in  Jules  Verne's  Dccouvcrte 
de  la  Tcrrc. 

A  small  coppcr-iilate  representing  Cortes 
in  armor,  with  an  uplifted  finger  and  a  full 
beard  (acconii)anicd  by  a  brief  sketch  of  his 
career)  is  given  in  Select  /.ires  {olUctcd  out  of 
A.  Thevct,  Evi^lishcd  by  I.  S.  (Cambridge,  1676), 
which  is  a  section  of  a  volume,  ProsopOi;raphia 
(Cambridge,  167C),  an  English  translation  of 
Thevet's  Collection  of  Lives.  The  copper  may 
be  the  same  used  in  the  French  original. 


I 


"i 


:   ill 


}f ' 


■  n 


r   K 


1 


>>   II 


'h' 


^m^ 


k-mM 


390 


NAKKAT1V£   AND    CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


CORTES'   ARMOR.* 

had  naturally  raised  a  suspicion  among  Cortes'  Iraducers  that  her  deatli 
had  been  prematurely  hastened.  He  had  now  honors  sufficient  for  any 
match  among  the  rank  of  grandees ;  and  a  few  days  after  he  was  en- 
nobled he  was  married,  as  had  been  earlier  planned,  to  the  daughter  of 
the  late  Conde  de  Aguilar  and  niece  of  the  Duque  de  Bejar,  —  both 
houses  of  royal   extraction. 

1  Copied  from  an  engravinp;  (in  Ruge's  Das  some  plate  armor  in  the  Museum  at  Mexico, 
Zfi/ci//eft/erE>tfc/fc-i-iiitxen,]i.40^)oithcor\g\na\  whicii  he,  of  course,  thinlis  apocryphal  (.\>rj 
in   the   Museum  at  Madrid.     Wilson  refers  to     Coin/iies/,  p.  444). 


COUT£s  and   his   COMl'ANIONS. 


39 « 


Cortes  now  prepared  to  return  to  Mexico  witli  his  new  titles.  He  learned 
that  the  ICmperor  had  appointed  a  new  aiuliiucia  to  proceed  thitiiei ,  .md 
it  promised  him  better  justice  than  lie  had  ^ot  from  the  other.  The 
lunperur  was  not,  however,  satisfied  as  yet  that  the  presence  of  Cort«5s 
in  Mexico  was  ailvisable  at  the  present  juncture,  and  he  ordered  him  to 
stay;  but  the  decree  was  too  late,  and  Cortes,  with  a  great  retinue,  iiad 
already  departed.  lie  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  in  advance  of  the  new  jud{;e, 
July  15,  1530. 

His  reception  was  as  joyous  as  it  had  been  four  years  before ;  and  though 
an  order  had  reached  him  forbidding  his  approach  within  ten  leagues  of 
Mexico  till  the  new  audiciicia  should  arrive,  the  support  of  his  retinue  com- 
pelled him  to  proceed  to  Tezcuco,  where  he  awaited  its  coming,  while  he 
was  put  in  the  interim  to  not  a  little  hazard  and  inconvenience  by  the  efforts 
of  the  Guzman  government  to  deprive  him  of  sustenance  and  limit  his 
intercourse  with  the  natives. 

Nfear  the  end  of  the  year  the  new  Government  arrived,  —  or  all  but  its 
president,  Fucnleal,  for  he  was  the  Bishop  of  Santo  Domingo,  whom  the 
others  had  been 
ordered  to  take 
on  board  their 
vessel  on  the 
way;  but  stress 
of  weather  had 
prevented  their 
doing  this. 
The  Bishop  did 
not  join  them 
till  September. 
In  Mexico  they 
took  possession 

of  Cort^is'  house,  which  they  had  been  instructed  to  appropriate  at  an 
appraisement. 

The  former  Government  was  at  once  put  on  trial,  and  judgment  was  in 
most  cases  rendered  against  them,  so  that  their  property  did  not  suffice  to 
meet  the  fines  imposed.  Cortes  got  a  due  share  of  what  they  were  made 
to  disgorge,  in  restitution  of  his  own  losses  through  them.  Innumerable 
reforms  were  instituted,  and  the  natives  received  greater  protection  than 
ever  before. 

Guzman,  meanwhile,  was  on  his  expedition  toward  the  Pacific  coast, 
conducting  his  rapacious  and  brutal  conquest  of  Nueva  Galicia.  He  re- 
fused to  obey  the  call  of  the  new  aiidicncia,  while  he  despatched  messengers 
to  Mexico  to  protect,  if  possible,  his  interests.  By  them  also  he  forwarded 
his  own  statement  of  his  case  to  the  Emperor.  Cortes,  vexed  at  Guzman's 
anticipation  of  his  own  intended  discoveries  toward  the  Pacific,  sent  a 
lieutenant  to  confront  him;   but  Guzman  was  wily  enough  to  circumvent 


AUTOGRAPH    OF    FUF.NLEAL 
{Efiscofus  Sancli  Dominui). 


I'\ 


VI 


'1 1 


i 


Jl    I       1.!' 


i:v 


S..I 


I.    'i 


(  '. 


392  NARRATIVJ:    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


MEXICO   AND   ACAPULCO.l 

the  lieutenant,  seized  him,  and  packed  him  off  to  Mexico  with  scorn  and 
assurance.  It  was  his  last  hour  of  triumph.  His  force  soon  dwindled; 
his  adherents  deserted  him ;  his  misdeeds  had  left  him  no  friends ;  and  he 
at  last  deserted  the  remnant  of  his  army,  and  starting  for  Pdnuco,  turned 

'  Fac-simile  of  a  map  in  Herrera,  i.  408. 


H  ' ' 


m 


CORTES   AND    HIS   COMPANIONS. 


393 


aside  to  Mexico  on  the  way.  He  found  in  the  city  a  new  regime.  Antonio 
dc  Mendoza  had  been  sent  out  as  viceroy,  and  to  succeed  Fucnleal  at  the 
same  time  as  president  of  the  audiencia.  He  had  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  in 
October,  1535.  His  rule  was  temperate  and  cautious.  Negroes,  who  had 
been  imported  into  the  country  in  large  numbers  as  slaves,  plotted  an 
insurrection:  but  the  Viceroy  suppressed  it;  and  if  there  was  native  com- 
plicity in  the  attempt,  it  was  not  proved.  The  Viceroy  had  received  from 
his  predecessors  a  source  of  trial  and  confusion  in  the  disputed  relations 
which  existed  between  the  civil  rulers  and  the  Captain-General.  There 
were  endless  disputes  with  the  second  audiencia,  and  disagreements  con- 
tinued to  exist  with  the  Viceroy,  about  the  respective  limits  of  the  powers 
(if  the  two  as  derived  from  the  Emperor. 

Cortes  had  been  at  great  expense  in  endeavoring  to  prosecute  discovery 
in  the  Pacific,  and  he  had  the  vexation  of  seeing  his  efforts  continually 
embarrassed  by  the  new  powers.  Previous  to  his  departure  for  Spain  he 
had  despatched  vessels  from  Tehuantcpec  to  the  Moluccas  to  open  traffic 
with  the  Asiatic  Indies ;  but  the  first  audiencia  had  prevented  the  despatch 
of  a  succoring  expedition  which  Cortes  had  planned.  On  his  return  to 
New  Spain  the  Captain-General  had  begun  the  construction  of  new  vessels 
both  at  Tehuantcpec  and  at  Acapulco ;  but  the  second  audiencia  interfered 
with  his  employment  of  Indians  to  carry  his  material  to  the  coast.  He 
however  contrived  to  despatch  two  vessels  up  the  coast  under  Hurtado  de 
Mendoza,  which  left  in  May,  1532.  They  had  reached  the  coast  to  the 
north,  where  Guzman  was  marauding,  who  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  of 
thwarting  the  purpose  of  his  rival.  He  refused  the  vessels  the  refuge  of  a 
harbor,  and  they  were  subsequently  lost.  Cortes  now  resolved  to  give  his 
personal  attention  to  these  sea  explorations,  and  proceeding  to  Tehuan- 
tcpec, he  superintended  the  construction  of  two  vessels,  which  finally  left 
port  Oct.  29,  1533.  They  discovered  lower  California.  Afterward  one  of 
the  vessels  was  separated  from  the  other,  and  fell  in  distress  into  the  hands 
of  Guzman  while  making  a  harbor  on  the  coast.  The  other  ship  reached 
Tehuantcpec.  Cortes  appealed  to  the  audiencia,  who  meted  equal  justice 
in  ordering  Guzman  to  surrender  the  vessel,  and  in  commanding  Cortes  to  de- 
sist from  further  exploration.  An  appeal  to  the  Emperor  effected  little,  for 
it  seems  probable  that  the  audiencia  knew  what  support  it  had  at  court. 
Cortes  next  resolved  to  act  on  his  own  responsibility  and  take  command 
ill  person  of  a  third  expedition.  So,  in  the  winter  of  1534-1535,  he  sent 
some  vessels  up  the  coast,  and  led  a  land  force  in  the  same  direction. 
Guzman  fled  before  him.  Cortes  joined  his  fleet  at  the  port  where  Guzman 
had  seized  his  ship  on  the  earlier  voyage,  and  embarked.  Crossing  to  the 
(California  peninsula,  he  began  the  settlement  of  a  colony  on  its  eastern  shore, 
lie  left  the  settlers  there,  and  returned  to  Acapulco  to  send  forward  addi- 
tional supplies  and  recruits.  At  this  juncture  the  new  Viceroy  had  reached 
Mexico;  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  began  to  entertain  schemes  of 
despatching  fleets  of  discovery,  and  Cortes  found  a  new  rival  in  his  plans, 
n.  —  so. 


m 


if1< 


:ii 


( ■ 


,  u 


I  . ' 


VOL. 


i       S 


394 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


mt 
wm 


ii  i 


;■/ 


U.  . 


;  i. 


I  'll-l  III  Ii 


i  j'Ji'f': 


I' 


I  -..l 


■•->,• 


^ 


•^'.. 


■in 


\ 


o 


'  Part  of  a  view  of  Acapulco  as  giveu   in     rapliy,  Ijiit  representing  the  later  fort  and  biiiM 
Montanus  and  Ogilby,  p.  26t,  showing  the  topog-     ings.     The  same  picture,  on  a  larger  scale,  wa> 


''  ,! 


CORTES   AND   HIS    COMPANIONS. 


395 


I'lic  Captain-General  got  the  start  of  his  rival,  and  sent  out  a  new  expedi- 
tion from  Acapulco  under  Francisco  de  UUoa;  but  the  Viceroy  gave  orders 
to  prevent  other  ves- 
sels following,  and  his 
officers  seized  one  al- 
ready at  sea,  which 
chanced  to  put  into 
one  of  the  upper  ports. 
Cortes  could  endure 
such  thraldom  no  lon- 
1,'cr,  and  early  in  1540  . 
he  left  again  for  Spain 
to  plead  his  interests 
with  the  Emperor. 
He  never  saw  the  land 
of  his  conquest  again. 


We  left  Guzman  for 
a  while  in  Mexico, 
where  Mendoza  not 
unkindly  received 
him,  as  one  who  hated 
(  oites  as  much  or 
more  than  he  did. 
'iuzman  was  bent  on 
escaping,  and  had  or- 
dered a  vessel  to  be 
ready  on  the  coast. 
He  was  a  little  too  late, 
however.  The  Empe- 
ror had  sent  a  judge 
to  call  him  to  account, 
and  Guzman  suddenly 
found  this  evil  genius 
was  in  Mexico.  The 
judge  put  him  under 
arrest    and     marched 


published  by  Vancler  Aa  at  Amsterdam.  A 
plan  of  the  harbor  is  given  in  Bancroft's  Mexico, 
ill.  25.  The  place  had  no  considerable  impor- 
tince  as  a  Spanish  settlement  till  1550  (Ibid., 
ii  420).  Cf.  the  view  in  Gay's  Popular  History 
>/llu'  United  States,  ii.  586. 

'  This  follows  a  sketch  of  the  picture,  in  the 
Hospital  of  Jesus  at  Mexico,  which  is  given  in 
<  liarton's  l\'yaf;eurs,  iii.  359.  I'rcscott  gives  an 
ingraviiig  after  a  copy  then  in  his  own  posses- 


CORTES.' 

sion.  The  picture  in  the  Hospital  is  also  said  to 
be  a  copy  of  one  taken  in  Spain  a  few  years  before 
the  death  of  Cortes,  during  his  last  visit.  The 
original  is  not  known  to  exist.  The  present 
descendants  of  the  Conqueror,  the  family  of  the 
Duke  of  Monteleonc  in  Italy,  have  only  a  copy 
of  the  one  at  Mexico.  Another  copy,  made 
during  General  Scott's  occupation  of  the  city,  is 
in  the  gallery  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society  (Catalogue,  no.   130).     The   ujiper    part 


:|  \\ 


■1    i'f 


»  I 


J  |- 


l\ 


H: 


f    i    ' 


396 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


WMU 


him  to  prison.  A  trial  was  begun;  but  it  dragged  along,  and  Guzman 
sent  an  appeal  forward  to  the  Council  for  the  Indies,  in  which  he  charged 
Cortes  with  promoting  his  persecution.  He  was  in  the  end  remanded  to 
Spain,  where  he  lingered  out  a  despised  life  for  a  few  years,  with  a  gleam 

of  satisfaction,  perhaps,  in  finding;, 
some  time  after,  that  Cortes  too  had 
found  a  longer  stay  in  New  Spain 
unprofitable. 

Cortes  had  reached  Spain  in  the 
early  part  of  1540,  and  had  been  re- 
ceived with  honor  by  the  Court ;  but 
when  he  began  to  press  for  a  judg- 
ment that  might  restore  his  losses 
and  rehabilitate  him  in  his  self-respect, 
he  found  nothing  but  refusal  and 
procrastination.  He  asked  to  retiirn 
to  Mexico,  but  found  he  could  not. 
With  a  reckless  aim  he  joined  an 
expedition  against  Algiers ;  but  the 
ship  on  which  he  embarked  was 
wrecked,  and  he  only  saved  himself 
by  swimming,  losing  the  choicest  of  his  Mexican  jewels,  which  he  carried 
on  his  person.  Then  again  he  memorialized  the  Emperor  for  a  hearing 
and  award,  but  was  disregarded.  Later  he  once  more  appealed,  but  was 
still  unheard.  Again  he  asked  permission  to  return  to  New  Spain.  This 
time  it  was  granted ;  but  before  he  could  make  the  final  preparations,  he 
sank  under  his  burdens,  and  at  a  village  near  Seville  Cortes  died  on  the  2d 
of  December,  1547,  in  his  sixty-second  year.^ 


CORTES   MEDAL, 


;  :'i 


of  the  figure  is  reproduced  in  Carbajal's  Historia 
lie  lexuo,\\.  12;  and  it  is  also  given  entire  in 
Cuiuplido's  edition  of  Prescott's  Mexico,  vol.  iii. 

1  This  follows  the  engraving  in  Ruge's  Das 
Zeitaltcr  der  Entdirkiiiii^en  (p.  361)  of  a  speci- 
men in  the  Royal  Cabinet  at  Herlin.  The  ori- 
ginal is  of  the  same  size. 

-  The  remains  of  Cortos  have  rested  un- 
easily. They  were  buried  at  Seville  ;  but  in  1562 
his  son  removed  them  to  New  Spain  and  placed 
them  in  a  monastery  at  Tezcuco.  In  1629  they 
were  carried  with  pomp  to  Mexico  to  the  church 
of  St.  Fr.ir.cis;  and  again,  in  1794,  they  were 
transferred  to  the  Hospital  of  Jesus  (Prescott, 
Mexico,  iii.  465),  where  a  monument  with  a  bust 
was  placed  over  them.  In  1S23,  when  a  patri- 
otic Ecal  was  turned  into  the  wildness  of  a  mob, 


the  tomb  was  threatened,  and  some  soberer 
citizens  secretly  removed  the  monument  and 
sent  it  (and  later  the  remains)  clandestinely  to  his 
descend.ant,  the  Duke  of  Monteleone,  in  Paler- 
mo, where  they  are  supposed  now  to  be,  if  the 
story  of  this  secret  shipment  is  true  (Prescoti, 
Afcxico,  iii.  335 ;  Harrisse,  Bil>l.  Amcr.  I'ct., 
pp.  219,  220;  Bancroft,  Mexico,  iii.  479,  4S0). 
Testimony  regarding  the  earlier  interment  ami 
exhumation  is  given  in  the  Coleccioii  de  dociinini- 
tos  iiii'ditos  (Espoiiii),  xxii.  563.  Cf.  B.  Murpliy 
on  "  The  Tomb  of  Cortes  "  in  the  Catholic  Woilll. 
xxxiii.  24. 

For  an  account  of  the  family  and  desceiul- 
ants  of  Cortes,  see  Bancroft,  ii.  480;  Prescott, 
iii.  336.  The  latter  traces  what  little  is  known 
of  the  later  life  of  Marina  (vol.  iii.  p.  279). 


ilCA. 


CORTES   AND   HIS    COMPANIONS. 


397 


and  Guzman 
h  he  charged 
remanded  to 
with  a  gleam 
s,  in  finding, 
ortcs  too  had 
n    New  Spain 

Spain  in  tiie 

had  been  re- 
le  Court;  but 
;s  for  a  judg- 
jre  his  losses 
lis  self-respect, 
:  refusal  and 
ked  to  return 
he  could  not. 
he  joined  an 
;iers ;  but  the 
mbarked  was 
saved  himself 
ch  he  carried 

for  a  hearing 
;aled,  but  was 

Spain.  This 
eparations,  he 
lied  on  the  2d 


nd    some  soberer 

monument   .md 

l.inclcstinely  toliis 

iteleone,  in  P.ilor- 

now  to  be,  if  the 

is  true  (Prescott, 

Bi/i/.   Amer.    Vt't., 

ico,  iii.  479,  4S0I. 

er  interment  ami 

CLioii  de  dociimnt- 

Cf.  B.  Murpliy 

he  Catholic  WorUI. 

nily  and  descercl- 
ii.  4S0;  PrcscotI, 

nt  little  is  known 
.  iii.  p.  279). 


CRITICAL    ESSAY    ON    THE    DOCUMENTARY    SOURCES    OF 
MEXICAN    HISTORY. 

MR.  H.  H.  BANCROFT,  in  speaking  of  the  facilities  which  writers  of  Spanish 
American  history  now  have  in  excess  of  those  enjoyed  by  tiie  historian  of  thirty 
years  ago,  claims  that  in  documentary  evidence  there  are  twenty  papers  for  his  use  in 
print  to-day  for  one  then.>  These  are  found  in  part  in  the  great  Coleccion  of  Pacheco 
and  others  mentioned  in  the  Introduction.  The  Mexican  writer  Joaquin  Garcia  Icaz- 
balceta  (born  1S25)  made  a  most  imjiortant  contribution  in  the  two  volumes  of  a  Coleccion 
lie  liociimcntos  para,  la  historia  dc  Mexico  which 
passes  by  his  name  ana  which  appeared  respec- 
tively in  1858  and  1866.''  He  found  in  Mexico  few 
of  the  papers  which  he  printed,  obtaining  theni 
chiefly  from  SiJain.  Of  great  interest  among  those 
which  he  gives  is  the  Itiiieraiio  of  Grijalva,  both  in 
the  Itali.m  and  Spanish  text.'  Of  Cortes  himself 
there  are  in  this  publication  various  letters  not 
earlier   made   public.      The   quarrel   between  him 

and  Velasquez  is  illustrated  by  other  papers.  Here  also  we  find  what  is  mentioned  else- 
where as  '•  De  rebus  gestis  Cortesii "  printed  as  a  "  Vida  de  Cortds,"  and  attributed 
to  C.  Calvet  de  Estrella.  The  recital  of  the  so-called  "  Anonymous  Conqueror,"  held  by 
some  to  be  Francisco  de  Terrazas,  is  translated  from  Ramusio  (the  original  Spanish  is 
not  known),  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  plan  of  Mexico.*  There  is  also  the  letter  from  the 
army  of  Cortes  to  the  Emperor;  and  in  the  second  volume  various  other  papers  interest- 
in-j;  in  connection  with  Cortes'  career,  including  the  memorial  of  Luis  de  C.lrdenas,  etc. 
Two  other  papers  have  been  recognized  as  important.  One  of  these  in  the  first  volume 
is  the  Historia  de  las  Indios  de  Nueva  Espana  cf  Fray  Toribio  Motolinia,  accom- 
panied by  a  Life  of  the  Father  by  Ramirez,  with  a  gathering  of  bibliographical  detail. 
Toril)io  de  Benavente  —  Motohnia  was  a  name  which  he  took  from  a  descripdon  of  him 
by  the  natives  —  had  come  over  witb  the  Franciscans  in  1523.  He  was  a  devoted,  self- 
sacrificing  missionary;  but  he  proved  that  his  work  did  not  quiet  all  the  passions,  for 
he  became  a  violent  opponent  of  Las  Casas'  views  and  measures. ''  His  labors  took  him 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land;  his  assiduity  acquired  for  him  a  large  knowledge 
of  tlic  Aztec  tongue  and  beliefs ;  and  his  work,  besides  describing  institutions  of  this 
,'"ople,  tells  of  the  success  and  methods  secured  or  adopted  by  himself  and  his  com- 
pi.nions  in  eftectmg  their  conversion  to  the  faith  of  the  conquerors.  Robertson  used  a 
manuscript  copy  of  the  work,  and  Obadiah  Rich  procured  a  copy  for  Prescott,  who 
ventured  the  assertion,  when  he  wrote,  that  it  had  so  little  of  popular  interest  that  it 
uinild   never  probably  be  printed." 


'  Those  pertaining  to  Cortes  in  vols,  i.-iv. 
of  the  Dociimentos  inedi:os  (Es/iatia)  had  already 
appeared.  Marrissc,  AVW.  Amer.  T.'/.,  pp.  213- 
215,  enumerates  the  manuscripts  which  had  1)cen 
collected  by  Prescott.  Clavigero  had  given 
accounts  of  the  collections  in  the  Vatican,  .at 
\'i'  una,  and  of  those  01  lioturini,  etc. 

-  S.abin,  vol.  x.\.  no.  34,153.  In  the  Intro- 
duction to  both  vohnncs  Icazbalceta  discusses 
learnedly  the  authorship  of  the  various  |)apcrs, 
ami  niaUes  note  of  considerable  bibliographical 


detail.  The  edition  was  three  hundred  copies, 
with  twelve  on  large  pajier. 

3  Vol.  i.  281  ;  sec  also  ante,  p.  215. 

•■  Vol.  i.  368.  This  plan  is  given  on  an  ear- 
lier page.  Cf.  Dancroft,  Early  Ameriavi  Chro- 
niclers., p.  15. 

''  See  chap.  v.  p.  343. 

0  Mexico,  ii.  96.  \  part  of  it  was  printed 
in  the  Docitmcntos  iiiiditos  as  "  Ritos  antiques 
.  .  .  de  las  Indias."  Cf  Kingsborough,  vol. 
ix. 


I'    ! 


1 


11^ 


Hi 


\\ 


398 


^NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'0 


ly 


Bancroft'  calls  the  Relacion  of  Andres  de  Tdpia  one  of  tiie  most  valuable  documenis 
of  the  early  parts  of  the  Conquest.  It  ends  with  tiie  capture  of  Narvaez;  recounting 
the  antecedent  events,  however,  with  "uneven  completeness."  It  is  written  warmly  in  the 
interests  of  Cortds.  Icazbalceta  got  wiiat  seemed  to  be  the  original  from  the  Library  (if 
the  Academy  of  History  in  Madrid,  and  printed  it  in  his  second  volume  (p.  554).  It 
was  not  known  to  Prescott,  who  quotes  it  at  se    nd  hand  in  Gomara.'- 

The  next  most  important  collection  is  that  published  in  Mexico  from  1852  to  1857.1 
under  the  general  title  of  Documentos  para  la  historia  dc  Mt'xico.  This  collection  of 
four  series,  reckoned  variously  in  nineteen  or  twenty-one  volumes,  is  chiefly  derived 
from  Mexican  sources,  and  is  largely  illustrative  of  the  history  of  northwestern  Mexico, 
and  in  general  concerns  Mexican  history  of  a  period  posterior  to  the  Conquest. 

There  have  been  two  important  series  of  documents  published  and  in  part  unearthed 
by  Josd  Fernando  Ramirez,  who  became  Minister  of  State  under  Maximilian.  The  first 
of  these  is  the  testimony  at  the  examination  of  the  charges  which  were  brought  against 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  some  of  those  made  in  respect  to  Nufio  de  Guzman,  —  Procesos  ,ie 
residcncia*  which  was  published  in  Mexico  in  1847  ;5  the  other  set  of  documents  pertain 
to  the  trial  of  Cortds  himself.  Such  of  these  as  were  found  in  the  Mexican  Archive.s 
•vere  edited  by  Ignacio  L.  Rayon  under  the  title  of  Archivo  Mexicano ;  Documenios  fai a 
la  historia  de  Mexico,  and  published  in  the  city  of  Mexico  in  1852-1853,  in  two  volumes. 
At  a  later  aay  (1867-1868)  Ramirez  discovered  in  the  Spanish  Archives  other  considerable 
portions  of  the  same  trial,  and  these  have  been  printed  in  the  Coleccion  de  documentos 
inMitos  de  las  Indias,  vols,  xxvi.-xxix. 

The  records  of  the  municipality  of  Mexico  date  from  March  8,  1524,  and  chronicle 
for  a  long  time  the  sessions  as  held  in  Cortds'  house ;  and  are  particularly  interesting, 
as  Bancroft  says,'  after  1524,  when  we  no  longer  have  Cortds'  own  letters  to  follow,  down 
to  1529.  Harrisse  has  told  us  what  he  found  in  the  repositories  of  Italy,  particularly  at 
Venice,  among  the  letters  sent  to  the  Se'  ite  during  this  period  by  the  Venetian  ambas- 
sadors at  Madrid.'  Three  volumes  have  far  been  published  of  p  Coleccion  de  docu- 
mentos para  la  historia  de  Costa-Rica  at  San  Josd  de  Costa-Rica,  under  the  editing  of 
Le<5n  Fernilndez,  which  have  been  drawn  from  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  and  from 
the  repositories  in  Guatemala.  A  few  letters  of  Alvarado  and  other  letters  of  the 
Conquest  period  are  found  in  the  Coleccion  de  documetitos  antiguous  de  GuatemaLi 
published  at  Guatemala  in  1857.* 

No  more  voluminous  contributor  to  the  monographic  and  documentary  history  of 
Mexico  can  be  named  than  Carlos  Maria  de  Bustamante.  There  will  be  occasion  in  other 
connections  to  dwell  upon  particular  publications,  and  some  others  are  of  little  interest 
to  us  at  present,  referring  to  periods  as  late  as  the  present  century.  Bustamante 
was  a  Spaniard,  but  he  threw  himself  with  characteristic  energy  into  a  heated  advo- 


I 


■11 


S  M  • 


'  Mexico,  i.  405. 
"^  Prescott,  McxicOy  ii.  147. 
3  S.nbiii,  vol.  i.\.  nos.  34,154-34,156  ;  Quaritch, 
Ratnircz  Collection  ( 18S0),  no.  89,  ]iriced  it  at  ;^40. 

*  This  institution  is  clearly  defined  by  Helps, 
iii.  141.     Cf.  Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  250. 

*  Prescott,  Mexico,  ii.  272;  V,M\croil,  Mexico, 
''•  373;  Murphy  Catalos^ne,  no.  2,092;  Pinart- 
Prassenr  Cata/o^'iie,  no.  770.  The  Ijook  has 
a  portrait  of  Alvarado,  and  is  enriched  with 
notes  by  Ramirez.  The  inaniiscri]n  of  the 
charges  against  Alvarado  was  discovered  in 
1S46  among  some  supjiosed  waste-papers  in 
the  Mexican  Archives  which  the  licentiate, 
Ignacio  Rayon,  w.is  then  examining  (Bancroft, 
Centra/  America,  ii.  104). 


'  Mexico,  ii.  9.  Bancroft  says  he  uses  ii 
copy  made  from  one  which  escaped  the  fire 
that  destroyed  so  much  in  1692,  and  which  l)e- 
longed  to  the  Ma.ximilian  Collection.  Quarilch 
offered,  a  few  years  since,  as  from  the  Raniiixv. 
Collection,  for  /'175,  the  Acts  of  the  Muiiii  i- 
pality  of  Mexico,  1 524-1564,  in  six  manuscript 
volumes.  Bancroft  {Mexico,  iii.  50S,  etc.),  enu- 
merates the  sources  of  a  later  period. 

"  Bifil.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  \t.  xxxiv. 

8  There  appeared  in  1S82,  in  two  volumes, 
in  the  Bihlioteca  de  los  Americanistas,  a  Historui 
de  Guatemala  6  recordacion  Florida  escrita  el 
■':ijilo  XVIT  for  it  Capitdn  D.  Francisco  Antonio 
de  Fucntes  y  Guzman  .  .  .  tublica  par  pri»u<o 
z'cz  con  notas  e  ilustracione.i  D,  Jiisto  Zara^oza. 


*^ 


CORTES   AND    HIS   COMPANIONS. 


399 


racy  of  national  Mexican  feelings ;  ar'l  this  warmly  partisan  exhibition  of  himself  did 
much  toward  rendering  the  gathering  of  his  scattered  writings  very  difficult,  in  view  of 
the  enemies  whom  he  made  and  of  their  ability  to  suppress  obnoxious  publications  when 
tiiey  came  into  power.  Most  of  these  works  date  from  i8i2  to  1850,  and  when  collected 
make  nearly  or  quite  fifty  volumes,  though  frequently  bound  in  fewer.'  The  completest  list, 
however,  is  probably  that  included  in  the  enumeration  of  authorities  prefixed  by  Bancroft  to 
his  Central  America  and  Mexuj,  which  shows  not  only  the  printed  works  of  Bustamante, 
hut  also  the  autograph  originals,  —  which,  Bancroft  says,  contain  much  not  in  the  published 
works.*  Indeed,  these  lists  show  an  extremely  full  equipment  ot  the  manuscript  docu- 
mentary stores  relating  to  the  whole  period  of  Mexican  history,^  including  a  copy  of  the 
Archivo general  de  Mexico,  as  well  as  much  from  the  catalogues  of  Josd  Maria  Andrade 
and  Jost5  Fernando  Ramirez,  records  of  the  early  Mexican  councils,  and  much  else  of  an 
ecclesiastical  and  missionary  character  not  yet  put  in  print.* 


,  I   ' 


,\      » 


ntary  history  of 

occasion  in  other 

of  little  interest 

ry.      Bustamante 

a  heated  advo- 


'  Quaritch  in  his  Catalogue,  no.  321,  sub 
I  i,So7,  shows  a  collection  of  forty-seven  for  £y:>, 
apparently  the  Ramirez  Collection.  Cf.  Sabin, 
vol.  iii.  no.  9,567,  etc. 

2  Afi-xico,  vol.  i.  p.  viii. 

*  Indeed,  the  footnotes  of  Prescott  are 
me.igre  by  comparison.  The  enumeration  of  the 
manuscript  sources  on  the  Conquest  given  in 
Cliarton's  Voyageurs,  iii.  420,  shows  what  pro- 
vision of  this  sort  was  most  to  be  depended  on 
thirty  years  ago.  There  is  a  set  of  nine  folios  in 
Harvard  College  Library,  gathered  by  Lord 
Kingsborough,  called  Documentos  para  el  histo- 
ria  .  '■  Mexico  y  Peru.  It  includes  some  manu- 
scripts ;  but  they  are  all  largely,  perhaps  wholly, 
of  a  later  period  than  the  Conquest. 

<  Quaritch,  who  in  his  Catalogue  of  1870  (no. 
259,  sub  376)  advertised  for  ;^i05  the  original 
manuscripts  of  three  at  least  of  these  councils 
(1555,  1565,  1585),  intimates  that  they  never 
were  returned  into  the  Ecclesiastical  Archives 
.ifter  Lorenzana  had  used  them  in  preparing 
an  edition  of  the  Proceedings  of  these  Councils. 
which  he  published  in  1769  and  1770, —  Concilios 
/•roriiiiiai:!  de  Mexico,  —  though  in  the  third,  and 
perhaps  in  the  first,  he  had  translated  app.arently 
his  text  from  the  Latin  published  versions.  Ban- 
croft describes  these  manuscripts  in  his  Mexico, 
ii.  685.  The  Acts  of  the  First  Council  had  been 
printed  (1556)  before  Lorenzana;  but  the  book 
was  suppressed,  and  the  Acts  of  the  Third  Coun- 
cil had  been  printed  in  1622  in  Mexico,  and  in 
1725  at  Paris.  The  Acts  of  the  Third  also  a])- 
pearcd  in  1S59  „t  Mexico  with  other  documents. 
The  readiest  source  for  the  English  reader  of 
the  history  of  the  measures  for  the  conversion  of 
the  Indians  and  for  the  relation  of  the  Church  to 
the  civil  authorities  in  New  .Spain  are  sundry 
chapters  (viii.,  xix.,  etc.)  in  Bancroft's  Central 
America,  and  others  (ix.,xix.,  xxxi.,  xxxii.)  in  his 
Mexico.  (Cf.  references  in  Harrisse,  Bil't.  Anier. 
'  1/.,  p.  209.)  The  leading  .Spanish  authorities 
■ire  Torobio  Motolinia,  Mendicta,  .and  Torque- 
niada,  all  characterized  elsewhere.  Alonso  Fer- 
iLiiulez'   Ilistoria  eclcsidstica  ile  niiestros  ticmpos 


(Toledo,  161 1)  is  full  in  elucidation  of  the  live"  of 
the  friars  and  of  their  study  of  the  native  tongues. 
(Cf.  Rich,  1832,  JTl  2S.;  Qu.aritch,  1870,  £Si 
Bancroft,  Mexico,  ii.  190.)  Gil  Gonzales  Davila'j 
Teairo  eclesidstico  de  la  primitiva  Iglesia  de  las 
Indias  (Madrid,  1649-1655)  is  more  important 
and  rarer  (Quaritch,  1870,  ;^8  8^. ;  Rosenthal,. 
Munich,  1884,  for  150  marks;  Bancroft,  yJ/z-j-zVo, 
ii.  189).  Of  Las  Casas  and  his  efforts,  see  the 
preceding  chapter  in  the  pi^-sent  volume. 

The  Orders  of  friars  are  made  the  subject  of 
special  treatment  in  Bancroft's  Mexico.  The 
Franciscans  were  the  earliest  to  arrive,  coming, 
in  response  to  the  wish  of  Cortes,  in  1524. 
There  are  various  histories  of  their  labors, — 
Francisco  Gonzaga's  De  origiiie  seraphicte  reli- 
gionis  Franciscatia;,  Rome,  1587  (Carter-Brown, 
i.  372) ;  sections  of  Torquemada  and  the  fourth 
part  of  Vet.ancour's  Teatro  Mexicano,  Mexico,. 
1697-1698;  Francisco  Vasquez'  Chronica  .  .  . 
de  Guatemala,  1714;  Espinosa's  C/ironica  apos- 
tolica,  1746  (S.abin,  vi.  239;  Carter-Brown,  iii. 
827),  etc.  Of  the  Dominicans  we  h.ive  Antonio- 
de  Remesal's  Ifistoria  de  la  S.  J'iiiceiit  de  Chyapa, 
Madrid,  1619  (Bancroft,  Central  America,  ii.  339, 
736),  and  Davilla  Pidilla"s  Santiago  de  Mexico,. 
mentioned  in  the  text.  Of  the  Augustinian  fri- 
ars there  is  Juan  de  Grijalva's  Cronica,  Mexico, 
1624.  Of  the  books  on  the  Jesuits  who  came 
late  (1571,  etc.),  there  is  a  note  in  B.incroft's 
Mexico,  iii.  447,  showing  as  of  chief  importance 
Francisco  de  Florencia's  Compania  de  Jesus 
(Mexico,  1694),  while  the  subject  was  taken  up 
under  the  same  title  by  Francisco  Javier  Alegre, 
who  told  the  story  of  their  missions  from  1566 
in  Florida  to  1765.  Tlic  manuscript  of  this 
work  was  not  printed  till  Bu.stainante  edited 
it  in   1841. 

The  legend  or  belief  in  our  Lady  of  Guada- 
lupe gives  a  picturcsciue  and  significant  coloring 
to  the  history  of  missions  in  Mexico,  since  from 
the  day  of  her  apparition  the  native  wor.ship,  it 
is  said,  steadily  declined.  It  is  briefly  thus:  In 
1 531  a  native  who  had  received  a  baptismal 
name  of  Juan  Diego,  passing  a  hill  neighboring 


t"' 


!H 


400 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


u  ; 


0£  particular  value  for  the  documents  which  it  includes  is  the  Historia  de  la/undacwn 
y  (iisciirso  dc  la  provincia  de  Stintia^^o  dc  Mt'xico,  de  la  orden  de  predicadores,  por  lax 
vidas  de  sus  varoites  insi^nes y  casos  notables  de  Xiieva  Espafla,  published  in  Madrid  in 
1596.'  The  author,  DaviUa  Padilla,  was  born  in  Mexico  in  1562  of  good  stock ;  he  be- 
came a  Dominic.m  in  1579,  and  died  in  1604.  His  opportunities  tor  gathering  niati.ri,il 
were  good,  and  he  has  amassed  a  useful  store  of  information  regarding  the  contact  of 
the  Spanish  and  tiie  Indians,  and  »he  evidences  of  the  national  traits  of  the  natives.  Ills 
book  has  another  interest,  in  that  .ve  find  in  it  the  earliest  mention  of  the  establishnieiit 
of  a  press  in  Mexico.- 


I 


to  tlic  city  of  Mexico,  was  confronted  by  a 
railiant  being  who  annonnccd  herself  as  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  wlio  said  that  slie  wished  a 
church  to  be  Imilt  on  the  spot.  The  native's 
story,  as  he  told  't  to  the  lUsho]),  was  discred- 
ited, until  some  persons  sent  to  follow  the  Indian 
saw  him  disappear  unaccountably  from  sight. 

It  was  now  thought  that  witchcraft  more 
than  a  heavenly  interposition  was  the  cause, 
until,  again  confronting  the  ajjparition,  Diego 
was  bidden  to  take  some  roses  which  the  T.ady 
had  handled  and  carry  them  in  his  mantle  to 
the  Bishop,  who  would  recognize  them  as  a 
sign.  When  the  garment  was  unrolled,  the  fig- 
ure of  the  Virgin  was  found  painted  in  its  folds, 
and  the  sign  was  accepted.  A  shrine  was  soon 
erected,  as  the  Lady  had  wished ;  and  here  the 
holy  effigy  was  sacredly  guarded,  until  it  found 
a  resting-jjlace  in  what  is  thought  to  be  the 
richest  chinch  in  Mexico,  erected  between  1695 
and  1709;  and  there  it  still  is.  It  has  been  at 
times  subjected  to  some  ecclesiastical  scrutiny, 
and  there  have  been  some  scejjtics  and  cavillers. 
Cf.  Bancroft,  Mexico,  ii.  407,  and  authorities 
there  cited.  Lorenzana  in  his  dvtiis  pastorales 
{1770)  has  given  a  minute  account  of  the  paint- 
ing (Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  no.  1,749;  Sabin, 
vol.  xii.  no.  56,199;  and  the  Colecsioit  de  ol>ras 
ferteiiecieiilcs  a  la  milagiosa  abandon  de  A'liestra 
Sefiora  de  Guadalupe). 

'  Carter-Brown,  i.  496;  Bancroft,  Mexico,  iii. 
723.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Library.  There  were  later  editions  at  lirussels 
in  1635  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  300;  Stevens,  Histori- 
cal Collection,  i.  177),  and  again  at  Valladolid  in 
1634  as  V'aria  historia  de  la  Niieva  Espana  y 
Florida,  scgiiiida  impresioii  (Carter-Brown,  ii. 
412). 

-  We  read  in  the  1596  edition  (p.  670)  that 
one  Juan  Pablos  was  the  first  printer  in  Mexico, 
who  printed,  as  early  as  1535,  a  religious  manual 
of  Saint  John  Climachus.  The  book,  however,  is 
not  now  known  (Sabin,  vi.  229),  and  there  is  no 
indisputable  evidence  of  its  former  existence ; 
though  a  similar  story  is  told  iiy  Alonzo  Fer- 
nandez in  his  Ilisloria  eclesidstica  (Toledo,  i6ir), 
and  by  Clll  Gonzales  Davila  in  his  Tcatro  cclc- 
siastico  (Madrid,  1649), — who  gives,  however,  the 
date  as  1532.  The  Teatro  is  of  further  interest 
for  the  map   of  the  diocese  of  Michoacan  and 


for  the  arms  of  the  different  dioceses.  It  is 
in  two  volumes,  and  is  worth  from  thirty  to  forty 
dollars. 

The  subject  of  early  i)rinting  in  Mexico  li.is 
been  investigated  by  Icazbalceta  in  the  Duci.'h. 
ario  universal  de  historia  y  de  geo^rajia,  v.  9(11 
(published  in  Mexico  in  1S54),  where  he  gives  a 
list  of  Mexican  imprints  prior  to  lOoo  (Carter- 
Ihown,  i.  129,  130).  A  similar  list  is  given  in 
connection  with  an  examination  of  the  subject 
by  Ilarrisse  in  his  />'//'/.  Aiuer.  I'et.,  no.  232. 
Mr.  John  Russell  Bartlett  gives  another  list 
(1540  to  1600)  in  the  Carter- Brown  Cat(d,\:^'iic. 
i.  131,  and  offers  other  essays  on  the  subjett  ni 
the  Historical  Mai;azine,  November,  1S5S,  and 
February,  1865,  and  again  in  the  new  edition  of 
Thomiis's //istory  0/  Pri/itinj;  (Worcester,  1875), 
i.  365,  appendix. 

The  earliest  remaining  example  of  the  fir.^t 
Mexican  press  which  we  have  is  a  fragmentary 
copy  of  the  Manual  de  adultos  of  Crisi{)l)al 
Cabrera,  which  was  originally  discovered  in  I  he 
Library  of  Toledo,  whence  it  disappeared,  to  he 
again  discovered  by  Gayangos  on  a  London 
bookstall  in  1870.  It  is  supposed  to  have  con- 
sisted of  thirty-eight  leaves,  and  the  jirinted  date 
of  Dec.  13,  1540,  is  given  on  one  of  the  leaves 
which  remain  {Bil'l.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  232 ;  Addi- 
tions, no.  123,  with  fac-similes,  of  which  a  \ux\. 
is  given  in  the  Carter-Brown  Calalof^ue,  i.  131). 
llarri.sse,  perhaps,  is  in  error,  as  Quaritch  aliirius 
(A'amirez  Collection,  1880,  no.  339),  in  assigning 
the  same  date,  1540,  to  an  edition  of  the  JJa- 
triita  Christiana  found  by  him  at  Toledo;  and 
•there  seem  to  have  been  one  or  two  other  books 
issued  by  Crombergcr  (Catalogue  Andrade,\\oi. 
2,366,  2,367,  2,369,  2,477)  before  we  come  to  an 
acknowledged  edition  of  the  Doctrina  Cm- 
tiana  — which  for  a  long  time  was  held  to  be  the 
earliest  Mexican  imprint  — with  the  date  of  1544- 
It  is  a  small  volume  of  sixty  pages,  "impnssa 
en  Mej.ico,  en  casa  de  Juan  Cromberger  "  (  Rii  h, 
1832,  no.  14;  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,777;  Carter- 
Brown,  i.  134,  with  fac-similes  of  title  ;  Bivk- 
worm,  1S67,  p.  114;  Quaritch,  no.  T,2\,sub  12,551). 
Of  the  same  date  is  Dionisio  Richel's  Comfeii- 
dio  lircve  que  tracta  a'  la  manera  de  coma  se  hi  de 
luizer  las processiones,  also  printed,  as  the  earlier 
one  was,  by  command  of  Bishop  Zumarraga, 
this  time  with  a  distinct  date,  —  "  Afio  de  M  l>- 


'  'ill 


X  I 


CORTfiS    AND    HIS    COMPANIONS. 


401 


One  of  the  earliest  of  the  modern  collections  of  documents  antl  c.uiy  nionogra|)lis  is 
the  llistoriadorcs  (>iiiiiitivo.<s  tie  las  Iiuihis  occidcntaUs  ol  Aiulres  Gonzales  de  liarcia 
Carljallido  y  Zuniga  (Ixnown  usually  as  IJarcia),  published  at  Madrid  in  1749  in  three  vol- 
umes folio,  and  enriciiedwitli  the  editor's  notes.  Tiie  sections  were  publisiied  separately; 
:ind  it  was  not  till  after  the  editor's  death  (1743)  that  tliey  were  grouped  and  put  out 
collectively  willi  the  .diove  distinctive  title.  In  tliis  form  the  collection  is  rare,  and  it  has 
lieen  stated  that  not  over  one  or  two  nundred  copies  were  so  gathered.' 

First  among  all  documents  respecting  the  Conquest  are  the  letters  sent  by  Cortes 
himself  to  the  Emperor :  and  of  these  a  somewhat  detailed  bibliographical  account  is 
given  in  the  Notes  following  this  Essay,  as  well  as  an  examination  of  the  corrective  value 
of  certain  other  contemporaneous  and  later  writers. 


xliiij."  A  copy  which  belonged  to  the  Emperor 
M.iximilian  was  sold  in  tlie  Aiidrade  sale  (no. 
2,667),  and  .igain  in  the  Drinlcy  sale  (no.  5,317). 
(Iii.iriich  priced  Ramirez'  copy  in  18.80  at  £,'-fi. 

The  lists  .ibove  referred  to  show  eight  separate 
issues  of  the  Mexican  press  before  1545.  Icaz- 
halceta  puts,  under  154S,  the  Doctriua  en  Mexi- 
iiiito  as  the  earliest  instance  known  of  a  book 
printed  in  the  native  tongue.  Up  to  1563,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  vocabularies  and  gram- 
mars of  the  languages  of  the  country,  of  the  less 
than  forty  books  which  are  known  to  us,  nearly 
all  arc  of  a  theological  or  devotional  character. 
In  that  year  (1663)  Vasco  dc  Puga's  Collection 
of  Laws — J^rofisioncs,  ccJiilas,  instrucciones  de  su 


^lufiGltki/^' 


Miijestiid — was  printed  (Quaritch,  Ramirez  Col- 
lection, iSSo,  no.  236,  ^30).  Falkenstein  in  his 
Geschiclite  der  Buchdruckerknnst  (Leipsic,  1S40) 
has  alleged,  following  Pinclo  and  others,  that  a 
Collection  of  Laws —  Ordinationes  Ixiinnjuc  col- 
lectiones —  was  printed  in  1649;  but  the  existence 
of  such  a  book  is  denied.  Cf.  Thomas,  History 
of  2'rinting,  I.  372;  Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet., 
no.  2S8. 

'  Quaritch,  Ramirez  Collection  (i8So),  no.  28, 
;^IS;  Sabin,  vol.  I.  no.  3,349;  Carter-Hrown, 
Hi.  893;  Rich,  ^/W.  Nova  Amer.  (1835),  p.  95; 
Stevens,  Dibliotheca  historica,  no.  126;  Leclerc, 
no.  50,  —  400 francs;  Field, /"<//ii«  Bibliography, 
no.  79. 


I     )'■ 


\^ 


1' 


i     '■  -* 


VOL.   11. 


SI 


1  i! 


ill 


402 


NAKKATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF    AMERICA 


N  O  T  K  S. 


1^ 


A.  Till:  Letfers  of  CortAs.—  I.  The  Lost 
First  Letter,  Jiiiy  lo,  1519.  Tlii;  sciks  of  letters 
wliieh  CortOs  sliu  to  tliu  Kinpcror  is  siipposcil 
lo  Ikivc  begun  Willi  one  dalcil  at  \erii  Cni/.  in 
July,  1519,  wliicli  is  now  lo.st,  liut  wliiiJi  li.ncia 
and  Wilson  suppose  to  liave  been  sui)piesscil 
by  the  Couneil  of  tlio  Indies  at  llic  iciiuest  of 
Nnrvaez.  There  are  coiUeniporaneous  refei- 
enees  to  show  that  it  once  existed.  Cortes  him- 
self mentions  it  in  Ills  seeond  letter,  and  liernal 
Uiaz  implies  thai  it  was  not  shown  by  Cortes  lo 
his  companions.  Goniar.i  mentions  it,  and  is 
thought  to  give  its  purport  in  brief.  Thinking 
that  Charles  \'.  may  have  carried  it  to  Cermanv, 
Kobertsun  caused  the  Vienna  Archives  lo  be 
searched,  but  wilhcnit  avail;  though  it  has  been 
the  belief  that  this  lellor  existed  there  at  one 
time,  and  another  sent  with  it  is  known  to  be  in 
those  Archives.  I'rescott  caused  thorough  ex- 
aminations of  the  repositories  of  London,  Paris, 
and  Madrid  to  be  made,  —  equally  without 
result. 

Fortunately  the  same  vessel  took  two  other 
letters,  one  of  which  we  have.  This  was  ad- 
dressed by  the  jiisticia  y  rci^imicuto  of  I,a  Villa 
Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz,  and  was  dated  July  10, 
1519.  It  was  discovered,  by  Robertson's  .igency, 
in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna.  It  rehearses 
the  discoveries  of    Cilrdoba  and  Ciijalva,   and 


sustains  the  views  of  Cortes,  who  charged  Vcb* 
(juc/.  with  being  inconiputent  and  dish0nc.1l, 
This  klter  is  sometimes  eounteil  as  the  lii-i 
of  the  series  ;  tor  though  it  was  not  written  In 
Cortes,  he  is  thought  to  have  inspired  it.' 

The  other  letter  is  known  only  through  the 
use  of  it  which  contemporary  writers  majr. 
It  was  from  some  of  tlie  leading  companions  in 
arms  of  Cortes,  who,  while  they  praised  lliclr 
commander,  had  sometliing  to  say  of  ollieis 
not  (piite  to  the  satlsfacllon  of  Cortes.  The 
Conipieror,  it  is  intimated,  intrigued  to  prevent 
its  reaching  the  Emperor,  —  which  may  accuunt 
for  its  loss.  LasCasas  andTapia  both  nientlon 
it.- 

liesidc  the  account  given  in  Gomara  uf 
Cortes'  early  life  and  his  doings  in  the  New 
World  up  to  the  time  of  his  leaving  Cuba  In 
1519,  there  is  a  contemporary  narrative,  quite  in 
Cortes'  interest,  of  unknown  authorship,  which 
was  found  by  Mufio/.  at  Siniaucas.'  The  I,;ilin 
version  is  called  "  De  rebus  gestis  Ferdlnaiull 
Corlesii;"  but  it  is  called  "  Vida  de  Hcrnan 
Cortes  "  in  the  Sjianish  rendering  which  is  given 
by  Icazbalceta  in  his  Coleccioit  de  lioetiiiieiitos,  i. 

A  publication  of  Peter  Martyr  at  Basle  in 
1521  is  often  taken  as  a  substitute  for  the  lost 
first  epistle  of  Cortes.     This  is  the  De  iiu/'cr  luh 


)  il| 


1  Navarrete  first  printed  it  in  his  Coleccion,  i.  421 ;  It  was  included  also  in  N'cdia's  Historiadores /■rimithos 
de  liulias  (Madrid,  1S52) ;  and  Gayangos,  in  his  Cartas  de  Hernan  Cortes  (Paris,  1S66)  does  not  hesitate  lo  let 
it  stand  for  the  first  letter,  while  he  also  annotates  it.  It  is  likcwiss  printed  in  the  liU'ikiteea  de  aulons 
Esfaiiolcs,  vol.  xxii.,  and  by  Alaman  in  his  Disertaekmes  sohre  la  hisloria  de  la  Keful'lica  Mejkana,  vol.  i., 
appendix,  with  a  sketch  of  the  expedition.  Cf.  I'rescott's  Mexico,  i.  360,  iii.  42S ;  H.  H.  Uancroft's  Mexieo,  i. 
i6g. 

"  Bancroft,  jl/c.v/Vo,  i.  i;o.  It  is  supposed  that  still  a  third  letter  went  at  the  same  time,  which  is  now 
known  to  us.  Three  letters  of  this  time  were  found  in  1S66  among  some  old  account-books  in  a  library  sold 
in  .\uslria.  Two  of  them  proved  to  bo  written  in  iSjiain  uixm  the  news  of  Cortes'  discoveries,  while  one  w.is 
written  by  a  companion  of  Cortes  shortly  after  the  landing  on  the  Mexican  coast,  but  is  not  seemingly  .111 
orisinal,  for  it  is  written  in  ("lerman.  and  the  heading  runs:  Neivzcit  -aie  iiiiiisers  allcr-g>iadii;istn  lierii  <:\s 
h'cmise/in  iind  /irsfaeiiiscfin  Koiii)ii;s!eiit  Ain  Costlichc  Ncu-e  LannJscliafft  habn  gefiiiidii,  and  bears  il.ite 
June  28,  1519.  There  are  some  contradictions  in  it  to  tlie  received  accounts  ;  but  these  are  less  important  tli.in 
the  mistake  of  a  modern  l'"rench  transl.itor.  who  was  not  aware  of  the  application  of  the  name  of  Yucatan,  ;it 
tliat  time,  to  a  long  extent  of  coast,  and  who  supposed  the  letters  referred  to  Grijalva's  expedition.  '1  lie 
oriKinal  text,  with  a  modern  German  and  French  version,  appears  in  a  sniiill  edition  (thirty  copies)  wliitli 
Frederic  MuUer,  of  Amsterdam,  printed  from  the  original  manuscript  (cf.  his  Books  on  Aiiieriea,  1S72,  110. 
1,144;  "877,  no.  2,2<)(-i,  priced  .at  120  florins)  under  the  title  of  Trois  Icttres  siir  la  dieoiivcrte  de  Yticatai:, 
Amsterdam,  1S71  (Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  66;  Muller,  Books  on  Amcriea,  1877,  no.  2,296;  C.  H.  Berciidl 
in  Amcriean  Bililiofolist,  July  and  August,  1S72  ;  Murphy,  no.  2.795). 

One  of  the  news-sheets  of  the  time,  circulated  in  Europe,  is  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Berlin. 
A  photo-lithographic  fac-simile  w.as  published  (one  hundred  copies)  at  Berlin  in  1S73.  It  is  called:  A'<.iii 
ZcittiiHg,  von  dcm  landc.  das  die  Sf'onier  fiindcn  haben  ym  1521.  tare  genant  lucatan.  It  is  a  small  qu:uiu 
m  gothic  type,  of  four  unnumlKred  leaves,  with  a  woodcut.  Cf.  Bibl,  Amer.  yet.,  no.  70,  with  fac-siu.ii; 
of  title ;  Carter-Brown,  i.  69  ;  Muller  (1S77),  no.  3,503  ;  Subolewski,  no.  4,153.  , 

3  Prescott  used  a  copy  taken  from  Munoz'  transcript. 

*  Cf.  Prescott,  Alexieo,  i.  262 ;  Bancroft,  Mexuo,  i.  72. 


'  r 


COKTES    AM)    HIS    COMI'AN'IONS. 


403 


il^^^5^SdE^s^^t!6^^ 


t 


t',^  ' 


\ie^m^^m^fmmisimmsmmm^ms^^&s^s^ 


D.  Ciinh  rcpcrlts  iiisulis  .  .  .  Petri  Afaytyn's 
cihkirii/ioii,  which  gives  a  narrative  of  the  ex- 
peditions of  Grijalva  and  Cortes,  as  a  sort  of 
Mipplenicnt  to  what  Peter  Martyr  had  written  on 
'.he  affairs  of  the  Indies  in  his  Three  Decades. 
It  was  afterward  included  in  his  Basle  edition 
of  1533  and  in  the  Paris  Extniict  of  1532.^ 

Harrisse  -  points  out  an  allusion  to  the  c.\- 
])edition  of  Cortes  and  a  description  of  those 
of  Cordoba  and  drijalva,  in  Ein  Aiuzitg  ettli<-he>- 
Scudhricff ,  .  ,  von  wegot  cincr  new  c;ef linden 
Inselii,  published  at  Nuremberg  in  March,  I  520  ;■' 
.ind  llarrisse  supposes  the  information  is  de- 
rived from  Peter  Martyr.*     Bancroft    points  out 


a  mere  reference   in  a  publication  of   1522,— 
Translalioniiss  hispunisiher  Sptwcit,  etc. 

11.  The  Second  Letter,  Oct.  30,  1520.  We 
possess  four  early  editions  of  this,  —  two  Spanish 
(1,  2)  and  one  Latin  (3),  and  one  Italian  (4). 

1.  The  earliest  Spanish  edition  was  published 
at  Seville  Nov.  8, 1522,  as  Carta  de  relaeio,  having 
twenty  eight  leaves,  in  gothic  type." 

2.  The  second  Spanish  edition,  Carta  de  rela- 
cion,  was  printed  at  Saragossa  in  1524.  It  is  in 
gothic  letter,  twenty-eight  leaves,  and  has  a  cut 
of  Cortes  before  Charles  V.  and  his  Court,  of 
which  a  reduced  fac-simile  is  herewith  given.'' 


'  Cf.  Stevens,  BilUoihcca  h'tstortca  (1S70).  p.  103;  Historical  Collections,  i.  342;  and  tlic  section  on 
"  i;.uly  Descriptions  of  America  "  in  tlie  present  work. 

-  Bil'l.  Amcr.  Vet. ,  no.  1 70, 

3  S.ibin,  vi.  126  ;  Carter-Brown,  i.  6j. 

■•  liihl.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  105. 

''  Mexico,  i.  54". 

"  Cf.  llarrisse  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  iiS  ;  Carter-Brown,  I.  71 ;  Bnmet,  ii.  310;  Pabin.  vol.  iv.  no.  if',933; 
l'"Isom,  introduction  to  his  edition.  The  Lenox  and  Barlow  libraries  have  most,  if  not  all,  of  tlie  various  early 
tiiilions  of  the  Cortes  letters. 

"  Cf.  .Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  i(i.0'!4,  Carter-Brown,  i.  73;  Brunet,  ii.  311;  BMiotlicca  GrenviUiana.\>.?ii, 
Lid'l.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  120  ;  Ileber,  vol.  vii.  no.  1,884 ;  Ternaux,  no.  27. 


,i  •  \- 


f: 


\y 


404 


NAKRATIVF.    AMI    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA, 


Vv 


'  V 


•o'; 


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P^^On^ci 


gi)' 
t^»0  J)Ar»it 


--#" 


^^JOft, 


CORXfs'   GULF  OF   MEXICO.' 


)M1 


*  i  r/? 


ih,' 


3.  The  first  Latin  edition  was  iiublishcd  in  entitled:  Piachra  Ferdiiiddi  Cortesii  de  iioui 
tolio  at  Nuremberg,  in  August,  15-4,  iu  roman  maris  Oceani  Ilypaiiia  uayratio.  It  was  the 
type,  with    marginal    notes  in  gothic,   and  was     work  of  Pierre  Savorgnanus," 

'  This  fac-simile  follows  the  reproduction  Riven  by  Stevens  m  his  Amokan  Bibliographer,  p.  86,  ami 
in  his  Notes,  etc.,  pi.  iv.  Dr.  Kohl  published  in  the  /.eilsdtri/l  fiir  allj^emeine  ErdkunJe,  neuc  Folge,  vol.  x\., 
a  pajicr  on  the  "  Aeltcste  Oescliichte  dcr  Entdeckung  und  Erforschung  des  Golfs  von  Mexico  durch  & 
Rpanicr  von  1492  bis  1543."  Cf.  al^o  Oscar  I'eschel's  Zeitalttr  dcr  Entdcchuiisen  (1S58),  chap,  vii.,  iiiiri 
Riige's  Gcscliic/ite  dcs  Zcilallcrs  der  Entdccliungcu,  p.  355. 

2  Cf.  Carter-Drown,  i.  Si  ;  Bibl,  Amer.  Vet.,  nos.  iiS,  125;  Brunet,  ii.  312;  Bibliotlieca  Crenvilliaiui, 
p.  166  ;  Huth,  i.  353  i  C.  Fiske  Harris,  Catalogue,  no.  S96;  Cooke  Catalogue,  vol.  iii.  no.  623  ;  Sunderbnl, 
wol.  ii.  no.  3,479 ;  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,947  ;  Panzer,  vii.  466  ;  Menzel,  Bitl.   Hist.,  part  i.  p.  269 ;  Ternaux, 


Cortesii   de  twin 
Hio.      It   was   tlie 


■ographer,  p.  S6,  ami 
neue  Folge,  vol.  x>  ■, 
1  Mexico  durcli  u'k 
1858),  chap,  vii.,  and 

oihtca  Grenvillhiui, 
0.  623  ;  Sunderl.iiiil, 
i.  p.  269 ;  Ternaus, 


■STTTT 


'»S»iU '...*. 


SiiiiuliiJMiil 


m^M^^^^M 


t^'k 


Corrcfuoc  Ji^oua  mario  0ceani^i^ 
fpania  Tlarrano  ejciatimmo.acgnuictifll^ 

moCarolol<.omanoru  Impcratori  fempcr  Augullo.HKfpa 

niaru  A  c  Rcgi  Anno  Domini.  M.  D-XXaranfiijiflai 

In  qua  Contincntur  Plunmjfcicu.ridvdmicarrone 

digna  Circa  cgrcgias  «aru  ,pLMnraru  Vrbrs.fn* 

colaru  mores. pucroru  Sacnfina. «  Rcligiofas 

pcrfonas,  FotifTimuc]?  dc  Cerebri  Ciuuate 

Tcmixnian  Variifcp  illi'>mirabilib9.qus 


Jccetc  mifificc  del'cclabut,p  DoOioxi 
\ti\x  iaguorgr 
Reuen.  D.  loan,  dc  ReucIIes 


iaguorgnanu  Forolulicnfe 


Epifco.  Yicnefis  Scactaiiu 
ex  Hytpano  Idi 
omatcinlaci 
ou  vcrfa 

ANNODni.M.D.XXIIII.KL.Maniir 


Cum  Ctaria.  ft  Priuilegio. 


■^f 


ini.K    OF  Til K    I.AriX    CORTEf.,    I  524.  —  RI'.DUCEP. 

!>■  ,12  ;  Heber,  vol.  vi.  no.  2,.)  15  ami  In.  f|io  ;  Murphy  C.it.ilogue,  no.  f>;(j ;  Stevens,  Aiiicricaii  BiUiOj;ra/'her, 
||.  85.  The  book,  when  it  contains  the  lari;e  fuldini;  plan  (.(  Mexico  and  the  map  of  the  (iiilf  of  Mexico,  is 
worth  about  ,5ioo.  The  pl.an  and  map  are  missing  from  tlie  copy  in  the  liostrn  I'ublic  Library.  [D.  310'. 
;f>,  no.  i]. 


!■ 


%:. 


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0: 


m.i". 


i 


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I 


■ill '"('I 


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Jii 


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ARMS,   ON   THE  REVERSE   OF  TITLE,    OF  THE   LATIN   CORTES,    1 5 24. 


.v: 


^.m 


CORTES   AND    HIS   COMPANIONS. 


407 


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^.; 


\  : 


CLEMENT  Vll, 


4.   The  Italian  edition, /,if/nv7i;r.f  iiiVViitioiie  Tliis  edition  has  a  new  cngravinp;  of  tlic  map 

(ii  I'iidiiuuido  Cortcsc  i/t-lla  Xiioni  Ifis/'tif^ihi  del  in  the  Xuiembcrg  edition,  thongli  (^Hi.iritcli  and 

Mtirc  OiCUHO  .  .  .  per  A'iiolo I.ibnniio  con  JuMtii  others  have  doubted  if  such  a  map  lielongs  to  it. 

.  .  .  tniihltd,   was    printed    at  Venice    in  1524.  I.eclerc  (no.   151)   cluoniclcs    copies   witli    and 

It  follows    the   Latin    version  of   .Savorgnanus,  without  the  nia]).-     -An  abstract  of  the  second 

aiul  includes  also  the  third  letter.  letter  in  Italian,  Xoue  dc  Ic  hole  ct  Term  Fcrma 


I524. 


1  F.ic-siniile  of  a  cut  in  the  I.atin  Cortes  of  1524.  It  was  this  Pope  who  was  so  delighted  with  tlio  Indian 
jugglers  sent  to  Kome  by  Cortes.  The  Conqueror  also  ni.ide  Ilis  Holiness  other  more  substanti.il  supplica- 
tions fur  his  favor,  which  resulted  in  Cortes  receiving  plenary  indulgence  for  his  and  his  companions'  sins 
(I'rescott,  iii.  299). 

-  Cf.  Brunet,  ii.  312.  and  Siifflhiioil,  col.  320;  Carter-Brown,  i.  82,  whicli  shows  a  map  with 
inscriptions  in  Italian  ;  BiM.  Amer.  Vd.,  no.  129  ;  Pinart,  no.  262  ;  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,0;  r  ;  Panzer,  vol.  viii. 
no.  1,248  ;  Court,  nos.  90,  91  ;  Heber,  vol.  vi.  no.  1,002,  and  x.  84S  ;  Walcken.aer,  no.  4.1S7.     There  are  copies 


V,f\ 


I  \ 


I    h     1 


4o8 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


:m 


lil; 


|.^i'-; 


imm 


h  %\ 


.1 


■)'\ 


i/oiiiif/iii/U   tioiiiif,\   had    already  appeared    two 
years  earlier,   in    1522,  at   Milan.' 

There  were  other  eontcmporary  abstracts  of 
this  letter.  .Signiund  Grimm,  of  Angsburg,  is 
said  to  be  the  anthor  of  one,  published  about 
1522  or  1523,  called  Ein  schiiiic  lu-wc  /Ccyluiig, 
io  kayscrUch  Mayestct  miss  IiiJiii  yc/z  mnu/u/i 
znkommcii  seiiid.  It  is  cited  in  liarrissc  and 
the  lUhliotlu'ca  CncnvilUana  ;  and  Tcrnau.x  (no. 
5)  is  thought  to  err  in  assigning  the  date  of  1520 
to  it,  as  if  printed  in  .Vugsburg.  Of  about  the 
same  date  is  another  described  l)y  .Sabin  (vol.  iv. 
no.  16,952)  as  printed  at  .Vntwerp,  and  called 
Ticssacn-c  Impcrialc  <■/  Cat/io/iijuc  Mijrc\th'  .  .  . 
fiis/  iwiivcllcs  iles  marches  ysles  et  Uyrc  ferine 
Oicennes.  This  seems  to  be  based,  according  to 
Brunei,  Sitppleiiieiit,  vol.  i.  col.  320),  on  the  first 
and  second  letters,  beginning  with  the  departure, 
ill  1519,  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  ending  with  the 
death  of  Montczuma.- 

The  second  letter  forms  part  oi  various 
collected  editions,  as  follows  :  — 

In  Spanish.  Bancroft  {A/exiea,  i.  543)  notes 
the  second  and  third  letters  as  being  published 
in  the  Sjianish  ThesSro  de  virtudes  in  1543. 

Barcia's  Historiadores  primitivos  (1749)  ;  also 
edited  by  Enrique  de  Vedia,  Madrid,  1S52-1S53. 

Ifistoria  de  A'/iera  Espaha,  escrita  por  sii  cscla- 
rccido  Conquistador  Hcrnan  Cortes,  aiimentada 
con  olros  docnincntos  y  notas  por  Don  Erancisco 
Antonio  Lorenzana,  arzobispo  de  Mexico,  Mexico, 
1770.  This  important  work,  embracing  the 
second,  third,  and  fourth  letters,  has  a  large  view 
of  the  great  temple  of  ^[e.xico,  a  map  of  New 
.Spain,'  and  thirty-one  plates  of  a  iiieroglyphic 
register  of  the  tributaries  of  Montezuma,  —  the 
same  later  reproduced  in  better  style  bv  Kings- 
boruugh.  l^oienzana  was  born  in  1722,  and 
rising  through  the  g.-.-idations  of  his  Church,  and 
earning  .1  good  name  as  Bishop  of  Puebl.-,,  was 
made  .\rchbishopof  Toledo  shortly  aftc;  he  had 
published  the  book  now  under  consideration. 
Pius  VI.  made  him  a  cardinal  in   1789,  and  he 


died  in  Rome  in  1S04.  Icazbalccta  was  notable 
to  ascertain  whether  the  Bishop  had  liefore  him 
the  original  editions  of  the  letters  or  Barcia's  re- 
print ;  but  he  added  to  the  value  of  his  te.xt  bv 
numerous  annotations.  In  1828  an  imperfect 
reprint  of  this  book,  "a  la  ortografi'a  modern.i," 
was  produced  in  New  York  for  the  .\[exic:iii 
market,  by  Manuel  del  Mar,  under  the  title  d 
Historia  dc  Mejico,^  to  which  a  life  of  Cortds,  bv 
R.  C.  Sands,  was  added.'"'  Icazbalceta  notes 
some  of  the  imperfections  of  this  edition  in  hi~ 
Coteccion,  vol.  i.  p.  xxxv." 

Cartas  y  relaciones  al  Emperador   Carlos   /'., 
colegidas     e    ilnst>adas    por    P.   de     Gayangos. 


^d^^y 


Paris,  1S66.  Besides  the  Cortes  letters,  this  dis- 
tinguished scholar  included  in  this  book  vari- 
ous other  contemporary  documents  relating  to 
the  Conquest,  embracing  letters  sent  to  Cortes' 
lieutenants;  and  he  also  added  an  important 
introduction.  He  included  the  fifth  letter  for 
the  first  time  in  the  series,  and  drew  upon 
the  archives  of  Vienna  and  Simancas  with  ad- 
vantage." 

The  letters  were  again  included  in  the  Bib- 
lioteca  historica  de  la  Iberia  published  at  Mexico 
in  1870. 

In  Latin.  The  second  and  third  letters, 
with  the  account  of  Peter  Martyr,  were  issued 
at  Cologne  in  1532,  with  the  title  De  insulis 
mipcr  inventis,  etc.,  as  shown  in  the  annexed  fac- 
simile of  the  title,  with  its  portrait  of  Charles 
V.  .and  the  escutcheons  of  Spanish  towns  and 
provinces.^ 

In  Erench.  Ilarrisse  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet., 
Additions,  no.  73)  notes  a  French  rendering  of  a 


with  .inother  colophon  {Bib/,  .liner.  Vet.,  no.  1,^0).  connecting  two  printers  with  it, —  Lexona  .and  S,abio.  F.  .'J. 
Ellis.  London,  1SS4  (no.  60).  priced  a  copy  at  -£52  io.f.,  and  Diifosse  (no.  14,184)  at  20c  fr.ancs. 

1  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  I'i.yjo,  and  xiii.  5^1.052  i  Bibl.  Aiiicr.  Vet.,  no.  ng;  Bibliotheca  Grenvilliana^ 
p.  166. 

-  It  is  very  rare,  but  Tross,  of  Paris,  had  a  copy  in  his  hands  in  1866. 

^  Annexed  herewith  in  fac-siniile. 

^  Cf.  .\r.ina.  BibHogyafia  dc  obras  aiwiiimas  (1SS2)  no.  244. 

5  Cf.  the  notice  of  Cortes  in  R.  C.  .'^.inds's  Writings,  vol.  i. 

0  The  original  edition  of  I.orcnz.ina  is  usually  priced  at  ?[o  to  ?2o.  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  nos. 
1^1. O^S.  i6.nw,  and  vol.  x.  p.  4''}2  ;  II.  H.  liancroft,  .^fc.\■ico.  iii.  -578  (with  a  sketch  of  Lorenzana) ;  Fininct, 
.'^iif'f'lciiicnt,\.  ■>,2i :  Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  no.  1,750;  Leclerc,  no.  i;;;  Soljolcwski,  no.  3,767;  F.  S.  Ellis 
(18S4),  ,C2  2.f. 

"  Sabin,  vol.  Iv.  no.  16.0.12.  ri.incroft  (.\fcxiiO,  i.  540).  speaking;  of  Hayangos'  edition,  says:  "  Altlioii!;li 
a  few  of  Lorenzana's  blunders  find  correction,  others  are  committed  :  and  the  notes  of  tlie  archbishop  are 
adopted  without  credit  and  without  the  necessary  amendment  of  date,  etc.,  —  which  often  makes  them  absurd. ' 

>^  The  book  is  variously  jiriccd  from  ?2o  to  ?6o.  Cf.  /?/M  Aiiicr.  Vet.,  no.  if>S  ;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i. 
no.  100;  Bibliotcca  Grcnvilliana.  p.  167;  Leclerc,  no.  152;  Sunderland,  no.  3,480:  Pinart,  no.  261  ;  O'C.il- 
laghan,  no.  683  ;  S.abin,  vol.  Iv.  nos.  16,947-16,949.  Tliere  were  .also  Latin  versions  in  the  Noviis  orbis  vi 
Grynaus,  1555  and  1616. 


t     ■    t 


IICA. 

ilceta  was  not  able 
ip  had  before  liim 
ers  or  Uarcia's  n- 
iue  of  his  text  li\ 
[828  an  imperfect 
ografia  modcrna,'" 

for  the  Mexican 
under  the  title  1  I 

life  of  Cort(!s,  bv 
Icazbalccta  notes 
this  edition  in  hi~ 

H'rador  Carlos  /'., 
P.   de     Cayans{<>. 


es  letters,  this  dis- 
n  this  book  vari- 
imcnts  relating  to 
rs  sent  to  Cort<!s' 
led  an  important 
le  fifth  letter  for 
and  drew  upon 
jitnancas  with  ad- 

:luded  in  the  Bib- 
jlished  at  Mexico 


and  third  letters, 
artyr,  were  issued 
e  title  Dc  iiisiilh 
n  the  annexed  fac- 
jrtrait  of  Charles 
panish  towns  and 


libl.    Amcr.     Vet., 
ich  rendering  of  a 

a  and  Sabio.    F.  S. 

ancs. 

t/ieca  GrcnvilUana, 


abin,   vol.    iv.    nos. 

ovcnzana) ;  nninct, 

3,;67  ;  V.  S.  !•  !li^ 

1.  says;  "  Altliom;li 
the  arclibisli"])  are 
akcs  tlicm  absurd." 
arlcr-Iiriiwn,  voi.  i. 
•t,  no.  261  ;  O'Cal- 
the  Noviis  orliis  if 


•       W 


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V  I 


I  I 


( [j\ 


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J'lut   f 


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■-5 
J 


cc 


Al 


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0 
^ 

S 


CORTES   AND   HIS   COMl'ANIONS. 


409 


NVRCIEN. 


lHS\a.CN 


T^SI|! 


^rgJMSCHtN. 


ALGRECtE, 


lAHEN 


^DEINSVLISNV 

PER  INVENTIS  FERDINANDI  CORTESII 

adCaroIuiV!  V.  Rom .  Impcratorem  Narrationes.cum  alio 

quodam  Petri  Martyris  ad  CIcmentem  VII'  Pon- 

tificcm  i .  J  jximum  confimilis  argumentl 

libello. 

<5His  accelTemnt  Epiftb!*  dd<if,de  felici.Ttmo  apud  Indoa 
bii.ingclfi  incremento.quas  fuperioribus  hifcc  diebus  qui- 
dam  fratrci  Mino.ab  India  in  Hifpaniamtranfinifcrunt. 

^  Item  Epitome  dc  inuentis  nuper  Indiar  populis  rdololatris 

ad  fidcm  Chrifti,  atcn  adeo  ad  Ecdefiam  Catholicam  conuer- 

tendis.AutoreR.  P.  F-  Nicolao  Herbom.regi  larisobfer- 

uaDtiar,ordiait  Minorum  Generali  CommiiTario 

Cifmontano* 


MlCHIE. 


JVeR^untur  In  elngui  Gallln% 
nno   M.     D.  ^OCXII. 


CAVISSgN 


VtlNORRE. 


"Xeciuen 


Leom 


"Arragom 


I 


(1^ 


,    < 


i  U 


^i, 


I; 


VOL.    II, 


.r 


i' 


^ 


4IO 


\.\Ki;Ari\K    AXI)    CRIIICAL    IIISTORV    OK    A.MKRICA. 


text,  seemingly  made  up  of  tlie  first  ami  sccdix! 
letters,  and  probably  fallowing  a  Spanish  origi- 
nal, now  lost,  wliicli  was  |)rintc(l  at  Antwerp  in 
1523.'  This  second  letter  is  also  epitomized  in 
the  I''rencli  Extraiit  on  iviiiti/  dcs  is/,:!  iioiivcllc- 
iiiiiit  Iroiivas  of  Peter  Martyr,  (jrinted  at  Paris 
in  1532,  and  in  llellegarde's  Ilisloirc  iiiih\'isc//c 
i/et  7't'V(i-^vs  (Amsterd.un,  170.S),  vol.  i, 

'I'liu  ]irincipal  French  iraMslaliiin  is  one  based 
on  I.orenzana,  abridging  that  edition  somewhat, 
antl  numbering  the  letters  erroneouslv  tirst,  sec- 
ond, and  third.  It  was  publisheil  ;;l  Paris  in 
'77S>  '779.  "^'t.,  under  the  title  Conrs/;>ii,/,ii/<-i-  tic 
FcnmiiJ  Corlcs  nrvr  t Eiiipci\ur  Cluirlcs  Quint, 
and  was  translated  by  the  Vicomtc  dc  Klavigny.- 
The  text  of  Flavigny's  second  letter  is  included 
in  Charton's  I'liyni^'i-nys,  iii.  36S-420.  There 
were  also  editions  of  Flavigny  printed  in 
Switzerland  ami  at  Fianl<f(jrt. 


/ii  DnUh  and  Flemish.  Ilarrisse  ( lUhl 
Amcr.  I'd.,  Additions,  wa.-j 2)  notes  a  tract  cif 
thirty  leaves,  in  gothic  letter,  called  Dc  Con- 
tnycii  Viindcn  Eyhiiidcn,  etc.,  which  was  prinieii 
in  Antwerp  in  1523  (with  a  F'rench  connterparl 
at  the  same  time),  and  which  seems  to  have  been 
based  on  the  lirst  and  second  letters,  combined 
in  a  Spanish  original  not  now  known.  There  is 
a  copy  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris.  Then: 
was  a  Dutch  version,  or  epitome,  in  the  Dutch 
edition  of  Gryn;ens,  1563,  and  a  F'lemish  ver- 
sion appeared  in  Ablyn's  jVicnwc  IVccrclt,  M 
.Antwerp,  1563.  There  was  another  Diitcli  ren- 
dering in  Clottfried  and  Vander  .\a's  /.c-ni 
hiudrciu-n  (1727)"  and  in  the  liriczcn  ran  Iwidi- 
iiaitd  Cortes,  .Amsterdam,  I  "So." 


In    ItaliiUi. 
musio. 


In    the    third    volume  of    Ka- 


i«iM 


' 


In  Ocrnian.  .\  translation  of  the  second 
and  third  letters,  made  by  Andrew  Diether  and 
Birck,  was  ixiblished  at  .Augsbiug  in  1550  as 
Cortcsi  von  dcin  AVrciV/  Ifispanicii.  After  the 
second  letter,  which  constitutes  part  i.,the  begin- 
ning of  part  ii.  is  borrowed  from  Peter  Martyr, 
which  is  followed  by  the  third  letter  of  C<n-tes; 
and  this  is  succeeded  in  turn,  on  folios  51-60,  by 
letters  from  Venezuela  about  the  settlements 
there  (1534-1540),  and  one  fnim  Ovicdo  written 
at  San  Domingo  in  1543.  There  are  matters 
which  are  not  contained  in  any  of  the  Spanish 
or  Latin  editions." 

The  second,  third,  and  fourth  letters  —  trans- 
lated by  J.  J.  Slapfer,  who  supplied  a  meritori- 
ous introduction  and  an  appendix  —  were  printed 
at  Heidelberg  in  1779  as  Erolh-rnni;  von  Mexico, 
and  again  at  Hernc  in  1793.''  .Another  German 
version,  by  Karl  Wilhclm  Koppe,  —  Drci 
Bcriclitc  dcs  Gcncral-Kapiiiins  Cortes  an  Karl  I'., 
—  with  an  introduction  and  notes,  was  published 
at  lierlin  in  1S34.  It  has  the  tribute-registers  and 
map  of  New  Spain,  as  in  Lorcnzana's  edition.' 


/n  A'nxlis/i.  Alsop  translated  from  I'-la- 
vigny  the  second  letter,  in  the  Portfolio,  Philailel- 
jihia,  iS!7.  George  F'olsom,  in  1S43,  translated 
from  Lorcnzana's  text  the  second,  third,  and 
fourth  letters,  which  he  published  as  Dcstatclics 
vrittcii  dnrin;e;  the  Coinjiicst,  adding  an  introduc- 
tion antl  notes,  which  in  part  are  borrowed  from 
Lorenzana."  Willes  in  his  edition  of  Eden,  as 
early  as  1577,  had  given  an  abridgment  in  his 
JUdory  of  Trarayle.'^     (Sec  Vol.  IIL  p.  204.) 

II L  7'lic  Third  Letter,  covcriui;  tlie  internal, 
Oct.  30,  1520,  to  May  15,  1522.  Ii  is  called  Carta 
tereera  de  rclaciii,  and  was  printed  (thirty  leaves) 
at  Seville  in  1523.'' 

The  next  year,  1524,  a  Latin  edition  (Tcrlia 
iiarratio)  ajipeared  at  Nuremberg  in  connection 
with  the  Latin  of  the  second  letter  of  that  date." 
This  version  was  also  made  by  Savorgnaiuis,  and 
was  reininted  in  the  A'itiis  orlns  of  1555.'- 

This  third  letter  appeared  also  in  collective 
editions,  as  explained  under  the  head  of  the 
second  letter.     This  letter  was  accompanied  by 


I  i'>: 


1  The  only  copy  known  is  noted  in  Tross's  Catalogue,  1866,  no.  2,S8i.  It  is  in  Roman  letter,  sixtocii 
leaves. 

-  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,953. 

3  Cf.  Bibl.  Amcr.  Kc/.,  no.  297;  Tcrnaux.  p.  ,7;  Triimel,  p.  14;  Brunet,  ii.  312;  Stevens,  Nuggets,  i, 
iSS  ;  O'Call.aghan,  no.  989;  Sobolcwski,  no.  3.766:  J.  J.  Cooke,  iii.  624  (copy  now  in  Harvard  College  Library). 
It  is  usually  priced  at  .€2  or  .C3.     Dufoss6  (18S4,  no.  14,185)  held  a  copy  at  100  francs. 

■*  Cf.  S.abin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,958. 

6  Cf.  .'^.abin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,959.  .  ; 

"  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  iii.  113. 

■  Cf.  S<abin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,962. 

'  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  16,964. 

'  Cf.  on  the  second  letter,  Prescott,  Mexico,  Kirk's  ed..  ii.  425. 

1'  Cf.  Rich,  (1832)00.  5, —  £10  10s.:  Stevens,  American  Bibliographer,  p.  84;  Bibliotheca  Grcnvilliara. 
p.  166;  Panzer,  vii.  122;  Heber,  vol.  vii.  no.  1,884;  Ternaux,  no.  26;  Brunet,  ii.  311;  Bibl.  Amcr.  Vtt,,wi. 
121  ;  Carter-Brown,  i.  74  ;  Sabin.  vol.  iv.  no.  16,935. 

11  Priced  by  F.  S.  Ellis  (18S4)  at  £iS  \%s. 

12  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  i.  83 ;  Ternaux,  no.  33 ;  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  126  ;  Bibliotheca  Grenvilliana,  p.  167; 
Brunet,  ii.  312  ;  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,948;  Stevens,  American  Bibliographer,  p.  87.  There  is  a  copy  of  tis 
1524  edition  in  the  Boston  Public  Library.     [D.  310;.  56,  no.  2]. 


'A 


■.  J,. 


CORTfiS    AND   HIS    COMPANIONS. 


411 


'.■Illume  of    K;i- 


omaii  letter,  sixtpcn 


ivli.it  is  known  :is  the  ".secret  letter,"  wliieli  was 
first  iiriiiteil  in  the  Doaimentos  iiicJitos,  i.  11,  in 
Kiiigsborouyh,  vol.  viii.,  ami  in  Gayaiiijos'  tUi- 
tioii  of  the  letter.s. 

IV.  The  Foiiyth  LctU'i;  cozLTinx  llw  iiiU-nal, 
,)/(()',  15-2,  to  Oitolhr,  1514.  There  were  two 
.^Spanish  editions  (a,  /'). 

a.  Im (/iiiiitti  n/iuioii  (Toledo,  15-5),  iiigothic 
letter,  twenty-one  leaves.' 

/'.  Laqiiiiyta  n7(/<w  (Valencia,  1526),  in  gothic 
Ivpe,  twenty-si-x  leaves.- 

This  letter  was  accompanied  liy  reports  to 
( Ortvs  from  .\lvar;ulo  and  Godoy,  and  these  arc 
also  included  in  liarcia,  R.inuisici,  etc. 

A  secret  letter  (dated  Uctober  15)  of  Cor- 
tes to  the  I'jupcror,  —  Esia  cs  iiiut  inr/a  rjtu- 
llcniaiitlo  Corti's  cscrivio  al  Jwi!/'ii;uior,  —  sent 
with  this  fourth  letter,  is  at  Simancas.  It  was 
printed  by  Ica/.balceta  in  1S55  (Mexico,  si.xty 
copies),''  wliii  reprinted  it  in  his  Colciiioii,  i.  470. 
(lavangos,  in  1.S66,  printed  it  in  his  edition 
(p.  3J5)  from  a  copy  which  Muiioz  had  made. 
Ka/.balceta  again  printed  it  snniiituously,  "en 
I  araeteres  goticos  del  siglo  XVI.,"  at  Mexico  in 
i,S65  (seventy  copies).''  This  letter  also  appears 
ill  collections  mentioned  under  the  second  letter. 
It  was  in  this  letter  that  Cortes  explained  to  the 
Kmperor  his  purpose  of  finding  the  supjiosed  strait 
which  led  from  the  .\tlantic  to  the  south  sea. 

V.  The  fifth  htlc>\  ,/,jt,-J  S,ft.  3,  1526.  It 
pertains  to  the  famous  expedition  to  Honduras.-'' 
It  is  called  Cnrti)  ijiiiiita  tic  rclacioii,  and  was  dis- 
covered   through    Robertson's   instrumentality. 


but  not  printed  at  length  till  it  appeared  in  the 
Colccion  (/,'  dociiinciilos  iiuJitos  {/-'.sfiiiiii),  iv. 
.S-167,  with  other  "  relaciones "  on  this  expe- 
dition, tieorge  Kolsom  reprinted  it  in  New 
Vork  in  1.S4S  as  "carta  scxta  .  .  .  publicada 
ahor.i  por  primera  vez  "  by  mistake  for  "carta 
(piinta."''  It  was  translated  and  annotated  by 
( l.iyangos  for  the  llakluyt  .Society  in  1S6S.'  Uay- 
angos  had  already  included  it  in  his  edition  of 
the  C(irt<is,  1S66,  and  it  had  also  been  primed 
by  Vedia  in  Ribadeneyras'  l>il<lioti-iii  dc  t>iiton:t 
Esf'iuiolcs  ( 1S52),  vol.  .xxii.,and  later  in  the  liiitlio- 
tfcd  hisldn'ia  de  la  Il'cria  (1S70).  K.xtracts  in 
I'^nglisli  are  given  in  the  appeiuli.x  of  I'rescott's 
M<:\iio,  vol.  iii.  Mr.  Kirk,  the  editor  of  I'res- 
cott,  doubts  if  the  copy  in  the  Imperiid  Library 
at  Vienna  is  the  original,  because  it  li.i^  no  date. 
A  copy  at  M.idrid,  purporting  to  be  made  from 
the  original  by  .Mouzo  Diaz,  is  dated  Sept.  3, 
1526,"  and  is  iireferred  by  Gayangos,  who  col- 
lated its  text  with  that  of  the  Vienna  Library. 
Various  other  less  important  letters  of  Cortes 
have  been  printed  from  time  to  lime." 

In  estimating  the  letters  of  Cortes  as  his- 
torical material,  the  soldierly  ipialities  of  them 
impressed  I'rescolt,  and  Helps  is  struck  with 
their  directness  so  strongly  that  he  is  not  willing 
to  believe  in  the  prevarications  or  deceits  of  any 
jiart  of  them.  II.  H.  Uancroft,'''  on  the  contrary, 
discovers  in  them  "calculated  misstatements, 
both  direct  and  negative"  It  is  well  known 
that  liernal  Diaz  and  I'edro  de  Alvarado  made 
complaints  of  their  leader's  too  great  willing- 
ness to  ignore  all  others  but  himself." 


1  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,936;  Carter-Crown,  i.  S5  ;  lininut,  ii.  311;  Bib!.  Aiiur.  Vft.,\w.  135; 
BiliHi'lliCcii  Crcnvilliana,  p.  166. 

-  The  only  copy  known  is  that  in  tlic  <.'artcr-15nnvn  Library  (Catalot^KC,  no.  SS).  Cf.  .'■abin,  vol.  iv.  no. 
16,037  ;  mill,  .-iiiicr.  Vet.,  no.  138  ;  Stevens,  Aiiurititii  ISililioi^ynflicr,  p.  S5  ;  Urunet,  ii.  312  ;  I'anzer.  x.  2S; 
Uebcr.  vol.  vii.  no.  1,884  ;  liibinjthc.n  GicnvilUana,  p.  166  ;  Ternaux,  no.  34. 

•'  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,940. 

''  Cf.  S.il.iin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,941  ;  Cartcr-Iirown,  i.  84  ;  Court,  no.  89  ;  Prcscott,  Mexico.,  iii.  248. 

S  k  letter  about  the  Olid  rebellion  is  lost ;  Helps,  iii.  37. 

"  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  16,943. 

"  Cl.  U.  V.atteniaie  in  Rcviic  a'litcmf'oriiine,  1S70,  vii.  5^,2. 

"  i'rescott's  .l/<'.v/Vo,  iii.  260.  Cf.  references  on  this  expedition  to  Honduras  in  H.  It.  Dancroft's  Cc/i/ra/ 
.Amcricit,  \.  537,  567,  582;  ii.  144;  and  his  Native  Races,  \\.  79.  This  Honduras  expedition  is  also  the 
subject  of  one  of  IxUilxochitl's  Relaciones,  printed  in  Kingsboroiigh's  ninth  volume. 

■'  Cartas  al  Empcrador  (Sept.  u,  1526,  Oct.  10,  1530),  in  Docuiiieiitos  iiieditos  [Esfana),  i.  14,  31,  and 
in  Kinnsborough's  .Mexico,  vol.  viii.;  Memorial  al  Eiiif'crador  (1539)  in  Documentos  iiieditos,  V;.  201.  (^f. 
also  I'urclias,  v.  85S,  and  Kamusio,  iii.  i.S;.  His  Ultima  y  seiitidisiiiia  carta,  Teb.  3,  1544,  is  given  in  Do.ti- 
mciitos  iiieditos,  i.  41,  and  in  I'rescott's  Mexico,  Kirk's  ed.,  iii.  460.  Other  letters  of  Cortes  are  in  the 
I'aclioco  Coleccion  and  in  that  of  Icazbalccta.  The  twelfth  volume  of  the  Bililioteca  histirica  de  la  Iberia 
(.Mexico,  1S71),  with  the  special  title  of  Eseritos  siicltos  de  Cortes,  i;ives  nearly  fifty  documents.  Icazbal- 
teta,  in  the  introduction  of  vol.  i.  p.  xxxvii.  of  his  Coleccion,  gives  a  list  vi  the  eseritos  siieltos  of  Cortes  in 
connection  with  a  full  bibliography  of  the  series  of  Cartas,  with  corrections,  derived  largely  from  Ilarrisse, 
in  vol.  ii,  p.  Ixiii. 

'"  Mexico,  i.  549,  696.  "  Ever  ready  with  a  lie  when  it  suited  his  purpose ;  but  he  was  far  too  wise  a  man 
needlessly  to  waste  so  useful  an  agent."  —  Early  American  Chroniclers,  p.  16. 

"  Harrisse  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.)  gives  numerous  references  on  Cortes.  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  diere  is 
nil  mention  of  him  in  the  Novns  orbis  oi  1532,  and  none  in  De  Ury.  Mr.  Hrevoort  prepared  the  article  on 
1  urtc's  in  Sabin's  Dictionarv. 


■i    .1; 


\    i 


m 


\ 


d 


li 


i(  .1    .J 


..i.' 


v  1 


i*.; 


•  vs 


\>' 


l§h\l\ 


'■M 


■■■\f' 


<l 


II:' 


■s  'A 


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il' 


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41: 


X  \KK.\TI\1':    A.\0   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    A.MKRICA. 


B.    Turkic  Cunikmimpkaky  Wriikks,  —  (io- 

MAKA,   Ill'.RNAI.    DiAZ,  AND    SaHACIN. —  I'llltll- 

natcly  \vc  liavi;  vaiicuis other  luiiralivcs  to  ([iiaiily 
or  conliiiii  tlic  recitals  of  the  leader. 

In  1540,  when  he  was  thirty  years  old,  Fran- 
cisco Lopez  Gomara  became  the  chaplain  and 
secretary  of  Cortes.  In  undertakinj;  an  his- 
torical record  in  which  his  patron  played  a  lead- 
inj;  part,  he  might  be  snspected  to  write  some- 
what as  an  adidator;  and  so  Las  Casas,  Diaz, 
and  manv  others  have  claimed  that  he  did,  and 
Miiiio/.  asserts  that  Honiara  believed  his  author- 
ities too  easily.'  That  the  Spanish  (iovernnient 
nuule  a  show  of  snppre>sinj'  his  book  soon  after 
it  was  published,  and  kept  the  edict  in  their 
records  till  1729,  is  rather  in  favor  of  his  honest 
chronicling.  Gomara  had  good  claims  for  con- 
sideration in  a  learned  training,  a  literary  taste, 
and  in  the  possession  of  facilities  which  his 
relations  with  Cortes  threw  in  his  way;  and  we 
find  him  indispensable,  if  for  no  other  reason, 
because  he  had  access  to  docnnientary  evidence 
which  has  since  disappeared,  llis  cpiestionablc 
reputation  for  bias  has  not  prevented  Ilerrera 
and  other  later  historians  placing  great  depend- 


ence on  him,  and  a  native  writer  of  the  begin 
ning  of  the  sevcnleenth  centmy,  Chimalp.iin, 
has  translated  (Joinara,  adding  some  illii>ir,i 
tions  for  the  Indian  records.'- 

Gomara's  book  is  in  effect  two  distinct  one-, 
though  called  at  first  two  parts  of  a  //is/oriii  g./i- 
era!  </<•  las  liulins.  Of  these  the  second  part  — 
/,(/  lOtiquistii  (/(■  MixiiO  —  appeared  earliest,  at 
.Saragossa  in  1552,  and  is  given  to  the  Con(|nc>l 
of  Mexico,  while  the  first  part,  more  iiarticiilarlv 
relating  to  the  siibjngation  of  I'eru,  a|>pearcil  in 
'  553''  What  usually  ])asses  for  a  second  eili- 
tion  appeared  at  .Medina  del  Campo,  also  in 
155V,  '  and  it  was  again  reprinted  at  Saragi's^.i 
in  1  554,  this  time  as  two  distinct  works,  —  oiu, 
Croiiiiii  (/<'  Iti  .Viiifii  Jis/'iiha  con  hi  coiiqiiista  ilc 
MiKxiio  ;  and  the  other,  Iai  /lis/oria  f^fiicral  (k  las 
Iiiiliiis  y  JVi(i-;v  Miitidofi  The  same  year  (1554) 
saw  several  editions  in  Si^anish  at  Antwerp,  with 
different  publishers.''  An  Italian  edition  fol- 
lowed ill  I555-I5';6,  for  one  title])age, ///f/ivv,? 
(/(•/.  .  .  <ii/>itiJiio  JJoii  J^'i-rdiiiiiiiilo  Co)ti's,\si\Mi:>\ 
1556,  and  a  second,  Ifistoriii  </<•  Mi-xico,  has 
1555,  —  both  at  Rome.''  Other  editions,  more  <ir 
less  complete,  are  noted  as  published  in  Venice 


1  Ticknor,  Spanish  I.ilcrntKic,  ii.  ;,o ;   Trescntt's  Mexico,  i.  474,  and  Pcni,  li.  304,  457;  H.  H.  Ilancioft 
Central  Amci'ica,  i.  314,  his  Mexico,  and  his  Early  American  Chroniclers,  p.  21. 

-  There  are  cinious  stories  about  this  book,  in  which  there  is  not  entire  accord  with  one  another.  The  fact 
seems  to  be  that  liiistaniantc  got  hold  of  the  manuscript,  anil  supposed  it  an  orii;inal  work  of  Chinialpaiii,  and 
announced  it  for  publication  in  a  Spanish  dress,  as  translated  from  the  Nahuatl,  under  the  title  of  Historia  i/e 
las  eom/iiis/as  (le  f/eriiam/o  Cortes,  under  which  name  it  appeared  in  two  volumes  in  Mexico  in  iS2fi  {Ticknor 
Catalogue,  p.  20;).  Fiandclier  and  others  icferrinR  to  it  have  supposed  it  tii  be  what  the  title  repiesenleil 
{.Inter.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  new  berios,  i.  S4 ;  cf.  /liM.  Anier.  I'd.,  p.  204);  but  it  is  printed  in  .Spanish  ncM'i- 
thelcss,  and  is  nothing  more  than  a  translation  of  Ciomara.  liustauiante  in  his  jirefacc  does  not  satisfy  the 
reader's  curiosity,  and  this  Mexican  editor's  conduct  in  the  nialtor  has  been  the  sul)iect  of  aiiology  and  sus]ii- 
cion.  Cf.  Ouaritch's  Catalogues,  nos.  11,807,  12,043,  '7/'3-;  "•  "•  Bancroft,  Central  America,  i.  315; 
.'^abin,  vii.  no.  27.753.  Quaritch  adds  that  Hustaniaute's  text  seems  latlu'r  like  a  modern  impr-oveimnt  of 
Ciomara  than  a  retranslation,  and  that  a  manuscrijit  apparently  different  and  called  Chinialpain's  history  w.i^ 
sold  in  the  ,\l)be  Fischer's  sale  in  1S69. 

•'  It  is  a  small  folio,  and  has  become  extremely  rare,  owing,  pediaps,  in  jiart  to  the  attempted  suppression 
of  it.     Ouaritch  in   1SS3  ]iriccd  a  copy  at  ,£75.     It  should  have  two  maps,  one  of  the  Indies,  the  odier  of  tlio 


Old  World  (Tornaux,  no.  (o  ;  Carter- brown,  nos.  177,  17S  ;  Sunderland,  vol.  iii.  no. 


IJhrarv  of  an  Ellz- 


ahcthan  Aiimiral,  1SS3,  no.  3jS  ;  I.cclcrc,  no.  2,770 ;  Rich  ( 1.S32),  no.  23,  .tio  lo.t. ;  Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  27,724  ; 
Murphy,  no.  1,062). 

•*  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  i.  nos.  17c).  iSo  ;  Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  27,725  ;  Leclcrc,  Soo  francy.  Mr.  J.  C.  liievooit 
has  a  copy.  Sabin  (no.  27,726)  notes  a  Comjuista  tic  Mexico  (Madrid.  1553)  which  he  has  not  seen,  but 
describes  it  at  second  hand  as  having  the  royal  arms  where  the  .Medina  edition  has  th^  arms  of  Cortes,  and 
intimates  that  this  last  may  have  been  the  cause  of  the  allei.;ed  suppression. 

'"  Cartcr-Ihown.  vol.  i.  nos.   1S7,  i.SS,  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  of  the  former ;  and  on  p.  i6y  is  noted 


another  Saragossa  edition  of 


.S.abin,  vol.  vii.  nos.  27,727, 


2S. 


''  llistoria  ilc  Mexico.  Juan  Stcelsio,  and  again  Juan  Bellcro  (with  his  map) ;  La  liistoria  general  tie  his 
Ini/ias,  Steelsio.  These  are  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Sabin  (vol.  vii.  nos.  27,729-27,732)  notes  of  dusc 
.\ntwcrp  editions,  —  Hisloria general,  N'ucio,  Steelsio,  and  liellero  ;  llistoria  tie  Mexico,  Ilellero,  Lacio,  Stcclsi'' ; 
and  Coni/nista  ile  Mexico,  Nucio.  The  Carter-llro-rn  Catalogue  (nos.  189-1113)  shows  the  llistoria  de  Mi.\i  ' 
with  the  Steelsio  and  liellero  imprints,  and  copies  of  ihc  llistoria  general  \\h\\  the  imprints  of  Delleio  anl 
Martin  Xucio.  Ouaritch  prices  the  liellero  .Mexico  .at  .£5  -.s.  Rich  ))ric(?d  it  in  1S32  at  .€3  3.1-.  There  1  :i 
Steelsio  .Mexico  m  the  liostoii  Public  Library.  Cf.  Hiif'i  Catalogue,  ii.  605;  Murphy,  nos.  1,057-1,0:"; 
Court,  1105.  146,  etc.  Of  the  Later  Spanish  texts,  that  in  P.arcia's  llistoriailorcs  /'rimitivjs  (174S-1740)  is  muti- 
lated; the  best  is  that  in  die  Ilil'lioleca  tie  aiitores  Es/'anoles,  pul)lishcd  at  .Madrid  in  1S52, 

■  Such,  .at  least,  is  the  condition  of  the  copy  in  1  harvard  College  Library;  while  the  two  titles  are  attacheil 
to  different  copies  in  die  Carter-Drou-n  Catalogue,  \t.i\.  i.  nos.  loq,  210.  The  .l/i'.vAo  is  .also  in  the  licsU'ii 
.\then.euni.     Cf.  O'Oilltiglian  Ctttiloguc,  no.  989.     Sabin  (vol.  vii.  nos.  27,734-27,735)  says  the  1555  title  is  ;! 


CA. 

ir  of  tlic  begin 
ry,  Cliimalp.iiii. 
;   si)ii\c    ilUisli.i 

vi>  distinct  (im  ^, 
if  a  llisloriti  j^,n- 
c  sccoiul  part  — 
arcd  carliot,  ill 
to  the  Con(|iic>t 
nnrc  particniaiiv 
cm,  appeared  in 
or  a  second  tdi- 

Canipo,  also  in 
led  at  Sarngii.s>a 
iCt  works,  —  one, 
1/  hx  roin/iiislii  (I: 
'rill  !;riifiiil  dc  lin 
same  year  ( 1354 1 

at  Antwerp,  with 
lian  edition  fol- 
itlepai;e,  I/istoii,: 
lio  Cor/i's,  is  dated 

ifc'   Mexico,   lias 

editions,  more  or 
ilislied  in  Venice 


i;  H.  II.  liancinft 

I  another.     'I'lie  fact 

(if  Chimalpain,  anil 

title  of  llislor'ia  dc 

CO  in  1S2')  {Tiikim- 

he  title  represented 

.1  in  Spanish  neuT- 

les  not  satisfy  the 

apology  and  suspi- 

Ai/iiri'ii,  i.  315 ; 

n  inipiJiveinent  of 

Ipain's  history  wa> 


cnijited  suppression 
the  other  of  tlio 
[.Unary  of  an  Bl:z- 
vol.  vii.  no.  2;,;2.| ; 

Mr.  J.  C.  Brevoort 

has  not  seen,  hut 

rms  of  Cortes,  ami 

d  on  p.  iCy  is  noted 

oria  general  d<'  .'.'' 

)  notes  of  tlu-e 

lero,  I.acio,  .'^tcelsi''; 

llisloria  dc  Mislo 

Ints  of  ISellero  and 

*.';  v.     There!   a 

nos.    1,057-i.r:"; 

i;4.S-i7-(o)  is  nniti- 

0  titles  are  att.icln  il 

is  also  in  the  liostou 

the  1555  title  is  ;i 


CORTKS    AM)    HIS   COMI'ANMoNS. 


HISPANIA  VICTRIX 


413 


PRIMERAY 5ECVNDA PAR 

te  de  la  hiftoria  general  <le  las  Indias  co  todo  el  de(cu- 

bhrolento.y  cofas  notables  que  ban  acae(ci^  denize  que  (eguuron  hafia  djQO 
de  i^'*  CdO'^coaqai(bi]eMexkotydelat>ucuaE(pana. 

Zn  Blediiu  del  Campo;  HK 'GoiUcmio  dc  Millie 


IMf 


v.incelled  one.  Mr.  Brevoort  possesses  a  Historia  t;e)terate  delte  Indie  oeeideiitali  (Rome,  1556).  which  he  calls 
a  tr.inslation  of  part  i.  Cf.  Sahin,  vol.  vii.  no.  2;,;36  ;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  200.  F.  S.  Ellis  (1SS4,  no. 
Ill)  prices  a  copy  at  £2  2s.  S.-ibin  (no.  2;,737)  also  notes  a  Gomara,  as  published  in  1557  at  Venice,  as  ths 
focond  part  of  a  history,  of  which  Cieza  de  Leon's  was  the  first  part. 


1 


I    / 


M 


i  : 


11  ;^ 


414 


NARKATIVI-:   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OK    AMKRICA. 


in  ijOo,  1564,  1563,  1566,  1570,  1 57 J,  i57f'.  :"«' 
1599.1  The  earliest  Kiciitli  cilitimi  apiiciiud 
at  I'iiris  in  I5()S  ami  1569,  lor  ijic  iwo  dates  ami 
two  imprints  seem  to  belong  to  one  issue  ;  and 
its  text  —  a  not  very  creditable  translation  bv 
l''nmec  —  was  repmdnced  in  the  editions  nl  1577, 
157S,  15S0,  anil  with  some  additions  in  1  5^4,  I  5^7, 
15SS,  and  I5<J7.-  'I'he  earliest  edition  in  I'.n.i;- 
lisli  omits  mueli.  It  is  called  T/ir  /'/•■ii.uii//  ///.<■ 
Iiirii-  of  I  III-  Coiiqucsl  (if  the  Wdist  Iiuliii,  iwnu-ii/ItU 
yVWii  M/'iiy/zi;  ii/i /iiitvt/ />j'  (Ac  wortf'  •  /'riiiic  //,/■ 
iMihlo  Cortes,  A/iiyijiics  of  tlw  vati  l/iinxiuiw, 

most  i/i'!,ita/'lt'  to  iviii/i;  tmnslattJ  oiii  of  the  Shut- 
ishc  loir^iic  l<y  'l\hoiiHis\  ,\'|/(-//ii/,;.r),  imblisheil  by 
Henry  Hynnemaii  in  157S.'  (lomara  himself 
warned  his  readers  against  undertaUing  a  Latin 
version,  as  he  had  one  in  hand  hinisell';  but  it 
was  never  ))rinted.^ 

("lomara  had,  no  dunbt,  obscured  the  merits 
of  the  captains  of  fortes  in  telling  the  story  of 
that  leader's  career.  Instigated  hugely  by  this, 
and  eontirmed  in  his  purpose,  one  of  the  par- 
takers in  the  ghnics  and  hardships  of  the  C'on- 
(piest  was  impelled  to  tell  the  story  anew,  in  the 
light  of  the  observation  which  fell  to  a  sid)ordi- 
nate.  He  was  not  ])erhaps  so  much  jealous  of 
the  fame  of  Cortes  as  he  was  hurl  at  the  neglect 
by  (lomara  of  those  wdiose  su])port  had  made 
the  fame  of  Cortes  possible.  This  was  lienial 
Diaz  del  Castillo,  and  his  book  is  known  as  the 
J/i<loriii  7iT,/,u/,-rii  lie  la  coiK/iiistii  i/e  la  Xiir^'a 
J'.sf'tiiiiU  which  was  not  printed  till  1632  at 
Madriil,  nor  had  it  been  written  till  half  a  cen- 
tury after  the  Concjucst,  during  which  interval  the 
name  of  Cortes  had  gathered  its  historic  prestige. 


Diaz  had  begun  the  writing  of  it  in  r  5riS  .it 
Santiago   in   Ciuatemala,  when,  as  he  telU  ii.s, 

oidy  live  of  the  original  companions  of  (!ortes 
remained  alive.''  It  is  rudely,  or  rather  simplv, 
written,  as  one  might  expect.  The  author  ha-. 
none  of  the  practised  arts  of  condensation;  .md 
I'rescott"  well  (lelines  the  story  as  long-winded 
and  gossiping,  but  of  great  importance.  It  is 
indeeil  inestim.d)le,  as  the  record  of  the  actor  in 
more  than  a  himihed  of  the  lights  which  marked 
the  progress  of  the  Con(|nes(.  The  untutored  air 
ol  the  recital  impre>sed  Robertson  and  Soiilhev 
with  conlidence  in  its  sl.itements,  ,ind  the  reader 
does  not  fail  to  be  conscious  of  a  minute  ren- 
dering of  the  life  widch  made  up  those  eventful 
days.  His  criticism  of  Cortes  himself  does  not, 
by  any  means,  i)revent  liis  giving  him  gre.it 
praise  ;  and,  as  I'roscott  says,"  he  censures  his 
leader,  but  he  docs  not  allow  any  one  else  to  ilci 
the  same.  The  lapse  of  lime  before  Diaz  set 
about  his  literary  task  ilid  not  seem  to  abate  his 
zeal  or  check  his  memory;  but  it  does  not  fail, 
however,  to  diminish  our  own  confidence  a  good 
deal.  I'rescott  **  contends  that  the  better  the 
acfpiaintance  with  Diaz'  narrative,  the  less  i>  the 
trust  which  one  is  inclined  to  put  in  it."  The 
.Spanish  text  which  we  possess  is  taken,  it  is 
said,  directly  from  the  original  mamiscript,  which 
had  slumbered  in  private  hands  till  Lather 
Aloiiso  Remon  found  it,  or  a  copy  of  it,  in  Sp.iin, 


1  Carter-Unnvn,  vol  i.  nos.  232,  233,  250,  306,  541  ;  .^abin,  vol,  vii.  nos.  27,73i)-27,745.  The  l/is/iiri,i 
Criirml  vii\s  published  ill  Wiiice  in  1565  as  the  second  part  of  a  Historic  dell'  lihlie,  of  whicli  Cieza  de  I.eciii's 
Historic  del  I'eni  vas  the  first  part,  and  (lonuira's  Cimqiiista  di  Mcssico  (ijtKi)  w.as  die  third.  'I'liis  Italian 
translation  was  inailc  by  Lucio  .Mauro.  The  three  parts  .are  in  Harvard  College  Library  and  in  the  boston 
Public  Library  (Sabin,  vol.  vii.  no.  27,73,S). 


-  Cartcr-Iiiowii,  vol.  i.  nos.  273.  274,  314,  324,  334, 


37'i  .i"5  i  Sahiii,  vol.  vii.  nos,  27,746-27,750; 


Murphy,  nos.  1,059*,  1,061  ;  O'Callaghan,  no.  i/jo.  I".  S.  Kills  (1S84,  no.  loS)  prices  tlie  1569  edition  at 
K\o  \os.  The  i57Sand  15SS  editions  are  in  Ilarviird  College  Library,  —  the  latter  is  called  (Viwcw  ct  con- 
(jiicslcs  dii  Cafitaiiic  Ferdinand  Conrtois.  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  1(1,955.  llarrissc  says  that  Oviedo,  ,is 
well  as  Goniara,  was  used  in  this  prodiiciun.  There  were  later  I'rcnch  texts  in  1604,  1605,  and  1606.  Cf. 
Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  nos.  34,  46;  Uich  (1S32),  no.  104;  Sabin  (vol.  vii.  no.  27,749)3140  says  of  the  1600 
edition  that  pp.  67-19S  arc  additional  to  the  157S  edition. 

3  Carter-Iirown,  vol.  i.  no.  323;  Menzies,  no.  .S14;  Crowninshicld,  no.  285  ;  Rich  (1.S32),  no.  58;  lirinlcy, 
no.  ;,-!09;  Murphy,  no.  1.060.  There  arc  copies  of  this  and  of  tlie  1596  reprint  in  Harvard  College  Library; 
.and  of  the  157.S  edition  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Library  and  in  .Mr.  Ueane's  Collection; 
cf.  Vol.  111.  pp.  27,  204.  An  abridgment  of  (lomara  h.id  .already  been  given  in  1555  by  Eden  in  his  Decade-, 
and  in  1577  in  Tulcn's  Hislcry  of  Travayle :  and  his  account  was  later  followed  by  Haklnyt. 

•l  The  bibliography  of  Gomara  in  .Sabin  (vol.  vii.  p.  395)  w.as  compiled  by  Mr.  lirevoort.  The  Cailn- 
Brown  Cata/oi^ne  (vol.  i.  p.  169)  gives  a  list  of  editions;  cf.  Lcclerc.  no.  243,  etc. 

5  nancroft  (Mexiio,  ii.  330)  gives  references  for  tr.icing  the  Concpicrors  and  their  descendants. 

i!  Mexico,  ii.  146;  cf.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Early  Chroniclers,  p.  14. 

"  Ibid.,  ii.  459. 

8  Ibid.,  i.  473. 

"  Bancroft  speaks  of  the  account's  "exceeding  completeness,  its  many  new  facts,  and  varied  version 
(,1/c.r/fO,  i.  697). 


ort.     The  Caitn- 


d  varied  version 


CORTfis    AND    HIS    COMT ANION'S. 


415 


,111(1  olitaiiR'd  a  ilccrcc  to  print  it,'  ilioiil  lil'iy 
yciirs  after  iJiaz'  death,  wliitli  Dctiiriiit  in  1 59J. 
or  tlicrcaboiits. 

'rim  iK'arcst  approauli  among  contemporariis 
tn  a  survey  of  the  stury  ol'  tlie  CoiKiiKst  IrDiii  llic 
A/tcc  side  is  that  n'wvw  l)y  tlu'  iTaiui-i  an, 
Saliagiin,  in  conncitiun  with  liis  i^riat  wcirlv  <m 
the  oiidition  iif  the  Mexican  peoplen  prior  to 
llie  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  Saliagnn  came  to 
Mexico  ill  IS3'J.  He  lived  in  the  new  land  for 
over  uixty  years,  and  ac(|iiircd  a  proficiency  in 
llic  native  tongue  hardlv  surpassed  hy  any  other 
(if  the  Spaniards,  lie  brought  to  the  new  lield 
sometliing  besides  the  iconoclastic  freii/y  that 
led  so  many  of  his  coiintryinen  to  destroy  what 
•  hey  could  of  the  literature  and  arts  of  the  .V/.tecs, 
—  so  necessary  in  ilhislration  of  their  p.igan  life 
and  riles.  This  zealon^  and  pious  monk  turned 
aside  from  seeking  the  preferments  of  his  class 


to  sillily  the  nioii\c,,  lives,  and  thoughts  of  the 
A/tec  peoples  lie  got  from  them  their  hiero- 
glyphics; these  in  turn  wire  translated  into  the 
language  of  their  speech,  lull  expressed  in  the 
Koiuan  ch.irader;  and  the  whoh' sidijected  m(ue 
than  once  to  the  revising  of  such  of  the  natives 
as  had,  iii  his  day,  been  educated  in  the  Spanish 
schools.-  Thirty  years  were  given  to  this  kind 
of  pre|iarationi  and  when  he  had  got  his  work 
written  out  in  .Mexicm,  the  (ieneral  of  his  Order 
.seized  it,  and  some  years  elapsed  before  a  resti- 
tution of  it  was  made.  Sah.igun  had  got  to  be 
eighty  years  old  when,  with  his  manuscripl 
restored  to  him,  he  set  about  re-writing  it,  with 
the  Mexican  text  in  one  colimni  and  the  .Spanish 
in  .mother.  The  two  huge  volumes  of  this  script 
found  their  way  to  Spain,  and  were  lost  sight  of 
till  .Mni"loz  (lisiovered  them  in  the  convent  (pf 
Tolosa  ill  .Navarre,  not  wholly  unimpaired  bv 
the  vicissitudes  to  which  they  had  been  subjected. 


1  Sciicr/cr  (in  liis  edition  of  .\iincncs'  I.a.<  lihlLniiis  i/,!  iin\'t)i  ilc  /us  /iii/ins  tic  fsia  froviihia  ,le 
CiiKilciiiiilii,  1.S57)  says  th.it  the  text  as  |>iiblislK'<l  is  very  inciirrect,  and  adds  tli.it  the  (iri,i;inal  nianiisiript  Is  in 
till' city  library  at  (iiiateniala.  Ilrasseiir  says  lie  has  seen  it  tlieie.  It  is  s.iiil  tu  have  a  nieiiiDraiuliiiii  tu  sIkhv 
tliat  it  w.rs  finished  in  1(105  at  (Guatemala.  We  have  mi  certain  knowledije  of  Ilia/.'  death  tu  iiaifirin  the 
impression  that  he  cdulil  have  lived  In  the  iniprohalile  ai;e  which  this  ini|ilies.  (Cf.  .\fiii;<i'iiie  0/  .hih>i,,iii 
History,  i.  1211,  p.S-jji). )  'riierc  an-  two  editions  of  it,  in  dilferent  type,  which  h.ivo  the  seal  of  aiilluniieily. 
One  was  elated  in  iCi?:;;  the  other,  known  as  the  second  edilion.  is  without  date,  and  has  an  additional  chapter 
(nunilicred  wrongly  ccxxii.)  concerning  the  portents  among  die  .Mexicans  which  preceded  the  coining  of  the 
Sp.iiiiards.  It  is  explained  that  this  was  omitted  in  the  first  edition  as  not  falling  widiin  the  personal 
(ihservation  (if  Diaz.  (Ci.  .Sabin,  vol.  vi.  nos.  m.or'^.  10.1)71;;  (,'arter-lirown,  ii.  ^'^7  ;  Murphy,  no.  71)0;  C'ourt, 
nos.  lofi,  107;  Leclerc,  no.  1.115.  Uich  priced  it  in  his  day  at  Sio;  it  now  usually  brings  about  ?",o.)  'I'lnre 
are  later  editions  of  the  Spanish  te\t, —  one  issued  at  Mexico  in  1 7(14-1 7()5,  in  four  small  volumes  (Sabin.  vol.  vi. 
no.  i(),i)So;  Leclerc,  no.  1,117,40  francs);  a  second,  I'.uis,  1S37  (Sabin,  vol.  vi.  no.  i9,(>Si);  and  .another,  published 
in  1S54,  in  two  (|iiarto  volumes,  with  annotations  from  the  Cortes  letters,  etc.  It  is  also  contained  in  Vedia's 
cilitioii  of  the  llisloriiiiiorcs  /•limitivos,  vol.  ii.  'J'liere  are  three  German  editions,  one  iniblished  at  Hamburg 
in  1S4S,  with  a  preface  by  K.irl  Kitter,  and  others  bearing  date  at  lionn,  |S;,S  and  1845  (Sabin,  vi.  no. 
ici.o.S(i-i9,9,S7).  There  are  two  Knglish  versions,  —  one  by  Maurice  Keatinj;,  published  at  London  in  iSoo 
(with  a  large  map  of  the  Lake  of  Mexico),  which  w.is  reprinted  at  Salem,  .Mass.,  in  1S03  {S;ibin,  vol.  vi.  nos. 
iii.ii,S4-i(|,i^S5).  Mr.  Deanu  points  out  how  Keating,  without  ajiy  explanation,  transfers  from  chap,  xviil,  and 
oilier  parts  of  the  text  sundry  passages  to  a  preface.  A  second  English  translation, — Memoirs  of  Diuz,- 
liv  John  Inijram  Lockhart,  was  published  in  London  in  1S44  (S.abin,  vol.  vi.  no.  i(|,().S;),  and  is  also  in- 
cluded in  Kerr's  nijiJC''-f|  vols.  iii.  and  iv.  Munsell  issued  an  .aljridged  English  translation  by  Arthur  I'rynne 
at  Albany  in  iS^j  (Sabin,  vol.  vi.  no.  i(|,ijSj).  The  best  annotated  of  the  modern  issues  is  a  French  translation 
by  1).  Jourdanet. ///,(Ai/Vt- riV/(//r/»c  ilc  la  lonquctc  ilc  la  Noinullc  /•'s/aj.-in;  Paris,  1S76.  In  the  following 
year  a  second  edition  was  issued,  .accompanied  by  a  study  on  the  human  sacrifices  of  the  Aztecs,  and  enriched 
with  notes,  a  bibliography,  and  a  chapter  from  Sahagim  on  the  vices  of  the  Mexicans.  It  also  contained  a 
lumlern  map  of  Mexico,  showin;,'  the  marches  of  Cortes;  the  map  of  the  v.allcy,  indicating  the  contraction  of 
ilie  lake  (the  same  as  used  by  Jomdanet  in  other  works),  and  a  reproduction  of  a  map  of  the  lake  illustrating 
llie  operations  of  Cort(5s,  which  follows  a  map  given  in  the  Mexican  edition  of  Clavii;ero.  i\  list  of  the  Cou- 
(/.'lis/ai/orcs  gi'i'es  three  hundred  and  seventy-seven  names,  which  are  distinguished  apart  as  constilutin;,'  the 
l"llowers  of  Cortds,  Camargo,  .'^alcedo,  Garay,  Xarvaez,  and  Ponge  de  Leon.  This  list  is  Irorrowcd  from  the 
l>i:cioiiario  universal  Jc  hisloria  y  ilc gcografia,  .  .  .  cspccialmcnic  sobrc  la  rcf-iiMica  Mcxicana,  1S51-I.S56. 
(11.  Xortoii's  Literary  Gazette,  Jan.  15,  1S35,  ■""'  K'"'iie  iles  questions  /lisloriijiies,  xxiii.  24(1.)  This  Dieeio- 
ihirio  Vi;\s  published  at  Mexico,  in  iSj'i-i.Siri,  in  ten  volumes,  based  on  a  similar  work  printed  in  .Spain,  but 
augmented  in  respect  to  Mexican  matters  by  various  creditable  collaborators,  while  vols,  viii.,  ix.,  and  x. 
.lie  entirely  given  to  Mexico,  and  more  particularly  edited  by  Manuel  Orozco  y  lierra.  The  work  is  worth 
.ili'iut  400  fr.ancs.     The  Cartas  tie  imlias  (Madrid,  1S77)  contained  a  few  unpublished  letters  of  Hern.il  Diaz. 

-  Sali.agun's  study  of  die  Aztec  tonfiuc  was  a  productive  one.  BiondcUi  pulMished  at  Milan  in  1S5S,  from 
a  manuscript  by  .Sahagun,  an  Evangelarium  efiislolarium  ct  Icctioiiarium  Azteciim  sive  Mexieanuiii,  ex 
iiiiliqiio  loilice  Mexieaiio  linger  reperto;  and  Qiiaritch  in  1S80  (Catalof;iie,  p.  46,  no.  261,  etc.)  advertised  various 
I'tlier  manuscripts  of  his  Seniioiies  in  Mexicano,  etc.  Jourdanet  in  his  edition  (p.  x.)  translates  the  opinion 
iif  S,ah,igun  given  by  his  contemporary  .and  fellow-Franciscan,  Fray  Gcronimo  Mendicta.  in  his  llistoria  eelesi- 
<i<!i,a  Imliana  (Mexico,  1S60)  p.  633.  There  is  a  likeness  of  .Sahagun  in  Cumplido's  edition  of  Prescott's 
yf:\ieo,  published  at  Mexico  in  iS4('i,  vol.  iii. 


r- 


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416 


NARRATIVK   AND   CUI  IIC  \I.    IIISTOKY   OI'    AMKRICA. 


Till'  Niihti.iil  uxi,  which  iiuulc  |i.iit  cif  ii,  is  -.lill 
iiiisHiii);.' 

It  was  not  h)Mg  advrward  ( i.Sj<>-l8jo)  printed 
l)y  (Arlus  Maria  Itusi.iinainc  in  lliric  vdhiinis 
an  //i>fi'n,i  i;,ii,rii/  ,/,■  /iir  I  iisiii  ill-  Xii'.a  A'j/if/),/,- 
t<i  wliich  was  adik-d.  ,is  a  tDiirlli  vuliiim',  also  put)- 
lishod  siiiaraltly.  //i<li>ii,i  if,"  l,i  ii'ii</iii.<f,t  ili 
,Ut'\iii>,  ciiiilaiiilii^'  wliat  is  usually  tiled  as  the 
Ittilflh  liiiok  nl  Salia^uii,  In  this,  as  in  ihr  nlhcr 
parts,  111'  iiscil  a  topy  which  .Miu'io/  had  made, 


niul  which  is  the  earlier  draft  of  the  te.\t  an 
Sahajjun  Idrmed  it.  It  liefjins  with  a  recital  of 
the  omens  whiih  preceded  the  cominn  of  (iri- 
jalva,  and  ends  with  the  fall  of  the  city  ;  and  it  is 
written,  as  he  says,  from  the  evidence,  in  large 
part,  iif  the  eye-witnesses,  particularly  on  the 
Aztec  side,  thoni;h  nnxcd,  somewhat  confusedly, 
with  reeolleclioiis  from  old  Spanish  soldiers. 
Ilarrisse-'  sjieaks  of  this  edition  as  "castrated 
in  such  a  way  as  to  reipiire,  for  a  perfect  under- 
standing of  this  dry  Imt  important  book,  the 
reading  of  the  parts  published  in  vols.  v.  and 
vi.  of  Kingsborough."  The  text,  as  given  in 
Kingsborou,t;h's  .lA'.xv'ii',  began  to  appi-ar  about 
a  year  later,  that  edition  onlv  giving,  in  the  lirst 
instance,  book  vi.,  which  relates  to  the  customs 
of  the  .A/tecs  before  the  ('on(|uest ;  but  in  a  later 
volume  he  reproduced  the  whole  of  the  work 
without  comment.     Kingsborough  had  also  used 


the  Murto/  li  xt,  .nul  has  m.ide,  according  to  Sim. 
eon,  lewer  errors  iu  tr.uiseribing  the  Nalm.u', 
words  Ih.in  llustam.iiite,  ,in<l  has  also  given  .1 
purer  Spanish  text.  Ilusi.nu.inlc  ag.du  printed, 
in  l.S|0,  another  text  of  this  n\(  jfth  book,  aftira 
m.inusiiipt  belonging  to  the  I'oude  deCortin.i. 
ap|)ending  notes  by  ('lavigero  .lud  others,  willi 
.m  .uldilion.d  ch.ipler.*  The  Mexican  edil'i 
cl.iimed  III. It  this  was  the  earlier  text  ,  but  I'us. 
mil  denies  it,  Tonpiemada  is  thought  to  h.iw 
used,  but  without  due  ar 
knowledguient,  still  anollur 
text,  which  is  less  modiliid 
ill. Ill  the  others  in  ex|in'». 
sioiis  reg.irding  the  ('oii(|uer- 
ors.  Hie  peculiar  value  of 
Sahagun's  n.irrative  liardiv 
lies  in  its  completeness,  pro 
portions,  or  even  Iriistwortlii- 
iiess  as  an  historical  leccud. 
"  1  lis  accuracy  as  regards  uiv 
historical  fact  is  not  to  he 
relied  on, "says  Helps.''  lln- 
voort  calls  the  work  of  iiiu  r- 
est  mainly  for  its  records  of 
persons  and  places  not  found  elsewhere."  I'res. 
cott  thinks  tli.il  this  Iwelflh  book  is  the  niosi 
honest  record  which  the  natives  have  left  us,  as 
.Sahagun  embodies  the  stories  and  views  preva- 
lent among  the  descendants  of  the  victims  of  the 
Compiest.  "This  portion  of  the  W(irk,"  he  savs. 
"was  re-written  liv  Saliagun  at  a  later  perio<l  of 
his  life,  and  consider.iblc  changes  were  made  in 
it  J  yet  it  may  be  doubted  if  the  reformed  versioii 
retlects  the  traditions  of  the  country  as  faith- 
fully as  the  original  draft.""  This  new  draft 
was  made  by  Sahagun  in  15S5,  thirty  years  after 
the  original  writing,  for  the  purpose,  as  he  savs, 
of  adding  some  things  which  had  been  omitted, 
and  leaving  out  others.  I'rescott  could  not  tind. 
in  (dinpariiig  this  later  <lraft  with  the  earlier, 
that  its  author  had  niitigated  aiiv  of  the  stale- 
nients  which,  as  he  fust  wrote  them,  bore  so 
hard  on  his  countrvmen.      The  same  historian 


I  A  part  of  the  original  inamiscript  of  .'sahagun  was  exhihited,  says  Itrinton  (.l/torigiiial  Avicritan 
Authors,  p.  27),  at  the  Congres  des  .\iiiericaiiistcs  at  M.idrid  in  iSSi, 

-  I'Meld,  IiniUxn  Dililii>i;i-ii/<liy,  no.  i,;',4S.  Stevens  (//i.:/tirioil  Co//irtioiis,  vol.  i.,  no.  1,573)  inenticinsa  copv 
of  this  eilition,  which  has  notes  and  collations  with  the  uriijinal  manuscript  made  by  Don  J.  I'".  Kaiiiirez.  CI. 
Thtitor  Cittiili>i;iif,  p.  ^6. 

i!  /;//./.  Amn:  Vvi.,  no.  20S. 

<  The  iKiok 'vas  called:  La  af'aricion  dc  .V''".  Sdiora  il,'  Gumialiife  ilc  Mexico,  comprobmla  con  to 
refiilacion  del  cirgiimcitto  iicgiilivo  i/iif  fresciila  Mtinoz,  fiiiulaiitiosc  en  cl  testhnonio  tic!  P.  Fi.  Hcrnan/iiri 
Sii/ini^un  ;  d  sen :  Ilisloiiit  orii;innl  ilc  cstc  escrilor,  que  iillern  In  fiil'licaila  en  1829  en  el  eguhocnilo  conceflo  ilc 
sola  iinicn  y  orii^inal  i/e  iliclio  alitor.  Piiliticata,  frcceilicnito  una  iliserlncion  sobre  la  aparicion  guailaliifniio. 
y  con  notns  sohrc  la  com/iiisln  <lc  Afcxico.     Cf.  Ticknor  Catalogue,  p.  46, 

'  Spanish  Conquest,  ii.  346. 

"  Magazine  of  American  History  (November,  r.SSi)  p.  37S.  Cf.  other  estimates  in  11.  H.  Bancrofl'-. 
Mexico,  i.  493,696;  Native  Races,  iii.  231-236;  Early  Chroniclers,  pp.  19,  20.  Bcrnal  Diaz  and  .'^aliasiin 
ar?  contrasted  by  fourdanet  in  the  introduction  to  his  edition  of  the  latter.  Cf.  also  Jourdanet's  edition  o! 
Ijsrnal  Diaz  and  the  article  on  Saliagun  by  roidin.ind  Denis  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  MonJes. 

■   I'rescott's  .l/i-.v;Vii,  Kirk's  ed.  ii.  38. 


^.  * 


COKTf.S   AM)   ins   COMPANIONS. 


417 


iriginal  Amelia  on 


Ihinkii  there  in  but  little  (lirfcrcMcc  In  ili'    itiirlii 
■ic  value  of  the  two  ilratt^.' 

The  livnt  .iiincitatL'd  (.(litioii  of  Sal'U({un  \*  a 
Krciuh  trannlalion,  piiblislicd  111  I'ari .  in  1S.S0  ii» 
llifloitf  fihihixli  lies  ihoui  tic  til  Xxir  .//.■  /•'■fiii;iii\ 
ncc-niiiiKly  from  the  KiiiH^'xirDiiHli  uxl,  v  liiili  in 
nmre  liiemlly  I"  the  SpaniariN  than  the  lirst  uf 
llustai  .aiiti'.  The  jiiiiil  rtlitijis  are  |)eiii>  Jour- 
(lane!  and  Ucini  Slint'on,  the  latter,  as  a  N'aliuatl 
scholar,  taking  ch.irne  of  thone  pnrlions  of  the 
text  which  fell  within  his  linguistic  range,  and 
each  affording  a  valuable  intr<iductlon  In  their 
respective  studies.'-' 

C.  oriiKK  Kari.v  Accounts. —  The  X'oy- 
ti,i,rs,  /\,litlioiis,it  Mi'ini'ircs  of  Ternanx-C'onipans 
(I'aris,  iSj7-i,S.(o)  offer  the  readiest  sourie  c>f 
some  of  the  most  sij^nificant  of  the  documents 
and  nronogr.iphs  pertaining  to  early  Mexican 
history.  Two  of  the  volumes''  gather  some  of 
the  minor  documents.  Another  volume*  is 
given  to  Zurita's  "  Rapport  sur  les  differentes 
elas.scs  dcs  ehef.s  de  la  Nouvelle  lispagne." 
Three  others'  contain  an  account  of  the  cruel- 
lies practised  bv  the  Spaniards  at  the  Compiest, 
and  the  history  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Tc/cuco, 
—  both  the  work  of  Ferdinando  d'Alva  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl."  The  former  work,  not  correctly  printed, 
and  called,  somewhat  arbitrarily,  llo> rihhs  cruel- 
ilatlcs  (/<•  los  Co)i(/ui.<tiiili'rc.\-  i/c  Mi'xico,  was  first 
luiblislied  by  Ilustaniante,  in  iS^cj,  as  a  supple- 
ment to  Sahagr.n.  The  manuscript  (which  was 
no.  13  of  a  number  of  A'oticiiis,  or  A'c/nciniics  /lis- 
l/iriciis,  l)y  this  native  writer)  had  been  for  a 
while  after  the  writer's  death  (abmit  1648)  pre- 
served in  the  library  of  the  Jesuit  College  in 
Mexico,  and  had  thence  passed  to  the  archivo- 
general  of  the  State.  It  bears  the  certilkate  of 
a  notary,  in  1608,  that  it  had  been  compared 
with  the  Aztec  records  and  found  to  be  correct. 
The  original  work  contained  several  A'ciiicii'iics, 
butonlv  the  one  (no.  13)  rel.iling  to  the  Conipiest 
was  pul)li^hed  !iv  Ihisiamante  and   Ternaux." 

The  other  work  of  Ixtlilxochitl  was  first 
printetl    (after    Vcytia's   copy)    in    Spanish    by 


Kingsborough,  in  his  njnih  volume,  before  Tcr< 
n.iux,  who  n-it'd  another  copy.  Included  it  in  hi* 
ccdlectiim  under  the  title  of  //itfiurc  lics  ('/;/'. 
c/iimci/uc  OH  lies  iiHiiciis  /ioisUc  /'ezciico.  This  i» 
the  onl)  work  of  Ixllilxochitl  which  has  been 
printed  entire.  According  to  Clavigero,  these 
treatises  were  written  at  the  inslanee  of  the 
Spanish  viceroy  ;  and  as  a  descendant  of  the 
royal  line  of  Te/cuco  (the  great  great-grandson, 
it  is  said,  of  the  king  of  like  name)  their  autlior 
had  great  advantages,  with  perhaps  great  predis- 
positions to  laudation,  though  he  is  credited 
with  extreme  carefulness  in  his  statements;"  and 
I'rescott  alhrms  th.it  he  has  been  followed  with 
conhdence  by  such  as  have  had  access  to  hiit 
writings.  Ixtlilxochitl  informs  us  that  he  hati 
derived  hi:^  materi.d  from  such  remains  of  his  an- 
cestral documents  as  were  left  to  him.  lie  seems 
also  to  have  used  (iomara  and  other  accessible 
authorities.  He  lived  in  the  early  part  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  as  interpreter  of  the 
viceroy  maintained  a  respectable  social  position 
when  many  of  his  royal  line  were  in  the  liiun- 
blest  service.  His  K'ciacioiics  mi:  hardly  regular 
historical  compositions,  since  they  lack  inde- 
pendent and  compact  form;  but  his  llistoria 
Cliicltimccn  is  the  bi  .-t  of  them,  and  is  more  de- 
pended upon  by  I'rescott  than  the  others  are. 
There  is  a  certain  charm  in  his  simplicity,  his 
picturestpieness,  and  honesty  ;  and  readers  ae- 
cei)t  these  (jualities  often  in  full  recompense  for 
his  credulity  and  want  of  discrimination,  —  and 
perhaps  for  a  certain  servility  to  the  Spanish  mas- 
ters, for  whose  bounty  he  could  press  the  claims 
of  a  line  of  vassals  of  his  own  blood." 

D.  Native  Writkrs.  — The  pious  vandal- 
ism of  the  bishops  of  Mexico  and  ''i:r'itan, 
which  doomed  to  destruction  so  much  01  the 
native  records  of  days  ai\lecedent  to  the  Con- 
tpicst,'"  fortunately  was  not  so  ruthlessly  exer- 
cised later,  when  native  writers  gathered  u|i 
what  they  could,  and  told  the  story  of  their  peo- 
ple's downfall,  either  in  the  language  of  the 
country  or  in  an   ac(|uired  Spanish."     Hrasseur 


1  I'rescott,  ;1/c.v;'«,  ill.  314. 

'-  Mr.  lirevoort  reviewed  this  edition  in  the  Mai^mhu  of  Ameri^nn  History. 

3  Vols.  X.  and  xvi.  In  one  of  these  is  the  Clironicit  Coiiifouliosissima  of  .\niandus  (Antwerp.  \\'S\), 
which  contains  the  letters  of  I'eter  of  fihent,  or  De  Mura,  —  Rccucil  ties /■ihcs  relatives  ii  In  Com/iicte  ilii  Mex- 
igne,  pp.  io3-2o-^.    Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  i.  no.  (194. 

*  Vol.  xi.  Ziirita  is  also  given  in  Spanish  in  the  Coleecion  ilc  Jocumentos  ineiiitos,  V(j1.  ii.  (1S65),  hut  less 
perfectly  than  in  Ternaux.     The  docmncnt  was  written  about  1 560. 

6  Vols,  viii.,  xii.,  xiii. 

^  Field,  Indian  Ilililiograf'hy,  nos.  1 540-1 541.  "  Ibid.,  no.  767. 

8  Ibid.,  no.  766  ;  S.ibin,  vol.  ix.  p.  iftS.     CI    ISrinton,  At'orii;iiial  Ainerieaii  Authors,  p.  15. 

'J  I'rescott,  .^[cxieo,  vol.  i.  pp.  16^,  174,  206,  207  ;  vol.  iii.  p.  105  ;  and  11.  II.  Uancroft,  Mexico,  vol.  i.  pp. 
.)39i  '^97  !  vol.  ii.  p.  24  ;  KingsborouKli,  vol.  ix. 

'"  Hrinton,  AI'orii;inal  Awerican  Literature,  p.  34. 

■"  Icazbalccta,  in  his  Af'untcs  para  nn  Catalos;o  ,le  Escritores  en  lenguas  inJigenas  de  America  (Mexico 
1S66),  gives  a  sinnmary  of  the  native  literature  preserved  to  us.     Cf.  Brinton's  Aboris;inal  American  Aiitliors, 
".  14,  etc.,  on  natives  who  .acquired  reputation  as  writers  of  .'Siianish. 
VOT..    II.  — 53- 


Iv' 


,    -r 


I  \ 


4i8 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY  Of   AMERICA. 


de  Hourbourg,  in  the  introduction  to  hi-  A'alions 
cirilisi'es  dii  Mcxique  (Paris,  1S57-1S59),  enumer- 
ates the  manuscript  sources  to  which  he  had 
access,'  largely  pertaining  to  the  period  anterior 
to  the  Spaniards,  but  also  in  part  covering  the 
history  of  the  Conquest,  which  in  his  fourth  vol- 
ume-he narrates  mainly  from  the  native  point 
of  view,  while  he  illustrates  the  Indian  life  under 
its  contact  with  the  Spanish  rule. 

Brasseur  was  fortunate  in  having  access  to 
the  Aubin  Collection  of  manuscripts,'  which  had 
originally  been  formed  between  1736  and  1745 
by  the  Chevalier  Lorenzo  Hoturini  Bcnaduci ; 
and  that  collector  in  1746  gave  a  catalogue  of 
them  at  the  end  of  his  Idea  Jc  una  tiuei'u  historia 
i;cneral  dc  la  America  septentrional,  published  at 
Madrid  in  that  year.''  Unfortunately,  the  labors 
of  this  devoted  archaeologist  incurred  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  Spanish  Government,  and  his  library 
was  more  or  less  scattered  ;  but  to  him  we  owe 
a  large  part  of  what  we  find  in  the  collections  of 
Bustamante,  Kingsborough,  and  Ternaux.  Mari- 
ano Veytia*  was  his  e.xecutor,  and  had  the  ad- 
vantages of  Ijoturini's  collections  in  his  own 
Historia  Antigua  de  Me/ieo.^  Boturini's  cata- 
logue, however,  shows  us  that  much  has  disap- 
peared, which  we  may  regret.  Such  is  the 
Cronica  of  TIaxcala,  by  Juan  Ventura  Zapata 
y  .Mendoza,  which  brought  the  story  down  to 
16S9,  which  Brinton  ho])es  may  yet  be  discov- 
ered in  Spain.''  One  important  work  is  saved, — 
that  of  Camargo. 

Mufioz  Camargo  was  born  in  Mexico  just 
after  the  Conijuest,  and  was  connected  by  mar- 
riage with  leading  native  families,  and  attained 
high  official  position  in  TIaxcala,  whose  history 
he  wrote,  beginning  its  composition  in  1576,  and 


finishing  it  in  1585.  lie  had  collected  much 
material.  Ternaux "  printed  a  French  transla- 
tion of  a  mutilated  text ;  but  it  has  never  been 
printed  in  the  condition,  fragmentary  though  u 
be,  in  which  it  was  recovered  by  Botiuini.  I'rcs- 
cott  says  the  original  manuscript  w;>j  long 
preserved  in  a  convent  in  Mexico,  where  Tor- 
quemada  used  it.  It  was  later  taken  to  Spain, 
when  it  found  its  way  into  the  Mufioz  Collection 
in  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid,  whence 
Prescott  got  his  copy.  This  last  historian 
speaks  of  the  work  as  supplying  much  curious 
and  authentic  information  respecting  the  social 
and  religious  condition  of  the  Aztecs.  Camargo 
tells  fully  the  story  of  the  Conquest,  but  he  deals 
out  his  applause  and  sympathy  to  the  conquerors 
and  the  conquered  with  equal  readiness.' 

Other  manuscripts  have  not  yet  been  editeil. 
Chimalpain's  Cronica  Mexicana,  in  the  NahuatI 
tongue,  which  covers  the  interval  from  A.  11. 
1068  to  1597,  is  one  of  these.  Another  NahuatI 
manuscript  in  Boturini's  list  is  an  anonymous 
history  of  Culhuacan  and  Mexico.  An  imper- 
fect translation  of  this  into  Spanish,  by  Galicia, 
has  been  made  in  Mexico.  Brasseur  copied  it, 
and  called  it  the  Codex  Chimalpopoca.^'^  In  1.S79 
the  Museo  Nacional  at  Mexico  began  to  print  il 
in  their  Anales  (vol.  ;i.),  adding  a  new  version 
by  Mendoza  and  Solis,  under  the  title  of  Anates 
de  Cuaiihtitlan}^ 

Bancroft's  list,  prefixed  to  his  Mexico,  malics 
mention  of  most  of  these  native  Mexican 
sources.  Of  principal  use  among  them  may  be 
mentioned  Fernando  de  Alvaro  Tezozonioc's 
Cronica  Mexicana,  or  I/istoiie  dii  Afexiijnc,  writ- 
ten in  1598,  and  ])ublished  in  1853,  in  Paris,  by 
Ternaux-Compans.'- 


>  J 


Mm 

i.if. I'i ;   7  •!    I 


f  i"/.' 


'  Vol.  i.  p.  Ixxiv ;  and  on  p.  Ixxviii  he  gives  accounts  of  various  manuscripts,  chiefly  copies,  owned  by  liim- 
self.  He  also  traces  the  rise  cf  his  interest  in  .Xmcric.in  studies,  while  otlici;il  position  in  later  ye.irs  gave  him 
unusual  facilities  for  research.  His  conclusions  and  arguments  are  often  questioned  by  careful  students.  Cf. 
liandclicr,  in  Amer.  Aiitiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  iSSo,  \i.  93. 

-  In  the  introduction  to  this  volume  Urasseur  reviews  the  native  writers  on  tlie  Conciii"st.  Bancroft 
(Mexico,  vol.  i.  p.  493,  vol.  ii.  p.  4SS)  thinks  he  hardly  does  Cortes  justice,  and  is  jjrone  to  accept  witliout  dis- 
crimination tlie  native  .accounts,  to  the  discredit  of  those  of  the  conciuerois.  Brasseur  gives  abundant  lefer- 
ences;  and  since  the  publication  of  *hc  Pinart-Brasseiir  Catalogue,  we  have  a  comi)act  enumeration  of  his 
own  library. 

3  He  CI '  merates  a  few  of  the  treasures,  vol.  i.  p.  Ixxvi. 

■•  The  list  is  not  found  in  all  copies.  Miopliy  Catalogue,  p.  300.  F.  S.  Ellis  (London,  18S4)  prices  a 
copy  at  .£2  2s. 

■'  Born  at  Puel)la  1710;  died  17S0. 

«  I'uhlislieil  in  tluee  volumes  in  Mexico  in  \%sU.  Fditcd  by  C.  F.  Ortega.  Cf.  Prescott,  Mexico,  book  i. 
chap.  i.  Vevtia  also  edited  from  Boturini's  collection,  and  publislied  with  notes  at  Mexico  in  1,^26,  Tczciu.^ 
en  los  xlfimos  tienifos  dc  s.is  antigiios  rcyes  (Miirfliy  Catalogue,  no.  42S). 

'  .  ll'orit;iiial  American  Aiitliors,  p.  21),  where  are  notices  of  otlier  manuscripts  on  Tlaxcalan  history. 

8  Cf.  Moui'cllcs  Annates  dcs  l^oyagcs  (1S45),  vol.  ii.  p.  129,  etc. 

^  Prescott,  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  p.  2S6 ;  Bancroft,  Mexico,  vol.  i.  p.  200. 

1"  Pinart-Brasseur  Catahgiie,  no.  237. 

11  lirinton's  Aboriginal  American  Authors,  p.  26,  Mr.  .\.  F.  Bandelicr  is  said  to  bo  preparing  an  edition 
of  it. 

12  Cf.  Nouvelles  Annates  dcs  Voyages.  18^4-1849.  Teinaux's  translation  is  much  c|uestioned.  Cf.  also 
Kingsborough.  vol.  ix..  and  the  Biblioteca  Mexicana  of  Vigcl,  with  notes  by  Orozco  y  Berra. 


CORTES   AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


419 


Hrinton  has  publishett  in  the  first  volume  of 
his  library  of  Aboriginal  American  Liti-ralitrc 
(iSiS:;,  p.  1S9)  the  chronicle  of  Chac-xulul>chen, 
written  in  the  Maya  in  15O2,  which  throws  light 
on  the  methods  of  the  Spanish  Conquest. 

There  was  a  native  account,  by  Don  Gabriel 
Castaiieda,  of  the  concpiest  of  the  Chichimccs 
by  the  Viceroy  Antonio  dc  Mendoza  in  1541; 
hut  Hrinton  •  says  all  trace  of  it  is  lost  since  it 
was  reported  to  be  in  the  Convent  of  Ildefonso 
in  Mexico. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  native  contri- 
bution to  the  history  of  Guatemala  is  Francisco 
lOrnandez  Arana  Xaliila's  Mvmorial  dc  Tccpan 
A/if/a>i,vir\Ucn  in  15S1  and  later  in  the  dialect 
of  Cakchicpiel,  and  bringing  the  history  of  a 
distinguished  branch  of  the  Cakchiquels  down 
to  1562,  from  which  ])oint  it  is  continued  by 
Francisco  Geljuta  Quch.  Hrasseur  de  Hour- 
bourg  loosely  rendered  it,  and  from  this  para- 
phrase a  Spanish  version  has  been  printed  in 
Guatemala;  but  the  original  has  never  been 
printed.  Brinton  (in  his  A/'origiiia/  American 
Aiit/iors,  p.  3i)  says  he  has  a  copy;  and  another 


is  in  Europe.  It  is  of  great  importance  as  giving 
the  native  accounts  of  the  conquest  of  Guate- 
mala.- An  ardent  advocacy  of  the  natives  was 
also  shown  in  the  Ilistoria  tic  las  hulias  de  Niia'a 
EspaTia  of  the  Padre  Diego  Duran,  which  was 
edited  by  Ramirez,  so  far  as  the  first  volume  goes, 
in  1SC7,  when  it  was  published  in  Mexico  with 
an  atlas  of  plates  after  the  manuscript ;  but  this 
publication  is  said  not  to  jircsent  all  the  draw- 
ings of  the  original  manuscript.  The  overthrow 
of  Maximilian  prevented  the  completion  of  the 
publication.  The  incoming  Republican  govern- 
ment seized  what  had  been  printed,  so  that  the 
fruit  of  Ramirez's  labor  is  now  scarce.  Quaritch 
priced  the  editor's  own  copy  at  /'8  10/.  The 
editor  had  polished  the  style  of  the  original  some- 
what, and  made  other  changes,  which  excited 
some  di,sgust  in  the  purists ;  and  this  action  on 
his  part  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  the 
proceedings  of  the  new  Government.  Ramirez 
claimed  descent  from  the  Aztecs,  and  this  may 
account  for  much  of  his  stern  judgment  respect- 
ing Cortes.^  The  story  in  this  first  volume  is  only 
brought  down  to  the  reign  of  Montezuma.     The 


||h 


fcV 


nU 


m,  i.S,S4)  prices  a 


ilaii  history. 


1  Aboris^inal  American  Authors,  p.  2S. 

-  Bancroft,  Centra,  -trica,  vol.  i.  p.  686.  Bandolier  has  given  a  partial  list  of  the  authorities  on  the 
coiuiuestof  Guatemala  in  die  Amcr.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  18S0;  and  Bancroft  {Central  .Imericti,  vol.  i. 
p.  701,  vol.  ii.  p.  756)  characterizes  the  principal  sources.  Helps  (end  of  book  xv.  of  his  S/'aiiish  Coiu/ticst) 
ciimplained  of  the  difficulty  in  getting  information  of  the  Guatemala  affairs;  but  Bancroft  makes  use  of  all  the 
varied  ))ublished  collections  of  documents  on  .'^panish-Anierican  history,  which  contain  so  nuich  on  Guatemala ; 
and  to  his  hands,  fortunately,  came  also  all  the  papers  of  the  late  E,  G.  Sepiier.  A  Coleccion  de  Dociiincntps  Anii- 
fiios  de  Guatemala,  puljlislied  in  1S5;,  lias  been  mentioned  elsewhere,  as  well  as  the  Proccso  against  Alvarado, 
so  rich  in  helpful  material.  The  general  liistoiians  must  all  be  put  under  retiuisition  in  studying  this  theme, — 
Oviedo,  (iomara,  Diaz,  L.as  Casas,  Ixdilxocliitl,  and  llenera,  not  to  name  others.  Antonio  de  Kemesal's  is  the 
eldest  of  the  special  works,  and  was  written  on  the  sjiot.  His  Hhtoria  de  Chyapa  is  a  Dominican's  view;  and 
being  a  partisan,  he  needs  more  or  less  to  Im:  confirmed.  A  Franciscan  friar,  Francisco  Vasquez.  published  a 
Chronica  dc  la  ProvUicia  del  Santissimo  Nombre  de  Jesus  de  Guatemala  in  1714,  a  promised  second  volume 
never  appearing.  He  m.agnified  the  petty  doings  of  his  brother  friais;  but  enough  of  historical  interest  crept 
into  his  book,  together  with  citations  from  records  no  longer  existing,  to  make  it  valu.able.  He  tilts  .against 
Kemcsal,  while  he  constantly  uses  his  book;  and  the  antagonism  of  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  misguides 
him  sometimes,  when  borrowing  from  his  rival.  He  lauds  the  conquerors,  and  he  suffers  the  charges  of  cruelty  to 
be  made  out  but  in  a  few  cases  (Bancroft,  Central  America,  vol.  ii.  pp.  142,  736).  The  Ilistoria  de  Guatemala 
lif  Francisco  Antonio  de  Fuentes  y  Guzman  is  cpioted  by  Bancroft  from  a  manuscript  copy  (Central  America, 
viil.  ii.  p.  736),  bnt  it  has  since  been  printed  in  Madrid  in  1SS2-1SS3,  in  two  volumes,  with  annotations  Ijy  Justo 
X:uag"za,  as  one  of  the  scries  Biblioteca  dc  /os  Amcricanistcs.  Bancroft  thinks  he  has  many  errors  and  tliat  he 
is  far  fron.  trustworthy,  wherever  his  partiality  for  the  conquerors  is  brouglit  into  play.  The  chief  modern  liis' 
torian  of  Gu.atemala  is  Domingo  Juarros.  who  was  born  in  that  city  in  1752.  and  died  in  1S20.  His  Compeudiode 
la  hisloria  dela  Ciudad de  Guatemala  was  published  tlierc.  the  lirst  volume  in  iSoS  and  the  second  in  iSiS  ;  and 
both  were  republished  in  1.S57.  It  was  published  in  Knglisli  in  London  in  1S23.  witli  omissions  and  iuaccur.a- 
cies, —  according  to  Bancroft.  The  story  of  the  Conquest  is  told  in  the  second  volume.  Except  so  f.ar  as  he 
followed  Fuentes,  in  his  partiality  for  the  conquerors,  fuarros'  treatment  of  his  subject  is  fair;  and  his  indus- 
try and  f.icilities  make  huu  learned  in  its  details.  B.ancroft  [Central  America.  \tA.  ii.  pp.  142,  7^7)  remarks 
on  his  omission  to  mention  the  letters  of  .Alvarado.  and  doulits.  accordingly,  if  Juarros  could  have  known 
of  them. 

Of  the  despatches  which  .Mvamdo  sent  to  Cortds.  we  know  only  two.  Bantielier  {American  Antiijuariar 
Sccictfs  Proceedinf;s,  October,  i.SSo)  says  tliat  Squier  had  copies  of  them  all  ;  but  Bancroft  {Central  America, 
viil.  i.  p.  666),  who  says  he  has  .all  of  .Squier's  papers,  makes  no  mention  of  any  bevnnd  the  two,  —  of  April  1 1 
■lud  Jul-  2fi,  1524, — which  are  in  print  in  connection  with  Cortes' fointh  letter,  in  Kanuisio's  version,  except 
^ -ch  a,  a.-e  of  late  date  (1534-1 541 ),  of  which  lie  has  copies,  ,as  his  list  shows  (Cf.  also  Ternaux,  vol.  x..  and 
Barcia,  vol.  i.  p.  157).  Ternaux  is  said  to  have  translated  from  Kainusio.  Oviedo  uses  them  largely,  word  for 
«ord.  Herrcra  Is  supposed  to  have  used  a  manuscript  History  of  tlie  Conquest  of  Guatemala  by  Gonzalo  de 
xlvarado. 

^  I'rescott,  .l/c.v/Vi>,  vol.  ii.  p    165. 


.. 


} 


It 


U' 


V 


420  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


iHOiy 


manuscript  is  preserved  in  the  royal  library  at 
Madrid.'  Duran  was  a  half-breed,  his  mother 
being  of  Tezcuco.  Ho  became  a  Dominican ; 
but  a  slender  constitution  kept  him  from  the  mis- 
sionary field,  and  he  pressed  a  monastic  life  of 
literary  labors.  He  had  finished  in  1579  the 
later  parts  of  his  work  treating  of  the  Mexican 
divinities,  calendars,  and  festivals;  and  then, 
reverting  to  the  portions  which  came  first  in  the 
manuscript,  he  tells  the  story  of  Mexican  history 
rather  clumsily,  but  with  a  certain  native  force 
and  insight,  down  to  the  period  of  the  Honduras 
expedition.  The  manuscript  of  Duran  passed, 
after  his  death  in  1 588,  to  Juan  Tovar,  and  from 
him,  perhaps  with  the  representations  that  Tovar 
(or  Tobar)  was  its  author,  to  Jose  de  Acosta, 
who  represents  Tovar  as  the  author,  and  who 
had  then  prepared,  while  in  Peru,  his  Dc  Natiira 
Nox'i  Oibis. 

E.  The  Earlier  Historians. — Jose  de 
■Acosta  was  born  about  1540  in  Spain;  but  at 
fourteen  he  joined  the  Jesuits.  He  grew  learned, 
and  in  1571  he  went  to  Peru,  in  which  country  he 
•spent  fifteen  years,  becoming  the  provincial  of  his 
Order.  He  tarried  two  other  years  in  Mexico  — 
where  he  saw  Tovar  —  and  in  the  islands.  He 
then  returned  to  Spain  laden  with  manuscrijits 
and  information,  became  a  royal  favorite,  held 
other  ofiiccs,  and  died  as  rector  of  Salamanca 


in  1600,2  having  published  in  his  books  on  the 
New  World  the  most  popular  and  perha])s 
most  satisfactory  account  of  it  up  to  that  time  • 
while  his  theological  works  give  evidence,  as 
Markham  says,  of  great    ■earning. 

Acosta's  first  publicauon  appeared  at  Sala- 
manca in  1 588  and  1589,  and  was  in  effect  two 
essays,  though  they  are  usually  found  under  one 
cover  (they  had  separate  titles,  but  were  continu- 
ously paged ),  Ve  uatiira  Niy<<i  OrHs  lihri duo,  et  de 
pyomHli;atione  tfiiui^dii apud  baiharos,  .  .  .  Mri 
sc-x.  In  the  former  he  describes  the  physical 
features  of  the  country,  and  in  the  latter  he  told 
the  story  of  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.-' 
Acosta  now  translated  the  two  bocks  of  the 
Di-  iia/ur,!  into  Spanish,  and  added  five  other 
books.  The  work  was  thus  made  to  form  a 
general  cosmographical  treatise,  with  jiarticular 
reference  to  the  New  World ;  and  included  an 
account  of  the  religion  and  government  of  the 
Indians  of  Peru  and  Mexico.  lie  also  gave 
a  brief  recital  of  the  Conquest.  In  this  extended 
form,  and  under  the  title  of  Historia  natvral 
y  moral  dc  Ins  Indias,  en  qvc  sc  tratnii  las  cosas 
notables  del  ciflo,  y  elemeiitos,  metales,  plan/as, 
y  a  III  males  deltas  ;  y  los  ritos,y  ceremonias,  teyes, 
y  1,'oiiienio,  y  f^iierras  de  los  Indios,  it  was  pub- 
lished at  Seville  in  i590.' 

Two  other  accounts  of  this  period  deserve 
notice.     One  is  by  Joan  Suarez  de  Peralta,  wlin 


1  A  copy  is  in  tlie  Force  Collection,  Library  of  Congress,  and  ;iiuitlier  in  Mr.  Bancroft's,  from  who^e 
Mexico,  vol.  i.  p.  4(11.  we  Katlier  some  of  these  statements. 

-  CI.  Backer,  Bibliotlicquc  dcs  cciiraiiis  de  la  Comfai;nu  de  Jesus;  Markham's  introduction  to  hi-, 
edition  of  .Xcosta  in  the  Ilakluyt  Society's  publications. 

3  The  orininal  edition  of  tlic  De  iici/iira  is  scarce.  Rich  priced  it  at  £1  \s.  fifty  years  aRo  ;  Leclcrc, 
nn.  2,r)39,  at  150  francs  (cf.  al.so  Carter-Brown,  i.  J79;  Sabin,  i.  in,  —  for  a  full  account  of  succes-.ive 
editions:  Sunderland,  i.  23).  It  was  reprinted  at  Salamanca  in  1595.  and  at  Cologne  in  1596.  The 
latter  edition  on  usually  be  bought  for  S3  o;  $4.  Cf.  Field,  no.  9  ;  Stevens,  Bibliothcca  Historica^nn.  ^); 
Murphy,  no    ii.  etc. 

■•  liicli  priced  it  in  iS-',2  at  .£1  loi. ;  ordinary  cojues  are  now  worth  about  £2  or  £3,  but  fine  copies 
in  superior  Ijuidinu;  have  reached  .£12  I2.r.  (Cf.  I.cclcrc,  no.  5  —  200  francs  ;  Sunderland,  i.  24  ;  J.  A.  Allen, 
BiHtoiirapby  of  Cctacca,  p.  24,  —  where  this  and  other  early  Ijooks  on  America  are  recorded  with  the  utmost 
care.)  Otlicr  Spanish  editio-is  are  Hchnstadt.  1590  (Bartlctt);  Seville,  1 591  (Bruuet,  Backer) ;  Barcelona, 
1591  (Carter-Brown,  i.  47S ;  Leclerc.  no.  7);  M.idrid,  irioS  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  fii ;  Leclerc,  no.  S)  and  1610 
(Sabin) ;  Lyons,  1670  ;  and  Madrid.  1702,  called  the  best  edition,  with  a  notice  of  Acosta. 

The  French  editions  followed  rapidly  :  Paris.  Iiy  K.  Regnault,  1597  (Brunet,  Markham);  159S  (Leclerc, 
no.  10  —  100  francs;  Oufossc.  12;  francs.  140  francs,  160  francs);  iCioo  (Leclcrc,  no.  11;  Bishop  Ihiets 
copy  in  the  Bibliotheipie  Nationale  at  I'.iris  has  notes  which  are  printed  by  Camus  in  his  book  on  Me  Bry) ; 
i6of)  (Leclcrc.  nos.  12,13);  i6ifi  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  177;  Leclerc,  no.  2.639  —  50  francs);  1617  (Leclerc, 
no.  14);  1619  (Sabin) ;  1621  (Rich).  An  Italian  version,  made  by  fiallucci,  was  printed  at  Venice  in  159(1 
(Leclerc.  no.  i;). 

There  were  more  liberties  taken  with  it  in  flerman.  It  nas  called  Gcos;rafhiscbe  and  liistorisclic  Deschrei- 
biiiic;  dcr  America,  \\\\cn  iiriutcd  at  Cologne  in  159S,  with  thirty  maps,  as  detailed  in  the  Carfer-Brown 
Cafalof:!ie,  i.   520.     ;\ntonio  (Bibliotcca  Hispana  Nora)  wives   the  date    1599.     At  Cologne  again    in    1600 


it  is   called   Ne%v  Welt  (Carter-Brc 


54.S),  and  at  Wesel,  in    \(m^,  America  odcr  West  /«i//i(,  which  is 


partly  the  same  as  die  preceding  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  31).     Antonio  gives  an  edition  in  iCn;. 

The  Dutch  tr.inslation.  following  the  lioi  Seville  edition,  was  made  by  Linsclioteu,  and  printed  at  Haarlem 
in  15(18  (r.eclerc,  no.  iCi)  ;  and  again,  with  woodcuts,  in  1624  (Carter-Brown,  ii.  2S7  ;  Murphy,  no.  0).  1' is 
also  in  Vandcr  Aa's  collection,  1727.  It  was  from  the  Hutch  version  that  it  was  turned  (by  (iothard  Arthu- 
for  De  Bry  iu  his  Great  Voyai;es,  part  ix.)  into  German,  in  1601  ;  and  into  Latin,  in  1602  and  1603. 

The  first  F.ngli^li  translation  did  not  appear  till  1604,  at  London,  as  Thi'iiatiirall and  morall  historic  01 
the  East  iind  West  Indies.     Intreating  0/  the  remarkable  things  of  Heaven,  of  the  Elements,  Metlalls,  Plant'. 


:f^ 


S 


CORTES   AND    HIS   COMPANIONS. 


421 


ivas  born  in  Mexico  in  1536,  and  wrote  a  Tratado 
ihl  dcscubrimicnio  de  las  Yiidias  y  sit  conqiiista, 
which  is  preserved  :n  manuscript  in  the  library 
at  Toledo  in  Spain.  It  is  not  full,  however,  on 
the  Conquest ;  but  is  more  definite  for  the  period 
from  1565  to  1589.  It  was  printed  at  Madrid 
in  187S,  ill  the  Xolicias  histdricas  de  la  iVuei'U 
Espium  publicadas  con  la  pyotcction  del  ministerio 
de  fomento  por  Don  yiisto  Zaraj^oza.  The  other 
is  Henrico  Martinez'  Repertorio  de  los  Tiempos 
v  liistoria  natural  de  la  A'ueva  Espafia,  published 
at  Mexico  in  160C.  It  covers  the  Mexican 
annals  from  1520  to  1590.' 

One  of  the  earliest  to  depend  largely  on  the 
native  chroniclers  was  Juan  de  Torquemada,  in 
his  Monarqttla  Indiana.  This  author  was  born 
in  Spain,  but  came  young  to  Mexico ;  and  was 
a  priest  of  the  Franci_„an  habit,  who  finally 
became  (1614-1617)  the  provincial  of  that  Order. 
He  had  assiduously  labored  to  collect  all  that 


he  could  find  regarding  the  history  of  the  people 
among  whom  he  was  thrown  ;  and  his  efforts 
were  increased  when,  in  1609,  he  received 
orders  to  prepare  his  labors  for  publication. 
His  book  is  esteemed  for  the  help  it  affords 
in  understanding  these  people.  Ternaux  calls 
it  the  most  complete  narrative  which  we  possess 
of  the  ancient  history  of  Mexico.  He  took  the 
history,  as  the  native  writers  had  instructed  him, 
of  the  period  before  the  Conquest,  and  derived 
from  them  and  his  own  observation  much  re- 
specting the  kind  of  life  which  the  conquerors 
found  prevailing  in  the  country.  In  his  account 
of  the  Concpiest,  which  constitutes  the  fourth 
book  in  vol.  i.,  Torquemada  seems  to  depend 
largely  on  lierrera,  though  he  does  not  neglect 
.Sahagun  and  the  native  writers.  Clavigero 
tells  us  that  Torquemada  for  fifty  years  had 
known  the  language  of  the  natives,  and  spent 
twenty  years  or  more  in  arranging  his  history. 


oft's,  from  wild 


troduction    to  his 


Historical  no.  t) ; 


1) ;    1598  (LeclciT, 


and  Beasts  which  are  proper  to  that  Country :  Together  with  the  Manners,  Ceremonies,  Lawes,  Govcrnemciits, 
and  IVarres  of  the  Indians.  Written  in  Spanish  by  loseph  Acosia,  and  translated  into  English  by 
E[d7vard]  G[rimston].  Rich  priced  it  fifty  years  ago  at  £1  i6s. ;  H  is  usually  priced  now  at  from  four  to  eight 
guineas  (cf.  Carter-Brown,  ii.  21;  Field,  no.  8;  Menzies,  no.  4;  Murphy,  no.  S).  It  was  reprinted,  with 
corrections  of  the  version,  and  edited  by  C.  R.  Markham  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1S80. 

>  This  is  extremely  rare.  Quaritch,  who  said  in  1879  that  only  three  copies  had  turned  up  in  London 
'■  thirty  years,  prices  an  imperfect  copy  at  £5.    (Catalogue,  no.  326  sub.  no.  17,635.) 

It  is  worth  while  to  note  how  events  in  the  New  World,  during  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
were  considered  in  their  relation  to  European  history.  Cf.  for  instance,  Ulloa's  l^ita  dclP  imferator  Carlo  V. 
(Rome,  1562),  and  such  chronicles  as  \.\\&  Anales  de  Aragon,  fiK\  and  second  parts.  Vimtls^c  (Bibl.  Amer. 
Vet.  and  Additions),  and  tlie  Carter-Brown  Catalogue  (vol.  i.)  will  lead  the  student  to  this  examination,  in 
tlisir  enumeration  of  books  only  incidentally  connected  with  America.     To  take  but  a  few  as  representative  : 

Maffeius,  Commentariorum  urbanorum  libri,  Basle,  1530,  with  its  chapter  on'Moca  nuper  reperta." 
(Ilarrisse,  ^(/(/»V<o«/,  no.  93-;  edition  of  1544,  5/W.  Amer.  Vct.no.  257,  and  Additions,  no.  146.  Fabricius 
cites  an  edition  as  early  as  1526.) 

Laurentius  Frisius,  Der  Cartha  Marina,  Strasburg,  1530.  (Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  151, 
Additions,  no.  90.) 

Gemma  Phrysius,  ZJff  Principiis  Astronomies  ct  Cosmographicce,'^'\\\v  its  cap.  xxix.,  "  De  insulis  nuper 
inventis."  ( Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  92. )  There  are  later  editions  in  1 544  {Bibl.  Amer.  Vet,, 
no.  252),  1548;  also  Paris,  in  French,  1557,  etc. 

Sebastian  Franck,  Wcltbuch,  Tubingen,  1 533-1 534,  in  which  popular  book  of  its  day  a  separate  chapter 
is  given  to  America.  The  book  in  this  first  edition  is  rare,  and  is  sometimes  dated  153;,  and  .ig.iin  1534. 
(Cf.  Harrisse,  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  nos.  174,  197  ;  Sabin,  vi.  570;  Carter-Brown,  i.  in  ;  MuUer,  1877,  no.  1,151  ; 
H.  H.  Bancroft,  Mexico,  i.  250.)  There  was  another  edition  in  1542  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  23S  ;  Stevens, 
Bbliotheca  Historica,no.  738),  and  later  in  Dutch  and  German,  in  1558,  1567,  1595,  etc.  (Leclerc,  nos.  212, 
217,  etc.). 

George  ."ithaymer,  De  orbis  tcrrartim,  Nuremberg,  153S,  with  its  "  De  terris  et  insulis  nuper  repertis  " 
(Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  119). 

.•\cliilles  P.  Gassaruni,  Hislorianim  et  clironicariim  mundi  epitomes  libcllus,  Venice,  153S,  with  its 
"  insula:  in  oceano  antiquioribus  ignnta:." 

Ocampo,  Chronica geniral  de  Espafia,  1543,  who,  in  mentioning  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  forgets 
to  name  Columbus  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no,  242  ;  Sabin,  vol.  xiii.). 

Giiillaunie  Postel.  De  orbis  terra  Concordia,  Basle,  about  1544  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  145). 

J(]hn  Dryander,  Cosmographitc  introductio,  1544  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  Additions,  no.  147). 

Biondo,  Deventis  et  navigatione,  Venice,  1546,  with  cap.  xxv.  on  the  New  World  (Bibl.  Amer.  Vet., 
no.  274). 

Professor  J.  R.  Seeley,  in  his  Expansion  of  England  (-p.  78),  has  pointed  out  how  events  in  the  New 
World  did  not  begin  to  re.ict  upon  Europc.in  politics,  till  the  attacks  of  Drake  and  the  English  upon  the 
Spanibh  West  Indies  instigated  the  Sp.mish  Armada,  and  made  territcri.il  aggrandizement  in  the  N"cw  World  as 
much  a  force  in  the  conduct  of  politics  in  Europe  as  the  Reformation  had  been.  The  power  of  the  great 
religious  revolution  gradually  declined  Ijefore  the  increasing  commercial  interests  arising  out  of  trade  with  the 
New  World. 


It.     '^ 


!  i. 


til 


422 


XAKRATUE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


.•I 


He  also  tells  us  of  the  use  which  Torqucmada 
iiKulc  of  the  mamisciipts  which  he  fouml  in  the 
colleges  of  Mexico,  of  the  writings  of  IxtlilxochitI, 
Camaigo,  and  of  the  history  of  Chohila  by  anoth- 
er writer  of  native  origin,  Juan  liatista  I'oniar. 
Another  l)ooU  of  consitlerable  use  to  him  was  the 
wcirk  of  a  warm  eulogist  of  the  iiatives,  if  not 
himself  of  their  blood;  and  this  was  the  llislona 
liiiciiiisliia  liuliaiui,  a  work  written  by  (ieriinimo 
tie  Meinlieta  m-ar  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Mendieta  was  in  Mexico  from  1554 
to  1571,' and  his  work,  tinished  in  1516,  after 
having  remained  for  two  hundred  years  in 
manu>cri|jt,  was  printed  and  annotated  by 
Ica/lialceta  at  Mexico,  in  1870.'- 

The  Moitivqiilii  hidiaiia,  in  which  these  and 
other  writers  were  so  freely  employed  as  to  be 
engrafted  in  parts  almost  bodily,  was  first 
printed  in  three  volumes  at  Madrid  in  161 5; 
but  before  this  the  Inquisition  had  struck  out 
from  its  jjages  some  curious  chapters,  jjarticu- 
larlv,  savs  Rich,  one  conq>aring  the  migration 
of  the  Tollecs  to  that  of  the  braelitcs.  The 
coloplion  of  this  edition  shows  the  date  of  1614.' 
It  is  said  that  most  of  it  was  lost  in  a  shipwreck, 
and  this  accounts,  doubtless,  for  its  rarity.  The 
original  manuscript,  however,  being  jireserved, 
it  served  Barcia  well  in  editing  a  reprint  in  17:13, 
published  at  Madrid,  which  is  now  considered 
the  standard  Klition.''  Ti^ripiemada  doubtless 
derived  sometliing  of  liis  skill  in  the  native 
to;igue  from  his  master.  Fray  Joan  liaplista, 
who  had  the  reputation  of  being  the  most 
learned  scholar  of  tlie  Mexican  language  in  his 
time."' 

The  Tiairo  Mcxicaiw  of  .Vugustin  de  Vetan- 
curt,  published  at  Mexico  in  1 697- 1 69S,'''  is  the 
next  general  chronicle  .after  Tortpicmada.  Vetan- 
court,  also,  was  a  Franciscan,  born  in  Mexico  in 
i6:;o,  and  died  in  1700.  lie  had  the  literary 
fecundity  of  his  class ;  but  the  most  important 
of  his  works  is  the  one  already  named;  and 
in  tb  ^  third  part  of  tlie  lirst  volume  we  find  his 


history  of  the  Con(|ucst.  He  seldom  goes  be- 
hind his  predecessor,  and  Torquemada  must 
stand  sponsor  for  much  of  his  recital. 

F.  MoDl-.KN  HisTuKl.A.NS.  —  The  well-kuowii 
work  of  Solis  [llistori^i  dv  la  Ci'iiijiiis!ii  dc  M,':\i,,\' 
l)nhlished  at  Madrid  in  16S4)  is  the  conspicuous 
Jirecursor  of  a  Ijug  series  of  histories  of  the 
Conquest,  written  without  |)ersonal  knorvleduje 
of  the  actors  in  this  extraoidinary  evni.  .Siili> 
ended  his  narrative  with  the  fall  of  the  citv, 
the  author's  death  preventing  any  further  pro- 
gress, though  it  is  said  he  had  gathered  furtlui 
materials  ;  .,..t  they  are  not  known  to  exist.  A 
work  by  Ignacio  Salazar  y  Olarte,  continuing 
the  narrative  down  to  the  death  of  Cortc-s,  i-. 
called  a  second  part,  and  was  jjublished  at 
Cordova  in  1743.  itnder  the  title  of  Iliitoi-hi  d,- 
III  lOihjuistit  (/<■  Miw'uo,  pobhiiioii  y  /irogressc  d, 
A;  Aiiiiiiiii  siflciitrioiiiil  lOmhidn  /'or  ct  iiomhy,- 
</(■  Xiia\i  KspiiThi.  This  continuation  was  n 
l)rinted  at  Madrid  in  17S6,  and  in  the  opinion 
of  liancrofi''  abounds  "in  all  the  faults  of  the 
superficial  and  llorid  comijosition  of  Solis." 

Solis,  who  was  born  at  .Mcala  in  1610,  was 
educated  at  Salamanca,  and  had  actpiired  a 
great  reputation  in  letters,  when  he  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  Court,  and  was  appoiiued 
historiographer  of  the  Indies.  .Some  time  after- 
ward (1667)  he  entered  the  Church,  at  fifty-si.\; 
but  to  earn  his  salary  as  official  chronicler, — 
which  was  small  enough  at  best,  —  he  turned, 
with  a  good  deal  of  the  poetic  and  artistic  instinct 
which  his  previous  traiifing  had  developed.  In 
tell  the  storv  of  the  Contiuest,  with  a  skill  which 
no  one  before  had  enq  loyed  upon  the  theme. 
The  result  was  a  work  which,  "to  an  extraordi- 
nary degree,"  as  Ticknor'-'  says,  took  on  "the 
air  of  an  historical  epic,  so  exactly  are  all  it.~ 
|)arts  and  episodes  modelled  into  a  harmonious 
whole,  whose  catastrophe  is  ttie  fall  of  the  great 
Mexican  lCnq)ire."  The  book  was  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  chronicling  spirit  of  all  preced 


:/> 


\\U 


'w'l 


1  Bancroft,  Mexico,  ii.  fi'i;.     He  died  in  1604. 

2  .'^abin,  vol.  xii.  no.  47,812.  Icazbalceta-.li(nved  Torc|ueinnda's  debt  to  ML'iidictahy  collations.  (Bancroft. 
Mexico,  ii.  668.)  No  author  later  th.in  Toriiucinad.i  cites  it.  Barcia  was  not  able  to  find  it,  and  it  was  consid- 
ered as  hopelessly  lost.  In  1S60  its  editor  w.is  informed  that  the  maiuiscript  Iiad  l)oen  foiuul  among  the  papers 
left  by  1).  Bartolcime  Jose  Gallardo.  Later  it  was  purch.ascd  by  Vi.  Jos6  M.  .\ndrade,  and  given  to  Icazbalcct.i. 
at  whose  expense  it  has  been  published  (Bosror  rublic  Library  Catalogue). 

3  Carter-Brown,  ii.  i;6:  .'Sunderland  vol.  v.  no.  12.5;/).  Some  of  the  bibliographies  give  the  date  161;,. 
and  the  place  Seville.  Cf.  further  on  Torquemada,  Bancroft,  Mexico,  ii.  7S6 ;  Early  American  Cliroiii,Urs, 
|).  2T, ;  Prescott,  Mexico,  i.  53. 

■•  Carter-Iirown,  iii.  339:  Lcclerc,  no.  370;  Field.no.  i.-;,;;  Court,  no.  354.  It  is  in  three  volwines. 
Kingslxirouiih  in  his  eighth  volume  gives  some  extracts  from  Torquemada. 

5  Baptista  published  various  devotion.il  treatises  in  bodi  Spanisli  and  Mexican,  some  of  which,  like  lii^ 
rt)»i/(ZjiWH<r>-w  of  1599,  are  extremely  rare.  Cf.  Leclerc,  no.  2,306;  Quaritch,  Tlic  Ramirez  Collec/ioit.  iSSo 
nos.  25,  26. 

ij  .Again  in  four  volumes,  Mexico,  1S70-1S71.     Cf.  Bancroft,  .)fcxico,  iii.  507. 

7  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,300. 

8  Mexico,  i.  1S7. 

'J  Sfanisli  Literature,  vol.  iii.  no.  196. 


m, 


CORTES   AMD   HIS    COMl'AXIONS. 


423 


Itlom  goes  bu- 
iicmachi  mu>i 
L'tiuil. 

'lie  well-known 
ista  (/,■  A/,'xi,,>.' 
ic  cons|)ieii()u- 
sldries  of  llie 
lal  kiio',vlu(l,u;i 
.■  eviil.     S(ili> 

I  i)f  the  city, 
ly  further  \)\n- 
thercd  furllu  1 

II  ti>  exist.  A 
le,  cominiiinj; 

of  Cortes,   i-, 
l)ublisheil   at 

of  Iliitmiii  ilc 
V  progyessc:  ,/, 

for  (•/  iiovthii 
jatioii  was  n 
in  the  opinii)!! 
e  faults  of  the 
of  Solis." 
a  in  1610,  wa> 
1(1  aequired  a 
I  he  attracidl 
was  a]>])oinlnl 
)me  time  after 
.■h,  at  tifty-si.\ ; 
chronicler,  — 
,  —  he  turned, 
artistic  instiiui 

developed.  !■> 
,h  a  .skill  whi(  h 
on  the  theme. 
)  an  extraordi- 

took  on  "  the 
ctly  are  all  it.^ 
)  a  harniunioii> 
ill  of  the  great 
ivas  a   strikini; 

of  all  preced 


ons.  (Bancroft, 
id  it  was  consid- 
mong  the  papers 
n  to  Icazbalcct.i. 

e  the  date  161;. 
an    Chronkhrs, 

three  volwmes. 


:^ 


sous 


which,  like  his 
Collection,  iSSu 


ing  recitals.  The  world  soon  saw — thotigh  the  — that  the  strange  story  had  been  given  its 
sale  of  the  book  was  wk  t  large  at  once,  and  the  highest  setting.  Solis  gives  no  notes ;  and  one 
author  died  very  poor  two  years   later   (1686)     needs  to   know  the  literature  of  the  subject,  to 


{■%' 


•  Fac-simile  of  ensravins  in  his  Ilistoria,  published  at  Venice  in  1715.     There  are  other  likenesses  in  the 
Madrid  (i;S;,)  edition,  and  in  Cumplido's  Mexican  edition  of  I'rescott's  Mexico,  vol.  iii. 


424 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'/  •;: 


*!^: 


1,-. 


track  him  to  his  authorities.  If  this  is  done, 
however,  it  appears  that  his  investigation  was 
fur  from  deep,  and  that  with  original  material 
within  his  reach  he  rarely  or  never  used  it, 
bnt  took  the  record  at  second  hand.  Robert- 
son, who  had  to  depend  on  him  more  or  less, 
was  aware  of  this,  and  judged  him  less  solici- 
tous of  discovering  truth  than  of  glorifying 
the  splendor  of  deeds.  This  panegyrical  strain 
in  the  book  has  lowered  its  reputation,  particu- 
larly among  foreign  critics,  who  fail  to  share  the 
enthusiasm  which  Solis  expresses  for  Cortes. 
We  may  call  his  bitter  denunciations  of  the 
natives  bigotry  or  pious  zeal ;  but  Ticknor 
accounts  for  it  by  saying  that  Solis  "  refused  to 
see  the  fierce  and  marvellous  contest  except 
from  the  steps  of  the  altar  where  he  had  been 
consecrated."  The  religion  and  national  pride 
of  the  Spaniards  have  not  made  this  quality 
detract  in  the  least  from  the  estimation  in  which 
the  book  has  long  been  held ;  but  all  that  they 
say  of  the  charm  and  purity  of  its  style,  despite 
something  of  tiresomeness  in  its  even  flow,  is 
shared  by  the  most  conspicuous  of  foreign 
critics,  like  Prescott  and  Ticknor.  Rich,  who 
had  opportunities  for  knowing,  bears  evidence 
to  the  estimation  in  Spain  of  those  qualities 
which  have  insured  the  fame  of  Solis.* 

The  story  was  not  told  again  with  the  dignity 
of  a  classic,  —  except  so  far  as  Herrera  composed 
it,  —  till  Robertson,  in  his  History  of  America,  re- 
counted it.  He  used  the  printed  sources  with 
great  fidelity;  but  he  was  denied  a  chance  to 


examine  the  rich  manuscript  material  which  was 
open  to  Solis,  and  which  Robertson  would 
doubtless  have  used  more  abundantly.  In  a 
Note  (xcvii.)  he  enumerates  his  chief  authorities, 
and  they  arc  only  the  letters  of  Cortes  and  the 
story  as  told  by  Gomara,  liernal  Diaz,  I'ctcr 
Martyr,  Solis,  and  Herrera.-  Of  Solis,  Robert- 
son says  he  knows  no  author  in  any  language 
whose  literary  f.ime  has  risen  so  far  beyond  his 
real  merits.  He  calls  him  "destitute  of  that 
patient  industry  in  research  which  conducts  to 
the  knowledge  of  truth,  and  a  strange/  to  tliat 
impartiality  which  weighs  evidence  with  cool 
attention.  .  .  .  Though  he  sometimes  quotes, 
the  desp.itches  of  Cortes,  he  seems  nof  to  have 
consulted  them;  and  though  he  .sets  out  with 
some  censure  on  Gomara,  he  frequently  prefers 
his  authority  —  the  most  doubtful  of  any  —  tothat 
of  the  other  contemporary  historians."  Robert- 
son judged  that  Herrera  furnished  the  fullest 
and  most  accurate  information,  and  that  if  his 
work  had  not  in  its  chronological  order  been  so 
perplexed,  disconnected,  and  obscure,  Herrera 
might  justly  have  been  ranked  among  the  most 
eminent  historians  of  his  country.  William 
Smyth,  in  the  twenty-first  section  of  his  Lectures 
on  Modern  History,  in  an  account  which  is  there 
given  of  the  main  .sources  of  information  re- 
specting the  Conquest,  as  they  were  accessible 
forty  or  fifty  years  ago,  awards  high  praise  — 
certainly  not  undeserved  for  his  time  —  to 
Robertson.  Southey  accused  Robertson  of  un- 
duly depreciating  the  character  and  civilization 


'•  .1 ., 


I  i..il*',H  till-;. 

'ill 


^v 


i 


>  Cf.,  for  accounts  and  estimates,  Ticknor,  Sfanish  Literature,  vol.  iii.  no.  196 ;  Prescott,  Mexico,  vol.  iii. 
p.  20S  ;  Bancroft,  Mexico,  vol.  i.  pp.  186,  697 ;  Early  Chroniclers,  p.  22.  Editions  of  Solis  became,  in  time, 
numerous  in  various  languages.     Most  of  them  may  be  found  noted  in  the  following  list ;  — 

In  Spanish.  Barcelona,  1691,  acconiimnied  by  a  Life  of  .Solis,  by  Don  Juan  de  Goyeneche,  Madrid,  i;o4, 
a  good  edition;  Brussels,  1704.  with  numerous  plates;  Madrid,  1732,  two  columns,  without  plates;  Brussels, 
1741,  with  Goyeneche's  Life;  Madrid.  174.S,  said  to  have  been  corrected  by  the  author's  manuscript ;  Barceldna, 
1756;  Madrid,  175S;  Madrid,  1763;  Barcelona,  1771  ;  M,idrid,  1776;  Madrid,  17S0;  Madrid,  17S3-17S4, — 
a  beautiful  edition,  called  by  Stirling  "  the  triumph  of  the  press  of  Sancha  "  (cf.  Ticknor  Catalogue,  p.  335  ; 
Carter-Brown,  vol.  il.  no.  1.300);  Barcelona,  17.S9:  Madrid,  1791,1798,1819,1822;  Paris,  1S27;  Madrid, 
1S2S,  1S29,  183S  ;  Barcelona,  1840  ;  Paris,  1S58,  with  notes.  Sabin  (vol.  iv.  nos.  16,94.^-16,945)  gives  .ibridged 
editions, —  Barcelona,  1S46,  and  Mexico,  1S53,  An  edition,  London,  1S09,  is  "  Corregida  por  Augiistin  Luis 
Josse,"  and  is  included  in  the  Bil'liotcca  de  autores  cspaiiolcs,  in  1S53. 

In  Prcncli.  The  eariiest  translation  was  made  by  Bon  Andr6  de  Citri  et  de  la  Guette,  and  appeared  with 
two  different  imprints  in  P,iris  in  1691  in  quarto  (Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  1427-142S).  Other  editions  followed.— 
La  Have,  1692,  in  i2mo;  Paris,  1704,  with  folding  map  and  engravings  reduced  from  the  Spanish  edititms  ; 
I'aris,  1714,  with  plates  ;  Paris.  1730.  1759,  1774,  1777,  1844,  etc. ;  and  a  new  version  by  Philippe  de  Tmilza, 
with  annotations,  published  in  Paris  in  1S6.S. 

Ill  Itiiliaii.  The  early  version  was  published  at  Florence  in  1699,  ^^'tb  Jiortraits  of  Solis,  Cortds,  and 
Montezuma  (Carter-Bniwn.  vdI.  ii.  no.  1,577).  An  edition  .at  Venice  in  1704  is  without  plates;  but  another,  in 
1715,  is  embellished.     There  was  another  at  Venice  in  1733. 

/«  Danish.     Copenhagen.  1747  (Carter-Brown,  viil.  iii.  no.  850). 

In  English.  Thomas  Towiiscnd's  English  version  was  published  in  London  in  1724,  and  was  reissued, 
revised  b\-  K.  Ilooke  in  1753,  both  having  a  portrait  of  Cortes,  by  Vertue,  copied  "after  a  head  by  Titian,' 
with  other  folding  pLites  based  on  those  of  the  Sp.anish  editicjns  (Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  nos.  350,  5SS;  Field, 
Indian  BiMioi^raphy,  nos.  1,464,  1,465).     There  were  later  editions  in  1753. 

It  was  when  he  was  twenty-eii^ht  years  old,  that  Prescott  took  his  first  lesson  in  Spanish  history  Iti 
reading  Solis.  at  Ticknor's  reconuncndation. 

2  The  story  as  the  English  had  had  it  up  to  this  time  —  except  so  far  as  they  learned  it  in  translations  d 
Solis  —  may  be  found  in  Burke's  Eurofcnn  SclUcmcnfs  in  .America,  176;;,  part  i.  pp.  1-166. 


:r^ 


CORTES   AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


425 


of  the  Mexicans;  and  others  have  held  the  opinion 
that  he  liad  a  tendency  to  palliate  the  crimes 
of  the  invaders.  Robertson,  in  his  later  edi- 
tions, replied  to  such  stri  ures,  and  held 
that  Clavigero  and  oth  40  had  differed  from 
him  chiefly  in  confiding  in  the  improbable  nar- 
ratives and  fanciful  conjectures  of  Tortiuemada 
and  Koturini. 

F'rancisco  Saverio  Clavigero  was  a  Jesuit,  who 
had  long  resided  in  Mexico,  being  born  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  1731 ;  but  when  expelled  with  his  Order, 
he  took  up  his  abode  in  Italy  in  1767.  lie  had 
the  facilities  and  the  occasion  for  going  more 
into  detail  than  Robertson.  His  Sloriti  antica 
(/(■/  Messico  caviitii  da'  migliori  storici  sfagimoli,  e 
i/,i'  nianosi-ritti;  e  dalle pittitre  anth/ie  tlei^rindiani  : 
di'isa  in  dkci  lihri,  e  corredata  di  carte  geo- 
j^rafiche,  e  di  varie  ftgiire:  e  dissertazioni  sulla 
terra,  siigli  animali,  e  siigli  abitatori  del  Messico^ 
was  published  in  four  volumes  at  Cesena  in 
17S0-1781.  lie  gives  the  names  of  thirty-nine 
Indian  and  Spanish  writers  who  had  written 
upon  the  theme,  and  has  something  to  say  of 
the  Mexican  historical  paintings  which  he  had 
examined.  H.  H.  Bancroft  esteems  him  a  lead- 
ing  authority,'*  and  says  he  rearranged  the  mate- 
rial in  a  masterly  manner,  and  invested  it  with 
a  philosophic  spirit,  altogether  superior  to  anj'- 
thing  presented  till  Prescott's  time.*  It  is  in 
his  third  volume  that  Clavigero  particularly 
treats  of  the  Conquest,  having  been  employed 
on  the  earlier  chronicles  and  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  people  in  the  first  and  second, 
while  the  fourth  volume  is  made  up  of  particu- 
lar dissertations.  Clavigero  was  not  without 
learning.  •  He  had  passed  chree  years  at  the 
Jesuit  College  at  Tepozotlan,  and  had  taught 
as  a  master  in  various  branches.  At  Bologna, 
where  he  latterly  lived,  he  founded  an  acade- 
my; and  here  he  died  in  1787,  leaving  be- 
hind him  a  Storia  della  California,  published 
at  Venice  in  1789.'' 


Fifteen  years  ,ago  it  was  the  opinion  of 
Henry  Stevens,' that  all  other  books  which  have 
been  elaborated  since  on  the  same  subject,  ni- 
stead  of  superseding  Clavigcro's,  have  tended 
rather  to  magnify  its  importance.''' 

The  most  conspicuous  treatment  of  the  sub- 
ject, in  the  minds  of  the  elders  of  the  present 
generation,  is  doubtless  that  of  Prescott,  who 
|)ublished  his  Conquest  of  Mexico  in  1843,  divid- 
ing it  into  three  distinct  parts, — the  first  show- 
ing a  survey  of  the  Aztec  civilization  ;  the  second 
depicting  the  Conquest;  while  the  final  period 
brought  down  the  life  of  Cortes  to  his  death. 
Charton '  speaks  of  Soils  as  a  work  "  auquel 
le  livre  de  Prescott  a  portd  un  dernier  coup." 
Prescott  was  at  great  expense  and  care  in 
amassing  much  manuscript  material  never  be- 
fore used,  chiefly  in  copies,  which  Rich  and 
others  had  procured  for  him,  and  he  is  some- 
what minute  in  his  citations  from  them.  They 
have  since  been  in  large  part  printed,  and 
doubtless  very  much  more  is  at  present  acces- 
sible in  type  to  the  student  than  was  in  Pres- 
cott's day." 

Prescott  was  of  good  New  England  stock, 
settled  in  Essex  County,  Massachusetts,  where 
(in  .Salem)  he  was  born  in  1796.  His  father 
removed  to  Boston  in  iSo8,  and  became  a  judge 
of  one  of  the  courts.  A  mischance  at  Harvard, 
in  a  student's  frolic,  deprived  young  Prescott  of 
the  use  of  one  eye  ;  and  the  other  became  in  time 
permanently  affected.  Thus  he  subsequently 
labored  at  his  historical  studies  under  great 
disadvantage,"  and  only  under  favorable  cir- 
cumstances and  for  short  periods  could  he  read 
for  himself.  In  this  way  he  became  dependent 
upon  the  assistance  of  secretaries,  though  he 
generally  wrote  his  early  drafts  by  the  aid  of  a 
noctograph.  From  1S26  to  1837  he  was  eng.aged 
on  his  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  this  naturally 
led  him  to  the  study  of  his  Mexican  and  Peru- 
vian themes;  and  Irving,  who  had  embarked  on 


1  Sabin,  vol.  iv.  no.  1,^,518.  It  was  written  in  Spanish,  but  transLited  into  Italian  for  publicition.  A 
Spanish  version,  Hisloria  AHtij;iia  de  Mcgico,  made  by  Joaquin  de  Mora,  was  printed  in  London  in  1S26,  and 
reprinted  in  Mexico  in  1S44  (Leclerc,  nos.  ijioi,  1,104,  2,712).  A  German  translation,  GcschiclUe  von  Mexico, 
was  issued  at  Leipsic  in  17S9-1790,  witli  notes.  This  version  is  not  made  from  the  original  Italian,  but  from 
an  Kn.nlisli  translation  printed  in  London  in  17S7  as  The  History  of  Mexico,  XxTOi^hXfiA  by  Charles  Cullen. 
It  was  reprinted  in  London  in  1S07,  and  in  Philadelphia  in  1S17  (Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  p.  326). 

-  Early  American  Chronicles,  p.  24. 

^  liancroft,  Mexico,  i.  697 ;  also  Prescott,  Mexico,  i.  53. 

■t  li.ancroft,  Mexico,  i.  700 ;  Leclerc,  no.  S46. 

^  Bibliolheca  Historica,  no.  377. 

"  There  is  a  portrait  of  Clavigero  in  Cuniplido's  edition  of  Prescott's  Mexico  (1S46),  vol.  iii. 

"   Voyageiirs,  iii.  422. 

8  Mr.  II.  H.  Bancroft  {Mexico,  vol.  i,  p.  7,  note),  however,  charges  his  predecessor  with  p.irading  his 
acquisition  of  this  then  unprinted  material,  .ind  with  neglecting  the  more  trustworthy  snd  more  accessil)le 
■'^  .iiiLiors.  He  also  speaks  (Mexico,  i.  701)  of  an  amiable  weakness  in  Prescott  which  sacrificed  truth  to 
I  fleet,  and  to  a  style  which  he  calls  "  magnificent,"  and  to  a  "philosophic  flow  of  thought,"  —  the  latter  trait 
in  Prescott  being  one  of  his  weakest ;  nor  is  his  style  what  rhetorici.ans  would  call  "magnilicent." 

0  Mr.  R.  .v.  Wilson  makes  more  of  it  than  is  warranted,  in  .affirming  that  "  Prescott's  inability  to  make  a 
personal  research ''  deprives  us  of  the  advantage  of  his  integrity  and  personal  character  (.Vtw  Comjiicst  0/ 
lA-.vf,,),  p,  312). 

VOL.    II.  —  54. 


L 


i 


li ' 


.w. 


'L\ 


k\ 


426  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


)i 


''I 


ill: 


WII.I.IAM    H.    rRF.SCOIT.' 


-).;■ 


I; 


them  as  a  literarv  field,  generously  abaiuloiicd 
his  pursuit  to  the  new  and  rising  historian.'^    The 


Coii(/uest  of  A/t'Xho  appeared  in  1S43,'  and  lias 
long  remained  a  charming  book,  as  fruitful  in 


1  Tliis  cut  follows  an  engraving  in  mezzotint  in  the  Eclectic  Afagazinc  (1S5S),  and  shows  him  using  lii^ 
noctograph.  The  likeness  was  thought  by  his  wife  and  sister  (Mrs.  Dexter)  to  be  the  best  ever  made,  as  Mr 
Arthur  Dexter  informs  me.  .See  other  likenesses  in  Ticknor's  IJfe  of  Prescott ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Pioc, 
iv.  167:  and  .V.  E.  Hist,  aiut  Gfiical.  A'cg,  (iSr.S),  p.  226. 

'^  Ticknor's /'/vjci'//,  quarto  edition,  pp.  167-172. 

•*  It  was  soon  afterward  reprinted  in  London  and  in  I'aris. 


<■     •'} 


CORTIiS    AND    HIS    COMPANION'S. 


427 


jiiiliority  as  the  material  then  acccssil)lc  could 
make   li 

In  the  Preface  to  his  J/i-.r/.v  Mr.  Prescott 
tells  of  his  success  in  getting  ini|iul)lishe(l  nuite- 
ri.il,  showin}"  how  a  more  conrlcons  iiuhilgence 
was  shown  to  him  than  Robertson  had  enjoyed, 
llv  favor  of  tlie  .Vcademy  of  History  in  Ma- 
drid he  got  many  copies  of  the  manuscripts 
of  iSInno/  and  of  Vargas  y  P(ni9e,  and  lie  en- 
joyed the  kind  ollices  of  Navarrete  in  gathering 
this  material,  lie  mentions  that,  touching  the 
kindred  themes  of  Me.xico  and  Peru,  he  thus  ob- 
tained the  bulk  of  eight  thousand  folio  pages. 
From  Mexico  itself  he  gathered  other  appli- 
ances, and  these  largely  through  the  care  of 
Alaman,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and  of 
Calderon  dc  la  Parca,  the  minister  to  Mexico 
from  Spain.  lie  also  acknowledges  the  cour- 
lusy  of  the  descendants  of  Cortes  in  opening 
their  family  archives ;  that  of  Sir  Thomas 
I'liillipps,  whose  manuscri|)t  stores  have  be- 
lonie  so  famous,  and  the  kindness  of  Ternau.x- 
ronipans. 

To  Mr.  John  l''oster  Kirk,  who  had  been 
I'rescott's  secretary,  the  preparation  of  new 
editions  of  I'rescott's  works  was  intrusted,  and 
in  this  series  the  Mcxno  was  rejiublished  in 
1S74.  Kirk  was  enabled,  as  Prescott  himself 
had  been  in  i)rcparing  for  it,  to  make  use  of 
the  notes  which  Ramirez  had  added  to  the 
.Spanish  translation  by  Joacpiin  Navarro,  pub- 
lislied  in  Mexico  in  1.S44,  and  of  those  of  Lucas 
Alaman,  attached  to  another  version,  published 
dso  in  Mexico.' 


Almost  coincident  with  the  death  of  Prescott, 
was  published  by  a  chance  Mr.  Robert  Anderson 
Wilson's  A'tiv  I/isloiy  0/ l/ic  ti'iii/iiesi  0/ Mt:\iii>:- 
Its  views  were  not  unexpected,  and  indeed 
Prescott  had  been  in  correspondence''  with  the 
author.  His  book  was  rather  an  extravagant 
argument  than  a  history,  and  was  aimed  Ir 
prove  the  utter  untrustworthiness  of  the  ordi 
narv  chroniclers  of  the  Concpiest,  ch.irging  the 
concpierors  with  exaggerating  and  even  i  realinj.. 
the  f.diric  of  the  .\/.tec  ci\ili/ation,  to  enhance 
the  elfect  which  the  overlhrovv  of  so  much 
splendor  would  have  in  liurope.  To  this  end 
he  pushes  Cortes  aside  as  engrafting  fable  on 
truth  for  such  a  purpose,  dismisses  rather 
wildly  Hernal  Diaz  as  a  myth,  and  declares  the 
picture-writings  to  be  Spanish  fabrications. 
This  view  was  not  new,  except  in  its  excess 
of  zeal.  Albert  (iallatin  had  held  a  similar 
belief.''  Lewis  '  s  had  already  seriously 
questioned,  in  t  A  ''/  Aiiiiricitn  /i'iT'/.Ti', 
October,  KS40,  tlv;  coi  tency  of  the  Spani>h 
historians.  A  /revio  '•.  ..'ork  by  Mr.  \Vil>on 
had  already,  inacjd,  announced  his  views,  tliough 
less  emphatically.  This  book  had  ajipeared  in 
three  successive  I'ditions, — as  .)A?xicv  aiul  its 
Relii^ion  (New  V'  ic,  1S55) ;  then  as  Hhxico,  its 
Pvasaiits  a-'i  its  Pries/s  (1S56);  and  llnally  as 
Mtwiio,  Ct       1/  America,  mid  Califoriiui. 

It  was  .  ..iv  to  accuse  Wilson  of  ignorance 
and  want  of  candor, —  for  he  had  laid  himself 
open  too  clearly  to  this  charge,  —  and  Mr. 
I'rescott's  friend,  Mr.  George  Ticknor,  arraigned 
him  in  the  Mass,  //is!.  Soc.  J'roc,  April,   1S50.'' 


1  Cf.  tlie  collation  of  criticisms  on  the  .\fexiio,  given  by  Allibone  in  his  Duthnary  of  Author!:,  and  by  Poole 
111  his  lih/ix  to  Periodhal  Literature.  Arclibisluip  Spalding,  in  his  Miscellanea,  chapters  xiii. and xiv.,  gives  the 
Culiulic  view  of  his  lalwi's ;  and  Ticknor,  in  his  Life  of  Prescott,  prints  various  letters  from  Hallani,  ."sismoiuli, 
■mil  others,  giving  their  prompt  expressions  icgardirig  the  book.  In  chajiters  xiil.,  xiv.,  and  xv.  of  this  hook 
the  reader  may  trace  I'rcscott  through  the  progress  of  the  work,  not  so  satisfactorily  as  one  might  wish  how- 
iver,  for  in  his  diaries  and  letters  tlic  historian  failed  often  to  give  tlie  engaging  cpialities  of  his  own  character. 
It  is  said  that  Carlyle,  when  applied  to  for  U'tters  of  I'rcscott  wliich  might  be  used  by  Ticknor  in  hi-,  I.ile  of 
the  historian,  soiiiewliat  rudely  replietl  tliat  he  had  never  received  any  from  Prescott  worth  jireserving.  I'res- 
cott's  library  is,  unfortuTuUely,  scattered.  He  gave  some  part  of  it  to  Harvard  College,  including  such  manu- 
scripts as  he  had  used  in  his  Fcrdiuatul  and  Isabella  :  and  some  years  after  his  death  a  large  part  of  it  was 
sold  at  public  auction.  It  was  tlien  found  that,  with  a  freedom  which  caused  some  observation,  the  marks  of  his 
ovvnorsliip  had  been  removed  from  his  books.  Many  of  his  manuscripts  and  his  noctograph  were  then  sold, 
I'.erhaps  through  inadvertence,  for  the  family  subsequently  reclaimed  wliat  they  could.  ']"he  noctc;grapli  and 
joiue  of  tl'e  manuscripts  are  now  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  (cf.  /'rocccdi>ij,'s.  \ii\. 
N^iii.  p.  Mt),  and  other  manuscripts  are  in  the  Boston  Public  Library  (Bulletin  of  Boston  Public  Library,  iv.  122). 
A  long  letter  to  Dr.  George  K.  Ellis,  written  in  1S57,  and  describing  his  use  of  the  noctograph,  is  in  the  same 
Volume  [l'roceedinf;s,  vol.  xiii.  p.  241)).  The  estimate  in  which  Prescott  was  held  by  his  associates  of  that 
Society  may  be  seen  in  the  records  of  the  meeting  at  which  his  deatii  was  coninieniorated,  in  1S59  (Proceedings, 
iv.  167,  2')6).  There  is  a  eulogy  of  Prescott  by  George  Bancroft  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  iii.  69.  Cf. 
references  in  Poole's  Index,  p.  1047. 

'^  Philadelphia  and  London,  1S59. 

'  This  correspondence  was  civil,  to  say  the  least.  Bancroft  (Mexico,  i.  205),  with  a  rudeness  of  his  own, 
1  alls  Wilson  "  a  fool  and  a  knave." 

''  American  Ethnological  Society  Transactions,  vol.  i. 

5  Also  in  Boston  Daily  Courier,  May  j,  1S59.  Cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  v.  101  ;  .Atlantic  Monthly, 
April  and  May.  1S59,  by  John  Foster  Kirk;  AUibone's  Z5/V/wh(7)-.v.  vol.  ii.  p.  1669.  L.  .\.  Wilnier,  in  his 
/.//(■  of  Dc  Soto  (1859)  is  another  who  accuses  Prescott  of  accepting  exaggerated  statements.  Cf.  J.  D.  Washburn 
irn  the  failure  cf  Wilson's  arguments  to  convince,  in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October  21,  1879,  p.  18. 


11  y 


l"\ 


y\ 


';.  I 


, 


428 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


r 


I  /' 


I  / 


ITc  reminded  Wilson  that  he  ought  to  have 
known  that  Don  Knri(|uc  dc  Vcdia,  who  had 
published  an  edition  of  licrnal  Diaz,  in  1853,  had 
titcd  Kutntes  y  (luzman,  whose  nianuscri-  ' 
history  of  (lualcniala  was  l)efoie  that  editor,  as 
icfcrring  in  it  to  the  manuscript  of  Uernal  Diaz 
(his  great-grandfather),  which  was  then  in  exist- 
ence,—  a  verity  and  no  myth.  I'urther  than 
this,  Itrasscur  de  ISourbourg,  who  chanced  then 
to  be  in  lioston,  bore  testimony  that  he  had  seen 
and  used  the  autograph  manuscript  of  licrnal 
Diaz  in  the  archives  of  (iuatemala. 

In  regard  to  the  credibility  of  the  accounts 
which  I'rescott  depends  upon,  his  editor,'  Mr. 
Kirk,  has  not  neglected  to  cite  the  language 
of  Mr.  K.  li.  Tylor,  in  his  Aiuihiinir^-  where  he 
says,  respecting  his  own  researches  on  the  spot, 
th,.t  what  he  saw  of  Mexico  tended  generally 
to  confirm  I'rescott's  History,  and  but  seldom 
to  make  his  statement.s  ajjpear  improbable. 
The  Impeachment  of  the  authorities,  which 
Wilson  attacks,  is  to  be  successful,  if  at  all,  by 
other  processes  than  those  he  enijiloys. 

Meanwhile  Arthur  Helps,"  in  tracing  the 
rise  of  negro  slavery  and  the  founding  of 
colonial  government  in  Spanish  America,  had 
published  his  Coiiqticrors  of  the  A'nu  World  and 
their  lioitdsmcn  (London,  1848-1852),  —  a  some- 
what speculative  essay,  which,  with  enlargement 
of  purpose  and  more  detail,  r-^  •suited  in  1855- 
iSCl  in  the  publication  of  his  Spanish  Conquest 
in  America,  reprinted  in  New  York  in  iSd;. 
He  gives  a  glowing  account  of  the  Aztec  civili- 
zation, and,  e.\cerpting  the  chajiters  on  the  Con- 
quest, he  added  some  new  details  of  the  private 
life  of  Cortes,  and  published  it  separately  in 
187 1  as  an  account  of  that  leader,  which  is 
attractive  as  a  biography,  if  not  comprehensive 
as  a  history  of  the  Conquest.  "  Every  l)age 
affords  evidence  of  historic  lore,"  says  Field, 
"and  almost  every  sentence  glows  with  the 
warmth  of  his  philanthropy."''  Helps  has 
himself  told  the  object  and  tncthod  of  his  book, 
and  it  is  a  different  sort  of  historical  treatment 


from  all  the  others  which  we  are  passing  in 
review.  "I'o  bring  before  the  reader,  not  con- 
([uest  only,  but  the  results  of  conquest;  tliu 
mode  of  colonial  government  which  ultiinali  K 
prevailed  ;  the  extirpation  of  native  races,  iju' 
introduction  of  other  races,  the  growth  of  sla 
very,  and  the  settlement  of  the  tueomiendas  on 
which  all  Indian  society  depended,  —  has  bein 
the  object  of  this  history."'' 

Among  the  later  works  not  in  English  wc 
need  not  be  detained  long.  The  two  most  mile- 
worthy  in  French  are  the  Ilistoire  des  nations 
ci-'ilisees  du  .l/e.viqne  i>{  Itrasscur  de  Hourbouin. 
more  especially  mentioned  on  another  page, 
and  Michel  Chevalier's  Mexiqne  ai'ant  et  /■,ii- 
dant  la  Conqulte,  published  at  I'aris  in  1S45.''' 
In  German,  Theodor  Arnim's  Das  Alte  A/e.tiio 
und  die  eroheruni;  Neii  S/>iinieus  dureh  Cortes, 
I.eipsic,  1865,  is  a  reputable  book.'  In  .Spanish, 
beside  the  I'ida  de  Cort,'s  given  by  Icazbalcela 
in  his  Coleeeion.  vol.  i.  \i.  309,  there  is  the  impor- 
tant work  of  Lucas  Alaman,  the  J)isertaeiones 
sohre  la  Ifistoria  de  la  Kepiihiiea  Mejicana,  pub- 
lished at  Mexico  in  three  volumes  in  1844-iS.ty, 
which  is  a  sort  of  introduction  to  his  I/istoria 
de  Mijico,  in  five  volumes,  published  in  1S41)- 
1852."  He  added  not  a  little  in  his  apjiendixes 
from  the  archives  of  Simancas,  and  the  laticr 
book  is  considered  the  best  of  the  histories  in 
Spanish.  In  1862  Francisco  Carbajal  Lspi- 
nosa's  I/istoria  de  A/i'xico,  bringing  the  storj 
down  from  the  earliest  times,  was  begini  in 
Mexico,  liancroft  calls  it  pretentious,  and 
mostly  borrowed  from  Clavigcro." 

Returning  to  the  English  tongue,  in  which 
the  story  of  Mexico  has  been  so  signally  told 
more  than  once  from  the  time  of  Robertson, 
we  find  still  the  amplest  contribution  in  the 
Ifistory  of  Mexico,  a  part  of  the  extended  scries 
of  the  History  of  the  Pacific  States,  ijublislicd 
under  the  superintendence  of  Hubert  II.  Han- 
croft.  Of  Bancroft  and  these  books  mention  is 
made  in  another  place.  The  Mexico  partakes 
equally  of  the  merits  and  demerits  attacniiig  to 


■      'I 


1  Edition  of  1S74,  ii.  no. 

2  rage  147. 

3  Horn  about  iSi 7,  and  knighted  In  1872. 
■•  liulian  BiHiograpliy,  no.  6S2. 

6  Cf.  II.  II.  liancroft,  Mexico,  ii.  4SS. 

o  CI.  Revue  dcs  deux  moiidcs,  1S45.  vol.  xi.  p.  197.  The  book  was  later  translated  into  English.  Ho 
also  puljllslied  in  1S6;,  and  in  1.S64  /,(•  Mcxiqiic  aiicicn  et  modcnic,  which  was  also  given  in  an  English  transla- 
tion in  Liiiulcm  in  1S64.     Cf.  /iiilisli  Quarterly  Kevkw,  xl.  360. 

"   KuKC  in  his  Geschichtc  dcs  '/.eitaltcrs  dcr  Eittdeci-uui,'c)i,lc\U  tlie  story  with  the  latest  knowledge. 

**  Both  books  command  good  prices,  ranging  from  $25  to  ^50  each. 

"  Afcxico,  i.  697  ;  ii.  7.SS,  —  where  he  speaks  of  N.  de  Zaniacois'  Historia  de  Afejico,  Barcelona,  1877-iSSp, 
in  eleven  volumes,  as  "  blundering  ;  ''  and  Mora's  Mcjico  y  sus  Kerolnciones,  Paris,  1836,  in  three  volumes,  .is 
"hasty."  Bancroft's  conclusion  regarding  wliat  Mcsico  itself  h.as  contributed  to  the  history  of  the  Conqiie>t 
is  "  that  no  complete  account  of  real  value  has  been  written."  Andrds  Cavo's  Trcs  sii^los  dc  Mexico  (Mexico. 
1S36-1S3S,  in  three  volumes)  is  hut  scant  on  the  period  of  the  Conquest  (liancroft,  Mexico,  iii.  ;oS).  It  ".is 
reprintcfl  in  iS;2,  with  notes  and  additions  by  Bustani;mte,  andaspart  of  the  Bibliotcca  Nacional y  Extrttujct.\. 
•".nd  again  at  Jalapa  in  1S60. 


^ii 


CORTES    AND   HIS   COMPANIONS. 


429 


his  books  and  their  method.  It  places  the 
student  under  more  u1)li^ations  than  any  of 
ihe  histories  of  the  Coiu|iie8t  which  have  gone 
lieforc,  thiiiigli  one  tires  ol  the  .strained  and 
purely  extraneous  cla.s»ical  allusions,  —  which 
seem  tu  have  been  alfccted  by  his  stalf,  or  by 
.some  one  on  it,  during  the  progress  of  this 
particular  liouk  of  tli<:  series. 

O.  YtrcATAN.  —  With  the  subsequent  subju- 
(Ration  of  Yucatan  (Jorles  had  nothing  to  do. 
Krancisco  de  Moiitejo  liael  been  with  (jrijalva 
when  he  landed  at  Co/uniel  on  the  Yucatan 
coast,  and  with  t'orli  s  when  he  touched  at  the 
.■•anie  island  im  his  w.ay  to  Mexico.  Alter  the 
f.Ul  of  the  A/tccs,  Montejo  was  the  envoy  whom 
Cortes  sent  to  .Spain,  and  while  there  the  IJn- 
pcror  conunissioncil  him  (Nov.  17,  15-6)  to  con- 
duct a  force  for  the  settlement  of  the  peninsula. 
Karly  in  1527  Montcjo  left  Spain  with  Alonso 
de  Avila  as  second  in  command.  For  twenty 
years  and  more  the  conquest  went  on,  with  vary- 
inn  success.  At  one  time  not  a  Spaniard  was 
lell  in  the  country.  No  revolts  of  the  natives 
occurred  after  1547,  when  the  con(|UCSt  may  be 
consiilered  as  complete.  The  story  is  told  with 
sutticient  fulness  in  liancroft's  ,1/i'jr/V«.'  The 
main  sources  of  our  information  arc  the  narra- 
tive of  Hernal  Diaz,  embodying  the  reports  of 
I  ve-witnesses,  and  the  histories  of  Ovicdo  and 
llerrera.  liancroft-  gives  various  incidental 
references.  The  more  special  authorities,  how- 
ever, are  the  Historia  i/e  Yinatlniit  of  Uiego  Lopez 
Cogolludo,  published  at  Madrid  in  1688,"  who 
knew  how  to  use  miracles  for  his  reader's  sake, 
and  who  had  the  opportunity  of  consulting  most 
lluit  had  been  writlen,  and  all  that  had  been 
]>iinled  up  to  his  time.  He  closes  his  narrative 
in  ir/jj.^  The  Iiisho[)  of  Yucatan,  Diego  de 
l.anda,  in  his  KcUitioii  dcs  clioscs  dc  Viuntiiii,  as 
the  French  translation  terms  it,  has  left  us  the 
only  contcmporarv  Spanish  document  of  the 
period  of  the  Con(|uest.  The  book  is  of  more 
interest  in  respect  to  the  Maya  civilization  than 
as  to  the  progress  of  the  Spanish  domination. 
It  was  not  printed  till  it  was  edited  by  IJras- 


scur  de  llourbomg,  with  an  introduction,  and 
published  in  I'.iris  in  iVA>^:' 

Laiula  was  born  in  15-4,  .md  was  (Uie  of  the 
first  of  his  Ortlir  to  come  to  N'ucatan,  where 
he  hnally  became  Itislmp  of  Merida  in  1572, 
and  died  in  1579.  Among  the  books  conummly 
referred  to  for  the  later  period  is  the  tirst 
part  (the  second  was  never  publislied)  of  Juan 
de  Yillagutierre  Sotomayor's ///j/nWi/ i/i- /./  I'on- 
(jiiiita  Ji  la  frm'iHihi  tie  cl  llza,  etc.,  M.idrid, 
1701.  It  deals  somewhat  more  with  the  spiii- 
tual  and  the  military  concpiests,  but  writers  lind 
it  important." 

The  latest  Knglish  history  of  the  peninsula 
is  that  by  Charles  St.  J.  Fancourt,  JJislory  0/  )Vi- 
cdlaii,  London,  1.S54;'  but  a  more  extended, 
if  less  .igreeable,  book  is  .Ancona's  Ilnloyii  ,/e 
yiiiiiliin  (ii'Sile  In  t'/'Oiii  mas  rtmota  lunta  itiicstros 
dias,  i)ublished  at  Merida  in  four  volumes  in 
187S-18.S0.  It  gives  references  vvhich  will  be 
found  useful." 

H.  UiBLiooR.M'HY  OF  Mexico.  —  The  e.irli- 
est  special  bibliography  of  Mexico  of  any  moment 
is  that  which,  under  the  title  of  Calah'xo  Je  sa  mit 
seo  historico  /iidiiiiio,  is  appended  to  ]!oturini  lien 
aduci's  /(/<•(*  di'  una  iiiiita  historia  i^ciicial  de  la 
America  sef-lentrional  (Madrid,  1746),  which  was 
the  result  of  eight  years'  investigations  into  the 
history  of  Mexico,  lie  includes  a  list  of  books, 
maps,  and  manuscripts,  of  which  the  last  renniants 
in  1S53  were  in  the  Museo  Nacional  in  Mexico.' 
Of  the  list  of  New  Spain  authors  by  Kguiara  y 
Fguren,  only  a  small  part  was  published  in  1755 
as  liibliotheea  A/exieana.^'>  It  was  intended  to 
cover  all  authors  born  in  New  Spain  ;  but  though 
he  lived  to  arrange  the  work  through  the  letter 
J,  only  A,  I),  and  C  were  published.  All  titles 
are  translated  into  Latin.  Its  incompleteness 
renders  the  bibliographical  parts  of  Maneiro's  /Jt 
I'ilis  Me.xieaiioriim  (1791)  more  necessary,  and 
makes  Heristain's  lUhliotheea  Ilispano-AiHericaiio 
Septentrional,'^'^  of  three  volumes,  published  at 
Mexico  in  1816,  1819,  and  iHji,  of  more  impor- 
tance than  it  would  otherwise  be.  lieristain, 
also,  only  partly  finished  his  work  ;  but  a  nephew 


t  Viil.  li.  chaiis.  xxi.  and  xxx.,  p.  64S. 

-  Mexico,  ii.  455-456. 

3  Carti.T-nrown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1.^,50. 

■<   Kich,  kSi2,  no.  422;  IJancroft,  Mexieo,  ii.  650.     It  was  reprinted  at  M6rida  in  1S43,  and  again  in  iSr,;. 

!•  I.cclerc,  nos.  1,172,  2,281;.  Amer.  Antii/.  So,:  Proc,  October,  iS8o,p.  85,  where  will  be  found  B;mclelier's 
|i.«tial  bililioKraphy  of  Yucatan. 

0  Cf,  Field.  1605  ;  Amer.  Aiitiq.  Soe.  Proe..  October,  iSSo,  p.  89.  The  book  is  not  so  r.ire  as  it  is  some- 
times claimed;  Ouaritch  usually  prices  copies  at  from  .t"2  to  X\. 

'  Field,  p.  522. 

8  The  A'e^istro  Ytieateco,  a  periodical  dcvotetl  to  local  liistoric.il  study,  and  published  in  Merida,  only  lived 
for  two  years,  1845-1846. 

'••  Cf.  S.ibin,  vol.  ii.  no.  6,8 ■i4,  and  references.  There  is  a  copy  of  Botiirini  Ben.iduci  in  Harvard  College 
library.     A  portrait  of  him  is  given  in  Cumplido's  edition  of  Prcscott's  Afexi.o,  vol-  iii. 

'"  It  is  rare.     ()uaritch  in  iSSo  priced  Ramirez'  copy  at  £12.     It  w.is  printed, "  Mexici  in  /F;dibus  Autlioris." 

"  Triihner,  B:Mioi;r,i//iiea/  Guide,  p.  xiii. 


I     i 


I 


V 


kj! 


\ 


',   I 


m'A 


■''.■ 


I  ;( 


I   i 


i  ^  '^iiibi''i 

'■U     iailBSlil 


430 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


completed  thu  publication.  It  Iuh  jjccome  rare  ; 
and  its  merits  are  not  great,  though  its  notices 
nunibtr  3,687. 

01  more  use  to  the  student  of  the  c.trlier  his- 
tory, liowfver,  is  the  list  which  C'lavigcro  gives 
in  his  Sloriii  litl  A/iSsuo  published  in  17.S0.  A 
Jesuit,  ,ind  .1  ciilteclor,  having  a  hook-lover's  keen 
sc'i'iil,  he  surpassed  all  writers  on  the  theme  who 
h.id  preceded  him,  in  amassing  the  necessary 
stores  for  his  special  use.  Since  his  day  the  field 
has  lieen  surveyed  more  systematically  both  by 
the  general  and  special  bibliogr.iphers.  The  stu- 
dent of  early  Spanish-Mexican  history  will  of 
course  not  forget  the  help  which  he  can  get  from 
general  bibliographers  like  Urunet,  from  the  J)i,- 
lioiuiryul  Sabin,  the  works  of  'I'crnau.x  and  llar- 
risse,  the  Cttitcr-lircnvn  Cataloi^iie,  not  to  upcak  of 
other  important  library  catalogues. 

The  sale  catalogues  arc  not  without  assist- 
ance. Principal  among  them  are  the  collections 
which  had  been  formed  by  the  Kmperor  Nfaxi- 
milian  of  .Mexico,  —  which  was  sold  in  I.cipsic  in 


I1S69  as  the  collection  o(  Jostf  Maria  Andrade,'  - 
and  the  lUHtothtdi  Mexitana  formed  by  Jose 
Fernando  Ramirez,  which  was  sold  in  London 
in  i8,So.' 

All  other  special  collections  on  Mexico  have 
doubtless  been  surpassed  by  that  which  li.is 
been  formed  in  .San  Francisco  by  Mr.  Ilubeii 
llowc  llancroft,  as  a  component  part  of  his 
library  pertaining  to  the  western  slope  of  Aniei- 
icn.  Lists  of  such  titles  have  been  prehxed  to 
his  histories  of  Ci-iitnil  /■Imfrini  and  of  Afexin), 
and  are  to  be  supplemented  by  others  as  his 
extended  work  goes  on.  lie  has  explained,  in 
his  jireface  to  his  Affxiro  (p.  viii),  the  wealth  nf 
his  manuscript  stores;  anil  it  is  his  custom, as  it 
was  I'rescott's,  to  append  to  his  chapters,  and 
sometimes  to  passages  of  the  text,  considerable 
accounts,  with  some  bibliographical  detail, of  the 
authorities  with  which  he  deals.''  I  lelps,  though 
referring  to  his  authorities,  makes  no  such  ex- 
tended references  to  them.* 


t  It  ciMitained  nearly  fmirticn  linmlred  entries  about  Mexico,  or  its  press.  Another  collection,  Kathcml 
by  a  K^'ntlenian  attached  to  Maxiniili,  n's  court,  was  sold  in  I'aris  in  iSfiS;  and  still  .nnotlior,  |iartlv  llie 
accunnilation  of  I'tre  Augnstin  Fischer,  the  confessor  nf  Maximilian,  w.as  dispersed  in  London  in  iS6ij,isa 
liiblioteid  MejUami.      Cf.  Jackson's  liiHioftuf'hies    Oiopafliiquc!,  p.  22.V 

3  M.iny  of  these  afterwards  appeared  in  li.  (Inaritch's  Rough  l.isi,  no.  ^fi,  1S80.  The  princip.il  part  of  a 
8.ile  which  included  the  libr.iries  of  I'inart  and  Ilrasseur  dc  llonrbourg  (J.inuary  and  I'ebruary,  iX.S^)  also 
pertained  to  Mexico  and  the  .Spanish  jinsscssions. 

'  Cf.  for  instance  his  tXalive  Races,  iv.  565  ;  Central  America,  i.  195  ;  Mexico,  i.  (104,  ii.  4S7,  784  ;  F.ntly 
Chroniclers,  p.  10,  etc.  It  is  understood  that  his  habit  has  been  to  emiiloy  readers  to  excerpt  and  .abstract  Ircnn 
liooks,  and  make  references.  These  slips  arc  put  in  pajier  bags  according  to  topic.  .Such  of  these  nieniorand.i 
as  are  not  worked  into  the  notes  of  the  pertinent  chapter  are  usually  massed  in  a  concluding  note. 

<  The  general  bibliographies  of  .American  history  are  examined  in  a  separate  section  of  tlie  present  work 
.ind  elsewhere  in  the  present  chapter  soniediing  has  been  said  of  the  bibliographical  si<le  of  various  otiier  phages 
of  the  Mexican  theme.  Mr.  A.  F.  n.anclelicr  has  given  a  partial  bibliography  of  Yucatan  .and  Central  Aniirici, 
touching  Mexico,  however,  only  incidentally,  in  the  Amcr,  Antiij.  Soc,  Proc,  October,  18S0.  Ilarrissc,  in  liis 
BiH.Amcr,  I'd.,  p.  212,  has  given  a  partial  list  of  the  poems  and  plays  founded  upon  the  Conquest.  Otlnrs 
will  Ix;  found  in  the  Chronoloi^ical  List  of  Historical  Fiction  published  by  the  Hoston  Public  Library.  ,\iiioiig 
the  poems  .are  Gabriel  Lasso  dc  la  Vega's  Corl'cs  Valeroso,  15SS,  republished  as  Mcxicana  in  1504  (Maisoii- 
neuve,  no.  2,825  —200  francs);  Saavedra  duzman's  El  Pcrcgrino  imliaiio,  Madrid,  1500  (Kich,  i8?2,  no.  .Sn, 
£4  4/.) ;  Balbiuna's  F.I  licrnardo,  a  congliuncr.ate  heroic  poem  (Madrid,  if)24),  which  gives  one  book  to  tlii' 
Concpiest  by  Cortes  (Leclerc,  no.  4,S  —  100  francs);  lioesnier's  Lc  Atcxiipic  Compiis,  I'aris,  1752;  Escoi- 
quiz,  .Mexico  ConqiiistaJa,  179S;  Koux  de  Ucjchelle,  Fenliiianil  Cortcz;  V.  du  Rome, /.a  Com/i/ete  ilii 
Afexiqiic. 

Airiong  the  plavs,  —  nrydcn's  Indian  F.mfcror  (Cortes  and  Montezuma) ;  Lope  de  Vega's  Marguez  .Id 
Vallc  :  Fernand  de  Zaratc's  Com/uista  de  .\fixico :  Camzwrsfi,  Fl  P/ivto  de  Fernan  Cortes;  F.  del  Key,  //''■ 
nand  Cortez  en  Tabasco;  Piron,  Cortes:  M.iIcoh\i  Macn«iml(l,  Gitatciihzni  (I'liil.uklphia,  1S7S),  etc. 


i  «ul(l  ill  l.oiiilii 


DISCOVERIES 


ON   THE 


PACIFIC    COAST    OF    NORTH    AMERICA. 


I  I 


ItY   THE   F.DITOR. 


k' 


THE  cartographical  history  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  North  America  is  one  of  siiadowy 
and  unstable  surmise  long  continued.'  The  views  of  Columbus  and  his  companions, 
as  best  shown  in  the  La  Cosa  and  Kuyscli  maps,'^  prechuied,  for  a  considerable  time  after 
the  coming  of  Kuropeans,  the  possibility  of  the  very  existence  of  such  a  coast;  since  their 
Asiatic  theory  of  the  new-found  lands  maintained  with  more  or  less  modification  a  fitful 
existence  for  a  full  century  after  Columbus.  In  many  of  the  earliest  maps  the  question 
was  avoided  by  cuttin;;  olT  the  westerly  extension  of  tlie  new  continent  by  the  edge  of  the 
slieet ;  •  but  the  confession  of  tiiat  belief  was  still  made  sometimes  in  other  ways,  as  when, 
ill  the  Portuguese /(;rA'/rt//r7,  which  is  placed  between  1 516  and  1520,  Mahometan  flags 
.ire  placed  on  the  coasts  of  \'enezuela  and  Nicaragua.'' 

In  1526  a  rare  book  of  the  monk  Franciscus,  /)r  or/n't  situ  ac  descriptionc  Fraud xci 
,pistohi,^  contained  a  map  winch  represented  South  America  as  a  huge  island  disjoined 
from  the  Asiatic  coast  by  a  strait  in  the  neighborhood  of  Tehuantepec,  with  the  legend, 
•Hoc  orbis  liemisphaTium  cedit  regi  Hispania;." "  A  few  years  later  we  find  two  other 
maps  showing  this  Asiatic  connection,  —  one  of  which,  tlie  Orontius  Finxnis  globe,  is  well 
known,  and  is  the  earliest  engraved  map  showing  a  return  to  the  ideas  of  Columbus.  It 
ippcared  in  the  Paris  edition  of  the  Novits  Orbis  of  Simon  (Irynxus,  in  1532,'  and  was 
iniule  the  previous  year.  It  is  formed  on  a  cordiform  projection,  and  is  entitled  "  Nova  et 
Integra  universi  orbis  descriptio."     It  is  more  easily  understood  by  a  reference  to  Mr. 


^    ! 


-1 


'  Dr.  Kohl's  studies  on  the  course  of  gco- 
(;r^phical  discovery  along  the  Pacific  coast  were 
nivir  published.  He  jirintcil  an  abstract  in  the 
I'lii/e,/  S/iifc-s  Cihist  Si(n;y  A't'/orf,  1S55,  pp.  374, 
375.  A  manuscript  memoir  by  liimon  tlic  subject 
is  in  the  library  of  tlic  American  Antitpiarian 
S'lciety  (/';-('i<Y(//;;i,'.f,  23  Apr.  1S72,  pp.  7,  26)  at 
:*  orcester.  So  great  advances  in  this  licld  have 
si;  0  been  made  that  it  probably  never  will 
1)0  printed.  There  is  a  clironological  state- 
ment of  explorations  up  the  Pacific  coast  in 
I  lull  n  (le  Mohas'  Ex/</i}r(!fi<ni  ,/ii  territoire  de 
rOrciron  (Paris,  1844),  vol.  i.  chap.  iv. ;  but  H.  H. 
li.mcroft's  Pacific  Stales,  particularly  his  A'orth- 
-.K'tst  Coast,  vol.  i.,  embodies  the  fullest  infor- 
mation on  this  subject.  In  the  enumeration  of 
:'>.ips  in  the  present  paper,  many  omissions  are 


made  purposely,  and  some  doubtless  from  want 
of  knowledge.  It  is  intended  only  to  give  a 
sufficient  number  to  mark  the  varying  progress 
of  geographical  ideas. 

-  See  ante,  pp.  106,  1 1 5. 

3  Cf.  maps  ante,  on  pp.  loS,  ii2,  114,  127. 

••  This  map  is  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library 
at  Munich,  and  is  portrayed  in  Kunstmaiin's 
Atlas,  pi.  iv.,  and  in  Stevens's  Notes,  pi.  v.  Cf. 
Kohl,  llisca-rcry  of  Atiiiii--  (for  a  part),  no.  10; 
and  Harrisse's  Ca/'ots,  p.  167. 

*  llarrisse,  /)'//'/.  Anier.  Vet.,  no  131. 

"  A  sketch  of  the  map  is  given  by  Lelewel, 
pi.  xlvi. 

^  The  JVo7'us  Orbis  (Paris)  has  sometimes  an- 
other map ;  but  Harrisse  savs  the  Fiuaeus  ont 
the  proper  one.    Bil'l.  Aiiier.  Vet.,  nos.  172,  i    ;. 


>  I 


1' 


ll 


•<  1  'f ' 


,i  .*: 


m 


I  *. 


mrr  ' 


■>* 


t  a 


!l",i 


432 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


SLOANE    MANUSCRIPTS,     1530.^ 

Brevoort's  reduction  of  it  to  Mercator's  projection,  as  sliown  in  another  volume. ^    T'.ie 
same  Tiap,  with  a  change  in  the  inserted  type  dedication,  appeared  in  the  Pomponius  Mela 

of  1540,^  and  it  is  said  also  to  be  found 
mucli  later  in  the  Gcoi^rafia  of  Lafreri 
published  at  Rome,  1554-1572. 

The  other  of  the  two  niap.s  already 
referred  to  belongs  to  a  manuscript.  Dc 
Principiis  Astronomic^  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum  among  the  Sloanc 
manuscripts.''  It  closely  resembles  ;!ic 
Fina'us  map.  The  authorities  place  it 
about  1530,  or  a  little  later.  In  1533.  in 
his  Opusculiun  Gcov;rtip/iicuin,  Schoiicr 
maintained  that  the  city  of  Mexico  was 
the  Ouinsay  of  Marco  Polo  ;  and  about 
the  same  time  Francis  I.,  in  commis- 
sioning Cartier  for  his  explorations,  calls 
the  St.  Lawrence  valley  a  part  of  Asia. 
What  is  known  as  the  Nancy  Globe  preserved  the  same  idea,  as  will  be  seen  by  the 
sketch  of  it  annexed,  which  follows  an  engraving  published  in  the  Compte  Rendu  of  the 


RUSCELLI,   1544." 


K( 


Wash- 


1  This  follows  a  drawiu; 
ington  Collection. 

-  Vol.  in.  p.  II.  Thisicduclion,  there  m.ide 
'rom  Stevens's  A^'Am-,  pi.  iv.,  is  copied  on  a  re- 
duced scale  in  Bancroft's  Cmtral  America,  so\ 
i.  p.  149.  Stevens  also  gives  a  fac-similc  of  the 
original,  and  a  greatly  reduced  rci)r.Kluclion  is 
given  in  Daly's  Enrly  Cartography.     Its  names, 


as  Harrisse  ha.-^  pointed  out  (Cabo/s,  j).  iS:),  arc 
similar  to  the  two  Weimar  charts  of  1527  and 
I  s^g  The  bibliography  of  this  Paris  Gryn.rus 
is  examined  clscwlicrc. 

■'  Hihl.  Anii-r.  IW.,  Ailailiom,  no.  1:7. 

*  lU-it.  Mils.  Cat.  of  Maps,  1844,  p.  22. 

^  This  follows  a  sketch  given  by  Dr.  KnW 
in  his  DisioTcry  of  Maine,  pi.  xr.,  which  is  also 


•  volume.^  The 
'omponiiis  Mel.i 
ilso  to  be  found 
rafia  of  Lafrcri 
4-1572. 

ro  maps  already 
manuscript.  /V 
preserved  in  tlic 
ig  the  Sloanc 
y  resembles  ilie 
horities  place  it 
ter.  In  1533.  in 
/ticiim,  Schiinur 

of  Mexico  was 
'olo  ;  and  about 

I.,  in  comniis- 
:plorations,  calls 
a  part  of  Asia. 
I  be  seen  by  the 
■■  Rendu  of  the 

iibols,  p.  iSc),  .irc 
arts  of  1527  :in<l 
is  Paris  Grvn.tus 


DISCO^'ERIES   ON   THE   PACIFIC   COAST. 


433 


Tl  1 1".    X.WCV    Gl.l  >nE. 

Congi^s  (le.s  Am.'ricanistes.'  The  same  view  is  maintained  in  a  manuscript  map  01  Ruscelli, 
the  Italian  geographer,  preserved  in  the  liritish  Museum.  r'erhai)s  the  earliest  instance  of 
a  connection  of  America  and  Europe,  such  as  Ruscelli  here  imagines,  is  the  map  of 
".Schondia,"'  which  Ziegler  the  ISavarian  published  in  his  composite  work  at  Strasburg  in 
1532,-  in  which  it  will  Ije  observed  he  makes  '■  IJacallaos  "  a  part  of  rirceiiland,  preserving 
tlie  old  i.otion  prevailing  before  Columbus,  as  shown  in  the  nia|is  of  tlic  latter  jxu't  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  that  Greenland  was  in  fact  a  prolongation  of  northwestern  Europe, 
as  Ziegler  indicates  at  the  top  of  his  map,  the  western  half  of  which  only  is  here  reijro- 
<hiced.  In  this  feature,  as  in  others,  there  is  a  resemblance  in  these  maps  of  Ziegler  and 
Ruscelli   to  two  maps  by  Jacopo  Gastaldi,  "  le  coryphee  des  gdographes  de  pe'ninsule 


copied    in    Bancroft's   Ceiitin!  Amfn'ui,  vol.  i, 
p.  14S.     Cf.  Lclcwel,  p.  170;  Pcschel,  Gcuhichtc 
der  Erdkumk  (lS()5),  p.  371. 
VOL.   II.        55. 


'  Vol.  for  1877,  p.  350.     Cf.  the  present  His- 
tory, Vol.  I.  ]).  214;  IV.  Si. 
-  .Sec  Vol.  III.  p.  i.S. 


i     1 


W 


It 


i  * 


i 

\ 

i 

^•I*^'^ 


^' 


I ') 


d34  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ziegler's  schondia,  1532.' 

italique,"  as   Lelewel  ^  calls  him.     These  maps  appeared  in  the  first   Italian  edition  of 
Ptolemy,  publi.shed  at  Venice  in  1548.3     The  firs.   (no.  59),  inscribed  "  Dell' universale 

1  This  is  a  fac-simile  made  from  Mr.  Cliarlcs  -  Epilo<^iic,  p.  219. 

Dcano's  (formerly  the  Murphy)  copy.     Cf.  "    ■  ?  This  edition  was  in  .small  octavo,  with  si.xty 

AA\xcn)i\nj^'?, /.dt/aJ.-iiiiiiir/i  Jiis  iVi.Xi'iiij/:  maps,  engraved  on   meta!,  of   whicli   tlierc  are 

A'lirfoi^mp/iie  bis  ziiin  Jahie  1600,  Fraiikfrn  a.  seven  of  interest  to  students  of  American  c.ir- 

M.,  1SS3,  p.  II.  tography.    They  are  of  South  America  (no.  54), 


ll   II 


an  edition  of 
ir  universale 


ivo,  with  sixty 
licit  there  aio 
American  car- 
lerica  (no.  54), 


DISCOVERIES   ON   THE    PACIFIC   COAST. 


435 


nuova,"  is  an  elliptical  projection  of  the  globe,  showing  a  union  of  America  and  Asia, 
somewhat  different  in  character  of  contour  from  that  represented  in  the  other  (no.  60),  a 
"  Carta  Marina  Universale,"  of  whicli  an  outline  sketch  is  annexed.     This  saine  map  was 


CARTA     MARINA,    154S. 


New  Spain  (no.  55),  "Terra  nova  Bacalaos  "  or 
I'lorida  to  Labra.lor  (no.  56),  Cuba  (no.  57), 
and  Ilispaniola  (no.  5S).  The  copies  in  Amer- 
ica which  have  fallen  under  the  Editor's  observa- 
tion are  those  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  in  the 
.\stor  and  Carter-Hrown  libraries,  and  in  the 
collections  of  Mr.  Harlow  and  Mr.  Kalblleisch 
m  New  York,  and  of  Prof.  Jules  Marcon  in  Cani- 
liridgc.  There  was  one  in  the  Murjihv  Collec- 
tion, no.  2,067.  It  is  wnrtli  from  Si  5  to  $2^. 
t'f.  on  Gastaldi's  maps,  Zurla's  jIAiiyo  /Wo  ii. 
j6S  ;  the  Ai'/izic'  i/i  yiHO/o  C(is/t!/c/i,Tut\ni),  iSSi  ; 


Castellani's  dila/ogo  delh  plh  varc  ofcre  s^cofiir.- 
Julie,  Rome,  1S76,  and  other  references  in  Win- 
sor's  I^iMiography  of  P/o,\'i/iy,  sub  anno  154S; 
and  Vol.  IV.  p.  40  of  the  present  History. 

'  The  key  is  as  follows  :  i.  Norvegia.  2. 
I.apnnia.  3.  CJronlandia.  .(.  Ticrra  del  Labrador. 
5.  Tierra  del  Bacalaos.  C.  La  Florida.  7.  Xueva 
Ilispania.  S.  Mexico.  9.  India  Superior.  10. 
La  China.  ii.(;angcs.  12.  .Saniatra.  13.  Java. 
14.  Panama.  15.  Mar  del  .Sur.  16.  El  ISrasil. 
17.  LI  I'ern.  18.  .Strccho  de  Feruande  Magalliaes. 
19.  Ticrra  del   Fuego.     This  ni.ip  is  also  repro- 


1          ' 

7v 

.;  i 

K 

i 

1 

!    i 

H 


■Vi 


wnfi*'  h^'^ 

ffcl'l 


436 


iN'AKRAl'lVJi   AND   CRITICAL    HIS'I'ORV    Oi"    AMEUU  A. 


h!  'vr/f 


r  >4 


i  iVl 


'( 


■  '(Jr\ 


.,//| 


w\ 


KAV^A^  t  V  D.r.    r>F    taCARTA£0  ^M  0<j  ^^gl^^lICA  D  E 


Ai-amutntrroconbiriniifnra  ^itla  Cofoiof^tapliia  (  tttorb 
vniuirfal  del  Mijivlo,(nff)f  pot  jttptcioiponitndo  fcJi 

Nut:nibifniyrQlitncahfl([iiJoiTiuchiaifnt<cM)  I 
ntllinbimtncilu  rctiBAJldu.YainrmtlU,:^ 
vxaa  nn  Tiblt.pin  losquc  dcrwtn  vcr  al  ojOi  >^ 


|^xVi.V^VAViVr7iTr.ViVAViVivnr/ 


voPKi.r.io,   1556. 

(RcJuition  of  ICC  stern  half^) 


adopted  (as  no.  2)  by  Ruscelli  in  the  edition  of  Ptolemy  wliicli  lie  published  at  Venice  in 
15^)1,1  though  in  the  "Orbis  dcscriptio  "  (no.  i)  of  that  edition  Ruscelli  hesitates  to  acceiit 

(liiccd  ill  \  rdciislviiiUr,'^  Ihlhict-na  Zcnos,  Slock-  1  Tliis  edition  is  in  small    quarto  and  coiv 

holm,  18S-,.  tai.is   si.\   Ameiicau  maps:   no.  i,  "Orbis  I'c- 


I;'! 


ill      . 


•'I 


,*  i.' 


>  OE  GIRAVA 

Kxjnptcio;pon.(ni]9  W' 
prooJiaiortKuir  liOpiriw 
h<t(ULJonnj(hiaini()<o»l 

wh]'dii.Y»i/:rni«ft*^» 
qii<<kfianvcratcjo,lc^ 


[■d  at  Venice  in 
itates  to  accei)t 

(Hiarto  anil  cni\- 
,.   I,  "Oibis  IH- 


DISCOVKRIES   ().\     lliL    PACIFIC   C(3AS-1. 


43: 


-rr"^"     '^^WV'WWV^Wir 


.^^^^^^ 


DOS    LIBROS 

DE  COSMOGR.APHIA 

(cnipiie|lo5  nuenAmer.tcjror  Hitro^ 
nymo  GJrAUA  T^irryonej. 


^^^3^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^<:^:^^2i^ 


tlu-  Asiatic  theory,  and  indicates  a  "liltus  incoj,mitum,'  as  Gastal,''.  did  in  tlic  map  which 
he  made  for  I'lamusio  in  1550. 

striplio; "  no.  2,  "Carta  Marina;"  no.  3,  a  re-  nncva,"   or   ca.stern   coast   of   North    .\nicrica; 

;>rudui;tion   of  the   Zeni   map;   no.   4,   "  Sclion-  no.  S.Brazil;  no.  g,  Cuba  ;   no.   10,  Ilispaniola. 

I.nulia"  ((jrcenland  region,  etc.)  ;    no.  5,  South  These  maps  were  repeated   in   the    1511-,   1564, 

■\nieriea;   no.  C,   New  Spain;   no.  7,   "  Tierra  and  1574  ct'itions  of  J'tolemy.     Tlic  copies  in 


.SI  > 


A\    3 


'U 


i  [ 


I : 


-  r 


'.  .t 


Ui 


m 


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11.  f  I  ; 


moMamm 


Nl-'il 


t, 


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'; 


'■■ml  >> 


J)\ 


p  u 


43S 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


VVuttke  1  has  pointed  out  two  maps  preserved  in  the  I'ala/zo  Riccardi  at  Florence,  which 
belong  to  about  tiie  year  1550,  and  show  a  similar  Asiatic  connection.'^  The  map  of 
Caspar  Vopellius,  or  Vopcilio  (1556),  .ilso  extended  the  California  coast  to  the  Ganges.  It 
appeared  in  connection  with  Girava's  /Jos  Lihros  <lc  Co.ii)io_i^ntp/iia,  Milan,  1356,'  but  when 
a  new  titlepage  was  given  to  tiie  same  sliects  in  1570I  it  is  doubtful  if  the  map  was 
retained,  though  Sabin  says  it  should  have  the  map.-"  The  Italian  cartographer,  I'aulo 
de  Furlani,  made  a  map  in  1560,  which  according  to  Kohl  is  preserved  in  the  IJritisli  .Mu- 
seum. It  depicts  Chinamen  and  elephants  in  the  region  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  From 
Kohl's  sketch,  preserved  in  his  manuscript  in  the  lil)rary  of  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  the  annexed  outline  is  drawn,     j'urlani  is  reported  to  have  received  it  from  a 


'^^^^^sS^J'^ 


tT- 


PAULO    Di:    FURI-ANl'S    NT  \P,   1560.''' 


America  of  these  editions  known  to  the  F.ditor 
are  in  the  following  libraries :  Library  <if  Con- 
gress, 1561,  1562,  1574;  lioston  Public  Library, 
1561;  LLirvard  College  Library,  1562;  ('artcr- 
llrovvn  Library,  1561,  I5f>:,  1564,  1574;  I'liihi- 
dclphia  Library,  1574;  Astor  Library,  1574;  .S. 
L.  .M.  IJarlow's,  1562,  1564;  James  Carson  Hre- 
vourt's,  1562;  J.  Ffanimoiul  Trumbull's,  1561  ; 
'IVinity  College  (ILirtford),  1574;  C.  C.  llald- 
«ir's  (Cleveland)  1561;  Murphy  Catalogue, 
1561,  1562,  1574, —  the  last  two  bought  by  Presi- 
dent A.  D.  White  of  Cornell  University. '  These 
editions  of  Ptolemy's  Gcos;raphka  are  described, 
and  their  .American  maps  compared  with  the 
works  cf  other  contemporary  cartographers,  in 
Winsor's  B'Mioi^.  of  Ptotcmys  Ccox'ni/'/iy  ii.SS^). 

'^  Jahresbcrkht  ,f,-s  Vcniiis  fiir  Erdkuinit-  in 
Dresilcn,  1S70,  pages  62  ;  plates  vi.,  vii.,  i.\. 

-  These  and  other  maps  of  the  Palazzo  are 
noted  in  Sliuii liii^.;rajici  e  bihlioi^yiil'i'  1  ,Il-IIii  soiietcl 
gtogroficd  ihiliiiiiii,  Konic,  1SS2,  ii.  \0),  172. 


"  Ciirtcr-Bro-tun  Catalogue,  i.  209 ;  Leclerc. 
Bibliothcca  Americana,  no.  240;  Murpliy  Cata- 
logue, no.  1,047.  "le  map  is  very  rare.  Henry 
Stevens  published  a  fae-simile  made  by  IIarri>. 
This  and  a  fae-simile  of  the  title  of  the  bonk 
are  annexed.  Cf.  Orozco  y  lierra,  Carti\^iajia 
Mexicana,  37. 

*  . '.abin.  Dictionary  of  books  rclatim;  to  Amer- 
ica, vii.  27,504;  .Stevens,  Historical  Collections,  i. 
2,413  (books  sold  in  London,  July,  iSSi).  The 
Harvard  College  copy  lacks  the  map.  Mr.  13re- 
voort's  copy  has  the  map,  and  that  gentleman 
thinks  it  belongs  to  this  edition  as  well  as  tn 
the  other. 

^  The  key  is  this:  i.  Oceano  settentrionale, 
2.  Canada.  3.  panaman.  .(.Mexico.  5.  s.  tuni.i^. 
6.  Xova  Ispani.a.  7.  Cipola.  S.  Le  sete  ciia 
9.  Topira.  10.  tontontean.  11.  Zangar.  12.  Tebet. 
13.  Quisai.  14.  Cimpaga.  15.  Golfo  de  Toii/n 
16  Vs.  dc  l.as  ladrones.  17.  mangi.  18.  m.ai 
de  la  china. 


DISCOVERIES    ON   THE   PACIFIC   COAST. 


439 


Spanish  nobleman,  Don  Diego  Hermano,  of  Toledo.*  Tiiu  toimeclion  with  Asia  is  again 
acllit;rccl  to  in  Johannes  IMyritius's  Opusciiluin ^cographicitiii,  where  the  map  is  dated  15S7, 
tliough  tlie  book  was  published  at  Ingolstadt  in  1590.-  Just  at  this  lime  Livio  Sanuto,  in 
his  Geognijia  distinta  (Venice,  1  j8S),  was  disputing  the  Asiatic  theory  on  the  ground  that 
the  Mexicans  would  not  iiave  shown  surjuise  at  horses  in  Cortes"  time,  if  they  had  for- 
merly been  inhabitants  of  a  continent  like  Asia,  where  liorses  are  common.  Perhaps  the 
latest  use  of  the  type  of  map  shown  in  the  "Carta  Marina"  of  1548  was  just  a  half  cen- 
tury later,  in  1598,  in  an  edition  of  Ortelius,  //  Theatio  del  moiido,  published  at  Brescia. 
Tlie  belief  still  lingered  for  many  years  yet  in  some  quarters  ;  and  Thom.is  Morton  in 
1636  showed  that  in  New  England  it  was  not  yet  decided  whetlier  the  continent  of  America 
did  not  border  upon  the  country  of  the  Tartars.^  Indeed,  the  last  trace  of  the  assumption 
was  not  blown  away  till  Behring  in  1728  passed  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Arctic  seas. 

Such  is  in  brief  the  history  of  the  inception  and  decline  of  the  belief  in  the  prolongation 
of  Asia  over  against  .Spain,  as  Toscanelli  had  supposed  in  1474,  and  as  had  been  sus- 
pected by  geographers  at  intervals  since  the  time  of  Eratosthenes.*  The  beginning  of  the 
decline  of  such  belief  is  traced  to  the  movements  of  Cortds.  Balboa  in  15 13  by  his  discov- 
ery of  the  South  Sea,  later  to  be  called  the  Pacific  Ocean,^  had  established  the  continental 
form  of  South  America,  whose  limits  southward  were  fixed  by  Magellan  in  1520;  but  it  was 
left  for  Cortes  to  begin  the  exploration  to  the  north  wiiich  Behring  consummated. 

After  the  Congress  of  Badajos  had  resolved  to  effect  a  seiV"ch  for  a  passage  through 
the  American  barrier  to  the  South  Sea,  the  news  of  such  a  determination  was  not  long  in 
reaching  Cortes  in  Mexico,  and  we  know  from  his  fourth  letter,  dated  Oct.  15,  1524,  that  it 
had  already  reached  him,  and  that  he  had  decided  to  take  part  in  the  quest  himself  by 
despatching  an  expedition  towards  the  Baccalaos  on  the  hither  side ;  while  he  strove  also 
to  connect  with  the  discoveries  of  Magellan  on  the  side  of  the  South  Sea."  Cortes  had 
already  been  led  in  part  by  the  reports  of  Balboa's  discovery,  and  in  part  by  the  tidings 
which  were  constantly  reaching  him  of  a  great  sea  in  the  direction  of  Tehuantepcc.  to 
establish  a  foothold  on  its  coast,  as  the  base  for  future  maritime  operations.  So  his  ex- 
plorers had  found  a  fit  spot  in  Zacatula,  and  thither  he  had  sent  colonists  and  shijiwrights 
to  establish  a  town  and  build  a  fleet,'  the  Emperor  meanwhile  urging  him  speedily  to  use 
the  vessels  in  a  search  for  the  coveted  strait,  which  would  open  a  shorter  passage  than 
Magellan  had  found  to  the  Spice  Islands. 8  But  Cortt's'  attention  was  sorai  distracted  by 
his  Honduras  expedition,  and  nothing  was  done  till  he  returned  from  tliat  march,  when 
he  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  Sept.  3,  1526,  offering  to  conduct  his  newly  built  fleet  to  the 


':    i 


m 


A 


1  TIic  Catalogue  of  the  British  Museum  p.:ts 
under  1562  a  map  by  Furlani  called  Univna'es 
Descritlione  di  tutta  la  Terra  cogiwsciiita  da 
Paido  di  Forlani.  A  "  carta  nautica"  of  the 
same  cartographer,  now  in  the  liibliotheque 
N.itionale  at  Paris,  is  figured  in  Santarem's  Atlas. 
(Cf.  Bulletin  de  la  Societi  de  Gcos^raf'hii,  1839; 
and  Studi  biografici  c  Inhliografici,  ii.  p.  142). 
Thomassy  in  his  Pafes  f;cof;raph,-s,x>.  118,  men- 
tions a  Furlani  (engraved)  map  of  1565,  pub- 
lished at  Venice,  and  says  it  closely  resembles 
llie  Gastaldi  type.  Another,  of  1570,  is  con- 
tained in  Lafreri's  Tavole  viodernc  di  gcojjrajia, 
Rome  and  Venice,  1 554-1 572  (cf.  Manno  and 
Promis,  Notizie  di  Gastaldi,  18S1,  p.  19;  Harrisse,, 
Cabots,  p.  237).  Furlani,  in  1574,  as  we  shall 
see,  had  dissevered  America  and  Asia.  As  to 
Diego  Mcimano,  cf.  Willes'  History  of  Traitvaylo 
(London,  1577)  fol.  232,  verso. 

•^  There  are  copies  in  the  Library  of  Con- 


gress and  in  the  Carter-P.rown  Library.  Du- 
fosse  recently  priced  it  at  25  francs. 

3  Morton's  A\iu  English  Canaan,  Adams's 
edition,  p.  126. 

■»  See  aide,  p.  104. 

*  Magellan  and  his  companions  seem  10 
h.ive  given  the  latter  naine,  according  to  Piga- 
fctta,  and  Galvano  and  others  soon  ado|)ted 
the  name.  (C  Bancroft,  Central  America, 
vol.  i.  jip.  135,  {^,  3;3;  and  the  present  vol. 
ume,  ante,  p.   196). 

"  Brevoort  (J'errazano,  p.  So)  suspects  thav 
the  Vopellio  map  of  1556  represents  the  geo- 
graphical views  of  Cort(5s  at  this  time.  Mr. 
Brevoort  has  a  copy  of  this  rare  map.  See 
ante,  \>.  436,  for  fac-similc. 

''  Cf.  collation  of  rcfen'uces  in  Bancroft,  I^o. 
Mexican  States,  i.  iS;  A'ortlnoest  Coast,  i.  13. 

•^  Paclieco,  Coleeeion  de  documentos  iniditos 
xxiii.  366. 


1^ 


\    '. 


1  t 


i.f. 


■n 


H'iC  i' 

n 


dm  'I 


If 


|l     s^ 


440 


NARKATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Moluccas,  liiit  two  other  fleets  were  already  on  thu  way  thither,  —  one  under  Garcia 
tie  Loaysa  which  left  Spain  in  August,  1525,  and  tlic , other  under  Sebastian  Caliot,  who 
stopped  on  the  way  at  La  Plata,  had  left  in  April,  1526.     So  Cortds  finally  received  orders 


THE  PACiric.   Is 


3 '  J- 


to  join  with  his  fleet  tiiat  of  Loaysa,  who  had  indeed  died  on  his  voyage,  and  of  his  ves- 
sels only  one  had  reached  the  Moluccas.     Another,  however,  had  sought  a  harbor  not  tar 


1  Kolil  gives  this  nld  Portuguese  chart  of 
the  P.acific  \n  his  Washington  Collection,  after 
an  original  preserved  ii\  the  military  archives  at 
Munich,  which  w.as,  as  lie  thinks  pns.sihle,  made 
hy  some  pilot  accompanying  .Vntonin  da  Miranda 
(le  Azevcdo,  who  conducted  a  Portuguese  fleet 
to  the  Moluccas  in  1513  to  join  the  earlier 
Lxjiedition  (1511)  under  D'Ahrcu  and  .'^errao. 
A  legend  at  Maiuca  marks  these  islands  as  the 


place  "where  the  cloves  grow,"  while  the  group 
south  of  them  is  indicated  as  the  jilacc  "  where 
nutmegs  grow."  The  co.ast  on  the  rigiit  must 
stand  for  the  notion  then  prevailing  of  the  ninin 
of  America,  which  was  barring  the  Spanish 
progress  from  the  cast. 

Of  the  e.arlv  ma|)S  of  the  ;\Iohiccas,  there  is 
one  hv  Piaptista  .\gnese  in  h\'i  for/o/aiio  lA  i^2fh 
preserved  in  the  I'.ritish  Museum;  one  hy  Diego 


m 


i    i.i 


DISCOVERIES   ON    THE    I'ACII'IC   COAST. 


44' 


from  Zacatula.  and  had  l)roii<;lit  Cortc's  |)artial  tidinj^s  at  least  of  tliu  misliaps  of  I.oaysa's 
uiidcilakin^;.'  What  information  tiie  rescued  crew  could  fjive  was  made  use  of.  a'ui  Cortds, 
hearin;;  thu  whole  ev|)(,'iise,  for  a  reiniluirsenKMit  of  which  he  Ion;;  sued  the  home  Oovern- 
iiient,  sent  out  his  i  ■  expedition  on  the  I'acilic,  under  the  command  of  his  cousin  Alvaro 
de  Saavedra  Ceron,  armed  with  letters  for  Cahot,  whose  delay  at  La  I'l.ita  was  not  suspected, 
and  with  missives  lor  sundry  native  potentates  of  the  Spice  Islands  and  that  reiiion." 

After  an  ex[)eriniental  trip  up  tiie  coast,  in  July,  1 527,'' two  larger  vessels  and  a  brigan- 
tine  set  sail  Oct.  31,  1527.  But  niisliap  was  in  store.  Saavedra  alone  reached  the  Moluc- 
cas, the  two  other  vessels  disappearing  torever.  He  Ibund  there  a  remnant  of  Loaysa's 
party,  and.  loading  his  ship  with  cloves,  started  to  return,  but  died  midway,  when  the  crew 
headed  their  shi|)  again  for  the  .Moluccas,  where  tiiey  fell  at  last  into  Portuguese  prisons, 
only  eight  of  lliem  finally  reacliing  Sp.dn  in  1534. 

It  will  he  remembered  that  the  I'ortuguese,  following  in  the  track  of  Wasco  da  Gama. 
had  pushed  on  beyond  the  great  jieninsula  of  India,  and  had  reached  the  Moluccas  in  1511, 
where  they  satislieil  themselves,  if  their  longitude  was  substantially  correct,  that  tiiere  was 
a  long  space  intervening  yet  before  they  would  confront  the  Spaniards,  pursuing  their 
westerly  route.  It  was  -not  quite  so  certain,  however,  whether  tiie  line  of  paiial  demar- 
cation, which  had  finally  been  pushed  into  the  mid-ocean  westerly  from  the  Azores,  would 
on  this  opposite  side  of  the  globe  give  thesr  islands  to  Spain  or  to  themselves.  The 
vovage  of  .M.igellan,  as  we  shall  see.  seemed  to  bring  the  solution  near;  and  if  we  may 
believe  Scotto.  the  Cienoese  geograi)her.  at  aiiout  the  same  date  (1520)  the  I'ortuguese  had 
crossed  the  Pacific  easterly  and  struck  our  northwest  coast.''  The  mishaps  of  Loaysa 
and  Saavedra,  as  well  as  a  new  understanding  between  the  rival  crowns  of  the  Iberian 
peninsula,  closed  the  (piestion  rather  abruptly  through  a  sale  in  1529  —  the  treaty  of 
Saragossa — -by  .Spain,  lor  350.000  ducats,  to  I'ortugal  of  all  her  rights  to  the  .Moluccas 
under  the  bull  of  demarcation.'' 

Cortes,  on  his  return  from  .Spain  (1530),  resolved  to  push  his  discoveries  f.irther  up 
the  coast.  The  S|)aiiiards  had  now  occupied  Tehuantepec.  Acapulco,  and  Zacatula  on  the 
sea,  aiul  other  Spaniards  were  also  to  be  found  at  Culiacan,  just  within  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia on  its  eastern  shore.  Tlie  political  revolutions  in  Cortes'  absence  had  c.uised  the 
suspension  of  work  on  a  new  tleet,  and  Cortes  was  obliged  to  order  the  construction  of 
another;  and  the  keels  of  two  were  laid  at  Tehuantepec,  and  two  others  at  Acapulco.  In 
the  early  part  of  IJ32  they  were  launched,  and  in  .Mayor  June  two  ships  started  under 
llurlado  dc  Meiidoza,  with  instructions  which  are  preserved  to  us.  Il  is  a  matter  of  doubt 
just  how  far  he  went."  and  both  vessels  were  lost.  Nufiode  Guzman,  who  held  the  region 
til  the  north."  obstructed  their  purpose  by  closing  his  harbors  10  them  and  refusing 
succor  ;  and  Cordis  was  thus  made  lo  feel  the  deadliness  of  his  rivalry.  The  conqueror 
now  himself  repaired  to  Tehuantepec,  anil  superintended  in  person,  working  wiih  his  men. 
tlie  construction  of  two  other  ships.  These,  the  '•  San  Lazaro  "'  and  "  Concepcion,"  under 
Diego  Becerra,  left  port  on  the  29th  of  October,  1533,  and  being  blown  to-sea.  they  first  saw 
l.uid  in  the  latitude  of  29''  30'  north  on  the  iSth  of  December,  when,  coasting  south  and 
east,  tlicy  developed  the  lower  parts  of  the  Californian  peninsula.     Mutiny,  and  attacks  of 


1 


!.;■ 


I     ' 


llonicm  in  a  similar  atlas,  dated  155S,  lil.ewise 
ill  the  Museum;  and  one  of  I56,S,  InJ.  M.avtines. 
l^iipiesof  these  are  all  included  in  Kohl's  Wash- 
iii.uton  Collection. 

'   Uancroft,  Miwico,  ii.  25S. 

-  These  are  given  in  Xavarretc,  v.  442.  Cf. 
I 'tiler  references  in  I'lancrofl,  Mtwh-o,  ii.  25S, 
wliLTC  his  slatcmeiUs  are  at  variance  with  those 
111  his  Ceiilnil  Aiiirihij,  i.  143. 

^  Documciitos  iih\ti/os,  .\iv.  65,  where  a  report 
ilescrihes  this  prelimiiinry  expedition. 

'  In  1524  Francisco  Cortes  in  his  cxpeditiim 
VOL.    II.  —  56. 


to  the  Jalisco  coast  heard  from  the  natives  of  a 
wooden  house  stranded  there  many  years  earlier, 
which  m.ay  ]>ossil)ly  refer  to  an  early  Portuguese 
voyage.  IT.  II.  Bancroft,  .\'or//i  .Vmi'i-iiii  SAiAs, 
i.  15. 

^  Prescott,  R-ytHifiVid  ,iiiJ  Aj/v//,/,  ii.  iSo, 
and  references, 

"  Cf.  Bancroft.  AW/h  .Vi-x/\,tii  S/,i/,s.  vol.  i. 
chap,  iii.,  on  this  voyage,  with  full  references. 

'  Cf,  Uancroft,  JVoiih  ^Awiciiii  Stiiti-s,  \o\.  i. 
chap.  ii..  with  references;  p.  29,  on  Guzman's 
(■xpedilion,  and  a  inaj)  of  it,  p.  3t.     ' 


h- 


l!^^; 


*«'  Tii 


.i! 


». 


/» 


:;r" 


442 


NAUKAIIVK   AM)    CKITIi  AI.    IIISTOKV    ()!••   AM1;K1CA. 


the  natives,  durinfj  nnc  of  wliicli  llic  thief  pilot  Ximenes  was  killed,  were  the  hapless 
accompaniments  of  the  undertakinit,  and  durinj;  stress  ot' weather  the  vessels  were  sepa- 
rated. The  "  San.  Lazaro  "  finally  returned  to  Acapuico,  hut  the  "  Concepcion  "  strugj;leil 
in  a  (:rip|)led  condition  into  a  port  \\iiliin  Gu/nian's  province,  where  the  ship  was  seized. 
A  (luarrel  ensued  Ix  lore  tlie  Aui/iiiuiii,  Cortes  seeking  lo  recover  his  vessel;  but  he  pros- 
pered little  in  his  suit,  and  was  driven  to  undertake  anotiier  expedition  under  his  own 
personal  lead.  .Scndinj;  three  armed  vessels  up  the  coast  to  Chiametla.  where  (aizman  h.nl 
Sliced  tlic  "Concepcion,"  Cortes  went  overland  himself,  accompanied  hy  a  force  wliicli 
("lUzman  found  it  convenient  to  avoid.  Here  he  joined  his  vessels  and  sailed  away  with 
a  part  of  his  land  forces  to  the  west  ;  and  on  tiie  1st  of  May,  1535,  he  landed  at  the  li.iy 
of  .Santa  Cruz,  where  Xiinenes  had  been  killed.  What  parts  of  the  lower  portion  of  the 
Californiaii  peninsula  Cortes  now  coasted  we  know  from  his  map,  preserved  in  the  .Span- 
ish Arcliivcs,'  wliicli  accompanied  the  account  of  his  takinj.^  possession  of  the  new  laud  of 
Santa  Cruz,  "discovered  by  Cortt's,  .M.ay  3,  1535,"  as  the  paper  reads.  The  point  of 
occupation  seems  to  have  been  the  modern  La  Paz,  called  by  him  Santa  Cruz.  The 
notary's  account  of  the  act  ol  possession  goe.i  on  to  say,*  — 

"On  tlic  third  day  of  .M.iy,  in  tlic  yi  ir  of  mir  Lord  1535,  on  the  said  day,  il  may  l)c  at  the  lumr 
of  noon,  lie  tile  same  less  (jr  lunrL',  tlio  very  illusfioiis  Lord  don  llcrnandu  Cortes,  Nfarcpils  of 
tlie  Valley  of  (lua.xaca,  Captain-general  of  \ew  Spain  and  of  tliu  Si)uthern  Sea  for  his  Majesty, 
etc.,  arrived  in  a  port  and  hay  of  a  country  newly  diseovercd  in  the  same  Soullierii  Sea,  witli  a  sliip 
and  armament  of  the  said  Lord  Marcpiis,  at  which  said  port  his  Lordship  arrived  with  shi|is  and 
men,  and  landed  on  the  earth  with  his  people  and  horses;  and  staiulini;  on  tlie  shore  o(  the  .sea 
there,  in  presence  of  mc  .Martin  de  Castro,  notary  of  their  >Lijestics  and  notary  of  the  .Xdiniiiis- 
tratiou  of  the  said  Lurd  ALir(|iiis,  and  in  presence  of  the  required  witnesses,  the  s.iid  Lord  .^Llr(|llis 
spoke  aloud  and  saiil  that  he,  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty,  and  in  virtue  of  his  rov.d  provision, 
and  in  fulfilment  of  His  Majesty's  instructions  regarding  discnvery  in  the  said  Stxithern  Sea,  h.id 
discovered  with  his  ship  and  armament  the  slid  land,  and  that  he  h.id  come  with  his  armainciit 
and  people  to  take  possession  of  it." 

Finding  his  men  and  horses  insui.'cient  for  the  purposes  of  the  colony  which  he 
intended  to  establish,  Cortes  despatch.ed  orders  to  the  tnain  for  assistance,  and.  pcndin;.; 
its  arriv.al,  coursed  up  the  easterly  side  of  the  gulf,  and  opportunely  fell  in  with  one 
of  his  vessels,  much  superior  to  his  own  brigantine.  So  he  transferred  his  flag,  and, 
returning  to  Santa  Cruz,  brought  relief  to  an  already   famishing  colony. 

News  reaching  hiivi  of  the  appointment  of  Mendoza  as  viceroy,  Cortds  felt  he  had 
greater  stake  in  Mexico,  and  hurriedly  returned."  Not  despairing  of  better  success  in 
another  trial,  and  spurred  on  by  indications  that  the  new  viceroy  would  try  to  anticipate 
him,  he  got  other  vessels,  and,  putting  Francisco  de  Ulloa  in  charge,  desi)atched  them 
(luly  S,  1539)  before  Guzman's  plan  for  their  detention  could  be  put  into  execution. 
Ulloa  proceeded  u|)  the  gulf  nearly  to  its  head,  and  satisfied  liimself  that  no  practi- 
cable water  passage,  at  least,  could  bring  him  to  the  ocean  in  that  direction,  as  Corte's  had 
supposed.''  Ulloa  now  turned  south,  and  following  the  easterly  coast  of  the  peninsula 
rounded  its  extremity,  and  coursed  it  northerly  to  about  280  north  latitude,  without  find- 
int;  anv  cut-off  on  that  side.     So  he  argued  for  its  connection  with  the  main.""     And  here 


'  The  Rev.  Edward  E.  Hale  procured  a  copy 
of  this  when  in  Spain  in  1SS3,  and  from  his 
copy  the  annexed  wood-cut  is  made.  Of.  Go- 
mara,  folio  117;  Herrcra,  Decade  viii.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  ix.  and  x.  Bancroft  (Cciilral  America,  i. 
1 50)  writes  without  knowledge  of  this  map. 

-  The  Spanish  is  printed  in  N'avarrete,  iv. 
190. 

'  This  ox])edition  of  Cortes  is  not  without 
difficulties  in  reconciling  authorities  and  tra- 
cing the  fate  of  the  colonists  which  he  sought 


to  plant  at  Santa  Cruz.  Hancroft  has  examined 
the  various  accounts  (Xordt  Miwuaii  .Shih-s,  i, 
S-.  etc.). 

*  Cortes  had  called  California  an  island  as 
earlv  as  1524,  in  a  report  to  the  Emperor,  de- 
ducing his  belief  from  native  reports.  l)c  Laet 
in  1633  mentions  having  seen  early  Spanish 
maps  showing  it  of  insular  shape. 

'  Cf.  Trescott's  Mt-xico,  iii.  322;  Rancroft's 
Mi:\-ict\\\.  425;  Central Aiiieriaj,\.  152, and  Xorlh 
Mexiaiii    Slates,   i.   79,  with  references.     The 


ICA. 

re  the  hapless 
4el»  were  sc|).i- 
iiin  "  strugKlfd 
liip  w;is  sL'i/.L'd. 
1 ;  liul  liL'  pros- 
unilcr  liis  own 
re  Guzman  had 

a  force  which 
lilcd  away  witli 
led  at  the  Hay 

portion  of  the 

d  in  the  Span- 

the  now  laiul  of 

Tlic  point  of 

iita  Cruz.     'I  lie 


ay  be  at  tlio  hour 
jitis,  Martpiia  of 
for  his  Majesty, 
1  Sea,  witli  a  sliip 
:(1  witli  ships  and 
shore  of  tlit  sea 
'  of  the  Adniinis- 
lid  Lord  Maii|uis 
royal  provision, 
loutherii  Sea,  had 
ith  his  armament 


olony  which  lie 

e,  and,  pcndin;.; 

ell  in  with  one 

his  flag,  and, 

<s  felt  he  had 
ttcr  success  in 
ry  to  anticipate 
sjjatched  them 
nto  execution, 
that  no  pracli- 
as  Cortt's  had 
the  peninsula 
e.  without  find- 


dn.5     And  here 

ifl  has  examined 
'/rxiiiiii  S/iifi-s,  i. 


nia  an  island  as 

le  ICmperor,  de- 

lorts.     I)c  Laet 

early   Spanish 

)e. 

•;22;  liancroft's 

i.  I  52, and  A't'i-f/i 

fcrcnces.      Tlic 


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DISCOVERIES   ON    THE    I'ACH'IC   COAST. 


443 


Cortds'  connection  with  discoveries  on  tiie  I'acific  ends  ;  for  Mendoza.  wlio  Iiad  visions 
of  liis  own,  thwarted  him  in  all  subsequent  attempts,  till  finally  Cortc^s  iii.nsclf  went  to 
Spain.  The  name  wliich  his  captains  ;;ave  to  tiie  gull',  the  Sea  of  Cortt's,  failed  to  al)ide. 
It  ijrew  to  he  generally  called  tiie  Red  Sea,  out  of  some  fancied  resemblance,  as  WytHitl 
says,  to  the  Red  Sea  of  the  Old  World.  This  appellation  was  supijlanted  in  turn  by  the 
name  of  California,  which,  it  is  contended,  was  given  to  the  peninsula  by  Corliss  himself.' 
The  oldest  map  which  we  were  .supposed  to  possess  of  these  expforations  about  the 
gulf,-  before  Dr.  Il.alc  brought  the  one,  alre.idy  mentioned,  from  Spain,  was  that  of  Castillo, 
of  which  a  fac-simile  is  herewith  given  as  published  by  Loren/.ana  in  1770,  at  .Mexico,  in  liis 
Histoiia  tie  A'lieva  Es/xnia.  Castillo  was  the  pilot  of  tlie  expedition,  sent  by  .Mcndoza  to 
co-operate  by  sei  with  the  famous  expedition  of  Coronailo.^and  which  the  viceroy  put  under 
the  command  of  Hernando  d'Alarcon.  The  fleet,  sailing  in  May.  1540.  reached  the  head  of 
the  gulf,  and  .Alarcon  ascended  the  Colorado  in  boats;  but  Mr.rcou*  tliinks  he  could  not 
have  gone  up  to  the  great  cafton,  wliicli  however  he  must  have  reached  if  his  supjjosed 
latitude  of  3C)"  is  correct.  He  failed  to  open  communication  with  Coronado,  but  buried 
some  letters  under  a  cross,  which  one  of  that  leader's  lieutenants  subsequently  found.' 


accounts  are  not  wholly  reconcilable.  It  would 
scfin  probaljle  that  Ullo.Vs  own  ship  was  never 
heard  from.  Kanuisio  gives  a  full  account  (vol. 
iii.  p.  340)  by  one  of  the  companions  of  Ulloa, 
on  another  ship. 

'  .At  least  so  says  Herrcra  (Stevens's  edition, 
vi.  305).  Castaneda  defers  the  naming  ti'.l  .Mar- 
con's  expedition.  Cabrlllo  in  1542  used  the 
name  .is  of  well-known  ai)plication.  The  origin 
of  the  name  has  been  a  cause  of  dispute.  Pro- 
fessor Jules  Marcou  is  in  error  in  stating  that 
the  name  was  first  applied  by  IScrnal  Di.iz  tea 
bav  on  the  coast,  and  so  was  made  to  include 
the  whole  region.  He  claims  th.it  it  was  simply 
a  designation  used  by  Cortes  to  distinguish  a 
laud  which  we  now  know  to  be  the  hottest  in  the 
two  .Americas,  —  Tierra  California,  derived  from 
"calida  fornax,"  (icry  furnace.  (Cf.  Annual 
Kt'fiort  i't'  Ihc  Siinvy  -uvst  of  the  hundredth  Par- 
iilhl,  by  (;eorge  M.  Wheeler,  1876,  p.  3S6;  and 
Annual  Rc/'oit  of  the  Chief  0/  Engineers,  U.S.A., 
187S,  appendix,  .also  printed  separately  as  Xotes 
nf'on  the  First  Discoz'eries  of  California  and  the 
Oriirin  of  its  .Vame,  by  Jules  Marcou,  Washing- 
ton, 1S78.)  liancroft  (California,  i.  65,  66)  points 
out  a  varictv  of  e(|uivalent  derivations  which 
have  been  suggested.  The  name  was  first  traced 
in  1862,  by  lulward  K.  Hale,  to  a  romance  pub- 
lished, it  is  supposed,  in  1510,  —  I.as  Sennas  de 
/•'s/^laiidian,  by  Garcia  Ordonez  de  Montalvo, 
which  might  easily  enough  have  been  a  ])op- 
ular  book  with  the  Spanish  followers  of  Cortes. 
There  were  later  editions  in  1519,  1521,  1525, 
and  1526.  In  this  romance  Ksplandian,  empe- 
ror of  the  Greeks,  the  imaginary  son  of  the  im- 
aginarv  .Amadis,  defends  Constantinople  .against 
the  infidels  of  the  Kast.  .A  pagan  (jueen  of  Am- 
azons brings  an  army  of  Amazons  to  the  succor 
of  the  infidels.  This  imaginary  cpieen  is  named 
Calafia,  and  her  kingdom  is  called  "  Califor- 
nia,"—  a  name  possibly  derived  from  "Calif," 
which,  to  the  readers  of  such  a  book,  would 


be  .associated  with  the  E.ast.  California  in  the 
romance  is  represented  as  an  island  rich  with 
gold  and  diamonds  and  pearls.  The  language 
of  the  writer  is  this:  — 

"  Know  that  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Indies  there 
is  .in  isKind  cillwl  California,  very  close  to  the  side  of 
the  Terrestrial  Paradise ;  ami  it  was  peopled  by  black 
women,  without  any  man  aninnK  tliein,  for  tlicy  lived 
in  the  fashion  of  Amazons.  They  were  of  stronj;  ami 
hardy  bodies,  of  ardent  courage  and  Rreat  force.  Their 
island  was  the  stronsest  in  all  the  world,  with  its  steep 
cliffs  and  rocky  shores.  Their  arms  were  all  of  ^oUI, 
and  so  w.is  the  harness  of  the  wild  bcav.ts  which  they 
tamed  to  ride ;  for  in  the  whole  island  there  was  no 
metal  but  fjold.  They  lived  in  caves  wrouKht  out  of 
the  rock  with  much  labor.  Tluy  had  many  ships,  with 
which  they  sailed  out  to  other  countries  to  obtain 
booty." 

That  this  name,  .is  an  omen  of  wealth,  struck 
the  fancy  of  Cortes  is  the  theory  of  Dr.  Hale, 
who  adds  "th.it  as  a  western  pioneer  now  gives 
the  name  of  '  Eden  '  to  his  new  home,  so  Cortes 
called  his  new  discovery  '  California.' "  (Cf. 
Hale  in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soe.  /'roe.,  April  30,  1862; 
in  llistorieal  Magazine,  vi.  312,  Oct.  1S62  ;  in  ///> 
Lrrel  lust,  p.  234;  and  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  xiii. 
265;  J.  .Archibald  in  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  437, 
I'rof.  J.  I).  Whitney  in  article  "California  "  in 
I'.ncyeiop<edia  lUitannica.)  liancroft  (Xorth 
Mexican  States,  vol.  i.  ]).  82;  and  California,  vol. 
i.  p.  64)  points  out  how  the  earliest  use  of  the 
name  known  to  us  was  in  Preciado's  narrative 
(Ramusio,  vol.  iii.  p.  343)  of  Ulloa's  voyage; 
and  that  there  is  no  evidence  of  its  use  by  Cor- 
tes himself.  It  was  applied  then  to  the  bav  or 
its  neighborhood,  which  had  been  called  Santa 
Cruz  or  La  Paz. 

2  Kohl,  Mats  in  Ilakluyt,  p.  58. 

"  Cf.  post,  chap.  vii. 

*  Azotes,  etc.,  p.  4. 

*  We  have  Alarcon's  narrative  in  Ramusio, 
iii.  363;  Herrern,  Dec.  vi.  |).  208;  Hakluyt,  iii. 


11 


\ 


!  ■    ' 


444 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


! 


CASlll.I.OS    MAP,    154I. 

In  1542  and  1543  an  expedition  wliicli  started  under  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  a  Por- 
tuguese in  the  Spanisli  service,  explored  the  coast  as  far  as  44°  nortli,'  reaching  tliat 
point  by  coasting  from  33",  wliere  he  struck  tlie  land.  He  made  a  port  whicii  he  calls 
San  Miguel,  which  Bancroft  is  inclined  to  believe  is  San  Diego:  but  the  accounts  are  too 
confused  to  track  him  confidently.^  and  it  is  probable  that  Cabrillo's  own  vessel  did 
not  uet  above  3S",  for  Cabrillo  himself  died  Jan.  3,  1543.  his  chief  pilot,  Ferrclo  (or 
Ferrer),  continuing  the  ex|)lorations.^  Bancroft  does  not  think  that  the  pilot  passed 
north  of  Cape   "cndocino  in  40'  26', 


435,  505;  Tein.iiix-Conii)ans'  J '(>vii:;i-s,  etc.,  ix. 
299.  Bancroft  (A'orth  ^f,•xil■l^>l  States,  vol.  i. 
p.  93)  gives  various  references.  An  intended 
second  expedition  under  Alarcon,  with  a  co-oper- 
ating fleet  to  follow  the  outer  coast  of  the  penin- 
sula, failed  of  execution.  The  instructions 
(;iven  in  1541  to  Alarcon  for  liis  voyayc  on  the 
California  cciast,  bv  order  of  Mendoza,  are  given 
m  B.  Smith's  Co/iwioii,  p-  i. 

^  Tr.is  map  is  marked  "  Domingo  del  Cas- 
tillo, i)iloto  me  fecit  en  Mexico,  aiio  del  naci- 
micnto  de  N.  S.  Jesu  Christo  dc  M.  D.  XI.I." 


Bancroft,  Central  America,  vo\.  i.  p.  153,  gives 
a  sketch  of  tlii-^  map,  and  again  in  Xorth  Afexi- 
can  Stales,  i.  Si  :  but  he  carries  the  outer  coast 
of  the  peninsula  too  far  to  the  west. 

-  These  are  the  ship's  figures;  but  it  is 
thought  their  reckoning  was  one  or  two  degree.* 
too  high. 

■^  Attempts  have  been  made.  Cf  Bancroft, 
California,  i.  70;  A'ortli7i'est  Coast,  i.  38. 

■•  The  SOI  -re  of  our  information  for  this  voy- 
age is  a  Relaeion  (June  27,  1543,  to  .April  14 
•543)   printed  in    Pacheco's   Coleccion  de  iloeik 


DISCOVERIES   ON    THE    I'ACllTC   COAST. 


445 


Thus  from  the  time  when  ISalboa  discovered  the  South  Sea,  the  Spanish  liad  taixen 
thirty  years  to  develop  the  coast  northerly,  to  the  latitude  of  Orej;on.  In  this  distance 
they  had  found  nothing  of  the  Straits  of  Anian.  which,  if  lIumlKildt  '  is  correct,  had  be^un 
to  take  form  in  peoiile's  minds  ever  since  Cortereal,  in  !  500,  ii.ul  supposed  Hudson's 
Straits  to  be   the  easterly   entrance   of  .1   westerly  p.i.-,sage.- 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  ;;eneral  agreement  ainoni;  cartographers  for  some  years 
yet  to  consider  the  newly  discovered  Calil'ornia  as  a  peninsula,  growing;  out  of  the 
concurrent  testimony  of  those  who,  subsequent  to  Cortes'  own  expedition,  had  tracked 
both  the  gulf  and  tlic  outer  coast.  The  l't)rtuguese  map  given  by  Kunstmann  ^  shows 
it  as  such,  though  the  map  cannot  be  so  early  as  that  geograplier  places  its  anterior  limit 
(1330),  since  the  development  of  the  gulf  could  not  have  been  made  e.ulier  than  1535, 
unless  by  chance  there  were  explorations  iVom  the  Moluccas,  of  u  hicii  we  h.ive  no  record. 
The  map  in  this  part  l)ears  a  close  resemblance  to  a  manuscript  cii.irt  in  the  liritish 
.Museum,  placed  about  1536,  and  it  seems  |>robable  that  thi.i  is  the  appro.\iniate  date  of 
that  in  Kunstni.iiin.  The  C.dil'orni.i  peninsula  is  shown  in  much  the  same  way  in  a  map 
which  .Major  ascrilies  to  IJaptista  .\gnese,  and  places  uiiiler  1539.''  It  belongs  (pi.  iv.)  to 
what  has  been  sometimes  spoken  of  as  an  atlas  of  I'liilip  II.  inscribetl  to  Charles  \'.,  but 
in  fact  it  w.as  given  to   I'hilip  by  Charles. *•     Its  essential  features  were  almo.it  e.x.icilv 


niiiiltit  iiu'i/itos,  xiv.  105;  ami  very  little  is  added 
from  other  sources,  given  in  ISaiicrot't,  .\'or//i  1 
Mixiiiin  .S'/ii/i's,  i.  133.  liuckin_i;liani  .Smith  gave 
the  ReUhioit  earlier  in  his  Colcccion  ilc  -,\trios 
Jhhiiniiii/i'S  pitra  la  hislori.i  ,/<.■  la  l-lorUta  y  I'l- 
crias  adyaccnics  (.Madrid,  1S37,  vol.  i.  p.  173). 
.\  translation  is  contained  in  Wheeler's  i'niUit 
Stall's  Ccoloi^kal  Survey,  vol.  vii.,  with  notes,  anil 
an  earlier  English  version  by  Alexander  S.  Tay- 
lor was  published  in  .San  Krancisco  in  1H53,  as 
'I'tii  First  i'oyai^t- lo  the  Coast  of  Calijoniia.  Cf. 
also  liancroft's  California,  1.69;  Xort/ruvst  Coast, 
i.  137.  It  is  thought  that  Juan  I'ae/  was  the 
author  of  the  original,  which  is  preserved  among 
the  .Simancas  papers  at  .Seville.  Ilerrera  seems 
to  have  used  it,  omitting  nuicli  and  adding  some- 
what, thus  making  the  narr.it ive  which,  till  the 
original  was  printed,  supplied  the  staple  source 
to  most  writers  on  the  subject.  In  1S02  N'avar- 
ri'te  summarized  the  story  from  tiiis  AWaiioii  in 
vol.  XV.  t>[  his  Dociimentos  iiiiJitos.  liancroft 
(vol.  i.  p.  Si)  cites  numerous  unimportant  ret'er- 
eiices. 

'  XoHVi-lU-  EsN-.i^iie  ('.  330),  wiiere,  ,is  well  as 
in  other  of  the  later  writers,  it  i.s  said  the  name 
".\nian  "  came  from  <me  of  Cortereal's  compan- 
ions. Hut  see  H,  II.  Bancroft,  Xorllnocst  Coast, 
vol.  i.  pp.  3O,  55,  56,  where  he  conjectures 
that  the  name  is  a  confused  reminiscence  at  a 
later  day  of  the  name  of  Auks  Cortereal,  men- 
tioned by  Ilakluyt  in  15SJ. 

-  There  was  at  one  time  a  current  belief  in 
the  story  of  a  Dutch  vessel  being  driven  through 
such  a  strait  to  the  Pacific,  passing  the  great 
city  of  Quivira,  which  had  been  founded  by  the 
.Aztecs  after  they  had  been  driven  from  Mexico 
by  the  Spaniards.  Then  there  arc  similar  sto- 
ries told  by  Menendez  (1554)  and  associated 
with  Urdaneta's  name  (cf.  Bancroft,  Nortlnocst 


Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  51);  and  at  a  later  day  other 
ike  .>tories  often  [nevailed.  Tiie  early  maps 
place  the  "  Kegmiin  .\iiian  "  and  "Quivira  "on 
our  northwestern  coast,  liancroft  (Xortliwesl 
Coait,  vol.  i.  pp.  45,  4y)  thinks  (iomara  respon- 
sible for  transferring  (Quivira  from  the  plaiii>  to 
the  coast.  .See  I'Mitorial  .Note  at  the  eiiU  of 
cha|).  vii. 

It  is  sometimes  said  (sec  liancrof.,  tVortli- 
west  Coast,  vol.  i,  p.  55)  that  the  belief  in  the 
Straits  of  .\nian  sprang  from  a  misinterpret  i- 
tion  of  a  passage  in  .Marco  I'olo ;  hut  liancroft 
(p.  53)  cannot  trace  the  name  hack  of  1574,  as 
he  finds  it  in  one  of  tlic  Krcnch  (.\iitwerp) 
editions  of  Ortelins  of  that  year.  Ortelius  had 
used  the  name,  however,  in  his  edition  of  1570, 
but  only  as  a  copier,  in  this  as  in  other  respects, 
of  .Mercator,  in  his  great  map  of  156(),  as  Han- 
croft  seems  to  suspect,  rorcacchi  (1572),  Kur- 
lani  or  Eorlani  (1574),  and  others  put  the  name 
on  the  Asian  side  of  the  .strait,  where  it  is  prol)- 
able  that  it  originally  appeared.  liancroft  (p.  .Si ) 
is  in  error  in  s.aying  that  the  name  "  .\nian  " 
was  '•  tor  the  first  time  "  applied  to  the  north  and 
south  passage  between  .\mcrica  and  .\sia,  .is 
distinct  from  the  cast  and  west  i)assap:c  across 
the  continent,  in  the  "  Mercator  Atlas  of  I5c)5:  '' 
for  such  an  applicati.)!!  is  apparent  in  the  map 
of  Zaltcrius  (1506),  Mercator  (1,69),  Porcacchi 
(1572),  Forlani  ( 1  5-4),  Best's  p'robisher  (157S), 
—  not  to  name  others. 

"  Sketched  in  this  IILstory,  Vol.  IV.  p.  46. 

*  liarrisse  (Cabots,  p.  193)  places  it  about 
1542. 

'  It  is  described  by  Maltc  Rrun  in  the 
bulletin  lie  la  SocietS  tie  Gaxraf'liie,  1876,  p. 
625  ;  and  an  edition  of  a  hundred  copies  of  a 
photographic  reproduction,  edited  by  Frederic 
Spitzer,  was   i.ssued   in   Paris   in    1.S71;.    There 


\^ 


% 


>  1 


<^f 


446 


NAKRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


4f— 


rcproiluced  in  a  draft  of  tfic  New  World  (preserved  in  tlie  Hritish  Museum)  assigned  t(, 
about  '540,  and  held  to  be  the  work  of  the  [-"ortuguese  hydrograplicr  Iloniem.    Apian'  and 

Miinster-in  1540,  and  Mtr- 
cator  in  I54i,'' while  boldly 
delineating  a  coast  wliidi 
extends  farther  north  than 
Cabrillo  had  reached  in 
1542,  wholly  ij;n(.re  this 
inijiortant  feature.  Not  so, 
however,  Sebastian  Cabot 
in  his  famous  Mappenioniie 
of  1344,  as  will  be  seen  by 
the  annexed  sketch.  Ti:e 
idea  of  Miinster,  as  em- 
bodied in  his  edition  of 
I'tolcmy  in  1540,^  already 
referred  to,  was  continued 
without  essential  chanije  in 
the  IJasle  edition  of  I'tol- 
eniy  in  1545.°  In  1548  the 
"  carta  marina  "  of  Gastaldi, 
as  shown  on  a  previous 
page,*  clearly  defined  the 
peninsula,    while    merging 


*5'_ 


6a:._ 


1*1  H««  at 

Tw  a  ^  *.  C  \ 


rs' — 


HOMEM,   ABOUT    I54O.'' 


is  a  copy  of  the  last  in  Harvard  College  Library. 
A  similar  peninsula  is  shown  in  plate  xiv.  of 
the  same  atlas. 

'  Repeated  in  1545. 

-  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  41. 

•''  Sec  atilc,  p.  177. 

*  This  edition,  issued  at  Basle,  had  twenty 
modern  maps  designed  by  Miinster,  two  of 
which  have  American  interest :  — 

(/.  Typtis  universalis, — an  elliptical  maj), 
showing  .\mcric.-i  on  the  left,  hut  with  a  i)art 
of  Mexico  (Temistitan)  carried  to  the  right 
of  the  map,  with  a  strait  —  "per  hoc  fretu  iter 
I'atct  ad  molucas  " — separating  America  from 
India  superior  on  the  northwest. 

/'.  No-.ut-  iiisiiUr,  —  the  map  reproduced  in 
Vol.  IV.  p.  41. 

There  arc  copies  of  this  1540  edition  of 
Ptolemy  in  the  Astor  Library,  in  the  collections 
of  Mr.  liarlow,  Mr.  Deanc,  and  I'rcsitlent  White 
of  Cornell,  while  one  is  noted  in  the  Murphy 
Catalogue,  no.  2,058,  which  is  now  in  the  library 
of  the  .\iucrican  Cieogra|ihicnl  Society.  This 
edition  was  issued  the  next  year  with  the  date 
changed  to  1541.  V.  Winsor's  /Hk'ioxrap/iy  of 
rioli-my.  The  same  maps  were  also  used  in  the 
ISasle  edition  of  1542,  with  borders  surrounding 
them,  some  of  which  were  designs,  perhaps,  of 
Holbein.  There  arc  copies  of  this  edition  in  the 
.■\stor  Library,  aiul  in  the  collections  of  lirevoort, 
T.arlow,  and  J.  II.  Truniij.il!  of  Hartford.  The 
Miirpliy  Ciiltilos^if  shows  another,  no.  2,066. 


I"  The  "Typus  universalis"  of  this  edition, 
much  the  sam;  as  in  the  edition  of  1540,  was 
re-engraved  for  the  B.asle  edition  of  1552,  with 
a  few  changes  of  names  :  "  Islandia,"  for  instance, 
which  is  on  the  isthmus  connecting  "liacallios" 
with  Norway,  is  left  out,  and  so  is  "'I'hylc" 
on  Iceland,  which  is  now  called  "  Island." 
This  last  engraving  was  repeated  in  Miinster's 
Cosmo^raphia  in  I  554. 

There  are  copies  of  the  I'tolemy  of  1545 
in  the  librar'' .,  of  Congress  and  of  Harvard 
College,  and  in  the  Carter-Brown  Collection. 
One  is  also  owned  by  J.  K.  Webster,  of  l^.ist 
Milton,  Mass.,  and  another  is  shown  in  the 
Afiirp/iy  Cii/ii/c'xiii',  no.  2,078. 

Copies  of  the  1552  edition  are  in  the  lil)r.a- 
ries  of  Congress,  of  New  Vork  State,  and  of 
Cornel!  University.  The  Sobolewski  copy  is 
now  in  the  collection  of  I'rof.  J.  I).  Whitney, 
Cambridge,  Mass.  Dr.  O'Callaghan's  copy 
was  .sold  in  New  Vork,  in  Decend)er,  1882;  the 
Murphy  copy  is  no.  2,065  "f  ''le  Murphy 
Ciit<ili>«ue. 

The  maps  were  again  reproduced  in  the 
Ptolemy  of  1555. 

"'  Ante,  p.  435. 

"  This  follows  Kohl's  drawing,  of  which 
a  portion  is  also  given  in  his  Disanvry  .y 
Miiitii;  p.  2t)S.  It  is  evidently  of  a  later  dale 
than  another  of  his  in  which  the  west  coast 
is  left  indefinite,  and  which  is  assigned  Id  about 
1530.     In  the  present   map   he   apparently  cm 


DISCOVERIES  ON   THE   PACIFIC  COAST. 


447 


the  coast  line  above  into  tliat  of  Asia.  Tiie  peninsula  was  also  definitely  marked  in 
several  of  the  maps  preserved  in  tlie  Kiccardi  palate  at  Florence,  which  are  supposed  to 
be  of  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.' 

In  the  map  of  Juan  Freire,  1546,  we  have  a  devclopiuLut  of  the  coast  northward  from 
tlie  peninsula,  for  which,  it  is  not  easy  to  account ;  and  the  map  is  peculiar  in  other  respects. 


'1!     \  \' 


GOLFO  DE  LA 
NUEVA  ESPANA 


IB" 


'■^V- 


-<c 


CABOT,     1544.' 


The  annexed  sketch  of  it  follows  Kohl's  drawing  of  an  old  portoltuw,  which  he  took  from 
the  orij,dnal  while  it  was  in  the  possession  of  Santarcm.  Freire,  who  was  a  I'ortujjucse 
hydrographer,  calls  it  a  map  of  the  Antipodes,  a  country  discovered  by  Columbus,  the 
Genoese.  It  will  be  observed  that  about  the  upper  laku  wu  have  the  name  "  Bimini 
regio,"  applied  to  Florida  alter  tiie  discovery  of  I'once  de  Leon,  because  of  the  supposi- 
tion tiiat  the  fountain  of  youth  existed  thereabout.  The  coasts  on  both  sides  of  the  gulf 
arc  described  as  the  discovery  of  Cort(5s.  There  seems  to  be  internal  evidence  that 
Freire  was  acquainted  with  the  reports  of  Ulloa  and  .Marcon,  and  the  chart  of  Castillo  ; 
l)ut  it  is  not  so  clear  whence  he  got  the  material  for  his  draft  of  the  more  westerly 
l)ortions  of  the  coast,  which,  it  will  be  observed,  are  s'^'cn  much  too  great  a  westerly 
trend.  The  names  upon  it  do  not  indicate  any  use  of  Cabrillo's  reports:  though  from 
an  inscription  upon  this  upper  coast  Freire  credits  its  discovery  to  th.e  .Spaniards,  under 

Ixidicd    Cabot's   discoveries    in   the    La   I'lata,  i)iob.ibly  nit.ins  Greenland.  —  a  view  ciilcrtaincd 

lull    had   not    heard  of    Orcllana's   exploration  before  Columbus. 

Ill  the  .Amazon  in  1 542  ;  though  he  had  got  news  '  Plates  vi.,  vii ,  ix.,  as  shown  in  the  yahrbiith 

'if  it  when  he  made  his  map  of  155S.     A  marked  Ja  I'l-rciiis  fiir  I^nlkutidc  in  J)>\<ifi-ii,  1S70. 
in-ciiliarity  of  the   map  is   the   prolongation  of  -  .Sketched  from  a  photograph  of  the  origi- 

northwestern  luiropc  .is  "Terra  Xova,"  which  nal  maii))cmoi)dc  in  the  great  library  at  Paris. 


1; 


'M    ' 


44^ 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OI'    AMERICA. 


-i| 


i 


\  & 


•  This  is  sketched  from  a  drawing  in  the 
Kohl  Collection  at  Washington. 

-  Ran  roft,  A'tirt/i  Mcxiaiii  ^laUs,  i.  137. 

*  See  ante,  p.  436. 


ov((cr:i  from  the  cmpLfdr, 
conducliil  l)y  one  \'il|.i 
lobo.s.  Kohl  could  mdI 
find  any  mention  of  sm  h 
an  explortr,  but  con 
jtctiirLiI  he  w.is  pcrii;ips 
the  one  who  liclore  C,i- 
brillo,  as  Ilcrrera  nic-n- 
tions,  Iiad  named  a  river 
somewhere  nc,\r  30°  nortli 
latilude  "  Rio  de  Xneslr.' 
SeOiira,"  and  which  C.i- 
brilio  son^jht.  Kolil  ,iK(. 
otjserves  that  th(iuj.'h  ilic 
coast  line  is  continiions, 
there  are  places  upon  it 
marked  "  l.nul  not  sien," 
with  notes  of  its  jieini,' 
again  seen  west  of  such, 
places;  and  from  this  he 
argues  that  the  expedition 
went  up  and  not  down 
-.  the  coast.    It  nJt  unlikely 

J*  had  some  connection  wiili 

**  the  fleet  which  Ruy  Lojirz 

!de  Villalobos  conducted 
under  Mendoza's  onlers, 
in  NovembeT,  1542,  across 
the  Pacific  to  the  islands 
on  the  Asiatic  coast. - 

In  1554  Agnese  again 
depicts  the  gulf,  but  does 
not  venture  upon  draw- 
ing the  coast  above  the 
peninsula,  which  in  turn 
in  the  V'opellio  map  of 
I5S6,''  and  in  that  in 
Rannisio  the  same  year,* 
is  made  much  broader, 
the  gulf  indenting  more 
nearly  at  a  right  anf;le. 
The  Homem  map  of  1 55S, 
preserved  in  the  Hritish 
Museum,  returns  to  the 
more  distinctive  penin- 
sula,'' though  it  is  again 
comewhat  broadened  in 
the  Martines  map  of  aliont 
the  same  date,  which  .dso 
is  of  interest  as  establish- 

*  See  ante,  p.  3  28. 

6  This  map  of  Homem  is  given  on  anothc 
page.  Mis  delineation  of  the  gulf  seems  to  be 
like   Castillo's,  and  is  carried  two  degrees  too 


I'l  I 


UISCOVLUIKS   ON    TIIK    I'AL'IFIC   COAST. 


449 


inj^  .1  lype  of  map  for  tlif  sliores  of  the  nortliern  Pacific,  ami  fur  prcfij;tirinf;  Behrint;'s 
Straits,  whicli  wc  shall  later  (rcquuiitly  meet.  Mention  lus  alrcail)  been  made  of  the 
Kurlani  niaj)  of  15^)0  for  its  Asiatic  con- 
nections, while  it  htill  clearly  detined  tlic 
California  peninsula.'  'I'he  Knscelli 
map  in  the  I'tolemy  of  isdi  again  pre- 
serves the  pennisida,  while  markir.;,'  the 
more  r  )rtl)erly  coasts  with  a  dotted  line, 
in  its  j;eneral  map  of  the  New  World; 
but  the  ••  .Mar  Vermeio  "  in  its  map  of 
'■  Nueva  Hispania  "  is  the  type  of  the 
iluU  nivcn  in  the  1548  edition.  The 
iM.irtines  type  aj;ain  appears  in  the 
Zaitieri  map  of  \^(/>.  which  is  thou;,dit  to 
be  the  earliest  enj;r.ived  map  to  show  the 
Straits  of  Anian.-' 

Tlie  manuscrii)t  map  of  Diegiis  (Ho- 
mem)  of  1568,  in  tiie  Royal  Library  in 
Dresden,  gives  the  peninsula,  but  turns 
the  more  northerly  coast  abruptly  to  the 
east,  connectini;  it  witli  the  archipelago, 
which  stands  for  tiie  St.  Lawrence  in  his 
map  of  IS58.'' 

The  great  Mappemonde  of  Mercator, 
published  at  Duisburg  in  156^).  in  whicli 

he  introduced  his  new  projection,''  as  will  be  seen  by  the  annexed  s  .ch,"  keeps  to  the 
Marlines  type ;  and  while  it  depicts  the  Straits  of  Anian,  it  renders  uncertain,  by  inter- 
posing a  vignette,  the  passage  by  the  north  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Facilic'  The  next 
year  Ortelius  followed  the  same  type  in  his  Theatiuin  orbis  tcrmnim,  — the  prototype  of 
the  modern  atlas." 

A  similar  western  coast"  is  defined  by  Forcacchi,  in  his  U  isolc piu  famosc  del  niondo, 
issued  at  Venice  in  1572.'*' 


iTOLEMY,    1548.* 


far  north  as  in  that  draft ;  but  Castillo's  names 
are  wanting  in  Ilomeni,  who  lays  down  the 
peninsula  belter,  following,  as  Kohl  conjectures, 
Ulloa's  charts.  He  marks  the  coast  above 
^f  as  unknown,  showing  that  he  had  no 
intelligence  of  Cabrillo's  voyage. 

'  See  ante,  p.  43S. 

-  Sce/c,(/,  p.  451. 

'  Sec  Vol.  IV.  p.  92.  The  1 56S  map  is  a 
li.irt  of  an  Atlantc  iimritimo,  of  which  a  full- 
size  colored  facsimile  of  the  part  showing  the 
Moluccas  is  given  in  Ruge's  Ccschiihtc  di's 
/.(■ifiillers  do-  Entdcckuni;eit.  It  is  a  parchment 
collection  of  twenty-seven  maps  showing  the 
I'oituguese  possessions  in  the  two  Indies.  Cf. 
Kiikdog  der  Ilandschriftcn  der  Kais.  Off.  Bibl.  zii 
Dresden,  18S2,  vol.  i.  p.  369. 

■•Key:  I.  Basos.  2.  Ancoras.  3.  p".  bale- 
nas.  4.  S.  Tomas.  5.  C  :  +  6.  Mar  Vermeio. 
7.  b :  canoas.  8.  p°.  secddido.  9.  R.  tontonte- 
anc.  10.  p".  tabursa.  11.  puercos.  12.  s.  franc". 
13.  b:  de  s.  +  14.  Vandras.  15.  Ciguata. 
16.  s.  tiago. 

VOL.  11.-57. 


^  See  Vol.  IV.  p.  36^  ;  .md  the  note,  /w/, 
p.  470. 

0  See  p.  452. 

'  There  is  a  full-size  fac-simile  in  Jomard's 
Monuments  de  la  Geoi^rapltie,  pi.  .\xi.,  but  it  omits 
the  legends  given  in  the  tablets  ;  in  I.elewel,  vol. 
i.  pi.  v.;  also  cf.  vol.  i.  p.  .\r  'iii,  and  vol.  ii.  pp 
iSi,  225;  and,  much  reduced  from  Joniard,  in 
Datv's  Earlv  Carlo,i^raf>/iv,  p.  3.S. 

8  Cf.  Vol  III.  p'.  34;  Vol.  I'V.  p.  372;  and  the 
note, /('J-/,  !>.  471. 

"  .See  the  map,  /'ost,  p.  453. 

'^  There  are  copies  of  this  lirst  edition  iri  the 
Harvard  College,  Host  'n  Public,  Astor,  and 
Carter-lirown  libraries,  and  in  the  I5revoort 
Collection.  It  should  have  thirty  sin.iU  copper- 
plate maps,  inserted  in  the  text.  Cf.  Carter- 
Bruwn  Cataloi;t<e,  vol.  i.  no.  292 ;  Stevens, 
Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no.  648 ;  O'Vallaghait 
Catalogue,  no.  i,S66  (now  Harvard  College 
copy);  Court,  no.  284;  Rich,  Catalogue  (1S32), 
nos.  51,  55.  etc. 

Two  of  its  maps  show   America,  but  only 


ill 


.  ifl 


450 


NAKKATIV'E   AND   CRITICAL   IIISTOKY    Ol     AMI.KICA. 


The  peninsula  of  C.iliffirnia,  l)Ut  notliiny  north  of  it,  is  ajjain  dcliiu'atfd  in  a  Si)ani.sU 
nuippcnioniiu  of  ijj'j.  sliown  in  Lclcwel.'      Tin;  Mcrcator  l)i)i;  is  (ollowcil  In  llic  in,i|is 

wliicli  ate  dated  15;.). 
iiut  wliii;!)  a|)|)eared  in 
tlie  Theatri  oihis  tctia 
mill  eiiihi  I  ill  ion  of 
i'hili|)|)us  (iail.iiis,  |<uli- 
lislii'd  at  Ant\vi'r|)  in 
1585."  In  tlie  same  ye.ii 
tlic  Italian  c,irt(i;;ra|ilu  r 
I'liilani,  or  I'ori.iiii, 
showed  how  he  had  ad- 
vanced from  the  views 
which  he  held  in  1500, 
in  n  map  of  tlie  north- 


nnd  ii.  p.  1 14.     I  le  says  it 
was  talioii  frotn  Spain  tn 


iii' 


iii 


Warsaw,  an 
pcari-d. 

-  It  has  two  tiia|is, 
varying  soiiiewli.il,  "  Tv- 
pus  mills  lirrarnin"  and 
"  America;  nIm-  ikivI  nrhl^ 
niiDVa  discriptlii,"  —  tlic 
work  of   Hugo  I'avolius. 


MARTIXI'.s,    155  -  (?). 
one  gives  the  western  cnast,   while  hotli   have 


Cf.  I 


.eclcre,  no. 


:o(i:  Mill- 


Icr  (iS77),no.  i,i(>S.    'Mic 
text  is  ill  verse. 
Tills     sketch     follows    a    copy    hv    Knhl 
del   Kiiego.     (Wasliingloii    Collection)  of   the    gener.d    111. ip 

ned  ill  a  iiianiiscrlpl  VLlhiin 
ii>euiii  (no.  'j,.Si.(),  Iriini 


the  exaggerated   cnntlneiital  Tierra 

The  map  sketched   In   the  text  Is  given  in  far  of  the  world,  coiit.i 

simile    ill    .Stevens's  A'otcs.     lioth    maps    were  atlas  in   the   British  M 

repeated  In  the   1576  edition  (Venice,  with  1575  the  collection  of  the  Duke 

ill  the  colophon).     This    edition  shows  forty-  It  is  elahorately  executed  with  miniatures 

seven    maps;    and    pp.    157-1S4    (third    hook)  figures.     The   langu.ige  of   the   map   is   chicllv 


de  Ca 


is.sano  Sen, I. 


id 


treat  of  .America.     Kesldes  a  map  of  the  world      Itall.in,     with 


It  has  a  "carta  da  navlgar  " 'p.   loS), 


some     .Spanish     traces. 


Kohl 


i)f     helleves  it  to  he  the  work  of  Joannes  M.irtI 


Cuba  and  other  islands,  and  a  plan  of  Mexico     the  same   whose   atlas   of   157S    Is   also  in  tl 


Puhllc 


Its  lake.     There  arc  copies   In   the  lioston      Museum,  and  whose  geiier.il  ni,ip(i578) 


II 


arvard    College    llhrarics,    Mr. 


in   latitudes    and    otlic 


r    particulars   w 


Ith  tl 


Deane's  Collection,  etc.     C'f.  Stevens,  Ifhlorical     The  present    one    lacks    degrees  of   loiigli 

ill   the   157S  map  has,  as  well  as   llie 


CoU.rlio 


vol.   1.   110. 


Carter  lirown.  vol.  i. 


no.  _^o<);  Mulkr  (1S72),  no.  1,255. 

.\nother  edition  was  Issued  at  Venice  I 
I5()0.  Cf.  A\is/i')i  J'li/iHi-  /.i7'r,rn' (',t/:i/,>^/i,%  ni 
6J71.14,    Cartci-ltrown,    i.    ■^0;;    Murphv,    m 


.\nierlca,"  wanting  also  in  this.  Kohl  place. 
.  not  long  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteeiuh 
-jA/Zi;;//,'  <y  .l/,///»fi-;v// .1///.' 


2.010.     Later  editions  were  issued  at  Venice  In     taiiiing     the     followl 
I  To.)  (forty-eight  maps) !  In  1605  (Carter-l>rown,     .Vmerlca  ; 
il.  .10)  ;aiiil  in  1620  (Carter-lh'own,  II.  2.(1  ;  Cooke,     spheres. 


century.     In  tht 

i.    29,   the  atlas  of   157S   is  mentioned  as  eon- 
numhers    relating    tr 


rid. 


'I'l 


le    world    111 


-•,S;S, 


The  two  henil- 
ires.  10.  West 
Harvard  C<j|legc  I.ihrarv),  coast  of  .America.  1 1.  Coast  of  .Mexico.  I2-I,v 
which  was  puhHshed  at  Tadiia,  and  had  maps  South  .\merlca.  14.  (iiilf  of  .Mexico.  15.  r.ni 
of  N'orlh  .America  (p.  161 ),  S|)agiiulla  (p.  165),  of  the  east  coast  of  \orth  .Vmerlca. 
Cuba    ((i.     172I.    Tamaica    (p.    it;).    Moluccas  In  the   Muse 


p.  iSo),  and  a  mapp 


um  maiinscnpls,   no. 


22,OI.S, 


ide  (p.  l()3).     The  last     a  f-oitohtiio  liy   .Marlines,  dated    1570;  and 


edition   we    have    nnted   was    issued  at  Venice     other,  of    date    15S2 


IS 


entered    i;i    die     1.S44 


16S6,  with  the  maps  on  separate  leaves,  and     edition   of  the  Cutalogiic   of  .^[aiiusctift  Maps, 


not  In  the  text  as  previouslv. 

'   Plate  vl.     He  describes  it  In  vol.  i.  p.  i:l. 


31.      Kohl's   Washington   Collection  include 
Marlines  maps  of  i  j-.S. 


J'.; 


DISCOVERIES   ON   THE  PACIFIC  COAST. 


45' 


t 


d 


n 


O, 

2 


'Y^A 


W:: 


;:"^:t:'; 


C^'Vi^i' 


/^/ 


V> 


'^,.\^ 


?H  ^ 


A^n,)>i  ':? 


3 

1^ 


Ml 


»■''■■.•':" 


?^*o.  ..'.■.  I'll;;        D    n  -i^     Vb/^-"-:-..  •  •■'>',,,...-..,...  . 


i 

■6 

1 

o 

1 

ir 

, 

'M^f  ^m 


n^Q^*^m 


H  J.  N  a  iM  f  k  .i 


'  It  was  published  at  Venice,  and  was  in  part  followed  by  Ortelius  in  1570.    It  is  also  sketched 
ill  Vol.  IV.  p.  93. 


mm 


I 


I  \ 


I!; 


I  .. 


452  NAKKATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


iWJOU' 


■t-\,'-y..^. 


MERCATOR,    1569. 

crn  Pacific,  which  is  annexed.*  It  is  the  cirliest  map  in  which  Japan  has  been  noted  as 
having  its  greatest  length  east  and  west;  for  Ortelius  and  others  always  give  it  an 
extension  on  the  line  of  the  meridian. 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert'.s  map  in  1576  gives  the  straits,  but  he  puts  "Anian"  on  the 
Asiatic  side,  and  does  not  indicate  the  Gulf  of  California,  unless  a  forked  bay  in  35" 
stands  for  it.^  The  map  in  liest's  Frobislier  makes  tlie  Straits  of  Anian  connect  with 
"  Frobisher's  straightes"  to  give  a  through  passage  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  depicts  a 
distorted  California  peninsulr..' 

Mention  has  already  been  made  on  a  previous  page  of  a  Marlines  map  of  1578.  It 
has  a  similar  configuralion  to  that  already  shown  as  probably  tlie  earliest  instance  of  its 
type.  Of  the  explorations  of  Francis  Drake  in  1579  we  have  no  cartographical  record, 
except  as  it  may  be  embodied  in  the  globe  of  Molineaux,  preserved  in  the  Middle 
Temple,  London,  which  is  dated  1592,  and  in  the  map  of  the  same  cartographer,  dated 


Sec  p.  454. 
'  Cf.  the  map,  as  given  in  Vol.  IIL  p.  203. 
Bancroft  (Xortlrwest  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  58)  epito- 


mizes Gilbert's  arguments  for  a  passage.    Willes 
gives  reasons  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  24. 
•'  See  fac-similc  in  Vol.  IIL  p.  I02. 


DISCOVERIES   ON    Tllli    I'ACIl'IC   COAST. 


453 


.5'-^ 


^■'-^7  \.*Ur»  J'-'       \ 


?:-a~' 


if  <*3 


''J9r«JJ^. 


u^ 


l-ORCACCHI,    1572. 

1600.'  Molineaux  seemingly  m.ide  use  of  the  n'siilts  of  Cabrillo's  voya^'je,  as  inflicated  1)y 
the  Spanisli  names  placed  aloni,'  the  coast.  It  was  one  of  the  results  of  Drake's  vnya;;!' 
that  the  coast  line  of  upper  California  took  a  .iiore  nortlierly  trend.  The  map  of  Dr.  Dee 
(1580)  evidently  embodied  the  views  of  the  Spanish  hydro^raphersj' 


'  Cf.  the  sketch  of  the  California  coast  from 
this  last  ill  Vol.  III.  p.  80. 

The  (niestion  of  the  harbor  in  which  Drake 
refitted  his  ship  for  liis  return  voy.^HC  by  Cape 
of  (jood  Hope  has  been  examined  in  another 
place  (Vol.  III.  pp.  74,  So).  Since-  that  volume 
was  printed,  II.  II.  liancroft  ii.is  publislicd 
vol.  i.  of  his  History  of  Ciili/oiiiiii :  and  after 
giving  a  variety  of  references  on  Drake's 
voy.ige  (p.  Si)  he  proceeds  to  examine  the 
(piestion  anew,  expressing  his  own  opinion 
decidedly  against  San  Francisco,  and  believing 
it  can  never  be  settled  whether  liodega  or  the 
harbor  under  I'oint  Ueyes  (Drake's  Day  of  the 
modern  maps)  was  the  harbor;  though  on  an- 
other page  (p.  15S)  he  thinks  the  .>pot  was 
Drake's  Hay,  and  in  a  volume  previously 
issued  (Central  Amtrioj,  vol.  ii.  p.  419)  he 
had  given  a  decided  opinion  in  favor  of  it. 
In  l.is  ■'! '.cussion  of  the  (piestion,  he  claims 
that  i -r.  'lale  and  most  other  investigators 
have  noi  !•  c-n  aware  that  the  harbor  behind 
Point  Revcs  was  discovered  in  1595  by  Cer- 
inciion  (p.  96),  and  then  named  .San  Francisco; 
and  that  it  is  this  old  San  Francisco,  visited 
by  Viscaino  in  1603,  and  sought  by  PortolA 
in    1769,  when   this   latter   navigator   stumbled 


on  the  Golden  Gate,  which  is  the  San  Francisco 
of  the  old  geographers  and  cartographers,  a'<d 
not  the  magnilicent  harbor  now  known  by  that 
name  (p.  157).  He  adds  that  the  tradition 
anion;;  the  Spaniards  of  the  coast  has  been 
more  in  favor  of  liodega  than  of  Drake's  Hay; 
while  the  nincUrn  San  Francisco  h.is  never 
been  thought  of  by  the-i.  Heyond  eniphasi/iiig 
the  disliiu'tiou  between  the  onl  and  new  San 
Francisco,  Mr.  Hancroft  has  brought  no  new 
infliienfe  upon  the  solution  of  the  (piestion. 
lie  makes  a  point  of  a  Pacific  se.a-manual  of 
Admiral  Cabrera  Hucno,  published  at  Manilla 
in  I73.J  as  jVii-V!;iitioti  Es/'eatLition,  being  used 
to  set  this  point  clear  for  the  first  thne  in  Kng- 
lish,  when  one  of  his  assistants  wrote  a  paper 
in  the  OrerlaiiJ  Moiithtx  in  1S74.  The  book 
is  not  very  scarce;  Quaritch  .advertised  a  copy 
in  1S79  for  £,J,.  Hancroft  (p.  io6)  seems  to 
use  an  edition  of  11792,  though  he  puts  the  1734 
edition  in  his  list  of  authorities.  Various  docu- 
ments from  the  Spanish  Archives  relating  to 
Drake's  exploits  in  the  Pacific  have  been  p,jl>- 
lished  (since  Vol.  III.  was  printed)  in  Peralt..  .. 
Costa  Rica,  Xicaras^ua  y  Paiiamd  (H  el  siglo 
Xl'f,  >radrid,  18S3,  p.  569,  etc. 
-  Sec  the  sketch  in  Vol.  IV.  p.  98. 


M 


I 


.    I      ;h 


454 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


In  1582  PopelIini6re  '  repeated  the  views  of  Mercator  and  Ortclius  ;  but  in  England 
Michael  Lok  in  this  same  year  began  to  indicate  the  incoming  of  more  erroneous  views. - 
The  California  gulf  is  carried  nort'  '  45°,  where  a  narrow  strip  separates  it  from  a  vague 
northern  sea,  the  western  extensii     oi  the  sea  of  Verrazano. 


-Ay- 


MAP    OF    I'AULO    DE    FURLANI,    1 574.' 


1 


After  the  Spaniards  had  succeeded,  in  opposition  to  the  PoriMguese,  in  establishing 
a  regular  commerce  between  Acapulco  and  Manilla  (I'hilippinc  Islands),  the  trade-wir.ds 
conduced  to  bring  upper  California  into  better  knowledge.  The  easterly  trades  carried 
their  outward-bound  vessels  directly  west  ;  but  they  compelled  them  to  make  a  detour 
northward  on  Uieir  return,  by  which  they  also  utilized  the  same  Japanese  current  which 
brought  the  Chinese  to  Fusang^  many  centuries  before.  An  expedition  which  Don  Luis  de 
Vclasco  had  sent  in  I5C>4.  by  direction  of  Philip  II.,  accumpanied  by  Andres  de  Urdaneta, 
who  had  been  in  those  seas  before  with  Loaysa  in  1525.  liad  succeeded  in  making  a  ])er- 
manent  occupation  of  the  I'liilippines  for  Spain  in  I5'i4.  It  became  now  important  to  find 
a  practicable  return  route,  and  under  Urdaneta's  counsel  it  was  determined  to  try  to  find  it 
by  the  north.  One  of  the  galleons  deserted,  and  bearing  northerly  struck  the  California 
coast  near  Cape  Mendocino,  and  arrived  safe  at  Acapulco  three  months  before  Urdaneta 


'  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  .\.  p.  75;  Court,  185,  1S6; 
Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  p.  292;  Iluth,  iv.  1,169; 
Stevens's  Histoyical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no.  135, 
and  Vol.  III.  of  the  present  History,  p.  37,  for 
other  mention  of  Popclliniere's  Les  Trois  Moiuh-s, 
The  third  w.)rUl  is  the  great  .\ntarctic  continent  so 
common  in  maps  of  tliis  time. 

8  Lok's  ni;ip  from  Ilakluyt's  Divers  Voya!;cs 
is  given  in  fac-siniile  in  Vol.  III.  p.  40  and  Vol. 
IV.  p.  44.  There  is  a  sketch  of  it  in  Bancroft, 
A'o;-,'//  ^h'xicait  States,  vol.  i.  p.  15I,  and  in  his 
Xortli  west  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  65. 


"  Furlani  is  said  to  have  received  this  m.ip 
from  a  Spaniard,  Don  Diego  llermano  de 
Toledo,  in  1574.  The  sketch  is  m.ide  frcim 
the  drawing  in  Kohl's  manuscript  in  the  Ameri- 
can Antiquarian  Society  Library.  The  key  is 
as  follows:  I.  Mare  incognito.  2.  Stretto  di 
Ani.in.  3.  Quivir.  4.  Golfo  di  Anian.  5. 
Anian  regnum.  6.  Quisau.  7.  Mangi  Prov. 
8.  Mare  de  Mangi.  9.  Isola  di  Giapan.  10.  V. 
de  Cedri. 

■*  The  question  of  Fusang,  whicli  Kohl  he- 
lieves  to  be  Japan,  is  discussed  in  Vol.  I. 


llfc 


DISCOVERIES   ON   THE   PACIFIC   COAST. 


455 


liimself  had  proved  the  value  of  Iiis  tlieory.  The  latter's  course  was  to  skirt  the  coast  of 
Japan  till  under  38°,  when  he  .steered  southerly;  and  after  a  hard  voyage,  in  which  he  saw 
no  land  and  most  of  his  crew  died, 


tin' 

I 


Y 


'\° 


he  reached  Acapulco  in  October.' 
Other  voyages  were  made  in  .suc- 
ceedini,'  years,  but  the  next  of  which 
we  havu  particular  account  was  that 
of  Francisco  tJali,  who,  returning 
from  Macao  in  15S4,  struck  the  Cali- 
fornia coast  in  37'^  30',  and  marked 
a  track  wlucli  other  navigators  later 
followed. - 

'I'he  map  (1587)  in  Hakluyt's 
I'aris  edition  of  I'eter  Martyr  con- 
formed more  nearly  to  the  Mcrcator 
type  ;•'  and  Makluyt,  as  well  as  Lok, 
records  Drake's  discovery,  both  of 
them  putting  it,  however,  in  1580. 

Willi  the  year  15S8  is  associated 
a  controversy  over  what  purports  to 
be  a  memoir  setting  forth  the  pas- 
sage of  tiic  ship  of  a  Spanish  navi- 
gator, Lorenzo  Ferrer  de  Maldonado, 
from  tlie  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific, 
tlirough  a  strait  a  quarter  of  a  league 
wide.  The  passage  took  him  as  high 
as  75°:  but  he  reached  tl;c  Pacific 
under    the    si.xtieth    parallel.      The 

opening  was  identified  by  him  with  the  long-sought  Straits  of  Anian.  The  belief  in  this 
story  had  at  one  time  some  strong  advocates,  but  later  geographical  discoveries  have  of 
course  pushed  it  into  the  limbo  of  forgotten  things  :  for  it  seems  hardly  possible  to 
identify,  as  was  done  l)y  Amoretti,  the  narrow  passage  of  Maldonado,  under  60°,  with 
that  which  ISehring  discovered,  sixteen  leagues  wide,  under  6^°-^ 


FRO.M   MOU\E.WX'S   GLOBE,    1 592.'' 


1  Pcschcl,  Gi-iclii,It(i-  if,r  Enlhuiiii,',  1S65,  pj). 
3-->  395  >  J'  C.  Hrcvoort  in  Mai;iizhie  of  Aimri- 
Ciiii  History,  vol.  i.  p.  250;  liurncy,  /"iywi,'!-.!', 
vol.  i.,  and  ISancrolt,  North  Mexican  States, 
vol.  i.  ]).  139,  where  tlicre  arc  references  and 
tollections  of  authorities. 

-  (iali's  letter  is  in  llakUiyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  526, 
coiiied  from  I.inscliotcn.  Cf.  inscription  on  the 
Molineau.'c  map  of  1600  in  this  History,  Vol.  III. 
p.  80,  anil  ISancroft,  California,  vol.  i.  j).  94. 
The  map  which  Gali  is  thought  to  have  made 
is  not  now  known  (Kohl,  Maps  in  Jfahliiyt, 
Oi).  liancroft  says  that  (iali's  mention  of  Cape 
Mendocino  is  the  earliest,  but  it  is  not  definitely 
known  by  whom  that  prominent  point  was  first 
named. 

^  This  map  is  sketched  in  Vol.  III.  p.  42. 

*  This  is  sketched  from  a  draught  in  the 
Kohl  Collection.  Cf.  Vol.  III.  pp.  196,  212. 
The  dotted  line  indicates  the  track  of  Drake. 
There  has  been  much  controversy  over  the 
latitude  of  Drake's  extreme  northing,  fixed,  as 


it  will  be  seen  in  this  map,  at  about  .).S",  which 
is  the  statement  of  the  World  Encompassdl, 
and  by  the  Famous  J'ovaf;i;  at  43°.  The  two 
sides  were  espoused  warnilv  and  respectively 
by  Grecnhow  in  his  Orcj^on  and  California,  and 
by  Travers  Twiss  in  his  Orfi^on  Question,  (luring 
the  dispute  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  about  the  Oregon  boundary. 
Bancroft  [Xortlnoesl  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  144),  who 
presents  the  testimony,  is  inclined  to  the  lower 
latitude. 

^  It  is  claimed  that  Maldonado  presented 
his  memoir  in  1609  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
and  asked  for  a  reward  for  the  discovery  ;  and 
there  are  two  manuscripts  |)urportiiig  to  be  the 
original  memoir.  One,  of  which  trace  is  found 
in  1672,  1738,  1775,  1781  (copied  by  MuRoz), 
and  printed  in  178S,  was  still  existing,  it  is 
claimed,  in  1789,  and  was  reviewed  in  1790 
by  the  French  geographer  Buache,  who  en- 
deavored to  establish  its  authenticity;  and  it 
is  translated,  with  maps,  in  Barrow's  Chronologi 


'.  I 


I't 


)  I 


I  I 


f 


,!  !  I 


V 


456 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


In  1592  we  have  the  alleged  voyage  of  De  Fuca,  of  which  he  spoke  in  1596,  in  Venice, 
to  Michael  Lok,  who  told  Purchas  ;  and  lie  in  turn  included  it  in  his  rHi^rims.^     He  tohl 

L.ok  that  he  had  I  icon 
captured  and  plundered 
on  the  California  coast 
by  Cavendish,-— a  state- 
ment which  some  have 
thought  confirmed  !)y 
Cavendish's  own  avowal 
of  his  taking  a  pilot  on 
that  coast,  —  and  tiiat  at 
the  north  he  had  entered 
a  strait  a  hundred  miles 
wide,  under  47°  and  48'', 
which  had  a  pinnacle 
rock  at  the  entrance  ;  and 
that  within  the  strait  he 
had  found  the  coast 
trending  northeast,  bor- 
dering a  sea  upon  wliich 
he  had  sailed  for  twenty 
days.  This  story,  de- 
spite its  exaggerations, 
and  though  discarded 
formerly,  has  gained 
some  credence  with  later 
investigators  ;  and  the 
application  of  his  name 
to  the  passage  which 
leads  to  Puget  Sound 
seems  to  have  been  the 
result  of   a  vague   and 


;^S;g=Sff^*5SK 


SPANISH    GALLEON.* 


J 


cal  History  of  Voyai;es,  etc.  Anotlicr  manuscript 
was  found  in  the  Ambrosian  library  in  iSii, 
and  was  published  at  Milan  as  /7(/j,x/('  dal 
marc  Atlantko  nl  Pacifico,  translated  from  a 
Spanish  rianuscript  (Stevens,  Bihliotlu-ca  geo- 
gr<if>/iii(i,  no.  1,746),  and  again  i:i  French  at 
Plaisance  in  1S12.  The  editor  was  Charles 
Amoretti,  who  added  a  disc(jursc,  expressing 
his  belief  in  it,  together  with  a  circiimpolar 
map  marking  Maldonado's  track.  (Harvard 
College  Library,  no.  4331.2.)  This  book  was 
reviewed  by  Barrow  in  the  Quarterly  RLview, 
October,  1816.  Cf.  Burncv's  Voyages,  vol.  v. 
p.  167.  A  memoir  by  the  Chevalier  Lapie,  with 
another  map  of  the  "  Mcr  polairc,"  is  printed  in 
the  A'ouTi'tlcs  Aiiitalcs  dcs  I'oyagi-s,  voL  xi. 
(1S21).  liancroft  {Xort/i:ccst  Coast,  i.  9S)  repro- 
duces Lapic's  map.  Navarrcte  searched  the 
.Spanish  Archives  for  coiifirination  of  tliis 
memoir,  —  a  search  not  in  vain,  inasmuch  as 
it  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  documents  with 
which  he  illustrated  the  history  of  Columbus; 
and  he  also  gave  his  view  of  the  cpicstion  in 


vol.  XV.  of  his  Coleceioii  dc  <loctim,'iitos  iiu'dilos 
in  the  volume  specially  called  K.\amcn  his- 
torico-criliio  dc  los  I'iagrs  y  Dcsciibrimicitlos 
apocrifos  del  capitan  Lorenzo  Ferrer  Maldoiuulo, 
de  Juan  de  Fuea  y  del  almiraiite  Bartolome  de 
Faille :  memoria  eomeiizada  por  D.  M.  F.  de 
A'avarrcte,  y  arreglada  y  coiulnida  por  D. 
Eustaquio  Fernandez  de  A'avarrete.  ISancKift 
calls  it  an  elaboration  of  the  voyage  of  the 
Siitil  y  Mcxieaiia.  (Cf.  Arcana  J}ildiot;rapliia 
de  ohras  aiwnimas,  1SS2,  no.  4aS,)  tioldsdn  in 
\\\'A  Memoir  on  the  Straits  of  Aniaii  places  con- 
fidence in  the  ^L^ldo^ado  memoir.  Cf.  Ban- 
croft {A'orl/iu<est  Coast,  vol.  i.  \i.  92),  who  re- 
capitulates the  story  and  cites  the  examiners 
of  it,  /;•('  ami  eon,  and  gives  (p.  96)  Maldonado's 
map  nf  the  strait. 

'  Vol.  iii.  ]).  849. 

-  On  Cavendish's  Pacific  Explorations.  See 
Vol.  HI.,  chap.  ii. 

3  A  facsimile  of  the  sketch  given  in  Jurien 
de  la  Graviere's  Les  marins  du  XV'  etdu  XVF 
sihle. 


DISCOVERIES    ON   THE   PACIFIC   COAST. 


457 


general  concurrence,  in  the  belief  of  some  at  least,  that  tiiis  passage  must  be  idcntihed  with 
the  strait  which  De  Kuca  claimed  to  h,;ve  passed.' 

With  the  close  of  tiie  sixteenth  century,  tiie  maps  became  nj.nerous,  and  are  mostly  of 
the  Mercator  type.  Such  are  tlioseof  Cornelius  de  J uda;is  in  1589  and  in  1593,- the  draughts 
of  1587  and  1589  included  in  the  Ortelius  of  1592,''  tiie  map  of  i  ■;93  in  tlie  Ilistoriaruin  iiuii- 
caiuin  lU»i  X\'I.  of  Maffeius,^  anil  those  of  i'lancius '^  and  Di  iiry."  Tlie  type  is  varied 
a  little  in  the  1592  globe  of  .Molineaux,  as  already  shown,  and  in  tiie  1587  map  of  Myritius 
we  have  the  Asiatic  connection  of  the  upper  coast  as  before  mentioned  ;  but  in  the 
Ptolemy  of  1597  the  contour  of  Mercator  is  still  essentially  followed.''  In  this  same 
year  (1597)  the  earliest  distinctively  American  atlas  was  published  in  the  Dcsaiptionis 
I'lolcmaicw  Ain^iiirii/iim  of  Cornelius  Wyttllet,  of  which  an  account  is  given  in  another 
place."  Fac-similes  of  the  maps  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and  of  the  New  World 
.are  annexed,  to  indicate  the  full  extent  of  geographical  knowledge  then  current  with  the 
best  cartographers.  The  .Mercator  type  for  the  two  Americas  and  the  great  .Antarctic 
Continent  common  to  most  maps  of  tliis  period  .are  the  distinguishing  features  of  the  new 
hemisphere.  The  sam.e  characteristics  pertain  also  to  the  mappemondes  in  the  original 
Dutch  edition  of  Linschoten's  Itinerario,  published  in  two  editions  at  Amsterdam  in  1596," 
In  Miinster's  Cosmo,  raphia,  1598,  and  in  the  lirescia  edition  (1598)  of  Ortelius. 


% 


li 


rations.    .See 


'  Greenhow  in  his  Or,xon  contends  for  a 
certain  Iia.sis  of  truth  in  Do  Fuca's  story.  Cf. 
Navan  etc  in  the  Colecchit  de  ilociiiiii-iitos  iiicdilos, 
vol.  XV.,  and  liaiicroft  (Xorlk  Mcxiiiin  Slates, 
vol.  i.  p.  146,  and  Xoytlnuest  Coast,  vol.  i.  pp. 
71-So),  who  pronounces  it  pure  fiction,  and  in  a 
long  note  gives  the  writers //o  and  con. 

'^  In  his  Speeulitni  Orbis  Ternc.  Cf.  Miillcr, 
(1S72),  no.  t,437,  and  Vol.  IV.  p.  97  of  this  His- 
tory. This  map  of  1593  gives  to  the  lake  which 
empties  into  the  Arctic  Ocean  the  name  "  Coni- 
has," — an  application  of  the  name  that  liancroft 
(Xort/nijest  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  S.(.)  liiuls  no  earlier 
instance  of  than  that  in  Wytfliet  in  15^7. 

•'  Mapoteea  Colonibiana  of  Uricoechea,  nos. 
16,  17,  and  18. 

••  Copy  in  Harvard  College  Librarj-.  Cf. 
Alapoteea  Cotombiaiia,  no.  19. 

*  The  map  of  I'lancius  was  first  drafted  — 
according  to  lihmdeville  —  in  1592,  and  is  dated 
1594  in  the  Dutch  Linschoteu  of  151)6,  where 
it  was  republished.  It  w.as  rc-engravcd,  but  not 
credited  to  I'lancius,  in  the  Latin  I.iuschotcn 
of  1599.  The  English  I.inschoten  of  1598  has 
a  map,  re-engr.avcd  from  Ortelius,  which  is  given 
in  the  Hakluyt  of  1589. 

•i  Ma/iotcca  Coloinhiana,  nos.  20  and  21. 
Cf.  this  History,  Vol.  IV.  p.  99. 

■  Cf.  nos.  z,  28,  29,  32,  34,  35.  This  1597 
edition  of  Ptolemy  was  issued  at  Cologne, 
under  the  editing  of  Jean  .Vntonio  Magiiii, 
a  I'aduan,  born  in  1556.  (Cf.  Leiewel,  /C/'ilof^ue, 
219.)     The  maps  showing  .\merica  arc, — 

\o.  2.  A  folding  map  of  the  two  spheres, 
drawn  by  Hieronymus  I'orro  from  the  map 
which  Rumoldus  Mercator  based  on  his  father's 
Work. 

Nos.  28  and  32.     .Asia,  showing  the  opposite 
.\merican  .shores. 
VOL.  II.-    -S. 


Nos.  34-35.  America,  of  the  Mercator 
type,  but  less  accurate  th.an  Ortelius.  There 
are  copies  of  this  edition  in  the  lihrarv  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  .Society,  and  in  Mr. 
lirevoort's  collection.  (Walckenaer,  no.  2,257  ; 
Stevens,  X^ii^^vts,  no.  2,259;  Ciacssc,  vol.  v. 
p.  502.) 

This  same  edition  is  sometimes  found  with 
the  imprint  of  Arnheim,  and  copies  of  this 
.uc  in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  in  tlie 
Carter-Iirown  Collection.  (Cf.  Cartcr-Urown, 
vol.  i.  no.  514;  Crraesse,  v.  502.) 

.■\n  edition  in  Italian,  1598  (with  1597  in  the 
colophon),  embodying  the  works  of  Magini 
and  I'orro,  was  published  at  Venice;  and  there 
are  copies  of  this  in  the  Library  of  Congress 
and  in  the  Philadelphia  Library;  also  in  the 
collections  of  J.  Carson  Ihevoort,  President 
White  of  Cornell  University,  and  C.  C.  Hald- 
win,  of  Cleveland. 

The  te.xt  of  Ruscelli,  edited  by  Rosaccio, 
was  printed  at  Venice  in  1599,  giving  three 
maps  of  the  world  and  nine  special  American 
maps.  There  is  a  copy  of  this  edition  in  the 
Carter-Iirown  Library,  and  one  was  sold  in  the 
Murphy  sale  (no.  2,077).  I'he  Magini  text  was 
again  ])rintcd  at  Cologne  in  l6aS,  and  of  this 
there  arc  copies  in  the  Harvard  College  and 
Carter-Hrown  libraries. 

><  C-f.  Vol.  IV.  p.  369. 

'■•  This  and  the  other  maps  were  repeated 
in  the  six  Dutch  editions,  in  the  second  and 
third  French,  and  in  the  original  Latin  edition. 
The  third  Dutch  edition,  in  three  jiarts,  is  the 
rarest  of  the  editions  in  that  language;  the  first 
part  being  without  date,  while  the  second  and 
third  arc  dated  respectively  1604  and  1605. 
The  fourth  Dutch  edition  is  dati'd  1614,  the 
fifth    1623   (a   reprint   of   the    1614),   the   sixth 


..  !' 


f'\ 


\  { 


458 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


"'JO  I 


i(fui 


Z/0  ■     l_J 


Sept  em 
ciuititum  9'^*L,Tutrta 


FROM    \V\'TFLIET,    1597.' 


J 


In  1600  MetuUus  in  his  America  sitc  /wtus  orbis,  published  at  Cologne,  simply  fol- 
lowed Wytfliet."     From  the  map  of  Molineaux,  likewise  of  1600,  a  sketch  of  the      .lifornia 

1644  (a  rciirint  of  the  i6jj).     Ci.  Tide,  Bihih-     So,  82,  86,  SS,  90;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  503, 
graphic  siir  les  jotiruaiix  dcs  mivigiUciii!,   no.s.     vol.  ii.  no.   547  ;    .'^tcvcns,   Bibliothcca  historica, 


»  B.incroft  (Xorlh  Mexican  Slates,  vol.  i.  ]>.  153)  sketches  this  map;  it  is  also  in  his  A'orllm'csl 
Coast,  vol.  i.  \i.  82. 
'•^  Sabin,  .\ii.  48,170. 


ol.  i.  no.  503, 
teca  /lisloiiia, 


his  A'pft/i'i'esl 


DISCO\EKIi:S   ON    THE    PACIFIC   COAST. 


459 


wvri'i.ir.T,   1597. 

peninsula  is  given  elsewhere. ^     A  contour  of  the  coast  more  like  that  of  the  Molineaux 
globe  ligured  on  a  preceding  page  belongs  to  the  map  given  in  the  Hcrreia  of  lOoi,  but  it 

no.  1,148;  MuUcr,  ^('I'/fj  0//  .-/wc/vVi/,  1S72,  nos.  The   English    translation    by   Wolfe    (150S) 

2,185,  -.'SS,  2,igo;  and  1S77,  nos.   i,8So,  1,882     i-  n^ntioiied  in  Vol.  III.  p.  206.     It  was  so  rare 
1,883,  1,884.  '"  '^3-  '''^'-  '^''^''  I'fi'^'^d  it  at  ;^S  Sj-.  ;  and  yet 


>  Vol.  III.  p.  80. 


I      . 


' 


460 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


also  introduces  views  which  iicld  to  ;i  nnich  wider  sepnrati  >ii  of  the  shores  of  the  north 
Pacific  than  liad  been  maintained  by  the  school  ot'  Mercator.' 

An  important  voyage  in  both  furtiiering  and  confusing  tlie  knowledge  of  the  California 
coast  was  that  of  Sebastian  Viscaiuo.''  This  navigator,  it  is  sometimes  said,  had  been  in 
a  Manilla  galleon  which  Cavendish  had  captured  near  Cape  St.  Lucas  in  1587,  when  the 
English  freebooter  Inirncd  the  vessel  and  landed  her  crew.''  He  is  known  to  have  had 
much  opportunity  for  ac([uiring  familiarity  with  the  coast;  and  in  1597  he  had  conducted 
an  expedition  to  the  coast  of  the  California  peninsula  which  had  failed  of  success.'' 

In  1602  (May  5)  he  was  again  despatched  from  Acapulco  with  three  vessels,  for  the 
same  purpose  of  discovering  some  harbor  up  the  coast  which  returning  vessels  from  tlu' 
Philippines  could  enter  for  safety  or  repairs,  and  of  fmdiiig  the  mysterious  strait  which 
led  to  the  Atlantic.     He  was  absent  ten  months.'''     He  himself  went  up  to  42°,  but  one  of 


Crowninshield  bought  his  copy  in  1S44  at  a  lios- 
ton  auction  for  $10.50.  The  Roxbuigh  copy  had 
brought  ^i'lo  15.1'.,  and  the  Jadis  copy  the  same. 
Smith,  the  London  dealer,  in  1S74  advertised 
one  for  £,1  15.?.  6//.  The  Menzics  copy  (no. 
1,254)  brought  S104.  There  was  a  copy  sold 
in  the  licckfr.rd  sale,  1SS3,  nr..  1,813,  and  an- 
other in  the  Murphy  sale,  no.   1,498. 

The  first  Latin  edition,  jVcnif^a/ic  ac  Ilhic- 
rariinii,  was  printed  in  1599,  its  first  part  being 
translated,  with  some  omissions,  from  the  Dutch, 
and  the  description  of  America  being  omitted 
from  the  second  iiart.  It  was  reissued  with 
a  new  title  in  161 4,  —  an  edition  very  rare  ;  but 
there  are  copies  in  the  Lenox  and  Cartcr-l!rown 
libraries.  Cf.  Carter-lirown,  vol.  i.  no.  542, 
vol.  ii.  no.  167;  Lcclerc,  no.  360 — 150  francs; 
Murphv,  no.  1,499 ;  Tieic,  no.  81  ,  Muller,  1S72, 
no.  2.196;  1S77,  nos.  1.S90,  1,891;  and  Rosen- 
thal (Munich,  1SS3)  —  100  marks. 

The  earliest  French  edition,  Illstoire  dc  hi 
XiiT'i;(iti<>n,  etc.,  bears  two  different  imprints 
of  .-Vmstcrdam,  1610,  though  it  is  thought  to 
have  been  printed  bv  De  Bry  at  Frankfort.  A 
second  is  dated  Amsterdam,  1619  (part  i. 
being  after  the  French  edition  of  1610,  and 
parts  ii.  and  iii.  being  translated  from  the 
Dutch).  It  has  nsuallv  appended  to  it  a  D<:<:cri/>- 
lion  de  rAmcriqiic  (Amsterdam,  1619),  jjp.  88 
and  map.  America  is  also  described  in  the 
ni'schryi''m;^e  7'ivi  Tcrse/iiyde  laiidt-n  (Amsterdam, 
1619),  included  in  the  Saegman  Collection 
(Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,024).  A  third 
French  edition,  "  augmentee,"  but  a  reprint 
of  the  1619  edition,  appeared  at  .Vmsterdam 
in  163S.  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  nos.  104, 
105,  214,454;  Lcclerc.  362  (1610  edition)  —  130 
francs;  Triimel,  no.  58;  'Piele,  nos.  83,  87,  89; 
Muller  (1872),  no.  2,193  (1^77).  nos.  1,887,  i,8S8, 
1,889;  Field,  Indian  Iiiblio<;raphy,  no.  941 ; 
lcclerc,  no.  2,845  (''^3*''  edition)  —  250  francs  ; 
Rich,  1832  (163S  edition),  ..o.  219—;^!  10.;.; 
Murphy,  nos.  2,977,  -.97^;  Quaritch  (1638 
edition)  — ;^8  lox. 

There  are  copies  of  the  editions  of  T596, 
1598,  and  1599  in  Mr.  Deane's  collection.     The 


Dutch  editions  are  rarely  in  good  condition; 
this  is  .said  to  be  on  account  of  the  general 
use  made  of  them  as  .se.a-nianuals.  The  Latin 
and  German  te.xts  in  Dc  Bry  are  not  nuich 
prized.  (Camus,  p.  189;  Tide,  p.  90.)  Sabiii 
(Dhtionmy,  vol.  x.  p.  375)  gives  the  bil)liography 
of  Linschoten.  His  life  is  jiortrayed  in  Van 
Kanipen's  l.r.'cus  van  hcrocmde  Aiuit-rlamlcrs, 
Haarlem,  1838-1840.  He  w.is  with  Barentz  on 
his  first  and  second  Arctic  voyages.  Cf.  I'oyai^ie 
oftc  Schipvacrt  by  A'oordfn,  1601  ;  again,  1(124; 
Tiele,  no.  155;  Murphy,  no.  1,497;  Muller, 
1872,  no.  2,064,  and  1877,  no.  1,893.  Ilis  voy- 
ages are  included  in  I'crscheydc  Oost-Indisilic 
Voyai^ien,  Amsterdam,  lirca  1663. 

'  This  Herrera  map  was  reproduced  in  the 
1622  edition, and  so  late  as  1723  iuTonpieniada, 
with  a  few  changes.  The  Herrera  of  1601  has 
the  following  American  majjs:  — 

Page    2.   The  two  Americas. 

Page    7.   The  West  India  Islands. 

Page  21.   The  Audicncia  of  Xew  .Spain. 

P.age  T,?!-   The  Andiencia  of  Guatemala. 

P.age  38.    South  America. 

P.age  47.    Audicncia  of  Quito. 

Page  63.   The  Chile  coast. 

Jcfferys,  in  his  A'c^''//nues/  Passa^v,  gives  a 
fac-simile  of  die  American  hemisphere. 

The  Quadus  map  of  1600,  showing  the  Cali- 
fornia peninsula,  is  .sketched  in  Vol.  IV.  p.  101. 

The  Japanese  map,  showing  the  west  coast, 
which  Kaempfcr  gave  to  Hans  Sloane,  and 
which  figures  so  much  in  the  controversy  of 
the  last  century  over  the  "  mer  de  I'ouest,"  is 
supposed  to  have  been  drawn  between  15S0 
and  1600. 

'-  Biscaver  he  is  sometimes  called. 

•■>  Grecnhow,  Oiri,vn  and  California,  89  ;  Ban- 
croft dou'.ts  Viscaino's  presence  [A'orth  Mexiain 
States,  i.  148). 

''  Torquemada  gives  the  chief  information  on 
this  voyage.  Bancroft  (Xorth  Mexican  States,  i. 
151)  cites  other  writers. 

°  Our  knowledge  of  this  expedition  comes 
largely  from  the  account  of  a  Carmelite  priest, 
Antonio  de  la  Ascension,  who  accompanied  it. 


DISC    VKRIES   ON    THE    I'ACIFIC   COAST. 


461 


'     Cf 


of  the  north 


his  vessel.;  uiuler  Martin  Aguilar  proceeded  1043°,  where  he  reported  thai  lie  fouml  the 
entrance  of  ;■  river  or  strait,  not  far  from  Cape  IJlanco ; '  and  for  a  lonj;  period  afterwards 
the  entrance  and  Agiiilar's  name  stood  together  on  the  maps.-  liuache,  in  his  Consii/i-rittions 
i^coi^rapliiqui's  ct physiques,  says  that  it  was  the  reports  hrought  back  from  this  expedition, 
describing  an  easterly  trend  of  the  coast  above  the  43^  which  gave  rise  to  the  notion  tliat 
the  waters  of  the  (lulf  of  California  found  a  passage  to  the  ocean  in  two  ways,  making  an 
island  of  the  peninsula.  The  official  recorder  ol  tlie  ex[)e(lition  (Ascension)  is  known  to 
have  held  this  view.     We  shall  see  how  ti.xed  this  impression  later  became. 

Meanwhile  the  peninsular  shape  was  still  maintained  in  the  map  in  Uotero's  Rclacioncs 
UniverMlcs  del  miiiulo,  i)ul)lished  at  Valladolid  in  1603;  in  the  Spaiiisli  map  of  1604,  made 
at  Florence  by  Mathieu  Neron  I'ecciolcn  (engraved  for  Buaclie  in  1754)  ;  in  that  of 
Ccspetles'  Ri'i^imiento  tfe  A'ai'ii^acion  (1606),  and  in  that  iJiihlishetl  111  connection  witii 
Ferdinand  de  Quir's  narrative  in  the  Dctcitiuitis  Frcf i  {iGij,)  of  Hudson's  voyage.^ 

A  map  of  Jodocus  lloiulius  of  about  this  time  tirst  gave  indication  of  the  growing 
uncertainty  which  led  finally  to  a  prev.iiling  error  reg.irding  the  head  of  the  gulf,  'i'he 
map  was  inscribed  "  Vera  totius  expeditionis  nauticiu  Descriptio  D.  Franc.  Draci,"  etc., 
and  illustrated  Hondius's  edition  of  Drake  and  Cavendish's  voyages,  and  has  been  repro- 
duced in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  T/te  U'ot/ti  hiuoinpassid.  The  gulf  is 
made  to  divide  about  an  island  at  its  northern  end,  producing  two  arms  whose  prolonga- 
tion is  left  undecided.  The  circumpolar  map  of  Hontlius  which  appeared  in  I'ontanus's 
Ainsterdain  in  161 1,  and  is  given  in  fac-simile  in  Asher's  Ilcniy  Hudson,  shows  tiie  Straits 
of  Anian,  but  nothing  more.  Another  Hondius  map  in  the  Mercator  of  1613  turns  the 
coast  easterly,  where  the  Straits  of  Anian  separate  it  from  Asia.  The  same  atlas  of  i()i3 
contains  also  the  America  of  Michael  Mercator,  which  is  of  the  usual  Gerard  Mercator  type, 
with  the  enclosed  northern  sea  contracted  to  narrow  limits  and  called  "  Mare  dulce.''  A 
similar  western  coast  is  drawn  in  the  America  of  Johannes  Oliva  of  Marseilles,  preserved 
in  the  liritish  .Museum. ■• 

In  Kasper  van  Haerle's  edition  of  Herrera,  published  at  Amsterdim  in  1622,  we  get  — 
as  far  as  has  been  observed  —  the  earliest''  insularizing  of  the  California  peninsula,  and  this 
only  by  a  narrow  thread  of  water  connecting  a  large  gulf  below  and  a  smaller  one  above. 
And  even  this  attempt  was  neutralized  by  a  second  map  in  the  same  book,  in  which  these 
two  gulfs  were  not  made  to  mingle  their  waters.  A  bolder  and  less  equivocal  severing  of 
the  peninsula  followed  in  the  maps  of  two  linglish  geographers.     The  first  of  these  is  the 


and  whose  report,  presen'.ed  in  the  BibHoieca 
X.icional  at  .Madrid,  is  printed  in  Pachcco's 
Coltifion  i/c  (/iiiiiiihiihis,  viii.  539.  Ti)r(|ueiiuula 
usud  it,  and  so  did  Vcnegas  in  his  Xoluia  di-  lit 
California  (.Madrid,  1757;  EngHsh  edition,  Lon- 
don, 1759;  French  edition,  I'aris,  1767;  Cier- 
iiian,  1769).  Cf.  on  Venugas,  Carter-Brown,  vol. 
iii.  1105.  1,172,  1,239,  t,6oi,  1,710  Field,  lihli,tn 
IUbtioi;raf<hy,\\Qi,.  1,599,  l,0oO;  liancrofl,  ,\'();7// 
Mcxiiiin  Slates,  i.  2S1.  An  abridged  narrative 
from  Lorenzana  is  given  in  the  Bolctin  of  the 
-Mexican  Geographical  Society,  vol.  v.,  1857. 
Navarrcte  adds  some  other  documents  in  his 
Colcccioit,  XV.  Bancroft  {Xorth  Ahwican  S/ates, 
'• '  54-'  55.  '""'d  California,  i.  9S)  enumerates  other 
sources  ;  as  docs  J.  C.  Brcvoort  in  the  Ma,i;aziiie 
tf  American  Ilislorv,  i.  124. 

'  Bancroft  docs  not  believe  that  he  went  be- 
yond the  Oregon  line  (42°),  and  considers  his 
Cape  Blanco  to  be  the  modern  .St.  George 
[History  of  California,  i.  104;  Northwest  Coast, 
i.  S4J. 


"^  Bancroft,  Me.vho,  iii.  3;  California,  ii.  07; 
Xorth  Mexiean  States,  i.  15;,.  .\  sketch  of  Vis- 
caino's  map  from  Cape  Mendocino  soutli  is 
given  in  this  History,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  75.  The  map 
was  published,  as  reduced  from  the  thirty-si.v 
original  sheets  by  Xavarrcte,  in  the  Atlas  fara 
el  Tia<,v  de  las  ,!,'oletas  Siitil y  Me.vieana  al  reeono- 
ei mien  to  del  Estreeho  de  jnan  de  Fuea  (1S02). 
Cf.  Xavarrete,  xv. ;  Greenhow's  Xorttnvest  Coast 
(1S40),  p.  131  ;  Burney's^,;«///.9,-,i/';>i',n,'r.r(iSor)), 
vol.  ii.  {with  the  map)  ;  and  Bancroft,  Xorlh 
Mexiean  States,  i.  1 56 ;  California,  i.  97,  and 
Xortlnoest  Coast,  i.   loi,  146. 

'  This  is  reproduced  in  Charton's  I'oyaj^eiirs, 
iv.  1S4,  1S5. 

■*  There  is  a  draught  of  it  in  the  Kohl  Collec- 
tion. Cf.  Cataloj;ue  of  Manuscript  Maps  in  the 
British  Museum  (1S44),  i.  33. 

'  Bancroft  [Xorlliwest  Coast,  i.  loi)  refers  to 
the  suspicions  of  Kather  Ascension  in  1603.  of 
Onate  in  i6oj,  anc  of  Nicolas  de  Cardona  in  or 
about  161;,  that  C.nlifornia  was  an  island;  but 


\ 


ll 


»    n 


f 


46: 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


U 


map  of  .Master  IJriggs.'  In  this  the  island  stretches  from  23°  to  44°,  showing  Cape  ni.inco, 
witli  Cape  Mendocino  and  "  I'o.  S'.  Francisco  Draco"  south  of  it,  tlie  latter  in  about  3S"', 
Tne  map  hears  the  following  legend  :  ''  California,  sometymes  supposed  to  be  pari  of  v'' 
Westerne  continent ;  but  since  by  a  Spanish  chartc  taken  by  y"'  Hollanders  it  is  found  to 
be  a  goodly  llanile,  the  length  of  the  west  shoaro  beeing  about  500  leagues  from  Capf 
Mendocino  to  the  south  cape  thereof  called  Cape  St.  Lucas,  as  appeareth  both  by  that 
Spanish  Chart,  and  by  liic  relation  of  Francis  (Jaule  [Gali],  whereas  in  the  ordinarie 
charts  it  is  sett  downe  to  be  1700  leagues.'"^  The  other  was  that  given  in  John  Speed's 
Prospect.,  which  contains  one  of  the  maps  of  Abrahain  (]oos  of  Amsterdam,  "  described 
anil  enlarged  by  I.  S.  Ano.  1O26."  This  carries  up  the  outer  coast  of  the  island  beyond 
the  "  l'o[  10]  Sir  Francisco  I)r[ake]"  and  Cape  Mendocino.  The  coast  of  the  main 
opposite  the  northern  end  of  the  island  ceases  to  be  defined,  and  is  continued  northerly 
with  a  dotted  line,  while  the  western  shore  of  Hudson's  Day  is  also  left  undetermined.-^ 
De  Laet,  however,  in  (•'30  still  kept  to  the  penitisula,  placing  "  Nova  Albion"  above  it.' 
In  1636  W.  Saltonstall  s  English  translation  of  Hondius's  Mercator  presents  an  island, 
with  the  now  somewhat  cotnmon  break  in  the  main  coast  opposite  its  northern  end. 
This  gap  is  closed  up,  however,  in  another  map  in  the  same  volume.^ 

The  map  in  Pierre  D'Avity's  Lc  Moiule^  makes  California  a  peninsula,  with  the  river 
St.  Lawrence  rising  close  to  it,  and  flowing  very  near  also  to  Hudson's  I5ay  in  its  easterly 
passage. 

The  circuiustantial  story  of  Ba"loleme  de  Fonte,  whose  exploits  arc  placed  in  1640,  at 
one  tiine  commanded  a  certain  degree  of  confidence,  and  made  strange  work  with  the  carto- 
graphical ideas  of  the  upper  part  of  the  Pacific  coast.  It  is  now  believed  that  the  story 
was  coined  by  James  Petiver,  one  of  the  contributors  to  the  Monthly  Miscellany,  or  Memoirs 
for  the  Curious,  published  in  London  in  April  and  June,  1708,  in  which  first  appeared  what 
purported  to  be  a  translation  of  a  letter  of  a  certain  Admiral  De  Fonte.'  In  this  a  Spanish 
navigator  —  whose  name  was  po.;sibly  suggested  by  a  veritable  De  Fonta  who  was  exploring 
Tierra  del  I-^uego  in  1649  —  was  made  to  depart  from  Callao,  April  3,  1640,  and  proceed  up 
the  coast  to  53'',  above  which  he  navigated  a  net-work  of  interior  waters,  and  encountered 
a  ship  from  Hostou  which  had  entered  these  regions  from  the  Atlantic  side.*    To  this 


there  was  on  their  part  no  cirtographical  cxprcs- 
siiin  of  the  idea. 

'  In  I'lirchas',  /'//;'•;•////.,  ill.  853,  in  1625. 
This  m,!])  li  s!..otclicd  in  IJaucmlt's  At'rlli  Mexi- 
co >i  S/iiUs,  i.  169. 

-  Tliis  .Spanish  chart  here  vufcrrcd  to  is  not 
idcnliliud,  though  Dclislo  credits  it — according 
to  liaiicroft  (.Yivl/ncifst  Coast,  i.  103)  —  to  Jann- 
soii's  Moih/e  Mciritiiiic.  If  by  this  is  meant 
Jannsoii's  Orl<is  Ma)itimus,\'i  was  not  till  1657 
that  Jamison  added  this  volume  to  his  edition  of 
the  Mercator-Iloiiiliiis  Atlas.  Carpenter's  Geof;- 
rop/iy  (Oxford,  1625)  repeats  Piirchas's  story,  and 
many  have  followed  it  since.  In  Ileylin  and 
Ogilby,  the  story  goes  that  sonic  people  on  the 
coast  in  1620  were  carried  in  Iiv  the  current,  and 
found  themselves  in  the  suit.  The  Spanish 
chart  may  have  been  the  source  of  the  map  in 
the   .Amsterdam  Hcnrra  of   1622. 

•'  Bancroft  (W'rth-.ih-st  Coast,  i.  104)  sUctcIies 
a  similar  niaj)  wliicli  ainicared  in  1624  at  Amstcr- 
<I.im  in  Inga's  West  Irdisc/ie  S/yiiyliel.  MuUcr, 
/tool's  on  America,  1S72,  no.  805  ;  1877,  no.  1,561. 

■*  It  was  repeated  in  later  editions.  Bancroft 
uses  no  earlier  e;lttion  than  that  of  1633.  The 
edition  of  1C25  did  not  contain  the  map  of  1630. 


•''  In  1636  a  report  was  made  by  the  Spanish 
on  the  in'obablc  inter-oceanic  comnumication  bv 
way  of  the  Ciiilf  of  California,  t'f.  Doiuoiciitos 
iiteditos,  \\.  215;  liancrcift,  Xorthocst  Coast,  i. 
107. 

"  Paris,  1637,  five  volumes,  folio.  Bancroft 
gives  his  map  in  his  .Vortliwest  Coast,  i.  107. 

'  .\rthiir  Hobbs  re|nintcd  it  in  his  Countries 
ailjoining  to  Hudsoii^s  liay,'w\  1744,  —  accoriliii!,' 
to  Bancroft. 

"  He  is  particular  to  describe  this  ship  as 
owned  l)y  Major  Ciibbons,  who  was  on  board, 
and  as  commanded  by  one  .Shapley.  Major 
Kdward  Gibbons  was  a  well-known  merchant  of 
I'oston  at  this  time,  and  the  story  setnis  first  to 
have  attracted  the  notice  of  the  local  aiitiqu.irits 
of  that  city,  when  Dr.  Franklin  br.np^ht  it  to  the 
attention  of  Thomas  Prince;  and  upon  Prime 
reporting  to  him  evidence  favorable  to  the  exist- 
ence of  such  persons  at  tint  tiiv.c,  Franklin  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Dr.  Pringlc,  in  which  lie 
considers  the  story  "  an  abridr,ment  and  a  tians- 
latioii,  and  bad  in  both  respects  ;  "  and  he  adds, 
"If  a  fiction,  it  is  plainly  not  an  F.nglish  one- 
but  it  has  none  of  the  features  of  fiction."  (Ct. 
Sabin's    American    nilt\>}  n' i:.',   rebniaty,   1870 


DISCOVEKIKS    ON   TIIK    I'ACIIIC   COAST. 


463 


arcliipehigo,  as  it  seemed,  lie  gave  the  name  of  St.  Lazarus  ;  and  to  a  river,  leading  from  a 
lake  witli  an  island  in  it.  lie  applied  that  of  V'clasco  ;  and  these  names,  curiously,  appear  in 
the  fanciful  majis  wliicli  were  made  by  Delislc  and  IJuache  in  elucidation  of  the  voyage  in 
which  they  expressed  not  a  lilUe  iailli,  tlioiinh  the  SpaniHh  antiquaries  early  declared  that 
their  archives  contained  no  record  of  the  voyaj;c.' 

The  Dutch,  under  De  V'rics,  in  1643  had  pusiied  up  from  Japan,  and  discovered,  as 
they  thought,  an  island,  "Jesso,"  separated  from  land  on  the  west  hy  a  water  which  tl.cv 
called  the  "  Detroit  de  \'ries,  and  on  the  American  side  hy  a  channel  which  had  an  uncer- 
tain extension  to  the  north,  anci  inij;lit  after  all  he  the  loii;;-souj;lit  Straits  of  Anian.''  The 
idea  of  an  interjacent  land  in  the  north  I'acific  between  America  and  Asia  is  also  said  to 
have  <;rown  out  of  the  report  of  a  I'ortuguese  navigator,  Don  Joao  da  Clania,  who  claimed 
to  have  seen  such  a  land  in  sailing  from  China  to  New  Spain.  It  long  maintained  a  fleet- 
ing existence  on  the  maps." 

|).  05.)     Dr.  Snow  examined  it  in  his ///.fAnT  <>/  /(<///(•  .S'li/*/// .Si'rrf,  vol.  iii.  (1S13).     William  Cold- 

liostoii  (p.  S9),  and  expressed  liis  dishtlicf  in  it.  son,  in  his  Pnssasc  hehvceii  the  Al!,iiilh-  ,///</'  /',^■/- 

Calch   t'lishiii}!  in  the  Xoil/i  Aiiieruiiii  A\-;u'7o  Jii:,in  hvo  Mimoiison  the  Sltiutsol  Aiiian  iiii,l  the 

(January,  1839)  expressed  die  opinion  that  the  DiseiTeries  0/  J)e  I\<iile   (I'ortsnioiitli,   fainlaiid, 

account  was  wortliy  of  investi};ati()n ;  wliich  in-  1793),  sMppiiscd  that  1  )c  Koiitcgot  into   ne  lirc.it 

(inccd  Mr.  James  Savage  to  examine  it  in  detail,  .Slave  Lake !     Xavarrete  has  e.\aniuied  the  (pies- 

who  in  the  same  periodical  (April,  1S39,  p.  559)  tion   in   his  Doeiinicnios  ineditos,  xv.,  as  he  had 

set  it  at  rest  hy  at  least  negative  proof,  as  well  done  at  less  length  in  his  .S'///'//^.1/,'.v/(i;»((  in  iSoj, 

as  by  establishing  an  (////'/  for  (libbons  at  the  expressing  his  disbelief ;  and  so  does  liancroft  in 

date  assigned.     It  may  be  remarked  that  among  his  Xorthwest  Coast,  i.  115,  who  cites  additionally 

the  Knglish   there  was  no  general   belief   in  a  (p.  119)  \,:\1\m\^c,  A/irej;e  </es  l'oy,iges  (iS\U),\^t\. 
practicable   western    passage   at  this   time,  and 
the  directors  of   the  Last   India  Company  had 
given  up  the  hope  of  it  after  Hallin's  return  in 
1610. 

'   It  was  vcrv  easv  for  the  credulous  to  identifv 


xvi.,  and  Lapie,  .\'iiin'e//es  Aiiiin/es  ties  l'i'Vii,i,'es 
(iSji),  vol.  xi.,  as  believing  the  story.  A  "Chart 
for  the  belter  understanding  cjf  De  Font's  kf 
ter  "  appeared  In  .•///  .leeoiiiit  of  <i  I'oydxe  for 
the  Disdr-.'ery  of  11  Xorthivest  Piissiige,  by  'I'heo- 

the  Archipelago  of  St.   Laz.uus  witii  the  Char-     clore  Swaine  Drage  (clerk  of  the  "  California  "), 

lottc  Islands.     The  map  of  Delisle  and  liuachc,     London,  1749,  vol.  11. 


published  in  Paris  in  1752  in  .Voii-vHes  Cartes  </es 
Dceoiiiwrtes  de  VAiiiiml  de  Fontc,  endeavors  to 
reconcile  the  voyages  of  De  Fuca  and  De  Fonte. 
The  map  is  reproduced  in  I'aucroft's  .\'oi-th'a<est 
Coast,  i.  128.  Under  45°  there  are  two  str.aits 
entering  a  huge  inland  "nier  de  I'ouest,"  the 
southerly  of  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  one 
found  bv  Aguilar  in  I('i03,  and  the  northerly  that  of 
De  Fuca  in  1392.  Under  60°  is  the  St.  l.a/arns 
Archipelago,  and  thridding  the  adjacent  main  are 
the  bays,  straits,  lakes,  and  rivers  which  connect 
the  Pacific  with  Hudson's  Bay.  The  next  year 
(1753)  Vaugondy,  in  some  Ohen-ations  er/t/i/iies, 
opposed  Dclisle's  theory;  and  the  opposing  nie- 


-  Keeiteil  de  I'oyai^es  an  jVord,  Amsterdam. 
1732,  vol.  iv. ;  Coxe's  Diseo^vries  of  the  Kiisn'aiis 
ill  the  A'orth  Paeifie,  1S03. 

•'  Sanson  adopted  it.  and  it  is  laid  down  in 
Van  Loon's  Zee  Atlas  oi  i66r.  where,  in  the  chart 
"Nova  C'.raiiada  en  ri''.ylandt  California,"  it  is 
marked  as  the  thither  shore  of  the  Straits  of 
.\nian,  and  called  "Terra  incognita,"  —  and  V.ni 
Loon  had  the  best  reputation  of  the  hvdrog- 
raphcrs  of  his  day.  The  ma])  pnblislied  liv 
Thevcnot  in  1663  also  gives  it. 

Nicolas  Sanson  died  in  1667,  and  two  years 
later  (1669),  his  son  (iuillannie  reissued  his 
father's  map,  still  with  the  island  and  the  inter- 


nioirs  were  printed  in  Spanish,  with  a  refutation  jacent  land,  which  in  I'lomc's  map,  published  in 

of  Delisle  by  lUniel,  in   Venegas'  California,  \n  his  /'(■j-<7v///()«  (1C70),  ami  |)rofesscdly  following 

1757.    Some  vears  later  the  F.nglish  geographer  Sanson,  is  marked  "Co"ibas."     Later,  in  1601, 

Jcfferys  attacked  the  problem  in  maps  appended  we  have  another  Sanson  map;  but  though  the 

to  Dragg's  Great  rrobahility  of  a  Xorthioest  Pas-  straits  still  bomul  easterly  the  "  Terre  de  Jesso," 

saxe,   which   was   i)rintcd    in    London    in    176S.  they  arc  without  name,  and  open  easterly  into 


Jcfferys  made  the  connection  with  Ilallin's  Bay, 
and  bounded  an  islaml  —  in  which  he  revived  the 
old  Chinese  legend  bv  calling  it  Fusang  —  by 
De  Fuca's  Straits  on  the  south  and  De  Fonte's 
.\rchipel.ago  on  the  north.  Foster,  in  17S6,  and 
Clavigcro,  in  179S.  repudiated  the  story  ;  but  it 


a  limitless  "  tner  gl.iciale."  Hennepin  at  a  later 
day  put  a  special  drau,ght  of  it  in  the  margin  of 
his  large  map  (i6c)7),  where  it  has  someihiiig 
of  continental  proportions,  stretching  through 
fovty  degrees  of  longitude,  north  of  the  thirtv 
eighth  parallel;  and  from  Hennepin  Campanius 


( •!  'i 


1 1 


i( 


ajipcalcd  snfificientiv  to  lUirnev  to  induce  him  to     cojiied  it  (1702)  in  his  .\'ya  Swerii^e,  \>.  10,  as 
include  it  in  his  Chrotioloi;ieal //istory  of  I'oyax'fs     shown  herewith  (p.  464). 


W. 


j: 


464 


NAKKATIVK    AM)   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


T\\(i  maps  of  I'ctiiis  Koerius,  daleil  1646,  in  Spueil's  l'fospt\t  (1668),  indicate  wliai 
variable  iiinods  gronrapiiurs  loiiid  a^siinic  in  llii'  same  year.  In  utiu  we  liave  an  isl.i'ul  and 
a  tlcierminate  coastline  rnniiiiiy  noilii  to  tlie  straits;  in  the  otlier  \vc  have  a  pcninsnl  i 
with  two  different  trends  of  the  coast  north  of  it  in  half-sliadinj;.  Wc  owe  to  an  expatri- 
ated Knyiisliman  a  more  precise  noinentlature  for  the  western  coast  th.m  we  had  liail 
previous  to  tlie  apjjcarance  of  Ids  maps  in  i(>4');  and  the  ori;4inaI  manuscript  drawinj;s 
preserved  at  Municii  i.re  said  hy  Dr.  Hale  to  l)e  richer  still  in  names.'  This  is  the 
Arcitiio  iKl  i/iiiir  i\i  Roljcrt  Dudley,  lie  was  Ixirn  in  Surrey  in  1573,  and  wliether  the 
natural  or  lej;itimate  son  of  the  Karl  of  Leicester  depends  on  the  proof  of  the  secret 
marriajje  of  that  nohlem.in  with  I.a<ly  Sheffield.  /\n  adventurous  spirit  kept  him  aw.iy 
from  tlie  enjoyment  of  Kenihvorth,  which  he  inlierited,  and  he  was  drawn  nearer  to  the 
associations  of  the  sea  by  marryinj;  a  sister  of  Cavenilish.  He  was  among  the  many 
Knglishmen  who  tried  their  darin;;  on  the  Spainsh  main.  He  married  a  second  wife,  a 
dauj;hter  of  Sir  Thomas  Leijjh,  whom  he  ahaniloned,  partly  to  be  riil  of  a  stepmother; 
and  out  of  ihagrin  at  his  failure  to  secure  the  dukedom  of  Norllnnnherland,  which  had 
been  in  abeyance  since  the  execution  of  liis  grandfather,  Lady  Jane  Grey's  adherent,  he 
sold  Kenilworth  to  young  Prince  Henry,  and  left  Kngland  in  comjiany  with  a  dauj;IUei  of 
Sir  Robert  Southwell.  He  now  {;ave  himself  uj)  to  pr.ictical  seamanship  and  the  study 
of  hydroi;r.iphy.  The  gr.uul-duke  of  Tuscmy  j;ave  him  employment,  and  he  dr.dned 
a  morass  to  enable  Leghorn  to  become  a  bciuliful  ciiy.  Untler  authority  of  f'erdi- 
nand    II.,  he   assumeil    the   title   of    Duke   of   Xordiund)erland,   which    was   rccoyni^ed 

It  is  also  duliuealcd  in  1700  in  the  map  of  in  I7-'S,  li.ul  mapptd  nut  llie  .Vsiutic  slitire  <if 
the   Diitcliniaii,  LujJlen'. tl;.     Tlie  iilc.i  was  mil      this  leyiou. 


;  '1 


■^ 


TKRRF,    DE    lESSO. 


totally  given  up  all  Cook's  map  of  his  cxplor.i-  '  Amcr.    Aiiliq.   Sac.   Proc.,   October,    1S7J, 

tions  in  1777-177S  appeared,  which  was  the  first  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  S9'     Kohl's 

to  give  to   the   peninsula   of  Alaska   and   the  Washington  Collection  has  several  drauglits  from 

Aleutian  islands  a  delineation  of  approximate  the  charts  at  Munich.    An  earlier  edition  (1630) 

accuracy;  and  this  was  fifty  years  after  Hehring,  of  the  Arcaiio  del  Mare  is  sometimes  mentioned. 


UlSCOVIiRIIiS   ON    THK    PACIFIC  COAST. 


4^5 


iii.lic  sliurc  of 


C.  Aknaoctno 


G^o 

VIRA 


flc  It  frju 

l*\,,,-*lgw<|-' 


fcoj 
lit  fennel 


4tL. 


QVl 


^ 


— iV 


r* 


?r 


1^ 


»S^^    ? 


i't 


« 


1 1 


r 


VOL.    U.  —  59. 


DUDLKV,     1646. 


.-,  ^,if^^,-:m-  V  ,^  ^- i.^  ^^. 


466 


NAKRATIVK    AND   LKI  IICAL    IIISIUKV    UK    A.Ml.KICA. 


•/V 


t  I 


\M 


m 


i  : 


li 


lliinii),'li(mt  llic  crupirc  IFc  clird  in  1^)19.'  The  .hriiiio  Ins  thirty  lliree  AnuTinin  mips; 
l)iit  ilic  .Miinuli  iii,mii^oii|)t  allows  tliirttcii  more-  Oiif  itf  the  I'.uitic  co.ist,  wliicli  rccoriU 
Drakf  .H  c'xplonitions.  JH  annexed;  i)ut  with  Dmilcy's  tuxt  •*  there  in  another  iilinwinK  the 
coast  from  t'.ipc  .Mendocino  soiitli,  wliitli  puts  under  ildrty  <le>;rceii  norti)  a  "jjnlfo  pro. 
fondo"  of  undclined  iniaiul  limits,  with  '•  1  di  Cedros  "  olV  its  moutli,  I'lie  ii.iy  witli  tlie 
anchor  ami  sounilinns  just  norlli  of  tliirty  ilfurees,  called  in  tlie  fac-simiU-  "  I""  di  N'ouuva 
Alliion.  "  corrispondin);,  it  would  seem,  to  San  !•  rancisco,  is  still  Hern  in  this  other  chart, 
with  a  more  explicit  inscription. —  ■•  I'o:  dell  nuovo  Alhion  scoperto  dal'  Dragc  C'"" 
InKlcse." 

In  \(>-\(),  in  'I'exeira's  chart,  there  i.<i  laid  down  lor  the  first  lime  a  sketch  of  ilie  coam 
nc.ir  the  Straits  of  /\ni.in,  which  is  marked  as  seen  hy  Joilod.i  C.ima.  and  extends  easterly 
from  Jesso,  in  the  l.itilude  of  50".     (i.ima's  land  lived  for  some  time  in  the  charts.' 

We  have  another  of  Speed's  maps,  five  years  later  (1^)51),  which  ap))cars  in  the  1^176 
edition  of  his  /'roipir/.  in  which  th.it  i;eoj,'raplier  is  somewhat  confused.  He  makes  Cili- 
forni.i  an  isl.md,  with  a  liriak  in  the  coast  line  of  tlie  main  opposite  its  nortliern  extrem- 
ity, and  its  northwest  point  he  calls  "C.  .Mendocino,"  while  "  I't.  Sir  Franci.sco  Draco"  lif 
placed  south  of  it ;  but  r.ither  confusedly  another  Cape  .Mendocino  projects  from  tlie  main 
coast  considerably  further  to  the  north.*  A  ma]i  of  \'issclier  in  1652 '■  reverts,  liowtvtr. 
to  the  anterior  notions  of  Mercitor  :  hut  when  in  16^5  Wright,  an  Englishman,  adopicd 
iMcrcator's  projection,  and  first  made  it  really  serviced ile  for  navijjation,  in  hi.s  Certain 
Errors  in  Navij^ation,  he  gave  an  insular  shape  to  California. 

The  I'rench  neo^rapher  Nicolas  .Sanson"  introduced  a  new  notion  in  \(iyC\.  Cali- 
fornia was  made  an  island  with  •' I""  dc  I' rancisco  Draco"  on  the  west  side,  somewiiat 
south  of  the  northern  cape  of  it.  On  the  m.iin  the  coast  in  the  same  latitude  is  made  to 
form  a  projection  to  the  north  called  •'  A;;iil)ela  de  Cato,"  without  any  extension  of  the 
shore  farther  northward.  The  maji  in  Petavius's  (I'etau'.s)  History  of  the  /f'(vA/(  London, 
1650)  carries  the  ( oast  up.  but  leaves  a  'f;,\\t  0]i])osite  the  nortliern  end  of  the  insular 
California.  The  atlas  of  \'an  Loon  ( 1661)  converts  the  jiaji  into  the  Straits  of  Anian.  and 
puts  a  "terra  incojj;nita"  north  of  it.  Danckerls  of  Amsterdam  in  the  same  year  (1661), 
and  Du  \'al  in  various  maps  of  about  this  time  inakc  it  an  island.  The  map  of  16^3, 
which  appeared  in  Ileylin's  t('> ///i;i,';v/////>,'  gives  the  insular  California,  and  a  doited  line 
for  the  main  coast  northward,  with  three  alternative  directions.  A  map  of  the  Sanson 
type  is  given  in  Illome's  J>i\uri/>lioii  of  the  11 'or/,/,  1670.  Ogilby's  maj)  in  1071  make.s  it 
an  island,'  followinf;  Montanus's  A'iru7t>e  U'cereld. 

Hennepin  had  in  his  16,83  maj)  made  California  a  peninsula,  and  in  that  of  1697  he  still 
preserved  the  ;;ulf  like  ch.ir.uter  of  tlic  w.itcrs  east  of  it ;  but  the  same  plate  in  the  1698 
edition  is  altered  to  make  an  island,  as  it  still  is  in  the  edition  of  1704.  The  I-'rench 
Ccographer  Jaillot.  in  1^)94,  also  conformed  to  the  insular  theory,  as  did  Corolus  Allard 
in  hi.s  well-known  Dutch  atla.s.     Campanius,  copying  Hennepin,  speaks  of  California  as 


in  England  in  1651,  that  the  P.icif5c  coast  was  .it 
the  foot  of  the  western  slope  of  the  .Mlcnlianics, 
—  a  belief  which  was  ropresented  in  1625  hv 
Maslcr  Hrigjjs  in  Piirchas  (vol.  ili.  ]i.  .S53),  where 
he  speaks  of  the  .south  sea  "on  the  other  .side 
of  the  mountains  bcvoiul  our  falls,  which  ojieii- 


'  See  Vols.  IIL  and  IV.,  index;  Cicnrgc  Ad- 
/ard's  /tmyr  J\o/>s,irt  ,111,/  Lcic,-st,T,  1.S70;  IV.ir- 
viihsliir,-  IlixloriidI  Coltcdioiis  ;  Piigdak's  ?/'/;■- 
•tvicks/iirf,  \i.   \(>(\. 

•  Vol.  i.  lib.  ii.  \i.  10.  The  oilier  maps  are 
miiiibcrcd   xxxi.,  xxxii.,  and  xxxiii.     .\   second 

edition,  "  Corrctta  c  accrcsciula  sccondo  1'  origi-     cth  a  free  and  fair  jjassagc  to  China." 
nalc  (Ics  nicdcsinio  T)uia.  clu'  si  coiiscrva  nclla  ■'  "Antorc,  X.  I.  I'iscator." 

lihrcria  del   '."onvcnto  de  Kircnzc  dclla  Pace,"  '•  Horn  1600;  died  1667. 

appeared  at  Florence  in  1661.  "^  1669,  and  later  editions.     Pancrnft  (.Yorl/i 

^  Sanson  put  it  in   his  alias  made  in    1^)67;     vest  Coit.i/.  i.  115)  is  led  to  believe  that  Heylin 

rclislo  rejected  it  in   1714;  Piowen  adhered  to     copied  this  map  in   1701    from  Ilackc's  Colla- 

it  in   T747.  lion  of  f 'ciwi.v.f  (1699),  thirty  years  after  he  had 

*  It  is  worth  while  to  note  Virginia  Farrcr's     published  his  own  map  in  1669. 

map  of  Virginia,  given  in  Vol.  Til.  p.  465,  for  the  '  It  is  copied  in  Bancroft,  A'b;Mry«/  Coast. 

strange  belief  which  with  some  ])Cople  prevailed     i.  110. 


;■; 


-_./>   > 


DISCOVKKIKS   ON    TIIK    I'AC  II  IC   COAST. 


467 


tlic  l.irj{»;.sl  island  "  wliiili  the  S|).iniarils  posnt-ss  in  AnuTici.  I'roni  California  tlu'  lan<l 
extends  itself  |Iil'  s.iys)  to  ili.it  part  of  .Asia  wliiili  is  c.dlfd  Trrra  cle  Jisso,  or  Tcrr.i 
Ksonis.  The  p.iss.ij,'f  is  only  througli  tlic  Straits  of  Anian,  which  liitlicrto  lias  rcniaint'd 
unknown,  and  therefore  is  not  to  lie  found  in  any  map  or  chart,"  —  all  of  which  .iliows 
sonu'lhinj^  of  C.mipaniiis's  iinuciiiaiiitance  with  wliil  had  iiciii  Nurniised,  at  least,  in 
carto^iMphy'  '^1'  'I'''*  whde  lil.ieii  in  his  ni.ips  was  illuslr.itin^;  the  dissol\inj;  ^e(i;;raplii- 
cal  opinions  of  his  time.  In  i^'jv  he  had  drawn  C.diforida  as  an  island:  in  \(>(t2  a»  a 
peninsula;  ainl  once  more,  in  1670,  as  an  island.  Coronelli  in  i(')So,an(l  l'raii(|iielin  in  his 
;{ieat  manuscript  map  of  i')S.j  had  hotli  represented  it  as  an  islam!.' 

In  ifii/)  the  Ij^lish  ;;eo,i,Maplier  I'Mward  Wells,  in  his  A'i7ii  Sit/  of'  .\fiips,  showed 
a  little  commendalile  doubt  in  markinj;  tlie  inlet  just  north  of  tiie  isl.uid  as  "the  supjjoseii 
Straits  of  Anian,"  — a  caution  which  Delislu  in  1700,  with  a  hesitancy  worthy  of  the 
cireful  iiydroKr.ipher  th.it  he  w.is  destined  to  liccoiue,  still  further  exemplii'ied.  While 
restorinj;  Califorida  to  its  peninsular  character,  he  indie, ited  the  |)ossiliilitv  of  its  hein;,' 
otherwise  by  the  unfinished  limitations  of  the  surroundinj;  waters-  Damiiier  in  lf)9<), 
in  chroniclini;  tlie  incidents  of  the  voyage  with  which  he  was  connected,  made  it  an 
island." 

In  1701  one  would  have  supposed  the  (|Mestioii  of  the  insularily  of  California  would 
h.ive  been  helped  at  le.ist  by  the  explorations  overland  of  [•".ilher  Kino  the  Jesuit  which 
were  begun  in  1698.  Mis  map,  based  ratiicr  upon  shrewd  conjecture  than  upon  geo- 
graphical discovery,  and  showing  the  peninsular  form  of  the  land,  was  |)ublishc(l  in  the 
f.f/tns-  /^,/i/iiniti-s,  vol.  v.,  in  1705.'  In  1705  the  maj)  in  Harris's  C.tHeclioii  of  \'oy,ii:^i-s 
preserves  the  insular  character  of  Californi.i.'  In  1715  Delisle"  expressed  himseli  as 
undecided  between  the  two  theories  respecting  California,'  but  in  1717  he  gave  the  weiglit 
of  his  great  name"  to  an  im.agined  but  indefiiute  great  gulf  north  of  the  Califorria 
peninsula,  which  held  for  a  while  a  place  in  the  geoijraphy  of  his  time  as  the  '•  .Mer  de 
I'ouest."  Iloiuann,  of  Nuremberg,  in  1711;  marked  the  entrance  of  it,  while  he  kept  to  the 
insul.u-  character  of  the  land  to  the  south  ;  as  did  Seuttcr  in  his  Atlas  Geoi^rafiliiciis 
published  at  .Augsburg  in  1720.  Daniel  Coxe  in  his  C'rt;-c/(/;/rt  had  a  sufficient  stock  of 
credulity  —  if  he  was  not  a  "  liar,''  as  liancroft  calls  him  "  —  in  working  up  some  wondrous 
stories  of  interior  lakes  emptying  into  the  South  Sea.'"  In  1727  the  Hnglish  cartographer 
Moll  converted  the  same  inlet  into  the  inevit.dile  Straits  of  Anian.  Tlie  maps  in  sueli 
popular  books  as    Shclvocke's   /(yiyivv    (1726)  "  and   -Anson's    Voyniics    (174.S),  as   did 


thwest  Coast. 


'  It  is  also  an  island  in  Coroiiclli's  globe  of 
16S5.     Cf.  MarcDii's  A'('/<'.f,  p.  5. 

-  Marcou's  Xolcs,  p.  5. 

•'  AVtc  \'oya!;e  round  the  WorlJ.  The  map 
is  sketched  in  Bancroft's  Xorlh  Mixicnii  S/,it,-s, 
vol.  i.  p.  195;  cf.  his  jVort/iwest  Coast,  vol.  i.  pp. 
1 1:,  1 19,  for  other  data. 

^  It  was  re-engr'  ved  in  I'aris  in  t754  by  the 
geographer  liiiachc,  and  later  in  tlie  margin  of 
a  map  of  North  .America  published  by  Saycr 
of  l.iiiulon.  Tl  is  given  in  fac-siniilc  in  Jules 
Marcou's  paper  on  the  lirsl  discoverers  of  Cali- 
fornia, aiipeiidcd  to  the  Aniiital  /■^tf'ort  of  the 
Clii,f  of  Engiiictrs,  U.  S.  A.,  1.S7S,  and  is  also 
sketched  in  Bancroft's  Xortli  Mexican  Stales, 
vol.  i.  p.  499.  Cf.  his  A'orthoest  Coast,  vol.  i. 
pp.  113,  115,  120,  where  it  is  sliown  that  Kino 
never  convinced  all  his  companions  that  the 
accepted  island  was  in  fact  a  peninsula.  One 
of  his  associates,  Luis  Velarde  {Documcntos 
para  la  historia  dc  Mexico,  ser.  iv.  vol.  i.  \i.  344), 
opposed  his  views.     'I'lie   view  is   advanced  by 


K.  I,.  Iicrllioud  In  the  Kansas  Citv  A'er/e-c 
(June,  1SS3),  that  a  large  area  hctwceii  the  head 
of  the  gulf  and  the  ocean,  now  below  the  sea 
level,  was  at  one  time  covered  with  water,  and 
that  the  island  theory  was  in  sonic  wav  con- 
nected with  this  condition,  which  i.s  believed  to 
have  continued  as  recently  as  the  sixteenth  niul 
seventeenth  centuries. 

■''  This  map  is  reproduced  in  l!anciolt,.\'ii/M- 
-west  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  114;  as  well  as  a  map  of 
Vaiuler  Aa  (1707)  on  page  115. 

''  A'eciieil  des  I'ova._vs  an  .Vord,  vol.  iii.  p.  r(),S. 

"  liancroft  cites  Travers  Twiss  {Ore!;on 
Question,  1846)  as  (pioiing  a  map  of  Delisle  in 
1722,  making  it  a  peninsula. 

'  Cf.  Saint-.Martin,  Hisloire  de  la  ,^'i'o^<,'ra/'liie 

p.  423- 

^  A'ortlnoesl  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  123. 

'"  Cf.  something  of  the  sort  in  Dobbs's  map 
of  1744,  given  in  Bancroft,  .^'('/•M^.•^  Coast,  i.  123. 

"  .Sliclvockc  says  he  accepted  current  views, 
unable  to  decide  himself. 


•    \ 


468 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I*; 


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ll 

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■  rt 

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jpfl 

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ill 

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m 

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w 


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fi 


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/ 


sundry  maps  issued  by  Vander  Aa  of  Amsterdam,  still  told  ihc  mass  of  readers  of  tlie 
island  of  California  ;  as  had  15ru/cn  la  Martinicre  in  his  [iitrodintion  cl  riiistoire  (1735), 
and  Salmon  (using  Moll's  map  of  173(1)  in  his  History  of  .linerica. 

Meanwhile,  without  knowing  it  because  of  the  fogs,  Hehring,  in  1728,  had  pushed 
through  the  straits  now  known  by  his  name  into  the  Arctic  Seas,  and  had  returned  along 
the  Asiatic  shore  in  continued  ignorance  of  his  accomplishment.  It  was  not  till  1732 
that  another  Russian  expedition  was  driven  over  to  the  Alaskan  shore  :  and  in  173.S  and 
1 741  Behring  proved  the  close  proximity  of  the  two  continents,  and  made  demonstration 
of  their  severance. 

At  tliis  time  also  the  English  were  making  renewed  efforts  from  the  side  of  Hudson's 
li.ay  to  reach  the  l^acilic  ;  and  .Arthur  Dobbs,  in  his  Countrus  adjoining  to  Hudson's  Bav 
(1744),  gives  a  variety  of  reasons  for  supposing  a  passage  in  that  direction,  showing  pos- 
sible solutions  of  the  problem  in  an  accompanying  map.' 

The  Spaniards,  who  were  before  long  to  be  spurred  on  to  other  efforts  by  the  rejjorts 
of  Russian  expeditions,  were  reviving  now,  through  the  1728  edition  of  Ilorrera,  more 
contidence  in  the  pcninsul.ir  character  of  California ;  though  .Mota  I'adilla  in  his  Aucva 
Galicia,  in  1742,  still  thought  it  an  island. 

The  French  map-maker  Hellin,  in  his  cartographical  illustrations  for  Cliarlevoi.x  in 
1743,  also  fell  into  the  new  belief;  as  did  Consag  the  Jesuit,  in  a  map  which  lie  made 
in  1746.- 

The  leading  English  geographer  Bowen  in  1747  was  advocating  the  same  view,  and 
defining  the  more  northerly  parts  as  "undiscovered."  In  1748  Henry  Ellis  published  his 
I'oyagc  to  Hudson's  Bay,  —  made  in  1 746- 1 747,  and  mentions  a  story  that  a  high  or  low 
tide  made  California  an  island  or  a  peninsula,  and  was  inclined  to  believe  in  a  practicable 
northwest  passage.-'  In  1750  Robert  de  Vaugondy,  while  preserving  the  peninsula,  made 
a  westerly  entrance  to  the  north  of  it,  which  he  marks  as  the  discovery  of  Martin  d'Aguilar. 
The  lingering  suspicion  of  the  northerly  connection  of  the  Calit'ornia  Gulf  with  the  ocean 
had  now  nearly  vanished  :  and  the  peninsula  which  had  been  an  island  under  Cortc's,  then 
for  near  a  century  connected  with  the  main,  and  then  again  for  more  than  a  century  in  many 
minds  an  island  again,  was  at  last  defined  in  its  proper  geographical  relations.'' 

The  coast  line  long  remained,  however,  shadov.'y  in  the  higher  latitudes.  Ihiriel,  in 
his  editorial  notes  to  Venegas's  Ca/iforniit,  in  1757,  confessed  that  nothing  was  known. 
The  French  geogr.iphers,  the  younger  Delisle  and  Huache.''  published  at  this  time  various 
solutions  of  the  problem  of  straits  and  interior  seas,  associated  with  the  claims  of  .Mal- 
donado,  De  Fuca,  and  De  Fonte  ;  and  others  were  found  to  adopt,  while  others  rejected, 
some  of  their  verv  fancitul  reconciling  of  conflicting  and  visionary  evidences,  in  which  the 
"  Mer  de  I'ouest  "  holds  a  conspicuous  position."     The  Knglisli  map-maker  Jefferys  at- 


1  Reproduced  in  Bancroft,  A'l'rt/mrs/  Coast, 
vol.  i.  p.  123. 

-  It  is  in  the  Kohl  Culiection,  and  is  sketched 
in  I'ancroft's  .Vort/i  JIfiwiaiti  State's,  vol.  i.  p. 
463;  A'ort/mvst  Codst,  vol.  i.  pp.  125,  126. 

•'  Bancroft  { Xoyt/nc'st  Const,  vol.  i.  pp.  126, 
129)  thinks  his  book  more  complete  than  any 
earlier  one  on  the  subject.  As  late  as  1755 
Hcrniaim  Moll,  the  ICnglish  cartographer,  kept 
the  island  in  his  map. 

^  r.:iiicr(ift  \Xortli'Vt-st  Coast,  vol.i.  pp.  1 27, 
12SI  tliinks  that  a  theory,  started  in  1751  by  Cap- 
tain Salvador,  and  reasserted  in  177.1  by  Captain 
Anza,  that  the  Ciilorado  sent  off  a  branch  wliich 
found  it.'*  way  to  the  sea  above  the  peninsula, 
was  the  Last  flicker  of  the  belief  in  the  insularity 
of  California. 

''  Helisle  was  born  in  16SS  and  died  in  1747  ; 


Buache  lived  from  170010  1773.  Other  cavlo- 
grapliical  snUuinns  of  the  same  ckilaare  fiuuul  in 
William  Doyle's  Anoiint  of  tlu-  lUilisli  Domin- 
ions twond  tiie  Atlantic  (London,  1770),  and  in 
the  Mhitoircs  siir  la  sitiialion  des  /'ays  scptcnirio- 
naux,  by  Samuel  Engel,  published  at  Lausanne 
in  1765.  I'aigcl's  maps  were  repeated  in  a  Ger- 
man translation  of  his  book  published  in  1772, 
and  in  his  Extraits  raisont's  des  I'ovagi'sfaits  a'ans 
li\<  parties  se/tcntrionalcs  de  I'Asie  et  de  I'Aiiie- 
riijue,  also  published  at  Lausanne  in  1779. 

'■'  Buache's  "Mer  de  I'oMest"  was  rc-cn- 
graved  in  J.  B.  Laborde's  Mer  dn  Slid  (I'.iris, 
1791),  as  well  as  a  map  of  Maldonado's  exjiln- 
rations.  Cf.  Samuel  ICngcl'-  l-'xtraits  raisonrs 
des  I'ovages  flits  dans  les  /'ar/ies  seftentrionala 
(Lausanne,  1765  and  1779),  and  Dobbs's  AWth- 
■oest  Passage  (,\-]'^\]. 


./' 


DISCOVERIES   ON    THE  PACIFIC   COAST. 


469 


ulers  of  tlie 
toire  (1735). 

liad  pushed 
limed  along 
not  till  1732 
in  173S  and 
jmonstiation 

of  Hudson's 
'i/i/soii's  Bay 
showing  pos- 

y  tlie  reports 
erreia,  more 
1  his  jXid-va 

Charlevoix  in 
ich  he  made 

nic  view,  and 
niblished  his 
I  high  or  low 
a  practicable 
[insula,  made 
tin  d'Aguilar. 
ilh  the  ocean 

Cortes,  then 
itury  in  many 

4 

liuriel,  in 
was  known, 
time  various 
aims  of  Mal- 
ers  rejected, 
in  which  the 
Jefferys  at- 

Otlier  cnrto- 

a  arc  found  in 

///,(//    Poniiii- 

1770),  and  in 

pays  Si'f'lciilrio- 

at  Lausanne 

ited  in  a  Gor- 

ishcd  in  1772, 

tint's  fiiits  iUiiis 

d  (!f  I'AnH- 

111  1779. 

was    re-en- 

'11  Siiii  (Taris, 

inado's  cx|)li)- 

hiji/s  ivisoitis 

st-plt'iityioitiilti 

Jobbs's  AXorth- 


the  same  epoch  (1753)  was  far  less  complex  in  his  supposition,  and  confined  himself  to  a 
single  "river  which  connects  with  Lake  Winnepeg.''  A  map  of  1760,  "  par  les  S'*  Sanson, 
rectiiide  par  S'  Robert,"  also  indicates  a  like  westerly  entrance  ;  and  Jet^erys  again  in  1762, 
while  he  grows  a  little  more  determinate  in  coast  lines,  more  explicitly  fixes  the  passage 
as  one  that  Juan  de  Fuca  h.ad  entered  in  1592.'  The  Atlas  Mm/fnu;  v/hich  was  published 
at  Paris,  also  in  1762,  in  more  tlian  one  map,  the  work  of  Janvier,  still  clung  to  the 
varieties  presented  by  Delisle  ten  years  before,  and  which  Uelisle  himself  the  next  year 
(1763)  again  brought  forward.  In  1768  Jefferj's  made  a  map-  to  illustrate  the  De  Fonte 
narrative  ;  but  after  1775  he  made  several  studies  of  the  coast,  and  among  other  services 
reproduced  the  map  which  the  Russian  Academy  had  published,  and  which  was  a  some- 
what cautious  draught  of  bits  of  the  coast  line  here  and  there,  indicating  differeui  landfalls, 
with  a  dotted  connection  between  them.^  One  of  Jefferys's  own  maps  (1775)  carries  the 
coast  north  with  indications  of  entrances,  but  without  attempting  to  connect  them  with 
any  interior  water-sheds.     '  north  from  New  Albion  we  then  find  on  his  map  the 

passage  of  D'Aguilar  in  160  a  thnt  of  De  Fuca,  "where  in  1592  he  pretends  he  went 

throu'^h  to  the  North  Sea  ;  "  .  ,(.n  tiie  "  Fousang"  coast,  visited  by  the  Spaniards  in  1774; 
then  Delisle's  landfall  in  1741  ;  Hehring's  the  same  year  ;  while  the  coast  stops  at  Mount 
St.  Elias.  In  his  1776  map  Jefferys  gives  another  scheme.  "  Alaschka  "  is  now  an  island 
athwart  the  water,  dividing  America  from  Asia,  with  Hehring's  Straits  at  its  western  end ; 
while  the  American  main  is  made  up  of  what  was  seen  by  Spangenberg  in  1728,  with  a 
general  northeasterly  trend  higher  up,  laid  down  according  to  the  Japanese  reports.  The 
.Spaniards  were  also  at  this  time  pusliing  up  among  the  islands  beyond  the  Oregon  coast.'' 
In  1774  Don  Juan  Perez  went  to  Nootka  Sound,  as  is  supposed,  and  called  it  San  Lorenzo.' 
In  1775  another  Spanish  expedition  di.^covered  the  Columbia  River.'  Janvier  in  1782 
published  a  map '  still  perpetuating  the  great  sea  of  the  west,  which  Buache  and  others  had 
delineated  thirty  ;  i^ars  before.  The  English  in  1776  transferred  their  endeavors  from 
Hudson's  Bay  lO  the  Pacific  coast,  and  Captain  James  Cook  was  despatched  to  strike  the 
coast  in  the  latitude  of  Drake's  New  Albion,  and  proceed  north  in  search  of  a  passage  east- 
ward.* Carver  the  traveller  had  already,  in  1 766-1768,  got  certain  notions  of  the  coast  from 
Indian  stories,  as  he  heard  them  in  the  interior,  and  embodied  them  nith  current  beliefs 
in  a  map  of  his  own,  which  made  a  part  of  his  Travels  t/irongh  the  iiitciior  parts  of  I\'orth 
America,  published  in  1778.  In  this  he  fixed  the  name  of  Oregon  for  the  supposed  great 
river  of  the  west,  which  remained  in  the  end  attached  to  the  region  which  it  was  believed 


'  Jefferys  also  published  at  this  time  (2d 
ed.  in  1764)  Voyages  from  Asia  to  America, 
for  comfleliiif^  the  liiscm'eries  of  tiie  A'orl/twest 
Coast,  witli  summary  of  voya!:;cs  of  tite  Russians 
in  the  Frozen  sea,  tr.  from  the  his^h  Dutch  of  S. 
Muller  [should  be  G.  F.  Mullei],  'lOith  3  maps: 
(i)  Part  of  Japanese  map  [this  is  sketched  in 
liancroft,  Xorthwest  Coast,  i.  p.  130].  (2)  Delisle 
and  Buache  s  fictitious  map.  (3)  Ae-,u  Discoveries 
of  Russians  ami  French. 

.Mullcr's  book  was  also  jjublishcd  in  French 
at  .Amsterdam  in  1766.  C!f.  also  William  C'oxe's 
Account  of  the  Russian  (li'coreries  behoeen  Asia 
ami  America  (2d  ed.  rev.),  London,  17S0,  and 
later  editions  in  17S7  and  1S03  ;  also,  see  Robert- 
son's America,  note  43. 

-  Sketched  in  liancroft,  A'orthwest  Coa.'t, 
vol.  i.  p.  131. 

^  liancroft  {Xorth:c<cst  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  1 24) 
gives  a  Russian  map  of  1741,  which  he  savs 
he  copied  from  the  ori^^inal  in  the  Russian 
archives. 


*  There  is  in  the  department  of  State  at  Wash- 
ington a  volume  of  copies  from  manuscripts 
in  the  hydrographic  office  at  Madrid,  attested 
by  Navarrete,  and  prob.ablv  procured  by  Grccn- 
how  at  the  time  of  the  Oregon  (]u;stion.  It  is 
called  J'iages  lie  los  F-'paTioles  a  la  costii  no>~'esle 
lie  la  America  enlos  alios  de  1774-1775-1779,  'T^*^'*^ 
y  1790.  y[s  attention  was  drawn  to  them  by 
Theodore  F.  Dwight,  Ks(|.,  of  lliat  deiiailmcnt. 
^  The  details  of  this  and  subsequent  explo- 
rations are  given  with  references  in  liancroft's 
A'orth-.oest  Coast,  vol.  i.  p.  1 51  et  .vi/.  Such 
voyages  will  be  oiilv  briefly  indicated  in  the  rest 
of  the  |iresent  paper. 

"  Malaspina  with  a  Spanish  Commission  in 
1791,  and  later  Galiaiio  aiu!  Valdes,  explored 
the  coast,  and  their  results  were  published  in 
1S02.     Cf.  Navarrete,  .Sutil y  .\fexicaiia. 

'  It  is  sketched  by  W.mccoh,  Xorlh-ocsf  Coast, 
vol.  i.  p.  135. 

'  Bancroft  {.\'ortha<e.!t  Coast,  v>l.  i.  p.  169) 
rcjiroduces  a  pavi  of  his  map. 


/ 


'if 


'•1 


\\ 


't^l«»!^ 


470 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OP^   AMERICA. 


to  water.*  In  1786  the  Frenchman  La  P^rouse  was  on  the  coast.-  In  1789  the  English  and 
Spanish  meeting  on  tiie  coast,  the  Englisli  commander  was  seized.  This  action  led  to  a 
diplomatic  fence,  tlie  result  of  whicii  was  the  surrender  of  Nootka  to  the  English. 

Meanwhile  a  Boston  ship,  the  "  Columijia,'  commanded  by  Captain  Kendrick,  in  com- 
pany with  the  '■  Washington  "  (Captain  Ciray),  was  on  a  voyage,  which  was  the  first  Amer- 
ican attempt  to  sail  around  the  globe."  They  entered  and  named  the  Columbia  River  ;  and 
meeting  Vancouver,  the  intelligence  was  communicated  to  him.  When  the  English  com- 
mander occupied  Nootka,  the  last  vestige  of  uncertainty  regarding  the  salient  features  of 
the  coast  may  be  said  to  have  disappeared  under  his  surveys.  Before  they  were  published, 
Ccorge  Foster  issued  in  1791  his  map  of  the  northwest  coast,  in  which  the  Straits  of  Juan 
de  Fuca  were  placed  below  3',  by  which  Captain  Gray  is  supposed  to  have  entered,  on 
his  way  to  an  open  sea,  coming  out  again  in  55^,  through  what  we  now  know  as  the  Dixon 
entrance,  to  the  north  of  Oueen  Charlotte's  Island;  the  American  navigator  having 
threaded,  as  was  supposed,  a  great  northern  archipelago.  Vancouver's  own  map  finally 
cleared  the  remaining  confusion,  and  the  migratory  Straits  ot  Juan  de  Fuca  were  at  last 
lixed  as  the  channel  south  of  V^ancouver's  Island  which  led  to  I'uget  Sound.* 


NOTES. 


Mercator's  Projection.  —  It  was  no  new 
thing  to  convert  the  spherical  representation 
of   the   earth   into  a  plane   on   the  cylindrical 


N 


M 

s 

I     AC    C 
l\ 

r 

4/ 

K     - 

/  V 

/ 

I 

1. 

/ '  V 

1/  } 

4 

[ 

BF 


HO 


principle,  for  it  had  been  done  in  the  fourteenth 
century ;  hut  no  one  had  devised  any  method  by 
which  it  could  be  used  for  a  sea-chart,  since  the 
parallelizing  of  the  meridians  altered  the  direc- 
tion of  point  from  point.  Mercator  seems  to 
have  reasoned  out  a  plan  in  this  wise  :  A  13 
and  C  T>  are  two  meridians  drawing  together 
as  thcv  approach  tlie  pole.      If  they  arc  made 


parallel,  as  in  E  F  and  Gil,  the  point  2  Is 
moved  to  3,  which  is  in  a  different  direction 
from  I,  in  the  parallel  of  latitude,  I  J.  If  the 
line  ot"  direction  from  l  to  2  is  prolonged  till 
it  strikes   the   perpendicular   meridian  (i  H  at 

4,  the  original  direction  is  preserved,  and  the 
parallel  K  L  can  then  be  moved  to  become 
M  N ;  thus  prolonging  tlie  distance  from  i  to 

5,  and  from  6  to  4,  to  counteract  the  effect  on 
direction  by  perpendicularizing  the  meridians. 
To  do  this  accurately  involved  a  law  which 
could  be  applicable  to  all  parallels  and  meri- 
dians ;  and  that  law  Mercator  seems  only  to 
have  reached  api)ro.\imately.  Hut  the  idea 
once  conveyed,  it  was  seized  by  Edward  Wright 
in  England  in  1590,  who  evolved  the  law,  and 
published  it  with  a  map,  the  first  engraved  on 
the  new  system,  in  his  Ccitiuii  Errors  of  Xavi- 
giitioii,  London,  1599.  Mead,  in  his  Comlriulion 
of  Map  (1717),  examined  all  previous  systems 
of  projcctiors;  but  contended  that  Vareniiis 
in  latin,  and  his  follower  Newton  in  English, 
had  not  done  the  subject  justice.  There  have 
been    some    national    controversies    over    the 


1  nancroft  {Ntnthivest  Const,  vol.  i.  p.  133)  reproduces  his  map. 

2  liancroft  (Iljid.,  i.  i;Ci)  reproduces  a  part  of  his  map. 

3  Cf.  Mcmoriii!  History  of  Boston,  vol.  iv.  p.  20S  ;  Historical  Afa^'aziiie.  vol.  xviii.  p.  155;  H.  '  '  ■>" 
Mairaziiie.  December,  1SS3;  Bulfinch,  Orogoii  and  El  Dorado,  \,.  3.  The  report  on  the  claims  of  the  htus 
of  kendrick  and  Cray,  for  allowance  for  the  rights  established  by  them  for  the  U.  .'^.  Government,  is  .uiuted 
in  the  Historii-al  .'ifagaiine,  September,  1S70.  .\  medal  struck  on  occasion  of  this  voyaqe  is  engraved  m^  liul- 
I'mch.  Cf.  also  American  Journal  of  .VainismatiLS,  vi.  33,  63;  vii.  7;  Coin-Colldiors  Journal,  vi.  46; 
Magazine  of  American  History,  v.  140.  The  fullest  account  yet  given  of  this  expedition  is  in  Bancroft's 
Nortlnoest  Coast,  i.  1S5  et  so/.     He  had  the  help  of  a  journal  kept  on  one  of  the  ships. 

■t  Raiicroffs  Xorthwest  Coast,  vol.  i.,  must  be  consulted  for  these  later  and  for  subsequent  exploring  an« 
trading  voyages. 


DISCOVERIES   ON    THE    PACIFIC   COAST. 


471 


t  exploring  an* 


claims  of  the  German  Mcrcator  ami  tl\e  Kng- 
liili  Wriglitj  l)iit  D'Avczac,  ill  his  "Coup  d'dCil 
histori(jue  siir  la  projection  lies  carles  ile  giJo- 
graphie,''  printed  in  llie  llulUtiii  </<■  la  HoculJ  lii 
(.ico;^raphic,  1S63  (also  sei)arately),  defeiuls  Mer- 
cator's  claims  to  be  considered  the  originator 
of  the  projection;  and  he  (pp.  283-2S5)  gives  ref- 
erences to  writers  on  the  subject,  who  are  also 
noted  in  Van  Kaemdonck's  Mcrcator,  \i.  12c. 

The  claim  which  Van  Raemdonck  hav  made 
in  his  Gerard  Mcrcator,  sa  vie  et  ses  aiiTrcs,  — 
that  the  great  geographer  was  a  Fleming,  —  was 
controverted  by  Dr.  Bieusing  in  his  Gerhard 
Kremcr,  gen.  Mcrcator,  der  Deutsche  Geo- 
grapli,  18C9,  and  in  an  article  (supposed  to  be 
his)  in  the  Mittheiliiii»eit  aits  Justus  Perthes' 
Gcoi^raphischer  Anslalt,  1S69,  vol.  .\i,  p.  438, 
where  the  German  birth  of  Mercator  is  con- 
tended for.  To  this  Van  Uacmdonck  replied  in 
his  Gerard  de  Creiner,  on  Mcrcator,  Geogra/'he 
Flamand,  published  at  St.  Nicholas  in  1S70. 
The  controversy  rose  from  the  project,  in  1869, 
to  erect  a  monument  to  Mercator  at  Duisburg. 
Cf.  also  Bertrand  in  the  Journal  des  Sa-^'antst 
February,  1S70. 

Grtklius.  —  Ortelius  was  born  in  1527,  and 
died  in  I59<S,  aged  seventy-one  years.  lie  was 
a  rich  man,  and  had  visited  England  in  his 
researches.  Stevens  says  in  his  Biblwtheca  his- 
torica  p.  133  :  "  A  thorough  study  of  Ortelius 
is  of  the  last  importance.  ...  lie  was  a  bibli- 
ographer, a  cartographer,  and  an  anticjuary,  as 
well  as  a  good  mathematician  and  geographer; 
and  what  is  of  infinite  importance  to  i.s  now, 
he  gave  his  authorities."  Cf.  also  "  La  Gene- 
alogie  du  Geographe  Abraham  Ortelius,"  by 
Gen  arc!  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  Giographiqne 
d'Anvers,  v.  315  ;  and  Felix  Van  Ilulst's  Life  of 
Ortelius,  second  edition,  Liege,  1846,  with  a  por- 
trait, which  can  also  be  found  in  the  15S0,  1584, 
and  perhaps  other  editions  of  his  own  Theatrum, 
There  is  also  a  brief  notice,  by  M.  de  Macedo,  of 
his  geographical  works  in  Annales  des  Voyages, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  1S4-192.  Thomassy  {Les  Papes  gco- 
f;ra/>hes,  p.  65)  has  pointed  out  how  Ortelius  fell 
into  some  errors,  from  ignorance  of  Ruscelli's 
maps,  in  the  1561  edition  of  Ptolemy.  The  en- 
graver of  his  early  editions  was  Francis  Ilagen. 
berg,  and  of  his  later  ones,  Ferdinand  Orsenius 
and  Ambroise  Orsenius.  He  prcfi.xed  to  his 
book  a  list  of  the  authorities,  from  whose  labors 
he  had  constructed  his  own  mai)s.  It  is  a  most 
useful  list  for  the  students  of  the  map-making 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  has  not  a  single 
Spanish  title,  which  indicates  V-^w  closely  the 
Council  for  the  Indies  had  kept  their  archives 
from  the  unofficial  cartographers.  The  titles 
given  are  wholly  of  the  sixteenth  century,  not 
many  anterior  to  1528,  and  mostly  of  the  latter 
half  of    the   century,  indeed     after    1560;  and 


they  are  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all 
The  list  includes  some  maps  which  Ortelius  had 
not  seen  ;  and  some,  to  which  in  his  text  he 
refers,  are  not  inchuled  in  the  list.  There  are 
some  maps  among  them  of  which  modern  in- 
([uiry  has  found  no  trace.  Stevens,  in  unea'th- 
ing  Walter  Lud,  turned  to  the  list  and  found 
hnn  there  as  Gualterus  Ludovicus.  (See  ante, 
p.  162). 

Ortelius  supplied  some  titles  which  he  had 
omitted,  —  including  some  earlier  than  T52S, — 
as  well  as  added  others  produced  in  the  interval, 
when,  in  1592,  he  republished  the  list  in  its 
revised  state.  I.elewel  has  arranged  the  names 
in  a  classified  way  in  his  Geographic  du  moycn 
dgc,  vol.  ii.  pp.  185,  210,  and  on  p.  21;  has  given 
us  an  account  of  the  work  of  ( )rtelius.  Cf.  also 
Lelewcl,  vol.  v.  p.  214;  Sabin,  vol.  xiv.  p.  61. 

The  original  edition  of  the  Theatrum  was 
issued  at  .Antwerp,  in  Latin,  and  had  fifty-three 
maps ;  it  was  again  published  the  same  year 
with  some  changes.  There  arc  copies  in  Mr. 
Hrevoort's,  Jules  Marcou's  collections,  and  in  the 
Carter-Brown,  Harvard  College,  and  .\stor  Ii 
braries.  Stevens,  in  his  illustrated  Pihliothcca 
gcografhica,  no.  2,077,  gives  a  fac-simile  of  the 
title.  Cf.  also  Iluth  Catahguc,  vol.  iii.  p.  1068; 
Carter-Bro7vn  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no.  278;  and 
Muller,  Books  on  America  (1877),  no.  2,380. 

The  third  Latin  edition  ajipeared  the  next 
year  (1571)  at  .Vntwerj),  with  the  same  maps,  as 
did  the  first  edition  with  Dutch  text,  likewise 
with  the  same  maps.  Stevens,  Bihliotheca  Itis- 
torica,  no.  1,473,  thinks  the  Dutch  is  the  original 
text. 

To  these  several  editions  a  supplement  or 
additamentum,  with  eighteen  new  maps  (none, 
however,  relating  to  America),  was  added  in 
1573.  Sabin's  Dictionary ;  Brockhaus,  Ameri- 
cana ('861),  no.  28.  Muller,  Boohs  on  America 
(1S77),  no.  2.38i' 

The  same  year  (1573,  though  the  colophon 
reads"  Antorff,  1572"  )  the  first  German  edition 
appeared,  but  in  Roman  type,  and  with  a  some- 
what rough  linguistic  llavor.  It  had  sixty-n'.ic 
maps,  and  included  the  map  of  .Vmerica. 
Koehler,  of  Leipsic,  priced  a  copy  in  18S3  at 
100  marks.  The  Latin  (.Antwerp)  edition  of 
this  vear  (1573),  "nova  editio  aliquot  iconibus 
aucta,"  seems  also  to  liavc  the  same  peculiarity 
of  an  earlier  year  (1572)  in  the  colophon,  //ulh 
Catalogue,  vol.  iii.  p.  106S).  Copies  of  all  these 
editions  seem  to  vary  in  the  number  of  the 
maps.  (Library  of  Congress  Catalogue  ;  Carter- 
Broken  Catalogue,  and  the  catalogues  of  (^uaritch, 
Weigel,  and  others.)  In  1574  some  of  the 
Antwerp  issues  have  a  French  text,  with  maps 
corresponding  to  the  German  edition. 

There  are  copies  of  the  1575  edition  in  the 
libraries  of  Congress,  Harvard  College,  and  the 
Boston  Athenaeum  ;  and  the  four  maps  of  interest 


!l 


^-^r  if*«~""4s     r 


472 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m 


I  \ 


ir 


in  American  cartography  may  be  described  from 
ilie  Harvard  College  copy.  They  arc  reproduc- 
tions of  the  maps  of  the  1570  edition. 

11.  Mappemonde.  North  America  has  a  per- 
fected outline  much  as  in  the  Mercator  map, 
with  "  Anian  regnum  "  at  the  northwest.  North 
America  is  marked,  .as  by  VVytHiet,  "  Ainerica 
sive  India  nova;"  but  tlie  geography  of  the 
Arctic  and  northeastern  parts  is  ([uitc  different 
from  Wytfiiet.  Groclant  and  Groenland  have 
another  relative  position,  and  lake  a  general 
trend  east  and  west  ;  while  in  Wytfiiet  it  is 
north  .and  south.  Nt  rthcrn  Labr.ador  is  called 
Estotilant ;  while  Frisl.md  and  Drogco,  islands 
to  the  south  and  east  of  it,  are  other  reminders 
of  the  Zeni  chart.  This  same  map  was  reissued 
in  the  1584  edition;  .and  again,  new  cut,  with 
a  few  changes,  and  dated  F5S7,  it  reappeared 
in  the  1597  edition. 

t.  The  two  Americas.  Anian  and  Quivira 
are  on  the  northwest  coast  of  North  America. 
Tolm  and  Tototeac  are  northeast  of  the  Gulf 
of  California,  and  mark  the  region  where  the 
.St.  Lawrence  rises,  flowing,  without  lakes,  to 
the  gulf,  with  Terra  Corterealis  on  the  north 
and  Xonmibega  on  the  south.  Estotilant  is 
apparently  north  of  Hudson's  Straits,  and  off 
its  point  is  Icaria  (another  Zeni  locality),  with 
Frislant  south  of  it.  Newfoundland  is  cut  into 
two  large  islands,  with  ISaccalaos,  a  small  island 
off  its  eastern  coast.  South  America  has  the 
false  projection  (from  Mercator)  on  its  south- 
western coast  in  ])lace  of  Ruscelli's  uncertain 
limits  at  that  point.  This  projecting  coast 
continued  for  some  time  to  disfigure  the  outline 
of  that  continent  in  the  maps.  This  map  also 
reappeared  in  the  1584  edition. 

c.  Scandia,  or  the  Scandinavian  regions,  a.  d 
the  North  Atlantic  show  Greenland,  Groclant, 
Island,  Frisland,  Drogeo,  and  Estotilant  on  a 
large  scale,  but  in  much  'he  same  relation  to 
one  another  as  in  the  map  i;.  East  of  Green- 
land, and  separated  from  it  by  a  strait,  is  a 
circumpolar  land  which  has  these  words : 
"  I'vgmei  hie  habitant."  The  general  disposi- 
tion of  the  i)arts  of  this  map  resembles  Merca- 
tor's,  and  it  was  several  times  repeated,  as 
in  the  editions  of  Ortclius  of  1584  and  1592; 
and  it  was  re-engraved  in  Miinster's  Cosi>n>- 
draphia  of  1595,  and  in  the  Cologne-Arnheiui 
Ptolemy  of  1597. 

</.  India;  orientalis.  It  shows  Japan,  an 
island  midway  in  a  sea  separating  Mangi  (Asia) 
(m  the  west  from  "  America;  sive  Indie  occi- 
dentalis  pars  "  on  the  east.  This  map  also 
reappeared  in  the  15S4  edition,  and  may  be 
compared  with  those  of  the  Wytfiiet  series. 

In  1577  an  epitome  of  Ortclius  by  Heyn, 
with  a  Dutch  text  and  seventy-two  maps, 
appeared  at  Antwerp. 


In  15S0  the  German  text,  entirely  rewritten, 
appeared  at  Antorff,  with  a  portrait  of  Ortclius 
and  twenty-four  new  maps  (constituting  the 
third  supplement),  with  a  new  general  map  of 
.Vnierica.  Among  the  new  maps  was  one  of 
New  Spain,  dated  1579,  containing,  it  is  reck- 
oned, about  a  thousand  names;  another  showing 
Florida,  Northern  Mexico,  and  the  West  India 
Islands ;  and  a  third  on  on*;  sheet  .showing 
I'eru,  Florida,  and  Guastecan  Regio. 

The  Latin  edition  of  15S4,  with  a  further 
increase  of  maps,  is  in  Harvard  College  Library. 
In  15S7  there  was  a  French  text  issued,  the 
mappemonde  of  which  is  reproduced  ir.  Vivien 
de  St.  Martin's  Ifisloire  de  la  gcogmf<liu. 
This  text  in  the  15SS  edition  is  called  "revue, 
corrigt'  et  augmentee  pour  la  troisieine  fois.'^ 
This  French  text  is  wholly  independent  of,  and 
not  a  translation  of,  the  Latin  and  German. 
The  maps  are  at  this  time  usually  ninety-four  in 
number.  In  1589  there  was  Marchetti's  edition 
at  Hrescia  and  a  Latin  one  at  Ant.verp.  In 
1 591  there  was  a  fresh  supplement  of  twenty-one 
maps.  In  1592  the  Antwerp  edition  was  the 
last  one  superintended  by  Ortelius  himself. 
The  map  of  the  New  World  was  re-engraved, 
and  the  maps  number  in  full  copies  two  hundred 
and  one,  usu.ally  colored ;  there  is  a  copy  in 
Harvard  College  Library.  In  1593  there  was- 
an  Italian  text,  and  other  Latin  editio.  3  ia 
1595  and  1596,  a  copy  of  the  last  being  in 
Harvard  College  Library.  This  completes  the 
story  of  the  popularity  of  Ortelius  down  to 
the  publication  of  Wytfiiet,  when  American 
cartography  obtained  its  special  exponent. 

A  few  later  editions  may  mark  the  continued 
popularity  of  the  work  of  Ortelius,  and  of  those 
who  followed  upon  his  path:  — 

//  thcatio  del  mondo,  Brescia  (1598),  one  hun- 
dred maps,  of  which  three  are  American. 

A  French  text  at  Antwerp  (159S),  with  one 
hundred  and  nineteen  majis,  including  the  same 
American  inaps  as  in  the  1587  edition,  except 
that  of  the  world  and  of  America  at  large. 

I'eeter  Heyn's  Mhoir  dii  moiule,  Ar.isterdani 
(i59S),with  eighty  woodcut  maps,  —  an  epitome 
of  Ortelius. 

Aftc  Ortelius's  death,  the  first  Latin  edition 
in  1601,  at  Antwerp  (in  maps),  had  his  final 
corrections;  other  issues  followed  in  1603,  1C09 
(115  maps),  1612,  1O24,  with  an  epitome  by  Crig- 
nct  in  1602  (123  ma])s) ;  and  an  epitome  in 
English  in  1610.  An  Italian  text  by  Pigafctta 
appeared  in  \(n?.  and  1697. 

Lelewel  (Gcos^raphie  dii  moyen  (fyf,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
iSi,  1S5,  and  Epilogue,  p.  214)  has  somewhat 
carefully  examined  the  intricate  subject  of  the 
make-up  of  editions  of  Ortelius;  but  the  trutli 
]irob.abIy  is,  that  there  was  much  independent 
grouping  of  particular  copies  which  obscures 
•he  bibliography. 


-,->..r  -■-'    ■■•■ 


i-\ 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EARLY   EXPLORATIONS   OF  NEW   MEXICO. 

BY   HENRY  W.   HAYNES. 
Archaolog.al  Institute  of  America. 

\  T  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest  of  Mexico  there  were  living,  some 
-^^^-  fifteen  hundred  miles  to  the  north  of  the  city  so  named,  in  the  upper 
valley  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  upon  some  of  the  eastern  affluents  of  the 
Colorado  of  the  West,  certain  native  tribes,  who  had  attained  to  a  degree 
of  culture  superior  to  that  of  any  people  in  North  America,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  semi-civilized  Aztec  and  Maya  races.  These  were  the  Seden- 
tary or  Pueblo  Indians,  —  village  communities  dwelling  together  in  large 
buildings  constructed  of  stone  or  adobe,  —  whose  home  lay  principally 
within  the  present  limits  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  although  extending 
somewhat  into  southwestern  Colorado  and  southeastern  Utah.  The  first 
rumors  of  the  existence  of  this  people  which  had  reached  the  ears  of  the 
Spaniards  grew  out  of  a  tale  told  to  Nuflo  de  Guzman  in  1530,  when 
he  was  at  the  head  of  the  Royal  Audience  then  governing  Now  Spain.' 
He  had  an  Indian  slave,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Tejos,  who  represented 
himself  to  be  a  son  of  a  trader  in  feathers,  such  as  were  used  by  the  natives 
for  head-dresses.  Tejos  said  that  it  was  his  father's  habit  to  travel  about, 
exchanging  his  wares  for  silver  and  gold,  which  were  abundant  in  certain 
regions.  Once  or  twice  he  had  accompanied  his  father  on  these  journeys, 
and  then  he  had  seen  cities  large  enough  to  be  compared  with  McxiCo. 
They  were  seven  in  number,  and  entire  streets  in  them  were  occupied  by 
jewellers.  To  reach  them  it  was  necessary  to  travel  northward  forty  days' 
journey  through  a  desert  region  lying  between  the  two  seas. 

Guzman  placed  confidence  in  this  narrative ;  and  collecting  a  force  ot 
four  hundred  Spaniards  and  twenty  thousand  Indians,  he  set  out  from 
Mexico  in  search  of  this  country.  It  was  believed  to  be  only  about  six 
hundred  miles  distant,  and  alread)'  the  name  of  T/ic  Land  of  the  Srccn 
Cities  had  been  given  to  it.  There  were  also  other  strange  stories  current, 
that  had  been  told  to  Cortes  a  few  years  before,  about  a  region  called  Cigu- 
atan,  lying  somewhere  in  the  north,  near  to  wliich  was  an  island  inhabited 

'  /Hi-liilion  lie  C(.istavi-'''\  \\\  'rcrnaux-Comp.iiis,  ^'iy'i/i,VJ,  etc.,  i.x.  i. 
VOL.    II. — 60. 


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4/4 


NARKATIVK   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OK   A.MKRICA. 


solely  by  Amazons.  In  this,  also,  there  was  said  to  be  ^old  in  abundance; 
and  it  was  quite  as  much  the  hope  of  rtndiny  the  Island  of  the  Amazons, 
with  its  ^'old,  that  inspired  Guzman's  expedition,  as  of  jjaininy  access  to  the 
treasures  of  The  Seven  Cities.  Hut  on  his  march  confirmatory  reports 
about  these  cities  kept  reaching  him ;  and  eventually  the  expedition  suc- 
ceeded in  penetrating  to  Ciguatan,  and  even  as  far  within  the  province  of 
Culiacan,  the  extreme  limit  of  Spanish  discovery,  as  to  Colombo.  Never- 
tlieless,  they  did  not  find  the  Island  of  the  Amazons,  and  The  Seven  Cities 
kept  receding  farther  toward  the  north.'  Meanwhile  one  of  his  captains 
made  a  reconnoissance  some  seventy  leagues  in  an  easterly  direction  with- 
out any  satisfactory  result.  At  last,  the  difficulties  of  an  advance  through 
a  wikl  country  and  amid  pathless  mountains  brought  the  expedition  to  a 
halt,  which  soon  dampened  the  ardor  of  the  soldiers,  who  grew  clamorous 
to  return  to  Mexico.  But  in  the  mean  time  news  had  reached  Guzman 
that  Cortes  was  once  more  there,  clothed  with  new  titles  and  authority,  and 
he  did  not  dare  to  brave  the  anger  which  his  hostile  proceedings  during 
Cortes'  absence  were  sure  to  have  provoked.  Accordingly  he  retraced  his 
steps  no  farther  than  to  Compostella  and  Guadalaxara,  where  he  remained, 
and  established  the  colonies  from  which  was  formed  the  province  known 
afterwards  as  New  Gallicia.^  Not  long  after,  he  was  deposed  from  his 
authority  as  governor  of  this  province  by  direct  commands  from  Spain ; 
and  Antonio  de  Mcndoza,  who  had  now  been  crcat  '1  Viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  appointed  Francisco  Vasquez  de  Coronado  to  tlu   vacant  post. 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  Tejos  had  died,  and  the  mysterious  Seven  Cities 
would  have  remained  only  a  name,  if  the  interest  in  them  had  not  been 
revi\'ed  by  a  remarkable  occurrence.  This  was  the  arrival  in  the  province 
of  Culiacan,  in  1536,  of  Antonio  Nufiez  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  with  three  com- 
panions. They  were  the  sole  survivors  of  the  numerous  company  who 
had  followed  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  in  1527,  to  the  shores  of  Florida. 
During  nine  years  of  almost  incredible  perils  and  hardships,  after  trav- 
ersing in  their  wanderings  all  the  great  unknown  region  lying  north  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  they  had  at  last  reached  the  shores  of  the  southern 
sea.  They  brought  back  accounts  of  having  fallen  in  with  civilized  peoples, 
dwelling  in  permanent  habitations,  where  were  "  populous  towns  with  very 
large  houses."^  The  story  of  their  strange  adventures  is  told  elsewhere  in 
more  di^itail,'*  so  that  here  it  suffices  to  put  or.  record  simply  that  they  were 
the  first  Europeans  to  tread  the  soil  of  New  Mexico.  As  soon  as  they 
reached  Mexico,  the  intelligence  of  their  discoveries  was  communicated  to 
the  Viceroy  Mendoza,  by  whom  it  was  at  once  transmitted  to  Coronado, 
the  new  governor  of  New  Gallicia.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  good  family, 
from  Salamanca,  but  long  established  in  Mexico,  where  he  had  married  a 

1  St-ginufa  rclacioit  tic  Xiitw  dc  Guzman,  in  -  [See  rt/z/c,  p.  391.  —  Ed.] 

Icazb.-ilcet.i,  C<)//.  </<■ /Jcrj.,  ii.  303;    Quaria  rda-  •'  Kclacion  dc   Cahefu  de  Vaca,  translated  by 

cioii,   in    Il)icl.,  p.  475;    Ganla   dc  Lopez'  Kcla-  Ihickingham  Smith  (chap.  xxxi.  p.  167). 
cioii,  in  Pacheco's  Coll.  Doc.  Incd.,  torn.  xiv.  pp.  ■*   [See  ante,  p.  243  in  Dr.  J.  G.  Sliea's  ciiaptei 

455-460.  on  "Ancient  Florida." — K.D.] 


-'^ 


EARLY    EXl'LOKATIUNS   OF    NEW    MEXICO. 


475 


daughter  of  Alonzo  d'lCstrada,  former  governor  of  that  place,  wlio  was 
generally  believed  to  be  a  natural  son  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic.  Coronado 
at  this  time  w  as  occupied  in  travelling  through  New  Spain  ;  but  he  repaired 
immediately  to  his  province  to  iiu'cstigate  the  rejjorts,  taking  with  him  one 
of  Cabeza  dc  Vaca's  companions,  a  negro  named  Stephen,  and  also  three 
Franciscan  monks,  missionaries  to  the  natives.  After  a  brief  interval  a 
proposition  was  made  to  one  of  these  monks,  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza  (of 
Xice),  to  undertake  a  preliminary  exploration  of  the  country.  He  was 
selected  for  this  task  on  account  of  his  character  and  attainments,  and  be- 
cause of  the  experience  he  had  acquired  in  Peru,  under  Alvarado.  IClabo- 
rate  instructions  were  sent  to  him  by  the  Viceroy,  which  seem  inspired  by  a 
spirit  of  humaiiity  as  well  as  intelligence.'  He  was  told  that  the  expedition 
was  to  be  undertaken  for  the  spread  of  the  holy  Catholic  faith,  and  that  he 
must  exhort  the  Spaniards  to  treat  the  natives  with  kindness,  and  threaten 
them  with  the  Viceroy's  displeasure  if  this  command  should  be  disobeyed. 
The  natives  were  to  be  informed  of  the  Fmperor's  indignation  at  the  cruel- 
ties that  had  been  inflicted  upon  them,  and  to  be  assured  that  they  should 
no  longer  be  enslaved  or  removed  from  their  homes.  He  was  ordered  to 
take  the  negro  Stephen  as  his  guide,  and  cautioned  against  giving  any 
ground  of  offence  to  the  natives.  He  was  to  take  special  note  of  their 
numbers  and  manner  of  life  and  whether  they  were  at  peace  or  war  among 
themselves.  He  was  also  to  observe  particularly  the  nature  of  the  country, 
the  fertility  of  the  soil,  and  the  cnaractcr  of  its  products ;  to  learn  what  wild 
animals  were  to  be  found  there,  and  whether  there  were  any  rivers,  great  or 
small.  He  was  to  search  for  precious  stones  and  metals,  and  if  possible  to 
bring  back  specimens  of  them ;  and  to  make  inquiry  whether  the  natives 
had  any  knowledge  of  a  neighboring  sea.  If  he  should  succeed  in  reach- 
ing the  southern  sea,  he  was  to  leave  an  account  of  his  discoveries  buried  at 
the  foot  of  some  conspicuous  tree  marked  with  a  cross,  and  to  do  the  same 
thing  at  the  mouths  of  all  rivers,  so  that  any  future  maritime  expedition 
might  be  instructed  to  be  on  the  lookout  for  such  a  sign.  Especially  was 
he  ordered  to  send  back  constant  reports  as  to  the  route  he  had  taken,  and 
how  he  was  received;  and  if  he  sho.dd  discover  any  great  city,  he  was  to 
return  immediately  to  give  private  information  about  it.  F'inally,  he  nas 
told  to  take  possession  of  the  new  cou'itry  in  the  name  of  the  ICmperor,  and 
to  make  the  natives  understand  that  thoy  must  submit  themselves  to  him. 

In  accordance  with  these  instructions,  Fray  Marcos  set  out  from  S.  Miguel 
dc  Culiacan  on  the  7th  of  March,  1 539,  with  Fray  Honoratus  for  a  companion, 
and  the  negro  Stephen  for  a  guide.  The  monks  were  not  greatly  pleased 
with  this  man,  on  account  of  his  avaricious  and  sensual  nature;  but  they 
hoped  to  reap  some  benefit  from  his  abilit)'  to  communicate  with  the  natives, 
several  of  whom,  who  had  been  brought  away  frjm  their  homes  by  Cabeza 
de  Vaca,  but  who  had  been  redeemed  and  set  free  by  the  Viceroy,  also 
accompanied   the  party.     There  was,  besides,  a  much  larger  company  of 

'  Tcni  uix-Compaiis,  i.\.  249. 


li 


I  ff"'  -^-A        f 


■Ml 


.Ml. 


m 


476 


NAKRAllVE   AND   CRITICAL   IlISTOKY   OF   AMERICA. 


natives  from  the  neighboring  regions,  wiio  were  induced  to  join  the  expe- 
dition on  account  of  the  favorable  representations  made  to  them  by  those 
whom  the  Viceroy  had  freed. 

I'" ray  Marcos,  upon  liis  return,  made  a  formal  report  of  all  his  doings ;  '  and 
to  this  we  must  look  for  the  first  definite  information  in  regard  to  the  early 
exploration  and  history  of  the  region  with  which  we  are  now  concerned, 
since  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  narrative  is  too  confused  to  furnish  any  sure  indi- 
cations of  locality,  and  he  has  even  been  charged  by  Castarteda  with 
"  representing  things  very  differently  from  what  he  had  found  them  in 
reality.'"-'  The  monk  relates  how  they  reached  I'ctatlan,  after  having  met 
with  great  kindness  from  the  natives  on  their  way;  and  while  resting  there 
for  three  days  Fray  Honoratus  fell  ill,  and  was  obliged  to  be  left  behind. 
He  himself  continued  his  journey  for  some  thirty  leagues,  still  finding  the 
natives  most  friendly,  and  even  willing  to  share  with  him  their  supply  of 
food,  although  it  was  but  scanty,  owing  to  no  rain  having  fallen  for  three 
years.  On  his  way  he  was  met  by  some  inhabitants  of  the  island,  which 
had  previously  been  visited  by  Cortes,  by  whom  he  was  assured  that  it  was 
indeed  an  island,  and  not  a  continent  as  some  had  supposed.  Still  other 
people  came  to  visit  him  from  a  larger  island,  but  more  distant,  who  informed 
him  that  there  were  still  thirty  islands  more,  but  that  they  were  only  poorly 
supplied  with  food.'^  These  Indians  wore  shells  suspended  from  their  necks, 
hkc  those  in  which  pearls  are  found ;  and  when  a  pearl  was  shown  to  them, 
they  said  they  had  an  abundance  of  them,  although  the  friar  admits  that 
he  himself  did  not  see  any.  After  this  his  route  lay  for  four  days  through 
a  desert,  during  which  he  was  accompanied  by  the  Indians  fron  the 
islands  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  villages  through  which  he  had  passed. 
Finally  he  came  to  a  people  who  were  astonished  to  see  him,  as  they  had 
no  intercourse  with  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  desert,  and  had  no 
knowledge  whatsoever  of  Europeans,  Nevertheless,  they  received  him  kindly, 
and  supplied  him  with  food,  and  endeavored  to  touch  his  garments,  calling 
him  "  a  man  sent  from  heaven."  In  return,  he  endeavored,  as  best  he 
might  by  means  of  interpreters,  to  teach  them  about  "  God  in  heaven,  and 
his  Majesty  upon  earth."  Upon  being  asked  if  they  knew  of  any  country 
more  populous  and  civilized  than  their  own,  they  replied  that  four  or  five 
days'  journey  into  the  interior,  in  a  great  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
there  were  many  large  cities,  inhabited  by  a  people  who  wore  garments 
made  of  cotton.  When  specimens  of  difierent  metals  were  shown  to  them, 
they  selected  the  gold,  and  said  that  this  people  had  their  coftimon  dishes 
made  of  this  material,  and  wore  balls  of  it  suspended  from  their  ears  and 
noses,  and  even  used  "  thin  plates  of  it  to  scrape  off  their  sweat."  How- 
ever, as  this  plain  was  quite  remote  from  the  sea,  and  as  it  was  his  purpose 

1  /}  trliition  of  the  Rei\  Frier  Afarco  de  Nica  -  Castancd.T,  Relation,  p.  9. 

touching;  his  diseoi'ery  of  the  kingdom  nf  Ci-vl,i  or  ^  [.See  ante,  \t.  431,  "  Discoveries  on  the  Pa- 

CiMa  in  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  etc.,  iii.  438  (edition  cific  Coast  of  North  America,"  for  the  c.xplora 

of  iSio).  tions  up  that  coast  by  Cortes.  —  Kd.] 


1 


-^5--'- 


EARLY   EXPLORATIONS   OF   NEW   MEXICO. 


477 


never  to  be  far  away  from  it  diirinj^  liis  journcyings,  the  monk  decided  to 
defer  the  exploration  of  this  country  until  liis  return. 

Meanwhile  I'"ray  Marcos  continued  to  travel  for  three  days  throuj^h  the 
territories  t)f  the  same  tribe,  until  he  arrived  at  a  town  of  moderate  si/e, 
called  Vacapa,  situated  in  a  fertile  region  about  forty  Icai^nies  from  the 
sea.'  Here  he  rested  for  several  days,  while  three  e\[)lorin^f  parties  were 
tlespatclu'd  to  the  coast  witii  directions  to  brint,^  hacU  some  of  the  natives 
dwelling  there  as  well  as  upon  the  nei-^hboriny;  islands,  in  order  that  he 
might  obtain  more  definite  information  about  those  regions.  The  negro 
was  ordered  to  ad\aiice  in  a  nortlierly  direction  fifty  or  si.xty  leagues,  and 
to  send  back  a  report  of  what  he  shoukl  discover.  In  four  lays'  time  a 
messenger  came  from  him  bringing  news  of  "a  country  the  finest  in  the 
world  ;  "  and  witii  liim  came  an  Indian,  who  professed  to  have  visited  it, 
and  who  reported  that  it  was  a  thirty  days'  journey  from  the  place  where 
Stephen  then  was  to  the  first  city  of  this  province.  The  name  of  this 
province  was  Cibola,-  and  it  contained  seven  great  cities,  all  under  the 
rule  of  one  lord.  The  houses  were  built  of  stone  and  lime;  some  of  them 
were  three  stt)ries  high,  and  had  tlieir  doorways  ornamented  with  tur- 
quoises, of  which  there  was  an  abundance  in  that  country;  beyoml  this, 
there  were  still  other  provinces  all  greater  than  that  of  The  Seven  Cities. 
This  tale  was  all  the  more  readily  credited  by  the  monk,  as  the  man 
appeared  to  be  "  of  good  understanding,"  Nevertheless,  he  deferred  his 
departure  until  the  exploring  parties  should  return  from  the  coast.  After 
a  short  time  they  came  back,  bringing  with  them  some  of  the  dwellers 
upon  the  coast  and  on  two  of  the  islands,  who  reported  that  there  were 
tiiirt\'-four  islands  in  all,  near  to  one  another;  but  that  all,  as  well  as  the 
main  land,  were  deficient  in  food  supplies.  They  said  that  the  islanders 
held  intercourse  with  each  other  by  means  of  rafts,  and  that  the  coast 
stretched  due  north.  On  the  same  day  there  came  to  Vacapa,  to  visit  the 
monk,  three  Indians  who  had  their  faces,  hands,  and  breasts  painted.  They 
saitl  that  they  dwelt  in  the  eastern  country,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cibola, 
and  they  confirmed  all  the  reports  in  regard  to  it. 

As  fresh  messengers  had  now  come  from  Stephen,  urging  the  monk  to 
hasten  his  departure,  he  sent  the  natives  of  the  coast  back  to  their  homes 
and  resumed  his  journey,  taking  with  him  two  of  the  islanders — who 
begged  to  accompany  him  for  several  days  —  and  the  painted  Indians. 
In  three  days'  time  he  arrived  among  the  people  who  had  given  the 
negro  his  information  about  Cibola.  They  confirmed  all  that  had  been 
said  about  it ;  and  they  also  told  about  three  other  great  kingdoms,  called 
Marata,  Acus,  and  Totonteac.  They  said  they  were  in  the  habit  of  going 
to  these  countries  to  labor  in  the  fields,  and  that  they  received  in  payment 
turquoises  and  skins  of  cattle.     All   the  people  there  wore  turquoises   in 

'  Mr.  A.  F.  Bandelier  puts  this  place   "  in  -  This  word  was  borrowed  by  the  Spaniards 

southern  Arizona,  somewhat  west  from  Tucson."  from  the  native  languages,  and  applied  by  them 

Jlisloncat  Introduction  to  Studies  among  the  Std-  to  the  Hison.     [As  early  as  1542  Rotz  drew  pic- 

euliiry  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  p.  8.  tures  of  this  animal  on  his  maps.  —  Ed.| 


\M 


;  \ 


i\ 


III 


.  -  J"  T- 


47S 


NARRATIVE    AND   CUIIICAI.    IIISIOKY    OI'    AMKUICA. 


their  cars  ami  noses,  ami  were  clad  in  lonj;  cotton  robes  reacliin},'  to  tlieir 
feet,  witii  a  ^'irdle  of  tiir(|iuiises  arminil  the  waist.  Over  tliese  cotton 
garments  they  wore  mantles  made  of  skins,  wliich  were  considered  to  l)e 
tiic  cluthiny  best  suited  to  the  country.  Tliey  ^Mve  the  monk  several  of 
these  skins,  wliicli  were  said  to  come  from  Cibola,  and  which  proved  to 
be  as  well  dressed  and  tanneil  as  those  prepared  by  the  most  highly  civil- 
ized people.  The  people  here  treated  him  with  v(  rj-  ^Meat  kindness, 
and  brought  the  sick  1o  him  to  be  healed,  and  endeavonxl  to  touch  his 
garments  as  he  recited  the  Gospels  over  them.  The  next  d.iy  he  con- 
tinued his  journey,  still  attendeil  by  the  painted  Indians,  ;md  arrived  at 
another  villa^'c,  where  the  same  scenes  were  repeated.  He  w;is  told  that 
Stephen  had  L^one  on  four  or  five  (la\'s'  journey,  accompanied  by  man\-  of 
the  natives,  and  thai  he  had  left  wortl  for  Fray  Marcos  to  hasten  forwanl. 
As  this  ;ip|)eareil  to  be  the  finest  country  he  had  found  thus  far,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  erect  two  crosses,  and  to  take  formal  pos-.ession  of  it  in  the  name 
of  the  iMiiperor,  in  accordance  with  his  instruction'-  He  then  continued  on 
his  journey  for  live  da>s  more,  passing;  throuj^h  one  villa^fe  after  another, 
everywhere  treatt'd  with  ;j;reat  kindness,  and  receixin^-  presents  of  turcpioises 
and  of  skins,  until  at  last  he  was  told  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  cominj; 
to  a  desert  region.  To  cross  this  would  be  five  days'  march  ;  but  he  was 
assured  that  provisions  would  be  transported  for  him,  and  places  provided 
in  which  he  could  sleep.  Tliis  all  turned  out  as  had  been  promised,  and 
he  then  reached  a  p()j)ulous  valley,  where  the  people  all  wore  turtpioises  in 
greater  profusion  than  ever,  and  talked  about  Cibola  as  familiarly  as  did 
the  .Spaniards  about  Mexico  or  Quito.  They  said  that  in  it  all  the  pro- 
ducts of  civilization  could  be  procured,  and  they  explained  the  method  by 
which  the  houses  were  constructetl  of  several  stories. 

Up  to  this  point  the  coast  had  continued  to  run  due  north  ;  but  here, 
in  the  latitude  of  35°,  Fray  Marcos  found,  from  personal  examination,  that 
it  began  to  trend  westward.  l'"or  five  days  he  journeyed  through  this  fertile 
and  well-watcrcd  valley,  finding  villages  in  it  at  every  half-league,  when 
there  met  him  a  native  of  Cibola,  who  had  fled  hither  from  the  governor  of 
th.it  ])lacc.  He  was  a  man  adx'ancetl  in  years,  and  of  good  appear.ince  and 
capacity;  and  from  him  were  obtained  e.en  more  definite  and  detailed 
accounts  of  Cibola  and  the  neighboring  kingdoms,  their  condition  and 
mode  of  government ;  and  he  begged  to  be  allowed  to  return  home  in  the 
friar's  company,  in  order  to  obtain  pardon  through  his  intercession.  The 
monk  pursued  his  way  for  three  days  more  through  this  rich  and  populous 
valle}-,  when  he  was  informed  that  soon  another  desert  stretch,  fifteen  long 
days'  march  in  extent,  would  begin.  Accordingly,  as  he  had  now  travelled 
one  hundred  and  twelve  leagues  from  tjic  place  where  he  had  first  learned 
of  this  new  country,  he  determined  to  rest  here  a  short  time.  He  was  told 
that  Stephen  had  taken  along  with  him  more  than  three  hundred  men  as 
his  escort,  and  to  carry  provisions  across  the  desert ;  and  he  was  advised 
to  do  likewise,  as  the  natives  all  expected  to  return  laden  with  riches.     But 


*' 


.«rt»t^    V- 


F.ARLY    i:.\l'I.(M<ATI(JNS   Ol'    Ni;\V    MIIXICO. 


479 


I'ray  Marcos  declined;  iiiid  selecting  only  tliiiij'  nf  tin-  principal  mkmi,  and 
the  necessary  porters,  he  entered  upon  the  desert  in  tlic  month  of  May,  and 
travelled  for  twelve  days,  finding  at  all  the  halting-places  tiie  cabins  which 
had  been  occiii)ied  liy  Steplum  and  other  tra\ellcrs.  Of  a  siultlen  an  Iiuli.m 
came  in  sight,  covercil  with  dust  and  sweat,  with  grief  and  terror  stampetl 
upon  his  countenance.  He  had  been  oni;  of  Stephen's  part)',  ami  was  the 
son  of  one  of  the  chiefs  who  were  escorting  the  friar.  This  was  the  tale  he 
told;  On  the  day  before  Stephen's  arrival  at  Cibo'a,  according  to  his  cus- 
tom, lie  sent  forward  mes.sengers  to  announce  his  approach.  These  carried 
his  staff  of  office,  made  of  a  gourd,  to  which  was  attached  a  string  of  bells 
and  two  feathers,  one  wliite  ami  one  red,  which  signhied  that  he  Iiad  come 
with  peaceful  intentions  and  to  heal  the  sick.  IJut  when  this  was  delivered 
to  the  governor,  he  angrily  dashed  it  to  the  ground,  saying  he  knew  the  stran- 
gers, and  forbade  their  entering  the  city,  upon  pain  of  death.  This  message 
was  brought  back  to  Stephen,  who  nevertheless  continueil  on,  l)ut  was  pre- 
vented frcjm  entering  the  cit)'.  lie  was  conductetl  to  a  large  house  outside 
the  walls,  where  everything  was  taken  from  him  ;  and  the  whole  parlv  passed 
the  night  without  food  or  drink.  The  following  morning,  while  tlie  narrator 
had  gone  to  the  river  which  flowed  near  by,  to  quench  his  thirst,  smiilenly 
he  saw  .Stephen  in  full  flight,  pursued  by  the  people  of  Cibola,  who  were 
slaying  all  of  his  companions;  whereupon  he  hid  himself  under  the  bank, 
and  fuially  succeeded  in  escaping  across  the  desert.  When  they  heard  this 
pitiful  story,  the  Indians  began  to  wail,  and  the  monk  to  tremble  for  his  own 
life;  but  he  says  he  was  troubled  still  more  at  the  thought  of  not  being 
able  to  bring  back  information  about  this  important  country.  Nevertheless, 
he  proceeded  to  cut  the  cords  of  some  of  his  packages,  from  w  hicii  he  had 
as  yet  given  nothing  aw.ay,  and  to  distribute  all  the  contents  among  the 
chief  men,  bidding  them  fear  nothing,  but  continue  on  with  him  still  farther; 
which  they  did,  until  they  came  within  a  day's  journey  of  Cibola.  Here 
there  met  them  two  more  of  .Ste])hen's  Indian  companions,  still  bleeding  from 
their  wounds,  who  told  the  same  story  about  his  death  and  the  destruction  of 
his  company,  supposing  that  they  alone  had  escaped,  by  hiding  themselves 
under  the  heaps  of  those  who  had  be^n  slain  by  flights  of  arrows.^ 

The  monk  goes  on  to  relate  that  he  tried  to  comfort  the  weeping  natives, 
by  telling  them  that  God  would  punish  the  people  of  Cibola,  and  the  l".m- 


M 


'  Castancd.i,  however,  relates  the  rirrnm- 
stancesof  Stcplicii's  deatli  somcwh.it  diffcrcntlv, 
st.Uiiig  that  the  iicjiro  and  his  party,  on  their  arri- 
val at  Cibola,  were  shnt  np  in  a  house  outside 
the  city,  while  for  three  days  the  chiefs  coutiiuied 
to  question  him  about  the  object  of  his  coming. 
When  told  that  he  was  a  messenger  from  two 
white  men,  who  had  been  sent  by  a  powerful 
prince  to  instruct  them  in  heavenly  things,  they 
would  not  L'dicve  that  a  black  man  could  possi- 
bly have  coine  fruui  a  land  of  white  men,  and 
they  suspected  him  of   being  the  spy  of  some 


nation  that  wished  to  subjugate  them.  Nfore- 
over,  the  negro  had  the  assurance  to  demand 
from  them  their  prf)pertv  and  llieir  women  ;  upon 
which  they  resolved  to  put  him  to  tlcath,  with- 
out, however,  harming  anv  of  those  with  him, 
all  of  whom,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  boys, 
were  sent  back,  to  the  number  of  sixty.  (AWii- 
(ion,  ]).  12.)  This  latter  statement,  as  well  as 
that  in  relation  to  the  libidinous  practices  of  the 
negro,  are  confirmed  by  Coronado.  A'c/ii/ion  ; 
Ilakluyt's  Collection  of  Voyages  (Principnll  h'avi- 
galicits),  iii.  ^'54. 


V 


a 


^' 


I 


',1 


480 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'I 


peror  would  send  an  army  to  chastiso  them  ;  but  they  refused  to  believe  lum, 
sayinp  no  power  could  resist  that  of  Cibola.  He  thereupon  distributed 
everything  he  had  left  amon^  them  tu  appease  them,  and  cndeavDred  to 
persuade  some  of  them  to  ^'o  nearer  the  city,  in  ouler  to  make  sure  of  the 
fate  of  the  party;  and  upon  their  refusal,  he  said  that  he  should  at  all  events 
endeavor  to  obtain  a  si^dit  of  Cibola.  Seeing;  his  tleterminatiou,  two  of  tiu' 
chiefs  eonsenteil  to  .iccoinpany  him ;  and  they  came  to  a  iiill,  from  whicii 
they  could  look  down  upon  the  city.  It  is  situated  in  a  plain,  he  says,  and 
seemed  to  be  handsomer  and  more  important  than  any  city  he  had  yet  seen, 
and  even  larger  than  Mexico.  The  houses  were  built  of  stone,  and  were 
of  several  stories,  as  the  natives  hail  told  him,  and  with  Hat  roofs;  and  ui)on 
his  expressing  his  admiration  of  it,  his  cumi)anions  said  that  it  was  the 
smallest  of  The  Seven  Cities,  and  that  Totontcac,  one  of  the  nei^diborin^j 
towns,  was  still  larj;er  and  finer.  With  the  help  of  the  Iiulians  he  proceeded 
to  raise  i  ^reat  pile  of  stones,  upon  which  he  planted  a  cross  as  lar^e  as  he 
was  able  to  make,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Viceroy  and  Governor  of  New 
Spain,  on  behalf  of  the  luiiperor,  he  took  possession  of  the  Land  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  and  the  realms  of  Totontcac,  Acus,  and  Marata;  and  to  the  whole 
country  he  yavc  the  name  of  the  New  Kinj^dom  of  St.  Francis.  Upon 
retracing  his  steps  across  the  desert,  he  failed  to  receive  as  friendly  a  recep- 
tion as  before,  for  all  the  people  were  in  tears  for  the  loss  of  their  murdered 
relatives;  so  that  he  became  alarmed,  and  hastened  throu^di  the  valle\- so 
rapidly  that  in  three  days  time  he  had  crossed  the  second  desert.  From 
this  point  he  made  a  detour  in  the  direction  of  the  country  lying  to  the 
East,  about  which  he  luul  been  told  on  his  first  coming.  Without  venturing 
to  penetrate  into  it,  he  contented  himself  with  observing  the  approaches, 
when  he  found  seven  small  villages  in  a  verdant  valley,  but  in  the  distance 
he  could  see  the  smoke  of  a  fine  city.  lie  was  informed  that  the  country 
was  very  rich  in  gold,  but  that  the  inhabitants  refused  all  intercourse  with 
strangers.  Nevertheless,  he  planted  two  more  crosses  here,  and  took  formal 
possession  of  the  country.  I'rom  this  point  he  retraced  his  steps  as  speedily 
as  possible  to  Compostella,  where  he  rejoined  Coronado,  and  sent  imme- 
diate notice  of  his  return  to  the  Viceroy. 

While  F'ray  Marcos  had  been  absent  upon  his  journey,  Coronado  luul 
himself  been  occupied  in  searching  for  a  province  lying  somewhere  to  the 
north  of  his  own  dominions,  called  Topira.  After  a  toilsome  march 
through  a  mountain  region  this  was  reached,  and  proved  to  be  entirely 
ditVerent  from  wh.it  it  had  been  reported ;  and  he  had  just  returned  frt)ni 
this  fruitless  expedition,  when  the  monk  arrived.  So  glowing  were  the 
accounts  he  gave  of  what  he  had  himself  seen  and  what  the  natives  had 
told  him.  as  well  as  of  the  wealth  to  be  found  in  the  islands  of  the  southern 
seas,  that  Coronado  determined  to  take  the  monk  at  once  with  himself  to 
Mexico  and  lay  the  matter  before  the  Viceroy.  There,  on  the  2d  of  Septem- 
ber, 1539,  according  to  the  notaries'  attest,  Fray  Marcos  presented  a  report  in 
writing  to  Mcndoza,  by  whom  it  was  transmitted  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V., 


EARLY    KXI'LOKATIONS  OF  NEW   MEXICO. 


481 


Cf^ 


AUTOGRAPH    <)l    CUUONAIM). 


act  oinpanicd  by  a  letter  from  himself  containing;  a  brief  narrative  of  the 
previous  attempts  that  had  been  made  for  the  exploration  of  the  country.' 
hi  a  very  short  time 
("oroiiado  be^'an  to  \)ro- 
claiin  openly  what  hilh- 
erto  he  had  only 
whispered  in  strictest 
conl'idcnce  to  his  most 
intimate  friends,  —  that 
the  marvellous  Seven 
Cities  hail  been  discov- 
ered which  NuAo  de 
(iuzman  had  sou^dit  for 
in  vain ;  and  he  pro- 
ceeded  forthwith  to 
make  preparations  and 
to  collect  a  military  force 
for  their  conquest. 
Meanwhile  the  I''rancis- 

cans  chose  I'"ray  Marcos  for  their  {general ;  ami  soon  all  the  piil[)its  of  that 
Order  were  resounding  to  such  fjootl  purpose,  that  before  lonj^  an  army  of 
three  hundred  Spaniards  and  eiyiit  luindrcd  Indians  of  New  Spain  had  been 
collected.  So  many  j,'entlemen  of  noble  birth  volunt<'ered  for  this  service 
that  the  Viceroy  was  much  embarrassed  in  selecting  officers;  but  at  last  he 
decided  upon  the  principal  ones,  and  appointed  Coicnado,  as  was  only  his 
due,  general-in-chief  Compostella,  the  capital  of  New  Gallicia,  was  named 
as  the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  army;  and  in  the  mean  time  Hernando 
Alarcon  received  instructions  to  sail  along  the  coast  of  the  southern  sea  in 
order  to  accompany  the  march  of  the  expedition.  He  was  directed  to  trans- 
port the  heavy  stores  and  to  keep  up  communications  by  means  of  the  rivers 
that  empty  into  it.  This  part  of  the  plan,  however,  failed  of  success,  as 
Coronado's  line  of  march  soon  led  him  to  a  distance  from  the  coast.'- 

In  the  last  days  of  February,  1 540,  the  Viceroy  himself  came  to  Com- 
postella, and   from   there  he  accompanied  the   army  for  two  days  on  its 

1  Tcrn.iux-Comi)ans,  i.\.  2S3,  290.  Ti'rnaiix-Conipaiis,   i.x.    299.     This   information 

-  Alarcon  set  sail  on  the  9th  of  May,  t540,  and  about  California  issupplcnicntcilbv  the  narrative 

by  penetrating  to  the  upper  extremity  of  the  Gulf  of   the  voyage  made  two  years   later   by  Juan 

of  California,  proved  that  California  was  not  an  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  along  the  Tacilic  shore  of 

island,  as  had  been  supposed.     He  made  two  the  peninsula,  and  up  the  northwest  coast  prolv 

attcm|)ts  to  ascend  the  Colorado  in  boats,  and  ably  .is  far  as  the  southern  border  of  Oregon, 

planted  a  cross  at  the  highest  point  he  reached.  It  was  printed  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Coleciion, 

l)urying  at  its  foot  a  writing,  which,  as  will  be  ]).  173;  and  subsecpiently  in  I'acheco's /Jcrz/wftv/- 

scen,  was  subse(iucntly  found  by  Melchior  Diaz,  los  iiu-ditos,  tom.  .xiv.  p.   165.     A  translation  by 

His  report  of  this  voyage,  containing  valuable  Mr.   R.   S.  Evans,  with  valuable  notes  by  Mr. 

information  in   regard   to  the   natives,  can   be  H.  W.  Henshaw,  is  given  in  vol.  vii.  (Archx- 

found  in  Hakluyt,  J'oyoj^i-s,  iii.  505  (ed.   iSlo)  ;  o\ogy)  oi  I '/iiVi-,/ S(iih-s  GcWox-inil  Sitn'cy  wi-sf  0/ 

translated  from   R.imusio,  A'azi^iilioiii,   iii.  363  the  one  hundredth  Meridian.     [See  also  the  pres- 

(ed.   1565).    There  is  a   French  translation  in  cut  volume,  p.  443.  —  Eii.l 
VOL.    II. — 61. 


%\ 


i 


482 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


M 


march.  Hut  soon  the  difficulties  of  the  route  began  to  tell  upon  the  inex. 
pericnccti  cavaliers,  who  were  obliged  each  to  carry  his  own  provisions  and 
baggage,  so  that  when  they  had  reached  Chiametla,  they  were  compelled 
to  halt  for  several  days  in  order  to  procure  a  supply  of  food.  In  doing 
this  a  collision  with  the  natives  occurred,  in  which  one  of  the  superior 
officers  was  slain ;  and  in  revenge,  all  who  were  believed  to  be  inhabitants 
of  the  village  where  it  happened  were  hanged.  Soon  after  this,  dissatis 
faction  began  to  manifest  itself  among  the  troops,  which  was  heightened 
by  the  discouraging  reports  which  were  spread  on  the  return  of  Melchior 
Diaz  and  his  party,  whom  Coronado  had  sent  by  Mendoza's  orders  on 
a  reconnoitring  expedition  during  his  own  absence  in  Mexico.  They  had 
penetrated  two  hundred  leagues  beyond  Culiacan,  as  far  as  the  edge  of  the 
desert,  and  they  gave  very  different  accounts  from  those  of  Fray  IMarcos. 
Very  few  inhabitants  were  seen,  e.xcept  in  two  or  three  little  villages  of 
some  thirty  huts,  and  everywhere  was  a  great  scarcity  of  provisions ;  while 
the  mountainous  nature  of  the  country  rendered  it  almost  impassable.' 
The  friar,  however,  strove  to  encourage  their  drooping  spirits,  promising 
them  that  they  should  not  return  empty  handed ;  and  the  march  was  con- 
tinued to  Culiacan,  where  the  expedition  was  received  with  great  hospi- 
tality by  the  Spanish  colonists.  Here  Coronado  left  the  main  body  of  the 
army  under  the  command  of  Tristan  d'Arellano,  with  orders  to  follow  him 
in  a  fortnight,  while  he  himself  set  out  on  the  22d  of  April,  1540,  with 
fifty  horse  and  a  few  foot-soldiers  and  the  monks  who  did  not  choose  to 
be  left  behind.  In  somewhat  more  than  a  month's  time  he  came  to  the  last 
inhabited  place  on  the  borders  of  the  desert,  having  c\'crywhere  met  with 
a  friendly  reception  from  the  natives.  At  an  intervening  village,  in  the 
valley  which  Cabcza  de  Vaca  had  called  Corazones,  he  had  halted,  and 
despatched  messengers  to  the  sea-coast,  which  was  five  days'  journey 
distant,  and  learned  that  a  vessel  had  been  seen  passing  by.  The  place 
which  he  had  now  reached  bore  the  name  of  Chichilticalli,  or  The  Red 
House,  and  it  proved  to  be  something  very  different  from  what  I'ray 
Marcos  had  reported.  Instead  of  a  populous  town  at  a  distance  of  five 
leagues  from  the  sea,  he  found  merely  a  single  ruinous,  roofless  struc- 
ture, at  least  ten  days'  journey  from  the  coast.  Nevertheless,  it  bore 
the  appearance  of  having  once  been  a  fortified  work  which  hatl  been  con- 
structed out  of  red  earth  by  a  civilized  people,  but  had  boen  destroyed 
in  former  times  by  some  barbarous  enemy.-  Here  Coronado  entered  upon 
the  desert,  and  proceeding  in  a  northeasterly  direction  he  came  in  a  fort- 


1  Extracts  from  a  report  sent  back  liy  >rel- 
chior  Diaz  while  on  this  journey  are  given  in  a 
letter  from  Mendoza  to  the  Kniperor  Charles 
v.,  dated  Ajiril   17,  1540,  in  Ternaiix-Compans, 

ix.  2()0. 

-  Chichiltic-calli,  or  Red  House,  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  the  vi.lned  structure,  called 
Citsa  Groiiii;  in   southern   .•\rizoiia,   near  Flor- 


ence, a  little  south  of  the  rivrr  Gila,  and  not  far 
frimi  the  Southern  racilic  Railroad.  l!ut  Mr. 
A.  F.  Handelier,  after  a  thorough  topographical 
exploration  of  the  regions,  is  inclined  to  jilacc 
it  considcr.ably  to  the  southeast  of  this  ]Hiint. 
upon  the  river  Arivaypa,  in  the  vicinity  of  For^ 
Grant.  [This  question  is  further  examined  in 
Vol.  I.  of  the  present  History.  —  El).l 


EARLY   EXPLORATIONS    OF    NEW    MEXICO. 


483 


the  incx» 

sions  and 

:ompcllccl 

In  doing 

superior 
ihabitants 
;,  dissatis 
eit^htened 

Melchior 
orders   on 
They  had 
3ge  of  the 
ly  Marcos, 
villages  of 
jns;  while 
npassable.' 
promising 
h  was  con- 
•cat  hospi- 
ody  of  the 
follow  him 
1540,  with 

choose  to 

1  to  the  last 

2  met  with 
ige,  in  the 
lalted,  and 

journey 
'he  place 
The  Red 
hat  I'ray 
ce  of  five 
CSS  struc- 
ss,  it  bore 
3cen  con- 
destroyed 
tered  upon 
in  a  fort- 

1,  and  not  far 
lail.  lUit  Mr. 
topogvaiiliical 
inetl  to  place 
of  this  point 
cinity  of  Korf 
examined  in 


iV 


night's  time  to  a  river,  to  which  the  name  of  the  Vermejo  was  given, 
on  account  of  its  turbid  waters.  This  was  only  eight  leagues  distant 
from  Cibola,  where  they  arrived  on  the  following  day,  sometime  early  in 
July,  having  only  escaped  by  the  general's  prudence  from  falling  into  an 
ambuscade  of  hostile  natives.' 

Cibola  turned  out  to  be  even  a  greater  disappointment  than  the  Red 
House,  and  many  were  the  maledictions  shovvered  upon  the  monk  by  the 
soldiers.  Instead  of  the  great  city  which  he  had  reported,  it  proved  to  be 
only  a  little  village  of  not  more  than  two  hundred  inhabitants,  situated 
upon  a  rocky  eminence,  and  difficult  of  access.'-  From  its  resemblance  in 
situation,  Coronado  gave  the  name  of  Granada  to  the  village ;  and  he  states 
that  the  name  Cibola  properly  belonged  to  the  whole  district  containing 
seven  towns,  and  not  to  any  particular  place.  As  the  natives  continued  to 
manifest  a  hostile  disposition,  and  the  army  was  almost  famished  from  lack 
of  food,  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  to  carry  it  at  once  by  assault,  in  order 
to  get  at  the  abundance  of  provisions  stored  there.  But  the  inhabitants 
made  such  a  stout  resistance  with  missiles  and  showers  of  stones,  that  it 
would  have  gone  hard  with  the  Spaniards  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  pro- 
tection of  their  armor.  As  it  was,  Coronado  himself  was  twice  felled  to  the 
earth,  and  his  life  was  only  saved  by  the  devotion  of  one  of  his  officers, 
who  shielded  him  with  his  own  body.  However,  in  less  than  an  hour's 
time  the  place  was  captured,  though  several  of  the  horses  of  the  Span- 
iards were  killed,  and  a  few  of  the  assailants  wounded.  But  when  once  pos- 
session of  this  strong  point  was  secured,  the  whole  district  was  speedily 
reduced  to  submission. 

Here  Coronado  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  main  body  of  his  army  before 
attempting  to  penetrate  farther  into  the  countrj-;  and  from  this  place  he 
transmitted  to  the  Viceroy,  under  date  of  yVug.  3,  1540,  a  report  of  what  he 
had  already  accomplished,  in  which  his  disappointment  about  the  char- 
acter of  the  region  through  which  he  had  journeyed  was  very  plainly  ex- 
pressed, as  well  as  his  entire  disbelief  in  the  truth  of  the  reports  which 
Fray  Marcos  had  brought  back  respecting  the  rich  and  powerful  kingdoms 
lying  at  a  distance.  He  shows  that  he  had  discovered  the  inherent  defect 
of  the  country  by  laying  particular  .stress  upon  the  "  great  want  of  pas- 
ture;  "   and  says  that  he   had  learned  that   "what  the  Indians  worship   is 


'  Jaramillo  lias  given  a  vcrv  fnll  itinerary  of 
this  march,  describing  with  great  particularity 
the  nature  of  the  country  and  the  streams  crossed 
(  Tcrnaux-Compans,  ix.  .jfij-^Gg).  When  the 
results  of  the  latest  cxjiloralions  of  Mr.  A.  V. 
Iiandelier  in  this  region  are  published  by  the 
Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  there  is 
good  reason  to  hope  for  an  exact  identification 
of  most  if  not  all  these  localities,  which  at  pres- 
ent is  impossible.  There  can  be  little  ilonbt, 
however,  that  the  Vermejo  is  the  Colorado 
Chiquito. 


-  In  the  ProceciUngs:  of  the  American  Anti- 
quarian .Society  for  October,  iSSi,  I  have  given 
in  detail  the  reasons  for  identifying  Cibola  with 
the  r";^ioii  of  the  iirencnt  Zufii  puebhjs.  Atr. 
Frank  II.  Gushing  has  made  the  important  dis- 
covery that  thi;-  tribe  has  preserved  the  tradition 
of  the  coming  of  Fray  Marcos,  and  of  the 
killing  of  the  negro  Stephen,  whom  they  call 
"  the  black  Mexican,"  at  the  ruined  pneblo 
called  (^uaquima.  Thev  claim  also  to  have  a 
traditi(jn  of  the  visit  of  C'oronado,  and  even  of 
Cabe/a  dc  Vaca. 


\ 


Ui 


(*!) 


if 

I'l) 


484 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I'l 


I 


water,  for  it  causeth  their  corn  to  grow  and  maintaincth  tiicir  life" '  With 
this  despatch  he  sent  specimens  of  the  garments  worn  b)'  tlie  natives  and 
of  their  weapons,  and  also  "  two  cloths  painted  with  the  beasts  of  the 
country ;  "  he  also  reports  that  the  natives  possessed  a  certain  amount  of 
gold  and  silver,  but  that  he  could  not  discover  whence  they  procured  it. 

While  waiting  at  Cibola  the  arrival  of  the  main  body  of  the  army, 
Coronado  sent  out  a  small  party  under  Pedro  de  Tobar  to  explore  a  prov- 
ince lying  some  twenty  leagues  or  more  to  the  northwest,  called  Tusa)an,'- 
where  there  were  said  to  be  seven  cities,  with  houses  built  like  those  of 
Cibola,  and  inhabited  by  a  warlike  people.  Tobar  succeeded  in  approach- 
ing close  to  the  first  of  these  without  being  observed,  as  the  nati\es  now 
seldom  ventured  far  from  their  houses  on  account  of  the  fear  inspired  b}- 
the  rumors  spread  abroad  that  Cibola  had  been  captured  by  a  fierce  people 
mounted  upon  animals  that  devoured  human  flesh.  However,  as  soon  as 
the  Spaniards  were  discovered,  the  natives  showed  a  bold  front,  advancing 
to  meet  them  in  good  order,  and  well  armed.  Drawing  a  line  in  the  sand, 
they  forbade  the  Spaniards  crossing  it,  and  woundeu  Hie  horse  of  a  soldier 
who  ventured  to  leap  over  it;  whereupon  a  friar  named  Juan  de  Padilia, 
who  had  been  a  soldier  in  his  youth,  urged  the  captain  to  make  an  onslaught 
upon  them,  and  the  natives  were  soon  put  to  flight  and  many  of  them 
slain.  In  a  short  time  all  this  province  gave  in  its  submission,  and  peace- 
able relations  were  once  more  established.  The  natives  brought  as  gifts 
to  the  Spaniards  turquoises,  tanned  skins,  maize,  and  other  provisions, 
and  especially  cotton  stuffs,  which  were  regarded  by  them  as  the  choicest 
l)resent,  since  it  did  not  grow  in  their  own  country.  The\'  also  gave  infor- 
mation about  a  large  river  Ij'ing  farther  to  the  west,  on  whose  banks,  at 
some  days'  journey  down  the  stream,  there  dwelt  a  race  of  very  large  men. 
Tobar  returned  to  Cibola  v.'ith  this  report,  and  Connado  immediately 
despatched  a  second  exploring  party  to  verify  it,  under  Garcia  Lopez  de 
Cardenas.  These  were  well  received  on  their  way  b}'  the  people  of 
Tusayan,  who  supplied  them  with  guides  and  provisions  for  the  journey. 
I'or  twenty  days  their  march  hu-  through  a  desert,  at  the  end  of  which  they 
came  to  the  banks  of  a  river  which  seemed  to  tliem  to  be  elevated  "  three 
or  four  leagues  in  the  air."  So  steep  were  these  banks  that  it  was  impossible 
to  descend  to  the  water,  which  appeared  so  far  awaj'  as  to  seem  to  be 
only  an  arm'.s-lcngth  in  width,  and  yet  their  guides  assured  them  that  it 
was  over  half  a  league  broad.  Although  it  was  summer  time,  it  was  quite 
cold,  and  the  country  was  covered  with  a  growth  of  stunted  pines.  l""or 
three  days  the)'  followed  the  bank  in  search  of  a  passage ;  and  some  volun- 
teers who  made  the  attempt  returned  with  the  report  that  thej-  had  onl)' 
been  able  to  accomplish  a  third  of  the  descent,  and  that  rocks  which  had 
seemed  scarcely  as  high  as  a  man,  were  found  to  be  loftier  than  the  towers 

'  Coroii.ndo's  rcl.-itioii  as  given  in  English  in  -  Tusay.m  can  be  clearly  identilicdas  the  site 

Ilaklnyi,  Colledioii  of  ^^■'yages,  etc.,  iii.  453  (re-     of  the  present  Moqui  villages.     Bandclier,  //«■ 
l)rint,  London,  1810).  toriai!  /iiliociiutioii,\i.  15. 


I.'i 


EARLY    EXl'LORATION'S   01"   NEW    MEXICO. 


485 


JM 


c:ORON.\U(J  S    r.XPF.DlTION. 


itilicdas  the  silo 
liandclicr,  //« 


'  Tlie  map  given  in  RiiycV.  Diis  /.liliiltcr  dtr  and  crossed  the   Colorado.      Tisucx  sliould  be 

F.iitticikiiii!;,-!!,  p.  417.     Witli  slight  corrections,  placed  west  of  the  Rio  Grande,  between  Aconia 

this  is  as  accurate  as  our  present  information  per-  and  (^)uirex.     The  Rio '•  Sangra  "  is  probably  a 

mits.     Mclchior  Diaz  penetrated  farther  nortli,  mistake  for  "  Sonora." 


\\ 


4S6 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


/'!: 


M     > 


of  Seville  Cathedral,  '/or  three  or  four  days  more  they  continued  on;  but 
at  length  they  were  forced  to  return  by  want  of  water,  which  they  had  been 
oblii^cd  to  seek  for  every  nij^ht  a  league  or  two  back  from  the  river,  and 
retraced  their  steps  to  Cibola.' 

In  the  mean  time  the  main  body  of  the  army,  which  had  been  left  at 
Culiacan  under  the  command  of  Tristan  d'Arellano,  with  orders  to  follow 
Coronado  in  a  fortnight,  set  out,  and  slowly  advancing  reached  at  lengih 
Cabeza  dc  Vaca's  province  of  Corazoncs.  1  Icre  it  was  thought  best  to 
attempt  to  establish  a  colony;  but  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  procuring 
a  sufficient  supply  of  food,  it  was  subsequently  transferred  to  the  spot 
in  the  valley  of  the  river  which  is  now  called  Sonora.  From  here  Don 
Roderigo  Maidonado  was  despatched  down  the  river  in  the  hope  of  finding 
Alarcon's  vessels.  lie  returned  without  havir";  accomplished  his  purpose, 
but  brought  back  with  him  a  native  of  huge  stature,  and  reported  that  a 
nation  of  still  larger  men  dwelt  farther  down  the  coast.  The  whole  arm)- 
now  transferred  itself  across  the  river  to  the  new  colony,  and  ..nerc  waited 
for  further  orders  from  Coronado. 

About  the  middle  of  September,  1540,'-^  Mclchior  Diaz  and  Juan 
Gallegos  arrived  from  Cibola  with  instructions  for  the  army  to  proceed 
thither  at  once.  Gallegos  continued  on  to  Mexico,  carrying  to  the  Viceroy 
an  account  of  the  discoveries;  and  with  him  went  Fray  Marcos,  v.ho  dared 
not  remain  any  longer  with  the  army,  .so  incensed  were  they  with  him  for 
his  gross  misrepresentations.  Diaz  was  ordered  to  remain  at  the  new 
colony  in  the  capacity  of  governor,  and  to  seek  to  put  himself  in  com- 
munication with  Alarcon's  vessels.  Immediately  the  army  took  up  its 
march  for  Cibola,  but  Arellano  remained  behind.  As  soon  as  they  had 
departed,  Diaz  set  out  to  explore  the  sea-coast,  leaving  Diego  d'Alcarraz 
in  command  in  his  stead,  who  turned  out  to  be  very  poorly  fitted  to 
exercise  authority,  so  tha*^  disorders  and  mutinies  broke  out.  Diaz  him- 
self, after  marching  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  in  a  southwcstcrl}- 
direction  (as  Castaneda  reports),''  struck  the  Tizon  at  some  distance  from 
its  mouth,  at  a  place  where  it  was  at  least  half  a  league  wide.  Here 
he  found  a  race  of  huge  men  dwelling  together  in  large  numbers  in  under- 
ground cabins  roofed  with  straw,  from  whom  he  learned  that  the  vessels 
had  been  seen  three  days'  march  down  the  stream.  Upon  reaching  the 
spot  indicated,  which  the  natives  told  him  was  fifteen  leagues  from  its 
mouth,  he  came  upon  a  tree  with  an  inscription  upon  it,  and  biu^ied  under 
it    he  found  a  writing  stating  that   Alarcon   had   come   so   far,^  and  after 


'  It  is  pl.iin  th.it  this  river  was  tlie  Color.ido; 
the  description  of  the  Grand  Caiion  cannot  fail 
to  be  recognized,  liandelicr,  Ilisloruiil  Intro- 
tliiction,  p.  15.  The  name  l)y  whicli  it  was  called 
was  the  Ti/.on,  the  Spanish  word  for  "  fire- 
brand,"  which    the   natives   dwelling   npon    its 


-  Castaiieda,  Relation,  p.  48 ;  Ibid.,  p.  46, 
"Middle  of  (k-tober." 

■'  Davis  (Spanish  Conquest,  p.  160)  suggests 
that  he  should  have  written  "  northwest." 
The  anonymous  Relacion  ( P.icheco'.s  j9i»<-«OT('«to 
Ineditos,  torn.  .\iv.  p.  321)  states    that  he  trav- 


banks  were  rcjiortcd  to  be  in  the  habi.  of  carry-     clled  "westward." 

ing  upon  their  winter  journeyings.     Castaneda,  *  [See  ante,  p.  443,  in  the  section  of  "  Dis- 

p   50.  coveries  on  the  Pacific  Coast."  —  Ed.] 


EARLY   EXPLORATIONS   OF    NEW    MEXICO. 


487 


waiting  there  awhile  had  returned  to  New  Spain.  It  also  contained  the 
information  that  this  supposed  south  sea  was  actually  a  gulf  which  sepa- 
rated the  mainland  from  what  had  been  called  the  Island  of  California. 
With  the  intention  of  exploring  this  peninsula,  Diaz  proceeded  up  the 
river  five  or  si.v  days'  march  in  the  hope  of  finding  a  ford,  and  at  length 
attempted  to  cross  by  means  of  rafts.  The  natives,  whose  assistance  he 
had  called  in  to  help  construct  them,  proved  treacherous,  and  laid  a  plot 
to  attack  the  Spaniards  on  both  banks  of  the  river,  while  a  portion  were 
in  the  act  of  crossing.  When  this  was  detected,  they  made  their  assault 
boldly,  but  were  speedily  put  to  flight.  Diaz  then  continued  his  journey 
along  the  coast,  which  took  here  a  southeasterly  direction,  until  he  reached 
a  volcanic  region  where  farther  progress  became  impossible.  While  re- 
tracing his  steps,  he  met  with  an  accident  which  put  an  end  to  his  life; 
but  the   rest  of  his  party  returned   to  Sonora  in   safet}-. 

While  Diaz  was  making  these  explorations,  the  main  body  of  the  army 
had  continued  on  to  Chichilticalli  without  having  encountered  any  other 
peril  than  being  severely  poisoned  fiom  having  eaten  preserved  fruits  that 
had  been  given  to  them  by  the  natives.  Castaneda  records  their  falling 
in  with  a  flock  of  large  mountain  sheep,  which  ran  so  swiftly  that  they 
could  not  be  captured.  When  within  a  day's  march  of  Cibola  they  were 
overtaken  by  a  terrible  storm,  accompanied  by  a  h.cavy  snow-fall,  which 
caused  the  Spaniards  great  suftering,  and  nearly  cost  the  lives  of  their 
Indian  allies,  natives  of  a  warm  country.  But  on  arriving  they  found 
comfortable  quarters  provided  by  Coronado,  and  the  whole  force  was 
now  reunited,  with  the  exception  of  a  detachment  which  had  been  sent 
upon  an  expedition  in  an  entirely  different  direction. 

A  party  of  natives  had  come  to  Cibola  from  a  village  called  Cicuye,  sit- 
uated some  seventy  leagues  away  toward  the  east,  under  a  chief  to  whom 
the  Spaniards  gave  the  name  of  Bigotes,  from  the  long  mustache  he  wore. 
They  proffered  their  friendly  services  to  the  strangers  and  invited  them  to 
visit  their  country,  at  the  same  time  making  them  presents  of  tanned  bison- 
skins.  One  of  them  had  the  figure  of  this  animal  painted  on  his  body, 
which  gave  the  Spaniards  their  first  knowledge  of  its  appearance.  Coro- 
nado made  them  in  return  presents  of  glass  beads  and  bells,  and  ordered 
Hernando  d'Alvarado  to  take  twenty  men  with  him  and  explore  that 
region,  and  after  eighty  days  to  return  and  report  what  he  had  discovered. 
After  five  days'  travel  Alvarado  came  to  a  village  called  Acuco,  situated 
on  a  precipitous  cliff  so  high  that  an  arquebus-ball  could  scarcely  reach 
the  top.  The  only  approach  to  it  was  by  an  artificial  stairway  cut  in  the 
rock,  of  more  than  three  hundred  steps,  and  for  the  last  eighteen  feet  there 
were  only  holes  into  which  to  insert  the  toes.^     By  showing  a  bold  front, 


,? 


l( 


1  The   identity  of   Acucn  witli   tlic    modern  Coiis^irss,  isf  Session,  p.  470.     Jaramillo  is  cvi- 

pueblo  of  Acoma  is  perfectly  est.ililislicd.     See  dently  wrong   in   naming   tliis  place   Putaliaco, 

the  plates  and  description  in  Lieutenant  Abert's  ]).  370.     Hernando  d'  Alvarado  in   his  Report 

"port,  Senate  E.wculhe  Documents,  no.  41,  jjo///  calls  it  Coco. 


'"!i 


'V.', 


I    I 

i 


; 


f' 

J 
1. 1 1 

n't 

I   I 


488 


NAKKATIX'K    AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


friendly  relations  were  established  with  the  inhabitants  of  this  formidable 
stronj^hoid,  who  numbered  some  two  Jnindred  fi,i;htiiiL^  men,  and  a  lar^c 
supply  of  provisions  was  received  from  them.  Three  days'  march  farther 
brought  them  to  a  province  called  Tiguex,  containinj^  twelve  villages 
situated  on  the  banks  of  a  great  river.'  The  presence  in  the  part}'  of 
Higotes,  who  was  a  renowned  warrior  well  known  in  all  that  reg'.on,  con- 
ciliated the  favor  of  the  people  of  Tiguex;  and  the  country-  i)leased 
Alvarado  so  much,  that  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Coronado  to  persuade 
him  to  make  it  his  winter  quarters.-  Continuing  his  journey,  in  five  days 
more  he  reached  Cicuye,  which  he  found  to  be  a  strongly  fortified  villagf 
of  four-.story  terraced  houses,  built  around  a  large  square.  It  was  also 
protected  by  a  low  stone  wall,  and  was  capable  of  putting  five   hundred 

warriors  into  the  field." 
Here  the\'  were  welcomed 
with  great  demonstrations 
of  friendship,  and  recei\ed 
man}-  gifts  of  turcpioiscs, 
which  were  abumlant  in 
that  country.^  While  rest- 
ing here  for  several  days 
they  fell  in  with  an  Indian 
slave,  —  a  native  of  the  re- 
gion lying  toward  Florida, 
which    De    Soto    aftcrwartl 

explored,  —  who  told  thcni 
THE   nUFFALO   (fi/Ur  r!icvci)fi  '        ,,  ,  ,  , 

marvellous   tales   about  the 

stores  of  gold    and  silver   to   be    found    in   the    great   cities   of  his    own 

country.     This  man  the}'  named  "  the  Turk,"  from  his  resemblance  to  men 

of  that  nation;   and  such  implicit  credence  did  the}'  place  in  his  stories,  that 

after  penetrating  a  little  way  into  the  plains  under  his  guidance, — where 

for  the  first  time  they  saw  the  bisons,  with  whose  skins  they  had  become 

familiar,  —  they  retraced  their  steps  in  order  to  bring  this  information  to 

Coronado.     On  reaching  Tiguex,  Alvarado  found  Cardenas  there,  who  had 


'  D.ivis  {T/ic  S/'ii'i/s/i  Co)iqiiesl  of  A'i"cv  ^^cx• 
iro,  ]).  i.Sj,  note)  pl.iccs  T'ljucx  on  the  banks  of 
the  Rio  Piicrco ;  .ind  Gcncr.nl  Simpson  (Coro- 
thido's  Mdir/.'  p.  335),  on  tlie  Rio  Grande,  below 
the  Pnerco.  j!nt  Mr.  'Bandclier  (Ifislorical  In- 
trodiictioii,  pp.  20-22),  from  docnmentarv  evi- 
dence, places  it  liighcr  up  the  Rio  Grande,  in 
the  vicinity  of  I'ernalillo;  corrcspondinf;  per- 
fectlv  with  the  "central  point"  which  Casianeda 
dcclnrcd  it  to  be  (p.  1S2). 

-  Alvarado's  report  of  this  e.\])cdition  can 
be  found  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Coh\cioii  de 
r/oriimeii/os,  p.  65 ;  Pacheco's  Doniiiicntos  Tiicditos, 
torn.  iii.  p.  51 1.  lie  says,  "  Partimos  de  Granada 
veinte  y  nueve  de  Agostode  40,  la  via  de  Coco.'' 


'  General  T.  H.  Sini]).son,  Coroinido's  March, 
p.  335,  has  Klentilied  Cicuye  with  Old  Pecos. 
Additional  arguments  in  support  of  this  opinion 
may  be  found  in  ISandclier's  Visit  to  the  Ab- 
orip'nnl  Kiiiiis  in  the  I'dl/ey  of  Pecos,  p.  113. 

■*  The  turquoise  mines  of  Cerillos,  in  the 
Sandia  Mountains,  are  about  twenty  miles  west 
of  Pecos,     liandelier's  I'isit,  jip.  39,  115. 

^  [This  is  one  of  the  earliest  engr.ivings  — 
if  not  the  earliest  —  of  the  buffalo,  occurring 
on  folio  144  verso,  of  Thevet's  Les  Sinxii/iiritez 
de  hi  Fraiiee  Aittarctiqiie,  .Vntwerp,  155.S.  Davis 
(Spanish  Conquest  of  Xi-iv  Afexieo,  ]).  67)  says 
Cabcza  de  Vaca  is  the  earl'-^st  to  mention  the 
buff.alo.  —  Ed.I 


EARLY    KXI'LORA'  .ONS    Ul"   M;\V    MEXICO. 


4S9 


bcL-n  sent  on  by  the  General,  in  accordance  witli  liis  advice,  to  prepare 
winter  quarters  for  the  army  now  on  its  march  from  Sonora.  Alvarado 
accordingly  decided  to 
remain  in  that  prov- 
ince and  wait  for  the 
cominjT  of  the  army ; 
but  in  making  tiieir 
prejjarations  for  its 
comfort  liie  Spaniards 
showeii  very  Httle  con- 
sideration for  the  na- 
tives, forciniL^  them  to 
abandon  one  of  their 
viHatjes,  taking  only 
the  clothes  that  they 
were  wearing. 

By  this  time  Arel- 
lano had  arri\'ed  at 
Cibola,  coming  from 
Sonora;  and  to  him 
Coronado   once   more 

intrusted  the  command  of  the  main  force,  with  instructions  for  it  to  rest 
twenty  days  at  Cibola,  and  then  to  proceed  direct  to  Tiguex.  He  himself 
having  heard  of  a  province  containing  eight  towns  called  Tutahaco,  took 
a  party  of  his  hardiest  men  and  set  out  to  explore  it.  On  his  way  thither, 
which  took  the  direction  of  the  route  to  Tigucx,  for  two  days  and  a  half 
they  were  without  water,  and  were  forced  to  seek  for  it  in  a  chain  of  snow- 
covered  mountains.  After  eight  days'  march  they  reached  this  place,  and 
there  they  heard  of  other  villages  situated  still  farther  down  the  river.  The 
people  were  found  to  be  a  friendly  race,  dwelling  in  buildings  constructed 
of  earth,  like  those  at  Tigucx,  which  province  Coronado  reached  by  follow- 
ing up  the  course  of  the  river.^ 

On  his  arrival  there  he  found  Alvarado  and  the  Turk,  who  repeated 
his  story  about  the  marvellous  wealth  to  be  found  in  his  country,  adding 
many  fanciful  embellishments,  —  which  were  the  more  rcadil)- believed,  as 
he  was  able  to  distinguish  copper  from  gold.  He  pretended  that  the 
people  of  Cicuj'e  had    taken    some    gold    bracelets   from    him  when   thcj' 


SKETCH   OF  THE  ISUFIALO. 


\ 


:  'II 


i 


i  V 


) 


'  [liy  the  kindness  of  the  Kcv.  Kilwnrd  E. 
U.ile,  1>.  1).,  .1  tr.iciiig  by  him  from  .a  sketch 
made  .ibout  1599  by  order  of  Oiiafe,  and  by  Iiis 
Strgcant-M.ijor  Vinccntc  de  O.iIdivi.T  Mendoza, 
is  licre  copied.  The  original  is  inscribed,  "  Tr.i- 
simto  de  como  son  las  Hacos  dc  (jibola."  See 
n)il<;  p.  477,  note.  —  El).] 

-  Bandelicr  (llistcrical  /ii/roiiuctipii,  p.  22) 
pl.iccs  Tutahaco  in  the  vicinity  of  Isleta,  on  tlie 
Rio  Grande,  in  opposition  to  Davis's  o]3inii)n 
VOL.   II. — 62. 


{S/'tim'sA  Coiigiiest,\>.  iSo)  tliat  it  was  at  Lagnna. 
Coronado  siibse(|ucntly  sent  an  ollicer  soulli- 
ward  to  explore  the  countrv,  who  reached  a 
place  some  eighty  leagues  distant,  where  the 
river  disajipeared  in  the  earth,  and  on  his  w.ay 
discovered  four  other  villages.  (C^astaiieda,  p. 
140.)  These,  Itaiulclier  places  near  Socorro. 
{Ibid.,  p.  24.)  General  Simpson  [Coronado' s 
Afiur/i,  p.  323,  note)  discusses  the  question  of 
the  disappearance  of  the   river. 


>.    -: 


11 


490 


NARRAIIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


made  him  prisoner,  and  Coronado  accordingly  sent  Alvarado  baclc  to  Cicuyc 
to  reclaim  tlicm.  The  people  there  received  him  aj^ain  in  a  friendly  way, 
but  denied  all  knowled^'e  of  the  t;okl  bracelets,  and  declared  the  Turk  to  be 
a  liar.  Upon  this,  Alvarado  threw  the  chief  men  of  the  town  and  Hi^otes 
into  chains  and  brought  them  to  Tis,nie.\,  where  they  were  kept  prisoners 
more  than  six  months,  to  the  yrcat  grief  and  indij^nation  of  the  natives, 
wlio  endeavored  in  vain  to  rescue  them.  This  affair  did  much  to  discredit 
the  Spaniards  in  the  estimation  of  the  natives,  whom  their  subsequent  harsh 
treatment  soon  stirred  up  to  active  resistance. 

After  the  twenty  days  had  expired,  Arellano  and  the  arm>'  started  for 
Tiyuex,  passing  on  their  way  the  rock  of  .\cuco,  which  many  of  the 
Spaniards  ascended  to  enjoy  the  view,  —  but  with  great  difficult)',  although 
the  native  women  accomplished  it  easily,  carrying  their  water-jars.  They 
had  rested,  after  their  first  day's  march,  at  the  finest  town  in  all  the 
province,  where  were  private  houses  seven  stories  high.  Here  it  began 
to  snow.  It  was  nov,-  early  in  December  (154O!,  and  for  ten  days  of  their 
journey  the  snow  fell  every  night.  But  there  was  wood  in  plenty  for  their 
fires,  and  they  did  not  suffer,  even  finding  the  snow  a  protection.  But 
when  they  reached  the  village  in  the  province  of  Tiguex,  where  their 
winter  quarters  had  been  prepared,  they  forgot  all  their  past  toils  in 
listening  to  the  delusive  fables  told  them  by  the  Turk.  The  whole 
province,  however,  was  found  to  be  in  a  state  of  revolt,  occasioned  by 
the  severity  of  exactions  imposed  by  Coronado  in  his  an.xiety  for  the 
comfort  of  his  men,  together  with  the  brutality  of  officers  and  soldiers 
alike  in  carrying  out  his  orders.  The  General  had  made  requisition  for 
three  hundred  pieces  of  cloth ;  and  without  allowing  time  for  the  natives 
to  allot  their  several  proportions  to  the  different  villages  to  complete 
the  amount,  the  soldiers  stripped  the  garments  off  whomsoever  they  met, 
witliout  regard  to  rank  or  condition,  and  had  added  to  the  injury  by 
offering  violence  to  the  women.  The  people  of  one  of  the  villages  had 
slain  one  of  the  Indian  allies  and  driven  off  several  of  the  horses,  where- 
upon Coronado  had  sent  Cardenas  with  the  greater  part  of  the  force  to 
attack  it;  and  only  after  more  than  twent\'-four  hours  of  hard  fighting, 
and  when  many  of  the  Spaniards  had  been  wounded  b)'  arrows,  were  the 
defenders  at  last  forced  to  surrender  by  a  device  of  the  Indian  allies,  who 
drove  a  mine  into  the  lower  portion  of  the  houses,  and  filled  them  with 
the  smoke  of  burning  combustibles.  By  an  act  of  base  treachery  tlicy 
were  put  to  death  after  having  been  promised  quarter;  and  at  once  the 
report  was  spread  far  and  wide  that  the  Spaniards  were  violators  of  their 
solemn  engagements. 

It  was  just  at  the  time  of  the  capture  of  this  village  that  the  main  body 
of  the  army  arrived ;  and  then  the  snow  began  to  fall  and  continued  to  do 
so  for  two  months,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to  undertake  any  'lew  enter- 
prise. Attempts  were  made,  however,  to  conciliate  the  native^ ;  but  they 
refused  to    place  any  confidence    in    the    representations    made   to   them 


EARLY    EXI'LOKATIONS   OF    NEW    MEXICO. 


491 


main  Lucv 


Force  was  thereupon  resorted  to;  and  Cardenas,  after  an  ineffectual  attempt 
upon  one  of  the  villages,  came  near  losing;  his  life  by  Ireacher}'  ireful e  tlie 
principal  town  of  Ti^niex,  to  which  Coronado  finally  determined  to  lay 
rejjular  sieye.  This  lasted  for  fifty  days,  during  which  the  besieged  suffered 
greatly  from  want  of  water;  and  finally,  in  attempting  to  escape  b\-  night 
they  were  discovered,  and  a  great  man)-  of  them  were  driven  into  the  river 
and  [jcrished.  The  Spaniards  themselves  suffered  considerabl)-,  more  than 
twenty  being  wounded  by  arrows,  several  of  whom  died  from  biid  medical 
treatment.  Two  of  the  office!.-,  perished,  —  one  killed  in  battle,  the  t)ther 
taken  prisoner  and  curried  into  the  town.' 

During  the  sieg<;  Coronado  himself  made  a  brief  visit  to  Cictu'e,  for  the 
purpose  of  examining  the  country  and  restoring  to  his  home  the  chieftain 
whom  Alvarado  had  brought  away.  At  this  time  he  promised  to  set 
Bigotes  also  at  libertj',  when  he  should  pass  by  the  place  on  his  way  to 
the  rich  countries  which  the  Turk  had  told  about.  This  delighted  the 
people,  and  he  returned  to  the  camp  before  Tiguex,  leaving  them  in  a  very 
frieiuU)-  state  of  mind  toward  him. 

About  this  time  there  arrived  mes.scngers  from  Alcarraz  and  the  colony 
at  Sonora,  bringiug  information  of  the  death  of  Melchior  Diaz,  and  of  the 
disorderly  condition  prevailing  there.  Coronado  immediatel)'  despatched 
lobar  to  take  command  at  that  place,  and  to  escort  the  messengers  whom 
he  .sent  to  the  Viceroy  to  report  what  had  already  been  accomplished  and 
the  marvellous  information  received  from  the  Turk.  Tobar  soon  found 
himself  involved  in  hostilities  with  the  natives,  and  lost  seventeen  of  his 
men  by  their  poisoned  arrows.  Not  feeling  himself  sufficiently  secure  at 
Sonora,  he  transferred  the  colony  to  the  valley  of  Suya,  forty  leagues 
nearer  to  Cibola;  imd  not  long  afterward  he  received  orders  from  Coro- 
nado to  rejoin  the   irmy  with  the  best  of  his  force. 

When  the  siege  was  over,  an  expedition  was  sent  out  to  receive  the 
submission  of  the  people  of  Chia,  a  large  town  situated  four  leagues  west 
of  the  river,  in  whose  charge  were  left  four  bronze  cannon  which  were 
in  a  bad  condition.  Another  expedition  was  equally  successful  in  a  prov- 
ince of  seven  villages  called  Ouirex.^ 

For  four  months  the  river  had  been  closed  by  ice  strong  enough  to  bear  a 
horse ;  but  now  it  had  melted,  and  Coronado  prepared  to  start  for  the  lands 
called  Quivira,  Arche,  and  the  country  of  the  Guyas,  which  the  Turk  declared 
abounded  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  with  gold  and  silver.  Many  of  the 
Spaniards,  however,  began  to  have  their  suspicions  about  these  fine  stories. 

Tht  army  left  Tiguex,  April  23,  i54i,'''for  Cicuyc,  twenty-five  leagues 
distant;   and  with  them  went  Bigotes,  who  was  set  at  liberty  on  arriving 

'  Cast.ifieda  (Relation,  p.  loi)  savs  the  siege  and  in  placing  Quirex  in  the  Queres  district  of 

terminated  at  the  close  of  1542;  but  it  is  clear,  Cochiti,  Santo  Domingo,  etc. 
from  the  c(-urse  of  the  narrative,  that  it  must  •''  Letter  of  Coro    ido  to  the  Emperor  Charles 

have  been  early  in  1541.  the   Fifth;    Teriiau.x-Compans,  vol.  i.\.  p.  356. 

^  All  the    authorities    agree    in   identifying  Castaneda   (Kclitlion,  p.    113)    says   it   was    on 

Chia  with  the  modern  pueblo  of  Cia,  or  Silla,  May  5. 


m 


i 


192 


\AKK.\II\T:  A\[)  criticai.  iiisiouy  ok  amkrica. 


M' 


\:\ 


there,  to  tlu'  ^'rcat  ju)'  of  liis  coimtiyincn.  I'rovisions  in  abiiiul.iiicc  were 
siipplietl  1)\'  them,  besides  a  guide,  named  Xabe,  a  native  u(  Oiiivira,  ulio 
conlirmctl  to  some  extent  the  stories  of  tlie  'I'lirl^.  On  ([uittin^f  Ciciije  they 
iiiiiiu(iialel)-  entered  the  mountains,  ami  alter  four  days'  march  came  to  a 
bro.ul  river  over  which  tiiey  were  forced  to  build  a  brid^'e,  which  occupied 
four  days  more.'  From  here  they  journeyed  in  a  direction  nortli-northcast 
over  the  i)lains,  and  in  a  few  days  fell  in  with  immense  herds  of  bisons.  At 
fust  there  were  only  bidls,  but  some  d.iys  later  the)-  came  upon  the  cows 
and  caKes;  and  at  this  time,  after  seventeen  days'  march,  they  came  upon 
a  band  of  nonuuls  called  Ouerechos,  busy  in  the  pursuit  of  the  animals. 
Tliis  people  dwelt  in  tents  made  of  tanned  bison-skins  stretched  around 
poles  planted  in  the  earth  and  fastened  above  and  below.  They  possessed 
large  packs  of  dogs,  by  whom  the  tents  were  transported,  and  obtained  their 
whole  sustenance  by  hunting  the  bison.  Castaneda  relates  that  on  one  occa- 
sion he  saw  an  a'Tow  driven  conii)Ietely  throt.gh  the  body  of  one  of  these 
animals.  The  Ouerechos  were  intelligent  and  perfectly  fearless,  but  frienilly ; 
and  by  signs  they  contirmed  what  the  Turk  had  said,  adding  that  to  the  east- 
wanl  w.is  a  large  river  who>c  banks  were  tliickl\'  inhabited,  and  that  the  near- 
est village  was  called  1  laxa.  Two  days'  march  farther  on,  the  same  tribe  w.is 
again  met,  and  they  said  that  the  villages  lay  still  more  to  the  cast. 

As  the  Turk  now  represeuteil  that  I  laxa  was  only  two  days'  march 
distant,  Diego  Lopez  was  sent  in  advance,  with  ten  light-armed  men,  to 
exi)lore  it;  while  the  army,  continuing  on  in  the  same  direction,  fell  in 
with  an  innumerable  quantity  of  bisons,  and  lost  several  horses  in  chasing 
them.  Lopez,  after  marching  twenty  leagues  without  seeing  anything  but 
the  sky  and  the  bisons,  was  at  last  brought  back  b\'  the  friendly  natives; 
and  his  ill  success  contributed  still  more  to  discredit  the  Turk.  One  of  the 
force,  a  native  of  Oui\ira  named  .Sopete,  had  given  quite  different  informa- 
tion about  the  route ;  and  Coronado  therefore  sent  out  another  exploring 
party  uniler  Rodrigo  Maldonado,  who  came  to  a  village  in  a  great  ravine, 
where  a  blind  old  man  gave  them  to  understand  by  signs  that  a  long  while 
before  he  had  seen  four  of  their  countrymen :  these  were  believed  to  be 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions.^  This  people  were  very  friendly, 
and  gave  to  the  .Spaniards  a  great  quantity  of  tanned  skins  and  other  ob- 
jects, including  a  tent  as  large  as  a  house.  Forthwith  a  messenger  was 
despatched  to  bring  the  whole  body  of  the  soldiers  to  this  spot,  who,  on 
arriving,  proceeded  at  onrc  to  divide  the  skins  among  themselves,  to  the 
great  chagrin  of  the  natives,  who  had  supposed  that  they  would  only  bless 
the  skins,  as  Cabeza  dc  Vaca  had  done,  and  then  return  them.  While  the 
army  was  resting  here  there  came  a  terrible  storm,  in  which  hailstones 
fell  of  such  enormous    size  as  would  have  done  great  mischief   if  it  had 

'  General  J.  II.  Simpson  [Conviiido's  ^^a>■c!l,  -  J.ir.-imillo   (Kdatioii  p.  374)  s.iys  th.it  this 

p.  336)  has  given  the  reasons  for  regarding  this  was  "  much  nearer  Xew  .S|)ain;  "  but  Castanedg 

river  as  the  Gallinas,  wliich  is  a  tributary  of  the  (Relation,  p.  120)  makes  them  to  have  pa3sed  bj 

Pecos.  this  very  village. 


.( 


EAKLV    KXI'LOUATIONS   OK    NKW    MKXICO. 


493 


been  cncoiintcrcd  in  tliu  open  jjlain.  A  party  sent  out  to  reconnoitre 
came  upon  another  wandering;  Iriije,  called  'I'ej-as,  who  comlucted  the 
army  for  three  days'  march  to  thei  •own,  wiiicli  was  called  Cona.  This 
peojjje  were  hostile  to  the  (Juerec'  js,  and  hai.1  their  faces  and  bodies 
painU-'d ;  and  from  them  guides  were  procured,  who  w(;re  not  permitted 
to  have  any  communication  with  the  Turk.  These  confuineil  what  Sopete 
iiad  said,  that  Ouivira  lay  some  forty  days'  march  in  a  northerly  ilirection ; 
and  they  led  the  way  to  another  great  valley,  a  league  broad,  watered  by  a 
little  stream,  where  were  vines  and  fruit-trees  in  abundance;  and  here  tlie 
army  rested  some  time.  As  it  had  now  become  evident  that  the  Turk  had 
deceived  them,  and  as  their  supply  of  food  began  to  run  short,  Coronado 
calleil  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  decided  tliat  lie  should  t.ike  tliirty 
of  the  bravest  and  best  mounted  horsemen  and  push  on  in  search  of 
Quivira,  and  that  tiie  rest  of  the  army  should  return  to  Tigue.v,  under  the 
command  of  Arellano.  This  decision,  however,  was  not  well  received 
by  the  soldiers,  who  besought  their  (ieneral  not  to  leave  them,  ileclaring 
that  they  were  ready  to  die  with  him.  Hut  Coronado  would  not  yield 
to  their  wishes,  and  set  out  with  his  party,  promising  to  .send  back  word 
in  eight  days  if  they  might  rejoin  him. 

The  army  waited  fifteen  days,  during  which  they  hilled  a  large  number 
of  bisons;  but  several  of  their  number  lost  the  '-.ay  and  were  never  found, 
although  cannon  were  fired  and  e\-ery  means  taken  to  recover  them.  Then 
messengers  arrived  repeating  the  order  to  return  to  Tiguex,  and  they 
quitted  the  valley  for  the  country  of  the  Teyas.  This  nomadic  people 
knew  the  region  perfectly,  and  supplied  them  with  guides,  by  whom  they 
were  conducted  back  in  twenty-five  days  to  the  river  of  Cicuye,  which  they 
struck  more  than  thirty  leagues  below  where  they  had  built  the  bridge, 
passing  on  their  way  great  salt  marshes.  The  guides  told  them  that  the 
river  flowed  toward  the  cast,  and  fell  into  the  river  of  Tigiiex  more  than 
twenty  days'  journey  away.  I'rom  this  point  they  marched  up  the  river 
to  Cicuj'c,  where  they  were  no  longer  well  received  by  the  inhabitants, 
who  refused  to  furnish  them  with  i)rovisions.  Accordingly  they  returned 
to  Tiguex,  arriving  about  the  middle  of  July,   1541. 

In  the  mean  time  Coronado,  after  marching  in  a  northerly  direction  over 
the  plains  for  thirty  days,  came  to  a  large  river,  which  was  named  for 
Saints  Peter  and  Paul.  All  this  time  he  and  his  men  had  lived  entirely 
upon  the  flesh  of  bisons,  and  often  had  only  their  milk  to  drink.  Sopete 
said  there  were  villages  farther  down  the  river ;  and  accordingl)'  he 
followed  the  northern  bank  for  three  days  or  more  in  a  northeasterly 
direction,  until  he  came  to  one  situated  upon  a  branch  of  the  great  river. 
Journeying  for  four  or  five  days  more,  he  reached  in  succession  six  or 
seven  other  villages  similarly  situated,  until  he  arrived  at  one  which  he  was 
told  was   called  Quivira.^      Here  he   heard   of  other  villages  still   farther 

•  In  his  Letter  to  Charles  V.  (p.  35S),  Coro-  after  parting  from  the  main  body  of  his  force, 
nado  states  that  having  marched  forty-two  days     he  arrived  at  Quivira  in  about  sixty-seven  days 


h 


s 


I 


'«t 


:■• 


^9^ 


NARKATIVK   AND   CKITICAI.    MISTDRY   OF    AMERICA. 


yr 


)  •;' 


m 


iliNlant  t)n  tlic  banks  of  a  yet  larmier  river  called  Teiicarea.  Circat  was 
C'(  111  matin's  ilisappointmeiit  at  ("indin^  that  Oiiivira,  instead  of  beiiij;  as  he 
had  been  infornieil  a  city  of  sioiu  luniscs  of  many  stories,  consisted  only  of 
a  collection  of  straw-built  lints,  .uul  that  its  peojjle  were  the  most  barbarous 
of  any  that  he  had  hitherto  encountered.  They  ate  their  meat  r.iw,  like  the 
(Juerechos  and  the  leyas,  and  were  clad  in  tainied  bison-skins,  not  havin;,' 
any  cotton;  but  they  cultivated  maize.  The  Turk,  who  had  for  some  time 
been  conducted  in  chains  with  the  rear-^niard,  was  now  interro^'.ilcd  as 
to  his  motives  in  so  misrepresenting'  the  nature  of  tiie  country,  ami  mis- 
leading the  Spaniards.  lie  replied  that  his  own  country  lay  beyond 
(Juivira,  and  that  the  people  of  Cibola  had  begged  him  to  lead  the 
stran^jers  astray  upon  the  [jlains,  so  that  they  mi[,dit  perish  by  famine, 
as  it  was  su[)posed  that  they  relied  upon  maize  for  their  footl,  and  did  not 
know  how  to  chase  the  bison.  One  ni^dit  he  endeavored  to  stir  up  the 
people  of  Ouivira  to  massacre  the  Spaniards;  but  beinrj  put  upon  their 
^'uard,  the  Spanianls  stran^ded  him,  to  the  ^'reat  delight  of  .Sopete.  No 
[,'old  or  silver  was  found  in  the  country;  but  one  of  the  chiefs  wore  a  plate 
of  copper  suspended  from  his  neck,  by  which  he  set  great  store.  Coronado 
says  th.it  Quivira  was  nine  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant  from  Mexico, 
and  was  situated  in  latitude  40'.  The  soil  was  rich  and  black,  watered  by 
many  streams,  iid  bore  an  abundance  of  grapes  and  plums.'  Here  he 
remained  for  twenty-five  days,  sending  out  exploring  parties  in  all  direc- 
tions, who  found  great  difficulty  in  communicating  with  the  natives,  owing 
to  the  diversity  of  1  Miguages  spoken  by  them,  and  the  want  of  interpreters. 
It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  Jidy,-  and  it  was  time  to  start  to  rejoin  the 
army  at  Tiguex.  So,  after  collecting  a  supply  of  maize  for  the  journey, 
and  erecting  a  cross  with  an  inscrii)tion   saying  that  Coronado  had  been 


(p.  359).  This  gives  twenty-five  clays  for  ac- 
coniplishiiip  the  distance  to  the  point  of  scp- 
ar.itiim,  instead  of  thirty-seven,  as  stated  hy 
Castaficda  (AWii/ioii,  pp.  127,  134),  who  esti- 
mates that  they  had  travelled  two  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues  from  Tinucv,  marchiiii;  six  or  seven 
lea.i;ues  a  day,  as  measured  liy  countinj;  their 
steps. 

1  Letter  to  Charles  I'.,  p.  360.  There  is  a 
great  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  situation 
of  Qiiivira.  The  earlier  writers,  Gallatin, 
S(|uier,  Kern,  Abcrt,  and  even  Davis,  have 
fallen  into  the  error  of  fixinu;  it  at  Gran  Quivira, 
about  one  hundred  miles  directly  south  of  .Santa 
I'"e,  where  arc  to  be  seen  the  ruins  of  a  Fran- 
ciscan Mission  founded  subsequently  to  1629. 
See  Diary  of  ati  exeiirsion  to  the  ruins  of  A/io, 
Q/iarra,aiiii  Grait  Qitirira,  in  .W'^o  J/exieo,  1853, 
bv  Major  J.  II.  Carletnn  (Smithsonian  Kcporl, 
1S54,  p.  296).  General  Simpson,  however, 
(Coroiiai/o's  Mareh.  p.  339)  argues  against  this 
view,  and  maintains  that  Coronado  "reached 
the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  or  what  is  now 


the  boundary  line  between  the  States  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  well  on  toward  the  Missouri 
Kiver."  Judge  Savage  believes  that  he  cros.sed 
the  plains  of  Kansas  and  came  out  at  a  point 
much  farther  west,  upon  the  Platte  Kiver. 
J'roeeediir^s  of  Amerieaii  Antiquarian  Soeiety, 
April,  iS.Si,  p.  240.  Prince  [lliilory  of  .\'(W 
.l/exieo,  p.  141)  tliinks  that  "  C'oronado  traversed 
])arts  of  the  Intlian  Territory  and  Kansas,  and 
finally  stopped  on  the  borders  of  the  Missouri, 
somewhere  between  Kansas  Citv  and  Council 
liluffs."  Judge  Prince,  who  is  President  of  the 
Hist.  Society  of  New  Mexico,  adds  that  it  would 
be  iniiJossible  from  what  Castaiieda  tells  us,  to. 
determine  the  ])osition  of  Quivira  with  certainty, 
liandelier  (//istoriea/  IntroJuetion,  p.  25)  is  not 
satisfied  that  he  reached  as  far  northeast  as 
General  Simpson  states,  and  believes  that  he 
moved  more  in  a  cnxle. 

-  Jaramillo  (Relation,  \>.  377)  says  "it  was 
about  the  middle  of  August ;"  but  according 
to  Castaneda  (Relation,  p.  141),  Coronado  got 
back  to  Tiguex  in  .August. 


H 


LAKLY    LM'LORATIONS   OF    NEW    MKMCO. 


495 


tlicrc,  he  procured  fresh  ^juicles,  leaving;  Sdpetc  in  his  home,  and  rctiirnod 
Ijy  the  route  he  hail  cuuje,  as  far  as  to  tiie  river  named  for  S.iints  I'etcr 
and  I'aul.  At  that  point,  bendini;  more  towards  the  west,  they  readied 
llie  country  where  tliey  had  first  fallen  in  with  the  (Juerechos,  and  hail  bee  i 
lunud  from  the  direct  course  by  the  Turk;  and  in  forty  days  they  reached 
Cicuye. 

In  the  mean  time,  Arellano  and  the  main  portion  of  the  force  had  been 
makin[^  pre|)arations  for  passinj^  the  winter  at  Tiguex,  and  had  been 
despatching;  (jarties  in  different  directions  to  procure  supplies  of  provisions. 
One  under  P'rancisco  tie  Marrio-Niievo  was  sent  in  a  northerly  direction 
u[)  the  river  and  visiteil  two  provinces,  of  which  one,  called  Heme/, 
coniained  seven  villa^'cs;  the  other,  named  Vu{iue-\'uM(|ue,  two  fine  ones 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  four  others  strongly  fortified  and  difficult 
of  access  in  the  mountains.'  Twenty  lea^jues  farther  up  the  river  was  a 
lart^c  and  powerful  village  called  Hraba,  to  which  the  Spaniards  <;ave  the 
name  of  Valiadolid.  It  was  built  on  both  bankh  of  a  deep  and  rapid  stre.uii, 
which  was  crossed  by  a  bridge  of  well- I'luared  p;ne  timber;  and  cont.iined 
large  rooms  that  could  be  heated,  supported  by  huge  pillars,  superior  to 
anything  of  the  kind  that  had  been  seen  in  the  country.'-^  Another  i.xpc- 
dition  was  sent  down  the  river,  as  has  been  already  related. 

liy  this  time  .some  apprehension  began  to  be  felt  for  Coronado's  safety, 
as  the  time  fixed  for  his  return  had  expired  and  nothing  had  yet  been 
heard  from  him.  Accordingly  Arellano  started  with  a  small  party  in  search 
of  him,  and  at  Cicuye  he  was  attacked  by  the  inhabitants,  with  whom  he 
kept  up  a  roiTtest  for  four  days.  Tidings  then  came  from  the  f  iencral ; 
and,  content  IV ;  himself  with  guarding  the  passes,  iircllano  waited  there 
for  his  arrival.  Coronado  soon  succeeded  in  re-establishing  friendly  rela- 
tions, and  continued  on  immediately  to  Tiguex.  As  soon  as  he  reached 
that  place  he  set  about  in  earnest  to  pacify  the  whole  province,  and  to 
persuade  the  inhabitants  to  return  to  their  homes.  The  most  strenuous 
exertions  were  made  to  procure  a  supply  of  clothing  for  the  troops,  who 
were  in  great  distress  for  it,  and  to  provide  in  every  way  for  their  comfort; 
so  that  Castancda  says,  "  Never  was  Spanish  general  in  the  Indies  more 
beloved  or  better  obeyed  than  he."  In  the  spring  he  promised  his  men 
that  they  should  start  again  in  search  of  the  unknown  countries,  about 
w  hich  the  Turk  hail  set  their  imaginations  on  fire.  The  greater  part  were 
fnm  in  the  conviction  that  the  natives  were  familiar  with  gold,  despite 
their  assurances  to  the  contrary,  and  that  they  should  find  it  in  abundance. 
Hut  it  is  plain  from  Coronado's  report  that  he  did  not  share  in  this  belief; 
and  the  sequel  proved  that  others  agreed  with  him.     The  region  of  Tigue.x 

1  Hcmcz   evidently   is   the   Jcmcz   pueblos ;  I'.  339)  lias  identified  l!r:d).T  with  tlie  celebrated 

and  YiKiuc-Vunque  has  been  identified  as  the  pueblo  of  Taos,  where  such  a  st\ibl)orn  resist- 

'Ichua    pueblos,    Santa    Clara,   San   Ildefonso,  ance  was  made  to  the  American  arms  in  1S47. 

etc.,  north  of  Santa  Fc.     Bandelicr,  Ilislorical  Of  this,  Gregg,  in  his  Commerce  of  the  /Vniiu.i, 

Iiitroductioiu  P-  -\  '''^''  R'^'en  a  description  Lorres|)onding  perfectly 

-  Gcneri.l  J.  II.  Simpson  [Coronuiio's  Mun/i.  with  that  of  Castancda's  Kehition,  p    1^9. 


>:  I 


%. 


1:.  '  i  ,i 


496 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


V;    ' 


he  found  far  too  cold  and  too  distant  from  the  sea  to  make  it  a  desirable 
situation  for  a  colony. 

About  this  time  Tobar  arrived  with  the  reinforcements  which,  as  wc 
have  seen,  he  had  been  ordered  to  bring  from  the  valley  of  Suya.  He  had 
taken  only  the  best  soldiers,  leaving  many  discontented  and  mutinous  ones 
behind  ;  and  these  arrived  in  the  full  expectation  of  finding  the  General 
already  established  in  the  rich  countries  about  which  the  marvellous  reports 
had  reached  them.  IJut  their  disappointment  was  somewhat  consoled  when 
tlicy  learned  that  in  the  spring  the  whole  ami)-  would  start  in  tiie  search 
of  them.  Tobar  had  brought  despatches  from  the  Viceroy,  and  private 
letters,  —  among  them  one  informing  Cardenas  that  he  had  fallen  heir  to 
his  elder  brother's  estate.  Cardenas  accordingl)'  obtained  lea\'e  to  return 
to  Mexico,  and  several  others  went  with  him.  Castaneda  says  that  many 
more  would  have  been  glad  to  do  so,  if  they  had  not  been  restrained  by 
fear  of  being  accused  of  cowardice.  This  shows  the  divided  feeling  that 
prevailed.  And  soon  trouble  arose  between  the  General,  who  studied  only 
the  welfare  of  the  whole  army,  and  certain  of  the  officers,  who  selfishly 
looked  more  after  the  interests  of  their  own  men ;  so  that  some  already 
began  to  talk  of  abandoning  the  expedition  and  returning  to  New  Spain. 

When  the  winter  was  over,  Coronado  ordered  preparations  to  be  made 
to  start  for  Ouivira,  on  the  way  to  the  unknown  countries.  But  fate  had 
ordained  a  different  termination  for  his  enterprise.  On  a  holiday,  while 
he  was  amusing  himself  by  tilting  at  the  ring  with  IMaldonado,  Coronado's 
saddle-girths  broke,  and  he  fell  to  the  ground,  where  he  received  a  blow  on 
the  head  from  IMaldonado's  horse,  M'hich  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  A  long 
illness  followed,  during  which  Cardenas  suddenly  returned  in  haste  from 
Suya,  with  the  news  that  he  had  found  that  post  broken  up  and  the  inhab- 
itants massacred.  It  seems  that  the  discontented  element  left  behind  by 
Tobar,  —  pretending  that  they  had  been  abandoned,  and  that  the  route  for 
New  Spain  had  left  them  on  one  side, — had  deserted  Alcarraz  and  the  sick 
men  under  his  charge,  and  had  fled  to  Culiacan.  Upon  this  the  natives 
became  insubordinate,  and  one  night  made  an  attack  upon  the  enfeebled 
force  with  poisoned  arrows,  killing  a  number  of  them.  The  rest  escaped 
on  foot  to  Corazones,  whose  people,  always  friendly  to  the  Spaniards, 
aided  them  on  their  way  to  Culiacan,  where  they,  as  well  as  the  mutineers, 
were  found  by  Gallegos  not  long  afterward,  when  he  arrived  there  with 
reinforcements. 

The  news  of  this  calamity  was  so  afflicting  to  Coronado  that  he  grew 
worse,  or,  as  Castaneda  intimates,  feigned  to  do  so,  as  he  had  allowed  him- 
self to  give  way  to  the  influence  of  superstitious  terrors.  In  his  youth 
the  prediction  had  been  made  that  he  would  become  lord  of  a  distant  land, 
and  that  he  would  lose  his  life  there  by  a  fall.  This  now  seemed  to  him 
to  be  in  the  way  of  accomplishment,  and  he  longed  to  return  to  die  with 
his  wife  and  children.  The  surgeon  had  kept  him  informed  of  the  dis- 
content that  prevailed  among  a  portion  of  his  fo'xe,  and  he  accordingly* 


1  ', 

i         [ 

n 

III 

lilii'J 

n 

KICA. 


EARLY    EXPLORATIOiNS   OF   NEW   MEXICO. 


497 


;  it  a  desirable 

wliich,  as  wc 
uya.     He  had 
mitiiioiis  onus 
i  the  General 
'cUoiis  reports 
:oiisoled  when 
in  the  search 
',  and  private 
fallen  heir  to 
:a\e  to  return 
lys  that  many- 
restrained  by 
d  feelin.^-  tiiat 
)  studied  only 
who  selfishly 
some  already 
lew  Spain. 
IS  to  be  made 
But  fate  iuid 
loliday,  while 
0,  Coronado's 
ed  a  blow  on 
life.     A  loni,' 
n  haste  from 
d  the  inhab- 
ft  behind  by 
the  route  for 
and  the  sick 
the  natives 
le  enfeebled 
rest  escaped 
e   Sj)aniards, 
e  mutineers, 
1  there  with 

lat  he  [^rew 
llowed  him- 
n  his  youth 
distant  land, 
med  to  Jiini 
I  to  die  with 
of  the  dis- 
accordingly 


took  secret  counsel  with  certain  of  the  officers,  in  which  it  was  agreed 
that  they  should  persuade  their  men  to  present  a  petition,  pra)-iug  that 
they  mirrht  be  allowed  to  return  to  New  Spain.  A  council  of  war  was  then 
held,  •-•"  which  the  conclusion  was  reached  that  the  country  was  neither 
sufficiently  rich  nor  populous  to  make  it  worth  the  holding.  Coronado 
thereupon  issued  the  necessary  orders  for  the  return  march.  Some  of  the 
officers,  however,  repented  of  their  decision,  and  asked  the  General  to  give 
them  sixty  picked  men,  with  which  to  maintain  themselves  until  reinforce- 
ments should  be  sent  by  the  Viceroy ;  or  for  him  to  take  that  number 
of  men  for  his  escort,  and  leave  the  command  of  the  expedition  to  some 
other  person.  But  the  army  would  not  listen  to  cither  of  these  propositions, 
as  they  had  no  inclination  to  make  the  trial  of  any  new  commander.  The 
consequence  was  that  the  zeal  and  affection  of  some  of  the  officers  for  their 
chief  disappeared,  though  that  of  the  men  still  held  firm. 

It  was  in  the  early  part  of  April,  1542,  that  the  army  began  its  return 
march  to  New  Spain.  Two  of  the  missionaries  remained  behind,  in  the 
hope  of  making  proselytes  of  the  natives.  One  of  them,  a  lay  brother 
named  Luis,  remained  at  Cicuye;  the  other,  Juan  dc  Padilla,  who  had  led 
the  charge  at  Tusayan,  continued  on  to  Ouivira  with  seme  native  converts; 
where,  in  the  words  of  Castaneda,  he  speedily  "  received  the  martj'r's 
crown."  To  better  insure  the  safety  of  the  pmsts,  Coronado  ordered  his 
men  to  set  at  liberty  their  native  slaves,  and  then  started  for  Cibola.  On 
the  journey  thither  the  horses,  which  thus  far  had  kept  in  excellent 
condition,  began  to  die  in  great  numbers.  The  army  accordingly  rested 
a  while  there  before  entering  upon  the  desert  lying  between  that  place 
and  Chichilticalli ;  and  some  Christianized  Indians  from  Mexico  remained 
behind  at  Cibola,  where  they  were  found  by  Antonio  de  Espcjo,  forty-one 
years  afterward,  in  1583.^ 

The  crossing  of  the  desert  was  uneventful,  and  two  days  after  they 
reached  Chichilticalli,  Gallegos  arrived  there  from  the  Viceroy  with  rein- 
forcements of  men  and  munitions  of  war.  Great  was  his  dismay  at  finding 
the  army  on  its  way  back,  and  all  the  splendid  visions  dissipated  that  the 
Turk  had  conjured  up.  Those  of  the  officers  who  had  offered  to  remain 
and  hold  the  country  until  the  Viceroy's  commands  should  be  received, 
now  renewed  their  proposition;  but  the  soldiers  refused  to  return,  and 
clamored  to  be  led  back  to  New  Spain.  Coronado  found  himself  powerless 
to  constrain  them,  even  if  he  possessed  the  inclination  to  do  so ;  nor  was 
his  authority  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  inflict  any  punishment  upon  the 
deserters  who  had  abandoned  Alcarraz  at  Suya.  During  the  march,  Cas- 
taneda says  that  Coronado  kept  up  the  fiction  of  being  ill,  and  only  allowed 
his  intimates  access  to  his  person.  The  natives,  seeing  that  the  country  was 
being  abandoned  by  the  Spaniards,  kept  up  a  succession  of  hostile  encoun- 
ters, in  which  several  of  the  force  perished.     As  provisions  began  to  fail, 

1  Carta,  April  23,  1584,  Doiiimiiitos  iiu'iiiU's,  torn.  xv.  p.  iSo;   llakliiyt.  Voyages,  etc.  iii.  463 
(edition  of  1810). 
VOL.   n.  — 63. 


?vu 


,'■.( 


1 1 


498  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  army  hastened  on  to  Pctatlan,  thirty  leagues  from  Cidiacan,  the  scat 
of  Coronado's  government.  All  the  bonds  of  discipline  had  now  become 
rela.xcd,  and  even  his  authority  there  as  governor  was  not  sufficient  to 
reinforce  it;  but  by  begging  his  friends  to  use  their  influence  with  the 
men,  he  was  able  to  bring  about  one  hundred  of  the  force  back  with 
himself  to  Mexico.  Here  he  was  received  but  coolly  by  the  Viceroy, 
Mendoza;  his  reputation  was  gone,  and  soon  after  he  was  deprived  of  his 
position  as  Governor  of  New  Gallicia. 

Such  was  the  end  of  an  expedition  which,  as  General  Simpson  says, 
"  for  extent  in  distanf-e  travelled,  duration  in  time,  and  the  multiplicity 
of  its  co-operating  ex'ieditions,  equalled,  if  it  did  not  exceed,  any  land 
expedition  that  has  been  undertaken  in  modern  times."  ^ 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON  THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


■::i 


U!  a 


'  !' 


THE  original  sources  of  information  in  regard  to  tlie  early  Spanish  explorations  of  New 
Mexico  have  been  made  available  for  students  within  the  last  thirty  years  by  the 
publication  of  several  collections  of  documents,  preserved  either  in  Mexico  or  in  the 
Archivo  de  Indias,  at  Seville,  or  in  the  great  national  repository  at  Simancas.  The  first 
to  appear  was  the  one  entitled  Docnmentos  para  la  historia  dc  Mejico,  published  by  order 
of  the  Mexican  Government  between  1853  and  1857.-  This  is  distributed  into  four  series, 
of  which  the  third  and  the  Iburth  contain  important  historical  material  bearing  upon  this 
subject.  Next  came  the  well-selected  Coleccion  dc  varies  documcnios  para  la  historia  dc  la 
Florida  y  ticrras  adyaccntcs,  undertaken  by  the  late  Buckingham  Smith,  of  which,  however, 
only  the  first  volume  appeared  in  Madrid,  in  1857. ^  Then  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  the 
accomplished  translator  of  Prescott's  Conquest  of  Peru,  published  in  Mexico  a  valuable 
Coleccion  de  documcntos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  in  two  volumes,  the  first  in  1S58  and 
the  second  in  1866 ,■*  But  by  far  the  most  important  of  all  is  the  great  Coleccion  de  docii- 
tnentos  incdiios  relativos  al  desciibrinticnto,  conquista  y  colonizacion  de  las  posesioncs 
EspaTiolas  en  America y  Oceania,  sacados  en  su  tnavor  parte  del  real  Archivo  de  Indias. 
Forty  volumes  of  this  indispensable  repertory  have  already  appeared  at  Madrid,  between 
1S64  and  1884,  edited  by  Joaquin  Francesco  Pacheco  and  other  scholars.^  A  most  essen- 
tial service,  however,  had  been  rendered  to  the  students  of  early  American  history  at 
a  still  earlier  date  by  the  publication  of  Henri  Ternaux-Compans'  admirable  series  of 
Voyai^es,  relations,  et  menioires  originaux  pour  servir  a  Phistoire  de  la  dccouverte  dc 
V A mcrique,  publics  poiir  la  premiere  fois  en  Fran^ais,  of  which  twenty  parts  appeared  in 
Paris  between  1S37  and  1841."'  Prior  to  this  our  knowledge  had  been  mainly  restricted  to 
Italian  translations  of  original  narratives  published  by  Giovanni  Battista  Ramusio  in  the 
third  volume  of  his  Navij:^ationi  et  Viai^aii,  Venice,  1556  (reprinted  in  1565  and  subse- 
quently) ;  of  most  of  which  Richard  Hakluyt  has  given  an  English  version  in  the  third 
volume  of  his  Voyages,  nanigations,  trajfiqites,  and  discoueries,  London,  1600  (reprinted 
in  iSio). 


1  Coronado's  March,  p.  324. 

2  [See  antt,  p.  397.  —  Ed.) 
^  [See  ante,  p.  290.  —  Ed.] 
*  [See  anic,  p.  397.  —  Ed.] 

'^  [See  Introduction,  ante,  p.  vii.     The  latest 
volumes   read   on  the    titlepage :    Coleccion    Je 


documcntos  incdiios  relatives  al  dcsciihrwiienlo, 
conquista  y  organizacion  de  las  antiguas  posesioncs 
espaiwlas  de  America  y  Oceania  sacados  de  los 
Archivos  del  reino  y  muy  espcciatmente  del  de 
Indias.  Competentemente  aulorizada.  —  En.] 
*  [See  Introduction,  ante,  p.  vi.  —  Eu.j 


EARLY    EXl'LOKATIONS    OF    NEW   iMEXICO. 


499 


The  different  expeditions,  in  their  chronological  order,  may  now  be  studied  in  the  fol- 
lowing original  authorities  :  — 

An  account  of  tlie  expedition  of  Nufio  Beltran  de  Guzman  to  Ciguatan  is  contained  in 
the  Primcra  (segunda)  {tercera)  {qtmrta)  rclacifln  aiwnima  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo 
Nittio  de  Guzman  a  la  Nucva  Galicia,  in  Icazbalceta's  Colcccion,  vol.  ii.  pp.  288-306; 
439-483.  Other  narratives  can  be  found  in  I'achcco's  Documentos  hu'dilos,  torn,  xiv., 
pp.  347-373,  and  411-463;  torn,  xvi.,  pp.  363  375.  De  (kizman  first  conquered  and 
then  colonized  Sinaloa,  and  even  penetrated  into  .Sonora,  tlius  preparing  the  way  for  the 
subsequent  explorations.  \'ery  little  information,  however,  about  .\ew  Mexico  is  to  be 
obtained  from  any  of  these  narratives. 

Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  \'aca  published  his  remarkable  story  at  Zaniora  in  1542,  under 
the  title  ;  La  relacion  que  dio  Aluar  XiiTiez  Cabci^a  de  I'lica  dc  lo  aiaiscido  en  las  Indias 
en  la  armada  donde  yua  por gouernador  Paphilode  Xarbaez,  dcsde  el  aTio  de  veynte y  siete 
hasta  el  aTio  de  trcyntay  seys  que  boluio  a  Sevilla  con  ires  de  su  compania.'-  Notwith- 
standing the  vivid  interest  that  will  always  attach  to  this  thrilling  story  of  adventure  and 
sutfering,  the  indications  given  in  it  of  the  routes  by  which  lie  journeyed,  and  of  the  places 
and  peoples  he  visited,  are  practically  of  far  too  vague  a  character  to  enable  them  to  be 
satisfactorily  identified,^  even  if  we  feel  warranted  in  placing  implicit  confidence  in  the 
author's  veracity. 

The  original  report  by  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza  (of  Nice)  of  his  Descubrimi-:nto  dc  las 
Siete  Ciudades,  can  be  found  in  I^aclieco's  Documentos  ineditos.  torn  iii.  p.  329 :  and  the 
instructions  received  by  him  from  the  Viceroy  Mendoza  are  given  or.  p.  325  of  the  same 
volume.  An  Italian  tran.ilation  of  the  report  is  contained  in  Ramusio,  A'avigationi,  vol. 
iii.  p.  356  (ed.  of  1565)  ;  and  from  this  was  made  the  English  version  in  Ilakluyt,  Voyages, 
vol.  iii.  p.  438  (ed.  ot  1810).  But  on  comparing  both  Ramusio's  and  Hakluyt's  versions 
with  the  original,  not  only  will  it  be  found  that  in  many  places  they  are  mere  paraphrases, 
but  that  frequently  additional  particulars  have  been  foisted  into  the  text.  Especially  notice- 
able are  the  many  exaggerated  statements  in  regard  to  the  quantities  of  gold  and  of  precious 
stones  seen  by  the  monk  during  his  journey,  or  about  which  stories  are  told  to  him  by  the 
natives,  for  which  there  is  not  a  vestige  of  authority  to  lie  found  in  the  original.  Fray 
Marcos  claims  to  have  related  what  he  himself  saw  or  what  was  told  to  him  ;  but  it  is 
evident  not  only  that  he  was  prone  to  lend  a  credulous  ear  to  whatever  fictions  might  be 
imposed  upon  him,  but  that  he  grossly  misrepresented  what  he  had  himself  seer..  This 
is  c"rectly  charged  upon  him  by  those  who  followed  in  his  footsteps  under  Coronado,  and 
who  suffered  grievously  by  re.tson  of  his  falsifications  ;  so  that  he  was  even  compelled  to 
flee  to  Mexico  to  escape  the  consequences  of  their  just  indignation.  Wc  think  tliat  he 
fairly  deserves  the  epithet  of  "  the  lying  monk,"  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  him,  in 
spite  of  the  air  of  probability  which  pervades  the  greater  part  of  his  narrative.  But  it  must 
in  justice  be  said,  however,  that  he  appears  rather  to  have  been  carried  away  by  religious 
enthusiasm  than  actuated  by  any  personal  or  mercenary  considerations  ;  and  with  the  hope 
of  being  able  to  convert  the  natives  to  Christianity,  he  invested  them  and  their  surround- 
ings with  the  glow  of  his  own  imagination.  Still,  this  need  not  militate  against  tiie  truth 
of  his  statements  in  regard  to  the  distances  he  travelled,  or  the  physical  characteristics  of 
the  regions  through  which  his  route  lay:  so  that  his  narrative  will  always  be  "mportant  for 
the  students  of  the  topography,  if  not  of  the  ethnology,  of  New  Mexico  at  the  period  of 
its  discovery. 

Ternaux-Compans  {Voyages,  etc.,  vol.  ix.  p.  256)  has  made  a  most  faithful  French 
translation,  from  copies  of  the  originals  at  Simancas,  of  Fray  Marcos's  report,  and  of  the 
letter  from  Mendoza  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  which  accompanied  it,  as  well  as  of  tlie 
instructions  received  by  the  Friar  from  Mendoza. 

The  story  of  Coronado's  romantic  expedition  in  search  of  "  The  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  " 
has  been  told  with  more  or  less  of  detail  by  four  different  persons  who  took  part  in  it. 


>  I 


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'  [For  bibliography  of  this  Kdiicioii  see  iinlf,  p.  ;;S6.  —  i^D.] 


-  [See  (!«/£•,  p.  2S7.  —  Ed.] 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


We  have  also  three  of  his  own  letters  and  despatches  narrating  liis  earlier  proceedings. 
Of  tliese,  tlie  first  is  a  brief  one,  written  to  the  Vireroy  Mendoza,  dated  Ciiliacan,  Marcli  8, 
1539,  transmitting  a  report  received  from  Fray  Marcos  while  upon  his  journey.  An 
English  version  of  this  can  be  found  in  Hakluyt,  Voya^^es,  vol.  iii.  p.  434  (ed.  of  1810), 
translated  from  Ramusio,  Aavigationi,  vol.  iii.  p.  395  (ed.  of  1565);  and  a  French  tran.s- 
lation,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  vol.  i.\.  p.  349.  Next  comes  a  .short  letter  to  the  Mceroy 
dated  April  10,  1539,  in  which  he  tells  about  the  preparations  for  his  ineffectual  expedition 
to  Topira  ;  liakluyt,  p.  352  ;  Ramusio,  p.  435  ;  Ternaux-Compans,  p.  352.  Of  much 
greater  importance,  however,  is  the  full  report  transmitted  by  him  to  Mendoza  from  Cibola 
(or  C.ranada,  as  he  called  it),  Au,u:ust  3,  1540,  setting  forth  everything  that  had  occurred 
between  that  date  antl  April  22,  when  he  had  started.  An  Italian  version  of  this  is  given 
by  Ramusio,  A\ivii;r.u 'iii,  vol.  iii.  p.  359  (td.  of  1565)  ;  Relatione  de  Francisco  Basques  de 
Coivnado  del  viat^io  alle  dctte  sctta  cita.  An  English  translation  can  be  found  in  Hakluyt, 
Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  446  (ed.  of  iSio).  Finally,  there  is  the  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  \'.,  from  Tiguex,  after  his  return  from  Quivira,  in  which  is  related  the 
course  of  events  from  April  23,  1541.  up  to  October  20  of  the  .same  year.  This  can  be 
found  in  Pacheco's  Docnmentos  incdilos,  tom.  iii.  p.  363  ;  a.id  it  has  been  repeated  in 
torn.  xiii.  p.  261.  A  French  translation  of  it  is  given  in  the  I'oyages  of  Ternaux-Com- 
pans, vol.  ix.  p.  355. 

The  four  narratives  by  other  pens  are  — 

1.  An  anonymous  Relation  del  siiceso  de  la  Jornada  que  Francisco  Vazquez  hizo  ai  el 
descubrini lento  de  Cibola,  contained  in  Buckingham  Smit.i's  Coleccion  de  ratios  docutnentos, 
p.  147.  This  was  afterwards  jsrinted  in  Va.c\\tico' a  Docnmentos  ineditos,  tom.  xiv.  p.  318, 
but  with  the  erroneous  date  of  1531,  instead  of  1541. 

2.  A  second  anonymous  account,  entitled  Traslado  de  las  nuevas  y  noticias  que  dieron 
sobre  el  dcscobrimiento  de  una  Cihdad  que  llamaron  de  Cibola,  situada  en  la  Ticrra 
Nucva,  can  also  be  found  in  Docunientos  incditos,  tom.  xix.  p.  529,  with  the  same  error 
in  the  date, 

3.  Of  much  greater  value  is  the  Relacion  que  did  el  Capitan  Joan  Jaramillo,  de  la  Jor- 
nada que  hizo  a  '  i  tierra  nueva  de  la  que  fue  General  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado  j  of 
which  a  French  translation  was  first  published  by  Ternaux-Compans,  in  his  I'oyages,  etc., 
vol.  ix.  p.  364.  The  original  was  afterwards  printed  in  Buckingham  Smith's  Coleccion, 
p.  155,  and  subsequently  in  Pacheco's  Docunientos  ini'ditos,  tom.  xiv.  p.  304,  but  under 
the  erroneous  date  of  1537.  It  is  a  straightforward,  soldierly  narrative,  well  written,  and 
with  many  picturesque  details,  and  it  contains  an  unusual  amount  of  topographical  infor- 
mation :  so  that  it  is  of  great  value  in  establishing  the  route  followed  by  the  expedition, 
and  in  identifying  the  various  localities. 

4.  But  if  our  knowledge  of  the  expedition  had  been  confined  to  the  authorities  tlius  far 
indicated,  we  should  have  had  a  very  imperfect  idea  both  of  its  events  and  of  its  results. 
In  1838  Ternaux-Compans  published  a  translation  into  French  of  a  quarto  manuscript,  of 
157  leaves,  which  he  hr.d  found  in  the  Uguina  Collection,  at  Paris,  under  the  title  Relation 
du  I'oyaj^e  de  Cibola  cnterpris  in  1540  ;  o:i  I' on  traite  de  toutes  les  peuplades  qui habitent 
cette  contree,  de  leiirs  mcciirs  ct  coutumes,  par  Pedro  de  Castaneda  de  A'agera  {Voyages, 
vol.  ix.  p.  I).  Nothing  has  been  discovered  in  relation  to  this  writer  except  what  is  con- 
tained ia  his  own  account.  He  states  that  he  "wrote  his  narrative  in  the  city  of  Culiacan, 
where  he  was  living  in  the  midst  of  misery  and  dangers,  as  the  whole  country  was  in  a 
state  of  Insurrection"  (p.  233).  The  volume  bears  the  indorsement,  "  Finished  copying 
at  .Seville,  Oct.  26  1596."  As  his  name  is  not  mentioned  in  the  list  of  officers  which  he 
has  given,  it  is  sup[.osed  that  he  w.ns  only  ?  private  soldier.  The  work  shows  that  he  was 
a  man  of  considerable  education,  but  it  is  evidently  the  production  of  a  novice  in  the  art 
of  literary  composition.  It  is  an  attempt  at  a  methodical  narrative,  divided  into  three 
parts,  but  it  is  q'lite  difficult  to  follow  in  it  the  order  of  events.  In  the  first  part  he  treats 
of  the  incidents  of  the  expedition,  and  of  the  armv  and  its  officers  ;  the  second  contains  .'1 
description  of  the  provinces,  villages,  and  mountains  that  were  discovered,  of  the  religion 


W 


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EARLY   EXPLORATIONS    OP'   NEW    MEXICO. 


501 


and  customs  of  tlie  inhabitants,  and  of  tlie  animals,  fruits,  and  vejiotables  to  be  found  ; 
an'i  in  tlie  last  part  he  tells  about  the  return  of  the  army,  anil  explains  the  reasons  for 
abandoning  the  attempt  at  colonization.  As  he  wrote  more  than  twenty  years  after  the 
events  he  has  described,  he  sometimes  signifies  his  inaljility  to  remember  precisely  tlie 
number  of  miles  travelled,  or  of  the  days  during  which  they  journeyed.  He  has  even  fallen 
into  the  error  of  making  the  day  on  which  the  expedition  entered  Canipostello,  Shrove 
Tuesday,  1541  (p.  24),  although  he  gives  the  correct  date,  1540,  in  the  Dedicatory  Epistle 
(p.  xiv).  Throughout  his  entire  narrative,  whenever  he  gives  the  date  of  the  year,  it  is 
always  one  too  lar'^e,  as  can  be  seen  on  pp.  loi,  137,  and  213.  Me  professes  to  have 
written  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  the  many  misrepresentations  uid  fables  that  had 
sprung  up  in  regard  to  the  country  they  had  discovered,  and  the  character  of  the  people, 
and  the  nature  of  the  animals  to  be  found  there.  Castafleda  impresses  the  reader  as  a 
religious,  humane,  and  candid  man,  who  cannot  fail  to  win  his  confidence  in  the  truth  of 
the  events  he  relates.  He  does  not  hesitate  to  expose  and  to  comment  upon  t!ie  cruel 
and  rapacious  acts  of  his  own  countrymen  ;  and  he  does  full  justice  botli  to  the  natural 
amiability  and  to  the  valor  of  the  natives.  His  various  observations  show  him  to  have 
been  a  man  of  sagacity  and  good  judgment.  Mr.  Bandelier  vouches  for  the  remarkable 
accuracy  of  his  description  of  the  country,  although  the  distances  generally  are  estimated 
one  third  too  great  (^Historical  Introduction  to  Studies  ainonn  tlie  Sedentary  Indians  of 
IK'ew  Mexico,  p.  22).     The  Castafieda  MS.  is  now  in  the  Lenox  library. 

These  are  all  the  original  sources  of  knowledge  in  regard  to  the  earliest  attempts  at 
exploration  in  New  Mexico  by  the  Spaniards,  and  especially  respecting  Coronado's  expe- 
dition to  the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola.  The  historians  of  Mexico,  from  Gomara  down, 
while  adding  no  new  information  to  that  detailed  by  Castaneda,  are  in  agreement  with  him 
as  to  the  general  facts. 

Renewed  attention  was  directed  to  Coronado's  expedition  and  to  the  probable  locality 
of  Cibola  by  the  publication  of  the  reports  contained  in  the  A'otes  of  a  Military  Reconnois- 
sance  made  by  Lieut.-Colonel  William  //.  Emory,  in  1846-1847,  with  the  advance  guard 
of  the  armv  of  the  West,  during  the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 1  and  the 
Report  of  Lieutenant  J .  W.  Abert  of  his  examination  of  Meiu  Mexico.  Colonel  Emory, 
in  a  letter  to  Hon.  Albert  Gallatin,  dated  Oct.  8,  1847,  made  the  statement  that  he  had 
met  with  "an  Indian  race  living  in  four-story  houses,  built  upon  rocky  promontories, 
inaccessible  to  a  savage  foe,  cultivating  the  soil,  and  answering  the  description  of  the  seven 
cities  of  Coronado,  except  in  their  present  insignificance  in  size  and  population,  and  the 
fact  that  the  towns,  though  near  each  other,  are  not  in  a  (continuous)  valley  six  leagues 
long,  but  on  different  branches  of  the  same  stream"  (p.  133).  He  had  in  mind  the 
villages  in  the  vicinity  of  Ciboletta,  Laguna,  etc.,  on  the  Rio  San  Jose,  a  tributary  of  the 
Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  about  ninety  miles  east  of  the  present  Zuni  pueblo.  This  opinion 
was  corroborated  by  Lieutenant  Abert  (p.  491).  Mr.  Gallatin  thereupon  proceeded 
to  prepare  for  the  Transactions  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society  (vol.  ii.  p.  liii, 
1848)  an  elaborate  essay  on  the  .Indent  semi-civilisation  of  Neiu  Mexico,  Rio  Gila,  and 
its  vicinity,  in  which  large  use  was  made  of  these  military  reports,  and  to  which  was 
prefixed  a  map  compiled  by  Mr.  E.  G.  Squier.  In  November  of  the  same  year  Mr. 
Squier  contributed  to  the  American  Revieiv  an  article  on  Xeiu  Mexico  and  California. 
The  ancient  monuments  and  the  aboriginal  semi-civilized  nations  of  Xew  Mexico  and 
California,  with  an  abstract  of  the  early  Spanish  explorations  and  conquests  in  those 
regions,  particularly  those  falling  ivilhin  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Gallatin 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  seven  cities  "appear  to  have  been  near  the  sources  of 
a  tributary  of  the  great  Colorado,  and  not  of  the  Rio  del  Norte"  (p.  Ixxii)  ;  but  he 
inclined  to  the  opinion  that  they  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Apaches  (p.  xciv).  Mr. 
Squier  identified  Cibola  with  Zufii ;  but  there  are  inconsistencies  to  be  found  between 
his  map  and   statements  contained  in  his  article.     In  that  same  year  Lieutenant  J.   H. 

'  Senate  Executive  Documents,  Nc.  41,  ;,oth  Congress,  ist  Session,  184S. 


\M 


I  'I 


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502 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Simpson,  in  ills  Journal  of  a  Military  Reconnoissancc  from  Santa  Fi  to  the  Navajo  Conn- 
try,^  gave  a  detailed  description  of  Zufli,  whicli  lie  considered  to  be  the  site  of  Cibola. 

The  explorations  carried  on  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  from  1853  to  1856,  during 
the  search  for  a  suitable  route  for  the  Pacific  Railroad,  took  Lieutenant  A.  W.  Whipple 
and  Professor  \V.  W.  Turner  over  the  same  ground,  and  they  both  came  to  a  similar 
conclusion  {Pacijic  Railroad  Reports,  vol.  iii.  pp.  68,  104).  liut  in  1857  Mr.  H.  M. 
Breckenridge  published  at  Pittsburg  a  brief  narrative  of  the  Early  discoveries  by  Span- 
iards in  Xeiu  Mexico,  containing;  an  account  of  the  castles  of  Cibola  and  the  present 
appearance  of  their  ruins,  in  which  he  maintained  that  Cibola  was  the  well-known  ruin 
called  Casa  Grande,  on  the  river  Gila.  Mr.  R.  H.  Kern,  however,  upheld  the  Zufti 
theory  in  his  map,  prepared  in  1S54  to  accompany  Schoolcraft's  History  of  the  Indian 
Tribes  of  North  America  (vol.  iv.  p.  33)  ;  and  Mr.  Schoolcraft  himself  adopted  the  same 
view  (vol.  vi.  p.  70,  1857). 

In  the  year  1869  important  additions  were  made  to  our  knowledge  of  the  early  history 
of  New  Mexico,  and  especially  of  Coronado's  expedition.  Mr.  VV.  H.  11  Davis,  who 
had  held  an  official  position  in  that  Territory,  and  in  1856  had  published  an  interesting 
study  of  it  under  the  title  of  El  Gringo,  gave  to  the  world  the  first  history  of  The  Spanish 
Conquest  of  New  Mexico,  Doylestown,  Penn.  In  the  saine  year  Brevet  Brigadier 
General  Simpson,  who  had  had  his  attention  directed  to  the  question  twenty  years 
previously,  prepared  for  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Regents  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution 
for  1S69  a  thorough  study,  accompanied  by  a  map.  of  Coronado's  March  in  search  of  the 
"  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola^'  and  discussion  of  their  probable  location:-  In  April  of  the 
same  year  there  appeared  in  the  North  American  Review  an  article  by  the  late  Mr. 
Lewis  H.  Morgan,  entitled  The  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola,  in  which  that  eminent  archxologist 
made  an  elaborate  argument  in  favor  of  the  identification  of  that  site  with  the  remarkable 
group  of  ruined  stone  structures,  discovered  not  long  before  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Chaco,  one  of  the  affluents  of  the  Colorado,  about  one  hundred  miles  to  the  northeast 
of  Zufli.  On  this  point,  however,  both  Mr.  Davis  (p.  119)  and  General  Simpson  have 
pronounced  in  f.avor  of  Zufii,  and  General  Simpson  has  even  undertaken  to  answer 
Mr.  Morgan's  arguments  in  detail  (p.  232).  Mr.  Morgan,  nevertheless,  still  held  to  his 
opinion  in  his  Study  of  the  houses  of  the  American  Aborigines,  p.  46  {First  annual 
report  of  the  Archaological  Institute  of  America,  1S80)  expanded  into  the  House  and 
House-life  of  the  American  Aborigines  (Geographical  and  Geological  Survey  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  region,  in  charge  of  J.  VV.  Powell,  vol.  iv..  1881,  pp.  167-170). 

The  Spanish  Conquest  cf  Neiu  Mexico,  by  Mr.  Davis,  is  a  valuable  contribution  to 
history,  in  which  faithful  and  diligent  use  has  been  made  of  the  original  authorities  and 
of  unpublished  documents  ;  and  it  is  the  only  full  and  connected  narrative  that  has  yet 
appeared  of  the  series  of  events  which  it  relates.  The  important  episode  to  whicii 
General  Simpson  confines  his  attention  is  treated  in  abundant  detail,  and  great  acuteness 
and  local  knowledge  are  displayed  in  the  discussion  of  the  route  followed  by  Coronado. 
It  is  likely  to  remain  always  the  leading  authority  upon  this  subject. 

In  his  elaborate  work  upon  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  Mr.  H.  H. 
Bancroft  adopted  the  Zuiii  theory  as  to  the  site  of  Cibola  (vol.  iv.  p.  674),  repeated 
in  his  History  of  the  Pacific  States  (vol.  x.  p.  85).'  This  is  also  the  opinion  maintained 
by  Mr.  A.  F.  Bandelier  in  his  Historical  Introduction  to  Studies  among  the  Sedentary 
Indian's  of  New  Mexico,  p.    12    {Papers  of  the   Archceological  Institute  of  America. 


'  .Senate  F-xecutivc  Documents,  No.  64,  31st  treatment  of  the  subject.    He  touches  it  inciUcn- 

Coiigress,  ist  Session,  1S50.  tally  in  his  Central  America,  vol.  i.  p.  1 53 ;  Mcxiro, 

-  Cf.    also   founiiil    of  the    American    Geo-  vol.  ii.  pp.  293,  465-470;  Cidi/o>nia,\o\.  i.  p.  S; 

f^n-tiphiial  Society,  vol.  v.  ]).  194,  and  Geografhi-  Northtuest  Coast,  vol.  i.  pp.  44-46;  but  he  prom- 

cat  Ma,<^aziue  (1S74),  vol.  i.  p.  S6.  ises  more  detailed  treatment  in  his  volumes  oil 

^  This  is  his  jYoi-t/i   Mexican  Slates,  vol.  i.  A'no  Mexico  ami  Arizona,  wliich  are  yet  to  be 

\-.p.  27,  71-76,  S2-S7,  whicli  i.s  at  present  his  chief  published. 


EARLY    EXPLORATIOxVS    OF   NEW    MEXICO. 


503 


American  series,  no.  i,  Boston,  1881).  This  is  a  very  careful  and  tliorougli  investigatioa 
of  the  wliole  subject  of  tlie  geography  of  New  Mexico  and  of  the  tribal  relations  of 
its  inhabitants. 

At  a  meeting,  however,  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  in  April,  1881,  Rev. 
E.  E.  Hale  read  a  paper  entitled  Coronado^s  Disccniery  of  the  Seven  Cities,  in  which  he 
expressed  himself  as  inclined  to  abandon  his  previously  maintained  opinion  *  in  favor  of 
the  Zufii  identification,  on  account  of  certain  newly  discovered  evidence  set  forth  in  an 
accompanying  letter  from  Lieutenant  J.  G.  liourke,  wlio  argued  that  the  Moqui  pueblos 
better  satisfy  the  conditions  of  the  question.  To  this  the  present  writer  replied  in  a 
communication  at  tiie  following  October  meeting  of  the  society,  under  the  title  IVIiat  is 
the  true  site  of  "  Tlie  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  "  visited  by  Coronado  in  1540 .'  In  this  all 
the  different  opinions  are  discussed  and  the  Zuni  theory  upheld. 

The  same  view  is  supported  by  Mr.  L.  Bradford  Prince,  late  Chief-Justice  of  New 
Mexico,  in  his  Historical  Sketches  of  A'ew  Mexico  from  the  earliest  records  to  the 
American  occupation,  1883  (p.  115).  This  modest  little  volume  is  tlie  first  attempt 
yet  made  to  write  a  continuous  history  of  the  Territory  down  to  the  year  1847.  It  is 
a  useful  and  in  the  main  a  trustworthy  compendium.  But  in  the  chapter  upon  Coronado 
he  has  followed  Castaneda's  erroneous  dates,  as  Davis  also  has  done  before  him,  and  lie 
has  fallen  into  a  few  other  mistakes.'^ 


<=^^^e^^y^.  <^^x^^yj^i^ 


EDITORIAL    NOTE. 


T  N  the  Don  Diego  de  PcTtalosa  y  sii  descidtrimi- 
■*■  ento  del  reiiio  dc  Qtiivira  of  Cesario  Fernan- 
dez Duro,  published  at  Madrid  in  1S82,  there  is 
an  enumeration  (pp.  123-144)  of  the  expeditions 
organized  in  New  Spain  for  exploration  towards 
the  north.  The  following  list,  witli  the  chief 
sources  of  information,  is  taken  from  this  book  : 

1523.  Francisco  de  Garay  to  Panuco.  Docii- 
meiilos  ineditos  (Pachcco),  xxvi.  77. 

1526.  Garay  and  Niifio  dc  Guzman  to  Panuco, 
MS.  in  Archive  dc  ludias. 

1530.  Nuiio  de  Guzman  to  New  Galicia.  Doc. 
tiled.  (Pachcco)  xiv.  41  r ;  also  xiii.  and  xvi. 
(.see  chap.  vi.  of  the  present  History,  aiiU, 
p.  441  and  chap.  vii.  p.  499). 

1531.  Coronado  to  Cibola.  Doc.  inc'd.  (Pa- 
chcco), xiv.  318;  xix.  529.     (See  cha]).  vii.) 

1533.  Diego  de  Guzman  to  Sinaloa,  Doc.  ined 
(Navarrete);  B,  Smith's  Coleccion,  94. 


1536.   Cabega  de  Vaca.     Doc.  iiicd.  (Pachcco), 

.\iv.     (.See  chap,  iv.) 
1537    Coronado  to  Amatepcque.  Minioz's  MSS. 

in  Madrid  Acad,  of  Mist.  Ix.xxi.,  fol.  .'!4. 
1539.  Fray  Marcos  de  Nizza  to  Cibola.     MiiTioz 

MSS.;    Rivnii.uo  :    Tcniiiiix-Comf'iiiis ;   Doc. 

iiu-d.  (Pacheco),  iii.  325,  351. 
1539.   Coronado  to  Cibola.     (See  chap,  vii.) 

1539.  Hernando  de  Soto.     (See  chap,  iv.) 

1540.  Mclchior  Diaz.     (Sec  chap,  vii.) 
1540.    Hernando  dc  .Mvarado  and  Juan  dc  Pa- 

dilla  to  the  South  Sea.    Doc.  iiicd.  (Pachcco), 
iii.  511  ;  P.  Smith,  65.     (See  chap,  vii.) 

1540.  Gomez  Ariaz  and  Diego  ^Faldonado  along 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  Garcik.-'so  de  la  Vega,  La 
Floridt!  del  /iicij. 

1541.  Coronado  V^  Tiguex.  Doc.  iiicd.  (P,i- 
chcco),  iii.  363;  xiii.  2C1.     (See  chap,  vii.) 

1548.  Juan  de  Tolosa,  one  of  the  captains  serv- 
ing under  Cortes. 


,  ,-     ':! 


I  \ 


1 


th. 


1  See  .^;«cr.  Antiq.  Soc,  Proc.  October,  lS,?,  and  October.  1S78. 

2  No  attempt  is  made  to  est.iblisU  a  theory  in  .inother  recent  compendium,  Shipp's  Dc  Soto  and  Florida 


If     I 


5"4 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1554.  Fr.incisco  dc  I1):irr.i  to  Copal.n,  New 
Hisc.iy,  etc.     /M.  iiithi.  (I'.ichcco),  xiv.  463. 

1558.  (liiido  dc  Lavazares  to  riiiuico  and 
Florida. 

1559.  Tristiia  dc  Arellano  to  the  Coast  of 
Florida,  and  river  ICspiritu  Santo.  Doc. 
iiii'ii.  (I'achcco),  iv.  136,  xiii.  280. 

1563.   nicgo  Ibarra  to  Copala.     Dm.  iitfd.  (P.v 

checo),  xiv.  5,3. 
1566.   Jnan   I'ardo  to   Florida.  Doc.  iiu'd.  (Pa 

thcco),  iv.  560. 

1568.  Francisco  Cano  to  New  Mexico,  Doc. 
iih\l.  ( I'acheco),  xix.  535. 

1569.  Juan  dc  Orozco  on  New  Gallicia,  with 
map.     Doc.  incd.  (I'acheco),  ii.  56t. 

1575.   Juan  de  Miranda  on  the  Country.     Doc. 

iiiCil.  (Pacheco),  xvi.  563. 
1581.    Francisco  Sanchez.  Chamusc.ido  to  New 

-Mexico  and  Cibola. 

1581.  Fray  P'rancisco  Ruiz  among  the  Indians. 

1582.  To  New  Mexico.     Ciirt<is  dc  /iidiiis,  230. 

1582.  Antonio  de  Fspejo  to  New  Mexico.  Juan 
(lonzales  de  Mentloza'.s  Ilistoria  del  Kciiio 
dc  China,  Madrid,  15X9;  De  Lact's  N'o^'us 
Or/,h: 

1583.  Cristobal  Martin  to  New  Mexico.  Doc. 
iiicd.  (I'acheco),  xvi.  277. 

1584.  .\ntonio  de  Espcjo's  continued  discov- 
eries.    Doc.  incd.  (Pacheco),  xv.  151. 

1589.  Juan  liattista  de  Lomas  Colmcnarcs 
agrees  to  settle  New  Mexico.  Doc.  iiied. 
(Pacheco),  xv.  54. 

1590.  Caspar  C.astafio  dc  .Sosa,  Governor  of 
New  Leon,  to  New  Mexico.  Doc.  iitid. 
(Pacheco),  iv.  2S3 ;  xv.  191. 

1596.   Sebastian  Viscaino  on  the  Coast. 

1598.  Juan  de  Oiiatc  to  New  Mexico.  Rusta- 
mantc,  Los  Trcs  Sii;!os  dc  .Mc.vico  ;  Doc.  iiiM. 
(Pacheco),  xvi.  8S,  306,  316-320.  Of  his 
expedition  to  the    Pueblo  of  Acomo,  Luis 


Tribaldo  of  Toledo  sent  an  .account  to  Hak- 
luyt  in   1603,  and  extracts  from  it  are  inib- 
lished  in  De  L.act's  A'oTiis  Or/iis. 
1599.   Juan  de  Ilumafla  to  Quivira. 

Others  are  noted  from  iCooto  17S3.  Captain 
George  M.  Wheeler,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  is 
preparing  a  Chronology  of  the  Vovagcs  and 
Kxplorations  to  the  West  Coast  and  the  interior 
of  North  .\merica  between  1500  anil  iSoo. 

The  alleged  expedition  of  Pcnalosa  to  Qui- 
vira is  placed  about  1C62.  The  accounts  of  it 
depend  on  a  A'c/dcioit  del  dcsciihrimicnto  del  l\iis 
y  Chidtid  dc  Qiiivirii  echo  /■or  D.  Diego  Dionisio 
dc  Peiidlosd,  e.icritti  por  el  I\idic  Fr.  A'icolts  de 
Freytiis  (16S4).  In  iSSr  there  were  two  anno- 
tated renderings  of  this  narrative,  — one  by  Duro, 
mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  note,  who  dis- 
credits the  journal  and  gives  other  documents  on 
the  same  theme  ;  the  other,  an  English  version, 
was  issued  under  the  title,  T/ie  expedition  of  Don 
Diego  Dionisio  dc  PcTmlosa.Jrom  Santa  /'"  '•  the 
ri-.er  Mischi/i  and  Quivira  in  1662,  «j  rf.  ribed 
by  Father  Nicholas  de  Freytas.  With  an  account 
of  J'cnalosa's  projects  to  aid  the  French  to  conquer 
the  mining  country  in  iVorthcrn  Mexico  ;  and  his 
connection  loith  Ca-'clier  dc  la  Salle.  By  John 
Gilmary  Shea,  New  \"ork,  1882. 

Dr.  Shea  in  this  volume  claims  that  Quivira 
was  north  of  the  Missouri,  while  it  has  gener- 
ally been  placed  south  of  that  river.  He  also 
derives  from  this  narrative  an  opinion,  contrary 
to  the  one  ordinarily  received,  namely,  that  La 
Salle  was  carried,  against  his  will,  beyond  the 
mouths  of  the  Mississippi  in  his  expedition  of 
1682  ;  for  he  judges  his  over-shooting  the  mouths 
was  intentional,  in  order  to  land  where  he  could 
better  co-operate  with  Peiialosa  in  wresting  the 
mine3  in  New  Mexico  from  the  Spaniards. 


^ 


■    I 


JfK 


CA. 


accoiMit  to  Ihik* 
roll!  it  arc  piili- 
))i'is. 
vira. 

lo  1783.  Captain 
ogital  Survey,  is 
c   Voyages    and 

ami  the  interior 
)  and  1800. 
'cfialosa  to  Qui- 
e  accounts  of  it 
imii-nlo  del  Pais 
'.  Difgo  Dionisio 
I'  /•'/■.  iVni>/ti<  (/(• 
were  two  anno- 
,  —  one  by  Duro, 
lis  note,  who  dis- 
er  documents  on 
English  version, 
X I'd! it  ion  of  Don 

Santa  F'  '•  the 
662,  as  (C.  ribid 
With  an  account 
'rcnch  to  conquer 
Mexico ;  and  his 
Salle.     By  Joint 

us  that  Quivira 

le  it  has  gener- 

river.     He  also 

inion,  contrary 

amely,  that  l.a 

11,  beyond  the 

expedition  of 

ng  the  mouths 

here  he  could 

wresting  the 

aniards. 


CHAPTER    Vin. 

PIZARRO,   AND   THE  CONQUEST   AND   SETTLEMENT  OF 

PERU   AND   CHILI. 

BY  CLKMENTS   R.   MARKHAM,   KR.S. 

Honorary  Secretary  of  ttte  Ilatituyt  Society. 

WHEN  the  Isthmus  of  Daricn  was  discovered  by  Vasco   Nufiez   de 
Balboa,   during  the   six  years   between    151 1   and    1517,  there  can 
be  little   doubt  that  tidings,  perhaps  only  in   the  form  of  vague  rumors, 
were  received  of  the  greatness  and  the  riches  of  the  Empire  of  the  Yncas. 
The  speech  which  the  son  of  the  Cacique  Comogrc  is  said  to  have  made 
to  the   gold-seeking  followers  of  the   discoverer  of  the  South   Sea  most 
probably  had  reference  to  Peru ;   and   still  more  certainly,   when  the  Ca- 
cique of  Tuniaco  told  Vasco  Nunez  of  the  country  far  to  the  south  which 
abounded    in  gold,   and  moulded  the  figure  of  a  llama  in  clay,  he  gave 
tidings  of  the  land  of  the  Yncas.     There  was  a  chief  in  the  territory  to 
the  south  of  the   Gulf  of  San  Miguel,  on  the  Pacific    coast,  named  Bin', 
and  this  country  was  visited  by  Caspar  dc  JMorales  and  Francisco  Pizarro 
in  1515.     For  the  next  ten  years  Biru  was  the  most  southern  land  known 
to  the  Spaniards ;   and  the  consequence  was  that  the  unknown  regions  far- 
ther south,  including  the  rumored  empire  abounding  in  gold,  came  to  be 
designated  as  Biriiy  or  Peru.     It  was  thus  that  the  land  of  the  Yncas  got 
the  name  of  Peru  from  the  Spaniards,  some  years  before  it  was  actually 
discovered.^ 

Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  the  governor  of  the  mainland  called  Castiila  del 
Oro,  founded  the  city  of  Panama.  He  went  there  from  the  Pearl  Islands, 
in  the  vessels  which  had  been  built  by  his  victim  Vasco  Nunez,  while 
Caspar  de  Espinosa,  the  Alcalde  Mayor,  led  the  rest  of  the  colony  by  land. 
The  city  was  founded  in  15 19.  The  governor  divided  the  land  among 
four  hundred  settlers  from  Daricn.  Among  them  were  Pascual  de  Anda- 
goya,  Hernando  Luque  (a  priest),  Francisco  Pizarro,  and  Diego  de  Almagro. 
Nombre  de  Dios,  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  isthmus,  was  settled  towards 

'  [Cf.  Markham's  Royal  Commentary  of  G.  (1529),  and  that  his  delineations  of  the  coast  of 

de  la  Vega,  vol.  i.  chap.  iv.     Kohl  says  that  the  Peru  were  made  probably  after   Pizarro's   first 

name   "Peru"  first    occurs    in    Ribero's    map  reports.  —  Ed.] 
VOL.   II. — 64. 


^■!. 


\,    ,1 


■    ^ 


■V-   1 


>  .|:i  ) 


5o6 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


■    If 


1'^ 


'i>i',' 


V  f'i 


d!' 


i>  i 


Pi 


the  end  of  the  same  year  by  a  captain  named  Dieyo  Alviles,  in  obedience 
to  orders  from  Pedro  Arias.' 

In  the  year   1522   I'ascual  de  Andayoya,  wlio  had  come  nut  to  Daricn 
with   I'cdro  Arias   in    1514  and   was  a  cavalier  of  good   family   from  the 
province  of  Alava,  was  appointed  inspector-general  of  the  Indians  on  tiic 
isthmus.      lie   made  a  journey  to   a  district  called    Chuchama,   south    of 
the   Gulf  of  San   Miguel,   where  the  chief  told  him  that  a  certain   people 
from  a  province  called  liiru,  farther  south,  came  to  make  war  upon  them 
in  canoes  at  every   full  moon.     Andagoya  sent  to  I'anamd  for  reinforce- 
ments, in  order  to  comply  with  the  prayer  of  the  people  of  Chuchama  that 
he  woidd  defend  them,  as  well  as  to  discover  what  there  was  farther  south. 
Having   received   an   addition  to   his   forces,  he  set   out  with  the  chief  of 
Chuchama,  and  in  six  days  arrived  at  the  province  called  Biru.     It   had 
already  been  visited  by  Morales  and  Pizarro.     After  capturing  their  princi- 
pal stronghold,  several  chiefs  of  Biru  made  their  submission  t(j  Andagoya. 
From  these  people  he  collected   information  respecting  the  great  empire 
of  the  Yncas,  and  he  then  descended  a  river  and  continued  the  examina- 
tion of  the  coast  in  a  small  vessel  which  had  followed  him  from  Chuchama. 
Hut  he  was  attacked  by  a  severe  illness  caused  by  having  been  capsized  in 
a  canoe,  and  then  kept  for  several  hours  in  his  wet  clothes.     He  therefore 
returned  to  Panama,  to  report  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired,  giving  up 
his  intention  of  conducting  discovery  to  the  southward  in  person.     It  was 
fully  three  yc;N-s  before  Andagoya  had  so  far  recovered  as  to  be  able  to 
ride  on  horseback. 

The  governor,  Pedro  Arias,  therefore  requested  Andagoya  to  hand  over 
the  enterprise  to  three  partners  who  formed  a  company  at  Panama.  These 
were  Pizarro,  Almagro,  and  Luque. 

Franci.sco  Pizarro  was  born  about  the  year  1470^  in  the  province  of  Es- 
trcmadura,  and  was  the  illegitimate  son  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  a  soldier  who 
liad  served  under  the  Great  Captain  in  Italy.  He  had  arrived  at  Darieii 
in  the  expedition  of  Alonzo  de  Ojcda  in  1509.  During  fifteen  years  he 
had  been  diligently  serving  as  a  brave,  steady,  much-enduring  man-at- 
arms;  and  on  two  or  three  occasions  he  found  himself  in  important  and 
responsible  positions.  In  1524  he  was  a  citizen  of  Panama  with  very 
limited  means,  but  endowed  with  indomitable  energy  and  perseverance, 
and  fifty-four  years  of  age.  Diego  Almagro  is  said  to  have  been  a  found- 
ling. At  all  events  his  parentage  is  unknown.  He  had  probably  served 
for  some  years  on  the  isthmus,  but  his  name  does  not  occur  until  he  entered 
into  this  partnership.  Almagro  is  described  as  a  man  of  short  stature,  with 
a  very  plain  face,  and  was  at  least  as  old  as  Pizarro.  He  was  hast)'  in 
temper,  but  generous  and  warm-hearted,  and  his  line  qualities  attracted  to 

'  Xombrc  dc  Dios  was  abandoned  on  account  -  [.-Xutlioritics  do  not  agree  on  the  date  of  his 

of  its  unhealtliy  situation,  in  the  reign  of  Philip  birtli,  placing  it  between  the  years  1470  and  147S 

II.,  and  Puerto  liello  then  became  the  chief  port  Prcscott,  i.  204.     llarnsse,  Bi/>/.  Amff.  Vet.,  p. 

on  the  Atlantic  side.  317.  —  Eu.] 


in  obcdiciico 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUKST   OF    I'ERU    AND   CHILI.        507 

liim  many  faithfully  attached  adiicrcnts.  Liiqiie  had  been  ;  1  hoolmaster 
at  Daricn,  and  was  now  the  principal  parochial  clcr^')'man  at  I'anam.i.  hold- 
ing valuable  property  on  the  adjacent  island  of  Taboga,  and  in  an  influential 
position  in  the  colony. 

I'izarro  was  to  command  the  expedition ;  Almagro  was  to  keep  open 
communications  with  ranama  and  bring  supplies;  while  Luque  acted  as 
agent,  and  obtained  the  needful  funds. 

One  of  the  small  vessels  which  had  been  built  for  Vasco  Xuflez  was 
obtained,  and  a  force  of  eighty  men  (one  hundred  and  twelve,  according  to 
Xeres)  and  four  horses  was  collected.  Pizarro  prepared  to  sail  with  this 
single  vessel  and  two  canoes,  having  received  all  the  information  and 
instructions  that  Andagoya  could  give  him,  and  taking  with  him  the  inter- 
preters brought  from  Biru  by  that  officer.  It  was  arranged  that  large  trees 
near  the  sea-shore  should  be  blazed,  as  guides  to  the  course  taken  by 
I'izarro,  v/hen  his  partner  Almagro  should  follow  with  supplies. 

Pizarro  sailed  from  Panamd  Nov.  14,  1524,  and  after  enduring  terrible 
sufferings  on  the  coast  of  Biru,  including  famine,  and  losing  twenty-seven 
of  his  men,  he  went  back  to  Chuchama,  and  sent  the  treasurer  Nicolas  de 
Ribera  to  Panama  with  the  gold  which  he  had  collected.  IMeanwhile 
Almagro  had  followed  in  another  vessel  with  provisions,  and  went  on  the 
traces  of  his  companion  by  means  of  the  trees  that  had  been  marked, 
until  he  reached  the  Rio  San  Juan  in  4"  north.  Finding  no  further  traces 
of  Pizarro  he  returned,  having  lost  an  eye  in  an  encounter  with  natives. 
He  also  lost  upwards  of  seventy  men ;  '  but  he  obtained  some  gold. 

After  this  failure  it  was  more  difficult  to  obtain  money  and  recruits 
for  a  second  attempt.  Fortunately,  the  Alcalde  Mayor,  who  was  impressed 
with  the  promising  character  of  the  undertaking,  came  forward  with  the 
necessary  funds,  which  he  advanced  through  the  agency  of  Luque.  Caspar 
de  Kspinosa  thus  became  one  of  the  partners.  The  agreement  between 
the  partners  was  signed  March  10,  1526.  Luque  signed  as  the  agent 
of  F.spinosa.  Pizarro  and  Almagro  could  neither  read  nor  write.  One 
Juan  de  Pares  signed  on  the  part  of  Pizarro,  and  Alvaro  del  Quiro  for 
Almagro. 

The  second  expedition  sailed  in  1526.  It  consisted  of  two  vessels 
comm.Tnded  by  Pizarro  and  /Mmagro  respectively,  with  a  ver\'  able  and 
gallant  sailor  named  l^artolome  Ruiz,  of  Moguer,  as  pilot.  There  were 
one  hundred  and  sixty  men  all  told.  The  adventurers  made  direct  for  the 
river  of  San  Juan,  the  farthest  point  reached  by  Almagro  during  the  pre- 
vious voyage.  Mere  Pizarro  landed  with  his  troops.  Almagro  returned  to 
Panama  in  one  vessel,  for  recruits  and  pro\isions,  while  Ruiz  proceeded  on 
a  voj-age  of  discovery  to  the  southward  in  the  other. 

Ruiz  made  a  remarkable  voyage,  having  rounded  Cape  Passado  and 
reached  1°  south.     He  was  thus  the  first  European  to  cross  the  equator 

^  [His  followers  prob.ibly  numbered  about  a  Father  Xaharro.  at  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
hundred.     Ilerrera  places  them  as  low  as  eighty  ;     nine.     Prescott,  i.  211.  — Ed.] 


I 


"■\ 


\ 


1« 

i  ..V 

I '  < 


r 


V 


i, 


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i   \      '•■. 


!  '   14  - 


5o8 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   01     AMKRICA. 


NATIVE   RAFTS. 


on  the  southern  passage.     Fc  also  fell  in  with  a  raft  iiiidir  sail,  which  be- 
iongetl  to    I  iinihez  in  IVi'i,  and  thus  obtained  several  curious  specimens 

of  Vnca  art,  and  some 
adtii  tional  informa- 
tion. .\hnaj;ro  maile 
a  prosperous  voyajfe 
back  to  I'anam;l,  and 
rt'turncd  with  sup- 
plies. 

i'i/.arro  had  been 
lefi:  on  a  forest-cov- 
ered, fever-haunted 
coast,  which  has 
chan^'ed  very  little 
from  that  day  to  this. 
I  loping'  to  find  a  bet- 
ter country  inland, 
he  undertook  lonj; 
marches  throu},di  the 
tan^ded  forest  ;  but 
many  of  his  men  per- 
ished, and  his  party 
returned  to  the  coast,  suffering  from  disease  and  famine.  In  this  sorry 
plight  the  all-onduring  I'izarro  was  found,  when  Almajjro  and  Ruiz 
returned. 

Almatjro  had  found  a  new  governor  installed  at  Panama.  I'edro  de 
los  Kios  had  superseded  I'edro  Arias,  who  was  transferred  to  \icaraj,'ua, 
where  he  died  in  1532.  With  the  new  governor's  sanction,  about  eighty  re- 
cruits were  collected,  and  with  these  and  a  fresh  supply  of  stores  Almagro 
returned  to  the   Rio  de  .San  Juan. 

The  two  partners  then  embarked,  and  under  the  guidance  of  the  pilot 
Ruiz  they  advanced  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Atacames.  They  .lere  now 
in  the  province  of  Quito,  a  part  of  the  ^'nca  empire.  Here  were  large 
towns,  much  ground  under  cultivation,  and  a  formidable  array  of  well- 
armed  troops  to  oppose  their  depredations.  It  was  evident  that  the 
Spanish  force  was  too  weak  to  make  a  successful  settlement.  I'izarro 
proposed  a  return;  Almagro  opposed  him,  and  there  was  a  violent  quarrel, 
which  was  outwardly  reconciled,  leaving  a  permanent  feeling  of  suppressed 
jealousy  and  ill-will  on  both  sides.  Finally  it  was  resolved  that  Pizarro  and 
part  of  the  force  should  remain  on  the  island  of  Gallo,  which  had  been  dis- 
covered by  Ruiz  in  1°  57' north,  while  y\lmagro  should  return  once  more  for 
recruits.  The  arrangements  caused  much  discontent.  The  men  complained 
that  they  were  being  left  to  starve.     Some  wrote  letters  home  to  Panama, 

1  [This  is  Kenzoni's  sketch  of  the  rafts  .iiul     of  the  northern  parts  of  South  America.     Ktli 
boats  used  by  the  native  on  the  Pacific  coast     tion  of  1572,  p.  165.  —  En.] 


iH 


?OP^r^ti 


America.    Edi 


IMZARRO,   AND   THK    CON(jUKST   Ol'    I'EUU    AND   CHILI.        509 

full  of  complaints,  which  were  seized  by  Almapro.      One,  however,  named 
Saravia,  concealed  a  note  in  u  larjje  ball  of  cotton  sent  as  a  prc.sen'.  to  the 
jf  jvernor's  wife.    It  con- 
tained  the    folio wintj 

lines :  — 

•'  I'ucs  St'ftor  Goi)ern.i(lor, 
Mfrt'lo  bien  por  ciitcro, 
(juc  MA  vn  cl  rt'co^;c(lor, 
I     Y  uc.i  (luccUi  cl  cMriiicuro."  ' 

Pizarro,  soon  after 
Alma^jro's  departure, 
sent  off  the  other  ship 
with  the  most  mutinous 
of  his  followers.  Hut 
the  1,'overnor,  Los  Rios, 
was  much  incensed  at 
the  result  of  the  expe- 
dition.    He   refused    to 

'  Helps  translates  ilicm  :  — 

'*  My  gotui  Lord  (lovL'tiior, 
Have  pity  (111  (..ir  wut's  : 
For  lierc  rciii.uns  the  butcher, 
Tu  l';tii.ini.i  tliti  sateHiiLiti  goes.** 

I'rcscott  (Pcm,  vol.  i.  ]).  257) 
li.is  thus  rendered  them  into 
Kiiglish:  — 

**  1. 00k  out,  Sei"\()r  Cjovernor, 
l-'or  tile  cirtiver  white  he's  near; 
Since  he  j;ues  lioiiie  to  yet  tiie  slieep 
For  the  butclier,  who  st.iys  here."  r.r_- —  -  •/• —  —  — -.--  —  —  ..  — TQUATOR 

-  [Tliis  map  and  map  No.  r. 
sltow  the  modern  geography. 
The  development  of  the  cartog- 
raphy of  I'crii  may  be  traced  in 
Kamusio  (1556)  in  the  map  of 
the  parts  of  the  world  newly  dis- 
covered ;  in  Ortelius  (i5S.(  and 
159J)  and  l)c  Hry,  part  iii.  (1592, 
a  map  of  South  America  cor- 
rected in  1624);  in  Wyttiiet, 
1597  (see  map  on  a  later  page) ; 
ill  Van  liaerle's  edition  of  Her- 
rcra  (1622) ;  in  Sanson,  with  the 
ciHirse  of  the  Amazon  (1656); 
in  Dudley's  Anano  del  mare 
(carta  xxviii.  1647),  for  the 
coast ;  in  Vander  Aa  ( 1679), 
and  in  Houdouin's  translation 
of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  pub- 
lished at  Amsterdam  in  1737. 
Markham,  in  his  Reports  on  the 

Discovery  of  Peru,  gives  a  map  showing  the  by  Prescott,  H.  H.  Bancroft,  and  Helps.  The 
marches  of  Francisco  and  Hernando  Pizarro,  best,  however,  is  in  Markham's  Travels  of  Ciezci 
^^^y>  'S33>  to  May,  1533.     Other  maps  are  given     de  Leon.—  Ed.] 


j/^CHIMBOVlJO 


SKETCH  MAP  OF  THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU,  NO.  I. 


IV 


(  % 


«  I  I 


S'o 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


give  any  further  countenance  to  the  enterprise,  and  sent  two  vessels,  under 
the  command  of  Don  Pedro  Tafur,  of  Cordova,  to  Gallo,  with  orders  to  take 
every  Spaniard  off  the  island  and  bring  them  back  to  Panama.  Meanwhile 
Pizarro  and  his  people  were  suffering  from  famine  and  disease,  and  from  the 
incessant  rains.  Nearly  all  had  lost  every  feeling  of  desire  for  hazardous 
adventures.  They  longed  onh^  to  be  relieved  from  their  suflcrings,  and 
hailed  the  arrival  of  Tafur  with  unconcealed  joy. 

Then  it  was  that  Pizarro  displayed  that  heroic  resolution  which  has  made 
the  famous  act  of  himself  and  his  sixteen  companions  immortal.  The  story 
is  differently  told.  I  lerrera  says  that  Tafur  stationed  himself  in  one  part  of 
the  vessel,  and  drawing  a  line,  placed  Pizarro  and  his  soldiers  on  the  other 
side  of  it.  He  then  told  those  who  wished  to  return  to  Panama  to  come 
o\er  to  him,  and  those  who  would  remain,  to  stay  on  Pizarro's  side  of  the 
line.  But  Garcilasso  dc  la  Vega  tells  us  that  when  Pizarro  saw  his  men 
electing  to  return  in  the  ship,  he  drew  his  sword  and  made  a  long  line  with 
the  point  along  the  sand.  Then,  turning  to  his  men,  he  said,  "  Gentlemen  ! 
This  line  s-'gnifies  labor,  hunger,  thirst,  fatigue,  wounds,  sickness,  and  every 
other  k.id  of  danger  that  must  be  encountered  in  this  conquest  until  life  is 
ended.  Let  those  who  have  the  courage  to  meet  and  overcome  the  dangers 
of  this  heroic  achievement  cross  the  line,  in  token  of  their  resolution,  and  as 
a  testimony  that  i.iey  will  be  my  faithful  companions.  And  let  those  who 
feel  unworthy,  return  to  Panama ;  for  I  do  not  wish  to  put  force  upon  anj- 
man.  I  trust  in  God  that,  for  his  greater  honor  and  glory,  his  Eternal 
Majesty  will  help  those  who  remain  with  me,  though  they  be  few,  and 
that  we  shall  not  miss  those  who  forsake  us."  Of  the  two  accounts,  that  of 
Garcilasso  is  probably  nearer  the  truth,  because  it  is  unlikely  that  the 
embarkation  would  have  taken  place  before  the  election  was  made.  It 
would  naturally  be  made  on  the  beach,  before  going  on  board.  Most  of 
the  authorities  give  the  number  of  those  who  crossed  the  line  at  thirteen. 
Xeres,  Pizarro's  secretary,  says  there  were  si.xteen.  Herrera  gives  the  names 
of  thirteen  heroic  men,  Garcilasso  supplying  the  remaining  three;  and  they 
deserve  to  be  held  in  memory.^ 


'  ((()  Bartolome  Ruiz,  of  Mogucr,  tlie  pilot. 

{/')  Pedro  de  Candia,  a  Crcflc,  who  liad  charge 
of  Pizarro's  artillerv,  consisting  of  two  falconets  ; 
an  able  and  e.xiicrienccd  officer,  .\fter  the  death 
of  Pizarro  he  joined  the  younger  .Mniagro,  who, 
suspecting  him  of  trcacliery,  ran  him  through  at 
the  battle  of  Chupas.  ffe  left  a  lialf-caste  son, 
who  was  at  school  at  Cusco  with  Garcilasso  de 
la  Vega. 

(f)  Cristoval  de  Peralta,  a  native  of  liacza,  in 
.\ndaUisia.  He  was  one  of  the  first  citizens  of 
Lima  when  that  city  was  founded,  —  in  1535. 

(c/)  -Monzo  Priceiio,  a  native  of  Ticnavente. 
He  was  at  the  division  of  .Atahualpa's  ransom, 
and  received  the  share  of  a  cavalry  captain. 

(c)  Nicolas  de  Kibera,  the  treasurer,  was  one 
of  the  first  citizens  of  Lima  in  1535-     He  passed 


through  all  the  stormv  period  of  the  civil  wars 
in  Peru.  He  deserted  from  Cronzalo  Piz.irro  to 
the  side  of  the  ])resident,  Gasca,  and  w.as  after- 
wards captain  of  the  Guard  of  the  Roy.al  Seal. 
lie  is  said  to  have  fomidcd  the  port  of  San  Gal- 
Ian,  the  modern  Pisco.  Ribera  was  born  at 
Olvera,  in  .\ndalnsia,  of  good  family.  He  evcnt- 
uallv  settled  near  Cusco,  and  died,  leaving  chil- 
dren to  inherit  his  est.ites. 

(  /■)  Juan  de  la  Torre,  a  native  of  Penavente. 
in  Old  Castile.  He  was  a  stanch  adherent  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  and  was  at  the  battle  of  Ana- 
(piito,  where  he  showed  ferocious  enmity  againsi 
the  ill-fated  viceroy,  lilasco  Nufiez  dc  Vela.  He 
married  a  daughter  of  an  Indian  chief  near  Puerto 
Viejo,  and  acquired  great  wealth.  .After  the 
battle  of  .SaCbahL:ana,  in  1 54S,  he  was  hanged  by 


')   ' 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF   PERU   AND   CHILI.         51  i 

Nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  I'izarro.  He  would  not  return 
until  he  had  achieved  greatness,  and  he  found  sixteen  good  men  and  true 
to  stand  by  him  in  his  great  need.  They  removed  from  Gallo  to  the  island 
of  Gorgona,  where  there  was  some  game  and  better  water ;  while  the  others 
returned  with  Tafur  to  Panama. 

The  governor  looked  upon  Pizarro's  conduct  as  an  act  of  madness,  and 
refused  all  succor ;  but  at  length  yielding  to  the  entreaties  of  Luque  and 
Almagro,  he  allowed  one  vessel  to  be  sent  to  Gorgona,  with  strict  orders 
to  return  in  six  months.  So  a  small  vessel  was  fitted  out  under  tiie  com- 
mand of  the  pilot  Ruiz,  and  after  seven  weary  months  the  little  forlorn 
hope  at  Gorgona  descried  the  white  sail,  and  joyfully  welcomed  their  friends 
with  a  supply  of  food  and  stores.  Full  of  hope,  Pizarro  and  his  gallant 
friends  embarked ;  and  the  expert  Ruiz,  guided  by  information  obtained 
from  the  Peruvian  sailors  on  the  raft,  made  direct  for  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil, 
performing  the  voyage  in  twenty  days.  The  year  1527  was  now  well 
advanced.  Anchoring  off  the  island  of  Santa  Clara,  they  stood  across  to 
the  town  of  Tumbez  on  the  following  day.  Here  they  saw  the  undoubted 
signs  of  a  great  civilization,  betokening  the  existence  of  a  powerful  empire. 
Their  impressions  were  confirmed  by  a  subsequent  cruise  along  the  Peruvian 
coast  as  far  as  Santa,  in  cf  south  latitude.  They  learned  enough  to  justify 
a  return  to  Panama  with  the  report  of  a  great  discovery,  the  importance  of 
which  would  justify  an  application  to  the  Spanish  Government  for  some 
valuable  concession  to  Pizarro  and  his  partners.  Pizarro  took  with  him, 
from  Tumbez,  a  lad  who  was  to  act  as  interpreter,  —  called  Felipillo  by 
the  Spaniards,  —  and  also  a  few  llamas.     He  then   made  the  best  of  his 


order  of  the  president,  Gasca.  He  was  a  citizen 
of  Arequipa,  and  left  descendants  there. 

(g)  Francisco  de  Cuellar,  a  native  of  Ciiellar  ; 
but  nothing  more  is  Icnown  of  him. 

(/;)  Alonzo  de  Molina,  a  native  of  Ubeda.  He 
afterwards  landed  at  Tunibcz,  where  it  was  ar- 
ranged that  he  should  remain  until  Pizarro's 
return  ;  but  he  died  in  the  interval. 

(;')  Domingo  de  Soria  Luce,  a  native  of  the 
liasque  Provinces,  probably  of  Guipuzcoa;  but 
nothing  more  is  known  of  him. 

(j)  Pedro  .Mcon.  He  .afterwards  landed  on 
the  coast  of  Peru,  fell  in  love  with  a  Peruvian 
lady,  and  refused  to  come  on  board  again.  So 
the  pilot  Ruiz  was  obliged  to  knock  him  down 
with  an  oar,  and  he  was  put  in  irons  on  the  lower 
deck.     Nothing  more  is  known  of  him. 

(/■)  Garcia  de  Jerez  (or  Jaren).  He  appears 
to  have  made  a  statement  on  the  subject  of  the 
heroism  of  Pizarro  and  his  companions,  Aug. 
3,  15:9,  at  Panama.  Documcntos  tniditos,  torn. 
xxvi.  p.  260,  quoted  by  Helps,  vol.  iii.  p.  .146. 

(/)  Anton  de  Carrion.  Nothing  further  is 
known  of  him. 

[m)  Martin  de  Paz.  Nothing  further  is  known 
of  him. 


(«)  Diego  de  Truxillo  (.Monzo,  according 
to  Zarate).  He  was  afterwards  personally  known 
to  Garcilasso  at  Cusco.  He  appears  to  have 
written  an  account  of  the  discovery  of  Peru, 
which  is  still  in  manuscript.  Antonio,  ii.  645; 
also,  Leon  Pinclo. 

(<>)  Alonzo  Ribcra  (or  Gcronimo)was  settled 
at  Lima,  where  he  had  children. 

(/)  Francisco  Rodriguez  dc  Villa  Fuerte  was 
the  first  to  cross  the  line  drawn  by  Pizarro.  He 
was  afterwards  a  citizen  of  Cusco,  having  been 
present  at  the  siege  by  the  Vnca  >[anco,  and  at 
the  battle  of  Salinas.  Garcilasso  knew  him,  and 
once  rode  with  him  from  Cusco  to  Quisjiicanchi, 
when  he  recounted  many  reminiscences  of  hi* 
stirring  life.  He  w.is  still  living  at  Cusco  in  1560, 
a  rich  and  influential  citizen.  [Mr.  ALarkham  has 
given  the  nundier  as  si.xtecn  in  his  Ri-f'orts  on  llu 
Di.u-<nrrv  of  Peru,  i)..S,  together  with  his  reasons 
for  it,  which  do  not  couunend  themselves,  how- 
ever, to  Kirk,  tlie  editor  of  Prc^cott  (Ilislovy  oj 
the  Con(;iu-st  of  Peru,  edition  of  1S79,  i.  303). 
Helps  dismisses  the  story  of  the  line  as  the 
melodramatic  effort  of  a  second-rate  imagina- 
tion. Cf.  also  Markham's  Trnveh  of  Cieza  de 
Leon,  p.  419.  —  Ed.] 


512 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


way  back  to  Panama ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  proceed  to  Spain 
and  make  a  direct  appUcation  to  the  Crown  for  authority  to  undertake  tlic 
conquest  of  the  empire  of  the  Vncas.  In  the  spring  of  1528,  after  having 
collected  the  necessary  funds  with  much  difficulty,  Pizarro  set  out  for  Spain, 
accompanied  by  Pedro  de  Candia.  Luque  and  Almagro  waited  at  Panama 
for  the  result. 

Francisco  Pizarro  was  well  received  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  in  an 
interview  at  Toledo ;  but  the  sovereign  set  out  for  Italy  immediatel)' 
afterwards,  and  subsequent  arrangements  were  made  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  queen-mother.  The  capitulation  was  signed  on  the  26th 
of  July,  1529.  Pizarro  was  appointed  captain-general  and  adclantaiio,  ■M\i\ 
was  decorated  with  the  order  of  Santiago.  He  was  also  granted  a  coat- 
of-arms,  and  thirteen  out  of  the  sixteen  who  crossed  the  line  at  Gallo 
were  ennobled  by  name.  Almagro  was  made  governor  of  Tumbez,  and 
afterwards  received  the  title  of  marshal.  Luque  was  to  be  bishop  of 
Tumbez,  and  protector  of  the  Indians.  Ruiz  received  the  title  of  grand 
pilot  of  the  South  Sea.  Candia  was  appointed  commander  of  the  artil- 
lery.    Pizarro    visited  Estremadura,   and    from  his   home  took  back  with 

him  to  Peru  his 
four  brothers.  Her- 
nando, the  eld- 
est and  only  legiti- 
mate son  of  his 
father,  was  a  big 
tall  man,  with  thick 
lips  and  very  red 
nose,  brave  and 
proud,  with  an  un- 
compromising tem- 
per, and  ruthlessl)- 
cruel.  Juan  and 
Gonzalo  were  ille- 
gitimate, like  Fran- 
cisco, and  l'"ran- 
c  i  s  c  o  Martin  dc 
Alcantara  was  a  uterine  brother.  His  young  cousin  Pedro  Pizarro,  tiic 
future  historian,  then  onl\-  fifteen,  went  out  as  the  conqueror's  page ;  I'ray 
Vicente  de  Valverde,  a  fanatical  Dominican,  also  went  out;  and  Pizarro 
set  sail  from  San  Lucar  on  the  19th  of  January,  1530.  On  arriving  at 
Panama,  he  was  upbraided  by  Almagro  for  not  having  attended  fairly 
to  his  (Almagro's)  interests,  while  careful  to  secure  everything  for  himself. 
I""rom  that  time  the  old  partners  were  never  really  friends,  and  there  was 

1  [Fac-simile  of  a  cut  made  to  do  duty  in  v.iri-  in  this  c.ise  from  fol.  23  of  De  Wondertijckc  ciuh 
ous  connections  in  .Vntwcip  publications  of  the  warachtii^hi:  Ilistoiie  (Zarate),  published  by  \Vil 
last  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.     It  is  copied     lem  Silvius  in  1573. —  Ed.] 


KKUSARKING, 


u-  I 


'V 


ced  to  Spain 
Jiidcrtakc  tlic 
,  after  having 
)ut  for  Spain, 
ed  at  Panama 


FIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF   PERU   AXD   CHILI.        513 


I- 
I' 

M 


^1! 


Vondi'tlijcke  cmU 
blislied  bv  WW 


PIZARRO  S    DISCOVERIES. 


*  [The  map  given  in  Ruge's  Zeitaiter  'er  Entdeckiiiigin,  p.  436.  —  Ed.] 

VOL.  n.  —  65. 


). 


SH 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


.J4 


.m 


ill-concealed  enmity  between  Almagro  and  Hernando  I'i/arro.  Meanwhile 
preparations  for  the  expedition  were  busily  proceeded  with  at  Panama ; 
and,  as  on  former  occasions,  Almagro  was  to  follow  with  supplies  and  re- 
inforcements. 

I'izarro  sailed  from  Panama  on  the  28th  of  December,  1531,  with  three 
small  vessels  carrying  one  hundred  and  eighty-three  men  and  thirty-seven 
horses.  In  thirteen  days  he  arrived  at  the  bay  of  San  Mateo,  where  he 
landed  the  horses  and  soldiers  to  march  along  the  shore,  sending  back  the 
ships  to  get  more  men  and  horses  at  Panama  and  Nicaragua.  They  returned 
with  twenty-six  horses  and  thirty  more  men.  With  this  force  Pizarro 
continued  his  march  along  the  sea-coast,  which  was  well  i)copled;   and  on 

arriving  at  the  bay  of 
Guayaquil,  he  crossed 
over  in  the  ships  to 
the  island  of  Puna. 
Here  a  devastating 
war  was  waged  with 
the  unfortunate  na- 
tives, and  from  Puna 
the  conqueror  pro- 
ceeded again  in  his 
ships  to  the  Peru\ian 
town  of  Tumbez.  The 
country  was  in  a  state 
of  confusion,  owing  to 
a  long  and  desolating 
war  of  succession  be- 
tween Huascar  and 
Atahualpa,  the  two 
sons  of  the  great  Ynca 
Huayna  Capac,  and 
was  thus  an  easy  prey  to  he  invaders.  Huascar  had  been  defeated  and 
made  prisoner  by  the  generals  of  his  brother,  and  Atahualpa  was  on  his 
way  from  Quito  to  Cusco,  the  capital  of  the  empire,  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
his  victory.  He  was  reported  to  be  at  Caxamarca,  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  mountains ;  and  Pizarro,  with  his  small  force,  set  out  from  Tumbez 
on  the   1 8th  of  May,  1532. 

The  coast  of  I'eru  is  a  rainless  region  c;  desert,  crossed  at  intervals  b\- 
fertile  valleys  which  follow  the  courses  of  the  streams  from  the  Andes  to  the 
sea.  Parallel  with  this  coast  region,  to  the  eastward,  is  the  sierra,  or  moun- 
tainous country  of  the  cordillcras  of  the  Andes,  the  cradle  and  centre  of  the 
civilized  tribes  of  Peru.  Still  farther  to  the  eastward  are  the  great  rivers 
and  vast  forests  or  montana  of  the  basin  of  the  Amazons.^     Thus  the  length 


NATIVE   HUTS  IN  TREES.' 


'   |I5cnz()iii's  sketch  of  the  native  liabit.it ions  on  the  coast  towards  Peru.     Edition  of  157:. 
i(3i.  —  I'.ii."!  -  .Sec  tlic  section  on  "  F.l  Dorado," /''■>''• 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF   PERU   AND   CHILI.        515 


31,  with  three 
id  thirtj'-SL'vcn 
iteo,  where  lie 
Jiny  back  the 
They  returned 
force  Pizarro 
pled ;   and  on 

at  the  bay  of 
lil,  he  crossed 

the  sliips  to 
nd  of  Puna. 
I  devastatin^t; 
i  wayed  with 
fortunate  na- 
d  from  I'una 
queror  pro- 
again    in    his 

the  Peruvian 
Pumbez.  Tlie 
was  in  a  state 
iion,  owing  to 
id  desolating 
iccession  be- 

u as  car  and 
)a,  the  two 
le  great  Ynca 

Capac,    and 

defeated  and 

was  on   his 

the  fruits  of 

eastern  side 

'oni  Tunibez 

intervals  by 
Andes  to  the 
ra,  or  moun- 
centre  of  the 
reat  rivers 
IS  tlie  lentith 


EL  Inga  Atahualpa  ultimo  Il£y, 

clei     Te^io . 


AlAHLALPA, 


of  Peru  is  divided  into  three  very  different  and  distinctly  marked  regions.  — 
the  coast,  the  sierra,  and  the  luoiitaun. 

The  first  part  of  Pizarro's  march  was  southward  from  Tiimbcz.  in  the 
rainless  coast  region.  After  crossing  a  vast  desert  he  came  to  Tangarara, 
in  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  Chira,  where  he  founded  the  city  of  San  Miguel, 
the  site  of  which  was   afterwards   removed   to   the  valley  of  Piura.     The 


'  [Frnm  IIerrera{l72S),  vol.  iii.]).;.  Quaritcli 
in  1S70  (Qitt'/oi^iii',  259,  no.  651)  held  at  /'105  the 
original  oil  paintings  from  which  the  likenesses 
of  thirteen  Incas.in  Ilerrcra's  Ifci-Iios  Je  los  Cas- 
liilaiws  were  engraved,  in  1599,  with  an  extra 
one  of  Atahualpa,  which  was  not  given  in  Iler- 
rera.     The  previous  thirteen  are  given  in  small 


marginal  engravings  in  the  border  of  the  frontis- 
piece of  Merrera's  fifth  and  si.\th  Decades,  and 
copied  in  the  edition  of  Barcia,  who  throws  dis- 
credit on  the  engravings  which  De  liry  had  given. 
These  last  are  reproduced  in  Tschudi's  Antique- 
(fades  Pi-niniias.  Cf.  Cataloi^uc  of  Gallery  of  the 
Xcw  York  Ilistorkal Sodtiy,  No.  37S.  —  El).' 


.f 


t 


'■)\ 


516 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I      I 


■  ;  I 


iM 


ll"' 


■fi 


accountant  Antonio  Navarro  and  the  roj'al  treasurer  Riquclmc  were  left 
in  conniKind  at  San  Miguel,  and  Pizarro  resumed  his  march  in  search  of  the 
Ynca  Atahualpa  on  'he  24th  of  September,  1532.  Me  detached  the  galhmt 
cavalier,  Her"  ..uo  de  Soto,  into  the  surra  of  Huancabamba,  to  recon- 
noitre, and  pacify  the  country.  De  Soto  rejoined  the  main  body  after  an 
absence   of    about    ten    days.      The    brother   of  Atahualpa,    named    Titu 

Atauchi,  arrived  as  an  en 
voy,  with  presents,  and  a 
message  to  the  effect  that 
the   \'nca   desired  friend- 
ship with  the  strangers. 

Crossing  the  vast  des- 
ert of  .Sechura,  Pizarro 
reached  the  fertile  valley 
of  ]\Iotupe,  and  marched 
thence  to  the  foot  of  the 
Cordilleras  in  the  vallc)-  of 
the  Jequetepeque.  Here 
he  rested  for  a  day  or  two, 
to  arrange  the  oriler  for 
the  ascent.  He  took  with 
him  forty  horses  and  sixty 
foot,  instructing  Hernan- 
do de  Soto  to  follow  him 
with  the  main  body  and 
the  baggage.  News  ar- 
rived that  the  Ynca  Ata- 
hualpa had  reached  the 
neighborhood  of  Ca.\a- 
marca  about  three  da\s 
before,  and  that  he  desired  peace.  Pizarro  pressed  forward,  crossed  the 
Cordillera,  and  on  I'riday,  the  15th  of  November,  1532,  he  entered  Caxa- 
marca  with  his  whole  force.  Here  he  found  excellent  accommodation  in 
the  large  masonry  buildings,  and  was  well  satisfied  with  the  strategic  posi- 
tion. Atahualpa  was  established  in  a  large  camp  outside,  where  Hernando 
de  Soto  had  an  interview  with  him.  Atahualpa  announced  his  intention 
of  visiting  the  Christian  commander,  and  Pizarro  arranged  and  ])erpetrated 
a  black  act  of  treachery.  He  kept  all  his  men  under  arms.  The  Ynca, 
suspecting  nothing,  came  into  the  great  square,  walking  in  grand  regal 
procession.  He  was  suddenly  attacked  and  made  prisoner,  and  his  people 
were  massacred. 

'  [Fac-similc  of  tlic  copiicr-pl.ite  in  the  Eng-  .Spanish   soldiers  hustling   the   wailing  women 

lish  edition  of  Thevet's  Poiirtniititres  aiuf  l.h'es  out  of  the  hall  while  the  funeral  rites  over  Ata- 

appended  to  North's  Plutarch,  Cambridge,  Kng-  hualpa  were  in  |M-ogress,  is   heliotyped   in   the 

land,  1676,  p.  C6.     A  somewhat  famous  picture  second  volume  of    Hutchinson's   Two  Yeais  m 

by  a  Peruvian  artist,  Monteros,  representing  the  I\ni.  —  Kd.] 


ATAMUAI.l'A. 


■'I 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OK    PERU    AND   CHILI.        517 


The  Vnca  offered  a  ransom,  wliicli  he  described  as  ^^old  enough  to  fill  a 
room  twenty-two  feet  long  and  seventeen  wide,  to  a  hoiijht  ecjiial  to  a  man's 
stature  and  a  half.  He  undertook  to  do  this  in  two  months,  and  .sent 
orders  for  the  collection  of  golden  vases  and  ornaments  in  all  parts  of  the 
empire.'  Soon  the  treasure  began  to  arrive,  while  Atahualpa  was  deceived 
by  false  promises;  and  he  beguiled  his  captivity  by  acquiring  Spanish  and 
learning  to  play  at  chess  and  cards. 

Meanwhile  Pizarro  sent  an  expedition  under  his  brother  Hernando,  to 
visit  the  famous  temple  of  I'achacamac  on  the  coast ;  and  three  soldiers 
were  also  despatched  to  Cusco,  the  capital  of  the  empire,  to  hurry  for- 
ward the  treasure.  They  set  out  in  February,  1533,  but  behaved  with  so 
much  imprudence  and  insolence  at  Cusco  as  to  endanger  their  own  lives 
and  the  success  of  their  mission.  Pizarro  therefore  ordered  two  officers 
of  distinction,  Hernando  de  Soto  and  Pedro  del  Barco,  to  follow  them  and 
remedy  the  mischief  which  they  were  doing.  On  Easter  eve,  being  the 
14th  of  April,  1533,  Almagro  arrived  at  Caxamarca  with  a  reinforcement 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and  eighty-four  horses. 

On  the  3d  of  May  it  was  ordered  that  th"^  gold  already  arrived  should  be 
melted  down  for  distribution  ;  but  another  large  instalment  came  on  the 
14th  of  June.  An  immense  quantity  consisted  of  slabs,  with  holes  at  the 
corners,  which  had  been  torn  off  the  walls  of  temples  and  palaces ;  and 
there  were  vessels  and  ornaments  of  all  shapes  and  sizes.  After  the  royal 
■"  "th  had  been  deducted,  .he  rest  was  divided  among  the  conquerors.  The 
total  sum  of  4,605,670  ducats  would  be  equal  to  about  ;^3, 500,000  of  modern 
money .2  After  the  partition  of  the  treasure,  the  murder  of  the  Ynca  was 
seriously  proposed  as  a  measure  of  good  policy.  The  crime  was  committed 
by  order  of  Pizarro,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  Almagro  and  the  friar 
Valverde.''  It  was  expected  that  the  sovereign's  death  would  be  followed 
by  the  dispersion  of  his  army,  and  the  submission  of  the  people.  This 
judicial  murder  was  committed  in  the  square  of  Caxamarca  on  the  29tl\ 
of  August,  1533.  Hernando  de  Soto  was  absent  at  the  time,  and  on  his 
return   he   expressed  the  warmest  indignation.     Several   other   honorable 


11 


tVi 


.'   I  i 


'  [.\ccounts  of  the  space  to  be  filled  differ. 
Cf.  Prescott's  /Vr«,  i.  422  ;  Hiimbuldt's  I'ie^us  of 
Nature  (liohn's  cd.),  410,  430.  —  KlJ.J 

-  [Prcscott  [Ilislory  of  tlw  Coinjiicsl  of  Peru, 
i.  453)  enters  into  .m  e.\])l;in;ition  of  his  con- 
version of  the  money  of  Ferdinand  and  Is.abel- 
la's  time  into  modern  ctinivalents,  and  cites 
an  ess.ay  on  this  point  by  Clemencin  in  ''ol  vi. 
of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  His- 
tory at  Madrid.  —  Kd.] 

■*  [Atahnalpa  was  hnrricdly  tried  on  the 
charge  of  assassinating  Hnascar  and  conspiring 
against  the  Sjianiards.  Oviedo  speaks  of  the 
"  villany  "  of  the  transaction.  Cf .  Prescott.  His- 
tory of  the  Conquest  of  Peru,  vol.  i.  ]).  467.  Pi/ar- 
re's  secretary,  Xeres,  palliates  the  crime  as  being 


committed  upon  "the  greatest  butcher  that  the 
world  ever  saw." 

Prescott  (Pern,  ii.  473,  4,So)  inints  sevcr.1l 
of  the  contemporary  accounts  of  the  seizure 
and  execution  of  Atahualpa.  He  says  that 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  "has  indulged  in  the 
romantic  strain  to  an  unpardonable  extent  in  his 
account  of  the  capture ;  .  .  .  yet  his  version  has 
something  in  it  so  pleasing  to  the  imagination, 
that  it  has  ever  found  favor  with  the  majority  of 
readers.  The  Knglish  student  might  have  met 
with  a  sufticient  corrective  in  tlic  criticism  of 
the  s.agacious  and  sceptical  Robertson."  There 
are  the  usual  stinies  of  a  comet  at  the  time  of 
the  death  of  the  Ynca.  Cf.  Humboldt,  Viexos 
of  Xature,  ])p.  411,  429.  —  Ed.] 


5l8  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Zi  AdclcLntaciO  D^n  DIEGO  dc  ALMA.GKO 
CapitcLTt  LibcrcLfiJfLTn.o . 


DIEGO    DE   ALMAORO 


cavaliers  protested  against  the  execution.  Their  names  are  even  more 
woi-thy  of  being  remembered  than  those  of  the  heroic  sixteen  who  crossed 
the  Hne  on  the  sea-shore  at  Gallo.'-^ 


1  [From  Herrcra  (1728)  vol.  ii.  ]).  2S5.  An 
original  manuscript  letter  of  Almagro,  Jan.  i, 
1535,  addressed  to  the  Emperor,  and  asking  for 
a  province  beyond  Pizarro's,  is  noted  in  Stevens, 
Bil'liothecci  gcoi^raphica,  no.  109.  —  Ed.] 

-  They  are  as  follows  :  — 

(<j)  Hernando  de  Soto,  the  explorer  of 
Florida  and  discoverer  of  the  Mississippi. 

(1^)  Francisco  de  Chaves,  a  native  of  Truxillo. 
He  was  murdered  at  Lima,  in  i; 41,  in  attempting 


to  defend  the  staircase  against  the  assassins  of 
Pizarro.  Zarate  says  that  when  he  died  he  was 
the  most  important  personage  in  Peru,  next  to 
Pizarro. 

(c)  Diego  de  Chaves,  brother  of  Francisco, 
whose  wife,  Maria  de  Escobar,  introduced  the 
cultivation  of  wheat  into  Peru. 

((/)  Francisco  de  Fuentes,  in  the  list  of  those 
who  shared  llie  ransom. 

(t')   Pedro  de  Ayala. 


y ; 


-^"J^f^fT' 


even  more 
who  crossed 


the  assassins  of 
he  died  he  was 
in  Peru,  next  to 

r  of  Francisco, 
introduced  tlic 

tlie  list  of  those 


SKETCH    MAP   OF  TItK    CONQUEST   OF   PERU.       No.    2. 

Pizarro  at  first  set  up  a  son  of  Atalntalpa  as  his  successor;  but  the  boy 
died  within  two  months.  A  more  important  matter  was  the  despatch  of  the 
treasure  to  Spain,  with  tidings  of  the  conquest.     The  first  ship,  laden  with 

(/)  Diego    de  Mora,   afterwards  settled  at  (//)  Hernando  de   Haro,   taken  prisoner  by 

Truxillo  on  the  coast  of  I'eru.     The  president,  the  Ynca  Titu  Atauchi,  but  treated  kindly. 

Gasca  made  him  a  captain  of  cav.alry,  and  he  (/)  Pedro  de   Mendoza,  in  the  list  of  those 

was  subsequently  corregidor  of  Lima.  who  shared  the  ransom. 

(if\  Francisco  Moscoso.  (/)  Juan    de   Rada,   a  stanch    follower    of 


wt 


I  : 


f     ^'i, 


M' 


; '( ' 


I!. 


.1 


520 


NARRATIVE   AN»   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Peruvian  t^'ultl,  arrived  at  Seville  on  tlie  5tli  of  December,  1534.  The  secoiul 
shii)  followecl  in  January,  having  on  board,  besides  llie  treasure,  Hernando 
I'iziirro,  the  conqueror's  brotlier.  The  excitement  caused  by  these  arrivals 
was  intense  ;  and  there  was  an  ea^er  desire  amon^  adventurers,  both  of  high 
and  low  degree,  to  become  settlers  in  this  land  of  promise. 

In  September  I'i/.arro  began  his  march  from  Caxamarca  to  Cnsco,  tlie 
capital  ol  tile  emiiire,  with  li\i'  hundred  Spaniards  and  about  one  hundred 
anil  fifty  horses.  The  artilleryman  Candia  had  charge  of  two  falconets. 
The  march  was  along  the  lofty  valleys  and  over  the  passes  of  the  sicrnt, 
by  1  luamaciuico,  Ihuinuco,  Xauxa,  anil  Iluamanga.  The  rear-guard  was 
attacked  by  Titu  Atauchi,  brother  of  Atahualpa,  with  six  thousand  men ; 
and  eight  Spaniards  were  taken  prisoners,  among  them  h'rancisco  de  Chaves 
and  Hernando  tie  Haro,  who  had  protested  against  the  murder  of  the  Ynca 
Atahualpa,  and  Sancho  de  Cuellar,  who  had  been  clerk  to  the  court  at  the 
mock  trial.  They  were  taken  to  Caxamarca,  which  had  been  abandoned 
by  the  .Spaniards.  Chaves  and  Haro  were  treated  with  the  greatest  kind- 
ness. Cuellar  was  strangled  on  the  spot  where  iVtahualpa  was  put  to  death. 
Hernando  de  Soto  and  Almagro  led  the  van  of  the  Spanish  army,  and 
they  had  to  fight  a  well-contested  battle  beyond  the  Apurimac,  with  a  native 
army  led  by  one  of  the  generals  of  Atahualpa.  Leaving  a  garrison  at  Xauxa, 
Pizarro  followed  more  leisurely;  and  on  forming  a  junction  with  Almagro 
on  the  great  plain  of  Sacsahuana,  near  Cusco,  he  perpetrated  another 
great  crime.  Challcuchima,  one  of  Atahualpa's  ablest  generals,  who  had 
been  taken  prisoner,  was  burned  alive.  Soon  afterward  the  Ynca  IManco, 
son  of  Huayna  Capac,  and  the  rightful  heir  to  the  sovereignty,  arriveil  at 
the  Spanish  camp  to  make  his  submission  and  claim  protection.  His  rights 
were  recognized;  and  on  the  15th  of  November,  1533,  the  coinjueror 
I'izarro  entered  the  city  of  Cusco  in  company  with  the  rightful  sovereign. 
The  Ynca  Manco  was  inaugurated  with  the  usual  ceremonies  and  rejoic- 
ings; but  in  March,  1534,  his  beloved  city  of  Cusco  was  converted  into  a 
Spanish  town,  and  a  municipality  was  established.  The  palaces  and  spa- 
cious halls  were  appropriated  as  churches  and  private  houses  of  the  con- 
querors. The  Dominicans  received  the  great  Temple  of  the  Sun  as  their 
monastery;  and  Friar  Valverde,  who  became  the  first  bishop  of  Cusco,  in 
1538,  took  the  spacious  palace  of  the  Ynca  Uira-ccocha,  in  the  great 
square,  for  his  cathedral. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  fame  of  the  riches  of  Peru  brought  more 
conquerors  to  seek  for  a  share  of  the  spoils.  In  March,  1534,  I'edro  de 
Alvarado,  one  of  the  conquerors  of  Mexico,  landed  at  Puerto  Viejo,  close 


Almagro.     lie    .iccompanied   his   cliicf   on   liis  lie  settled  at  Tnixilln ;  ami  bis  (iaiigliter  Inez 

expedition  to  Chili,  and  avenged  his  dcith  by  aceom]>anied  Pedro  de  Ursiia  in  1  5()0  in  his  ill- 

ihc  assassination  of  Pizarro.  fated  e.xpedition  to  discover  Kl  Dorado.    His  sou 

(/■)  Alonzo  de  .Avila.  Bias  was  a  friar,  who  uublished  a  book  called 

(/)    lilas  de  Atienza  was  the    second   mari  ICv!,h-ion  iff  .'os  J^clis^iosos,  ■Ai'lAn\:\,\n  ifiij- 
who  ever  embarked    on  the   Pacific,   when  be  |Cf.  alsc  note  in  Markham's  Reports  on  tht 

served  under  Vasco  Nufiez  de  Brdboa  in  isij.  Discm'ery  0/ Pirn,  \>.  10/^.  —  Ed.] 


y 


W\-^.. 


I'IZARKO,   AND  THE  CONqUKST  OK   I'F.UU   AN'I)   CHILI.        52 1 


The  SLcoiul 
irc,  I  [cniniuld 
llicsc  arrivals 
i,  both  of  hi^Mi 

:o  C'lisco,  tlic 
one  luiiulri'd 
wo  falct)ncts. 
of  the  sicriti, 
-■ar-ffiiard  was 
Dusaiul  men ; 
CO  dc  Chaves 
•  of  the  Ynca 
;  court  at  the 
n  abandoned 
;reatcst  kind- 
put  to  deatli. 
li   army,  and 
with  a  native 
u>n  at  Xauxa, 
/ith  Ahnaj^ro 
:itcd    another 
;ils,  wlio  liad 
V'nca  Manco, 
y,  arrived  at 
His  riglits 
e  conqueror 
d  sovereign, 
and  rejoic- 
erted  into  a 
:es  and  spa- 
of  the  con- 
■iiin   as  their 
af  Ciisco,  in 
n    the   great 


to  the  equator,  with  five  hunch'cd  Spaniards,  half  of  wlioni  were  ninunted. 
Among  them  was  tlie  noble  cavalier  Garcilasso  dc  la  Vega,  father  of  the 
future  historian.  After  suffering  dreadful  hardships  in  passing  through  the 
forests  of  the  coast,  the  adventurers  reached  Riobamba,  with  a  loss  of  one 
VOL.  u.  — G6. 


:,M- 


'•:     I 


i 


hi 


4 


I'l': 


M 


h.'  ' 


52: 


NARRATnT.    ASM)   TRII  ICAI.    HISTORY   OF   AMI.RICA 


Iniiiili  of  their  minibfr.  Tizano,  Ifavin^;  a  j^arrisoii  of  iiiiict)'  hk'ii  iiiulcr 
his  biotiicr  Jiiaii  at  Ciisco,  proccciicci  to  tiic  sea-coast,  wiiere  lie  liaii  an  inter" 
view  witli  Alvarado  at  I'aciiacaniac.  It  was  aj^reed  that  Alvarado  should 
return  to  ills  t^overnnient  of  ("lualiinala,  while  many  of  his  surviving  follow- 
ers attached  themselves  to  the  fortunes  of  I'i/.arro. 

The  con([ueror  now  resolved  to  fix  the  [jrincipal  seat  of  his  government 
within  a  short  distance  of  some  convenient  seaport,  lie  finally  selected 
Ji  site  in  the  valley  of  the  Rimac,  six  miles  from  the  shores  of  the  I'acific 
Ocean.  Merc  I'izarro  fnunilnl  the  city  of  Lima  on  the  festival  of  l'-pii)hany, 
the  6th  of  January,  1535.  It  was  called  "Ciudad  de  los  Reyes"  (the  city 
of  the  kiny;s)   in  honor  of  Charles  V.  anil  his  mother  Juan.i,  and  also  in 

memor)-  of  the  day. 
The  city  was  laid  out  on 
,1  retjuKir  pl.ui,  whieh  lias 
bicii  little  altereil  down 
to  the  piTsunt  tiuu',  with 
broad  streets,  at  riL,dit  aii- 
l^les,  and  a  spacious  sipiare 
ne.ir  the  centre,  one  side 
of  which  was  to  be  occu- 
pietl  l)y  the  cathedral  and 
another  by  tlie  j)alace. 
I'i/arro  appointed  muni- 
cipal officers,  collected  la- 
borers, and  with  ^re.it 
energy  pushed  on    the 


■. 

r' '  ■  " 

i-~" — '-"^i 

'WlJ 

i 

kjjX 

JtJrv 

1^^^§ 

^^ 

L...-n..<g^» 

SfS.-n"..      .  ^^ 

■      -^T.  -T— 

r.lll.l)l.N(;    OK   A     TOWN. 


work  of  buildinfr. 


Hernando  Pizarro,  arriving  with  such  welcome  treasure,  was  very  gra- 
ciously received  in  Spain.  Charles  V.  confirmed  all  his  brother's  previous 
grants,  and  created  him  a  marquis;'-^  while  Almagro,  with  the  title  ol 
marshal,  was  empowered  to  discover  and  occupy  territory  for  two  hundred 
leagues,  beginning  from  the  southern  boundary  of  I'izarro's  government. 
Hernando  himself  was  created  a  knight  of  Santiago,  and  was  authorized 
to  enlist  recruits,  and  equip  a  fleet  for  his  return  to  Peru.  The  return  of 
Hernando  was  the  signal  for  the  breaking  out  of  a  feud  between  the  old 
p.-irtnery.  Alm.igro  and  his  friends  declared  that  Cusco  itself  was  to  the 
south  of  the  boundary  assigned  to  the  territory  of  Pizarro.  The  conqueror 
hurried  from  his  work  of  building  at  Lima  to  Cusco,  and  made  a  solemn 
reconciliation  with  Almagro,  by  a  written  agreement  dated  June  12,  1535. 
Almagro  was  induced  to  undertake  an  expedition  for  the  discovery  and 

'   [Fac-simile  of  .1  cut   made  to   do   diilv  in  -  Tlicre  is  no  record,  however,  that  a  special 

v.irioiis  Antwerp  imprints  on  Peru  nf  the  latter  designation  for  the  marquisatc  was  ever  granted 

half  of   the  sixteintli   centnrv.     It  is  co]iied  in  to  Pizarro.     It  is  tlicrefore  an  error  to  call  him 

this  case  from   fnlio  cijihteen  (reverse)   of  /)<•  Marcjuis  of  Atabillos,  as  he  is  .sometimes  dcsig* 

U'i<ii,/,-rliJc-k,- ein/i- Jl'ii\ii/i/ii:/i,' /fh/oi-ii- {7.nr;\\.c),  natecl.     He  signed  himself  simply  the  ^' iri|uia 

published  by  Willcm  Silviiis,  1573.  —  l^D.]  Pizarro. 


IMZAKUO,   AND    IIIK   COM^UKSr   l)l'    I'KKU    AND   (.1111.1.        523 


GahricL  de.  Jlojcu    GcruLrai 
cU    IcL  Artilltria, , 


GAimiF.I,   DE   ROJAS.* 

Cdiiqiicst  of  Chili.  He  was  ncconipanicd  by  a  large  army  of  Indians,  led 
by  two  Yncas  of  the  blood  royal ;  and  he  had  with  him  about  two  hundred 
Spaniards.  He  set  out  from  Cusco  in  tiie  autumn.  I'izarro  then  returned 
to  the  coast,  to  push  forward  the  building  of  Lima,  and  to  found  the  cities 
of  Tru.xillo  (15351,  Chachapoyas  (1536),  Huamanga  (1539),  and  Arequipa 
(1540).  Hernando  Pizarro,  on  his  return,  was  sent  to  join  his  brothers  Juan 
and  Gonzalo  at  Cusco,  and  to  take  command  of  that  city  and  fortress. 

1  [Fac-simile  of  an  engraving  in  Herrcra,  of  Cusco,  when  tliat  town  was  besieged  by  the 
vol.  iv.  p.  260.  He  was  one  of  tlie  (listinguislied  Indians.  Later,  as  governor  of  Cusco  for  Alma- 
cavaliers  of  tlie  Conquest,  to  whom  Munnz —  gro,  he  had  charge  of  (lonzah)  Pizarro  wl'ile  he 
erroneously,  as  Prescott  thinks  —  assigned  the  was  held  a  prisoner,  and  had,  later  still,  coin- 
authorship  of  the  Ktlticioii  fiimcra  of  (hide-  mand  of  the  artillery  under  Ciasca.  ile  died  a/ 
gardo.     He  was   distinguished   at  tlic  defence  Charcas.  —  Kd] 


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NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


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PAPOiO 


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The  Spaniards  had  already  begun  to  look  upon  the  natives  as  their 
slaves,  and  the  yoimg  Ynca  Manco  was  not  only  treatetl  with  neglect,  but 
exposed  to  every  kind  of  humiliating  insult.  He  escaped  from  Cusco,  and 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  great  army  of  his  subjects  in  the  valley  of 

Yucay.  This  was  a  signal ;  and  imme- 
diately the  whole  country  was  in  revolt 
against  the  in\'aders.  Juan  I'izarro  was 
driven  back  into  Cusco,  and  the  cit\' 
was  closely  besieged  by  the  armies  of  the 
Ynca  from  February,  1536.  The  be- 
siegers succeeded  in  setting  the  thatched 
roofs  of  the  halls  and  i)alaces  on  fire,  and 
the  Spanish  garrison  was  reduced  to  the 
greatest  straits.  The  Yncas  had  occupied 
the  fortress  which  commands  the  town, 
and  Juan  Pizarro  was  killed  in  an  attempt 
to  carry  it  by  storm.  I'^inally  Hernando 
Pizarro  himself  captured  the  fortress,  af- 
ter a  heroic  defence  by  the  Ynca  garrison. 
Still  the  close  siege  of  the  city  continued, 
and  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  last 
straits  by  famine.  Month  after  month 
pasb-id  away  without  tidings.  At  last  the 
se.ison  for  planting  arrived,  and  in  August 
the  Ynca  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege. 

Chili,  the  long  strip  of  land  along  the 
west  coast  of  South  America,  to  the  south 
of  Peru,  had  been  conquered  by  the 
Yncas  as  far  as  the  river  Maide.  Beyond 
that  limit  were  the  indomitable  tribes  of 
Araucanian  Indians.  J^ounded  on  one 
side  by  the  cordilleni  of  the  Andes,  and 
on  the  other  by  the  sea,  the  country  en- 
joys a  temperate  climate,  suited  for  the 
cultivation  of  wheat  and  the  rearing  of 
cattle.  It  can  be  approached  from  Peru 
either  by  traversing  the  great  desert  of 
Atacama  on  the  coast,  or  by  marching 
over  the  snowy  plateaus  and  rocky  passes 
of  the  Andes.  Almagro  chose  the  latter 
route.  The  Indian  auxiliaries,  led  by 
Paullu,  the  brother  of  Ynca  Alanco,  and 
by  the  Uillac  Umu,  or  high-priest,  marched  first,  carrying  provisions  and 
making  arrangements  for  their  supply,  taking  the  road  through  the  Collao 


SKETCH    MAP  OF   THE    CONQl'EST 

OF  cun.i. 


'  ^i't'fl*.'wtt--^i:^ 


n 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE    CONQUEST   OF    I'ERU    AND   CHILI.        525 

and  Charcas  (the  modern  republic  of  Bolivia).  The  Indian  contingent 
was  followed  by  one  hundred  Spaniards  under  Don  Juan  Saavedra ;  and 
this  advanced  party  waited  at  Paria,  in  the  south  of  Charcas,  for  the  main 
bod)-.  This  was  commaniled  by  Don  Rodrigo  Ordonez,  a  nati\e  of  Oro- 
pesa,  who  had  served  under  the  constable  ]5ourbon  at  the  sack  of  Rome, 
lie  was  a  brave  and  experienced  commander,  ever  faithful  to  his  chief, 
the  marshal  Almagro.  The  whole  force,  when  united  in  the  distant  valley 
of  Jujuy,  consisted  of  five  hundreil  .Spaniards,  with  two  hundred  horses. 
The  march  across  the  Andes  to  Cocjuimbu,  in  Chili,  (.luring  the  winter  of 
1536,  was  a  time  of  intense  suffering  and  hardship  bra\el\-  endured;  but 
it  was  stained  by  the  most  re\olting  cruelties  to  the  people  of  Charcas 
and  Juju)'. 

Almagro  advanced  from  Cocpiimbo  to  the  southward,  and  his  Peruvian 
contingent  suffered  a  defeat  from  an  arm\' of  Prcjmauca  Indians,  lie  was 
reinforced  b}-  Orgofiez  and  Juan  Rada,  another  fiithful  atlherent,  who 
brought  with  them  the  ro)-al  order  appointing  ^Mmagro  to  be  adclantado, 
or  go\'ernor,  of  New  Toledo,  which  was  to  e.xtcnd  two  hundred  leagues  frcjii. 
the  southern  limit  of  Pizarro's  government  of  New  Castile.  The  explorers 
now  desired  to  return  antl  occupy  this  new  go\-eniment,  which  they  claimed 
ti>  include  the  city  of  Cusco  itself.  Almagro  had  arranged  that  tliree  small 
vessels  should  sail  from  Callao,  the  port  of  Lima,  for  the  Chilian  coast,  with 
provisions.  0\\\\  one  ever  sailed,  named  the"  Santiaguillo,"  having  a  cargo 
of  food,  clothing,  and  horse-shoes.  She  arrived  in  a  port  on  the  coast 
of  Chili;  and  when  the  tidings  reached  .\lmagro,  he  sent  the  gallant  Juan 
de  .Saaxedra,  the  leader  of  his  \'anguard,  with  thirt\'  horsemen,  to  c(mimu- 
nicate  with  her.  Saa\-edra  found  the  little  x'cssel  anchoretl  in  a  ba\'  sur- 
roundeil  by  rugged  hills  covered  with  an  undergrowth  of  shrubs,  and  having 
a  distant  view  of  the  shown-  cord  HI  era.  In  some  way  it  reminded  him  of 
his  distant  S])anish  home.  Saavedra  was  a  native  of  the  village  of  \'alpa- 
raiso,  near  Cuenca,  in  Castile.  He  named  the  bay,  where  the  princijial 
seaport  of  Chili  was  destined  to  be  established,  X'alparaiso.  This  was  in 
September,  1536.  Landing  the  much-needed  supplies,  Saavedra  rejoined 
his  chief,  and  the  expedition  of  Almagro  began  its  painful  return  journey 
b\' the  desert  of  .\tacama.  On  arrix'ing  at  Arecjuipa,  Almagro  fu'st  heartl 
of  the  great  insurrection  of  the  \'ncas.  Marching  rapidly  to  Cusco,  his 
lieutenant,  Orgonez,  defeated  the  \'nca  Manco  in  the  valley  of  Yucay;  and 
Almagro  entered  the  ancient  city,  claiming  to  be  its  lawful  governor. 

The  ro)'a!  grant  had  gi\en  Pizarro  all  the  territor)'  for  two  hundred  and 
scvent}-  leagues  southward  from  the  river  of  Santiago,  in  l°  20'  north,  and 
to  Almagro  two  hundred  leagues  e.xtcr.ding  from  Pizarro's  southern  limit. 
Hcrrera  says  that  there  were  seventeen  and  one  half  leagues  in  a  degree. 
This  would  bring  Pizarro's  boundary  as  far  south  as  14°  50',  and  would 
leave  Cusco  (13"  30'  55"  south)  well  within  it.  Hut  neither  the  latitudes  of 
the  river  Santiago  nor  of  Cusco  had  been  fixed,  and  the  question  was  open 
to  dispute. 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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Almagro  seized  upon  Cusco  on  the  Sth  of  April,  1537,  and  placed  the 
brothers  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  i'i/arro,  who  had  defended  tlie  place 
against  the  Yncas,  in  confinement.  News  then  came  that  a  large  body  of 
men  under  Alonzo  de  Alvarado,  sent  by  the  governor  I'izarro  from  Lima, 
was  approaching  Cusco.  Alvarado,  with  about  five  hundred  men,  had 
advancetl  as  far  as  the  ri\er  Abancay,  where  he  was  surprised  and  tlcfcated 
by  Orgoncz  on  the  12th  of  July,  1537.  Meanwhile  some  reinforcements 
were  arriving  at  Lima,  in  reply  to  the  appeals  of  I'izarro  for  help  against 
the  native  insurrection. 

The  ecclesiastic  Luquc  had  died  ;  but  the  other  partner  who  advanced 
the  monc)-  for  the  original  expedition,  the  licentiate  Caspar  de  I'^ispinosa, 
still  li\ed ;  and  he  now  joined  I'izarro  at  Lima,  with  a  force  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Cortes  also  despatcheil  a  vessel  with  supplies  and  military 
stores  from  Mexico. 

The  Marquis — as  I'izarro  was  now  stjled  —  sent  an  embassy  to  Alma- 
gro at  Cusco,  under  the  licentiate  Ivsoinosa,  in  the  hope  of  settling  the 
dispute  amicably.  Almagro,  elated  b\'  his  successes,  was  in  no  mood  for 
moderating  his  demands;  and,  unfortunately,  ICspinosa  died  very  suildenly 
in  the  midst  of  the  negotiation.  It  was  broken  off;  and  Almagro  declared 
his  intention  of  retaining  Cusco  and  marching  to  the  coast,  in  order  to 
establish  for  himself  a  seaport.  Orgonez  had  again  defeated  the  \'nca 
i^Lmco,  dispersed  his  arm)',  and  forced  him  to  take  refuge,  with  his  famil\' 
and  little  court,  in  the  mountainous  fastness  of  Vilcabamba.  Leaxing 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  prison  at  Cusco,  Almagro  marched  to  the  valley  of 
Chincha,  on  the  sea-coast,  taking  Hernando  I'izarro  \vith  him.  At  Chin- 
cha  he  began  to  lay  out  a  city,  to  be  called  Almagro,  which  was  to  rival 
Lima,  one  hundred  miles  to  the  northward.  Chincha  is  nearly  in  the 
same   latitude  as  Cusco. 

While  he  was  at  Chincha,  Almagro  received  news  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
■id  Alonzo  de  Alvarado  had  escaped  from  their  Cusco  prison,  and  reached 
the  camp  of  the  marquis,  near  Lima.  After  some  correspondence,  it  was 
agreed  that  a  friar  named  h'rancisco  de  Ikibadilla  should  arbitrate,  and  that 
I'izarro  and  Almagro  should  have  a  personal  interview  in  the  little  town  of 
]\Iala,  near  the  coast,  between  Lima  and  Chincha.  The  meeting  took  place 
on  the  13th  of  November,  1537.  There  was  a  furious  altercation.  They 
parted  in  anger;  ir.deed  Almagro,  fearing  treachery,  rode  off  very  hastily. 
.\  cavalier  of  Pizarro's  part}'  had  hummed  two  lines  of  an  old  song  in  b.ii 
hearing, — 

"  Tieinpn  es  cl  c.ivallcro, 
Ticmpci  cs  de  andar  de  aqui." 


It  was  the  last  time  the  old  partners  ever  saw  each  other.  The  friar's 
award  was  that  a  skilful  pilot  should  be  sent  to  fix  the  latitude  of  the  river 
of  Santiago,  and  that  meanwhile  Almagro  should  deliver  up  Cusco,  ami 
Hernando   Piz.irro  should   be  set  at   liberty.     I'nt  in   order  to  secure   the 


I'lZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    I'ERU    AND    CHILI.         527 

safety  of  his  brother,  the  marquis  made  the  concession  that  AhnaLjro  should 
hold  Cusco  until  the  bounchu'ies  were  fixed.     Hernando  was  then  allow 
to   leave  tiie  camp  of  Almagro. 

Bi'c  the  marquis  had  no  intention  of  allowing  his  rival  to  retain  Cusco. 
Too  old  to  take  the  field  himself,  he  intrusted  the  command  of  his  army  to 
his  brother  Hernando.  Mis  rival  was  also  broken  down  by  age  and  infirm- 
ities, and  Rodrigo  de  Orgonez  became  the  actual  commander  o{  .Mmagro's 
forces.  He  retreated  by  short  marches  towards  Cusco,  the  old  marshal 
being  carried  in  a  litter,  and  reejuiring  long  intervals  of  rest.  The  marquii 
led  his  army  down  the  coast  to  Vca,  where  l:e  took  leave  of  it,  and  re- 
turned to  Lima.  I  lis  brother  Hernando  then  proceeded  still  f;nther  along 
the  coast  to  Xasca,  and  ascended  the  cordillcras  by  wa}'  of  Lucanas,  reach- 
ing the  neighborhood  of  Cusco  in  April,  1538.  iVlmagro  had  arrived  at 
Cusco   ten   da\s   before. 

Orgonez  took  up  a  position  at  a  place  called  Salinas,  about  three 
miles  from  Cusco.  with  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  and  about  two 
huniired  horses.  His  artillery  consisted  of  si.x  falconets,  which,  with  the 
cavalr}',  he  stationed  on  the  flanks  of  his  infantr)'.  On  Saturda)-,  tiie  26th 
of  April,  1538  (or  the  6th,  the  day  of  Saint  Lazarus,  according  to  Garci- 
lasso),  Hernando  Pizarro  began  the  attack.  The  infantry  was  led  b\' his 
brother  Gonzalo,  and  by  Pedro  de  \'aldivia,  ihe  future  governor  of  Chili. 
Crowds  of  Indians  watched  the  battle,  and  rejoiced  to  see  their  oppressors 
destroying  one  another.  The  cavalry  charged  at  full  gallo[),  the  infantrj- 
fought  desperately;  but  Orgonez  was  killed,  and  after  an  hour  the  fortune 
of  the  day  turned  against  the  marshal.  His  soldiers  fled  to  Cusco,  followed 
b}'  the  victorious  party,  and  Almagro  himself  was  put  in  chains  and  con- 
fined in  the  same  jirison  where  he  had  put  the  Pizarros.  His  \'oung  son 
Diego,  —  by  an  Indian  girl  of  Panama,  —  to  whom  the  old  man  was  de\ot- 
edly  attached,  was  sent  at  once  to  the  camp  of  the  marquis  at  Lima,  in  charge 
of  Alcantara,  the  half-brother  of  the  Pizarros.  Hernando  then  prepared  a 
long  string  of  accusations  against  his  defeated  foe,  obtained  his  condemna- 
tion, and  caused  him  to  be  garrotcd  in  the  prison.  Almagro  was  buried 
in  the  church  of  La  Alerced  at  Cusco,  in  July,    1538. 

The  Marquis  Francisco  Pizarro  received  the  young  Almagro  with  kind- 
ness, and  sent  him  to  Lima,  ordering  him  to  be  treated  as  his  son.  The 
governor  himself  remained  for  some  time  at  Xauxa,  And  then  proceeded 
to  Cusco,  where  he  confiscated  the  propert}' of  Almagro's  followers.  He 
sent  his  brother  (n^nzalo  to  concjuer  the  peojile  of  Charcas.  In  1539  Her- 
nando Pizarro  set  out  for  Spain  ;  but  the  friends  of  Almagro  were  before  him. 
He  w.^s  coldly  received,  and  eventualh'  committed  to  prison  for  his  conduct 
at  Cusco,  and  lingered  in  capti\it>'  for  upwards  of  twenty  years. 

Pizarro  returned  to  Lima,  and  despatched  numerous  ex|)etlitions  In 
various  directions  for  disco\ery  and  concpiest.  Gomez  de  .\Karado  was 
intrusted  with  the  settlement  of  Ihuinuco;  I'^rancisco  de  Chaves,  of  Con- 
cluicos ;    X'ergara  and  Mercadillo  were  to  e\i)lore  Hracamoras  antl  Chacha- 


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NARRATUE   A\D    CKiriC.\L   lIlSiuR\    OF   AMF.KKJA. 


po}'as ;  .ukI  I'cdro  Je  Caiulia  was  to  settle  the  Collao  Goiizalo  Pizano 
himself  undertook  an  expedition  to  the  land  of  einnanion,  —  the  fore^t- 
co\'ereil  re;;ion  tt)  the  eastward  of  (Juilo.  Leaving  I'edro  tie  I'lielles  in 
command  at  Ouito,  (jonzalo  entered  the  forests  with  three  hundred  and 
fift}' Spaniards  and  foiu"  thousand  Indians  on  Christmas  l)a\%  1539.  The 
hardships  and  sulTerini^s  of  these  dauntless  explorers  have  seldom  been 
c([ualled  by  any  boily  of  men  on  record.  Descendini;'  the  ri\ers  Coca  and 
Xapc,  (jonzalo  intrusletl  the  command  of  a  small  \essel  to  l'"rancisco  ile 
Orellana  to  <;()  on  in  advance  and  seek  for  supplies.  Hut  Orellana  deserted 
his  starN'iuL;'  comrades,  tlisco\ered  the  whole  course  of  the  ri\-er  ^Vmazon, 
and  returned  to  Spain.  Out  of  the  three  hundred  and  fift)'  Spaniards  that 
.started,  fifty  deserted  w  ith  Orellana,  two  hundred  and  ten  died  of  hunger 
and  disease,  and  the  miserable  remnant  eventually  returned  to  Ouito  witf 
tlieir  intrepii.1  leailer,  (ionzalo   1  izarro,   in  June,    1542. 

The  marquis  had  also  resolved  to  renew  the  attempt  to  conquer  Chili, 
which  had  been  abandoned  by  Almagro.  .\  caxalicr  had  actually  been 
sent  <nit  frtun  Spain,  named  Pedro  .S.incliez  de  lloz,  to  undcntake  this 
serx'ice.  The  mar(piis  ass'jciated  with  him  a  commantler  on  whose  judg- 
ment, resolution,  and  ficlelit}'  he  could  better  rel\'.  Pedro  de  Valdi\'ia  was 
a  nati\e  of  .Serena  in  ICstremadura.  lie  had  seen  much  scr\'ice  in  Ital}-; 
was  at  the  taking  of  !\Iilan  and  at  the  battle  of  Pavia.  He  had  arrived  in 
Peru  in  I535,ha\ing  been  sent  from  Mexico  b}-  Hernando  Cortes  when 
the  governor  of  Peru  appealed  for  help  to  resist  the  Ynca  revolt.  He  did 
important  service  for  the  Pizarros  at  the  battle  of  Salinas. 

Ha\ing  collected  one  lunulred  antl  lift\"  soldiers  at  Cusco,  \'aldi\  ia 
began  his  march  for  Chili  in  March,  1540.  His  camp-master  was  Pedro 
Gomez;  his  standard-bearer,  I'edro  de  ]\Iayor;  his  chief  of  t'  ■  staff, 
Alonso  Monro}'.  P'rancisco  de  Aguirre  and  Jcronimo  de  Aldcr't-:  w  re 
his  captains  of  caxalry ;  P'rancisco  de  \'illagr;m  led  the  arquebusi '■• .  and 
Rodrigo  de  Ouiroga  the  pikemen.  Two  priests,  named  liartop  ^,r  Rod- 
rigo  and  Gonzalo  Marmolejo,  accompanied  the  expedition.  Piofore  start- 
ing, Valdivia  went  to  the  c.ithedral  of  Cusco,  and  swore,  in  pie-enoe  of 
l^ishop  \'al\erde,  that  the  Hrst  church  he  built  should  be  deiiicated  'o 
Our  L,;dy  of  the  Assumption,  the  patroness  f  Cusco,  and  that  1';:  first 
cit_\-  he  founded  should  be  named  .Santiago,  after  the  patron  of  Spain.  \  al- 
divia  marched  b}-  way  of  the  desert  of  Atacama,  and  at  the  very  out'^et 
he  made  an  agreement  with  Sanchez  de  IIoz  that  the  soie  C'-'nunand  should 
rest  with  himself. 

Valdixia  had  for  a  guitle  the  friar  yVntonio  Rondon,  who  had  accom- 
panieil  Alir.agro'.-  expedition;  and  with  iiis  aitl  he  overcame  all  the  difti- 
culties  of  the  march,  and  safe!)'  reached  Copiapo  in  Chili.  vVdvancing 
by  Huasco  and  Cot]uimbo,  he  defeated  a  large  ami}'  of  natives  in  the 
valle}'  of  Chili  01  Aconcagua,  and  eventually  selected  a  site  for  the  foun 
dation  of  a  new  cit}'  on  the  banks  of  the  ri\er  Mapocho,  in  the  territory 
of  the  Cacique  Huelen-Guala.     The  foundation  of  the  church,  dedicated 


PIZAKRO,   Ai\D   THE   CONuL'EST   UF    I'KKU    AMJ   ClllLl.        529 


joiizalo  Pizarto 
1,  —  tlic  forcNt- 
)  dc  Piicllcs  in 
•c  hundred  and 
••'}■'  1539-  Tlic 
c  seldom  been 
i\ei'.s  Coca  and 

0  Francisco  do 
ellana  deserted 
ri\er  ^Vina/.on, 
Spaniards  that 

died  of  luinj^ci 

1  to  Ouito  witl- 

conquer  Chili, 
actual  1_\-  been 
undcM'take  this 
m  whose  juda- 
ic Valdi\ia  was 
r\-ice  in  ]tal\-; 
had  arrived  in 
o  Cortes  when 
-■volt.     He  did 


!,■■    ■ 


Fedro  de  VaicULia   C  oirc^Tiaclcv 


I'l.DKO    I)E    VAI.UIVIA.' 


to  the  Assumption,  in  accordance  wit'.i  the  \-ow  made  at  Cusco,  was  laid 
on  the  I2th  of  February,  1341.  The  plan  of  the  city  was  laid  out,  and  it 
received  the  name  of  Sa.itiago.  The  officers  of  the  municipality  were 
elected  on  the  7th  of  Alarch,  to  rcmiin  in  office  for  one  year. 

It  was  not  Ion- ■  Vjcfore  the  natives  of  Chili  rook  up  arms  to  oppose  the 
intruders.  Valdi\ia  marched  against  a  large  body,  leaving  Monroy  in 
command  at  Santiago.  But  another  force  of  Indians  attacked  the  city 
itself,  with  desperate  valor,  during  fifteen  days,  killing  four  Spaniards  and 
twenty-three  horses,  and  setting  fire  to  the  houses.  Valdivia  hastily 
returned;  and  although  the  whole  country  was  in  insurrection,   Monroy 


voi,.  n. — 67. 


[From  llcrrcra  (172S),   iv.  Jou.  —  Eu.] 


I  ', 


j-k 


St 


'1 1 


I'V, 


■ 


'  «;■ 


If 


:*;  :     ..II 


530 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


nobl)'  voltuUccrcd  to  make  liis  way  to  rcni  and  return  with  reinforcements 
and  supplies.  lie  set  out  Jan.  2S,  1542.  Valdivia  began  to  cultivate  the 
land  near  Santiago,  and  to  sow  wheat,  in  the  hope  of  raising  crops;  and 
on  the  hill  of  Santa  Lucia  he  constructed  a  ft)rt  where  provisions  and  valu- 
ables could  be  stored.  lUit  the  little  colony  continued  to  suffer  much  from 
scarcity  of  prti\isions.  Monro\-,  hiding  in  the  we)ods  during  the  day  and 
travelling  at  night,  escajjcd   from   t'hili  and  reached  Cusco  in  safety.     lie 


VALLIIVI.A.' 

succeeded  in  getting  a  small  vessel  sent  from  the  port  of  Arcquipa  to  Valpa- 
raiso, while  he  himself  returned  by  the  desert  of  Atacama,  reaching  Santiago 
in  December,  1543.  Valdivia  was  now  able  to  assume  the  offensive,  and  the 
armed  Indians  retired  to  a  distance  from  Santia;     . 

The  chief  pilot  of  Panama,  an  experienced  Genoese  seaman  named  Juan 
Rautista  Fastene,  with  Juan  Calderon  de  la  Barca,  was  ordered  to  under- 
take a  voyage  of  discovery  along  the  coast  of  Chili  at  about  the  same 
time.  He  sailed  from  Callao  in  July,  1544,  and  arrived  at  the  ])ort  of 
Valparaiso  in  i\ugust,  in  his  little  \-essel  the  "  San  I'ab'o."     Mere  he  was 

'  |Fac-similc  of  a  part  of  a  ccippcrplate,  wliicli  appears  in  Ovallc's  llistoriia  Rclacion  dc  diiU; 
Rnim-,  i6.|.S.  —  l''.i'.] 


I.; 


.   S' 


HNi  '! 


la  to  Valpa- 
ig  Santiago 
ivc, and  the 

amcd  Juan 
1  to  undcr- 
t  the  same 
tlic  port  of 
ere  lie  was 

^hicion  de  Chile, 


riZARRO,   AND   THE   COXoLEST   OF    TEKU    AND   CHILI. 


531 


visited  by  Valdivia,  who  confirmed  the  name  of  Wilparaiso  and  officially 
declared  it  to  be  the  port  of  Santiago.  Valdivia  proclaimed  the  foundalioii 
of  the  town  of  Valparaiso  on  the  3d  of  September,  1544,  and  appointed 
I'astene  his  lieutenant  in  commaiui  of  the  Chilian  seas.  The  two  little 
vessels  "San  I'edro "  anil  '  Sanliagnillo"  then  took  sonic  men-at-arms 
on  board,  and  proceeded  on  a  \c)yage  of  discovery  to  the  soutiiward  on 
the  4th  of  September.     I'astene   went  as   far  as  41     south,  discovering  a 


PASTENE.l 

harbor  whicli  was  named  Valdivia,  the  mouths  of  -evcral  rivers,  the  island 
of  Mocha  and  the  Ba)-  of  Penco.  He  ri^ti.;;  ned  to  Valparaiso  on  the  30th 
of  September,  and  reported  iiis  success  to  the  governor,  wiio  now  had 
two  hundred  Spaniards  at  Santiago,  besides  women  and  children.  In  the 
same  year  Valdi\  ia  sent  a  captain  named  Bohan  to  found  a  town  in  the 
valley  of  Coquimbo,  to  serve  as  a  refuge  and  rcsting-])lace  on  the  road 
between  Santiago  and  Peru.  It  was  named  La  .Serena,  after  the  native  place 
of  Valdivia.  The  "San  Pedro"  was  sent  to  Co(|uimbo  to  be  caulked 
and  otherwise  repaired.  The  governor  then  undertook  an  ex])edition  to 
the  south,  crossed  the  river  Maule,  defeated  a  large  body  of  Indians  at  a 

'  [F;ic-siniile  of  p.iit  nf  .1  copijcrijlatc  in  Ovalle's  Ifist,  Reiki,  i/e  C/iiie,  Rdiiic,  164.S. —  Eu.] 


1 

]\ 

'1 
■1 

1 

\      ,1 

\    1 

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ii 


'■'^,i 


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i    't 


,  \ 


I     ;' 


53: 


NAKKATINE   AND   CRITICAL   IIISIuKV   oK    A.MKKICA 


EL  >LVRQV£Z     DON'  TKAaVCISCO  FlSAlOlO 

dc     TruxUto  . 


riZARkO.' 

place  called  Ouilacara,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  river  Bio- 
bio,  retiirnint^  to  Santiacjo,  after  an  absence  of  forty  daj-s,  in  March,  154'^. 
Tastcnc  had  made  another  voyaj:;e  to  Caliao,  taking' with  him  the  L,^illaiit 
Alonso  Monroy,  who   died   on   the   passat^e.      He  returned  to  Valparaiso, 

'   [Fac-simile  of   engraving  in  Ilcneia,  viil.  and   a    kttLr  in  one  liand  and  a  glove   in  the 

ii.   p.    3S0.     l)c    Hrv    (part    vi.)    gives   a    small  other.     A  colored    representation  of   the  royal 

medallion  likeness.     Cf.  Verne's  Lit  Dvioiivcrle  standard  borne  by  T'i/.arro  is  given  in  Kl  Gcn- 

t/t' lit  Tore.     I'rescott  (vol.  i.)  gives  an  engrav-  eral  Sitit  Martin,    linenos   Ayres,    tS63.     Thcv 

ing  after  a  painting  in  the  .series  of   the   line  continue   to   show,  or  did  e.xhibit  till  recently, 

of   the  viceroys,  preserved  at  that  time  in  the  a  bodv  claimed  to  be   that   of    I'i^arro,    in   the 

viceregal    palace   at    Lima.      It   gives  the    con-  cathedral  at  Lima.     (Mntchinson's   Two    Yean 

tpieror   in  civic  costnme,  with   cap   and   cloak,  //;  /V»7^  vol.  i.  p.  -jool  —  l'.l>.l 


:;'.  !> 


I'I/.\KR().    AM)    llIK   CONPLLSr   OF    I'LKl     AND   LlllLl.        533 


T'l/AKkO 


(Fa 


lilc  of   the   engraving  as 


'ivcn  in  Moiuamis  anc 


1  Ogilby.  —  ICn.l 


K 


S 


I  .«■ 


«    'I 


^   H 


ll 


534 


NAKKATIVK    AND   CRITICAL    IliSIOUV    OK    A.MIIRICA. 


Ml' 


;• 


(-<■' 


</ 


1} 


I:. 


1.1'. 


witli  a  iiK'hmclioly  .iccmiiu  oT  tlic  ilisliirl)f(l  state  uf  IVni,  Dlx.  1,  1 547;  aiul 
\'alilivia  tlctcrmiiic'd,  after  much  ilclibciatiim,  to  take  up  arms  a^^ainst 
Gonzalo  I'izarm,  as  a  loyal  servant  of  the  Spanish  Crown,  lie  went  on 
board  I'astene's  ship,  made  sail  Dec.  lo,  1547,  and  .uriseil  at  L'allao,  the 
port  of  Lima,  lie  had  founded  a  new  colon)',  and  left  it  securely  estab- 
lished in  Chili. 

During  the  seven  j-ears  of  X'aldivia's  absence  in  Cliili,  stirrini;  events 
had  occurreil  in  the  land  of  the  ^'ncas.  'i'lie  inaripiis  returned  to  Lima, 
where  he  w.is  husil_\-  en^'ajjied  in  the  work  of  huildin}^',  and  in  adniinisteriiiLj 
the  affairs  of  his  vast  command.  Man,v  of  the  ruined  followers  of  Alma^'ro 
were  there  also,  driven  to  desperation  by  the  confiscation  of  their  propert)-. 
They  were  called,  in  derision,  the  "  men  of  Chili."  I'i/arro  treated  them 
with  contemptuous  indiflerence,  ,uul  expelled  liie  youni;  .Mmaj^ro  from 
his  house. 

The  most  conspicuous  of  the  malcontents  was  Juan  de  R.uli;  ant.  he 
matureil  a  plot  for  the  assassination  of  the  [governor.  ( )n  tlu:  26th  ol 
June,  1541,  the  conspir.itors,  lie.ided  b\-  R.ula,  r.ui  across  the  ^rcat  sipLue 
ihiriuL^  the  dinner  hour,  .uul  entered  the  court  of  Piz;u'ro's  house.'  '1  he 
marquis  had  just  dined,  and  his  brother  i\I.irtin  de  Alr.uitara,  the  jud^o 
Velasquez,  I-'rancisco  ile  Cha\es,  and  others  wi're  with  him.  l?ein_L;  un- 
armed, several  of  those  present,  on  hearing  the  outcry,  let  themselves 
down  int"  a  ^'arden  from  the  corridor,  and  escaped.  Cha\  ':s  went  out  on 
the  stairs,  where  he  was  murdered  b)'  the  conspirators,  who  were  nmnin,L( 
up.  The  marquis  hat!  thrown  off  his  robe,  put  on  a  cuirass,  and  seized 
a  spear.  lie  was  |)ast  sevent)'.  His  brother,  a  ca\alier  named  (jomez 
de  Luna,  and  tv.  >  ]);it;es  were  with  him.  The  assassins  numbered  nineteen 
strontj  men.  I'izarro  fought  v.iliantly,  until  Rada  thrust  one  of  his  com- 
panions oil  the  spear  ,uul  rushetl  in.  i\lc;inlar.i,  Luna,  and  the  two  |ia;4es 
were  tlespatched.  I'izairo  coiUinued  to  defend  himself  until  a  wound  in 
the  throat  l)rou^ht  him  to  the  ground,  lie  made  the  si^n  of  the  cross  on 
the  floor,  and  kissed  it.  lie  then  breathed  his  last.  The  conspirators 
rushed  into  the  street  shoutint;,  "The  tyrant  is  dead!"  The  houses  of 
the  !4ci\(.rnor  and  his  secretar\-  were  pill;iL;ed.  Ju.in  de  Rada  coerced  the 
municipality  ,ind  pnKlaimed  Diei^o  y\lmagro,  the  youni;  half-c.iste  lad, 
•governor  of  Peru.  The  body  of  I'izarro  was  burieil  in  the  cathedr.il,  by 
stealth,  and  at  iiit^ht. 

But  the  colonists  did  not  immediately  submit  to  the  new  rule.  y\l\'arez 
de  Iloltjuin,  one  of  Pizarro's  captains,  held  Cusco  with  a  small  force,  and 
Alonzo  lie  .AK'arado  opposed  the  consiiiracx'  in  the  north  of  Peru.  The 
bishop  \'alverde,  of  Cusco,  and  the  judi^e  \'elasquez  were  allowed  to  embark 
at  Callao  in  \ovember,  1541  ;  but  they  fell  into  the  hantls  of  the  Indians 
on  the  island  of  Puna,  in  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil,  and  were  both  killed. 

'  |.\  \ir\v  "f  tlu'  limiso  i)f  ]''r:inri>oi  ri//.Ti(i,  in  IIiili  liiiison's  T-.i'O  )'t\trs  in  Pciii,  vol.  i.  p- 
a>;  it  is  now  ni  was  iccciitly  i.\istin,^,  is  shown     311. —  V.\y\ 


tic  A. 


PIZAKKO.   AND   THL   COM^ULST   Oi   I'iiRU   AND   CHILI.        535 


I.  1547;  •iiul 
.inns   atjaiiist 

I  Ic  went  oil 
il  Callao,  tliL" 
'cuicly  cstab- 


iiriiiLi  exciits 
I'll  to  Lima, 
iilmiiiisU'ii.'iLj 
s  <if  Alinai^ro 
fir  propcit}-. 
treated  tlieiii 
inaL,M()    fioiii 


aui;  aiKi  In; 
till-  26tli  of 
Kroat  square 
lotisc'  The 
a,   tile  jiuli^e 

I'eilli;    IIM- 

:    themselves 
went  out  on 
rerc  niiinini^ 
'.  ami  seized 
lined   (iDine/ 
red   nineteen 
of  his  coni- 
e  two  pages 
a  wound  in 
tlie  cross  on 
conspirators 
c  houses  of 
coerced  the 
If-castc   lad, 
ithcdral,  by 

c.  Alvarez 
force,  and 
I'eru.  Thr 
1  to  cmbari< 
:hc  Indians 
killed. 

'■;•«,  vol.  i.  p. 


'lei    Tri-U  . 

VAC  A     DK    CASTRO.' 

The  followers  of  Aliiiar^ro  the  lad,  as  he  was  c,-\llcd.  determined  to 
march  from  Lima  in  the  direction  of  Cusco,  so  as  to  ,L;et  between  Alvarado 
and  llolguin.  At  Xaiixa  the  youthful  adventurer  had  the  misfortune  to 
lose  his  most  trusty  adherent.  Juan  de  Rada  died  of  fever.  The  two  most 
influential  of  his  supporters  wlu)  remained  were  Cristoval  de  Sotelo  and 
Garcia  dc  Alvar.ado,  —  and  thej-  had  quarrelled  with  one  another.  Their 
delays  enabled  llolguin  to  pass  to  the  north,  and  unite  his  forces  with 
Alvarado's.  Almagro  then  established  himself  at  Cusco,  where  Sotelo  was 
murdered  by  his  ri\al  .Alvarado;  and  the  latter  was  ])ut  to  death  by  the 
young  Alniagro,  who  assumed  the  direction  of  hi.,  own  affairs.  He  was 
barely  twenty-two  years  of  age. 

I   IFrom  Ilerrcr.T  (172S),  vol.  iv.  p.  I.  —  I'Ji.l 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


The  Emperor  Charles  V.,  long  before  the  death  of  I'izarro,  had  decided 
upon  sending  out  a  royal  judge  to  act  as  the  old  conqueror's  coadjutf)r  and 
adviser,  especially  with  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  Indians..  i'"or  this 
delicate  post  the  emperor's  choice  fell  upon  Dr.  Don  Crist6\:il  \'aca  de 
Castro,  a  Judge  of  the  Audience  of  Valladolid.  After  a  long  voyage  the  new- 
judge  had  landed  at  Buenaventura,  a  town  recently  founded  by  Tascual  de 
Andagoya,  near  that  river  San  Juan  where  I'izarro  had  waited  in  such  dire 
distress  during  his  first  voyage.  He  had  a  royal  order  to  assume  the  post  of 
governor  of  Peru  in  the  event  of  I'izarro's  death  ;  ar.d  on  arriving  at  I'opayan 
he  received  tidings  of  the  assassination.  He  then  proclaimed  his  commission 
as  governor,  and  advanced  southwards,  by  wayof  (Juito,  along  the  Peruvian 
coast.  At  Huara  he  was  joined  by  Alvarado  and  Holguin  with  their  forces. 
He  entered  Lima,  and  then  proceeded,  by  waj'  of  Xauxa,  in  search  of  the 
assassins.  Young  Almagro  had  a  force  of  five  hundred  Spaniards,  with  two 
hundred  horses;  and  he  had  a  park  of  artillerj-  consisting  of  si.xteen  pieces 
under  the  direction  of  the  veteran  Pedro  de  Candia.  With  this  force  he  left 
Cusco  in  July,  1542.  Vaca  de  Castro  marched  in  great  haste  to  Guamanga, 
in  order  to  secure  that  important  post  before  Almagro  could  reach  it  from 
Cusco.  The  rebels,  as  they  must  be  called,  took  a  route  along  the  skirts  of 
the  Cordillera,  until  they  reached  an  e!e\  ated  plateau  called  Chupas,  above 
and  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  newly  built  town  of  Guamanga.  Their  object 
appears  to  have  been  to  cut  off  the  communications  of  \'aca  de  Castro  with 
the  coast.  In  order  to  approach  them,  it  was  necessarj'  for  the  royal  army  to 
evacuate  Guamanga,  and  ascend  a  very  steep  slope  to  the  terrace-like  plateau 
where  Almagro's  army  was  posted.  It  was  the  i6th  of  September,  1542,  and 
the  ascent  from  Guamanga  must  have  occupied  the  greater  part  of  the  day. 
The  army  of  Vaca  de  Castro  was  marshalled  by  the  veteran  PVancisco  de 
Carbajal,  an  old  soldier  who  had  seen  forty  years'  service  in  Italy  before  he 
crossed  the  Atlantic.  Carbajal  led  the  troops  into  action  with  such  skill 
that  they  were  protectetl  i\v  intei  .  cning  ground  until  they  were  close  to  the 
enemy;  and  when  Almagro's  artili-ry  opened  fire  on  them,  the  guns  were 
so  elevated  as  to  do  no  execution.  This  led  young  Almagro  to  suspect 
Pedro  de  Candia  of  treachery,  and  he  there  and  then  ran  the  old  gunner 
through  the  body,  and  pointed  one  of  the  guns  himself  with  good  effect. 
The  royal  army  now  began  to  suffer  severely  from  the  better-directed 
artillery  fire.  Then  the  opposing  bodies  of  cawdry  charged,  while  C.irb.ijal 
led  a  desperate  attack  with  tlie  infantry,  and  captured  Almagro's  guns. 
I  lolguin  fell  dead  ;  Alvarado  was  driven  b.ack,  and  j'oung  Almagro  behaved 
with  heroic  valor.  Yet  when  night  closed  in,  the  army  of  \'aca  de  Castro 
\vas  completely  victorious,  and  five  hundred  were  left  dead  on  the  field.  It 
was  a  desperately  contested  action.  Almagro  fled  to  Cusco  witii  a  few 
followers,  where  he  was  arrested  by  the  magistrates.  Vaca  de  Castro 
followed  closely,  and  on  arriving  in  the  city  he  condemned  the  lad  to 
death.  .^Mmagro  suffered  in  the  gre.it  square,  and  was  buried  by  the  side  of 
his  father  in  the  church  of  La  Merced. 


PIZARRO,   AND   TlIK   CONOUKST   OF    I'ERU    AND   CHILI.        53J- 

Vaca  de  Castro  assumed  the  administration  of  affairs  in  I'cru  as  royal 
governor.  In  the  same  year  tlie  Dominican  Friar  (jeronimo  de  Loaysa,  a 
native  of  Talavera,  became  bishop  of  Lima.  He  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  archbishop  in  1545.  Another  Dominican,  Juan  de  Solano,  succeeded 
Valverde  as  bishop  of  Cusco  in  1543.  Gonzalo  I'izarro,  when  lie  returned 
from  his  tcrriljle  ex[)edition  in  the  forests  east  of  Ouito,  was  induced  by 
the  governor  to  retire  peaceably  to  liis  estates  in  Charcas.  The  efforts 
of  Vaca  de  Castro  as  an  administrator  were  directed  to  regulating  the 
employment  of  the  natives,  and  to  improving  communications. 

When  the  good  Bartolome  Las  Casas  returned  to  Spain,  in  1538,'hc  pub- 
lished his  famous  work  on  the  destruction  of  the  native  race  <^f  America. 
He  protested  against  the  Indians  being  given  to  the  Spaniards  in  eiiroini- 
enda,  or  vassalage  for  personal  service.'  At  last  the  emperor  appointed  a 
committee  consisting  of  churchmen  and  lawyers  of  the  highest  position, 
to  sit  at  Valladolid  in  1542,  and  to  consider  the  whole  subject.  The 
result  was  the  promulgation  of  what  were  called  the  "New  Laws." 

I.  .After  the  death  of  the  conquerors,  the  npartimiciitos  of  Indians,  given  to  them 
In  eiicomieiula,  were  not  to  pass  to  tiieir  iieirs,  but  be  placed  directly  under  the  king. 
Officers  of  iiis  majesty  were  to  rcnou.iee  the  irpartimiciitos  at  once. 

II.  .Ml  auomc micros  in  i  e"i  >  ho  had  been  engaged  in  the  factious  wars  between 
the  Pizarros  and  .Mmagros  were  to  he  deprived. 

III.  Personal  service  of  the  Indians  was  to  be  entirely  abolished. 

Blasco  Nunez  Vela  was  appointed  viceroy  of  Peru  to  enforce  the  "  New 
Laws,"  assisted  by  a  court  of  justice,  of  which  he  was  president,  called  the 
Andiciicia  of  Lima.  There  were  four  other  judges,  calietl  oidorcs,  or  audi- 
tors, named  Cepeda,  Zarate,  Alvarez,  and  Tejada.  The  viceroy  and  his 
colleagues  embarked  at  San  Lucar  on  the  3d  of  .November,  1543.  Leaving 
the  judges  sick  at  Panama,  the  viceroy  landed  at  Tumbez  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1544,  with  great  magnificence,  and  proceeded  by  land  to  Lima, 
proclaiming  the  "  New  Laws"  as  he  advanced.  The  Spanish  conquerors 
were  thrown  into  a  state  of  dismay  and  exasperation.  They  entreatetl 
Gon::alo  Pizarro  t(J  leave  his  retirement  and  protect  their  interests,  and 
when  he  entered  Cusco  he  was  haile.l  as  procurator-general  of  Peru.  He 
seized  the  artillery  at  Guanianga,  and  assembled  a  force  of  four  hundred 
men,  while  old  Francisco  de  Carbajal,  the  hero  of  the  battle  of  Cluipas, 
became  his  lieutenant. 

The  viceroy  was  a  headstrong,  violent  man,  without  judgment  or  capacity 
for  affairs.  His  first  act  after  entering  Lima  was  to  imprison  the  late  gov- 
ernor, Vaca  dc  Castro.  The  principal  citizens  entreated  him  not  to  enforce 
the  "  New  Laws  "  with  imprudent  haste.  Put  lie  would  listen  to  no  argu- 
ments;  and  when  the  auditors  arrived  from  Panama,  he  cpiarrelled  with 
them,  and  acted  in  defiance  of  their  protests.     At  last  the  auditors  ventured 


vol..    II. 


G8. 


[Sec  chap.  V.  —  l^u.j 


V    S' 


538 


iNAKUATIVK   AM)    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OK   AMERICA. 


f! 


iil)()ii  the  bold  step  of  arresting  tlie  viceroy  in  liis  palace,  and  placing  liim 
in  confinement,  lie  was  sent  to  the  island  of  San  Lorenzo,  and  a  govern- 
ment was  formed  with  the  auditor  Cepeda  as  president,  who  suspended  the 
"New  Laws"  until  further  instructions  could  be  received  from  Spain.  The 
auditor  Alvarez  was  commissioned  to  embark  on  board  a  vessel  with  the 
\icero\-,  and  take  him  to  Panama. 

Meanwhile  Gonzalo  I'izarro  was  approaching  Lima  by  rapid  marches,  and 
he  entered  the  capital  on  the  28th  of  October,  I  544,  at  the  head  of  twelve 
hundred  Spaniards  and  sexeral  thousand  Indians  dragging  the  artillery, 
A\hicli  had  formetl  the  special  strength  of  j'oung  .Mmagro.  The  Aiitiiciicia 
sidjmitted;  t'  •'  judges  administeretl  the  oaths,  and  (ionzalo  was  tleclarcd 
governor  and  captain-general  of  Peru.  At  the  same  time  Vaca  de  Castro 
persuaded  the  captain  of  a  vessel  on  board  01'  which  he  was  confined  in 
Callao  Bay  to  get  under  wav  and  convey  him  to  Panama.  Accusations  were 
brought  against  him  in  Spain,  and  he  was  kept  in  prison  for  twelve  }'ears, 
but  was  eventually  acquitted  and  reinstated. 

y\s  soon  as  the  ship  con\e)ing  the  \iceroy  to  I'anamawas  at  sea,  the  judge 
Alvarez  liberated  him.  He  landed  at  Tumbez  in  October,  1544,  denounced 
Gonzalo  Pizarri)  and  the  juilge  Cepeda  as  traitors,  and  called  upon  all  lo_\-al 
subjects  to  support  him.  Volunteers  arrived,  and  Blasco  Xufiez  r.iiseil  his 
standard  at  .San  Miguel  de  Piura.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  assembled  a  ri\al  force 
at  Tru.xillo ;  but  the  viceroy  retreated  before  him  towards  Ouito,  Carbajal 
l)ressing  closely  on  his  rear.  The  retreat  was  almost  a  rout.  Passing 
through  Ouito,  the  viceroy  took  refuge  at  Pasto,  within  the  juristliction  of 
Sebastian  Henalcazar,  the  governor  of  Popavan.  I'.uly  in  Janu;u-y,  1346, 
having  received  reinforcements,  IMasco  Xufiez  ventured  to  advance  once 
more  towards  Ouito.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  took  up  a  strong  position  outside; 
but  the  viccroj',  now  accompanied  b\'  Benalcazar,  made  a  detour  and  entered 
Quito.  On  the  i8th  of  January,  1546,  the  viceroy  led  his  followers  to  the 
plains  of  Anaquito,  near  the  town,  where  his  enemy  was  posted,  seven 
hundred  strong.  The  battle  was  not  long  doubtful.  Alvarez  the  judge  was 
mortally  wounded.  Benalcazar  was  left  for  dead  on  the  field.  The  viceroy 
was  unhorsed  and  wounded,  and  while  lying  on  the  ground  his  head  was 
struck  off  by  order  of  Pedro  dc  I'uelles,  Pizarro's  governor  of  Ouito.  The 
slaughter  was  terrific.  C.uel  old  Carbajal  never  showed  an\-  mercy,  and  no 
(.piarter  was  given.  Benalcazar,  when  he  recovered,  was  allowed  to  return 
to  Popayan;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  attended  as  chief  mourner  at  the  funeral 
of  the  viceroy  in  the  cathedral  of  Ouito. 

Leaving  a  garrison  at  Quito,  under  Puclles,  Gonzalo  began  his  journey 
southwards  in  Julj-,  1546,  and  entered  Lima  in  triumph.  The  only  rosist- 
ance  throughout  Peru  was  from  an  (ilVicer  in  Charcas  named  Diego  Centeno, 
a  native  of  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  who  had  come  to  Peru  in  1534  with  Pedro 
Alvarado.  He  declared  in  favor  of  the  viceroy  at  Chucuito;  but  Alonzo 
Toro,  who  had  been  left  in  command  at  Cusco  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  marched 
against  him,  and  he  fled  into  the  fastnesses  of  Cliichas,  in  the  far  soutlt 


riZAKKO,   AND   TIIK   CONi^lEST   Ol'    I'i:Rr    AND    CIIILl.        539 


i:  ( 


marclics,  and 
cad  of  twelve 

tlic  artillery, 
'he  Aii(/iciicia 

was  declaretl 
ica  dc  Castro 
s  confined  in 
:ii.sations  were 

twelve  \-cars, 

sea,  the  jiidt^e 

4,  denounced 

.i])()n  all  loyal 

nez  raisetl  Ills 

1  a  rival  force 

lito,  Carbajal 

out.     I'assiiii; 

urisdiction  of 

aniiar\-.  1346, 

idvance  once 

ition  outside; 

r  and  entered 

owers  to  the 

ostcd,    se\'en 

le  judge  was 

riie  \-iceroy 

lis  head  was 

(Juito.     The 

ercy,  and  no 

ed  to  return 

It  the  funeral 


GASCA.' 


I'i/.arro  was  undisputed  master  of  Peru,  and  his  lieutenant  Carbajal  retired 
to  Charcas  to  work  the  silver  mines. 

News  of  the  revolt  had  reached  Spain,  and  the  licentiate  I'edro  de  la 
(lasca,  an  astute  and  \ery  able  ecclesiastic,  was  appoinletl  to  proceed  to 
Peru,  and  mediate  between  the  viceroy  and  the  malcontents.  lie  received 
very  full  powers,  with  lari^je  discretion,  and  was  entitled  president  of  the 
Audicucia.  lie  was  \er\'  ui;ly,  with  a  dwarfish  bod)'  and  exceedingly  lon^, 
unt,rainly  Icl^s.  The  president  sailed  from  Spain  on  the  26tli  of  May,  1546, 
and  received  the  news  of  the  \'icero}''s  death  on  his  arrival  at  the  isthmus. 
lie  brought  out  with  him  the  aniKJuncement  of  the  revocation  of  the  "  New 
Laws,"  owin;4  to  the  danLjerous  s])irit  of  discontent  they  had  caused  throu;4h- 

'  [This  follows  the  engr.-iviiig  given  by  I'res-  Magclalciic  .it  Vall.ndojid,  —  an  iiiscii|)ti(ii\  nii 
cott  (I/isloiy  of  Ifie  Conqiicsl  0/  /'w/l  of  the  which  says  that  ("la-^ia  died  in  1 567  at  the  age 
portrait  hanging  in  the  sacristy  of   Saint  Mary     nf  scvcniy-oiie.  —  l'.ii.| 


I'. 


>  ,    M 


i..V 


'  II  '" 

;  ■ 


n 


^   '  11 


.<  i\ 


.(■^ 


'    d 


^\ 


540  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


hdro  da  U 


ITIiRO    I)K    l.A    CASCA. 


out  the  Indies.     They  were  withdrawn  b)-  a  decree  dated  at  Malines  en  the 
20th  of  October,  1545. 

The  president  arrived  at  Tanama  on  the  iitli  of  August,  1546,  where  he 
found  the  fleet  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  under  the  command  of  Peth-o  de  Hinojosa. 
Soon  afterward  Lorenzo  de  Aldana  arrived  as  an  envoy  from  Pizarro,  but 
was  induced  to  submit  to  the  president's  authoritj-.  Hinojosa  followed  the 
example,  and  thus  Gasca  gained  possession  of  the  fleet.  When  the  offer  of 
pardon  reached  Lima,  Gonzalo  was  advised  by  his  lieutenant  Carbajal  to 
accept  the  terms;  but  the  auditor  Cepeda,  who  had  turned  against  the 
viceroy  and  admir.istcred  the  oaths  of  oflice  to  a  rebel,  felt  that  there  could 
be  no  pardon  for  him.  The  mad  ambition  of  I'izarro  induced  him  to 
listen  to  Cepeda  rather  than  to  Carbajal,  and  he  finallj-  rejected  the  offer 
of  pardon;    but  man\-  of  his  old  followers  deserted   him. 

'   |l-"i(iin  IIiTicia  (172S),  viil.  iv.  ]).  :;i5,  —  \'.\^.\ 


alines  on  the 


PIZARKO,    AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    PERU    AND   CHILI.        541 

Lorenzo  de  Aldana  was  dcspatclied  from  Panama,  with  several  vessels, 
in  Febriiar)',  1547,  and  arrived  in  Caiiao  H.iy ;  uiiilc  Diei^o  Cenleiio  once 
more  rose  in  the  south,  and  be<^an  to  colleet  trot)j)s.  (ion/.alo  I'izarro 
resolved  to  abandon  Lima  and  march  to  Arecjiiipa  with  only  five  hundred 
men,  so  numerous  had  been  the  desertions  from  his  ranks.  Aldana  then 
entered  the  capital,  while  (iasca  himself  sailed  from  Panama  on  the  loth  of 
April,  1547,  landing  atTunibez  on  tiie  13th  of  June,  lie  advanced  toXauxa, 
and  j^reat  numbers  flocked  to  his  standard.  I'eilro  de  \'aldivia,  the  governor 
of  Chili,  had  landed  at  Callao,  and  overtook  the  president,  on  his  march 
towards  Cusco,  at  Andahuaylas. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  despairing  of  being  able  to  make  head  .against  the  presi- 
dent Gasca  with  all  the  prestige  of  ro)'al  approval  on  his  side,  had  detmnined 
to  retreat  into  Chili.  But  he  feared  to  leave  Centeno  hanging  (ui  his  rear, 
and  thought  it  necessary  first  to  disperse  his  forces.  Centeno  occupied  a 
position  near  Huarina,  at  the  south-eastern  angle  of  Lake  Titicaca,  ui)\varils 
of  twelve  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  Pizarro's  troo|)s  ad- 
vanced to  the  attack  over  an  open  jilain.  lie  had  about  four  hundreil  and 
eighty  men,  the  strength  of  his  arm\-  being  in  his  infantry  armed  with 
arquebuses,  and  disciplined  under  the  direct  supervision  of  Carbajal.  Cen- 
teno had  a  larger  force,  and  was  accompanied  by  Solano,  the  bishop  of 
Cusco.  Caibajal  waited  for  the  attack  of  the  eneni)',  and  then  poured  a 
deadly  volley  into  their  ranks.  Centcno's  footmen  broke  and  fled  ;  but  his 
cavalry  defeated  Pizarro,  and  would  ha\-e  won  the  day,  if  the\'  too  had  not 
been  repelled  and  broken  by  the  admirable  steadiness  of  Carbajal's  arque- 
busicrs.  As  it  was,  Pizarro's  victory  was  complete,  and  three  hundred  and 
fifty  of  Centeno's  followers  were  killed.  All  fugitives  taken  by  Carbajal 
were  put  to  death  without  mere}-. 

The  doomed  Pizarro  now  abandoned  all  idea  of  retreating  into  Chili. 
He  marched  in  triumph  to  Cusco,  while  the  president  Gasca  approached 
by  leisurely  marches,  gathering  reinforcements  by  the  way.  With  him  were 
the  bishops  of  Lima  and  Cusco,  the  marshal  Alonzo  de  Alvarado,  the  vet- 
eran Hinojosa,  Pascual  de  Andagoya  the  first  adventurer  in  search  of  Peru, 
Valdivia  the  governor  of  Chili.  Centeno,  escaped  from  Huarina,  Cieza  de 
Leon  the  future  historian,  and  mrny  others  well  known  to  fame.  The 
president's  army  crossed  the  river  Apurimac,  and  advanced  to  the  plain 
of  Sacsahuana,  near  Cusco,  whither  Gonzalo  Pizarro  came  out  to  meet  him. 
On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  1548,  the  commanders  of  both  ..rmies 
made  ready  for  battle.  But  soon  there  were  symptoms  of  desertion  on 
Pizarro's  side.  An  important  cavalier,  Garc'lasso  de  la  Vega,  galloped 
across  to  the  army  of  Gasca.  He  was  followed  by  the  treacherous  auditor 
Cepeda.  Soldiers  began  to  follow  in  small  parties.  Old  Carbajal  was 
humming  two  lines  of  an  old  .song,  — 

"Estos  mis  cabellicos  madre, 
Dos  &  dos  me  los  lleva  el  ayre.'' 


'i'' 

1 

'i' 

i'l^ 

I 


I 


A 


fr 


;! 


i 


t 


54-' 


.\AKKAri\i-;  AMJ  cuincAL  iii.src).;v  ov  amkrica. 


J 


Then  desertions  took  place  by  companies  and  squadrons.  I''  ;arro  sorrow- 
fully took  his  way  to  the  royal  camp  and  j^;;ve  iiiniself  up.  Carbajal  was 
seized  by  the  soldiers.  He  was  hant;ed  and  ciiiart''-jd  the  folio  vini,f  day,  and 
soon  afterwards  Gonzalo  I'izarro  was  executed  m  presence  of  the  army. 

The  president  enteretl  Ciisco  on  the  12th  of  April,  and  be},'an  a  bloody 
assize.  Scarcely  a  day  jjasscd  without  ftillo-  crs  of  Gonzalo  I'izarro  bcin:^ 
lianged,  tloyged,  or  sent  in  lar<j;e  batches  to  the  {^alleys.  Two  priests  wc  ru 
executed.  A  canon  of  Ouito,  who  was  tutor  to  Gonzalo  I'izarro's  litMc 
son,  was  hanf,'cd  for  writing;  a  book  e:  lied  Dr  bcllo  justo.  .\t  len',nh,  satnl 
with  blood,  the  president  left  Cusco  on  the  i  ith  of  July  with  Archhishdp 
Loaysa,  and  went  to  a  small  viilaj^^e  called  lluayna-rimac  in  the  neii^li- 
borhood.  lie  reti'-ed  into  ihis  seclusion  to  escape  the  importunities  of  his 
partisans.  Here  iie  proceeded  to  arranL,'e  the  distribution  of  rz/rcw/wr/iw, 
or  j,n-ants  of  lands  and  hulians,  amonj;  his  followers.  He  allowed  a  tentii 
of  the  Indians  to  be  employed  on  forced  labor  in  the  mines,  diu.e  re-;ersini; 
the  humane  legislation  advocated  by  Las  Casas.  Haxinj;  completed  his 
work,  the  president  sent  the  archbishop  to  announce  his  awards  at  Cusco, 
and  they  caused  a  howl  of  raye  and  disappointed  <i[reed.  Gasca  himself 
went  down  to  Lima  by  the  unfrequented  route  of  Xasca,  and  when  a 
positive  order  from  ihe  enqieror  arri\'ed,  that  all  [)ersonal  service  anion;; 
the  Indians  should  be  abolished,  he  suspended  its  publication  until  he  was 
safe  out  of  Peru.  In  Januar)',  1550,  the  president  Gasca  sailed  for  Panama, 
leaving  the  country  in  the  greatest  confusion,  and  all  the  most  difficult 
administrative  points  to  be  .solved  by  his  successors.  The  municipality  of 
Lima  wrote  a  complaint  to  the  emperor,  representing  the  untimely  depar- 
ture of  the  president.  I  lis  abilities  and  his  ser\ices  ha\  c  been  much  over- 
stated.    He  himself  is  the  witness  to  his  own  revolting  cruelt.es  at  Cuh-co. 

Gasca  left  the  government  of  Peru,  with  none  of  the  difficulties  settled, 
in  the  hands  of  the  auditors  or  judges  of  the  royal  Audicncia,  of  wnich 
Don  Andres  de  Cianca  was  president.  His  colleagues  were  Melchor  Bra\o 
dc  Sarabia,  Hernando  de  Santillan,  and  Pedro  Maldonado.  The  judges 
vere  in  charge  of  the  executive  from  January,  1550,  to  the  23d  of  Septem- 
Ijer,  155  I,  when  Don  Antonio  dc  Mendoza  arrived  from  Mexico  as  viceroy. 
They  had  taken  steps  to  organize  a  systematic  plan  for  the  in.struction  of 
the  natives,  under  the  auspices  of  Archbishop  Loaysa,  Friar  Thomas  de 
San  Mart'n,  and  the  indefatigable  friar  Domingo  de  Santo  Tomas,  the  first 
Quichua  Sv~holar.  They  worked  harmoniously  under  the  viceroy  Mendoza, 
who  was  a  statesman  of  high  rank  and  great  experience.  He  promulgated 
the  royal  order  against  the  enforced  personal  service  of  Indians,  antici- 
pating serious  discontents  and  troubles,  which  he  was  resolved  to  meet  and 
overcome.  But  his  premature  death  at  Lima,  on  the  2ist  of  July,  1552, 
left  the  country  once  more  in  the  hands  of  the  judges,  who  had  to  meet  a 
storm  which  would  sorelj'  test  their  administrative  abilities. 

The  ringleader  of  the  malcontents  was  a  cavalier  of  good  family  named 
I'rancisco  Hernandez  Giron.     Born  at  t'accres,  in  Estrcmadura,  he  crossed 


1-1 


IMZAKKO,   ANT   TML    CONOUEST   OT    PKRU    AND   CHILI.        543 

the  Atlantic  in  1535,  and  joined  the  unfortunate  viceroy  Mlasco  NufJcz  do 
Vela  at  Quito,  lighting  iiiuler  his  banner  in  tlie  fata!  battle  ofAna(iuito. 
He  also  did  ^'oikI  service  in  the  amiy  of  President  (iasca,  and  was  in  the 
left  win^  at  the  rcnit  of  Sacsahuana.  (iasca  had  assij^Mied  the  plain  of 
Sacsaluiana  to  him,  as  his  rcpiirtimiciito ;  but  he  grumbled  loMdl)',  r.nil  all 
the  malcontents  looked  upon  him  as  their  leader.  The  pronmlgation  of  the 
abolition  of  personal  se.vice  was  received  with  a  howl  of  c\'  cration  amon;^' 
the  conquerors,  who  looked  forward  to  the  accunuilalion  of  wealth  b)- the 
use  of  forced  labor  in  the  silver  mines.  Troubles  broke  out  in  Charcas, 
and  Giron  resolved  to  raise  the  stand. i"-d  of  revolt  at  Cusco. 

The  12th  of  November,  '553,  was  the  v^eililiuL,'  day  of  iJon  Alonzo  dc 
Loaysa,  a  nephevi'  of  the  arciibishoi),  who  married  a  youn;,'  lady  named 
Maria  de  Castilla.  The  corrcqidor  o{  ("usco  and  most  of  the  leadini,^  citi- 
zens were  at  the  supper.  Suddenly  Giron  presentetl  himself  in  cuirass  and 
helmet,  with  his  sword  drawn,  and  a  crowd  of  conspirators  behind  him. 
The  street  w^iS  occupied  In'  a  body  of  cavalry  uiuler  his  lieutenant,  Tomas 
Vasqucz.  The  gujsts  sprang  from  their  seats,  but  Giron  told  tliem  not  to 
fear,  as  he  only  wished  to  arrest  the  corrci^idor.  He  and  the  others  then 
)Ut  out  the  lights  and  drew  their  swords.  The  loncgidor  took  refu;.;e  with 
the  ladies  in  the  drawing-room,  and  shut  the  doors.  Two  guests  were 
stabbed.  Many  escaped  In-  the  windows  and  climbed  a  wall  at  tlie  back 
of  the  house.  The  corrcgidor  and  (Ulier  officials  were  seizi:d  and  impris- 
oned. Giron  issued  a  proclamaticjii  declaring  that  the  conquerors  would 
not  be  robbed  of  the  fruits  of  their  labors.  He  soon  had  a  respectable 
force  under  his  command;  but  most  of  the  leading  citizens  fled  to  Lima. 
Tlie  rebel  declared  that  his  object  was  the  public  good,  and  to  induce  the 
king  to  listen  to  the  prayers  of  his  subjects.  The  Aitdicncia  was  called 
upon  to  restore  matters  to  the  state  they  were  in  at  the  time  of  Gasca's 
departure.  Tomas  \'.isc[uez  was  sent  to  Arcquipa,  and  Guamanga  also 
declared  in  favor  of  Giron. 

The  governing  judges  were  in  great  perplexity  at  Lima.  After  some 
hesitation  they  put  the  archbishop  Loaysa  in  command  of  their  army, 
with  the  judge  Bravo  de  Samvia  as  his  colleague.  The  marshal  Alonzo  de 
Alvarado  was  in  upper  Peru,  and  he  also  got  some  loyal  cavaliers  round 
him,  and  assembled  a  small  force.  Giron  entered  Guamanga  Jan.  27, 
1554,  where  he  was  joined  by  Tomas  Vasqucz,  from  Arequipa;  and  he 
then  marched  down  to  the  coast.  The  judges  encamped  at  Ate,  outside 
Lima,  with  fi/e  hundred  arquebusiers,  four  hundred  and  fifty  pikemen, 
three  hundred  cavalry,  and  fourteen  field-pieces.  Giron  arrived  at 
Pachacamac  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  the  judges  advanced  to 
Surco.  But  instead  of  boldly  attacking,  the  rebels  turned  their  backs  and 
marched  southwards  along  the  coast  to  Yea,  followed  by  a  detachment 
under  an  officer  named  Meneses.  Giron  turned,  and  defeated  his  pursuers 
at  Villacuii,  in  the  desert  between  Pisco  and  Yea,  but  continued  his  retreat 
to  Nasca.     He  had  lost  a  great  opportunity. 


; 


I' 


■\ 


f    11 


■    X 


'm 


544 


NAKI<.\ll\i;   AM)   CKIllLAI.    IIISIOKV   Ol'    A.MI.KICA. 


'A  !^  \ 


il 


iart  s^ 


ALONZO    OF.   AI.VARAOO, 


The  royal  army  ad\anccd  to  Chincha ;  but  the  archbishop  quarrelled 
with  Bravo  de  Saravia,  and  where  so  manj'  commanded,  and  none  were 
military  men,  efficient  operations  were  impossible.  Meanwhile  Alvarado 
had  assembled  an  army  for  the  judges,  of  seven  hundred  men,  the  rendez- 
vous being  La  Paz  in  upper  Peru.  With  this  force  he  entered  Cusco  on 
the  30th  of  March,  1554,  and  continued  his  march  in  search  of  Giron, 
who  remained  at  Nasca,  on  the  coast,  until  the  8th  of  May.  On  that 
day  the  rebels  once  more  ascended  the  wild  passes  of  the  cordillcra  to 
Lucanas,  and  were  soon  in  the  neighborhood  of  Alvarado's  army,  which 
now  numbered  eleven  hundred  men.  The  rebels  encamped  at  Chu- 
quinga,  in  the  wildest  part  of  the  Andes,  on  a  mountain  terrace  by  the  side 
of  a  deep  ravine,  with  the  river  Abancay  in  front.  The  marshal  Alvarado 
was  on  the  other  side  of  the  ravine,  and  was  advised  not  to  attack,  but  to 

'  [Fac-similc  of  engraving  in  Herrera,  iii.  235.  —  Ed.) 


:kila. 


lop  quarrelled 

id   none  were 

lile  Alvarado 

n,  the  rcndez- 

red  Cusco  on 

rch  of  Giron, 

ay.     On  that 

Cordillera  to 

army,  which 

ped   at   Chu- 

ce  by  the  side 

hal  Alvarado 

attack,  but  to 


IM/AKKO,  ^\NU   THE   CONoUKST   OK   PERU    AND   CHILI.        545 

harass  the  retreat  of  Giron.  Hut  on  the  21st  of  May,  under  every  possi- 
ble tlisadvantage,  he  ordered  the  river  to  be  forded,  and  an  attack  to  be 
made.  The  river  was  crossed,  but  the  men  could  not  form  on  ll>e  other 
side  in  the  face  of  an  active  enemy.  They  fell  back,  and  the  retreat  was 
soon  converted  into  a  rout.  ./Mvarado  was  wounded,  but  contrived  to 
escape  with  Lorenzo  de  Aldana  and  the  learned  I'olo  de  Omlegardo  who 
accompanied  him,  leaving  seventy  dead  on  the  field,  and  two  hundred  and 
ei{;hty  wounded. 

Giron  entered  Cusco  in  triumph.  The  jud^jes,  on  receiving  news  of  the 
disastrous  battle  of  Chuquinga,  decided  that  their  army  should  advance  to 
Xauxa,  and  eventually  towards  Cusco.  The  Audiciicia  now  consisted  of 
Dr.  Melchor  Hravo  de  Saravia,  Hernando  de  Santillan,  Diego  Gonzalez 
Altamirano,  and  Martin  Mercado.  Altamirano  was  to  remain  in  charge  of 
the  government  at  Lima,  while  the  other  jiidges  marched  with  the  army, 
preceded  by  their  officer  I'ablo  de  Meneses  with  the  royal  standard.  In 
July,  1554,  the  three  judges,  Saravia,  Santillan,  and  Mercado  reached 
Guamanga,  and  in  August  they  entered  Cusco,  having  met  with  no  opposi- 
tion. G'»*on  had  retreated  to  Pucara,  near  Lake  Titicaca,  a  very  strong 
position  consisting  of  a  lofty  rock  rising  out  of  the  plain.  The  royal  army 
encamped  in  front  of  the  rock,  and  the  judges  sent  promises  of  pardon  to 
all  who  would  return  to  their  allegiance.  Giron  hoped  that  the  royal  army 
would  attack  him,  repeating  the  error  at  Chuquinga;  but  the  judges  had 
resolved  to  play  a  waiting  game.  A  night  attack  led  by  Giron  was  repulsed. 
Then  desertions  began,  Tomas  Vasqucz  setting  the  example.  The  unfor- 
tunate rebel  could  trust  no  one.  He  feared  treachery.  He  bade  a  heart- 
rending farewell  to  his  noble-minded  wife,  Dorta  Mencia,  leaving  her  to  the 
care  of  the  judge  Saravia.  He  rode  away  in  the  dead  of  night,  almost 
alone,  and  I'ucarawas  surrendered.  Meneses  was  sent  in  chase  of  Giron, 
who  was  captured  near  Xauxa.  He  was  brought  to  Lima,  Dec.  6,  1554, 
and  beheaded.  His  head  was  put  in  an  iron  cage,  and  nailed  up  by  the 
side  of  those  of  Cionzalo  I'izarro  and  Carbajal.  Ten  years  afterward 
a  friend  of  his  wife  secretly  took  all  three  down,  and  they  were  buried 
in  a  convent.  Dona  Mencia,  the  widow  of  Giron,  founded  the  first 
nunnery  in  Lima,  —  that  of  "  La  Kncarnacion,"  —  and  died  there  as 
abbess. 

Thus  the  judges  succeeded  in  putting  down  this  formidable  insurrection, 
and  were  able  to  hand  over  the  country,  in  a  state  of  outward  tranquillity, 
to  the  great  viceroy  who  now  came  out  to  establish  order  in  Peru. 

Don  Andrea  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  Marquis  of  Cartcte,  was  nominated 
by  Charles  V.,  at  Hrussels,  to  be  viceroy  of  Peru  fo'  six  years.  He  came 
out  with  the  intention  of  checking  with  a  firm  hand  the  turbulence  of  the 
military  adventurers  who  were  swarming  over  the  countrj'.  Writing  to 
the  emperor  before  he  sailed,  May  9,  1555,  he  said  that  there  were 
eight  thousand  Spaniards  in  Peru,  of  whom  four  hundred  and  eighty-nine 

VOL.  II. — 69. 


iT, 


^i 


•1^ 


\ 


n 


\ 


546 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  ()!•    A.MKRICA. 


u 


hclil  ttfartimiciitos,  and  about  oiu-  tlioiisatui  were  employed  officially  or 
otherwise.  A  lar^je  portion  desired  to  live  in  iilieness.  He  proposed  to 
employ  them  on  expeditions  into  unknown  rej^'ions,  and  he  submitted  tii.it 
no  more  Spaniards  ou^lit  to  be  alloweil  to  come  to  Peru  without  ^^noil 
cause  assi^'ned.  In  a  letter  to  his  dau^jhter,  the  {governess  Juana,  the 
emperor  approved  the  policy  sketched  out  by  the  new  viceroy. 

Ihe  Marcpiis  of  Cai'iete  landed  at  I'ayta,  and  travelling'  by  land,  entered 
Lima  on  the  ::ijth  of  June,  1556.  He  assumed  ofruewith  unpncedented 
state  and  solemnity.  He  was  fully  resolved  to  put  down  seililioii  once 
and  for  all.  lie  ordered  that  no  Spaniard  shouitl  leave  his  town  without 
permission  of  the  authorities,  and  for  ^jood  cause.  As  re^Mrds  the  Aiiili- 
cmin,  he  reported  to  the  emperor  that  the  judges  were  hostile  to  each 
other,  and  that  they  lived  in  such  discord  that  ;iil  peace  was  hopeless. 
He  spoke  fa\'orablj'  of  two,  ,ind  ri'(iuestfd  that  the  others  mii^ht  bi' 
recalled.  He  also  rei)ortetl  that  the  conr<;;i(iors  maintained  (piantities  of 
idle  sokliers  waiting  for  opportunities  of  mischief  lie  estimated  the 
number  of  the  idlers  at  three  thousand,  and  said  that  the  peace  of  the 
country  was  endanj^ereil  by  the  immorality,  license,  and  excesses  of  these 
men.  The  viceroy  kept  all  the  artillery  in  the  country  under  his  own  eye, 
ordering  j^uns  to  be  seized  and  brought  to  him  wherever  they  could  be 
found;  ami  he  formed  a  permanent  guard  of  four  hundred  arcpiebusiers. 
lie  then  sent  for  a  number  of  settlers,  of  turbulent  antecedents,  who  came 
to  Lima  joyfully,  expecting  that  they  were  about  to  receive  nfartimicnlos. 
But  he  disarmed  them,  shipped  them  at  Callao,  and  sent  them  out  of  the 
country.  Among  these  banished  men  were  included  the  most  notorious 
ilisturbers  of  the  peace  in  the  late  civil  wars.  Altogether  thirty-seven 
were  sent  to  Spain.  Tomas  Vasquez  and  Juan  I'iedrahita,  the  chief 
supporters  of  Giron,  were  beheaded,  and  the  conci^idors  were  authorizeil 
to  seize  and  execute  any  turbulent  or  dangerous  persons  within  their 
Jurisdictions.  These  were  very  strong  measures,  but  they  were  necessarj-. 
The  intolerable  anarchy  under  which  Peru  had  groaned  for  so  many  years 
was  thus  stamijcd  out.  Moderate  ciicoiiiicndas  were  then  granted  to 
deserving  officers. 

While  the  turbulence  and  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  conquerors  were 
checked  with  relentless  severity,  the  policy  of  the  Marquis  of  Canete  towards 
the  people  and  their  ancient  rulers  was  liberal  and  conciliatory.  In  both 
courses  of  action  there  was  wisdom.  After  the  siege  of  Cusco,  the  Vnca 
Manco,  with  his  family  and  chief  nobles,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  mountain 
fastness  of  Vilcabamba,  and  there  he  met  his  death  in  1553,  after  a  disastrous 
reign  of  twenty  years,  lie  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sayri  Tupac,  who 
continued  in  his  secluded  hiding-place.  The  viceroy  thought  it  important, 
for  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  and  the  peace  of  mind  of  the  Indians, 
that  the  descendant  of  their  ancient  kings  should  be  induced  to  reside 
among  the  Spaniards.  The  negotiation  was  intrusted  to  the  Ynca's  aunt, 
a  princess  who  had  married  a  Spanish  cavalier,  and  to  Juan  de  Betanzos,  an 


tICA. 


I'l/.AKRO,   AND    rHK   CONt^UKST   ol     ILKl     .\M>   CHILI.        547 


1  nfficially  or 

proposed  to 

iil>inittc(l  tli.it 

Witllollt    (^ociil 

ss    Jiiaiiii,  tlu: 
roy. 

laiul,  ciUcntl 
mpicccdcntcd 
scilition    oiue 

town  uitliout 
irds  the  Attiii- 
ostilc  to  each 
was  linpclcss. 
crs    iui.L;lit    hi' 

(Hiantitics  of 
estimated    tlic 

peace  of  the 
esses  of  tliese 

his  own  I've, 
tijey  coiilil  be 

arqiiebusiers. 
nts,  who  came 
rcpartimicntos. 
lem  out  of  the 
lost  notorious 
thirty-seven 

ta,    tile    cliicf 

re  authorized 
witliin   tlieir 

re  necessar\'. 
■-.o  man)'  year> 
fjranted    to 

uerors    were 

ancte  towards 

)ry.     In  both 

SCO,  the  Vnca 

the  mountain 

.•r  a  thsastrous 

i  Tupac,  who 

it  important, 

tlie  Indians, 

ccd  to  reside 

Ynca's  aunt, 

Hctanzos,  an 


excellent  Ouicliua  siliolar.  It  was  settled  tli.it  the  Vnca  sliould  receive 
the  I'licoiniiiuiii  forfeileil  by  (Jiron  (the  valley  of  \iicay  near  Lu>co,  wiiero 
he  was  to  reside),  totjethe:-  with  a  lar^c  pension.  All  was  finally  arranj^eil, 
anil  on  the  6th  of  January,  155X,  the  \'nca  entered  Lima,  anil  was  most  cor- 
dially received  by  the  viceroy.  I''r<.n>  that  time  he  re^iikil  in  the  v.illey  of 
Yueay,  surrounded  b)-  his  lamil)'  ai  il  courtiers,  until  his  ileath  in  ij'k.^. 

Several  of  the  .Spanish  coiuiuerors  hail  married  \'nca  ladies  of  the  blood 
royal,  and  a  number  of  half-caste  youths  were  ^jrowini;  up  in  the  princip.il 
citiis  of  Tern,  who  formed  links  between  the  Vncas  and  their  con<iuerors. 
There  was  a  school  at  Cusco  where  they  were  educated,  and  the  Nnc.i 
Garcilasso  de  l.i  \'eya  records  many  anecdotes  of  his  early  days,  and 
enumerates  the  names  of  most  of  his  sciiool-fellows.  The  Manpiis  of 
CaAete  also  founded  schools  at  Lima  and  Iruxillo,  and  took  ^'re.it  pains 
to  supply  the  Indians  with  parochial  cler^'y  of  j,'ood  conduct,  who  were 
strictly  prohibited  from  trading'.  In  155S  llie  nintias,  or  native  chiefs, 
who  had  proved  their  rights  by  descent  before  the  Aiuiiiiuia,  were  allowed 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  as  ma^nstrates. 

The  Marquis  of  Caflete  founded  the  towns  of  Cuenca  in  the  province  of 
Quito,  of  Santa  on  the  coast  to  the  north  <if  Lima,  and  of  Caftete  in  a  rich 
and  fertile  valley  to  the  south.  He  also  established  the  hospital  of  San 
Anilres  at  Lima,  and  built  the  first  bridi^i;  over  the  Rimac.  \'ery  ^re.it 
activity  was  shown  in  the  introduction  of  useful  plants  and  domestic 
animals.  Vines  were  sent  out  from  .Spain  and  the  Canaries,  and  a  harvest 
of  i;rapes  was  reaped  near  Cusco  in  1555.  Wheat  was  first  reapeil  in  the 
valley  of  Canete  by  a  lady  named  Maria  de  Ivscobar,  and  olives  were  planted 
in  1560.     Other  fruit  trees  and  {garden  vej^ctables  soon  followed. 

The  kiny,  Philip  II. ,  determined  to  superseilc  this  able  viceroy  in  1560, 
appointing  a  j'ounj^  nobleman  named  Dieijo  Lopez  ile  /uniya  y  X'elasco, 
Condc  de  Nieva,  in  his  place.  Hut  the  Marquis  of  Canete  died  at  Lima 
before  his  successor  arrived,  on  the  30th  of  March,  1561,  having  governed 
nearly  five  years,  lie  was  buried  in  tlie  church  of  San  I'rancisco.  but  his 
bones  were  afterwards  taken  to  Spain  and  deposited  with  those  of  his 
ancestors  at  Cuenca.  The  Coiule  de  Xieva  entered  Lima  on  the  27th  of 
April,  —  a  month  after  the  death  of  the  marquis.  He  was  a  handsome 
young  cavalier,  of  loose  morals,  and  fond  of  every  sort  of  ple.isuro.  There 
is  very  little  doubt  that  he  lost  his  life  owing  to  a  powerful  husband's  jeal- 
ousy. He  was  set  upon  in  the  street,  after  leaving  the  lady's  house,  in  the 
dead  of  night.  I  le  was  found  dead  on  the  20th  of  February,  1 564.  and  the 
matter  was  hushed  up  to  prevent  scandal.  The  judges  of  the  Ainiicncia 
took  charge  of  the  government  until  the  arrival  of  a  successor. 

During  this  period  the  Chilian  colony  was  holding  its  own,  with  difficulty, 
against  the  indomitable  Araucanian  Indians.  After  the  rout  of  Sacsaluiana, 
the  governor  Valdivia  took  his  leave  of  the  president  Gasca,  and  embarked 
at  Arica  on  the  2lst  of  January,  1549,  with  two  lunulietl  men.     His  lieu- 


548 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tenant,  Francisco  de  Villagra,  had  ruled  at  Santiago  in  his  absence,  vigilantly 
thwarting  a  plot  of  Alonzo  de  Hoz,  whom  he  executed,  and  suppressing 
a  revolt  of  the  Indians  of  Coquimbo  and  Copiapo.  He  met  Valdivia  on 
his  landing  at  Valparaiso  and  accompanied  him  to  the  capital.  The  first 
expedition  of  the  governor,  after  his  return,  was  undertaken  with  a  view 
to  establishing  Spanish  influence  in  the  south  of  Chili.  In  January,  1550, 
with  two  hundred  men,  he  crossed  the  Biobio,  and  intrenched  himself  in 
the  vallf^j'  of  the  Penco,  where  he  founded  the  town  of  Concepcion,  repuls 


CONCEPTION    BAY.' 

ing  an  attack  from  a  large  army  of  Indians  with  great  slaughter.  In  the 
following  year  he  founded  the  towns  of  Imperial  and  Valdivia  still  farther 
south. 

The  Araucanians  now  flew  to  arms  in  defence  of  their  fatherland,  at  the 
call  of  their  aged  chief,  Colo-colo.  A  younger  but  equally  brave  leader, 
named  Caupolican,  was  elected  toqiii,  or  general,  of  the  army;  and  they 
began  operations  by  attempting  to  destroy  a  Spanish  fort  at  Tucapel. 
Valdivia  hurried  from  Concepcion,  at  the  head  of  fifty  cavalry,  and  attacked 
the  Araucanian  host.  The  governor  had  with  him  a  young  Indian  lad  of 
eighteen,  named  Lautnro,  as  groom.  There  was  great  slaughter  among  the 
Araucanians,  and  they  were  beginning  to  give  way,  when  all  the  best  feel- 
ings of  Lautaro  were  aroused  at  the  sight  of  his  countrymen  in  peril.     Ou 

'  [Fac-simile  of  .i  cut  in  Ovalle's  Historiai  /Mncioii  </<■  Chile,  Rome,  1648.  —  Ed.] 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    I'ERU   AND    CHILI.        549 


Ighter.     In  the 
/ia  still  farther 


the  instant  he  felt  the  glow  of  ardent  patriotism.  He  went  over  to  the 
enemy,  c  '  ortcd  them  to  rally,  and  led  them  once  more  to  the  attack. 
The  Sp.  iish  force  was  annihilated,  and  the  governor  was  taken  prisoner. 
Led  before  the  toqui,  young  Lautaro  interceded  for  his  master,  and  the 
generous  Caupolican  listened  favorably ;  but  the  savage  chief  Leucaton 
protested,  and  felled  Valdivia  by  a  deadly  blow  with  a  club  on  the  back 
of  the  head.  This  disaster  took  place  on  the  last  day  of  December,  1553. 
Don  Pedro  de  Valdivia  was  in  his  fifty-sixth  year,  and  by  his  conquest  and 
settlement  of  Chili  he  won  a  place  in  history  side  by  side  with  Cortes  and 
Pizarro.     He  was  childless. 

Francisco  do  Villagra  succeeded  his  old  chief  as  governor  of  Chili,  and 
made  preparations  to  repair  the  disaster.  Lautaro  became  the  second 
leader  of  his  countrymen,  under  Caupolican.  Their  tactics  were  to  allow 
the  Spaniards  to  penetrate  into  their  country  as  far  as  they  pleased,  but 
to  cut  off  supplies,  and  harass  their  re*-reat.  Thus  Villagra  easily  marched 
from  Arauco  to  Tucapel ;  but  he  was  aifacked  bj-  an  immense  army  under 
Lautaro,  which  stopped  his  retreat,  and  he  suffered  such  severe  loss  in  the 
battle  of  Mariguanu  that  the  town  of  Concepcion  was  abandoned  in 
November,  1555.  There  was  hard  fighting  again  in  1556,  in  defence  of  the 
garrisons  at  Imperial  and  Valdivia.  Early  in  the  following  year  Lautaro 
was  intrenched  with  an  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Mataquito,  when  he  was 
surprised  at  dawn  by  Villagra.  He  made  a  gallant  defence,  but  was  killed ; 
and  six  hundred  warriors  fell  with  him.  Thus  died  one  of  the  noblest 
patriots  of  the  American  race. 

In  the  same  year  the  viceroy,  Marquis  of  Caiiete,  appointed  his  son, 
Don  Garcia  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  a  youth  barely  twenty-two  years  of  age, 
to  be  governor  of  Chili.  His  cavalry,  under  Luis  de  Toledo,  marched  by 
land  over  the  desert  of  Atacama,  while  the  young  governor  embarked  at 
Callao,  and  sailed  for  Chili  with  three  vessels  conveying  seven  hundred 
infantry.  Among  the  officers  was  Don  Alonso  de  Ercilla,  whose  epic  poem 
records  the  events  of  this  famous  war.  Don  Garcia  landed  at  Coquimbo 
on  the  25th  of  April,  1557,  and  the  cavalry  rrrived  on  the  following  day. 
After  having  assumed  the  government  at  Santiago,  and  ungratefully  dis 
missed  Villagra,  to  secure  the  tranquillity  of  his  own  rule,  he  continued 
the  interminable  war.  His  first  operation  was  to  occupy  the  island  of 
Quiriquina,  off  Talcahuano,  and  to  build  the  fort  of  Pinto  on  the  west  side 
of  the  valley  of  the  Penco.  Here  he  was  attacked  by  Caupolican  with  a 
great  army.  There  were  marvellous  individual  acts  of  bravery  on  both 
sides;  Don  Garcia  himself  was  wounded,  and  two  thousand  Araucanians 
were  slain.  The  governor  then  crossed  the  river  Hiobio  and  fought 
another  great  battle,  Caupolican  retreating  with  heavy  loss.  Don  Garcia 
disgraced  his  victory  by  hanging  twelve  captive  chiefs,  including  the  he- 
roic Galvarino.  Penetrating  far  to  the  south,  the  town  of  Osorno  was 
founded  beyond  Valdivia,  and  the  archipelago  of  Chiloe  was  discovered. 
During   the   governor's   absence   in  the  I'ar   south,   the   toqtii  Caupolican 


1^ 


r 


I 


i-V:- 


! 


550  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'    H    t    V» 

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'   [Fac-simik-  of  a  coi'perpUite  in  Ovalle's  llistoricx  RtLuion  i/e  Chile,  Rome,  164S.  —  Ed.] 


PIZAKRO,   AND   THK   CONQUEST   OF    I'EKV   AND   CHILI.        551 

was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Alonso  de  Rcinosa,  the  captain  in  command 
at  Tucapel,  who  put  him  to  a  horrible  death  by  impalement. 

There  was  now  a  brief  interval  of  peace.  Don  Garcia  had  brought  with 
him  to  Chili  the  good  licentiate  Gonzalez  Marmolejo,  afterwards  first  bishop 
of  .Santiago,  who  prepared  rules  for  the  humane  treatment  of  the  peaceful 
natives.  Only  a  sixth  were  allowed  to  be  employed  at  the  mines ;  no  one 
was  to  work  who  was 
under  eighteen  or 
over  fifty;  no  laborer 
was  to  be  forced  to 
work  on  feast  days,  and 
all  were  to  be  paid  and 
supplied  with  food. 
On  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1561,  Don  Garcia 
Hurtado  dc  Mendoza 
embarked  at  Valpa- 
raiso and  left  Chili, 
being  succeeded  by 
Francisco  dc  Villagra, 
the  old  companion  in 
arms  of  Valdivia.  Vil- 
lagra died  in  1563,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Rod- 
rigo  de  Ouiroga.  In 
1563    the  bishopric   of 

Santiago  was  founded,  and  in  1565  the  royal  Aiidicncia  of  Chili  was  insti- 
tuted, with  Dr.  Melchor  Bravo  de  Saravia  as  its  first  president.  Its  seat 
was  fi.xed  in  the  city  of  Concepcion. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  course  of  events  in  Peru.  The  scandalous 
death  nf  the  viceroy  Conde  dc  \ie\'a  seems  to  have  induced  the  king  to 
choose  his  successor  from  among  men  learned  in  the  law  rather  than  from 
the  noloility,  and  to  drop  the  title  of  viceroy.  Lope  Garcia  de  Castro  had 
been  a  judge  of  the  Aitdiciicia  of  Valladolid,  and  afterwards  a  member  of  the 
council  of  the  Indies.  He  was  appointed  governor  and  captain-general 
of  Peru,  and  president  of  the  Aitdiciicia  of  Lima,  where  he  made  his  public 
entrj' Sept.  22,  1564.  To  a\()id  scandal,  the  belief  had  been  encouraged 
that  the  Conde  de  Nicva  had  been  murdered  in  bed.  But  everybody  knew 
that  he  had  been  struck  to  the  ground  by  several  stout  negroes  with  bags 
full  of  sand  ;  that  the  blows  had  been  continued  until  life  was  e.xtinct ;  and 
that  after  the  murder  people  came  out  of  the  house  of  the  Zarates,  and 
carried  the  body  to  the  palace.  The  culprit  was  Don  Rodrigo  IManriquc 
de  Lara,  a  powerful  citizen  of  proud    lineage,   who  had  discoverctl   love 

'  [After  the  ^Icetcli  in  lieiuoni,  cilitiim  of  1572,  [>.  16S,  —  V.\\\ 


PERUVIANS   WORSHIPPING  THE   SUN.' 


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552 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


passages  between  his  young  wife  and  her  near  relative  the  viceroy.  But 
the  judges  thought  there  would  be  grave  scandal  if  the  delinquent  was 
brought  to  justice,  and  the  new  governor  took  the  s.aiic  view.  The  affair 
was  hushed  up. 

Lope  de  Castro  established  a  mint,  imposed  the  abiiojarifixzgo,  6r  customs 
dues,  and  organized  the  work  at  the  newly-discovered  quicksilver  mines  of 
Huancavclica,  and  at  the  silver  mines.  In  1567  the  Jesuits  arrived  in  Peru, 
and  in  the  same  year  the  second  council  of  Lima  was  convoked  by  Arch- 
bishop Loaysa,  the  governor  assisting  as  representative  of  the  king.  The 
first  council  was  in  1553.  At  the  second  the  decisions  of  the  council 
of  Trent  were  accepted,  and  the  parochial  arrangements  were  made ;  while 
the  governor  proceeded  with  the  work  of  fixing  the  divisions  of  land 
among  the  Indians,  and  marking  out  the  country  into  corrcgimiciitos,  or 
provinces,  under  corrcgidors.  In  1567  Castro  despatched  an  expedition 
from  Callao,  under  the  command  of  his  nephew,  Alvaro  de  Mcndana,  who 
discovered  the  Solomon  Islands.  Lope  Garcia  de  Castro  governed  Peru 
for  five  years,  handing  over  his  charge  to  his  successor,  in  1 569,  to  return 
to  Sjiain  and  resume  his  seat  at  the  council  board  of  the  Indies. 

Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  second  son  of  the  third  Count  of  Oropesa, 
was  the  king's  major-domo,  and  was  advanced  in  years  when  he  was 
selected  to  succeed  the  licentiate  Lope  de  Castro.  In  his  case  the  title 
of  viceroy  was  revived,  and  was  retained  by  his  successors  until  the 
independence.  Landing  at  Payta,  the  viceroy  Toledo  travelled  along 
the  coast,  closely  observing  the  condition  both  of  Spaniards  and  Indians; 
and  he  then  made  up  his  mind  to  visit  every  province  within  his  govern- 
ment. He  made  his  public  entrance  into  Lima  on  the  26th  of  November, 
1569. 

Toledo  was  assisted  by  statesmen  of  great  ability  and  experience,  who 
warmly  sympathized  with  the  aboriginal  races,  and  were  an.xious  for  tlicir 
welfare.  Chief  among  his  advisers  was  the  licentiate  Polo  de  Ondegardo, 
who  had  now  been  several  years  in  Peru,  had  filled  important  administra- 
tive posts,  —  especially  as  conrgidor  of  Charcas  and  of  Cusco,  —  and  had 
studied  the  system  of  the  government  and  civilization  of  the  Yncas  with 
minute  attention,  especially  as  regards  the  tenures  of  land,  and  always  with 
a  view  to  securing  justice  to  the  natives.  The  licentiate  Juan  Alatienzo 
was  another  upright  and  learned  minister  who  had  studied  the  indigenous 
civilization  and  the  requirements  of  colonial  policy  with  great  care ;  while 
in  affairs  relating  to  religion  and  the  instruction  of  the  people,  the  viceroy 
consulted  the  accomplished  Jesuit  author,  Jose  de  Acosta. 

But  the  conduct  of  Toledo  with  regard  to  the  Ynca  royal  family  was 
dictated  by  a  narrow  view  of  political  expediency,  and  was  alike  unwise 
and  iniquitous.  He  reversed  the  generous  and  enlightened  policy  of  the 
Marquis  of  Cafietc.  After  the  death  of  Sayri  Tupac,  the  Ynca  court  had 
again  retired  into  the  mountain  fastnesses  of  Vilcabamba,  where  the  late 
Ynca's  two  brothers,  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui  and  Tupac  Amaru,  resided  with 


:ICA. 

viceroy.  But 
;linqitent  was 
V.     The  affair 

"[0,  6r  customs 
ilvcr  mines  of 
rived  in  Peru, 
kcd  by  Arch- 
c  king.  Tlic 
if  the  council 
made ;  wiiile 
iions  of  land 
■giniicntos,  or 
n  expedition 
lendafia,  who 
ovcrncd  Peru 
169,  to  return 

:S. 

:  of  Oropesa, 
,vhen  he  was 
case  the  title 
ors  until  the 
ivclled  alonLj 
and  Indians ; 
1  his  go\crn- 
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icrience,  who 

ous  for  their 

Ondegardo, 

administra- 

,  —  and  had 

Yncas  with 

always  with 

an   Alatienzo 

e  indigenous 

care ;   while 

,  the  vicero\- 

family  was 
alike  unwise 
)olicy  of  the 
:a  court  had 
icrc  the  late 
resided  with 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    PERU    AND    CHILI.        553 

many  native  chiefs  and  followers.  When  the  new  viceroy  arrived  at 
Cusco,  in  January,  1571,  the  Ynca  Titu  Cusi  sent  an  embassy  to  him, 
and  requested  that  ministers  of  religion  might  be  sent  to  Vilcabamba. 
Accordingly,  the  friar  Diego  Ortiz  arrived  at  the  Ynca  court;  but  almost 
immediately  afterward  Titu  Cusi  sickened  and  died,  and  the  superstitious 
people,  believing  that  it  was  the  work  of  the  friar,  put  him  to  death.  The 
youthful  Tupac  Amaru  was  then  proclaimed  Ynca,  as  successor  to  his 
brother.  This  gave  the  vicerc/  the  pretext  he  sought.  He  despatched 
a  strong  force  into  Vilcabamba,  under  the  command  of  Martin  Garcia 
Loyola,  who  was  married  to  an  Ynca  princess,  the  daughter  of  Sayri 
Tupac.  Loyola  penetrated  into  Vilcabamba,  and  took  young  Tupac 
Amaru  prisoner  on  the  4th  of  October,  1571.  He  was  brought  to  Cusco 
and  confined  in  a  palace,  under  the  shadow  of  the  great  fortress,  which 
until  now  had  belonged  to  the  family  of  his  uncle,  the  Ynca  I'aullu.  But 
the  viceroy  had  seized  it  as  a  strong  position  to  be  held  by  Spanish  troops 
under  his  uncle  Don  Luis  de  Toledo.  There  was  a  trial  for  the  murder 
of  the  friar ;  several  chiefs  were  sentenced  to  be  strangled,  and  Tupac 
Amaru,  who  was  perfectly  innocent  and  against  whom  there  was  no 
evidence,  was  to  be  beheaded. 

The  young  sovereign  was  instructed  for  several  days  by  two  monks  who 
were  excellent  Quichua  scholars,  and  who  spoke  the  language  with  grace 
and  elegance.  He  was  then  taken  to  a  scaffold,  which  had  been  erected 
in  the  great  square.  The  open  spaces  and  the  hills  above  the  town  were 
covered  with  dense  crowds  of  people.  When  the  executioner  produced 
his  knife,  there  was  such  a  shout  of  grief  and  horror  that  the  Spaniartis 
were  amazed,  and  there  were  few  of  them  with  a  dry  eye.  The  Ijoy  was 
perfectly  calm.  He  raised  his  right  arm,  and  there  was  profound  silence. 
He  spoke  a  few  simple  words  of  resignation,  and  the  scene  was  so  heart- 
rending that  the  hardest  of  the  conquerors  lost  self-control.  Led  by  the 
bishop  and  the  heads  of  the  monasteries,  they  rushed  to  the  house  of 
the  viceroy  and  threw  themselves  on  their  knees,  praying  for  mercy  and 
entreating  him  to  send  the  Ynca  to  Spain  to  be  judged  by  the  king. 
Toledo  was  a  laborious  administrator,  but  his  heart  was  harder  than  the 
nether  millstone.  He  sent  off  the  chief  Alguazil,  of  Cusco,  to  cause  the 
sentence  to  be  executed  without  delay.  The  crin.o  was  perpetrated  amid 
deafening  shouts  of  grief  and  horror,  while  the  great  bell  of  the  cathedral 
was  tolled.  The  body  was  taken  to  the  palace  of  the  Ynca's  mother,  and 
was  afterward  interred  in  the  principal  chapel  of  tlic  cathedral,  after  a  sol- 
emn service  performed  by  the  bishop  and  the  cliaptcr.  Toledo  caused 
the  head  to  be  cut  off  and  stuck  on  a  pike  beside  the  scaffold ;  but  such 
vast  crowds  came  to  worship  before  it  every  day,  that  it  was  taken  down 
and  interred  with  the  body. 

The   judicial    murder  of  Tupac  Amaru  was   part  of  a  settled   policy. 
Toledo   intended   to   crush  out  all   remains  of  reverence   and   loyalty  for 
the   ancient  family  among  the   people.     He   conriscatcd   the   property  of 
VOL.  11.  —  70. 


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i^ 


PIZAKRO,   AND    THE   CONQUEST   OF    I'KRU   AM)    CIIII.I.        555 


i 


M 

;• ' 


I  i 


1  [Fac-simile  of   the   engraving  as  given 


describes  Cusco  soon  after   tlie   Conquest,  and 


Montanns  antl  in  Ogilljy.    Clarcilasso  tic  la  Vega     exiilains  the  ilistriliution  i>f  buildings  whicli  was 


556 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tlic  Viicas,  deprived  them  of  most  of  the  privileges  t'.cy  1  ad  hitherto  been 
allowed  to  retain,  and  even  banished  the  numerous  half-caste  children  of 
i-^'-aniards  by  Vnca  princesses. 

At  the  same  time  he  labored  diligently  to  formulate  and  esta'^Hsh  a 
colonial  policy  and  system  of  government  on  the  ruins  of  the  civilization 
of  the  Yncas. 


Li*  ' 


The  instructions  of  the  kings  of  Spain,  through  their  council  of  the 
Indies,  were  remarkable  for  beneficence  rnd  liberality  in  all  that  conccrneil 
the  natives.  Strict  orders  were  given  for  their  instruction  and  kind  treat- 
ment, and  special  oificers  v.erc  appointed  for  thei"  protection.  But  at  the 
same  time  there  were  inces'jant  demands  for  increased  supplies  of  treasure 
from  the  mines.  It  was  like  the  orders  of  the  directors  of  the  Itast  India 
Company  to  Warren  Hastings,  —  justice  to  the  natives,  but  more  money. 
The  two  ciders  were  incompatible.  In  spite  of  their  beneficent  rules  and 
good  intentions,  the  Spanish  kings  must  share  the  guilt  of  their  colonial 
officers,  as  regards  the  treatment  of  the  natives.  It  is  right,  hnwever,  that 
the  names  of  those  conquerors  should  be  recorded  who  displayed  feelings 
of  sympathy  and  kindness  for  their  Indian  vassals.  Lorenzo  de  .\ldana, 
who  took  a  prominent  and  important  part  in  the  civil  wars,  died  at 
Arcquipa  in  1556,  and  left  all  his  property  to  the  Indians  whom  he  had 
received  in  repartimicnto,  for  the  payment  of  their  tribute  in  ifuture  years. 
Marcio  Sierra  de  Leguizamo  described  the  happy  condition  of  the  people 
when  the  Spaniards  arrived,  and  in  his  will  expressed  deep  contrition  at 
having  taken  part  in  their  dest  'u^tion.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  was  ever  kind 
and  considerate  to  his  Indian  v.vssals.  Cicza  de  Leon  in  his  writings  * 
shows  the  warmest  sympathy  for  ti'.e  Ynca  people.  There  were,  however, 
too  many  of  the  first  conquerors  of  a  different  stamp. 

The  viceroy  Toledo  wisely  based  his  legislation  on  the  system  of  the 
Yncas.  11  is  elaborate  code,  cr.Ued  the  Libra  de  Tasas,  was  the  text-book 
for  all  future  viceroys.     He  fixed  the  amount  of  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the 


made  among  the  conquerors.  A  plan  .if  the 
ancient  and  modern  city,  showinc;  tlie  con- 
querors' liouscs,  is  given  in  Markham's  Royal 
Commeutariis  of  Dc  In  P'lxn,  vol.  ii.,  and  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Royal  Gco^ra'>hiial  Society,  187 r, 
p.  281.  A  plan  of  the  ancient  and  modern  town, 
by  E.  G.  Sqnier,  is  given  in  that  author's  Peru, 
Land  of  the  I .  -as  (New  York),  1S77,  p.  .(2S.  The 
house  of  Pizarro  is  delineated  in  Chnrton's 
I'oyafffurs,  \'o\.  iii.  p.  3(17  ;  ■"'"1  'he  remains  of 
the  palace  of  the  first  Inca,  in  Squier's  ^.ninl 
of  tlie  Iiicas,  p.  451. 

Cieza  de  I.eon  says  :  "  Cusco  was  grand  and 
stately  ;  it  must  have  been  founded  by  a  people 
(if  great  intelligence."  (Markham's  edition. 
Travels,  pp.  322,  327.) 


Early  plans  or  views  of  Cusco  are  given  in 
Ramusio,  vol.  iii.  p.  412  (see  ante,  p.  554);  in 
Miinster's  Cosmo!;rapliia,  1 572  and  1 59S  ;  in  Braun 
and  Hogenberg's  Ciritates  or/>is  terrarum  ;  in  De 
Bry,  partvi.,  and  in  Ilerrera  (172S),  vol.  iii.  p. 
161.  There  is  a  large  woodcut  map  of  Cusco, 
in  Ant.  du  Tinet's  I'lantz,  J\mrtraii:  et  Deserip- 
tioiis  (le  plusieurs  Villes,  etc.,  Lyoi.s,  1564. 

Vander  Aa  published  a  view  at  Lcyden,  r>nd 
another  is  in  Rycaut's  translation  of  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  p.  \:  Accounts  of  the  modern 
town  arc  given  by  Markham,  Squicr,  and 
others,  and  there  is  a  view  of  it  in  Tour  du 
Monde,  1S63,  p.  265. —  En.] 

1  For  the  writings  of  Cieza  de  Leon,  sec  tlie 
"  Critical  Essay,"  fost. 


I>   \ 


PIZARRO.   AND   Tlir:   CONQUEST   OF   PERU   AND   CHILI.        557 


Leon,  sec  tlie 


Indians,  wholly  exempting'  all  males  under  the  aye  of  eighteen,  and  over 
that  of  fifty.  He  recognized  the  jjositions  of  hereditary  nobles  or  curacas, 
assigning  them  magisterial  functions,  ami  the  duty  of  collecting  the  tribute 
and  paying  it  to  the  Spanish  corrcgidors.  He  enacted  that  one  seventli 
part  of  the  population  of  every  village  should  be  subject  to  the  mita,  or 
forced  labor  in  mines  or  factories ;  at  the  same  time  fi.\ing  the  distance 
they  might  be  taken  from  their  homes,  and  the  payment  they  were  to 
receive.  It  was  the  abuse  of  the  viita  system,  and  the  habitual  infraction 
of  the  rules  established  by  Toledo,  which  caused  all  the  subsequent  misery 
aiid  the  depopulation  of  the  country.  Humane  treatment  of  the  people 
was  accmpatible  with  the  annual  despatch  of  vast  treasure  to  Spain. 
Toledo  also  fixed  the  tenures  of  land,  organized  local  government  by 
corregidors,  and  specified  the  duties  of  all  officials,  in  his  voluminous 
code  of  ordinances. 

In  the  days  of  this  viceroy  the  Inquisition  was  introduced  into  Peru, 
but  the  natives  were  exempted  from  its  penalties  as  catechumens.  Hereti- 
cal Europeans  or  Creoles  were  alone  exposed  to  its  terrible  jurisdiction. 
The  first  auto  da  ft'  took  place  at  Lima  on  November  19,  1573,  when 
a  crazy  old  hermit,  suspected  of  Lutheranism,  was  burned.  Another  was 
celebrated  with  great  pomp  on  the  13th  of  April,  1578,  the  viceroy  and 
judges  of  the  Andimcia  being  present  in  a  covered  stand  on  the  great 
square  of  Lima.  There  were  sixteen  victims  to  suffer  various  punishments, 
but  none  were  put  to  death. 

During  the  government  of  Toledo,  in  1579,  Sir  Francis  Drake  appeared 
on  the  coast  of  Peru,'  and  in  the  following  year  the  viceroy  despatched  an 
important  surveying  expedition  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan  under  Sarmiento. 
After  a  long  and  eventful  period  of  office,  extending  over  upwards  of  twelve 
years,  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo  returned  to  Spain.  He  was  coldly 
received  by  Philip  II.,  who  said  that  he  had  not  been  sent  to  Peru  to 
kill  kings,  and  dismissed  him.  He  was  a  hard-hearted  man,  but  a  con- 
scientious and  able  administrator,  and  a  devoted  public  servant. 

Don  Martin  Ilenriquez,  second  son  of  the  Marquis  of  Alcanizcs,  was 
then  viceroy  of  Mexico,  whence  he  was  removed  to  Peru  as  successor  to 
Toledo.  He  entered  Lima  on  the  28th  of  September,  158 1.  He  worked 
assiduously  to  carry  out  the  ordinances  of  his  able  predecessor  in  all 
branches  of  administration;  but  his  career  was  cut  short  by  death  after 
holding  office  for  eighteen  months.  He  died  on  the  15th  of  i\Iarch,  1583, 
and  was  buried  in  the  church  of  San  Francisco.  In  1582  he  had  founded 
the  college  of  San  Martin,  to  be  under  the  rule  of  Jesuits,  and  on  the  15th 
of  August  of  the  same  year  the  second  council  of  Lima  assembled  under 
the  presidency  of  the  archbishop. 

Loaysa,  the  first  archbishop  of  Lima,  died  in  1575,  and  the  sec  was 
vacant  for  six  years.  Toribio  de  Mogrovejo  was  consecrated  at  Seville  in 
1580,  and  entered  Lima  May  24,   1581,  at  the  age  of  forty-three.     He  at 


»  I  See  Vol.  III.  p.  66— Ku.l 


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CHILI    {,j/Ur    Wytjlict,    1597). 


1    I 


56o 


NAKKATlVJi   ANU   CKli  ICAI,    HISTORY    OK   AMERICA. 


once  btyan  tlic  study  of  the  (Jiiicluia  lanKuaye,  to  prepare  for  his  tours  of 
ins|)cction.  Me  had  a  mide,  hut  t^cncrally  Iravclleil  on  foot,  stopping;  in 
villages  and  at  wayside  huts,  instructin^,',  catecliisintJ,  ami  adniinislerinK  the 
sacraments.  He  penetrated  into  the  most  inaccessible  fastnesses  of  the 
Andes  and  visitetl  all  the  coast  valleys,  journeying;  over  burning;  deserts, 
.ilont,'  snowy  luights,  and  throu^jh  dense  forests,  year  after  year  untirin^;ly. 
He  founilcil  the  scniinary  at  Lima,  for  the  eilucation  of  priests,  which  is  now 
known  by  his  name.  Hesides  the  council  (-f  15SJ,  he  celebrated  two  other 
provincial  councils  in  1592  and  1601,  and  ten  diocesan  synods.  The  princi- 
pal work  of  these  assemblies  was  to  draw  up  catechisms  and  questions  for 
the  use  of  priests,  with  a  view  to  the  extirpation  o(  idolatry,  and  to  regulate 
parochial  work.  The  good  archbishop  dieil  at  -Safla  on  the  coast,  during  one 
of  his  laborious  visitations,  on  the  33d  of  March,  irtofi.  lie  was  canonized 
in  1680,  and  is  reveretl  as  Saint  Toribio.  During  his  archiepiscopate  a  girl 
was  born  at  Lima,  of  very  poor  and  honest  Spanish  parents,  named  Rosa 
Florcs,  and  war.  baptized  by  Saint  Toribio  in  1586.  Her  goodness  and 
charity  were  equalled  by  her  surpassing  beauty,  which  slie  dedicated  to 
God;  and  after  her  death,  in  1617,  a  conclave  of  theologians  decided  that 
she  had  never  strayed  from  the  right  patli  in  thought  or  deed.  She  was 
canonized  in  1671,  and  Santa  Rosa  is  the  patron  saint  of  Lima,  with  her 
festival  on  the  30th  of  August.' 

Don  Fernando  de  Torres  y  Portugal,  Condc  dc  Villar  Don  I'ardo,  tlie 
successor  of  Hcnriqucz,  did  not  reach  Lima  until  the  ?oth  of  November, 
1586.  He  endeavored  to  prevent  abuses  in  taking  Luiians  for  the  »/i/ti, 
and  ordered  that  none  should  be  sent  to  unsuitable  climates.  During  the 
previous  forty  years  negroes  had  been  imported  into  the  coast  valleys  of 
Peru  in  considerable  numbers  as  slaves,  and  supplied  labor  for  the  rich 
cotton  and  sugar  estates.  The  Conde  de  Villar  was  an  old  man,  with  good 
intentions  but  limited  capacity.  He  allowed  abuses  to  creep  into  the 
financial  accounts,  w^hich  were  in  great  confusion  when  he  was  superseded 
in  the  year  1590. 

Don  Garcia  Hurtado  dc  Mendoza,  the  fourth  marquis  of  Caiicte,  had 
already  served  in  Peru,  when  his  father  was  vicero}',  and  had  won  renown 
in  his  war  with  the  Araucanians.  He  had  also  seen  service  in  Germany 
and  Italy.  Married  to  Dona  Teresa  de  Castro  y  de  la  Cueva,  granddaughter 
of  the  proud  Duke  of  Albuquerque,  he  was  the  first  viceroy  who  had  been 
allowed  to  take  a  vice-queen  with  him  to  Peru,  and  he  was  also  accompanied 

>   [A   life   of   Saiit.-x    Ros.i,   bv    Leonard   de  it<  consummation  is  printed  in  tlic  M,rciiir  dt 

Hansen,   was   jirinted    at   Rome    in     lOG.).      A  /)v»/r.' ( 1 67 1 ) .    A  .Spanish  translation  of  Hansen, 

Spanish    translation,    Lu   hu-ihivciititrad,)   I^osn,  by  Antonio  do  Lorea,  was  issued  at  Madrid  in 

etc.,  bv  Father  lacinto  de  Paria,  was  published  167 1  ;  and   a    Portuguese    version    appeared   at 

at  Madrid  in  166S.     It  is  enlarged  upon  the  ori-  Lisbon   in    1^)69   and    1674.     Another    Life,   by 

ginal  from  documents  gathered   to   induce  the  Acufia,  bishop  of  Caracas,  was  printed  at  Rome 

ro])e  to  canonize  her.     De  Parra,  in  his  Rosa  in  1665.     A    metrical    ViJa   dc   Santa  A\va,   by 

/.,»«v,;,/,;  (.NLadrid,  1670),  gives  an  account  of  the  Oviedo  y  Heriera  has  the  imprint  of  NLadrid, 

movement  to  effect  her   canoniz.ation ;  and   an  1711.    (Cf.   Leclerc,   1705,   1754-5G.   17S4.    l^'" 

account  of  the  solemnities  on  the  occasion  of  1813.)  —  ICu] 


CA. 


PIZAKKO,   AND   THi:   CONQUKST   OF    I'llKl'    AM)   CHILI.        56I 


his  tours  of 
stopping  in 
listirinj;  tlie 
■SSlS  of  tlic 
in^j  deserts, 
r  imtirintjly. 
,liicl\  is  now 
il  two  other 
The  priiici- 
iiestions  for 
1  to  retjiilatc 
,  during  Olio 
IS  canoiiixed 
;opate  a  ^'irl 
laincil  Ros;i 
)odness  and 
Icdicated  to 
Jecideil  that 
d.  Slu:  was 
na,  with  her 

I  Paiilo,  the 
r  Novemljer, 
pr  the  viita, 

During  the 
St  valleys  of 
for  the  rich 

,  with  good 
ep    into   the 

superseded 

Cancte,  had 
won  renown 

in  Germany 
anddaughler 

10  had  been 
iccompanied 

the  Miiiiin-  >le 
Uioii  of  Hansen, 
d  at  Madriil  in 
)n  appeared  at 
nother  Life,  by 
printeil  at  Rome 

Sivita  AVt.i,  by 
irint  of  NLadrid 

56,   17S4,   iSl.T 


by  her  brother,  the  gallant  and  chivalrous  Don  Heltran  de  Castro  y  Cucva, 
as  commander  of  the  forces.  On  the  0th  of  Januar>',  1590,  the  new  viceroy 
made  his  solemn  entry  into  Lima,  in  a  magnificent  |)rocession  of  richly 
adorned  Indian  nobles,  arqucbusiers  and  pikemen,  gentlemen  of  the  house- 
hold, judges  of  the  Aiuiicitcia,  professors  and  students  of  the  Univcrsit)'  of 
San  Marcos,  and  kings-at-arms.  The  niarcpiis  came  out  with  the  usual  in- 
junctions to  enforce  the  kindly  treatment  of  Indians,  but  he  received  urgent 
demands  from  the  king  for  more  and  more  money.  In  1591  he  imposed  the 
alcabala,  or  duties  on  sales  in  markets,  and  on  coca.  He  was  obliged  to 
send  increasing  numbers  of  victims  to  the  silver  mines,  ami  to  the  quick- 
silver mines  of  Iluancavelica.  He  made  numerous  ordinances  for  the  reg- 
ulation of  industries  and  of  markets,  the  suppression  of  g;<mbling,  and  the 
punishment  of  fugitive  slaves.  lie  founded  the  college  of  San  Felipe  and 
San  Marcos  at  Lima  in  1592.  He  despatched  an  important  expedition  un- 
der Mandafta,  which  discovered  the  Martpiesas  Islands.  He  was  an  active 
and  intelligent  ruler;  but  all  the  good  he  attempted  to  do  was  counter- 
balanced by  the  calls  for  treasure  from  Spain.  He  sent  home  1,500,000 
ducats,  besides  value  in  jewels  and  plate. 

After  having  governed  Peru  for  si.\  years  and  a  half,  the  Marquis  of 
Caftete  begged  to  be  allowed  to  return  home.  He  was  succeeded  by  Don 
Luis  de  Velasco,  Marquis  of  Salin.is,  who  came  from  Mexico,  where  he 
had  been  the  viceroy.  The  Marquis  of  Salinas  entered  Lima  on  the  24th 
of  July,   1596,  and  governed  Peru  until  the  end  of  1604. 

Chili  had  been  comparatively  quiet  under  the  immediate  succesriors  of 
Don  Garcia  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  although  the  war  with  the  Araucanians 
had  never  actually  ceased.  In  1583  Philip  IL  selected  a  military  officer  of 
great  experience  and  approved  valor  as  governor  of  Chili.  Don  Alonso 
de  Sotomayor  left  Spain  for  Buenos  Ayres  with  seven  hundred  men,  and 
made  the  journey  across  the  Pampas  and  over  the  pass  of  Uspallata,  reac'' 
ing  Santiago  on  the  22d  of  September,  1583.  He  and  his  brother  Luis 
carried  on  a  desultory  war  against  the  Araucanians  for  several  j-ears. 
During  1588  the  attacks  of  the  Indians  were  led  by  an  intrepid  heroine 
named  Janequeo,  who  was  resolved  to  avenge  the  death  of  her  husband. 
The  governor  was  superseded  in  1592  and  proceeded  to  Callao,  where  he 
commanded  a  ship,  under  Don  Bcltran  de  Cueva,  in  the  fleet  which  at- 
tacked and  captured  Sir  Richard  Hawkins  and  his  ship.  Sotomayor  then 
returned   to   Spain. 

The  new  governor  of  Chili  was  Don  Martin  Garcia  Oncz  de  Loyola,  the 
same  cavalier  who  married  an  Ynca  princess,  and  captured  young  Tupac 
Amaru.  He  was  a  Basque,  of  the  province  of  Guipuzcoa,  and  a  near  relative 
of  Saint  Ignatius,  He  arrived  at  Valparaiso,  with  four  hundred  soldiers  and 
abundant  supplies  of  warlike  stores,  on  the  23d  of  September,  1592,  reach- 
ing Santiago  on  the  6th  of  October.  The  Araucanians  had  elected  the 
aged  chief  Paillamacu   as  their  toqui,  with   two  younger  warriors  named 

VOL.  11.  —71. 


I 


4     I 


\n 


/' 


562 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Pelantaru  and  Millacalquiii  as  his  lieutenants.  Believing  the  subjugation 
of  Araucaria  to  be  practicable,  the  new  governor  traversed  the  country 
between  Imperial  and  Villarica  during  the  \ear  1597,  but  failed  to  discover 
his  astute  foes.  In  the  spring  of  1598  Loyola  was  at  Imperial,  where  he 
received  a  letter  from  his  wife,  the  Ynca  princess  Dona  Beatriz  Coya, 
urging   him   to    retreat   to    Concepcion,   as  the   Araucanians  were    rising. 


'ni' 


SOTO.MAYOR 


He  set  out  for  Angol,  accompanied  by  only  sixty  officers,  on  the  2ist 
of  November,  1598,  and  stopped  for  the  night  in  the  valley  of  Curalaba. 
When  all  were  wrapped  in  sleep,  the  tents  were  attacked  by  five  hundred 
native  warriors,  and  the  governor  was  killed,  with  all  his  companions. 
His  widow,  the  Ynca  princess,  went  to  Spain  with  a  young  daughter, 
who  was  given  in  marriage  by  Philip  III.  to  Juan  Hcnriquez  de  Borja, 
heir  of  the  house  of  Gandia,  and  was  at  the  same  time  created  Marquesa 
de  Oropesa. 

The  death  of  the  governor  was  a  signal  for  a  general  rising.     Within 
forty-eight  hours   there  were  thirty  thousand  Araucanian  warriors  in  tlio 


'  [F.ic-similie  of  a  part  of  a  copperplate  in  Ovallc's  /nstorha   Kiiacwn   de   Chili,     Rome, 
164S.  — Ed.] 


ICA. 


PIZARKO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    I'ERU   AND    CHILI.        563 


subjugation 

the   country 

d  to  discover 

ial,  where  he 

Jeatriz   Co}'a, 

were    risin". 


field  under  the  toqui  PaiUamacu.  All  the  Spanish  towns  south  of  the  river 
Hiobio  were  taken  and  destroyed,  the  invasion  was  hurled  back  beyond 
Concepcion,  and  the  Spaniards  were  placed  on  the  defensive. 

The  seventeenth  century  opened  in  Peru  with  a  period  of  peace,  during 
which  the  system  of  government  elaborated  b)-  the  viceroy  Toleilo  was  to 
be  worked  out  to  its  consequences,  —  and  in  Chili,  with  the  prospect  of  a 
prolonged  contest  and  an  impoverished  treasury.  In  both  countries  the 
future  of  the   native   races  was   melancholy  and   without   hope. 


>l! 


on  the  2 1st 
of  Curalaba. 
five  hundred 

companions, 
ng  daughter, 
ez  de  Borja, 
ed  Marquesa 

ing.  Within 
irriors  in  the 

'e   Chili.    Rome, 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    THE    SOURCES   OF    INFORMATION. 

THE  king  of  Spain  instituted  tlie  office  of  historiographer  of  the  huhes,  and  tliat  post 
was  held  for  upwards  of  half  a  century  by  tlic  learned  .Antonio  de  Ilerrera,  wiio  died 
in  1625.  All  the  official  reports  and  correspondence  were  placed  in  his  Iiands,  and  he  had 
the  use  of  a  great  deal  of  material  whicii  is  now  lost :  so  that  lie  is  indispensable  as  an 
authority. 1  His  great  work,  Historia  Geueral  de  las  fiidias  Occidentales,  covers  the  whole 
ground  from  1492  to  1554,  and  is  dividod  into  eight  decades,  in  strict  chronological  order. 
The  history  of  the  conquest  of  Peru  and  of  the  sulisequL'nt  civil  wars  is  recorded  with  ref- 
erence to  chronological  order  as  bearing  on  events  in  other  parts  of  the  Inthes.  and  not 
connectedly.  The  work  first  appeared  in  (601  and  1615,  in  five  folio  volumes,  and  was  repub- 
lisliedin  1730.  Tlie  English  version  by  Stevens,  in  six  octavo  volumes  (1725),  is  wortli- 
less.  The  episode  relating  to  the  descent  of  the  river  Amazon  by  Francisco  de  Orellana 
{Hcrrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  i.v.),  was  translated  by  Clements  R.  Markham,  C.  IJ.,  and  printed  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1859  as  a  part  of  the  volume  called  Expeditions  into  the  I'allcy  of 
the  Ama::oi)s. 

Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  was  another  compiler,  who  never  personally  visited  Peru, 
and  is  best  known  for  his  history  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  His  narrative  of  the  conquest 
of  Peru  forms  an  important  part  of  his  work  entitled  Historia  de  las  Indias.  Altliough 
he  was  a  contemporary,  and  had  peculiarly  good  opportunities  for  obtaining  trustworthy 
information,  he  was  careless  in  his  statements,  and  is  an  unsafe  authority.'- 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y  \'aldos,  born  in  147.S  of  an  old  Asturian  family,  was  an 
eve-witness  of  the  events  on  the  isthmus  which  directly  led  to  the  discovery  of  Peru.  He 
went  out  with  the  governor  Pedro  Arias  in  15 13,  and  was  at  Panama  when  Pizarro  and 
Almagro  were  fitting  out  their  first  expedition.  He  afterw.ards  resided  for  many  years  in 
Hispaniola,  and  at  his  death,  in  1557,  he  was  chronicler  of  the  Indies,  the  predecessor  of 
Herrera.  He  was  devoted  to  historical  composition,  interspersing  his  narrative  with  anec- 
dotes and  personal  reminiscences  ;  but  most  of  his  works  long  remained  in  manuscript. 
His  two  chapters  on  the  concjuest  of  Peru  cover  tiie  ground  from  the  landing  of  I'izarro  to 
the  return  of  Almagro  from  Chili. ' 

1  [See  Introduction  (ji.  i)  and  p.  67.  —  Ed]        paper,  appended  to  thccoinbiiicd  edition  of  Peter 

2  [Cf.  the  chapter  on  Cortes. —  En.]  Martyr  and  Ovicdn  publislud  at  Venice  in  1534, 
^  [The  bibliography  of  Oviedo  is  traced  in  a     seems  to  have  been  tiilarccd  upon  a  tract  f.ii 


note  following  the  cliaptcr  on  I. as  Casas.  Pres- 
cott  has  measured  him  as  an  authority  in  his 
Vent  (Kirk's  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  305).  Helps 
speaks  of  his  history  as  a  "mass  of  confusion 
and  irrelevancy;  but  at  the  same  time,"  he 
adds,  "  it  is  a  most  valuable  mine  of  facts."     A 


Coikjiiisiii  del  Pent,  publislicd  .it  Seville  in  1534 
(Bihl.  Am'-.  t'(f.  p.  !()<)),  and  is  tl. ought  to  bear 
some  rcl.uion  to  the  "Relatione  d'un  Capitano 
Sp.ignuolo"  given  in  Ramusio,  vol.  iii.  (Bihli- 
o/lieca  Ci-eiiTillidiia.  vol.  ii.  p.  536;  Sabin,  xvi, 
no.  61,097).  —  •'•"•1 


T  1 


Ii  >l 


564 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


It  is,  however,  a  relief  to  escape  from  compilers,  and  to  jje  able  to  read  the  narratives 
of  the  actual  actors  in  the  events  tliey  describe.  The  first  adventurer  who  attempted  to  dis- 
cover Peru  was  the  aiielantdiio  I'ascual  de  Andagoya,  and  lie  has  recorded  the  story  of  his 
failures.  Born  of  a  good  stock  in  the  province  of  Alava,  I'ascual  went  out  to  Darien  when 
very  young,  with  the  governor  Pedro  ^Vrias,  in  15 14.  After  the  failure  of  his  first  attempt 
he  was  in  Panama  for  some  years,  antl  in  1 540  received  the  government  of  the  country  round 
the  Rio  San  Juan,  the  scene  of  Pizarro's  early  suflerings.  Here  he  founded  the  town  of 
liuenaventura  ;  but  having  got  into  a  dispute  with  IJenalcazar  respecting  the  boundaries  of 
their  jurisdictions,  Andagoya  returned  to  Spain,  where  he  remained  five  years.  He  accom- 
panied the  president  Gasca  to  Peru,  and  died  at  Cusco  on  the  i8th  of  June,  1548.  He  had 
broken  his  leg,  but  was  recoveiing,  when  fever  supervened,  whicli  carried  him  off.  Gasca 
reported  that  his  death  was  mourned  by  all,  because  he  was  such  a  good  man.  and  so  zeal- 
ous in  the  service  of  his  country.  The  historian  Oviedo,  who  knew  him  well  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Darien  colony,  speaks  of  Andagoya  as  a  noble-minded  and  virtuous  person. 
He  was  a  man  of  some  education  :  and  his  humane  treatment  of  the  Indians  entitles  his 
name  to  honorable  mention.  His  interesting  narrative  long  remained  in  manuscript  at 
Seville,  but  it  was  at  length  published  by  Navarrete.'  An  English  translation,-  by  Clements 
R.  Markham,  C.  B.,  with  notes  and  an  introduction,  was  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society 
in  1865.^ 

Francisco  de  Xeres,  the  secretary  of  Pizarro,  wrote  his  account  of  the  early  days  of  the 
conquest  of  Peru  on  the  spot,  by  order  (March,  1533)  of  his  master.  He  left  Spain  with 
Pizarro  in  January,  1530,  returned  to  Seville  with  the  first  instalment  of  gold  from  Caxamarca 
in  July,  1534  ;  and  his  narrative,  which  embraces  the  period  between  these  dates,  was  printed 
at  Seville  in  the  same  year.''  This  edition  and  that  of  1547,  printed  somewhat  carelessly  at 
Salamanca,  are  extremely  rare.''  The  third  and  best-known  edition  was  published  at  Madrid 
in  1749  in  the  Barcia  Collection,  Ilistoriadorcs  priiiiithos  de  Lis  Iiuiias.  Italian  editions 
appeared  in  1535,"  and  in  1556  in  Ramusio  ;'  and  a  French  version  was  published  at  Paris 
by  M.  Ternaux-Compans  in  1837.'*  An  English  translation,  with  notes  and  ah  introduction 
by  Clements  R.  .Markham,  C.  B.,  was  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1S72.  There  is  a 
freshness  and  reality  in  the  story  told  by  Xeres,  owing  to  his  having  been  an  eye-witness 
of   all  the  events  he  describes,  which  the  more  elaborate  accounts  of  compilers  cannot 


'  Colcccioii  dc  viages y  descubrimivntos,  vol.  iii. 
no.  vii.  p.  393. 

-  \Narrative  of  the  Proceediii_^s  of  Pcdrdriiis 
Davitlit,  and  of  the  Disccnwry  of  the  South  Sea 
and  Coasts  of  Pen/,  etc.  —  Ed.] 

^  [Oviedo  traces  Andagoya 's  career  in  vol.  iv. 
p.  126.  Cf.  Hancroft'.s  .C('/;/n;/  Anieriea,  vol.  i. 
p.  503;  Helps,  vol.  iii.  p.  4^:6;  and  tlio  notice 
in  Pachcco,  Coleecion  de  documeiitos  iiiedilos,  vol. 
xx.\ix.  p.  552. —  Ed.] 

■*  [  I'erdadera  relation  de  la  Cojii/iiisla  del  Peru. 
There  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox  Library.  Cf.  />;/'/. 
Aiiier.  I'et,  no.  rgS.  —  En.] 

^  [There  are  copies  in  tne  Lenox  and  Carter- 
Drown  libraries.  Quaritch  in  1873  priced  it  at 
^■35.  Cf.  /{//>/.  Aiinr.  I'ef.,  p.  277 ;  Ternaux,  no. 
54;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  146.  It  is  some- 
times bound  with  Oviedo's  CWoi/iea,  and  F.  S. 
I'.llis  (1S82,  no.  221)  prices  the  combined  editiun 
at  /'los.  Tlie  //nth  Catalo^'ue.  vol.  v.  p.  1628, 
slinws  an  edition,  Conquista  del  /\>i(,  black-letter, 
without  place  or  date,  which  Harrisse  thinks  pre- 
ceded this  1547  edition.  The  Iluth  copy  is  the 
only  one  known.  —  Ed.] 


'■  [This  Italian  version  (Venetian  dialect)  was 
made  by  Domingo  de  Gazlelu,  and  appeared  at 
Venice ;  and  a  fac-.'^imile  of  the  title  is  given  here- 
with showing  the  arms  of  the  emperor.  Kich 
(no.  II)  in  1S32  priced  it  at  £l  4^. ;  Quaritch  uf 
late  years  has  held  it  at  £^  and  jQ-j  ;  F.  S.  Ellis 
(18S4)  at  /'12,  I2J-.  ;  and  Leclerc  (no.  2,998)  at 
750  francs.  There  are  copies  in  the  Lciio.x, 
Harvard  College,  and  Carter-lirown  (Cata/oi^tie, 
vol.  i.  no.  116)  libraries.  It  was  reprinted  at 
Milan  the  same  year  in  an  inferior  manner,  and 
a  copy  of  this  edition  is  in  the  liritisli  Museum. 
Cf.  Bill!.  Aiiier.  I'et.,  nos.  200,  201  ;  /iiln'iotheeu 
Gr'-nvilliana,  p.  S18;  Huth,  p.  1628;  Court,  no. 
76.  What  is  said  to  be  a  translation  of  this 
Italian  version  into  French,  Vhistoire  de  la  terre 
uein'edii  /\tii,  Paris,  1545,  signed  I.  fJ.  (Jaccpies 
Gohorv),  puriwrts  to  he  an  extract  from  (Oviedo's 
//istoria.  V{. /Ubl.  Amer.  I'et.,  no.  264;  Court 
Catalopue,  no.  175.  —  El).] 

^  [Vol.  iii.  p.  37S.-E1).] 

'  I  r(ii'(;,frj,  etc.,  vol.  iv.  Tliisedition  is  worth 
about  eight  francs.  \  German  edition  is  recorded 
as  made  by  Kiilb  at  Stuttgard  in  1843.  —  Fd.| 


the  narialivcs 
L-mpted  to  (lis- 
iL'  story  of  his 
I  Darien  when 
s  first  attempt 
country  round 
d  the  town  of 
boundaries  of 
i.  lie  accom- 
[  54S.  He  liad 
m  otT.  Gasca 
n,  and  so  zeal- 
ell  in  the  early 
tuous  person, 
ns  entitles  his 
manuscript  at 
/•^  by  Clements 
akluyt  Society 

rly  days  of  the 
left  Spain  with 
oni  Caxamarca 
es,  was  printed 
at  carelessly  at 
siied  at  Madrid 
Italian  editions 
ilished  at  Paris 
\n  introduction 
There  is  a 
an  eye-witness 
mpilers  cannot 


i  edition  is  wnrllt 
itioii  isreciirdcd 
,  1843.  — El).  1 


PIZAKRO,    AND   THE    CONQUEST  OF   PERU   AND   CHILI.        565 


LIBRO  PRI 

MO  DE  LA  CONQ^VISTA 

del  PER.V  &  prouiacfa  del  Cuzco 
dck  Indie  occidentali* 


Cottgntiaft^ouircgiopctan&iX 


TITLE   OF    XERES.    VF.NUT,     1535- 


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c;66 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


impart.  Xeres  has  increased  tlie  value  of  his  book  by  inserting  the  narrative  of  Miguel 
Astete,  who  accompanied  Hernando  Pizarro  on  his  expedition  to  I'achacamac. 

Hernando  Pizarro  wrote  a  letter  to  the  royal  /ludicncia  of  Santo  Domingo,  wliicli 
goes  over  tiie  same  ground  as  the  narratives  of  Xeres  and  Astete,  but  is  of  course  much 
briefer.  It  is  peculiarly  valuable  as  containing  the  observations  of  the  man  of  higlicst 
rank  in  the  expedition  who  was  able  to  write.'  The  letter  is  dated  November,  1533,  and 
was  written  on  his  way  to  Spain  with  the  treasure.  Oviedo  gives  it  in  his  Ilistoria  Geiicral;- 
and  it  is  printed  by  (2uintana  in  his  I'idas  tic  Espaiiohs  cclchrcs^  It  was  translated  into 
I'^nglish  i)y  Clements  R.  Markliam,  C.  B.,  and  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1872  in 
the  volume  of  Reports  on  tlic  Discovery  of  Peru. 

Pedro  Sancho,  the  notary,  wrote  a  note  of  the  distribution  of  the  ransom  of  Atahualpa, 
with  a  list  of  the  conquerors  and  the  amount  each  received.  It  is  contained  in  the  inedited 
work  of  Francisco  Lopez  dc  Caravantes,  and  was  reprinted  by  Ouintana  in  his  /  Idas  de 
1-lspaTwles  ceicbres.  An  English  translation  by  Clements  R.  Markham,  C.  13.,  was  printed  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1S72,  in  the  volume  already  cited.  See  also  Ramiisio,  vol.  iii.  p. 
414,  for  an  Italian  version,  in  which  form  it  was  used  by  Robertson  and  Prescott.^ 

\'icente  de  \'alverdc,  the  Dominican  friar  who  accompanied  Pizarro  in  the  conquest 
of  Peru  and  took  part  in  the  imprisonment  and  murder  of  Atahualpa,  was  made  bi.shop  of 
Cusco  in  1536.  On  his  way  to  Spain,  in  1541,  he  landed  on  the  island  of  Puna,  in  the  15ay 
of  Guayaquil,  was  seized  by  the  natives,  and  put  to  death  with  his  brother-in-law  and 
twenty-six  other  Spaniards.  He  wrote  a  detailed  Carta-relacion  on  the  affairs  of  Peru, 
which  is  still  inedited.  He  also  addressed  letters  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.,  which 
contain  original  information  of  great  value.  A  copy  of  one,  dated  Cusco,  April  2,  1539, 
v.'as  among  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps's  collection  of  manuscripts.  It  is  frequently  quoted  by 
Helps. 

Pedro  Pizarro,  a  cousin  of  the  conqueror,  went  out  as  his  page  in  1530.  v.hen  only 
fifteen.  He  was  an  eye-witness  of  all  the  events  of  the  Conquest,  and  of  the  subsequent  civil 
wars,  having  retired  to  Arequipa  after  tlic  assassination  of  his  patron.  Here  he  probably 
wrote  ills  Relacioites  del  Desciduiuiieiito  y  Conquista  de  las  Reyiios  de!  Peru,  finished  in 
1571.  It  is  a  plain,  unadorned  statement  of  facts,  but  of  the  highest  value  as  an  authority. 
It  remained  in  manuscript  for  centuries,  but  was  at  length  printed  in  the  Coleecion  de 
dociimciitos  ineditos  para  la  Itisioria  de  Espana,  v.  201-388.'' 

The  death-struggle  between  the  Pizanos  and  the  old  marshal  Almagro  is  fully  told  in 
the  above  general  histories  ;  bi't  light  is  also  thrown  upon  the  story  from  other  directions. 
Among  the  manuscripts  in  the  National  Library  at  Madrid  '  tliere  is  an  autobiography  by 
a  young  scapegrace  of  noble  birth  named  Alonzo  En"iquez  de  Guzman,  comprising  a  period 
from  151S  to  1543,  from  his  nineteenth  to  his  forty-fourth  year.  The  early  part  reminds 
one  of  the  adventures  of  Gil  Bias  ;  but  in  1534  he  went  to  Peru,  and  was  a  principal  actor 
in  the  events  which  took  place  between  the  dei)arture  of  Almagro  for  Chili  in  1535  and 


'  [Prcscott says  (/"<•;•;/,  vol.  i.  p.  3S5) :  "Allow- 
ing for  the  partialities  incident  to  a  chief  actor 
in  the  scenes  he  describes,  no  authority  can  rank 
higher."  — F.n.] 

-  Chap.  XV.  lib.  43. 

s  Paris,  iS'5,  p.  1S0. 

*  [Ilarrisse,  Eilil.  Aiin-r.  I'd.,  Adtiilioiis,  no. 
109,  notes,  but  not  dr  7'isii,  a  plaquetic  enumer- 
ating llic  treasure  sent  to  Spain  by  Pizarro  in 
1534.  F.  S.  I'.llis  (1S84,  no.  235)  priced  at  ;,f2l 
a  second  copy  of  tlie  tract  mentioned  by  Ilar- 
risse (no.  loS)  as  known  onlv  in  a  copy  in  a 
private  library  in  New  York,  entitled  Co/ey  etli- 
r/it'r  lirit-JTso  (iiis.i  Hisf<aiiia  Kiiminen  .uiiult,  i53Si 
which   purports   to   be   translated   through   the 


French  from  the  Spanish.  Ellis  pronounce.^  it 
a  version  of  Ilarrisse's  no.  109,  the  only  cojiy 
known  of  wlich  was,  .is  he  says,  lost  in  a  bind- 
er's sho]).  Of.  the  Libro  nllimo  de  Ic  Indie  occi- 
deutale  iiititulato  ntK'a  Castii^lia,  e  del  Conquisto  del 
Peril,  published  at  Rome,  May,  1535  (Sunder- 
land, vol.  i.  no.  265).  For  the  effect  of  Peru- 
vian gold  on  prices  in  Europe,  see  I'revoort's 
Verriizaiio,  p.  iii.  —  En.] 

"  |It  would  seem  to  have  been  used  by  Her- 
rera.  Xavarrcte  communicated  a  ropy  to  Prcs. 
cott,  who  characterizes  it  in  his  Conquest  oj 
Pern,  ii.  72.— F.D.] 

"  Piipeles  Maiiusiiipts  Orii^imles  y  Ineditos, 
G.  127. 


^?W^'^''T' 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE    COXQ^EST   OF   I'ERU    AND   CHILI.        567 


his  execution  in  1538.  Don  Alouzo  ;,ecnis  to  iiave  quarrelled  with  Hernando  Pizarro 
during  tiie  siege  of  Cusco,  and  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Almagro,  who  made  liini 
one  of  his  executors.  The  latter  [lortion  of  the  autobiography,  iiiLluding  a  long  letter  to 
the  emperor  on  the  conduct  of  Hernando  I'izarro,  is  very  interesting,  while  the  frankness 
of  Don  Alonzo's  confessions  as  regards  his  own  motives  is  most  entertaining.  '/Vw  Life 
and  Acts  of  Don  Alouzo  Enrujuez  ik  Guzman  was  translated  and  edited  by  Clements 
R.  Markham,  C.  B.,  and  printed  by  the  Hakhiyt  Society  in  1S62.  It  had  up  to  this  time 
escaped  notice. 

The  last  years  of  the  marquis  Pizarro  were  occupied  in  Laying  out  and  building  tiie 
capital  of  Peru,  and  we  are  indebted  to  tlie  researciies  of  the  learned  Peruvian,  Don 
Manuel  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  for  liaving  discovered  tiie  most  detailed  account  of  the 
founding  and  early  liistory  of  Lima  among  tlie  manuscripts  in  the  liiblioteca  Colombina 
at  Seville.  Tlie  Jlistoria  tic  la  Fiindacioii  ilc  Lima  was  written  by  the  Jesuit  liernabd 
Cobo  between  1610  and  1629,  and  was  first  printed  under  the  superintendence  of  Dr.  De 
la  Rosa  in  the  Revista  Peruana} 

The  story  of  the  murder  of  Pizarro  is  told  in  the  general  histories,  and  there  are  some 
additional  particulars  in  Montesinos.  A  very  laudatory  life  of  the  marquis,  which,  how- 
ever, contains  the  results  of  original  research,  is  contained  in  the  I'aroncs  /lustres  del 
Nnevo  Mundo,  by  Fernando  I'izarro  y  Orellana  (.Madrid,  1639).  This  work  also  contains 
Lives  of  Pizarro's  brothers  and  of  Almagro. - 

But  by  far  the  best  life  of  Pizarro,  both  as  regards  literary  meri  -v.'  conscientious 
research,  is  contained  in  the  Vidas  de  Espanolcs  Celebres  by  Don  Mani.„;  Josef  Ouintana.'' 
Quintana  also  gives  the  te.xts  of  the  original  agreement  (1526)  between  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
and  Luque,  and  of  the  capitulation  (July  26,  1529,  at  Toledo)  between  Oucen  Juana  and 
Pizarro.  These  documents  are  also  given  by  I'rescott  in  the  Appendix  to  the  second 
volume  of  his  Conquest  of  Peru.* 

After  the  assassination  of  Pizarro,  the  licentiate  \'acp.  de  Castro,  having  J'.'feated  the 
younger  Almagro,  succeeded  as  governor  of  Peru,  and  the  history  of  his  rule  is  told  in  his 
own  letters.  The  first  is  to  the  emperor,  reporting  his  arrival  at  Santo  Domingo,  and  is 
very  brief.  The  second,  also  to  the  emperor,  is  from  Quito,  and  announces  the  assassi- 
nation of  Pizarro  and  the  rebellion  of  Almagro  the  lad.  The  third  is  addressed  to  the 
emperor  from  Cusio,  after  the  battle  of  Cliupas,  and  is  a  straightforward  statement  of  his 
proceedings.  TIk  fourth  is  a  long  letter  from  Cusco  to  his  wite  on  private  affairs.  There 
is  also  a  long  letter  on  the  revolt  of  young  Almagro  and  the  battle  of  Clu'.pas  from  the 
municipality  of  Cusco  to  the  emperor.  These  letters  are  included  in  the  gre>t  official 
volume  of  Cartas  de  Indias  published  at  i\Iadrid  in  1877,  pp.  463-521.  The  I'ida  v 
elojio  del  liccnciado  I'ara  de  Castro,  Gobernadoi  del  Peru,  was  written  by  Antonio  de 
Herrera,  the  chronicler  of  the  Indies." 

A  good  historian  accompanied  the  ill-fated  viceroy  Plasco  Nunez  de  \''ela  to  Lima. 
Augu;;tin  de  Zarate  was  comptroller  of  accounts  for  Castile,  and  was  sent  out  with  tl;e  first 
viceroy  to  examine  into  the  financial  affairs  of  Peru.  He  collected  notes  and  maierials 
during  his  residence  at  Lini.i,  and  began  the  compilation  of  a  history  from  the  dis- 
covery by  Pizarro  to  the  departure  of  Gasca.  when  he  returned  to  Spain.  He  had  access 
to  the  best  official  sources  of  information,  and  his  work  is  not  without  value  ;  but  he  was 
strongly  prejudiced,  and  his  style  is  tedious  and  inelegant.  He  assigns  as  the  reason  for 
not  having  begun  liis  narrative  in  Peru,  tliat  Carbajal  had  threatened  any  one  who  should 


it  I 


) 


1    ^ 

IM 


•  Lima,  iSSo. 

^  [The  author  of  the  I'aroncs  was  a  grand- 
son of  the  daughter  of  Francisco  Pizarro  (cf. 
Carter-Brown,  ii.  465).  H.  II.  Bancroft,  Central 
America,  ii.  273.  —  Ed.] 

^  [It  was  published  at  Ma(lri<l  in  1807,  1S30, 
1833,  and  at  Paris  in  1845.  —  l-"] 


■•  [Harri.sse  (Bihl.  AiiiJ'et.,  132)  (piotcs  from 
Asher's  CafaloQ-tic,  1865,  a  Lctlcrc  ,ti  Piclro  Arias, 
1525,  without  jilace,  which  he  supposes  to  refer 
to  the  first  c.\))cditiQn  of  Alm.ngro,  I'izarro,  and 
Lucjuc.  —  Kn.] 

'■  |Cf.  the  notice  of  Herrera  with  references, 
given  in  tlie  Introihiction.  —  El).] 


!«•  \ 


568 


NAKKAI'1\K    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


I 


attempt  to  record  liis  exploits.  In  the  earlier  portion.s  lie  relied  on  the  testimony  of  the 
actor.s  still  living  :  hut  for  the  later  [j.irt  he  was  himself  a  spectator  and  actor.  He  had 
not  intended  to  publish  it  in  his  lifetime;  but  the  commendation  of  the  emperor,  to  whom 
it  was  shown,  induced  him  to  depart  from  his  |nirpose.  The  orit;inaI  manuscript  of  Zarate 
i.s  or  was  preserved  at  Simancas;  and  Mufloz  has  disclosed  how  the  printed  volume  differs 
considerably  from  it,  in  suppressing;  llii.iys  too  frankly  slated,  anil  in  takin<;  on  a  literary 
flavor  not  in  the  draft.  .Munoz  supposed  that  !■  iorian  d'  Ocampo  performed  this  critical 
office  in  passinjj  the  book  through  the  press.'  His  Hisloria  del  Dcscuhrimicnto y  Con- 
qiiista  dc  la  Pro-riiicui  del  Prni  was  printed  at  Antwerp  in  1555,-  and  a  folio  edition 
ai)peared  at  Seville  in  1577;^  but  the  best  edition  of  Zarate  is  in  the  Harcia  Collection, 
vol.  iii.     It  was  included  in   1S53  in  th.e  JlihlioUXit  dc  Aiitorcs  /■'s/in/'u'lrs,  vol.  xxvi.' 

A  more  important  narrative  of  the  civil  war,  which  ended  with  the  death  of  the  viceroy 
Blasco  Nut^ez,  was  written  by  Fedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  has  been  recently  published. 
Cieza  de  Leon  landed  in  South  America  when  he  was  barely  fifteen,  in  the  year  1534,  and 
during  his  military  service  he  conceived  a  strong  desire  to  write  an  account  of  the  strange 
things  that  were  to  be  seen  in  the  new  world.  ■•  Oftentimes,"  he  wrote,  "  when  the  other 
soldiers  wer»  reposing,  I  was  tiring  myself  by  writing.  Neither  fatigue,  nor  the  ruggedness 
of  the  country,  nor  the  mountains  and  rivers,  nor  intolerable  hunger  'ind  sulTering  have 
ever  been  sufficient  to  obstruct  my  two  duties  ;  namely,  writing,  and  following  my  flag  and 
my  captain  without  fault."  In  1547  he  joined  the  president  Gasca,  and  was  present 
at  the  final  rout  of  Gonzalo  Pizario.  He  was  many  years  in  Peru,  and  he  is  certainly 
one  of  the  most  important  authorities  on  Ynca  history  and  civilization,  whether  we  con- 
sider his  peculiar  advantages  in  collecting  information,  or  his  character  as  a  conscientious 
historian.  He  lived  to  complete  a  great  work,  but  unfortunately  only  a  small  portion  of 
it  has  seen  the  light.  The  first  and  second  parts  of  the  Chronicle  of  Cieza  de  Leon  have 
been  published,  but  they  relate  to  Ynca  civilization  and  are  discussed  in  a  chapter  in  the 
first  volume  of  the  present  work.  The  third  i)art,  treating  of  the  discovery  and  conquest 
of  I'eru  by  Pizarro,  is  inedited,  though  the  manuscript  is  believed  to  have  been  preserved. 
Part  IV.  was  divided  into  five  books  relating  the  history  of  the  civil  wars  cf  the  conquer- 
ors. Only  the  third  book  has  been  published  in  the  Bibliotccti  1 1  ispaiio-Ultraiiiarina.  It 
was  very  ably  edited  by  Don  .Marcos  Jimenez  dc  la  Espada  (Madrid,  1S77),  and  is  entitled 
Lit  Gttcrni  de  Quito.  The  volume  begins  with  the  departure  of  the  viceroy  Blasco 
Nufiez  de  Vela  from  Spain,  and  consists  of  tifty-three  chapters  in  the  first  part,  the 
concluding  portion  forming  a  subsequent  volume.'^ 

The  proceedings  of  the  president,  Pedro  dc  la  Gasca,  were  recorded  by  himself  in 
very  full  reports  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  almost  amount  to  official  diaries.  The 
first,  dated  at  Santa  Marta  on  his  w.ay  out,  July   12,    1546,   has  been  published  in  the 


'   [Prcscott,  ii.  494.  —  l-O.] 
-  [There  is  a  cony  in  the  Cartcr-lirown  Li- 
brary  (Cii/aloi;!!,;  no.  207).     Quaritch  priced   it 

in  1S79  ^'  .^9  —  I'^i'-] 

^  [There  is  a  copv  in  the  Carter-lSrown  Col- 
Icctinii  (no.  316);  and  utlicrs  were  suh!  in  the 
ISriiilev  (no.  5,346)  and  Murphy  (no.  2,SoS)  sales, 
as  well  as  in  the  Sunderland  (no.  13,5-1)  and 
the  Old  Admiral's  sales  (no.  329)  in  Kiigland. 
Quaritch  jjriccd  a  copy  at  ^16  los.  in  1SS3, — 
a  rai)id  advance  on  earlier  sales,  but  exceeded 
in  1884  by  F.  S.  Ellis  (£21).  Leclerc  (givinji 
the  date  1557)  jiriecd  it  in  187S  at  400  francs 
(no.  1,862).  — Ka] 

*  [Zarate  was  early  translated  into  cllicr  lan- 
guages. An  Italian  version  apjicared  at  Venice 
in  1563,  translated  by  Alfoiii:t,>  Ulloa  (Carter- 
iJruwii,  i.  246;  Leclerc,  1S65 — 100  francs;  Ste- 


vens — /'3  3.r.).  Midler  (Hooks  on  Aiiioita  ( 1S72), 
nos.  1,231,  etc.)  enumerates  five  Dutch  editions, 
the  earliest  edited  by  Willeni  Silvius,  Antwerp, 
1564  (the  Carter-Brown  copy  is  dated  1 563,  C'l/Ar- 
/oi;iii;  no.  245).  In  1573  a  new  title  and  preface 
were  put  to  the  sheets  of  this  edition.  In  1596, 
1598,  and  1623  there  were  editions  at  Amster- 
dam. There  were  French  versi(jns  jjuhlished 
at  Amsterdaiu  in  1700,  1717,  i;iS,  1719,  and  at 
Paris  in  1706,  1716,  1742,  1752-54,  1830.  An 
English  translation,  made  by  T.  Nicholas,  was 
published  at  London  in  1 581  (Carter- Brown,  vol. 
i.  p.  285;  Minjjhy,  2,213).  Ellis  iiriced  a  copy 
in  18S4  at  /2S.  —  El).] 

'"  [For  a  detailed  bibliography  of  the  manu- 
scripts and  editions  of  Cieza  dc  Leon,  with 
various  references,  .see  the  Editorial  Note  fol- 
lowing this  cliai)tcr.  —  Ed.] 


uc.\. 

testimony  of  the 

actor.  He  had 
iiperor,  to  whom 
uscript  of  Zaiate 
xl  vohiiiie  diflers 
ting  oil  a  literary 
mcd  this  critieal 
'iriinicnto  y  L  'on- 
1  a  folio  edition 
larcia  Collection, 
f'.f,  vol.  .\xvi.' 
th  of  the  viceroy 
;ently  published, 
e  year  1534,  and 
It  of  the  straime 

when  the  other 
r  the  ruggedne.ss 
I  snlTering  have 
ving  my  Hag  and 
nd  was  present 
d  he  is  certainly 
whether  we  con- 

a  conscientious 
small  portion  of 
la  de  Leon  have 
a  chapter  in  the 
iry  and  conquest 
been  preserved, 
of  the  conquer- 
'Itniniariiia.  1 1 
and  is  entitled 

viceroy    Blasco 
first  part,  the 

by  himself  in 
xl  diaries.  The 
ublished  in  the 

America  ( jS;:), 
Dutch  editions, 
ilvius,  .Vntwcrp, 
latcd  156J,  Ciila- 
itle  and  preface 
lition.  In  I5<X), 
ions  at  Anislci- 
sions  published 
S,  i;i9,  and  at 
-54,  1830.  .An 
.  .Nicholas,  was 
rtcr-l!rown,  vol. 
s  jiriccd  a  cojjy 

iy  of  the  manu- 
(Ic  I.con,  with 
torial  Note  fol- 


I'lZARRO,   A|\D  Tin:   COXQUEST   OK    I'ERU   AND    CHILI.        569 

official  volume  of  Cartas  dc  Indias  (Madrid,  1877).  Other  published  correspondence 
throws  light  on  the  astute  proceedings  of  the  president  wliile  he  was  at  ranamii.  His 
instructions  to  Lorenzo  dc  Aldana,  his  letters  to  Gon/.alo  I'izarro.  and  the  tietailed  report 
of  his  agent  Paniagua  have  been  published  in  the  Reviita  de  Lima,  18S0.  His  repcv^  to 
the  Council  of  the  Indies,  when  on  his  way  to  attack  ("lonzalo  I'i/arro  at  Cusco  (dated 
Andahuaylas,  March  7,  I54''^)>  has  not  been  edited.  But  the  Chilian  historian  Don  Diego 
Harros  Arana  has  published '  the  long  despatch  from  Gasca  to  the  Council,  dated  at 
Cusco,  May  7,  1548,  in  which  he  describes  the  rout  of  Sacsahuana,  the  executions  of 
Gonzalo  I'izarro  and  Carbajal,  and  the  subswjuent  bloody  assize  at  Cusco.  The  docu- 
ment frequently  quoted  by  Prescott  (in  book  v.  chap.  iii.  of  his  history)  -  as  Ju-lacion  del 
J.iccnciado  Gasca  MS.  is  an  abridged  and  mutilated  copy  of  this  despatch  of  May  7,  154S, 
from  the  Mufioz  Collection,'''  and  is  preserved  at  Simancas.  The  sentence  pronounced  o.i 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  is  published  in  the  Rcvista  Peruana  (1S80),  from  the  original  manuscript 
of  Zarate's  Chronicle.''  Gasca  continues  his  narrative  in  the  despatches  to  the  Council, 
dated  at  Lima,  Sept.  25  and  \ov.  26,  1548.  which  are  also  published  byliarros  Arana. ^ 
There  are  si.x  other  despatches  of  the  president  from  Lima,  datetl  in  1549,  in  the  Cartas 
de  Indias.  The  invaluable  papers  of  the  president  Gasca  are  not  in  the  Archives  at 
Seville,  but  have  been  preserved  by  his  family." 

But  the  best-known  historian  of  the  period  during  which  the  president  Gasca  was  in 
Peru  was  Diego  Fernandez  de  Palencia,  usually  called  "el  Palentino,"  from  the  place 
of  his  birth.  He  went  out  to  Peru,  served  in  the  army  which  was  raised  to  ])ut  down  the 
rebellion  of  Giron,  and  having  collected  materials  for  a  history,  he  was  appointed  chron- 
icler of  Peru  by  the  viceroy  Marquis  of  Canete.  Kernandez  fir.st  wrote  the  history  of 
the  rebellion  of  Ciiron,  in  the  suppression  of  which  he  was  personally  engaged:  and  after- 
wards he  undertook  to  write  a  similar  account  of  the  rebellion  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and 
the  administration  of  Gasca.  Fernandez  is  a  ry  painstaking  writer,  and  no  history  of 
the  time  enters  so  fully  into  detail ;  yet  it  is  ple.i  mtly  written,  and  the  graver  narrative  is 
frequently  relieved  by  anecdotes  of  personal  adventures,  and  by  amusing  incidents.  He 
is  however  a  thorough-going  partisan,  and  can  see  no  redeeming  feature  in  a  rebellion, 
nothing  but  evil  in  the  acts  of  rebels.  His  book  is  called  Primera  y  .Seennda  Parte  de  hi 
Historia  del  Peru,  (pie  se  tnando  eserehir  d  Diej^o  Feruande::,  vecino  de  la  ciiidad  de 
Palencia.  It  was  published  at  Seville  in  1571  (folio;  primera  parte,  pp.  142;  segunda 
parte,  pp.  130).     This  is  the  only  edition.' 

The  first  part  of  the  work  of  the  Ynca  Garcilasso  de  la  \'ega  relates  to  the  history 
and  civilization  of  the  Yncas.  and  is  discussed  in  the  first  volume  of  the  present  work. 
But  the  second  part  is  a  general  history  of  the  discovery  of  Peru,  and  of  the  civil  w.irs 
down  to  the  termination  of  the  administration  of  the  viceroy  Toledo  in  Peru,  and  to  the 
death  of  the  governor  Loyola  in  Chili.  Like  the  first  part,  the  second  is  rather  a  commen- 
tary than  a  history,  for  the  Ynca  quotes  largely  from  other  writers,  especially  from  the 


'  [In  his  Procesp  de  Pfiiro  dc  I'liMir'in  1  elros 
dociimciitos  inedilos  concfrniciitcs  a  cstc  foihpiis/ii- 
dor,  rciiiiidos  i  anotihios  por  Dici^o  Barros  Arana, 
Santia_i;i)  de  Cliilc  (1S73),  '^"  PP-  39-'  —  '"-"•] 

-  [The  Philadelphia  edition,  1S79,  vol.  ii. 
p.  40(>.  —  El).] 

^  The  historiographer  Juan  ISautista  Muiioz 


■•  I'rcscott's  copv  (in  his  .■\ppeiuli.\,  vol.  ii. 
p.  471)  unfortunately  contains  various  inaccu- 
racies. 

"   I'bi  supra. 

"  [Helps  spi'-'ks  '  these  family  papers  as  in 
the  ])osscssion  of  the  Counts  of  Cancclada, 
and  he   used  copies   which  were   procured  for 


intended  to  have  written  an  exhaustive  history     him  by  Gayangos.     Spanish  Coni/ncsl,  \cw  York 
of  America,  but  he  only  completed  one  volume,     edition,  iv.  227. —  En.] 


He  however  made  copies  of  documents  from 
the  Seville  Archives  in  17S2  and  17S3.  which 
form  one  hundred  and  fifty  volumes.  They  are 
now  in  various  libraries,  but  the  greater  part 
belongs  to  the  Real  .'Vcadcmia  dc  la  historia  de 


[Rich  (no.  48)  priced  this  edition  in  1S32 
at  /5  5.r. ;  I.eclcrc  (no.  1,733)  '"  '^^8  at  Soo 
francs.  The  Council  of  the  Indies  is  said  to 
have  tried  to  check  its  circulation.  A  copy  is 
in   the   Carter-Hrown   (i.   2S2)   Collection;   and 


I 


'■■\ 


'I  T 


Ilk 


I 


ii 


1 1  ill 


Madrid.     [See  the  Introduction  '.0  the  present     another   was   sold   in   the   Court   sale   recently 
volume,  p.  iii.  —  Im).]  (no.  12S).  —  El).l 

VOL.    II.  —  72. 


l.;i. 


ll 


f. 


t,1l    • 


.1 


I 


570 


NAKKATIVi:   AND   CRITICAL   IIISTOKV    OF   AMERICA. 


J'likiuiiio.  always  carufully  indicatini;  thu  quotations  and  naming  the  authors.  Hut  his 
memory  was  well  stored  with  anecdotes  that  he  had  hearil  when  a  boy  ;  and  with  these  he 
enlivens  the  narrative,  while  often  a  recollection  of  the  personal  appearance  or  of  some 
peculiarity  of  the  historical  character  whose  deeds  he  is  recording  enables  hin)  to  give  a 
finishing  louch  to  a  picture.  His  father  was  a  conqueror  and  an  actor  in  most  of  the 
chief  events  of  the  time;  *  his  mother,  an  \  nca  princess,  and  born  in  the  city  of  Cusco  ; 
so  tl";  future  author  had  sjjecial  advantages  for  storing  up  information.  lie  was  born 
in  1539.  but  a  few  years  after  the  concpiest  and  one  year  after  the  death  of  Almagro. 
He  passed  his  school  days  at  Cusco.  with  many  other  half-caste  sons  of  the  conquerors, 
and  went  to  Spain  in  ijfio,  dying  at  Cordova  in  i()i6.  'i'lie  tirst  part  of  his  great  work 
on  I'eru  originally  appeared  at  Lisbon  in  1609,  the  second  part  at  Cordova  in  1617.  The 
second  anil  best  edition  of  the  two  parts  appeared  at  Madrid  in  1723.  The  English  trans- 
lation of  Sir  I'aul  Rycaut  (16S8)  is  worthless,  and  there  has  never  been  a  complete  Eng- 
lish version  of  the  second  part,  which  is  entitled  Historia  General  del  Peru.  The  episode 
of  the  expedition  of  Gonzalo  I'izarro  to  the  land  of  cinnamon  (part  ii.  lib.  iii.)  was  trans- 
lated by  Clements  R.  ^L1rkham,  C.B.,  and  printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1859.- 

The  licentiate  l'"ernando  Montesinos  is  an  authority  of  some  reputation,  but  chiefly 
valuable  for  his  studies  of  native  lore.  Me  was  altogether  upwards  of  fifteen  years  in 
Peru.  He  was  there  a  century  after  the  conquest.  His  Memorias  Antii^uas  Htstoriales 
exclusively  relate  to  Ynca  history;  but  his  Aniiales  contain  a  history  of  the  conquest  and 
of  subsequent  events,  and  include  some  original  documents,  and  a  few  anecdotes  which 
are  not  to  be  found  elsewhere." 

The  authorities  for  the  final  settlement  of  Peru,  after  the  crushing  of  the  spirit  of 
revolt  by  the  Marquis  of  Canete.  are  a  good  de.al  scattered.  A  learned  account  of  the 
life  and  administration  of  Andres  Marquis  of  Cafiete  himself  will  be  found  in  the  admi- 
rable Diccionario  Histdricu-Biografico  del  Peru  by  General  Mendiburii,  published  at 
Lima  in  1880;  which  also  contains  a  Life  of  his  successor,  the  licentiate  Lope  Garcia 
de  Castro. 

The  viceroy  Don  I'^rancisco  de  Toledo  has  left  a  deeper  mark  on  the  history  of  Peru 
by  his  Lihro  de  Tasas  and  Ordenaii^as  relating  to  mines  and  the  treatment  of  Indians. 
The  transactions  with  reference  to  the  judicial  murder  of  Tupac  Amaru  and  the  perse- 
cution of  the  Ynca  family  are  briefly  related  by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  ;  but  there  is  a 
much  more  detailed  account  in  the  Coronica  Moralizada  del  Orden  de  San  Au^tistiii  en  el 
Pent  by  l^ray  Antonio  de  la  Calancha,  published  at  Barcelona  in  1638.''  Calancha  also 
gives  the  remorseful  will  of  Mancio  Sierra  de  Leguizamo,  whose  life-story  is  fully  related 
by  Don  Jose  Rosendo  Gutierrez  in  the  Revista  Peruana  (tomo  ii.  iSSo). 

The  story  of  the  capture  and  execution  of  Tupac  Amaru  by  the  viceroy  Toledo  is  told 
in  very  full  detail  by  Baltasar  d'Ocampo,  who  was  an  eye-witness.  His  narrative  has  all 
the  charm  of  honest  truthfulness  ;  and  yet  the  incidents,  thus  simply  related,  are  as  inter- 
esting as  the  most  ingeniously  constructed  romance.     Unfortunately  the  story,  as  told  by 


'  [A  view  of  wh;U  is  c.illcd  the  house  of 
Garcilasso  do  I.i  Vega  is  given  in  Squicr's  Pent, 
Land  of  the  liicas,  p.  449.  —  Ed.] 

-  [.'V  detailed  bibliographical  note  of  G.irci- 
lasso  de  la  Vega's  works  on  Peru  is  given  in 
Note  n,  following  the  present  chapter.  — Ed.] 

"  [Prescott,  who  had  copies  of  both  manu- 
scripts, speaks  of  the  opportunities  which  Mon- 
tesinos enjoyed  in  his  oltici.il  visits  to  Peru,  of 
having  access  to  re]>ositorics,  and  of  making  an 
inspection  of  the  countrv.  Ifc  adds  that  a  com- 
parison of  his  narrative  with  other  contempo- 
rary accounts   leads  one  sometimes  to  distrust 


him.  "  His  writings  seem  to  mc,"  he  s.ays,  "en- 
titled to  little  praise,  either  fur  the  accuracy 
of  their  statements  or  the  s,agacity  of  their 
reflections."  — 1^15.] 

••  [Cf.  Rich,  no.  226  £,2  \os.;  Sabin,  vol.  iii. 
no.  9,870;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  450;  Du- 
fosse,  no.  ii,Si8,  —  2,180  francs.  A  second  part 
was  printed  at  fJma  in  1653  by  Cordova  y 
Salinas,  the  same  who  ijublished  a  Life  of  Fran- 
cisco Solano,  the  apostle  of  Peru,  at  Lima  in 
1630,  which  ap])cared,  augmented  by  Alonzo  dc 
Mendicta,  at  Madrid  in  1643  (Lcclerc,  nos.  i,7'  + 
1,73!.  — Ed.| 


PIZARKO,   AND   THE   CONQUEST   OF    PERU    AND   CHILI.        571 

Ocampo  (^Descrificion  de  la  Provinciii  tie  Siiii  I'roiidsio  ifr  I 'illcapaiiipa),  lias  never  I)een 
printed.     It  is  anionij  tiic  maiuiscripts  of  tlie  IJriiisli  .Museum.' 

I'olo  de  Ondegardo,  tlie  learned  lawyer,  wa.s  the  priiieip.il  adviser  o£  the  viceroy 
Toledo.  He  arrived  in  Peru  before  tlie  president  (Jasca,  and  held  the  important  posts  of 
corn'i^idor  ot"  Potosi  and  of  Cusco.  He  had  a  profound  knowiedije  of  tlie  Vnca  system 
of  government,  and  his  two  Rehicioucs?  addressed  to  the  .M.irquis  of  Canete  and  the 
Condc  de  Nieva,  discuss  the  land  tenures,  colonial  policy,  and  social  legislation  of  the 
natives.  His  labors  were  all  undertaken  with  a  view  to  adapting  the  best  parts  of  tlie 
Ynca  system  to  the  new  polity  to  be  instituted  by  the  Spanish  conquerors  :  and  his 
numerous  suggestions,  from  this  standpoint,  are  wise  and  judicious.  A  feeling  of  syni- 
jiatliy  for  the  Indians,  and  the  evidence  of  a  warm  desire  tor  ilieir  welfare  pervade  all  his 
writings.  Tliere  is  another  rough  draft  of  a  report  by  Polo  de  Ondegardo,  a  manuscript 
in  the  National  Lil)rary  at  Madrid,"  which  contains  much  information  respecting  the 
administrative  system  of  the  Yiuas;  and  here,  also,  he  occasionally  points  out  the  way 
in  which  native  legislation  might  usefully  be  imitated  by  the  conquerors.  This  report 
of  Polo  de  Ondegardo  was  translated  by  Clements  R.  Markham,  CI!.,  and  printed  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1873  in  the  volume  called  Rites  and  Laws  of  the  liuas.  It  is 
believed  that  Polo  de  Ondegardo  died  at  Potosi  in  about  the  year  15S0. 

The  other  adviser  of  the  viceroy  Toleilo  was  a  man  of  a  very  different  character,  .1 
hard,  relentless  politician,  indifferent  .alike  to  the  feelings  and  the  physical  well-being  ol 
the  conquered  people.  Judge  Matienzo  wrote  a  work  in  two  parts  on  the  condition  of  the 
people,  the  iiiita,  or  forced  labor,  the  tribute,  the  mining  laws,  and  on  the  duties  of  the 
several  grades  of  Spanish  officials.  The  Gohicrno  dc  el  Peru  of  .Matienzo  is  a  manuscript 
in  the  British  .Museum.'' 

The  whole  body  of  ordinances  and  regulations  relating  to  the  aboriginal  people  and 
their  treatment  by  the  conquerors  is  fully  explained  and  discussed  by  Dr.  Don  Juan  de 
Solorzano,  a  profoundly  learned  jurist,  and  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in  his 
Politiia  /«(//(/«(«  (Madrid,  1648).  The  history  of  tv/t7)w/t7/(/<iJ'  in  Peru  is  well  and  ably 
discussed  by  luirique  Torres  Saldamando  in  the  Rcvista  Peru,  'ui  (vol.  ii.  1880).'' 

The  second  Marquis  of  Cartete,  who  was  viceroy  of  Peru  in  the  last  decade  of  the  si.\- 
teenth  century,  was  best  known  for  his  conduct  of  the  Araucanian  war.  when,  as  a  young 
man,  he  was  governor  of  Chili.  That  famous  war  formed  the  suljject  of  the  epic  poem  of 
Alonzo  de  Ercilla,  the  warrior-poet.  Uorn  at  ISermeo  on  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Biscay, 
where  the  house  of  his  ancestors  is  still  standing,  Ercilla  began  life  as  a  page  to  the  prince 
of  Spain,  and  volunteered  to  go  out  and  serve  .ag.ainst  the  Araucanians,  when  news  arrived 
of  an  outbreak  and  the  death  of  \'aldivia.  Born  in  1533.  he  was  only  twenty-one  when  he 
set  out  for  Chili  under  the  command  of  the  youthful  governor  Garcia  Ilurtado  de  Mendoza. 
Ercilla  was  present  at  seven  regular  battles,  and  suffered  much  from  hardships  during  the 
harassing  campaigns.  He  returned  to  Spain  in  1562,  after  an  absence  of  eight  years.  His 
.Iraucana'^  is  a  versified  history  of  the  war,  in  wliicli  he  describes  all  tlie  events  in  their 

'  Additional  M.inuscripts,  17,  sSj.  drid  in   i5,S9,  :nul  .it  Antwci])  in  1597;  and  the 

-  [These    arc  dated    1561    and    1570.      The  three   jiarts,  with  a  general   title,   appeared   at 

originals   are   in   the    Ksciirial ;     copies    are   at  Madrid  in  1590,  — the  first  complete  edition  as 

Simancas.     A   copy,   maile    for    Kingsboroiigh,  Krcilla  wrote  it.     Two  parts  were  .again  issued 

became  Prescott's,  who  records  his  estimate  of  at  Antwerp  in  1586;  and  other  editions  appeared 

it  (Peru,  vol.  i.  p.  181).     It  is  said  that  Herrera  at  Harcclona  in  1502,  and  at  Pcr|)ignan  in  1596. 

made  use  of  Ondegardo's  manuscript. —  En.]  A  fourth  and  a  fifth  part  were  added  by  Osovio 

•'  Quarto  on  parqhment,  B.  135.  after  Krcilla's  death,  and  appeared  at  Salaman- 

♦  Additional  Manuscripts,  5,469.  ca.  1597,  and   at   Barcelona,   159S.     Tliurc  were 

''  [Cf.  notes  to  chap,  on  I.as  Casas.  —  V.U.]  later  complete  editions  at  Madrid,  1633,   1776, 

^  [The  first  edition,  of  only  fifteen  cantoi",  was  iS:,S;  at   Lvons,  iS:;i  ;  and  at   Paris,  1824  and 

printed  at  Madrid  in   1569.     This  was  enlarged  1.S40.     Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  vi.  nn.   22,718;   Ticknor, 

with  a  second  part  when  issued  at  Antwerp  Is  S/>u>iis/i  Literature,  ii.  465;    Ilallani,   i.ilerntiire 

1575;  again  at  Madrid,  in  t578;  and  at  Lisbon,  of  Europe,  ii.  284;  .Sisniondi,  Literature  of  Soiitli 

in   1581-88.     ;\   tliird  part  w.is  printed  at   Ma-  of  Europe,  \\.  T]\. —V.V>.\ 


I 


i   ! 


{ : 


,4  ; 


i;i 


1  ■ ' 


tl'    ' 


'f 


Ill  \ 


5/2 


NAKKAIIVK   AND    CRITICAI.    HISTORY   OF    A.MI.KIC-A. 


HI 


order,  cmimcratcs  tlu*  contcndini;  chiL'fs,  with  ;»  few  lint's  to  dcnotcjllic  ciiaractcr  or  siiccial 
rliaractiristic  of  cacli,  and  is  minutely  acruMtc  even  in  Ids  Kfoj^rapldcal  details.  He  tells 
IIS  tiiat  much  of  the  i)i)em  was  composed  in  the  country,  and  that  hy  the  lij;ht  of  the  camp- 
fires  at  nij^ht  he  wrote  down  wh.it  had  occurred  during  the  day.  Ticknor  looks  upon  the 
/tiniicdiia  as  an  historical  rather  than  an  epic  poem  ;  '  and  he  considers  tlie  descriptive 
powers  of  ICrcillo  —  except  in  relation  to  natural  scenery  —  to  l)e  remarkable,  the  speeches 
he  puts  in  the  mouths  of  Araucanian  chiefs  often  excellent,  and  his  characters  to  he  drawn 
witii  force  and  distinctness.  Pedro  dc  Oila.  in  his  Aiiiiiio  DomadiK-  praises  the  j,'ovcrnor, 
Iluriadode  iMcndo/a,  tlie  future  .Marquis  of  Caf\etc  ;  and  Lope  de  Vega  made  his  Arauca- 
nian war  the  subject  of  one  of  his  plays. 

1  he  Life  of  the  viceroy  .NLarquis  of  Canete  (Garcia)  was  written  by  Don  Cristdval 
Suare/  de  I"it;uer()a,  a  man  of  some  liter.iry  fame  in  his  day.  When  the  marquis  returned 
from  Peru  broken  in  health,  he  was  treated  witii  neglect  and  ingratitude;  nor  had  he 
received  full  justice  from  Ercilla  for  his  youthful  exploits,  —  at  least  so  thought  his  heirs 
when  he  died  in  I59<);  and  they  ajjplied  to  Suarez  de  Figueroa  to  undertake  his  biography, 
placing  all  the  viceroy's  family  and  olTicial  papers  in  the  author's  hands.  The  result  was 
the  Ifcdios  iii  Don  (Jiin I'a  Iliiiliiiio  lic  Mciiiloza,  cuarlo  Afiin/iim  dr  Canctc.  which  was 
printed  in  1613. ■'  It  was  reprinted  in  the  (WtVi/Vw  r/('  Histoiiadorcs  dc  CliiU\  —  a  work 
published  in  seven  volumes  at  .Santiago  in  i8f)4,  edited  by  Don  Diego  Barros  Arana.  This 
work  contains  a  very  full  account  of  the  administration  of  the  marquis  while  he  was  vice- 
roy of  Peru. 

Pedro  de  \'aldivia  has  written  his  own  history  of  his  conquest  and  settlement  of  Chili, 
in  his  letters  to  the  emperor.  Charles  V.  They  are  preserved  in  the  Arciiives  at  Seville 
among  the  documents  sent  from  Simancas,  and  have  been  published  by  Claudio  Gaye  in 
his  llistoiiti  dc  Chile  (Paris.  1S46),  and  also  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Colcccion  dc  llisto- 
r/'iidorcs  dc  C/iiVc  iSa.nt'y.igo,  1S64).  The  first  of  Valdivia's  despatches  is  dated  from  La 
Serena,  Sept.  4,  1545,  and  the  second  from  Lima,  June  15,  154S.  In  the  third  he  reports 
fully  on  the  state  of  affairs  in  Chili,  and  refers  to  his  own  previous  career.  It  is  dated 
from  Concepcion,  Oct.  15.  I350.  There  are  two  others,  dated  Concei)cion,  Sept.  25,  1 55 1, 
and  Santiago.  Oct.  26,  1552,  which  are  short,  and  not  so  interesting. 

Some  discontented  soldiers  brought  a  series  of  fifty-seven  accusations  against  \'al(ii- 
via.  which  were  considered  by  the  president  Gasca  at  Lima  in  October.  1548,  —  the  result 
being  acquittal.  The  j-lclir  dc  .Iccusacion  was  published  at  Santiago  in  1873  by  liarros 
Arana,  together  with  Valdivia's  defence  and  several  other  imjiortant  historical  documents. 
That  accomplished  Chilian  historian  has  also  edited  a  very  interesting  letter  from  Pedro 
de  Valdivia  to  Hernando  Pizarro,  dated  at  La  Serena  on  the  4th  of  September,  1545.  which 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  president  Gasca,  and  remained  among  his  papers  :  and  when  he 
was  at  .Sevili(  in  1859.  he  discovered  one  more  unimportant  letter  from  the  Cl-ilian  con- 
(jucror  to  Charles  W,  dated  at  .Santiago,  July  9.  1549.  'Ihc  first  book  of  the  records  of 
the  Santiago  municipality,  called  the  I.ihro  Bcccrro,  embraces  the  years  iVom  1541  to  1557. 
It  has  been  published  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Colcccion  de  Ilisioriadorcs  dc  Chile,  etc. 
(Santiago.  1861).  and  contains  tlie  appointment  of  Valdivia  as  governor  of  Chili,  ;iie  found- 
ing of  Santiago,  with  the  nomination  of  the  first  municipal  officers,  ordinances  for  mines, 
and  other  important  entries. 


There  is  thus  ample  original  material  for  the  opening  chapter  of  the  history  of  Chili. 
Moreover,  the  first  connected  work  on  the  subject  was  written  by  one  01  the  early  con- 
querors. Gongora  .Marmolejo  served  under  \'aldivia,  and  was  an  eye-witness  of  all  the 
stirring  events  of  the  time.     His  history  begins  .it  the  discovery  of  Chili,  in  1536.  and 

1   ["A  niilifarv j.nunal  done  into  rhyme,"  as  Spanish  /.i/craliiir,  ii.  469;  Sahin,  vol.  xiv.  no. 

Prcscott  calls   it.  —  History   of  tlic    Coiii/iiest   of  57,300;  Cartcr-l'rown,  vol.  !.  no.  506. — El).] 
Peru,  ii.  loS.  —  Ed-I  '^  [This  was  reissued  in  1616.     Rich,  no.  14J 

-  [Published    at    Lima,    1596.      Of   Ticknor,  — /l  4?.  — Ec] 


PIZARRO,   AND   THE    CONCjUIiST   OF    I'KKU    AND   CHILI.        573 

is  lirouglit  down  to  the  year  1575.  Written  in  Santiago,  it  is  ;ulilrc!*sL-(i  to  tlie  i)rfsiilLiit 
of  tlic  Council  of  the  Indies  ;  and  tliouj;li  the  style  is  tonfiised,  and  often  obscure,  tlie 
narrative  has  the  merit  of  impartiality,  and  supplies  many  interesting  details.  It  also  has 
annexed  documents,  including  a  letter  from  Gon/:alo  l'i/.arro  to  V'aldivia  giving  an  account 
of  events  in  Peru,  down  to  the  death  of  lU.isco  Nuflez  du  \'ela.  The  I/isloiut  dc  Chile  of 
Gongora  Marmolejo  remained  in  manuscript  in  the  liiMiotec.i  de  S.d.i/.ar  (11.  45)  until  it 
was  edited  by  Don  I'ascual  de  liay.mgos,  in  1.S50,  for  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Mciiioiial 
lUitorico  Espanol.    It  h.is  since  been  published  in  the  CoUccion  dc  llistorLidoies  de  Chile, 

The  story  of  the  surprise  and  death  of  the  governor,  Martin  Garcia  de  Loyol.i,  and  of 
the  subsecpient  formidable  rising  of  the  Araucanians  in  i5t>S,  was  written  in  the  form  of  a 
poem  by  Captain  Fernando  Alv.irez  de  Toledo.  The  work  has  no  literary  merit,  and  is 
only  valuable  as  an  historical  narrative.  The  manuscript  is  in  the  N.ition.d  Library  at 
.M.idrid,  and  it  was  published  by  Don  Diego  liarros  Arana,  in  the  Collection  d'Ouvrafjes 
iiii'dits  OH  rares  siir  VAiiii'riqne  (Paris,  1861).  An  interesting  modern  account  of  the 
de.ath  of  the  governor  Loyola,  entitled  La  sorfiirsa  <lr  (iiniliivu,  was  written  by  the 
accomplished  Chilian,  Miguel  Luis  Amunatogui,  and  published  as  one  of  his  Xaracioiu's 
Histdricas  (Santiago,  1876).' 

The  history  of  Chili,  which  follows  ALirmolejo  in  point  of  time,  is  by  Cordova  y  Figu- 
ercM,  a  native  of  the  country,  and  a  descei  hint  of  Ju.m  de  Negrete,  one  of  the  followers 
ot  Valdivia.  Cordova  y  Figueroa  was  born  it  Concepcion  in  1092,  served  with  creilit  in  a 
war  with  the  Araucanians,  and  is  believed  to  have  written  the  history  between  1740  and 
1745.  Beginning  with  the  expedition  of  Alm.agro,  it  conies  down  to  the  year  1717,  and 
is  the  most  complete  history  that  had  been  written  up  to  that  date.  The  manuscript  was 
in  the  National  Library  at  Madrid,  and  a  copy  was  made  for  the  Chilian  government, 
under  the  auspices  of  Don  Francisco  S.  Astaburriaga,  who  was  then  minister  to  Spain. 
It  was  published  in  the  Coleccion  de  llistoriadores  de  Chile. 

In  this  review  of  works  on  the  conquest  and  first  settlement  of  Peru  and  Chili,  those 
which  refer  only  to  the  history  and  civilization  of  the  Yncas,  or  to  geography  and  natural 
history,  have  been  omitted,  as  they  receive  notice  in  the  chapter  on  ancient  Peru  in  the 
first  volume  of  this  History. 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  CiF.ZA  DE  Leon. —  It  does  not  seem  de- 
sirable to  divide  the  bibliographical  record  of 
Cieza  de  Leon  between  the  present  and  the  first 
volume.  His  work  was  separated  into  four  parts, 
—  \\\<^ first  relating  to  the  geography  and  descrip- 
tion of  Peru;  the  second,  to  the  period  of  the  In- 
c.is ;  the  third,  to  the  Spanish  Conquest ;  the 
fourth,  to  the  civil  wars  of  the  conquerors.  The 
fate  of  each  part  has  been  distinct. 


Part  I.  Prescott  (Peru,  vol.  ii.  p.  306) 
speaks  of  this  as  more  properly  an  itinerary  or 
geography  of  Peru,  presenting  the  country  in  its 
moral  and  jjhysieal  relations  as  it  appeared  to 
the  eye  of  the  conquerors ;  and  not  many  of 
them,  it  is  probable,  were  so  impressed  as  Cieza 
de  Leon  was  with  the  grandeur  of  the  cordillera^. 
Til  is,  as  Parte  primera  de  hi  chronica  del  Peru, 
was  published  in  folio  at  Seville,  in  1553.     In 


J  [The  Descubrimiento  i  Conqnista  de  Chile  of  Miguel  Luis  Amun.'itegui,  published  at  Santiago  de  Chile 
in  1862,  was  a  work  presented  to  the  University  of  Chili  in  1S61.  —  Eo.] 


Ml- 
1 1 


:\ 


4T'"I 


;  I 


'     y 


I':   • 


\t-- 


ill 


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i 


) 


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I 


574 


.\AKK.\ri\K    AM)   CKITICAl.    lllSIOkV    Ol     AMKRICA. 


Kii  h%  tiinr  (iSj.)  it  wan  worth  jCi  S''  I'  was 
rt'|>rintctl  tliu  iiuxl  year  (1554I  at  Aiilwcrp  111  two 
di«tim.t  editions.  One,  /,</  i/irtmini  dtt  l\>ii,  in 
(Inoilecinio,  has  the  imprint  of  Nucio;  the  other, 
likewixc  in  diiodecinui,  is  printed  in  an  inferior 
manner,  and  sometimes  lias  the  name  of  Ilellero, 
and  sometimes  that  of  SteeUio,  as  piililislier. 
This  hist  edition  has  tlic  larger  title,  l\ule  f'n- 
;«(■;■,;  </<•  l,i  i/iioiii<M  iltl  JVru,  etc.,  and  was  tlie 
one  nsed  hv  Tresi-ott,  anil  Icdioweil  hy  Mark- 
li.iin  in  the  translation,  'I'lavch  I'f  Ciiza  i/r  /.ton, 
pulilislicil  liy  the  llakluyt  Society  in  1>S6.(.- 

Ill  1555  an  Italian  translation,  Lit  friiihi  fartt 
lit  la  iro/iicii  ilil  .  .  .  /■■/■«,  appcareil  at  Home, 
made  by  Agostino  Cravali/,  or  Auynstiiio  di 
(iravalis.^  A  second  edition  —  La  priniii  {lartf 
i/ill'  istorit  ilil  Pttii  —  apper.rcd  the  next  year 
|IS5(>)  at  Kome,  and  is  found  with  the  names  of 
two  different  pnhlishcrs.' 

At  Veiiiie,  in  1560,  appeared  the  Cronica  del 
•^iiiii  rci^no  i/il  I'liu.  This  makes  a  work  of 
which  the  first  volume  is  a  reprint  of  dravali/.' 
version  of  Cie/a,  and  volumes  ii.  and  iii.  contain 
an  Italian  versimi  of  Gomara  in  continuation 
olfered  hy  the  same  publisher,  Ziletli,  under  the 
title,  /,!/  .',',<'«r/,f,  terza  fart,-  ,hil,-  hiiloriv  ddt 
India.'' 

The  Knglish  translation  of  Stevens  ( The 
S,-;viit,(H  Voirs'  'I'larch  ofTt-fcr  d,'  Chza  Ihiotixh 
llic  mi,i;hly  Aiii^'dom  of  l\-ru  and  llw  lar^v  I'tii- 
hires  of  Carla^'etia  and  Pof-ayaii  in  Soiil/i  .Imeriea, 
from  the  City  of  l\tnaina  on  the  Isthmus  to  the 
I'tontiers  of  Chile)  was  jirinled  at  London  in  1709, 
aiitl  appealed  both  separately  and  as  a  pan  of 
his  collection  of  / '(it'(;4'i'.f.  It  gives  only  ninely 
foiM-  of  ihe  one  huiulred  and  nineteen  chapters. 

Part  II.  Rich,  lhouj.;li  he  had  heard  of  this 
part,  supposed  it  to  have  disapiieareil  and  it  is 
spoken  of  as  missing  by  Markham  in  "K^,  and 
by  Ilarrisse  in  his  liilil.  Amer.  Vet.  (p.  JKJ). 
The  manuscript  of  it  was  meanwhile  in  the 
Kscurial,  preserved  in  a  bad  copy  made  about 
the  middle  or  end  of  the  sixteenth  century;  but 
it  is  delicient  in  chapters  i.  and  ii.  and  in  jiart  of 
cliapter  iii.  .\nother  manuscript  copy  not  well 
done  i.s  in  the  Academy  of  Ilistorv  at  ,MaiIil>,. 


Lord  Kingsborough  had  a  copy,  and  from  tliiit 
Kicli  had  a  tiflh  copy  made,  wliiih  was  ii.sed  liy 
I'reHcotI  i  but  it  docs  not  appear  th.it  any  of 
theite  student!!  suspected  it  to  be  the  second 
part  of  tlie/a  dc  Leon.  I'rescott,  supposing  it 
to  be  written  l<v  the  president  of  the  C.)Uiu  il  of 
the  Indies,  Sarmiento,  instead  of  for  that  ofticcr, 
ascribed  it  to  him;  but  Kirk,  I'rcscott's  editor 
(/'.7«,  vol.  ii.  p.  joS),has  recognized  its  identity, 
whiih  f)r.  M.muel  llon/.iles  di  l.i  Kos.i  estaji- 
lished  when  he  edited  the  ICsi  nri.il  ui.inii-.cript 
in  1S7J.  This  edition,  though  wholly  printed  in 
London,  has  not  been  ni.ide  public.  Fullowing 
another  tr.iuscript,  and  correcting  the  .sjielling, 
etc.,  Marcos  Jimc'i  './.  de  la  Kspada  printed  it  at 
Madrid  ic  1S80  as  vol.  v.  of  the  HiNioteea  I/is- 
fanoCllramarina.  An  Knglish  translation  of  it 
was  made  by  Mr.  Markham,  and  pulilished  by 
the   llakluyt  Socielv  in   1S85. 

Part  III.  M.irkhani  reports  that  lispada 
says  that  this  part  is  in  existence,  but  in.iccessible. 

Part  IV.  I'^sp.ida  is  cited  as  asserting  that 
bool  I.  and  ii.  of  this  part  are  in  existence,  but 
inaccessible. 

A  m.inusciipt  of  book  iii.  is  in  the  Kov.il 
Library  at  M.uhid,  in  handwriting  of  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  ceulury.  It  covers  the  period 
from  the  appointnicnt  of  Hlasco  Xufiez  as  vice- 
roy in  1543  lo  a  period  just  previous  to  Gasca's 
departure  from  I'aiiama  for  Peru  in  1547.  .\ 
copy  of  his  manuscript,  belonging  to  I'guin.i, 
passed  10  Ternaux,  thence  lo  Rich,  who  sold  it 
for  /'ooo  to  .Mr.  Leuoxj  and  it  is  now  in  the 
Lenox   Library. 

It  has  since  been  included  under  Espada's 
editing  in  the  lUhlioteea  //i.tfanol'ltramarina, 
and  w.is  published  at  .Madrid  in  1.S77  as  'J'ereero 
lihro  de  las  Cnerras  ( 'ifiles  del  /'em.'' 

liooks  iv.  (war  of  Iluarina)  and  v.  (war  of 
Xacpiixagnana),  and  two  appcndeil  conuneiitaries 
on  events  from  the  founding  of  the  Andieneia  to 
the  departure  of  the  president,  and  on  events 
extending  to  the  arrival  of  the  viceroy  Mendoza, 
are  not  known  to  exist,  though  Cieza  refers  to 
them  as  written.  These  would  complete  thu 
fvirtli  part,  and  end  the  work. 


'  Cf.  Rich,  no.  n;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  i.  no.  i;fi;  Murphy,  no.  ^63;  .'>umleil.iiKl,  vol.  iii.  no.  7,575;  .'>abin, 
vol.  iv.  no.  1  !,044. 

'■>  Cf.  Rich,  nos.  2(5,  27  —  .£1  i.e.  ami  .£1  lot.  ;  .'Jahin,  1 1,045  -  13,04':  ;  Cooke,  no.  523  ;  Carter-Brown  vol. ;. 
nos.  1S5,  iSft;  Court,  no.  63  ;  Ternaux,  no.  Cifi ;  Urinley.no.  5,345;  Lccleic,  no.  1,706,  —  2oofr.'incs;  Quaritch, 
t';  .ind  .£10;  F.  S.  Ellis  (1SS4)  .£7  \os.  The  latest  Spanish  edition,  Cronica  del  Pern,  constitutes  vol.  xxvi. 
of  the  BiUioteea  de  Autores  Fsfauole!,  ptihlishcd  at  Madrid  in  1852. 

'  ."sabin,  no.  13,047  ;  Cartci-Iirown,  vnl.  i.  no.  ii/i. 

■•  There  are  copies  in  the  I.cnox  and  Cartcr-lirown  (vol.  i.  nu.  208)  libraries.  Cf.  S.ibin,  nos.  13,048  -  13,049; 
I.cclcrc.  no.  1,70;  ;  Triiwel,  no.  19. 

*  There  arc  copies  in  the  lioston  Pii'ilic,  I-cniix,  and  Carter-Brown  (vol.  i.  nos.  231,  249,  254)  libraries.  A 
set  is  worth  about  ?2o.  (S.ibin.  nos.  13,050-13,052;  Field.  114,315;  Rich,  no.  30 — loj. ;  Court,  no.  64; 
Loderc,  no.  1,70s ;  Sobolewski,  3,744  ;  Dufoss^,  no.  .S.(i7,S.)  .Some  copies  .arc  dated  1 564,  and  dates  between 
I  ;C>o  and  1564  .are  on  the  second  and  third  volumes  (Sabin,  no.  13,053).  These  three  parts  were  again  reprinted 
■at  Venice  in  i576(Sabin,  no.  13.054  ;  Leclerc,  no.  1,709;  Cooke.no.  524). 

'  Cf.  Leclerc,  nos.  2,503,  2,672  ;  Coleccion  de  dociimentos  iinditos  (Es/aiin)  vol.  Ixviii, 


iii.  no.  7,575  ;  Sabin, 


PI/.ARRO,    AND    Tin:    CONQUEST   ol     I'FRU    AND   CUW.l         575 


What  we  know  of  Cicia  U  mainly  derived 
fruni  himself  and  the  hricf  notice  in  Antonio's 
Jlihliot/itai  t/isf.ni,!  .\W,i  (Madrid,  178.S).  The 
writer  of  the  torcgoiiii,'  ihapter  nivts  an  account 
of  (.'ieza's  career,  as  well  as  it  could  l)c  made  out, 
ill  his  translation  of  the  TnurU  ;  but  he  siipulu- 
niciits  lliat  Htury  in  the  iiitruducliuii  to  hiii  ver:iiun 
of  Part  II. 

B.  f'lARftl.ASSo  IiF.  I. A  Vl.iiA.  —  The  Pnmfra 
fatU  lie  III!  Commcnlaiios  im/is  scliiis  to  have 
been  printed  — according  to  the  coloplioii  at 
Lisbon  —  in  160.S,  l)Ut  to  have  been  piiblislicd 
in  l6og.  It  has  incidental  notices  of  Spanish- 
American  history,  thouKli  concerned  mainly 
witli  ( lironicles  of  the  Incas.' 

The  second  part,  calle<l  //is/iOta  (,\'n,iti/  del 
Peru,  was  printed  at  Cordova  in  lOid,  though 
most  copies  arc  dated  1C17.  The  titles  of  the 
two  dates  slightly  vary.  This  volume  is  of 
larger  size  than  that  of  ito).'- 

The  two  parts  were  reprinted  by  Itarcia  at 
Madrid  in  1 72.'-! 72 j.'  Tliere  have  been  l.itir 
editions  of  the  Spanish  at  Madrid  in  itioo,  aiul 
in  1829,  in  four  volumes,  as  a  part  of  a  .scries; 
Cimquistii  t/el  jYiieTo  Afoiido,  in  nine  volumes, 
wliich  embraced  also  Sulis's  Mexico,  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega's  l'"iorida,  and  the  Florida  of  Car- 
denas y  Cano. 

Rycaut's  Knglisli  /<oy,il  (\nii»icnl,tries  of 
Pent  (London,  i6S,S)  was  priced  by  Rich  (no. 
4J0)  in  iSjj2  at  l,\  4/.,  and  is  not  worth  more 
now.*  Markiiain's  iCnglisli  version  of  the  first 
part  was  issued  in  two  vohmies  by  the  Ilakhiyt 
Society  in  iSlx^iS/i. 

The  French  version  (by  J.  liaudciin)  of  the 
first  part  was  printed  at  I'aris  in  1653  ^*  ^-^ 
Ci'inmenlaire  A'ovn/,''  and  of  the  second  part  as 
llistohe  lies  Giierres  Civiles  in  1650,  and  again 
in  1658  and  1672,"  and  at  Amsterilam  in  1706.' 
\  French  version  of  the  first  part  was  also 
[)rinted  at  Amsterdam  in  1715,^  and  joined  with 


the  book  on  Florida  ;  another  French  c<lition 
appeared  at  .Vmsterdam  in  17J7.''  A  new  trans- 
lation of  this  first  part,  m.uie  by  halibard,  wa» 
printed  in  I'aris  in  I7.(.(.''  Haudoin's  version 
of  both  paits  was  reissued  in  I'aris  in  iSjo." 
There  was  \  (Icrman  Iransl.ition  in  |;>»S. 

An  account  ul  (i.ircila>so  de  la  Vega  and 
his  ancestry  is  given  by  M.irkham  in  the  intro- 
duction to  luM  ver>ion  o|  the  Poyal  Commtiilariei 
of  l/ie  i'neiii.  .\nother  account  in  in  the  Voew 
meiilOi  iiii'dilos  {p.if.iii,!),  vol.  xvi.'- 

The  estimate  held  of  him  by  Koliertsiui  hat 
been  largely  shared  among  tli>-  older  of  the 
modern  writers,  who  .seem  tu  think  that  (iar* 
cilasso  added  little  to  what  he  borrowed  from 
others,  though  we  find  >ome  traces  in  him  o( 
authorities  now  lost.  Tlie  later  writers  are  more 
generous  in  their  (iraise  of  him.  Pre^cott  ipiotcs 
him  more  than  twice  as  often  as  he  cites  any 
other  of  the  contemporary  sources.  (Cf.  his 
/'em,  vol.  i.  p.  2S1). ) 

Helps  says  that  "with  the  exception  of 
llcrnal  Uia/.  ,nid  L.is  ('asas,  there  is  not  per- 
haps any  historical  writer  of  that  periml,  on  the 
subject  of  the  Indies,  whose  loss  would  be  more 
felt  than  that  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega." 

C.  Mi'.MORA.NPA.  —  \n  early  voyage  to  the 
coast  is  supposed  to  be  indicated  in  an  Italian 
tract  of  1521,  mentioned  in  the  catalogue  of 
the  liiblioteca  (,'olombina.  It  is  not  now  known, 
except  in  what  is  supposed  to  be  a  Germ.in 
version.'''  The  first  tidings  (March  15,  1533) 
which  Kurope  got  of  I'i/arro's  success  came 
from  a  letter  which  was  addrcs.>,ed  to  the 
emperor,  probably  in  Spanish,  though  we  have 
no  copy  of  it  in  that  tongue  ;  but  it  is  preserved 
in  Italian,  Copiii  delU  tellere  del  prefetto  delta 
fndia,  la  Ntie^ra  S/;it;nit  dellii,  a  plaquettc  of 
two  leaves,  of  which  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox 
Library.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  |irinted 
at  Venice.'''     This  version  is  also  included  in  the 


1  Kicli  priced  it  in  1832  at  ,C\  lof.,  and  Lcclcrc  in  1S7S  (no.  1,740)  at  100  fr.ancs.  There  are  copies  in  the 
C.irter-Iirown  (vol.  ii.  no.  <)6),  Hiistun  rublic,  and  II.-\rvard  CollcRC  libraries;  ,ind  others  were  sold  in  the 
Murphy  (no.  2,589)  and  O'  C;illasban  (no.  (|0j)  collections.  Cf,  Sunderland,  vol.  11.  no.  5,35.8  ;  vol.  v.  no.  12,814  j 
Ticknor,  Spanis/i  Lilerutiire,  vol.  iii.  p.  146. 

*  There  are  copies  in  the  Boston  I'ublic,  Harvard  College,  and  Carter-Brown  (vol.  ii.  nos.  iS^  107)  libraries. 
Kich  priced  it  in  1S32  at  .Ci  io.t.  ;  Leclerc  (no.  1,741)  in  1S7S  at  100  fr.incs,  Cf.  Murphy,  no.  2,5yo ;  Huth, 
vol.  ii.  p.  574. 

3  Leclerc,  no.  1,742  ;  Carter-Drown,  vol.  iii.  nos.  327-329  ;  Field  5S9. 

*  Cf.  Prcscott's  Peru,  vol.  i.  p.  294  ;  Pield,  592. 

6  Carter-Drown,  vol.  ii.  no.  405  ;  Leclerc,  no.  1,745. 
0  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  nos.  700,  842  ;  Leclerc,  no.  1,744. 

7  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  no.  82. 

s  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  no.  205. 

"  Ibid.,  vol.  iii.  no.  561  ;  Field,  no.  591. 
1"  Leclerc,  no.  1,746;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  iii.  no.  768. 

"  Ibid.,  no.  1,747.  . 

'■^  Cf.  Ticknor,  Sfanisit  Literature,  vol.  iii.  p.  1S8. 
"  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  102;  Addilious,  no.  65. 
'''  BiN.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  193 ;  Bibliolheca  GrenvdUana,  p.  537  ;  Bibliotheca  Hel'triana,  vol.  1.  no.  1,961 


h ' ' 


<  ~  II 


i " 


576 


NARRATU'K    AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OK   A.M1:RICA. 


'I  J 


Ci/'iv  ill  Bciicdctlo  (Venice,  1534).  A  (Jeiinaii 
translation  was  printed  at  Nuremberg,  Feb- 
ruary, 1 534,  as  \civc  /^cittiiig  mis  J/is/'iiiiivii,  of 
four  leaves.'  A  French  issue,  A\>ii:'Ml's  cer- 
taincs  dcs  isles  dii  Peru,  dated  1534,  is  in  the 
British  Museum.-  Tieknor-*  cites  Gayangos' 
references  to  a  tractate  of  four  leaves,  l.,i  Con- 
ijuisla  dc-l  Pcni,  which  he  found  in  the  liriti^h 
iMuseum.* 

It  is  not  very  clear  to  what  city  reference  is 
made  in  a  |)laciuette,  Lctcra  </c  la  nolnl  cipta, 
ncniiDhiitv  rit>\ni-\ita  tillo  Iiulic  ,  .  .  ilii/ii  in 
Pent  ,i,/i.  xxzi  di  iicn'cmhrc,  dc  MDXXXIUr. 
An  edition  of  the  ne.\t  year  (1535)  is  "data  in 
Zhaual."''  Marco  Guazzo's  Ilisloric  di  tiittc  Ic 
cose  dtgiie  di  mcmoiia  qiitildel tiiiiio  MDXXIl [I., 
etc.,  published  at  Venice  in  1540,  gives  another 
early  account."  It  was  repeated  in  the  edition 
of  I545:>'h1  '546- 

The  Dc  Pcrinitc  nxionis,  iiilcr  lun'i  orbis 
frcr.'iiicias  cclclicniiiut  iin-cntionc  of  l.evinus 
Apollonius  of  Ghent  was  published  at  Antwerp 
in  ijfij,  15(16,  1567,  for  copies  with  these 
respective  dates  are  found;"  though  Sabin 
thinks  Rich  and  Ternaux  are  in  error  in  assign- 
ing an  edition  to  1565.  It  covers  events  from 
the  discovery  to  the  time  of  Gasca  and  the 
death  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro."  It  also  appeared 
as  a  third  i)art  to  the  German  translation  of 
Benzoni  (liasle  15S2). 

Ternau.x-Compans  in  his  / 'i'r('.i,v.f  has  jire- 
served  in  a  Trench  version  several  early  chroni- 
cles of  minor  importance.  Such  is  Miguel 
Carcllo  Balboa's  Ilistoirc  dii  Pent  (in  vol.  xvii.), 
the  work  of  one  who  went  to  Bogota  in  1566, 
and  finished  his  work  at  Quito  in  isSfi.  It 
rehearses  the  story  of  the  Inca  rule,  not  alwavs 
agreeing  with  Garcilasso,  and  only  touches  the 
Spanish  Conijuest  as  it  had  proceeded  before 
the  murder  of  Atahualpa."  Another  work  is 
the  Ilistoirc  dii  Pcron  of  Father  Ancllo  Oliva, 
a  Jesuit,  who  was  born  at  Naples  in  1593,  came 
to  Pern  as  a  Jesuit  in   1597,  and  died  at  Lima 


in  1643.  It  was  apparently  written  before  1631; 
hut  what  Ternaux  affords  us  is  oi\ly  the  lirst  of 
the  four  books  which  constitute  the  comiiletcd 
work.''  Juan  de  Velasco's  Ilistoirc  dc  Quito,  a 
work  of  a  later  day  but  based  on  the  early 
sources,  makes  volumes  xviii.  and  xix.  of  Tcr- 
naux's  co'.lvction. 

.Monso  de  Ovalle's  historical  account  ol 
Clhili  was  issued  at  Rome  in  1646,  in  Italian,  as 
I/istorici  A'cliitioiic  del  Pcl^iio  di  Cilc,  and  the 
same  year  at  the  same  ])lace  in  Spanish,  as  I/is- 
toricii  Kcliicion  del  Kcyiic  dc  Chile.  Six  of  the 
eight  books  are  given  in  KnL,'.ish  in  Churchill's 
Voyages  (1732),  and  in  Pinkerton." 

Among  the  minor  documentary  sources  there 
is  much  of  interest  to  1)e  f(jund  in  the  Dociiiiicn- 
tos  iiicditos  [Espaha],  vols,  v.,  xiii.,  xxvi.,  xlix.,  1., 
and  li. 

The  Minislerio  de  Foniento  of  Peru  printed 
at  Madrid  in  iSSi  the  first  volumes  —  edited  by 
Jimenez  de  la  Fspada  —  of  Relacioiies gcograficiis 
dc  Iiidias.  The  editor  supplied  a  learned  intro- 
duction, a"d  the  volume  contained  twelve  docu- 
ments of  the  sixteenth  century,  which  were  then 
inihlished  for  the  first  time  ; '-  and  they  con- 
tribute to  our  knowledge  of  the  condition  of  the 
country  during  that  period. 

There  are  other  documents  covering  the  whole 
course  of  Peruvian  history  in  the  collection  of 
Doeumciitos  liistoricos  del  J'crii  en  las  epocas  del 
coloiuagc  dcs  flies  de  la  coiiqiiista  y  dc  la  iiidcf-eii- 
dciicia  /lasta  a  f'reseiilc,  colcctados  y  arrcglados  por 
el  coroucl  Manuel  Odriozola,  the  first  vohmie  of 
which  was  published  at  Lima  about  twenty-five 
years  ago  (1S63). 

Ilarrisse  {Bi/il.  /liner.  J'et.,  pp.  320-322)  enu- 
merates many  copies  of  manuscripts  preserved 
in  New  York  and  Boston,  some  of  which  have 
since  been  printed.  There  is  record  of  other 
manuscripts  in  New  York  in  the  A/a«a:ine  of 
American  History,  i.  254. 

The  Varias  rclaeioncs  del  Peru  y  Chile  y 
Coiii/uisla   dc  la   isla  de  Santa   Catalina,   1535- 


1  Bibl.  Amcr.  \'ct.,\m.  195;  Libri  [Catalogue  (reserved  part),  nu.  32.  There  is  a  copy  ni  the  Lenox 
Libmry. 

-  /?//>/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  no.  196;  Bibliothcca  Greniiiliana,  p.  537. 

3  .Spanish  Literature,  ii.  40. 

■•  Cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiii.  no.  54.045. 

5  Cf.  Carter-Brown,  i.  nos.  111,  113;  BiH.  Amcr.  Vet.,  nos.  191,  206 ;   Lcderc,  nos.  2,339,  at  1,200  francs. 

"  /?//'/.  Amcr.  Vet.,  Additions,  nos.  124,  153,  157. 

t  I.eclerc,  no.  1,689. 

8  Cf.  Rich,  no.  44  —  .t'l  4,c. ;  Cartcr-Hrown,  i.  26S  :  Quaritch,  .£3  y.;  Sunderland,  vol.  iv.  no.  9,515; 
Sabin,  vol.  i.  no.  1,761  ;  Hiitli,  i.  41  ;  Colui  (1SS4),  no.  113,  at  75  marks.  The  Catalogue  dc  M.  A.  Chaiiniettt 
its  Fosse's,  Paris,  1S42,  is  mainly  of  books  pertaining  to  Peru. 

"  Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  no.  67. 

"  Lcclerc,  no.  i.SoS. 

Jl  Ricli,  no.  253  — X3  y.\  Sabin.  vol.  xiv,  no.  57,971,  57.972;  Carter-Brown,  ii.  592;  Quaritch,  £(>  6!.- 
Sunderland  (iS<S3),  ^5  ;  Kosenthal  (1SS4),  00  marks. 

'-  Leclerc,  no.  3,029. 


1  Leclcrc,  no.  3,()2S. 
VOL.    II. —73- 


"  /?i>f/.j;/  Pitbiic  Librayy  CiUah^i^ur. 


"  llilh'iittlh'iti  Aiih-iiiiiini.  no.  i,6S;. 


w 

1  1'  • 

'h 

PIZARRO,    AXU   THE   CONQUEST   OF   PERU    AXO    ClllLI.        577 


ttcii  before  l6ji; 
^  only  the  fust  of 
te  the  completed 
sloirc  dc  Quito,  a 
cd  oil  the  early 
and  .\i.\.  of  Ter- 

rical  account  nl 
t).(6,  ill  Italian,  as 
(//  Cili;  and  the 
Spanish,  as  J/is- 
Villi-.  Six  of  the 
ish  in  Churchill's 
m." 

tary  sources  there 
,  in  the  Dociimcn- 
iii.,  .\.\vi.,  xli.x.,  1., 

1  of  I'cru  printed 
unies  —  edited  hy 
tacioiics  i;i:Oi;ri[lhiis 
•A  a  learned  intro- 
lined  twelve  docii- 
',  which  were  then 
'-  and  they  con- 
le  condition  of  the 

:overing  the  whole 
the  collection  of 
u  til  Ills  i'/>Oiiis  del 
111  y  dc  III  iiidifeii- 
'ps  y  a)-n\i;liulos  [•or 
first  volume  of 
ibout  twenty-tive 

pp.  320-332)  enu- 

iscripts  preserved 

nc  of  which  have 

record  of  other 

the  Miii^iizhic  of 

Peru   V  Cliih'  V 
Ciitaliihi,   1535- 

copy  in  the  Lenox 


339,  at  1,200  francs. 


vol.   iv.  no.  9,ii;.' 
ic  M.  A.  Chaumcttt 


Quaritch,  £6  f)i. 


PRK.SCOTI  S    I.IIiR.VKV. 


ifij.S  (Madrid,  1S79)  '  constitutes  vol.  .\iii.  of 
Vokicioii  di'  lihros  niros  0  ciiriosos,  which  includes 
anoiivnions  manuscripts  in  "  Kelacion  del  sitio 
del  I'lisco,  1537-1539,"  in  the  "  Rehelion  de 
Ciiron,  1553,"  and  in  some  others  of  the  seven- 
teenth centurv.  Vol.  xvi.  of  the  same  Coli'rcioii  is 
edited  1)V  I imeues  de  la  Es|)ada,  and  is  entitled 
Memoriiis  tiiitis^iiiis  /lisloriiilis y  /•oll/ims  del  J'eni, 
por  D.  I'ciiiiiiido  Moiilisiiio.i,  si\i;iiidiis  de  liis  In- 
foniiiieiones  iieeren  del  seiiorio  de  los  /iieiis,  lieehns 
/•or  iiioiidado  de  I),  /•'niiieiseo  de  Toledo,  vi'rey  del 
J'eril  [1570-1572!.  Madrid,  1SS2.  An  account 
of  the  orif;inal  which  tiiis  edition  of  the  work  of 
Montesinos  follows  is  given  in  the  preface.  'I'he 
editor  criticises  the  transl.ilion  by  lleni  i  'rernaux- 
I'ompans  in  hi.;  Memoires  historicpies  sur  rancien 
I'erou  (forming  part  of  his  /'(M'(;j,to),  I'aris,  iS.|0.-' 

Leclerc  in  lS7S''  offered  for  2,500  francs  an 
nnprinletl  manuscript  containing  the  military 
Lives  of  I'edro  Alvarez,  de  Molguin  and  Martin 
de  .Mmeiulral  (Almendras),  consisting  of  depo- 
sitions respecting  their  services  by  eye-witnesses, 
taUeii  in  pursu  mce  of  a  claim  by  their  families 
for  the  pos.A-ssion  of  titles  and  property,  their 
ancestors  having  been  among  the  conquerors. 

The  most  conspicuous  writers  upon  Peru- 
vian history  in  English  are  riesc(Jtt,  Helps,  and 


Markh.im,  —  the  lirst  two  as  the  historians  of 
the  l'on<|uesl,  ,ind  the  third  as  an  anuotator  of 
tile  luiginal  sources  and  an  elucidator  of  coii- 
iroverled  points.  Trescott's  Conquest  of  Peru 
was  published  in  l,S43.  lie  h.id  been  fortunate 
enough  to  secure  copies  from  the  nianuscripl 
stores  which  Muiioz  had  gathereil,  and  X.ivar- 
rete  allowed  his  collections  to  be  gleaned  for 
the  .American's  use.  lie  did  not  fail  of  the 
sympathy  and  supjiort  of  Ternanx  and  of  (l.iy- 
angos.  The  ingeiiinii^  and  active  assistance  of 
Obadiah  Rich  secureil  him  a  good  share  of  the 
iiianusci  ipts  of  the  Kingsbiirough  (.'oUection 
wlunth.it  was  scattered.  The  Coii,/ue.<t  of  Pern 
was  promptly  traiislaled  inlo  Sp.iiii.-h,  .uul 
imblished  at  Madrid  in  i.S.(7-i,S4S  ;  ami  ag.iin  in 
a  version  supposed  to  have  been  made  by 
Icazbalceta.  It  was  ininted  at  Mexico  in  i.S.pj. 
A  l''ieiKh  translation  wis  introduced  to  the 
world  by  .\medee  I'ichot,  and  the  ICnglish  on 
the  continent  were  soon  able  to  read  it  in  their 
own  tongue  under  a  Paris  imprint.  The  Dutch 
and  German  people  were  not  long  without 
versions  in  their  vernaculars.  Since  .Mi.  I'res- 
cott's  death  the  revision,  which  (he  American 
reader  was  long  kept  from  (owing  to  the  ob- 
structions   to    textual    ini|)rovements    imposed 


',\ 


'r  <    • 


(It 


W 


\ 


.1 

\ 

i 


t 


l^f.' 


Wii 


'j\  ■  -iv 


578 


NARRATIVE   AiND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


by  the  practice  of  stereotyping),  was  made  by 
Mr.  Kirk,  wlio  liad  been  Prescott's  secretary ; 
and  tlie  new  edition,  witli  that  gentleman's  elu- 
cidatory and  corrective  notes,  appeared  at  I'hila- 
deli)hia  in  1874. 

As  was  the  case  with  the  hero  of  Mexico, 
the  chapters  in  Ilelps's  Spanish  Conquest  on  the 
conciniror  of  Peru  have,  since  the  publication 
of  that  book,  been  extracted  and  fitted  newly 
together  under  the  title  of  The  Life  of  Pizano, 
xuilh  some  account  of  his  Associates  in  the  Con- 
quest of  Peru,  published  in  London  in  1S69. 
Pizarro  is  not,  under  Ilelps's  brush,  the  abhor- 
rent figure  of  some  other  historians.  "  He  is 
always  calm,  polite,  dignified,"  he  says.  "  He 
was  not  one  of  the  least  admirable  of  the  con- 
querors." 

Mr.  Markham,  referring  to  a  visit  which  ho 
made  to  Prescott,  says  :  "  He  it  was  who  en- 
couraged me  to  undertake  my  Peruvian  investi- 
gations and  to  persevere  in  them.  To  his  kindly 
advice  and  assistance  I  owe  more  than  I  can 
say,  and  to  him  is  due,  in  no  small  degree,  the 
value  of  anything  I  have  since  been  able  to  do 
■n  furtherance  of  Peruvian  research."  The 
first  fruit  of  Mr.  Markham's  study  was  his 
Cusco  and  Lima  in  1856.  Three  years  later 
(1859)  he  was  sent  by  the  British  Government 
to  superintend  the  collection  of  cinchona  plants 
and  seeds  (quinine)  in  Peru,  and  to  introduce 
them  into  India.  In  pursuit  of  this  mission,  he 
formed  the  acquaintance  with  the  country  which 
was  made  public  in  his  Travels  in  Peru  and 
India  in  1S62.  In  1880  he  epitomized  his  great 
knowledge  in  a  useful  little  handbook  on  Peru, 
which  was  iiublished  in  London  in  the  series  of 
Foreis^n  Countries  and  British  Colonies.  H;s 
greatest  aid  to  the  historian  has  come,  however, 
from  the  annotations  given  by  him  to  numerous 
volumes  of  the  Hakluyt  Society,  which  he  has 


edited,  and  in  his  communications  to  the  Journdi 
of  the  Koyai  Geoj;ra/>hiiat  Society, 

The  Peruvian  story  is  but  an  incidental  fea- 
ture of  Hubert  H.  Bancroft's  Central  America, 
where  Alvarado's  report  of  May  12,  1535,  and 
other  documents  which  fell  into  that  author's 
hands  with  the  Squier  manuscripts  afford  in  part 
the  basis  of  his  narrative,  vol.  ii.  chap.  vii.  Han- 
croft  accounts  Pizarro  himself  the  most  detestable 
man  in  the  Indies  after  Pedrarias.  He  collates 
the  authorities  on  many  disputed  points,  and  is 
a  valuable  assistant,  particularly  for  the  relations 
of  operations  on  the  isthmus  to  those  in  Peru, — 
such  as  the  efforts  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  make 
the  isthmus  the  frontier  of  his  Peruvian  govern- 
ment, and  Gasca's  method  of  breaking  through 
it.  In  his  chapter  on  "  Mines  and  Mining'' in 
his  Afexico  (vol.  iii.)  he  incidentally  recapitu- 
lates the  story  of  the  wealth  which  was  extracted 
from  Peru. 

The  dignified  and  well-balanced  story  as  told 
in  Robertson's  America  (bookvi.)  is  not  without 
use  to-day,  and  his  judgment  upon  authorities 
(note  cxxv.)  is  usually  sound.  He  has  of  course 
fallen  behind  that  sufficiency  which  Dr.  Smyth 
found  in  hiin,  when  he  gave  his  Lectures  on 
Modern  History  (lecture  xxi.).  The  latter  writer 
reflected  an  opinion  not  yet  outgrown  when  he 
says  that  "  Pizarro  was,  after  all,  a  vulgar  con- 
queror, and  is  from  the  first  detested,  though  he 
seizes  upon  our  respect,  and  retains  it  in  defiance 
of  ourselves,  from  the  powerful  and  decisive  na- 
ture of  his  courage  and  of  his  understanding." 

The  latest  English  summarized  vie  .1  of  the 
Conquest  will  be  found  in  R.  G.  Watson's  Span- 
ish and  Portiis^uese  South  America  during  the 
Colonial  /'<•;/*/  (London,  1SS4).  The  author  lived 
in  South  America  about  twenty  years  ago,  in 
various  parts,  as  a  diplomatic  agent  of  the 
English  government. 


M 


li 


THE 


AMAZON    AND    ELDORADO. 


BY    THE    EDITOR. 


IN  1528,  in  order  to  follow  up  the  explorations  of  Ojeda  and  others  on  the  coast  of 
Venezuela  the  Emperor  had  agreed  with  t!  great  German  mercantile  house  of  the  V'elsers 
to  protect  a  colony  to  be  sent  by  them  to  found  cities  and  to  mine  on  this  northern  coast.' 
This  was  the  origin  of  the  expedition  led  by  Ambrosio  de  Alfinger  to  find  a  fabulous  golden 
city,  of  which  reports  of  one  kind  and  another  pervaded  the  Spanish  settlements  along 
the  coast.  It  was  in  1530  that  Alfinger  started  inland.  This  march  produced  the  usual 
story  of  perfidy  and  cruelty  practised  upon  the  natives,  and  of  attack  and  misery  experienced 
by  the  invaders.  Alfinger  died  on  the  way,  and  after  two  years  (in  1532)  what  was  left  of 
his  followers  found  their  way  back  to  the  coast. 

Meanwhile  an  expedition  inland  had  started  under  Diego  Ordaz  in  1531,  by  way  of  the 
Orinoco  ;  but  it  had  failed,  its  leader  being  made  the  victim  of  a  mutiny.  One  of  his  officers, 
Martinez,  being  expelled  from  the  force  for  misbehavior,  wandered  away  until  he  fell  into  tlie 
hands  of  people  who  blindfolded  him  and  led  him  a  ^;reat  way  to  a  city,  wliere  tiie  bandage 
was  removed  from  his  eyes.  Here  they  led  him  for  a  day  and  night  through  its  streets  till 
they  came  to  the  palace  of  Inga  their  Emperor,  \.ith  whom  being  handsomely  entertained  he 
stayed  eight  months,  when,  being  allowed  to  return,  he  came  down  the  Orinoco  to  Trinidad, 
and  thence  to  Porto  Rico,  where,  when  dying,  he  told  this  tale  of  Manoa,  as  he  called  the  city. 
He  was  the  first,  the  story  goes,  to  apply  the  name  of  Eldorado  to  the  alluring  kingdom 
in  the  depths  of  the  continent.  This  is  the  pretended  story  as  Raleigh  sixty  years  later 
learned  from  a  manuscript  which  Berreo  the  Governor  of  Trinidad  showed  to  him.- 

Again,  the  Germans  made  another  attempt  to  penetrate  the  country  and  its  mystery. 
George  of  Spires,  under  the  imperial  sanction,  coming  from  Spain  with  four  hundred  men, 
started  inland  from  Coro  in  1534.  He  succeeded  in  penetrating  about  fifteen  hundred 
miles,  and  returned  with  the  survivors  in  1538. 

A  lieutenant  had  played  him  false.  Nicolaus  Federmann  '  had  been  disappointed  in  not 
getting  the  command  of  the  expedition,  but  being  made  second,  was  instructed  to  follow 
alter  his  chief  with  supplies.  Federmann  avoided  making  a  junction  witli  George,  and 
wandered  at  the  head  of  about  two  hundred  men,  who  were  faithful  to  him,  seeking  glory 
on  his  own  account,  till  after  three  years  of  labor  he  emerged  in  April,  1539.  from  the 
mountain  passes  upon  the  plains  of  Bogotd.     Two  years  before  this  (in  1537)  Gonzalo 


IJ   ^ 


1  Cf.  Knrl  KHipfel,  in  the  BiMiothck  des 
Uti'rarischen  I'ereiiis  in  Stuttffart,  no.  xlvii.  ( 1S59) ; 
Karl  KUinzinger,  Antheil  dcr  Dctttsclicn  an  dcr 
EiitdccktiiigvonSiidamcrika,  Stuttg.irt,  1857  ;  and 
K.  von  Kloocn's  "Die  Welser  in  Augsburg  als 
besitzer  von  Venezuela,"  in  the  Bertiiur  Zcit- 
schrift  fiir  al/gemeinc  Erdkiiitde,  v.  441. 


-  Cf.  Schombmgk's  R,ilei::;!i\'!  Disiirfery  of 
Gniaiia,  \t.  17.  Raleigh's  enumeration  of  the 
various  searches  for  Eldorado  in  this  book  are 
annotated  by  Schomburgk. 

'  An  account  nf  an  earlier  expedition  by 
Federmann  in  this  region,  Indianische  Hisloria. 
recounting  experiences  in  1 529-1 531,  was  printed 


II 


M 


1 


hi 


'm 


580 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Ximenes  Quesada,  following  up  the  Magdalena  River,  had  arrived  on  the  same  plateau,  and 
completed  the  conquest  of  New  G.'anada.  The  year  following  (1538),  Sebastian  de 
Belalcazar,  marching  north  from  Quito,  had  reached  the  same  point.' 

Thus  the  three  explorers  from  three  directions  came  together.  They  joined  forces  and 
descended  the  Magdalena  to  Santa  Martha,  -..'here  Pedro  Fernandez  cie  Lugo,  the  associate 
of  Quesada,  died,  while  Quesada  himself  proceeded  to  Spain  to  obtain  the  government  of 
the  newly  discovered  region.     Meanwhile  Hernan  Perez,  a  brother  of  Quesada,  being  left 


JL^  Lic^nciado  Gonr2.cuo  OCvmene^  di 


QtieaadcL  ducaJmo  unutm)  Reyna 
de  Grci/nadcL 


QUE-S-^DA.- 

in    1557   at   Hagenaw.      Ternaiix,   in   the  first  1529-1531,  printed  in  the  Z>;7V/,-r/,7//;w/OT7V///(/« 

voFunie  of  his  /',m>i,v^,  etc.  (P.ivis,  1S37),  gave  a  Venim  fiir  Erdkundf  tii  Dfcsdcn,  \%i>(i,  Aniuw;:;, 

translation  of  it,  with  an  introduction.    Hi.s  route,  p.  93;  also  in  1868. 

as  marked  by  Khnuingcr  in  the  l)ook  already  '  Cf.  MarUham's    Ti-aveh  of  Cicza  de  Leon, 

cited,  is  not  agreed  to  liv  Tlr.  ^^()viti^  Wcinliold,  p.  110;  and  liis  Xarnitive  ofAndiv^oya,  P- xxv. 
in  rih-r  Xicohuis  FeJerm.niii's  h'eise  in  I  'eiieziichi,  -  Fac-simile  of  engraving  in  Ilerrcra,  iii.  ::i3' 


1^' 


THE   AMAZON    AND   ELDORADO. 


581 


in  command  in  Bogota,  committed  the  usual  cruel  excesses  upon  the  Cliibclias,  but  finally 
left  them,  to  follow  another  adventurer  who  had  arrived  in  the  track  of  Federmann,  with  the 
same  stories  of  the  golden  city.  So  tiie  recreant  Governor  joined  tlie  new-comer  Montalvo 
de  Lugo,  and  together  they  marched  eastward  on  their  golden  quest.  He  returned  to  Bogota 
in  a  year's  time,  wiser  but  not  happier. 

Meanwhile  a  new  expedition  was  forming  on  the  Venezuela  side.  Among  the  followers 
of  George  of  Spires  had  been  one  Philip  von  Huten,'  who  after  George's  death,  and  when 
Rodrigo  IJastidas  had  succeeded  him,  was  made  the  commander  of  an  expedition  which  left 
Coro  in  1541  by  vessels,  and,  prepared  for  an  inland  march,  landed  at  li.irburata.  The 
next  spring  he  got  on  the  track  of  Oues.ada  and  resolved  to  follow  it  ;  but  the  ex;jedilion 
only  journeyed  in  a  circle,  and  after  suffering  all  sorts  of  hardships  found  itself  at  the  point 
of  setting  out.  Huten,  undaunted,  again  started  with  a  smaller  force.  He  encountered  and 
made  friends  of  the  L'aupe  Indians,  and  under  their  guidance  proceeded  against  the  towns 
of  the  Omaguas,  where  they  encountered  resistance  ;  and  Huten  being  wounded,  the 
invaders  retreated,  and  brought  to  an  ■..-nd  another  search  for  Eldorado.  The  expedition 
had  added  a  new  synonym,  Omaguas,  for  the  attractive  lure. 


pll..*ffC»«lT* 


Mourns  or  7-«oR/Noco 


MOUTHS  OF  THt 


SKETCH    ^r.•\I^    AMAZON    and    KI.DORAnO. 

Huten,  on  his  return  to  Coro,  found  that  Carbajal  had  seized  the  government.  This  bru- 
tal soldier  now  executed  Huten,  and  held  his  iniquitous  sway  until  the  licentiate  Juan  Perez 
de  Tolosa  arrived  with  the  imperial  anthority  in  1 546,  when  Carbajal  was  in  turn  put  to  death. 
Thus  ended  the  German  efforts  at  South  American  discovcrv  on  tl'.is  side  of  the  continent. 

Meanwhile  Gonzalo  Ximenes  Oucsada's  visit  to  Spain  had  failed  in  making  him  the 
Governor  of  New  Granada,  as  he  had  hoped.  Luis  Alonzo  de  Lugo,  the  son  of  Ouesada's 
associate,  was  the  successt'ul  applicant  for  the  position.  The  new  Governor  arrived  in 
1542,  but  a  n-siift'nciii  interrupted  his  career,  and  Pedro  de  L'rsua,  a  nephew  of  Arnien- 
dariz,  the  judge  who  had  taken  the  irsiiieitria.  was  sent  to  Bogot.i  to  take  charge.  Thence 
his  patron  sent  him  on  the  old  quest  for  the  rivers  flowing  over  golden  sands.  He  failed 
to  find  Eldorado ,  but  he  founded  the  city  of  I'ampluna  in  the  wilds,  and  ruled  its  stately 


1  t^ 

.  1 

' '; 

f 

"■.  : 

h 

!'■  V 

i 

-\ 

i 

i 

1^ 

5-,        1 

f' 

It     • 

1  He  is  somctimci  called  L'tcn,  Utro,  Urra,  etc. 


58: 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


I.  :  I 


lots  for  two  years.  Tlicii  Armendari/  had  his  downf.dl  in  turn,  and  I'cdro  dc  Ursua  in 
1549  found  favor  cnou^i,'li  witli  those  wlio  tlicii  administered  the  giivernnient  to  ;;et  coni- 
maiKl  of  anotlicr  expedition  to  I'lldorado,  durini;  wliicli  he  founded  anotiier  city,  \vliiei\ 
he  had  to  abandon  in  1552  because  the  natives  attacked  it  so  persistently.  Ne.xt,  I'edro 
was  put  in  command  of  Santa  '^lartha,  and  began  to  fight  the  Indians  tiiereabout;  but 
seeking  a  larger  field,  he  staj  U<1  for  Peru.  Mis  fame  was  sufficient  to  induce  the 
authorities  at  Panama  to  engage  him  to  quell  the  Cimarroncs,  who  infested  the  Isthmus. 
In  two  years  Ursua  accomplished  this  task,  and  then  went  on  to  Peru,  where  at  Lima,  in 
1559,  the  new  viceroy  Canete  appointed  him  to  lead  a  well-equipped  expedition  to  Eldo- 
rado and  the  Omaguas.  If  the  fabled  city  should  not  be  reached,  the  quest  for  it  would 
draw  away  from  Canete's  jjrovince  the  prowling  ruffians  whom  the  cessation  of  the  civil 
wars  had  left  among  the  settlements.  But  it  was  thought  the  (juest  was  more  likely  to  be 
successful  than  any  previous  one  had  been,  since  \'iraratu,  a  coast  chieftain  of  lirazil,  had 
with  two  Portuguese  recently  ascended  the  Amazon,  and  had  coiifiriiied  to  Cartete  the  old 
stories  of  a  hidden  lake  and  its  golden  city. 

Pedro  de  Ursua  started  in  boats  down  the  Ilualiaga  to  the  .Maranon,  and  .so  on  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Machiparo.  At  this  jioint,  on  New  Year's  day.  1561,  conspirators  mur- 
dered Ursua,  threw  oil  allegiance  to  Spain,  and  made  Fernando  de  (nizman  their  sov- 
ereign. One  Lope  de  Aguirre  was  the  leailer  of  the  insurrection,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  Guzman  paid  tlie  penalty  of  hi.s  life  in  turn,  and  Aguirre  became  supreme.  The 
conspirators  went  on  to  the  mouth  of  the  Negro,  but  from  this  point  authorities  differ  as 
to  their  course.  Humboldt  and  Southey  supposed  they  still  kept  to  the  Amazon  until 
they  reached  the  sea.  Acuiia,  Simon,  Acosta,  and  among  the  moderns  Markhani, 
suppose  they  ascended  the  Negro,  crossed  by  tlie  Cassiquiari  canal  to  the  Orinoco,  and 
so  passed  on  to  the  ocean  ;  or  if  not  by  this  route,  by  some  of  the  rivers  of  Guiana.  .Air. 
Markhani  ^  balances  the  testimony.  Once  on  the  ocean,  at  whatever  point,  Aguirre  steered 
'.lis  vessels  for  the  north  ai  '  est  till  they  came  to  the  island  of  Margarita,  then  colonized 
by  the  Sjianish.  Having  SL.....d  this  settlement,  Aguirie  led  his  followers  across  the  inter- 
vening waters  to  \'enezuela,  with  the  aim  of  invading  and  conquering  New  Granada  ;  but 
in  due  time  a  Spanish  force  led  by  Gutierrez  de  la  Pefia  confronted  the  traitor  and  his 
host,  and  overthrew  them.  Many  of  Aguirre's  men  had  deserted  him  :  when  killing  his 
own  daughter,  that  she  might  not  survive  to  be  stigmatized  as  a  traitor's  chikl,  he  was  set 
upon  and  despatched  by  his  conquerors. 

The  earliest  account  of  the  expedition  of  Ursua  and  Aguirre  is  a  manuscript  in  the 
Royal  library  at  Madrid  written  by  one  of  the  company,  Francisco  Vasquez,  who  re- 
mained with  Aguirre  under  protest  till  he  reached  Margarita.  Vasquez's  story  was  a 
main  dependence  of  Pedro  Simon,  in  the  sixth  of  the  Priiiiem  parte  dc  las  A'oticias 
hisioriahs  dc  las  Conquistas  de  Ticrra  Finite  cii  las  fndias  Oicidentales,  published  at 
Cuenca  in  1C27.  Simon,  who  was  born  in  Spain  in  1574,  had  come  to  Bogotd  in  1604, 
in  time  to  glean  much  from  men  still  living.  After  many  years  of  gathering  notes,  he 
began  to  write  his  book  in  1623.  Only  one  part,  which  included  the  affairs  of  Venezuela 
and  the  expedition  of  Ursua  and  Aguirre,  w.as  printed.  Two  other  parts  are  in  existence; 
and  Colonel  J.  Acosta,  in  his  Compcndio  liistorico  del  descubriinieiito  y  colonizacion  dc  la 
Nncva  Granada  en  cl  sii^lo  deciino  sexto,  jniblished  at  Paris  in  1848,  made  use  of  them,  and 
says  they  are  the  most  valuable  recital  of  the  sixteenth  century  in  existence  which  relates 
to  these  regions.-  The  account  of  Simon,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  expedition  of  Ursua, 
has  been  translated  by  William  Bollaert,  and  properly  annotated  by  Mr.  Markhani  :  it 
constitutes  the  volume  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1861,  called  The  Expedition 
of  Pedro  dc  Ursua  and  Lope  dc  A;^iiirre  in  search  of  Eldorado  and  Omai^iia  in  1560- 
1561.     It  has  a  map  which  marks  the  alternative  courses  of  Aguirre.' 

1  Introduction  of  his  Search  for  F.utoriuio.  "  Cf.  Markhani 's  introduction  to  this  volume  ; 

'^  Manuscript  copies  of  these  parts  are  in  the     II.  II.  Bancroft's  Central  America,  ii.  61.     The 

Lciiox  Library.  Expedition  of  Orsiiu  and  the  Crime  of  Agidrre,  by 


THE    AMAZON    AND    ELDORADO, 


583 


xlro  de  Uisua  in 
lent  to  t;et  com- 
nlicr  city,  whicli 
ly.  Next,  I'cdro 
thereabout;  hut 
it  to  iiuhicc  the 
ted  the  Isthmus. 
iVhcrc  at  Lima,  in 
pudition  to  Llilo- 
uest  for  it  would 
ation  of  the  civil 
more  likely  to  lie 
tin  of  Brazil,  had 
to  Caflete  the  old 

and  so  on  to  the 
xjuspirators  nuir- 
Lizman  tlieir  sov- 

it  was  not  long 
;  supreme.  The 
;horities  differ  as 
he  Amazon  until 
derns    I\Larkhani, 

the  Orinoco,  and 
of  Guiana.  Mr. 
t,  Aguirre  steered 
ta,  then  colonized 

across  the  inler- 
L'w  Granada  ;  but 
e  traitor  and  his 

when  killing  his 
child,  he  was  set 

iianuscript  in  the 
'asquez,  who  re- 
ez's  story  was  a 

(/(,'  Ids  A'oliiins 
les,  published  at 

Bogot.i  in  1604, 
hering  notes,  he 
lirs  of  \''enezuela 
are  in  existence ; 
olouizacion  de  la 

use  of  them,  and 
ice  which  lelates 
sdition  of  Ursua, 
Ir.  Markham  :  it 
1  The  Expedition 
Imai^na  in  1560- 


CAbTKLLANOS.' 

The  main  dependence  of  Simon,  besides  the  manuscript  of  Vasquez,  was  a  metrical 
chronicle  by  Juan  de  Castellanos,  Ele-^ias  de  Varoncs  iliistrcs  de  Indias,  the  first  part  of 

Robert  Southey,  was  published  at  London  in     and  first  published   in  the  Edinbun^h  Annual 
1821.     This  was  written  for  Southcy's  IIisto>y     Kei:^istei ,  vol.  iii.  part  2,  and  then  separately. 
of  Brazil,  but  was  omitted  as  beyond  its  scope,  >  A  fac-simile  of  the  portrait  in  his  Ehxiiis, 

p.  10. 


r 
I 

i 


if', 

i '       (i 


I;' 


584 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    i)l"    A.MKRICA. 


^3 


ii 


•  ; 


wliicli,  contniniii;,',  besides  the  accounts  of  I'rsii.i  and  A^iiirre,  tiie  exploits  of  Columhiis. 
I'onie  de  Leon,  Garay.  and  others,  was  printed  at  Madrid  in  1589.'  De  liry  makes  use 
of  this  versified  narrative  in  the  eigiith  part  of  his  Grand  Voytiges.  Castellanos'  first 
part  is  re[irinted  in  the  PuhliaU-ca  de  Aiitons  Kspartolcs,  1847-1850,  wliere  arc  also  to  he 
loiiiul  the  second  anil  third  parts,  printed  there  lor  the  first  time.  Tlie  te.\t  is  tliere 
edited  by  liiienaventura  Carlos  Aribau.  Ercilla  has  recorded  his  opinion  of  the  faithful 
ness  of  Castellanos,  but  Colonel  Acosta  thinks  him  ine.xact.  These  second  and  third 
parts  recount  the  dventures  of  the  Germans  in  their  search  for  KIdorado,  and  record 
the  conquests  of  Cartagena  by  Lugo,  of  I'opayan  by  lielalca/.ar,  and  of  Antischia.  \ 
fourth  part,  which  gave  the  conquest  of  New  Granada,  though  used  by  I'iedr.diita,  is 
no  longer  known.  , 

Castellanos  could  well  have  derived  his  information,  as  he  doubtless  did,  from  men 
who  had  made  part  of  the  exploits  which  he  celebrates  ;  and  as  regards  the  mad  pranks 
of  /\guirre,  such  is  also  the  case  with  another  contemporary  account,  preserved  in  tlie 
National  Library  at  ALidrid,  which  was  written  by  Toribio  de  Ortiguera,  who  was  at 
Nombre  de  Dies  in  1561,  and  sent  forces  against  Aguirre  when  that  conspirator  was  on 
his  \'enc/uela  raid.  The  story  written  from  the  survivors'  recitals  does  not  materially 
differ  fiom  that  of  Vasquez.  He  gives  also  a  short  account  of  the  expedition  of  Gonzalo 
I'izarro  and  Orellana,  later  to  be  mentioned. 

laicas  Fernandez  Piedrahita  was  a  native  of  Bogota,  and,  like  (iarcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
had  the  blood  of  the  Incas  in  his  veins.  He  became  a  priest,  and  was  successively  Uishop 
of  Santa  Martha  and  of  Panama,  and  after  having  lived  a  life  of  asceticism,  and  been  at 
one  time  a  captive  of  the  buccaneers,  he  died  at  Panama  in  16S8,  at  the  age  of  seventy.  He 
depended  chiefly  in  his  llistoriu  General  de  las  Conqiiistas  del  niievo  Reyno  de  Granadar 
on  the  Coinpendio  of  Ximenes  de  Quesada,  no  longer  known,  the  Elet^idx  of  Castellanos, 
and  the  Xo/icia  of  Simon.  He  borrows  lilierally  from  Simon,  and  says  but  little  of  Aguirre 
till  he  lands  in  \'enezuela.  Aguirre's  career  in  the  Ifistoria  de  la  Conqiiista  y  poblacion 
de  Venezuela  of  Oviedo  y  Bafios  is  in  like  manner  condensed  from  Simon,  and  is  confined 
also  to  his  final  invasion  of  the  main.  The  book  is  rare,  and  Markham  says  that  in  1861 
even  the  British  .Museum  had  no  copy."  Tlie  general  historians,  De  la  Vega,  Herrera, 
and  .Acosta,  give  but  scant  accounts  of  the  Ursua  expedition.  Markham^  points  out  the 
purely  imaginative  additions  given  to  Aguirre's  story  in  Gomberville's  translation  of 
Acufia,  misleading  thereby  not  a  few  later  writers.  Aluch  the  same  incorrectness  charac- 
terizes the  recitals  in  the  I'iage  of  the  Ulloas,  in  \'elasco's  Historia  de  (Jiiilo  (17S9). 

The  faithlessness  of  Orellana  and  his  fifty  followers  in  deserting  Gonzalo  I'izarro  in  1540, 
while  this  leader  was  exploring  the  forests  of  the  Cinnamon  country,  is  told  in  another  place. 
Orellana,  as  has  been  said,  was  sent  forward  in  an  improvised  bark  to  secure  food  for 
Pizarro's  famished  followers,  but  was  tempted  to  pursue  the  phantom  of  golden  discovery. 
This  impulse  led  him  to  follow  the  course  of  the  river  to  the  sea.  It  gave  him  the  distinc- 
tion of  being  the  discoverer  of  the  weary  course  of  the  jjreat  Amazon.  In  his  intercourse 
with  some  of  the  river  Indians  he  heard  or  professed  to  hear  of  a  tribe  of  women  warriors 
whom  it  was  easy,  in  recognition  of  the  classic  story,  to  name  the  Amazons.  At  one  of 
the  native  villages  on  the  river  the  deserters  built  themselves  a  stancher  craft  than  tliev 
had  escaped  in  ;  and  so  they  sailed  on  in  a  pair  of  adventurous  barks,  figliting  their  way 
past  hostile  villages,  and  repelling  attacks  of  canoes,  or  bartering  with  such  of  the  Indians 
as  were  more  peaceful.     In  one  of  the  fights,  when  Orellana  landed   his  men  for  the 


'  Ticknor,  5/(7h/(// Z/V(V(7/«;i',  ii.  471.  There 
are  co])ies  in  the  ISoston  Public,  Harvard  Col- 
lege, and  Lenox  libraries. 

-  Printed  at  .Xniberes  in  16SS;  Cf.  Carter- 
Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  I,3'')j.  There  arc  copies  in  Har- 
vaid  College  and  Lenox  libraries.     Cf.  H.   H. 


Baiicioft,  Ccii/nil  Aiiicruii,  ii.  62.  The  book  is 
worth  £t,  to  ;^I0.  Only  the  Parte primcra  was 
printed  ;  it  comes  down  to  1563. 

3  There  arc  copies  in  the  Lenox  and  Harvard 
College  libraries. 

■*  Search  for  EUloviuio,  p.  xliii. 


UCA. 

ts  of  Columbus. 
:  liry  m;ikcs  use 
Jastell.mos'  first 
re  are  also  to  Iju 
lie  text  is  there 
I  of  the  faithful- 
cond  and  third 
ado,  and  record 
f  Antischia.  A 
y  I'icdrahita,  is 

« 
s  did,  from  men 
the  mad  pranks 
(reserved  in  tlie 
L'ra,  who  was  at 
ispirator  was  on 
s  not  materially 
ition  of  Gonzalo 

isso  de  la  Vejj;a, 
;essively  Bishop 
sm,  and  been  at 
of  seventy.  He 
;/()  lie  Liianuda.'- 
i  of  Castellanos, 

little  of  Aguirre 
lista  y  poblacion 
,  and  is  confined 
ays  that  in  1861 

Vega,  Herrera, 
'  points  out  the 
i  translation  of 
rcctnt'ss  charac- 
ito  (1789)- 

I  I'izarro  in  1540, 
n  another  place, 
ecure  food  for 
dden  discovery, 
im  the  distinc- 
his  intercourse 
women  warriors 
ons.  At  one  of 
craft  than  they 
;hting  their  way 
h  of  the  Indians 
is  men  for  tlie 

j2.  The  book  is 
^iirte /<ritinra  was 

nox  and  Harvard 


Tin:    A.MAZON    AND   ELDORADO 


58: 


L'onfiict,  it  is  affirmed  tliat  women  led  the  native  horde.  I^'roiii  .-x  [irisoner  they  got  signs 
whicli  they  interpreted  to  mean  that  they  were  now  in  the  region  of  the  female  warriors,  and 
not  f.ir  from  all  the  fabled  wealth  of  which  they  were  in  searcli.  Hut  the  marks  of  the  tide 
on  the  banks  lured  them  on  with  the  hope  of  nearing  the  sea.  They  soon  got  unmistak- 
able signs  of  the  great  water,  and  then  began  to  prepare  their  frail  cral'ts  for  encountering 
its  perils.  They  made  sails  of  their  cloaks.  On  the  J6th  of  August  they  p.issed  into 
the  .Atlantic.  They  had  left  the  spot  where  the  river  Napo  Hows  into  the  Amazon  on  the 
last  day  of  December,  1541 ;  and  now,  after  a  voyage  of  nearly  eight  months,  they  spread 
their  sails  and  followed  the  coast  northward.  The  vessels  parted  company  one  night,  liut 
they  reached  the  isl.md  of  Cubagua  within  two  days  of  each  other.  Here  they  found  a 
Spanish  colony,  and  Orellana  was  not  long  in  finding  a  passage  to  .Spain.  The  story  he 
had  to  tell  was  a  thrilling  one  tor  ears  eager  for  adventiu'e,  and  a  joyous  one  for  such 
as  listened  for  the  talcs  of  wealth.  Orellana  might  be  trusted  to  entrap  both  sorts  of 
listeners. 

The  King  was  the  best  of  listeners.  He  gave  Orellana  a  commission  to  conquer  these 
fabulous  countries,  and  in  May,  1544,  Orellana  sailed  with  four  ships  and  four  lumdred 
men.  Misfortune  followed  him  speedily,  and  only  two  of  his  vessels  reached  the  river. 
Up  they  went  for  a  hundred  leagues  or  so  ;  but  it  was  (piitc  different  making  headway 
against  the  current  from  flo.ating  down  it,  as  he  had  done  before.  His  men  died  ;  his 
vessels  were  stranded  or  broken  up;  he  himself  became  ill,  and  at  last  died.  This  ended 
the  attempt ;  and  such  of  his  followers  as  could,  m.ade  their  way  back  to  Spain  ;  and  New 
Andalusia,  as  the  country  was  to  be  named,  remained  witliout  a  master. 

Of  the  expedition  of  Gonzalo  I'izarro  there  is  no  account  by  any  one  engaged  in  it ; 
but  we  have  the  traditions  of  the  story  told  by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  in  the  second  part, 
book  third,  of  the  Royal  Commentaries,  and  this  account  is  put  into  English  and  annotated 
by  Mr.  Markhain  in  the  Expcilitions  into  the  I'alley  of  the  Amazons,  published  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society  in  1859,  — and  to  this  book  its  editor  contributes  a  summary  of  the  later 
explorations  of  the  valley.  Orellana's  desertion  and  his  experiences  are  told  by  Herrera 
in  his  Historia  General ;  and  this,  which  Markham  calls  the  best  account  possessed  by 
us,  is  also  translated  by  him  in  the  same  publication.  Wallace,  in  his  Amazon  and  Rio 
Nii^ro,  has  of  late  years  suggested  that  tlie  woman-like  apparel  of  the  men,  still  to  be  found 
among  the  tribes  of  the  upper  Amazon,  gave  rise  to  the  belief  in  the  story  of  the  female 
warriors.* 

The  form  which  the  story  of  Eldorado  oftener  took,  and  which  it  preserved  for  many 
years,  gave  representation  of  a  large  inland  sea,  called  finally  I'arima,  and  of  a  golden  city 
upon  it  called  Manoa,  the  reminiscences  of  .Martinez's  tale.  Somehow,  as  .Mr.  .Markham 
thinks,  these  details  were  evolved  in  part  out  of  a  custom  prevalent  on  the  plains  of 
Hogotd,  where  a  native  chief  is  said  to  have  gilded  himself  yearly,  and  performed  some 
rites  in  a  large  lake.  .Ml  this  array  of  wealth  was  clustered,  in  the  im.agina'.ion  of  the 
conquerors  of  northern  Peru,  about  the  tabled  empire  of  the  Omaguas  :  and  farther  souiii 
the  beckoning  names  were  I'aytiti  and  Enim.  Whatever  tlie  names  or  details,  the  inevit.i- 
ble  greed  for  gold  in  the  mind  of  the  Spanish  invaders  was  quite  sufficient  to  evolve  the 
phantom  from  every  impenetrable  region  of  the  New  World.  In  1566  Martin  de  I'roveda 
followed  in  the  track  of  Ursua  ;  but  sweeping  north,  his  men  dropped  by  the  way,  and  a 
remnant  only  reached  Bogota.  He  brought  back  the  same  rumors  of  rich  but  recjding 
provinces. 

In  1568  the  Spanish  Government  mapped  out  all  this  unkr,3wn  region  between  two 
would-be  governors.     Pedro  Malaver  de  Silva  was  to  have  die  western  part,  and  Diego 

1  Schombiirgk,  in  his  Raleigh's  Discovery  of  Eldorado,  chips,  vii.  and  viii.    Acuna's  account 

Guiana  (p.  Ivi),  enumerates  the  various  refer-  in  1641  is  tr.mslated  in  Markham's  Expeditions 

ences   to   the    Amazon  story   among   the   early  into  thf  I'alUy  of  the  Amtnons,^i:cX.-]i;  m\A^W\ 

writers  on   South  America.     Cf   Van   llcuvcl,  p.  123,   Note. 
VOL.   II.  —  74. 


|( 


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I     i 


Hi; 

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586 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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VaiuaniUo  I'T 
.'■Mi/'iuu 


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r!  1-'^" 


THE  MOUTHS  OF  THE  ORIVOCO.' 

Fernando  de  Cerpa  to  have  the  eastern  as  far  as  the  moutlis  of  the  Orinoco.  Roth 
of  tlie  expeditions  which  these  ambitious  heroes  led  came  to  nothing  beyond  their  due 
share  of  trials  and  aimless  wandering:  and  ore  of  the  leaders,  Silva,  made  a  second 
attempt  in   1574,  equally  abortive,  as  the  one  survivor's  story  proved   it  to  be. 

Markham  says  that  the  last  expedition  to  achieve  any  important  geographical  dis- 
covery was  that  of  Antonio  de  Berreo  in  1582.  He  h.-id  received  by  right  the  adventurous 
impulse,  through  his  marriage  with  the  daughter  or  heiress  of  Gonzalo  Ximenes  de 
Ouesada.  He  followed  down  the  Cassanare  and  the  Meta,  and  pursued  the  Orinoco  to  its 
mouth.     The  English  took  up  the  quest  when  Raleigh  sent  Jacob  Whiddon  in  1594  to 

1  This   is  a   portion   of  the   map  piven  by     en- p/"GK;a«(7,  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Sociotv 
Sci-imbiirgk  in  his  edition  of  J\ii/f(«'/t's  Disiov-     in  184S. 


THE    AMAZON    AND    F.LDORADO. 


58; 


explore  till'  Orinoco.  Herreo,  who  was  now  the  Spanish  governor  of  I'l  inld.id,  llirew  wli.it 
ol).st.icles  in  the  way  he  coulil ;  and  wlicn  l<alfii;h  arrived  with  liis  (lect  in  1595.  tlie  lai;^iiNli 
leailcr  captured  tlie  troublesome  Spaniard,  and  was  confirmed  in  his  belief,  by  what  llerreo 
told  him,  that  he  could  reach  the  goal.  This  lure  was  the  lying  account  of  Juan  Martinez, 
already  nieiUioneil.  The  fortunes  ol  Ualei;;li  have  been  told  elsewhere,'  and  the  expedi- 
tions which  he  conducted  or  planned,  says  Markham,  may  lie  said  to  close  the  l()ni;  roll 
of  searches  after  the  fai)ulous   Mldorado. 

Nearly  the  whole  of  the  northern  |)arts  of  South  America  had  now  been  Ihriddeil  by 
numerous  adventuring  parties,  but  without  success  in  this  fascinating  search.  There  still 
remained  an  unknown  reijion  in  Central  (luiana,  where  were  plains  periodically  inundated 
by  the  overllow  of  the  Rupununi,  lissefpiibo,  and  IJranco  (I'.uinia)  rivers.  Here  must 
llldorado  be;  and  here  the  ni.ips,  shortly  after  this,  i)laced  the  mysterious  lake  and  its 
auriferous  towers  of  .Manoa  down  to  a  comparatively  recent  time.  According  to  Hum- 
boldt -  and  Schombur^k,''  it  was  after  the  return  of  Raleigh's  and  Keymis's  expedition 
that  Ilondiiis  was  the  lirst  in  his  Xiciiic'i:  Git'r/i'  ','an  ltd  ^^iUidrcykc  Ltitilt  Ciiiaii,!  {\yy)),* 
to  in'roduce  the  Laguna  I'arinia  with  its  city  Manoa  in  a  map.  He  placed  it  between 
1°  45'  and  2°  north  latitude,  and  made  it  larger  than  the  Caspian  Sea. 

We  find  the  lake  also  in  the  AVVv/itV  IWicliU  of  De  Lact  in  1630,  and  in  the  editions  of 
that  year  in  other  languages.  Another  Dutch  geographer,  Jamison,  also  re|)resented  it. 
Sanson,  the  f'rencii  geogiai)iicr,  puts  it  one  degree  north  of  the  ecpiator  in  his  Tore  I'eniii: 
in  if)56,  -^.iyiS.  is  particular  enough  to  place  .Manoa  at  the  northwest  corner  of  a  squ.uisii 
inhcnd  sea  ;  but  he  omits  it  in  his  chart  of  the  Amazons  in  i6,So.  We  find  the  lake  again 
in  Heylin's  Cosinoi^^ntp/iic  oi  iTi^j,  and  later  editions ;  in  lilaeu's  . //Ajy  in  1685.  Delisle 
omits  the  lake  in  1703,  but  gives  a  legend  in  Trench,  as  Homaiiii  does  in  his  map  in  Latin, 
"  In  hac  regione  alicpii  ponunt  lacum  I'arima  urbemque  Manoa  del  Dor.ido."  In  another 
of  Delisle's  maps  a  small  lake  apjjcars  with  the  legend  :  "  (luiane  proprement  dite  ou 
Dorado,  dans  laquelle  quelcjues-uns  mettont  le  lac  I'arime."  We  liave  it  again  in  the  map 
in  Hcrrera,  edition  of  172.S;  and  in  1729.  Moll,  the  Knglish  geogra[)lier,  likewise  shows 
it.  In  the  midtlle  of  the  century  (1760)  the  maps  of  Danville  preserve  the  lake,  thougii  he 
had  oiTiitted  it  in  an  earlier  edition;  and  the  English  edition,  itnproved  by  Bolton  in  17551 
still  continues  it,  as  does  an  Italian  edition  (\'enice)  in  1779.  The  original  Sjjanish  of 
Gumilla's  /;7  OriiUho  (2d  edition,  Madrid,  1745)  has  a  maj)  which  gives  the  lake,  and  it  is 
rejieated  in  the  French  edition  at  Avignon  in  1758,  and  in  a  later  .Spanish  one  at  liarce- 
lona  in  1781.  Kitchen's  map,  which  was  prepared  for  Robertson's  History  of  America, 
again  shows  it ;  and  it  is  in  the  centre  of  a  great  water  system  in  the  large  map  of  La 
Cruz,  made  by  order  of  the  King  of  Sjiain  in  1775.  "'hich  was  re-cngravcd  in  London  the 
same  year.  It  is  also  represented  in  tiie  maps  in  ilie  llistoria  dc  la  niuva  Aiulalucia,  of 
Antonio  Caulin,''  Madrid,  1779,  ^"'^l  '"  ^'le  "^"JiJl:"^  '^'  Storia  Americana,  Rome,  1780. 
Conrad  Mannert's  map,  published  at  Nuremberg  in  1803,  gives  it :  as  do  the  various  edi- 
tions 01  Franqois  Depons'  loyui^e  dans  l^lmerique  tiieridiona/c,  Paris,  1S06.  The  lake 
here  is  given  under  thirty  degrees  north  latitude,  and  Manoa  is  put  at  the  northeast  corner 
of  it.  The  same  plate  was  used  for  the  English  version  "by  an  American  gentleman." 
published  in   New  York  in   1806;   while  the  translation  published  in   London  in   1807, 


e  HakUivt  Socii^tv 


>  Vol.  III.  p.  117,  etc.  One  of  llie  latest 
accounts  is  contained  in  P.  G.  L.  Horde's  I/is- 
toire  lie  Vile  dc  la  Trinidad  sous  Ic  goiivcniemoU 
cs/'iignol,  149S,  etc.  (Paris,  1S76-1883,  vol.  i.). 
Abraham  Kendall,  who  had  been  on  the  coast 
with  Robert  Dudley,  and  is  tlic  maker  of  one  of 
the  portolaiios  in  Dudley's  Arcaiio  del  viare,  was 
with  Raleigh  and  of  use  to  him.  Kohl  (Collec- 
tion, no.  374)  gives  us  from  the  British  Museum 
a  map  which  he  supposes  to  be  Raleigh's. 

'^  Personal  A'arratizc,  chap.  17. 


'■^  Kaleiiik's  Discovery  of  Guiana,  published  by 
HakUiyt  Society  (1S48),  p.  li. 

*  Schoniburgk  says  that  Lcvinus  Ilulsius 
availed  himself  of  this  niaj)  in  constructing  his 
Ainericic  /ars  Auslralis,  wliicli  accomiianies  the 
Vera  llistoria  of  Schmicdcl,  imblished  at  Xurcm- 
bcrg  in  1599.  Cf.  Uricoechca,  Mapoteca  Colom- 
biana,  p.  90,  no.  5. 

'  He  was  in  the  boundary  expedition  of  So- 
lano. Humboldt  calls  this  map  the  combination 
of  two  traced  by  Caulin  in  1756. 


I" 


^; 


I 


I ' 


\: 


h 


Xirr^  ;t'wri!  n"iilM«  * 


lU  i 


m 


' 


t 

M 


DE    LAET,    1630. 


TMli   AMAZON    AND    KLlJOKAUO. 


5«9 


apparently  lliu  s.inic  with  ;i  few  vcrlial  cli;in>ji'H,  has  a  like  configuration  c)n  a  niaj)  of  rediacil 
Hcalc.  One  of  tlic  l.itcst  preservations  of  tlie  niylli  is  tlie  lar';e  map  piililished  in  I.omlon 
liy  I'aden  in  1807,  pmporlinj;  to  lie  liased  on  tiif  studies  of  D'Any  de  l.i  Kcieliotte,  wlieie 
the  inland  sea  is  cx|)lained  liy  a  legend  :  ••  (iolden  l..ike,  or  Lake  I'arinie,  Laiied  likewise 
I'arana  l'itin;{a,  —  that  is,  VVIiitc  Soa,  -  on  the  hankn  of  which  the  discovcrcru  of  the 
Hixleentli  (  enlury  did  place  the  imaginary  city  o|  Manoa  del  Dorado.''  1  have  seen  It 
In  (iernian  niajis  as  late  as  1814,  and  tlie  l'ji;;lish  Kt-'"n''-'l''>^i'  Arrowsniith,  kept  it  in 
his  maps  in  his  day.' 

It  was  lull  for  lluinjjoldt  to  set  the  seal  of  dislielief  lirnily  upon  die  story.'-  Schoinliur;;k 
.says  that  the  inumlalions  of  extensive  savannas  durini,'  the  tropic, d  winter  ^.ive  rise,  no 
doiiht,  to  the  faille  of  the  White  Se.i.  assisted  liy  an  i;;noraiu:e  of  the  Indi.in  lan^;uaj;e. 
Nevertheless,  as  Lite  as  1844,  J.icolj  A.  v. in  I  leiivel,  in  liis  JJitur,i,lo,  /u'l/ii^  a  Xitrnilivc  of 
the  Ciniimxtitnccs  whu/i  );aTe  rise  to  Ncports  in  the  Sixicttith  Century  of  the  Existence  of 
a  h'iih  and Sfilenditi  City  in  South  Anicrini,  published  in  .New  York,  chin;;  to  the  idea; 
and  he  repieseiils  the  lake  somewhat  (loul)liiij;ly  as  in  4"  north,  and  between  60"  and  (13" 
West,  in  the  map  accompanying  hi.s  hook. 

Later  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  marvellous  story  took  on  another  Ruise.  It  wis 
remeinhereil  that  after  die  corK|uesl  of  Peru  a  ;;ieat  emi;;ralion  of  Inca  Indi.ins  had  t.ikeii 
pl.ue  easterly  beyond  die  niouiil.iins,  and  in  the  distant  forests  it  w.is  reputed  they  had 
tsl.dilisheil  a  new  em|)ire  ;  and  the  names  of  I'ayliti  and  Lnim,  already  mentioned,  were 
attached  to  these  new  the.itres  of  Inc.i  ma).;niticence.  Stories  of  this  fabulous  kin;;dom 
cnnlimied  to  be  hatched  well  on  into  the  ei^jhteenth  century,  and  not  a  few  expeditions  of 
more  or  less  imposinij  stren^lli  were  sent  lo  find  this  kiiiijdom.  It  never  has  been  found; 
but, as  .Mr.  Markhain  thinks,  tliere  is  some  reason  to  lielieve  that  the  Inca  Indians  who  tied 
with  Tajiac  Amaru  into  the  forests  may  for  a  considerable  period  have  kept  up  their  civiliza- 
tion somewhere  in  those  v.ist  plains  east  of  the  Amies.  The  same  writer  says  that  the  belief 
was  not  without  supporters  when  he  was  in  I'eril  in  1853  ;  and  he  adds  that  it  is  a  ple.isant 
rellection  that  this  sttny  may  possil)ly  be  true." 

'i'lie  most  consiileralile  attemiit  of  liie  seventeenth  century  lo  make  better  known  the 
course  of  the  Amazon  was  the  expedition  untler  Texeira,  sent  in  i'')39  to  see  if  a  practicable 
way  could  be  found  to  tr.msport  the  treasure  from  I'eni  by  the  Amazon  to  the  .Atlantic  coast. 
.\cufia's  book  on  this  expedition,  AV/iT'i;  <lt\u  ii/iriuiieiito  ilil  ;^riin  A'io  tie  /tis  .ImiUi'/h,* 
pulilishedat  Madrid  in  i()4i.  is  translated  in  .Markham's  /',?//,;i'(y"///t'.////(«^(V/j. published  by 
tlie  I  lakluyt  Society.  It  was  not  till  1707,  when  Samuel  Fritz,  a  liohemian  and  a  nii.isionary, 
published  his  map  of  the  Am.i/.ons  at  Quito,  that  we  find  something  better  than  the  va^;uest 
rielinealion  of  the  course  of  the  great  river.'"' 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  present  essay  to  continue  the  story  of  the  explorations  of 
the  Ama/on  into  more  recent  times  :  but  a  word  maybe  spared  for  the  strani;e  and  sorrow- 
ful ailventuies  along  its  stream,  which  came  in  the  train  of  the  expedition  that  was  sent 


1  This  enuiiierution  has  by  no  means  men- 
tioned all  the  instances  of  similar  acceptance  of 
the  delusion. 

'-  Cf.  liis  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  p.  159;  I'ii-!vs  of 
A'lttiire,  p.  18S.  He  asks  :  "  Can  the  little  reed- 
covered  lake  of  Aniuca  have  given  rise  to  this 
myth?  .  .  .  It  was  besides  an  ancient  custom  of 
dogmatizing  geographers  to  make  all  consider- 
able rivers  originate  in  lakes."  Cf.  also  Hum- 
boldt's Personal  A'arrative  and  Soutliey's  History 
of  Brazil. 

•''  Markham's  Valley  of  the  Amazom,  p.  xlv. 

*    This  book  is  rare.     It  was  ])riced  liy  Rich 


in  1S32  (no.  2J4)  at  ;^8  Sj.  The  uiisatisfaLtnry 
French  translation  by  De  Gomberville  was 
printed  at  Paris  in  1GS2.  Du''osm5  recently  priced 
this  edition  at  1 50  francs.  The  original  Spanish 
is  said  to  have  been  suppressed  by  Philip  IV. 
but  such  stories  are  attached  too  easily  to  books 
become  rare.  There  was  a  copy  in  the  Cooke 
sale  (1SS4,  no.  10).  The  Carh-r-Bro-on  C<ttalo^ue 
(vol.  ii.  no.  4S4)  shows  a  copy. 

'"  It  can  be  found  in  Stocklein's  Keise 
BeschreitniHi^cit,  a  collection  of  Jesuit  letters  from 
all  parts  of  the  World.  Markham's  I'aiUy  of 
till  Amazons,  p.  .\.\.\iii. 


1 


I;' 


1    ( 

I  i 


590 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   01-^   AMERICA. 


1  n 


I,  I 


out  by  the  French  Government  in  1735  to  measure  an  arc  of  the  meridian  in  Peru,  for  com- 
paring the  result  with  a  similar  measurement  in  Lapland.  The  object  war,  to  prove  or 
to  disprove  the  theory  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton  that  the  earth  was  flattened  at  the  poles.  The 
commissioners —  Uouguer,  La  Condamine,  and  Godin  (the  last  accompanied  by  his  wife)  — 
arrived  at  Quito  in  June,  1736.  The  arc  was  measured;  but  the  task  did  not  permit 
them  to  think  of  returning  before  1743,  when  La  Condamine  resolved  to  return  by  descend- 
ing the  Amazon  and  then  making  his  way  to  the  French  colony  of  Cayenne.  He  and  his 
companion,  a  Spanish  gentleman  seeking  some  adventure,  had  their  full  content  of  it, 
but  safely  .iccomplished  the  journey. 

Another  of  the  commissioners,  Godin,  having  tarried  a  few  years  longer  in  Peru,  had 
finally  proceeded  to  Cayenne,  where  he  made  arrangements  for  embarking  for  France. 
Through  the  favor  of  the  Portuguese  Government  he  had  been  provided  with  a  galiot  of 
sixteen  to  twenty  oars  on  a  side,  to  ascend  the  river  and  meet  his  wife,  who  on  receiving  a 
message  from  him  was  to  leave  Peru  with  an  escort  and  come  down  the  river  and  meet 
him.  Illness  finally  prevented  the  husband  from  proceeding  ;  but  he  despatched  the  vessel, 
having  on  board  one  Tristan,  wlio  was  charged  with  a  letter  to  send  ahead.  By  some  faith- 
lessness in  Tristan,  the  letter  miscarried  ;  but  Madame  Godin  sent  a  trusty  messenger 
in  anticipation,  who  fouiid  the  galiot  at  Loreto  awaiting  her  arrival,  and  returned  with  the 
tidings.  The  lady  now  started  witii  her  father  and  two  brothers ;  and  they  allowed  a  cer- 
tain Frenchman  who  called  himself  a  physician  to  accompany  them,  while  her  negro 
servant,  who  had  just  returned  over  the  route,  attended  them,  as  well  as  three  Indian 
women  and  thirty  Indian  men  to  carry  burdens.  They  encountered  the  small-pox  among 
the  river  Indians,  when  their  native  porters  deserted  them.  They  found  two  other  natives, 
who  assisted  them  ;n  building  a  boat;  but  after  two  days  upon  it  these  Indians  also  de- 
serted them.  They  found  another  native,  but  he  was  shortly  drowned.  Then  their  boat 
began  to  leak  and  was  abandoned.  On  pretext  of  sending  assistance  back,  the  French 
physician,  taking  with  him  the  negro,  pushed  on  to  a  settlement ;  but  1  e  forgot  his 
promise,  and  the  faithful  black  was  so  impeded  in  attempting  alone  the  task  of  rescue, 
that  he  arrived  at  the  camp  only  to  find  unrecognizable  corpses.  All  but  the  lady  had 
s'l  cumbed.  She  pushed  on  alone  through  the  wilderness,  encountering  perils  that  a;<p.ill 
as  we  read;  but  in  the  end,  falling  in  with  two  Indians,  she  passed  on  from  one  niission 
station  to    ■■  Aher,  and  reached  the  galiot. 

Thu?  ;  hundred  years  later  than  Orellana,  the  great  river  still  flowed  with  a  story  of 
fearful  hazards  and  treachery. 


CHAPTER    IX. 


I  1 


!  ''•. 


;d  with  a  storv  of 


MAGELLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 

1!Y    REV.   EDWARD   E.    II.VLE,   D.D. 

FERNANDO  DA  MAGALHAENS,  or  Magalhacs,  whom  the  French 
and  English  call  Magellan,  was  a  Portuguese  gentleman  of  good 
family.  He  was  educated,  as  well  as  his  time  knew  how  to  educate  men, 
for  the  business  which  he  followed  through  his  life,  —  that  of  a  navigator 
and  a  discoverer.  He  was  a  child  when  Columbus  first  came  home  success- 
ful from  the  West  Indies;  and  as  a  boy  and  young  man  he  grew  up,  in  the 
Court  of  King  John  the  Second  of  Portugal,  among  people  all  alive  to  the 
exciting  novelties  of  new  adventure.  As  early  as  1505  he  went  to  the  East 
Indies,  where  he  served  the  Portuguese  Government  several  years.  He 
was  in  the  expedition  which  first  discovered  the  Spice  Islands  of  Banda, 
Amboyna,  Ternate,  and  Tidor.  Well  acquainted  with  the  geography  of 
the  East  as  far  as  the  Portuguese  adventurers  had  gone,  he  returned  to 
Portugal. 

King  Emmanuel  was  then  upon  the  throne.  Spain  owes  it  to  an  unjust 
slight  which  Magellan  received  at  the  Portuguese  Court,  that,  under  her 
banner,  this  greatest  of  seamen  sailed  round  the  world  and  solved  the 
problem  of  ages  in  reaching  the  east  by  way  of  the  west.  Magellan  was 
in  the  service  of  the  King  in  Morocco  in  a  war  which  the  Portuguese  had 
on  hand  there.  He  received  a  slight  wound  in  his  knee,  which  made  him 
lame  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  Returning  to  Portugal,  on  some  occasion 
when  he  was  pressing  a  claim  for  an  allowance  customary  to  men  of  his 
rank,  he  was  refused,  and  charged  with  pretending  to  an  injury  which  was 
really  cured.  Enraged  at  this  insult,  he  abandoned  his  country.  He  did 
this  in  the  lordly  style  which  seems  in  keeping  with  a  Portuguese  grandee 
of  his  time.  He  published  a  formal  act  of  renunciation  of  Portugal.  He 
went  to  Spain  and  took  letters  of  naturalization  tlicrc.  In  the  most  formal 
way  he  announced  that  he  was  a  subject  of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  should 
give  service  and  life  to  that  monarch,  if  he  would  use  them. 

Magellan  had  a  companion  in  his  exile ;  this  was  Ruy  Faleiro,  a  gentle- 
man of  Lisbon,  who  had  also  fallen  into  disgrace  at  Court.     Faleiro,^  like 


m 


,\ ; 


\r 


}i 


*  On  Faleiro's  contributions  to  the  art  of  navigation,  see  HumbolUl's  Cosmos,  Eng.  tr.,  ii.  672. 


-J 


59: 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK    AMERICA. 


AUI'OCKAPII    or    MACI.l.I.AN. 


Magellan,  was  a  thorough  geographer;  and  the  two  had  persuaded  chcni- 
selves  that  the  shortest  route  to  the  Spice  Islands  of  the  East  was  to  be 
found  in  crossing  the  Western  Ocean.  We  know  now.  that  in  this  convic- 
tion they  were  wrong.  Any  ordinary  map  of  the  eastern  hemisphere 
includes  the  Spice  Islands  or  Moluccas,  as  well  as  Portugal,  because  the 
distance  in  longitude  east  from  Lisbon  is  less  than  that  of  the  longitude 
measured  west.  It  has  been  proved,  also,  that  the  continent  of  America 
extends  fixrther  south  than  that  of  Africa.  This,  Magellan  and  I'aleiro  did 
not  know ;  but  the}' were  willing  to  take  the  risk  of  it.  Spain  has  alwaj's 
held  the  Philippines,  —  the  prize  which  she  won  as  the  reward  of  IMagellan's 

great  discover)-,  —  under  the  treat}- 
of  1494,  which  gave  to  her  half  ihe 
world  be}-ond  the  meridian  of  three 
hundred  and  se\-ent\'  leagues  west 
from  l-'erro.  She  has  held  it  be- 
cause Magellan  sailed  west,  and  so 
struck  the  Philippines;  but,  in  fact, 
those  islands  lie  witiiin  the  half  of 
the  world  which  the  same  treat}'  ga\'C  to  Portugal. 

By  mistake  or  b}'  design,  the  Philippines,  when  they  were  discoxered, 
were  moved  on  the  maps  twent}--five  degrees  east  of  their  true  position 
on  the  globe.  The  Spaniards  made  the  maps.  The  islands  were  thus 
brought  within  their  half  of  the  world ;  and  this  immense  error  was  not 
corrected  till  the  vovages  of  Dampier.^ 

Charles  \'.  was  no  fool.  He  recognized  at  once  the  value  of  such 
men  as  ]\Iagellan  and  I'aleiro.  lie  heard  and  accepted  their  plan  for  a 
western  vovage  to  the  spice  regions.  On  the  22d  of  March,  1518,  he  bound 
himself  to  fit  out  an  ''.\'])edilion  at  his  own  cost  on  their  plans,  under  Ma- 
gellan's orders,  on  condition  that  the  principal  part  of  the  profits  should 
belong  to  the  Throne.  Through  }'ears  of  intrigue,  public  and  private,  in 
which  the  Spanish  jealous}'  of  Sevillian  merchants  and  others  tried  to 
l)reak  up  the  expedition,  Charles  was,  for  once,  faithful  to  a  promise. 
We  must  not  attempt  here  to  follow  the  sad  histor}'  of  such  intrigues. 
On  the  lOth  of  August,  1519,  the  expedition  sailed  under  Magellan. 
Poor  Faleiro,  alas !  had  gone  crazy  in  the  mean  time.  What  i)roved 
e\'cn  a  greater  misfortune  was  that  Juan  of  Carthagena  was  put  on  board 
the  "  San  Antonio  "  as  a  sort  of  Japanese  sp}'  on  Magellan.  He  was 
the  marplot  of  the  expedition,  as  the  hislor}-  will  show.  He  was  called 
a  r'lYt/cr,  or  ins]iector. 

'   [It  will  be  rcnicnibcicd   thai  tlic   origiii.il  tlio  fust  limit,  li.id  iiegoti.itcd  with  Spain  f(ir  .< 

liiill  of  1493  fixed  the  iiieiidian   100  leagues  (sav  new  limit,    tlic   Pope  assenting;   and  this   linal 

.(00  milcsl  west  of  the  Azotes  or  Cape  lie  Verde  limit  was  confirmed  hv  a  convention  at  Toidesil- 

Islands,  sii|)posinc;  them  to  lie  north  and  south  of  las  at  the  date  above  given.     Cf.   I'opelliniere, 

each  other;  whereas  the  bniit  in  foice  after  June  /a:<  Irci.t  moiuii-s,  I'aris,  i  5S2  ;  liaronius,  .IniiiiU's 

7,  1.(94,  was  370  leagues  (sav  i.oSo  miles)  west  (ed.   bv   lirovius,  Rome),   vol.  xi.\. ;   .Solorzano, 

of  the  .Azores,  since   I'ortngal,  com])laining  of  PoUtiia  huli,iii,i.  —  E.n.l 


, 


MAGKI.L.W  S    DISCOVKKV. 


593 


suaded  chcni- 

last  was  to  be 
II  this  coiivic- 
n  hemisphere 
,  because  the 

tlie  longitude 
It  of  America 
k!  I''aleiro  ilid 
ill  has  ahvaj's 

of  Magelhm's 
ider  tiic  treat)' 
o  her  lialf  ihe 
rid i an  of  three 
■  leaj^ues  west 
is  held  it  be- 
d  west,  and  so 
;;  but,  in  fact, 
lin  the  half  of 

re  discovered i 

true   position 

ids   were   thus 

error  was  not 

I'aluc  of  such 
cir  plan  for  a 
5  1 8,  he  bouiul 
ns,  under  Ma- 
profits  should 
nd  private,  in 
thers  tried  to 
to  a  j)romise. 
ucli    intriL;ues. 

ler    Magellan. 

What   proved 

put  on  board 
ui.     He  was 

le  was   called 


Willi  Spain  for  .i 

;;    and   lliis    tinal 

.Milion  at  Tordcsil- 

Cf.  l'o|ielliiiierc, 
liaioiiius,  Anilities 

xix. ;    Solorzaiio, 


I 


.M.\(;i;i.i.AN.' 

There  is  something  pathetic  in  contrasting  the  magnificent  ficct  with 
which  Magellan  sailed,  under  the  patronage  of  an  em]3eror,  with  the  poor 
little  expedition  of  Columbus.  With  the  new  wealth  of  the  Indies  at  com- 
mand, and  with  the  resources  now  of  a  generation  of  successful  discovery, 
the  Emperor  directed  the  dockyards  of  Seville  to  meet  all  [Magellan's 
wishes  in  the  most  thorough  way.  Xo  man  in  the  world,  perhaps,  knew 
better  than  Magellan  what  he  needed.  The  expedition,  therefore,  sailed 
with  as  perfect  a  material  eiiuipment  as  the  time  knew  how  to  furnish.  It 
consisted   of  five   ships,  —  the   "Trinidad"   and    "San   Antonio,"    each   of 


1  [Fac-.similc  of  an  engraving  in  XavarietL's 
Colcciioii,  vol.  iv.  It  is  aUo  rcpnuluccd  in 
.Stanley's  First  rovdi^i-  yon  ml  th,'  WorU  by  .I/.'- 
gt-llan  (Ilakluyt  Society,  1S74) ;  in  Cladera's 
Investii^iicioncs  hiitoruiis  ;  in  the  Kchuion  ilcl  nl- 
tiino  viiigc  ill  iSlreilio  ilc  Miixilliviis  dc  la  /rai^vlii 
de  S.  J/.  Siinta  .Uiu-in  dc  In  Gih-za  en  los  nnos 
de  17S5  I'  17S6  (Madrid,  t7SS)  ;  in  the  Alli^t-mnnc 
-i-,i;';-,/////.f,-//,'  Ef'heiiu-yidcn  (Xoveinber,  1S04), 
|).  369;  in  Angnst  I'iirck's  Mai^cUan  odc-r  die  erste 
A'eise  mil  die  eide,  l.uipsic,  1844;  in  Kiige's  Ge- 
VOL.   II.  —  75. 


seliielite  des  Zei/iil/ers  der  /inldeel:iiiigeH,  \i.  402 ; 
and  ill  tlie  Ctir/er-/in>:c'ii  C\ifiili%'ne,  i.  Si. 

There  are  two  |>orlraiN  in  I)e  liry,  —  one  a 
full  length  in  the  corner  nf  a  map  of  America 
which  accompanies  the  narrative  of  I!en/oni  in 
])art  vi.,  and  of  Ilerrera  in  |)art  .\ii.  ;  and  the 
other  on  a  map  of  the  two  hemispheres  in  part 
xi. ;  also  repeated  in  Sehonteirs  Jonrnal  (1C18). 
There  are  similar  pictnies  in  Hulsiiis,  parts  vi. 
and  xvi.  C'f.  the  (',t!,il,>gne  (no.  ij;5)  of  the  Gal- 
lery of  the  Xew  York  Historical  Society.  —  Erj.] 


M« 


■' j». 


■V7 

'  K 


I'J 


p: 


ii  I  ifc 


J1  "K'WM"  'i«''if«W 


ZZ-M 


594 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    A.MKRICA. 


>  ; 


Hernando    de    Magallane.?. 

(LvLvaCle  ro     Portiinttcj  .    dcj  cti/}riclar  dzl 
L.ilrccho'  dc  /ii.  nomSrc  , 


MAGKLLAN'.' 

iJO  Spanish  tonclcs,  the  "  Conccpcioii,"  of  90,  the  "Victoria,"  of  85,  —  long 
famous  as  the  one  vessel  whicli  matle  the  whole  vo\'age,  —  and  the  "Santi- 
ago," of  75.  For  the  coa\'enience  of  the  translators  this  Spanish  word  tondcs 
is  generally  rendered  b_\-  the  I'rench  word  tonticaiix  and  the  ICnglish  word 
tons.  Hut  in  point  of  fact  tlie  toitdc  of  Seville  was  one  filth  larger  than  the 
toiidada  of  the  north  of  Spain,  which  nearly  corresponds  to  our  ton ;  awd 
the  vessels  of  ^tlagellan  and  Columbus  were,  in  fact,  so  much  larger  than  the 
size  which  is  generally  assigned  to  them  in  the  popular  liistories.^ 


'  Fac-similc  of  tlic  cngr.iving  in  Ifcrrcr,!,  i.  295. 


-  [S(.c  noU',  \'ol.  II.,  p.  7.  —  I'll] 


'»  ■; 


MAGELLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 


595 


I 


of  85,  —  long, 
1(1  tlic  "  Santi- 
sh  word  touch's 

I'jiLilish  -wore] 
;irycr  than  the 

our  ton ;  aiul 
lari^cr  than  the 


'•  f 
I    1 


K< 


\    \ 

3-  i= 


MAGi:i.I.AN.' 


■  rn.i 


■  Fac-simile  of  the  cncravinfj  in   Ogilln's  Aiiurua   (p.   79),  —  tlic  same  iisetl  in  Montanns's 


596 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


"!; 

<  ni'-  n 

WWBH 

i 


On  the  20th  of  September  the  fleet  had  cleared  the  River  Guadalquivir, 
and  was  fairly  at  sea.  Six  days  afterward  it  touched  at  Tenerifie  for  sup- 
plies ;  and  here  was  the  first  quarrel  between  Magellan  and  his  \vatchnian, 
Juan  de  Carthagena.  Up  to  this  point  entire  secrecy  had  been  maintained 
by  Magellan  as  to  the  route  to  be  pursued.  Juan  de  Carthagena  claimed 
the  right  to  be  informed  of  all  things  regarding  it.  Magellan  refused, 
probabl)'  with  considerable  scorn.  When  off  Sierra  Leone,  a  few  days 
after,  a  similar  quarrel  broke  out;  Magellan  arrested  Carthagena  with  his 
own  hand,  and  put  him  in  the  stocks.  Of  course  this  was  an  insult  the 
most  keen,  and  was  meant  to  be.  The  other  captains  begged  Magellan  to 
release  the  prisoner,  and  he  did  so;  but  still  he  kept  him  under  the  arrest 
of  one  of  their  number. 

From  Sierra  Leone  they  ran  across  to  Brazil  and  anchored  again  for  sup- 
plies in  the  magnificent  Bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro.  By  their  narrative,  indccil. 
on  the  return  of  the  first  vessel,  was  this  great  estuary  made  widel)'  known 
to  the  world.  It  is  now  known  that  ^Ligellan  was  not  the  first  disc(j\(jrer. 
I'ero  Lopez  had  explored  the  bay  five  }'ears  before ;  and  as  early  as  1 5  1 1  a 
trader  named  John  of  Braga,  probably  a  Portuguese,  was  established  on  one 
of  its  fertile  islands.  Indeed,  it  is  said  that  the  hardy  seamen  of  Dieppe 
had  been  there  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  century.  Its  first  name 
was  the  Bay  of  Cabo-Frio. 

The  meridian  of  Alexander's  Bull  had  been  meant  to  leave  all  the 
American  discoveries  in  the  possession  of  the  King  of  Spain.  But,  unfor- 
tunately for  him,  Brazil  runs  so  far  out  to  the  east  that  a  meridian  three 
hundred  and  seventy  leagues  west  of  the  Azores  gives  Portugal  a  considerable 
part  of  it;  and  in  point  of  fact  the  western  boundary  of  l^razil  has  been 
accommodated  quite  nearly  to  the  imaginary  line  of  the  Pope.  To 
Magellan  and  his  company  it  made  no  difference  whether  they  were  on 
Portuguese  or  Spanish  soil.  The\-  found  the  Brazilians  friendly.  "  Though 
they  are  not  Christians,  the\-  are  not  idolaters,  for  they  adore  nothing. 
Natural  instinct  is  their  only  law." 

This  is  the  phrase  of  Pigafetta,  the  young  Italian  gentleman  to  whose 
iKUVc  book  we  owe  our  best  and  fullest  account  of  the  great  vo)'age.  It  is 
clear  enough  that  all  the  crews  enjoyed  their  stay  in  the  Bay  of  Santa  Lucia, 
by  which  name  they  called  our  Ba\'  of  Rio  tie  Janeiro.  It  was  in  the  heart 
of  the  Brazilian  summer,  for  they  arrived  on  the  13th  of  December.  They 
had  been  nearly  three  months  at  sea,  and  were  well  disposed  to  enjoy  trop- 
ical luxuries ;  and  here  they  stayed  thirteen  days.  Pigafetta  describes  the 
Brazilian  hammocks ;  ^  and  from  his  description  luirope  has  taken  that 
word.  The  same  mav  perhaps  be  said  of  the  mysterious  word  "  canoe," 
which  appears  in  his  narrative  under  the  spelling  "  canots."  ^ 


'  TJul  tlic  word  /iiuiiiu-  is  Ifaytian,  not  T5ia-  ,130.     [Of.  Scliomburgk's  /ii!M!;/i's  VisaKcij  oj 

zilian.     The  liamiuock  itsclt   liatl  been  noticed  Guiaiuu  pp-  40'  <^5-  —  ''"'^'l 
by  Columbus.     Peter  S\\\\\.\r  describes  it,   .ind  -'  [.Sec  p.  17  of  Vol.  II.,  for  a  contcmpor.ir7 

Oviedo  tiifMrcs  it  in  narrating  tlic  second  vov-  drawin.u  of  a  canoe.  —  En.l 


MAGELLAN'S   DISCOVERY. 


597 


It  was  Pigafctta's  first  taste  of  the  luxuries  of  the  South  American  fields 
and  forests,  and  he  delighted  in  their  cheapness  and  variety.     "  For  a  king 
of  clubs  I  bought  six  chickens,"  he  writes ;   "  and  )et  the  Brazilian  thought 
he  had  made  the  best  bargain,"  —  as,  indeed,  in  the  condition  of  the  fine 
arts    at    Santa    Lucia, 
he  had.      A  knife  or  a 
hook,  however,  bought 
no  mure ;   yet  the  na- 
ti\es   had   no  tools   of 
metal.        Their    large 
canoes,    which    would 
carry   thirty    or    forty 
people,  were  painfully 
dug  out  by  knives  of 
stone  from    the   great 
trees  of  which   they 
were  made.   The  Span- 
iards ate  the   pine- 
apple for  the  first  time. 
Pigafetta   does    not 
seem   to   have  known 
the  sugar-cane  before ; 
and   he   describes    the 
sweet  potato  as  a  nov- 
elty.    "  It  has  almost  the  form  of  our  turnip,  and  its  taste  resembles  that 
of  chestnuts."     Here,  also,  he  gives  the  name  "  patata,"  which  has  clung 
to  this  root,  and   has   been   transferred   to   the  white   potato  also.     For  a 
ribbon,  or  a  hawk's  bell,  the  natives  sold  a  "  basketful."     Their  successors 
would  doubtless  do  the  same  now. 

The  Spaniards  found  the  Brazilians  perfectly  willing  to  trade.  They 
went  wholly  naked,  —  men  and  women.  Their  houses  were  long  cabins.^ 
The  people  told  stories,  which  the  navigators  believed,  of  the  very  great 
age  of  their  old  men,  extending  it  even  to  one  hundred  and  forty  years. 
They  owned  that  they  were  cannibals  on  occasion ;  but  the}'  seem  to  have 
eaten  human  flesh  only  as  a  symbol  of  triumph  over  conquered  enemies. 
They  painted  their  bodies,  and  wore  their  hair  short.  Pigafetta  says  it  was 
woolly;  but  this  must  have  been  a  mistake.  Although  he  says  they  go 
naked,  he  describes  a  sort  of  vest    made   of  paroquet's  feathers.     Almost 


INDIAN    BEDS. 


1  ['Phis  is  Bciizoni's  representation  of  tlie 
hnmmocks  wliich  are  used  by  the  natives  of 
the  northern  shores  of  South  America  (edi- 
tion of  1573,  p.  56).  See  also  the  second  vol- 
ume, p.  II.  —  En.] 

•^  Which  they  called  hoi,  according  to  Pi- 
gafetta ;  but  this  name  has  not  been  traced 
since  his  time.  The  I'ra/ilian  name  of  hon>e 
was  oca.     Of  twelve  "  Brazilian  "  words  given 


in  I'igafctta,  five  found  their  way  into  Eu- 
ropean langu.ages.  TUit,  oddly  enough,  three 
of  these  were  not  Brazilian,  but  vere  "  ship- 
language,"  and  borrowed  from  the  West  Indies. 
These  are  caoiih  for  "  king,"  hamac  for  "  bed," 
iihiiz  for  "  millet :  "  perhaps  caiiot  is  to  be  added. 
But  Si'tebos,  the  name  of  their  god  or  devil,  is 
Pigafetta's  own.  Shakspeare  was  struck  by  it, 
and  gives  it  to  Caliban's  divinitv. 


•'  'I 

*   'I 


!►  \il 


I 


I  : 


i  I 


598 


NAKRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTOKV    OK   AMERICA. 


111! 


fi 


u 


in 


C 


*  f  V  part  of  the  "  Tabula  Terra  Nova  "  in  the 
Ptcleniy  of  1522,  showing  the  acts  of  cannibals. 
Similar    representations    appeared    on    various 


all  the  men  had  the 
lower  lip  pierced  with 
three  holes,  and  wore 
in  them  little  c\lin- 
ders  of  stone  two 
inches  long.  They 
ate  cassava  bread, 
made  in  round  white 
cakes  from  the  root 
of  the  manioc.^  The 
vo)-ajjers  also  ob- 
served the  pccari'' 
and  those  cnrious 
ducks  "  whose  beak 
is  like  a  spoon,"  de- 
scribed by  later  trav- 
ellers.* 

.(\fter  a  pleasant 
stay  of  thirteen  days 
in  this  bay,  Magellan 
took  the  squadron  to 
the  embouchure  of 
the  River  La  Plata, 
which  had  been  dis- 
covered four  j-ears 
before  by  Juan  Diaz 
de  Solis,  who  lost  his 
life  there.  The  Span- 
iards believed  the 
tribe  of  the  Oue- 
randis,  before  whose 
terrible  bolas  he  had 
fallen,  to  be  canni- 
bals;   and  they  were 


other  maps  of  South  Amer- 
ica. Of.  Miinster's  map  of 
1540.  Vespucius,  in  his  let- 
ter to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
was  tlie  first  to  describe  the 
cannibalism  of  the  Brazil- 
ians. Cf.  Thevet,  Singular- 
itez  de  la  France  antarctiqiie, 
chap.  .\1.,  on  their  cannibal- 
ism. —  Ed.) 

2  Jatropha  manihot. 

*  Sus  dorso  cistifero  (LinnKus). 

■•  Anas    rostro    piano  ad   verticem  dilatato 
(Linnxus). 


OS 


H 

C 


f- 
< 

0. 


CA. 

icn  had  tlu 
pierced  with 
cs,  and  wore 
little  cylin- 
stone  two 
ong.  The)' 
i'dva  bread, 
round  white 
am  the  root 
[inioc.^  The 
rs  also  ob- 
he  pecari'' 
L)sc  curious 
whose  beak 
spoon,"  (le- 
>y  later  trav- 

a  pleasant 
:hirtcen  days 
ay,  Magellan 

squadron  to 
aouchure  of 
:y  La  Plata, 
id  been  dis- 

four  years 
y  Juan  Diaz 

who  lost  his 
The  Span- 

lieved  the 
the     Oue- 

efore  whose 
w/as  he  had 
be    canni- 

d  they  were 

of  South  Air.er- 
iinster's  map  of 
uciiis,  in  his  let- 
nzo  de'  Medici, 
to  describe  the 
of  the  Ihazil- 
hevet,  Si/it;ii/tii- 
iiiice  autarctiqnc, 
1  their  cannibal' 

ha  manihot. 
us). 
rticem  dilatato 


MAGELLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 


599 


probably  right  in  this  supposition.  Continuing  the  voyage  southward, 
Magellan's  fleet  observed  the  two  islands  now  marked  as  the  "  I'enguins  " 
and  "  Lions."  The  historian  of  the  voyage  notes  the  penguins  and  "  sea- 
wolves  "  which  were  then  observed  there.  Passing  these  islands,  they 
opened  a  harbor,  since  known  as  Port  Desire,  where  they  spent  the  South- 
ern winter.  It  is  near  the  latitude  of  50°  south.  Magellan  supposed  it  to 
be  in  49"  18'.  Hardly  had  they  arrived  in  this  harbor,  in  itself  sufficiently 
inhospitable,  when  the  mutiny  broke  out  which  had  been  brewing,  proba- 
bly, since  Magellan's  first  insult  to  John  of  Carthagcna.  The  announce- 
ment made  by  Magellan  that  they  were  to  winter  here  gave  the  signal  for 
the  revolt.  On  Palm  Sunday,  which  fell  on  the  1st  of  April  that  j-ear,  he 
invited  the  captains  and  pilots  to  meet  on  his  vessel  to  attend  Mass  and  to 
dine  with  him.  Two  of  the  captains,  Mesquita  and  De  Coca,  accepted  the 
invitation  and  came  with  their  staffs.  Mendoza  and  Ouesada  did  not  come. 
Juan  de  Carthagena,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  under  arrest,  and  ho,  of 
course,  was  not  invited.  The  same  night  Ouesada,  \  i  De  Carthagena 
and  thirty  men,  crossed  from  the  "  Conception  "  to  the  "  San  Antonio," 
and  made  an  effort  to  take  Mesquita  prisoner.  At  fir^^t  they  succeeded ; 
but  the  ship's  master,  Eliorraga,  defended  him  and  his  so  bravely  that,  with 
succor  from  Magellan,  he  retained  the  command.  The  purpose  of  the 
conspirators  seems  to  have  been  simply  to  return  to  Spain  without  winter- 
ing in  so  bleak  a  home.  The  three  rebels  sent  to  I\Iagellan  to  say  that  they 
would  recognize  him  as  their  commander,  but  they  were  siu-e  that  the  King 
did  not  propose  such  an  undertaking  as  this  to  which  he  was  committing 
them.  Of  course,  under  the  guise  of  respect,  this  was  to  exact  submission 
from  him.  Magellan  bade  them  come  on  board  the  flagship.  They  re- 
fused. Magellan  kept  the  boat  which  they  then  sent  him,  and  despatched 
six  men,  under  Espinosa,  to  the  "Victoria"  to  summon  Mendoza.  Men- 
doza answered  with  a  sneer.  Espinosa  at  once  stabbed  him  in  the  neck, 
and  a  sailor  struck  hini  down  with  a  cutlass.  Magellan  then  sent  another 
boat,  with  fifteen  men,  who  took  possession  of  the  "  Victoria."  In  every 
case  the  crews  seem  to  have  taken  his  side  against  their  own  captains. 
The  next  day,  the  3d  of  April,  he  obtained  full  possession  of  the  "  San- 
tiago "  and  "  Conception." 

On  the  4th  o'.  that  month  he  quartered  the  body  of  Mendoza  and  pub- 
lished his  senter  cc  as  a  traitor.  On  the  7th  he  beheaded  Quesada,  whose 
own  servant,  Molino,  volunteered  as  executioner.  When  Drake  arrived 
here,  fifty-eight  years  after,  he  supposed  he  found  the  bones  of  Mendoza 
or  Quesada  under  a  gibbet  which  was  still  standing.  Juan  de  Cartha- 
gena and  the  priest  Pedro  Sanchez  de  la  Reina  were  convicted  as  part- 
ners in  the  mutiny,  and  sentenced  to  remain  when  the  ships  sailed. 
This  sentence  was  afterwards  executed.  Alagellan  doubtless  felt  that 
these  examples  were  sufficient,  and  he  pardoned  forty  of  the  crew ;  but, 
as  the  reader  will  see,  the  spirit  which  prompted  the  mutiny  was  not 
yet  extinguished. 


«  1 


^*  ) 


I 

ti 


W 


6oo 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


n 


% 


|i|: 


They  had  lived  here  two  montlis  without  scciiii;  any  of  tlie  natives,  when 
one  day,  accorchiig  to  the  narrative  of  I'iyafetta,  a  giant  appeared  to  tlieni 
wlien  they  least  (.•xptcted  to  sec  any  one.  "  lie  was  sin^'inj;  and  danein^' 
on  the  sand,  and  throwing;  chisl  upon  his  head,  almost  naked.  'Ihc  eaptain 
sent  one  of  our  sailors  on  shore,  with  orders  to  make  the  same  jjestures  as 
tokens  of  peace.  This  the  man  did;  he  was  understood,  antl  the  giant 
permitted  himself  to  be  led  to  a  little  island  where  the  capt.iin  had  landed. 
1  was  there  also,  with  many  others.  Tiie  ;^iant  expressed  much  astonish- 
ment at  sc.'  us.  He  pointed  to  heaven,  ;uul  undoubtedly  meant  to  say 
that  he  thought  wo  descended  from  heaven. 

"This  man,"  continues  I'igafetta,  "  was  so  tall  that  our  h.eatls  hardly  came 
up  to  his  belt.  lie  was  well  formed;  Iiis  face  was  broad  and  colored  with 
red,  excepting  that  his  eyes  were  surrounded  with  yellow,  and  he  had  two 
heart-shaped  spots  upon  his  cheeks.  He  had  but  little  hair,  and  this  was 
whit(;ned  with  a  sort  of  |50wder.  ilis  dress,  or  rather  cloak,  was  made  of 
furs  well  sewed,  —  taken  from  an  animal  well  known  in  this  region,  as  we 
afterwards  found.     He  also  wore  shoes  of  the  same  skin." 

It  seems  desirable  to  coj^y  this  description  in  detail,  because  here  begins 
in  literature  the  vexed  question  as  to  the  existence  of  giants  in  Patagonia. 
Whether  there  ever  were  any  there  is  now  doubted,  though  the  name 
"  Patagonian  "  is  the  synonynie  of  giant  in  every  European  language.  While 
the  narrative  of  Pigafetta  is  thus  distinct  in  s.iying  tliat  one  giant  only 
appeared  at  first,  another  authorit)*,  with  equal  definiteness,  says  that  six 
men  appeared ;  and  it  afterwards  appears  that  two  of  these,  at  least,  were 
larger  than  the  Spaniards. 

The  comparison  of  the  details  of  this  last  narrative  in  Herrera  with  that 
of  Pigafetta  illustrates  curiously  the  perplexity  of  all  historical  inquiry; 
for  we  arc  here  distinctly  told  that  there  were  si.x  who  appeared  on  the 
shore  and  seemed  willing  to  come  on  board.  A  boat  was  sent  for  them, 
and  they  embarked  on  the  flagship  without  fear.  Once  on  deck,  the 
Spaniards  offered  them  a  kettle  full  of  biscuit,  —  which  was  enough,  as 
they  supposed,  for  twenty  men ;  but,  with  the  appetite  of  hungry  Indians, 
the  six  devoured  it  all  immediately.  They  wore  mantles  of  furs,  and 
carried  bows  and  arrows.  The  bows  were  about  half  a  fathom  long ;  the 
arrows  were  barbed  with  sharp  stones.  All  were  shod  with  large  shoes, 
like  the  giant. 

On  another  day  two  Indians  brought  on  board  a  tapir,  and  it  proved 
that  their  dresses  were  made  from  the  fur  of  this  animal.  Magellan  gave 
them  in  exchange  two  red  dresses,  with  which  they  were  well  satisfied.  It 
is  not  till  the  next  day  that  Herrera  places  the  visit  of  the  giant.  That 
author  says  that  the  Indian  expressed  a  wish  to  become  a  Christian,  and 
that  the  Spaniards  gave  him  the  name  of  John.  Seeing  the  crew  throwing 
some  mice  overboard,  he  ;isked  that  they  might  be  given  to  him  to  eat. 
l'"or  six  days  he  took  all  liie  mice  the  ship  could  furnish,  lUid  was  never 
afterward  seen. 


ICA. 


iMAGHLLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 


60 1 


natives,  when 
.-aretl  to  tlicin 

and  daiiciii}.' 
The  captain 
le  gestures  as 
uul  the  "^iant 
I  had  landed. 
uch  astonish- 

nieant  to  say 

s  hardly  came 
1  colored  with 
d  he  had  two 
,  and  this  was 
was  made  of 
ref^ion,  as  we 

>e  here  begins 

in  I'atagonia. 

<^h    the    name 

;uage.     While 

ne  {jiant  only 

says  that  six 

at  least,  were 

rcra  with  that 

ical  inquiry; 
ared  on  the 
nt  for  them, 
n  deck,  the 
cnouL^h,  as 

ngry  Indians, 
of   furs,  and 

)m  long ;  the 
large  shoes, 

md  it  proved 

agellan  gave 

satisfied.     It 

iant.     That 

Christian,  and 

ew  throwing 

him  to  eat. 

d  was  never 


More  than  twenty  days  hiter,  four  Indians  of  the  first  party  returned 
to  the  ships,  and  .Magellan  gave  orders  that  two  of  them  mIiouUI  be  sei/etl 
to  carry  home.  The  men  were  so  large  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  make 
them  prisoners  without  treachery.  Loading  the  poor  giants  with  more 
gifts  than  they  could  well  carry,  they  finally  asked  each  to  accept  an  iron 
chain,  fitted  with  nuuuicles.  The  two  Indians  were  eager  enough  to  accept 
the  fatal  present,  and  were  easily  persuaded  to  have  the  chains  fastened 
to  their  legs,  that  they  might  the  more  easily  carry  them  away.  They  found, 
alas!  as  so  many  other  men  have  found,  that  what  they  took  for  ornament 
was  a  cruel  snare;  but,  thus  crippled,  they  were  overpowereil.  Their 
screams  of  rage  were  heard  by  tiieir  companions  on  short-.  It  was 
after  this  treachery  that  the  natives  first  attacked  the  .Spaniards.  .Seeing 
fires  at  night,  Magellan  landeil  a  party  for  exiiloration.  Seven  .Spaniards 
founil  the  tracks  of  Indians  and  followed  them  ineffectuallj'.  .\s  they 
returned,  however,  nine  Iiulians  followed,  attacked  them,  and  killed  one 
Castilian.  But  for  their  shields,  all  the  Spaniards  woukl  have  been  killed. 
The  S[)aniards  closed  upon  them  with  their  knives,  and  put  them  to  fiight, 
visited  their  camp,  and  feastetl  from  the  store  of  meat  they  found  there. 
The  next  day  Magellan  sent  a  larger  party  on  shore  and  buried  the  dead 
Castilian. 

The  reader  is  now  in  [jossession  of  all  the  statements  from  which  we  are 
to  decide  the  much-disputed  question  whether,  in  the  time  of  Magellan, 
I'atagonia  was  a  land  of  giants.  He  is  to  remember  that  I'igafetta,  who  was 
the  friend  and  fellow-voyager  of  the  giant  Paul,  one  of  the  two  captives, 
does  not  in  other  instances  go  out  of  his  way  to  invent  the  marvellous, 
though  he  often  does  repeat  marvellous  stories  which  have  been  related  by 
others.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  none  of  the  voyagers  pretend  to  have  seen 
any  large  number  of  Patagonians.  The  largest  number  seen  at  one  time 
was  nine;  and  even  if  these  were  different  from  the  si.x  who  came  to  the 
ship,  fifteen  is  the  largest  number  of  the  native  visitors  to  the  squadron. 
Of  these,  according  to  one  account,  in  which  three  at  least  of  the  authorities 
agree,  two  are  of  extraordinary  height,  so  that  the  heads  of  the  Spaniards 
reached  only  to  their  girdles.  It  is  also  said  that  the  feet  or  shoes  of  all 
were  large,  "  but  not  disproportionate  to  their  stature."  For  three  hundred 
years,  on  this  testimony,  it  was  perhaps  generally  believed  that  the  Patago- 
nians were  very  large  men.  The  statement  was  positively  made  that  they 
were  nine  feet  high.  But  as  other  voyagers,  especially  in  this  century,  more 
and  more  often  brought  home  accounts  in  which  no  such  giants  appeared, 
there  was  an  increasing  distrust  of  the  original  Spanish  narrative. 

Especially  when  navigators  had  to  do  with  the  wretched  Kemcncttes 
and  Karaikes  of  the  Straits,  who  arc  a  tribe  of  reall\'  insignificant  .stature, 
was  indignation  liberally  bestowed  on  the  old  traveller's  story ;  and  when, 
in  1837,  the  original  narrative  of  the  Genoese  pilot  was  brought  to  light  by 
Navarrcte,  —  a  simple  and  unexaggerated  story ;  when  it  proved  that  he 
made  no  allusion  whatever  to  any  persons  of  remarkable  height,  —  the  whole 

VOL.  II.  —  76. 


i 

t 

I, 

I 


I 


4IL 


I' 

I 


602 


NAKKAIIVL   AM)   CUITIi  AI.    HISTORY    Dl'   AMliKiCA. 


1' 


giiiiit  story  was  ilcclarctl  In  Ijc  an  invention  of  ri^^afotta,  and  liic  yiyantic 
si/c  of  tl)o  I'atagonians  was  Ocnoiiiicctl  as  a  mere  traveller's  fable.  Such 
criticism  probably  y;oes  too  far. 

The  simple  facts  may  l)c  taken,  ami  the  hasty  inference  may  be  dis- 
regarded. i'A'ery  traveilinj^  showman  will  testify  to  the  fact  that  there 
occasionally  appear  men,  even  under  the  restrictions  of  civilization,  who  are 
so  tall  that  the  Spani.uds,  not  of  a  large  race,  woukl  only  CMue  to  their 
girdles.'     If  I'igafetla  is  to  be   believed,  two   such  men  came  to  Magella  I's 

squadron.  Tall  men 
came  to  Cook's  st|uad- 
ron  at  I  lonolulu,  a  hun- 
dred jears  ago,  who 
were  quite  above  the 
—•  average  of  hi 


s  men. 
Magellan  supposicl 
that  these  were  t\pical 
men,  that  they  were 
specimens  of  their  race. 
Because  he  supposed  so 
he  captured  iIriu  and 
tried  to  carry  them  to 
Spain.  Magellan  was 
mistaken.  They  were 
not  specimens  of  their 
race ;  they  were  ex- 
traordinary exceptions 
to  it.  lint  the  ready 
tribe  of  geograjjliers, 
eager  to  accept  marvels 
from  the  New  World, 
at  once  formed  the  conclusion  that  because  these  two  were  so  large,  all 
Patagonians  would  prove  to  be  so. 

Pigafetta  drew  no  such  inference,  nor  is  there  any  evidence  that  the 
Spaniards  ever  did.  On  the  other  hand,  six  Spaniards,  with  their  knives, 
closed  fearlessly  on  nine  of  these  men,  and  routed  them  in  a  hand-to-hand 
fight.  We  may  fairly  conclude  that  the  delusion  which  modern  criticism 
ha.s  dispelled  was  not  intentionally  called  into  being  by  the  navigators,  but 
was  rather  the  deduction  drawn  from  too  narrow  premises  by  credulous 
Europe.'' 

1  O'lirien,  the  Irish  giant,  was  eiglit  feet  four  Patagonians  in  Thevet's  La  France  antarctique, 

inches  high.     His  slveleton  is  in  the  College  of  Gaffarcl's  ed.,    p.    287.      Schoutcn   testifies   to 

Surgeons  in  London.  finding  bones  in  a  grave  ten  feet  and  more  of 

-  [Fac-simile  of  a  part  of   the  cut  of  Porto  stature;  and  Pernetty's  foya^e  aiix  Isles  RIalo- 

Desire  (no.  22)  in  Leniaire's  Speculum  orientalis  nines  (Paris,  1 770)  gives   the   testimony  of  an 

occi Jentiilisque,  ftXC;  1599. — Kl).]  engraving  to  their  large  stature  (Field,  Indian 

^  [Cf.   note  on   the   alleged     height   of   the  Bibliography,  no.  1,200).     There  is  a  cut  of  two 


giant's  skkleion  at  PORIO  DKSIRK.'' 


MAOIILI.AN'S   DISCOVllKV. 


603 


'Iho  next  >  oya^crs  wlio  saw  tlicsc  poopk-  were  Drake's  party.  I'Metclier, 
wrilint;  '■>  *''^'  World  Junoii/ftissii/,  alter  tifiy-eiylit  years,  sa\  s  distinctly 
in  his  narr.Uivo  of  Dralic's  arrival  at  tliis  same  Tort  Julian:  "  \Vc  liail  no 
sooner  landed  i\\M\  t'wo  young  giivtts  repaired  to  them."  .\j;ain,  speaking 
of  the  same  ii  terview,  "  lie  was  visited  by  two  of  the  iiihahil.iiUs,  w  hum 
Maj,fellan  named  I'ata^'oiis,  or  rather  I'entaguiirs,  from  their  lui;^e  stature." 
And  afterward  he  resumes  the  matter  in  these  words;  "  Magellanc  was  not 
allo^'ether  deceived  in  naming  them  ^'iaiits,  for  they  generally  differ  from 
the  conunon  sort  of  men 
both  in  stature,  bif^ness,  and 
strength  of  boily,  as  also 
in  the  liideousness  of  their 
voice.  Hut  yet  they  are 
nothing  so  monstrous  or 
fjiaut-like  as  they  are  re- 
ported, tiiere  beincj  some 
Kui^lishuuii  as  tali  as  the 
hij^hest  of  any  we  could 
see.  liut  peradventure  the 
Spaniards  did  not  think 
that  ever  any  lui^lislnnan 
would  come  thither  to  re- 
pro\'e  them,  and  thereupon 
niii^'ht  presume  the  more 
bcjjdly  to  lie,  —  the  name 
Pentajjones,  five  cubits,  vi/. 
seven  foot  and  half,  ile- 
scribing  the  full  height  (if 
not  somewhat  more)  of  the 
hij^hest  of  them." 

This   last   sneer   is    in 
Fletcher's  worst  vein.     The 

etymology  of  "  Pentagoncs "  is  all  his  own.  Magellan's  people  s.ny  dis- 
tinctly that  they  named  the  Patagonians  from  their  large  feet,  —  taking  the 
phrase  "  large  feet"  from  the  large  shoes  which  they  wore  to  protect  their 


QUONlA.NUiEC* 


enormous  Patagonians  standing  liesiilc  a  Kuro- 
pc.in  in  Hon  Casimiro  dc  Ortega'.^  A\.sii»ii'i 
fiiitdriio  del  primer  viage  lu\ho  ill  rcilcdor  del 
mundo,  emprendido  por  Hernando  de  Mii/^iilhines 
(M.idrid,  1769).  Statements  of  tlieir  unusual 
height  have  been  insisted  upon  even  in  our  d.iy 
by  travellers.  One  of  the  most  trustworthy 
of  recent  explorers  (1869-1870)  of  Patagonia, 
Lieutenant  G.  C.  Musters,  says  that  the  men 
average  six  feet,  some  reaching  six  feet  four 
inches;  while  the  average  of  the  women  is  five 
feet  four.—  Ed.1 


'  [Fac-simile  of  a  cop])cr-platc  engraving  in 
the  I'jiglisli  version  of  'riuvct's  Pi'ilnuliires  ttiid 
Lives  a|)pLiKled  to  North's  Pinliirc/i  (Cambridge, 
England)  p.  86.  Thevct  in  his  text  s.ays  of  this 
"giant-like  man,"  "I  have  seen  him  and  suffi- 
ciently observed  him  upon  the  Kiver  of  Janaira. 
lie  had  a  great  body,  jiroportioiiablv  gross, 
exceeding  strong.  His  portraiture  I  brought 
from  that  country,  with  two  green  stones  in  his 
checks  and  one  on  his  chin."  —  Kn] 


«' 


(I 


ijfclM 


604 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


\\n 


feet  from  cold.  The  language  is  distinct:  "Their  shoes  go  four  inches 
above  the  great  toe,  and  the  space  is  filled  with  straw  to  keep  them  trom 
the  cold."  These  shoes,  of  this  same  form,  are  figured  by  modern  artists, 
who  have  drawn  for  us  the  Tchuelches  of  to-day.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  the  false  etymology  which  made  "  Patagonian "  mean  "  Five-cubit 
man  "  was  the  real  foundation  for  the  general  notion  of  the  gigantic  size 
of  the  race. 

From  these  winter  quarters  Magellan  despatched  the  "Sant  lago"  to 
examine  the  coast.  The  vessel  was  unfortunately  lost  on  the  rocks,  but  all 
the  crew  were  saved.  Two  sailors  returned  to  the  rest  of  the  squadron 
with  news  of  the  disaster,  and  the  commander  sent  back  supplies.  They 
were  near  a  hundred  miles  away  from  him,  but  he  kept  them  supplied 
with  provisions ;  and  they  were  able  to  rescue  a  part  of  the  stores  and 
equipage  of  their  vessel.  At  the  end  of  two  months,  in  which  they 
encamped  upon  the  shore,  they  rejoined  him.  It  is  observed  that  wi'.h 
them  the  winter  was  so  cold  that  for  water  for  their  daily  use  they  wire 
obliged  to  melt  ice. 

After  taking  possession  of  Patagonia  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
by  planting  a  standard  on  a  hill  which  they  called  Monte  Cristo,  Magellan 
sailed  on  the  24th  of  August  from  this  inhospitable  bay.  Ho  now  carried 
out  the  cruel  sentence  of  the  Court  on  Juan  dc  Carthagena  and  the  priest 
Pedro  Sanchcs.  He  landed  them  with  a  supply  of  biscuit  and  wine,  and 
left  them  to  their  fate. 

Two  days  after,  following  the  coast,  he  entered  the  River  of  Santa  Cruz 
and  narrowl)'  escaped  shipwreck  there.  He  was  able  to  supply  himself 
with  wood,  water,  and  fish.  On  the  nth  of  October  he  observed  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun.' 

Still  keeping  on,  during  the  2ist  of  October,  the  day  which  the  Church 
consecrated  to  the  "  Eleven  thousand  Virgins,"  they  discovered  a  strait,  to 
which  Magellan  gave  that  name.  It  was  the  entry  to  the  famous  channel, 
four  hundred  and  forty  miles  long,  according  to  his  estimate,  which  has 
for  so  many  years  borne  his  name.  The  depth  uf  water  near  the  shore, 
which  has  since  been  observed,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  mountains  which  looked  down  upon  it  were  high,  and  covered 
with  snow. 

The  crew  and  the  captains,  even  after  the  hard  experience  of  the 
mutineers,  did  not  hesitate  to  express  their  unwillingness  to  enter  the  blind 
and  narrow  chamicl  before  them.  I\Iagellan  summoned  the  commanders 
and  made  to  them  a  formal  declaration,  of  which  the  substance  has  been 
preserved.  He  told  them  that  their  sovereign  and  his  had  sent  them  for 
this  very  purpose,  to  discover  this  strait  and  to  pass  through  it.  If  they 
were  faithless  as  to  its  issue,  he  declared  that  he  had  seen  in  the  archixes 
cf  the  King  of  Portugal  a  ni.q),  tlrawn  h_\'  Martin  Pel'.aini,  in  which  the  sti'ait 


'   lU-ireia  gives  the  obscrv.ition  in  sniiK-  detail;  but  M.  Cliarton  says  it  was  not  visible  tli  ;rc. 


IICA. 


MAGELLAN'S   DISCOVERY. 


605 


0  four  inches 
cp  them  trom 
lodcrn  artists, 
quite   possible 

1  "  ]""ivc-cubit 
:  gigantic  size 

■iant  lago"  to 
rocks,  but  all 
the  squadron 
pplics.  They 
:hem  supplied 
:he  stores  and 
n  which  they 
■ved  that  wi'.h 
use  they  \vt  re 

King  of  Spain, 
•isto,  Magellan 
le  now  carried 
and  the  priest 
and  wine,  and 

of  Santa  Cruz 
supply  himself 
ved  an  eclipse 

:h  tlic  Church 

red  a  strait,  to 
mous  channel, 
itc,  which  has 
ear  the  shore, 
the  Spaniards, 
and    covered 

rience  of  the 
enter  the  blind 
commanders 
uice  has  been 

sent  them  for 
th  it.  If  they 
n  the  archives 

hich  the  strait 

lot  visible  til  ;re. 


was  indicated,  and  that  it  opened  into  the  western  ocean.     The  squadron 
should  not  turn  back,  he  said ;   and  he  gave  his  order  for  the  cuaiinuation 


I'lCiAl'tn'AS    MAI'.' 

of  the  voyage  in  this  determination.     If  the  vessels  separated,  the  com- 
mander  of  each  was  to   keep  on   until   he    had    reached    the    latitude  of 

'  [This  fac-siinilc  is  made  from  tlic  eiit,  ji.  40  I'an  ix  (iSoi).  The  rcailer  will  observe  that  the 
of  the  French  edition  of  Amoretti's  Premier  north  is  at  the  bottom  of  the  mai).  There  is  n 
voyiige    iiiitour  ,h(   inoih/e   par   J^ii;,i/eflii,    Paris,     reversed  sketch  of  it  elsewhere.  —  Kd.  | 


I 


if 


Kv 


i*''4 


6o6 


NARRATIVE   AMD   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


IM* 


75°  S.  If  then  the  strait  had  not  been  found,  any  commander  mii^lit 
turn  eastward;  yet  he  was  not  to  seek  Spain,  but  to  sail  to  the  Mo- 
iucci's,  which  were  the  objective  of  the  vr  .-age ;  and  the  proper  sailing,' 
lUrections  were  given  for  reaching  those  isUuids  by  the  route  through  tiie 
Indian  Ocean. 

The  geographers  have  been  at  a  loss  to  reconcile  this  statement,  —  that 
Martin  Behaim  had  already  drawn  the  strait  upon  a  map  or  globe, — with 
Magellan's  chiim  to  be  its  discoverer.  liut,  as  the  reader  knows,  there 
was  no  lack  of  straits  or  of  continents  on  the  various  maps  before  Magellan's 
time  which  could  be  cited  for  any  theory  of  any  cosmographer.  We  know 
the  history  of  navigation  well  enough  to  understand  that,  whatever  drawings 
Magellan  might  have  seen  or  cited,  nothing  can  shake  his  reputation  as  the 
far-sighted  discoverer  of  the  channel  to  which,  without  any  hesitation,  the 
world  has  given  his  name.' 

His  firmness  had  so  much  effect  that  the  captains  went  back  to  their 
ships,  pretending  to  accede  to  his  wishes.  With  the  "  Trinidad"  and  "Vic- 
toria," Magellan  waited  at  the  entrance  of  the  channel  while  he  despatched 
the  "  San  Antonio  "  and  "  Concep9ion  "  to  complete  the  survey  of  it  west- 
ward. Hardly  had  the  squadron  divided,  when  a  terrible  tempest  broke 
upon  both  parts  of  it,  lasting  thirty-six  hours.  Magellan's  ships  lost 
their  anchors,  and  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  in  the  open  bay.  The 
other  vessels  seem  to  have  run  before  the  gale.  At  the  moment  when  their 
people  thought  themselves  lost,  they  opened  the  first  "  reach  "  —  if  it  may  so 
be  called  —  of  the  strait ;  the}'  pushed  through  it  till  they  came  to  the  ba}- 
now  known  as  "  Bou^ault  Bay."  Crossing  this,  with  increasing  confidence, 
they  came  into  the  second  channel,  which  opens  into  a  second  bay  larger  than 
the  first.  After  this  success  they  returned  to  report  their  progress  to  their 
commander. 

He  and  his  officers,  meanwhile,  had  begun  to  fear  that  their  companions 
had  been  lost  in  the  lempcst.  A  column  of  smoke  on  shore  was  supposed 
to  be  a  signal  of  the  spot  where  they  had  taken  refuge.  But  in  the  midst  of 
such  uncertainty  their  vessels  reappeared,  and  soon  fired  shots  from  their 
guns  in  token  of  joy.  They  were  as  joyfully  welcomed  ;  and,  as  soon  as  they 
could  tell  their  news,  the  re-united  squadron  gladly  proceeded  through  the 
two  channels  wliich  they  had  opened.  When  they  arrixcd  in  the  bay  which 
had  been  the  farthest  discovery  of  the  pioneer  vessels,  they  found  two 
channels  opening  from  it.  .'m  the  southeast  is  that  marked  ".Suppose"  on 
Bougainville's  map;  and  to  this  channel  Magellan  directed  Mcsquita  in  the 
"  .San  Antonio,"  and  Juan  Serrano  in  the  "  Conccp9ion." 

Unfortunately  the  sailing-master  of  the  "San  vXntonio"  was  Stephen 
Gomez,  who  hated  Magellan  with  a  long-cherished  hatred.  When  Ma:;.l- 
lan  first  arrived  in  .Spain,  Gomez  was,  or  thought  he  was,  on  the  eve  o( 
starting  on  an  expedition  of  discovery  under  the  patronage  of  the  Crown 


'  IScc  tlic  section  on  "  The  Ilislorical  Choroj;rapln'  of  South  Amcric.i.''  —  Kd.1 


'/■ 


MAGELLAN'S   DISCOVERY. 


607 


Maj^cllaii's  grand  plan  had  broken  up  this  lesser  expedition ;  and  instead  of 
commanding  it,  Gomez  had  found  himself  placed  in  a  subordinate  post 
under  his  rival's  command.  He  now  took  his  chance  to  revenge  himself 
as  soon  as  he  was  directed  to  survey  the  new  channel.  Before  night  fell 
he  had  escaped  from  the  surveillance  of  the  "  Conception."  .At  night  he 
caballed  v.ith  the  Spaniards  of  his  own  crew ;  they  rose  upon  their  captain 
Mesquita,  a  Portuguese,  the  loyal  cousin  of  Magellan,  and  put  him  in  irons. 
Without  delay  they  then  escaped  from  the  squadron  ;  and  returning,  through 
the  channels  they  had  traced,  to  the  Atlantic,  they  sailed  for  home.  Touch- 
ing at  the  forlorn  harbor  where  they  had  winteretl,  they  picked  up  the  two 
mutineers  who  had  been  left  there.  Indeed,  it  is  fair  to  suppose  that  their 
whole  plot  dated  back  for  its  origin  to  the  unsuccessful  enterprise  of  the 
wi'"  :er.^ 

iVIagcllan,  on  his  part,  waited  for  the  "  San  Antonio,"  which  had  been 
directed  to  return  in  three  days.  Though  the  channel  which  she  was  to 
explore  passed  between  mountains  covered  with  snow,  we  are  told  that  the 
strait  where  Magellan  awaited  them  lay  between  regions  which  were  "  the 
most  beautiful  in  the  world."  On  the  southern  side  they  had,  once  and 
again,  observed  fires  in  the  night,  and  they  gave  to  that  land  the  name  of 
"  Tierra  del  Fuego,"  "the  Land  of  h'ire,"  which  it  has  ever  since  preserved. 
They  did  not  see  any  of  the  natives  on  either  coast.  The  sailors  caught  so 
many  fish  which  resembled  the  sardines  of  their  home,  that  the  name  of 
"  River  of  Sardines  "  was  given  to  a  stream  which  makes  its  outlet  there. 
Finding  that  the  "  San  Antonio  "  had  left  him,  and  probably  suspecting  her 
treachery,  Magellan  went  forward  through  the  southwestern  ciiannel  with 
the  "  Victoria  "  and  the  "  Trinidad." 

It  is  at  this  point  th<it  we  are  to  place  a  formal  correspondence  which 
has  been  preserved  by  a  Portuguese  historian  ^  as  passing  between  Magellan 
and  one  of  his  captains  on  the  question  of  advancing.  These  letters  are 
dated  the  22d  of  November,  1520.  Martin  Mcndoza,  in  his  reply  to  ]\Iagel- 
lan's  letter,  agrees  that  until  the  i,st  of  January  they  should  persevere 
while  the  days  are  long,  but  urges  that  the  vessels  should  lie  b\'  in  the 
darkness.  He  is  as  resolute  in  expressing  the  conviction  that  they  should 
be  out  of  the  strait  before  the  month  of  January  is  over,  —  that  is,  that 
they  should  turn  about,  if  necessary,  on  January  I,  if  they  had  not  then 
reached  the  Pacific,  so  as  to  be  well  in  the  Atlantic  again  by  the  first  of 
February;  that  then  they  should  give  up  the  original  object  of  the  voyage 
and  sail  to  Cadi/,.  The  document  seems  genuine;  but,  as  the  reader  will 
sec,  there  was  no  occasion  for  using  its  counsels.  Before  the  ist  of  January 
they  were  free  of  the  strait  forever. 

While  his  squadron  loitered  in  hope  of  the  "San  Antonio's"  return, 
Magellan  sent  forward  a  boat  to  explore  the  channel.     On  the  third  day 


I 


t\ 


i 


'  [For  Gomez'  subscqiiciit  career  sec  Dr.  Shc;i's  chapter  on  "Ancient  Florida,"  in  Vol.  II.,  am] 
chapter  i.  of  Vol.  IV.  — El).] 
-  fuan  dc  Harros. 


'        ( 


'iil 


6o8 


NARRATU'E   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF.  AMERICA. 


J 


she  returned  td  him  with  the  joyful  news  that  they  had  opened  the  western 
mouth  of  the  .strait. 

Tile  Pacific  was  found !  The  chroniclers  say  that  the  crews  wept  for 
joy ;  and  the)'  may  well  have  done  so.  They  gave  to  the  Cape  —  which 
made  the  western  end  of  Tierra  del  Fuego,  on  this  channel  —  the  name  of 
the  "  Desired  Cape,"  "  Cabo  Deseadc,"  which  it  still  retains. 

The  squadron  did  not  at  once  follow.  Magellan  put  back  for  the  other 
vessels,  and  met  the  "  Conccp9ion  "  alone.  He  senc  back  the  "Victoria" 
this  time  to  search  for  his  faithless  consort.  If  she  were  not  found,  his 
orders  were  that  a  standard  should  be  planted  on  high  ground,  at  the  foot 
of  which  .should  be  bur.icd  a  letter,  with  an  account  of  the  destination  of 
the  squadron.  Two  similar  signals  were  left,  —  one  on  the  shore  of  the  first 
bay,  and  one  on  the  Isle  of  Lions,  in  the  channel.  But  the  "  Victoria,"  as 
the  reader  knows,  did  not  find  the  "San  Antonio;"  she  was  far  away. 
And  with  three  vessels  of  his  squadron  only,  Magellan  passed  out  from  the 
strait  which  had  detained  him  so  long,  into  tlie  ocean.  They  fairly  entered 
upon  it  on  the  28th  of  November. 

Figafetta,  in  his  joy  at  leaving  this  strait,  which  had  been  the  scene  of 
so  much  anxiety,  describes  its  natural  advantages  in  glowing  colors.  "  In 
fine,  I  do  not  belie\'c  there  is  a  better  strait  than  this  in  the  world,"  he  says. 
They  gave  to  it  the  name  of  "  Strait  of  the  Patagonians  ;  "  but  the  world  has 
long  snice  known  it  b_\-  the  name  of  its  discoverer.  "There  may  be  ft  und 
at  any  half-league  a  good  harbor,"  —  such  is  the  Italian  historian's  state- 
ment,—  "with  excellent  water,  cedar-wood,  sardine-fish,  and  an  abundance 
of  shell-fish.  There  arc  also  herbs  on  shore,  some  of  which  are  bitter,  but 
others  arc  good  to  eat,  —  especiall\-  a  sort  of  celery,^  which  grows  near 
the  springs,  of  which  we  made  excellent  food."  Cook  found  celery  of  the 
same  kind  two  centuries  and  a  half  later,  as  \\ell  as  abundance  of  Coch- 
Icaria.  So  great  are  the  advantages  of  such  .supplies  for  the  health  of 
crews  in  danger  of  scurv_\-,  that  he  thought  the  passage  into  the  Pacific 
bv  the  Straits  of  Magellan  prefcralilo  to  that  b\-  Cape  Horn.-  In  later 
days  his  advice  has  always  been  followetl  In-  vessi^'s  having  the  aid  of 
steam. 

Thus  ended  t'.ie  onl\-  glimpse  \\iiich  Spaniards  had  of  Patagonia  for 
many  )-ears.  Magellan's  act  of  possession  held,  however ;  for  the  country 
ha:-  no  attractions  to  make  it  a  stake  for  wars  or  other  controversy.  Magel- 
lan looked  his  last  upon  it  as  his  squadron  gladly  steered  northward;  and 
after  leaving  his  Cape  \'ictory,  —  for  he  gave  that  name  to  the  southwestern 
point  of  America,  —  neither  he  nor  his  landed  again  on  this  continent. 

The  poor  giants  who  had  been  so  cruelly  enslaved  never  reached  Spain. 
One  was  on  the  "  San  Antonio  "  with  Serrano,  who  deserted  his  commander 
in  the  strait.  This  one  died  before  they  had  crossed  the  Atlantic.  The 
other  was  on  board  the  "  Trinidad,"  the  flagship,  with  Magellan  and  Piga- 


Apium  duke. 


2  See  Cook's  Fiyi>  I'oyage,  i.  70,  74. 


the  western 


MAGELLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 


609 


I 


fctta,  the  historian  of  the  expedition.  He  became  fond  of  Pigafetta ;  and 
when  he  saw  him  produce  his  writing  tablet  and  p-iper,  he  knew  wiiat  was 
expected  of  him,  and  of  his  own  accord  began  to  give  the  names  of  differ- 
ent objects  in  the  I'atagonian  hmgiiage.'  CJne  day  when  he  saw  Pigafetta 
kiss  the  cross,  he  told  him  by  signs  t'-at  Sctcbos  would  enter  him  and  make 
him  a  coward.  But  when  he  was  himself  dying  —  of  scurvy,  most  likely, 
which  was  decimating  the  crew  —  he  asked  for  the  cross  himself,  kissed  it, 
and  begged  to  be  baptized.  His  captors  baptized  him,  gave  him  the  name 
of  Paul,  and  he  died. 

It  would  have  been  natural  for  IMagellan,  now  that  he  had  attained  the 
South  Sea,  to  sail  by  a  direct  route  to  the  Moluccas,  of  which  he  was  in 
search.  Till  a  very  late  period  the  geographers  have  suppt)sed  that  he 
did ;  and  his  track  will  be  found  on  most  of  the  large  globes,  to  a  period 
comparativf^ly  recent,  laid  down  on  a  course  a  little  west  of  northwest,  — 
as,  indeed,  I'igafetta  sa)'s  they  ran. 

It  was  not  observed  by  these  globe-makers,  and  in  fact  to  many  of  them 
it  was  not  known,  that,  if  Magellan  had  taken  such  a  course,  he  would  have 
run  directly  into  the  teeth  of  those  northwest  winds  which  blow  with  great 
regularity  in  that  part  of  the  Pacific,  and  he  would  ha\e  met  a  steady  cur- 
rent in  the  same  direction.  In  such  computations,  also,  it  was  forgotten 
that  Magellan  supposed  the  Pacific  to  be  much  narrower  than  it  is,  and 
that  when  he  left  the  straits  he  did  not  anticipate  so  long  a  voxage  as  lie 
had.  Put  the  fortunate  discovery  of  the  log-book  of  one  of  the  "  pilots  " 
now  gives  us  the  declination  of  the  sun  and  the  computed  latitude  for  every 
day  of  the  Pacific  voyage.  It  appears  that  Magellan  held  well  to  the  north, 
not  far  from  the  coast  of  South  America,  till  he  had  passed,  on  the  west, 
the  islands  of  Juan  Fernandez  and  Masafucra  without  seeing  them,  and 
only  then  struck  to  the  northwest,  and  afterwards  to  the  west.-  lie  thus 
came  out  at  the  equator  at  a  point  which,  by  their  mistaken  computation  of 
longitude,  was  152°  W.  of  tiie  meridian  of  P'crro,  159°  46'  west  of  our  first 
meridian  of  Greenwich. 

The  Pacific  's  now  known  to  us  as  an  ocean  studded  with  islands,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  are  well  provided  with  food  from  their  own  land,  and 
water.^  It  was,  however,  the  remarkable  fortune  of  Magellan  in  this  voy- 
age to  sail  more  than  ten  thousand  miles  and  see  but  two  of  these  islands, 
both  of  which  were  barren  and  uninhabited.  He  found  no  bottom  close  to 
the  shore.     At  the  second  of  the  two  islands  he  stopped  to  fish  for  sharks. 


1  Pigafetta  has  preserved  the  voc.ibulary  of 
ninety  words  which  in  this  way  he  made.  The 
words,  he  .says,  are  to  be  pronounced  in  tlic 
throat.  A  few  of  the  words  are  tlicse :  Ears, 
sane  ;  eyes,  at/ier ;  nose,  or ;  breast,  ot/ifv  ; 
eycl.ds,  sechechiel ;  nostrils,  orcsche ;  mouth, 
piam  ;  a  chief,  /w:. 

2  This  might  have  been  inferred  from  Piga- 
fetta's  map  of  the  strait,  in  which  the  western 
shore  of  Patagonia  and  Chili  arc  well  laid  in; 

VOL.  n.  —  77. 


but  that  inference  seems  to  have  escaped  the 
globe-makers. 

3  Most  observers  forget,  however,  when  they 
look  upon  a  map  of  this  ocean,  that  the  name  of 
an  island  or  group  upon  the  map  may  cover  a 
hundred,  not  to  say  a  thousand,  times  as  much 
space  on  the  paper  as  the  island  or  group  takes 
up  on  the  surface  of  the  world.  Dr.  Charles 
Darwin  calls  attention  to  such  forgetfulness,  in 
the    Fiyiijt'  0/  the  Beadle. 


i 


i';, 


iMAGELLAN'S    DISCOVERY. 


6ll 


and  gave  it  the  name  "  Shark's  Island,"  or  "  Tiburones."  The  crew  were 
so  impressed  by  their  dismal  welcome  that  they  called  the  two  "  Dcsven- 
tvradas,"  the  "  Unfortunate  Islands."  These  two  islands,  the  first-born  to 
Europe  of  the  multitudes  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  cannot  now  be  identified.^ 

On  the  6th  of  March  the  "oyagers  at  last  saw  two  more  small  islands. 
Soon  a  number  of  small  sails  appeared,  the  islanders  coming  out  to  meet 


THE    I.ADRONES.'' 

the  ships.  Their  little  boats  had  large  triangular-shaped  sails  of  matting, 
and  they  seemed  to  fly  over  the  water.  The  Spanish  seamen  saw  for  the 
first  time  the  curious  catamarans  of  the  natives  of  these  waters. 

Magellan  was  tempted  to  land  at  a  third  and  larger  island.  This  was 
either  the  one  since  known  as  Guahan,  or  that  known  as  Rota ;  Magellan 
called  it  Ivagana.  So  many  of  the  natives  swarmed  upon  his  ship,  and  they 
were  so  rapacious  in  stealing  whatever  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  that 
he  found  himself  almost  at  their  mercy.     They  begged  him  to  land,  but 

1  The  identification   attempted  on  tlie  map  -  [This  fac-simile  is  made  from  the  Paris  edi- 

(t.alscn  from  the  Ilalclnvt  Society's  volume  on  tion  of  Amoretti's  Pis^tifetta,  p.  62,  and  shows 
Magellan)  is  one  of  many  conjectures.  the  catamar.an  of  the  natives.  —  El).] 


i^ 


'■ 

'f 

l! 


■  '  (1 


6t3 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I  ji/,i 


II 


•I 

m 


:\Sn 


U 


■h 


stoic  the  boat  attached  to  the  stern  of  his  ship.  At  last  Magellan  did  land, 
in  a  rage.  He  burned  some  of  their  huts,  several  of  their  boats,  got  back 
his  own,  and  killed  seven  men. 

The  squadron,  after  this  encounter,  continued  its  westward  course,  fol- 
lowed by  a  hundred  canoes.  The  savages  now  showed  fish,  as  if  they  w  ished 
to  trade ;  but  the  women  wept  and  tore  their  hair,  probably  "  because  we 
had  killed  their  husbands." 

To  this  group  the  Spaniards  gave  the  name  of  "  Ladrones,  the  robbers," 
'wh.ch  it  has  ever  since  retained.  After  three  hundred  leagues  more  of 
westward  sailing,  the  tired  navigators,  half  starved  and  djing  of  scurv}', 
made  the  discox'cry  of  Zamal,  now  called  Samar,  the  first  of  the  group  since 
'•nown  as  the  I'liilippines,  —  a  name  they  took  from  Philip  the  Second, 
i'vj'.i,  ilan  called  them  the  Archipelago  of  St.  Lazarus,  because  he  first  found 
how  large  a  group  it  was  on  St.  Lazarus'  day,  the  fifth  Sunday  in  Lent. 

In  these  islands  the  navigators  were,  at  first,  most  cordially  received. 
By  means  of  a  Malayan  interpreter  they  were  able  to  communicate  with 
the  nati\'es.  Before  si.K  weeks  were  over,  with  rapidity  which  may  well 
ha\e  seemed  miraculous,  they  had  conver';ed  the  king  and  many  of  the 
princco  and  people  to  what  they  deemed  Christianity.  But,  alas  I  the  six 
weeks  ended  in  the  defeat  of  the  Spanish  men-at-arms  in  a  battle  with  a 
rival  prince,  in  the  death  of  Magellan  and  the  murder  of  Serrano,  who  had 
been  chosen  as  one  of  those  who  should  take  his  place.  The  sur\'iving 
Spaniards  withdrew  as  well  as  they  could  from  their  exasperated  allies. 

They  were  obliged  to  destroy  one  of  their  ships,  which  was  leaking,  and 
thus  were  left  with  only  two.  One  of  these,  the  "  Trinidad,"  they  despatched 
eastward  to  the  American  coast ;  but  she  failed  in  this  voyage,  and  returned 
to  the  Philippines.  In  the  other  vessel,  the  "  Victoria,"  Sebastian  del  Cancj 
and  his  crew,  after  spending  the  rest  of  that  year  in  the  East  Indies,  sailed 
for  Europe.  They  left  the  Island  of  Timor  on  the  nth  of  I'ebruary. 
Though  they  had  nothing  but  rice  and  water  for  their  supplies,  they  dared 
not  touch  at  the  Portuguese  establishment  at  Mozambique.  After  they 
doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  on  the  6th  of  May,  they  lost  twenty-one 
men  in  two  months.  Their  provisions  had  failed  entirely  when,  on  the  9th 
of  July,  they  touched  at  Santa  Argo,  in  the  Cape  de  Verde  Ishmds. 

Even  now  they  did  not  dare  tell  the  Portuguese  at  that  island  who  they 
were.  They  pretended  they  came  from  the  coast  of  America.  When  they 
found  that  the  day  was  Thursday,  they  were  greatly  astonished,  for  by  their 
own  journals  it  was  Wednesday.  Twice  they  sent  their  boat  ashore  for  a 
load  of  rice,  and  it  returned.  The  third  time  they  saw  that  it  was  seized 
One  of  the  sailors  had  revealed  their  secret,  and  the  jealous  Portuguese 
would  no  longer  befriend  them. 

The  poor  "  Victoria,"  with  such  supplies  as  she  had  received,  was  obliged 
to  run  direct  for  Spain.  On  the  6th  of  September  she  entered  the  bay  o£ 
San  Lucar  again.  By  their  own  computation  they  had  sailed  14,460  leagues. 
Of  sixty  men  who  sailed  in  her  from  the  Moluccas  there  were  but  eighteen 


MAGELLAN'S   DISCOVERY. 


613 


survivors;  of  these  almost  all  were  sick.  Of  the  other  forty-two,  some 
had  deserted  at  Timor,  some  had  been  condemned  Id  death  for  their  crimes, 
and  the  others  had  died.  This  was  all  tiiat  was  returned  o.  wo  hundred 
and  thirty-seven  persons  who  had  sailed  three  years  before  '^n  this  magnifi- 
cent expedition. 

Del  Cano  was  received  at  Court  with  the  ^Teatest  courtesy.  The  luii- 
peror  gave  him  a  pension  of  five  hundred  ducats,  and  for  armorial  bearings 
a  globe  with  the  device  — 

"Pkimus  cikcumdkdisti  Mn." 

The  "  Victoria  "  w  as  richly  stored  with  cloves  and  other  spices.  Of  these 
the  sale  was  carefully  managed,  and  the  proceeds  were  enormous.  The 
foresight  of  Magellan  was  completely  justified,  and  the  profits  of  the  expe- 
dition alone  immediately  temr  I  the  Emperor  to  fit  out  another.  The 
"Victoria"  afterward  made  two  .  jy/  js  to  the  West  Indies,  but  never  re- 
turned to  Spain  from  the  seco  1,  an  '  aer  fate  is  not  known.  An  ancient 
representation  of  her  (from  Hulsius)  is  the  distinguishing  sign  on  the  cover 
of  the  volumes  issued  in  our  day  by  the  Hakluyt  Society. 


C^Lo^zz^c^     G     /L^£^ 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE    SOURCES   OF    INFORM.\TION. 
15y  Edward  E.  Half,  and  tuf.  Editor. 

PIGAFETTA,  who  was  born  in  Vicenza  not  long  after  1490,  was  accordingly  from 
twenty-five  to  tliirty  years  old  when  he  accompanied  Magellan.!  pjg  j-gpt  ^  cliary 
of  the  voyage,  a  copy  of  which  he  gave  to  the  Emperor  ;  and  later,  in  Italy,  he  wrote  out  a 
more  extended  account,  copies  of  which  he  gave  to  distinguished  persons.  Of  this  ampler 
narrative  four  separate  texts,  in  as  many  manuscripts,  are  preserved  to  us. 

No.  I  is  in  French,  Navigation  et  descouvrcment  de  la  Indie  snpcrieure  faicte  par  iiioi 
Antoine  Pigcfcte.  Viucciitin  ;  on  paper,  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris.  It  gives  the  full 
vocabulary  of  the  Giants'  language,  which  is  also  reprinted  in  Amoretti.  Students  en- 
gaged in  the  study  of  the  geography  of  the  East  Indies  should  not  be  satisfied  with  the 
few  copies  given  by  Amoretti  of  the  maps  and  representations  of  the  islands  there.  In 
this  copy,  which  is  divided  throughout  into  short  chapters,  there  are  many  more  of  these 

'  He  died  in  1534.     A  brother-in-law  of  Ma-  This  p.ipcr,  describing  from  such  sources  as  were 

gellan,  Duarte  Harbosa,  who  was  killed  at  the  available  the  eastern  regions,  had  not  a  little 

same  time  with  his  chief,  prepared  a  manuscript  influence  on  Magellan.    The  original  Portuguese 

in  1516,  which  was  printed  by  Ramusio  in  Italian  was  printed  by  the   Lisbon  Academy  in  their 

xf,  Soniiitario  (it  tutti  li  rfi;ni  ilcW  Indie  oricittali.  Xoticias  C'llriiiniiriiiiins,  in  1813. 


,1     I 


i^ 


:i^' 


6i4 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


i  ■■: 


■•1. ' 

m 
m 


i'  '■'i>' 


m'A'i 


maps  tlian  have  been  engraved.  It  is  impossible  to  looi<  at  them  without  believing  that 
they  give  some  idea  of  the  size  and  even  the  shape  of  the  islands  visited.  Charton  culls 
this  ijaper  manuscript  the  o'.'jsi  of  those  in  France.  No  one  can  decide  such  a  question. 
The  illustrations  in  the  vellum  manuscript  certainly  seem  to  be  nearer  the  originals  than 
those  in  this  coarser  paper  one. 

No.  2  is  a  richly  illuminated  vellum  document,  with  a  text  somewhat  softened  in  the 
coarse  parts.  This  may  have  been  the  copy  known  to  have  been  given  to  Louise  of  Sivoy 
by  I'igafetta.  This  manuscript  is  also  in  the  Paris  library.  The  writing  is  elegant,  and  the 
maps  are  very  prettily  done  in  body  color.  They  are  much  more  elegant  than  the  majjs  in 
the  paper  manuscript,  which  are  in  rough  water-color  by  some  one  of  no  great  artistic  skill. 
The  representations  given  by  Amoretti  of  a  few  of  the  designs  are  sufficiently  good  for  all 
practical  purposes.  lUit  the  picture  of  the  boat  with  outriggers,  illustrating  the  customs  of 
the  Ladrone  IsLinds,  is  much  more  artistic  in  the  vellum  manuscript  th.ui  it  is  in  Amorctti's 
engraving. 

No.  3,  the  most  complete,  was  owned  by  M.  lieauprd,  at  Nancy,  in  i84r,  when  Tho- 
massy described  it;  was  sold  in  the  I'otier  sale  in  1851  (no.  506),  and  passed  into  the  Solar 
Collection,  and  in  1861  (.Solar  sale,  no.  3,238)  it  w.is  bought  by  a  London  dealer,  and 
reached  finally  the  collection  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps,  who  bought  it  at  the  Libri  sale 
(no.  1,139)  '"  1862.  It  is  a  question  with  critics  whether  Pigafetta  composed  his  work 
in  French  or  in  Italian  ;  for  there  is  also  a  manuscript  (no.  4)  in  the  later  language,  poorly 
conceived,  however,  and  mi.xed  with  Spanish,  preserved  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan. 
This  was  the  manuscript  published  by  the  Abbe  C.  Amoretti  ;  it  is  written  in  the  char- 
acter known  as  cai'celleresco,  on  paper  folios,  of  which  the  handwriting  is  of  the  time  of 
Pigafetta  ;  and  it  was  once  owned  by  the  Cardinal  Frederic  Borromeo.  R.iymond  Tho- 
massy  1  gives  several  reasons  for  believing  that  the  French  te.xt  i.s  the  original,  but  we 
have  not  been  .satisfied  that  it  was  so.'- 

In  the  earliest  edition  of  Pigafetta  which  we  have,  —one  without  date,  and  in  F'rench, 
edited  by  Antoine  Fabre,  —  the  te.xt  is  represented  as  being  a  translation  from  the  Italian. 
It  is  possible  that,  being  an  abridgment,  it  might  have  followed  some  abstract  which  had 
been  made  in  that  language,  possibly  an  .iccouiit  which  in  1524  I'igafetta  asked  permission 
to  print,''  of  the  Uoge  and  Council  of  Venice.  This  original  French  edition  is  called 
Le  Voya[:;e  ct  Navigation  faict  par  les  Espaiiinoh  es  isles  de  Mollucqiie.'s  j  and  is  usually 
thought  to  have  been  printed  in  1525.  It  is  in  Cothic  type,  except  the  last  four  leaves, 
which  are  in  Roman,  as  are  all  the  notes.''  Harrisse  cites''  an  Italian  edition  of  Pigafetta 
with  the  letter  of  Maximilian,  as  published  at  \'enice  in  1534;°  but  there  is  little  reason 
to  believe  such  an  edition  to  exist. 

The  earliest  undoubted  Italian  edition  was  printed,  however,  in  1536,  and  it  w.is  pro- 
fessedly a  translation  from  F.abre's  French  text,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  Ranuisio 
may  have  been  instrumental  in  its  publication."  It  has  the  name  neither  of  author  nor  of 
printer,  but  is  supposed  to  have  been  issued  at  Venice  It  is  called  //  I'iaggio  fatto  da 
g/i  Spagiiivoli  a  tonio  a' I  mondo.* 


'  Bnlh-tin  dc  la  Socicti  de  Ghgrapliie,  Septem- 
ber, 1S43. 

-  Pig.ifctt.i  himself  mentions  a  manuscript, 
Uiio  libro  scrif'to  Jc  liitti  Ic  coic  />iissaU  dc  g/'onio  in 
gionio  uel  -'iiixxio,  written  by  his  own  hand,  and 
presented  by  him  to  Charles  the  Fifth.  Harrisse 
tliinks  it  was  written  in  French,  and  describes 
the  uKinuscripts,  /iil'l.  A»ii>:  \'cl.Adii.,  pp.  xxx- 
xwiii. 

■'  This  petition  is  given  in  Stanlev's  .l/;;'('//if;/, 
and  ill  Il.irrissc's  Bibl.  Aiitcr.  I'ct.  Adj.,  p.  xxviii. 

■*  BihI.  Aiih-r.  />/.,no.  154;  Carter-Brown,  no. 
86;  Iirunet,  iv.  C50;  Des  lirn^^e^,  Navigations otix 


terrcs  AiistiwL.,  !.  121  ;  Pan/.cr,  viii.  217;  Anto- 
nio, Bibliothcca  llispuna  Xcaa,  ii.  376. 

■'  On  the  strengtli  of  IJvrcs  Curictix,  p.  29. 

"  Bill!.  AiiHr.  I'c-l,,  no.  192. 

"'  Ranuisio  included  it  in  his  lliiggi  \\\  1554, 
with  annotations. 

"  Bii'l.  Amer.  I'd.,  215;  BibliotlicciX  IId<cy 
iitiiia,  ix.  3,129;  Bibliotluva  Giiin illiana,  110. 
54S;  Stevens,  N'iigg,-ts,  no.  2,753;  Libri,  1861, 
no.  2S8 ;  Carter-Brown,  i.  iiS;  Court,  no.  372. 
There  is  also  a  (opy  in  the  Lenox  Library. 
Wiley,  of  Xew  York,  priced  a  copy  in  1883, 
at  $145. 


MAGF.LLAN'S    DISCOVKRY. 


6'5 


Amoretti  published  the  Ambrosian  manuscript  (no.  4,  above)  in  1800,  at  Milan,  under 
the  title  of  Primo  vinfy^h  intonio  al  j^lobo  terracqueo  ossia  rai^i^iiUi^lio  Jella  navi^^asioiie 
alle  Indie  oricntali  d\i\  Mai^ai^liancs,  15 19-1522.  Pubblicato  per  la  prima  volta  da  tin 
codice  manusirillo  delta  Biblioteca  Ambrosiana  di  Milanc,  e  corrcdalo  di  note  da  C. 
Amoretti  con  un  transunto  del  Tratlalo  di  navi^azione  dello  stesso  autore.  Milano, 
1800.' 

About  a  month  after  the  return  of  Del  Cano  in  the  "Victoria,"  Maximilian  Transjl- 
vanus  (a  son-in-law  of  Crist(')bal  de  Haro,  who  h.id  been  a  chief  advocate  of  the  voyage 
at  the  Spanish  Court)  wrote  to  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  .Sal/.burj;  a  brief  account  of 
the  voyage,  in  a  letter  dated  at  Valladolid,  Oct.  24,  1522;'^  and  when  it  was  printed  at 
Cologne  in  January,  1523,  as  De  Moluccis  insulis,  and  in  the  following  November  and  again 
in  February,  1524,  at  Rome,  as  De  llispanonim  in  oricntem  navij^atione,  its  text  consti- 
tuted the  earliest  narrative  of  the  voyage  which  was  given  in  print.'  It  was  afterward 
printed  in  connection  with  the  earliest  Italian  edition  of  I'igafetta  ;  and  the  English  reader 
will  find  it  in  the  volume  on  Magellan  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society. 

Ramusio  also  tells  us  that  Peter  Martyr  wrote  an  account  of  Magellan's  voyage,  gath- 
ered from  the  lips  of  the  survivors,  which  he  sent  to  Rome  to  be  printed,  but  that  in  the  sack 
of  that  city  by  the  Constable  de  Bourbon  it  disappeared.  We  have  but  one  point  of  this 
Martyr  narrative  preserved  to  us,  and  that  is  the  loss  of  one  day  which  the  "\'ictory" 
had  experienced  in  her  westering  voyage,  —  when  arriving  in  Seville  on  the  6th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1522,  as  her  crew  supposed,  they  found  the  SeviUians  calling  it  the  7th.* 

There  are  two  modern  gatherings  of  the  most  important  documentary  illustrations  of 
this  famous  voy.age,  —  the  one  made  by  Navarrete,  and  the  other  published  by  the  Hakluyt 
Society.  The  former  constitutes  the  fourth  volume  of  Navarrete's  well-known  Coleccion ; 
and  among  the  variety  of  its  papers  printed  or  cited  largely  from  the  public  archives,  illus- 
trating the  fitting  out  of  the  fleet,  its  voyage,  and  the  reception  of  Del  Cano  on  his  return, 
a  few  of  the  more  important  may  be  mentioned.  Such  is  a  manuscript  from  the  lil)rary  of 
San  Isadro  el  Real  de  Madrid,  purporting  to  be  by  Magellan  himself;  but  Navarrete  does 
not  admit  this.  He  prints  for  the  first  time  an  original  manuscript  account  in  the  Seville 
archives,  usually |cited  as  the  Seville  manuscript,  which  bears  tin'  title  of  F.xtKuIn  de  la 
/labilitacion,  etc.  It  gives  an  enumeration  of  the  company  which  composed  the  force  on 
the  fleet.  The  Navarrete  volume  also  contains  the  log-book  of  Francisco  Albo.  or  Alvaro, 
printed,  it  is  claimed  by  Stanley  (who  also  includes  it  in  the  Hakluyt  Society  volume), 
from  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum,  which  was  made  from  the  original  at  Simantas.     It 


I.' 


s  /■/,;;:;,'/■  in  1554, 


1  A  French  version  of  this  text  was  issued 
at  Paris  in  1801  ;  and  the  Itali.m  text  was  again 
printed  in  1S05.  Pigafctta's  story  is  given  in 
Englisli  in  Pinkciton's  Voyages,  i.  18S ;  in  Ger- 
man in  .Sprcngcl's  ISeytrai,vn,  and  in  Kries's 
Beschreihini;^  I'on  ,l/((^'<7/i/«-A'tV.f(',  Gotha,  iSoi. 
Cf.  a  bibliography  of  the  manuscript  and  printed 
editions  of  Pigafctta  in  the  Sliuli  /'ioi^'>;ifu-i  e  hibli- 
ogyafiii,  published  by  the  .Socicta  Gcografica  Ital- 
iana  (.nl  cd.,  i88a),'i.  262. 

-  The  date  in  Navarrete  is  October  5. 

3  All  three  of  these  editions  arc  in  the  Lenox 
Librarj',  and  the  first  two  are  in  the  Carter- 
Brown.  Cf.  Harrisse,  Bihl.  Amer.  Vet.,  nos.  122, 
123,  124.  Leclerc  priced  the  Cologne  edition  at 
500  francs,  and  the  Rome  (1523)  at  350.  Bibl. 
Amer.  Vet.  nos.  376,  377.  Dnfosse  (nos.  11,003, 
12,348)  puts  the  Cologne  edition  at  500  francs, 
and  again  (no.  14,892)  at  380.  The  Court  Cala- 
lox'iie  (Paris,  1SS4)  shows  the  Cologne  edition 
(no.  220)  and  the  Rome  (1524)  edition  (no.  221). 


l!runet  is  in  error  in  calling  the  Roman  edition 
the  earliest.  A  Cologne  copy  in  the  Murphy 
sale  (1S84)  brought  S75  ;  ditaliix'iie,  no.  2.519. 
One  in  F.  S.  KUis's  C,it.ih\i;i,e  (1884),  no.  18S, 
is  priced  at  ;^42.  Cf.  Sabin,  xi.  47,038-47,042; 
Carter-Hrown,  no.  75;  Giaessc,  iv.  451;  Ter- 
nanx,  no.  129.  It  was  also  inserted  in  Latin  in 
the  A'tTv/j  Orl'is  of  1537  (p.  5S5),  and  of  1555 
(p.  5-4)i  and  in  Johainies  licenuis's  Omnium 
gentium  mores,  etc.,  Antwerp,  1542  ;  in  Italian 
in  Ramusio  (i.  347);  in  Spanish,  in  Navarrete 
(iv.  240,  dated  October  5,  and  not  24).  The 
narrative  in  Ilulsius  (no.  xxvi.)  is  taken  from 
Ortelius  and  Chauveton.  Cf.  Panzer,  vol.  vi., 
no.  375;  Stevens,  A^uggets,  no.  i,S68;  Bihliotheca 
Greiivitliana,  p.  454;  Tcrnaux,  nos.  29,  30; 
Giaessc,  iv.  451,  452;  Bihliotheca  Ileherinna,  i. 
4,451;  ii.  3,687;  vi.  2,331;  vii.  4,123;  Leclerc, 
no.  69;  Bibl.  Amer.  Vet.  Add.,  no.  136. 

■*  BiN.  Amer.  Vet.,  p.  229,  where  other  miss- 
ing accounts  are  nientionud. 


V   IjJ 


•!;i 


'I  I 


6i6 


XARRATIVF.    A\n   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


li\ 


follows  the  fortunes  of  the  tlect  after  they  slj»lite(i  Capo  St.  Aii}{iistinc.  Munoz  had  found 
In  tlic  Archives  of  Torre  de  Tonil)o  a  iotlur  ot'  Antonio  Itrito  to  llu;  Kinjj  of  i'ortujj.d,  .iiid 
Navarrcte  n'woa  this  also.'  A  letter  of  Jean  Sehastian  del  Caiio  to  Charles  V.,  dalid 
Se|)l.  5,  l-iiy,  descrihes  liie  voyage,  and  is  also  to  he  found  here.'' 

The  Ilakiuyt  Society  volume  borrows  largely  from  the  lesser  sources  as  given  in 
Navarrete,  and  anionj;  otiicr  pa|)ers  it  contains  the  hrief  narrative  which  is  foinid  in  Kaniusio 
as  that  of  an  "anoiivmous  I'ortutjuese."  It  also  f;ivi's  an  l!n;;nsh  version  of  wliat  is  known 
as  the  account  of  the  Cicnoese  pilot,  one  Joan  llaulist.i  prol)ai)ly.  This  story  exists  in 
three  Portuguese  manuscripts  :  one  helouf^s  to  tiie  library  of  the  monks  of  S.  Hento  da 
Sande ;  another  is  in  the  National  Library  at  I'aris  ;  and  from  these  two  a  text  was  formed 
which  was  printed  in  lS2fi  in  the  Xoliiius  I'ltiaiiiarinhas  (vol.  iv.)  of  the  Lisbon  Academy 
of  History,  as  "  Koleiro  da  viaj^em  de  I'crnam  de  iMaxalhacs"  (1519).  A  third  manuscript 
Is  in  the  iibr.iry  of  the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid.  As  edited  by  Lui);i  Hugues,  it  is 
printed  in  the  fifteenth  volume  of  the  Atti  della  SocielA  Ligure  di  Storia  Patria. 

The  narrative  in  the  preceding  text  has  shown  that  the  jjrecise  statementH  of  latitude 
made  by  the  (ienoese  pilot  have  wholly  destroyed  the  value  of  all  speculations  as  to  the 
route  of  Ma;"'llan  from  the  Straits  to  the  Ladrones  which  were  published  before  this 
"  Roteiro  "  became  known.  The  track  laid  down  on  the  older  globes  is  invariably  wrong, 
and  M  igellan's  course  was  in  reality  that  along  which  the  currents  would  easily  have  pro- 
pelled liim,  being  that  of  the  Antarctic  stream  of  the  Pacific,  which  Humboldt  has  ex- 
plained.' Stanley  also  points  out  that  the  narrative  given  in  (laspar  Correa's  Leiulas  da 
India  is  the  only  authority  we  have  for  the  warning  given  to  Magellan  at  TenerifTe  by 
Harbosa ;  and  for  tiie  incident  of  a  Portuguese  shij)  speaking  the  "Victoria"  as  llie  latter 
was  passing  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

One  Pedro  Mcxia  had  seen  tlie  fleet  of  Magellan  sail,  and  had  likewise  witnessed  the 
return  of  Del  Cano.  A  collection  of  miscellanies,  which  he  printed  as  early  as  1526,  under 
the  title  of  Silva,  and  which  passed  through  many  editions,  affords  another  contemporary 
reference.*  It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  enumerate  the  whole  list  of  more  general  historical 
treatises  of  the  sixteenth  antl  even  seventeenth  centuries,''  which  bring  this  famous  voyage 
within  their  scope.  It  seems  clear,  however,  tiiat  Oviedo  had  some  sources  which  are  not 
recognizable  now,  and  some  have  contended  that  he  had  access  to  Magellan's  own  papers. 
Herrera  in  the  ninth  book  of  liis  eleventh  Decide  in  the  same  w.ay  apparently  had  informa- 
tion the  sources  of  which  arc  now  lost  to  us.  The  story  of  Magellan  necessarily  made 
part  of  such  books  as  Osorius's  Dc  Rebus  Eiiimannelis  _^cstis,  published  at  Cologne  in 
1581,  again  in  1597,  and  in  Dutch  at  Rotterdam  in  1661-1663.  liurton  in  his  Hans  Stadc 
(p.  Ixxxvi)  calls  the  Rclacion  y  dcrrotero  del  I'iaje  y  desciibrimieiito  del  estrei/io  de  la 
Afadre  de  Dios,  antes  llaniado  de  Mai^allanes  por  I'edio  Saniiiento  de  Gamboa,  published 
in  1580,  an  unworthy  attempt  to  rob  Magellan  of  his  fame. 


>  Cf.  />//'/.  Amo:  /',/.,  \,.  229. 

-  Cf.  J,  A.  .'^clniiellcr's  Uhcr  eiiii^^c ditcii  lnviti- 
scriftUilie  Scc-karti-n,  Munich,  1S44,  which  is  an 
extract  fruin  the  AhlitiUiUiins^cn  d.  Hnier.  Akittl. 
J.  Il'issensi/t.,  iv.  i.  It  is  announced  (ICSS4)  that 
llarrissc  is  preparing  an  annotated  edition  of 
the  letter. 

"  Cf.  Ueclns,  Oram,  bk.  i.,  chap.  ix.  and 
Chart. 

*  Cf.  BiN.  Am.  I'ef.,  nos.  ,So,  St,  i;^2,  133, 
161;  Cartcr-Iirown,  i.  212,  2S3,  336;  ii.  22r; 
l^abin,  xii.  p.  90;    Ticknor,  Catii!i\i,'iit\  p.  226. 

'••  Among  them  may  be  mentioned,  for  in- 
stance, snch  books  as  Aigensola's  Conqiiista  de 
Ins  ishis  Mahicas,  Madrid,  1609,  which  a  lumdred 
years  later  was  made  familiar  to  French  and 
I'"ni;lish  readers  bv  editions  at  Amsterdam  in 


1707,  and  by  being  included  in  Stevens's  Vollec- 
tion  of  l'oyni;es  in  170S,  while  the  Cerman  ver- 
sion ap|)eared  at  Frankfort  in  171 1  (cf.  Cartcr- 
Iirown,  ii.  77;  iii.  92,  104,  119,  147);  Gotard 
Arthiis's  India  Orientiilis,  Cologne,  itoS;  Karya 
y  Sonsa's  Asia  Porltix'ncsa,  Lisbon,  1666-1675. 
The  final  conquest  of  the  Philippines  was  not 
accom|)lished  till  1564,  when  by  order  of  Philip 
II.,  Mignd  Lopez  do  Lcgaspi  led  a  licet  from 
Xavidad  in  Xew  Spain.  For  this  and  the  sub- 
sc(iuent  history  of  the  island  sec  Antonio  de 
Morga's  IViilil'piiic  Islands  (Mexico,  1609)  as 
translated  and  annotated  for  the  Hakhiyt  So- 
ciety by  1 1.  F.  J.  Stanley,  iS6,S.  Cf.  Pedro 
Chirino's  Rtlicion  de  las  islas  Filif'inas,  Rome, 
1604  (Rich,  Cafalo«iie  0/  Books  (1S32),  no.  99; 
Sabin,  Dictionary,  iv.  12,836) 


MAC.ELLANS   DISCOVERY. 


617 


7.  had  found 
iirtii;,'.d,  .iiid 
IS  v.,  dated 

.IS  given  ill 
1  in  Ranuisio 
lat  is  known 
)ry  exists  in 
S.  UcDto  (la 
;  was  tbrmcti 
oil  Academy 
1  manuscript 
I  Ilium's,  it  is 
till. 

tfl  of  latitude 
oils  as  to  llie 
1  l)efore  tliis 
riably  wronn, 
ily  liave  pro- 
loldt  has  ex- 
I's  l.ciidas  da 
'I'encritTe  by 
'  as  the  hitter 

witnessed  the 
s  152^),  under 
contemiiorary 
icral  historical 
imous  voyaije 
wliicli  are  not 
s  own  papers. 
J  had  informa- 
essarily  made 
\\.  Colojjnc  in 
llaiis  Stiidi' 
trccho  dc  la 
'wa,  published 


The  modern  studies  of  Nf.inellan  and  his  career  have  been  in  good  hands.  Navar- 
rctc  when  he  made  his  most  important  c<inlrii)iilion  of  m.itcrial,  .iccompanied  it  with 
a  very  careful  A'oluia  l/w^rtl/uit  of  Majjellan,  in  which  he  makes  exact  references  to  his 
sources.* 

A  critical  life  of  MaRclian  was  prefixed  iiy  Lord  Stanley  to  his  II.ikhi\t  Society  volume 
In  1S74.  K.  11.  M.ijor  in  his  I'rin^c  lltiny  th  •  Xitri^ator  included  .111  admirable  critical 
.iccount,  which  was  repeated  in  its  results  In  his  later  volume,  DisiOTi-rUs  of  Prime 
Henry, 

A  paper  on  the  search  of  .Magellan  anil  of  Gomez  for  a  western  pissafjc  was  read 
by  l!uckin;;iiam  Smith  l)ef()re  tlie  New  York  Historical  Society,  ,1  brief  report  of  which 
is  ill  the  Historical  Magazine,  x.  (1.S66)  22(;;  and  one  may  compare  with  it  the  ess.ay 
by  Lanj^eron  in  the  Revue  Gt'oj^raphiqne  in  1K77. 

A  niimlier  of  more  distinctive  monographs  have  also  been  printed.  beninninK  with  the 
Afa[;ellaii,  oder  die  h'.rste  Reise  nm  die  h'.idr  nac/i  dciii  vorliandircn  Qiiilleii  dari^e.ttellt  of 
Aufiust  liiirck,  wliicli  was  piil)lislied  in  Leipsic  in  1.S44.'  Dr.  Kohl,  who  had  nivcn  the 
subject  much  study,  particularly  in  relation  to  the  history  of  the  straits  which  iMajjellan 
passed,  published  the  results  of  his  researches  in  the  /.eitschrift  der  llesettsiJiaft  Jiir 
Erdkuitde  in  Rerlin  in  1S77, — a  treatise  which  was  immediately  republished  separately 
?i»  Geschichte  der  Rntdeckun^^syeisen  und  ScliiJlJalirlen  ziir  Mai;e//aii's  SIrasse.  In  iKSi 
Dr.  Franz  Wiescr,  a  professor  in  the  University  at  Innspruck,  examined  especially  the 
question  of  any  anterior  exploration  in  this  direction,  in  his  Maj^aliuhs-strasse  iiiul 
Austral  Continent  aiif  den  t;M>en  des  Johannes  Sdiiiner,  which  was  jjublislied  in  that 
year  at  Innspruck.'  About  the  same  time  (18S1)  the  Royal  Academy  at  Lisbon  printed 
a  Vida  e  l'iai;ens  de  l-'ern!lo  de  Afaf^al/nles,  com  tint  apf>endice  orii^inal,  which,  as  the 
work  of  Diego  de  Barros  Arana,  had  already  appeared  in  Spanish. 

The  bibliography  of  Magellan  and  his  voyage  is  prepared  with  some  care  by  Charton  in 
his  ybyai^eurs,  p.  353  ;  and  scantily  in  St.  Martin's  Histoire  de  la  (.ii-<\i;ia/>/iie,  \i.  370. 

'  Cf.    also   a   notice    by   Navarretc    in    his  Mitlheiluiif;eu  des /iislitiils  fiir  oster>tiilii.u/ie  Ge- 

O/'thiidos,  i.   143,  with  (p.  203)  an  .appendix  of  schiditsforsihiiiii;,  v.  (heft  iii.)    to  "ciii  Itcricht 

"  Prucbas,  ihistraciones  y  docunientos."  dcs  Gasparo  Contarini  iilicr  die  Ilcinikclir  der 

"^  S.ahin,  iii.  9,208.  Victoria  von  der  Ma^alhiics'sclien  Kxpedition," 

'  Wiescr  has  also   drawn    attcntiiin    in   the  with  ample  annotation. 


I 


1| 

V 


EDITORIAL  NOTE.  — A  section  on  tlie  "Historical  ChoroRraphy  of  .«oiith  America,"  traclni;  tlic 
cartographical  history  of  th.it  continent,  together  with  a  note  on  tlie  "  Hibliography  of  Uracil,"  is  reserved  for 
Vol.  VIU. 


vciis's  CoUec' 

dernian  \ci- 

1  (cf.  Carlcr- 

147);    Goiaid 

itoS;  Karya 

11,    i66()-i675. 

ncs  was  not 

order  of  Philip 

,1  fleet  from 

s  and  the  sub- 

c   Antniiio   dc 

xico,   1609)  as 

c  HakUiyt  So- 

5.S.     Cf.  'Pedro 

7///«<;.f,  Rome, 

S;,2),  no.  99; 


VOL.   II.  —  78. 


'I 


Ifcll  '< 


w 


m 


m 


''",1  I 

■•I  (J 


:ir 


INDEX. 


[Reference  is  commonly  made  but  once  to  a  book  if  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  text;  but  other  references  arc  made 
when  additional  information  about  the  book  is  cr-  iveyed.j 


Aa,  Vandek,  his  collection,  63;  map 
of  the  Pacific  cgast,  467.  Set' 
Vandcr  Aa. 

Abancay  River,  544. 

AbiTca,  1*.,  Kfjrs  de  A  ragon^  6S. 

AL  yoa,  jv^- 

Aberl,  J.  W.,  Report  on  .\>7('  Mexico^ 
4S7,  50  [. 

Ablyn,  yieuwc  UWrc/f,  410. 

Abreu  de  tlalineo,  .?(). 

Acadia  (Larcadiat.  451,  45,^ 

Acapulco,  ,i.)2,  441  ;  view  of,  ,VM  :  com- 
merce with  Philippines,  454. 

Acklin  Island,  1)2. 

Ada,  igS,  lyfj,  501^. 

Acoma,  4S5,  4S7,  504. 

Aconcaqna.  524,  52S. 

AcDSta,  Col.  }.,  ///sL  y.Gratuiiliiy  5S2. 

.Ai-'psia,  Jose  dc,  in  Peru,  552;  used 
I  )uran  s  manuscript,  420;  account 
nfhini,42o;  Ih-  Xatura  Novi  Or- 
/"s  420;  on  tlie  conversion  of  the 
Indians,  420;  tin  the  nalivesof  Peni 
and  Mt  xico,  120;  Hist.  fi,it.  y  uioral 
tie  las  Ifiiiias^  420  ;  inSihrvibjiug 
iier  A merua.  420 :  AVrc  //  V//.  420  ; 
A  tnrrh.i  tnii-r  W 'est  I miui^  42  > ; 
Eiist  and  U  'est  Indies,  420. 

Actnhachi,  248 

Aites  de  la  ^ociH^  iV Etlmologie^  50. 

Aciiuo,  4S7,  4i)0. 

Acuna,  bishop  of  Caracas,  gf-o;  Rio 
de  las  A  tnazons,  sS>);  translated  by 
*Miinbervi!Ie,  584. 

Acu-^,  477.  4S.>. 

Adda^d.  d',  47- 

Adlard,  ( Ico. .-( //O'e  Rohart^  46(1. 

Admiral's  map,     12. 

Adrian  VI.,  2,^5. 

Adrian,  Cardinal,  307. 

yKneas  Sylvius,  .v;  his  Historian  31  ; 
annotated  by  Cohmibns  (rut),  11. 

Africa,  geoi^raphy  of,  v)!  circunmavi- 
gated  by  the  a.icients,  4t);  sketch- 
map  of  ex|)lorations  ^cut).  40  ;  map 
of  (14-10),  41  ;  supjiosed  to  be  con- 
nected with  America,  127;  coast  of, 
by  Ptolemy,  165  ;  map  of  ( 1 509K  1  72 ; 
in  Pomponius  Mela's  map,  iSo. 

Agathoda'mon  maps,  2S. 

A^ile,  246. 

Agnese,  Haptista,  pnrtolano  of  Charles 
v.,  222;  map  of  the  Moluccas,  440; 
n)ap(i5i',\  (If;  ;  map  (1554),  44"^- 

Agricola,  Kudolpluis,  1S2:  his  iract 
Ad  J  'adianui/i,  tS2. 

Asaadu,  Juan,  17. 

Aguilar,  4'vv 

Agnilar,  Coude  de.  vjo. 

vVguilar.  Francisco  de,  2f«n. 

Aguilar,  Marcos  de,  jS'i. 

Aguilar,  Martin,  !iis  voyage.  461. 


Aguirre,  V.  de,  52S. 

Aguirre,    Lope    de,    Ids    revolt    from 

Ursua,5S2;  killed,  582;  account  of, 

5S2. 
Ahumada,  Pedro  de,  254. 
Ailly,  Pierre  d'  i,Petrusdc  Aliacus),  28  ; 

)''!tago  Mundif  28;   notes   on,  by 

Cohimbus,  29;  fac-sin»ileufthem,  31. 

See  D'Ailly. 
Alabama  River,  205- 
Alaman,    Lucas,    tianslates    Prescott, 

427  ;  Historia  de  la  Republica  Meji- 

cana,  W.  42S:   fUstoria  de  Mejico, 

42S;  Disertacioiiesj  25(',  3(15. 
.Alaminos,  Anton    de,  pilot,  201,  203, 

233,  234.  236,  2S3. 
Alarcon,    Hernando,   sent   to  support 

by  sea  Coronado's  expedition,  443, 

4S1  ;    on     the    Colorado,    4S1  ;     his 

buried  message  I'ound,  4S(). 
Alaska,     first     fairly     mapped,    4'^'4  ; 

(..Maschka)  4'-;. 
Albertini,    Francesco,    Opttacuhim   de 

Romcr,  154;   De  Roma  /•riscif,  154. 
Albertus  M.ignus,  jS;  hisportrail(cut), 

2.):  De  iiatiira  loi-or7trft,<^^\  edited 

by  'ranslelter,  173. 
Albo   (Alvaro),    Francisco,    log-book, 

">?;■ 

Alcabala,  561. 

.Alcalde,  duties  of,  34S. 

Alcaforado,  Francisco,  3S. 

.Alcantara,  l-'rancisco  Martin  de,  512. 

Alcantara,  Martin  de.  534. 

Alcarraz,  Diego  d',  4*^6,  41)1,  4'>6. 

Alca/.ar,  Co}>t/>afiia  de  yesus,  z-jij. 

Alcon,  Pedro,  51 1. 

Aldana.  231J. 

Aldana,  Lorenzo  de,  23.),  540,  54".  545- 

AKiercte,  J.  de,  52S. 

Aleutian    Islands,  first  lairly  mapped, 

4''4- 
Aleque.  1".-  \.  ^f), 
Alexander  VL,  I'ope,  13:  his  P.ull,  13, 

45;   bust  of,  44:  addressed  hy  Co- 

lumbu*^,  46.      See  Pull  :   Demarcn- 

tion. 
Alfinger,  Ambrosio  de,  his  expedition, 

.Algu.i/.il,  51^3. 

Alibamo  ( AJinianni,  I.inianuO,  250. 

Allard,  CaroUis,  his  Atlas,  4M6. 

Allefonsce,  rcnigh  sketch-maji  of  tlie 
Antilles,  227. 

Allegania,  name  proposed  for  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  17S. 

Alleurctli,  Alleyri.  \\\-^  F.^hewerides,  i. 

Allen.  J.  .A.,  Iiil'liogra/>hy.o/ Cetacea, 
430, 

A llge/neiffe  t^'-'>gra/>/ttSilie  I'.f'hemeri- 
den,  140,  5.(3. 


Ahnagro,  Diego,  i<A5"5l  proclaimed 
governor  of  Peru,  534  ;  Ids  career, 
506 :  follows  Pizarro,  507 ;  made 
governor  of  Tumbe/,  512;  breaks 
with  Pizarro,  512  ;  brings  re-en- 
forcements, 517  ;  likeness,  51S;  asks 
for  a  province,  51S:  agreement  with 
Pizarro,  522  '  goes  to  conquer  Chili, 
523  ;  enters  and  claims  Cusco,  525; 
conference  with  Pizarro,  52');  de- 
feated and  put  in  chains,  527 :  his 
son  Diego,  i;27;  killed,  527,  s.i''- 

Almanacs,  earlv,  102. 

Alniendral   (Afmendras),    Martin    de, 

in- 

Alonzo  V.  (Portuga!).  3. 

Altamaha,  24''). 

Altamiranis  D.  CI.,  545. 

Alva,  Duke  ot".  S-^. 

Aivarado,  Alonzo  de,  534,  ^\\  \  ad- 
vances on  Cusco,  ^2i\\  (lefeated,  ^2''»; 
escapes  from  Cusco,  521.;  likeness, 
(;44  ;  defeated  Ijy  (liron,  1:45. 

Aivarado,  Carcia  de.  S35. 

Aivarado,  Citmez  de.  527. 

Aivarado,  Con/alo,  his  m.muscript  on 
the  conquest  of  ( 'ruatomala,  41.). 

Aivarado,  Ilern.nido  de.  \\.^\. 

Alvar.ado.  Pedro  de,  351;  his  portrait, 
3''fs  3')^ '-  a'ltog.,  3')7 :  with  Cri- 
jalva,  2«pi ;  in  Mexico,  3()7;  at  the 
second  siei;e,  37^1;  receives  'I'apia, 
3S0:  in  Ciuateniala,  3S3  ;  accounts 
of  his  trial,  y*i<^  410".  in  Peru,  520; 
his  report  to  C'ortes,  411:  his  ile- 
spatches  from  Cuatemala,  410;  re- 
turns to  Cuatemala,  522;  new  grant 
to.  S22. 

Alvarez.  K%iy  ^X<. 

Alvaro.     See  Albo. 

Alviles,  Diego,  5o(>. 

Alzate.  37S. 

Amador  de  los  Rios,  fose,  edits  Ovie- 
do,  3tf>. 

AmaiiiMvo,  2(3. 

Am.iiuhis,  Chronica,  417. 

Am.it  di  San  Kilippo.  Pictro,  /^V.'.^.^ 
dei  viagi^iatori  Italiaui,  \i,^  ;  utap- 
panioiidi,   etc,    155;  Stitdi  I'iog.  e 

Ain.it,  Die:  de  los  escritores  Catalanes, 

45- 
Amatepeque,  503. 
Amati,  Ricrrclie,  51. 
Amazon,  510 ;  discovered,  S2^;  history 

of  the,    570;    (Paricnr.i,  Maranon, 

Otcllana    |SS;  sketch-map,  i;Si. 
Amazons  (female  warriors),  5'<4,  585' 

tin  New  Mexico)  474. 
Atnl>o\ii,i.  ^.(1. 
Am.'lia  Island,  2S2. 
A  luerica.  /./%,  .*? 


620 


fl 


p-  4 


America,  in  Schinier'sclohe  (1535),  iiS; 
ii.iniecpn  the  ^l■(l^s^^)res,  i  »o;  (in  the 
1  >.i  \'inci  skelcli,  u'l  :  p.ipur  nn  the 
naming  ot".  by  Ju^titi  Win^or,  13,1  ; 
n.niu'  prnposed  in  Citsif/tii,'-.  ////roi/., 
\\'\lh  lac— similes, 1 40,  I'lS  ;  carliesi  ii-^e 
of  name  on  maps,  171,  17J  ;  slicmid  Iju 
cillcilColumba,  174  :  a  part  of  Asia, 
170;  lliu  name  tirsl  applied  to  (he 
L'tuire  continent  (1541).  17'^;  name 
of,  in  editions  of  Ptolemy.  1*^4.  Si'c 
Ntiitli  America,  Sontli  America. 

Americnt'  Kthnol(tgical  Society, /ViU/^- 
iiidons,  501. 

Amm\au  journal  of  Xumismatics, 

47" 

American  Philosophical  Society's 
'I'fittisaitious,  35. 

Aiiirrii'tiii  Ixcviciv,  501. 

Aniichel,  3S4:  named  by  (iaray,  237. 

yXmigns  del  I'ais,  lufornit',  etc.,  S2. 

Amoretti,  Charles,  on  Mnidonndo,  456  ; 
publishes  l'is;afetta,  fn4. 

Annica,  5SQ. 

Amiinate^ni,  M.  L..  DrscHf'.  t  rotiq. 
lit-  CAt/r,  57_^  ;  Ld  sor/irrsu  lic 
Citriti'iiva,   573. 

Anahnac  plateau,  .^sS,  359. 

Anaiea,  24(1. 

Aualectic  Miti^nzinc,  50. 

A  miles  tie  Aragou,  '>s,  421. 

Anacinito.  53S. 

Anasco,  Juan  de,  245,  246. 

Ancients,  their  references  to  western 
lands,  25. 

Ancona,  1 '«(Vi/rt«,  421),  558, 

Ancoras,  449. 

Ancupariiis,  Thos.,  173. 

Andai;oya,  Pascnal  de,  igfi,  ifjtj,  212, 
5<'5'  541*  5''4  ''  'i'**  Rt'/atiou,  212, 
214,  564  ;  edited  by  Markliam,  212, 
5^)4  ;  inspector-general,  506;  his  life, 
^<^^\  in  Him,  506;  founds  IJiiena- 
ventnru,  53'^>. 

Andaluiaylas,  t;i9. 

Andalusian  Ijibliophiles,  6<'>. 

Anderson,  America  not  discovered  by 
VolmnbuK,  33. 

Andes,  514.     See  Cordilleras. 

Andrade,  J.  M.,  422  ;  his  library,  3<)9  ; 
its  sale,  430. 

Anghiera.     See  Martyr. 

Anian,  early  use  of  the  name,  445  ;  on 
the  Asiatic  coast,  445. 

Anian,  Gulf  of,  454. 

Anian  KeKtuim,  452,  454,  450,  472. 

Anian,  Straits  of,  origin  of  the  name, 
445  ;  first  on  maps,  449  ;  mentioned, 
445.  45'»  453.  454.  455-  AVh  4f>"i  463. 
4('i4.  4f>i;,  4fiii,  4fi7 ;  llojdson  on,  456. 

Anson,  I'oyages,  ^(yj. 

Antarctic  continent,  1  nj,  433,  454,  457  ; 
{Terra  Australis)  45^^ 

Anlicluhones,  iSo. 

Antigua,  197 ;  abandoned,  kjq.  .S>c 
Santa  Maria. 

Antithas,  inK. 

AnMlles{.\ntiglle  ,  220  ;  (Kntillas),  226: 
tirsi  named,  38, 

Antillia,  105,  115;  (Antiglie),  i2i;(is- 
land)v>.  3>*- 

Anlischia,  5^4. 

Antonio,  liibliotheca  If/s/i.  nova,  575. 

yXntonlude  la  Ascension.  4<'ki. 

Antwerp.  A'////,  dr  la  Soc-  gcog  ,  59. 

Anza,  4fiS. 

Apalche,  j<i. 

Apalache  Hay,  243,  2S3,  28S. 

Apalaches,  295. 

Apianns.  Petrus  (Bienewitzl,  Coswog, 
liber ^  1 73,  1 74,  1 S2  ;  Declaratto 
tyf^i  cosiuogrnphici,  i7f>,  ('^2  ;  ac- 
count nfliini,  I>^J  ;  .inn{)tated  by  ( 1. 
I'risins,  1S3  :  later  editions,  i>^4,  iSt;, 
1S6;  Ills  likeness,  from  Keiisner, 
179  :  another  likeness.  iS;  ;  b"  ''  ^':- 
raphy  of,  1^0,  etc.  ;  his  map 
122,  173,  \'^2  ;  fac-viniite  of 

ApoUonius.  l.evinus, /^c/Vr/.7  '.*  cesi- 
oi/ix,  ^7',. 

Apuriin.ic,  520. 

Arabs,  their  marine  chart's.  94. 

Ani^on, archives  of,  ii,;  chronicles  of,6S. 


IXDKX. 


Arana,  Diego  de,  10 ;  Biblto^C-  <f^  <^b-  . 

ras  afhhi.,  (>h,  2Sg.  ! 

Araucanians,  524,  54S ;   wars  of,  5O1,  1 

573,  poem  on,  by  l-.rcilla,  571.  j 

.Araucaria,  5f>2.  | 

.Arauco,  524. 
Arbadaos,  244. 

Arholancha,  Pedro  do,  n/*.  211. 
Arch.eoloftical    Institute   of    America, 

Frf-orts,  502. 
Archc,  491. 

A  rt  Itivo  dos  A\;ores,  40. 
A  rchivo  Mexicttno,  3>»S. 
Arciniega,  Sancbo  de,  j/S. 
Arctic  (kean  (mare  septentrionalo  in- 

co^into),  451. 
Arilomo,  Ant.  defence  of  C.  de  Vacai 

jSh;   l''..\auten,  2Sf», 
Arellano,  t".  d',  25.S. 
Arellano,  Tristan  d',213,  482,  48''i,  4S1J, 

504:  attacked,  495. 
Arenas{Cape),  281. 
Arequipa,  519.  55S.  559".  founded,  523. 
Argensoia.    A  miles   de  Arago/t,   91  ; 

Cofitj.  de  bix  islax  Malucas,  OiO. 
Arguello,  Ilernandode,  213. 
Arias,  C.oniez,  503;    seeks   De    Solo, 

Aribau,  I!.  C,  584. 
Arica,  519. 

Aristotle,  24  ;  De  mundo^  2C>. 
Aii/ona,  477. 
Arkansas  Indians,  294. 
Annas,    I.  \,.  de.  Las  Cenizas  de  Co- 
lo//, yl'. 
Arinendariz,  581,582. 
Armor  of    Columbus'    time    (cut),  4; 
f  Cortes'  time,  360;  Spanish,  539, 

544.55"'       . 
Arms  of  Spanish  towns  and  provinces, 

409. 
Arnini,    T.,    Das  altc    Mexico.,    362, 

42S. 
Arrowsmitli,  bis  maps  show  Lake  Pa- 

rima,  5^9. 
Artlius,  (lothard,   420:    India  orien- 

talis,  *'i''. 
Arx  Carolina,  269, 
Ascension  liay  in  Yucatan,  203. 
Asensio,  |.  ^I.,  Los  ?rsfos  de  Colon^ 

S2. 
Asia,  in  Poniponius  Mela's  map,  180. 
A-'ian  theory,  42.     See  .\meric-'». 
Aspa,  Ant.  de,  ^9. 
Asseline,  David,  A  /itiquitez  de  Dicp/'e, 

34- 
Astabuniaga,  F.  S.,  573. 
Astcte,  Miguel,  his  narrative,  566. 
Astrolabe,  9');  picture  01,9(1. 
Astronomers,  important  on  early  voy- 
ages, [4S. 
Atabillos,  Marquis  of,  522. 
Atacama,  559;  desert,  524. 
Atacamcs,  50S. 
Atahualjia,  514;  jiortraits  of,  515,  516; 

made  prisoner,  sU-;  offers  ransom, 

517,  5')'i ;  nuirdered,  517 
Atien/a,    Mlas  de,  520;   with   Balboa, 

520. 
Atienzn,  Bias  de  (son\  Relaciou,  520. 
Atlantic  Hiean,  names  of,   30 ;   called 

*■  Mare  del  Nort,''  451. 
Atlantis,  37. 
Atratf)  (river),  i<(8,  509. 
A tti    della    Soc.    Ligitre  di    Storia 

Patria,  io'<,  dif). 
Attwood's  Bay,  5'). 
Aubin  manuscripts,  41S 
Audiencia,  w"^;  of  New  Spain,  ^87:  of 

San  Domingf),  3S2. 
Augustinian  friars,  399. 
Aiisli,    7,  das,  9,  f.6,  103. 
Ame  (harbor),  243. 
.\uto  da  fe  in  Peru,  557. 
Autun,  d',  28. 
-Av.-'vares  ( Indians).  244. 
/. ■  JiidaiVi.  Diego  de,  343. 
Avila,  Alnnso  (le,  351,  429,  520. 
.Avila,   Pedro  Arias  d',  505;  governor 

of  Nicaragua,  50*^.     See  Pedr.-irips, 
Avila.     See  1  )avila,  Gil  Gonzales. 
Axacan.  2''>n,  282. 
Ayala,  J*edni  de.  518. 


Ayays,  253. 

Ayllon,  Lucas  Vas(lU(.•^  de,  of  St.  Do- 
mingo, 23S;  on  the  Klorida  coast, 
2.(0;  land  of,  221:  in  \'ngiiiia,  241  : 


map 


'54'.  i;r; 

>'.  rediscov- 


dies,  241 ;  authorities  o 

of  his  explorations,  285 
Ayora,  11,7. 
A/evedo  (Jesuit),  278. 
.Azores,   ir.5,    115,  451  :    li. 

Artliifo  dos  A{Ores,  40 

ered,  38. 
A/tec  civilization,  de-cribed  by  Pres- 

cott,  4?;;  doubted  by  Wilson,  427. 
.Aztec  liter, iture,  417, 
Aztecs    before   the   Conquest,   as  d'-- 

scribed   by   Sabagun,   410;    driven 

from  Mexico,  445. 

Bahui-xa,  127. 

llaccalaos,  128.  432,  434,  436;  Baca* 
laos)  22,1,  228,  44f>:  (liacalar)  i2'> ; 
(I'accallaos)  435;  (Bacallaos)  435; 
(Bacaalear)  432;  ( Baccaleanim  re- 
gio)  177,  433;  (Bacalhos)  44(1; 
(Baccalos)  451;  (Ba(|ualnn)  450; 
map  of,  435. 

Bachiler,  Ap/intes  para  la  hist,  de 
C/tba,  230. 

Backer,  La  compagnie  de  Jesus,  420. 

Back-staff,  98,  100.     ^Vc  Cross  staff. 

Bacon,  Fr..  Li/eof/Ienry  11/.,  t,. 

Bacon,  Kuger,  2S:  Opus  Maj'/ts.  2S- 

Badajos,  Gonzalo  de.  198. 

Badaios.  Congress  of,  439. 

Baerle,  K.van,  edits  Herrera,  4()i. 

Baez,  282. 

Baguet,  "  Ces  restes  de  Colomb,"  82. 

Baliamas  (Banama),  217;  discovered, 
233;  number  of,  53  ;  map,  55  ;  slaves 
taken  at,  23(t. 

Bahia  de  Cavallos.  243. 

liahia  de  la  Cruz  (Apalache),  243,  2S8. 

Balbiia,  AL  C,  //isioire  d/i  i\'rtt.  576, 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  193 ;  liears  of 
the  Southern  Sea,  194:  discovers  it, 
176,  195,  211,  217,  436,  439,  505;  his 
trial,  197;  executed,  i9i(,  212,  213; 
authorities  on,  210;  portrait,   195, 

Balbuena,   '".l  liernanlo,  430. 

Baldelli,  AlJio/iedi  Marco  Polo,  156. 

Baldi.  C'.  Colombo,  (n). 

Baldwin,  C.  C,  457  ;  Prehistoric  Xa- 
tiotis,  25. 

Ballenar,  524. 

Balsas,  Kio,  198. 

Bamba,  river,  521- 

BanchcK),  (!.,  iv.  :  ed.  ofCodice,  72. 

Bancroft,  Geo.,  on  Prescott.  427. 

Bancroft,  11.  II.,  his  manuscripts,  viil  ; 
on  Ilenera,'>7;  his  Early  Ameri- 
ca/i  Cliro/ziilers,  J07  ;  his  authorities 
on  Mexican  liistorv,  399  ;  criticism  of 
Prescott,  425 ;  his  lists  of  be  ks  on 
Mexico,  430;  Ins  Xatire  AVttTJ, 
5U2  ;  History  oy/'aciyic  States,  502  ; 
Xortk  .Mexican  States,  502;  Cen- 
tral A  u/erica,  207,  502,  578;  Mexi- 
co, 428,  429,  502  ;  California,  502  : 
Xorthioest  Coast,  502;  AVif  *l/tM'/- 
t  0  and  A  ricona,  502. 

Banda,  591. 

Bandelier,  A.  V.,  on  Chimalpain,  412  ; 
bibliography  of  Yucatan,  213,  42W, 
430 ;  Ilisto/ical  Jnfrod/iction  to 
St/tdies  aimaig  the  Sede//tary  In- 
diausy  477,  502 ;  and  the  Codex 
Chii/talpopoca,  4r8;  R/tins  i/i  the 
Valley  0/  J'ecos.  48S. 

Bandini,  A.  ^L,  I'itadi  I'espucci,  131, 
154. 

Banks,  Sir  Joseph,  226. 

Baranda,  vii. 

Barbo^a,  Duarte,  Somviario,  013. 

Baibmata,  5S1. 

Barcelona,  archives  ai,  n. 

Barcia,     Andres     Gonzales.    Ensayo 
cronoldffico,      2S3 ;      flistnriadores 
primitivos,  401  :  edits  lienera,  07; 
edits  G.  do  la  \'cga's  Florida,  290 
etlits  Torciuemada,  422. 

Barco,  pLdm  del,  517. 

Barent/,  .\<'o. 

Barlxus,  Xo7'ns  Orbis,  (t7. 


i* 


INDEX. 


621 


I  de.  of  Si.  D'>- 

i  Morula  tn.ist, 
in  Vir;j;iiiia,  241  ; 
L's  1)1),  i'^s  ;  map 
285. 


\    Ml    r;4i.  17;; 
rs,  41' :  iciliscuv- 

■cribcd  hy  I'res- 
by  Wilful,  427. 

'onquest,    ;w   cli  ■ 
in,   4i'i ;    driven 


«4.  43^' ;     iS'ic.i- 

>\  (Hacalar)  i2fi ; 
(Bacallans)  435; 
[liacealcarum  re- 
(Iiacal!ir)s>  44''- 
(Baquahin)    45"  ; 

'iirit  la    hist.    </<■ 

'lie  lie  Ji'-sus,  420. 
See  Cross-staff. 
'fen>y  I'll..  ?,. 
>/>nx  Mtijiis,  2S. 

198. 

.  ■\M)- 

i  Hcrrera,  401. 

de  Colomb*"  '^z. 
217;  discovered, 
I,  \  map,  55  ;  slaves 

43- 

palachej,  243*  288. 
aire  tin  Pern.  57^). 
z  de,  \u}  ;  bears  of 
,  1(^4  ;  discovers  it, 

■  4.^S  439.  505;  I'i^ 
ed,    u^j,  212,   213; 
j;  portrait,   I'js- 
m/i',  430. 
Marco  Polo,  156. 

,  Prchi&torie  Sa- 


d.  o^Codice,  72. 

'rescott,  427. 

nmuiiscripta,  viii  : 

"s  Early  Ameri- 

7 ;  bis  authorities 

,  391^ ;  criticism  i)f 

lists  of  br.   ks  on 

Xafire   Kaces^ 

'aci/ii  States,  5.i2  ; 

California^   5"2  ; 
502  ;  A'fTt'-J/t'.r/- 
502. 


.V/, 


Cbimalpain,  41^  ; 
'ucatan.   215,   42-). 

I  utrihiiutioH  to 
•he  Seiieutary  In- 

nid  the  Codex 
rS  ;    Ruins  in  the 

4SS. 

(//  res/>nai,  \\i. 


iininariOt  (ji3- 


t.  11. 

m/alcs,    Etisayo 
llistoriadores 
dils  Herrera,  i>7 ; 
l's  Flrida,  290 
,  422. 


''/j,  f>7. 


Harlow,  S.  L.  M.,  prints  Ilarrisse's 
Xoteson  Colunil'USy  viii.;  his  Hltrarv, 

4^. 

Haronms,  Annates,  592. 

Marreiros,  De  Ophira  regione.,  154. 

Ilarrio-Xuevo,  I"   de,  212,  495. 

Harros,  Arana  Mie^o  de.  Collection 
d^oiwra^es  inedits  on  tares  sur 
VAtnerit^ue,  S7V.  Proreso  de  I'al- 
diT'ia,  5'>9;  Coleccion  de  llistoria- 
dores tie  Chile,  S72:  book  on  Ma- 
gellan, 617. 

Harros,  Jo.'io  de,  Asia,  90. 

Harrow,  Chrotioh\^ieal  History  of 
\'oyai;es,  3^,  4:;:;. 

r.arry,  J.  J..  <h:  rohinibiis.  (v), 

Uartictl,  J.  I\..  on  C.  de  Vaca's  route, 
2S7 ;  on  cariy  printing  in  Mexico, 
400. 

liirtolozzi,  K.,  Rieerehe  circa  sco- 
Perte  di  I'^cspucci,  162;  Relaztone^ 

1^)2. 

I'asanier,  293,  298. 
Uasle,  treaty  of,  Mo. 

Hasns,  44,,. 

IJassin  de  Sand.icourt,  145.  i'''4. 

bastidas,  Kodri^cj,  loi),  189,  581  ;  au- 
thorities on  his  voyage,  2q%  207; 
his  voyage,  22.  204. 

lianranU  bay,  '  o'). 

IJaiuIoin,  J.,  575. 

Baiitista,  Joan,  pilot,  '-16. 

Kayuera,  I'.,  Copia  de  la  Icttera  per 
Colombo^  62. 

lia/an,  Pedro  de,  241. 

Hazares,  Cliiido  de,  257. 

Iteaupre,  O14. 

Hecerra,  I)iej;o,  19^,  441. 

Heclier,  Landfall  of  Columbus,  54. 

Hede,  2S. 

Hehaini,  Martin,  his  career,  104;  his 
claim  to  early  discoveries,  34;  his 
map  of  Mai;ellan's  straits,  35,  604; 
improves  the  astrolabe,  97  ;  on  the 
African  coast,  41  ;  portrait,  104  ;  liis 
^tobe,  25,  ni(  ;  section  of,  105  ;  de- 
scribed, 105. 

Behring  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  464  ;  his 
straits.  4f'S. 

Bijar,  duque  de,  y.v\ 

Helen,  river,  22. 

Betgranu,  L.  '1*.,  Ossa  di  Colombo,  S3. 

IJelkna)).  1  >r.  Jeremy,  cm  Columbus, 
f^S  ;  his  Aineriean  IHoi^raphy,  oS, 

Belle^arde,  Abbe  de.  341. 

Belle^^ardi',  Ilistoire  unlverselle,  410. 

Bellero,  Juan.  180;  his  maji,  227,  412. 

ilellin,  Nic,  his  map  of  California,  41  iS. 

Bcllnro,  (1  'i'.,  on  Columbus'  birth- 
place. H4;  Notizte^  S4. 

Belloy,  M.irquis  de,  Ct>lofnb.6<). 

Beiiaduci,  Lorenzo  Boturinl,  2 ;  his 
maiHiscripts,  397,  418  ;  Idea  de  una 
uueva  historia,  etc.,  41S,  429  ;  Cata- 
loi^o,  429. 

Renal'-a/.ar,  .Seb.,  19S  538,  580. 

Beneventanus,  Marcus,  121,  154. 

Beiuncasa,  Andreas,  portolano,  3S. 

Benzoni,  Girolamo,  346;  Historia  del 
inondo  nuoz'o,  34'>,  347  :  its  biblio- 
graphy, 347  ;  his  portrait,  347  ;  Nuo- 
7>anie*'te  ristampata,  etc.,  347  :  <hi 
Columbus,  67  ;  AVrvr  novi  orhis  his- 
tori<p  libri,  29--,  347:  in  De  Bry, 
347 :  Per  neivenn  If'eldt,  347 ; 
Cterman  versimis,  347;  I  >utcli  ver- 
sions, 347  :   Kiiglish  versions,  347. 

Berardi,  Jiianoio,  131,  142, 

Berckman,  A.,  1S4. 

Berendt,  (J.  H.,  402. 

Bergenroth,  G,  A.,  edits  Rolls  Series, 
1.;  Calendar  of  Letters,  etc.,  i.  ; 
liiuls  a  Columbus  letter,  47  ;  Calen- 
dar of  State  Papers,  47;  on  l--a- 
bella,'5. 

Bergomas,  Snpplementnni  supple - 
tnenti,  64.     See  T'oresti. 

Beristain,  liibUotheca  Hispano-AvW' 
ricano,  429. 

Berlin,  Catalogue  of  manuscripts  in  the 
library  at,  449;  GeselUcliaft  flir 
Krdkunde,q3  :  Berliner  '/.eitsehrift 
fUr  allgemeine  Erdkunde,  579 


I   Bermuda,  224,  451,  453:   (1511)  im; 

(152.,)  22  1  ;  (1544)  227;  <i55&)  ^28 ; 

hrsi  seen,   1^5;  (.Belmudo)  229;  in 

the  early  maps,  225. 

Bernaldez,    Andres,  Historia   de    los 

reyes  catolieos,  47,  S3. 
Bernalillo,  4X8. 

lieniard,  A.  J.,  Geofroy  Tory,  iSi. 
Berreo,  Ant.  de,  s^f*. 
BeiTio,  23'>. 
Berihoiui,  K.  I,..  4'7. 
Bertraiidin  yournal des  Sacauts^  4-;  i . 
Benvick,  Duke  ul',  >:«, 
Betanzosj  Juan  de,  $\'\ 
Beteia,  lathL-r  CicKory  de.  255- 
Bianco,   Andrea,  his  sea-chari,  38,  94. 
Bibliophile  Belize,  z,i>. 
Jiibliot--ca  de  los  Atnericauistas,  39'^, 

4P>. 
Biblioteca  CoUnubina,  <->i. 
Itiblioteca  C"osaleiiense,  159. 
Biblioteca  historica  de  la  Iberia,  40S, 

411. 
Biblioteca  uacioual y  extranjera,  42S. 
Biblioteca  I  'alenciana,  I'u. 
Bibliotheca  Thottiana,  171. 
Bibliothek  des  Uteran'schen    I'erei'fis 

in  Stuit^i^art.  579. 
Bihliothi'que  filzhnrienne,  203. 
Biedma,  laiys  Hernandez  de,A't'('./(  Aw, 

2S9,  2ijo;  autog.,  290. 
Bienewitz.     See  Apianus. 
Big.ites,  487.  4SS.  49'- 
Bimini,  1 10,  ;'i7,  231,  2S3  ;  fountain  at, 
232;    name  transferred  lo  Mexico, 
.'»»7- 
Biobio  river,  532. 
Ibondelli,  41  5. 

Bioiulo,  De  veutiset  navigatione,  421. 
Bird,    [(jS,   199,   505,   50.J ;    visited  by 
Andagoya,  5ot).     ^Vt*  Beru. 
I   Bison,  477;    the  range  of, ,244.     See 

Buffalo. 
I   Blaru,  WMw,  5S7  ;  his  maps  of  Cali- 

fornia,  467. 
I   Blanco,  Cape,  40,  2S0,  461  ;  (Blamquo) 

44^ 
I    Blome,  Description  (ifijo),  466. 
I    Bobadilla,  20,  21,  1^9. 
I    Bobr.dilla,  Friar  Kr.  de,  526. 
I    Bobadilla,  Isabel  del,  197. 
1    Boca  del  I>rago,  1S7. 
Boca  de  Terminos,  203. 
Bocchi,   I'rancesco,  Libri  elogiorum, 

1 54. 
Bifinus,  Joliannes,  Omnium  gentium 

mores,  615. 
Boesnier.  Le  Mexique  cowjuis,  430. 
lioRotii,  5S1  ;    P'edermann  and  others 
„  :»t,  579. 
Bohan,  531. 
Boissard,  Icones,  (7  ;  Bibliotheca,  etc., 

(7.  73- 
Hoj.idm,  ( 'ape»  40, 
BoUaeii.  Win.,  582. 
Bon'ionnne,  M.,  i8'>. 
Bind,  C».,  Biblioteca  Esteuse,  107. 
Boiinerniix,  Baron  de,  I'ie  de  Colomb, 

Bontier,  36. 

Bookworm,  48. 

Boide,  P.  G.  I..,  VMe  de   Trinidad, 

5^7- 
Boija,  J.  H.  de,  5^2. 
Bnrromeo,  Fred.,  Cardinal,  57,  614. 
Bory  de  Saint-Vincent,  Les  Isles  For- 

tunl-es,  3fj. 
Btis,  Van  den,  Leven  en  Daden,  68. 
P.OSM  haert,  ifi2, 

Bos-i.  \..,  I 'ita  di  Colombo,  f^S. 
Boston,  a  ship  from,  alleged  to  be  met 

by  1  )e  I'onte,  4'^)2. 
Botero.  Relacioues,  461. 
Botiii  ini.     ..SVf'  Beiiaduci. 
Bougiier,  si*o. 
Boulenger,  Louis,  120. 
Bourke,  J.  G..  <ni  Coronadn,  503. 
Bourne,  /Crgi/nent  of  the  Sea,  98. 
pMiwen,  Ills  map,  4'  8. 
liraba,  .(05. 
I'r  iL.iinor.is,  ^27. 
'■rii'lf.'id  Club  publications,  2)0. 
Bui^a,  J..lni  ol,  59'). 


Branco  river,  5S7. 

Brant,    Seb.,    portrait,    59;    Xarren- 

schi^,  5S 
Brant(jine,  Grands  capttatnes,  2 /S. 
Brasilic,  iiS,  u.,.     See  Brazil. 
Brasseur  de   Bt>urbonr.;j;,   I'opul-l'uh, 
25;    on  Spanisli   cruelty,   343  ;    hi^i 
auihoriiy,  41s  ;  Xations  cir'Hisees, 
41S.  42S ;  on  the  in.inuhcript  of  Her- 
11. il  I>iaz,  42S;    edits   Btshoj)    J.an- 
da's  Relation,  429:   his  lilaary,  41S, 
4^11.   I'odex  Chin;alpo/>oca.  4i'<. 

Braun  and  Hogenberg.  Croitates,  37S  ; 
Cites  dn  Monde,  37.S. 

Bravo,  Melchoi,  542,  543,  55[. 

Brazil,  228,  435,  430,  4^7,440;  bibliog- 
raphy ()f,  <>i;\  cut  off  by  line  of 
demarcation,  5./.;  first  visited.  150; 
in  the  Leno\  globe,  123,  170;  map 
of  coast  \  15 -'2),  5';8;  natives  ot",  5- 7  ; 
cannil).ils.  5.^7  ;  called  /'i-rra  Sanc- 
tiC  Crucis,  i'>y,  219;  (Prisilia)  121; 
(  Mre>ilia)459.  See  i'risilia,  Brasilic, 
Bresiiia, 

Breckenridge,  H.  ^^.,  Early  Discov- 
eries in  .\eu<  Mexico,  502. 

Bresii  {island),  36,  451,  .(53. 

Bresilia,  433.     See  Brazil. 

Breusing,  Gerhard  Kremer,  471. 

Breiising,  .A.,  Zur  iiesthiJite  der 
l\artograf>hie.  55. 

IJrevoori,  J.  C.,  on  .Spanish-American 
documents,  i.  vii  ;  on  Munoz,  iii; 
Remains  of  Columbus,  S2  ;  on  the 
aims  of  Ciplumbus,  SS ;  on  the  bib- 
liography  ot  Cortes,  411  ;  uii  the 
bibliography  of  Gomara,  414:  on 
Viscain;),  40i- 

Breydenbach,  B  de,  his  Percgrina 
Hones,  S.  10. 

Briceno,  Alonzo,  510. 

Briggs.  M.istei,  his  map  in  Piirchas, 
402,  40'>. 

Brinton,  I>.  G  ,  279,  z'^z;  Aboriginal 
American  Literature,  419;  l-iort- 
dian  J'eninsnia,  2^^ 

British  Museum.  Spanish  docinneiits 
in,  vn  ;  Index  to  Manuscripts,  \ii; 
Catalogue  oj  Spanish  Manuscripts, 
vii 

Brito,  Am.,  f)i6. 

I'.rovius,  5.^2 

Brown,  Kawdon,  Calendar  of  State 
/*a/>ers,  1  ;  and  the  \'eiietian  ar- 
chives, viii;  disco\er\  of  letters  re- 
specting Vespncius,  152 

Biuzen,  la  Martinicre,  introduction  a 
Vkistoire,  40.S. 

Buache,  4'iS  ;  Consldhations  geo- 
graphujues,  461  :  Decouz'ertes  de 
I'Amiral  de  J-'onte.  ,\<>;i  :  and 
Kino's  map,  4O7  ;    on    Maldonado, 

45.';  ■ 

Buell,  Bernardus,  5.S. 

Bnena  N'entura,  509,  53'-. 

Buffalo,  eariy  pictures  (1542)  of.  477, 

4SS,  4S9 ;   tirst  .'s|)anish   knowledge 

of,  4^7.     See  Bison. 
Biiga,  ^O'). 
Bud  (or  Boil),  If.. 
Bull    of    demarcation,    51^2  ;    the    line 

mo\ed,    592,    51/j.     See   Alexander 

W.  ;  I )einarcation. 
Bullart.  Isaac,  ;^. 

Bulletin  de  la  Soci^t^  d'Anvers,  S2. 
Buid)urv,  Hiitorv  of  A  ncient  Geogra' 

,  Ml''  '^^ 

Biirck.  .-\ugns",  Magellan,  503,017. 

Buriel  opposes  Delisle's  views  on  De 
Konte,  463. 

Burke.  I'Mmund.  European  Settle- 
nients  in  America,  424. 

Biirney,  South  Sea  I'oyages,  461 

Burton,  Hans  Stade,  <>i<>. 

Bustamante,  C'arlos  Maria  de,  39S ; 
edits  Cavo's  I'res  Siglos,  42'S ;  pub- 
lishes Cbimalpain,  412. 

Butler,  J  Dm  on  the  naming  of  Amer- 
ica, 17S;  on  portraits  of  Columbus 

Biitlner,  221. 

lUincton,  Cho  tm>  D,-liner,  25^ 

Bynneman,  Henry,  414. 


^    i 


022 


INDEX. 


C AiiAM.FKis  Diego,  2.19. 

Ctb.illuro,  oraiioii  on  Columbus,  Si. 

I  alifza  (It;  Vaca,  503  ;  at  t'uliacan, 
174  ;  Keiacion^  4<vy.     Sec  \'aca. 

CaI)L'zu(io,  J.  K.,  90. 

Cabu.     .Sec  Cape. 

(abo,  Dcseado,  60S. 

Cabo  Krio,  5cj6,     See  Trio. 

Cabot,  St.-l.,istian,  compared  witb  Co- 
lumbus, <n) ;  bis  rccurtls  ot  longi- 
tuflu,  100;  bis  map,  113,  227,241: 
on  \*espucius,  154;  was  he  on  ilit 
!•  Inrida  coast,  2,^1  ;  apparently  igno- 
rant III  lltpmez'  voyage,  242:  lesti- 
tics  in  the  Cntumbus  lawsuit,  242; 
at  La  Plata,  440:  an  Italian,  2;  witb 
his  father  discovers  North  America, 
t^S;  tlioiiglu  it  different  from  Asia, 
i3f.. 

Cabral  discovers  Brazil,  24,   ijO,  169, 

Cabrera.  lUieno,  his  XaTrf^acion^  45.^. 
Cabrera,  Ciisltilja!,  Manuai  de  adul- 

/rs.  400. 
Cabrilio,  Juan  Rt>drij;ue/.,  on  the  Cali- 

I'ornia  coast,  444.  4>St. 
Cabnsto,  2511. 
Cacama,  .^"4. 
Cadanio>to,  40, 
Cadiidaguios,  294. 
Cadoret,  K.,  I'le  de  Co/oiii/',  O5,  69. 
Caicedo,  194,  209,  210 
Caicos,  233. 
Cakclii(|uels,  ^S^ 

Calanclia,  Ant.  de  la,  Corouicti,  570. 
Caldera.  524. 

Calderon  de  la  liarca,  427. 
Calderon  tie  la  Llarca,  Juan,  in  Chili, 

Calendars,  published  by  English  Gov- 
ernment, i. 

Call,  5<.,. 

Calicut,  42. 

California,  coast  of,  in  maps 447,  etc.: 
map  by  l)udley,  4'>5  ;  discovered 
by  Cortes,  _ii,,i  :  urli^in  of  name,  44.^ ; 
history  by  Clavigero,  425. 

California  (gulf),  mai^  of,  by  Cortes, 
442  ;  called  <  lulf  of  Cortes.  4,43  ;  Red 
Sea,  44,1;  (Mer  Vermiglio)  22S ; 
map  of,  by  Castillo,  44.?  :  bv  Cabot, 
447;  by  Freire.  .(4'^;  (Niar  Vernieio) 
449;  map  by  W'yttliet,  45S. 

California  (peninsula).  Kino's  explora- 
tions. 4()7:  early  thought  to  be  an 
islpnd.  442  ;  then  held  lube  a  penin- 
sula,^45:  su  sliow'ii  ill  varinus  maps, 
445,  etc.;  omitte'  on  others,  440; 
represented  v  .i*  !!«■ .-.,  22-S  ;  dis- 
torted in  shaf  ■.  .,-..  ,  jy  Wylflict. 
45'^;  later  rt'i-  ■■1*:  t  ■  ■■  an  island, 
4f>t ;  mapj  slio;  'i  1  ...,  pcnin  >u)a, 
4'^>i ;  earliest  insularizing  of  it,  461  ; 
early  suspicions  of  its  insularity,  4r)i  ; 
in  iJriggs's  map,  4'>2  ;  an  island  on  a 
capfircd  S)tanl-,h  chart,  4^2  ;  a  pe- 
nniftiiia  in  I  )e  I.aet,  4fS2  ;  an  inland. 
400;  v.iried  views,  467.  | 

Caliquen,  24". 

Callao,  519, 

Callender.  i'oyages  to  Term  Austra- 
/is,  102. 

Caliiva,  251. 

Calvet  de  Estella,  "He  rebus  gestis 
(."ortesii,*'  3<)7- 

Calve  ton.     Sec  Chauveton. 

Cam,  Diego.  41  ;  on  the  African  coast, 

Caniargo,  Diego  de,  at  Panvico,  2.^S ; 

^fnnoz,  account  of,  41S  ;  hi.«  History 

'ifTlaxcila.  41N  ;  his  expedition,  2S4"; 

names  of  his  folttiwers,  415. 
l"amaron.  Josef,  2'>i. 
Cambiasi,  Count,  his  sale,  iv. 
Camercane  {i'.Iands),  177. 
Caniers,  Jifhn.  edits  >lela,  1S2;  edits 

Soiinns,  173. 
Canipanins  on  (.'I'lifnrnia.  46G. 
l_  ampe.     Frietlrich.    /^ittn    Andeiikfn 

P}rk/ieiinrrs,  i'»2 
'  nnncihe,  201.  20;. 
V-  ainpi,  //istoria  ecdesiastica  di  /'/- 

iictnta,  84. 


Canada,    51.  t5.j. 

Ciiiuiduitt  Monthly^  97. 

Canaries  (islands),  .s,  ro^,  177,  451  ;  as 

lirsi  meridian,  95;  bibliography  of, 

30  ;  settled  by  Bethencourt,  30.    See 

Fortunate  Isl.-ind.s. 
Canasagu.i,  247. 
Canale  i,town),  founded,  547. 
Canate.     Sic  Mendoza. 
CaiKueral,  277. 

Canaveral,  Cape,  263,  1<^\^  295, 
Cancelad,!,  Counts  of,  5'»9. 
CanceU'eri,  F.  (I.,  Diss,  sopro  Coiont- 

/'(»,  viii,  '15,  73,  S4 
Canc'r  de   Barbastro,    Luis,   and   tb  ■ 

Indians,  234 ;  in  FUirida,  255  ;  killei. 

255- 
Canchetoi  1S7. 
Cancio,  233. 

Candla,  P.  de,  510,  512,  52S,  536. 
t  'anico,     Sci'  Cancio. 
Canizares,  Ei  Tleyto  dc  Cortes,  430. 
Cannibals,  175,  220,  303,  329;  of  Brazil, 

597  :  piflnre  of.  1 ;,  59S, 
Cannon  of  Cortes*  time,  352  ;  cast  in 

Mexico,  ^'^o. 
Cai,'),  Francisc(\  504. 
Cano,  Melcliiur,  3  ii;. 
Canoe,  Indian  (cut),  17;   described  by 

Pigafetta,  59'-. 
Canovai,  S.,  Elogio  di  l'es/>mt'{\  135  ; 

various  publications  on  Vespucius, 

Cantino,  Alberto,  his  n^ap,  43,  107, 
231  ;  sketch,  loS;  illustrates  Ves- 
pucius'  voyage,  i^'i ;  type  of,  122. 

Cantiprateiisis,  Oe  rernm  thifiim,  2S, 

Canto,  Ernesto  i\\*,  .! rr/mw  dos 
.■i(('/-ci-,  3S  ;  Os  Cord-  K'-.i-.'..  107. 

I'antu,  Sforitt  unirersait .  Sj. 

Canzio,  M.,  7S. 

Cape.  See  Arenas,  lilanf<  ,  Bojador, 
C'anaveral,  Corrientes,  (lood  Htjpe, 
(iracias  a  I  lins,  llalieras.  Mendo- 
cinii,  Mesurado.  Non,  Passado, 
Race,  Roman,  Roxo,  Rostro,  St. 
Augiistin,  St.  Melriia,  Si.  Roman, 
San  Francisco.  '~,uiia  Maria,  Stor- 
mv,  Tiburon,  I  iafai;iar.  See  also 
Cabo. 

Cape  Breton  (Berti'i)  .151    453. 

Caiie  De  \  eide  Islai-'K,  i.^,  1^5,  115. 

Ca))e  (iraiias  a  Dios,  35  j. 

Cape  Race  (Kas),  453. 

Cape  St.  Lucas  {de  Bali-iiiif.  458. 

Cape  St.  Vincent,  lighi  at,  i,  2. 

Capiapa,  559. 

"  Capitana.*'  ship,  20. 

Capponi.     .S"[('  (lino. 

Cnpriolo.  Ritrattt,  72. 

Caravantes,  F.  L.  de,  yC>. 

Caravels,  7,  4S. 

Carbajal.  F.  de,  joins  Cionzalo  Pizarro,   | 
537  :  leads  \aca  de  Castro*s  army, 
530  ;  e.xeculed,  542.  ! 

Carb.ijal,  Mexico,  73. 

CarI)allido  y  Zuniga.     See  Barcia. 

L"ardenas,  4116  | 

Cu'denas  y  Cano,  Florida^  575.     See  j 
Barcia.  j 

C.irdenas,  V .  de,  his  Coieeciou^  vii.  I 

(.'ardenas,  Carcia  Lopez  de,  484,  488. 

Cardenas,  laiisde,  397. 

Carderera,    \'.,    Ketratos    de    Cohu., 

Cardona,  Nicolas  de,  4O1. 

C'areta,  \<^^, 

Caribana  (punta),  1S9. 

Caribi)ee  Islands,  16. 

Carillo,  Luis,  u>S. 

C-arleton,  J.  II.,  Excursion  to  the 
Ruins  of  Aho^  etc..  494, 

Carlos  (Indian  chief),  279,  282, 

(.  arlos.     See  Charles. 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  on  Prescotl's  letters, 
427. 

C'armona,  Ahnizo  de,  2i>o. 

Caroline.     .SV*'  Fori  Caroline. 

Carpenter,  his  Geos^raphy^  462. 

Carrifui.  A.  <le.  511. 

Cartagena,  iio,  191,  2o<*,  581  ;  view  of, 
■  J-:  taken  by  Lago,  584;  plun- 
dered, 2'*2. 


Curias  de  Indiasy  viii,  5^7;    map  In, 
Carthagena,    Juan   de,   592,  599,   i^^ 

(KtJ. 

Carthagena.     See  Cartagena- 
Cartier,  watched  by  Spanish  spies,  254. 
Carvajal,  A   S.  de,' factor  of  Columbus, 

iv. 
Carvajal,  B.  de.  t;7. 
arver,  the  traveller,  4O9  ;  his  Travels 
4*. 9. 
Casa  de  la  Contratacicm,  57,  348, 
Casa  lirande,  4S2,  503, 
Ca>as.  pursues  Olid,  384. 
Caseneiive,  i  ;  (admiral)  Sr>. 
Casoni,  ,-(  nn,i/i  di  i/enozuiy  83,  lyj. 
Casqui,  231. 
Cass.     Lewis,   (m     A'.tec    civilizatitni, 

427. 
(assanare  River,  586. 
Ca;;..ano  Sena.  Duke  de,  450. 
Cassaquiari  Canal,  581,  5S2. 
Cassava  bread,  5'(S. 
Castaned.i,  (labril,  on  the  Conquest  of 

the  thichimecs,  419, 
Castaneda,  Pedro  de,  Re/otion,  500. 
t'astaiV)  tie  Sosa,  ( laspar,  V'4- 
Castellani,  3.(2:   I'litit/ci^o,  435. 
Castellanos,  juati  de,  his  portrait,  583; 

E/e^ias,  ;>>,  3S3, 
Castilla  del  ( )ro,  NS,  i^;,  221,459,  505  J 

mail  of,  I'jo,  iifi. 
Castilla    Nueva,  212.     See  Now  C.xs- 
^  tile. 
Castillo,  241 ;   fac-simile  of  his  map  of 

Calilbinia,  444. 
Castro.   Lope  <  larcia  de,  governor  of 

Pern,  531  ;  his  life,  570. 
Castro.  Vaca  de,  1  '-  letters,  567;  hir. 

lite  by  Hcrrera,  5  v- 
Cat   Island,  55. 
Catalan  inaj)pemonde,  30,94. 
L'atalutla,  392. 
Catamaran,  on, 
Calaneo  on  (  oUimbtis,  64. 
Catesby,  Can'/ina,  53. 
<  '.itliav.  41,  105. 
Caioche,  3S4  :  (punta)  201,  236. 
Canlin,  Ant., ///>/.  Xtteva  Audaiuciti^ 

5^7- 
Caupolican,  sjS,  549. 
Cavendish,  4O4;  on  Pacific  coast,  456; 

capture^  Viscaino,  4'>o. 
Cavo,  Andres,  7>-cjr  si^los  de  Mexico, 

428. 
Caxamaica,  55S. 
Caxamarca,  514,  516,  519. 
C.iyas,  251. 

Centeno,  Diego,  53S,  541, 
Cemi,  expedition  *o,  20S ;  (river)  189. 
t^epeda,  537,  53S.  540,  541. 
Cepeda  and  Carillo,  Ciudad  de  Mexi- 

'*".  375 
Cermenoi.,  453. 
Ceron,  ( leorgc,  259. 
Cerpa,  I'iego  Fernando  de,  5S6. 
Cervantes,  Ant.  de,  240. 
Cespedes,  A.  (1.  de,  Reg.  de  Km-ic^a- 

tion,  45,  46 J. 
Chachapoyas,  519,528;  founded,  523. 
Chaco,  Rio,  502. 

t-'hac-Milub-cIieu,  chmnicle  of,  419 
("haix,  VA\\\,Bassi'i  dit  Mississipi,  2S7. 
Chalco,  3(.9. 
(  hallcuchima,  520. 

Challeux,  Nicolas  le  (Challus),  at  fort 
Caroline,  29'^i ;  Discoitrs,  2'/) ;  Ih's- 
toire   inrniorai'/e,    29''' ;    'J'r/u-   ,viii 
Per/ctt  Jh'scri/>fion,  :;<:/«  ;  edited  by 
dravier.  2»,'f>;  /'«■  Gallorum  Ex^e- 
ditioiie,  2.;/. 
Champktiii,  hi--  astrolabe,  97. 
Chanipotim,  203, 
t "hamuscado,  I*.  S.,  504. 
Chanaral,  524. 

Chanca,    IM-. ,  37;    on  Columbus'  sec- 
ond voyage,  89. 
Channing',    Edw.,    "  Companions    of 

Columbus,"  187. 
C'hapulteper,  374. 
Charcas,  523,  525. 

Charles  III.  (Spain),  his  care  ot  docu- 
mrnt';,  ii 


m  ^ 


1 


TNPRX. 


U2? 


lu'u  5^7 ;  map  '", 

Je,   5'J2,  599t   (>o4i 

artagen.i- 

Spanish  spies,  254. 
tcior  ol'  Colunbus, 

,  ^1)1) ;  liis  Travels 
cion.  57.  34'^' 


A '.tec    civilizaimn, 


on  the  Conquest  of 


s,  ifxj,  221, -ISO*  5"5i 
I. 

!i2.     .SVt'  N>w  Las- 
simile  u£  his  map  of 


unlnl  201.  2,^6. 

■/.  X 10 111  A iidiUuciih 


on  Pacific  coast,  45*^'  > 
ino,  V"". 


2uS  ;  (river)  iS«j. 

5lo,  «;4'- 

u,  Cimiad  dc  ii/c.it- 


,  52S  ;  founded,  s~^- 

,  chruniclc  of,  419 
;;■;/  dn  Jfississi/>i\  2S7. 

ie{ClialUis),ai  I  nit 
.  DiscourSi  2'/*;  H'^- 
iNc,  2o'>;  ^''■"■y  '"/"^ 
i/'tio>i,zi)(^  :  ediu-dby 
y,"  (ialiornm  lixpf 

,slvolabe,  97- 

S.,  504- 

11  c:oUmibus'  sec- 
'  Companions    of 


ain),  bis  care  of  docu- 


rharles  V  .  (Spain),  forms  archives  nf 
Siniancas,  1. 

Charles  V.  (Emperor),  8H ;  autos-,  J8*j, 
372  ;  };ivcs  a  map  to  Philip  II.,  22^, 
445,446;  portrait  in  Joyius,  .171  ;  in 
lierrera,  .t;,i ;  portrait  in  title  of  a 
I.alin  Corii's,  .\<y.). 

Charlesfort  (Port  Koyal),  2'>o,  274; 
abandoned,  262. 

Charleviiix  on  Columbus'  birth,  83  ; 
Is/e  K^MK^no/e,  SS. 

Charlotte  Islands,  4O.1. 

Charton,  his  list  of  sources  of  Mexican 
history.  .Vv> ;    l't>j'iij:furs,  10,  71. 

i'haumette  (les  Fosse,  Cala/i'^rw,  576. 

Chauvetnn,  Urbain,  297 ;  translates 
lien/oni,  ^47- 

Cbavanue,  l*r.  J.,  222. 

Chaves,  l>iej;ode,  518. 

Chaves,  l".  de,  51S,  520,  527;  mur- 
dered, sit 

Chaves,  Jliuronymus,  his  map,  281; 
de'-eiiption   of   the  Atlantic    coast, 

I  hcKupie,  247. 
Chjrokees,  247. 
Chesapeake  IJay  visited  by  Spaniards, 

240,  2''i),  2S2. 

Chevalier,  .M.,  J/f.i'/./Htf  aucien  et 
inodertie,  428. 

Chia,  49'- 

Chiaha,  247. 

I'hiametia,  442,  482. 

i:hibchas,  5S1. 

Chicava,  s^ti. 

Chicama,  sn;. 

Chichilticalii,  4S2,  4S7. 

CMiilaga,  4v> 

t.'hilca,  ssS. 

Childe.'K.  V.,  translates  Santarem's 
I't's/'HiC,  178. 

Chili,  22S,  43r.,  459;  Analt's  de  in 
Univt  rscdiid^  5'> ;  coast,  460  ;  "  Con- 
quest and  Settlement  of,"  by  Mark- 
ham,  505  ;  its  earlier  history,  524  ; 
skelch-niap  of  the  Conquest,  5J4 ; 
war^  with  Araucanians,  547  ;  Val- 
divia  defeated,  519  ;  \'illai;ra,  gover- 
nor, 549  ;  C.  K.  de  Mendoza,  gover- 
nor, 54();  Villagra,  governor,  551  ; 
Quiroga,  governor,  551  ;  audiencia 
of,  551  ;  WytHiet's  map,  559:  Soto- 
mayor,  govertior,  5'>[  :  l.oNula,  jj<>\- 
ernor,  561  ;  sources  of  information, 
S71;  I'arias  rehicioHCS  del  Peru  y 
Chile,  5;f'.     .•>>?  Almagro,  Valdivia. 

Chilian,  524.  \ 

Chill 'e,  archipelago,  549. 

<."himalhuacan,  3'N- 

Chimalpain,  Cronica  J/tM'/iviHrt,  418  ; 
translatesCiomara,  412  ;  liustanianle 
supposes  il  a  native  text,  412  ;  Ban- 
delier  deceived,  412. 

Chitnl)ora/.o,  5o<j. 

Cliinan.     Sec  Colfo. 

Chincha,  2^8,  5fj,  526,  55S. 

Chiquito  (Colorado),  483. 

Chira  Kiver,  515,  519. 

Chiiino,  Pedro,  Islas  Filipinas^  G16. 

Clii^ca,  248,  251. 

Choco  May,  5<>)' 

Choetaco  lilufr,  291. 

C/toLv  de  docitincnts  geog.  h  la  bibL 
na:.,  38. 

Choliila,  jijS,  362. 

Chronometer,  101. 

Chnchania,  sqij,  507,  509. 

Chncaito,  538. 

Chupas,  53'»    battle  of,  567. 

Chuqiiinga,  519;  battle  at,  545. 

Cia,  49. 

Cianca,  Andres  de,  542. 

Cibola,  477,  47^,  480,  52S  ;  identified, 
483;  the  district  of,  483;  map  <>f, 
485  ;  expedition  to,  503  ;  seven  cities, 
45S ;  larious  ideiiiit'ications  of,  501, 
502,  503- 

Ciboletta,  501. 

Cicuy(i,  487,  488. 

Cie/.a  de  Leon,  Pedro  de,  541  ;  career, 
568;  fate  ut  his  manuscripts,  5')S  ; 
La  guerra  de  Quitoy  56S;  biblin- 
grapny  of,  573  ;   /'arte  pnmcra  de 


la  chronica  del  /Vn. ,  5731  various 
translations,  574;  I'arts  II.,  III., 
and  I\'.,  574;  copy  of  manuscript 
in  Lenox  1-ibrary,  574 ;  Tercero 
libro,  574. 

Cignat  to,  224. 

Ciguat.m,  44(,,  473,  474,  4<>.j. 

Ciinai  rones,  5S2. 

Cimlier  v  i  Danjon,  A  rchives  curieuses, 
290. 

Cinnamon.  Lrnd  of,  528,  581. 

Cipango,  8,  24,  25,  105,  116;  described 
bvM.irco  Polo,  2.>;  (Cimpangi)  \2^\ 
(Zipangii)  iiS,  uy,  121;  (/ipagri) 
120;  (Zipaiurt)  123  ;  (Zipugna) 
124.     .VfV  Japan. 

Circoiirt,  A.  de,  '1'.. 

Cisnuros,  Diego,  Ciudad  de  ATexico^ 

.37^- 
Citri,  Hon  Andre  de,  424. 
Cilri  de  la  (Itiette,  2S(;. 
Cive/,/a,     Marcel  lino     da,      Missions 

FraricisiU ities ,  3 . 
Cifilta  cattolicii.  '-9. 
Cladera,    C. ,   luvestigaciones  hi>tori- 

i-'as,  35,  78,  S3,  K.5. 
Clarke,  J'rogress  0/  .Uaritinie  Discov- 
ery,  40, 
Clavigcro,   F.  S.,  account  of,  425  ;   his 

Afessico,     425  ;     California,     425 ; 

///V.    antigiia    de    MeJiLO,    425  ; 

Gesi-'i*  ron  jIAmv'lc,  425  ;  History  of 

^)A'.r;(.v,  translated  by  Culleii,  425; 

portrait,  425  ;   his  list  of  books  on 

Mexico,  430. 
Ciaviis,  Claudius,  28. 
Cleinencin   im   the   value    of    ancient 

Spanish  money,  517. 
Clement,  IlibUog.  cnrieuse,  182. 
Clement  \'I  L,  portrait,  407. 
Clemente,  C,   J'ltl'las,  <), 
Clerigo.     See  Las  Casas. 
Climatic  lines,  05. 
Clinton,  I)e  Witt,  on  the  Spaniards  at 

( >nondaga,  2S3. 
Cliil),  Indian  (cut),  i(). 
Cnoyeii,i>5. 
Cobo,  Ilernabu,  Fuiidacion  de  Lima, 

5"7- 
Coi.a,  248,  25S. 
Coi,a  River,  528. 
Cochiti,  4()i. 
Cocleius,  Johannes,  1S2. 
Coco,  4S7. 

Codex  Ramirez,  375. 
Codine,  Jules,  Deconverte  de  la  cbtc 

d' Afriiptc,  40;  Lit  nier  des  IndeSf 

40,  ,,4. 
Coclho,  (ion/alo,  his  voyage,  r5i,  162. 
Coruachitpii.  251. 

CogoIIudtt,  L).  L.,  y'ncalhaiif  214,  429. 
Coiha,  509. 

Coin-Collectors^  Journolx  470. 
Cole,  Humphrey,  invented  the  log,  98, 
Coleccion  de  doc.  inhl.  "^ara  la  hisioria 

JCs/>ana,  vii. 
Coleccion  de  d<'     inedit-iFspafiolas  en 

America)^     '.ted  by  Pacheco,  etc., 

vii.  49S. 
Colection  de  libras  raros  6  cnriosos, 

577.  , 
Coles,  Juan,  290. 
Coligny,  lives  of.  ?98. 
Coligua,  251. 
Colin,  edition  of  Hcrrera,  67  ;  Nieii.K-e 

}t'erelt,<>7. 
Collao,  519,  524,  52^.  55^- 
Colo-colo,  54S- 

Cotogiie,  Coronica7uxn  Coellen,,  59- 
Coiniv  iio,  M.,  Los  restos  de  Colon,  82. 
Colmenares,   Kodrigo    Knriquez,    193, 

210. 
Colondjo.     .S".!*.' Columbus  ;  Colon. 
C'tilombo    family,   genealogical   table, 

87;  lawsuit,  ss ;   H.irrisse  on,  S9. 
Colombo,  ]''.  (J.,  72. 
Colombo,   Liiigi,  Patria  del  A  mini- 

rei^lio,  84. 
Colon.     .SV.'  Columbus,  Colombo. 
Colon  ett  Quis<]ueya,h^,  82. 
Colon,   Luis,  65,   66;    renounces    I:  •■ 

rights,  sv. 
CoJon,  i'edi),  65. 


Colorado    (rivtr),  4'  j 

ascended  by  .-Marr 
Columbia   pope     d 

United  .Mates,  .  /  ■ 

Columbia  Kiv  t,  /■ 

Columbus.     .S"'V  r 

Colundms,   Parii  '  ' 

Alriean  roast,  4 

Lngland,    102 ; 


,09.  4«  ,  4^6. 
:  -14  ^ 
naiiie   i'o'   the 


1 ;  CjI  >m^o. 

•iw,  88;    on   the 
■■4k  map  to 

ives  il'  Kispani- 
ol.i,  1;:  on  the  Honduras  coast,  2J  . 
in  Li>t)on,  i;  in  Lngland,  3  ;  pot  • 
trait,  86 ;  men>oir.  >Sh, 
Cohimbi.s,  Christopher,  hirih,  i  :  tiate 
of  l)irth,  8i.  s.j;  place  of  birth,  83, 
80;  his  father,  8g;  of  humble  origin, 
84,  8.,;  genealogy  of  his  family,  87 
signiticatioii  of  his  name.  135  ;  his 
piratical  c.ireer,  i  :  sells  maps,  ^  :  Iiis 
marriage,  2,  90;  his  geographical 
thef)ries,  3,  24;  as  t<>  size  of  glol)e, 
24;  as  to  shape  of  globe,  o't:  his 
ntites  on  H'Atllv,  i^i\  on  .F.neas 
Sylvius,  32:  his  argument  from 
trees  drilted  ashore,  35  :  liis  alleged 
intercoinse  wi-  1  Spanish  pilut,  3;; 
proposes  to  l-'t  (diiiami  and  Kabella, 
3  ;  made  liiuli  admiral,  5  ;  would 
rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  5;  his 
voyages  (collectively),  lo^;  niap  i\l 
the  h)ur  voyages,  (»>,  fu,  67  :  his  (\:s\ 
voyage,  8,  4(1,  1 1  [  ;  his  ships,  7; 
nundjer  of  his  men,  10 ;  money 
raised,  9r  :  his  track  (rnapl,  <j;  his 
attempt  to  ascertain  longitude  hythe 
needle's  decliiialioii,  u>o;  landfall,  u. 
52,  92  ;  his  prayer,  o  :  sup|>"sed  he 
had  reached  .Asia,  i^'')  ;  u>ual  as- 
cription of  hi>  discovery,  i^.lt  59-*^; 
builds  I'ort  in  Hayti.  m;  return  voy- 
age, 11  :  his  reception,  12  ;  news  ni 
tlie  discovery  c.nried  to  Italy,  48; 
etfect  in  Fuvope.  s'l :  his  second 
Voyage,  15,  131  ;  observ.-s  jCilpsc  of 
the  monn,  9S  ;  returns  \x\  Spain,  18  ; 
autlmrities  on  second  \oyage,  57; 
his  third  voyage,  i  j,  13^,  14-;;  gets 
information  of  thi:  Pacific,  mi  ;  Kol- 
dan's  revolt,  20;  I'jbadiMa  arrives, 
20;  put  in  chain-  .•■> :  returns  to 
Spain,  20:  aulh"!  Ities  on  third 
voyage,  58  :  his  fourth  voy.ige, 
20,  i>)i  ;  loses  an  anchor,  yt;  au- 
tl'  irities  on  fourth  voyngc,  ^9  ;  Ins 
.■  'Cialions  with  i  u  cs  (  Barcelona*, 
5'.,  vJosta  Kica)  ?i.(t,  ul;a)  10,  {K'w 
i-'on)  .o-  (Katr  n.,  ( Honduras) 
21-  'lif  i.i  II  .',  X  •-  ijamaicat  22,  201, 
C-y-  ■  »:  .  <!'.'.  ,i).>o,  (Poriugai)2. 
'Uioidal  3,  "',  (Saiamaiicat  4, 
..  (  .iuta  Fe  v  (Segovia)  23  ■  (lii-'S 
■  .Liirely,  ,23,  78.  H17 ;  house  where 
If^.  die'"',  23  :  burial,  78  :  remains  rc- 
I  iu\ ,  dio  St.  Domingo,  80;  siipiJ'  ied 
t-inicnr.ent  at  Havana,  81 :  his  will, 
6^;  Uie  l.iw.'-i  it  nt  his  heirs,  10,  204; 
his  tonii'-c  K  n  with  Beatrix  Fn- 
rique/.  t,  >  ,  iil  characteristics,  23, 
2[:  nexactne-^--,  91;  makes  slaves 
oi  ..le  natives,  ;n3  ;  imagined  him- 
self inspired,  .-4  ;  compan-tl  with 
Cabr>l,  1,.,;  ,  -rson.il  n  lations  and 
reciprocal  intluence  with  C.iboi,  i3'> 
with  'i'os^.inelli,  2,  9i>;  with  N'espu- 
cius,  \\i,  142,  141.  17"^;  his  com- 
panions, 1S7;  his  fame,  '15;  early 
references  to,  57,  02,  '>4  ;  pnems  and 
dramas  on,  68;  etforls  to  canoni/-« 
him,  f^ii) ;  Roselly  de  Lorgnes'  et- 
foitSi'H) :  his  name  suggested  for  tlie 
New  World,  I'xj,  174  ;  authorities  on 
his  career,  2.» ;  documents,  i,  vii, 
viii;  his  letters-patent,  iii  :  his  pri- 
vileges, oo;  the  ''admiral's  map," 
113;  "ihernjapsconnecied  withhim, 
94,  104.  11..,  144;  hi.-,  matiu-rripis, 
('5,^',:  iit<>enoa,  iv.  77  .  hi-,  manu- 
script on  Portiisuesedisco\  eries,  3;; ; 
his  drawing  of  Ins  triumph,  12  ;  hi** 
letters,  46,  89  ;  first  letter,  er.riv 
editions,  48  ;  fac-sinii!e  ;  nf  pa_  .'s, 
49-54;  .Amb'tiiiian  text,  'fi;  other 
texts,  50;  turned  ii.to  rhyme,  s'  • 
in    later    shapes,    51;    letters  IcH. 


ii^ 


.^ 


624 


II 


m 


6^. 


tSi 


ii  ,  pliotograiilicd.  iv  ;  liis  fournal 
nljrid>;ed  by  has  Casas,  n  :  his 
piiiitud  \vrUiiii;s,  Mij ;  Cartas y  tn/a- 
nwntiK  5-'  Copia  de  la  ii-lttrny  *■>•  ; 
Li'ttcra  *-arnsifua,<*2  ;  liis  Juuiiia!, 
4(1,  Sg,  1^1  :  Libfo  dt'  las  projicuis, 
2\y  X.);  Epistola  C  Colom  (ir  De 
insulis  tuvftttisy  (S ;  Kyn  .Si  hoii 
hul'sch.,  etc..  31  ;  leltcis  in  Cartas 
de  Iiidias,  viii  ;  Iiis  wiitin^s,  edilcd 
by  Turru,  -I'l;  lives  and  iwilices  uf, 
)>2  ;  (Castcllanos)  11S4,  {lltidse)  iv, 
(Kerdinand  Coliimbiis)  'j.(,  ^5,  (Cii- 
usiiniani)  62,  (llarrit.su)  SS,  (Ir- 
viiij;  vi,  (Navairctu)  v,  (KiOiL-rtsotO 
ii.  (W'iiisiir)  i;  tlcNLiipilons  -.i  hi-, 
pcranii,  ('j;  likene-^sus,  iiainU-d,  cii- 
gravL'd,  and  carved,  —  laiiicly  {  IIlm- 
wick-Alba)  7(>,  ( Hnrgona)  76,  ((."apri- 
olo)  72,  7.1,  (Cardenas)  78,  U 'o.ylctltil 
7,1,  (t  uccarc)}  72,  (U'Arnbras)  73, 
U)e  l;ry)  7.^,  74,  75,  a»e  i'as) 
73,  (lidvvarti^)  7S,  ( Klorence)  7;, 
7.^1  74(  (Fuchsiusi  76,  (.C.enoa)  7S, 
(iiavana)  70,  77,  (j<)mard)  74,  7^!, 
(Juviiis)  7'.,  (La  Cosa)  71.  (Li- 
ma) 7S,  (^LuInd)  78,  (Maella)  7'., 
(Mali)ilai  7J,  C.^Iercnri^  73,  (M.tn- 
tanus)  77,  7(>(M(ne)7(),{Musaic)73, 
(( Ipineei )  7J,  (  Parmisiano)  7^),  ( I'cs- 
thieia)  70,  (l'hil(jponns)  77,  (New 
I'ruvidcnce)  7^,  iRdinc)  7S,  (Seville) 
70,  78,  (Washington)  7S;  his  coat- 
arnuir,  151  SS,  S<>,  105;  liis  ariii()r,  4; 
hisaut.)^.,  \2  \  his  handwriting,  14; 
liis  niulto.  78. 

L'oUitnbus,  Diego  (brother  of  Christo- 
pher,  the   Admiral),  2,    if',  S7,  88, 
iiyi  ;  sent  to  Spain,  17;  rctnrns,  iS 
to  Cnba,   34*; ;   his  honsc,  88;    his 
will,  ii. 

Columbus,  Diego  (son  of  the  Admiral), 
2,86;  a  rityal  paije,  5;  lawsuit  of, 
144,  174  ;  memorial  on  converting 
the  Indians,  337;  his  remains,  80, 
81. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  S7,  88;  career 
of,  ()5  ;  his  mothtr.  '>4  ;  accompanies 
liis  father,  21  ;  '.uions  with  Ves- 
pucius,  I70,  174;  his  alleged  m.ip, 
43,  2o(f.  ills  Histories  (14;  discred- 
ited by  Harrisse,  (>(>,  Sg ;  defended 
by  Stevens  and  D'Avczac, '•') ;  hi> 
library,  O5 ;  his  income,  O5  ;  his 
tonib,  65. 

Columbus,  Luis  (grandson  of  the  Ad- 
miral), his  remains,  80,  81. 

Coma.  (.;.,  5S. 

Comile    d'    Archeologie    Americaine. 

5"- 
(,omogrc,  5^5,  50*^. 
Compass,    94;     picture    of,   94.      6Vr 

Magnet ;  Needle. 
Compt'tidio  histcrur,  etc.,  08. 
Cnmpostella,  474,  4'^"?  4^1- 
Cona,  4.^3. 

Conception  (Chili ',  ^24:  founded,  548. 
"Concepcion'*  (ship\  5^4. 
Concepciui,  Bay.  54*^. 
Conches,  Feuillet  de,  12. 
Conches,  (luillaumc  de,  Itis    Phiioso- 

phia  minor,  28. 
Conchucus  settled,  527. 
Conibas  (island),  4O3. 
CtMiibas  (lake),  457. 
Connasauga  Uivcr,  247 
Covqtiista  del  ttuevo  mondo,  575  ;  del 

Peru,  5\v 
Cim^ag,  his  map,  46S. 
Contarini.  Gasparo.  017. 
Conti,    Natale,     Unwerses     historic: 

libri,  154. 
Cnnii.  \'.,  on  Moiiiferrat,  84. 
CooU,  C"aptain  James.  46.^ 
Cooley,  W.  D.,  Maritime  Discovery y 

.14-' 

Coc'sa  River,  24H. 

(.'oosas,  25S. 

Cnrtsawaltie,  247. 

C!opala,  504. 

Copia   dellf  lettere  del  prejctto  della 

luiiia,  575. 
Copiapo,  524,  53?,  S59- 


INDEX. 


Coppee,  Henry,  ''Conquest  of  Mex- 
ico." (75. 

Coppo,  his  map  sketched,  127;  Porto* 
lauoy  ij**. 

Co(|uibai;oa,  1S7,  iSi>. 

Coquimbo,  524.  525.  55'>* 

Cor.i/oues,  482,  48(1,  ,\yp. 

Cordifurm  projeciion  of  maps,  123. 

Cordeiro,  Luciano,  "  Les  I'ortugais 
dans  la  dectmverte  de  PAnierique," 

Cordeyro,  Iftstona  ifrsulaua,  33. 

Cordiller.i-.  of  the  Andes,  514. 

Cordova,  I'iisluip,  V'.S- 

Cordova  (Cordoba),  Francisco  Henian- 
de/.  de.  2ini,  201,  402  ;  voyage  to  the 
llah.nnas,  230;  to  Vucaian,  214; 
dies,  237. 

Cordova,  I'edro  de,  310. 

Cordova  y  Figueia,  Hist.  <tf  Chili,  573. 

("ordova  y  Salinas,  1570. 

Cordova  (town),  3. 

Corner,  FiaiiLesco,  152. 

Coni,  5;<j,  s'-i- 

Coronado,  F.  \'.  tie,  eoveruor  of  New 
Gallicia,  471  ;  accoiml  of,  474,  475; 
seeks  Tnpiia,  4.8,.;  autog.,  4S1  ; 
commands  expedition  to  Cibola, 
4S1  ;  captures  the  town,  tSj,  \  map 
of  bis  explorations,  4N5  ;  arri\es  at 
(^)uivira,  4.;3  ;  ill,  41/) ;  letinn  march, 
4i>7 ;  sources  of  iiifonnaiitui,  417S, 
4'ji> :  his  Iftters,  5o<i;  I^tiaciou  del 
suct'so  ill'  la  ioftiadit,  500;  Pras- 
/ado,  etc..  5»kj  ;  Jar.miillu's  account, 
500 ;  motlern  accounts,  jm  ;  his 
several  expeditions,  503  ;  his  expe- 
dition Connected  with  voyage  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  443 :  hears  of  De 

.Soto's  partj,  2i;2. 

Coronel.  19. 

Coronelli  on  California,  4'^'7. 

Correa,  Ct.ispar,  his  account  of  Da 
Cama,  44  :  Lcndas  da  India^  616, 

Correa,  Jiiaii,  zoS. 

Correiiti,  ( 'esare,  Lettere  auiogra/e 
di  Colombo^  46. 

Corrientes,  Cape,  233,  509. 

Corsica,  alleged  birthplace  of  Colum- 
bus. .84. 

Cort.unbi'it,  \\..,  Xouvclle  histoire  des 
vayax^es,  72,  83. 

Cortereal,  Anns,  445. 

Cortei  eal,  ( laspar,  06 ;  at  H  ndson's 
Str.iits,  445  ;  his  discovery  {Ke^alis 
donias),  122,  123. 

Cortereal,  Jo,\o  \'as  Costa,  voyage  to 
Newfoundland.  33. 

Cuiicreale  (1527),  219. 

(."orierealis,  177. 

(.'ortes,  F'rancisco,  441. 

Cortes.  Hernando,  cliapter  in,  by  Jus- 
tin Winsor,  349  ;  commander  of  ex- 
pedition, 204,  349 ;  suspected  by 
X'elasciuez,  351  ;  his  c.\nnon,  352  ; 
map  of  his  voyage,  353  ;  sends  mes- 
sengers 10  Montezuma,  355;  founds 
Vera  Cruz,  356  ;  foils  Velasquez, 
35'> :  send-^  treasure  to  tlie  Kmperor, 
35');  nia|)  of  his  march  10  Mexico, 
35-8;  sinks  his  ships,  35') ;  numbers 
of  forces  in  all  his  expeditions  con- 
troverted. 359 ;  at  (I'hoiula,  3'»2  ; 
niueis  Montezuma,  362  :  has  a  Ho- 
tilla  on  the  lake,  362;  receives  trib- 
ute from  Montezuma,  365;  professes 
to  build  '•hips  to  leave  tlie  country, 
3(15  ;  Xarvae/  sent  against  him,  3O5  ; 
t,'ortes  defeats  him,  3''7  ;  returns  to 
Mexico,  36s  ;  shows  ^fonlezuma  to 
the  Mexicans,  368 ;  ende.ivors  to 
leave  the  city,  3O8  ;  the  triste  mnhe, 
■?,(>■)■,  at  Otumba,  370;  retreats  to 
'riascal.i,  370 :  his  second  letter, 
371  ;  builds  brigantiiies,  372  ;  estab- 
lishes base  at  Tescuco,  372 ;  his 
marches  round  Mexico,  374  ;  brig- 
antines  launched,  375;  attacks  the 
city.  37''»  ;  captures  it,  378 ;  casts 
cannon,  380;  sends  further  treasure 
to  Spain,  382 ;  sends  jugglers  to 
Kotne,  407  ;  receives  plenary  intJul- 
gence,  407  ;  made  governor  and  cap- 


tain-general, 3S2  ;  seeks  passage  to 
Asia,  411,  439;  siezes  P.anucu,  382; 
sends  an  expedition  to  (iu.itemala, 
383.  pursues  Olid.  3S4 ;  goes  In 
Honduras,  384  ;  returns  to  Mexico, 
38f);  his  cominission  suspended, 
3S(» ;  goes  again  to  Spain,  3S7  ; 
made  iSlaripies  del  N'alle  de  <  »ajaca, 
388;  his  wife  dies,  y<-};  marries  a 
daughter  of  the  Conde  de  Aguilar. 
31J0;  returns  lo  Mexico,  3»>i  ;  aids 
l'i>:ario,  ^iU\  senils  expeditions  on 
llie  Pacific,  3.^3  ;  builds  vcsels  at 
'relnian tepee,  ^1^3,  441  ;  discovers 
(-  alifurnia,  31,3,  442  ;  last  return  lo 
S|>aiii,  s>S\  his  destxnd.ints,  305; 
dies,  3  j()  ;  his  remains,  3./. ;  sources 
of  information  on  his  carjer,  397; 
his  letters,  337,  ^97,  4<i2  ;  I'ida  de 
Cortesy  347;  tirst  letter.  402;  Us 
equivalents,  40J  ;  /)i-  rrbits  c'stis 
Cortesiiy  397,  4"2  ;  Peter  NLirtyr  on 
Cortes,  402  :  Xew::t/tt  etc  .  402 ; 
Prois  lettnsy  4.12  :  Xruw  /eittiiNt^^ 
402  ;  Kin  Ausciij^.cXk:,  403  ;  I'runs 
iatiouitss,  etc.  403  .  second  letiet, 
284,  41.3;  Carta  de  relacio^  4t>3  ; 
Carta  de  ^'elacion^  403  ;  cut  of  (I'or* 
tes  betore  Charles  \'.,  40^;  In-,  map 
of  the  llulf  of  Mexico,  404,  /'»v^- 
ilara,  elc,  404  ;  fae-simite  (tl  its  m  e 
,md  reverse,  405,  406;  La  preilarn 
narnttione,  407  ,  Hin  seltone  new: 
Zeytnn^y  4"8 ;  edited  by  Loren/aiLi, 
408  :  life  by  Sands,  40S  ;  De  insniis 
nuper  nivvntisy  408:  facsimile  of 
title,  41-J9;  ill  (iryii.eus"  Xoz-ns  or- 
bis,  4o>i;  Correspoml.niie  de  Ciirtex, 
410;  Ci'r/esi  T'(>«  (/(■///  newen  Jlis' 
panien,  410;  Erobernn^i^  von  Mex- 
icoy  410;  Drei  Benchtey  410;  t)t 
Contreyen,  etc.,  410;  Brieven  van 
Cortes,  410;  Despatches  Folsom'si 
ed.),  4 10  ;  in  W  'lies'  History  of 
Pravayle,  410 ;  third  letter,  410 ; 
Carta  tercera,  410;  Tcrtia  nar- 
ratio,  ^\y>\  the  "  secret  letter,"  41 1  , 
fourth  letter,  284.  41  \  :  La  ijuarta 
relacion,  411  ;  Lste  vs  una  carta, 
etc.,  411;  lifth  letter,  411;  Carta 
quinta,  411;  characteristics  of  Ins 
letters,  411  ;  authorities  on  his  Hon- 
duras expedition,  411  ,  Ultivia  car- 
la,  41 1  ;  Lscritos  snelfos,  411;  bib- 
liography by  l>iaz  P.\  cet.i,  411  .  by 
Harrisse,  411;  b\  Hix-voori.  411; 
account  of,  in  (loinara.  412  ;  in  Per- 
nal  Diaz,  414;  in  Sahagun- 415  <  )•>> 
marches  shown  on  a  map  ni  jour- 
danet's  Bcmal  Dtaz,  41;  .  names  of 
his  followers.  41:^ ;  hi--  career  as 
tlrauii  by  IxtiilNochiil,  417;  by  Ca- 
margo,  418:  i)y  Hrasseur  de  Ht>ur- 
bonrg,  418 ;  by  Kamire/,  419 .  bv 
Vasqnez,  41');  by Torq-iemada,  421  ; 
by  .Sdlis,  JJ4;  by  Robertson,  424; 
by  (."lavigero,  425  ;  by  Prescott,  425; 
by  R.  A.  Wilson,  427;  Life  by  A. 
Helps,  42S  ;  in  fiction,  430  ;  in  dra- 
ma, 430;  his  portraits,  72,  7f>,  424: 
in  Cortes  valeroso,  354;  in  Massa- 
chusetts 1  listorical  Society's  I  ol- 
lection,  357  ;  In  Solis,  3O0;  m  Jovnis, 
381;  in  Herrera,  3S9 ;  fn'l-lengih 
jjortrait,  395;  medal  likeness,  -^ii'i; 
other  portraits,  389 ;  engraving  by 
Verlue,  424;  his  arms,  354:  his 
banner,  381;  his  armor,  390;  his 
autog.,  381. 

Cortes,  ALirtin,  95;  Arte  de  navegar., 
98. 

Cortina,  Conde  de,  416. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  16.  1S7,  189,  208, 20'^, 
210;  vignette  of  Saint  Christopher, 
71  ;  killed,  191  ;  with  Ojeda,  144  '-  his 
voyages,  20O ;  his  chart,  135,  206. 
See  La  Cosa. 

Cosco  (Aliander,  Leai^der),  177;  his 
rendering  of  Columbus*  letter,  47. 

Cosmo^raphiie  introductio,  tac-simi- 
les  of  pages,  167,  etc  ;  ('.-iM'  '-^ 
See  W'aldseeniiiller. 

Cossetle,  Captain,  270. 


!2 ;  seeks  passage  to 
sieves  I'aiiucn.  .^Sj ; 
.litiuii  to  ( iti.itcin.il.i, 
Oliil,  .-,^4 ;  p.cs  III 
;  rutiirn?.  U>  ML-xim, 
imissiiMi  siispuiuletl, 
aiii  to  Spitin,  (S; ; 
(lul  Vallc  (If  M.ij.ic.i, 
(lies.  3^.^;  marries  a 
c  (.'('iiile  lie  Amiilar, 

0  Mexicu,  .vii  ;  auls 
sends  expcilitii'iih  mi 
.1  ;   huilils  vessels   ai 

i-/(,  411  ;  discovers 
,  44J  :  last  return  to 
IS  de-.CL-ndants,  j.'ii 
tiinaiiis,  ^'j'-  ;  boiirce* 

oil  his  carjer,  .Vj7 1 
r,  3'^7.  ■»'»-;  ''"^"  '^' 
lirst  letter.  4<'-:  i  "'' 
ij  :  A'  r,-/'/fs  ir:stis 
(oj  ;  iViur  Martyr  on 
Xfwzt  it^  etc.,  4'>»; 
4<ij  :  Xt-we  A-idimt;^ 

ztl,i,',  cte,  4"H  ;  I'rum, 
,  403  .  secoiul  IcUei, 
r/a  tie  reiticid^  v^},  '. 
■ion,  4u.i  :  cm  oi  Coi- 

1  Its  \'.,  4'M;  111--  "><M> 
Mexico,  4*14  ,  /Nv^- 
:  (ac-siniilL-oi  Us  tit'C 

15,  401") ;   /../  />ri\iitra 
17  ,    Ein  ii^io/ii'  t/i'W: 
edited  by  Loreii/aii.i, 
inds.  408  ;  Di'  if/.wi/is 
■J,  40S  ;    fat  simile  i)f 
(Iryn.i-ns'  Xi>7-iis   or- 
is/>(U/J.ru.i'  <ii'  Ct'rft'i, 
'•on  ili'in   nt":vi''i  /i is- 
Erobcrinti;  von  Mi'x- 
■i  BcricUtc,   4i>.  ;    l>t 
c,  4  m  .   Britvt'n  van 
DLsf>atihcs    Fohnnri 
\VillLs'    History    of 
o;    third   letter,    410; 
i,  41U ;    Tcrtia   nar- 
L-  "  secret  letter,"  411  \ 
2H4,  41  I  ;    La  quarta 
;   kite  cs  una  carta, 
ih   letter,   411  ;    Carta 
characteristics  ut    his 
.ithorities  on  liis  llon- 
on,  411  ,    Ultimo  car 
•tos  snt'/tost  41 1  ;  bib- 
_)iaz  li.VACia,  411  ;  bv 
;    by   Krevoorl,   41 1  ; 
(loniara.  412  ;  m  tier- 
in  Sahas;un.  415-  '"" 
n  on  a  map  in    lour- 
I  J)iaz,  41  >  .  names  of 
415  ;    hi-    career  as 
ilxoLhill,  417  :  by  Ca. 
by  IJrasseur  de  l{'>nr- 
y    Katnire/-,    4Jg .    by 
by  Torqueniada,  4-'  ; 
,  by   Robertson,  4.M ; 
425;  by  Prescott,  4J5i 
Ison,  427;   Life  by  A. 
n  fiction,  430;  m  dra- 
jiortraits,  72,  7(1,  4^4  ; 
■roso,  354 ;  i"  Massa- 
irical    Society's  t- ol- 
.  Solis,  ^^Kj;  in  Jovnis, 
rera,   389;    fu'l-lengih 
medal  likenes>,   v  1 
•,  .^«y  ;   engravinii  by 
his    arms,    354 :    '"* 
his  armor,   390;    Ins 

)5;  Arte  de  riavej^ttr, 

416. 

,  lO.  1S7.  i8g,  2o8,  ao'>, 

of  Saint  Christopher, 

withOjeda,  144:  '"^ 

his  chart,  135,  zoO. 

Ltr.nder),    177;  l»i=i 

lumbus'  letter,  <\j-  _ 

introduction    trtC-smii- 

1O7,  etc. ;  (i5'-*l   •''' 

liiiler. 
1,  270. 


Cost.1  Rica  coast,  zi  ;  Co/eccionde  doc. 

ifted.,  ix-iso"*.     See  Peralla. 
Coiitan20,  It.,  //ist.  Sici/iana,  Oj. 
Cotoche,  353- 

Cotolendi,  La  vie  de  Co/om/'t  (>0. 
Colopaxi,  509. 
Council  for  the  Indies,  310,348.     Sfc 

Intlies. 
Councils,    ecclesiastical,     in    Mexico, 

records  of,  3')'>.  | 

Cnurt,  i»r.,  his  library,  163.  | 

Cousin,  of  Dieppe,  34. 
Coxa,  5ti9. 

Coxe,  l>aniel,  Caro/ana,  4O7.  | 

Coxe,  William,  /^nssian  Discoveries,  ] 

463,  469. 
Coyba,  198. 
Coyohuacan,  375. 
Cozamel,  203,  218,  224,225,  35»i  353, 

3«4. 

Cradock,  F.,  //  ca/t/i  Discovered,  3. 

Cravaliz,  Ayosi.,  574. 

Crez'cntia  Catalot^ne,  171. 

Crignet,  epit<Mne  of  Ortelius,  472. 

Crist(»fano  dell'  Altissimo,  73. 

Cromber^er,  400. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  341. 

Cronabo,  1S7. 

Crooked  Island,  55,  92. 

Cross-staff,  9S.     See  HackstafT. 

Cuavo,  Alonso  de,  2(2. 

Cnba,  106,  1 15,  12'),  12S,  228,  229,  432, 
4.15.  437.  45 ».  ('5'^>  217,(1520)218, 
(1527)  220,  (15J9)  221,  (15.U)  ^n, 
{\z,\(i)22':,,  0541)  1771  tl>t^  "*»"ie  ap- 
plied to  Nortli  America,  121  ; 
thoii.i;lu  a  part  of  Asia,  id,  106; 
bibliography  of,  230  ;  t!ouba)  226; 
circumnavigated,  214  ;  coiuiuest  of, 
214 ;  (I-'ernaiulina)  201  ;  explored 
{150S}  201  ;  island  or  peninsula,  201  ; 
(Isabell,  Uibella,  or  Vsabella)  108, 
111,  114,  I  iS,  123,  125,  170,  175,  183; 
earliest  named,  183  ;  (Jnaii.t)  201  ; 
early  i^iveii  a  wrong  l.itiindu,  </> ; 
letter  from  (1520)  215  ;  map  of,  450; 
in  Martyr's  map,  im;  (North  Am- 
erica) 127;  in  Stobnic/a  map,  ii'.; 
in  Syivanus'  map,  122  ;  Wyltliel's 
map,  230. 

Cubagua,  134,  581,  585. 

Cubanacan,  42. 

Cnccaro,  alleged  birthplace  of  Colum- 
bus, 84. 

Cuenca,  509  :  founded,  547, 

Cuellar,  K.  de,  511. 

Cuellar,  Sancho,  520. 

Cnitlahuac,  369. 

Cuitlaluiatzin,  370. 

Culebras  (gulf),  199. 

Culhnac.in,  native  history  of,  41S;  Co- 
dex Chiinalfiopoca^  418  ;  AtuJes  de 
Cnaiihtitian,  418. 

Culiacan,  S.  Miguel  de,  441,  475,  482, 
4>ii;  ;  (proviiiL  •)  474. 

Cullen,  Charle.-..  425. 

Cumana,  55S,  55  j. 

Cuuniiigham,  William,  Cosmogra- 
phical  (r/assct  O7,  i  7(1. 

Curalaba,  5112. 

Curazao  (Curai;oa),  1S9,  190. 

Curiana,  is^,  207. 

Cnrico,  524. 

Cu.co,  228,  514.  516,  517,  5iO,_558: 
claimed  by  Almagro,  525;  besiejjed 
by  the  Indians,  524;  manuscripts 
o"«  577  •  becomes  a  Spanish  town, 
520  ;  view  of,  554  ;  view  of  temple  at, 
555;  plan  of,  by  Markh.\in,  55'j ;  by 
Squier.  55') ;  palace  of  Vnca,  550 ; 
other  plans  and  views,  556. 

Cuihing.  Caleb,  on  the  De  Fonto  voy- 
age, 4'M  :  un  Navarrete's  Co/eccion, 
v;  Reiniiiisieiices  0/ S/>aiti,  'S^'y  on 
\'espucius,  154,  178. 

Cushing,  Frank  H.,  on  Zuni,  4S3. 

Custodi,  Fielro,  46. 

Cutifachiqui,  247. 

Cuyoacan,  3''j9. 

DARAinE,  19S;  expedition  to,  211. 

D'Abreu,  440. 

Daelli,  (i.,  Bibl.  rara,  40. 


INDEX. 


D'Ailly,    Pierre,    bis  map  (1410),  95. 

See  Ailly- 
Dalibard,  575. 
Uampier,    the   navigator,    592  ;    AVw 

/'.',V./.C.',  4(17. 

Danckerts.  his  maps,  466. 
Dandol.i,  M.,  ()ratio,  62. 
Daiulolo,  'I'.,  Scio/i  di  J)ante  e  Colom- 

bOy  ''9  ;  Coiondui,  (19, 
D'Anville  and  Lake  Parima,  587. 
D'Arcy  de  la  Kochette,  589. 
Darien,    191  ;    ditferent   torms    of    the 

name,  191  ;  settlement  at.  20). 
Darwin,  Charles,  /  'oyagei}/ the  Beagle. 

'Kit;, 

Dati,  <;.,  and  Coknnbns*  k'tter,  51; 
('Htfj/(r,  etc.,  51;  La  Icttera,  etc., 
5'- 

D'Anbigiie,  Hist,  nniverselle,  298. 

D'Ave/ac,  A/<ep\ns  sur  la  bonssole, 
94;  "U  Columbus'  birth,  83;  Livre 
de  /**.  Colo  nib,  Ui  > ;  Dhon  vc  rtes 
dans  rOLi'an  Atlantiifiie,  31);  A'.r- 
fedition  de  lU'thenconrt^  3*1 ;  hies 
d'A/riqne,  3'.;  Isles  fatita^tiqucs, 
3''> ;    Snr  la  f^rojection  des  cartes, 


47"; 

iiigs, 

I '.4. 

D.ivila. 

Davila, 

Davila, 


Waltze-Midler^  i(.4  ; 
1^)4;  his  I'oyaf^es  de 


s  writ- 
•s/>uce. 


See  Pedrarias. 
F.  A.,  213. 

(lil     Cioiuales,    213  ;     Teatro 
eclesidsticOf  3911,  400.     See  Cil. 
Davilla  Padilla,  Santi,it,'o  de  Mexico, 

3'('j,  -loo  ;    I'aria  /listoria,  4t>o. 
Da  Vinci,  Leonardo,  sketch  of  mappe- 
mondu  ascribed   to   him,  124,    125, 
i2h,  172,  234.     ^ee  \'inci. 
Davis,  W.    H.    H.,  HI  Gringo,   502; 
S/>anisli  Cont/ncst  of  Xew  Mexico, 

2SS,    502. 

I  ''Avity,  i'ierre,  Le  Monde^  462. 

Da/a,  Luis,  257. 

Deane,  Charles,  on  Schiiner,  176 

De  Iby,  his  picture  of  Columbus,  73, 

75  :  ;;ets  Lcinoyne's  papers,  290;  his 

engravings  tor  Las  Casas,  342. 
De  Llerck,  Tooneel,  etc.,  70. 
De  Coca,  s^^'t- 
De  Costa.    IL    F.,  Colunibns    and  the 

Gcogr,i/>licrs  0/  the  Xorth,  33. 
Dee,  Dr.,  bis  map,  453. 
De    Foiite,     liarthoiume.    his    alleged 

voy.ige,  4'>2  ;  coined  by  Putiver,  4J  2  ; 

faith  of  l_>eli-ile  and   Puache,  4."3 ; 

map,  4(19. 
De   Fuea,  alleged  voyage,  450 ;   partly 

believed  by  *  rfeeiihow,  457;  sources 

of,   457 :     Deiisle  and    iiuache   on, 

4'>i. 
De  Laet.     .S"**-  Laet. 
Delainbre,  L\4strunoniie  du    nioyen- 

age.  94. 
Delaplaine,  Repository  of  Lives,  etc., 

Del  Cano.  Seb.,  224:  commands  the  ^ 
"  Victori.i,''  ''112;  at  the  Ca[»<  de 
Verde  Ulands,  'm2  ;  surprise  at  the  [ 
loss  of  ,1  day,  012,  015  ;  reaches  San  | 
Lucas,  'ji2  ;  at  Court,  613  ;  his  letter,  ] 
'•If). 

Delislu,  468;  on  the  insularity  of  Call-  j 
fornia,  .t'>7  ;  Peconr'crtes  de  l\imi-  \ 
ml  de  I-'onte,  4^?  ;  opposed  by  \ 
Buriel,4'>', :  n  .  of  Louisiana,  2.^  :  ' 
route  of  De  •■  tt),  294,  295:  Atlas  \ 
fionveaiff  294  ;  and  Lake  Parima,  ' 
5S7  ;  map  of  tlie  Mer  de  Po/test, 
46.^. 

Demarcation,  line  ot.  99,  441  ;  j-  the 
Cantino  map,  loS;  on  map  of  1527, 
43.     See  Alexander  VI.,  Pnl!. 

Demersay,  A.,  on  the  Spani>h  and 
Portuguese  aii  hives,  tl. 

Denis,  Fcrd.,  on  S.diagun,  416.  I 

Depons,  Fr.j  I'oyage,  5S7. 

J)e  principiis  astronomic,  432. 

Di's  Hrosses,  Xaz'igations,  614. 

I)eschanel,  K.,  C.  Colombo  S3. 

Desimoni,  C,  I^ibro  di  Ifarrisse,  S6. 

Desjardin,  Krnsl,  Rapport  sur  Har 
risst'y  viii. 

DesmarquelSj  //ist.  de  Dieppe,  34. 


625 


D'Fste,  lierculc,  107, 

De  Thou,  //ist.  nni-oerselle,  297. 

De  \'ries  in  ihi;  Pacilic,  ^'•i,. 

Dewey,  Dr.  Hrville,  oil  the  Spanish 
coiupterors,  ^14. 

Dexier,  Arthur,  42ft. 

Dexier,  lieoige,  character  and  deaih, 
ix. 

De/a,  Diego  de,  4,  91. 

Dia/..  .Aioii/o,  41 1. 

Diaz,  dul  t'astillo,  Bernal,  i'>,  i./t,  201, 
214,427  :  withCoidova,  284  ;  account 
of.  414;  //ist,  T'crdadera,  214,  414; 
his  antog.,  414;  the  original  maiui- 
script,  414,  415,  42S;  two  early 
printed  editions,  415  ;  later  editions 
HI  various  languages,  41s:  Kiiglish 
texts,  415  ;  jomd.niet's  edit  ion,  415; 
letters  in  the  Cartas  de  Ind/as,  415  ; 
wounded,  23''. 

Dia/,  Ju.ni,  his  /tinerario,  215. 

Dia/,  Mclchior,  481,  482,  4S5,  4i:ifi.  503 ; 
dies,  Y\\, 

Diccionario  nniv.  de  hist,  y  de  geog,^ 
.415- 

Diego  de  la  Cruz,  25'). 

I>iego,' Juan,  39'/ 

Diegus.     See  Momem. 

Dieppe,  hi-<tories  of,  34. 

Diether.  Aiidruw,  410. 

l)inaux.  Cardinal  d' A dly,  29, 

I  )ixon  I'liiir.tnce,  470. 

Dobbs,  Artltnr,  Countries  adjoining  to 
J/ndu'n*s  Bay,  4O2,  4'jS;  his  map, 
4"7- 

/?octrina  Christiana,  400. 

/}octrina  en  A/exlcano,  401. 

Documentarv  sources  of  early  Spanish* 
Americ.in  history,  i 

Doctimentos  para  la  liistoria  de  Mex- 
ico, 39S. 

Dodge,  Robert,  106 ;  ^/emorials  of 
Columbus,  iv. 

Domenichi,  i^-j, 

Dominic  of  the  Annunciatitin,  257. 

Doniiiiicaus,  3.^1,;  in  Florida,  25'.;  in 
Ciisco,  520;  m  Ilispaniola,  305,30*;. 

Dominico.  18S. 

Doncel,  time-.,  24 1. 

Donderti,  (i.  A.,  L^onesld  di  C.  Co- 
lombo, (>5. 

Doppelmayr,  J.  0.,  Hist.  Nac/tric/it, 
105. 

Dorantes,  244,  2S7. 

Doria,  {j8. 

Dormer,  /)iscursos  varios,  343. 

Dovle,  William,  /iritish  Dominions^ 
.io8. 

Drage,  Theodore  S,,  Xort/iivest  /^as- 
sage,  4(.3. 

Dragg,  Great  Probability  of  a  Xort/i* 
ivest  /^assage,  403. 

Dragon's  mouth.  58*1,  5S8, 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  his  harbor  on 
the  California  coast,  453  ;  II,  I L 
Haucrofl's  view,  453  ;  doctnneiits  in 
Peralta,  453  ;  t'lnds  remains  of  Ma- 
gellan's mutineers,  599 ;  his  dis- 
covery of  New  Albion,  4(^)5  ;  in  the 
Pacific,  452  ;  his  most  northern 
point  n-aciied  in  the  P.icilic,  455; 
seesgiantsin  P.iiaguuia, 'xu  ;  on  the 
coast  of  iV-ru,  55-. 

Dresden,  I'erein  fiir  Erd/iunde,  40, 
10'',  5  So. 

Drogeo,  472. 

Drumniond,  /Iha  Tcrceira,  t,^. 

Dry.uider,  J.,  Cosinogniphite  introd., 
421, 

Dryden,  /ndian  Emperor^  430. 

Dudley.  Robert,  Arcano  del  mare. 
4'J4)  5'^?!  I'i-^  original  drawings,  \(^\ ; 
his  career,  4O4  ;  map  of  the  C.difor- 
nia  coast,  4''5 :  edition  of  Arcano 
(1061),  -t'.f). 

Duflot  de  Mofras,  Mendoza  et  Xavar- 
rete,  v  ;  //<'>r^goH,  431. 

Dugdale,  Warwickshire^  466. 

Dulce,  Rio,  \"^-j. 

Duprat,  h'.lisabet/i  de  Wi/ois^  297, 

Duran,  Diego,  l/istoria^  419;  his 
manuscript,  420. 

Dura/.zo,  J.,  Elogiy  68. 


*  ^ 


'• 


VOL.    II. 


■79- 


626 


INDEX. 


JH  i 


Diim,  (',  F.,  /V/?rt/c.M.  501;  Colon  y 

i'lHzon,  2^\\  Informi'y  ulc-,  i\i- 
Duv.il,  hi'.  ni.»|>,  .(""■ 
Uwiglil,  TliLutliiru  K.,  46*;. 

liAHTi:  CoUiinbus'  itlea  of  the  fnrm 
of,  \},y.  cuniru  of,  \\\  the  turres(rial 
paradise,  »>■) ;  a  sphere,  24,  zy.  si/.c 
of,  2 1,  ^n  ;  hh.ipi.'il  hke  a  pc.ir,  2.(. 
See  ( llobc. 

KchctL',  ^MS 

Echevcrri,  J.  dc,  /.(*j  Ci'u/ztt'  Jr 
Cofoft,  Si. 

Kciia,  28s;  A*('/((r/(»«,  28(1. 

Hclcitit  Miifiiizini^  426, 

KcHpsi'.     .V(V  Smi. 

K<iiubnrk^h  Rfvwn^  50. 

Kdw.irds.  H.,  i/V*/  huiiess  78. 

Kdwards,   |:.,  Memoirs  of  Librarits^ 

Egui.ir.i  y  I*'-j;iuen,  Bibliothcca  Mexi^ 

mutt,  424. 
/i/«  Si/uhit'  ne^ve  /.eitn/ii^,  51. 
Kldor.idii,    iLiniu    hrst    applied,    57^; ; 

(Somh  America)  history  of  the  behef 

it),  sn- 
El  iieneral  San  Martin^  5.JJ. 
Kborra^a,  .v*')- 
Kills,  ( leorj^e   K.,  oil  Las  t.'asas,  2()9 ; 

oil  I'rL'scott's  use  of  the  noctograph, 

427. 
Kllis,    Henry,    I'oj'itj^e    to    Iliulson  s 

Hay,  (OS. 
Klvas,   (ieiilleman    nf,    liis   /\e/a^iim^ 

2SS  ;   rirf^hiiii  richly  valiteii^  2S1); 

il istorie    of   ferra    Florit/a,    2^«) ; 

Diseovery  ami  Conquest  of  Florida 

(edited  by  Rye),  2.St>. 
Emory,  W.   H.,  Xotes  of  a  Military 

Recomwissame ^  501. 
Knciso,  M.  K.  de,   i-ii,  194,  n>5i  i07  ; 

account  of,     i'^^,    20S ;    Suma    tie 

geografia,  <jS,  211S. 
Knconiieiidas,  3,(7,  34S,  537,  571, 
l'ji.uel,  Samuel,  Mhiioires^  46S ;  Ex- 

traits  raiso/ies,  408. 
luiim,  5S5,  5,Sy. 
Equator,  tirst  crossed  on  the  American 

side,  is;  ;  lirsl  crossed  on  the  Pacific 

side.  507. 
Eratosthenes,  his  theory  of  the  Allan- 
tic,  104. 
Ercilla,  Alonso  de,  in  Chili,  549;  Wr- 

a/uana,  571;  augmented  by  Osorio, 

57'-    .      '. 
Escambia  River,  25s. 
Escobar,  Maria  de,  51S,  547. 
Escoitpii,  Mexico  cotiqnistada^  430- 
Escondido  (riverl,  2S1. 
Escurial,  documents  at,  iii. 
Espada,  M-  j.  de  la,  edits  Cieza  de 

Leon,    574  ;  edits  Mentorias  anti- 

f;uas  del  Peru,  577 :  c».hts  Rela>.  i- 

ones  x't'Oi^f't/it'if^i  576- 
Espejo,  Ant.  de,  .(ij/.  504. 
Espinosa,  alcalde  mayors  107. 
Espinosa,  Chronica  a/>ostolica^  y)^. 
Espinosa,  E.  t"..  Hist,  dc  Mexico,  42S. 
Espino.sa,   Caspar    de,    it>8,    505;   in 

Lima,  526;   his  expedition,  211;  a 

partner  witli  Pizarro,  507;  ihes,  526. 
Espinn/,,1  uvitli  Magellan),  5<>g. 
Espiritu    Santo,    bay   named    by   De 

Soto,  245 ;  Rio  de,  221,  224, 223,  22i> ; 

{i52o)2iS;  (1527)211).     .VdV  Nlissis- 
^  sif  pi. 

Esquivel.  Juan  de,  mi,  201.  214. 
Essenwein,  A.  O.,  Bildcr-Atlas.,2,12. 
Esseipiibo  River,  1^7,  5H1,  ^Sj, 
Estancelin,  Xavigateurs  Norwands^ 

Estero  de  los  I. agarics,  203. 

Esieve,  R..  76. 

l!stieniie,  H.,  j^^O. 

Estoiilant,  459,  472. 

Estrada,  y'^f^'. 

l-.stratla,  Alonz*  d',  475. 

I'slrada,  Pedru  de,  240. 

Ktowa,  247. 

Etudes  par  les  p^res  de  ia  Crmpo^nie 

de  Jesus,  d*). 
Iv.irfijje,  naining  of,  167. 
Eusebius,  Cltronican,  04. 


Evans  U.S.,  481. 

Everett,  A.  II.,  and  Irving,  vi. 

EahI'K,  Dr.  John,  I'-j,  17^. 

Fabian,  47. 

Eabie,  A.  M.,    I'ida  de    I. as    Casns, 

,M.i- 
Fabre,  Ant. ,014. 
Fabricius  de  \'agad,  Corouica  de  A  ra- 

Fadeii,  his  map  showing    Lako  Pari- 

ma,  5S.,. 
Fairbanks,  Florida,  2)1 ;   St.  Ait^us- 

tit/Cf  21J3. 
Faleiro,  Kuy,  5i>i,  54J. 
Falero,  /.a  loi/j^itud  en  la  iuar,  <jS. 
l-'alkeiiNtem,   iiuchdruckcrknnst,  407. 
FancMurt,  C  St.  j  ,  yucatan,  42.J. 
Fiirfan's  lleet  \\ recked,  *:,f>. 
Faria  y  Sousa, -*i.v7ii   i^orfut^uesa^  34, 

610  :  Ruropa  I*ortugiifsa^  5(-. 
Farmer,  Maria,  76. 
Farrcr,  Virginia,  her  map,  4'^/), 
Favolitis,  Hugo,  map-maker,  450. 
Federici,  F,  his  collection,  iv. 
Federmann,    Nic,    indianisc/te    11  is- 

toria,  579;  his  expedition,  57S. 
Felipina,  257. 
Ferihnand    (Spain),   sign-manual,    5f>, 

S5  ;   portrait,  ^5:   dies,  SS,  no, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (cut),  h. 
Fer^ani,  Al,  24- 
Feria,  Pedro  de,  25*',  257. 
Fer-Uabelica,  i^o- 
Fernande/,  Alonso,  Hist,  eclesidstica, 

yyi- 
Fernandez,  Alvaro,  2S9. 
I'ernaiidez,  Let'm,  Coleccion,  .198. 
Fernandez,  Val..  Marco  i'auloj  etc., 

fi2. 

Fernaiidina.     See  Culia. 

Fernandii  VL  (Spain),  his  care  of  doc- 
ninenls,  ii. 

Ferraro,  (1..  Relazioney  62,  156,  1G2. 

FeriL'bouc,  47. 

Ferrt'lo  (or  l-'errer),  pilot,  444. 

Ferrer,  Jaunie,  Ills  map,  45;  Ids  iSVw- 
A-wt  /dj,  -15. 

Ferrer,  Juan,  256. 

Ferro.  meridian  of,  95- 

Feuillet  de  t'onches  on  pictures  of  Co- 
lumbus, 70. 

Fin.x'us,  ( Jrontius,  Ids  globe,  184,  431. 

Fioreiuino.  F.  C,  Cltroniclie.,  62- 

I'ischer,  .Augustin,  Biblioteca  Meji- 
ciina,  430. 

Fischei,  'Theobald,  Ueber  Seekarten, 
03  • 

Fisher,  L.  P  ,  on  C.  de  Vaca,  zSS. 

F'lavigiiy,  V'iconite  de,  410.  1 

Florencia,  Fr.  de,  Compaiiia  de  Jesus,   ' 
309. 

Florida,  22S,   229,   432,  435<   4. A  453  ; 
(iS^o)    2i,S,  0327)   219.  ('54")   177.    ' 
(,1542)226, (i5f)(>)45[  ;  abandoned  l)y 
the  Sjianish  (mfn ),  2tx);    Ribauli  in, 
2'>o  ;  Laudoiiniere  in,  2'^»2  ;  ancient, 
by  J.  (i.  Shea,  231  :   named,   233  , 
called   Cancio,  2^:    authorities  un 
its  history,  292  ;  on  Menendez,  292  ;  . 
on  Ribault,  293  ;   on   Landoiinierc, 
294,  2y't :  on  Gourgues.  3. ,7  ;  La  Re-   [ 
Prinse  de    la   Floride,    297 ;    a^  a  ■ 
name  lirst  confmed  to  the  penin.sula,   1 
275;    Indian   tribes  in,  2S4  ;  called  ! 
Isabella.  116;  Jesuits  in.  2S2,  399;  ) 
mapsol  (Canliiu)),  if)S,  (Cortes)  404,   , 
(I)a    Vinci)    1 24,    i2'i.   (anon.)    292, 
(i3'>5l  2')4,  (15JC,  Leinoine)  274,  (()r- 
Iehus>  472,  (Wytlliet)  2"^!,  (otliers) 

275-   , 
Morin.  Juan.     .S(V  \  errazano. 
I-'oglietto,  Klogia,  S4. 
Folieta,   U.,  Claroruni  Li^urum  elo- 

Folsoni,  Cicorge,  on  early  American 
discoveries,  34;  Despatdies  of  Cor- 
thy  4  ID,  411. 

Fonseca,  Juan  Kodiiguez,  57;  oppo- 
nenl  of  Las  Casas,  3 10 :  head  of  the 
council  for  the  Indies,  311  ;  op- 
poses Columbus,  91,  jii;  opposes 
Corles,  357,  l^- 


Fonseca,  b.iy  of.  200, 

Font. line,  i/o^v  tht  World  was  i\'o- 

,    /W.  25. 

I'oiiianarosna,  SuMnna,  S-^. 

Fonianetla,  Hern,  de  Escalanie,  Me- 
moir, jiji- 

Fonte.     See  De  Fonte. 

Force,  Peter,  337. 

Foresti,  J  I*  { llerg(imas),  Suppleinen- 
turn  supplcmenti  cronicarutn^  52 

Forlani.     See  !■  urlani. 

Forni.deoni,  La  marine  des  I'^nitiem, 
i'' 

Fcrnari,  Haliano  de,  Ou. 

For(iuevaiiI.\,    Sieiir    de,    his    paper*, 

I'orsler,  F.,  Columbus,  6<). 

Fort  Caroline  fiMinded,   ^hz  .    site  of, 

264,270,274;  mapof,  2'J5;  views  nt', 

26S,   2'>9;  attacked   by    Menendez, 

271.      , 
Fort  Louis,  294. 
Fortunate    Islands,  36.      See   C.oiarr 

Island. 
Foscariiii,  Delia  left.  I'en,,  30. 
Fountain  of  Vouih  (lliniini),  2S3. 
Fousang.     See  l-ii-aiig. 
Fox,  C..  v.,  First  Landint,'-plaee  of 

Columbus,  56. 
Fr.ancesca  (1527),  219. 
Francino,  A  ,  his  collection,  182. 
Francis  <if  Vittoria,  343. 
Francisc.uis    in    llispaniola,   305 ;     in 

Mexico.  399  :  histories  of,  399. 
Franciscus,  monk,  De  orbis  situ,  431  ; 

his  map,  431. 
Francisque-ftiichel  on  Saint-Hrandan, 

36. 
Fraiick,  Sebastian,  I f'eltbuc/t,  421. 
Frankfort  globe,  ii><,  122.  .VfvSchiiner. 
Frankl.  poem  on  Columbus,  73. 
Franklin,  Heiijainin,  on  the  he  Fonte 

story,  4O2. 
Franquelin,  on  California,  467. 
I-'reccia,  78. 

Freherus,  P.,  TliMtre,  73. 
Freire,  Juan,  his  map  of  tlie  California 

coasi,  447. 
French  standard,  shown  in  view,  2(<if. 
Fresnoy,  I  hi,  Methode  pour  etudier  la 

Keoj^'i  29S. 
Freytas,  F.  N.  de,  Relacion^  504  ;  ed- 
ited by  J.  (;.  Shea,  504. 
Friars  in   Mexico,  3»/).     -iTee  iJcmiiiii 

cans,  Franciscans,  etc. 
Friess,  Lorenz  (Frisius,  Phrysiusl,  121;, 

173:  his  niappemonde,  174;    Ca*ta 

Marina^  i2'>,  127,  (2S,  220,  421  ,  ni.ip 

of  Antilles,  2  iS,  220. 
Frio,  Cape,   12O,   151;  port,  162.     .Vev 

Cabo. 
Frisius,  (lemma,  101  ;  on  longitude,  9S; 

annotaies  Apianus,  1K3. 
Frisius.     .SV('  l-'riess. 
l-'ritz,    Sanuiel,   map  of  the  Amazon, 

Fructuoso,  Caspar,  Hist,  das  ilhas  do 

Porto  Santoy  38. 
Fuca.     See  I  >e  Fuca. 
Fuca  Straits,  470. 
Fuchsius,  Metoposcopia^  76. 
I''uenieal,  liishop,  391  ;  autog.,  391. 
Fueiite,  Alonso  de  la,  212. 
Fuenies,  F.  d.;,  518. 
Fuentes  y  (luzman,    F.    A.,   Historia 

de  Guatemala,  39S,  41(7,  42S. 
Fulgnsus,  I'..,  Collectaneat<j2 
Furlani,    Paulo    de    ( I-  orl.ini),    Carta 

nautica^  439  1   bis  maps,  43S,  (15(0) 

A'Vh    (1.02)   439,    (1574)    45".    454; 

sketclied,  454. 
Fusang,  454,  463,  469 
Fusler,  iii. 

G.AFFAKi:!.,  Paul,  his  Etude  sur  les 
rapports  de  I*  A  m^rique  et  de  Pan- 
cieu  continent  avant  Colovih,  25, 
34:  his  Decjuvcrte  du  BresU  par 
Cousin,  34;  his  Hist-  du  Bresil 
Francais,  34  ;  La  Florida  Fran* 
i'aise,  243. 

lialardi.  Fcid.  de,  TraitS politiquf ^},\ 
OS. 


INDEX. 


627 


■A/  xvas   J\'0' 


0,  Sn/>/*U'iii<n' 
«/t'i  I  'hiitifiis, 


ndin^-phice  of 


ction,  182. 

iniob,   3*15 1     "' 
ics  of,  .■^()(^ 

I  Saint- liraiubn, 

'eltbuch,  .\ii. 
22.  J»V(' Schiiner. 
imlms,  7.^. 
jii  Ihe  Dc  l''t>"te 


iwn  in  view,  2<«>. 
'(■  /dh/'  iiudier  In 

'elaciouy  5')4  1  ^^- 

^).     .S"ec  Dunmii 
etc. 

us,  Phrysiiis),  i:;^, 
[jnde,  174  ;  CVi»M 
Ls,  220, 42" .  '"''P 


ol'  tlie  Amazon, 
\Ust.  this  tihas  do 


lis  Etude  sur  ies 
m^rigue  ft  de  Van- 
Vhint  Colovih,  25, 
\U'  du  BrhU  /./r 
1  Hint,  du  Jirfsd 
Li  Florida  Fran- 


Galdivia  Mcii(in7,i,  V.  ilc,  .\^). 

Cali,  l-'i-ancisiiu  ^t;.^uIc)t  455i  4'''J' 

(l.ili.uio,  .|^'). 

(iail.iciis,  l*liili|»i>iis,  Eiu'hiridiou^  450. 

(;.ilLir(l<>.  U.,  /y*is,ty<>,  etc.  24. 

(;.ill.ir<!n,  I!.  J..4i-'- 

Gall.itm,  .Mliert,  on  tlie  Indian  tribes, 
j</»;  (111  A/ttc  civilization,  4J7  ;  Aw 
aU'Mt    Stnii'CiriliztilioH     0/    Xrto 

Gallcf;o,  ju,  a4(j. 

Galk'Kos,  .Uian.  .(Sr>,  4.,'.,  .(.J7, 

(iailcrm,  picHMc  ot".i,  15'-. 

(iallinas  Kivcr.  .('^2. 

(iallidt  (hi  I'll-,  t7' 

(JalU),  Ant,,  nu  (.oluinhns,  52,  S9. 

Galln  (ixland),  S''^>  So-;.  51,1. 

Gallucci,  .12". 

(iatvarmo,  54  i. 

Ganm,  Jik1o  da,  thf) ;  his  land,  466  ;  in 
the  Pacific,  4fvi. 

Gaina,  Vascn  tU^  his  portrait,  42  ;  au- 
toi;.,  42  ;  his  discovery,  42. 

Ganinarn.  /?*■  we;'.  C.  Colutnhiy  Ci;. 

Ganjbia  Kivcr,  .jo, 

(ian^L's,  111,4,15:  i"  ihc  early  discov- 
eiic^.  i()S. 

Garabiui,  iij'<,  i<>7,  21^. 

Garay,  Kranciscn  de.  237;  his  patent, 
2^7;  i;nveriior  of  Jainaicai  21  *;  au- 
thorities on  hisvoy,t>;e,2S4  ;  exploits 
sniij;  by  Castellanos,  5S4 ;  land  of, 
321;  namesof  hisrullnwer-^,  415  ;  at 
I'anuco,  I'^z;  dies,  3S3,  503. 

(•arccs,  Julian,  mi. 

Garcia,  Juan,  2^5. 

Garcia,  Nuua,  de  Torcno,  his  map,  43. 

Garcia  de  kesi-nde,  Ch'touuit^  'Hi. 

Gariliay,  /.(/-/  iff  Santo  Domiuj^Oy  280. 

Gasca,  iVdro  de  la,  likenesses,  s.*<7, 
540;  president  of  Peru.  5.i'>;  enters 
Cusco,  542 ;  leaves  Peru.  542  ;  his 
reports,  568;  authorities  uii  his  ca- 
reer, .sfKj ;  his  papers,  569. 

Gassarum.  A.  P.  LHwUhs^  421. 

Gastaldi,  Jacopo,  433  ;  Notizie  di  G(W- 
taldiy  4i5- 

Ganlc.     See  (iali. 

Gay,  S>;dney  Howard,  "  Amerigo  Ves- 
pucci," I2<). 

Gayangos,  P.  de,  47,  400;  his  autng., 
408;  e<lits  Marinolejo,  573;  Cartas 
de  Cortes,  4('2,4i»s,  411  ;  Catalogue 
of  Spanish  manuscripts^  vii. 

Oayarre.  Louisiana^  292. 

Gaye,  Claudio,  llistoria  de  Chi/c,  572- 

Gayon,  (ion/alo,  j(>[). 

Gazetta  ittteraria  }tHiversaU\  222. 

Oazttte  dfs  lieauX'Arts,  44. 

Gazlehi,  Momingo  dc,  5O4. 

Gelvcs,  Nuno,  S,;. 

Genard  on  t)rtclius,  471. 

Genoa,  birthplace  of  Cohimlms,  S4 ; 
Academy  "f.  <>5  ;  in\e>iii;ate  birth- 
place 01  Cohimluis,  .^4 ;  archives 
of,  iv  ;  home  of  ("olumbus,  7S  ;  no- 
tarial records  ot',  iv ;  papers  at,  h<). 

George  of  Spires,  579. 

(leor^ia  (island),  151. 

Geography,  histories  of.  9^. 

Geraldiiuis,  Alex.,  4;  his  ttincrari- 
Jim,  4. 

(German  efforts  at  settling  .South  Ame- 
rica, 5S1  ,  search  for  Kldorado,  5.S4. 

(ieslin,  50. 

Ghillany,  Geschichte  des  Seejahrcrs 
Rittt-r  Beh  tim^  15. 

Giants  in  Pataj^oni.i,  f.nQ  ;  skeleton  of, 
(K12;  siien  by  Drake,  602;  named 
fr<tm  their  lar>;e  feet.  603. 

Gibb<ius,  iulward,  of  l}uslon,462. 

Gil  Gon/.alex  de  Avila,  199,  200.  See 
Davila. 

Gila  River,  4^5. 

Gilbert,  Sir  11.,  map,  452. 

Gilles  de  Gourniont,  i!;S. 

Gino  Capponi,  Marquis,  Osservazioni 
on  Vespucius.  155. 

Giocondo,  Giuvanni,  14O;  the  archi- 
tect, 159,  163,  164. 

Giocondo,  Giuliano  B.  del,  146 

(lioruaie  Ligustico,  102. 

tiiovio.     ^Vt."  Jovlus. 


'  Girava,  Co.uwt^rap/tia,  .\\^;   its  title* 
<        page,  417;  docripuuns  of  America, 

I  Giron,  Francisco  Ueniande/,  542  ;  en- 
ters ("usco,  545  ;  retnats  and  is  cap- 
tured, 543;  hi4  rebellion.  577. 
Giuntini,  [•'.,  v. 

Giustiuiani(Agnstino  ,90;  Psa/ter'tf^; 
fac-siiniles  of  page,  '13  ;  Aunaii  di 
iienoa,  u.\. 

'  Glareanns,  Ilenricu^,    iif>,   \^f^\   Geo- 

1        graphia,  i$\  its  liiblio^raiihy.  25. 

]   Glas,  Geo,,  ConijHC't  of  the  Canaries^ 

.   -»''■ 

Globe,  sphericity  of,  104;  niciiire  of  an 
\        ancient  <iiie,  41;.     .SV<'  Karlh. 
I    Glohts  muttdi,  i;i,  172. 

Goatitlan,  (74. 

Godfrey,  'riioinas,  his  mariner's  bow, 

i       '9''. 

!  Godin  in  Peru,  5</) ;  adventures  of  his 

wife,  59"- 
Godoy,  his  report  to  Cortes,  411. 
Gohory,  J.,  La  terre  nenve  de  Feruy 

V'4- 
Giilfo  Chinan,  451. 
Gold  coast,  40. 
Golding,  .Arthur,  translatiim  of  Mela, 

iSo. 

G(>Ids(jn.  William.  Passage  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Facijtc^  4^3  ; 
Straits  of  Antan,  45'> 

Goinara.  Krancisto  I, ope/,  account  of, 
412  ;  his  access  lo  dncumenls,  412: 
translated  by  Chimalpaii.,  412 ;  his 
Historia    general   de    las    Indias, 
412,  563;    descriptions  of  America, 
i><o  ;  on  the  t.'oriereals,   107;  Con- 
(fin'sta   de  Mexico,  412;    on    Peru,   | 
412  ;  Cronica  de  la  Xue7>a  Fspatla,   j 
412;    //istoria  del  Capitano    Cor-  \ 
ies,  412  ;  //istoria  de  Mexiio,  412  ;   ; 
Coniptista    de    A/^xico,    412;    ///>- 
pania    I'ictrix,    will)    fac-simile   of 
tille,  413;    Pleiixaiit  lUstoriCy   414; 
Conqiiistiidi Messi'.'o,  414  ;  ahiicineil 
in  hden's  Decades^  414;    in  H.ik- 
luyt,  414;  bibliography  K>i,  by  Ihe- 
voort,  414. 

Goniberville,  5S9.  ^ 

Gome/,   E^te\an,  241;    on  the  Xorth 
American  coast,  241  ;  with  M.iy.el-   ; 
lan.^nO;  deserts,  (107.  i 

(iome/,  Francis,  2di.  I 

Gomez,  Pedro,  with  Valdivia,  52S. 

Gomez,  archipelago  of,  224.  ] 

Gonzaga,    F.,    De  origine  religionis  ■ 
FranciscauiP,  399,  ' 

Goiu.des  de   l.i    Rosa,   Manuel,  5117 ;   1 
e<lits  Cieza  de  Leon,  574. 

Good  Hope,  Gape  of,  41 

(ioodall,  IJ.,  Tryall  of  Travell,  6S. 

tjoodrich,  Life  of  so-called  Chris- 
topher Ct'lnm/'us,  33,  69.  ^ 

Goos,  Abraham,  his  map,  462.  [ 

Gordiliii.    Francisco,  sails  to   Florida,   ] 
23S;  his  expediiion,  2S5. 

Gorgona  (island),  t,n<},  ^n,  513. 

Gorricio,  Gaspar,  iv,  2f>,  S.^. 

Gfisse'lin,  Geog.  des  Grers,  loi. 

Gourgiie^.  Domenic  de,  his  attack  on 
Flnrid.i,  2H0;  'Mile  avenyer  of  the 
Hunucnois,"  29S  ;  La  reprinse  de 
la  Floridfy  297;  dit7erenl  manu- 
scripts of  it,  297,  2<t'<\  no  Spanish 
authorities.  297  ;  a  slaver,  297-      ,      ' 

Goveiieche,  Juan  de,  his  hfe  of  Soils,  t 

■l-M-     ,       .  i 

Gracias  a  l>ios,  ("ape,  .m. 

Graham  on  the  hourly  variation  of  ihe  ; 

needle,  loo.  ! 

Orajalc-;,  Mendoza,  270. 
Gran  (>uivira,  494.     See  Quivira. 
tJranada.  arms  of,  4S ;   captured,  50 

In  laudem,  etc. ,  50. 
Granada  0'^li»'id\  22O,  s'^S. 
Grand  (islel.  fabulous,  30. 
th'atid  Turk  Island,  55. 
Grant,  I'ort.  4^2. 
Graml)ani,  Lord,  ii. 
(irapes  in  Peru.  547. 
Gravier,  Gahiiel.  edits  Challenx,  29 ^> , 

Rech.  sur  les   navigations   Euro-  ' 


Prairies, 
his  A  polo* 


P^ens,  42;  Le  CaiiarieM,  j*"-,  yii 
Les  Xotmands  sur  la  ronte  de$ 
indcsy  25, 

Gr.ivicr,  N.  F,,  Satnt-Dt^,  ifu, 

Graviere,  j,  de  l.i,  /.«■»  niarins,  7,  M3, 

Gray,  Gapt,,  in  ihe  "  \Vashmj;ton,'' 
47"- 

Gre.U  Circle,  is. 

(ireat  l-!xnm.i  (island),  5;, 

(ireat  In.upia  <isl,iiidi,  55 

( ircco  (norllu•a^Il,  <t\, 

lireenhow,  Oreg.>n  and  California^ 
4Ss;  on  the  Oreuon  qiiestuui,  4f>.j ; 
.\'or,'h:oe<it  I'o^ist,  4'ii. 

Grt'enl.md,  a  peninsula  of  Fiirone,  iK, 
III,  I2U  43i;  rejuiions  with  Ice- 
land, 3t;  seen  by  Coriereal.  inj; 
on  early  maps,  2^^ :  in  ihe  Canlino 
map,  loj:  called  by  various  name* 
(Groil.mdi.i),  412  ;  (ilrutlandiat  451, 
453  ;  i,Gn>ul,nidia')  H4,  435  '■  i.Groen- 
land)  472;  (Groeiilant  452,  459; 
iGruentant)  115;  i(ironland)  175: 
(Terra  nova)  440,  44;. 

Gregg,    Commerce  of  the 

495; 

Gregoire,  Bishop  of  Plois, 

GreilT.  P.,  i^j. 

Grieniiiger,  Joli.miie-*,  laS. 

Grij.ilva,  Juan  de,  34'>.  ,^51,  354;  his 
expedition,  v,  203,  215,  402,  401; 
s.nis  with  G.uay  (■■i23),  23 S ;  Cro* 
nica,  3.)j;  /tineriirio,  397;  por- 
trait. 21(1. 

Grimaldi,  4S. 

tlrinialdo,  93. 

Grimm,  Signumd,  40S. 

( Irimston,  lulw.,  .jji. 

Gtoclant,  459,  472 

Grotlie,  H  ,  his  Leonardo  da  rinci, 
^f. 

Griininger,  printer,  i^v)- 

Giyii.L'us,  XoTUs  Orlw'Sf  62. 

Guachoyaiupie,  251 

( luadalaxara,  474. 

Guadalupe,   374  ; 
Co'eccion,  400. 

Guagiianico,  351. 

Guahan,  <n  1. 

Gu.ile,  278. 

(iuale  (Amelia)  hland,  2S2, 

Gualteroiti,  R.,  L\-l  merica,  154. 

Guamaii'/a,  536,  537. 

Guanahani,  ^2,  93,  224;  <.Guanahan) 
221;  (Cianahani)  22f':  (Guanao)  177; 
Ptmce  de  Leon  at,  233. 

Gnanape,  55^. 

Guandape,  241. 

Guanima,  233 

(iuanuco,  558. 

(iuarico,  53S. 

Guastecan,  472, 

Guatari  River  (Wateree),  sSs 

Guatemala,  221  ;  audiencia  of, 
Colecciou  de  doc.  an/ig.,  39"^ 
the /Vf>(<'.vfj  again~t  Alvarado,  419; 
Remcsal  as  an  authority,  419;  Vas- 
quez'  Chronica,  ^\i:  //istoria  of 
Fuentes  y  Gu/inan,  41  1 :  the  Com- 
pendio  ui  Uomingo  Juavrns,  419; 
expeditiou  to,  under  Alvarado,  3S3; 
map,  3'^4;  sources  uf  its  liistoryi 
3C(S,  419. 

Giiaxule,  247. 

Ciuaya(piil,  5"9. 

Guaya(piil,  (.1 11  If  of,  511. 

Guaz/o,  Marco,  //isforie,  57ft. 

Guerin,  I-eon,  Xavigateurs  FrancaiSf 
34,  29S. 

Guerra,  C,  io>),  1S7,  204,  205. 

Guevara,  Juan  de,  207. 

Guibert,  5l.  C  .  .J/^moires  de  Dieppe, 

^^' 

Guicciirdini,  //ist.  ef //alia,  154. 

Guinea  coa'^t,  ig. 

Gumilla,  El  Orinoco,  5^7* 

Gnss,  A.  I.-,  "  Karly  Indian  History 

of  the  Susquehanna,"  2S3. 
Gutierrez.  J,  R.,  570. 
Guyas,  4'(i. 
Gnznian,  Alonso  F.nriques  de,  566;  his 

autobiography,  567. 


Our    Lady  of,    399; 


4''«; 
410; 


638 


INDKX. 


GuimAii,  nii'KD  de,  expedition  to  Sina* 
ln.l,  VM. 

Oii/in.ui,  I'LTnaiuio  rle,  hit  revolt,  $^i. 

Uu/iiiiU),  N'uMii  HcltMi)  (Ic.  47J ;  liin 
cxputlitioti  Id  i'luii.itan,  ^',ti  diit- 
trusxci  iht*  vcsHLMi  of  CorUs,  441, 
442  ;  .;vi)i(l'«  I'orti'M,  443  ;  expudi- 
lion  tn  i'.tmim,  .iSh,  503;  to  New 
(lallitia,  \',t.  s"i;  iiivaik's  Jalisco, 
07;  111  Mexico,  jys ;  accuuiit  of  Ins 

tit.il,   !■;'<■ 
Ciu/iii.tt),  I'ern  NiiAc/  de,  j^v 
(ju/m.m.  S,,   AV  f^tregrino   iK.iiatto, 

430 

Haag,  La  France  f^rotfstiXntty  2')S 

Ilackc,  CoiUition  0/  /V»7iv«j.  4'''^'' 

llnckil,  lIuimaH, 293;  Xw'iyioriiiit^i'.^i. 

Hadluy's  iiiiadrant,  101. 

Hageii,  V<in  iIl-i.  179. 

Haj;eiibL'i>:.  t*  i.intis,  471, 

Main,  Kef^irtortitm^  4**. 

Makluvi,  (III  I>i,iIii.''N  (liscovery,  4S5i 
XoialuV  //i\tor),  293;  t'D}ttj,'i'S, 
J9S. 

Hale.  I'm  K.,  C(»py  of  a  drawing  of  a 
biiffal(i,  .\S.r,  uti  Coruiiadu's  discov- 
ery, S"i  ;  procures  loiiei*  map  of 
Calit"»niia,  ii-*'  discovers  tpnuiiial 
of  the  name  of  CalHornia,  in:  //is 
Level  /ii'st,  44.1  ;  "  Magellan's  <lis- 
Covery,"  5>;i  ;  Seven  it/^anis/i  Cit- 
ies, '1 ;  on  Palu^*,  '> 

Hallain,    11.,  Literaiure  0/  Europe, 

57.  57'- 
lialley  and  the  magnetic  poles,  95;  on 

icr I c* -atrial  magni-tisni,  mo. 
Haniniocks  (cut^  11;  in  iirazil,  59*) ; 

tigmcd.  597. 
Hansen,    l.t'onard    de,   life    of  S.mta 

Kosa,     sfxi ;     Lit    fiienaventurai/a 

Hi'sa,  s'Kj;  odiur  versions,  ^k). 
Hanly,  Jules,  JLes  Diepf>oii  en  Guinh^ 

Hailcy,  Kdward,  226. 

llaro,  \S .  du.  his- 

Haro,  11.  de,  5191  520. 

Harrassowit/.,  Karissima  A  tttericana, 

157 

Harris,  johii,  ihc  fac-similist,  50, 

liarri-.,  Coliection  of  I'oyuffes,  4^17, 

Harris^e.  H.,  his  proposed  A tneric 
I  'esfluti',  1 55  ;  on  r erdinand  (.'0- 
hunbus,  i-h  ;  criticised  by  Sies-ens. 
66;  his  /).  /unuiHt/o  Co/on^  6'» ; 
his  Feruiifu/  Colomh,  du ;  /..-t 
Cort>^reii/s,  33  ;  Les  st^/>u/tun'x  </e 
Colonil\  So;  Los  ystos  tie  Co/on, 
83;  hi-i  Cabots^  ')3 ;  C/tristc/i/ie 
Co/omh,  H8 ;  Xotes  on  Columhus, 
privately  printed,  viii :  his  I/istoirr 
de  C  Co/oml'  ixttribuee  a  son  fils^ 
h'> ;  Les  restes  mortch  de  Co/onib, 
.S3 ;  Colom/y  et  la  Corse,  S^  ;  Les 
Colombo,  So  ;  Desjardin  on,  viii. 

Hatleras,  Cape,  2S5. 

H.inslab,  Freiherr  von,  his  globes, 
171. 

Havana,  22^1.  230,  353  :  plundered  by 
the  French,  2<>2  ;  view  of,  202. 

Havana  (San  t.'risioval),  351. 

Hawkins,  Sir  JoJui,  2'i2. 

Hawkins,  Sir  Richard,  captured,  561. 

Haxa,  44-'. 

Haynes,  Henry  W  ,  *'  Karly  Explora- 
tions of  Xew  .Mexico,''  473;  favors 
the  Ztini  theory  of  the  Seven  Cities, 
V'.V 

Hayti  (15291.  231:  (1541)  .77.  See 
Hisp;inio]a,  Santo  I)oiningo. 

Hazard,  Samuel,  Santo  Domins^o,  71, 
81,^8. 

Helps,  Sir  Arthur,  317  ;  Conquerors  of 
the  .\\"u>  If'or/d,  42^;  S/>anish 
Conquest  of  America^  (•*),  204,  .12S  ; 
Life  of  Cortes,  42S;  his  map  nf 
Cortes*  voyage,  35^;  Life  of  /di- 
sarm, S7S  ,  Z//('  0/  Co/utnbns,  ho; 
Life  of  Las  Casas,  343  ;  his  map  of 
the  Valley  of  Mexico,  309. 

Henicz,  495. 

Hennepin,  bibliography  of,  67;  his 
maps  of  the  Pacific  coast,  466. 


Henriquei,  Martin,  viceroy  of  Peru, 
557' 

Henry  (Prince),  the  navigator,  2  ;  por- 
trait (cut),  39;  •^iiu>Ki  3>^;  livus  of| 

Heilslmw,  II.  W..  4M1. 
Herniano,  l>iev;n,  439. 
nermann  de  Toletlo,  41(4, 
nrru.inde/,  Pero,  Conientarios,  2^b. 
Hirrera,  A.  de,   his   lile   <<(   V'aca  de 
t  astro,    ^^7  ;   on    Italbo.t,  211  :    his 

Iiieture  of  Cohiinbus,  71  ;  on  Coluin- 
)us,  f.;;  acci>nnt  of,  67;  drew 
largely  from  l.as  ('usas,  67,  34" » 
bibliography  ol',  67;  hiH  f/is(oria 
fieneral,  1,  f)7,  213,  m  \,  S'm  ;  his  /)e. 
seriftion,  67  :  editfd  by  Itarcia,  f'7  . 
editions  of,  f'H  ;  in  Vander  Aa,  llul- 
siiis,  etc.,  f'S  :  translaii'd  tiy  John 
Stevens,  f^iS,  v,t ;  KoLertsons  opin- 
ion of  it,  424  ;  on  I, .ike  Parima,  5**? ; 
and  Ma;;ellan,  (w6;  maps  (i^m). 
4(hi  ;  edited  hv  Van  I'.aerle,  4i''i; 
cliarj;es  Vespuciiis  wilh  falsifying 
dales,  TS4  ;  histrrionraplier,  5'>,l. 

Hemes,  Willnnt.  11. 

Hesperides  (i  5  vit.  177. 

Hessels,  J.  H..  5.. 

Hevia,  l)iegM  t\v.  27X. 

I'eylin,  Cosinoiir-i/'hiet  46'',  5S7. 

Heyn,  Peeler,  Miroir  Jit  Mondet  472  ; 
epitome  of  Ortelius,  472. 

Hinojosa,  Pedro  de,  51*' 

Hipp.ircliiis  and  lunar  tables,  90. 

Hispaniola,  435,  437;  U54i)  177; 
(Kspanola)  lo^,  no;  (Ksiianhnlla) 
108;  (Kspagnolla)  22(1;  tHispani.i' 
insula)  12^;  (Isabella)  im*  ■2fi. 
(Spagnola)  115,  124,  12^,  175,  218, 
223,  2jS,  2i'),  451  ;  (Spagnolla)  in, 
nf),  \\A,  170,  1S3,  4<;,.;  (SpaK»"ll<>) 
125;  (Spamuiola)  18S;  (Sp.miola) 
217,  412;  t  oiumbus  at,  13;  fruits 
of  (cut),  i'>;  mines,  16;  map  of, 
ascribed  to  Columhiis,  104;  other 
early  maps,  101;;  map  (1531),  '^'^; 
name.  10:  native  houses  (cut),  11; 
curing  of  Mck  (cut),  n.  See  Hayti, 
Santo  I)otningo. 

Hochelaga  (.Ochelai),  451. 

Hiiler,  .\oH7'   bio^-  A''*"'  ^^• 

Ilogenberg,  Ci-:'itateSf  5.     See  liraun. 

Hojeda.     i'.v  Ojuda. 

Holbein,  44'i. 

Holguin,  Pedro  Alvarez  de,  534 ;  life 
c.f,  577  :  kdled.  53''.  . 

Hoinann,  and  I. .ike  Parima,  58^,  his 
niap(i70(),  4^7 

Homem,  I  >iego,  map  of  the  Moluccas, 
441  ;  map  (1540)  44(1 ;  map  dss^*. 
227,  22  ,,  44s;  (is'aS)  449;  At/ante 
niaritiniOf  449. 

llmidius,  Jodocus,  his  map  of  Gulf  of 
California,  4O1  ;  his  circumpolar 
map,    40 1  ;    Caerte    van    Gniana, 

5^7.- 

Hondius-Mercator  atlas  (1613),  461. 
See  M  creator. 

Honduras,  ()lid*s  expedition  to,  3S2  ; 
map,  3S4;  Cortes  in,  3S5  ;  discov- 
ered, I'll. 

Hiiniger,  Nic  .  translates  fienzoni,  347. 

Honoratns,  Pray,  475. 

Honter,  bibliography  of,  122 ;  new 
maps  dsf^i),  .23;  Rudimentorum 
cosniOi^raph.a  libri^  122,  176. 

Hooke.  R.,  424. 

Horn,  Ulyssea,  34. 

Hour-glass.  437. 

Howarih,  (Jeorge,  357. 

Hoz,  Alonzo  de,  !;48 

Hoz,  Pedro  Sanchos  de,  538. 

Huallaga  River,  519.  5S1. 

Hnamachiico,  520. 

Ifuamanga.  520  ;  founded,  523. 

lluanachuco,  51  t. 

Huancabamb.i,  si^i  5'9- 

Hnancavclica.  V'l- 

Huaniico,  51. ^  s2'>;  settled,  527i 

Huarina,  519,  54'  ;  war  of,  574. 

Muascar,  514. 

Hnasco,  524. 

liuayn.i  Capac,  514 


Hllbet,  Wolfgang,  ifio. 

Hueleii-tMiala,  $iS. 
lluel,  lli^hop,  4JU, 

Huguenots    m    Florida,   29I   //  'f<i- 1 

haled  l)y  the  Spanish,  2(n. 
Huuuiis  l.uigi,  6|fi. 
HuUiii  ,  l.tvnms,  hts  map  "  Atitericoi 

pars  iuistralis,"  ^^7. 
Ilitmana,  Juan  de,  y>4, 
Hnmliohh,   Alex.,    hii   /i.xamen   eri-' 

tiotie,    t-H,    17S;    .iui>)g.,    (iS;    Krit. 

i'utersni/inn^en,  ('S  ;    introduction 

to  llhillany'a  iie/taim,  6M  ;  his  /  '<y- 

oj^e  aux  r^^ions  /tfuino.viiilest  2r>'i ! 

/'ersonal  .Varrttt/ve,  3of>,  2H7,  375  ; 

Ess.ti  fi>lifi(/ne,  375 ;    dissipated  tlie 

myth  of  i;idnr<ido,  5H9  :  defence  o( 

Vespnctus.  17S. 
Hurtado,  i.,s. 
Hutchinson,     Tivo     ] 'ears    in    /'erit 

5.6. 
HntcM,    Phihp    von,    hi'<    expedition* 

Huts  in  trees,  native,  ^14. 
Hylacomvlus      See  Waldseemiiller. 

litAKk^,  It,  de,  iu<>. 

Ibarr.i,  I  )tem«,  504. 

n>.iir,i,  I-',  de,  504. 

Ic.iiia,  (72. 

Ica/batceta,  J.  (;.,3.>;:  aiitog.,  397; 
Afuntes  para  nn  iatali\-o,  etc  , 
417;  Coleieion  de  docunientos^  y^j^ 
4<^M ;  liiecionario,  4'k.;  edits  Men* 
dieta,423,  on  Koren/.ina,4nS;  printn 
a  sei  ret  letter  of  Cortes,  4n  ;  /  'ida 
de  Corfh,  42^ 

Icel.nul  (Islandia).  414;  visited  by  Cu* 
lumhus,  33. 

Icliuse,  257. 

Ideler,  J.  L.,  68 

Uacomylus.     See  Waldseemtiller. 

Illapel,  53|. 

Iinperi.d  (town  in  Chili),  54S. 

Inci  'Tiiu  *  and  the  crown  of  Peru,  325. 

Inca  empire,  early  reports  of,  19.^ 

Incas.     See  V'nc.is. 

India  in  J'ompoiiius  Mela's  map,  iSo. 

India  Superior,  i7(>.     See  Asia. 

Indian   Ocean   as    ui   Inland   sea,   95, 

Indians,  other  advocates  of,  than  T*as 
Casas,  343;  described  by  Las  Ca- 
sas,  31M;  estimates  tpf  numlicrs  at 
the  time  of  Etirope.an  Contact,  327; 
early  cuts  of,  i^i),  162  ;  enslaved  by 
the  Spaniards,  303  ;  sedentary,  473  ; 
pueblcp,  473  '.  the  Spamards'  relaiums 
to,  ji>);  as  found  bv  Columbus,  300; 
why  -SO  named,  ii-c 

Indies,  council  for  the,  and  the  piihli- 
cation  of  maps,  171  ;  their  ar- 
chives, i      See  I'oimcil. 

Infantado,  l)iu|ue  del,  89;  his  manu- 
scripts, viii. 

I'lK*^'  57'' <  H'est-lndisc/ie  Spie^/iel^ 
^U2. 

Inghiiami,  Fcdia,  5S. 

liuiuisition  in  Peru,  557  ;  in  Spain, 
301,  3(15;  history  by  1,I(    ente,  325. 

inventio  fortnnata,  95. 

Irving,  Pierre,  Life  of  -i'.  L-vin^^ 
vi. 

Irving, 'I'lieo.,  Florida  and  De  Soto^ 
2.)... 

Irving,  Washington,  his  Columbus,  vi, 
(iS ;  Companions  of  Columbus,  vi, 
204  :  manuscript  of  his  account  oi 
Colinnbusat  Harcelona,  5'>;  on  por- 
traits of  Columbus,  71  ;  on  Vespu- 
cius,  155, 

Isabella  (of  Spain),  sign-manual,  0; 
her  will,  316.  343  ;  dies,  2.1,  310?  "C 
character,  5 ;  story  of  her  )cwe!s 
pledged,  91. 

Isabella  (city),  16. 

Isabella.     See  Cuba. 

Islela,  4S1J. 

Isnardi,  V ^  Dis^crtazione.  84;  Xuovx 
dor.,  S4  ;  /'atria  di  Colombo,  73- 

Ttali.in  travellers,  93. 

Italv  and  Americin  discovery,  2  ;  Geo- 
graphical Society,  93. 


INDKX. 


629 


iH  map"  AniericB 

hii   ll.xntneu   c/- 

,  (iS;    intriHluctioil 
titini,  fiM;  liis  /  >)•- 

^./HlHO.liit/t'S,  3(>'»  ; 

175;   (!i-Hip;itetl  the 
10,  5^'> :  defence  ol 


}'i;trs    hi    I't-ru 

n,    Iii.    I'xpL-aitioiu 

-■e,  S14. 

■  W.ilihoomiillcr. 


,,  3.J7  ;  aiiloR.,  .^q:: 
uu  i>ifii/oi:i>,  etc  , 
^c  liocutui-utos,  S'-ilt 
■to,  4'x';  edus  Men- 
ciren/., 111.1,4"^'  pf'"*** 
f  Cortes,  411  :    /  V(i 

.  4^;  visited  by  Co- 


Chili),  54«- 
,e  tu)wn  of  Peril,  32$. 

y  repi-rlsof,  wj 

IS. 

ms  Meli\'s  map,  i^^o. 
|7f).     SW  Asia. 

m  inland  sea,  <)5« 

..in.Ues  (if,  tli.in  l.ai 
l.-Liilied  by  1-as  Ca- 
natcs  tif  muiibcrs  it 
iiiiipean  cimtact,  3^7 ; 
Vj,  i'!2  ;  enslaved  by 
^(H  ;  sf'di-ntary,  473  "• 
ic  Spaniards'  relaimns 
ndbv  CoUimbns,  V"! 

,   !'"(.  ,. 

,Y  the,  and  the  publi- 

iip^,     171  :  their    ^r- 
t-  Cfuincil. 

le  del,  8<> :  his  nianu- 

^  s^-  .     ^,    . 

-ni.  557  ■■  '"  Spam, 
„y  by  LI.  -enle,  3^5- 

A/A-  0/  a  '   f-'-vt"S* 

'loritia  and  De  Soto, 

Ion,  his  Columhn,  vi, 
\>fis  of  C'>/ii>'i/>us,  VI, 
int  ("f  his  account  ut 
'..irceloi.a,  5'>;  on  por- 
nibus,  71  ;  on  Vespu- 

lin),  sifin-niannal,  s'>; 

34^;dies,  2;^,  ^10;  ner 

story  of   Iier    lewels 


,crf,izw»f.  S4 :  ^Vttoi'i 
ria  lii  Colombo,  73- 

nn  discovery,  2  ;  Geo- 
iety,  95. 


[titnl  on  MuiV)/,  lik  I 

|v.At:.inn.  fji  1. 

ixtiilxnthiil,  ifntoria  Chiihhnecit%  ' 
417,  his  works  on  New  Spain,  ^!7  ;  > 
HttrriNt'%    triw/itaiitw,     .(171    ''^'"■ 

//;M(,  4l^i  Jf/if.i/trtC^t/i/n/Ht'/HfS,    I 
417;     /itUS    til'     J't'ZiHCO,    -117;    AV/fl'      ' 

iiOHif,  411,  417 
lirapalap),  .V"t,  .I7I1  ,*7''-  ^7'J' 
l/iapalatzinco,  .16*^ 


«>')• 


>yc<-  Ihck-Ataff, 
AusUiiU'tt  in 


Ml  K-STAKK. 

(  rn-^s  -^tatT. 

Niirnbe*);,  \  oj. 

Jal.  A.,  ArchMo^ie   navnL^,  7;   /.<» 

i'r.iihg  tihiritinit',  ij;  Z^.-  /'iir/i  <> 

A',f/A'v.  IX 

Jalisrn,  .tS;. 

Jamaica,  ijR,  .^m,  (1511)  no,  (1570) 
aji,  dsiO  ■'-'i.  (ism)  "77.  (J^niaeal 
23U,  ( Janiaicha)  j  iw,  (.|aniat(|iia)  ii<u 
IJaniavca)  J17,  (Jani.iC(pia)  iiS, 
Colinnbus  at,  ,>j;  a  granary,  igi  ; 
ni.ip,  tsii :   Mettled,  314. 

Janiotiiwii,  its  ^ite  occupied  by  the 
c.irly  Spaniards,  2\\, 

jan»M|ue(>,  5(11. 

Jiinnsdn,  A /omit'  maritime,  4(^i\  Orfi/s 
ni,ir/t/tit/t.ft  I'lj ;  etlits  Mercator- 
JioUtiiiix  .■U/>tu  4''-i. 

J.itivier,  .It/tts  moiirr/w,  4'»j. 

jai'.in,  4f,j,  (Cimpau.O  41S;  (CJi.ipan) 
4^1,  4<;4,  (lapon)  ♦'-(,  |/ipaitj;n) 
1711;  in  (Jrtelius,  4;j  .  m  TosLaneUi's 
map,  lui.     .SV(f  Ci)iaiino, 

Japanese  map    of    the    I'acitic  coast, 

4^o 

Jaraniillo,  jiiaii  du,  2^,'^:  Kcliicton, 
5'>o. 

Janniu.     See  I-'ciier. 

Jayme,  Juan,  40;  tus  I)cclln,itonum, 
100, 

JetTcrson,  Thomas,  his  picture  of  Co- 
liuiibus,  7}:  eiiHravetl,  74. 

Jetlcrys  s  iii.i|  ol  he  l-'onte's  nairative. 
4'');  Xort'tH'fst  Coast,  4CX1 ;  trans- 
lates Mulli;r's  voyages  to  the  north- 
west, 4'.^. 

Jemt./.  4.ji 

Jetpietepeciue,  51(1. 

Jere/.  ().  de,  51 1. 
It  uniymites,  ,s  1 1 . 

Jc^so  (island),  4^l;  in  the  maps,  4O3  ; 
depicted  hv  Hennepin,  464 ;  (Terro 
Ksonis),  4(>7, 

Jcstiit^  III  Florid.  2.S2 ;  in  Mexico, 
y)i) ;  in  Peru,  ;;5J, 

Joan  liaptista,  Kiay,  422. 

jocundus.     .SV**  Giocondo. 

John  of  Clauni.  ,v/. 

Joniard  on  likenesses  of  Columbus,  70; 
Monument  ti  ColotHf'%  74. 

Jones,  C.  C,  jr.,  on  Ue  Soto's  route, 

2<)\. 

Jordan  Kiver,  240, 292  ;  whence  named 

2Sv,  ([•edee)26o. 
Josse,  A.  I,.,  424. 
JdUidaiiL't,  Denis,  edits  SahaRiin,  417; 

/.It  f"t\ss/on  (ie  Vair  sur  i.i  vie  tie 

riiotutut',  175;  hisinapof  the  Valley 

of  Mexico,  lu'iiotypcy  ^73  ;  Ifistoirv 

t't'riiiiqnf,  415. 
yonrnal  0/ tilt'  Ftanklin  Institute^  04- 
Journai  of  the  Afiittttry  Service  /ftsti' 

t lit  10 tit  375. 
Jovius,  Paidus,  Eiof^iti,  20,  67,  70.  71, 

7.! ;  his  Kallery,  72  ;  portrait,  70. 
Juan  Ponce,  Hay  of,  2S:; 
Juan  y  Ulloa,  lU  meritii,i)io  tie  tietrnx-*-- 

caciofif  4t. 
Juarros,    J)ominj;o,    his    Guateinaiii. 

417. 
Juda  is.     See  [ucKru'i. 
Judau*;,  Cornelius  de,  his  map,  457  i 

A'/:     -iuin,  457. 
Juiuy.  V'. 
Julius  II.,  I   tpe,  I20. 

Kai-MI'FKR,  460. 

Kalbflcisch.  C.  H..  113.  i'^'3,  i73- 
Kii'r^'i.f  City  /\e7>iew,  467. 
Karaikes,  Ooi. 


Keating,  Mauiue,  L'dits  Pernal  Dial, 
.  4M 

Kennriielte-^, '  rii, 

ki'iiilall.  Abrah.im,  in  (lulana,  )^7. 

Kendriik,  (  ,ipt.,  ill  (he  '' (.'oUunuia," 
47"' 

Kcrii,  K.  II,,  map  hy,  y^j, 

Ki-ri,  /  'optj^is,  '1;,  ihj. 

Kt'dell,  Samuel,  irauptlales  Columbus* 
Jourii.il,  I'l  i't-rsoutti  Marrntive, 
40. 

Keynns  with  KaleiRh,  5*17. 

KinKshnroutih,  his  Ixnind  tracts  on 
Mexico  ,111(1  Peru,  V)<i  i  his  text  of 
Sainton,  41') 

Kino,  I- aiiier.  explorations  in  Califor- 
nia, 4'>; ;  his  map,  4^;. 

Kirk.  J.  v.,  427;  rriiitiMH  k.  A  Wil- 
son, 427;  cdii-t  i'restutt's  i'ern, 
57'*- 

Kitchen's  map  ^hoWH  I, ike  I'arima, 
«;H7. 

KloniMi,  K.  voii,  ''  Die  Welsi-r,'*  579. 

Klun/iiiv:>-r,  Karl,  Autiieii  tier 
D,iituhi-if  tin  tier  iCMtiieckuHff  voh 
Siiiiaint'f/Aut,  579. 

Kliipfel,  Karl,  .n;.,. 

kiii^hl,  A.  tl.,  Ct'imni'us^  fu). 

Korrius,  Petrus,  his  maps,  464, 

Kohl,  Dr.  I.  C,  on  discovery  in  the 
toilf  of  \lexico,  4«^>4  ;  his  collection 
of  m.ips,  c)3  ;  Ins  mami'^cript  at 
Worcester,  IJ7  ;  his  stucht-s  of  the 
cartography  of  the  Pacilic  coast, 
4ti  :  his  manuscript  memoir  on  this 
sid>iecl,  127,  4U  ;  011  Magellan's 
Straits  in  /.eitwhri/t  tirr  Gt'seii' 
.t.  luift  ftir  F.riikup'tit'  in  Heriin, 
017  ,  repubtislu  d  as  MageiiiiiC s 
Strasse,  fuy  :  Lost  Mtips^  117. 

Kolno.     .SV(*  S/kolny. 

Kopjiu,  K    W'.,  4U1. 

KrJL's.  Miii^'fi/an/Ceiset  615. 

Kubhii  Khan,  42 


Kiill.,  5'... 
Kusker,  n.,  i;i. 


Magellan  at,  59X ; 
.Soils,   ^>o5.      ,SV^ 

,    2b2. 


L  \  C  \ii  1. 1',  376. 

La    C'ondaminc,    590;     descends    :he 

Am.i/.on,  5i<o 
I^a  t  os.i.  Juan  de,  his  map,  icrfi ;  ac- 
count ot,  106.     See  Cosa. 
La   Croix,   A  igt'tneene    U  'eereid    Be- 

J  hryxfingy  37S, 
La  Crwi,  his  map,  ^"^t- 
La  llarpe,  Abr^^e  ties  voyages,  463. 
La  Paz,  442. 
La  i'erouse,  470. 
La  l*lata,44^  45    . 

called    early    bv 

Plata. 
La  Roche,  Jean  dt  . 
La  Salle,  Cavelier  de.  his  connection 

with    I'rnalosu,   50)  ;    place  of   his 

death.  2.^. 
Labanotf,  Alex.,  his  maps,  93. 
Laba/ares,  Ciuido  dc  js'»- 
Labordf,    J.    P       Aft*-  dii   sud,  46S; 

/  'ovtti^e  pittort'sque.  \%y, 
Labrador,  4^5,  4c.  4S",  451  ;  (Lavo- 

rador)  Ji-ii    (L.iborador)   22'<,  ^53; 

(terra  laboratorum)  122;  early  vsits 

to,  34. 
Lacio,  publisher,  412. 
Ladrones.  43  >,  010;    Pigafetta's  map 

of,  61 1,  614. 
Laet.  J.  de,  map  of  Lake  Parimn,  587, 

I.atiiau.  Decoit''  dcs  Povtugnis,  42. 

Lafreri,  Get\i:rafta,  4(2. 

I.afuunte  y  Alc.intara,  47. 

Lake,  Arthur,  n. 

Lamartine,  (".  Coloutb,  S3, 

Lambert,  Jt-han,  157. 

Lamberi.   !'.  il..  \->\\  the  origin  of  the 

name  America,  171). 
Laiula,  Diejio  de,  Keiation  de  Yuca- 

ttin,  ^2<). 
F^andon,  Gaferie  iitstorique^  73. 
I^anueac,  Coiottib,  f'S. 
l-anueron  on  .Magellan,  (n-j.        , 
Laniuinas,  ).  D.,  Co/o/nb,  64;  Ktmifs^ 

^4- 


Laon  nlobr.  2**. 

I.apie  on   MaldonnHn,  ^t,f->\  in  Xtmtu 

ann,ii(i  di  1  ^-oya^^es,  .\U\. 

Laroussf,  Grand dixt.  itniversei,  hH. 

\.A*  Alah,  Lslevan  de,  378 

\.,\n  Casas,  .\uioine,  3U4, 

Las  C.is,i4,  ltartlif)lt)imw,  chapter  on, 
by  tiLo.  K  Kills,  J,,,,;  his  birth, 
3ot ;  ariives  m  Anu-nc.i,  ai  ;  or- 
dained at  lli->paniola,  i-<^;  gocN  to 
*  liba,  (o^  ;  goesio  Sp.tin  (  M15',  .t"?  i 
returns  in  Indies,  t  j;  ;  olhur  visitn 
to  Spain,  V'"*!  cutiTs  a  convent 
("S.'JJ,  ti3-  .'.(.t  1  made  l>iT»lii'p  o| 
t  hiapa,  U41  dies,  311;  his  diarac* 
ter.  t"''.  tt<>'  his  exagK<-rations,  m, 
\i^,  ui,  .ti<<>  (27,  32H,  3  t2  ;  ri-latiouii 
to  •■'.iveiy,  \}.\,  ti>.  WV  tJ'*i  on 
riK<<n<teiid.in,  ^{/ ,  his  coloiu  at 
(  umana,  uii  liis  mt'niorials  to  (he 
Crown,  317  ;  his  *'  Piopoiiiioiis," 
321,  \\$:  oppo'^cd  bv  1  )viedo  and 
Sepulveda,  \i.\,  \\t  ;  his  opponents, 
34-t  «  charges  agam<tl  hini,  ;jo,  34  f ; 
upporled  by  IlL'rreia  and  ror(|ue- 
iiiadi,  w'-;  .eviewed  by  I'rescott, 
32M;  I 's  'lorlrail,  ti-' l  his  aulog., 
313'  <■  iiiouiiu's  on  iu^  c.ireer,  331  i 
live,  fi  liiin,  3411  hy  Labie,  ut  I 
by  i.\-I|  s,  t4r.  liy  II.  IL  Itancroft. 
343;  by  Pit  cott,  tn;  bv  Llounie, 
324.U0;  hi-  v\rillng^.  (m.3.m;  bib- 
liogr.iphv  of,  3ii;  hi^  i>br,is  (l.lo- 
renlL-"'- edition),  m^,  \.\h;  (/-.ifn'res, 
J4ui  Aptdo^HUit  iiist.y  340;  histm- 
published  writings,  337  ;  Carta 
(15-io),  317;  Cttrta  ( I  S4';K  SS7  '•  <  '""Ai 
^551).  .U;;  iiistoria  d-.-  ias  Indtas, 
yii,  M.;,  f,,,,  317,  33(j;  fac-simiie  ot' 
indorsement  on  it,  339;  Congutsta 
tielV  indie,  34^1  his  use  of  docu- 
ments, il  ;  on  De  Soto,  2|;4  ;  nn  C  u- 
liimbus,  ii  ;  abrui:;es  the  Journal  of 
Columbus,  46,  III  ;  his  nine  tracts, 
}13.  115;  lireriiima  re/a,  ton,  333  ; 
fac-simile  of  title,  314;  Canctotirrtf 
spiritual,  },\\:  /,o  tfne  se  nj^ne,  i^xc, 
335;  i'.iitre  los  remedios,  335;  Ai/ni 
se  i-''tii'ft,'-  nni's,  etc  ,  335  ;  lac-simile 
of  Us  title,  330;  .  t  f//ii xe i'ontienr  n'/it 
dispitta,  3.55:  i'^xte  es  nn  trafttdOf 
335:  i'ropout  tones,  ■s\s,\  fac-sinnie 
of  title,  33S,  /V/;/(///ri,  335;  Tra» 
tatio,  us;  I^xpucatio,  337;  re» 
pruned  AS  Las  obras,  },\-^  \  transla- 
tions of  his  tracts,  t4i  ;  I\\  fannies  et 
iritantez,  341;  i iie  Span/s/t  Colo- 
nie,  \\\  \  Teitrs  of  tlie  imHtins, 
341;  Seer  lort  I'eritaely  14\\  Spie- 
gliei  tier  Sp.  i'lranniie,  341  ;  His- 
toire  tidmirabie  d,s  iiombles  in- 
solent es,  341  ;  Le  iniroir  de  ia 
tyraniiie,  341:  Htstotre  des  indes, 
3<;'  ;  La  deionz'erte  des  huies,  341  ; 
Relit  ion  ties  vi>yii^es,  3  1  r  ;  Relation 
of  tite  first  x-'va^^'es,  342  ;  .Vewe 
If  'elt,  342  ;  Xiimitio  rei^iontim 
IndnarTin,  3  \2  ;  De  Hry's  engrav- 
ings, 342  :  Actonnt  of  tite  first  Toy- 
rt.^(*j.  342;  i't>pery  trtdy  displayed, 
3(j;  Old  i-l  11  inland  for  ever.  \.\2\ 
W'aritaffti^er  liericlit,  342  ;  Ihnb- 
stand:);'-  nut  rit<ifftif;e  UrSiiirei' 
bung,  \\i\  Reg'ionuiu  Imiiiarum, 
342;  Istoria,  342;  Ii  suppiice,  GXc, 
342  ;  La  iibertti pretesa,  3(2. 

Las  Casas,  Francisco  de,  joo. 

Las  Cases  (\ap()Ieon's  chamberlain  , 
304- 

Lasso  de  la  V<-,i:a,  riabriel.  his  Corth 
vnlentso,  354;  JA'.r/aiwrt,  354;  his 
likeness,  i^j. 

Latitude,  errors  in,  (/- :  first  use  *pf,  95, 

Latitude  and  lonuUnde,  earliest  in- 
stance rif,  in  Spanish  maps,  221. 

Laudonniere,  Kem.-,  builds  I'ort  Caro- 
line, 2'>2  ;  L'/tisttv're  ni>tal<ie,  293  ; 
XtUiibie  History,  2i)\  ;  Lemoyue's 
account.  29'^' ;  Brevis  narrafio,  2</); 
Challeux'  Distours,  2'/i. 

Lautaro,  54S ;  victorious,  5(.^;  killed, 
54''. 

Lavazarts  Cuid"  de,  501. 


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IMJEX. 


I.avradio,  Count  tie,  42. 

l..i\v»,   unrlv   Spanish,   resjiecting  the 

Nl-w  Wuritl,  w;;  "(^  .%Icxico,  401. 

.S>(-  New  I-aw^. 
],.iycal  liay.  S5- 
Lc  Clcrtqi  EtaNiswMietil  de  la   Foy, 

244- 

Lc  VL-rricr,  36. 

I.L-.igiic,  its  length,  4v 

I.ebiij.i,  Ant.  tk',  l^riuifutii  Operu^  64. 

I-cik-Miia.  l*L'(lii»  (le,  i7'>,  J04. 

Lclrciy,  J.  II.,  Meiui'r litis  of  Ber- 
iitutiity  1 10. 

l.uu.ispi,  M.  I.,  dc,  '«if". 

I.i-H'iin.i.  I'.iiriinK;  (k,  La  Cosa,  107. 

l.cj;in/.unii.  M.iuin  .sicrr.ulc,  550,  570. 

I.cigli,  Sir   riiiiina>,  404. 

I.eislcr,  ( iiivcrnnr,  7') 

Lek'wci,  Jcathnn,  />/*•  Ktitth\Kun^ 
tier  C'(/» ///./!.'*■/■  *////  (h'nt  Atlanti' 
iihett  Otiit»,  3'> ;  Mm  in.ip  of  the 
Allautit.  acconlin^  to  the  ancients 
(cut!,  ,^7;  makes  an  hypothetical 
map  11501-151^),  lotj;  on  ( Irtctius, 

471.  ^72■ 

Leniairc,  S/t'i  tf/nft/,  1^2. 

Lemnyne  (k-    Minnuf>,    jacciues,   his 

acLount    (it    l.auihiiuiii're's   cxi>edi- 

tion,    2'j't :     Brf7<is    titirnitio^    2*)G ; 

translated  h\  l*crkni>,  2<>'). 
Lenox,  Janifs,  nn  the  C'cijmnbiis letters, 

47;  hi-i  \vii(i(l-cui  map  (i5J(),  22J  ; 

laL-Mutik-  ot,  2J.^  \  his  ^lobe,  sketch 

of,   i2i,    170;   I.enox    Library,  15S; 

Spanish  (lIlctlln*'nt^  in,  iii. 
Llmi  Alricanus,  i'\t  ;  his  Afrtque^  163. 
Leon,  Cieza  de,  treatment  i»(  natives, 

550. 
Leitii,  Jean.     Sec  Leo  Africanus. 
Lepat;f.  II.,  Rcnf  et  /Vj/z/o-,  i(>4. 
Lcpe,  I)iego  ik'.  lo/,  iS'^  .  Ins  voyage, 

M'l;  anihiirilie--  on  his  voyage,  204, 

205  ;  Iii-i  map,  20*; 
Lero/,  liii\t^r,if'/n,i  i/r/tt  A  nicrhit,  288. 
Lester,  (.'harles  I'.dwards,  139. 
Lcti-ra  til'  itt  Jiof'ii  it/>ttty  576. 
Lettri's etiiftanUs^  4'7. 
Leucatiin,   t^yu 
Levanto  Kii'-ii.  «>!■ 
Lt':'eu  Titn  Coiuinhus,  (ny 
Levinus  Apullonius,  21^7. 
Lcxona,  40S. 

Lt'Vi-s y  t^riienaniiis^  347. 
Lil)ri's  library,  I'i'i. 
Lii/itr  tii-r  /fit"- 1 'tter/,  t}j. 
Lii^hi  i\f  Xavigntiou,  97. 
Liglitfi'oie,    William,    Comf-litinti    of 

I\fit^i,iu<i,  341. 
Lihn,  Z.,  /},•  ori^tne,  etc.,  5S. 
Lilius,  Orbis  brvx'iarium^  25. 
Lima.  513,   f.M,  <;5S;   accounts  of  its 

founding,    5*7  :    colk-ges    at,    5'n  ; 

coniuiK  at,  552.  557  :  founded,  510, 

5^2  ;  called  "  fiudad  de  los  Keyei." 

522. 
Linali,  Costumes  tie  Mexujue,  3. 
Lindenau,  Corresp   tie  /fac/tf  2-^i. 
Linschoten    /(inertino,  4S7;  editions 

oft   457;    Wohe's  translatifm,  451; 

copies  (tf,  45<);  maps  in.  457;  Nttvi- 
^afio,  ^fto  ;  H isiotre  i/c  la  vavtgO' 

tiofi,  4'kj;   Pesirifition  tie  PAmrr- 

/(/««■*  4''>o  ;  Besi  liryT'iMef,  elCt  Afx*'. 

the  I^utch  editions  used  as  sea-man- 

iials,  4*to;  ill  Dc  Hry,  4f»<>:  i)il)liog- 

raphy  In  Sabin,  4''>o;  his  life,  4'x>. 
Linns  (Islandf^).  S'fj. 
/-////>/< vV^'i  Mftffaaine,  71. 
Li'ibon,    archives    of    the    Titrre    do 

'I'ombo.  ii.  viii,  t/.i;  Royal  Academy, 

their  Xotitias  para   tta^oes  ultra- 

rnar/uas,  173,  OiO. 
Livres  fayh  en  rente  ptthlique  1,000 

frttftcs^  27. 
Llama.  505 

Llorenle.   Juan    Antonio,    biographer 
and  editor  of  L.is  ("asas,  304,  324; 
history  of  the  In(|ui'iition,  325;  his 
work  on  the  Popes,  325. 
Loaysa,  Alon/o  de,  541. 
Loiva,  (larcia  de,  440. 
Loaysa.  Cienuiinio,  bishop,  537;  arch. 

bishop  of  Lima  dies,  557. 


Lockh.irt,  John  L,  Mcnw'rs  of  Dtaz, 
415- 

Log,  invention  of,  t^s. 

Lfik,  Michael,  his  ni.ip.  4i;4. 

laimas  Colmenares,  J.  l!,  de,  504. 

Lombards  (^uns),  7, 

Long  Islantl  (  h.ihamas),  55. 

Longfellow,  11.  \V.,  on  Irving,  vi. 

Longitude,  errors  m,  <jS ;  first  use  of, 
<)5;  niore  or  less  nntcriain  at  sea 
to-day,  101  ;  rewards  oi  accurate 
methods,  hkj.     .Sir  Latitude. 

Lo|ic  de  Sosa,  2o<^, 

Lope  de  Vega,  on  the  Arnucaman  war, 

Liipes,  I'ero,  5176. 

Li^iez  de  Ilaro,  Nohilario,  S8. 

Lope/,  Diegt),  402. 

Lope/,  map  ol  Mexico,  375. 

Lore,  Am.  de,  5*"i. 

Lou-n/ana,  Cartas  pastorales,  400; 
edits  record--  ol  ettleMaslical  coun- 
cils, 3.^.1;  \uefti  /i.\/>ai/a,  40S,  443; 
atcount  oi  hmi,  40S  ;  //tstoria  de 
Alejiio,  4oS  ;  his  man  of  New  Spain 
i/ieliotypi'},  35<( ;  on  Viscamo,  461. 

Lorgues,  K.  de,  Satan  t  outre  Colouib, 
U)  ;  I. a  croi.v  dans  les  deux 
tuoutles,  (,i,  .  Cl/r.  CtflotuO,  (m); 
L^tmltassitdiur  tit  Dwu,  f«j- 

Los  i<ios,  I'edro  de,  2<x). 

Lota,  524. 

Lbwensiern,  L,  on  hkencsses  of  C'o- 
kmihiis,  70. 

Loyola,  Martin  Carcia,  553  ;  governor 
of  Chili,  5*>i  ;  killed,  $fi2  ;  sources  of 
information,  S73. 

Lucanas,  <;_•-,  1,44. 

Lucayan  Islands,  map,  61  ;  their  na- 
tives cnrrutl  to  Ilispaniola,  321. 

Lurnycim'(|uc,  ^38. 

Lud,  Waller,  141;,  i(>2,  471  :  noticed  by 
Ilenrv  Sie\ens  if>_' ;  his  Spt\ulum, 
<'>,  I4'.;.  1^.;. 

Lugienberg,  his  map,  4''i4. 

Lugo,  r.  de,  fSo. 

Logo,  Luis  Alon/o  de,  800;  of  New 
(".ranada,  5*^1. 

Lugo,  Moni.dvo  de,  5S1, 

Luguna,  4S,),  ijoi. 

Luis,  niissionaiy,  4117. 

Lullius,  Kayniond,  Arte  de  utne^ar^ 

Luna,  Come/  de,  5^4. 
Luna  y  Arellano,  Tristan  de,  257  ;  his 
expedition,  .'s'^ :  returned  to  Cuba, 

lainar  tables,  tyi 

I/unirrrs  pittoresi^ue,  2t/>. 

LiKpu .    Hernando.    ^.5,    507  ;    made 

bishop  of  iiimbez,  512:  died,  ^2(^. 
Lyuro  titis  obras  tie  Garcia  tie  Ke- 

sendcy  jf^t. 

M  \(  I>r>NAi  I),  ^^,  Gutitemozin,  430. 

Macedo,  nf)tice  of  Ortelius,  471. 

M.Khin  fliscovers  Madeira,  3S. 

>Lichiparo,  5^2. 

Mackenzie,  A-  S.,  53. 

Macova,  27'). 

Macrobins.  28. 

Macuelas,  Juan,  257. 

Madden,  Sir  I  rederick,  337. 

Madeira  discovered,  3S;  as  t'irst  merid- 
ian, <i5. 

Madrid,  Academy  of  History,  publi- 
cations on  American  history,  vii  ; 
Royal  Academy,  Memorias^  70; 
Soc.  (leog.,  lioietin^  72. 

Maelta,  M,,  7*.. 

Maese  de  Campn,  271. 

Maffeiiis,  6;  ;  Counaeutarioruur  urha- 
ftorum  lihri,  431;  Historiarum 
ituiiearum  lihriy  41;  7. 

M.ngalliaens.     .SV^-  ^iagellan. 

Magalhatsde  riandav<t,  154. 

Ma^asin  pittoresque^  73,  Z'\U. 

M.igdalcn  (Indian  women).  -'SS- 

Magdalena  (Klortda  river),  243,  2*^8. 

^L^gdalena     South    American    river), 

!"<■).    SU. 

ALigellan,  Fern<indo  de,  career,  <;qi  ; 
different  forms  of   his   name,   5<»i  ; 


aulog  ,  <;</?  ;  sails  on  his  expedition, 
5.>2;  portraits  of,  72,  75,  71.,  j;.)^,  5.(4. 
5^5 :  his  Heel.  5'i3  ;  t,uarre!s  with 
Juan  de  Carih,igena,  ti-**.,  51*11;  at 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  f.^t, ;  ;u  L.i  IMata, 
59S :  at  Port  Desire,  59.;;  mutiny 
there,  5/9  :  executes  Mendoza 
and  tjiiesada,  sv* ;  sees  a  giant, 
*oo;  tights  the  natives,  '01;  takes 
|M»ssc-,Nioii  of  I'aiagonia,  ^04  ;  ob- 
serves eclipse  of  sun,  f>o4 ;  in  the 
straits,  \^h  ;  teaches  the  I'acitic, 
OoS  ;  his  track  in  the  Pacific, '^)09; 
map  ol  it,  rio  ;  at  the  Ladrones, 
Cm;  at  the  Philippines,  Ci.* ;  killed, 
612;  SOUK es  of  uiformation  for  the 
voyage,  ''13:  Pigafett.Vs  diary,  C.13, 
C)i4  :  Max.  'IVansvlvanus'  ktter,  in^  ; 
lost  .nceount  by  Peler  .^LlrIvr. ')i<; ; 
rii»cumenlsin  Naxarrete,  (.15  ;  manu- 
script a>cril}ed  to  Magellan,  615  ; 
enumeration  of  his  companions,  615  ; 
accounts  by  Stanley,  Major,  etc., 
'07:  bibliography  ctf,  (.[7;  docu- 
ments published  by  the  H.ikluyt 
Society,  'uo  ;  account  by  Cenoese 
pilot,  (u6  ;  shows  how  Magellan 
followed  the  Antarctic  current,  f>i6; 
account  in  t>viedo,  ^iO  ;  in  Herrerii, 
fii'i;  tlie  Sotiiiti  of  Navariete.  617. 
Magellan's  Straits,  435,  4^*.,  440,  .(50 
(i|;3tl,  223;  (1541I  177;  treatise  cm 
its  history  by  Kohl,  <)i7  ;  by  W'ieser, 
M7:  named  alter  the  Kleveii  thou- 
sand Virgins  by  its  discoverer,  (x-)4, 
C-f? ;  prefigured  on  Hehaim's  map, 
''«»4  ;  Pigafetta's  map,  ^x)5  ;  called 
**  streto  Paiagonic(»,"'  i-*.-^:  voyage 
of  the  *■  Santa  Maria  de  laCabeza," 

^L'lgini,  J.  A  ,  edits  Ptolemy,  457. 
Magnet,  history  ol  the,  04  :  v.nriation 

of,  <)4  ;  lines  ol  no  variation,  95.    See 

Compass,  Needle. 
Magnetic  curves,  charts  of,  loo. 
Magnetic  pole,  95. 
Maida  (island),  4^1,  453. 
Maiolto,    map  of  America  (1527),  94, 

219,  2  2(». 

ALijor.  R  FL,  Select  Letters  of  Co- 
iuiul'us,  10,  47  ;  Coutfuest  of  tlu 
CauarieSy  3') ;  on  date  of  Columbus' 
birth,  S^;  on  the  Da  Vinci  map, 
124  :  on  Vtspucius,  178;  Prime 
lieury  tlie  .\'a:  it^ator,  40,  (>ij  :  Dis- 
t'orenes  of  /'riuce  /leury,  617. 

Mala.  5iiy.  52O. 

Maldonado,  21. 

Maldonado(.irtist),  3''t2. 

Maklonado,  Diego,  503;  seeks  De 
Soto,  253.  ^ 

^T.lldonado,  Fr.acisco,  250. 

Maldonado,  Lorenzo  Kerrer  de,  his 
disputed  voyage,  (55;  authorities 
for,  455;  I'iaj^'jcf^,  456:  Memoir 
by  Lapie,  450;  map,  4OS. 

Maldonado,  |*tdn>  de,  542. 

Mal(k)nado.  Roderigo,  48'),  4'j2. 

Malhado  Island.  344. 

Malipiero.  Dominico,  loC). 

^Ldloy,  Charles,  AJfairs  maritttue,  83. 

Malpica.  72. 

M.-ilte-Prnn,  if'4;  Hist,  de  la  ^h^g.,  30. 

Manca,  Vnc ,  520;  at  Vilcabamba, 
546;  neglec'<'0  524  ;  heads  an  army, 
524;  deleatet'  by  Orgone/,  526. 

^L^ndana,  5'u. 

Mandeville,  John  de,  influences  Co- 
lumbus, 27;   ItinerariuSf  30. 

Maneiro,  De  vitis  Mexicauoruui,  421;. 

ALingi.  42.  105,  iiS,  43S,  454,  472,- 
mare  de,  451,  453- 

Mangon,  42. 

NLmigua,  233. 

Manilla,  454. 

ALinioc,  5')>*. 

Manipacna  River,  2«;'> 

Mannert,  Conrad,  5S7. 

Mannn  ;» id  Prnmis,  Notizie  di  Gastal' 
■ii,  AV,- 

Marr.a  (city),  >iS5  ;  first  in  maps,  5S7  ; 
in  later  maps,  587,  5S8 ;  disappeared, 


INDEX. 


63' 


nt)  hh  expedition, 

r^.  75-  /'''  5'».*'  5'.'4» 
1}  :  (inairels  wilh 
Lii.i,  sn''.  vm  ;  at 
yih  :  lU  I, a  I'l.ita, 
sirt",  5<>>( ;  imiiiny 
ucutcs  MciuKiza 
/i) ;  sees  a  k''1"'» 
atives,  f  oi ;  lakes 
,laj;oii!a,  fxi^  ;  oh- 
siin,  (<o4 :  in  the 
clits   the    Tacific, 

I  till"  P.icifu,  '»»>; 
at  the    raclnmes, 

^pii.L-s,  f-i* :  killed, 
iiloiniaiioii  fur  the 
atetta's  (iiaiy,  '>i.l, 
ilvaniis'  lutler,  ^15 ; 
iVter  Martyr,  fn^  ; 
larrete,  ('I5 ;  nianu- 
lo  Ma^^elian,  61 3  ; 
is  companions,  ^115 ; 
nlty,  Major,  etc., 
IV  i'f,  '17  ;  (locu- 
r  by  ilie  llakhiyt 
:couni  by  (letioese 
AS  how  Mnnellan 
arctic  current,  f-iO ; 
o,  f>i'>:  in  Herrera, 
!  of  Navarrete,  ''17. 

435'  4.V>,  4-l^'.  -ISO 
II )  177  ;  treatise  on 
hl,'>i7  :  by  \Vic?er, 
r  thi'  Klevt-n  th.'U- 

its  (li'-.coverer,  Uy4, 
on   liehalm's  map, 

tn.ii>,  'n)?  ;  called 
nico."'  <■*:>  :  voyage 
laria  de  l;»Cabeza,'* 

s  Piolemy,  457- 

:   the,  '14  ;  variation 

II  variation,  1^5.  St'g 
If. 

haris  of,  100. 

America  (1527'.  <y4. 

ft-cf  Letters  0/  Co^ 
;  Cotiqutst  0/  t/tr 
n  date  ot"  lohinibus* 
he  l)a  \inci  map, 
cius,  178:  Prime 
i^ator^  40,  O17  :  Dii- 
Ilt'ury^  617. 


503; 


seeks   De 


250. 

I'errer    de,    his 

S5;    authorities 
,   456 ;    Memoir 

ap,  4'>«. 
542- 

KO,  486,  4<}2. 


7;, 


lirs  maritittw.  Si- 


Ust.  tie  fn  gfo^.,  V'. 
at   Vilcabamba, 
i\  :  heads  an  army, 

[  )rgoi*ie/,  52O. 

le,  inlUiences  K'o- 
'r4trittSt  30. 
Mt'.vicauorutiiy  42^ 
43S,    454,    472.' 


59- 

S7. 
Notizie  di  Gastal- 

irst  in  maps,  5S7 : 
,  5SS ;  disappeared, 


Manriqtie  de  Lara,  Rodrigo,  551. 
Manta  Hay,  socj. 
Mantuanus,  IJ.,  Opera,  (^2. 
Mitnuscrits  tic  ia  Hibliothique  tin  Kot, 

Mapocho  River,  <12H. 

Maps  of  the  earhest  Spanish  and  I'or- 
tugtiese  discoveries,  t)y,  early  Spanish 
ones  very  rare,  174.    -SV^  t  ordiform. 

Maracaibo,  i<i<>;  Lake  uf,  1.^7- 

Alaracayo  Lake,  55^. 

Maragnoii,  Rio,  2jK. 

Maranon  (river),  i.SS,  513,  519,  5S1. 
See  Amazon, 

Marata,  477-  t^" 

Marchand,  (Juy,  or  Guiot,  printer,  4% 

5'^»  S'- 

Marelienaof  R.Abida,  3,  5. 

Marchena,  Perez  de,  91- 

Marchesi,  4"^. 

Marchetti,  edition  tif  Orteliiis,  472. 

Marcos,  I- ray,  475,  47(>,  477,  5r>3  ;  his 
I)escuf>rimiefito,  4'>'>;  report  alle.ed 
in  Kamusio  and  Hakluyi,  47^,  41/); 
his  fictions,  41). ^ ;  rejoins  Conmado, 
4X0 ;  general  of  tlie  Franciscans, 
4S1. 

Marcou,  Jules,  on  the  naniitig  of 
America.  179;  First  Disciweries  o/' 
Caii/orttia,  443,  4''?;  on  Alarcon's 
vovage,  413' 

Mar  del  Sur.     See  Pacific. 

Margarita  (island),  iS,  20,  no,  134,  1S7, 
325t  581.  5*^^;  map,  61;  seixed  by 
Aguirre,  5^2. 

Margry,  Xarigaiiotts  Frati^aises,  12, 
Vi- 

Mariames  (Indians),  244- 

Mariguana  (Island),  55,  5^>. 

Mariguanu,  battle  o^  549. 

Marin,  CVwwfn/tftii''  I'emsiatii,  viii. 
<>o. 

Marina,  355i  3*/'- 

Marini,  f..  IS.,  (<(k 

Marintis,  24. 

Mariiuis  of  Tyre,  05. 

Markham,  Clemenis  R.,  "  Pizarro,  and 
the  Conquest  of  Peru  and  Chili," 
505;  **  Critical  Kssay/'  s^\\;  his 
Expeditions  into  the  I  'ixlley  of  the 
Atiuizotis^  503,  5S5,  <^)  ;  \\\s Narra- 
tive of  the  rroceedings  of  Pedni- 
rias  Davilla,  564  ;  edits  Xeres,  5'>4  ; 
Reports  on  the  Discox'ery  of  Peru, 
Strf);  edits  Life  of  Guzman^  567; 
Rites  and  Laws  of  the  Incas^  571  ; 
Travels  of  Cieza  tie  I^eon,  574  ; 
CJarcdassode  la  Vega's  Royat  Cojn- 
fttentaries,  575 :  encouraged  by 
Prescott,  578;  \\\s  Cuscoand Litna^ 
57S  ;  'I'ravets  in  Peru  and  India, 
57S;  his  handbook  on  Peru,  57S  ; 
Search  of  JiUorado,  5S2  ;  edits 
Acosta,  421 ;  edits  Andagoya,  212. 

Marmocchi,  Ratct'/ta,  v.  342. 

Marmolejo,  (i.,  52S,  551. 

Marmolejo,  Gongora,  career,  572  ; 
Uist.  de  Chile,  573- 

Marquesas  Islands,  561. 

Marquez,  Diego,  212,  213. 

Martens,  Th.,  50. 

Martin,  Alonso,  196. 

Martin,  Cristobal,  504. 

Marlines,  his  maps,  450;  (155-?)  45"  ^ 
(157S)  227,  22'> ;  his  map  of  the 
Moluccas,  441- 

Martinez,  Father,  279. 

Martinez,  Henrico,  Reportorio,  421. 

Martinez,  the  author  of  the  story  of 
Manoa,  579. 

Martinez  receives  letter  from  Toscan- 
elli,  31. 

Martyr,  Peter,  d'Anghit-ra,  57,  224  :  on 
Columbus'  second  vovape.  5S;  Dec- 
ades, 57,  122.  \^2\' EpistoUr,  5;. 
estimate  of,  57;  De  nuper  repcrtis 
ittsulis^  402;  E.vtraict  on  recueil, 
410;  on  Nlageltan's  voyage,  flic;  ;  his 
niap  (1511),  io«),  im;  Len^atio 
Bahylonica^  io<>;  Sunifnarioi^x^^^), 
222. 

Martyrs,  the  (islands),  231, 

Massbieau,  L.,  Mexico,  37S. 


Mata-I.anares,  manuscripts  of,  ii. 

Matagorda  Hay,  244. 

Maian/.is,  203,  230,  276. 

Matacpiito,  549. 

.Matienzo,  Juan,  552  ;  his  Gobierno  de 
el  Peru,  571. 

Maulc  River,  524,  531,  svj. 

Maiiro,  I'ra,  his  map,  41,  94. 

Mauro,  Lucio,  414. 

Maury,  Myttoii,  i^,. 

Mavila,  24S,  291  .  battle  of,  249;  name 
how  spelled,  291. 

May  (river^,  295. 

Maya  civthzatimi,  42<>- 

Mayer.     See  Meyer. 

.Mayer,  Anton,  It'tens  Ihichdrucker- 
i^eschichtv,  1S4. 

Mayor,  Pedro  de,  5^^. 

Maximilian,  Kniperor  of  Mexico,  his 
library,  430. 

Mavixcatzin,  172. 

MeCulloch,  A  ntiqitarian  Researdtes 
in  A  tnerica,  2'/i. 

Mead,  ConstrnctioH  of  maps,  470. 

NIecia  de  Viladcstes,  map  of  the  Cana- 
ries, 3'>. 

Mecken,  Israel  van,  352. 

Medici,  I.nreii/o  di  Pier  l-'rancesco  de', 
14;:,  ;  letter  to,  from  \'espucius,  ijf). 

Medici,  primes,  131. 

Medina,  PcMlro  de,  Arte  de  navegar, 
7, 'jS,  17'';  his  map,  113,220. 

Medina-Sidonia,  Duke  of,  his  manu- 
scripts, viii. 

Medina,  Lih'o,  f>. 

Meek,  Alexander,  on  De  Soto's  march, 
lip'.  Romantic  Passages^  2t/i. 

Mepander,  j'--'. 

Meier,  fi.  1...  2<>«>. 

Mela,  Pompt)nius,  bibliography  of, 
iHo;  his  man  of  the  world,  iSo;  his 
Cosmoj^rap/iia.  iS<i;  /}e  situ  orhis, 
2S,  iSi  ;  Cosmographica  geogra- 
phta,  iSi  ;  De  totius  orhis  descrip- 
tiom'y  iJ^i  :  edited  by  Vadianus,  122, 
iS>;  issued  with  Solinus,  iN»;  cctr- 
recled  by  Ulive  and  Harbaro,  1S3; 
translated  by  Golding,  1S6 ;  his 
north  and  south  theory,  26  ;  on  Ves- 
pucius,  154.      See  Pompoiiius. 

Memoirs  for  the  Curious,  402. 

Memorial  historico  Espaiiol^  573. 

.Mena,  luan  de,  25O. 

Mcna,  ftlarcos  de,  256. 

.Mendana,  Alvaro  de,  552. 

Mendez,  Diego,  fu. 

Mendiburu,  Diccionario  del  Peru,  570. 

Mendieta,  Alonzo  de,  570. 

Mcndieta,  C.,  I/ist.  eclesiastica  In- 
diana, 415,  422. 

Mendocino,  Cape,  444,  465 ;  earliest 
mention  nf,  455. 

Mendo/a,  .Andrea  Hurtado  (Marquis 
of  Canate),  viceroy  of  Peru,  545  ; 
dies,  547. 

Mendoza,  Antonio  dc.  303,  474  :  his 
auiog.,  254;  conquers  the  Chichi- 
mecs,  4i();  viceroy  of  Peru,  542. 

Meiidu/a,  Cardinal,  91. 

Mendoza,  C.arcia  Hurtado  de.  gover- 
nor of  Chili,  549;  defe.its  Caupoli- 
can,  54(j;  likeness,  use;  leaves 
Chili,  55!  ;  (fourth  Marquis  of  Cart- 
ete")  5^>o  ;  bis  life.  572. 

Mendoza  Grajales,  his  Memoria,  293. 

Mendoza,  Murtado  de,  his  voyage, 
441  ;  on  the  Pacific  coast,  303. 

^fendo/a,  juaii  GonzAles  de,  Htstoria 
del  Reino  de  China,  504. 

Mendoza,  I-.  T.  de,  his  Coleccion,  vii. 

Mendoza,  Martin,  counsels  with  Ma- 
gellan in  (he  Straits.  f>o7. 

Mendoza,  Pedro  de  (in  Peru),  519, 

Mendoza,  P.  G.  de,  archbisnop  of 
Toledo.  4. 

Mendoza.  one  of  Magellan's  captains, 
executed,  and  remains  found  by 
Drake,  vi*)- 

Mendoza  (ijhili),  524 

Menendez  de  .Aviles,  Pedro,  afm,  a^i; 
directed  to  conquer  Florida,  2^1  ; 
attacks  Kibault,  2O3  :  attacks  Fori 
Caroline,  272  ;  returns  to  Spain,  279 ; 


returns  to  Florida,  2S2 :  on  the 
Chesapeake,  2^2  ;  ilics,  2^3  ;  por- 
trait. 2''i  ;  authorities,  293,  297; 
Cartas^  j'*3  ;  his  victims  of  tlie 
Epistv'a  supplicatoria,  297. 

Meneses,  543, 

.Meiieses,  Pablo  de,  i;45. 

Mer  de  Tonest,  4(1 1,  41.7,  4(tS,  4(1^. 

-Meras,  Solis  de,  275. 

.Mercadillo,  ^jj. 

.Mercado,  .Martin,  54^. 

Mcrcator,  Michael,  his  map,  4^1. 

Mert.ttor,  Gerard,  map  (15(1),  177; 
(i5'^>)  44-j,  452;  .md  Ciioyen,  95; 
his  prftjection,  theory  of,  470.  See 
Ilondius. 

Mevcator,  Ruinoldus.  bis  map,  457. 

Mcrcure  de  France^  ^<^k 

.Merciiri,  t-ngraving  ot  Cohnnbus,  73. 

Mi-rida.  bisjiop  of.     See  Laiul.i. 

.Meridi.in,  first,  95      See  Longitude. 

.Mes(|uita,  599,  '►"Z- 

Mesurado,  Cape,  40. 

Meta  (river),  s><i.  S***^*. 

Metullus,  America,  45S. 

.Mexia,  Pedro,  Siha^  tub. 

Mexico  (jrcCnrtesi,  415;  called  Temi- 
stitan,  225;  held  to  '^e  (^uinsav, 
432  ;  human  sacrifices  in,  ^28 ; 
plans,  descriptions,  and  \  iews  of 
the  city,  450;  plan  ot",  belnre  the 
("oiuiuest,  s''\-  descriptiniis  of,  ^.4  ; 
lake  of,  35"^;  i's  causeways,  3')4, 
3'^'9 ;  alleged  plan  by  Montezuma, 
3''>4 :  Heliis's  plan,  i'")-,  Wilson's 
plan  of  the  valley,  374:  the  l.tke  in 
C'ortt--.'  (lav.  37;; ;  shrinkage  of  the 
lairune^.  (75  ;  map  in  Keiting's /?(T- 
nal  Diaz,  415  ;  Jourdanct's  map 
iheliotype),  375,  415;  Humboldt's 
'"•ip.  375  ■  Lopez  map,  375  :  Si- 
cuenza's  map,  375:  the  waters  of 
ii-  la'  i  supposed  to  flow  int«i  the 
I'atitii.,  375  ;  iiuuKlatinnv,  375;  view 
of  the  city  iincler  the  coiKpicrors, 
377 :  sketch  in  P.oidmie's  Lih'o, 
37^^;  uew  causewavs  built  by  the 
Spaniards.  37S  ;  ci'lv  rebuilt,'  ^;S; 
catliedralbuilt,  37S  ,  plan  from  Ram- 
n'?in,  379  ;  other  plans.  ^7** .  at  count 
by  Salazar,  37^  ,  other  .accr)unis,  37S  . 
Temple  of,  40S :  second  conquest 
by  Cortes,  37^  :  list  of  the  cinu|uer- 
ors  and  their  descendants,  414,  41'; ; 
conquest  of,  sounes  of  information, 
397;  the  ''anonymous  coiupieror," 
397 ;  reci>rds  of  the  municipality, 
39S  ;  records  of  ecclesiastical  coun- 
cils, ■^.>., ;  authorities  DM  church  his- 
tory, 31  (1^;  document. irv  sources, 
397  ;  Documentos  para  la  hisfori  i, 
498  :  native  manuscripts  destroyed, 
417;  bibliographv  of.  429;  bv  Ho- 
turini.  4-");  by  (.lavigero,  431.;  by 
Ramirez.  410:  by  H,  11.  Hancroft, 
430  :  plays  and  poems  on  the  Con- 
quest, 4vi:  map  of  the  west  coast, 
45p;  Geographical  Society  of,  93; 
its  fioletin.  451. 

Mexico,  c.iilf  ot*,  early  maps  of,  217*. 
(tiolfo  Mexicai  US'.  (S*^'  map  by 
Martines,  450  Cabot's  ma^),  447; 
(mare  Cathayum)  433;  Cortes'  map 
of,  404. 

Meyer.     See  Mayer 

Meyer,    M.    ^L,    102. 

Meyer,  Tobias,  101. 

Meygenberg,  2^. 

Michoacan,  m.ip  of,  400. 

Miculasa  (Indian),  250. 

Miggrode,  facques  de,  341 

Mibn,  alleged  birthplace  of  Columbus, 
S4. 

Millacalquin,  t,<^2. 

Minos  and  Mining,  578;  in  Hispan* 
iola,  I'.. 

Mint  established  in  Peru,  552. 

Miranda  de  Azevedo,  440. 

Miranda,  Juan  de,  51)4. 

Mirandolo.  Pico  de.  i''>2. 

Miravalle,  Co un Is  of,  362, 

Miniel  o.  2'(2. 

Miruelo,  Diego,  pilot,  23'),  242. 


63a 


INDEX. 


I:j 


./*;■ 


1 


MiftiHsippi  (riveO,  ii«  supposed  cnurse, 
28j;  crossed  by  l>e  Sold,  247,  251  ; 
discovered  bv  Piiu'd.i.  2}j :  who 
discovered  it  "'  j-u  ;  cillcd  "  Kspir- 
ilii  Satilo,"  177,  237,  404,  447,  v'4  ; 
early  maps  of,  2'/»  ;  map  by  Wyt- 
tlic't,  2S1  ;  by  Delisic,  hh  »>« 
Kspiriiu  Santo. 

Mittlu'iiungt-n  ifis  lustitiitsftir  Oester* 
rtichisihe  iieschuhty/orschiin^^  617. 

Mixco,  ;iSv 

Mobile  Hay,  2<>5. 

Mocha  oslaiuh,  5^1  ;  {C'hili'i  524. 

MoKHtvej",  'ri.ribio  de,  bi^liop,  557. 

Molina,  A.  ile,  c;ii. 

MolineaiLX  K'obo,  452  ;  map,  45S, 

Mnl).  Ilerinaini,  map  (17  V')<  4''^  :  niap 
ot  ilie  Paeilic  coast,  1*7;  of  C'alifor- 
iiia  11755).  1''**;   '"ike  I'arima,  s**7- 

M<>liiLca>,  150.  J 17,  4411,  f.|o;  discov- 
ered,  ^•}\  ;  readied  (i.sii).  441  ;  ex- 
peditions tn,  4  (u ;  (.'orli*>  opens 
trade  with,  ^i^^ ;  supposed  way  li>, 
44'';  sold  by  Spain,  441  ;  early 
maps,  44.1,  450  (i.s'>S),  44'*;  history 
of,  by  Arpeiisola,  <n(i, 

Monarchiis,  Robertus,  BeUnm  Christ. 
Print  i/i.,  51. 

Monasteru),  ^41. 

Moneltc,  J .  W. ,  /  'alhy  0/  the  .1/issis- 

Sippi^   2(/'. 

Monroy,   Alonso,    528,   529;    goes    to 

Ciisctt.  5v>;  dies,  532. 
Mfitiiii,  n.,  40. 
Moniz,  \'asco  Ciiil,  ijo. 
Mon>errate,  docmrents  at,  ill. 
Montaldn,  iVofessor,  ^4* 
Montanus,     i(>2 ;     Ntemve     WfcreU, 

Montc;o,  Francisco  de,  351 ;  in  Yuca- 
tan. 42i). 

Monielonne,  Puke  of,  30^,  306. 

Monten>s,  ^\(\ 

Montesinns.  Ant.  de,  2.(0.  J54,  2SA. 

Montesnid.s,  K.,  his  career,  570;  his 
Metiioriaa^  570.  577;  AnuahSy  STf^- 

Montciuima,  licars  of  t.'ortes,  ^53  ;  pic- 
ture of.  in  Montanus,  3f'i  :  in  Soils, 
363  ;  other  likenesses,  7f>,  3''«2,  424; 
meets  t'nrtes,  3')2  ;  in  chains,  3''>2  , 
his  descendants,  3f>2 :  his  appear- 
ance and  a(;e,  3C'2  ;  offers  tribute  to 
Cortes,  3^5 ;  wounded  <in  the  para- 
pet, Vj8  ;  dies,  3'>S;  liis  tributaries, 
408. 

Montlezun,  Haron  de,  53. 

Monthly  Misfci/ttfy,  4V12. 

Moon.     .VfV  I anipr  tables. 

Moqiii  pueblos,  ,S4,  503. 

M<)ra,  I>.  de,  l;l^^ 

Mora,  J.  de,  425. 

Mora,  Mt'jico,  42R. 

Morales,  107. 

Morales,  Andrews  de,  204. 

Morales,  flasp.ir  de,  505. 

More,  Sir  Ihonias,  his  Utopia^  176. 

Morelli.  C'av..  Lettcra  rarissima,  62- 

Moreno,  Ins  ma)is,  i;^ 

Miirj;a.  rnHi/^pitir  Ishiuds,  616. 

Morgan.  I,,  \\.^  House  and  House- Life 
of  the  American  Aborigines.  502  ; 
on  the  seven  cities  of  Cibola,  502. 

Morisotus,  Orhis  maritimi^  34. 

Morris,  J   O.,  u/>. 

Morton,  'I'liomas,  on  the  Asiatic  cv- 
tension  ot  North  America,  43»>. 

Moscoyo,  Luis  de,  24S ;  succeeds  De 
Soto,  253. 

Moscoso,  K.,  51(1. 

Motolinia,  Toribio,  343  ;  his  life  by 
Ramirez.  343  ;  his  autog.,  343  ;  His- 
toriay  3()7. 

Motujw,  5i(^).  519. 

>Tount  Si.  Klias,  469. 

Muller,  E.,0'. 

Miiller,  Ci.  ['*.,  on  voya  'es  to  the 
Northwest,  4'") 

Muller,  Johannes,  ol'  Kitnigsbcrg  (Kc- 
t;ii  montanus),  i/i,  'ci ;  his  Ef<he- 
meridesy   i/t;    his   TabHlic  its/ron., 

Miiller.  Johannes,    I'ereine   Dcutsih' 

/unds,  yj. 


Mulligan,  John,  5S. 
Mundus  notus,  157. 
Mundus  Novus  (South  America),  115, 

Munc'Z,  Juan,  in  Florida,  255. 

Mufio/,  J,  B.,  autOK-  of,  in;  Itis  col- 
lection of  manuscripts,  vii,  56*) ;  on 
Columbus,  ^.S ;  his  Historic  failed 
to  record  Vespuciiis,  153. 

Munroe,  i'rof.  C.  K.,  352. 

Miinsiei,  Sub.,  his  in.ip  (1532),  12 1, 
122  ;  Xo7'us  orhis,  122. 

Miiratori,  <;o;  Kerum  ital.  scriptores, 
4S. 

Murphy,  H.,  on  the  tomb  of  Cortes, 

Murphy.    11.    C,    2S7;   on   the  bibli- 

onraphy  i>f    the    t'osmo^.    Introd^ 

166. 
Mnrdock,  J.  It  ,  Cruise  of  Co/untbus, 

54. 
Murr,  C.   (1.   von,    A/etnorah'^'a^    35, 

221  ;    Gesih.   des   Fitters  t>     ai$$i, 

Musters,  C».  C  ,  on  Fata^onia.  N13. 
Myritius,   Johannes,  Opusculuin  geo- 
frraphiiuni^  1 54,  439 ;  map,  457. 

N.MRT.VTi.  manuHciipts,  41S, 

Nancy  j;lobe,  432  ;  sketch  of,  433. 

Nanipacua,  25S, 

Napione.  Del  primo  scopritorty  84, 
if)3  ;   rutria  di  i  oioinbo,  .^3,  84. 

Napo  River,  52S,  5SS. 

Napochies,  25H. 

Napoleon  I.,  his  havoc  among  the 
Spanisli  archives,  i 

Napoli,  Juan  de,  porlolano,  38. 

Xaraciones  hrstorieas,  573. 

Narvae/,  Famphilo  de,  m  Cuba,  201  ; 
has  a  paieni,  242  :  disappears,  244; 
his  landing!  in  Florida,  274  ;  where 
did  he  land?  28^  :  names  of  his  fol- 
lowers, 415;  sent  an.iinst  Cortes, 
3'.5 ;  treats  with  Cones,  3f)6 :  re- 
leased by  C^irles,  3s.  1 ;  aulhoiities, 
2X('',  auloj;.,  2S() ;  map  of  his  dis- 
coveries. 22fi. 

Nasca,  5i.(.  543,  55^- 

Nata,  50'^ 

Natchez  (Indians),  25S,  294. 

A'atwn,  '/'//(*,  71. 

Natives,  earliest  picture  of,  iq. 

Nativita,  iSH. 

A'nufiea/  A/a^acine,  S2,  100. 

Navarrete,  K.  F,  de,  ('5;  La  longitud 
en  la  mar,  i>s. 

Navarrete,  M.  F.  de,  account  of,  iv ; 
La  histi^riit  de  la  n'tutiea^  v,  ()S  ; 
on  Alotuo  de  Santa  t"ruz,  100;  on 
Andagoya,  212;  his  C'oleaion,  v; 
Opiiscuh's,  v;  JiiN.  ntar.  Espa- 
t'lolii,  V ;  his  documents  on  Magel- 
lan, O15:  edits  Doc.  inhtitos^  vii; 
Sutd  y  Mfxicana  (atlas),  45ft,  561  ; 
on  Maldonado,  456;  his  researches 
on  Columbus,  f>\  ^^<^\  Moticia  of 
Maj;ellan.  (n  7  ;  another  in  his  Opiis- 
cidos,  (n-; :  on  Vespucius,  153,  178; 
l'/in:ex  nienoreSy  204. 

Navarro,  516. 

Navarro,  Joaquin,  translates  Prescott, 
427. 

Navidad,  I. a,  10,  iC>,  226. 

Navigation,  books  of,  9S. 

Nebnssensis,  Ant.,  5S. 

Needle,  declination  of.  100;  dip  of. 
100;  variiiiion  ot',  as  a  means  of 
ascertaining;  louj^iiude,  99.  See 
Magnet,  Compa-^s. 

Negrete,  Juan  de,  573- 

Negro  River.  5S1. 

Negroes  in  Fern,  5'»i.     See  Sl.ivery. 
Xeueroffnetes  Amphitheatruni,  7S 

Ne'.v  Andalusia,  88,  n/o,  191.  585;  his- 
tory of,  5^7. 

New  ('astile  (Fti'ul  525.  See  Castilla 
nueva. 

New  France  (Nova  Francia),  453. 

New  Gallieia,  229,  474,  504;  conquered 
by  ( '.u/iiian,  391. 

New  ( Ir.iii.ula,  4t;S,  581 
New  Interlude,  fi2. 


New  Laws,   1:37;    revoked,  539.    See 

I..UVS. 

New  Mexicti.  Coronado's  incursion  in- 
to, 47V.  sources  of  information,  49H 
{see  Coronadn);  early  explorations 
o'l  473  ;  various  expeditmns  to,  5113. 

New  Sjiain,  Audiencia,  4'^);  l.oren- 
zana  s  map  of,  40^;  m.ips  of,  35S, 
359;  map  of,  in  llerrrra,  392;  (Nu- 
eva Spanya)  45.1;  map  by  Orlelius, 
472- 

New  Toledo  (Chili),  525 

Xe;t'  ijuarter/y  ICeTien'.  51. 

New  Vork  IliMorical  Si'.tiely,  Cata- 
^  loj.'ue  of  iialiery,  515. 

Xe^ve  /eitun^c  ""v  lhsp,tnien,  57'). 

Newfoundland  in  the  t  .intiuo  map, 
loS;  (Terra  Cortesi.i)  121;  early 
voyages  lo,  33  ;  in  Sylvanus'  map, 
122  ;  (Teira  nova)  450. 

Newton,  Sir  Isa.ic,  470;  his  theory  of 
a  spliL-rc  flattened  .it  the  poles,  590  ; 
expeditions  to  verity  It,  5';<i. 

Nicaragua,  docunvuts  on,  ix ;  Lake 
^  of,  20ii.     See  I'eralta. 

Nicholas  of  l.ynn.  tjs. 

Nichol.is.  Thomas,  414 ;  translates 
Zarate.  s^.s. 

Nicohni.  |)oiialo,  131. 

Nicoya,  I)iegode,  191,  198,  200. 

Nicuessa.  ss,  2<)9,  210. 

Nieva.     See  iluniga. 

"  Nina,"  ship,  s,  1S7. 

Nifio,  18,  204,  205. 

Nino,  Andres,  199. 

Nino,  Fedro  .Alonso,  109,  1S7. 

N'ito,  3.S5. 

Noinbre  de  l*ios,  1S9,  i(>(i,  223,  22^, 
44'',  50f>.  5*^»  ;  settled,  505;  aban- 
doned, 506. 

Non,  (  ape,  40. 

Nootka  Sound,  4^*^,  470. 

Nordcnskiiild,  A.  K.,  Trois  cartes, 
2S ;  Brdtlerna  /.enos^  121,  43'> ; 
edits  manuscipt  of  Marco  Folo,  30. 

Norena,  Alonso  tie.  rn- 

N(.rlh's  Plutanh,  7S. 

North  America,  the  belief  in  its  nar- 
rowness, 4'rf> ;  connected  with  Asia, 
2-^5,  431 :  shown  as  an  archipelago, 
12^.     See  America. 

North  star,  t^). 

Northmen,  voyages  to  America,  33; 
their  acquaintance  with  the  load- 
stone, <>4, 

Ncrumbega,  451,  459,  472;  (Anoroba- 
gra)  224  ;  (Norumberga)  453. 

Not  ic  ills  Aistoricas  de  la  Xueia 
/ispafta,  421 . 

Xouvelles  certaines  des  isles  du  Vent, 

Nova  Cialilia.     See  New  Callicia. 
Xot'us  orbis.     See  ( Iryn.i-us. 
Nucio,  Antwerp  publisher,  412. 
Nueva  Galicia.    See  New  Galiicia. 
Nunez  de  Halboa.     See  Halboa- 
Nunez  Vela,  lilascct,  537. 
Nuremberg  Chionicle,  34. 
Nuttall,  Travels  into  Arkansas,  ic^z. 
Nyeto,  Alvaro,  257. 

Obras       :iffidits  defildsofos,  337. 
Ocampo,    Italta-ar  d',   his   IWox'incia 

de  S.  /''.  de  I'illcapatnpa,  571. 
Ocampo,  Floriaii  d',  edits  Zarate,  56S. 
Ocampo,  (iarcia  de,  1M9. 
Ocampo,  Sebastian  '^e,  explores  Cuba, 

201  ;  sails  around  Cuba,  214. 
Ocampo,  Chronica^  421. 
Ocean  //ix'hways,  221. 
Ochechiton,  25S 
Ochoa,  NLartin  de,  27',  278. 
Ochusc,  257.     See  khuse. 
Od^rigo,    N.,  has  manuscr  pts  of  Co- 

lumijus,  iv. 
Odrio/iil.i,    M.,    Hoc.    historicos    del 

J\'ru,  576. 
Octtinger,"  /iibl.  bioir.^  66. 
Ogilby,  his  map  { 167 1),  466. 
Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  16,  6S,  SS,  112,  144, 

209,  5c/) ;  his  voyages,  109,  iS^,  20S; 

authorities  on,  204  ^   authorities  on 

his  second  voyage,  307 :   notice  of, 


INDEX. 


(>iZ 


414 ;     transl.itcs 


,  Trois  atrtfs, 
'tios^  121,  4.1 1*  i 
Marco  Polo,  3<J- 
13- 

belief  in  its  iiar- 
itcttid  with  Asia, 
.  an  arcliipela^u, 


Anu-rica,  .vi  ; 
vitli   llic   luad- 


's  isii-s  tin  I\'rUy 


Arkansas,  292. 


iso/os,  337. 

his   Prot'incia 
\tmf>a,  571. 
"its  Zaratc,  56S. 


hnlorkos    dii 


l)V  N'a\  arrcte,  v ;    accompanied  by 

Wspuciii^,  14'^  'SS- 
Ol.ino,  I.Din;  tic,  mm. 
<JM  WurUi,  map  nf  (ifjo),  41. 
Olibahali,  i<^. 
Olid,    Cristiibal  (K-,    214,   .151  :  at   the 

second   sie^e   cif    Mcxici).    ^^i^\    in 

Hunduras,  j(X),  jSj  ;  his  detection, 

\^\,  411. 
Ohva,  Anello,  Hist,  du  Pfrou,  576. 
Oliva,  V.  1*.  de,  his  account  of  Coliini- 

biis,  66. 
Oliva,  Johannes,  his  map,  461. 
Olives  planted  in  Peru,  547. 
Oliveri'S,  2\\. 

OnM^;ua-^,  5^1  ;  tahkil  empire  of,  5S5. 
Ona,  iVdrn  de,  Araiuo  t>oinatio^  572. 
OnaiL',  Inan  de,  4'>i,  504. 
Ottc  a'li\',-fc,<''', 
OndcRardo.  L'olo  de,  545,  552  ;  career, 

571:  AV/ii</('«rj,  52,(,  571  ;  his  man- 
uscripts, yi. 
Ongafia,    his    Raccolta    di    maf^f^ii- 

mundl^  \rt-f. 
Onondaga,  Spanish  at,  2St. 
Oostanaula  River,  247. 
Opmecr,  P.  van,  O^us  chronografihi- 

cum,  72. 
Ordaz,    Oiego,    .151;    his    expedition , 

57'J- 
Ordi'miHzas  rea/rs,  ,^47. 
Ordiitatiort's    U'^nuniue    colU'ctiom's^ 

AOI. 

OrdfU'ie/  de  Mont.a!vo,  Las  sert^-its  de 
/•'s^/af id/an,  \i\. 

OreKon  irivur),  4'"J- 

Orellana,  I'r.uiciscode.  18S;  wiihGoU' 
zalo  I'lzarro,  52S;  courst-s  the  Ama- 
zon, 447,  5-'>t.  e>'<4 :  Herrera's  ac- 
count, translated  by  Markham,  56.1; 
goes  til  hp.iin,  s'^S  ;  returns  and 
dies,   sSt;.     .V(V  Amazon. 

OrKouc/,  k.,  f;2i> :  <lefeats  Alvarado, 
526 ;    deti-als   Manco,    526 ;    killed, 

■=27- 

Orinoco  River,  1.^3;  discovered  by  Co- 
lumbus, jo;  explored,  57(9;  ni.an  of 
the  nuiutlis,  5S6,  588;  explored  by 
Whiddon,  5S6. 

Crista,  2S2. 

Ori/aba,  .15S. 

Oropesa,  525,  552,  562. 

Orozco  y  Herra,  41S;  Cartoffrn/ia 
Alexhanat  «>,i,  166,  375  ;  yaiifc  de 
Mexico,  375. 

Orozco,  Juan  de,  504. 

Orsenius,  Andirose,  471* 

Orsenius.  Kerd.,  471 

Ortega,  1-.  de,  Rcsumen,  ^kj^. 

Ortega.  C  F.,  41S. 

Ortehus,  .account  of,  471  ;  genealoqy 
of,  471  ;  life  by  Van  liuls*,  471: 
ptirtraits  referred  to,  471,  472;  no- 
lice  by  Macedo,  471  ;  his  list  of 
authorities,  <)t,  471  ;  ediiMui  ,  of  Ins 
Theatrmn,  471,  472:  winch  ii  the 
original  text  i*  471  ;  additamcntuin. 
471;  French  and  ticrman  transla- 
tions, 471  ;  his  niappemonde  de- 
scribed, 472 ;  map  of  the  New 
World,  47j;  epitomes  of,  47^;  map 
of  new  Sp.iin,  472  ;  of  Florida,  472  ; 
of  Peru,  472:  last  edition,  by  hmi- 
self,  472 ;  //  Thcatro  del  mondo 
(.•Sq«>i43');  map(i5S2),  i,%. 

Ortis,  Alonso,  Los  tratados,  157. 

Orliz,  Diego,  553. 

Ortiz  de  Malienzo,  Juan,  23.S, 

Ortiz  of  Narvae/.'  expedition,  245; 
with  I)e  Soto  when  he  died.  252. 

0>imo,  d',  Colomh  et  Marchenay  3. 

Osorius,  De  rebus  Emmanuelis  gestii, 
616. 

Osorno,  534  ;  founded,  54<> 

Ostro  (south),  <>4. 

Osuna,  Duque  d',  H9. 

Otina,  2-n). 

Otniar,  Johannes,  157. 

Ortubia,  Juan  Peres  de,  233. 

Otumba,  35S,  s^h, ;  victory  at,  370,  374. 

Ovalle,  Historica  relatione .  576;  /m- 
toricn  relacioti,  57'';  Fnglish  ver- 
bion,  5;'>. 

VOL.  n.  —  80. 


Ovando,   Nic.  de.  21,   ^rji ;  deporting' 
natives  frmn  the   l.ncavan   Islands, 
\2^:  at    liiNiuniola,    -•(', 

Overland  Monthly,  .iSS. 

Ovietio  y  llanos,  renezueia,  5S4. 

Ovii'do  y  llerrera,  I'ida  de  Santa 
Rosa,  5'"). 

Oviedo  y  Valdrs,  (;.  F,  de,  i«.y ;  m 
Peru.  i;'i3 ;  his  account  of  Peru, 
5'>i ;  Iiiscareer,  20-),  ^43;  Sntiiario, 

313.  3-15;  othcial  Lhronicler,  343; 
Historia  de  las  Indias,,  343,  34>; 
critical  estimation  of  his  jii-.t(try, 
563;  published  with  Peter  Martyr, 
51  (i  ;  printed  conipletf,  34'> ;  cnrre- 
snunoenl  rif  R.iinusi(,.  \\\  ;  kutw 
Cortes,    t4t;    h.iled  by    I, as   L'.isas, 

314,  (45:  bibliography  of,  345  ;  yv 
la  natural  liystoria,  141,  3^5;  f.ic- 
simile  of  title.  341'.  his  arms,  \-\t,  ; 
Coronita,  145 ;  Lis  auto;;.,  340 ; 
llistoire  naturt-llr,  14'.;  Libro  x\. 
346;  dies,  346;  uupriuted  part-i  of 
his  Ifntoria,  34(1:  life  bv  Aiiudor 
de  los  Kios,  346;  Hi\toirede  Xiea-  \ 
ragua,  34'" ;  letter  from  ( 1  S43),  410  •  1 
and  M.ageilan's  papers,  616.  1 


Pahi,()s,  Juan,  400. 

Paca,  sy,. 

Pac.dia,  _'5i. 

I'achac.mi.u.  3i<>:  temple  of,  517. 

i'.ichania,  558. 

Pacheco,  J.  F,,  Coleicion,  vii,  4'>^. 

Pacilic  coast,  discoveries  on,  4{i  ; 
chronolngy  of  exploratiuns  on, 
43,1  ■ 

Pacific  Ocean.  177;  heard  of  by  Co- 
lumbus, >ii;  discovered,  it>5,  'xiS 
{see  Halboa) ;  various  names,  43<>; 
(Mar  I'.^eitko)  45*;  (.Mare  del 
Stir)  22},,  227,  jjS.  450,  451  ;  (Nfare 
del  Sul)  22f);  (.Marc  del  Zur*  45<> ; 
nameil  in  Pigafelta's  map.  fi*>$  \ 
maps  of  U513),  44' •;  (151 -)  217; 
ch.art  of  .Magellan's  tr.aci,  610; 
trade-winds,  454. 

Pacific  F  ilroad  Reficrts,  502. 

Pr-i-'i:.     See  Davilla. 

Padilla,  lu.ni  de,  4'<4,  41)7,  50;. 

Padilla,  '\Iota,  Xncva  iiali.ia,  46S. 

Paesi  noritinei/te  relrorati,  205. 

Paez,  Juan,  445. 

"'•allay.i,  250.  , 

Misp.uiorum,  265. 

Pani.tiuacu,  5'>i,  5*'3. 

Palafox  y  Slendoi;a,  /  'i*-tudes  del 
Indio,  343. 

Palencia,   Fernandez  de,  career,  569; 
Historia    del    Peru,    },b<) ;     called  , 
"  Kl  Palentino."  ^69. 

Palcnlino,  el.     ^SV*-  Palencia. 

i*allast.elli,  \\.,La  uiot^lie di  Colombo, 
85.  i 

Palmas,  Rio  de,  242,  2S1. 

Palos,  5,  6.  I 

Palos,  Juan,  likeness  of,  2S7. 

Pampluna,  5S1.  j 

Panam.a,  22s,  22(),435,  ^C);  documents  ■ 
in,  ix  ;  founded,   i>/S,   i'><f,  212,  505 
ti5f>*)),  451.     See  Prralta. 

\     liagua,  509. 

i-anuc<f.  22<),  353,  3S>,  },■<(■>:  Rio,  203 
(1520),  21S,  J23  ;  named,  237. 

Panzer,  .*/««rt/^«,  i  j^g. 

Paposo,  5>4. 

Para,  sSi. 

Parana,  45.]!. 

i'arana  Palinga,  sS-). 

l*ardo.  Captain,  27H. 

P.irdo,  Juan,  504. 

Pares,  Juan  de,  w- 

Parestrello  at  Porto  Santo,  38;  his 
family,  <>o.     See  I'erestrello. 

Paretct,  llartoKmieus,  se.i-chart,  38- 

Paria,  114,  16.,,  177,  21S,  223.  5SS; 
(Chili)  525:  discovered,  1S7,  gulf 
of,  «iS6  (map),  61  ;  {1511)  iio",  n.anie 

of,  2^1. 

Paria,  University  of,  90. 

Parias,  i»i.  432:  (in  Schi'mer's  globe) 

Paricura,  iSM.     See  Amazon.  I 


Parima  (lake),  s^s  '•  first  in  maps,  5S7 ; 
in  later  map:.,  5.S7,  5.SM  ;  disappeared, 

Parima  Iriver),  5H1. 

Paris,  Societe  de  Cteographie  de,  their 

Recueil  de   voyages ,    30, 
P.irita  (gidfi.  i<^s, 
P.irkman,     I  ,    Pioneers   0/  France, 

2->3.  2;>8. 
Pirtneiuier  of  Uieppe,  it,^. 
I  arniigiaiio,  picture  of  I'uhindjus,  76. 
Parra,    lacmto  de,   s'jq  ;    Rosa   Law 

reada,  5'><i 
I*arrots,  laud  of  (llra/il),  s'f; 
Pas.  Crispin  de,   -ji,  Ljfigies  reguni, 

etc  ,  72. 
Pa^anionte,  1*^4,  210,  211. 
Pascpi.il,    Desiubr.    dg  la  sit.   de    la 

A  merica.  s^. 
Pastpialigo,  10;. 
I'assado,  Cane,  507. 
Paslene,  J.  11.,  530;  his  likeness,  531. 
Pasto,  5ix^ 

Pastro  y  Cneva,  P.  de,  s''i. 
Pal.igonia,   giants    in,   '00 ;    dress  of, 

f»().     See  Liiants  {rcgio  gigantutnit 

432. 
Patahs,  433. 
Patinamit,  383. 
Patiilo,  2''7. 

Paucart.itnbo  River,  519. 
Pauli,  l\L-ii)hold,  {)7 
Paulitschke,.-/y>-/X-</-///('r(i/«/-,  40. 
i'aullu,  Ynca,  524,  ;^i- 
Paulhier,  O  ,  edits  Alarco  Polo,  30, 
Payta,  510,  54*J* 
Paytiti.  5^5,  5,S9. 
Paz,  M.  de,  511. 
Pearl  co.ast,  20.  lo^i,  169. 
I'earl  fishery,  1S7. 

Pearl  Jslands,  197,  19S,  k/;,  505,  so<> 
Pecari,  59'^. 

l*ecci;>len,  M.  N.,  his  map,  461. 
Pcdrarias,    Oavilla,    209:    Lettere  di 

Pietro  Arias,  567,  authorities  on, 

211;  his  character,  n/i.     .SVtr  AviJa- 
Peignot,  Re/>er/o:re,  i('3. 
Pelanliru,   V'2> 
Pena,  (nitierrez  de  la,  H82. 
Pena,   Nunez  <ie  la,  La  Gran  Carta- 

ria,  3'> 
Penalosa,  Diego  de,  his  discovery  0/ 

(Juivira,  503,  504. 
Penco,  54S;  b.-iy,  531. 
Penguins   islands),  51/}. 
I*ensacola,   24'»,    250,   2|i7,    295  ;    dis- 
covered, 236. 
Peralta,  C.  de,  si"- 
Peralta,  Joan  Suarez  de.  Las  Vttdias, 

421. 
Peralta,  M.inuil   M.  de.  Casta  Rica, 

X ica ragua  y  Panama,  ix,  213. 
Perestrello,  2.     See  I'.irestrello. 
I'erez  de  el  Christo,  Cristoval,  hlas  de 

Canaria,  3'>. 
I'ere/,  Juan,  4'Kj. 
Perkins,   F.   P.,  translates    I.emovnc, 

2</.. 

Priuambuco,  22s. 

Pernetty,  I'oyage,  <ti^2. 

Perthes,  Justus,  Mittheilungen,  471. 

Peru,  433,  4^1;,  43'.,  4P»,  450,  459 
(1541),  177;  *' (."(nujucst  and  Settle- 
ment of,"  by  Markham,  505  ;  first 
rumors  of  the  country,  jnj  ;  origin 
of  name,  5'i5;  Ribero  tirsl  u-.es  it 
in  maps,  ^*->^  :  likenesses  of  the  vice- 
roys, 532;  under  C.asca,  ly^',  revolt 
under  liiron.  'i,\\\  Andrea  Murta<Io 
de  Mendo^a,  \iceroy,  54s;  Zuniga, 
viceroy,  547;  sun-worship  in,  5^1  ; 
C.istiu.  gdvernitr,  ^si ;  Toledo,  vice- 
roy, ;;-■:  relatiinis  of  natives  with 
the  Ci.inicil  of  the  Indies,  550; 
Iminisition  intrruhiced.  557;  Henri- 
que/. \Ken)y,  5^7;  F.  <le  'I'(»rres, 
viceroy,  5'x>:  NIeudoza  (fourth  mar- 

?uisnflanetel,  ,  «.;  described  in  the 
)utch  .Vpiainis,  1S4;  negroes  intro- 
duced, 560;  laiis  de  Vetasco.  vice- 
roy, 3O1  ;  sources  nf  inlorm.it ion, 
51^' 3  ;  in  Ooniara,  412  ;  Xeres  on, 
345;  gold  sent  to  Kurope,  500,  5781 


634 


INDEX. 


f  iTecl  on  prices,  5*^)6 ;  Cof>ey  ttlkher 
i'ru'Jf,  s'>'« ;  Libra  uit into,  5(>'t ;  au- 
tlll>ntic^  on  the  trcntniunt  oi  the 
InHi.uis,  571;  later  hisiuries,  57''; 
J)thumt-ntos  histthiios  lid  l^cru^ 
57(1;  manuscript  so.irces,  576;  / '.i- 
rias  rtliuionei  ii*l  l*t'ru,  57^;  cluef 
niudern  writers  on  Peru  in  Knj;Iish, 
577 ;  i|iiinine  in,  57S  ;  attempt  to  ex- 
p<>rt  tn-asure  by  the  Ain.izun,  58.); 
Spaniel)  Lruelties  in,  jiS,  iim,  320; 
the  Inca  Titus.  3^5:  maps  ul*  5i><>: 
(Kihero)5(iii,  ((>rteJins)^7j,  (Kamu- 
siol  .'jS,  (Wyttliet)  ,,5S  ;  (sketch- 
maps  ot'  the  (.'nnque^il  5111),  tiii>; 
(  Ku>;e*.'.)  51  (.     Stf  I'i/.irro,  Itiru. 

Pochc'l.  ()-%car,  on  liiaiico's  map.  <>i: 
Dit-  rheiluuii  dc*"  Ei'iit\  45;  /fr//- 
(i//f-r  dir  Kntfii\kn»igcny  tn;,  uiO ; 
on  Columbus'  birih,  s^. 

Petatlan,  475,  4.,,S  ;  (.river).  244. 

Petavius,  History  0/ the  It  or/J,  466. 

J'ctau.     Sir  Petavius. 

/'^/f'     it/iis  maritime^  375. 

Petiv^r,  James,  coins  the  De  Fonte 
story,  4''j. 

F*etrarca,  K.,  Chronica,  O2 

Ptiri,  Mciiri,  prints  Mela,  1S4. 

Philcsius  iV(.     St'i'  Kingrnann,  M. 

Philip  1 1.,  organizes  the  firchives  at 
.Simanca^.  i;  map  of.  222. 

Philipi'ine  Island^  51(2,  <'to,  612  ;  con- 
quered by  the  Spaniards,  45 (,  610; 
histt)rtes  uf,  Mh. 

Phillipps,  Sir  Thomas,  337,  427;  h's 
manuscripts,  5'wi,  014, 

Phillips,  Henrv,  Jr.,  375. 

Phillips,  John  (Milum's  nephew),  341. 

Phdoponus,  F.  H.,  Xoz  :  typis,  etc., 
5S,  2S6. 

Phrysius(Frisius).     ^V**  Friess. 

Phrysius,  (icmma,  Cosmo^rafhia^ 
i5();  De principiisastronomia^  17O, 
421* 

Piache,  24S. 

JMchol,  Amedee,  edits  Prescott*5  /Vr«, 

.  577- 
Pickett,  Ittvasion  of  Alabama  by  Dc 
SotOy   2(>i  ;    History  of  Alabatuay 

2)\. 

Piedrahita,    luan,  546. 

Piedrahita,  L.  F-,  career,  5S4  ;  ".,v- 
toria  general,  5S4. 

Pietsclimann,  R.,  Guanohani-frase^ 
55- 

Pigafelta,  Antonin»  Trattato  di  navi- 
gazione,  yfi.  ;  his  narrative  edited 
by  Amoretii,  614,  615  ;  by  Fabre, 
''14  ;  in  different  languages,  '14  ; 
bibliography  of,  ()i5  ;  hlscareer,  (113  ; 
Ills  diary,  613  ;  its  illustrations,  '>i3  ; 
different  texts,  O13,  O14  ;  Uno  libra, 
<>i4  ;  and  the  captive  Patagonian, 

Pigllius,  154. 

Pigmies,  472. 

Pinart,  his  library,  430. 

J'ineapple  found  in  lirazil,  .^07. 

Pined.K    Alon/o   Alvarez   de,   on    the 

Florida  coast,  237. 
Pineda's  exiiediiioii,  21S. 
Pinei,  Ant    du,  Plantz,  etc.,  de  i^tu- 

sieurs  villes,  ^z^<^. 
Pingel,  C,  Oninlands  Hist.   Itfif.Jes- 

maeker,  34. 
**  Piuta,"  sliip,  S. 
Pinto,  fort,  541). 
Pinzon,   M.   A.,   espouses  Columbus' 

theory,  3. 
Pinzon,  V.  v.,  109,  187  ;  authorities  on 

his  voyage,  204,  205  ;  Varnliagen  on 

it,  205  ;  his  vovage,  149. 
Pinzon    and    Sniis,    voyage    of,    1 53, 

Pinzons,   8,  10,  34;  contribute  money 

to  Columbus'  outllt,  5,  oi- 
Pircke\.nerus,  P.,  GermanitB  expltca' 

tio,  i/j;  edits  Ptolemy,  102  ;  portrait, 

102. 
Pinin,  his  Cortes,  430. 
Piscator.     See  Visscher. 
Pise...  510. 
Piura,  515 


I  Pizarro,    Francisco,    103  ;  at  Panama, 

I  5111; ;  forniha  company  with  Alm.ik;ro 
and   l.uquc,   y>f),  5')/;   his  previous 

I  history,  <;■>'' ;  sails  on  his  lirsi  expedi- 
tion, 5,1';,  5(17  ;  his  second,  50^  ;   left 

'  on  Gallu,  511S  ;  draws  the  Ime  on 
the  sand,  si'*:  names  of  sucli  as 
crossed,  5m;  got-s  totiorgona,  511  ; 
cruises  along  the  coast,  511;  goes 
to  Spam,  512;  takes  his  brothers  to 
Peru,  512;  breaks  with  Almagro, 
512  :  goes  to  Peru  again,  514  ;  at 
'I'uinbez,  514;  at  Caxamarca,  5i<>; 
imprisons  Atahualpa,  tji'-;  exacts 
ransom,  517  ;•  murdl■l•^  Atahualita, 
517;  line  of  his  march  Ironi  rumbez, 
5i<y;  sends  treasure  to  Spain,  e;i<i; 
enters  Cusco,  521  > ;  founds  Luna, 
522  :  made  a  mar(iuis,  322  ;  recon- 
ciliation with  .Alniagro,  522  ;  dispute 

j        with    Almagro  over    bcpunds,    5^5; 

j  conferenci.'  wiih  him,  ^2(>  \  gives 
Command  of  his  army  to  his  l^rother 

!        Hernando,  527;  likeiusst-suf,  7:;,  ;'•, 

'  532»  533  :  his  standard,  532  ;  his  body 
preserved,  t,\2  ;  in  Lima,  s  14 ;  killed, 
511'  5''7  ;  his  house  in  Lima,  534 
his  house  iti  Cusco,  5|;6;  snurccs  of 
his  history,  5(13  ;  account  of  treasure 
sent  to  Spain,  ^U'>\  lives  of,  5'<7 ; 
earliest  tidings  of  his  success,  iu  the 

j  Copia  dellc  letter.',  etc.,  575;  trans- 
lalions  of  it,  57*, ;   Hclps's  character 

I        of  him.   57S;     H.    M.     Hancroft's, 

j        57S;   Kobcrtaon's,  57S.     6Vf  Peru. 

I  Pizarro,  (lonzalo  (brother  of  Fran- 
cisco), 512  :  'ei/ed  by  .Almagro,  52') ; 
escapes,  i;2*'  ;  leads  his  brother's 
infantry,  527;  sent  to  conquer  Char- 
cas,  527;  explores  east  from  Quito, 

I        52S,  570 ;  deserted  by  Orellana,  5S4  ; 

\  returns,  52S ;  on  his  estates,  537; 
leads  army  agamst  Lima,  537*  53***. 

j        enters  it,  53S  ;  reiects  pardon  from 

'  (iasca,  540;  defeats  Cetiteno,  541; 
surrenders  and  's  executed,  542  ; 
sentenced,  $ii>)  ;  letter  tt)  Valdivia, 

573- 
Pizarro,  Gonzales  (fatli'^r  of  Francisco  J, 

5'*'J* 
Pi/arro,  Hernando,  512  ;  bis  expedition 
to  Pachacaniac,   517,   5'''>;  goes  to 
j        Spain,  520,  522  ;  returns  to  Peru,  522; 
'        at  Cusco,  523  ;  caiHures  the  Inca  for- 
tress, 524;  seized  bv  Almagro,  52(>; 
released,  527;  commands  his  broth- 
er's  army,    527  ;    attacks  ()rgf)nez, 
I        <;27  ;  imprisoned  in  Spain,  527;  his 
Jetter,  5^16. 
Pizarro,  Jnan,  512  ;  at  Cusco,  522,  524; 

killed,  5M- 
Pizarro,   Pedro,   512  ;   his  Relaciones, 

Pizarro  y  Orellana,  J'arones  ilrtstres, 
L'S,  5^17;  his  descent,  $(ij. 

Pizignani,  his  charts,  3S,  i;4. 

Placentia,  alleged  birthplace  of  Colum- 
bu.s,  84. 

Planacays,  92. 

Plancius,  map  of.  4|;7. 

Plannck,  Stephanus,  printer,  48. 

Plata,  Kio  de  la,  22S.     See  La  Plata. 

IMato,  Critias  and  Tiniaus,  26. 

Plautins,  C,  5S. 

Plisacus  sinus,  1 15. 

I'lutaich,  translated  by  North,  516. 

l*oj;gia!e.  C'aetano,  163. 

I'oMicy,  Louis  de,  289. 

Polar  Islands,  1)5. 

Pole  Star.     .V<v  North  Star. 

Polenr,  Jean,  translates  Oviedo,  3  j6. 

Polo,  NLirco,  Milione,  30  ;  early  n  an- 
uscript  of,  30  ;  first  printed,  (o ; 
editions,  30;  his  portrait  (cut),  30; 
edited  by  Vule,  30;  bv  I'authie-,  30. 

Pomar,  J.  B..  on  Cholufa,  422. 

Pomponius  Mela,  1(^14,  i'>S;  edied  by 
Vadiarms,  173.     See  Mela 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Juan,  his  vovago  to 
Pimini,  232,  233  ;  names  Florida, 
233;  directed  to  settle  it,  234;  hke- 
n ess  of,  23s  •  dies,  23'^>:  auihorities 
on,  283;  bay  of,  224,  225;  the  con- 


(rovcrted  dale  of  his  discovery,  284, 
his  exploits  celebraie<i  by  Castei* 
lanos,  5'^4  :  names  ot  liis  lollu\^cta, 
415' 

Ponce  (le  Leon,  Luis,  in  Mexico,  ^^(j. 

Police  Vargas,  his  maiiusciipt,  iii. 

Poiu-nte  (.wesi  1.  i)\ 

I'ontanus,  his  A  ntsterdam,  \U\. 

Ponionchan,  2\^*\. 

Pnnayan,  50.^  511,  581  ;  taken  by  P,c- 
lilca/ar,  1584. 

Popelhuierc,  Les  trois  motides,  ^c^^. 

Popocatepetl,  358  ;  sulphur  got  from 
Its  crater,  3S0. 

Porcacchi,  map  (1572),  44'):  sketched, 
453  :  L'iso/e,  44((  :  copies  uf,  449: 
editions  of,  450;  Carta  da  navijjar, 

45<»- 
Porco,  55S. 
I*orras,  Diego,  Oi. 
I'orro.   Ilieronymus,  his  map  in  I'tol- 

emy  (i5.,7i.  457. 
Port.     Ste  Porto,  I»nerlo. 
i'ort  iJesire,   .NLigellan  at,  599;  view 

ot.   'M12. 

Port  Nipe,  55. 

Port  Piidre,  55. 

i'ort  Koval,  2'io ;  Menendez  builds 
fort,  278. 

Port/olio  (Philadelphia),  410. 

I*oito  Hello,  22,  5u'». 

I*ort(i  Kico,  22'i;  pillaged,  2O2. 

l*orio  Santo,  2;  discovered,  4-). 

Porto  Seguro,  Uarou  of.  Ste  Varn* 
hagen. 

Portol.i,  453. 

Portugal,  king  of,  on  title-p.iges,  159, 
160. 

Portuguese  on  the  African  citast  (14S9), 
41;  their  authorities,  (>o  :  their  ear- 
liest maps,  »j3  ;  their  posscssiuns  in 
the  two  Indies,  449 ;  their  sup- 
posed early  visit  to  the  Pacific  coast, 
441. 

]*ostcl,  Guillanme,  Costnoff.  discipliua 
coviprnd.,  35  J  Ve  orbis  terne  con- 
cordia,  421. 

Potosi,  S58. 

Poussieigu,?,  Floride,  298. 

J'owell,  J.  W.,  Geographical  and  Geo* 
logical  Survey,  502. 

Pradello,  alleged  birthplace  of  Colum- 
bus, S4. 

Preciado,  443. 

Prescott,  \V.  H  ,  account  of,  425  ;  Con- 
finest  of  ^lexico,  42";,  420,  427 , 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  425  ;  criti- 
cised by  H.  11.  Uancroft,  425  ;  por- 
trait, 426  ;  his  manuscript  material, 
^■i'.  3'J7t  426j  427 ;  on  Columbus, 
69 ;  new  editions  by  Kirk,  427 ; 
Iran  si  .It  ions  of,  427  ;  life  by  'I'ick- 
nor,  427;  hisletters,  427;  his  library, 
427;  his  manuscripts  in  Harvard 
College  Librar\*,427;  hisnoctograph, 
42^),  427 :  other  manuscripts,  427  ; 
euhtgy  on,  by  George  Uancroft,  427  ; 
view  of  his  library,  577  ;  Conquest 
of  Peru,  577;  translations,  577; 
new  edititm  by  Kirk,  578;  re.ids 
Solis,  424  :  alleged  leniency  to  the 
Spaniards,  313,  328. 

Prtivost,  Robert,  29S. 

Prielo,  A.  L.,  Los  restos  de  Colon, 
81,  82;  Informe  sobre  los  restos, 
82. 

Prime,  W.  C-,  126. 

Prince,  L.  P.,  A'rri'  Mexico,  503. 

Prince,  Thomas,  on  the  De  Fonte 
story,  462. 

Prince  Albert  Land,  95. 

Pringle,  Dr.,  4''2. 

Printing,  early,  in  Mexico,  ^00,  401 

Prisilia,  114.     See  Brazil. 

Proinauca  Indians,  525. 

I*rornis,  Vincenzo,  Slemorialedi Dicgc 
Colombo,  224. 

Prosopographia,  389. 

Proveda,  M.  de,  585. 

Provisiones,  cedulas,  etc.  (1563),  347 

(iS')0)348- 
Prynne,  Arthur,  abridges  Bernal  DiaA 

415- 


INDEX. 


635 


is  discovery,  384 , 
ralccl  by  Castci- 
ot  Itis  luliowerii 

:,  in  Mexico,  i^tt. 
inusLiipt,  iii 

rt/affit  -»'>'■ 

ii  ;   lakcii  by  He- 

is  ftiouiifi,  434- 
sulpliur  got  iVom 

2),  44')  •'  i^ketclied, 
;  copies  of,  449 ; 
arta  Jti  mivigar^ 


his  map  in  IMnl- 

iicrto. 

Ian  at,  599;  view 


Menendcz    builds 
ilii,\),  410. 


^n  litlc-pagcs,  159, 


Costuoff-  discipUiia 
}e  orbis  Urrte  lon- 


\rrijphical  ana  Geo- 
rthplace  of  CoUini- 


7s  restos  de   Colon, 
le  sobre  ios  rtstos, 


,  Mexico,  503. 

on    the    De    Fonte 


Mexico,  ^00,  401 
Hrazil. 

MemoriaU  di  Diet>6 


fas,  etc.  {1563).  347 
iridges  Bernal  Diat 


Ptolemy,  Claudius,  cdilionit  and  maps 
of,  J<>:    (1475)27;  (1-178)  27,  120; 

(14S2)  as,  95;  (l4Hh)  iS  33  ,;5; 
(14'/')  3^,  i-'o;  (1507)  "o;  (150S) 
(>?,  95,  i'»')t  120,  121,  154,  is5<22o: 

(151 1)  6_',  95,  109,122,  12i,  Ux),  1S4; 
(1513,    Stt'buicz.l)    O4,    116,    117,    131, 

tjM  ('5'  0*'4i05.  "►■'i  "<i  "^«  "1' 
1^2, 171,  t:u  3-:o;  (i5-io)  "a  '•  ('52-*) 
112,  125,  ijf>,  148,  173, 175,  iS|,  5vS; 
(1525)  loj,  112,  126;  (15,5)  ''5»  »'■!, 
IJ7,  17'.;  (1510)  146;  (i|;4i)i27,  1S4, 
44'>:  (i5t-M  ^»''i  (<545)  44^';  (»54^) 
2J'.,  2.U,  4.4.  44');  (155-*)  1*^4.  214. 
44'^*:  ^I5?>y  41'':  ("5'")  4^'^'>  4*'V. 
471  ;  (i5'>-!)  4(7  ;  (i5''4)  437;  ('574) 

437;  ('5'>;>  t^;.  472;  (i5')'*>  4S7i 

('5'»*^1  457;  map  of  thu  world  ac- 
cording to,  i'>5  ;  his  theory  of  cast 
and  west  cxiensioii  20,  95  ;  pc»rlr;iil» 
(cuts),  2f\  27 ;  Anpelo's  Latin  version 
»i(',  2(>,  27  ;  early  edition's,  27  ;  spread 
of  his  views,  27 ;  ntaps  by  Anallio* 
d.tmiin,  >S :  nianu>>crij)ts  of,  2S ; 
bibliography  of,  9.^,  43S;  recog- 
nizes liititude  and  longitude,  95; 
errors  of  Inngitudei  101. 

Pucar.i,  519,  5)5. 

Pueblo  1  ndi.uis,  473.  See  M(K|ui ;  Sed- 
entary :  /nni. 

Puelles,  Pedro  de.  52s,  s^S. 

Puente,  Alonso  de  la,  ^13- 

Puertc),  kio.  4SH. 

Puerto  ltel|.>.  s-x^      Se^'  Porto. 

PuiTtn  hescado,  203.  See  Port 
Du^iri. 

Puerto  \'iejtt,  5'x>. 

Puga,  Va^co  ik-,  his  edition  of  laws, 
34S;  /V(':'/j/(>wj,  401. 

Puget  Sound,  i;'>. 

Puna,  5o<j ;  island,  514. 

Punonrostro,  211. 

Qu.MJK  \NT.     See  Hadley. 

QuatUis,  map  (i'kxj),  4'k). 

(Juaquitna,  48 1, 

(^uanlni-mnt/.int  371 ;  captured,  ^78. 

(,>UL-li,  K.  tV.,  on  the  Cakcliicjuels,  419. 

t,)uemad<>,  509. 

tjuilrandis,  51, s. 

tjuereclios,  4  ,j. 

tjuesatla.  (lonzalo  Ximenes,  conquers 
New  tiraiiada,  5S0;  his  portrait, 
5S0 ;  goes  to  Spain,  5^1;  his  Com- 
pcndio,  5S4;  hts  daughter  marries 
Iterreo,  sSi*. 

Quexos,  Pedro  de,  23S,  240. 

(Quiche,  3S3. 

Quicksilver  in  Peru,  552. 

(}uiguate,  251. 

QuiKicarai  532. 

Quiliota   52(. 

Quintana,  Manuel  Jos^,  on  Balboa, 
210;   /'/V/<M,  210,  343,  567;  Obras^ 

r^  ?■*'■    n 
Qumtanilla,  5. 

Quintero,  524. 

Quinto,  S9. 

Quipana,  351, 

Quir,  F.  dct  his  map,  461. 

Quirex.  4S5,  4.J1. 

Quiriquina,  524  ;  island,  549. 

Quiro,  Alvaro  de,  507. 

Quiroga,  Rodrigo  de,  governor  of 
Chili,  52S,  551, 

(3uiros,  2S2. 

Quisau,  454. 

Quispicauchi,  51 1. 

Quito,  504),  ^13;  audiencia,  460;  his' 
tones,  57(1,  5S4. 

Quivedo,  Hishop,  197. 

Quivira,  451,  459,  465,  472.  4<)»  •  d^S^) 
228:(i5y))504;  (i''*>2)504;  (Qmvir) 
454  ;  (city)  445 ;  site  transferred  to 
the  coast,  445  ;  map  of,  485.  See 
(Jran  Quivira. 

Quizt^uiz.  251. 

Quoniambec,  giant,  picture  of,  603. 

Kabids.  :i,  5  ;  Columbus  at,  90, 91. 
Race,  Cape  (Rasu),  432. 
Rado,   j.  de,  519,  525;  plots  agamst 
Pizarro,  534;  dies,  535 


Raemdonck.     See  Van  Racmdonck. 

Rafts,  Indian,  S'*"^. 

RaleiKh,  Sir  Walter,  hln  account  of 
searche-^  fttr  KUiorado,  ^j<}\  at 
Truiidad,  5\- ;  seiuls  nut  Wniddon, 
5^,  :  niap  of  the  ( (rnioco,  5S;. 

Rantirez,  Antonio,  J15. 

Ramirez,  Jos^  rernando,  edit**  the 
I'rocesos  de  residing  ia,  vjS  :  his 
library,  39S,  3,^,, ;  BiNioth.-ca  Mexi- 
oirtii,  410;  collates  S.ilugun,  41'; 
edits  Uur.iii,  419;  his  life  of  Mnto- 
hni:i,  313,  397;  note.-,  on  Prescoit, 
427. 

Uannre^,  Juan,  241.    * 

Ramirez,  i'edro,  translates  Itelhcn- 
toi.rl's  narrative,  V'- 

Ramusio,  (i.  it.  X<tr/[otf/\>/n',  49**, 
^'ri ;  on  Colurnlius,  o;,  S3 ;  his 
preface  to  I.l'o  AtVicanus,  th\  ;  his 
map  dss*"'),  ^27,  44S ;  facsimile, 
228;  kiu'W  Oviedo,  341;  and  the 
publication  of  Pigali-tla,  'm  |. 

Raiijel,  K<nlrig'i,  on  I  »e  Sttto,  291. 

Rankc,  l,eoinild  von,  ,ti;. 

R.ippahannock,     .Spanlaids    on,    2S2, 

2S.1. 

Rayiial,  fJ.  T.,  l^es  Europhns  dtins 
ies  dt'Hx  Jndfs^  40. 

Rayon,  1.  L.,  .1  rchii'O  MexuanOt 
.V*8. 

Reclus.  Ocean,  6i^>. 

Rccueil  dc  traites^  17S. 

Regioinontanus.  Si-e  Mutter,  Jo- 
hannes, of  Konigsberg. 

Ref^istro  JV/ca/tTi",  429. 

Ke^nault,  47. 

Reina,  P.  S.  de  la.  51)9. 

Reinosa,  Alonso  de,  551. 

Reisch,  lire:.;nr,  Xt,tr^arita  philo- 
sophic-i,  95,  113;  his  man,  ri4. 

Ri'laciottes  t^eoji^rtiflnts  de  itidins^  57''. 

Rem,  Lucas,  J\t^t'buc/i^  45,  162. 

Remesal,  Ant.  de,  S.  I'i'ncent  de 
ChViipa,  91,  343,  3>/>,  419  \  on  Guate- 
mala, 410. 

Remon,  Alonso,  414. 

Reiichini,  5S. 

Rene',  I>nke,  i(/>,  113,  146,  163,  164; 
dies,  iin). 

Rcnteria,  Pedro  de  la,  308. 

Repartiniientos,  30),  537. 

Rcsidencia,  14,  v>^- 

Keusner,  Nic,  Ins  Icottes^  26,  37,  59, 
7*),  102. 

Revelli,  S.,  78. 

Ri'vista  de  Lima,  5^*9. 

Re7'tsfa  f*cr.'uina,  567. 

Rex'ue  arcfiMogiifiiCy  70, 

Rt'vue  contcmporaifu\  70,  411. 

Rczuc  de ^^i-ographit'^  25,  40,  378. 

Revue  de  Piiris,  '^S. 

RiT'ue  dts  f/ttes/ions  /tisfofiffites,  66, 

Rt:-rii' gh\^raphi<jue,  617. 

Rc7'ue  oricntale  et  A  m^ricatne^  50. 

Revue poiitiipte  et  /itt^raire,  34, 

ReT'/te  rHrospectife^  2.,S 

Rev,  F.  del,  CorU'z  en  'Atbasco,  430. 

Reynoso,  CaiJtain,  j'j-i. 

Rheinisches  Arch/v.  51. 

Ribadeneyras,  /i/b/toiecaf  41 1. 

Ribault,  at  Port  Royal.  2fKi;  at  Fort 
(.Caroline,  2O2  ;  attacked  by  Menen- 
dez'  fleet,  263;  wrecked,  273;  sur- 
renders, 276 :  authorities  on  his 
expedition  in  Florida,  293  ;  H isioire 
de  rexphiitioti,  293  ;  True  and  f.ast 
Discoveries,  293  ;  Il'/io/e  a  fid  Tme 
Discovery,  2<ii,     tlayedl:*),  2')7. 

Pibeiro,  J.  P.,  Hist,  do  real  archivo, 
ii. 

Ribera.  A.,  511. 

Ribera,  Nic.  dp,  507.  510, 

Riliero,  his  map,  43,  20'),  221,  233,  505; 
its  influence,  225;  records  Gomez' 
discoveries,  242. 

Riccardi  Palace  (Florence;,  maps  in, 
438. 

Rich,  Ob>diah,  577  ;  helps  Irving,  vi, 

Richcl,  Dinmsio,  Comfn'ndio,  400. 

Richelet,  Pierre,  La  Floride,  2i)o. 

Richeri,  (>.  U.,  his  collection,  ir 


Richtcr,  \.  P  .  Iht  I'inci^  tt^, 

Riggs,  (i.-orge  W.,2S7. 

Rnnac  Rivei.  522,  547* 

Rhicon,  A.  del.  -j. 

Ring1nar.11,  .Maiiuas.   146,  163,  164;  at 

work  on  Pink-iny,    171  ;   tlics,   171. 

See  I'hilesius. 
Rio  de  Janeiio,  visited  bv  Magellan* 

5t/i ;   I'ero  Lopez  at.  S'/i. 
Rio  <le  Palmas.  242,  2S1. 
Rios,  Pedro  de  Ios,  50S. 
Kiquelme,  510. 

Rilli.iyrner,  De  .•rbis  terrarutn^  421. 
I\ittt.'r,  Karl,  on  Itenial  l)iaz,  415, 
UivaroUi,  F,  ili,  iv. 
Robertson,    I)r.    William,   Iiis   use   of 

document>^,   ii  :    on    CoIunitiUH,    li ; 

/  f  isto-y  ot'  A  ir  •  riiti    'jX,    4.4,    on 

Peru,  s;'^ ;  i»m  Vcspucms,  i.jS,  154. 
Rocca  Sapnriti,  5S, 
Roce,  I  >enys,  15S. 
Rotlu'fort,  Ce'Nar  de,   /fist-   naturcUe 

des    lies    Antilles^    2S9  ;    Caribby 

I.dands,  2St;. 
Rodrigo,  n.,  52S. 
Kodrigue/,  Juan,  204. 
Rodriguez  de  Villa  Fuerte,  Iiaiicisco, 

5". 
Rogel,  lather,  279,  282. 
Roillo  Island,  3^ 
Roias,  Gabriel  du,  likeness  of,  523, 
Rftldan,  his  p;voIi,  20  ;  drowned,  21. 
Rolls     ClironicIeH     (IJi  itish     tlovern- 

nient),  i. 
Roman,  ('ape,  2''i'». 
Konie  (.Georgia),  ^47. 
Riindoti,  Antonio,  s'S, 
Roque  Cttcchia,  Pishop,  Los  restos  df 

Colon,  S2. 
Roquette,  He  la,  53,  107. 
Rosaccin,  457. 
Rosaspina,  73- 

Rosny.  Leftre  de  Colombo  49,  50. 
Ross,  '^homas^ina.  20*'). 
Rossi ,  Del  disiiiLiia  mento  di  Coiombo^ 

5S. 
Rostro  hermnso  cape),  iSS. 
Rota,  *.ii. 

R<»t/,  his  map  of  the  Antilles,  226. 
Rouen,  glnbu  at,  34;  Indians  at, '^i- 
Rome.  P.  du,  La  conqu^te  du  Mex* 

itpte,  4V> 
Roux  (It:  Rfichelle,  Ferd  Cortez,  430. 
Roxo.  Cape,  2^7. 
Rudders  introduced,  9S. 
Ruge,    Sonhus,    Das    ^.eitalter    det 

Entde.kutit^en,   45.  '>9,   i.c:    U'clt- 

ansc/iauuu^  des  Columbus,  <•,;  his 

map  of  Cortes'  march.  35S;  lii>  map 

of  Guatemala,  etc.,  384;  his  map  of 

Pizarro's  discoveries,  512. 
Ruiz,  llartolomt^,  507,  510,  511  ;  made 

j^rand  pilot,  512. 
Ruiz,  Fray  Fr.,  504. 
Rum  Cay,  55. 

Rnpnmnni  (river),  581,  587. 
Ruscelli,  Carta  uiariua^  43l>:  his  maps 

(iS44).  4i-!;   ('5''i)44^;   Iii^   text  of 

Ptolemy.  4^7 
Russian  Academy's  map  of  the  north- 
west coast,  4'k). 
Ruy  de  Pina,  Dom  Jcao  II.,  (fi. 
Ruysch  and  the  magnetic  jxile,  95  ;  his 

map,  i5'»:  its  connection  with  Ves- 

pucius,   220;    \*arnhagen's  view  of 

It,  155 
Ruyter,  See-Heldeu,  77. 
Rycaul,  Royal  Cofnmentaries,  $-j$. 
Rye,  W.  It.',  edits  the  Knight  of  Klvas, 

2St^ ;  Biedma,  2'jo. 

S.A.WFDKA,  Ceron,  441. 

Saavedra,  Juan,  /ja^. 

Sabellicus,    M.   A.,  /«  rapsod.    hist, 

5'). 
Sabin,  li^orks  oj  Las  Casas,  33? 
Sabio,  40S. 

.Sacchini.  //is/.  Societaiis  Jesu,  2%2* 
Sacchuma,  250. 
Sacoahuaua,  519- 
Sacsahuaman  (Inca  fortress),  531. 
.Si-^csahuana,  520.  541, 
Saeghman,  his  ^'oya^es,  347. 


636 


INDEX. 


S.'icKin.in  Collection,  ^fnt. 
SaxW'  '^'  iton.i  A  fttfr/caMa,  5M7. 
SaKM->»  K.Mii'iM  (Ic  l.t,  y/zj/.  ill.'  Ckfia, 

3.W. 

Sneren,  sclm.  .1  .a,  40 

San.igiin,  I''.  I'l..  aceniitit  of  IiIid,  .|i^; 
)ii%  niiimiscripl  lost  ntid  tliscovcrtd, 
411;.  4i'>;  sludiu^f  the  A/.iei.,  415  i 
iCi'iiiif^i'litriutu,  etc,  415  ;  lii>»  in.iii- 
iiscriptA,  415;  Si'riHotu's,  415:  his 
portrait^  415 ;  Jiist.  ,t^rnt-ral  de 
las  cosas  tit-  Xio-7'it  /•Js/'ttrhi,  41''; 
CtWf/utsfti  iff  .lA'.r/<<'.  4i'i ;  his 
aut(iK->  41'''  lt><^  lt->\t  111  Kint;slH)' 
nMifili.  41'';  ditTuTciit  texts.  41/.  ;  /,,i 

rt/<ir/i/('H  (/.*  .\*.  s.  til'  Ouiiiit-.'ti/^', 

4i(>;  contrasted  with  Hcrnal  hi.iz, 
4i>' ,  ailirlc  on,  by  I'urd.  Ucnis* 
41(1,  l/ist.  ghUrtxle  tics  {.Afscs,  etc., 


SniiR.  rLX'fitig.  i>8. 

Saint.     .SVt"  San,  Sanct,  Santa,  Santo. 

St.  Angustiii,  Cape,  iSS;  early  names 

of,  JUS. 

St.    Au^usiine,   32S,   3<)t,  :   bnrned   by 

Drake.  aS^  ;  foiindud  by  Mcnendc/, 

a^i.v  2''4,  2'^>5  ;  vi"w  ctf,  3(,(t. 
Saint- l>i(%  account  t)t',  I'-j  ;   its  press, 

i6i;     its    scholars,    102;    its    press 

broken  up,  171. 
St.  Mias.    .V.v  Mount 
St.  I'rancis,  Kingdom  of,  4S0, 
St.  HcU-na  (cape),  251. 
St.  Ilclfii.i  (rivL-r),  2.^5,  2-i2. 
St.  i,.,  >  (Mexico,  west  const).  449. 
St.  John  the  M.iptiM  (S.in  Juan  Hau- 

tisia)  Kiver.  2Vi.  240. 
St.  John's  Kiver  ( Horida),  a*"!!,   2(15; 

Spanish  forts  at.  2^). 
St.  Juliai;.  port  of,  f)o5. 
St.  I,,iwrencc'  (ruH),  107,  lav 
St.    I.a/.irus    Archipelago    (jiorthwest 

coast).  4'',i ;  (Philippines),  612.     Sfi' 

San  l.a/arus. 
St.  Lucia,  22''. 
Saint-Martin,  Vivien  de,  Nisf.  dc  Iti 

.C^v.,  yu  t  17. 
St.  Mattliew  (island),  36. 
.Saint-.Mery,  M.  de,  on  Santo  Domingo. 

St.  Michael's  (Azores)  and  the  first 
meridian,  os- 

St    kjnian.  Cape,  221. 

St.  Thomas  (island),  227,  447,  440,  450, 
,451-  . 

Saint-Victor,  fleoffroy  de,  his  Mkro' 
rosttft>s,  2P. 

Sitiutiti'  dt'  Ci'hiiif*,  6(). 

Sabmanca,  council  ,it,  4  :  its  univer- 
sity faculty  on  the  making  slaves  of 
the  Indians,  .^^7  ;  junto  at,  91 

Sala/ar,  1 'oniinic  de,  257. 

S.'Ja/ar,  !•".  C,  his  account  of  Mexico. 

Sala/ar,  Joseph  de,  Crisis,  etc.,  2S3. 
Sal.i/ar   de   Mendn/a,  I'-,  Monanptia 

di-  /Cs/ii/ur,  i-s. 
Saia/ar   y   t  )Iarte.    Ijin.icio,    Lu    con- 

t/itisfti  dt'  M-'xiiO.  422. 
Sala/.ar,  usurper  in  Mexico.  3S6, 
Salcedo,  names  o(  his  followers,  415. 
Saldomando,  E.  T.,  571. 
Salinas,  5i().  52^. 

Salinas,  Marcpns  of.     ^ev  VeUsco. 
Salinerio,  Atmot.  ati  Tticitnm^  83. 
Salmon,  Aifn-n'rti,  4')S. 
.Salte,  Martin.  21,1. 
Saltonstall.  W  .  translates  the  Hondius- 

Mercator  atlas,  4^2. 
Salv.i.  vii. 
Salvador.  4f'<. 

Samana  (liahamas),  55,  56,  ryj. 
Samann.  Julian  de,  254,  256. 
Samar,  ''12. 

San.     Si','  Snnct,  Santa,  Santo,  St. 
*'  San  Antonio,"  vtt. 
Snn  lirandan  Island,  iCi, 
San  niego  (L'aiifornia),  444. 
San    Fsteban   del   Puerto  founded  bv 

Cortes.  2(^ 
San  Felipe  (Chili"i,  i;24. 
San  Francisco,  the  older  bay  so  called, 

453- 


San  Francis  .0^  Cape  (Peru),  509.  ' 

Sar<  (iallari  t  risen),  510, 

,S.m  Jote,  kin.  ^oi. 

S.m  Ju.m  de  Clioa,  203,  352,  353. 

San    Inan    Kiver,  21,   21J,    5r>/,   513; 

{lViii)5'7- 
San    L.uaro    Archipelago,    459.    Sft 

Si,  l.a^aruH, 
San    Lorenzo  (Pert'),    sot)\   (Nootka) 

•4'N. 
San  Lucar,  1  '2,  144,  2r»o  ;  (gulf)  i(jS.      ' 
San  ALniin,  riioin.is  de,  512. 
San  .NLiteo  (bay),  50"j,  5M,  514;  (fort) 

2:9.2^2.  ^    ' 

San  M  gnel,  519;  founded,  515  ;  (C.ili- 

I"..,.  ja)  444  ;    (gulf)    !-;<.,    k/..   5o<j; 

settled  (Jame-iiown),  241  ;  (Sinaloa) 

244 
.San  Saba  Mountains,  244.  | 

San  Salvidor  Island,  $\.  > 

San  .Sebastian,  191.  | 

San  Vicente,  Juan  de,  265. 
Sana,  519. 
.Sanchez  (Sanxis),  Gabriel  (Raphael), 

47.  4^- 
Sanchez,  Conzalo.  257,  [ 

Sancho.  Pedro,  5'-^. 
.Sanct  Virente  (gulf),  Uf). 
Sancta-  Crucis  Lena  (South  America), 

tij.     .SV.-  Sant.i:  Cruds, 
I    Sand  clocks,  loi. 
I   Sandia  Mountains,  48'*. 
I   Sandoval,   C.onzalo  de,  .■^S'*  at  Villa 

kica,    y/i ;    with  Curlers,  367',    his 

raids,  372  ;  convoys  brigantines,  373  ; 

at  second  siege  of  Mexico,    -'>:  C(Ui- 

fers  with  Tapia,  iS..;  in   Honduras, 

.'^■'*5  •   goes   to   Spain.   3H-  ;   autog., 

3>*7  :  |M>rtrair,  3.SS;  dies,  3H8. 
S.ingninetti,  S4. 
Sanguinelti.  A.,  Op'/\'i/tt'  dt'  /■'.  Co/in/t- 

I'o,  f^tf ;   Cnm^nhtizifltii-  ili  Co/iftu6t>, 

f-i:   I  '//.I  di  Ct^fottil'itf  in). 
Sanson,  (•uillauine,  4'>3. 
Sanson,  Nic.,4'''':  die<l,4''<3;  bis  maps 

show  I  ake  Patiina.  5S7. 
Santa.     .SVr  San,  Santo,  St. 
Santa,  51 1.  I 

Santa  lonnden,  547. 

Santa  Argo,  (mi.  I 

Santa  Clar.i  Island,  511. 
Santa  Cruz,  A.  de,  bis  vaiiation  chart, 

HXl. 

Santa  Cruz  Hav  (California),  442. 

Smta  Klena  (I'orl  koyal',  35.J 

.\in!a  Lucia,  Hay  of.     See  kio  de  Ja- 

i:eiro. 
Santa  Maria  (Chili),  524. 
Santa  .NLiria  del  Antigua  del  Darien, 

Santa  %Liria  de  la  Consolacion    capet, 

'  "Santa  Maria."  ship,  8. 

Sania  ^Luta,  iS^;  (mountain)  i6g. 

Santa  Martha.  5S0,  f.Si. 

Sant;.  ki)sa(bay).  257;  (isl.-md)  243. 

Santi'  Losa  (of  Lima),  5')o  ;  sources  f)f 
her  iiistory,  $<->o. 

Sant.i;  Crucis  (cape),  59S,  Sec  Sancta- 
Crucis. 

Santangel,  Luis  de,  5,  4^'t  <^J'-, 

Santareni,  Viscount,  178;  his  accusa-  i 
lions  of  \'espncius,  155,  178;  Hist. 
tit'  lit  cttrtt\crii/>hu\  2S,  93  ;  A%'- 
ch.'ri/tcs  sur  I'espiix-c,  171:  trans- 
lated by  Child'.',  17S:  his  works  on 
Vespucius,  178 

Santiago  (Cbilit,  524,  529;  L thro  Be- 
cerrc,  ^72. 

Santiago  kiver  (Pe''u\  5o<). 

"  Santiago  de  Palos,"  ship.  20. 

Santillan,  Hernando  de.  5^2,  545. 

Santo.     .SV^  San,  Santa.  Saint. 

Santo  Domingo,  archives  of,  iv ;  Cathe- 
dral at,  7'),  Si;  founded.  20;  Haz- 
ard's book  on,  71,  Set'  Hispaniola, 
Hayti 

Santo  Tonias,  Domlnj-io  de,  542. 

Sanuto,  91;. 

Sanuto,    Livio,    Get^grafttx     liisttnta, 

4"?')- 
Sanuto.  Marino,  bis  map,  36,  94  ;  his 
Diarii.  loS. 


S«ona,  is«. 

.^anigossa,  treaty  of.  441 

Saravia.  fu, 

Sargent,  Henrv,  357. 

Sarimento  de  Gamboai  Pedro,  AV/.r 

*■/>'«,  f>i't. 
S.irmiento,  llihbop,  175. 
Sarmiento's    voyage     to     Magell.m'i 

Straits,  1157, 
Saturiba,  27^,  aXo. 
Sauce,  .NJateo  ile,  25S. 
Savage,  James,  on  the  De  Fontc  story, 

4'  .. 
.SavfMia,  89,  go;  arrhivcs,  S9 ;  alle,i;ed 

birthplaie  of  Columbus,  84, 
Savonarola,  1 1 r. 
Savorpnanus,  Pierre,  404,  410. 
Sayri  Tupac,  5461  dies,  552. 
Scandia,  472. 

Stc/ta  tl/  trtri<>sdi)  /ct/t'*tirtt;  |fi2. 
Schanz,  J:'fit;//<i,/i,'  J/iit/df/.\/>t>//ftA;  3. 
.Scbedet,     I  lailinann.     l\\x/s/rtft//,    or 

Xurcttif'    X  C/irtmklc,  34,  35. 
Scheler,  Cli.,  105. 
.Scherdigers,  Abel,  translates  Uenzoni, 

Vt7* 

Scherzer  edits  Ximenes,  41J;, 

Schmeller,  Dr.,  oii  the  discovery  of 
Madeira,  3H. 

Schmeller,  J.  A,,  Scr  Kitrteiif  616 

.Scbmiedel,  /  cm  llhtoriit,  587. 

Scboettt-r.  M.,  on  X'esnucius,  179. 

Schoinburgk,  K.  IL,  littrbadtfcst  226. 

Sc!  iiner,  Johann,  J)c  uuf>cy  rc/'cp-fis 
hts/d/s,  mS  ;  reprinted  l>y  N'ainlia- 
gen,  iis;  globe  (i-;i>).  "^^  Tti 
(1520)  I  n)f  173  ;  his  Lncuicntiisiniii 
drsiriftif^,  iiM,  171;  bis  note-bonk, 
I  '3  ;  OpHscttliint  t^eo^rtiphi.  itm^ 
'7^'.  432;  portr.iit,  117;  reierentes, 
1 17. 

Sciionlandia,  437. 

;JcIuioIcraft,  Imliau  TrUws  0/  Xonh 
jt  nii'riiii,  50J. 

Schoti,  .Andreas,  //;V/  iiiusi.,  51. 

Scliott,  Charles  A.,  I'ttritttiott  oj  the 
Coiii/'itss,  IOC. 

Scliott,  T.,  Coimnbus^  (h). 

Scbottus,  .A.,  isr>, 

Schumacher,  M.  A.,  /'ctrns  Jtfiir 'yr, 

I  lU. 

Scott,  Winfield,  his  approacli  to  Mex- 
ico, 375. 

Scotto  of  Cenoa,  44  ■■ 

.Scyllacius,  Nic.  /V /;/jr«//>,  etc.,  58, 

Sea-manuals,     Sec  Navigation. 

.Sea  of  Darkness,  30, 

Sechura,  510;  desert  of,  519. 

Sedeno,  latbcr,  2S2. 

Sedentary  Indians,  473.  See  Pueblos; 
Moqui ;  /uni. 

S^tulU)t,  ^cs  iiistfitmetits  dcs  Artibcs, 
'X- 

Seeley,  J.  k..  Expansion  t\f  Enj^Uind^ 
45.  4-!' ■ 

Segni,  on  history  01  Florence,  154. 

Segura,  372. 

Scgura,  Father,  2S2. 

.Segura,  Juan,  282. 

.Segura  mission,  282. 

Senaraya,  S4. 

Senarega,  I)c  rebus   G^'nuensihts^  4S, 

Seneca,  his  Medea,  26. 

Sepulveda,   opposes    Las   Casas,  3r4, 

331 ;     his    career,    314  '■>     bis    bonk 

printed    and    seized,    315:    di-pute 

with  Las  Casas,  315  ;  his  Vennhra. 

tes  Secuntltts,  315,  335;   W/t'A'.C'r 

33i  ;  Opera,  335. 
Serena,  524;  founded,  531. 
SeriKMii's  mouth,  s'-o. 
Serrano,  194;  murdered,  (112. 
Serrano,  Juan,  Oo^. 
Scrrnno,  Miguel  .Sanchez,  25S 
.Serrao.  44*>  _ 

Servetus    edits    Ptolemy,     127.      Se% 

Ptolemy  ( is.l?)* 
Sessa,  Ducpie  de,  288. 
Setebos,  597 
Seutter,  At/as,  4''7- 
SevcM  Cities  (islands),  36,  :;8;  called 

Heptapoiis,  177. 


INDEX. 


^i7 


la,  P«dr(i,  Relit 


to     Mati^'I'Xi'n 


!  Dc  I'Olllf  slot), 


Ivc-,  N 
lll)U»,  !<4 

,  alltucl 

",  55a. 

Iliriirif,   lf'2. 

iimlehfi'litik,  3. 

J\ff;filrnin,   or 
«.Wi-,  34,  35' 

anslates  Beiuoni, 

llie   dUcov^rj    of 

istoria,  5S7. 
usjiucius,  i7'>- 

>(■  ««//■*■  n/'irfis 
liiiifd  by  Vaii'lu. 
(1515),  iiS,  i7tj 
us  Linitiftttnsniui 
;i  ;  his  iidte-bix'k, 

I,  117  ;  referentes, 


f   Trihi-s  vf  Sorth 

iip  iUitst.,  51. 

,    /  aritUioH  oj  tht 

us,  (n). 

.,  Pi'trus  Mitt-yr, 

approach  lo  Me\- 

hisulis,  etc.,  5S. 
^tvigation. 

of.  519- 

\.     See  Pueblos; 

"tits  des  A  ruheSf 

'Hsiott  0/  Kngiami^ 

'"lorence,  154- 


Gi'Huensibtts,  48» 

I. as   Casas,  314, 

ti4;    liis*    bixik 

-J,    ^15;    dl>pute 

,1-^  ;  his  Deiiithrti- 

>,'  ns ;  Apo/t\iri<tt 


ds),  36,  :8J   called 


Seven  Cities  (towns  in  New  Mexico), 

473.  4'*"»- 

Sevilla  Nueva  (Scvilla  d'  Oro)  in  Ja- 
maica, j>*i 

Sfiville,  annaU  <if,  dS  ;  arcliives  at,  ii, 
viii ;  t.iihfdral  o(,  f>5 ;  views  of,  3; 
(;a.')cn  of  Columbus,  5 ;  notarial 
reiordn  ol,  ii. 

Sfor/a.  Ascaiiio,  57. 

Sfor/a,  Lud.,  5S 

Shapley,  4M. 

bhea,  |,  (i.,  on  the  Remains  of  Co- 
luminis,  So,  .S( ;  on  "Ancient  Flor- 
ida," 2,11;  on  (he  Segura  mission, 
3M2 ;  on  the  Spaniards  in  the 
V'hcsapcake,  aSj  ;  edits  Kelacion 
of  Penalo-^ii's  expedition,  504. 

Shelvocke,  /  V^-divi,  4''7- 

Sherer,  Krsfan/ies,  25. 

Ship-lansiiaKc  5'>7- 

Shipp,  Bernard,  ue  Soto  and  Florida^ 
a.>o. 

Ships,  early  (cuts).  6,  7,  10,  13,  i8,  19, 
159:  method  of  buildingt  ^i  first 
one  built  on  the  North  American 
coast,  240.    See  Vessels. 

Sicard,  Commodoie,  3ji2. 

Siffuen/.a,  map  of  Mexico,  375. 

SiEtien/a  y  (ion)(ora,  a88. 

Silla.  4  )i; 

Silva,  Mieud  de,  227. 

Silva,  Pe(l.ci  Malaver  de,  585. 

Sdver  ItlufT  ((ieornia),  247- 

Silvins,  W'lllem,  edits  /^arate,  5O8. 

Simancas,  archives  of,  i. 

Simtion,  Ki-mi,  edits  Sm  .iKun,  417. 

Simcm.  Pedro,  Xotttuis,  5^2. 

Simpson.  J.  II.,  Coroniuio^s  Mitrch, 
5u2  ;  yonrtiai  o/fi  Military  Recott- 
uoissatue^  502. 

Sinacam,  iSj. 

Sinaioa,  4S5,  499. 

Singrein,  Jean,  1S2. 

Sirocco  (southeast),  ()4. 

Sismondi,  Literature  of  South  0/  Eu- 
ro fe,  571. 

Skolnus     See  S/kol.iy. 

Slafter,    IC.   I*'.,    Incorrect  LntttudeSy 

Slave  voyaRes,  215. 

£>lavery,  African,  in  the  Spanish 
islands,  304  ;  connection  of  Las 
Casas  with,  312:  of  Indians,  348; 
instituted  bv  Columbus,  303;  its 
character,  30  j. 

Slaves  captured  at  the  jtahamas,  339. 

Sloane,  Hans,  4f)o. 

Sloane  manuscripts,  early  map  m,  433. 

llnnth,  Huckinglutin,  The  Caf>tivity  of 
Ortiz,  245  ;  on  C  de  V.ica's  route, 
287;  memoir  of,  by  Shea,  287; 
Cii/'<"(  (*  de  '  Vrrrt,  2S  j ;  his  Coiec- 
ciou,  aS-^,  4i;S:  his  manuscripts,  vii, 
2SS  ;  iHi  Do  Soto's  landing,  ,191- 

Smiih.  J.  J..  A inerican  His'orical 
and  Litfrary  Curiosities^  73 

Smith.  \V.,  Dictionary  oJ  Ancient 
Biograf^hy.,  \i}\. 

Smithsonian   Institution,  Re/>orts.  s^J- 

Smv''»,  William,  Lectures  on  MjJern 
ilu   -rv,  424.  S?'^- 

Siu)w,  History  of  Boston,  4O3. 

Sobrarius,  Panegyrtcum^  62. 

Socorro,  4S(). 

Soderini,  Piero,  145;  a-lressed  by 
Vespucius,  162,  1O3. 

Solano,  Kr..  570. 

Solano,  luan  de,  537. 

Soligo,  Christofalo,  his  chart,  38. 

Solinus,  bibliography  of.  180;  his 
Poiyhistor^  122,  1S2;  issued  with 
Mela,  1S2,  iS(:;  edited  by  Camers, 
122,  173- 

Solis,  Antonio  de,  Couqunta  de  Mex- 
ico, 422,  575  ;  coniinuaiion  by  Sail- 
zar,  422;  account  ot'.  422;  portrait, 
423  ;  editions  of,  in  various  lan- 
guages, 424;  life  by  (ioyeneche,  424 

Sons,  Juan  DiAz  de,  191. 

Solis  de  Meras,  Memorial,  293. 

.Solomon  Islands  discovered,  552. 

Solorzano,  Juan  de,  Politica  Indiana^ 
45.  57ii  592. 


Snnora,  4S<). 

Sopcte,  4.y2. 

Soria  Luce.  I>.  de,  $11. 

Sorie,   Jacques,    sacks    Havana,    2f>2, 

27S' 

Soiel<i,  (.!.  de,  515. 

Sdiil,  Aloiizo  I'ernandez,  2\%, 

.Soti',  iJomingo  de,  31s;  his  summary 
of  the  l,.Ts  Casas  conlmversy,  335. 

Soto,  Mernando  de,  up,  2im)  ;  his 
exi>edition,  s<\3;,  in  Florida,  244: 
crosses  the  Slisslssippi,  is"  ;  like- 
ness of,  2SJ  ;  autog.,  253;  cbes,  3St  • 
s|X)t  of  his  de.Uh,  2<>4  \\\\  Pern,  2SS, 

fi'^i  5'7.  Ii-!'*;  protests  against  Ata- 
lualpa  -•  de.iih,  51S;  aiillinritles  im, 
3HS ;  Reia^am  verdadetra,  288; 
U.  Smith  on,  2H7;  Knight  of  Llvas, 
2HS ;  lliedma,  2H.>  :^  ( Mrcilasso  de  la 
V'ega,2';o;  Kanjel's  narrative,  291; 
Sold's  own  letter,  291  ;  opinions  as 
to  his  route,  2}i,v/i\  iis  northerly 
limit,  2112:  his  will,  391;  his  route 
in  l*ell^le's  rnaf),  21^4,  ,,-^5  :  other 
maps  of  (he  route,  2-^5. 

Sotornayor,  Alonso  de,  governor  of 
Chi'i,  s'li  :  portr..ii,  s''2. 

Soiomayor,  luan  de  V,  Provincnt  de 
el  Itza^  42'^ 

-South  America,  cartographical  history 
of,  (■'■/:  maps,  .,•!,  437;  (Ortchus) 
472-  (ifKJi)  ^  n>  ;  (Marlines)  450, 
(Mundus  voi'us)  450;  {Terra 
Santtir  i' rue  is  122,  1..3  See 
America;  Mundus  novus. 

South  Sea.     See  I'acific. 

Southern  Cross,  41,  i'>9. 

'Southern  Literary  Afessenger,  2-)2. 

>.outhey,  Robert,  E.xpedition  of  Or- 
sua,  5S2,  5S3  ;  History  of  Brazil, 
5^9. 

Southron,  The,  2</». 

Southwell,  Sir  Robert,  464. 

Souza,  Lo[Kv.  de,  Diario,  155. 

Spam,  arms  of  (cuts),  title,  6,  413  : 
chroniclers  of,  hS ;  ))ennits  various 
early  expeditions,  132;  its  govern- 
ment sup  )resses  maps,  1 13.  See 
Spanish,  Spaniards. 

Spalding,  Ar  hbishoi),  on  Prescott, 
427.     , 

Spanjicnbcrg,  4'»). 

Sp.unanls,  administr.itive  and  judicial 
system,  34:^  ;  rejjulations  regaiding 
slavery,  3.jS  ;  their  rapacity  and  crn- 
elly,  301.  3'A  319,  7>-^'  327*  343t  4>7  : 
and  the  Indians,  2<>9     See  .Spain. 

Spanish  arms,  334,344,  40's  with  quar- 
teriiv.;s,  5'i5. 

Spanish  maps,  earliest.  93- 

Spanish  voyages  to  the  Northwest, 
4^9 

Sparks,  Jaicd,  ^/Ai«//,  293,  29S;  on 
\'espncius,  1  v>. 

Speed,  John,  his  Pros/^ect,  462,  464  ; 
maps(ift5i),  40^). 

Sphericity  of  ilie  earth,  24.  See  Karth  ; 
r.Iobe 

Spice  Islands.  441.     See  Moluccas. 

Spit/er,  r.,  445- 

Spoiorno.    (I.    It.,    Codice    di^L    Co- 
lond'o-Ameiicano,  and  editions  of,    | 
iv,  /iS  ;  on  Columbus'  birthplace,  S4.    1 

Sprengel,    M.   C-,  on    Ribero's   map, 
221  ;  Beytrdi^en,  (>i$;  his  version  of  i 
Muno/,  iii,  j 

Squier,  KA't^Collfctton-f  Documents,  1 
vii;  niaMu>cripts,  ;7S;  map  of  Xew  ' 
Mexico.  501  :  <in  !\cw  Mexico,  501  ;  I 
plan  of  Inca  fortress,  5J1. 

Stadius,  lA  [ 

Stamler,  J.,  Dyalogus,  t}2-  j 

Stanley.   M.   K.  j.,   14;  edits  Morpa's  j 
Ph:iif*f*iiie  Islands,  610  ;  hfe  of  .Ma- 
gellan, ()i7. 

Stapfer,  J-  J-,  410. 

Steelsio,  Juan,  publisher,  412.  j 

Steinhauser,  A.,  222. 

Stephen,  a  negro,  475;  killed  at  Ci- 
bola, 479 :  tradition  of  his  death,  4S3. 

Stevens,  Henry,  on  the  ancient  geog- 
raphers, iSi ;  American  Bihliogra- 
/'her,  19;  his  opini'Vi  of  Clavig"!ro, 


435:    on   tar'y  Spanish  laws,  1147; 

on  ILirri'se,  M* ;  his  prints  nf  La« 

<  as.)s'  writings,  .,17  i  liis  notice  <>f 

Lnd,  iM  ;  o<i  Drielius,  471, 
Stevens,  John,  lran^la(es  Merrera,  rH  , 

Cieza  de  Leon,  574. 
Stevens,  Histoty  of  iieorgia,  291. 
Stobnicza,  his  iniroduclion  to  Ptolemy 

(see  Ptolemy);  Ins  ma)),  ii(>,  121. 
Stocklein,  Rehe  B  ichreihungeu,  s8<i 
.Stocftlei ,  Johann,   Elucidatio  Astro- 

labti,  <^i ;  editor  of  Proclus,  <}>i. 
Stormy  Cape,  41. 
Strab"»,  24  ;  /?<*  situ  orhis,  25  ;  on  the 

sphericity  of  the  ulobe,  104. 
Studi  biografh  1  e  hibliografici,  1  ,5 
Stukely  projects  an  KngTish  setlleineiit 

in  Florida  ( .5^111,  2''2. 
Sliiven,  De  ver,i  t .  vi  orbis  iuventore, 

35. 
Suaitv  de  lMj;nero..,  Crislovul,  Hechoi 

at  Mendojti,  5;», 
Sugar-cane,  sj7- 
Suina  Kiver,  51*. 
Sumner,    Charles,    Profhetic    i'oiiet 

concerning  ^iiinrica,  23. 
Sumner,  (leorge.  65  ;  on  Columbus  at 

Barcelona,  50. 
.Sun,   eclipse  observed   by   ^Lagt>llJM, 

(•04. 
Sun-worship,  551. 
Surco,  543. 
Susquehanna,  early  Indian  history  of, 

283. 
Suya,  491. 
Sweet  potato,  5.,^ 
Sylv.mus,  H.,  edits  Ptolemy,  122,  12^, 

his  map,  122.     See  I'tolemy  (1511). 
Szkoliiy,  John,  34. 

TuiAsco,  203,  352,  353,  3S4. 

1  aboga,  507. 

Tac.nacura  (St.  >Liry's),  280,  383. 

Tacuba,  374. 

Tafnr,  Pedro,  510. 

Taisnier's  Aavigatione,  9S. 

Talavera,  57,  91,  zkj;  pirate,  191.  193. 

Talcihiiano,  549. 

Taliepalua,  250. 

Talladega  Kiver,  248. 

Tallaseliatcliee  Ki.er,  248. 

'i'allise.  24::. 

'raniaricine,  2  |X. 

'I'ainbo  kiver,  ^,19. 

Taini/ey  de  Larroque,  298. 

Tampa  Bay,  24'»,  288,  295  ;  its  various 
names,  2*^■^. 

Tangarara,  51  s* 

Taiiguijo  (^llahia),  203. 

'I'ansieiier,  ( leorg,  edits  Albertus  Mag- 
nus, 173. 

Taos,  495. 

Tapac,  Amaru,  his  flight,  589. 

Tapia,  Andres  de,  his  Relacion,  19s. 

Tapia,  Cristobal  de,  237;  ordered  to 
New  Si)ain,  3S0. 

Tapir,  (<ac\. 

Ta^'Calousa,  3;S,  295. 

Tascliereau,  2't<. 

Tastaln/a,  24"^,  241). 

Taylor,  .Alexander  S.,  his  version  of  the 
Rciaciou  ol  l,'.ibriilo's  voyage,  445; 
First  I'oyage  to  Cahfornia,  445. 

Tehii.i,  41/5. 

iehnantepec,  22**,  44 '1  384*  393  i  O'e* 
quantepeqiie)  229. 

Tehuckhes,  603. 

Tcjada,537. 

Tejera,  K  ,  Los  restos  de  Colon,  82,  83. 

Teios,  473. 

Tellcz,  F.,  Oratio,  62. 

Temivtitai:,  3^5,  4^2-     See  Mexico. 

Temporal,  Jean,  1O3. 

Tenailla.  57, 

Tenochlitlan,  3'j5.     See  Mexico. 

Tepeaca.  35S. 

Tepeacans,  372. 

Tepeyacac,  376. 

Tequeste,  279. 

Ternate,  591. 

Ternaux-Cnmpans,  Henri,  427;  his 
manuscript  collection,  iii;  his  Voy- 
ages, vi ;   his  library,  vi  ;   hi**  Ar. 


638 


m 


(hivei  tffi   r'/»vrf^i*f,  vii,    40"!    499. 

H;'>i    Htr$ifii    //r    fi/ih  utHfn/.t,    vii  ; 

j'h\i-t  si*r  li%  Fi>*ritU\  J.J7  ;  Ins  ml- 

lv(lHHi<t  (III  McMio,  41;;  piibli»lie* 

p.iri  i>(  Oviidn,  .iifi. 
Tcrt.i  Kmums,  4^7. 
'J.  rr.t  Icrm.i,  11%     S<eX\%XX%. 
'I't  rt.i  S.inti.r  Crucis,  i6-j. 

'rriT.HdsH.l,  S.). 

TiTr.i/.i'',  rr.inci*cn  tic,  ^97. 
'rt'Htii,  <i.,  his  map,  jjt"- 
Teucnri.t  (rivi-r),  4<>4 
Teiiinch,  11.  !>..  oil  Monicr,  ua. 

'rrxt<p(  n.      .S"(-.*    Tt'/t  llLl). 
'rrxtuiii,  kllii;H  of,    |i  7. 

'IVxi'ii.i,  expldics   ilic  Amnznn,   jRtj ; 

m.ip  of  I'acil'ic  c(M»t,  4f)fi. 
Tcy.is.  4')V 

Tpzcuco,  tsS  .^'hi,  (74. 
'rrzcHio  en  /<■(  uUimos  tirmf'OS,  41S, 
'rc/omnioi-,   !• .  de  A.)  CVf«/<<i  Mfxi- 

< itiiit,  4rS 
'J'At'stiro  dt  I'irtudfx,  40S. 
Tlifvenot,  ni.ip  ( I'l'vO.  4''(> 
Tlievei,   Aiuirc,  Lf  grand  imulaire^ 

ins;  AV/ifi/  Lives,  3S>>;   and    Lau- 

donnii'tc's    pajwrn,    j.^; ;    i'ortriti- 

fur.'S  amt  I.ivfs,  516,  U).i. 
ThomaHsv,  KaynKtnd,  (114;  Les  /rt/Vi 

_  grojCrttf'/ii'i,  -'7,  '-a. 
Tlidrndike,  Israel,  73. 
'I'l.ttliatia.  «>H. 
Tliiile.  17;  (Iceland?)  33. 
'rinle,  44f., 
Tilmrnn  (cape),  iRS, 
Ticknor,  Gcnr^c,  critinncH  U.  A.  Wil- 

son,  427  ;  Life  of  Preuatt^  42'>,  437  ; 

S/>ntnxh  Lltfraturf,  (.H;   catalogue 

of  his  Spaninh  lihrary,  47. 
Tidnr,  5.)!. 

Tierra  del   FtieKn,  435,  450,  459;  ex- 
plored by   De  Konta,  46a  ;   named 

ny  Miipt-llan,  607. 
Tierra  firine,   i'kj,  1H9,  209,  aiM;  trad- 

ing-voyaRe-t  to,  20S.    ^SV^  Terra 
Timiex,  4H«;,  4SH,  493,  495. 
Timor,  fpi  j,  613. 
Tiraboschi,  (15;  Letteratura  italiana, 

8,( ;  Storitt,  30. 
Tiran,  Archivt's  </'  Aragoft,  \\. 
Titian,  lu'.id  o)  t'ortt-s,  424, 
Titicaca.  Take,  ^9-  55**' 
Titii  Atauchi.  «;i",  sjo. 
Tim  C'lisi  Vup.inqui,  552,  553. 
Ti/.on  River,  4.S6. 
Tlaci>pan,  176, 
TIalpan,  35M. 
Tiascala,  .V3M,  359,  362  ;  Cortes*  retreat 

It).    I/O. 

Tlatelulco,  market  of,  376. 

Tobar,  iVdro  de.  .(S4.  4./). 

Tobia,  Cristobal  de,  2^5 

ToboRa,  5cvi. 

Tnledn,  Kuniandn  Alvarez  do,  573.  j 

Tok'dii,    I'rancisco    df.     K"^''^''""''    ^^ 

I'oru ,   «;j;2 ;    his    L  ibro   <ft'    Tasas, 

'>':    57" ;    returns  to   Spain,    557  j 

<  hufi-ttttt/zttx,  H70. 
Toledo.  laiis  dc,  549. 
Tohn,  .\s't'  47- 
'Tolosa,  I)iej;o  dc,  255. 
Tolos.t,  juan  de,  503,  5S1, 
'Toliica,  15S. 
'Tome,  Rio,  25';. 
Ton,  Kn^iish,  a^  compared  with  the 

Spanish  tonci'fs^  yt\. 
I'onikas,  2i}.\. 
'i'omiai-e  of  ships,  7,  594.     See  Ships  ; 

Vessels. 
'Tcnti,  his  route  (1702),  294. 
Tuntonteac,  45'*- 
'Tonlontcaiic  (ri".  "i),  449. 
'Topira,  43^.  4^'.  v>o. 
'Tordesillas,  convention  of,  14,  4?;.  fo^. 
Toreno,  Niino  C.ir  i.t  dc,  224;  I>art  of 

hi-i  ni.ip,  220,  221 
Toribio  de  lienavente     See  Motolinla. 
'Toribio  de  Orlinnera,  ;S4. 
'Toro,  Aloniio,  c;3S, 
Tonpiemada,    I  nan   di ,  4^*0 :    Afomtr- 

^uitt  Imiitina,  421,  -  22 ;  account  of. 

421  :    edited    by    Tarria    from    the 

manuscript,  .*■•,•,  on  Xuares,  2S7. 


INDKX. 


Torrr.  G    l( ,  .SVr////  di  Cohmho^  Iv, 

46,  $,    f.v 
1  orre,  |uan  tli'  la,  510 
'I'orre  di>  Tiindm.     See  Lisbon. 
'TorrcH,  Antotiio  di*,  17 
Torres  V  I'ortnjtal.  {'ernandndu  (Conde 
d"  Villar  doll  I'ardo),  y^i 

Torumai,  37S;  (153.;!  j^r.  \.\s^^^  i>ii\ 

disO'Vered,  233  :  on  Mi.ip%  334. 
Tory.   C.ei.froy,  eiliis   .Mela,   iMi ;  ac- 

coinit  of,  by  Hernard,  iHi. 
ToKc.iDclli,    J,   3,   30;    his  viewH,    3^^  ; 
cn*re*|Mindcnte  with  Columbus,  30, 
31,  (jo;  map,  ii,  3H,  101;   rcMortd, 
103. 
i  Toxinuv.  ptibli<>hcr  mi  Rome,  lao. 
I  'To^ii  ingravingK,  ^\, 

TolotiacH.  351;. 
I   Tolonte.ic,  477,  4S0, 
'To|<)lr.»r,  472 

'Toul/a.  I'  de,  iratiKlales  Solis,  434. 
Tour  tin  ittotiiie,  2<iH. 
I  'Tmunce,  R,  cU-  la.  224. 
Touron,  ///,!/.  de  ^ A  mhiifuft  ^S''** 
'Tovar,  juan,  420. 
'Town,  building  of  .1,  1(22. 
'Townshcnd,  'I  homa<>,  vcsion  of  Solis, 

.  'I  ozeti,      K,,     Entdecker    der    ueuen 

n-elt,y% 
I  TrafalKar  (HalleraH),  Cape,  221,  SS5 

'Trainonl  (iHirih>,  -d- 
j  Trannylvanus,  ^laxilnili.n^  He  Afoluc- 
]        cis  insu/is,   (nt,;    De  Hisptinormn 

!  '''rian^o  Island,  92 

;  'Tribaldo.  I.uis,  <;o4. 

!  Trinidad,  1  u,   i37<  33i  t   (Cuba)  353; 

j        discovered,  2o  ;  map,  .sHft. 

[    Trixte  nocht ,  y'^K) :  tree  of,  370. 

'  Trithenms,     Johannes     'ar  ;     Efitst. 

'      jft%m<,  121. 

I  Trivigiann,  AnKcln,  io6. 

1  Trivulgin  Library,  51,  58. 

i  Tross  gores,  i2i>.  173. 

Truiiillo,  Sebastian,  141. 

Trnjillo,  3^5- 
,  Truxillo,  Diego  (ot  Alonzo),  511. 

TrLxillo,   558;    founded,   523;    (Peril) 

Tschudi,  Antii]uedadei%  515. 
'Tuc.ipel,  524,  54^. 
'Tucson,  477. 
'Tnlla,  251. 
'Tum.ico,  505,  5ni). 
I  Tumbe/,  221,  50H,  509,  511,  514,  519. 

j  Tupac  Amaru,  ssa  :  captured,  553,  570: 
executed,  553  ;  documents  on,  576. 

Turin,  M^m.  de  i'Acadetnie^  S4, 

'Turner,  Sharon,  3. 

Turner,  W.  \V..  Paci/ic  K.  R,  Re- 
forts,  S02- 

Turcpioise  mines,  48^^. 

'I'usavan  (Moqui),  484,  4*^5. 

'Tutahaco,  4S7,  4S9, 

'Tuzulutlan,  3 13. 

Twisi,  Sir  'Travers,  Afottof^rafih  on 
Burial-place  of  Coluinbusy  Sj  ;  Ore- 
gon Quest  ion  t  4;;  5 

Tylor,  K.  I!.,  Ana/iuacy  42S;  confirms 
Presct»tt.  42><. 

Tvpograpliical  errors  in  early  book.s, 
"153- 

IJacpf  Indians  581. 

Vcavali  River,  519. 

l\ita  (h'dian),  ^45. 

Uguina,  Antonio  de,  his  manuscripts, 

iii. 
Uillac  Umu,  524. 
l7ira-ccocha,  Inca,  i;2o. 
L'nib.ilmh,24S. 
I'lloa,  Alfon/o  de,  r*";,  ^68. 
Ulloa,  Carlo  /'.,  4-'i- 
Ulloa,   Francisco  de,  explores  in  the 

Pacific,  3(j|i,  442  ;  his  charts,  449. 
United   States   Nav.-il    Institute,  Pro- 

reedings,  54. 
Uui:'rts  fittoresque.,  36. 
I'mb.i  (gulf;,  iS*,,  50,, 
Urano,  C.  M.,  translates  Bossi's  Co-  , 

lomba^  68. 


Urdnncta,  Andrew  dr,  44s,  \\\. 
Uriciieihea,    Ma/nttem    tttlohibuiHii, 

tr-u.i,  Pedro  de,  iti  llogoia,  nHi  | 
founds  Pampluna,  ^Hi  ;  tiuelU'  Ih* 
1  iniarroiieH.  $><?■,  m-cks  Kldorado, 
520,  ^Si  ;  murdered,  j^i  ,  attoiiut 
of.  sHj. 

UspAllata,  5<ii. 

I'tatlan,  jtSj. 

Uiielli,  (iuMavo,  .V.///rt.  elc,  9,t  ;  At* 
/antit  etc,  93  ;  on  the  Mrly  maps, 

V.\{  A,  (.Ani/A  t>r,  with  Narvae/,  24^  \ 
his  journey  overland,  244;  hii*  AV- 
iat  ion,  jH^;  i\'iiu/r agios,  etc.,  a**'*; 
in  Soiiih  Americ.i,  a^'i ;  autog,,  2M7  5 
memoir  l)y  'T.  W.  Field,  a**;  ;  his 
nuite.  JH7.     See  tabe/a  rte  Vaca. 

Vaca  de  (  asiro,  defeats  Hiego  Atma- 
jjro,  5i'»;  governor  of  IVru,  st;; 
unpritoiied,  ^17;  e^rnpes  to  Pan- 
ama, t,},s\  likeness  of,  53;;;  ^ent  to 
Peru,  s.t6. 

Vacap.»,  477. 

Vadiamis,  .idopis  the  name  of  America, 
173;  edits  I'omponiuH  Mela,  17',, 
|Sa  ;  hishkenes-.,  iMi  ;  Inbliography 
of,  iSo;  his  true  name  Wall.  1S2; 
letter  to  Rudolphus  Agricola.  182; 
his /■;///() we,  17'j,  i.S4,iS'i;  iiHmap, 
1^4- 

V'aldes,  i(v). 

Valdivia,  Pedro,  1.(3,  n>4 ;  le.ids  Pi. 
/arro's  infantry,  527;  starts  lo  com* 
plete  cniupicst  of  Chili,  52S  ;  like* 
nes.eHof,  |;2«>,  5101  proceeds  against 
<;on/.alo  I'i/arro,  1134;  joins  ( la^ca, 
541  ;  goes  to  Valparaiso,  54S;  killed, 
S4'i :  li'**  letters,  572;  accusations 
against,  572. 

Valdivia  (town),  524,  54S. 

Valerius  Cornelius,  /)e  spluera,  176 

Valfennosa,  i8«/. 

Valladnlid  (New  MexicoJ,  495. 

Vattard,  Nicholas,  his  map,  226. 

Valori,  lt.-iccio,  lOi. 

Valparaiso,  524;  named,  525;  name 
conhrmed,  ,s  1 1  • 

Valscqua,  tiabricl  de,  his  chart,  3S, 
'74- 

Valtanas,  r>.  de,  Conifeudio,  N4. 

Valverde,  V,  de,  ^12;  bishop  of  (;usc<\ 
S20,  5*1/ » ;  death,  5'>f) ;  Carta  rela- 
(ion,  5'>(>. 

Van  Itrocken,  Ctj/cwi^, '«). 

Van  Ileuvel,  J.  A.,  Eldorado,  5S9, 

Van  Ilulst,  Felix,  on  t)rtelius,  471. 

\'.in  Kampen,  Lez'etis  vau  Nederlan- 
ders,  4fKi. 

Van  I.oon,  /.ee-Atla%,  4^3,  4C.6. 

Vail  Raemdonck,  bis  Aleriator^  471  ; 
iihard de  Crenier,  471. 

Van  Richllioien,  China,  iiq. 

\  aucouver  on  the  northwest  coast | 
470. 

Vander  Aa,  I'ersanieling,  2Si>:  /^ee- 
uud  LandreizeN,  2^>t-     See  Aa. 

Vandera,  Juan  de  la,  378. 

Varenius,  47(). 

\'ariatioii-charts,  100, 

Variation  of  the  needle,  45.  .^V^ 
Needle. 

Varnhagen,  F.  A.  de,  on  the  name  of 
An. erica,  178;  bis  St/umer  e  Api- 
anus,  1.S3  ;  Carta  de  Colon^  ^1  ' 
jiiiblishes  Columbus'  notes  on 
D'Ailly,  20;  prints  a  Columbus  let- 
ter, 47 ;  Das  umhre  CiuanaJuxni, 
5.S.  5^'  i  Verdadera  (luanahani,  91  ; 
eilits  Lopez  de  Sou/a's  Diario,  135  ; 
his  Ifist.  do Ihazil,  155  ;  his  W  w*r- 
igo  I'esfuici,  131,  155  ;  his  track  oi 
\  espucius' first  voy.ice,  155  ;  his  vari- 
ous publications  on  Vespucius,  15'*; 
on  Vespucius*  voyage  (1497).  231. 

Varthema,  Itinerario,  21^;  copies  of 
2 1 5. 

Vasari,  Lives  0/ the  Painters,  72. 

Vasconcellos,  D.  Juan  al  SegundA 
*io. 

Vasque/.,  Alonzo,  201. 


INDKX. 


639 


I45.4M. 

SHl  ;  (ItirlU  <ho 
Kuckw  r.ldnr.idot 
it  5<Si  ;  ncKiuitt 


fA.  etc.,  %t  :  ^/* 
ll.c  enrly  mapn, 


tl)  Narvntz,  24". ; 
1(1,  344 ;  IiIh  AV- 
'ttj^ios,  etc.,  i*"'; 
iMfi;  iiutdK.,  a**7  I 

Kielcl,  a»*7  ;  hi* 
ibez.t  ilu  Vad- 
ium \)\vfi,(i  Alma- 
r  of   iVru,    i,\; ; 
escapes  to  I'iUi- 

of,  5(s;  sent  u* 


name  of  Aiiit*rif.», 
miuH  Ml-1.1,  17',, 
iKi  ;  lnhlidKrapliy 
11,11111-  Wall,  I  Si. 
IS  A>:ricola.  182  ; 
1S4,  iSfi;  itHHtap, 


(,  i.>,(;  lentU  I'i- 
17  ;  starts  to  coin- 

Chili,  52S  i  hUc- 
;  procfvds  against 
^34  ;  joins  ( la'-ca, 
raisd,  s-C*;  kiljfd. 

57J ;    ate us.it ions 

y V  s/Zuera,  1 7O 

xico),  4V5« 
is  map,  226. 

lined,  525  ;   name 

Ic,   his  chart,  3S 

l)isliopor  (,'usca» 
5'»'>;  Carta  reiif 

hioradoy  5S.>. 

ttilL-liu-,  471. 

IS  z>an  Seticriati' 

,4^,.4r,f,. 

J/enatot\  471  J 

'■.  471' 

/mi,  1 1<). 

iiurthwcst    coast, 

ne/itt£,   2**'<;  ^*^' 
zSi).    Sfi'  Aa. 
27a. 


needle,    45- 


Se^ 


on  the  name  of 
Sihoui-r  e  Af*i- 
(/(*  Colony  4''  ■ 
iius'  luites  on 
s  a  Columbus  let- 
ahn'  iiuattahani\ 
a  iiuanahaniy  <ji  * 
n/.a's  Diario,  155  J 
7,  155;  his  Ww'" 
155  ;  his  track  ol 
'yape,  155;  his  van- 
tl  Vcspucius,  15''; 
■age(i4';7).  ?3'-  , 
'.',  215;  copies  01 

Painters.  72. 
'nan  at  Segnndo, 


Valine/    fie    Aillnn,    l.ucas,   nent   to 

.Nlcxico,  I'lH,  \ui. 
V'asipiei,  Kr ,  liiH  accniint  of  Aunirre, 

S'*J  i    ChroHit-Ut  4i>>  ,   Oitatt-tmitat 

in- 
Va^iut?/,  I't'dro,  ji j. 
Vasi|iK/,  rouian,  <)(j,  545,  540. 
Vattciiiare,  II  ,  411. 
V.iuK<)iidy,  hmiujp,  ^M ;  Ohfrvati0H4, 

4''i- 
VeiT,  (iitstavde,  /V/wj  //riHrnhf  40. 
VcKa,  tialinul  l.asMi  dc  la,  Cortft  vai- 

troio^    4iu ;    J/c.i /nj//.;.    4ju.      ^V# 

Vt'i(a,  iiartilasso  dc  Ki,  bihluigr.ii^hy 
ul,  575;  ComnuHtat los  ffii/t-t,  5/31 
//»/.  ^iturai  iii'l  i't-ni^  57«»,  573; 
KyLaiit  s  Hoy  at  L  ot/it/ifMtarws, 
575  :  Markliam's  vursmii,  575 ;  uthor 
versions,  575;  Ho^itia  Ut-l  /«,**, 
aVt  575  1  CoHtfui'te  tit!  la  FhritU% 
2'/»;  li» ob»'rnH)i  von  i-loruiay  j'^n 
KiiUlish  version  111  Miipp's  l)^  SotOy 
i'f(> ;  ai  school  111  Cu!m:o,  547  ;  dcserl» 
Conzalo  I'l/airu,  ^41  ;  a«  a  writer, 

Vega,  Carcilastuj  de  la  (father),  521. 
Vcija,   Lope  de,    Man/Uf-z  utl  I'allrt 

_   4.»". 
Vcua,  M.  de  la,  gathers  documents  in 

Nlexico,  viii;  /Intoriit,  20. 
Velarde,  Luis,  46;. 
Velasco,  Juan  dc,  //ist.  Ut  QuitOy  576, 

5^1-      . 
Velasco,  Luis  (an  Indian),  j7<>,  2S2. 
VelaHLo,  l.uisue,  454.  anxiouH  locun- 

(|uer    1-lurida,    250  ,    father   uf    the 

Indians,  25'). 
Velasco,  l.uis  de  (Marqula  ot  Salinas), 

Velasco  (river),  46^. 

V(.-las(]iiez  (judge  In  I'erti),  5.^. 

\'elas(pif/.  (If  C  uellar,  I  'lego,  governor, 
J4>j;  portiaii,  .t.vi;  his  adherents, 
.153  i  his  intrigues  agaiiisil  Cottes, 
3S''i  357  •  !><:ndH  N.irvaez  against 
rim,  JO5;  hiH  expedition  to  Cuba, 
201,  2J7,  \ii\\  death  of,  214 

Vela-.(iuez  de  Teoii,  151,  3W1,  3(7 

Velcz  de  Medrano,  Juan,  277. 

Velsers,  571/ 

Veiicgas,  Sotkia  tie  la  Cali/orttiay 
4()i  -y  bibliography  of,  461. 

Venereal  diseases  in  i\merica,  32<). 

Venezuela,  1.S7,  n^,  410;  colonies  on 
the  coast  of,  57«j;  history  of,  5S4, 

Venice,  archives  of,  via  ;  pliindercd  by 
the  Austrians,  viii ;  Statt:  J'a/n'ti^ 
viii ;  Coluir.bus  at,  */». 

Ventura  Je  Kaulica,  Colombo^  (h). 

Vera  Crur(.Mexico),  203,  35S  ,  luunded, 
355.  35*';  site  shifted,  350. 

Vera  i*a/,  254. 

Veradus,  C,  ^o. 

Veragua,  or  Veraguas,  Duipie  de,  0^, 
,S7,  S.S;  his  collection  ol  papers,  111, 
viii,  S.^ 

Veragua  (.town),  21,  lyS,  5<xj. 

Vergara,  Juan  cle,  1H9,  20/,  527. 

Vennejo  Kiver,  4S3. 

Verne,  Jules,  Dhonverte  de  la  terre, 

3f*.  7<- 

\  erra/ano,  supposed  pirate,  3S2. 

Vericheyde  C \tst-/ndisi. /•*•  ^'oyafft'eu , 
4^o. 

Vespucci.     See  Vespucius. 

Vcspucius,  Ainericiis,  cli.ii>er  on,  by 
S.  H.  iiay,  i2t>;  an  Italian,  2  ;  spell- 
ing of  the  name,  i2<;,  i'/'*;  his  t'urc- 
iianie  of  (lerman  origin,  13;,  i7<j; 
notices  (if  (<lay),  i2«y  ;  (N'tvarretc) 
V  ;  (Wiiisor)  15;  ;  account  of  his 
voyages  collectively,  142,  145  ;  in  the 
CosMioff.  introd.y  145  ;  Quatiuor 
fiaz'igattoncsy  it>b  ;  liis  relations  with 
Saint-Die,  174  ;  his  alleged  tirsivoy- 
^g^i  '37»  '40.  155;  his  second  voyage, 
i4')t  150*  153:  with  Ojeda,  i44i  i4<>t 
>53i  »^7  •  his  third  voyage,  145,  150, 
156  ;  in  tlie  Portuguese  service,  140  ; 
ins  fourth  voyage,  151  ;  his  letter  to 
K.  de  Medici,  15b;  his  letter  to 
Soderini,    different    texts    of,    163 ; 


editions  of  the  Athnditi  »i1'hi, 
aMd  tratislaliohs,  m;  ;  lacsinit'rs  nf 
V>'»gi'-'.  iW.  'VS  IS'.  "•".  I'";  /'' 
t*rii  AHliirttha,  i\'»;  his  miitift- 
linn  Mith  i-arly  ni.ips  (Kuysih),  j2-t , 
mis-,iiig  map)  iV'<  <74.  as  a  mari- 
n<  r.  I  (H  ;  uiih  Coelho,  i^j  ;  his 
char.iitcr,  mIi  praiting,  \f«i\i  liargrd 
with  dcLL'il,  I  II,  i7'>;  an  imposlnr, 
IS4  ;  ,1  iliatlal.iu,  142  '  cLiimih  i-.i 
havf  di-<CMVi  rud  the  main,  m  ;  w.is 
he  on  tliL'  1-  litrida  ((i.i-^t  '  2  ti  •  named 
in  the  A.wc  inlfrlnde,  i-i ;  the  lir>t  to 
describe  th>- 1  annihals  ol  jlra/il,  5>ts  ; 
thought  Amenta  was  Asia.  i'>7;  )>er- 
Kniial  rclaiions  with  |)a  \  itu  i,  172; 
with  Ctplumbu*,  itr.  \\-t,  17H:  with 
Cahul,  1 1;  I  ;  nuntiniiL-d  by  <  Ivit-do, 
154;  nut  incniiniied  in  the  I'ortu- 
gufse  arihuL's,  n;,  m^,  i^^;  ap- 
pointed pilot-major,  is2  ;  his  later 
voyages,  1^2;  his  death,  ij^j;  his 
portrait,  7-'.  ,"4.  7S.  U"  (Ihon/ino) 
I VC*  (I'artnigianii)  140  ,  (I'cale)  140; 
(NlontanuH^  141;  his  aulog  ,  13S; 
fac-siinile  of  letter,  tyt \  hiti  descend" 
ants,  131. 

Vespucius,  fiiorgi  Antonio,  ug. 

Vespucius,  Jerome,  139. 

Vespucius,  Nastugio,  U') 

Ve^wils,  size  tif  early,  2*15,  5<)4  \  picture 
')f,  jC.7.     See  Ships  ;    I'onnnge. 

Vctancour,  Teatro  Me.ruam'y  yt't. 

Vetancurl,  Augustin  de,  Teatro  MeJc- 
icano,  422  ;  account  of,  422. 

Vftter,  'l'heodor«  i;'j. 

Veytia,  Mariano,  f/ist.  nntigua  de 
AAy'itOy  41S  :    '  uuco,  41S. 

Vianelln.  ly,  t%fy 

'•Victoria,  ship,  S')l  ;  her  falf,  6n  ; 
commemorated  by  the  Ilakluyt  So- 
ciety, (113. 

Vienna,  geographers  at,  173,  181 ; 
presses  al,  1H4. 

Vlura  y  Clavijo,  /sla\  de  Ciftiariay  3^». 

Vjgel,  litbhoteia  .W.xkanay  340,  41H. 

Vilcabainba,  52'',  m'' 

Villa  Kica.     .^f<-  Vera  Cruz. 

Villa  ki^a((  hilij,  524. 

Villacun,  5Il^  sn 

Villaf.bu',  An^cl  dr,  js^i  >"  f"'lorida, 
25');  at  Santa  IJcna.  2^*0 

Vilkigra,  I-.  (\\  5|S;  governor  of 
Chill,  549;  deft-ated  at  Mariguann, 
549<  in  Chill,  ^51. 

Vill.igraii,  V.  dc,  52.S. 

Villalobos.  l,o)K's  do,  voyages,  v  ;  on 
tliL'  I'acific  coast,  44S. 

Vill,i!ta,  Josl'  tlarcia  de,  translates 
Irvin-'s  Columhtx,  ^s. 

VillauItdL'  llellond,  Costes  d'A/riquCy 

V)- 

Villroel,  Cnnzalo  de,  273 

Vincent,   loninii-nr  and  Xavigattou 

of  the  AncirntSy  41. 
VinciMi/ins  ol   lieauvais,  2S  ;  his  Sfec- 

uliiin,  2S 
Vinci,  Da,  acciuaintance  with  C(plum- 

bus,  II  ;  his  alleged  map,  124- i2(). 

Si-f  1  ta  Vinci 
Viran<iue,  251. 
Virar.itu,  5S2 
Virchow  and   Holt/cndnrff,  I'ertriige, 

fxi. 

Virgil  on  western  lands,  2;;. 
I'irgiuia  richly  7ut/iifd,  2^>h 
Vistaino,  Seb..  501;  his  voyage,  4f>o; 

his  map  of  the  Pacific  coast,  4fn. 
Visscher.  his  map  ot  Pacilit  coast,  ^(tfK 
VitL't.    A  Hi'.    7'illrs    dt'    J-'rance,    39; 

I  fist,  dc  /?/r/A-.  ,14. 
Vivien  de   Saint-Martin,   /fist,   de  la 
,  ,g^og-y  472- 

Vi/caino,  Juan.     See  Cosa. 
"  Vizcaino,"  ship,  20. 
Volafan  {see  \'irnh;\gen),  47. 
Von  Murr.  C.  1 1.,  Ritter  Behaim,  105  ; 

Mcmorabiliay  */>. 
Voneltio,   Crasnar,  his  map,    438,  448; 

lac-simile  of  his  map,  436. 
Vorsterman,  W.,  ic;S. 
Voss,  Xachricht  von  dem  tteuen  ff'eltf 

162. 


I'oyaget  tttt  Mord,  3<i4 

i  oyagie  o/te  S.  Mi/>i  aerty  4'«». 

WAiiKSsfii.,  r  C,  Sa<ra  /^arentalutt 
\S  :  Untoruiy  \s 

Wagiii-r,  Ctflombo  und  ifihe  Kntdeck' 
iiHL'en,  ,\. 

\VaUM'na»*r.  dies,  i..;, 

Waldsieniulh'r,  M.irtin  (Walt/emUlIrr, 
llvtaioinylus,  llaionivliis),  in,  147, 
jjn;  his  I  t>sfHi\'r,i/>ltue  introdui- 
//I',  14),  14H  ;  at  Saint-Dit*,  i'-4  ;  edits 
Plolcmy.  2'>4  ;  biblir.grapliv  ot  his 
( 'osntot^r,i^/ihe  tntrodui.  /w,  i(>4, 
etc.  \  Ills  ina|)s,   ijji 

Wallace,  .-/  tna-on  and  A*i'tf  Xegro, 
OS. 

WaliAemiilltr      See  WahNeemiiller. 

Warburtun,  CoH>/nt'if  0/  Canada,  2i>H. 

W,iidt:n.   Chrou.  hiit.  de  I'A  nii^rti/ne, 

2w*' 

//  anvii  ii/tire  //istorua/  Cofkctionsy 

.y.u 
Washburn,    J.    D. ,   reviews    Wilson's 

A.ic  f/ntory^  4 J 7. 
Washita  kiVL-r.  251. 
Wateicloiks.  iMi. 
Watt-ree  kivir,  240;  (fiuatari),  2.S5. 
Watlmg's  Islatul,  54. 
Watson,    Paul     Hairtm.    litbliografhy 

0/  i  te'Colnmi'tan  linxoveries,  34. 
Waison.   k.  (i,  .Sf-antih  and  Porta- 

ghfst'  .Soutlt  Atnrrli-a,  57H. 
Watt,  (oacbiin.     S^e  Vjdianns. 
Weimar  gh.be,  iiM. 
Weinhuld.      Moritz,      '*  Federmann*! 

keise,"  5H«i. 
Wcise,  A.  J . ,  Discoveries  oj  A  mericuy 

94 
Weissciiliurger,  i'^2. 
Weller,  Ke/^-rtorinni^  \\i). 
Wells,    KiUard,  Xciu  Sett  oJ  Maps^ 

4''7- 
U  tlt-Kueely  Per,  (71. 
Werner,  lolm,  of  Nuremberg.  101. 
West  Indies,  when  iMUud,  i'»j. 
Wheat  mtr(Hbi(-ed  into  I'eiu.  51S,  547. 
Wlieelri,  (ieorge  M  ,   504;  AV/t'W  0/ 

.V«r.ri',  44  3 
Wbuidnn,  Jacob,  explores  the  Orinoco, 

Whiijple,   A.  \V  ,  Pactfic   R.  K.  Re- 

/>orts,  ^"i 
White  Sea  '  South  America),  s**-). 
Whitney,  J.    D.,  44'' i    on   C  aliiornia, 
443. 
I    Wiesencr,  \'e!^f>uce  et  Colombo  17S. 
Wieser,     Traiiz,     Ma^alh'ws'Strassey 
'117;    /Vr    l^ortnlan     des     Kdntgs 
Rhilif*/',  ii.   i;**,  222, 
Will  und  Nopitsch,  Lixtcon,  117 
!   Williams,  Helen  .Nlaria,  j*/). 
1   Williams's  Florida,  .'•>(} 
Wiliner,  L.  A.,  Ri/e  0/  D*  Soto,  2</', 

I  Wilson,  R.  A..  Xetf  History  of  the 
!  Conquest  of  Mt'xtto,  42;;  Aicxica 
!  and  /.'.v  Ri/ti^ion,  4J7:  MexHO,  iis 
Peasants  and  its  PriestSy  427; 
Mexu-'y  Central  America,  and 
California,  427 ;  criticised  by 
fieorgi^  I'icknor,  427;  by  Kirk,  427; 
bv  J.  I>.  Washburn,  427. 

Winds,  names  of,  9». 

Winiiepeg.   Lake,  4*"(. 

Winsor,  Justin,  ''Columbus.'*  i  ; 
*'  Cortes  and  his  Companions," 
349;  '*  fliscoveries  on  the  Pacific 
Coast  <pf  North  America."  431  ; 
•'Documentary  Sources  ot*  Early 
Spaiish-Amrrican  History,"  i;  on 
editions  of  t."ie/a  de  Leon,  574:  on 
Oarrillasso  de  la  Vfi:a,  57  > ;  KohPs 
Collection  of  Early  Mafs,  .,4  ;  on 
l.as  Casas,  343  ;  "  Sources  of  infor- 
mation" about  Magellan's  voyages. 
613;  "Vespucius  and  the  naming 
of  America,"  153:  Ihbliografhy  of 
Ptolemy's  Geo^raphyy  2S,  438 ; 
*'  Karlv  Cariographv  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico."  217  ;  "The  Amazon  and 
Kldorado,"  579. 

Wolfenbiittel  map,  222. 


G40 


INUKX. 


W.H.1I,  \V,  M..  (S6. 

WrijjlH,    I  (Iw.,    CrrtatH    Errprt    of 

.\.if/jj'.i//i'*i,  V'.  47"' 
Wiiiikc,    lli'itiriili,    iieuk,   tit-r    A'ri/- 

kuHtif,  41 ',   JJ4. 

W'yM-,  l,ieuleii.ii)l,  35J. 

Wyiliici,  (nrncliiiR  47^;  Detcriftumn 
/Ut*/f»Hauie  aHf^mtHtiitti,  4^7;  nt.ip 
of  C'iiltrnrtM.i.  4^*4 ;  iita|i  n(  Ainrrici, 
45<> ;  liit  iiwip  iif  I'lTu,  |(sH  ;  i)f  1  hill, 
55;;  A'rrww  DnHUurum  hutoria, 

a- 

X\n\,  4(ij. 

X.ihila,  K.  A.,  /W/r*"  Atitian^  4i<^ 

X.lli-in,  ajM. 
\.ii|uix.iKii.in.i,  war  nf,  i(;4. 

X.IUX.I,  SJn,  55H  I   (nvt-D  *tl't. 

Xt-rei,    1'  ranciHin    tk,    with    rij:arri), 

tif  Vi-nii«'  ( 15.^5)  tditintt,  5fi<s ;  'i  ver- 

«ii>ii  hy  j.ii.(|iie»(iuhury,  .^45  ;  L'ha- 

toire,   14 n 
Xinit'iiiH,  I  anliiial.   V*;,  jn  ;  oppoMj 

African  slavery,  yM. 
Xitiienen,  ihtj^fH  ti,-  ios  huihs,  415 
Xitnencft,  pilot,  killed,  441 
Xivruy,    II.  de,   /J^-i  prtmiirti   rtU' 

Xlicia,  Mark  de.  320. 

XualKi,  J4;. 

Xu.ire?,  Kiiiliur  Juan,  2^2,  244:  like* 
ne^H  of,  iSj. 


Vaoi'Na,  ift. 

Vaiic/,  iiiciiir*  of  Columbus,  7s. 

VtKiiii  Kivi-r,  j}u. 
V\.i,  51V.  54*. 

Yt^nii^itij!,  Nil,  hi»  ult,  I'WS. 

Vdc.ii,  Kmpiru  of.     .Srr  I'cru. 

ViiL4K,  likeiii'^Mcii  nl,  51^, 

Voudic,  A\v\.,  oil  TernauK,  vi 

Vu(..ii.in.  f»h  1;;;  ilit  iiaitir,  ijo ; 
(Iiaaliiii)  jjo,  jii.  aj\  ,  (l.uc.itaii) 
JJ5  ;  U-iii:li.itiih)  iig;  (IncInU)  ii-j . 
^laMrd.inf  ;  (  (irdi'bu  •i(,aM,  217; 
diHciivL-rfd  liy  I'iii/on,  jihy  ^  iiiitliur- 
iliL't  on,  4i<i;  in.ipH  ol,  ai<i,  aUt  ,in> 
1^4'  l<>4!  A»  an  itinnd,  u"^,  jjo; 
/V(i/jr  Uttrifi  sur  U  i/,'<  oHVfrtf, 
4"'- 

Viiciv,  Ml.  M7- 

\  iip.ih.i,  i\u, 

Vui|uc>ViMupie,  4<>5, 

7.\\\\\  ln>,  3H0. 

/jii.ilul.i  biiili,  ^). 

/.u.tlut.i,  4.V1,  441. 

/■ich.  I  orrfs/>oMtiitnce,  v,  )'(4,  331 

/.il.inKO.  5<Hj, 

/.illicri,   map,  (is^'^Ot  44<i :   ^ac-^ilnilt.^ 

451 
ZainAcoJH,    N,   dc,    ///j/    de    M^jU  o, 

4J^ 
7anial,  '>ii. 
/amudiu,  KH,  11)4. 
Za[>at.i  y  Mendnz.i,  J.  V  ,  rr(>f'/.(i,4^i. 


/aniuoj!,!,  Juiiii,  4i()* 

/.irale,  Auk.  de,  5J7  •  carttr,  5A7  l  hit 
///j/('r/.f,  y.'i  ;  transUiloiiK,  sf>H  \ 
t  oNf/MH/it  tU  Af/tUt;  4.IU  ;  /V 
/I  tiHtirrlifi  Ar     rtn/r    11  arathttnk* 

/fituhr(/t/kt  itUgtmeint  HrJknuJtt 

4.  .4, 
/tihthri/t  fhr  wiiifMuh,  (i.t'g.^  }). 
/eni  uxpliiraliHiiK  and   I  oUnnbuk,  i.n 

Ihcir  nt.ip,  j'H,  41;,  471. 
/cri,  All^ll*l|l),  />#  Utttrt  tii  C^^im^ 

fit.,  ix. 
/ban. it,  57'). 

Zifglcr,  yXIcs.,  AVv"*'«/*iwwj,  ./», 
Zii'ljlcr,     Ills     SihotiUiii,    4(3;     m.i|>, 

/ilrlti,  57«. 

/ria-na  iMi-l.t,  on  Hcmcb'i  ni.tp,  ii4. 
/ortii.  AlcKtt.indro,  117 
/ua/o,  t^y     AV«*  lu-nn. 
'/.wAtxu  UiL'gn  M.  df,  ii3 
/ncttleiKC,  .iH(. 
Zumarraxa,  Ititliop,  4<>i). 
/ui^i,  501,  }oi  ;  pucbliiA  of,  4R3 
/ui^tKai  A  Haiti  n/fj. ,  ^s-  '»■'*• 
Zni^iKa    V    Vcl.itto,    I'icgo    Lnpc«    da 
(I'undc  de  NiL'\aK  Viceroy  ol  i'erii, 

M7* 
Ziirl.i,   Fr,t   A/ttHfo,   31;    Di   Mari$ 

Zurita.  2$fi\  on  New  Spain,  417. 
/uroiiH,  i8u. 
/iitngils.  iHy 


Sj; ,  citttr,  ii,j  1  htt 
^ ;    Iraiixliiiinnn,   si.i  | 

r     At/tiiii,     4  JO  1      /JW 

•    tHi/t   ll'arachlijikf 
tllgettitiMt  ErdkiiHilt, 

K  and   I'ltluiMUUft,  jj } 
417.  47»' 
r»  Ulltri  M  Cg/omtf, 


I'gitnttutitniii,  i^>. 
liiiHiliii,    41 J ;     map, 


Kei!«rirft  nuip,  114. 
i>.  117 

(   U.1((). 

ill-,  ji] 

lip,  4110. 

tueblos  nf,  483. 

iV.  J,,  '  s.  h^- 

(),    I  'ifKfi    Ln[ie4    da 

:\a).  Vkcniy  (il  l*eru, 

'it<M  Spam,  417.