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Professor Leb^s Answer Co some Articles which appeared 

in the Journal des Syavans, relative to his Hebrew 

Grammar •-••••-••• •^•t.«.«»^«* 1 

On the Epic Poetry of the Romans 14 

Lieut.-CoIonel J. Tod's '^ Annals and Antiquities of 
Rajast'han^ or the Central and Western Rajpoot States 
of India"»^» ••-••• •^ 25 

Classical and Philological Extracts from Dr.JoHNSTONE's 

lifeofPAER •* 3S 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis •••••-• 56 

Gaisfobd's Herodotus ; also his Variorum Notes to 

the same •- • -..••-.•• 87 

Cambridge Prize Poems, for 1829. — Timbuctoo; A. 
Tennyson.— Greek Poem ; C. R. Kennedy.— 
Latin Poem; Epigrammata; C. Mebivale. — Por- 
sonian Prizes C. R. Kennedy •••••• 97 

Oxford Prize Poems, for 1829.— English; T.L.Clauoh- 
TON— Latin; J. E. E. WiLMOT •- 112 

■ -^- — fc ji %^ 


The Rev. Dr. Rubsell's ^'Connection of Sacred aod 
Profiine History/' 8cc •^ 12 

F/gypUan Antiquities •^ IS 

Oxford English Prize Essay, for 1829. — On FederatiTe 

Governments; G. A.Dbnison 15 

Nug«,No. XXV. •••• 15 

Adversaria Literaria, No xlix.— Classical Criucism**** 13 

Literary Intelligence* ••••••^•••# if 

The Pupiri Metrical CompanioD to Homer; by F 

WlLLlAMI •^•••^•••••••# •••••• •••••• 






Mr. Editor. — A Series of Articles written by the Baron 
Silvestre de Sacy, and published in the '^Journal des S^vans '' 
^or December, January, and February last, containing, as it has 
appeared to me, much questionable, if not palpably erroneous, 
matter, you will oblige me by giving the following observations 
a place in your Journal, as early as may be convenient. 

I am your humble servant, 
Cambridge, June, 1829. Samuel Lee. 

Xhe first paragraph which I shall notice, occurs in p. 721 in the 
article for December, 1828, where, speaking of the vowels, M. de 
Sacy says, 

Presque tons grammariens ont designe ces trois ordres de voyelles 
par les d^Qominationsde loneues, br^$, et tris-brives ; mais ces deno- 
minations r^pondant mal a leiir veritable vaieiir, M. Lee a prefere les 
noromer, 1\ voyelles parfaUes; 2^. vo^lUs imparfaUet; 3^. schSva et ses 
—'ntituti, M. Sarchi s'est servi des denominations de iongues, brhex, et 
i-brives: il nous semble, (adds he) que ce dernier nom pr^sente une 
^.jbusse, et qu'il tin mieux valu se servir de celui de temi'vot/elles. 

here to more things than one: ist. no reason is given 

'.from the usual nomenclature; whereas a 

on is given in my work : a reason with 

»ught to have been made acquainted. 


2 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

It 18 this : any one of the vowels denominated by me perfect, will, 
when following any consonant, constitute a syllable in Hebrew 
orthography ;' while, on the contrary, every imperfect vowel (as 
denominated by me) following a consonant, will require the addi- 
tion either of an accent or of another consonant to constitute such 
syllable.^ I will not here detain the reader with a recital of 
the advantages derived in accounting for the changes of the vowels 
by these considerations, but must refer him to the work itself. I 
will affirm, however, that these ought not to have been passed over 
by a reviewer, unless he was willing to impress on his reader that 
this novelty was unnecessary. 

In the next place, M. de Sacy objects to the latter term used 
by M. Sarchi ; because,' as he truly says, ** ce dernier nom pr6- 
sente une id^e fausse :'* and then he proposes that semi-voyelles 
be substituted for it. My remark is : the terms long and short 
very imperfectly express the nfiture of these vowels; and what is 
worse, they lead the reader to suppose that something like the 
quantity of the Greeks and Latins is to be found in the Hebrew, 
which, however, does not exist ; but as to the term semi-vowel, 
recommended by M. de Sacy, I cannot help considering it as a 
perfect absurdity, A letter in our own alphabet may with pro- 
priety'be termed a semi-vowel ; but how that which is not a letter, 
but a mark representing a vowel sound only, can be called half a 
vowel, I know not. If a vowel exists at all, I think it cannot be 
called half a vowel; there being no point of connexion between 
its vocality, as far as I can see, and the duration required for its 
utterance. M. de Sacy*s amendment of M. Sarchi, therefore, is 
in this place not only unfounded in the nature of the case, but is 
unphilosophical and absurd. 

But this is not the worst part of this paragraph. A little lower 
down, we are told, in contradiction to Mr. Ewald, that sheva had 
better be called the sign of a vowel, to be pronounced as rapidly 
as possible : 

II aurait ete plus conforme ^ la verite de presenter le ichkva comme 
etant dans tous les cas, soii gu^il t^rmine uu qu'il commence une syllabe 
composee, le signe de cette voyelle pronoocee aussi rapidement que 

I am very sure if either Mr. Ewald or myself had said that the 
Arabic gezma, which is perfectly equivalent to the sheva of the 
Hebrews at the end of a syllable, ought to be considered as a 
vowel, and pronounced as a very short e, nothing would have . ex- 
ceeded the contempt with which M. de Sacy would have treated 

^ Mr. Ewald, I see, has made the same remark, although he has not 
adopted my nomenclature. — Kritische Grammatik der Hebrai'scheQ 
Spracbe, p. 47. 

* So Mr. Ewald, p. 48. 

Professor Lee^s Hebrew Grammar. 3 

the assertion. Not to insist on the novelty of this doctrine, I will 
affirm, that the. consequence of adopting it would be to make the 
orthography of the Hebrew, which is at present as regular and 
simple as could be wished, a worse chaos than that of our own, 
or even the French. Let the reader figure to himself a learner 
repeating the preterite tense only of the Pihel conjugation of *Tp9 

thus : TgD (for -Tpj59) Pik^ked^, mj?? Pikmda, mgS PtA:^- 
kadita, PH^^ Pik^kadet^, and so on ; and I think he will im- 
mediately come to the conclusion, that nothing further need be 
added to show the absurdity of such doctrine. With regard to 
the sheva when initial, M. de Sacy himself exemplifies it in this 
very paragraph, by the words sputum, tmema, psittacus ; and in 
his Arabic Grammar, tome i. p. 39* by representing the words que 
dites'vous, se trainer, kdWvous, s*trainer, not by marking the e as 
being short, but by taking it out altogether ! And in p. 42. of the 
same work, he informs us from Mr. Vassali, that the Maltese do 
actually thus commence many of their words without sounding the 
vowel, although in these cases the written Arabic preserves a 
vowel. The practice is, therefore, that no vowel is heard, even at 
the commencement of a word ; which M. de Sacy also exemplifies, 
by the words Cleon, Ctisias, Priam, Ptolemie. Why, then, it 
may be asked, should that, which manifestly is not a vowel, be 
termed a very rapid one? Why should we give names to things 
which really do not exist in any case ; and above all, introduce 
the sound of a short vowel at the end of syllables, where neither 
necessity nor example can be pleaded for doing so? I have no 
hesitation, therefore, in affirming, that Mr. Ewald is perfectly right 
in this instance, and his reviewer, M. de Sacy, obviously wrong; 
and this not only in the article before us, but also in his Gram- 
maire Arabe, where this doctrine is first broached. The truth is, 
the sheva in Hebrew, as well as the gezma in Arabic, is a mark 
intended to show that in such place no vowel ought to appear, 
and to assure the reader that it has not been omitted by mistake* 
• M. de Sacy asserts, in the same paragraph, (p. 722.) that Mr. Lee 
has made no mention whatever of the application of the substitutes 
of sheva to others besides the guttural letters. But in this M. de 
Sacy is mistaken. It is probable, indeed^ that he has not read my 
Grammar throughout, and, therefore, that he has not met with 
the passage. If, however, the reader will turn to p. 102. art. l60. 
5 3. he will find that a substitute of sheva is regularly used in 
forming the absolute plural of one class of the segolate nouns ; 

viz. Dnp9. And again, at p. 223. § 14. he will find. a brief notice 

of their irregular usage. The reason of their having been thus 
formally mentioned in the one instance, and only briefly touched 
on in the other, originated in a belief which cannot be better ex> 
pressed than in M. de $acy*s own words : 

4 Professor Lee*s Hebrew Grammar. 

II est possible . . . que, dans certains cas, elles se soient introdiiites 
systimatiquement ; mais je conjecture que le plus souveot elles ne sont 
qiie des erreurs de copistes. 

This will suffice on this subject. 

Again, in p. 727* it is affirmed that I have omitted to make any 
mention of the euphonic dagesh. This is also a mistake. The 
subject is formally mentioned at p. 49* art. 118. under its proper 
head. I hope M. de Sacy has not been willing to pass over cer- 
tain particulars, and then to report them as wanting. 

There is one circumstance constantly adverted to in the whole 
of the three articles under consideration ; and in none is this more 
roundly put than in p. 7^5. of the first. Here we are told, pre- 
cisely k la P^re Simon, 

Ce syst^me tuutefois n*est pas aussi uniforme qu*on pourroit le croire 
si Ton ne consultoit que les Bibles imprimis. II est plus compliqu^ 
dans plusieurs manuscrits que dans d'autres, et il presenie asses 
souvent des anomalies qui peut-^tre ne sout dues qu*a des erreurs ou it 
des negligences des copistes, ou bien aux syst^mes particuliers de 
queJqiies grammariens. 11 n'a pas non plus atteint parfaitement son but; 
car rout le monde sail que plusieurs Juifs de divers pays, faisaiit usage 
dela m^me Bible, prononce cependant avec une telle diversity, qu'ils ne 
s'entendent pas reciproquement. II y a d*ailteurs dans ce systeme det 
difficulUi assez graves, &c. 

Again» at p. 727. speaking of the rejection of the ^*TK letters, it is 
said : 

Ces anomalies sont en si grand nombre, et sujetles a tant d'exceptions^ 
qu'il est bien difficile d*imprigier dans sa raemoire, d'une mani^re 
presque abstraite, les regies qui serventa la reduire en systeme ; 2^ que le 
grand nombre d'exceptions auxquelles ces regies sont sujette?, donnent 
lieu de croire que les auteurs du systdme de ponctuation ou de vocalisa- 
tion du texte H6breti de la Bible, ne 8*etoient pas fait a eux-ro^mes des 
principes bien fixes, &c. 

Passages similar to these may be cited from M. de Sacy*s other 
articles of January and February, all tending to impress on the 
mind of the reader, that a considerable portion of the Hebrew 
Scriptures must be treated as perfectly beyond the reachr of rule 
or principle, and be left as such. 

For my own part, however, I must think differently. Difficul- 
ties there are, I know ; but these, I believe, are no greater than 
those which are to be found in any other language: uor will it 
avail any thing to talk of the differences to be found in the Mss. 
and printed editions of the Bible. Every one knows, since the 
labors of Kenoicott, De Rossi, M asch. Van der Hooght, and others, 
that these differences are slight ; that they very seldom affect either 
the sense or the grammar of any passage ; and further, that an 
extended knowlege of the analogy of the language has enabled us 
to pronounce at once, whether many of them are errors of the 
copyists, or to be ascribed to the original writers. As to the 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 5 

systems of the different grammariaDs having affected the text in 
any instance, I more than doubt ; because I know as a fact, that 
Jewish grammars very rarely, if ever, attempt to set up any sys- 
tem. The M ichlol of Kimchi, as every one knows who has seen 
it, is a mere collection of facts : nor does the DrOIlK T\^^ of De 

Balmes, which has been thought to be one of the boldest works 
•that has appeared, venture much farther. The elder grammarians 
I have not seen, but it is likely they were still more simple ; and 
this seems to be placed beyond all doubt, by the artless matter 
and arrangement of the Masora. It may be allowed, too, that the 
pronunciation of the Jews in different parts has differed, and does 
so still, without making the inference, that this must have intro- 
duced either variety or confusion into the text or grammar of the 
Hebrew language. A Yorkshireman, for example, will pronounce 
the text of his Bible very differently from a native of Middlesex ; 
but it will not hence follow, that he understands it differently ; or 
that if he had to make out a written copy, he would not make it 
out correctly in every respect. M. de Sacy's reasoning on this 
subject, therefore, seems to me to be groundless and out of place. 
If, indeed, Mr. Ewald or myself can discover principles generally 
prevailing in the Hebrew and its sister dialects, which tend to 
reduce the anomalies found in former grammarians, 1 cannot be 
brought to think with M. de Sacy that this is a work of superero- 
gation. The facts collected by Kimchi, Buxtorf, and others, are 
truly valuable, both to the student and the grammarian ; but it 
must be extremely unphilosophical to argue, as M. de Sacy has 
done, that these facts ought barely to be stated, but never re- 
duced to general principles. This would be to swell grammars 
with rules adapted to particular examples only, and then to con- 
front these with hosts of exceptions ; which would indeed establish 
the difficulties recounted by M. de Sacy, but never remove one 
of them. M. de Sacy has himself, however, generally taken this 
course in his Grammaire Arabe, although he has occasionally 
indulged in explaining his rules ; and perhaps it is more on this 
ground, than any other, that he has been induced so frequently to 
reprobate the philosophy of Mr. Ewald and myself. I do not mean 
to insinuate, however, by this, that either Mr. Ewald or myself is 
always right in the philosophy offered, or M. de Sacy always 
wrong: all I contend for is, that the endeavor to combine in 
general principles the rules found to prevail in any language, is 
the proper business of the grammarian. And I will affirm, that if 
M. de Sacy had been endued by nature with powers for genera- 
lization equal to those of Mr. Ewald, his Grammaire Arabe, 
which presents scarcely any thing more than an elaborate collec- 
tion of examples arranged under particular rules, would have pre- 
sented a work infinitely more valuable to the learner, and more 
creditable to the compiler than it now does. But I object to 

• * # 

6 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

M. de Sacy's statements in toto, I deny that any such anomalies cf 
punctuation^ grammar, &c. exist, as be so roundly asserts; and I 
"will maintail), that the Hebrew Grammar is more simple and re- 
gular, than that of the Arabic, the Greek, tiie Latin, or even the 
French ; and that the text of the Hebrew Bible itself has come 
down to us in a state much nearer to its original one, than any 
ancient book which M. de Sacy can name. I object, therefore, 
both to the facts and the philosophy of M. de Sacy ip this in- 
stance ; and until arguments more cogent than any to be found 
in these articles are produced, and facts less questionable advanced, 

I shall continue to do so. 

Having dwelt thus far on the first article of M. de Sacy, let us 
now proceed to the second, i. e. to the Journal of January, 1829* 
The first subject I shall now notice is, M. de Sacy's objection to 
my method of treating the nouns termed segolate ; at which I am 
the more surprised, because it will perhaps be impossible to choose 
one more conformable with that recommended by himself. The 
reader will be aware that these nouns occasionally present them- 
selves in the forms of -STte, ^te, tote. &c. 190, "nQO, ^ISD, &c. 

ihn, ^jp^nr, ^pte. &c. tthp, ntfTJ?. teh^, &c. : these are the facts. 
M. de Sacy, after objecting to my arrangement, proceeds : 

II vaudroit beaucoup mieux se borner a exposer les faits, en r6unisant 
les cas individuels par groupes^ autant que faire se peut. 

Now, in my grammar, these several forms are classed together, and 
•the several accidents stated, in order to show the learner how 
they are found in the plural numbers masculine and feminine, 
in and out of the state of construction, and with the several 
pronouns ; and when found in the feminine gender, or in the state 
of construction ; but not in the dual number, as M. de Sacy says; 
for this reason, because they are never found in it. It cannot be 
to the arrangement, therefore, that M. de Sacy objects : no, it is 
to the supposition offered by me after Schroeder and others, that 
the segol, introduced between the second and third radical letter, 
has been introduced for the sake of euphony. M. de Sacy's words 

Je ne sais si je me fais illusion, mais il me semble que tout cet €cha- 
faudage, dont M. Lee n'est pas rinventeur^ n'est fait que pour ramener 
autant que possible les mots primitives ^ Tetat de monosyllabe, et 
peut-etre aussi pour rendre plus facilement raison des changemens de 
voyelles qui ont lieu quand on veut former de ces noms. » . , 11 est 
certain que Veuphonie, d laquelle on a recours pour justifier ces. transmuia- 
tions de male en malec, puis en m^lec, de sifr en sifer, puis en sefer, n'est 
alleguee que faute d'une meilleure raison ; car il n'est pas plus difficile 

de prononcer "Sf^D male que "n^ nard, et Qpp koscht^ &c. 

• • • . • 

I will only remark, that I think this exceedingly unworthy of the 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 7 

learning of M. de Sacy* A vowel, apparently euphonic, has cer- 
tainly been introduced, as I had said : yet be affirms that it can 
be said on grounds no better than conjecture ! — *' Enfin, qu* au lieu 
de marcher ainsi de opposition en supposition !*' But, might it 
not be answered, that on this mode of proceeding, his own Gram- 
nuaire Arabe, po less than the three tomes of his Chrestomathie, 
is, the one half at least, nothing but a tissue of conjecture ; and 
that the learned author of both ought to have con^ned himself 
solely to the exhibition of facts, and not to have had recourse to 
supposition after supposition ? But I will not dwell on matter so 

childish as this : I will allow, too, that ^12 male might have been 

pronounced without the euphonic vowel, had the Hebrews thought 
proper to do so, just as well as "T*13 nard, or Dl^ koscht; and 

that the same euphonic, vowel might also, have been added to 
lk**^t K2DrT» &c. ; but the fact is, it is not found so. T will add, 

however, that this is nevertheless contrary to the general usage of 
both the Hebrew and Arabic languages, which avoid the concur- 
rence of two quiescent letters after a vowel, as M. de Sacy very 
well knows. But when he says that this system has been adopted 
in order to reduce the primitive noun to a monosyllable, I must 
again object ; because the fact of the case is, the noun appeared as 

a monosyllable in the forms ^D^D> ^D^D, <&c. before the system 

. • • 

had been recurred to by me. That the arrangement has been adopted 
to assist the memory, there can be no doubt ; but this is just what 
M. de Sacy has recommended. I cannot help treating his objec- 
tion, therefore, in this place as quite beneath himself, and perfectly 
childish; and because the arrangement given exhibits the pure 
facts of the case, and not so much as one supposition, to which 
the learned Baron can withhold his assent, unless be will be 
hardy enough to maintain that two quiescents may regularly follow 
one vowel in Hebrew. 

The next subject I shall notice is M. de Sacy*s doctrine respect- 
ing some of the species of the Hebrew conjugation. This is givien 
at p. 17. in his remarks on the Grammar of M. Sarchi : 

Si r on admettoit cette nomenclature, (says M. de Sacy,) il y auroit 
en Hebreu une forme verbale primitive bj^B* trois formes verbales deri- 

v^es, SvD, b^yDn et SySJVT, et la forme primitive, ainsi que les deux 

premieres formes derivees, seroieot susceptibles de la distinction en 
voix active et voix passive ; les voix passives de ^^Bt /JfB et Ti®rT> 

seroient pVB^t 7J® ct TyDll. La trmiime forme dcriv^e ayant essentielle- 

ment k tent r^Jlkhi, il 6toit naturel qu* elle ne fCit point susceptible de 

8 Profiessor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

donner naissance k une voiz passive . . . Je sals que, d*apr^ TaDalogie 
de la langue Arabe, on peut contester ^ la forme y^H U caraeiire pri-^ 

mttf de vois passive ; mais tela est peu imparianif et puisque les formes 

/^ (<}^) ^^ ^^^^yPO ^"^ incontestabiement leur Toiz passive, il me 

• - • 

semble tr^s-Daturel de considerer ^JJ^t)]) eomme passif de y^QjCegmin^i 


pSehe point que cette forme ne puisu itre ditoumie guelovefois de cet nstige, 
eomme dans iTtiy M. Ewald oe regarde Ja signineation passive de 

y^3 que comme une dhjiation de sa destiaation primitive, et peut-^tre 
a*t-il raisop. 

The only questions I shall moot here, will be respecting the forma 
or species termed bj/P} niphbaland b^^iyj hithp^bel. M* de Sacy 

seems here to have no doubt that the ^J^]) species is the passive 

form for bjB, though he thinks with Mr. Ewald that it might be 

true that this is a deviation from its primitive destination. What 
this primitive destination might have been, however, neither he nor 
Mr. £wald has told us.' It is very extraordinary, I think, that 
M. de Sacy should have passed over the remarks made on this 

' Mr. Ewald, indeed, says, p. 191. '** £in dem ein^hen Stamm vor- 
gesetztes ^ hat reflexive Bedeutung,'' &c. ; and at p. 202. be says much the 
Same of the hithpabel form : and in both cases he afterwards affirms, the 
passive sienification,'to which these forms are subject^ must have grown out 
of this reflective power. There are cases, however, in which both have 
complements in the sense of the objective case, which should seem to 
take the place of tbe word self (sich) which he supplies in these cases ; 

but here he supplies a preposition, as in ^ninn> I^v* zxv. 46. which 
he translates, fur sich ttwas erheru But here we have DrTTninm 
03^3^7 Q^^^ where the fur sich must surely be displaced by 

» •• 

Oy^^^for your children, unless this verb has three complementary ad- 

juncts, which I should think improbable. On my system it might be 
translated : and ye shall become possessing them for your children. This 
is the force which the equivalent Arabic forms have; and as the Ara- 
bians see no such purely reflective power in these cases, nor any thing 
like a departure from the true one in forming a passive voice; and 
further, as no difficulty is in any case experienced by viewing these 
forms as they do, I cannot help believing that their view is the true 

one. The German werden, the English to become^ and the Persian t^yXi* 

or . Jo^jiT, when construed with other verbs, seem to me to give the 

precise force of these Hebrew forms. But we have nothing reflective in 
these combinations. 

Professor Ijee's Hebrew Grammar. 9 

subject in my Hebrew Grammar; and the more so, as some great 
mistakes made in his GrammaireArabe have there been pointed out 
by me: I mean in pp. 122. 125-6. The truth, however, appears 
to be, that M. de Sacy has no adequate notion whatever of the 
real force of these forms. According to the Arabian grammarians, 

these forms involve what is termed a Xf«Uk«9 (see my Hebrew 

Grammar, p. 121-2.) and intimate the accidental, not any habi- 
tual impression made on the agent of the verb ; as, in the exam- 

pies, jwijCSli 9>L:^vIt CliywX ^ broke the gla$8, and it br- 

CAME BROKEN. jmSjH *Ui>V Cljj^ I broke the vessel, 
and it became broken. So that this i^^AJa^y or participially 

c .Uk^ (not fiJiJoAy as M. de Sacy erroneously writes it), can- 
not in any way correspond to the term passive, as used in European 
grammars, or as M. de Sacy has erroneously interpreted it in 
the passages alluded to. The truth is, a change of circumstance in 
the agent, and a subjection to the action of the verb, is solely 
and purely the force of these forms in the Arabic ; and to this 

the ^ d Jit to go, or become, which is used in forming what have 
been called passive verbs in the Persian, and the Ul>* to go, used 

in a similar way in the Hindustani, are perfectly equivalent. That 

the same is not the case with both the TSfQi aod bSfBTlSl of the 

• ■ • 

Hebrew, no one will, I am sure, doubt for one moment, who will 
take the trouble carefully to examine a few passages in which 
those forms occur. From these considerations, will appear, as I 
have shown in my Grammar,' the real difference between the 

participial passive form of 73fB or kal, and the past participial 

form of bj^^ : the one will imply habit generally, the other an 

accidental change in the character of the person or thing subject 
to the influence of the verb. The instances I have given in exem- 
plification of this are, 7\JV& YS a tree planted, i. e. remaining in 

that state ; and, in niphhal bPX^) \Jf a tree (which has become) 

planted, i. e. which has been subjected to this action accidentally : so, 
MVT 1-Ult^ irnb : ^"IDitf ^^13D Sanballat had hired him, because 

he was an hireling, Neh. vi. 12, 13 : and ^Dfef^ UVb^ D^lfef 

' Page 125, &c. 

10 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

thou who are (habitually) futt, are (occaiionmUy) hired for brtmd, 
1 Sam. ii. 5. The bjfBTXn form, signifies, asl have stated, (p. 121.) 
first, to be, or become, that which the primitive word signifies : as» 
^KilJin, he became polluted : p^T^» he became etrong : tnMX% 

he became red: or, if the context require it, he made himself so. 

reflectively ; or, was made so, passively. So in Arabic, (.^jUi aZj^I 

/ corrected him, and he became corrected. The hithp^hel form is 
not, therefore, *' essentiellement r^fl^chi," nor any thing like it ; 
nor is the niphhal, in its real character, a passive either of kal, or 
of any other species of the Hebrew conjugation ; but both may^ms 
the context shall require, be translated by us, either as being pas- 
sive or reflective ; because the real force of these forms will sig* 
nify either the one or the other of these, just as the respective 
nominatives and subsequent context shall require. In this sense, 
therefore, niphhal and hithp^hel will have either the same, or verj 
nearly the same force ; and this will be found on an extended 
inquiry to be the fact : and it is worth while to remark, that in the 
Syriac and Chaldaic, in which we have no form corresponding witk 
niphhal, we have a form with rsi^ prefixed, which particle is identi- 
cal with the Dil of the Hebrew hithpkhel. To these the forms ^xiS 
and Jjuit of the Arabs are very nearly allied, both in sense and 
form ; and are described by the native grammarians as involving' a 

y^^ AU^ or subjection, as already noticed. 

To conclude, on this subject. Nothing can exceed my surprise, 
that a person so learned in Arabic, as M. de Sacy certainly is, should 
neither in these articles, nor yet in his Grammaire Arabe, ever have 
attempted to develope the real character of these forms. That 
M. Sarchi, or Mr. Ewald, should have omitted to do this, is what 
might have been expected ; because it is probable tliat neither 
of them has access to original works on Arabic grammar; 
but that M. de Sacy should not only have made this omission in 
every case, but also have neglected to notice it when made both 
by Mr. Lumsdenand myself, is truly marvellous ! My argument is : 
it is highly probable that the Hebrew forms correspond in sense 
with those similar to them in the Syriac, Chaldaic, Ethiopic, and 
Arabic. The Arabians tell us how they understand theirs ; and, 
on comparison, we find that the Syrians, Chaldeans, Ethiopians, and 
Hebrews, have certainly ascribed the same powers to theirs. Now, 
I ask, can any thing short of either perverseness or a determination 
never to departfrom the paths of custom and of ignorance, induce 
any writer to close his eyes against circumstances such as these ? 

The next subject I slmll notice is, M. de Sacy^s method of dis- 

Professor Lee*s Hebrew Grammar. XI 

evisiiig my Ihcfory of the Hebrew Terb. I b»ve affirmed^ mui I do 
8o still, that the ground form of tbe verb is nothhig more than a 
noun of one form or other; and that the Hebrew grammarians, 
David Kimchi, and De Balmes, have said the same thing. M. de 
Sacy remarks, . . 

II (Mr. Lee) appuie ce paradoxe sur Tautorite de Kirochi, qui ne dit 
Hen de sembiable; car autre chose est de dire, comme ce grammarien 
Hebreu, que ies verbes viennent des noms, et que le nom est comme le corps, 
et le verbe comme l*accideru, ou de dire comme M. Lee, que le verbe n'est 
, rien qu' un nom, que la troisi^me personne du singulier du preterit du 

verbe simple nomme 7p kal, est toujours un nom .primitif de Tune des 


formes *Tp9* *Tp9 ou *7p3, et que pour le present (ou aoriste), le fond de 
ce temps est un nom du nombre des noms primitifs qui ont pout signe 
characteristique le s6go1, et de Tune des formes *Tp9» ^9 ou *7p9< Dans 
ce syst^me, Timperatif aussi est un nom . . . et il ne faut pas oublier 
que ces pretend us noms primitifs "TpSy *Tp9) *Tp9» ^^ sont que Ies crea- 
tions d'un esprit systematique, desqiielles on peut dire, quod gratis aS' 
seritur, gratis negatur. D'ailleurs, si Ies temps personnels du verbe 
n'etoient dans la realite que des noms joints a des pronoms, pourquoi tons 
Ies temps, tous Ies modes n'auroient-ils pas pris pour base le m^me noa> ? 
Pourquoi le nom qui, dans le preterit, forme la troisi^me personne du 
singulier, n'auroit-il pas conserve sa forme dans toutes Ies personnes du 
m6me temps, et de VSHj par exemple, auroit-on fait P!^'Sn ? C*en est 

assez sur cette doctrine." 

This is making short work of it, truly. But let us see how all 
this is founded : and first let us review the sentiment of Kimchi on 
this subject. In the Michlol, fol. 3rd verso, we have, 1j;i2f SIDDl^l 

i^ !?ys)n o by^b DTip oirrw ^d h^i n^rr/in ah^Bn pnpi 

. I first proceed to write the chapter on the grammar of verb's, although 
a noun precedes the verb: for the verb proceeds from the noun. 
And they say that the ** noun is as the body ^ the subfect,of accident ; 
but that the verb is the accident.'* (Gramm. p^ I89.) 1 repeat the 
whole passage, in order that do mistake may arise as to the sentiment 
of this grammarian, and, as it should seem, of others also, who had 
preceded bim. Now, M. de Sacy thinks that it is one thing to say 
all this, and another that the verb is nothing more than a noun 
with a pronoun attached to it. I answer, if M. de Sacy means 
that Kimchi has not delivered his sentiment in exactly the words 
which I have used, he is perfectly right ; and 1 certainly do not 
intend to argue such a question with him or any other man : but t 
will contend thatl have correctly advanced the sentiment of Kimchi, 
and that he did intend to inculcate the doctrine, viz. that nouns 
present the body, or ground form on which the verb is constructed ; 
that tbe noun receives the accidents whereby the verb is framed ; 

12 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

aod that the verb iiself^ -when to framed, may be termed the acci- 
dent, and the noun the body or root : and, I will further maiotauH 
that if Kimchi did not mean this, there is no meaning whatever 
discoverable in what he has said. Again : fol. HXp verso, JH 

-)t:d dh^ D^nm aw 'Tun 'pm 'jntn 'nan ^Tsmn id 

DU^ P ^yiSn. KnoWf may God give thee intelUgenee^ ihmi 
nount are of two sorts : of some the noun is deduced from the verb, 
or the verb from it ; as Reuben, Simeon^ T^bvlun^ where the mmn 

is deduced from the verb. In Ully yiCn> p*ll* STft 37ttf» and 
the like, the verb is deduced from the noun. Headds, \iCSW UO W) 

1DD iMD nraa ^ JTiT vb\ by^ssn p nrjj ymx\ nm tw 
D^rrm t^na yv '"^'wtr '^^^ '"^"^^ '"ns cno Tsa 'pK 'mwi 'imk 

Dfl^. TAfie are n<miM, however , which are names of things^ which 
are neither deduced from verbs, nor are verbs deduced from them ; 
n^, W^9 TWl^, Sic. And again, foi. n under the form of the 

preterite bjfQ, he says, ^^J vb ^3 HT ItjWD ^ nNTBl D» »31 

JyDn 1"6y ^Dl^n «b Tin» y^h fSn. 7%erc t< « verbal noun 

of this form: as, Ps. ▼• 5. and Deut. xvi. 3. And in the same 
page, speaking of the preterite of the form bjfQ, he says, DltH 

a^ng 'pVn 'Pij'^l^ nr bpt^n bSf^ann. Andtheverbalnouns 
of this form are, TtlsH* JQp, &c. Extracts from what he has 
said under the form bjf^, in the same page, will be found in my 

Grammar, p. 198, in the note. Now, I say, if Kimchi did not mean 
to affirm that the noun is the root of the verb in the first extracr, 
and to show in the others that no form of verb occurs to 
which a noun of a similar form is not to be found (I mean in kal), 
and hence to inculcate that in every case the noun is the body or 
root, and the verb the accident; it is quite out of my power, and 
I think of that of M. de Sacy himself to say, why Kimchi has thus 
expressed himself. It will not be necessary to cite De Balmes on 
this subject, because no objection has been made relatiug to him ; 
and perhaps I may now say, that is enough on this subject. 
*• C'en est assez,'' &c. 

The next objection is to the form of the present, or what M. de 
Sacy terms the aorist. I had stated that one or other of the 
forms *tp9> *T{2S ' or "Tj^S will be found to be the ground form of 

. S 8 

f his tense, and that these are forms of the segolate noun. The 
objection is : in this system, the imperative also is a noun ; and 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 13 

that it ought not to be forgotten, that these pretended primitive 
Douns *1pB» *T|29> *n?P* ^^® nothing more than creatures of a 

theorizing imagination. To the first I answer, I see no reason 
why the imperative of a verb might not be a noun, especially as 
we occasionally find the verbal noun or infinitive of the form of 

l^p9 used imperatively ; as, "T^^n go, Jer. ii. 2 ; IhO^, observe, 

Deut. V. 12 : for if the verbal noun was pronounced with energy, as 
Scbroederus has judiciously remarked, it could not be understood 
in any other sense, than that of giving a command. M. de Sacy, 
therefore, need not have been surprised at this. In the next place, 
the forms *1pB, *T|^Bt and Ij^B are not creatures of the imagina- 
tion, but are found both as nouns, and as the imperatives, as well 
as infinitive or verbal nouns used in the state of coustruction. It 
would be a work of supererogation to exemplify a thing, of which 
every tyro in Hebrew is well acquainted ; but I doubt whether 
any sort of proof would sufiice to convince my learned reviewer. 

The last question on this subject is, why is not the form of this 
noun, if it be such, preserved through its proper tense, i. e. why 
does Y^rr in the third person masc. of the preterite become 

D^ffirr. and not FS^tBTl of the second? I reply, if M.deSacy 

had condescended to turn over one leaf more of my Grammar, he 
would have seen, (p. 200.) *' Hence in the second form, exempli- 
fied by ysn willing, the ( •• ), when made imperfect, becomes (-) 

instead of (v), by what has been termed an oblique correspondence, 
(art. 102. 2.): as in DT^SfflTr WXSn," &c. I will now add, when 

the terminating consonant happens to be >^, this vowel (••) is 
always retained ; as, K"1\ DIVX*, &c. ; and, in the Arabic univer- 

^ ^ ^ o ^ o ^ 

^^^y» aJLc, vjintAf j ein»Xf ) &c. lam a good deal surprised, 

therefore, that M. de Sacy should have made a remark so silly and 

One remark more on this subject. Is it not an extraordinary 
thing, that in the Chaldaic we have confessedly a participial nouo 
conjugated with the pronouns, and used as a preterite 1 as, 
Tp9« JTPpB) i^TpB, &c. See De Dieu's Gramiuar, Hebvev^ 

Chaldaic, and Syriac, p. 212. Jahn*8 Elementa Aramaicie Lingtii^ 
p. 104. And in the Syriac, the participial noun of the preset tti 

is also conjugated, UX^ ^^^ tj]VL£o> ^A!^^ '^ ^o^ ^ 

14 On the Epic Poetry 

&c. Now, I might ask, if the Syrians and Chaldeans have acted 
so unpbilosophicaily, according to M. de Saey*f Tiewf of this aubf-^ 
jeet, as to have conjui^ated a participial noun, -and Ibas made 
it into a verb ; why might not their equally unrefined neighbors, 
the Hebrews, have done the safene thing, and supposed with Kina- 
chi and myself, that the noan is really the body on which this 
verbal character has been grafted? I* certainly see nothing impos* 
sibie in this ; and from what has been advanced by some very 
able wriltrs on this subject, such as Court de Gebelin,' and 
Others, as well as the nature of the case, I must confess I am io* 
olined to believe that the things called verb§ nte mere creatures of 
the imagination ; that they have no existence in nature ; while, like 
many other technicalities which might be named, they are useful 
enough in detailing the elements of technical gprammar. I am dis- 
posed, therefore, to dismiss the cool remark, '* C'en est assez sur 
cette doctrine/' with which this paragraph closes, as being rather 
more remarkable for the self-complacency with which it has been 
made, than for either its philosophy or its candor. 



No. II. [Concluded from No. LXXFIIL] 

JSuT another series of years ensued, and brought with it a fatal 
change. In the republican times poeti^y had indeed lost some of 
its importance ; and in consequence of the division of intellectual 
labor enlisted fewer men of genius in its service : still it was awake 
and active and vigorous, being fostered in part by the stimulus of 
public applause, but above all by the mysteries and manifold ways 
iu which liberty of action promotes liberty of thought and imagi- 
nation. But the evil days of Greece were come ; the various 
causes, which had been for ages preparing the decay of Greece^ 
at length fulfilled their work ; the Greeks ceased to be a nation^ 
and the Athenians a people. Longinus has observed, in a passage 
of melancholy beauty, (and his own apparent, and only apparent, 
disapprobation of the opinion takes nothing from its truth,) — Oc 
vvy iolKOfiev iraihofiaOels elvat hovXelas biKaias, tois avTrjs- l^deai: icai 
^niTTihevfiaaiv e$ SuraXiHv in ^f^vtifxaTtav fwvov ohx epeawapyavaffiiyot^ 
Koi ayevaroi icaAX/orov /cat yoyififaraTOV \6ywy vafiaros, Trfv iXevdc- 

' As cited in my Hebrew Grammar, p. 80. 

of the Romans. 15 

fy(ai^9 i^Hf \iyia* Sidirep olihkv 6n firi KoKaxes ^K0€Uvofi€y /LieyaXo^vecf. 
Let no man, to whom the sacred gift of genius has been confided:, 
for the sake of his own interest, or hi^ use, or any other motive, 
place himself in a situation where he shall not be at liberty to 
endploy that genius according to the dictates of his reason and his 
conscience ; neither let any man be instrumental in placing otherii 
in such a situation : whether temporal retribution follow the 
offence or not, his own mind will be his avenger; and the more 
he retains of his original uprightness, the bitterer will be his re* 
pentance. The Roman sway over Greece was not more oppr6SS« 
ive than that of conquerors has usually been ; at times it was 
even remarkably liberal; and the Greeks were still held in regard, 
not by Rbiiie only, but by the world in general, as the founders of 
learning and civilisation. But freedom of action was extinguished ; 
and with it its companion, freedom of speech (in their own favor- 
ite and expressive word, wa^prttria) disappeared also. The busy 
and restless spirit of the' Greek, excluded from public affairs^, 
wasted itself in petty intrigues — bcKaafioi, xal dXXorp/cnv dfjpai On- 
vartov, Kai iyehpai biaBrjKwy : and his intellectual activity was con- 
fined, at the best, to " shadowy searches and unfruitful cares ;** 
happy, if it could thus escape from more slavish and more unin- 
spiring employments. The poet, of cburse, shared in the common 
degeneracy. He felt himself degraded, and he felt that he was 
addressing a degraded audience ; and the haunting consciousness 
weighed on bis spirit, and damped his energies. He was no l6nger 
the counsellor of his fellow-citizens, the reprover of their errors, 
their comforter under national misfortunes, the mouthpiece of the 
national feeling ; the sympathy of the Muse with 'the living and 
acting world was destroyed. Meanwhile the debasement of the 
public character, in the natural course of. things, produced a 
correspondent corruption of taste, and an insensibility to true 
poetry. In this and other ways, various indeed, but springing 
from the same cause and tending to the same effect, the revolu- 
tion was accomplished. Genius indeed existed ; but adverse influ- 
ences were every where at work to prevent its growth. No new 
kinds of poetry arose ; of the old ones, some, from their very 
nature, ceased to exist, and others retained but a stunted and 
shrivelled existence. Still, however, the ancient models remained ; 
less truly appreciated, indeed, than of old, but worshipped with a 
blind idolatry, on the strength of tradition and custom, and under 
awe of criticism : in like manner as many among ourselves habitu- 
ally worship Shakspeare and Milton, although ignorant of the 
Iruest and highest excellences of the one, and almost unacquainted 
with the other. Their faults were justified, the errors and igno- 
rances contained in them explained away, and the mere accidental 
moulds in which they were cast regarded as inherently excellent, 
and made matter of superstitious reverence. Hence, one cause 

16 On the Epic Poetry 

co-operatiug with another, when the Tital principle of true poetry 
was withheld from developing itself; and when, at the nine time*. 
the ineradicable love of distinction, in tome shape or other, still 
continued to actuate men of literary talent ; though it might not* 
perhaps, be quite easy, even uuder such circumstances, for omb to 
persuade themselves that excellence was really to be attained bj 
clever copying, the temptation was easy and obvious, to impose^ 
by such methods, on an audience of vitiated ta:ite and feeble acii- 
sibility — an audience already prepared to take appearances ibr 
realities. And thus poetry became a lifeless piece of mechanism, 
an ingenious juggle played off by a scholar in his closet. 

This change, however, even before it took place in Greece itself^ '- 
had been anticipated and prepared by the erection of the AIck- 
andrian school of literature. In that colony, Grecian indeed in its 
origin, but governed by a series of liberal despots, the process 
above described had in a great measure taken place, and the 
result was the production of the first artificial race of writers—— 
the prototype of those which, at different periods, have arisen in 
the various literary countries of Europe. Among the earliest and 
most distinguished writers of this epoch was the poet ApoHftuus 
Rhodius; who, as the oldest remaining exampleof the application 
of this species of writing to the forms of heroic song, and as ooo^ 
stituting the intermediate step between the Homeric and the Ro* 
man epic, demands from us a brief notice. To deny considerable 
merit, both natural and acquired, to Apollouius, would be idle* 
That be possessed extensive learning, and much acquaintance with 
the rules of criticism, is evident from his work itself. He has much 
pathos, though not of the highest order ; his powers of descriptioii 
are far from contemptible, and his pictures of scenery, more esp^ 
cially, have a reality and a freshness at times, such as make as 
wish that his powers had found a better soil to expand them9elves 
in. But this is all : as in other such cases, a few minor faculties 
alone are seen in operation, while the grand energies of poetry are 
nowhere exerted. Where are the fire, the freedom, the overflowing 7 
exuberance of Homer ? Where his manners, his passions, his dnh* ^ 
matic and life-breathing characters, his magnificent imaginationsif .. ^ 
Where, in fine, that air of ease and confidence which mark tMl^ 
great poet ; fearless of doing wrong, because guided, not by a set,- 
of rules which lie on his desk beside him, but by his own inwafd 
sense of truth and beauty? — Apollonius's language is a modifica- 
tion of that of Homer, whom he follows almost as closely as Sflius 
does Virgil ; but it is too evidently that of a grammarian. If some 
of our readers should think that we have been unjust to Apollo- 
uius, we must request their favorable interpretation. There is 
another and a much later writer of this school, whom some rank 
among the epic poets, but whose extreme irregularity of plan must 
exclude him from the class— we mean Nonnus of Panopolis, thf 

of the Ramans. 17 

author .o£> the Dionysiaca; a poem bearing some resemblance to 
the Metamorphoses of Ovid, though inferior in merit ; containing 
much romantic beauty, and much brilliant though diffuse descrip- 
tion, and reminding us, in the luscious smoothness and balanced 
stateliness of its versification, of .the author's countryman and 
contemporary, Claudian, — the. last refiner of the Roman, as the 
later Alexandrians were* of the Greek hexameter. But we must 
hasten to our more immediate subject. 

Whether the Romans ever possessed an epic poem, in what we 
conceive to be the true sense of the term, is a question which, we 
believe, has been of late much agitated among the erudite and 
^P^^fttive critics of. Germany: the first impulse having been 
given by the historian Niebuhr, who, as is well known, maintains 
the existence of several such in the early ages of Rome; and more 
especially of a poem, or rather cyclus of poems, comprehending 
the whole Tarquinian story, from the arrival of the first Tarquin 
at Rome to the battle of the Regillus ; and which, as he thinks, 
(and most justly, as regards the incidents, which still remain, and 
of which alone he can be understood as speaking,) '' in depth and 
brilliance of imagination, leaves every thing produced by Romans 
in later times far behind it." On a subject on which so much 
thought and research have beeu expended by such men, it 
would argue levity and presumption to form a conclusion with 
such insufficient means as we are capable of commanding : nor is 
it necessary ; since the only epic poetry of which we are now 
tceating is that which the Romans borrowed from the Greeks, and 
of which specimens remain. It is sufficient for us that, ijf the 
iirst-mentioned species ever existed, it was effectually supplanted 
by the latter. What is more generally acknowleged, as capable of 
proof from ancient testimony, is the existence of certain historical 
■ffiQgif'whether epic or otherwise, as late and even later than the 
tuae of Ennius, who 'employed them in part as materials for .his 
naliooal poem. 

Of this remarkable man, the first' who introduced Greek models 
into Rome, and the founder of a line of poets which, stretching 
through the times of the republic and of the empire, loses itself at 
last. in the darkness of the middle ages, nothing now remains but 
a collection of fragments, numerous indeed, but without exception 
very short, the longest not exceeding twenty lines. From these 
remains, however, from the general testimony of antiquity, and 
from the influence exercised by bis writings on later men of 

^jEj&a We do not forget the prior attempts of LiviusAndronicus ; but the 
:|pAtgeniu8 of the Calabrian poet, and the wider, field which (lis labors 

ep^Ked, entitle him to the honor of completing and establishing the 

w(tp(^hich the other had only imperfectly begun, ' 


f- ■'» 

1 8 On the Epic Poetry 

genius, we are led to conclttde that the teotence of QaiotifiMiy 
(lib. X. c. 1.) '* Ennium sicut sacros vetastate lucot adoremos, m 
qui bus grandia et antiqua robora jam non taotam habeot apeciem, 
quantam religionem,*' is a little too much io the spirit of a rhet€»- 
rician of the days of Domitian ; and that Eonius was, not indeed a 
Homer or a Chaucer, but a man of comroandinf talent, fitted for 
great enterprises, and not unworthy of the place he held in-flK 
calendar of Roman genius. The most remarkable peculiar!^ in 
his literary character is, that being qualified by nature as well as 
incited by ambittou to become the founder of a new literature, he 
ahould have endeavored to effect this, not by developing the bid- 
den riches of his own language, not by refining the rude Ibrflas 
already in use, or creating others in harmony with the genius of 
the language and the spirit of the people ; but by engrafting the 
young plant on a foreign stock, and attemptini; to produce a 
second age of Grecian literature, thinly disguised in a Roman es-- 
terior. This appears, as far as we can judge, to have been a signal 
error. It was certainly fatal, not indeed altogether, but in a very 
great degree, to Roman originality. The language of conversation, 
— the language which comes fresh from the heart and the mind, — 
was no longer allied to that of composition ; they were no longer 
two modes of the same thing, differing only in refinement, correct- 
ness, and some other accidental attributes, but they were things of 
different kinds. Hence the Roman poet could scarcely be said to 
meditate and imagine in Latin, in the same sense as the Gre^ 
poet did in Greek; and thus his conceptions were paralysed, and 
the flow of his fancy impeded. Habit, indeed, might do much : 
great powers would sometimes surmount these barriers ; aad 
where, as in the instance of satire (we believe in that instance 
alone), the field of Italy was left unvisited by the Grecian scythe, 
the native growth shot up vigorously and luxuriantly : but the 
general effect was such as we have described it. In justice to 
Ennius, however, we must observe that it is not easy for a modern 
critic to estimate the difficulties under which he labored, or to 
determine how far the roughness and scantiness of his materials 
might justify him in adopting that course, which many great men 
have been betrayed into under circumstances of less excuse. And 
it must be admitted that, having chosen his part, he performed it 
well and effectually. He hollowed out the channel in which the 
current of Roman imagination was thenceforward to flow. He 
refined the language; he gave to the Latin hexameter that charac- 
ter which, though with considerable alterations, continued sub- 
stantially to the last. He invented a new poetical instrument, and 
consecrated it to the glory of Italy, and the celebration of the 
great and good deeds of her ancient heroes ; in the words of his 
own simple and appropriate epitaph : — 

of the lemons. 19 

Aspicite, o ceiveis^ seals Eonii imaginis formam : 
Heic vottrum paoxit maxuma facta patrum. 

The structure of his poem, however, like its language aud 
rhythnOy was still in a great measure rude and imperfect. Instead 
of a single action, like that of the ^neid, or even a system of 
actions, as in Niebuhr's supposed Lay of the Tarquins, it embraces 
the entire history of the Roman people ; resembling in this respect 
the Shah-Nameh of Ferdousi, rather than any of the canonical 
epics of the West. It is remarkable, however, that in the Life of 
Virgil, publbhed under the name of Donatus, that poet is said in 
his youth to have entertained a similar design. 

After the impulse given by Ennins and his immediate followers, 
the poetry of Rome advanced with a rapidity resembling that of 
the. spring, when winter is fairly broken through. A want of sen- 
sibility, and a poorness and narrowness of imagination, appear to 
have been besetting defects of the Romans : yet in spite of these 
hindrances, and of the unfortunate turn which had been early given 
to it, the literary talent of the nation was awakened, and exerted 
itself with the spirit and vigor of youth. Much was done in ap- 
pearance, but much also was done in reality. Indeed it is remark- 
able, that the very best of the Roman poets all florished before the 
Augustan age. To say nothing of Plant us and Terence, Lucretius 
and Catullus were succeeded by no equals. Epic poetry, for 
a long period, appears to have been cultivated, not indeed with 
less assiduity, but with less success. Yet, as the canons of Greek 
criticism became more generally known, it was natural that more 
wieldy subjects should be chosen, (as in the once celebrated Ar- 
gonautics of Varro,') greater skill employed in the construction of 
the fable, and a more ornate and solemn manner in the diction 
and the versification. At length however, as if to make amends 
for the unusual delay, the orb of Virgil arose ; and never, out of 
the legitimate planetary system of high and pure poetry, did any 
luminary arise with so splendid and imposing a brilliancy. 

In the late controvera^^es on the literary character of Pope, it 
was somewhat hastily assumed by the partisans of that writer, that 
in rejecting the claim set up on his behalf to the title of a great 
poet, their opponents virtually denied him to be a man of genius 
or of talent. We wish to guard against a similar preconception 
with regard to ourselves^ when we refuse to the poet of Mantua 
the high place which custom has assigned him. To couple con- 
tempt with the name of Virgil, we readily agree would argue 

' Varronem primamque ratem quae nesciat setas, 
Aureaque ^sonio terga petita duci? 

Ov. Amor. hb. i. el. xv. %\, 

20 On the Epic Poetry 

nothiog more than 'mere insensibiKty, or the wildest pujodice^ oo 
the part of the contemner. Such contempt, like Soathey's curses, 
would return to roost. And even in expressing our present quali- 
fied opinion of his merits^ we feel a kind of compunction — a mis- 
giving that we are doing something not quite right — as if we 
were denouncing the errors of an early friend. For we can well 
remember the days when the worship of Virgil was with us an ido- 
latry ; when his pathos, his delicacy, the exquisite harmony and 
variety of his numbers, and the stately march of his language, 
appeared to us the perfection of human genius and art. His name, 
too, is associated with the recollection of those school distinctions 
for which we once so earnestly, and not altogether unsuccessfally, 
labored, and which were our secret pride and our consolatioo. 
amidst a world of youthful troubles : for it was, as we remember, 
on an assiduous imitation of the style and versification of the 
^^eid that our boyish hopes of renown were especially founded* 
And though these things are long gone by, and this idolatry, like so 
many other of the idolatries of our youth, is past away, the spell 
has not wholly lost its power; and in recollecting what once 
charmed us, we cannot suppress a wish that our old habits of 
delight and admiration could be reconciled with our subsequently 
acquired judgment. Virgil was, in truth, the most gifted of his 
own peculiar class. His talents were great, and versatile, and im- 
proved to the utmost. He could combine, vary, embellish ; he 
could reflect what others had created ; but he could not create 
himself. He gave a new character to several species of composi- 
tion, by imparting to them an ornamental and an elaborate sym- 
metry-unknown before ; and had he pleased, he might have been 
equally successful in as many others. But he could not have in- 
fused a principle of real poetical life . into these specious and 
maay-colored forms. We will not say that he attempted to re- 
produce an Iliad : we have, in truth, too good an opinion of his 
judgment to believe that he could have contemplated this as 
possible ; but he attempted, less probably from ill-directed ambi- 
tion than in -compliance with the judgment of those whom he was 
not allowed to refuse, to construct a work which should be re- 
garded by his fellow-countrymen as rivalling Homer. And what 
has been the result ? What, of all that really delights us in the 
Iliad and the Odyssey, is found in the ^neid ? There are, it is 
true, battles and sieges and wanderings, gods and goddesses, pro- 
phecies and descents into Hades; speeches and episodes and epithets 
andftimiles. But what is the effect on the reader? Does he believe 
in these things, even with a poetical belief? Can he regard Jupiter 
as Zeus, or i£neas as Achilles? Does he recognise any of the cha- 
racteristics of the old bard — that hearty belief in tradition, that 
spirit of rude religious iaith, those living reflections of external 

- of. the, Romans. 21 

nature, those manifold and admirable touches; of character and 
passion, that picture of the .manners of an age^ that image of the 
" heart of a nation Y' Alas ! these are things not susceptible of 
being transferred elsewhere. They may be born again, but the 
lifeless bodies which once contained them cannot, be re-ani- 

What then has Virgil donel He has built up a monument::of 
art and labor, which even they who are most sensible of its defici- 
encies cannot but regard with admiration, almost with wonder, for 
the powers and acquirements expended on it. It is a magnificent 
delusion, and might well excuse the exaggerated praises of the 
author's contemporaries. The march of the narrative is stately 
and imposing; the story, though decidedly inferior to that of 
Tasso, is woven together with no small skill ; the versification har- 
monious and varied to an almost unequalled degree. In delicacy, in 
majesty, in mild pathos, he has few rivals ; and there is often a 
picturesque power in his words, of which the Latin language might 
have seemed to be scarcely susceptible. Of the multiplicity of 
his acquirements we need not speak ; his industry, in this respect, 
appears to have been truly Miltonian. 

We might, and would willingly, say much more on the various 
topics connected with Virgil ; although we are not without fears 
that what we have already said will be thought neither very clear 
nor very satisfactory. But our limits are short, and we will there- 
fore conclude this part of our subject with a striking passage 
from a writer to whom we have already referred ; — the German his- 
torian of Rome : — 

" Perhaps it is a problem that cannot be solved, to form an epic 
poem out of an argument which has not lived for centuries in 
popular songs and tales as common national property, so that the 
cycle of stories which comprises it, and all the persons who act a 
part in it, are familiar to every one. Assuredly the problem was 
not to be solved by Virgil, whose genius was barren for creating, 
great as was his talent. for embellishing. That he felt this himself, 
and did not disdain to be great in the way adapted to his endow- 
ments, is proved by his very practice of imitating and borrowing, 
by the touches he introduces of an exquisite and extensive erudi- 
tion, so much admired by the Romans, now so little appreciated. 
He who puts together elaborately and by piecemeal, is aware of 
the chinks and crevices which varnishing and polishing conceal 
only from the unpractised eye, and from which the work of the 
master, issuing at once from the mould, is free. Accordingly 
Virgil, we may be sure, felt a misgiving, that all the foreign orna- 
ment with which he was decking his work, though it might enrich 
the poem, was not his own .wealth, and that this would at last be 
perceived < by posterity: that notwithstandmg this fretthfig coo- 

22 On the Epic Poetry 

soiousness, he strove, in the way whith hj open to him, to giire to 
a poem, which he did not write of his own free choice, the highest 
degree of beauty it could rtceiitt from his hands ; that he did not , 
like Lncan, vainly and blindly affect an inspiration which nature 
had denied to him ; that be did not allow himself to be tnAitnated, 
when he was idolized by all around him ; and when Properdva 

Yield, Roman poets, bards of Greece, give way ; 
The Iliad suon shall own a greater lay ; 

that, when death was releasing him from the fetters of civil obaer- 
vaoces, he wished to destroy what in those solemn momenta he 
could not but view with melancholy, as the groundwork of a false 
reputation ;— this is what renders him estimable, and makes us in- 
dulgent to all the weaknesses of his poem." 

It has been often maintained, that a tranquil and liberal despot* 
ism is more fsfCvorable to the growth of the 6ne arts than a free 
conatitution ; iind the Augustan age of literature has been appealed 
to as an evident. It would not be difficult to assemble a host of 
instances tending the contrary way ; but with regard to the par- 
ticular example adduced in proof of the maxim, we cannot help 
thinking it more than a doubtful one. Let it be observed, that the 
mind of Rome bad been awakened, and bad grown to maturity, in 
a state of liberty, or amidst civil struggles ; that the ground had 
long been prepared, and bad already produced some of its 
choicest fruits ; and that the brilliant career of letters in general, 
and of poetry in particular, was but the continuation of their for* 
mer progress, — a progress which the new and incomplete servitude 
under Augustus could not wholly or even visibly retard. Thus it 
was in France in the first part of the reign of Louis XIV., during 
the peace which succeeded the conflicts of the league ; thus it was 
in Spain, after the liberties of Castile had been finally crushed by 
Charles V. And what appears to establish our position is, that 
in all these three cases, when the first bright constellation of 
writers bad gone out, no others arose in their stead ; the mental 
energies of the nation were gradually weakened, and an inferior 
race succeeded. Rome never produced a second Livy ; still less 
a second Virgil. Of the many men of various talent who attempted 
to tread in the path of the Mantuan, no one can be considered as 
even approaching him ; those, indeed, who followed most closely 
in his track, remained the farthest below him. Several of these 
performances are still extant ; but they will not, in general, detain 
us long. The most remarkable of the later epic poets of Rome, 
and by far the first in intellectual power, was Lucan. His work 
never received its final correction ; a fate which, by some perverse 
coincidence, befel almost all the epic attempts of the Romans now 

of the Romans. $8 

extant — tbe ^S^eid, the Argonautics, the Acbilleid of Statius, ap4 
the Raptus ProserjfHnae of Claudia^. In, Lucjm's case, this wa9 
owing to that premature death which, combined with his characr 
ter, reminds us of our own Shelley — to whom, in other respects,^ bf 
bears very little resemblance. The marks of youthful exuberance 
and immature judgment in tbe Pbarsalia are so palpable, the 
inequalities so abrupt, that we could almost engage to point out 
which passages he would have expunged, and which retained, had 
he been spared ten years longer. What the poem would have 
been, in its ripened state, is hard to say : yet we cannot help 
thinking that something great would have been produced. As i% 
is^ we can only regard it as a brilliant promise. In the. plan 
and conduct of his poem, as well as in bis manner of writing^ 
Lucan is far more original than any of jiis brethren. In bis de- 
scriptions, his coloring is sometimes bold, but much oftener tawdry 
and bombastic ; and it is seldom that he rises into the regions of 
pure poetry ; the most remarkable instance is in tbe enchantments 
of Erichtho. But the great and redeeming excellence of the poem 
is its passion. Let not our readers be startled by this paradox ; 
we speak not of what is ordinarily meant by the word, but of a 
philosophical passion, a stoical enthusiasm,, a delight in the incul- 
cation of noble and heart-stirring truths. This pervades the whole 
poem, and imparts to it a moral dignity which none of its fellows 
possess; and for a parallel to which we must refer to Milton, 
whose deep and lofty religious belief produces a somewhat ana- 
logous effect on his poem ; and who, by the way, seems to have 
borrowed from Lucan his habit of intermixing his narrative with 
frequent and long-continued reflection. It is remarkable, indeed, 
how the Roman poet sinks and rises, as he vibrates between story 
and moral declamation. 

Tbe age of Domitian and Trajan produced three epic poets, 
who may be classed together, not merely as contemporaries, but 
as having adopted Virgil, with more or less closeness, for their 
model. These were Statins, Valerius Flaccus, and Silius Italicus. 
Of these, the last is, in our opinion at least, the most readable ; on 
account of the exceeding interest of his subject (the second Punic 
war), the moonlike reflection of Virgilian grace and harmony which 
characterises his poem, and the fine Roman feeling which inspirits 
it. He has no express hero : Hannibal on tbe one side, and the 
i^oman people collectively on the other, are the leading ideas of 
the poem. Like Livy, whom he follows, he hates the great Car- 
thaginian, yet is evidently overawed by his genius. His great 
fault is a certain coldness of manner ; and his most remarkable 
merit, an eye for natural beauty, and a power of picturesque de- 
scription. In this respect scarcely any of tbe Latin poets sur- 
passed him. Statius is more original than either of his associates ; 
but bis sins of taste, his bombast, and his false passion, far more 

i4 On the Epic Pdetry of the Romans. 

than counteract the efiects of his frequent vivid conceptiont, hig 
sustained stateliness, and the oiicasional touches of exquisite tea* 
derness which are scattered here and there in the sultry desert of 
the Thebaid. From his Sylvae, the most valuable part of his 
works^ be appears to have been of a soft and affectionate tempera- 
ment, fond of quiet, and exemplary in the duties of private lite. It 
seems at first sight passing strange, that such a man should hmwm 
found delight (which yet he evidently did) in filHng twelve lon^ 
books with the exploits of heroes, who may be described as wild 
beasts in human form, always breathing hatred and fury, and 
scarcely exhibiting, from the beginning to the end of the ^Miieaiy- a 
single' trait of generosity or magnanimity. It is true that tlie 
Tliebaid was a youthful performance ; and we are inclined to 
think that maturer years would have taught Statins where hb real 
strength lay, and induced him to choose a subject of a less revolt- 
ing nature, as well as to mix up more of true humanity in his re- 
pi esentations. That this would probably have been the case, 
maybe gathered from the fragment of the Achilleid ; a poem 
unfortunate in its design, but of which the two unfinished cantos, 
I bough not free from the author's besetting sins of diction and 
.magery, contain more beauty and interest than the whole of the 
Thebaid. The beautiful sentence in the description of the youog 
Achilles, (I. 167.) 

• Fors et Isetus adest : quantum gaudia formae 
AdjiciuDt ! 

Is alone worth a canto of bluster and massacre. We may observe 
that Statins is singularly happy in his pictures of infancy and boy- 

Of Valerius Flaccus we shall best convey our idea by saying, 
that although far inferior to Virgil in extent of powers, his mind 
seems to us to have been cast in a more Virgilian mould than that 
of any other Latin poet. His subject was the same as that of 
ApoUonius; and making all proper deductions for the superior ap« 
titude of the Greek language for poetry, we thiuk that be has fully 
equalled him; perhaps, in the conduct of the poem, excelled him. 
His style is remarkably hard and obscure; perhaps from the work 
having been left a fragment in an uncorrected state. We recollect 
one singularly fine incident in this poet. Medea administers a 
powerful magic draught to the dragon appointed to guard the 
golden fleece; it takes partial effect; but the instinctive fidelity 
of the brute guardian still struggles even against the might of 
sorcery, employed to overpower its faithfulness ; and Medea, with 
pain and unwillingness, is compelled to apply a stronger spell, 
which at length effects its purpose. This is a conception which 
one might expect to find in a great modern poet. 

Colonel Tod's Annalsy^c. A5 

The last in the catalogue of Roman epic poets is Claudian. ' Qn 
Che merits aod defects of this writer we have treated so largely iaa 
former article, that little need be added here. > His political poems, 
though, tioged with the epic character, cannot- be classed -under 
the head of.regular epopees. • The unfinished Rape of Proserpine 
is distinguished from other works of the same denomination- by 
its subject being, not in parts, but in its very groundwork, 
superhuman. This was a daring attempt; and it is executed 
with very considerable success. We are not inclined to agree 
with the critics in their excessive condemnatioii of Claudian's 
extravagance and overflow of fancy ; we think, pn the contrary, 
that his manner, though ill-suited to more regularly heroic sub- 
jects, harmonizes well with this. Among the flowers 0/ Euna, we 
are not sure that we should not prefer Claudian as a companion, 
even to Virgil. In pathos Claudian is far from deficient; the 
return of Ceres to the deserted dwelling of her daughter, more 
especially, is very beautifully described. Were we not apprehen- 
sive that the comparison might appear somewhat far-fetched, we 
should say, that in this interlacing of gorgeous descriptions and 
supernatural wonder with scenes of domestic tenderness, the 
Proserpine reminds us, distantly it is true, of our own Kehama. 
Of Claudian's language and versification we have spoken else- 

The length to which our observations have extended must pre- 
clude us from adding any thing further on this copious subject. 
We shall therefore take our leave of the reader in the words of 
the Spanish play, never uttered more earnestly than on the present 
occasion : " Thus finishes the comedy : excuse the faults of the 

R. M. 

CoL. J. Tod, late Political Agent to the Western 
Rajpoot States. Smith, Elder, Calkin, and Budd. 
4to. 806 pages f with plates. 

In anticipating from the splendid work before us an ample fund 
of entertainment and multifarious instruction, we were fully justi* 
fied by the perusal of many highly interesting articles ou various 

26 Colooel Tod's Annah 

subjects oomnoutcatcd by our accotnplisbed author to the R^jtbI 
Asiatic Society, aod published in the Transactions of that X^m w mm t 
body. The report of several friends lately relumed froai ludki, 
gives us reason to know that it was not merely the commwadkmg 
situation held by Colonel Tod in the Rajpoot country, which pro- 
cured him access to the best sources of information : his private 
{character acquired for him such a degree of respect and esteeas 
among the natives, that his researches, whatever might be tbair 
object, were facilitated by them with good-will and promptitnde ; 
and the accuracy of this report is sufficiently proved by tbe 
mass of curious, extraordinary, and valuable materials coilecfed ui 
the volume here announced, which very properly begins with m. 
geographical account of Rajast'han, or Rajpoatanm^ illustrated by 
a large and handsome map. Then follows a history of tbe Raj- 
poot tribes, with genealogical tables, catalogues of their thirty-aix 
royal races, and their solar and lunar dynasties ; every page being 
-replete with iuteresting notes, on one of which we must pause for 
a moment : it occurs in p. 80, and relates to the religions feelioga 
of the Rajpoots so often outraged by our impolitic and inconside*- 
rate countrymen in Asia, who amuse themselves and express their 
.contempt for the prejudices of the natives, by destroying certaia 
trees and animals which they regard as sacred. This conduct, 
says Colonel Tod, is an abuse of our strength, and an ungeneroaa 
advantage over tbe weakness of those brave men who 

fill the ranks of our army, and are attentive though silent observers of all 
our actions; the most attached, tbe most faithful, and tbe most obedient 
of mankind ! Let us maintain tbem in duty, obedience, and attachment^ 
by respecting their prejudices and conciliating their pride. On the ful- 
filment of this depends tbe maintenance of our sovereignty in India; 
but the last fifteen years have assuredly not increased tbeir devotion to 
us. Let the question be put to tbe unprejudiced, whether tbeir welfare 
has advanced in proportion to tbe dominion tbey have conquered for us ; 
or if it bas not been in tbe inverse ratio of this prosperity ? Have not 
tbeir allowances and comforts decreased ? Dues the same relative stand- 
ard between tbe currency and conveniences of life exist as twenty years 
ago ? Has not tbe first depreciated twenty-five per cent^ as balf-6a^^a 
stations and duties have increased ? For the good of ruler and servant, 
let these be rectified. With the utmost voienmity I aver, I have but the 
welfare ofall at heart in these observatiphsl T Ipved the service — I loved 
the native-soldier : I have proved what he will do Where^evoted ; when, 
in 1817, thirty-two firelocks of my guard attacked, defeated, and dis- 
persed a camp of fifteen hundred men, slaying' thrice tbeir numbers. 
Having quitted the scene for ever, I submit my opinion dispassionately 
for the welfare of the one, and with it tbe stability or reverse of the 
other. What says tbe Thermopylae of India, Corygaum? Five hundred 
firelocks against twenty thousand men ! Do tbe annals of Napoleon 
record a more brilliant exploit ? Has a column been reared to tbe manes 
of the brave, European and native, of this memorable day, to excite to 
future adhievement? What order decks the breast of the gallant Fitz- 

and Antii^uitiesofRajast^han. 37 

gerald, fo'f the exploit oti the field of NagpDre? At another time sod 
place his words— <* At my peril he it ! Charge /*' — would have erownied, 
bis crest : these things call for remedy« 

Among the royal trib)es enumerated hy our Ingetiioos author in 
this portion of his work, we must indicate to the cliissical histo- 
rian and geographer, a race denominated Catti,^hose religion,' 
manners, and looks, are indisputably Scythic. In the time of 
Alexander they occupied a nook of the Punjab, near the five con- 
fluent streams. Against them the Macedonian hero marched in 
person, tnd left a signal memorial of his vengeance, where in bis 
combat with them he nearly lost his life. (p. 111.) 

Of the feudal system in Riijast'han a masterly sketch is given ; 
and that Col. Tod^s opinion is not founded merely on seeming 
resembliEinces between ancient European and Asiatic customs, 
will appear from grants, deeds, charters, and traditions, copied 
and quoted in the appendix ; the author deducing his examples 
chiefly from Mewar. (p. 132.) The poorest Rajpoot retains all 
the pride of ancestry at this day ; it is, indeed, often his sole in- 
heritance : he scorns to hold the plough, or to wield his lance but 
on horseback. The respect which is paid to him by inferiors, 
and his reception among superiors, support him in his aristocratic 
notions ; and a highly artificial and refined state of society is ex- 
hibited in the honors, privileges, and gradations among the vassals 
of the Rana's house ; those of a certain rank being entitled to ban- 
ners, kettle-drums, heralds, and silver maces, with peculiar gifts 
and personal distinctions, in commemoration of some exploit 
performed by their ancestors. The martial Rajpoots are not 
strangers to armorial bearings. The great banner of Mewar dis- 
plays a golden sun on a crimson field : a dagger is the device 
exhibited on a chiefs banner. Amhir unfolds a panchranga^ or 
five-colored flag. The lion rampant on an argent field is extinct 
with the state of Chanderi. (p. 138.) 

We cannot abstain from, transcribing a note (which occurs in 
p. 153.) on the marriage of a Mogul sovereign, Ferokhs^r, with a 
Hindu princess : 

To this very marriage we owe the origin of our power. When the 
nuptials were preparing, the emperor fell ill. A mission was at that time 
at Delhi from Surat, where we traded, of which Mr. Hamilton was the 
surgeon. He cured the king, and the marriage was completed. In the 
Oriental style he desired the doctor to name bis reward ; but instead of 
asking any thine for himself, he demanded a grant of land fur a factory 
on the Hoogly for his employers. It was accorded; and this was the 
origin of the ereatness of the British empire in the East. Such an act 
deserved at least a column ; hut neither ' storied urn or monumental 
bust' marks the spot where bis remains are laid. 

For the curious particulars of sdme general obligations of vassals, 

28 Colonel Tod's Annals 

known in Europe unditr the term of "feudal iocidentSy'* tueb i» 
reliefs, fines of alienation, escheats, aids, wardship, and marnage* 
we must refer to the volume itself. But we must indulge our- 
selves, and we trust gratify the reader, by extracting the foUowiog 
passage from p.. 193. * After some judicious reflections, our ao- 
thor proceeds: — 

We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajpoot states, if raised to 
their ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history proves 
beyond contradiction, that they were never capable of uniting even for 
their own preservation : a breath, or scurrilous stanza of a bard,lias 
severed their clusest confederacies. No national head exists amoncat 
them as amongst the Mahrattas ; and each chief being master of nis 
own house and follower?, they are individually too weak to cause us anj 
alarm. No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbor : for dc^ 
fence, it has in all countries been found defective ; and tor aggressioo, 
totally inefficient. Let there exist between us the most perfect under- 
standing and identity of interests ; the foundation step to which is, to 
lessen or remit the galling and to us contemptible tribute now exacted ; 
enfranchise them from our espionage and agency ; and either unlock 
•them altogether from our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us 
be such only as would ensure grand results ; such as general commer- 
cial freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then, if 
a Tartar or Russian invasion threatened our Eastern empire, fifty thou- 
sand Rajpoots would be no despicable allies. Let us call to mind what 
they did when they fought for Aurungzeb : they are still unchanged,' if 
we give them the proper stimulus. Gratitude, honor, and fidelity, are 
terms which at one time were the foundation of all the - virtues of a 
Rajpoot: of the theory of these sentiments he is still enamored; bot 
unfortunately for his happiness, the times have left him but little scope 
for the practice of them. 

Of the celestial and demi-celestial princes who florish in the 
Annals of Mewar, our limits forbid any particular notice. We are, 
however, glad to find that there is still one spot, although but 
one, in India that enjoys a state of natural freedom : this spot is 
Oguna Panora; not attached to any other state; without any 
foreign communication ; its own patriarchal chief, under the title of 
Rana, possesses a thousand hamlets scattered over forest-crowned 
valleys, and can appear, if requisite, " at the head of five thousand 
bows." (p. 224.) 

Of widows burning themselves with the bodies of their 
husbands, many instances are recorded ; and, however, on some 
occasions, the practice may seem voluntary, one shudders at the 
idea of beauty, youth, and innocence, being sacrificed in such a 
manner. Thus when Samarsi, a gallant prince, was slain with his 
most renowned chieftains and thirteen thousand household troops^ 
''his beloved Pirtha, on hearing the fatal issue, — her husband slain, 
her brother captive, the heroes of Delhi and Chectore ' asleep on 
the banks of the Caggar in the wave of the steel,*~-;;otftfc; her lord 

and Antiquities of Rajast^han. 29 

through the flame.^* (p. 260.) ' But from abother anecdote it ap- 
pears that widows have not always been the only victims. A 
Rana» or prince, having resolved to die, superstitidusly imagining 
that he might thereby save the city of Chectore from a ferocious 
enemy; — 

another awful sacrifice (says Colonel Tod) was to precede this act 
of* self-devotion, in that norrihle rite, the JohuTy where the females are 
immolated to preserve them from pollution or captivity. The funeral 
pyre was lighted within the great subterranean retreat, in chambers im* 
pervious to the light of day ; and the defenders of Chectore beheld in 
procession the queens, tbei^ own wives and daughters, to the number 
of several thousands, j The fair Pudmani closed the throng, which was 
augmented by whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by 
Tartar lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the opening closed 
on them, leaving them to find security from dishonor in the devouring 
element, (p. 266.) ' 

Omitting a variety of interesting anecdotes we must refer to 
page 312, for the notice of a custom which our accomplished 
author describes as analogous to the taste of the chivalrous age of 
Europe. This is an intercourse of the most delicate gallantry 
established between the fair sex and the cavaliers of Rajast'han, 
and called the ** festival of the bracelet*' (Rakhi). The bracelet 
may be sent by a maiden, only on occasions of urgent necessity 
or danger. The Rajpoot dame invests with the title of adopted 
brother the man whom she honors with the bracelet, thus securing 
to herself all the protection of a cavaliere servente without the 
slightest risk of incurring scandal : for, although be is her consti- 
tuted protector, and often hazards his life in her cause, he may 
never receive a smile in reward, or never even see the fair one 
who has adopted him as a brother. We agree with our author, 
that there is a charm in such mysterious connexion never en- 
dangered by close observation ; and the loyal admirers of the fair 
may well attach a value to the public recognition of being Rakhi- 
hund'Bhad, the " bracelet-bound brother" of a princess. The 
intrinsic value of such a pledge is never considered : and in token 
of its acceptance, a katchli or corset is returned, which may be 
of simple silk or satin, or of gold brocade and pearls. The katchli 
has often been accompanied by a whole province : and the cour- 
teous delicacy of this custom so pleased the Indian monarch, on 
receiving a bracelet from the -Princess Kurnavati, which invested 
him with the title of her brother, and uncle and protector of her 
infant, that he pledged himself to her service, ** even if the demand 
were the castle of Rinthumbor." The great Hemayoon proved 
himself a loyal knight ; and even abandoned his career of conquest 
in Bengal, when called to redeem his pledge by succoring Cbec- 
tQre,<and the.widows.and minor sons of Sanga-Rana. 

30 Colonel Tod's Annali 

Many rooMiitioUles (adds CoL T.) art fbimdedoo Ihe g^ of ik$ 
Rakhi. Tbe author, who wa8 placed in the enviable situation of being 
able to do good, and on tbe most extensive scale, was the means ofrm^ 
storing many of the ancient families from degradation to aflSueoee. 
The greatest reward he could, and the only one he would receive* wet 
the courteous civility displayed in many of these interesting ctm r owa 
He was the Rakhi-burd-Bhae of, and received **the bracelet" from three 
queens of Oodipoor, Boondi, and Kotah, besides Chund-Bae, the maidctt 
sister of the Rana, as well as many ladies of the chieftains of rmnk 
with whom he interchanged letters. The sole articles of ^barbarie 
pearl and gokl" which he conveyed from a country where he was sis 
years supreme, are these testimonies of friendly regard. Intrinsieallj 
of no great vakie, they were presented and accepted in the ancieat 
spirit; and he retains them with a sentiment the more powerful, becauae 
be can no longer render any service, (p. S^S.) 

With the purity and refinement of this ancient cuatom^ we are 
grieved to contrast the Khooshrooz, or " day of pleasure," iosti* 
tuted by the Emperor Akber,and celebrated on the ninth day fol- 
lowing the chief festival of each month : then the queen held ber 
court, and the wives of Rajpoot vassal princes, nobles, and roer*^ 
chants assembled ; and a fair was established within the palace, 
attended only by females, unless when the monarch contrived to be 
present in disguise These ninth day fairs are the markets in whicb 
Rajpoot honor was bartered. The wife of Pirthi Raj, a princess of 
Mewar, by the exertion of great courage, and with the assistance 
of a weapon, saved herself from contamination : but a brother of 
Pirthi Raj was not so fortunate in his wife, who, unable to with* 
stand the regal tempter, returned to her dwelling despoiled of 
chastity, but loaded with jewels ; or, as the native historian says, 

she returned to her abode tramping to the tinkling sound of the ornaments 
of gold and gems on her person; but where, my brother, is the moustache 
on thy lip? 

Thus the writer addressed the disgraced husband, who, in sign of 
ipouming, had cut off his moustache, (p. 346.) The extraordiuary 
hero Pertap must interest every reader, as will many other illua- 
trious personages celebrated in this work, but of whom our limits 
will not allow more particular notice. 

To the Annals of Mewar succeeds an account of the religious 
establishments, festivals, and customs of that country. From the 
beginning of chapter xix. (p. 507.) we shall copy some remarks 
which, mutatis^ mutandis, perhaps might not be inapplicable te 
regions in another part of tbe world, and where a religion very 
different from that of Mewar is professed : — 

In all ages the ascendancy of the hierarchy is observable : it is a tri- 
bute paid to religion through her organs. Could the lavish endowments 
and extensive immunities of the various religious establishments in 
Rajast'han be assumed as criteria of the morality of the inhabitantf , 

and Ajitiquities of Rajast'kan. 31 

ve should be authorised to uaign them a high station is the icale of 
excellence. But tbej niogt frequentlj prove the reverie of this posi- 
tion; especially the territorial eodowmentF, often the fruits ofa rieaib- 
bed Tepentance, which, protnpted b; 9upe»titioii or fear, cumpoiinds for 

£ast crimes by posthumous profusion, although vanity not rarelj lend* 
er powerful aid. Tbete ie scarcely a slate in Rijpootana in which one- 
fifth of the sol] IB not assigned for the auppurt of the temples, ibeir mi- 
nisiers, the secular Bramins, bards, and genealogists. Menu comioands, 
"should the king be near his end through some incurable disease," he 
must beslow on the priests all his riches accumulated from legal fines; 
and having duly conunitted the kingdom to his sod, let him seek death 
Id battle, or, if there be no war, by abstaining frora food. (Chap. ix. p. 
S37. Uaoghion'a edition.) The annals of all the Rajpoot stales a&brd 
instances of obedience to this text uf their divine legislator. The anii' 
quary who has dipped into the records of the dark period in Eiiropeaa 
church history can have ocular illustration in Ritjast'ban of traditiooa 
which may in Europe appear questionable, (p. 509.) 

Our aulbor then adds, that everj Hindu would implicitly 
believe the story menlioned by Montesquieu (in his Esprit det 
Lois) concerning Saint Eucher, bishop of Orleans, who saw 
Charles Martel torluied in the depths of hell (tourment6 dans 
I'enfer iuf6rieur) by order of the saints, for having stripped (be 
churches of their possessions; having thereby rendered himself 
culpable for the sins of all tbose who had endowed them. As id 
the dark ages (he monks of Europe sometimes employed tbeir 
knowlege of writing in forging of cbarlers for tbeir own advaDtage, 
so the Brahmins augment the wealth of their sbrines by similar 
practices ; superstition and indolence combining to support the 
deception. The alienation of property as the means of expiating 
sins, will remind the reader of Charlemagne, who, according to 
the French chronicles, bequeathed on his death-bed two-thirds of 
his domains to the church, deeming one-third sufficient for his 
four sons. There is no donatioti loo great or too trifling for the 
divine Crisbna : his priests accept a baronial estate, or a patch of 
meadow laud ; a gemmed coronet for his image, or a widow's 
mite. (p. 525.) 

We cannot here follow our author through bis curious mytholo- 
gical observations, but propose to notice Booie of them more par- 
ticularly on another occasion ; and we must strongly recommend 
to the attention of our fair readers llie chapter (xxiii.) begin- 
ning at p. 607, which abounds with interesting anecdotes illustra- 
ting the female character; also chapter xxiv. (p. €33.) respect- 
ing the origin of female immolatioti, and the iwitolllfcelliw 
religion, custom, or affection has most share inJ^BBB^^ 
Here we shall refer to an anecdote of tlie beto PlrtMtt^^raoy 
mentioned, who having learned that hit sister w» bnrliwituly 
treated by her lord, Uk Sirohi prince, - 

32 Colonel Tod's Annalsj ^c. . 

instantly departed, reached Sirohi at mtdnigfat, scaled the palacey 
and interrupted the repose of Pabboo Rao by placing bis MMuard at 
his throat. His wife, notwithstanding his cruelty, complied with his 
humiliating appeal for mercy, and begged his lifir, which was graoted, 
on condition of his standing as a suppliant with his wife's shoes oo hit 
head, and touching her feet ; the lowest mark of degradation. He obcgretf, 
was forgiven, and embraced by Pirthi Rsj, who became his guest during 
five days. Pabhoo Rao was celebrated for a confection, of which he 
presented some to his brother at parting. He partook of it as he c 
in sight of Komuimer ; but on reaching the shrine of Mama Devi 
unable to proceed : here he sent a message to (his wife) the fair Tm 
(or ''Star of Bednore'') to come and bid him farewell; but so subtle 
was the poison, that death had overtaken him ere she descended from 
the citadel. Her resolution was soon formed : the pyre was erected ; 
and with the mortal remains of the chivalrous Pirthi Raj in her em- 
brace, she sought the regions of the sun, (p. 676.) 

The latter portion of this volume comprises the author's jounuil, 
or *' Personal Narrative," as it is styled ; and furnishes an abuo- 
d^nce of entertaining information respecting a country of which 
we have hitherto possessed so imperfect a knowlege. This, like the 
preceding portions of Colonel Tod's interesting volume, is richlj 
embellished with plates, admirably executed by Finden, the two 
Storers, and Haghe, from the beautiful drawings of Captain Waugfa, 
or from curious designs by native artists. Some of Capt. Waogh't 
views we do not hesitate to say, equal, in beauty of subject and 
excellence of engraving, any that have been offered to the public 
for several years. Such is the palace of Oodipoor, p. 211. 
the interior view in Chectore, p. 328. the view on tbefiunas 
river, p. 370. that scene of enchantment, the delicious ishmd 
and palace in the lake of Oodipoor, p. 373. the fortress and 
town of Ajraere, with the spirited procession, p. 783. But we 
might in this manner indicate every plate as a master-piece : to 
one, however, before we close this magnificent volume, the reader's 
attention roust be particularly directed — that exquisite specimen 
of extraordinary architecture, the ancient Jain temple at Ajmere, 
p. 778. 




From the Worksi of Samuel Parr, LL.D., Prebendary 
of St. PauPs, Curate of Hat ton, 8gc.; with Memoirs 
of his Life and Writings^ and a Selection from his 
Correspondence. By John Johnstone, M.D. Fel- 
low of the Royal Society, and of the Royal College 
of Physicians of London, S^c. la 8 vols. 8vo. 
London : Longman and Co. 

No. n.-^Continuedfrom No. LXXFIIL} 

To Sir W. Scott. 
Dear Sir, 
"With sentiments of the greatest and most sincere respect for your- 
self and Mr. Malone, I have carefully revolved the passage on which 
we had not the good fortune to come to any final agreement, when I 
had the honor of conversing with you lately in London. Be assured, 
Sir, that I am disposed to make very large concessions indeed to your 
wishes as Dr. Johnson's curators, and to your authority as men of 
letters. But my mind is filled with uneasy apprehensions, when I 
reflect on the close and lasting responsibility which I am myself to 
incur, not merely to those who knew and who loved Dr. Johnson, but 
to those who from accident knew him not, to those who from prejudice 
loved him not, and to posterity, who will decide on his moral and lite- 
rary merits with calmness and impartiality. I'hat the epitaph was 
written by such or such a man, will, from the publicity of the situa- 
tion, and the popularity of the subject, be long remembered. That the 
curators, in opposition to that man, contended for the introduction of 
such or such a topic, in such or such a form, may be soon forgotten. 
The approbation you give to that form, and the reasons I allege against 
it, are circumstances, which not appearing on the monument^ can, in 
our own days, be known only to few ; while, for the words which do 
appear, and are known to all, the writer must be ultimately and al- 
most exclusively responsible. Surely, then, if you admit what is well 
founded in point of fact, and if you exclude what is improper in style 
or in sentiment, you fill up the measure of your duty as curators. Far 
be it from me to enter into any formal contest with you or Mr. Malone, 
on the degree of Dr. Johnson's excellence as a poet. The difference 
between us is, I suspect, rather nominal than real ; and were 1 to un- 
dertake the office of a biographer to Dr. Johnson, I should probably 
speak of his verses with no less ardor of commendation than you feel. 
But on the mention of his poetical character in an epitaph J have 
serious doubts, because his poetical writings, however excellent, are 
few. Not choosing, however, to confide in my own opinion on a mat- 
ter of such delicacy, I have consulted some literary friends whose re- 
luctance seems stronger even than my own is, and whose names, if 
they were communicated to you and Mr. Malone, would not appear 
wholly unworthy of attention. Let me specify among others, or rather 
let me select from them, the venerable President of Magdalen College. 


34 Classical Extracts from 

And where is the critic to whom Johnson can be more dear thaii he is 
to Dr. Routh, as a man of learning, a man of genius, a fine writer, 
a profound moralist, a loyalist in his politics, and a distinguished 
champion of orthodoxy in bis faith ? 

The President had written to me while I was abseut from Hatton 
with his usual aooteness ; and when I called on him at Oxford io re* 
turning hither, he, with more than his usual earnestness, entreated mm 
to omit the words in question. The same opinion was given, and the 
same request was made to me on the day before I saw you, by anotber 
person, who in erudition, indeed, is sdmewhat inferior to jootself 
and Dr. Routh, but who, in penetration and taste, will recogoiao no 
more than an equal in any scholar of the present age. 

Again and again I have balanced the weight of the matter ooDtained 
in the different sentences ; and to my ear, disciplined ax it is by tJie 
perusal of the best ancient inscriptions, I have again and again ap- 
pealed for Uie proportion of the rhythm. The result is, that the epi* 
taph must be injured by any mention whatsoever of Dr. Johnson as a 
poet. And as to the particular manner in which he is now mentioned, 
I think with you that unlearned readers will mistake my meanlfig, 
while several of my learned friends think with me, that it could aot 
hive been expressed with greater precbion. 

On considering and re-considering what passed between us, I moal 
now anxiously beg your permission to have the disputed passage «•- 
tirely expunged ; and if you and Mr. Malone should not be pleased to 
comply with this request, I must take the liberty of respectfully with- 
drawing the whole of what I have written ; because I am con? inoed 
that the effect of the whole will be marred by the continuance of a 
part which, to Mr. Malone, appears very cold, to you somewhat eqoi* 
Tocal, to myself inharmonious, though fiot inaccurate ; and to othnrn, 
as well as myself, superfluous, though not unjust. 

As to the word /uucdpoty^ it must stand, 1 believe, on no other founda- 
tion than the circumstance of having been used, and I think conse- 
crated by that use, at the close of the Rambler. Dionysius, though te 
lived soon after the commencement of the Christian era, cannot be 
considered as a Christian writer. But who will think of Dionyaius at 
all, or who will not be content with thinking of Dr. Johnson only ? It 
is seldom possible for human art, working on human materials, to k»e 
at all points prepared against the scruples of the weak, and the cavils 
of the captious. But, in my opinion, the general solemnity of the sen- 
tence more than expiates the particular form of the phraseology. It 
cannot, I think, be incondsterU with good taste to represent Johnson as 
saying on the scroll, what, in truth, he has deliberately and emphati- 
cally said in the Rambler. It cannot be offensive to good morals for 
me to place in a Christian church those words which Johnson has 
placed at the conclusion of a work in which the noblest truths of 
Christianity are ably defended, and its soundest precepts are poweiw 
fully inculcated. Homer, it is true, uses /idKopes e^ol; and /idKctp^ 
without Seol also is applied by heathen poets to their deities. Yet 
ftdKoptos Behs is used in the Epistle to Timothy ; and 1 find the same 
word often written by the ancient Fathers when they speak of the Su- 
preme Being. It is also applied by them to good men, and yet who 
will say that the blessedness of God and of man is the same ? Mdtcof 
is applied by Gregory Nazianzen to Christ, iic v^v tls ^} /juducap Xf ^ow* 
In the verses subjoined to his discoorse «f hvT4p^ /ur^ t^ ^^X^ and iB< 
the next poem, called wap$f¥tfit dwos, he uses M^ap of blessed spirits. 

Dr. Johiistone's Life of pArr. 55 

ttrop 0i6toio pianos 
ianiKin ftaKdp&nriv* 

The objection, if any be made, will be pointed against the plural 
as polytheistic ; and ibr the pinral, I tell you fairly that I Und no direct 
authority in writers professedly Christian. ' I must therefore have re* 
course to the circumstance which solely and peculiarly gives propriety 
to. the line. As an epitaph writer I could not, perhaps, in my own 
person be justified in putting such a line on the inscription itself. But 
the scroll is a distinct consideration ; and on the scroll, Johnson, as I 
have already observed, may not improperly be described as saving 
what he had before said in a book. I believe that the Dean and Chap- 
ter will not be scrupulous ; and if they are, we must have recourse to 
the line which I intended to use before I heard of Mr. Seward's judi- 
oious suggestion. It contains a favorite maxim of Johnson's: it de- 
scribes very well the moral character of his works ; and though written 
by a heathen, has no marked features of heathenish phraseology. I per* 
sist, however, in giving on the whole the preference to the verse from 

In regard to Mr. Bacon, we may venture, I think, in retaining the 
word Sculptor, though I find in Coelius Rhodiginus, lib. 29. cap. 24. 
that the art of Statuary is divided into five sorts ; among which, that 
which relates to marble and stones is called KoXawrutiiy and that which 
belongs to metals is styled yXv^ut^, In cap. 4. lib. 36. of Pliny, We read^ 
''Jam fuerat in Chio insula Malas Sculptor: dein filius ejus Miccia- 
des, &c. ;" — again, ''Ab oriente cselavit Scopas." We must, by all 
means, let Mr. Bacon find a corner for his name ; for you and I are no 
strangers to the revenge which artists have taken when this favor has 
been refused to them. I do not suspect Bacon of intending to imitate 
Phidias, who, when the Athenians would not let him put his name on 
the statue of Minerva, made a better statue of Jupiter for the Eleans. 
But there is something in Bacon*s name which ;iounds to me ominous; 
and recalls, to my memory the trick which Saurns and Batrachus 
played, when Octavia would not give them leave to set their name&on 
the temples they had built in Rome. In allusion to their respective 
names, one of them scattered <rwp€u, and the other fidrpaxoi^ on thd 
bases and capitals of the columns. The curators.then, I think, would! 
be mortified, if Bacon were slyly to put the figure of a hog on John- 
son's monument, after not being allowed expressly to perpetuate his 
name as the artist. 

1 beg the favor of yoU to present taj best coinpKm^nts to Mr. Ma- 
lone ; and I have the honor to be, with great respect, dear Sir, your 
most obedient, faithful servant, S. Parr. 

P. S. As my paper is not full, I will venture to insert two lines, 
which I long ago read and marked in the Anecdoia.Grseca, by Mura- 
torius, and which may be acceptable to our friend Mr. Malone, as de- 
scriptive of Johnson's benevolence, of his ready powers in conversation, 
and of the instruction it conveyed to his hearers. 

''A ixdKop, & ^whv wwhis &eos, £ vrff^crrcf 

mvdoi, Kol inyyj^ iroffw LnfOfihui, 
'^AffOfwri irdvTa X/irci yv/iary. 

These lines were written by Gregory Nazianzen on Amphilochiv 
and however ontraotable they sMiy be in the hands of as tf^ 
writer, they might be managed with success by such a biojprapl 
Johnson deserves, and perhtp^ bail hiffieftiBtnot had.— [Vol. it. p. 

36 Classical Extracts /torn 

Dr. Copleston to Dr. Parr. 
My dear Sir, Oriel College, Dee. 20, 1816L 

Jnst before yonr obliging letter arrived, I had seen Dugald Stew- 
art's Appendix, and was highly gratified by the tribute of respect he 
pays to you. Will you forgive me, however, if I venture to disseat 
from yonr proposed etymology ? Superum limen, which Festus givea, 
seems io me more probable. That limen and not limut is the source, I 
have little doubt. In rude times most ideas borrow their names from 
homely objects. Thus I find in the oldest writers sublimis means strnnd" 
ing erect, not soaHng, a sense which came in afterwards. See Cato de 
Re Rnstica, capp. 70, 71. Culmen from eu/imcf, the thatch of the house, 
is another example of the same kind. 

I observe all your examples of $vh in composition, derived from 
6ir^, denote motion, subjicio, subjecta, snbmitto, &c. Hence I am 
inclined to think that it means, in these cases, from beneath ; like the 
well known ^' €ic eavaroio ^cfwyreu. Not that I doubt of the frequent 
change of p into b, euphoniae causa ; but the meaning of these words 
seems more obviously deducible from sub than from super. 
. Indeed, in my etymology of ^/tmt#, such a change is supposed; 
and since the word grew up in a rude and primitive state of society, 
when the threshold was a kind o( barrier, which must be surmounted on 
entering, a person in that act would appear to rise, and be higher than 
at other times. Hence superare limen, and hence, without having re- 
course to Festus*s superius limen (for which I believe there is no au- 
thority), the word sublimis may still be derived from super limen. That 
it meant standing or rising on one's legs, before it meant soaring, is I 
think quite clear. Pardon, I beseech you, this impertinence, and be- 
lieve me, my dear Sir, ever yours with sincere respect, 

[Vol. vii. p. 64.] E. Copleston. 

Emanuel College, Monday night. 
Doctor of Learning, Oct. 20, 1788. 

Having finished my English, I rise, in due climax, to my Greek. 
It is in the 25th dissertation of the third vol. of the Arcbseologia, in a 
letter from Mr. Tyrwbitt to Matthew Duane. The stone (of which 
an engraving is given) is one of three that were brought from Smyrna^ 
and are now in the British Museum. Montfaucon has published the 
inscription; it is on a tombstone, but the lines are 8, not 4. 

Toy icunnov Kara iravTa km c^oxw cv woXitirais 

Aycpa ynpaXriov rtpfun' ^xovra fiiov 
At8c» wxioio fitXas virc8c|aT0 koKtos 
. Eu(r€/3€»v 0* wrirjv cwaaev cs RXiffiriv, 
Mvfi/JM 8* axwpdifieroio wapa rprixfiay^ arapvoy 

TovTo wais Kttyp t€1^€ cw fweriHi 
Beiy« (TV 8* ofuras ArifioKXeos vica xaipco' 

ArifioKMa OTCixois afiXafics ix^oi €xuy. 

On aeuras Tyrwbitt observes very sensibly, that the expression lite- 
rally translated means '* cum cecineris salvete,*^ and is hardly to be illus- 
trated by any similar one, but may be accounted for by supposing this 
salutation of the deceased to be usually performed in a kind of chant. 


' Tpjjx^oi' in original. 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 37 

By a like abuse of the same word poets and prophets are said eanere, 
not because their poems or oracles were actually sung, but because 
tliey were generally pronounced with greater varieties of time 
and tone than can be admitted within the compass of what Ari- 
stotle, Poet. c. 4, calls ^^rrif XtitrtKJiphpfiwiay, the modulation of dis- 
course.*' He refers also to Apollonius's Lexicon Homericum (no 
page) under etctSc : thus aSe, ^pv€i, riv€s 8€ €ts ro \ry€ty furtfiaXoif rriv \t^uf, 
who quotes an unknown author, Tyrwhitt thinks Babrius, thus: 

Tavra 8* Aurenros 

O ^ap^irivos «iirey, 6ptu^ ol Ae\^i 

Adorra fivOov ov ica\«s c8c|ayTo. 

Apti tov X^ovra' 6 yap AurvKos Xoyoiroios- 

See also Strabo, edit. Casanb. lib. i. p. 18. 

W. Bevket. 
What is the proper meaning of the sun, in Electra, being called 
Wkoktovos ? Knight, in his strange treatise on the Priapeia, thinks it 
may be ^Might-extending." I suppose, from Bryant's Ammonian 
word /iir, light, and rciv». But could the k come that way ? Would 
it not be wkotopos, or some such word ? It appears to me very whim- 
sical; yet what is wolf-killing? 

[Vol. vii. p. 86.] 

Lord Holland to Dr. Parr. 

Dear Sir, Holland House, May 25. 

Menage, under the article Bouquin an old book, derives it from the 
German word Buch^ the original no doubt of our word book. But he 
adds, that it means anr old book, like those which come from Germany^ 
and are good for nothing but squibs (k faire des fus6es), and to prevent 

Ne toga cardylliSf ne paenula desit oHvis. 

Now I am ashamed to say that I do not know what is the English of 
Cardyllis, nor indeed what is the sense of the whole line. Is Cardyllus 
a diminutive ofcarduus ? and is toga the down of the thistle? and if it 
is, how can it supply the place of waste paper ? and what covering, 
cloak or surtout (paenula) has an olive, which serves the same purpose 
as paper ? Neither Facciolati, Stephanus, nor Du Cange, is of any assist- 
ance to me on this occasion. Ever yours, Vassal Holland. 

Sunning Hilly May 30- 
*'Ne toga cordylis, ne paenula desit olivis,'' is the first line of the 
first epigram in the 13th or 14th bo.ok of Martial; and Cordyla, 
or, as sometimes written, Cordulla, is (the dictionaries inform me) 
a small fish, which was wrapped up in oiled paper like our red mullets. 
The whole difficulty arose from the carelessness or affectation, I know 
not which, of Menage, who chose to write it "cardyllis." 
[Vol. vii. p. 129.J Vassall Holland. 

R. P. Knight, Esq. M.P. to Dr. Parr. 
Dear Sir, Whitehall, Jan. 22. 

Fox and I have been lately reading Lycophron, and having been 
both startled with the distinctness of some predictions of events which 
happened long after the age when he is supposed to have florished, we 
have had some correspondence on the subject, but without any other 
effect than increasing our perplexity. The ** Testimonium Vetemm,'' 
published with Potter's edition, are strong in support of the authenti- 

S8 Ql^amcQl Extracts from 

city, at tbia poem, and of iti being written bj one of the Pleiadei^ as 
tjbiej are called ; jet in v. 1226, et seq. there ia a diitinet pr cd i c tioo oC 
the universality of the Roman empire ; and in ▼. 1446, as distinct a 
one of the fall of the Macedonian monarchy ak^ ^kthv y^v^ from Alex- 
ander, who is clearly described. Perseus, indeed, was not the lixtb 
Igng of Macedonia from Alexander; but, nevertheless, he waa the 
sixth in the line of descent of his own family from that conqaeror, 
which is more in point. Cannot yon prove that Lycophron was a Xeir 
or Atheist, who conversed with some inspired persons of that nation ? 
What a triumph would it be for Revelation I for, except the prophe- 
cies of Isaiah concerning Cyrus, there are none in the sacred volnme 
half so unequivocal ; ai^ the merely human testimony (the only one 
which infidels will admit) in support of the authenticity of the prophe- 
cies o( Isaiah, is weak indeed when compared with that in suppoirt of 

Qphron. R. P. KNievTi. 

[IfoJ. vii, p- ap4.] 


Dr. Parr to the Rev. Dr. Charles Parr Buiney. 
lify dear friend and Godson, Nov. 9, 1804. 

It is my anxious wish for you not only to read but to write, to rend 
extensively that you mav write clearly, copiously, correctly, and at last 
elegantly ; to reflect before you read, and, while you read, to mingle 
youthful knowlege with curious erudition, and to incorporate the best 
results of all your attainments with your general habits of thought and^ 
action. Philology, though it may exercise the strongest understapdingp 
k within the reach of a very ordinary one ; and such is my sense of 
your merits, such my opinion of your powers, and such my solicitude 
for your welfare, that my advice will always be directed to the joint 
purposes of making you not only a verbal critic, but a wise, firm, and 
honest man. All learning is not contained in the dramatic writera of 
CIreece, nor even in the. Greek language ; and, if my counsel be fol- 
lowed, you will experience the soundness of it in the diversity and 
^nsialcaicy, in the fulness and the accuracy, of your knowlege. Yoof 
filther is indisputably right in desiring you to read all the plays of Eu- 
ripides in continuity ; and I add, that you will do well to proceed im- 
mediately to Sophocles, to iEscbylns, to Aristophanes, to Menander, 
to Philemon, and the fragments, such as they are, both of the tragic 
and comic writers. This you must do diligently, and without aberra- 
tion in the first year, and you will do it again in the fourth, with some 
additions, which I shall mention in due order ; but I must state to yoo,^ 
generally and seriously, that I wish your morning to be invariably em- 
ployed on Greek. 

In the second year read Isocrates, Lysias, Isseus, the twelve Ora^ 
tions of Demosthenes published by Allen, his Speeches and those* of 
^schines de falsa Legatione and de Corona twice, the Memorabilia, 
Cyropaedia, and Anabasis of Xenophon* Do not read any more of the 
orators, nor of Xenophon, except one book, till you have taken your 
degree, and remember that I am writing to you as an Academic, that 
1 am laying foundations only, but that I mean to midce them broad, 
d«ep, and s^lid. In the third year, and not till then, read Herodotua, 
Thpeydides, and the Hellenics of Xenopbon, go on again with the 
AMbAsiif, Cyrop«dU, and Memorabilia; then take up the Dialoguea 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. S^ 

ef Plato by Etwatt, Forster, and R^uth. Then, m^ btoy, when you' are 
so robust, §^apple with Aristotle, and read his Ethics, his Poetics, aiitf 
his Rh<itoric. 1 say, read them in this order, and observe that this is'' 
yonr morning: course of reading, for 1 have provided another place in 
which both the Poetics and the Rhetoric are to be read, and you i^itf 
be improved by the double and distinct reading. Charles, close your 
third year by a second and most attentive perusal of Herodotus and 
Thucydides ; and when you have finished Thucydides the second time, 
read the Speeches, and the Speeches only, a third time, and read them 
as they are collected by Bauer, separately from the history. Begin 
the fourth year with the Iliad and Odyssey, don't despise the common' 
Homeric clavis, and indeed on all occasions beware of despising the 
reeeived practice of scholars, for by doing well what they are accus- 
tomed to do, you will be eventually enabled to do more with immedi- 
ate and permanent effect. When you are engaged in Homer yon will 
certainly be a strong scholar ; and therefore holding Clarke in your 
hand, and reading bis notes, you will avail yourself of Heyne and 
Wolfius. Read Wolfius twice, and fail not to read every line that has 
been written by Heyne. Charles, from Homer go to Pindar, and take 
the aid of Heyne and Jacobs, and read Pindar twice ; and then go a 
second time through Euripides, Sophocles, ^Eschylus, Aristophanes, 
Menander, and Philemon. Charles, beware of impatience, for that 
which is not done to-day may be done to-morrow, and if you ob- 
serve the order which I have prescribed, it will be done well ; and be 
assured that I shall g^ve you enough to do, but not more than enough 
for the godson of Samuel Parr and the son of Charles Burney. Charles, 
I wish your evenings laid out in the following manner. We must have 
Latin sometimes by itself, and sometfmes intermixed with Greek, but 
with different Greek from that which I have mentioned, with two 
exceptions at which I have already hinted. Read first the com- 
mon Dolphin edition of Cicero's Orations, and be content with 
these for the present ; for yon are not to die when you cease to be an 
under-graduate, and living yon are not to cease to read. Well, after, 
this you may in the first year go on to Tacitus and to Saltnst, and to ' 
Cornelius Nepos, and to the select Orations from Livy, for you have 
not time to read his History through, but you must get some vague 
general notion of his style ; but I must again and again urge you to ^ 
read Csesar. After this you may read Terence through, and four plays ' 
of Plantus, but no more; and unwilling as I am to let your mind be 
seduced into philology for the present, I must advise you to read not 
only the Prolegomena to Terence in the common edition, not a word ' 
of which yon must miss, but the prefaces of Bentley and Hare, every 
word of which must be impressed deeply on your memory. Get books 
which you may mark with your pencil, and insert in your common- 
place book all peculiarities of diction in all Latin writers, and some 
elegancies, as they are called, but not all. In yonr second year we 
must look to ancient rhetoric ; and here, Charles, begin with Cicero 
de Inventione, go on to the work de Oratore, the Brutus and Orator, 
then go to Qnintilian. Charles, I love Quintilian ; read him in RoUin's 
Abridgment, but have Caperonnier open before you; then proceedf' 
to Aristotle's Rhetoric, and then to the critical parts of Dionysius'; 
H-aKcarnassus, published by Hoiwell, to his work de Strnctura, and\' 
to Demetrius Phalerens. This is the right order, and yon vrill find It 
99. CiMiiider,Jhst your morniDgi Are ul this time employed ton tb^ ' 

40 Classical Extracts from 

Greek orators, and excuse me for having forgotten to except Diony- 
BIOS and Demetrias ; they are for your evenings, and for tbeae eveii- 
ingSy Charles, ^hen you are setting about Plato, give them to the phi- 
losophical writings of Cicero, and read them as edited by Davis, whose 
notes are inestimable for the matter. Read the Tusculan Qoestioiis, 
the work De Finibus, De Natura Deornm, De Legibus, De Ofieiia — 
I pause a little about the Academics ; perhaps this book, with the 
work De Divinatione, may be deferred till you have taken yonr degree. 
I say the same of Hermogenes de Ideis in your rhetorical reading, hat 
at some distant time you must work at Hermogenes. Now, Cfaiirles» 
in your third year you may choose for yourself among the rbetorieel 
writers whom you have read before, always, however, rememberiof^ 
that Quintilian, Cicero de Oratore, his Brutus, his Orator, and Ari- 
stotle's Rhetoric must be perused, and even studied, a second time. la 
the fourth year begin your evenings with Aristotle's Poetics ; and after 
a first perusal of Twining proceed to a second perusal of a yet more 
critical 'sort, and work hard with Winstanley, Tyrwhitt, and Twinioi^ 
again. Make yourself master of this book as well as the Rhetoric ; 
and let me just say of the Rhetoric, that I wish you to get the Can- 
bridge edition, and also an Oxford edition, without translation or accent, 
but with very good notes. While you are reading Homer in the morn- 
ing, take op Virgil in the evening ; and depend on it that your time 
will be well employed in reading Virgil twice or thrice. People talk 
about Greek and Latin history, but do you for the present be content 
with knowing both from English writers. First map both in your mind 
by common school-boy books; then proceed as follows: read the Ro- 
man History in Goldsmith, then in Hooke, and then in an Abridgment 
of Gibbon. Read the Greek first in Stanyan, then in Goldsmith, biijt 
finally and twice in Mitford, and after IVlitford take Gast. Cbariet, 
let not this sort of reading disturb the regular order of your momiii|^ 
and evening studies, for in every day there will be chasms of time 
which you must fill up with history ; and pray don't mingle Greek and 
Roman. Before you sit down to Demosthenes, read the Life of Philip 
and the History of the Amphictyonic Council by Leland, and do not 
disdain to read his translations. There is little show but much aense 
in this advice. 

Godson, yon have some authority in Sam Johnson*s practice and my 
own for filling up the little nooks of time. History will do much, bat 
not all. I wish you to be well, and very well acquainted with the 
forms of logic ; for I never lost sight of your academical duties, rela- 
tions, and prospects. Be a critic by and by ; but first make yourself a 
scholar and a writer, and an enlightened academic, and the rest will 
follow properly, usefully, honorably, and certainly, my dear Charles, I 
say certainly. Well, then, in logic first read Duncan, then go on to 
Watts, tor it is a precious book, and don't be frightened when I re- 
commend the Port-Royal Logic. Tell your father that I advise yoa 
to read these three books every year ; and that after reading them I 
wish you even to study some admirable observations on the forms of 
Logic written by Dr. Reid, and inserted in the second volume of 
Kaimes's History of Man. Charles, the first three books will teach 
you the forms and principles, and the last will instruct you in the value 
and use of them. Charles, 1 do beseech you to acquire and to preserve 
this sort of knowlege according to this very degree. Now in the fourth 
year you may in the evening read Theocritus and the Bncollca., 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 41 

Hesiod and the Georgic^, and read them as a relief from the morning 
toil of the dramatic writers. So much 1 have to say about your classi- 
cal learning and your logical ; but remember that in your nooks, and 
especially when you are reading the rhetorical works of Cicero, &c. 
you must reserve a nook for Heineccius de fundamentis styli Latini, 
and for Scbeller's praecepta styli bene Latini. My friend, g^reat will be 
the nse to your taste of these two books, and let me add, even to your 
learning and to your compositions. If any nooks be open, fill them up 
with Gesner's Isagoge : it is a most useful book to readers of every age, 
and scholars of every size. As to Corinthus, Phrynichus, Moeris, Tho- 
mas Magister, and Apollonius de Syntaxi, medSlle not with them, except 
in the way of occasional consultation. The stqdy of them must be 
reserved to a more distant period, when your mind will be stored with 
materials from original authors, and when you will bring with yon 
taste, knowlege, and habits of reflection to facilitate your philological 
inquiries, to supply subjects for them, and to make you a competent 
and impartial judge of their real value. Hereafter you may go on to 
Plutarch, Lucian, the remaining Greek historians and orators, and 
indeed what not, for you will go to them as a scholar and a man of 
sense ; but don't be in a hurry, do not begin where you should end, 
and depend on it, Charles, with a long reach in my mind I have em- 
ployed for you the spur and the rein; the spur to knowlege, the 
rein from philology for the present. But I wish you, Charles, 
in good time, to be a complete philologist. Your own good 
sense will tejl you the occasional use you are to make of Potter's 
Greek Antiquities and Adam's Roman ditto, and perhaps I shall ap- 
plaud you for bestowing an hour or two on each while jfou are 
reading the Greek and Roman orators, but not more than an hour at 
that time, nor even five minutes at any other time. My godson, believe 
me, that method is every thing, and till method is observed yon never 
can wander with impunity. Charles, there is one book which hardly 
for one day ought to be out of your hands while you are busy with the 
prose writers of Greece. It is almost the only indulgence I grant to 
philology, but it is a necessary one, and I even impose it on yon as a 
doty. Whensoever you have a spare half-hour read VIgerus, with the 
notes of Hoogeveen, Zeunins, and Hermann. First read him through 
ih regular series, do so a second time in some of the nooks, and consult 
him again and again, and read him a third time while you are in statu 

Supillari. Have the bdok almost by heart. I almost say the same of 
laittaire do Dialectis, especially when you are busy with Pindar or 
Homer. Perhaps; Charles, after one perusal of the book, you may 
thus divide it. Take the Attic dialect tor your Orators and Trage- 
dians, &c. the Ionic, Doric, and their dependencies, for Homer; tlie 
Doric and i£olic for Theocritus and Pindar. Consult your good sense 
about this ; but be sure to make yourself master of the principles, and 
much of the spirit in Maittaire. S. Parr. 

[Vol. vii.p.419.] 

Rev. Dr. Parr to Rev. Dr. Gabell. 

Dear Sir, Hatton, Jan, 12, 1813. 

. I think I shall not offend yon by throwing on paper all the instances 
which my reading has furniai)ied, of an indicative mood following inde- 
finite words. I am quite confident that no such instances are to hm 

49 Clasucal Extr^cttfrom 

fymud'im fyvose writep»dowB to the bMUoen age. After prenitiaji^, thmtf 
that in the colloqaM phraseology of Terence and Phwtnt the exam^ 
plea are very frequent^ I ihall enter on mj catalegne of examplen ham^ 
other writers. 

O Romole, Romole, die 6 
Qaalem te patriai onstodem Di gennernnt. 

Ennii Fragm. lib. ti. Annat. 

Ecfare quae cor tnnm timiditas territat. 

Pacuvii Fragm. Perlboea. 

In the passage from Ennius we are compelled by the metre to read 

genuerunt : the metre in Pacnvias would admit territet, but I sbookl 

object to the alteration, because Pacuvias is an old drfimatic writer ; 

,and why should we condemn in him that licence which we know to 

h»ave been employed by Terence and Plantos ? 

Qnis justins indnit arma 
Scire nefas ? Lucan, lib; i. 136. 

New let us hear Bnrmann : ** In Langermanni- uno etiam- codiee viA 
librariom, forte ferulam metuentem, dedisse indtut, sed nunqnam potoi- 
mihi persiiadere, poetas ita servire lodimagistrorum canonibos, ot nev 
saspfus hoc obsequinm librariis, qnam ipsis seriptoribns sit adtriboe»*- 
dlns.'^ Let £«rmann*8 wit shift for itself. I allow, with him, that thei 
eorreetloin waa nrade in order to aceommodate the passage to a generfti* 
role. But I resist the correction ; first, because the passage re-^ 
quires a past tense ; and secondly, beeause in another passage, lott|^- 
Jmowft to myself, and properly referred to by Burmana, Luoan- a* 
second t%ne neglects the rule ; and beeause, in a third passage, there' isi 
a yet more decisive instance of the same neglect. I shall prodvoe* 
both- the passages, when I have stated my ol^ecttons to BurmauBltt* 
other matters. He quotes from the Morsena, '' Neseio quo pacto* boe* 
M/^ where the construction is, " Hoe fit nescio-quo- pacto.*' He alscK 
qootee from Claudiaii, 

Nescis-qaed-tnrpier bostis 
Lsetitia majore cadit. 

Bat qnod in this passage is not indefinite. When be quotes from Ovid, 

Qnis scit an heeo saeyas tigiidaa insula babet, 

lie ought to have added, that baud scio an, followed by an indicative, 
is a particular formula sai jaris, and is used by prose writers as an in- 
direct sort of affirmation. Again he quotes frOm Ovid, Metam. lib. x. 

Quid facit ignorans; 
to which I would say, 

Nit agit exemplum litem quod lite resolvit ; 

for the Mss. vary. *< Quod facit ignorans," is, '' Ignorans id qqod, 
facit;" and if quid be substituted for quod, the uniform practice of Ovid 
in other places would call for a subjunctive, and Heinsius, seeing this, 
would read, ** quidque agat ignorans ;" I retain quod. Burmann again 
quotes from Ovid, Met. 

Ddnde ubi sunt digiti, dum pes ubi quaerit ; 

but here the readingi is eqairocal'; for we may ^ read sint, and- so* we 
ongiit. He quotes from the fMeti, Vibi ir. 57; 

Nutac ubi sint illi^, quaeris, 

Dr. Johaabme s TJ^ q^ Parr. 45 

wher« someof tlli€ Ms&, read #iml» bdt gpoMtal asage is urfiiMvof of mm!* 
Hq allows, a YtftiatioB of reading in Vir^^ 

Cujicti qa£B snot ) ^ • ^« 

w/ siDt 5 ®* ™«°"^ quaerant, 

and this therefore proves nothing. In the passage quoted ftom Cicero, 
Be Nat. Deor. ii. 6. '' Animum illnm spirabilem si quis qnaerat, undo 
faabemns," Davis proposes habeamus. Barmann would retain habe* 
nius ; but Burmann's assertion is gratuitous, and Davis's conjecture is 
warranted by the uniform practice of Cicero in other passages. Bnr- 
mann's quotations from Terence are so far pertinentf as to show whal 
was done by comic writers ; but they g^ve us no help in poets of another 
class, or in prose writers. There is. a strong medley of right and wrong 
through the whole o£Burmann*8 note. Let us return to Lucan. 

Neseiiy cradelis, ubi ipsa 
Viscerikswitmagni. Lib. viii. 644. 

H«re the Mss. vary between mni and «tfit, and nothing is proved. 
But if sunt be retained, I should defend it by the passage above quoted 
ofinduit, and by a yet more-decisive passage in lib. ix. 563. 

Quasre quid est virtus^ et peace exemplar honesti. 

Here the metre requires est ; and thus from Lucan we have one certain 
instance, one very probable, and one probable. Now let us go to 
Claudian, iv. De Cons. Honor, v. 267. 


Nee tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decehlt, 

Here in the same sentence we have the subjunctive and the iiidicative, 
and of a similar irregularity I shall hereafter produce. an instance from 
Persius. Let us return to Claudian, Epigr. in i£thium, v. 9. 

Yersiculos, fateor, non cauta voce notavi, 

Hea miser ignoransquam grave crilnen erat ! 

Now let us go to Persius, Sat. y. 27. 

Ut, quantum mihi te sinuoso in pectore j|ixi\ 
Voce trabem pura. 

Here the reading is indisputable. The next passage containst the irre- 
gularity of which I spoke, Sat. iii. 66. 

Discitci o miseriy et oausas cognoscite rerum, 
Quid sumus, et quidnam victuri gignimnr : ordo 
Quis datus ; aut metse qnam mollis flexus^ et undse; 
Quis modus argentb: quid fas optare : quid asper 
Utile nummus liabet: patriae, carisque propinquis 
Quantum elargiri deceat: quern te Deus esse 
Jossit, et hHmaiia q»a parte looatus es in re. 
Here we have sumus, gigniraur, babet, jnssit, locatns es, in the indi- 
cative, and deceat in the subjunctive. I will stop for a moment to 
communicate a conjecture 1 made many years ago on one of the fore- 
going lines. In the oommon reading, metas. et undse, there is no clear 
sense : some read et unde ; this again is obscure. I would read «^ for 
ftcttf . << MetsB mollis itouui^ nt Assam, uadsa.est." Tw4^ instances will 
be added. 
Here ends my enumeratiqn q( instaii(9es^(witli two additional to be 

44 Classical Extracts from 

prodaced presentlj) from .classical authors ; and it eoDtaint, yon lee, 
one certain from Ennias; one very probable from Pacovioa; oae 
certain, one very probable, and one probable, from Lncan; two 
certain from Claudian ; and five in one sentence equally certain from 
Persius. Now,*dear Sir, I will mention some instances of deTiatioA 
from the general role in the best Italian writers of Latin verse. Few 
of them write more correctly than Sannasarius, and yet even Sannasa- 
rius sometimes errs : the sentence begins. 

His addis cultusqne pios, &c. 

it goes on thus, depending on addis, 

Denique ut ad patrem populo spectante snomm 

Cesseritf ignifer^s prtendeatque locis : 
Quantaque nos maneant promissae gaudia vitae, 

Quantaque venturae gloria lucis erit. 

This beautiful copy of verses is addressed by Sannazarius ** Ad Divam 
Jacobum Picenum.'* There is a similar confusion of the indicative 
and subjunctive in the opening of the 3rd book of Paleareos, De Anini 
Immortalitate : 

Nunc animis quae sit sedes, quae praemia vitae, 
Quemque bonum tandem maneantj quas pendere poenas 
Conveniat sontes, properante quis undique rege 
Tolletur clamor, quae signa futura, tubaeque, 
Expediam dictis. 

The instances in the Syphilis, which I consider as the next poem to 
the Georgics, are numerous, and little observed by the admiring reader. 
Fracastorius is right and wrong in the very first sentence : 

Qui casus rerum varii, qua^ semina morbum 
Insuetum, nee longa ulli per saecula visum 
Attulerint • * • * 

Necnon et quae cura, et opis quid comperit usus, 

Hinc canere incipiam. 

In my book I long ago marked the following additional instances : 

Die, Dea, quae causa nobis post secula tanta 
Insolitam peperere Idem ? 

Nunc vero quonam ille modo contagia traxit, 

Quis status illorum/ic^rtV, quae signa dedere 
Sidera, quid nostris coelum portenderit annis. 

Let us go to book the 3rd, for one more instance : 

Quis Dens hos illis populis tnonstraverit usus, 

Qui demum et nobis casus ant fata tulere 

Hos ipsos, undo et sacrae data copia sylvae, 

Nunc referam. 
I just stop to say that my pen is drawn under a false quantity: in book 
2nd Fracastorius writes, 

Talis dnlcifliium fluviorum scarns adora. 

Now Horace makes the penultima of scarus short : 

Ant scams, ant poterit peregrina juvare'lagois. 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 45 

These great Latin poets ofltaly were led by their memory and their 
ear to employ the snbjanctive generally : when it suits their metre, 
they sometimes use the indicative ; but they never would have em- 
ployed that wrong mood, if by rule they had learnt the principle which 
requires the subjunctive mood. How far they would have availed 
themselves of the exceptions which I have quoted from Lucian, Clau- 
dian, and Persius, I know not. Now, dear Sir, I will show you an in- 
stance of confusion in Gray, whose classical erudition was indisputable 
and pre-eminent : 

Perspiciet vis quanta loci, quid poUeat ordo, 
Juncturae quis honos, ut res accendere rebus 
Lumina conjurant inter se, et mxituKfulgtnt, 

De Principiis Cogitandi, lib. i. 113. 

Such instructors as you and Dr. S. Butler will warn your scholars 
against such errors committed by great poets. I have marked all the 
metrical blunders in Gray, and at some fu re time you and I will talk 
them over. We both of us know that B bop Lowth was never ac- 
quainted with the rule, and yet from ear apd memory he is more fre^ 
quently right than wrong. Let us not be harsh with Lowth, when 
such verbal critics by profession, as Hare and Bentley, are not exempt 
from error. I have a marked copy of a very fine Concio ad Clerum, 
preached by Hare before the Convocation, A. D. 1722. Some of the 
errors may be fairly ascribed to the editor ; others evidently flow from 
the author himself. I will enumerate those which contain the indica- 
tive instead of the subjunctive after an indefinite : *' Quam necesse fuit 
Yerbi ministrisyab omni ofiensionum genere cavere turn temporis, cum 
ad Titum baec scriberet Apostolus; quam ipso Tito utile, ut hoc 
monitum animo semper observaretur, qui vis facile intelligat, qui norit 
quam dura/ut^ illis temporibus Ecclesiae conditio, vet quam prsefracto 
et perverso ingenio illi, quibus Titus praefuit." Again : ** Ut qui in 
Listeria ecclesiastica sunt hospites, nee sciunt quales pestes anteacta 
secula ttderunt^ putent nullo unquam tempore iniquius fuisse compa- 
ratum.*' Again : ** Ut inde ediscamus quae praecipue vitanda iunt^ 
quae criminatiouibus prae ceteris obnoxia, qua parte iniquls malevolo- 
rum suspicionibns maxime patemus.** Again : " Ego quidem, cum 
videam quales quantique viri mihi jam ob oculos versantur, cum videam 
quo sub praeside consessus sues habituri sunt, quo nemo Uteris ornatior, 
virtutibus instructior, prudentia solertior.'' Here let me stop to correct 
a mistake of my memory ; for the idem cttm, of which I spoke to you, 
was the blunder of Wyttenbach, and not of Hare. Let us turn to 
Bentley. In his note on line 37, sc.^2, act 1, of the £unuch, he writes 
thus : *< Sed vide superstitio quid facit^ Again, Andr. act 1, sc. 2. v. 
18, ** Sed vide, ut incommode haec divisa sunt arsi et thesi." Here, 
my good friend, an objector might tell me that Virgil writes thus, 

Nonne vides croceos ut Tmolus odores, 
India mittit ebur? Georg. lib. i. 5, 6. 

Again ; 

Yidisti quo Tnmus equo, quibus ibat in armis 
Aureus. iEn. lib. ix. 268. 

My answer is, that in both passages the interrogation is carried on to 
the end of the sentence. There are variations in the reading of vidisii ; 
for Macrobius and some of the Mss. give vidistU, The passage is not 

46 Clamcai Extracts from 

printed ioterrog^tively in any of the editions, but the leiMe it ImpioTed 
oy such an interrogation, and then the solution is the same aa in the 
other passage from the Geoi|^os. Vida's good taste led him to feel the 
power ofthis interrogation with the word ?ideo : 

Nonne Tides com carceribns exire reclnsis 

Instant ardentes, quanta nituntur opnm vi ?— Bombic. lib. ti. 

I observe that Vida is always correct in his subjunctive ; and if he had 
not felt, as I do, that the interrogation was to be carried on, he would 
have written nitantpr. Did you ever read the noble Concio ad Cle- 
rum preached by Bishop Atterbury in the year 1709? It is a most 
decisive proof of his learning, as well as his taste ; and in the use of 
moods he is always correct : yes, he is correct in many instances where 
very good scholars would have blundered. There are, it is true, some 
errors. He once uses demum for deoique ; he more than onoe vies 
aolummodo for tantummodo, and Lowth does so twenty times. He 
writes sponte sua for sua sponte, though in prose we ought always 
to say mea, tua, sua sponte ; and leave the poets to put the pro* 
Bonn last, for the sake of the verse. And this my observation lea my 
scribe to remind me of what I had told him about vice versa, for the 
phrase occurs frequently in the Roman law, and always stands verih 
Tice, and this you must tell your boys. Atterbury uses abinvloem, 
which is wrong; and Cooke, the late Dean of Ely, in his Concio, to my 
great surprise, wrote econtra. Pray, when you have leisure, read 
Atterbury's Concio ; not for the doctrine, which 1 hate, but for the latW' 
mty and the spirit. 

Now, before i close, let me observe that there is a great laxity 
among the poets in the use of jt and <m. We have in Horace, " Insplee^ 
si possum donata reponvre :*' here I should be disposed to read potrim, 
if I did not find in Tibullus, 

Ilia mibi referat, si nostri mutua cura est. 

And in Terence, *^ Visam si domi est,'' where it has the power of wke^ 
ther. Yet the more general and the more proper, or at least the more 
analogical use is the subjunctive. 

Quae si sit Danais reddenda, vei Hectora fratrem, 
Yel cum Deiphobo Polydamanta roga, — Ovid, Epist 

Whilst I was dictating this line 1 stumbled on another little blunder 
ia Atterbury, and I hate myself for observing it : " Gravius aliqnid 
reip. vulnus inferatur." Now Lowth knew not the dilDference between 
aliqnid and aliquod ; and many good editors have overlooked the dis* 
tinction in many good authors. There is a great danger lest boys be 
misled by many parts of Tully*s works, as they are commonly printed ; 
but you tell your boys, as 1 should tell mine, that where a substantive 
in the same case follows, they must say aliquod and quoddam ; but 
that if uo substantive follows, they must write aliquid and quiddam, to 
either of which they may subjoin a genitive ; as, aliquid commodi and 
quiddam emolumenti, &c., quiddam detrimenti, but quoddam detn- 
mentum. I am afraid this letter will tire you, and so manum de tabula. 

S. Parr. 
The additional instances above referred to will be inserted here : 

Nee refero Solisqae vias, et qualis, ubi orbem 
Compievity versis Luna reeutrit equis. 

Tibullus, Hb. ii. Eleg. 4. v. 17. 

Dr. Johmtooe's L^t^fParr. iH^ 

Tiiere is no vaiMios in ibe M§s. io r€eutfi$» B«t -iteoondiog lo the 
general rule, we i»ay read recmrai. This is liwrefiM« a doubtful mr 
stance. The next Icooi Propertku is iiot doubtful ; and 4he indicaliTe 
and subjunctive are oonfounded in it^^aud yet the o^mnMntaton are 

Non mrsus licet i£toU refi^ras Aeheloi 

JLuxerit ut pnagno fractus (unore liquor ; 
Atque etiam ut Pbrjfgi^ fatiax IfsBandria campo 

ilfml, et ipsa suas de^jtit uada vias ; 
Qualis et A4rasti/tfm^ vocalis ArioOy 
Tristia ad Arcbemori funera irietor eqaus. 

Pfopert. lib. ii. £log. 84, ▼. 8S. 

Here we have luxerU,fuerit, err&t, and decipk, depending on uty and 
qualis after reftrmi. But the irregularhy admits no remedy. We 
might read erret for errat^ but the metre forbids us to alter decipit Into 
deeipiai. [Vol. yii. p. 471.J 

Dr. Gabell to Dr. Parr. 
Pear Sir, Jan. 20, 1813. 

Before I have thanked you for your hospitality, your courtesy, and 
other higher antertaiomeAts which I enjoyed at Hatton. you load me 
with fresh favors. I thank you gratefully, my dear sir, for a dtsquiai. 
lion as acute and judicious, as it is copious and learned. That ^' inter*- 
rogatives, when the interrogation is indirect^ govern a subjonctite 
mood," U a principle of syntax which T have long since inculcated •■ 
boys; but 1 never ventured to take such high ground as that to wfaiek 
your copious induction leads me. I did not know before, nor do I 
believe that any scholar in the kingdom, besides yourself and those to 
whom you have made the communication, could have informed me, 
that no instances are to be found in prose-writers, down to the braaien 
age, of the indicative mood following indefinite words. Nor did I know 
that the number of exceptions among the poets was so limited. I 
therefore never ventured to assert that the indicative mood, following 
^n indefinite word, was absolutely wrong ; but only, that the subjunc- 
tive, being more common, was, on that account, more perspicuous, 
and better, and always to be used. But you, sir, have taught me, that 
the indicative is absolutely wrong. Nor can the rule be invalidated by 
the occasional negligence or licentiousness of the poets. 

You have accurately explained and copiously illustrated the use of 
the Latin subjunctive mood, following indefinite words. The task was 
difficult, on account of the various and important, but obscure signifi- 
cations of that mood, so combined. And it was the more diH^nlt, 
because, neither in our own nor any other modern European language 
have we any thing that resembles it, nor much eveu in the ancient 
Greek that is analogous to it. There is another circumstance which 
makes it the ipore necessary to have the difficulty cleared up,— that it 
recurs incessantly, and sometimes in every sentence of a page, aad 
sometimes, especially in Livy, for several pages together. It seldom 
indeed involves the whole passage in darkness, but only spreads over 
it that degree of mist and confusion which renders our ideas indistinct, 
i»nd is in one respect worse than even total darkness. For the latter 
comnonly induces an effisf t on the part of the reader to emenge into 
llffM : wheroM, iu the caaa of imperfoet meutal viMon, the mod is apt 

48 Classical Extracts from 

to rest in a state of languid enjoyment, content and litiiled villi 
these shadowy and entertaining fornu of things, which pass in review 
before the fancy as the eye passes along the lines of the page. 

One of the great aims of language is to coromanicate onr tboiigkta 
with dispatch ; and the instraments used for thatpurpose are coaipiez 
words, or the Irca vrcp^crra of Horne Tooke. The Latin subjancUve 
mood is one of these; and it performs its important functions with great 
celerity, by a mere inflexion without loading the sentence with an ad- 
ditional word, or retarding its speed for a single instant : expreaaing 
simultaneously two sets of ideas ; namely, the set of ideas annexed to 
the simple form of the verb in the infinitife mood, and the set of ideas 
annexed to the subjunctive form. So rapidly is thought conveyed by 
means of the Latin subjunctive mood. 

But it has been truly observed that, notwithstanding the nsefalaeaa 
of such words, nothing perplexes the mind of the reader more thnn 
complex terms, when their complication is not observed. This ham 
happened with the Latin subjunctive mood combined with indefinite 
words; and therefore not only to the tyro, but even to the veteran scho- 
lar, it has been an everlasting stumbling-block. 

You mention a curious case of a great English divine and eloquent 
writer of Latin, who was commonly led by bis ear, &t\ wtiwat^tviiAt^^ to 
the proper use of the subjunctive, but erred occasionally from not 
knowing the theory. Even Terence and Plautus, yon observe, were 
so lax in their use of the subjunctive mood after indefinite words, that 
they seem frequently to have employed either that or the indieatire, 
just as it happened, without reference to any principle of choice what* 
ever. This 1 admit to be true. They were extremely lax — bat ob- 
serve—only as writers of comedy. For they no sooner stepped ont 
of their province, as play-wrights, than their laxity ceased. This is 
important. Kow for the proof. I have carefully examined the Pro- 
logues of Terence, and will take on me to say that not a single in- 
stance there occurs of a wrong mood aflter an indefinite word. 

Now to my purpose. Though the name of Terence is not to he 
found on your long list of writers, whose authority is the support of 
your rule regarding the proper use of the subjunctive mood after inde- 
finite words, yet do you not think that the fact we have just established 
warrants the assertion that we have his authority in favor of the general 
rule? For though he frequently transgresses it in bis comedies, yet 
that fact is inadmissible as evidence against the truth of our assertion. 
He transgressed under a dispensation granted by custom to the 
comic poets, and exceptio probat regulam. In his prologues be keeps 
steadily to the general rule ; and I shall have an opportunity of show- 
ing presently, that the prologue is not to be confounded with the play. 
I can see no other reason for questioning the truth of our assertion, 
that Terence sides with us, than the small number of his prologues, 
which are only six. In answer to that objection, 1 would say, take 
an equal number of lines in succession from any one of his plays, and 
see if you find them free from incorrectness on the point in question. 

With regard to the prologues of Plautus, we must distinguish. Some- 
times the poet is prolocutor; poeta proloquitur. Sometimes the pro- 
locutor is one of the dramatis personee. In the latter case, where the 
prologue is more closely connected with the play, the writer seems to 
think himself entitled to the privilege of the comic poet, and accord- 
ingly in these prologues I meet with violations of the rule in question. 

Dr. Johnstone^s Life of JParr. 49 

JBot in the former case, where the poet himself is prplocutpr, I find no 
instance of neycHgence. I confess, however, that I have looked over the 
prologues of Plantus more hastily than I looked over those of Terence. 
Here then we have the aothority of Plautus in favor of oar rale ; since 
he did not think himself at liberty to avail himself, when he did not 
write in the character of a comic writer, of that indulgence which the 
Romans were accnstomed to grant to their comic poets. 

That the Romans were accnstomed to dispense with a settled rule of 
their language in favor of their comic poets, I assume as a fact, and 
the fact is suflScient for the argument. 

How they came to grant them that indulgence, is another question. 
When you mentioned in your last letter ** such comic characters as we 
meet with in Terence and Plautus," you seemed to intimate that the 
incorrectness of their language, on the point under discussion, was not 
unsuitable to men of their condition, and characteristic of them. The 
conjecture is more likely, because such language was unsuitable 
to the conversation of men in a higher condition of life, who did not 
think themselves at liberty to violate your rule, even in the loose style 
of conversation. The Crassi, the Hortensii, and others who bear a part 
in the dialogues of Cicero, were proposed by him for our imitation, as 
perfect models in the conversational style. Yet those persons, in their 
practice, made no pretension to exemption from obedience to this, or 
any other of the general rules of their language. But it is alleged that 
the correct and polished style of their conversations in Cicero was not 
their own, but Cicero's — then we have at least the authority of one accus- 
tomed to the best society of Rome, and an exquisite judge in all matters 
of taste, and especially in polite literature, that such men were accus- 
tomed so to converse. 

The conformity of such illustrious persons to your general rule, in 
their conversation, is, I think, an addition of authority in support of the 
use of the subjunctive mood after indefinite words. 

Fortunately for you, my dear sir, I was stopped short at this place, 
and having procured a frank for to-day, am unwilling not to make use 
of it. It is now post time : hand seio an is considered by Ernesti as an 
adverb, and synonymous with/orto^fe. 

I will certainly read Atterbury*s Concio ad Clerum. 

Bo you think that ejusdtm added to periodic in your rule, will make it 
plainer ? 

With regard to the natural order of construction, is it quite clear 
that quid Ht amor, scio, is more natural than scio quid sit amor, or versH 
vice f Is not that the natural order of construction which exhibits 
the natural flow of our ideas? If a sentence contains six propositions, 
is it not possible that any one of these six may have been intro- 
duced to the mind first in order, by the great law of association ? 
If my thoughts have been previously turned on Alexander, I say Alex- 
ander Barium vicit ; if on Barius, Barium vicit Alexander ; if on con- 
quest, vicit Barium Alexander. As it is with words, so perhaps it is 
with clauses. H. Gab ell. 

[Vol. vii. p. 479.] 

Br. Gabell to Br. Parr. 
Bear Br. Parr, Winchestevy Oct. 22, 1813. 

Your conjecture on the person alluded to by Horace in the seu vo- 
cst institor seems to be well founded. 1 thank you for it, my dear sir ; 


50 Classical Extracts from 

and also for the remark that Maenas is the perton meaDt in the liM^ 
Munera oaviam Saevos illaqneant duces; as well as io the 4th Ep oda, 
Gesoer, in the Epode, offers, yoa know, this objection to the hypothe- 
sis, quod nnicum et proprium crimen hominis, perfida leTitaa, hie ilE 
non objicitur. But your answer is ready, and I think satisfactoiy. 
Augustus was the corrupter, and the crime of Maenas was hi» attaehin; 
himself to the cause of Augustus ; Horace, therefore, as a coarticr, 
could not urge this crime. 1 thank yon that, as you are great, so yoa 
are merciful, and do not mean to withhold from me for ever, but oaly 
for a stated period, the explanalion of the puzzling passage. I long te 
have it. In the mean time, be so kind as to give me your opinioo on a 
passage in Sophocles, on which 1 ventured, this very day, to pot a new 
interpretation, or rather the only one which seems to have been offered. 
In the Antigone, C. 638. Edit. Brunck, we read 

— — — — ^— — ^— — vSfiovs iraptlpuy 

XOovhs, B€&V T* tvopKQV ZUltlV, &C. 

Bru nek's note is as follows : 

"TlapeipaVf gl. o tpvXdrrav robs 4v yf 6vTas yS/xovs, Yerum non video qei 
significationem banc verimm waptlpcuf indiiere possit. Alias sig:ni6cat 
inserere. Locus vitii suspeclus esse pussit, tametsi in codd. scriptarv 
nulla observatur varietas. Legendum forte v6fiovs timpvy." Bot why 
disturb xapetpcov'* I translate the words thus : Connecting the laws (or 
institutions) of earth, and the justice of heaven, that is, founding civfl 
Jaw on the principles of natural justice ; which interpretation agrees 
extremely well with the word which follows, ^hoXis. Ilaptlfw meanSy 
I think, a</!fero, (not tnsero) adjungo. Uapwrcipos is one of ItsderiTathres; 
ad latera adjunctus. 

By the way, there is a difficulty in the passage immediately prece- 
ding : 

ffo(p6p Tt rh ivuxovd^v 

TOT^ filv Kcuchvy &\X<n' iir* iaO- 
\hv epir€i. 
The difficulty lies, 1 think, in the rh of the first line, after cro^ ti. 
Probably you have recollected at once a similar passage in TheocritiiB^ 
which may explain it. 

'AS6 Ti rh ^pidipurfM Rcd a wlrus, (uir6\e, Ti\va 
*A Tori TO?j va'yaitTi, fjLcXUr^ercu. 

The aS6 Tt rh is an exact resemblance of the a-otpSr n rhy &c. The com- 
mentators on Theocritus are puzzled. Reiske proposes to read rol for 
"T^, Yalckenaer admits no change, and explains it, I think, perfectly 
right, as the Scholiast had done before him : '^ Dulcis, sive dulce quid, 
aut jucundum quid, est lenis susurrus pinus illius/' &c. This, however, 
is rather a paraphrase than a translation ; it being of greater import- 
ance here to preserve the original order of the words and thoughts, than 
of the ratio grammatica. The latter is given by the Scholiast. Valcke- 
naer and Harles, from whose edition I have taken Yalckenaer's intef^ 
pretation, seem, by their triple interpretation of aU n, to think there 
is some difficulty in those words. If there be any, it is removed. by a 
passage in the Prometheus of -^schylus, 1. 536, edit. Glasg. 

'H5i; ri OapffoXeous 
Thy fioKphv rciyeiy fiioy 

Now Yalckenaer 's explanation of Theocritus may be applied, mutatis 
mutandis, to the tro^ n rh firix^*'^^^ of Sophocles. I will not make 

Dr* Johnstone's Life of Parr. 51 

the applicatioir. Yerbum sapienti. Am I right, my dear sir, in the 
interpretation of these tvro passages? I assure you, I often wish for 
your powerful assistance. But I am not in the habit of recording my 
difficulties or my solutions, such as they may be. H. Gabell. 

[Vol. vii. p. 486.] 

Dr. Parr to Dr. Gabell. 

Dear Dr. Gabell, Hatton, Feb, 18, 1814. 

I have caught a straggling passage, which at first sight bears hard on 
our rule about the indefinite followed by the subjunctive, and my pur- 
pose in this letter 13 to crush its authority. 

Hac re probatur quantum ingenium valety 
Yirtute et semper pravalet sapientia. 

Phaedrus, lib. i. fab. 13. 

When I was lately at Shrewsbury, I met these lines in the first book 
of the two Peritecaidecades of Kohlius, who rejects them as spurious, 
for a reason which other critics had given before, and from a right feel- 
ing of languor in the thought and inelegance in the diction. To be 
sure, the second line is hardly intelligible, and both lines carry with 
them an air of monkish interpolation. Now for the critics : <^ In quan- 
tum^ Th HI, ut saepe apud Phaedrum, non eliditur." — Praschius. ** Vel 
transponenda verba sunt, vel elementumm syllabam in sese inclinatam 
sustineat necesse est. Vide quae ad Fab. iv. dicta fuerunt." — Faber. 
'' Hie syllaba ultima non eliditur, ut monuit Ritterhusius, et repetiit 
Faber in suis.*' — Schefierus. *'Hos vero duos versus delendos ut spu- 
riosa notavit ad marginem Heinsius, quia Phaedrus quo fabulae suae 
pertineant, saepe ante ipsam narrationem, raro post narratam prodit 
fabulam, non vero utroque simul loco.'* — fiurmann. Kohlius assigns 
the same reason with Heinsius ; viz. that Phaedrus often begins, but 
rarely ends his fables with explanations of their import. But monks, 
like methodists, are wholesale dealers in sentimentality. In order to 
destroy the force of the line, as an exception to our rule about the 
indefinite, we must not pass over the metrical parts of the question. The 
line referred to as a parallel is in the 4th fable of the 1st book, and runs 


Aliamque praedam ah alio ferri putans. 

"Elementumm, in fine tov pr<jr/aiw, extritum non est, more veterum. 
]ta Lucretius, divinus vif atque incomparabilis (Scaligeri Patris testi- 
monium est Comment, in Hist. Anim. Aristotelis,) 

Expressit multa vaporis 

Semina, seque simul cum eo commiscuit ignis. 
Adde, si tanti est, Gifanii Indicem, cui addes locum Lucilii, qui apud 

Multorum magnis titubantium ictibu^ tundit. 

Legendus quoque Paulus Merula ad Annates Ennii, p. 617.'' — Faber. 
" Elcmentum ultimum hie non eliditur, ut olim recte contra emenda- 
•tionem Meursii notavit Barthius, Adv. 4, 7, 10, et in suis Tanaquillus 
Faber repetiit.'' — Schefferus. Heinsius, whom you and I always men- 
tion with reverence, clears away all difficulty by conjectural reading : 

Aliamque praedam ah alio se ferri putans 
Now, my friend, you and I know very well that sometimes among the 

52 Classical Extracts from 


old writers m flnitm corripiantar. Thus In EodIbs, ^ if ilHm BiliteB 
octo." Thus in Lucretias, *' Corpornm aajcelNit namenim.'' But I Md 
that we have no instance of the kind in Phiedrns, nor in nny writefs 
after the Augustan age, nor hare we more than one dispntnble iBstaaet 
in the writers of that age, and this one shall be discussed a little : 

Num vcsceris ista, 
Qnam laudas, pluma ? Cocta num adest honor idem ? 

IJorat. Serm. I.ii. s. D. ▼• 27. 

Shall this reading be disturbed ? For reasons to be gi? en preaeDtly I as 
compelled Mx«p, Let us hear the critics. Lambin, Cmqaiaa, Tor- 
renliusy and the old Scholiast, retain the reading. ** Sclolus,'* sajs 
Baxter, *' fecit eoetove causa metri. Probat etiam Bentleins, Inadat- 
que Lacretium, lib. iii. v. 1096. *Sed dnm abest quod amaroos, idea 
superare Tidetur.'" Very true: and Bentley also produces thre« pas- 
sages from Terence, and 1 could produce six more, and three times lix 
from Plautus. But Baxter does not notice what yon and 1 value, and 
that is the principle for which Bentley contends, and to whicb« so te 
as it touches the comic writers, but no further, I accede. ** Yocnla 
num non eliditur hie in scansione, sed pronunciatur, ut frequenter apad 
comicos, etiam Tocali sequente. Sic Terent. AdHph. i. 2. 38. * Dun 
erit commodum.' And. v. 4. 41. * Cum ego possim in hac re medicaii 
mihi.' Heaut iii. 3. 23. * Quam ego argentum effecero.' Id dantaxat 
observandnm, nunquam hoc fieri in ultima pedis syllaba, cujus rel ratt- 
onem soli musici intelligent.'' Now Bentley, I am aware, sometimes 
talks magisterially, but rather vaguely and obscurely, ''de mrcana smm- 
ees ratione ;" and of this there is a striking instance in his celebrated 
canon on the 221st line of the 1st lib. of Lucan, where J agree with bim 
on the very general practice of the Roman poets, but have observed 
many exceptions, which some day or other I may communicate to joo. 
As to the passage in Horace, Heinsius would read ^* coetone adeti, sine 
Tocalis elisione ;'' and this Bentley properly rejects, and so do I, not 
because it is a vowel, but because it is a short vowel ; and this is anex- 
ampled in Horace, and Bentley ought to have made the distinction, as 
you will see presently. Cunningham reads *' coetone et adest honor 
idem,'' whieh is most tame and vile. I therefore agree with Bentley 
in retaining mm. How so? Because in these monosyllables I find both 
Horace and Virgil leaving the long vowel not elided. 

"An qui amant,*' says Virgil, " ipsi sibi somnia fingunt?*' 
** Si me amas, inquit/' says Horace, ^ paulum hie ades.'' 

Serm. lib. i. sat. 9. v. 38. 

Virgil, in the Georgics and the ^neid, does not write so, but in the 
Eclogues. Horace, in his Lyrics, does not write so, but in the sermtmi 
propiorOf and finding such a passage as si me amas, 1 am prepared for 
eocto num adest. Well, the passages I have quoted from Lucretius and 
Ennius, to which 1 could add more, show Bentley to have been mis- 
taken when he admits mnot cut off iu a monosyllable, but denies eveiy 
thing similar in the close of words more than hypersyllabic. Yon see 
that quantum is more than monosyllabic in the line falsely ascribed to 
Phaedrus. Let us see what Bentley says of that and the following line; 
for it is well said : " Versus spurii, nee niimeris probis, nee oratione 
Latina, nee sententia quicquam ad fabulam pertinente. Quid enim 
corvo tirths convenit, ut vulpi sapientia f An corvus fortior vulpe t 
Qoid qnod hrtfUBiw in principle fabulae hie veniat, neo unquam gemi- 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Farr. 53 

netur?*' Well, for the foreg^oing reasons given bj others, I hold to be 
flparioas the line, which might by uncritical folks be objected to our 
canon; and the want of conformity to that canon is an additional rea* 
son which I should urge, though it has not been urged by preceding 
critics. S. PaI^r. 

[Vol. vii. p. 487.] 

Dr. Parr to Dr. Gabell. 
Dear Sir, March 7, 1818. 

You seemed to be a little fretted at the redundance in ^ft o%vwa. 
But what will yon say to a very common redundance in Latin? 
Nisi si ilia forte, quae olim periit parvula 
Soror, hano si intendit esse. — Eun. iii. 3. 18. 

Nisi si domum 

Forte ad nos rediit. — Ibid. iv. 4. 20. 

And so writes Terence in several other places. Well, an objector may 
say this is merely colloquial language — No, say I, let us hear Ovid. In 
the Nux, V. 6. 

'Nil ego peccavi : nisi si peccare vocetur 
Annua cultori poma referre suo. 

Even in the graver and more elaborate poem of the Metamorphoses we 

meet with nisi si. 

Quid mihi tunc animi, nisi si timer abstulit omnem 
Sensum animumque, fuit. — Lib. xiv. v. 177. 

jactati saepe carinis 

Supposuere manas : nisi si qua vehebat Achivos. 

Ibid. V. 560. 

On looking at Nolten I find <^ Nisi si, pleonasmus quo Cicero, ut saepe 
Ovidius ntitur. — Yid. Heins. ad Ovid. Heroid. lib. iv. 111. 

Nisi si manifesta negamus." 

Tnrsellin gives, from the second book of Cicero de Oratore, '^ Miseros 
elodi nolunt, nisi si se jactent." Tursellin says nothing of Ovid, but 
quotes two passages from Terence. 

Now, to my understanding, there is just as much pleonasm in nisi si 
as in tff oHwKa, Well, we say nisi %ude8$t <>' iff^oi; true,-*but nisi is 
very different from si non, for nisi expresses a contingency which may^ 
or may not be ; but si non speaks of that which is not a contingency, 
but of that which actually is not ; and it implies a condition in which 
something is positively denied. The condition lies in si, and the ne- 
gative part of the proposition is si non. Nisi and si non are totally 
different, though not opposite ; and if you will look into Herman do 
Ellipsi et Pleonasmo, subjoined to the last edition of Lambert Bos, 
published at Oxford, you will find the difference clearly made out, 
when he interprets M o^ in.p. 204. 

Herman's words are these: *'£xempla nunc afferamus particularum 
fi^ ob cum participle sio jnnctarum ut dubitanter negent. In quo usu 
nihil difficultatis est, si quis meminerit, fih vot&v esse quod quis non fa^ 
cit aliquid, aut si non faeit ; /a^ od womv autem, nisi facit. Quse quo- 
modo differant, non est obscorum. Qui 'nisi fallor' dicit, dnbius 
est, atrum fallatur an non ; qui * si non fallor,' hoc, non falli se, ut 
eertnm samit.^. 
«: I.know scarcely anybody more likely than yourself to apprebend, 

54 Classical Extracts from 

comprehend, and estimate the difference between niti and si soil, aad 
I trust that you will accurately, copiously, earnestly, and repeated 
instruct the Winchester boys to make a distinction^ which certain^ 
is not made by schoolboys any where, and probably is not known la 
four schoolmasters in Kngland. This is a long postscript to my long 
letter. My friend, there is much importance, as well as macb ncttt»- 
ness in Hermann on /a^ and fih oh, and you will do well to correct aevo- 
ral passages in Sophocles. If you were with me in my library, weabonld 
pull down many books^ and have some interesting chat on the aahject 
[Vol. Til. p. 495.] S. Parr. 

Professor Pillans to Dr. Parr. 
Dear and much honored Sir, Edinburgh, June 25, 1920. 

Two points only occur to me at present as requiring explanation : 
the one regarding the double n in the genitive of nouns, which jon 
seem to think a licence introduced by Ovid. Yet I think I have met 
with it more than once in Propertius. One example occurs in iii. 3. 
22. ** Non est ingenii cymba gravandatui/' The other regards the oae 
of the indicative after indefinites; in treating of which you appear 
to have overlooked a remarkable passage in the same poet, in which be 
seems'to have used both moods indiscriminately, and to hare pawe4 
from the one to the other without any feeling of impropriety. The 
passage is the last thirty lines of lib. iii. 5. beginning 

Tum mibi naturae libeat perdiscere mores : 

Quis Deus banc mundi temperet arte domnm ; 
Qua venit exoriens, qua deficit, unde coactis 
Cornibus in plenum menstrua Luna redit, &c. 

James Pillans. 
[Vol. vii. p. 522.] 

Dr. Parr to Professor Pillans. 
Dear Mr. Pillans, 
The passage from Propertius, lib. iii. cleg. 5. is one which I have 
again and again employed as an instance where the indicative and the 
subjunctive are, in the same sentence, used promiscuously ; and my 
present scribe remembers it well. There is a parallel one in Peraiua. 
I cannot, from memory, speak about my letter to you ; but I think it 
scarcely possible for me to have omitted so notorious a passage. Pray 
look at my letter. Among the early Roman poets, except the comhe^ 
there is but one instance : that one occurs in Ennius, which I mast 
suppose myself to have produced. You will remember that I told 
you, that this use of the indefinite words with the subjunctive was gra- 
dually introduced as the Latin language became more and more re* 
fined ; and you will take notice that, according to my opinion, the 
Romans, in their ordinary conversation, did not observe the rules which 
were afterwards established. Plaulus and Terence frequently put the 
indicative; and this shows the colloquial use. In the Origines of Ctiio 
the structure of the sentences is very inartificial, and in the parts whicli 
have reached us there is not one sentence where the subjunctive could 
be used after an indefinite. But 1 desired you to observe that in th» 
prose writers the rule is uniformly attended to, and for this position I 
appeal to Cato de Re Rustica, and to Yarro. Let me intreat you ta 
mark what i am now going to say : we are all charmed with the energetie 
style of Quintilian ; he nefer violates the rule. But the striking circimi* 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 55 

stance is, that in so large a book we have very few instances in which 
the rule is employed. It is in the poets only that the violation of the 
rule occurs, and probably one rea.son is the metrical convenience. 
Thus, in Propertius, after temperet we find venit, deficit, videt, iremuere^ 
eoit, in the indicative, when the verse did not admit the subjunctive. 
As to the terminations in tt, from nominatives ending in turn and ius, 
the principle which is laid down in Bentley's Prolegomena to Manillas, 
is perfectly correct. When I mentioned Ovid, I did not forget Proper- 
tius : I consider them as contemporary writers ; and poets who lived 
after them would write Huvii for fluvius, and ingenii for ingenium. 
Thus, in Propertius, we read 

Quid tunc Tarquinii fractas juvat esse secures, 
£t spolia opprobrii nostra per ora trahit. 
There may be here and there rare instances ; but they are very few. 
Now Propertius is not so correct and polished a writer as Tibullus. 
From both we are warranted in saying, that this use of the genitive 
does not occur before the Augustan age, that Lucretius, Virgil, and 
Horace afford no instance, that even the comic writers afford none, 
that the practice began with Ovid and his contemporary Propertius, 
was very convenient for their verse, and is found in all the poets subse- 
quent to the Augustan age. Boys should be informed of this distinc- 
tion in time ; and I would permit them to use this genitive in every 
sort of verse, except the lyric and the iambic. Make this your rule : 
Never admit ii in sapphics, never in hendecasyllables, never in alcaics, 
never in iambics, never in trochees. But let your boys use it in heroics 
and elegiacs. I would further observe, that in Propertius, who, as I 
told you, is not a very correct writer ; there are five instances where he 
uses a short vowel at the end of a word, when the next word begins 
with st, sp, &c. Dawes very acutely remarks, that in Lucretius and the 
old writers there is the same use. We never find it in Virgil, nor in 
the lyrics of Horace ; but in the set'moni propiora there are several in-^ 
stances. Looking at the whole case, I should forbid boys to do so 
in all lyrics, and in all iambics, and in all stately heroics; but in 
heroics where the style is not grand, and in all elegiacs, I would leave 
them at liberty, still recommending it to be done sparingly. I will give 
you two instances from Propertius, and there are more than two where 
a short vowel is used before sp, &c. 

Jam bene spondebant nunc omnia, &c. 

Consuluitque striges nostro de sanguine, &c. 

S. Parr. 
[Vol. vii. p. 624.] 

John Symmons, Esq., son of Dr. Symmons, to Dr. Parr. 

My dear Doctor, Ewhurst, Sept, 12, 1820. 

I am here on a visit to my uncle, and have received, with great 
pleasure, your letter transmitting seven instances from Propertius of 
the use of the indicative for the subjunctive moods. I have not here 
Petronius, or would refer with pleasure to the hendecasyllables you 
allude to. I have quite forgotten them, t/* I ever read them. Lau- 
renburgius I never saw, and if I do not meet with him before, shall 
call on you to show him me atHatton next year. I recollect something 

about myself. Professor , and KoAXxinryos, but don*t know, so 

don't vouch for your version of the story. I don't know whether you 
have it that a lady committed ii» on the subject, having represented to 

56 On the Mysteries of Eleuds. 

him that I called it Venus OMijygUf which the Professor aaswered 
by letter, serioasly, as a piece of criticism impagoing the word Cs/li- 
pygia^ and maintaining, most stoutly, Callipygitf by aoalogj mmI ex- 
amples. One of which was (in this letter to the lady) 

*Ay Biffiv iv xXnipois imwros y^yoFo, 

This was funny, was it not? I met the Professor since, and liked hu 
much. His edition of Hippolytns is very learned and accarate. I 
don*t agree with him, however, and I hope you do not, in bis readiag 
of the sixty-seventh line of that play commonly thus : 

NaiflT^ §{nr€tr4p€tay alXky 

Nalcis tinrarrtptC &»* o^Aiii'.— Monk. 

I have no objection to vai^u from Lascar's ed., but I strongly object io 
tifwttr4f>€t' h^ a. (a conjecture of Gaisford's). It introduces a great awlL- 
wardness and inelegance both of metre and construction; beaidesy I 
don't know that it is even Greek: vcJm o^x^, or hf o&x?, is proper, bat 
1 doubt as to vaUa ba^ a^XdEv. Besides, what necessity is there for it! 

J. Symmons. 
[Vol. vu. p. 662.] 

Rev. Dr. Valpy to Dr. Parr. 
Dear and benevolent Sir, Readings March \% 1810. 

I believe you have seen the advertisement. I had marked some 
expressions which I thought faulty. The writer was too fond of fu^ 
after such verbs as moneo, and in general of the indicative mood. Al- 
most all these passages are indeed corrected ; but I shall not be satis* 
fied without your Hvripat ^^povrUits. In page 1, line 11, should not hok 
modo be left out, as nothing corresponding follows ? I. 34, et passim, I 
would write Maittarius, as they write VoUariut ; on the same priDcipie, 
Valckenarius, P. 3, 1. 26. — I am not clear that quod after agrt kUunam 
esse is the most correct Latinity. I would prefer the accusative and 
infinitive. If quod is tolerated, should it not be followed by the 
subjunctive? P. 4, 1. 16. — quitn objectiones, quas ipsi prtevident iibi oppm^ 
situs iri. Pray, cast your judicious and experienced eye on this sen* 
tence ; I shall be glad if you like it better than I do. Objeetiones in not 
a very pure word. Opponere objectiones appears to me very harsh ; 
and I would prefer oppositum iri to opposUas, as 1 believe the best wri* 
ters use that supine with tW for any gender or number. Oppositas fore 
would not be so bad. I should prefer quam quod sibi objectum iri prtevi^ 
dent. Indeed, the whole sentence ought to be restored to the anvil. 
Is evitentf in the same line, the proper word ? Would not elevent or ti»- 
firment be preferable ? R. Valpy. 

[Vol. vii. p. 668.] 


No. n.—lContinuedfrom No. LXXFIIL} 

Proserpine was the daughter of Ceres^ or the Earth : and 
hence Porphyry, after having informed us that Ceres educated 

On the Mysteries o/Eleusis. 57 

Proserpine in a cavern, says that a cavern was a symbol of the 
world and of sensible creation.' She had a reference to Protogo- 
nuSy the first-born amongst mortals. She was no other than Eve, 
the mother of man. The Protogeneia, the reputed daughter of 
Deucalion, referred to the same person.^ And we learn from 
Pausanias, too, that in a temple in one of the Attic pagi, there 
was worshipped Kopifj npoaroyovii, Proserpina Primigena.^ 

The earthly paradise, the residence of the first fair, was typi- 
fied in 

— — - that fair field 

Of Enna, where Proserpine gathering flowers. 

Herself a fairer flower, by gloomy Dis 

Was gathered. 

And to be convinced that it was no improper emblem, we 
have but to read the descriptions that the ancients have given 
us of those glorious Sicilian meads. 

Forma loci superat flores : curvata tumore 
Parvo planities, et mollibus edita clivis 
Creverat in coUem. Vivo de pumice fontes 
Roscida mobilibus lambebant gramina rivis. 
Silvaque torrentes ramorum frigore soles 
Temperat, et medio brumam sibi vindicat aestu* 
Apta fretis abies, bellis accommoda cornu9, 
Quercus arnica Jovi, tumulos tectura cupressus. 
Ilex plena favis, venturi prsescia laurus. 
Fluctuat hie denso crispata cacumine buxus. 
Hie ederae serpunt, hie pampinus induit ulmos. 
Hand procul inde lacus (Pergum dixere Sicani) 
Panditur, et nemorum frondoso marsine cinctus 
Vicinis pallescit aquis ; admittit in ahum 
Cernentes oculos, et late pervius humor 
Ducit inoflensos liquido sub gurgite visus, 
Imaque perspicui prodit secreta profundi.^ 

' Ov fitn^v 8* &s ^oficy Kofffiov crvfifioXoy i|toi ytprjTov euaBrrrov ro ampov croi- 
owTO' oAX* ^c jccu irourwv aoparwv Bwafi€0»v ayrpov cv avfifioX^ vapt\afifia;yoy. &s 
auras km 4i Arifiifnip wrpco rpe^ci rjiv Kopriv yutra wyu^wy, — ^A^* &» oifuu 6p/jMfif- 
yot Kai ol TlvBceyoptiot, kou fiera rovrovs IIAarwy canpov km trmiKouop rov Koafioy 
ffrc^yoKTO. wapa re yttp E/AircSoicXct ol J^vxcvo/ixoi 8twa/ic<s Xityowrty 

H\vOofA€y rolt ihr" cayrpoy iwwrr^oy* 
«• T. \. Porphyr. de Antro Nympharam, p. 254. 

' ^vyarrip Sc Upwroywtink, Apollpdorufl, lib. i. p. 20. 

' Nao9 8c krtpos cxct fiuixous Aiyxi^fpos ApjjffiJ^as, AiOf Kniinov, km Ttdpwrnt 
Mnyatt KM Kopifs Upuroyoyiis. Pao^n. Attica, lib. i, c. 31. 

* CUadian. de Rapt.Pfoserp. Kb. fi« 101. See Diodoiua Siculas, lib. t. p. 391 -, 
and Cicero ia Veirenu 

58 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

It was from hence that she wa» ravished by Pluto, or Dis^ 
the monarch of the shades. But although the fields of Eon 
are the favorite symbols of Roman and Italic writers to repre- 
sent the earthly paradise, and although Proserpine is denomi- 
nated by the same authors peculiarly Sicilian/ we must not 
consider her history as anywise connected with that island. Oil 
the contrary, the Grecian writers represent other and vsrioiu 
places as the scene of her rape. According to Pausanias, it 
took place near Lernae.* Bacchylides asserts that she was car- 
ried away from Crete :' and Conon tells us that the Pbeneats 
asserted that it happened at Cyline.* After the loss of Pro- 
serpine, Ceres is represented as wandering over the earth, 
miserable and disconsolate, in search of her daughter, till she 
leanis her destiny, and succeeds in recovering her at least in 

Such is the outline of the fable as given by the poets and 
mythologists. To apply it to the great event recorded by 
Moses will be no great difficulty. Proserpine was snatched 
from the realms of light, from the earthly paradise, to the regions 
of darkness, and to the embraces of the monarch of the shades, 
who was in that capacity an emblem of Muth (iTttD), or death. 
And thus Suidas, a Christian writer, when speaking of the fall, 
without any reference to allegory, says, that Adam was snatched 
from his proper seat and station by the devil, and that he fell 
down a precipice to certain depths and dark regions, approach- 
ing the comfortless depths of Hades.' 

The Isis of the Egyptians, as I have before said, was the same 
as the Demeterof the Greeks and the Roman Ceres. We maj 
therefore expect that their several rites and mysteries would be 
similar ; and for the truth of this we have the most indisputable 
authorities. In the first place, the Eleusinian mysteries were 
acknowleged to have been taken from Egypt ; and again, we 

* " Vidisti SiculsB regna Proserpinae,'* Seneca, Hercul. Furens, act. ii. So 
Apuleias, "Siculi trilingues St^giara Proserpinam," Metamorph. lib. ix. So 
Statius, ^' Nee si tergeroinum Sicula de virgine carmen Affluat," Sylv. lib. ii. 
1. V. 9. 

^ Pausan. Corinthiaca, cap. xxzvi. 

3 Baccbjiides, ap. Schol. in Hesiod.Theogon. v. 911. 

* Kou &5 ^crcaraif firiywrcuri Arifitirpi to x^P^^'^* ^** ^^ V icaBo^s (iiv Se rt X^'^/M 
€v Kv\ivrj)f K, T. X. Conou, Aniy, xv. 

^ *Eo9S d ToXofi^cuos, Kcu oKoaTarris, Kai irXavos ^lafioXos, rovrou e^eKvKurev n|t 
oiKcias tfipvfffMS r€ Ktu ffrcur€09S, kcu Kara rov Ttpca/ovs cioure ^(f)€(r0ax> kou Ttpos fittpor 
BpcoSfts rivas fcai oKainrovs x^P^^^> ^^ M^XP* ''^^ a/jLfi9riT<ap rov a^ov KfvOfjMVwp 
eyyil^ovro. Suidas in ASa^. — How beautifully does this accord with the words of 
Minutius Felix, that Proserpine was carried by Pluto through thick woods, and 
over a length of sea, and brought into a cavern, the residence qf the dead / 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 59 

have the authority of Diodorus/ as well as that of Lactantius,^ 
nvho both assert that the Egyptian mysteries were like those 
of Eleusis : and indeed Demeter was worshipped in Phocis 
under her original name of Isis, and esteemed very sacred.' 
But the Egyptian Isis appears to have a double refer- 
ence — both to the earth as the mother of ail^ and particularly of 
Osiris; and also to the first of womankind^ Proserpina, as also, 
in a secondary sense, the mother of mankind. We find Isis 
mentioned by several authors, whom we shall have occasion by 
and by to cite, as Proserpine : and we find accordingly, in 
the Egyptian theology, no other personage to represent the 
latter, at least in the less arcane rites. But we have another 
deity — Osiris. He was the son of Isis or Demeter (i. e. of 
the earth) : he may be identified with Protogonus, the first-born 
of mankind, whom Orpheus addresses — 

ngcoroyovoy xuXeoo, hfvyj, [leyuv oniegovKayxTOV, 

^ I invoke Protogonus, the first of men ; him who was of a 
twofold state, or nature; who wandered at large under the 
whole heavens, enclosed in an ovicular machine.^' Thus Bry- 
ant renders it. But his translation of floyevri, egg-born, is one 
of that sort of applications, which are, I am sorry to say, too 
often made in researches of this kind. Every one knows that 
the egg was a symbol of the world {ovum mundanum): and all 
that the term can be made to signify is, that he was born of the 
earth — terrigenus, that he was the son of Isis or Demeter. 

The more particular representative of Osiris in the Grecian 
theology was Dionusus, or Bacchus, or lacchos.^ He was 
said to be the son of Isis.^ And as a proof of the con- 
nexion of Dionysus with Proserpine, we find him styled 

* Tifv fi€v yap OcipiSis rtXtrriv tj? Aiovvaov tuv avrrpf €irai, rriv $€ tijs IcrtSos 
Tp T^s AriixTrrpos dfioioraerfiv ihrapx**^? '''*"' ovofL%r<ov fiovov tniXXwyfievtav, Diod. 
Sic. lib. i. p. 107. 

2 Sacra vero Cereris Eleuslnis non sunt his dissimilia. Nam sicut ibi Osiris 
puer planctu matris inquiritur ; ita bic ad incestum patrui matrimonium rapta 
Proserpina. Lactant. lib. i. p. 96. 

3 Pausanias says that there was in Phocis oSivrov Upov IcriBos, ayiarcerov, &iroaa 
*E\\fj^€S 6&P T]7 Aiyimruf ircroiiyvrat. He goes on to describe her worship. Phocica, 
cap. xxxii. 

* Orpheus, Hymn. v. 

^ Offipis 8c coTi Aiomxros Kwr^ 'EAXaSa yXoMro'av. Herod, lib. ii. p. 165. Diod* 
Sic. lib. i. supr. cii. — *OB€v *EAAi)<ri So|ai Atowtr^ rov avrop tivcu* Plutarch, de 
Isid. et Osir. p. 264. — Offipis A^iyvxrum 6 Aioyvaos. Eustath. in II. T. p. 391. — 
Offipis' rovTOV oi fiev \tyovffiy tivai rov Autwaov ol Se aWoy, bv (nro Tv<f>couo5 Hat' 
fiopos eairapaxOcu. Suidas. 

' 'IcrropciTGu Be Koi ItriZos vlos wp 6 Aioyvffos ^o Aiytnrriwv, Plutarchus de Iside 
et Otiride, p. 270. 

60 On the Mysteries of Ekusis. 

pre-eminently Kopo; aa the was Ko^ : termt which migbt be 
justly applied to the primitive pair during their stay in PanMlistt 
This application is also confirmed by their relationship lo each 
other : they were naturally brother and sister ; they were abo as 
man and wife.' But this point is best illustrated from the 
Latin writers. The rites of Deroeter, Proserpine, and Dioaj- 
sus^ which were indeed the most ancient, most general, and, on* 
ginally, almost the sole rites of the gentile world, were very early 
introduced amongst the italic nations. Amongst these people, 
Proserpine and Dionysus were worshipped as Libera aed 
Liber,^ as the daughter and son of Ceres.^ The former, Giceie 
tells us, was the same as the Proserpine that was ravished finofli 
the fields of Enna.^ And it is remarkable that the teaaple 
that was dedicated by the dictator Posthumius, and which, ac- 
cording to Tacitus, was sacred to Ceres, Libera, and Liber, ia 
called by Dionysius of Halicarnassus a temple dedicated to 
Demeter, Proserpine, and Dionysus. The three are mentioned 
in connexion several times by Livy.^ Hence then we aee why 
the mysteries of Dionysus were connected with those of JDe* 
meter ; they were an integral part of them, and rested oo the 
same foundations.^ 

1 Wie Bteht nun dieser Jacchos-Koros der Penrpbone-Kore gegeoober? Nft* 
turlicb zunachst als Broder ; aber auch als Gemabf. Creuzer, Symbol, and My- 
tbol. iii. band, p. 380. 

^ Ceres et Libeia, quamm sacra, sicat opmiones bominum ac religiooet fem^y 
longe mazimiB atque occaltissimis csremonuB contincDtnr : a qnibua inilia ▼itas 
atqoe Tictus, legum, morum, mansuetndinis, bumaoitatis, ezempla bominibiu eC 
ciyitatibus data ac dispertita esse dictminr : quarum tacra popaliis Rom. a Gnsefa 
ascita et accepta, tanta religione et pablice et priTatim tuetur, nom at ab aUia h«o 
allata, sed at ceteris bine traditaesse videantar, &c. Cicero, Orat. in Verr. lib.T. 
(Operand, torn, ii.) p. S02. c. / 

^ Hone dico Liberam Semele natam, non eonii qaem nostri majores aagoste 
sancteque liberum cum Cerere et Libera consecraverunt ; qaod qoale sit, ex 
niysteriis intelligi potest: sed quod ex nobis natos liberos appellamos, idcireo 
Cerere nati, nominati sunt Liber et Libera. Cicero de Nat. Deor. lib. ii. p. a08 b, 
torn. iv. 

^ £t raptam esse Liberam, quam eandem Froserpinam Tocant, ex Ennenaiom 
neroore. Cicero in Verrem, ix. p. 248. 

s « Familia ad aedem Cereris, Liberi, Liberieqae venum iret," Livii Hist. lib. iiil 
cap. 65. — " Ex argento multatido tria signa 9nea, Cereri, Liberoque, etLibens 
posuerunt/' Id. lib. xxxiii. cap. 26.-—" £t alteram diem supplicatio ad Ceretis, 
Liberi, Libereqae fait, <}uod ex Sabinis terrs motus iogens cum moltis SBdificiomoi 
minis nunciatus erat," lib. xli. cap. 28. 

^ Tbe Cboras in Sopbocles addresses Dionysus, 

Tlo\vmtn>fie, KoS/iciof 
Nvft^of eeyaXfia, iceu Atos 
fiapvfiptfiera ytvos, 
KKvrav 69 ai»i^tir%u 
IraKiWf /AcSc» Sc vcty- 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 61 

' Dionysus, we are told in the fables, whilst yet in his youth, 
was snatched away by the Titans, and torn to pieces, and his 
members first boiled and then roasted. Jupiter hurled his 
thunder at the Titans ; and from their ashes sprang the present 
race of mankind. But Dionysus, by a new regeneration, again 
emerged, and was restored to his pristine life and integrity, l^his 
history was entirely Egyptian. Osiris, we learn from the Egyp- 
tian theology, was surprised by the serpent Typhon, torn to 
pieces, and his members scattered over the whole earth. His 
parent Isis commences a search, lamenting after bis remains ; 
which she at length collects together, and encloses in an ark ; out 
of which, in due course of time, Osiris is regenerated. But 
Osiris was the same personage as Apis ; and Apis is represented 
as being the husband of Isis, i. e. Isis Proserpina, and as 
having suffered from the Titans the same treatment as Dionysus. 
The rites of these deities consisted accordingly in first mourn- 
ing their loss, and afterwards rejoicing at their resurrection. 

Osiris was known amongst the Phoenicians, in Syria and 
Cyprus, by the title of Thammuz,' or Adonis.^ Ausonius, in 
the following verses, asserts the identity of Osiris, Dionysus, 
Bacchus, Liber, and Adonis : 

Ogygia me Bacckum vocat, 

Osirin ^gyptus putat, 

Mystae Pbanacem nominant, 

Dionystm Indi existioMint, 

Romana sacra Liberum, 

Arabica gens Adoneum, 

Lucanianus Pantheum.' 

KoafOis JSXwtrufuas 
Ariovs w KoXitoiSt 
u BoKxev, K. r. X. Sophocl. Antig. ▼. 1115. 
Thus Pindar, Isthin. vii. 3. calls Dionysus, 

Xa\KOKporov Tap€9pos Aoftorcpos. 
IIoAurifiifrois Sc €v 45patf, koBo cruuftZfivrtu Tg Afifitirfn 6 Aiovwros, cort yow, olwtp 
poffiv auTov Tlepffepoinis ciycu* ol 5c, Tp Arifirjrpt <rvyytv€cr0€u, Schol. in Aristopb. 
Borpax* S26. 

' Bcifivf 6w€p ipfi7f¥tver€U ASwrtf . Chronicoii Alexandrinum. 
' AfiaBovs, To\u Kvwpov apxouorani, w "i Alktvis Oatpu crifMtro* 6p Atyvwrtor 
orra, Kwptoi icai ^ufucts tBunroiowrai. Steplian. Byzant. O^AXi^ovSpeis mfoiffoy 
OiTipty ovra, km. AZuvty dfiov Kcera nvarueiiv Btotcpoffiay, Suidu in Amyiw/uty, See 
Uie same writer in HpcCuncos* 

' Ausonius, Epig. xxix. Plutarch, too, asserts that Adonis was Dionysus — Acye- 
Tflu ti€if 6 AScM'is (nro'Tov avas lkaip$apnvat, rov Sc AS»vw, ovx trtpoy, oAAa Aiovwrov 
•ufoi vofifovffif leai voXXa rw rtKwfuvmy iieogrtptp ircpt ras. hpras fitfiatoi rov 
Xayov, ol 5c vaidiica tov Aiorwrov yrfoimnu^ km ^ovoicXiiy wpeniKos cofrip &it woi^ 

ci5«f B9tO¥ ASawiv •pcifqinit Aiwveos 
flpwawtp inr«9«iM' KMrpir.cirMX<'^M<« 

62 On the Mysteries of Eltu$i$. 

With Adonis is connected the Syrian Aphrodite, or Astaite. 
She, we find, was the same as Denieter, or Isis;' and Cajlos 
gives us a figure of Venus, of Roman workmanship, io the 
most common position, and with some of the attributea, of the 
Egyptian Isis.^ She was synonymous with Isis, in her twofold 
representation of Demeter and Proserpine: and accordioglj 
Augustine tells us that Venus was the same as Libera, and gives 
us several particulars that identify them with Proserpine, &c.' 
Lucian gives us a full account of the ceremonies performed at 
Byblus, in the great temple of the Byblian Aphrodite, in honor 
of Adonis. At first, he tells us, they mourned him as dead, 
with the most extravagant lamentations : but the next liaj 
they fabled that he had come to life, and celebrated his revival 
with equal expressions of joy. And they shaved their head^ 
as the Egyptians did at Apis's death. And such of the women, 
he says, as would not suffer their heads to be shaved, were 
obliged to prostitute themselves publicly to strangers for one 
whole day in the temple : and the wages of their prostitution 
were dedicated to the goddess. Some of the Byblians, he addi, 
asserted, that it was the Egyptian Osiris who was buried 
amongst them, and that all the lamentations and orgies were in 
honor not of Adonis, but of Osiris : and he proceeds to show 
that their assertions were true, from the similitude between the 
rites of these two deities.^ 

Oav/iao-as $6 to 6ir< irov ^ev 6 ^vftfAoxoSf apa c^^i) <rv rov xarptemp^ ffcor m 
Aofitrpta evtov optrtywcuKa fiauvofievous oofOtovra rifuuaip Aiovwrov tyyptup^is Km 
^ovoieis rois 'Efipcuofif airo^^riTois ; i} r<p ovri Kayos cori ris b rovrov tKtivtf ro¥ ovror 
aatotpaivuv* 'O Se Moipayevris ivoXcifioty, ca rovrov, tnrey* tya yap ABip^tuos mw 
caroKpiyofMu aoi kcu \eyo9, firj^wu a?<\op eiyai, k, r. X. Plutarch. Sv/Airoo-uunir lib. 
It. cap. 5. He thought that Dionysus was worshipped by the Jews, because some 
of the Gentile rites had a little similarity to the Jewish ceremonies, from which 
they were in great part taken. 

* To avTOf rriP kippo^vniv Kai rriv At^/iip-por KoXovai, Tzetzes in Hesiod. Theog* 
p. 249* And Macrobius observes, Philochorus quoque in Atthide eandem ( Vene- 
xem) affirmat esse lunam, &c. Saturn, lib. iii. cap. 8. 
' Caylus, Recueil d'Antiquit^s, tom. ii. plate 5. fig. 2. 

3 Liberum a liberamento appellari volunt, quod mares in coeundo per ejus be- 
neficiura emissis seminibus liberentur. Hoc idem dicunt in foerainis agere Liberam, 
quam etiain Venerem putant, quud et ipsas perhibeant semina emittere ; et ab hoc 
Libero eandem virilem corporis partem in templo poni, fcemineam' LibersB. Au* 
gustinus de Civit. Dei, lib. vi. cap. 9. 

* Ei8ov $€ Kai tv Bu/SA^ fieya Upov Atppodirris Bv$\iris' €v r(p km ra opyia er 
ASkeviv nrirc\€OV(n. eboniv 8c kcu ra opyia. Keyovat yap 817 av to tpyoy to cs ASc0- 
yiv {nro Tov ffvos, €v rp X^PV Vil ff^perepp yevcffOai, Kai fiyrifiriy tov to^cos, Twrroy^ 
TOi re kKoiTTov €T6os, KCU dpriveowTiy KCU Ta opyux cirtrcXcoucri. Kai <r(puri fieyaXa ircv* 
Bfa ova TTiv X^P^^ lirraTcu, eirtay 8e atroruifwvrcu r€, kcu cnroK\av<rtcvTCUt jcpcora 
/i«y KaTceyi^ovcri Ttp ASayiSi, &kw5 eoyTi V€KvX, fiera $€, 177 h-tpp ^ftepj?, ^toeiy re /iiy 
HvOoKoycowriy Kai €S Toy t^c/kk wefiirowri, kcu ras K&paXas ^uptoyrcu, 6ko9s Aiyvirrtot^ 
cswo9apoyT05 Awios. ywaucwy Sc, ^koo'cu owe c^cAoiWi ^vptwBaty roiriyB* fi^- 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 63 

NoWy to comment allegorically on these fables, I would not 
say Platonically with Mr. Taylor, that '' they relate in one part 
to the descent of a partial intellect into matter, and its condition 
while united with the dark tenement of body;" neither would 
1, with Bryant, say that they refer solely to the deluge. I think 
that in Dionysus, Osiris, and Adonis, we may not only recog- 
nise the representative of Adam, the father of all, but also an 
intimation of the history of mankind, as the members (or family) 
of the Protogonus. We know that to Adonis was consecrated 
a garden,' as well as to the Egyptian Apis.^ Osiris, ravished 
by the serpent Typhon, torn in pieces, and his members 
scattered over the earth, may be supposed to represent the pro- 
topator dragged out of Paradise, by the guiles of Satan and 
hi^ offspring, which may be considered figuratively as his mein«- 
bers, spread over the world. And in this sense, perhaps, we may 
understand the expression of Orpheus, jxeyav aidepovXctyxTOv, as 
applied to Protogonus, representative of the family of the great 
patriarch, the primeval race of man,*' who wandered at large under 
the whole heavens/' By the lamentations of Isis and of Aphro- 
dite,' as well as by those of Demeter, and her wandering about 
in darkness by torchlight, may be denoted the misery and 
spiritual darkness that was brought on the earth, the terra mater, 
by the fall. In the Titans, (who were genus antiquum terra--^ 
antiquum, id est primum, Serv.) we have a visible allusion to 
the people of the antediluvian world, and their wickedness and 
rebellious conduct, which drew on them destruction from hea- 
ven. After the deluge, the members of the original patriarchy 
the first Dionysus, were collected together and enveloped in the 
ark, in the person of Noah, the second or regenerated Dionysus, 
who may be considered as a representative of the person and 
family of the first ; and through him, the present race of man^ 
kind sprang up out of the destruction of the former. 

Proserpine was ravished from the fields of Cnna by Pluto, 
whom we must consider as the representative of 
Th' infernal serpent ; he — whose guile, 
Stirr'd up with envy and revenge, deceived : ^-T^ 

The mother of mankind, what time his pride 
Had cast him out from heaven, with all his host. 

furiv cfcreAeoiMTr €v futf ^fJ^^PVf «** irfnjfffi tijj &p7js Iffrcwrat. ri 8e ayoprj, fiowouri 
^fivoicri vapaKtarcu. kou 6 jiutBos ts rrjv kibpo^vniv, dwriri yey&njrcu* turi $6 tvioi 
BvJBXkvi', ol Keyovfft vapa ff<pi(ri reSatftBou rov Oaipiy rov PuryvTmov icot to ircvtfca, 
fcou TO opyiat ovk es rov Aiauiv, oAA* es ror Offipw vatrra Trpri<rir€(r0ai, k, t. X. Syria Dea, p. 658. Similar accounts are given by Procopiusin Esaiam, 
cap. 18 ; and by Cyril, lib. iii. in Esaiam. 

' See Villoiaon, Anecdota GrsBca, torn. i. p. 13. 

' PJutarcb. de Is. et Osir. 

66 On the Mysteiies of Eleusiw. 

^if)iail deities, there is ^ constant reference to the Mrpent.' 
Serapis, whom we have seen to be Pluto and Typhon in a figure 
in 'Montfaucon, is represented as entwined in the folds of • v»s| 
serpent. The same author has given us, in his suppletnentarj 
volumes, a figure of Isis surrounded bj the same reptile, ^nd in 
the same manner.^ In II Museo Pio-Clementino, (torn. ii. tebw 
xix.) the Persian deity Mithras is represented with' a lion's 
bead, and, like Serapis, enfolded by a serpent. Bryant hat pre* 
sented us with a figure of the ovum mundanum surrounded in 
the same manner.^ He has also (vol. ii. plate vii.) given several 
figures from gems, 8cc. of the serpent Ob ^ of the Egyptians. 
The serpent is particularly represented amongst the attributes 
of Isis, On the Isiac Table, as well as in a figure amongst 
the Herculanean paintings, she is represented as grasping one 
in her hand.^ The same attribute is found constantly connected 
with Demeter, Proserpine, and Dionysus. The latter is re* 
presented by Euripides^ and by Horace ^ as crowned with 
snakes. Philostratus mentions amongst the symbols of Diony- 
sus o^ii$ opioi,^ That these emblems all referred to one circum* 
stance can scarcely be doubted. And thus Clemens of Aiexan* 
dria observes, that in the orgies of Bacchus Maenalus, his 
worshippers *' were crowned with serpents, and yelled out Eva; 
even that Eva by whom the transgression came."^ 

It may perhaps be objected, that some learned men have di»r 
puted that the creature in the form of which Satan seduced Eve 
was of the serpent kind. Among these may be instanced Dr« 

* This was observed of the gentile worship by Justin Martyr — irapa ircun-i 
wofiifoficvmv irop* 6fuv Oeoav O^is (TVfi^oXov fieya Kat fivcrrripioy avaypaiperau, Justin^ 
Apol. lib. i. Thus also an old writer observes of the Peruvians — In vulgaribus abi- 
que fere templis magnorum serpentum figurjc adorantur : super ha^c, singuli privatis 
in aedibus, vetere iEgyptiorum superstitione, prout cuicjue sua ars atquc opificium 
est> peculiares deos sen penates ac lares colunt. — Levini Apollonii Gandobragaoi 
de Rebus Peruviis. Antv, 1567. p. 19. 

* Montfaucon, Suppl. torn. ii. tabl. xliii. 

3 Bryant, Analysis of Ancient Mythol. vol. ii. (4to. edit.) plate iv. 

* mx, Python. 

* Antiquit^s d*Herculaneum, torn. i. tab. 133. Les Egyptiens couronnoient aiissi 
leur Isis avec des serpens, Elien de R. xvii. 5. le serpent avoit aussi sa place dans 
les cI§r6iuonies et aux mysteres d'Isis. Marechal ibid. 

^ ^Src^av fi0(r6v t6 dpaxoyrcov 
Sre^oyots. Euripid. Bacch. v. 101. 

See also v. 697. and 767. 

' Tu separatis uvidus in jugis 
Nodo coerces vvperino 
Bistonidum sine fraude crines. Ilorat. Od, 19. lib. ii. v. 18. 
^ Philostratus, Icon. lib. i. n. xviii. p. 790. And so Clemens Alexaudriuus^ — 
Kox arffjifioy offyuap ficucxtKcov wpis cffri rer€\€(rn€vos, Prolrept. p. 9. 

® AP€&rtfift€Poirois oiptffiv, croXoXv^otnes Evov Evav iKuvrjv, 5t* tip ti ir\ayrf 
irap7fKoKov9fi&t, Clem. Alex. Protrept.p. 9. 

On the Mysteries of Ekusiij 6f 

Adam Clarke, in his notes on the passive, of Genets, wb^ 
supposes it to have been some kind ,of an ape. But the verf 
foundations of these notions are laid on an erroneous principle; 
Many rabbinical writers have supposed that the serpent uasy 
prior to the fall, a very differently formed animal to what it is> 
at present. ^Fhose writers who object to its being a serpent 
at ally take up the hint, and endeavor to discover sume animal- 
that now exists, which can in their imagination correspond with 
such a creature, not considering that when the serpent lost its^ 
original form, that form would, of course, be extinct in ani- 
mated nature.' But we have, independent of Philo and Jose- 
phus, and the Greek and Latin Fathers, abundant evidence that 
the nackash of the Hebrew * and of the Samaritan ^ was in- 

* Dr. Clarke has, in his answer to an objector to his theory in the Clasaicti 
Journal, made rather an extraordinary observation. His opponent had ohsetvf^d 
on the passage of Revelations, where Satan is characterised utider the appellatioa 
of the dragon, that " the serpent is of the class of amphibia, and will therefore, 
in every point of view, apply to the dragon." " How many naturalists," observes 
Dr. C. '* in Europe will receive this saying ? Does he mean that the draeo or 
dragon belongs to the class of serpents ? But how does ' the serpent in eveiyt 
point of view apply to the dragon V So far is this from being correct, tliat Linnaeus 
and every correct naturalist places the draco in the third class of reptiles and 
not among serpents^ from which it has characters essentially distinct." And 
again, "there is another point on which this writer needs some instruction : he 
confounds reptUia with serpeutes, imagining that the former go. on. their bellies, 
whereas the whole genus have generally four feet ; and his own draco, on which be 
lays so much stress,. is absolutely a quadruped ; so are almost all the lacerta specie?,' 
and yet all these nink among the reptiles, according to the Linnean system : when, 
therefore, he says the nachash in Genesis must be a reptile, on this assertion it 
may be an alligator, or a crocodile, as he afterwards himself fancies; and .whei^ 
lie asks * where can we find a reptile ape ?' I may answer, on his own supposi- 
tion, wherever he finds a draco volans, for, like the ape, it delights to dwell among 
the trees. And here, it may be proper to notice the concluding paragrapU 
of this curious critique : * It is not improbable,* says he, * that the serpent 
might have been possessed of the power of darting itself from one tree to 
another with great velocity, and might have fed on the fruits in its original state ; 
so that it might not have been obliged to crawl on the ground, until the pronun- 
ciation of the curse.' It will, no doubt, surprise the objector to hear, that the 
only animal known by the name of dragon, the draco volans^ actually darts from 
tree to tree with great velocity, and is precisely in that state at present ; whicii he 
conjectures to have been its original state, though the curse has been pronounced 
on it and on the earth for nearly 6000 years !" But who ever thought of apply- 
ing the dragon of antiquity to the draco of modem naturalists ? Araongs.t the 
ancients tlie term ZpaKav and oi^is were constantly synonymous. — Autrefois dra- 
gon et serpent ^toient presque toujoun synonymesi. Aniiq.d'Herculaneum, torn. ii. 
p. 121. note (1). — ^Thus also Hesychius says; 0(f>i5 — 6 ZpaKav b (^vXaffffav tol 
Xpvaa firj\a, 6v avticrtivtv 'HpaxKris. 

* cnbM mm mr^ iwm mvn n>n "j^ao mi!? n»n wnam. Gen. iii. I. 

Et serpens erat callidus prce omnibus bestUs agri quasfecerat Dominus Deus, 

68 On, the Mysteries of Eleusis.^ 

tended to denote a serpent, not onlj from the universal agree* 
ment of the old versions, the Syriac/ the Chaidaic Targiias, 
which explains it by M^H,* the Greeks' the Latin/ the Ai^o- 
Saxon/ the Coptic/ the Arabic,^ and the Persian/ but froai 
the authority of the rabbinical writers, and from the manner in 
which the event is referred to by the writers of the New Xes- 

We find serpents in the ancient mythology constantly con- 
nected with allusions to apples or other fruit, doubtlessly ^to 

the fruit 

Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste 
Brought death into the world and all our woe. 

There was a confused report, we learn from ApoUodorus, 
that the monster Typhon had eaten some fruit.^^ This leads 

]oi2^ V*pD fXi^l \r^V. I^Ojuw OL^O -^ JOOI )QstJ^ i^OiwO ' 

£i serpens calUdior ertU cunetia anitnantibua eampi, qua/ecerat Domiinia DeuB* 
' ambn ** my n icia n»n bao ony nyn Hrvn^. Et serpens erat emUidimr 

eunclis bestiis agri quas feeit Dominus Deus, Targ. CbaldL Onkelos. 

3 'O Sc (Hpts ipf fppoytfiMTaros wcwrttv rw Bripmy rw ctri n^s Tifs, &v «roiif<r< K»- 

ptos 6 6eos. 

* Sed et serpens erat callidior cnnctis animaatibus terns qua fecerat Domimt 

* 6ac]-pilce feo Naebbjie psBj- ^eappjie ])onne eallc fa o]»pe 
nyreou ^e Lob jepojihte opeji ^oyx^an, 

' iiiao4 :^eHe o rcoxHe ne ^Ro^^ o y- 


HRaxai HHeToxiKfcwT eaxuiuioY. 

Serpens autem erat prudentissimus inter bestias omnes existeiUes super terram, oim» 
Dominus Deus creavit, 

£f serpens f actus est sapientissimus prm omnibus animantibus campi, qua creaverdt 

&C. j5*XS,^j iy jU ^,1^ « 

Serpens vero astutior erat omni animali offri, quod fecerat Deus. 

* *o$ovfiM Se fajrus &s 6 o<pis "Rvatf c|i}iraTi}(rci' fv rri vavovpyuf aJbrov^ odrw 

^app TO vvtiiiaxa vpMV cwo njs avAonp-oi tijj cii rov Xpurrov, 2 Cor. xi. 3. 

Rot cNpaTi}(rc rov Upojcovra, rov o^iv rov apxaiov, 6s €ffTi 8(a/3oXos icoi Sceroi'ar §au 
cSiicrcr ovrov xt^«>^ c^* Rev. zx. 2. 

" ncurOcis yap Sri ^trOrifffToi futWov, fytvaaro ruv efjipitpw Kopww, ApoUo- 
doruSf lib. i. p. 18. 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 69 

' us to cotisider a striking particular in the history of Proserpine. 
When she bad been carried off by Pluto, Ceres obtained a pro- 
mise from Jupiter, that if she had not )ret tasted of any thing 
in HadeSy she should be delivered from the hands of her 

-ravisher. But on examination it proved that she had plucked 
and tasted of a pomegranate : 

Non ita fata sinunt-; quoniam jejunia virgo 
Solverat ; et, cultis dum simplex errat in hortis, 
Puniceum curca decerpserat arbore pamum, 
Sumtaque pallenti septem de cortice grana 
Presserat ore suo. Ovid. Metani. lib. v. I. 534. 

According to Apollodorus the pomegranate was offered to 
•her by Pluto, who seduced her to taste it that he might keep 
possession of her.' And thus the writer of the Homeric hymn 
to Ceres— 

AuTup by auTOj 
'Poi)j^ KOKiLOV edctfxs ^aysiv |X6Xii]S?a Xaipy^ 
AfA^i k v(o[ivi(ru$f IvoL fiYi jUrSvoi )]ju.aTa truvrx 

And in the same hymn, when Ceres meets her daughter, and 
informs her that she may be saved if she has abstained from 
the fruity Proserpine tells her, 

Toj yup eyco (TOi, fAr^Tep, spao vvjfji,epT6ot iravra' 
EvTs fjLoi ijXS' 'Epfji^rig epiovviog, oiyy 6X0$ cokvs, 
TloLQ fraregos Kgondao xai eiWoov ovgavicovooy, 
E\6eiv e^ Epefiovs oipJ o^daAjxOKTJV tlovau, 

AvTO$ eyoov otvopou<r vtto ^upfioiTOs* avrap 6 \a6gri 
£jx|3aX? jxoj ^otvjs xoxxov, jctffXiijSg' 6$co$)iv,^ 
AxovacLV $s /3ji] jX6 vpocrrivctyxaa-e nao'eia'denA 

Now, which is still more to our purpose, Servius tells us 
that this circumstance happened in ElysiumJ We find ac- 
cordingly that at Eleusis, among the sacred things which it was 

* 'O UKovTw ha firi iroXvv j^voy irapa rfji fjnrrpi Karctfittyp, poias cSovkcv avrff 
<par)ffiv KOKKov. Apollodorus, lib. i. p. 13. 

* Horn. H^mn. «j Arjfnrrpav, v, 371. 
' Thus the sacred writer — 

*^ And when the woman saw that the tree was gttod for food, and that it was plea' 
sant to the eyes, and a tree to be desired to make one wise, she took of the fruit 
thereof, and did eat, and gave also unto her husband with her ; and he did eat." 
Gen. iii. 6. 

* Horn. Hymn, in Cer. ▼. 406. 

* Ilia autem jam punici raali in Elysio grana gustaverat, Servius in Georg. i. 39. 

70 On the Mi/steries of Eleusis. 

not allowable to eat, were pomegranates and apples.' These 
circumstances allude evidently to the same history to which 
Sanchonialhon alludes, >^hen he tells us that JEon, the wife of 
Protogontis, discovered the fruit that grows on trees.^ And 
thus TibuUus tells us that Osiris, vihom he identifies Hith Dio- 
nysus, was the discoverer of fruit : 

Primus aratra manu solerti fecit Osiris, 
Et teneram ferro solicitavit humum. 

Primus inexpertas cotnmisit semina terrae, 
Pomaque non notis legit ab arboribus^ 

The same event was figured in the fable of the golden apples 
that were kept in the garden of the Hesperides^ another type of 
Paradise. And in Hyginus we have a curious story relating to 
ihem : J uno, he tells us, placed the tree of golden apples in her 
garden near Mount Alias; but, when the daughters of Atlas 
often plucked the fruit, she placed the dragon there to guard 
them.4 Erastffthenes tells us, from Pherecydes, that at the 
marriage of Jupiter and Juno, (who were but Dionysus and 
Proserpine under another name) the other gods presenting gifts 
to the bride, the earth brought the tree of golden apples, 
nybich was ordered to be planted in the garden of the gods** 
There is an Etruscan vase in the Hamiltonian collectioq, 
which is described as '* Hercules and his companions in 
the gardens of the Hesperides."^ On it we perceive the tree 
with the serpent twined around, and Hercules in a sitting 
posture near it : two females stand beside the tree; one of whom, 
not Hercules, has plucked the fruit, and holds it in her hand. 

^ UapaYyc^X€Tal yap km EAcvcrivt avex^aBai Kai KwroiKi^uov opviBcow km ixfivmr^ 
KM Kvofxui/, poias re km tvqXwVy k, t. A. Porphyr. de Abstinent, lib. iv. p. 166. 
Orpheus reckons amongst the symbols of the mysteries of Dionysus, the golden 
apples of the Hesperides. — 'Xis & r^s ri\err]s voirrrrjs Op<p€Vs (fniaiv 6 9pqKios' 
Kwvos, KM ^ofifioSf KM iTMyvia Kafar€(nyvia, 
Vlri\a T€ XP^*^^^ KoXa vap* 'Effirepiiwv \iyv<poav<av. 

Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. 1 1 • 
' Eupeiv 8€ TOP Auay rriv vtto Tuy ^ev^peov rpoifniv, SanchoD. ap. Euseb. Praep. 
£v. lib. i. p. 34. 

3 Tibullus, lib. i. de Mess. v. 28. 

* Cujus filis (Atlantis) cum saepins de arboribus mala decerperent, Juno dicl- 
tur hunc ibi custodem posuisse. Hygin. Poeticon Astronomicon, iii. Serpens, lib, 

* ^ipeKvBris yap fpii\<riv, 6t€ eya^ieiro ri *Hpa iJiro AioSt (pepovrav avr^ roov Oecotr 
Swpa, TTjp ynv €\6eiv <J>€povaav ra xpwr^a /ii}Aa* tdovffop Se njv *Hpav Oav/iiatrcu, kcu 
tiireiVf KvraupvrevffM eis rov rwv Oecav ktittop, ds r^v irapa rtp ArKavri* into 8c Twy 
€Ktipov irapdfvoov act tifMipovfitvcap rmv fiiiKwv, Kareanjo'e <pv\aKa rov o^ip^ inctp' 
fieytBri ovra. Erastothenes, Catasterismi c. 3. ApoKtav, 

^ Hamiltonian Cabinet, vol. i. plate 127. 

. .71.- 








By henry W. WILLIAMS, 


No. II. IContinuedfrom No. LXXVIIL^ 

Chapter 2. — Of the Quantity of Particular Syllables in the Homeric Poems. 

Already has it been shown what quantity is in itself, and what are the general 
distinctions of syllables in reference to it. We must now consider the quantity of 
certain syllables in particular, and endeavor to afford the pupil sufficient direct 
tions on the subject. 

1. A syllable formed by a long vowel or diphthong, excepting a final long 
vowel or diphthong, succeeded by an initial vowel, is in its own nature long. The 
following lines will illustrate this remark : 


II. A. 9. A^otJs Koi Aios vtos* 6 yap fiaunXiit xo\»$€ls, 

11. OvPtKa ray Xpwnjp rirlfiiia^ dpifr^pa. 

To the universal application of this rule objections may be raised by some, who 
are disposed to recognise as genuine the present readings of such lines as those 
annexed : 

II. A. 1S6. Kc^nrov HhiKriaai'i^* iwetri fiaXa iroAAa ftere^v, 
169. Nw 8* elfii ^Oiriv^, ixttrj iroXv ^tprepov icrrtv. 

Not only, however, is it impossible to justify the usage contained in these lines, 
on any satisfactory principle, a position conceded even by most of those who 
contend for their correctness ; but the usage is of such a nature, as materially to 
contribute, if {^dmitted, ta subvert the whole fabric of metrical science. It is 
therefore far more consistent to view such passages as partially corrupt, and to 
endeavor to restore them to purity, according to the general tenor of Homeric 

2. A syllable formed by a final long vowel or diphthong, succeeded by an initial 
vowel, is considered long when it does, and short when it does not receive the 
metrical accent j in other terms, it is considered long when it is, and short when 
it is not the first syllable of a foot. In explanation of this rule it will suffice to 

II. A. 30. *li fiertptp ivi ohc^ iv 'Apyc?, rrfKoOi iraTprjs. 
114. KovpiSiTis iiXoxov' iir^X 6u kO€y iari ;(€pet«v. 

As to the precise quantity of the syllable in question, it is probable that by a spe- 
cies of elision it loses so much of its natural, length as to be unable of itself to 
occupy the place of a long syllable, whilst it retains so much as to place it above 
the bulk of short syllables, and to make it readily capable of standing fbr a long 

72 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

one with the assistance of the ^M:cent« Some maintain that b^ a species of eUaioa* 
it is rendered precisely equivalent to an ordinary short syllable ; but the opinioa 
stated above seems more correct in itself, and more consistent with die ^asienl 
prosody of the Meonian bard. 

3. A syllable formed by the coalescence of a final long Towel with e p g nxi^j pi t g 
short one must be invariably long. So we read, 

II. A. i: MiiPUf &ci8c, 0€a, ni}Xi|7a8ff« 'AxiXi|Of. 

B. 268. Imprrpov iwo Xfivawv 6V hp* li>ro, rapfitifftw tt 
This remark is here introduced chiefly with ar view of guarding the papil •gMfS 
receiving as Homeric, the usage cuntsined in the present readings of the three 
following lines : 

II. A. 15. 374. Xpwrtdf hfa ffKtfwrptif^ km iKurtrero warras *Axbuovs. 
r. 152. Aci'Spc^ i4>4b/iMyoi im'a Kftptowcatf Uuri. 
A. 605. Ttm-c fic icuicXi)<rKCir, *Ax(Acv, ri 8c <rc XP** ^f"**"* > 

These are the only verses in the Iliad and Odyssey in which the prosodial 
referred to exists ; and these can be corrected with the utmost facility, and witlTm 
great degree of certainty. See the second part. We are not therefore, on their 
authority, to submit to an anomaly so glaring, and of so destructive a tendencj. 

4. A syllable formed by the coalescence of any two vowels or diphthongs, not 
final, is, without exception, considered long. Thus we have, 

II. E. 349. *H ohx oXis^ drri ywaucas iyaXxidas ^cfKnrcvcii ; 


Od. H. 94. OtnroC^ ^v itp^vow^ Upritov» o65c W oloo, 

* 5. A syllable formed by a short vowel, either alone or succeeded by a singfe 
consonant, is in its own nature short. Of this rule no instances need be given ; U 
may not however be amiss to cite the two following verses : 

c » « 

- II. A. 12. 'ArpciSijf , a yap ^\0c Ooas eirT priSs ^'Axcuvy* 

13. Awrofiipos T6 Ovyarpa, ^tpav t* airlpeurX* aaroiva. 
Occasionally a syllable of the kind now mentioned is put for a long one, in Tirtue 
of the lengthening efficacy of the ictus metricus ; and many syllables belonging to 
this class vary greatly in length : still, generally speaking, all of them are used in 
poetic compositions as -short syllables. 

6. A syllable iormed by a short vowel followed by a double letter, {, {", or ^,'or 
by two consonants, the former of which is not a route, and the latter ^ or A, is 
always long by positions whether the consonants be or be not in the same word with 
the vowel. 

II. A. 3. IIoAAar 8* l<p$ifiovs ^vxns 'AtSi vpoXa^w. 

8. Tls r* ap* atptte B€tav ipi^i ^tweriM fMxeffOeu ; 

It is to be observed that the lengthening by position ensues from the delay occa* 
sioned to the utterance, by the occurrence of two unyielding consonants : which 
delay, however, only takes place when one or both of the consonants are to he 
pronounced immediately after the vowel, and not when both are to be separated 
from it in pronunciation, by an intervening vocal pause. In ckses of necessity, or 
of peevUar expedience, this rule is occasionally violated, as in the subjoined in- 
stances : 

II. B. 465. 'Ej irediov irpoxeovro ^KOfiayHptoir airrap ^o x^kiv. 

634. OX T€ ZwKW^Qv 4xov, ^8* ol 2afioy &fjup«vcfiovTo. 

824. Ol 8c ZcXcioy ivauov ^vou iru8a yeiarov *lhis. 
It is easy to observe that in these three lines the proper names adverted to coald 
not be omitted without impropriety, and could not be introduced otherwise than 
as they do at present stand. 

7. A syllable fonned by a short vowel followed by any mute and the liquid p. 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 73 

also a Bjfllable formed by a abort vowel followed by an aspirate or soft mute and 
the liquid X, is sometimes considered long and sometimes short. 

II. A. 13. AvffOfjLfvos T€ OvyafTpa, <f>€pav r* &ir€p€i<ri* ivotva, 
109. Kot yvv iv Aavaoun Owtrpoxetay dryopevtis* 
609. Zcvs 8c vpos bv \iXos ^t* 'OAvjuirios iirrcpoin^njf . 
6. 323. *flroi h fjxv tpaperftris ^|ciXcro irucpoy oUrrov. 
I. 382. At7virrtar, d0)f irXcurra Hofiois 4y KTi\iiara Kurai, 
■ Od. K. 234. *£y Sc o-^tv rvpoy re kou ix^ira Kat /ucAt x^P*»y» 

The principles, on which the. quantity of the syllables referred to depends, may 
be concisely stated as follows : When a metrical pause is to be made after the 
syllable, it may be rendered either long or short by the vowel being united to one, 
or separated from both of the consonants by the pause : in other cases, still re- 
maining longer than an ordinary short syllable, though not long enough to stand 
for a long one, it must, when it receives the metrical accent, be reckoned long, 
and when it does not, short. It is proper to apprise the pupil, that many critics 
,are of opinion, that a short vowel followed by any two consonants roust, in Home- 
ric poetry, constitute with them a long syllable. This opinion, however, does not 
seem so consistent as the doctrine stated above ; it disregards the important cir* 
cumstance, that it is an essential property of all the liquids, and of /^ and X in par- 
ticular, to blend with peculiar facility their sound with that of a mute preceding ; 
it is directly opposed to the readings of numerous verses, several of which defy 
probable alteration ; and it must admit of very many exceptions, which, although 
partially justifiable, cannot be referred to pressing expedience, much less to utter 

Ch^apter 3. — Of the Frosodial Figures, Elision, Synalmphaper Crasin, Syna^resis, 

and Disresis. 

The ancient Greek poetry admitted of certain peculiarities in the recitation of 
different words, which have been appropriately styled "prosodial figures." The 
first and most important of these is elision ; by which a final short vowel' be- 
fore an initial vowel was dropped in the pronunciation, and the two words, in a 
measure, contracted into one. Thus in the following lines, 

IL A. 32. *AXX* 101, firi fjL* iptBife, trcuorepos &s kc ycijou. 

33. *Cis i(^on^* iibcurev 8* 6 ytptov^ kcu, iveiOero tkvOtp, 

we have &XX* for &XXa, ju* for ^e, i^orr for i^cero, and 8* for 5c. 

Connected with the subject of elision are three particulars, which require espe- 
cial notice. 

1. A final V is never elided. 

2. The final i of the dative singular of nouns of the third declension is seldom 
elided in epic poetry, an observance which appears to have originated in a fear lest 
the dative should, in the instances referred to, be mistaken for the accusative. 
Occasionally, however, it is found elided, as the following verses of the Iliad suf* 
ficiently attest : 

II. A . 667. *Afftroy iovff, 6r€ Key roi iuarrovs x^H^^' i^€w.^ 
A. 259. *HV iy Haitt, 6r€ vcp re yepowriov olOora oivov. 
£« 5. *Airrfp' hwpi»^ iyaXiyKioyy Ss re juaXurra. 
K. 277. Xaipc 8c ry opyiff 'Odvarevs, ijparo 8* *A0i}V|7. 
M. 88. Oi ficr &/i* *EKrop*'lffay Km itfivfioui XIouXuSo/uu^i. 
n. 385. 'HjEiOT* i^piv^y &TM \afip9Taroy x^^t i^8c0p. 
fi. 26. • OiiHe Tloff€iB<u»t^ , oi/S« y^avKuirtSi Kovpp. 

1 The construction of the passage of which this line forms a part, has been a 
subject of much dispute among critics and annotalors ; and many have been the 
failures on the point. It appears, however, that the true construction is, M9 w rot 
hrooy loy^, daoi Btoi fla* iy 'OXv/iv^f, ou xpaur^uMriy, irt Kcy i^mu 70i ioMrota 


74 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

3. Tbo final diphthong w is sometimes elided hi eases of feewUar e spudie ma t 

i. e. when the insertion uf a particular word is of high impoitance to a liaev mmk 
that word cannot be introduced without incurring the elision in qvcstioiu Tims 
we read, 

II. Z. 458. IIoAX* Affjroj'tffMFir fCfMtrepif V hrucnrtr* hmymi* 
e. 17. IVtMvr* iwMiffy iiffoy ^l/u 6%tuf tcapriaros iarurmv, 
I. 397. ToMr V «^ ^ cAoifu, ^lAiii' wotticofA* iutorru^. 

The usage under consideration is of very rare occurrence ; and as it is ia itself 
opposed to the general principles of Homeric poetry, it can only be jastified ftom 
m superior regard to strength of meaning and force of expression. Some critiei 
ivouldezleod a similar indulgence to the diphthong ot, in the moofMryllables ftm 
and rot : but as it is always very possible to introduce these words without eKdin^ 
the diphthong, and as only two passages ran be adduced in support of its eliaioa, 
it is better tu consider these passages as corrupted by errors of transcription, tluoK 
to admit so inconsistent an usage. 

• Synalcepha per crann unites a final vowel or diphthong to the initial Towel or 
diphthong of the following word, so that the two are blended in prtnumciatiaiu 
Ail instance of this figure may he seen in the annexed line : 

II. E. 466. *H tltroKtv ifi^i rvXtfa^ §1 Troarn^i fiax^vrcu. 

It is to be recollected that the syllable formed by synalcepha is invariably long* 

Synareris unites in pronunciation a vowel to another vowel or diphthong imnMi 
diately following it in the same word ; as in 

II. 6. 42. 'Amnrcra, XP^^^V^"' iBfifnjtriy KOfiouyrc. 
436. AifTM 8€ xpv^^ouriy iri KhMriiouri leaBifop, 
n. 21. *fi 'AxtXcv, Uri\€os vU, fieya (ptprai' *Axo>t»v, 

A. 769. AatpwPy ^ yaXotty, ij tlvcrrfpmw ivwewKonf, 

There are two points of difference between synakepha per erasin aiid spueresh. 
The former is the union of a final with an initial vowel or diphthong ; the latter the 
union of two vowels in the same word : the former is the union of any two vowels 
or diphthongs ; the latter of a vowel with any succeeding vowel or dipbthcng. 

DiiBresis distributes a diphthong info its component vowels, so as out of one 
syllable to make two. The subjoined examples of this figure will suffice ; 

II. B. 505. Ot 0* *Viro&riPas flxor, ii>Krifji€PW vroXtfOpw, 
r. 314. 'EiCTwp 8c» T^utfMoio iraXs, kcuHios 'OUvtraevs, 

Chapter 4. — Of the Power of the Metrical Accent in Homeric Poetry. 

From the observations made in the first chapter, it will appear that there is ait 
essential difference between quantity and accent ; the former relating to the time 
occupied in the pronunciation of a syllable, and the latter to the stress of voicci 
with which it is pronounced. There is, however, a connexion between them; 
since the stress of the voice constituting accent naturally produces a slight in- 
crease of length of utterance, either by contributing to protract the sound of the 
vowel, or by causing the consonant to reverberate in a greater or less degree. Not 
only so, but the accent necessarily communicates to the syllable on which it rests 
a peculiar and characteristic importance : and hence, if a syllable properly short, 
hut approximating in some measure to a long one, be accented, it acquires, in 
consequence of its reception of the accent, sufficient prominence and force to be 
reclLoned a long syllable. This is the foundation of the doctrine of the lengthen- 
ing efficacy of the ** ictus metricus ;'* a doctrine of high importance to the versifi- 
cation of numerous poets, but more especially serviceable in reference to that of 
Homer. — In the judgment of some, the ictus metricus, as an auxiliary to quantity^ 
possesses an unlmiiied efficiency, and is capable of rendering long any short syl- 
lable, whatever be its precise degree of length : this opinion, however, seems 
scarcely reconcilable with the mode of the operation of the ictus, and with seve- 

Metrical Cofnpamoh to Homer. 75 

ral important facts relative to jts ase in the Iliad and Odyssey. We proceed, then, 
to specify those cases, in which it should appear its lengthening power was allowed 
by Homer. 

1. When a final long vowel or diphthong immediately precedes a word begin- 
ning with a vowel, its* quantity, as being long or short, depends on its reception or 
want of the metrical accent. On this particular see the second chapter. 

2. A syllable formed by a short vowel followed by any mute and the liquid /i, 
or by an aspirate or soft mute and the liquid X, is considered long when it does, 
and short when it does not receive the ictus metricus. On this particular, also, thd 
leader is referred to the second chapter. 

3. A syllable in the beginning or middle of a word, formed by a short vowel 
followed by a single consonant, may be used as the first syllable either of a dactyi 
Of of a spondee, through the power of the ictus metricus : as in 

II. A. 20. lTai9a 8* ifioi XvcraTt <pi\riy, ra 8* iiroiya dexfffBau 
A, 155. ^l\e KOffiyvriTe, dcwarov vv roi dpni irofAvay, 

X. 379. 'ZireiBri rovV avtpa 0§Oi dafuurao'OM i^oueay. 

Agreeably to this rule we have oBavaros, drov^fffOcu. 

4. In the beginning or middle of a word, a short syllable formed by a short 
vowel not f»llowed by a consonant, is sometimes used as the first syllable of a 
dactyl : as in 

II. A. 337. 'AW* &7€, Aioycvfs TlarpoicXcis, i^oeyt Kovptfi^m 

A. 541* *E7X^^ "^'i ^P* ^^> fJuPfoXjauTi re x^PhoSunaiP, 

This usage is, however, of very rare occurrence ; and it seems never to have been 
resorted to where it could be at all avoided. Some verses in which it is at pre- 
sent found, have probably been corrupted by the mistakes of transcribers. 

5. At the end of a word, a short syllable composed of a lihort vowel followed by 
a consonant may be lengthened by the ictus metricus, both in the dactyl and in 
the spondee. Thus we have 

Jl. r. €0. Atet roi KpaBiriy ireXeKvs &$» iariv ureipris, 
310* *H /(a, Kai is ^uppoy iipyas 0ero UroBtos ^o»s» 
Z. 462. 'As iroT6 rls ipter <roi 8* ah yeov iatrcrai aKyos* 
495. *linrovpiy iXoxos Sc <l>i\ri oUoydt /SeiSijicft. 

With the exception of iK and ohx, no genuine Greek word terminates in any con- 
sonant but ff, y, or p : which letters, together with A., fi, and 9, reverberate when 
accented with greater force than others. Several lines which appear to furnish 
the case above mentioned, can be aptly and probably altered. 

6. A short syllable formed by a final short irowel before a word beginning with 
a consonant, can be employed as the first syllable of a dactyl : as iu 

iL A. 155. 4iAc KcuTiyyiT'^f Oavarov yvroi dpiu* irafiyoy, 
E. 156. *Afi^ortp*>, iratepi 8« 7001^ Kat Ktfiwa \vypa, 

525. Zaxpc(o»v iwefiay, oin v&pea aHtoevra, 
T. 434. Oi6a S*, &Tl (TV fity iffO\o5, iya 8c aeOey iro\v x^tpo^* 

With respect to this and the third case specified, it may be observed that the 
instances are very rare in which the consonant is not^ one of the six reverberating 
letters before enumerated. 

7. A short syllable, formed by a final short vowel before a word beginning with 
, (T, X, fx, y, or 8, can be used as the first syllable of a spondee, in virtue of the 
engtheuing power of the metrical accent. So we read, 

II. A. 118* AAfm 8* hcl ytvpYi KartKoefMi iciKpov hXerov, 

379. Kcu ^ fiaXd Kurtroyro Ho/ity k\€itovs intKovpmn, 



76 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

II. £• 674.' T« fifw itpa ^tXm /9aXfTi|y iw X^pffUf irtuptm, 

O. 892. 'flpi; 8i fiovriyi 0(m$ iwtftmrr* ip* Ivvaus* 
Od. A. 218. Ov yap #ti aapnas re iccu dffrta trts ixovaa^. 

From the abore remarks on the influence of tlie ictos metricot on Homcnc 
sification, the three following negative propontions necetsarilv result : 

1. In the beginning or middle of a word, a short vowel, rollowed iomicdiatslj 
by a long vowel or diphthong, as in dkoptri, cannot be employed as the fint •fOft- 
ble of a spondee. 

2. A short final vowel preceding a word beginning with any oonsoiuuit batl^ 
<r, X, /i, y^ or 8, as in the expression icparc! 7c, cannot be used for the first sjUaJUe 
of a spondee. 

8. A short final vowel preceding a word beginning with a vowel, at in the ex- 
pressions ^tXc kKvp€, AiX &Sf cannot stand for the first syllable either of a dactyl er 
of a spondee. 

The usages disallowed in these propositions are of so extravagant a nature as 
not to be easily reconciled with Homer's general prosody : they are indeed oona- 
tenanced by a few lines, and supported by the authority of a few critics ; but on 
the one hand these lines admit of an easy and satisfactory alteration, and on the 
other the weight of critical influence is decidedly against them. 
. Here it may be necessary to add, that the power of relatively lengthening a 
syllable naturally short, attaches exclusioely to the ictus metricus. Some writan 
on metrical science, indeed, have spoken of the casura, or rather the CMBsnwsl 
pause, as capable of giving an increase of length to a short syllable ; it does, bow- 
ever, still remain to be shown, in what manner a pause made after a syllable can 
add length or give prominence to that syllable considered in itself. On tliis point 
Mr. Grant properly observes, in his <* Institutes of Latin Grammar,*' " Pamae and 
protracted utterance differ from each other as much as tUence and soidid." Othen 
have perplexed themselves and their readers by attempting to assign the power in 
question to the. prosaic accent also : an opinion utterly inconsistent with the 
principles of poetic recitation, according to which the prosaic accent does, in 
poetry, give place to the metrical. Others, again, have represented it as posAle 
for a short vowel before a liquid, even when it is not in caesura, and does not 
receive the metrical accent, to constitute a long syllable ; but as no reverberation 
takes place when no ictus falls on the consonant, this usage does not admit of any 
vindication. Unless, therefore, we are prepared to ascrit^ to Homer poetic itcen- 
tiousness, in other words, a .carelessness equally unjustifiable and offensive, we 
roust assign to the metrical accent solely the privilege of enabling a syllftble j>ro- 
perly short to occupy the place of a long one. There are, indeed, several passages 
in the Iliad and Odyssey, read as they are at present, which tend to impugn wb 
decision; but these are rather to be considered as having been partially corrupted, 
than as furnishing sufficient evidence against the legitimate conclusions from the 
Homeric writings viewed generally. 

Part 2, — Containing, ji Solution of the Metrical Difficulties 
occurring in the Iliad and Odyssey. 

In the course of perusing the Iliad and the Odyssey, the reader will meet 
with several verses, the present readings of which are at variance with the rules 
laid down in the former part of this treatise : nor is it at all surprising that metrical 
errata should be found in poems, composed at the distance of a period of about 
three thousand years. Verses will also be found which, though in accordance 
with these rules, require particular illustration ; and hence it has appeared neces- 
sary to furnish the pupil with corrections of the metrical inaccuracies, and with 
explanations of the- metrical peculiarities, occurring in the two poems. The illus- 
trative remarks will comprise, 

1. Notices of all the instances in the first book of the Iliad of the lengthening 

Metrig^l Companionjo Homer. 77 

efficacy of the ictus metricuB, excepting those which belong to the first, two cases 
specified in the fourth chapter -of the first part. 

2. Notices of all the remarkable examples of the several prosodial figures 
throughout both compositions. 

The proposed corrections of enoneous readings will, for the most part, be de- 
duced from a simple transposition of words, or derived frohi one of the following 
conjectural, but highly probable theories : 

1. The theory qfthe particles : which supposes that in the first transcription of. 
the Homeric poems, certain marks, intelligible to the parties for whom -the copies 
were designed, were employed for the particles &fHif ttp, fa, and 7c : and that. of 
these marks the primitive transcribers occasionally lost sight, as also that sometimes^ . 
when their spirits were fresh, they treated the insertion of the particles them- 
selves and the use of the marks with indifference. . The particles mentioned, 
it is to be observed, are not essential either to the sense or to the grammati* 
cal construction, but only serve to add emphasis ; the first three positively, and 
the last comparatively, to the word or expression with which they are connected. 
Fbr a full and explicit statement of this theory, and of the circumstances on< 
which it is founded, the reader is referred to the " Critical' Investigation of the 
Versification and Prosodial Usages of the Iliad and Odyssey," or to an extract 
from it in the 75 th number of the Classical Journal* 

2. The theory of the pronounx. This designation is given to the hypothesis, 
that in the primitive transcription of Homer's writings, the pronominal form ot 
was written ooth for itself and for lot, i for l€, &c. ; also /xev both for itself and 
for ifi€v, &c. ; and the adjective pronoun 6s for hs, throughout its several genders, 
numbers, and cases : the transcribers trusting to the guidance of the metre, which 
was no doubt perfectly understood by the individuals for whose use the copies 
were intended, as to the choice of the one or the other of these forms. 

These two theories, together with an occasional transposition of words, as before 
observed, will supply us with probable emendations of mpst of the lines which are, 
at present, depraved by metncal errors ; but even supposing that no very . pzo- 
bable emendations of the lines in question could be offered, still they could 
scarcely be considered of sufficient force to invalidate the conclusions drawn from 
Homer's general practice. In reference to the alterations that will be proposed, 
it is proper to observe, that on a subject so difficult and obscure as the correction 
of verses, great probability is all that can be attained by critical deduction. 

Iliad. — Book I. A. 

Vs. 1. TbiXiitaS&t. Synaeresis. * 

4. Kuveooty is here used for Kvutoiv, in virtue of the lengthening efficacy of 

the ictus metricus, which in this instance rests particularly on the consonant. 

The pupil must remember that the metrical accent only pauses the consonant to, 

reverberate, never to be actually doubled in pronunciation. 
7. *AxiAAcvs for *Ax(Acvr. Ictus metricus. 

14. *K7roX?Myos» Ictus metricus. 

15. The present reading of this line has been already condemned on account of 
the prosodial usage, — XP^^^V ^^* ^^ should probably write, 

^Kffirptip &ya xpwre^ kcu iXuroero vcan-as *Axaiovs, 
similarly to the authenticated lection of B. 268. 

18. eeoiHoity. Synaeresis. — 20. Auvrorc. Ictus metricus. 

21. *AvoXXjuifa. Ictus metricus. 

27. In all probability the second fj in this verse should be written if, by elision 
for ^c. As it now stands, the second rule on the quantity of particular syllables 
is violated bj it* 

33. i^Heifffv for idtiofv. Ictus metricus. . 

39. Probably the particle 7* should be inserted after SfuvBev, in order that the 
rule relative to the quantity of a final long vowel or diphthong before an initial 
vowel may be preserved inviolate. . 


78 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

40. Write ^*ff/8f|. 

44. It may be that OlXvfiiroio is here improperly pat for 'OAvyMroi^y Hhm int 
■yllahle -of this he'mg ooBsider ed long in Tiitne of the lengtheuing power of Ike 
metrical accent. 

46« ifi^pc^firff^oprrfN)!'. Ictus mktriciif. 

Al. jBcXot ^xv^vKfS. Ihid. 

64. KaK&rffOTO for KaXMiraro, and *Ax<AXcvf for 'AxiXcvs, by the power of t&e 
ictus metrioos. 

68. *A¥iXA«v» for *Ax>A<vr. Ictus roetricns. 

63. 4p€i9fi€y Idr ip€opMv, by the metrical accent. This word is to be 
as the finit pcnon pltirnl of the imperative mood. 

.64. In the Homeric -writings we repeatedly find both roeaos and roatn, 
and 6ffos, iixfftros and fictrtfs ; and it is natoral tu conceive that the words 
joriginally Toatros, buaoiy and luinros, and that m the age of the Maeoniaa beida 
the practice of omitting one c , a practice imiversal in later periods, had com- 
menced. In like manner we have iicroffBt, the 0c being appended to the adveib 
4icros ; also iicroBe, as in Od. A. 132. N. 100. hTrurBe from ^latf ; also iwi$9 by tlie 
omission of the <r, as in II. A. 197. 11. 791. We may also refer to the first penan 
plural of the passive, originally in /uccrda, jnst as the second person in /c«a^€« bot 
afterwards shortened into fitOa; both of which forms are found in Homer's 
poems. , 

70. iffcofAtva for iaofuva* Ictus metricas. So also in os i/Si}. 

71. VTieffo^ foT jnfiea^ » Ictus metricus. — 74. Ai7^tAc. Ibid. 
79. For Kcu o/, substitute Mat lot. 

89. TcAeovi; for TcXctrp, by the metrical accent. 

83. <mj66<r<rty for oTtjflco'ii'. Ibid. 

84. *AxtAA€v^for*Ax(Xcvs. Ibid. So likewise in tss. 121. 131. 148. 

85. 0€&irpoirtoy, S, ti. Ictus metricus. — 86. *AiroAA«ya, Aii ipifiov. Ibid. 
108. #rcA.c(r(ras for frcAccras. Ibid. 

117. )SovXo/A* iy». Elision of the diphthong cu. 

141. 4pwraofi€v for ipvcofiev, by the metrical accent. 

143. Bfiofiey for Btoftey. Ibid. 

145. 'OSwrcrewj for 'OBw«vs. Ibid. The second ff, if not the first also, ^oald be' 
written ij\ for f|€. This remark will apply likewise to vs. 151. 

156. The common reading of tiiis verse has been censured in the second chapter 
of the first part. Little douht can eidst that the original lection was, 

Kctpwov HhfiXTjacafr** 4v€t &p fioKa iroXAa fura^v, 

since the expression hrct hp is found in II. 0. 269. I. 409. P. 658. A. 42. 288.* 
Od. A. 231. O. 389. P. 185. T. 86. V. 258. and numerous other lines, * 

168. ipxofi* 4x<»v. Elision of the diphthong ai. 

169. For i-Kuii) read ^€i hp. 

180. MvpfuZovcao'iv for Mvpfii^ovefftv, by the ictus metricas. 

185. The expression 6<pp* iv cibris, in this verse, involves a violation of our role 
respecting the quantity of a final long vowel or diphthong before a vowel. In all 
probability, th should be distributed into two syllables, ^0, by diaeresis. 

189. As (TTTiOeffcrip can be rightly put for (rrriOeffiv only in virtue of the length- 
ening efiicacy of the metrical accent, so its use at the commencement of this line 
is utterly unjustifiable. The verse can be conveniently emended by the insertioa 
of the preposition iv, thus, 

^n^Oeffiv iv \afftouri Biavdtxa fitp/nripi^ey* 

193. As this line now stands, an amphibrach or trochee occurs for the first foot; 

€us o, or em o. Certain, however, it is, that some error does exist in it, and 
highly probable that the true reading is, 

'Ew5 6yt ravB* wpfiouvi Kara <ppiva km Kara Bufunt* 

Metrical Vompanion to Itomek ^^ 

• 205. h\€<rir(f for o^c(^« Ictna iftetrieus. — 213. x€^>€<r<nrai for Topecrerai. Ibid.. 

215. *AxtXA€ys for *Ax«A.ei;f . Ibid. 

216. It caDnot be denied that the second syllable of ipvofxai is usually short in 
the Homeric writings ; and we must therefore, to be consistent, consider it to be 
so naturally. It is 4oubtfui, also, whether there ever e^ted such a verb as tifnuo- 
ficu : so that on all hands the vulgar lection of this verse appears to be partially 
erroneous. We can write, 

226. iro\€fjLov apa. Ictus metricus. — 227. kpitrni^traiy for hpumi^mv. Ibid*. 

233. lirl fieyav. Ibid. — 235. dptatrt for 6pt<ri, by the metrical accent. 

239. ifffferat for ifftTou. Ibid. , 

244* xooofiew dr* itpurroy* Ictus metricus. — 265. SBavaiTouru Ibid. 

277. This line is generally read Mafre 011, IbyXeiSi}, '0€X* : sq for synalcBpha per 
crasin to take place between IlT^XetST} and i6cV. It is, however, for from being 
certain that Homer did not employ the dissyllable 0€Xo». 

— . ■ . . 

^3. Xurcofi* 'Ax(^i}< fuBffiev. Elision of die diphthong at, and ictus metricus* 

288. xamtffffi for vavrccri. Ictus metricus. 

294. 6, TTt K€V throLs for 6, ri Ktp etirots. Jbid. , 

307. For Kai ols read kcu iois» — 315. 'AiroAAoii^i. Ictus metricus. 

322. Uij\7fiaStct). Synseresis. 

325. ir\6ov€(r(ri for v\eov€<n, by the metrical accent. 

333. For iyva fffiv substitute iyvco kiiffiv, — 337. /^loyev^s. Ictus metricus. 

342. The present reading of this line is opposed to the first of our three nega- 
tive propositions relative to the power of the metrical accent : ^ yap dy* 0X0170*1. 
By a simple transposition we obtain the following elegant and correct lection : 

Tots &AXo(5* — ii yap iXoricriv iye ^ptffi Ov€u 

343. It should appear that the cr in vpotra, as being derived from vpQy cannot 
be arbitrarily doubled, but only reverberate in pronunciation when the first sylla- 
ble receives the accent. If this opinion be correct, some alteration of this f erse 
is necessary ; and we shall not perhaps err in proposing, 

OvUe ri oide yori<reu afia Pa vpoato koi oxuratt, 

344. Smnos for iircas. Ictus metricus. 
358. fievdecffip for fi^vBwiv* Ibid. 

3G8. ^acraavro is the third person plural of the first aorist indicative of ^a^ofuu, 
which is, in the Homeric writings, itafftrafitiv or Ificurafinv^ dafftrafiriP or doffafirjy. 
It is most likely that the future of verbs in a^u and iju originally ended in aarffw 
and iffau ; and that one a was in process of time omitted. 

370. *AToWayo5, Ictus metricus. So likewise in vs. 373. 

374. See on vs. 15. — 394. Ata Xitrat. Ictus metricus. 

406. dircSScMToi' for ^cSeiirai', by the metrical accent. 

408. Tpacaaiv {or Tp<»€<rtv. Ibid. — 416. juaAa Sijv. Ictus metricus. 

430. *OBwratvs for 'OSihtcvs, and in vs. 435. vpo€pvff<rav for itpoepwravj by the 
power of the ictus metricus. , 1 

437. ^iri pnyfjuvt. Ictus metricus. — 438. 'AiroXXwvi. Ibid. 

440. *08vo-o-cvs for *0$v9€vs : in vs. 485. ipvcffa^ for ipwray : and in vs. 486. 
rapva'cay for rayiMTaVf by the metrical accent* 

489. Uri\€os or IIijAccds. Synseresis. — 495. i^erfittay. Ibid. 

603. aOavaroiffi. Ictus metricus. So likewise in vss. 520. 525. 530. 
505. Here ^/oi is to be substituted for fioi, by which means the line will be 
made to consist with our second rule on the subject of quantity. 
500. Tpwfffffi for Tpwttrt, by the ictus metricus. So also in vs. 521. 

8Q Metrical Companion. to Homer. 

515. iwl9§ou letoi metricut. In the Utter pert of thii vene ifj^ i§ 
is to be subetituted for 6^* €b i28«. 

523. TcXctrcrM for TfA^«, bj the metricel accent. 

54^ Iflroi^y &^XV- £lision of the diphthong oi. 

550. wohM. Synaneiiiu — 568. mcitf«r for Hwnp. Ictnt metricue. 

578. jhtrma for krrrou Ibid. So also in re. 58S. 

509. fuuM^irifor/iaicapff(ri. Ictus metrical. — 006. ifiSofoUcm^, Ibid. 

Book n. B. 

Vs. 4. iraXcfltr. Synaeresis. — 96. 8c <r^as. Ibid. 

131. itoXX9W in. Ibid. 

145. The present reading of this verse involTos a Tiolation of oar s econ d ^«le 

on the subject of quantity : irorroi; iKoptoto. The emendation adopted 'bj 
cdtics is, 

IIoi^ov T^ *IirapfoiOy ra fitv t^ E^f re Votos tc. 

184. Ss ol ^qSct. Ictus roetricus. Probably the Homeric expression was fc f 
ol 2ir7)8c(. ^ 

205. iiyicvKofifrrfot, Syneresis. So also in ts. 319. 

231. For ^ must be here substituted V> by elision for ^c 

253. For 1i eb, ^c kcucus, we should probably write ^* ^0, ^ icaicws. 

202. In order to preserve metrical propriety, the particle y should be inserted 
in this line between cu9w and itfupueaXvirru* 

204. This line labors at present under a similar inaccuracy to that existing in 
II. A. 189. It is in the highest degree probable that the primitive reading was, 
__ Tl€v\7rfas iyofnjBfv &€tK€<ri pa irXriyyffiv, 

294. ciXfAMTty. Synaeresis. 

290. ycficffi^of;^ *Axcuov5, Elision of the diphthong ai, 

332. Insert the particle 7* between abrov and tUroicfv. 

SOO. icara ffipfas. Synsresis. — 307. ypwreai 8* ct. Ibid. 

475. dioKpivtMcriy. Ibid. — 490. x^^^oy 8€ juoi. Ibid. 

510. In this verse hucotri is to be replaced fur tUoffi. 

518. The second syllable of 'I^iror is short in other verses of the Homeric 
poems, and in all probability should be so always. As it respi'Cts the correction 
of the present line, there is no emendation which we can recommend with periect 
satisfaction to the juvenile reader : the following, however, may be considered 
probable : 

*I^tTov &p vi§s tJL€ya0vfMV Nav)3oXi8ao. ' 

637. 'lartaiav. Synaeresis. — 500. MnKurrcus. Ibid. 

651. The final vowel of^EwaXup must be made to coalesce with the first sylla- 
ble of &yS/>ci^orn} by synalcepha per crasin. 

704. &Wa <r<p€a5» Synaeresis. 

718. For ro^cov eb jei^us must be substituted rolooif if> eiSwr, by a diaeresis of the 
diphthong id. A similar alteration is necessary in vs. 720. 

731. In II. A. 194. and A. 517. the penultimate of^AaKXryirios is used as a short 
syllable ; and as there is no prusodial principle to authorise the change of quan- 
tity in this verse, so the present reading of it must be considered erroneous. Se- 
veral emendations have been proposed ; but the most probable appear to be, 

and *AffK\'ri7nov pa Bvo. 

748. Read iciKOcri for tiKOffi. 

781. The metrical inaccuracy occnrring in this verse. Ait &s, may be easilj 
remedied by the insertion of p between the words in question. 

811. iroAeor. Synajresis. — 823. Read /xaxi}s ^0 ciSotc. 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 81 

824. The circumsUDce of the short vowel in 8c continoing short before ZcXcmy, 
IB justifiable on the ground of necemty. This remark will suffice for other siailar 

832. The present lection of this verse is opposed to our third negative proposi- 
tion relative to the efficacy of the metrical accent* Most probably we shotrid 
write o68c iovs instead of ouSf o6r, on the theory of the pronouns ; in which case 
the two c's must be made to coalesce, acconUng to the figure synakepha per 

Book III. r. 

Vs. 24. The second ^ should be changed to V. 

27. 0€O€t8€a. Synteresis* — 64. jcfivfreiis* Ibid. — 101. ij/utop. Ibid. 

109. The propriety of using the word itpoaaw, when the first syllable does not 
receive the metrical accent, has been previously questioned in the remark on A.- 
S43. If the opinion there advanced be well-founded, it is most likely that the pri- 
mitive reading of this line was, 

OU 8* 6 yepwy /uTfytrtyf c^jlu pa irpocrw km iwurtrv, 

1 52. The common lection of this verse has been already proscribed on account 
of the extravagance of the prosody, 8cv8p€y i<t>€(ofuyou In all probability the 
preposition should be erased from the latter word, so as to leave IkvUpftp t^ofitiw. 

172. This line must present more than ordinary difficulty to the youthful stu- 
dent, since the prosody of it is very far removed m>m that of Homer's verses con> 
sidered collectively. No impropriety, however, will exbt in it, if we only insert 
the particle p* after ^iXc, thus, 

AShtos T€ iJLoi ifftrt, ^iXc f>* ^Kvpt, Sfivos re. 

246. Metrical accuracy requires the insertion of /^' between km and olyov. The 
expression km pa is very frequently in the Homeric poems. 

254. iMxtiffom* iifKpi is here written for /uaxi^rorrai ^^i ; the final diphthong- 
and the initial vowel coalescing, according to the figure synaloepha per crasin. 

273. Kffa\§wv. Synaeresis. 

306. As this verse is at present found, an elision of the diphthong oi takes 
place in it ; rKriffofi* iv 6<p$a\fiouriy SpatrBM. It is likely, however, that the pre- 
position iv formed no part of the original line, since the simple phrase o^Oajiftoi^ 
cty Spaff0M is equally elegant and forcible with the one, iy 6^. 6p, 

357. If the common reading of this line be correct, it furnishes a striking in- 
stance of the power of the metrical accent ; 9la fjLtv iunrilhs. It may be however^ 
as the learned Heyne remarks, that the paiticle iff originally followed fuy^ and that 
Sia became a monosyllable in pronunciation by synsresis. 

387. According to our second rule on the subject of quantity, the relative pro- 
noun ji cannot consistently remain long in thesi before ol ', and we should there- 
fore substitute ^IpoKo/jupf ^ iot, 

392. Read KMp* el/jMiny. 

394. Synaloepha per crasin takes place in the eipression, ipxf^ ^> rather 
ipXtvBM, ^c. 

450. OcociSca. Synasretis. 

4^7. ^fluycT* &^i^(Aov. Elisbn of the diphthong cu. 

Book IV. A. 

Vs. 3. xp^'ccou* Syneresis. — 18. oliccotro. Ibid. 

66. The expression ^irci ^' is to be here substituted for ^ciif« See the remark 
on II. A. 166. 

74. &7«ci;Ao/ii}Tc». Synaeresis. 

86. This verse does not at present afford an instance of the usage disallowed in 
the third negative proposition relative to the power of the ictus metricus ; ^ 8* 
&v8fu iiccAi|. Probably the particle hpa should be inserted between 8* and hv^i, 

'H 8' ip« Mp* liccXii Tpwty Kanl^wroiff 6fuKop» 

VOL. XL. a. Jl. NO. LXXIX. F 

89 Metrical Compw^on to Homer. 

. lll.'Xfvtfvir* SynaRiit« — lift, tfaagto. Ibid. 

Ift5« It may be tbat the poet gjkve, Im fttw iipa fmtr^pot, ao for 9m to be fn»- 
nouDced as a monosyllable. See on r. ft57. 

106. For ffd read by dicreait, ^, So likewiae in va. 100. 

255. lover* ipoiyos. £Iiiioo of the diphthong m. 

965* Instead of ab, which coming immediately before *l8oyicMOi in then, vio- 
lates a well-known proeodial rule, we should here read eitlier airt^ at mh f, 

271. ^ffvr*, lirci. Elision of the diphthong cu. — ^378. ^opfti^ jsr. Eliaioii of the 
diphthong, oi. 

284. KOI (Ttp^as. Syncresis. So also in ▼«• ftft7, 

307. For Ircni sabstitute Irci iip\ 

SIO. The ^phthong c6 should be here alao separated into two syllables by the 
figure diaeresis. 

S41. This is the only verse in both the Homeric poems in which the 6nal diph- 
thong 01 in rot suffers elision ; and surely it cannot be argued tbat its eliaioii is 
here in any degree necessary or advantageous. Two prol»ble emeedations have 

been proposed ; the former, ff^tv fiepToi imoutt; the latter, fr^muf luoff 
412. To avoid prosodial inconsistency we must write. 

Terra, trwrjf y* riffo, ifiqf 8* iwnrtiBMo /ui$^* 

456. Instead of ytvere laxn* ^^ should undoubtedly read yvwro f laxih 

473. It may appear to the pupil that the diphthong vi of u2or in the expL 

*Kp99pMȴ09 vuv, is here shortened contrary to our first rule respecting the quantity 
of different syllables : but it is most likely that the word vUs was originally utteiBd 

« __ 

as a trisyllable ithSf and thence contracted both into vi6s and wos. If this hypothe- 
sis be tenable, no prosodial difficulty can exist in the case of this or any aiiiiilar 


506. Without doubt the particle f^ should be introduced between /teya and ibxM^ 

Book V. £. 

Vs. 7* For Totop ol irvp we should evidently substitute roioy lot wvp, 

. II. Head fuixyis i^ ctSorc. — 16. Tv8€i8(». Synsresis. 
24. In this line, as in vs. 7, ioi is to be substituted for oU 
33. The final diphthong of fiopvaaBai coalesces with the initial o of Artror€po§i^g^ 
by the figure synalcepha per crasin. 

68. For &XX' oh ol read &XX* od ioi. — 60. 'ApftonS^w. Synaeresis. 

71. On the theory of the pronouns we should here substitute irotrci ly for vwd 
&, so for the final i to be united in pronunciation to the initial e. Instances of the 
coale^ence of the vowels t and e may be seen in Od. E. 94. P. 181. Y. 281. 

86. dfju\€ot» SynsBTesis. — 90. ipiOriKtwv. Ibid. 

92. In all probability the particle ft^ should be inserted in this line between a^ev 
and ipya ; by which means the second rule on the subject of quantity will be pre- 
served inviolate. 

151. aWaff4>eas. Synaeresis. 

215. Instead of ^cAivi^ iv trvptf which is contrary to rule, we must read either 
ipaeivtp 7* iv irvpif or ^acir^ ivt irvpc' The former seems to be the preferable emea- 

246. Read ro^cnf id €tS»s. — ^270. For at substitute hi. 

302. The particle ft* should be introduced between o-zicpSaAca and iax»v. 

343. It appears tbat the letter p* by elision for fa, has been omitted in two 
several places of this line ; which is, in consequence, disgraced by twe metrical 
errors. We should probably read, 

'H 8c fieya p* iaxovtra &iro /T h Kafifia\€p vicv, 

349. ii ovx oXtr. Synalccpha per crasin. 

358. In the conunon reading of this verse, the short final a of 7roA\« is made 

Metf-ical Gompimiow to Hbmir. BS 

ioBg in theai hetote a emglft conson&ilt; an usage ciftttiBrj to erezj -priti6^1e of 
justprosodj. The line- teems to have beeU'Caiguially, 

na^Aa 7c Kuraofutni, xpwnit'mnuu ^ecy fviroui. 

371. Read dvyartpa hiv; so for the final a of tke former word 4]l4 the. initial 
€ of the latter to. coalesce by eymdoepba per crasin. The!^ Towels i^r^. WtiQd by 

synaeresb ia II. n. 769. 

• • ■ i— f 

• 887. xcK^iccy. Syn«re8i&^*-42$. "Xitwr^^ Ibid. So also in v8»-497. xpwfnf* 
466. ^ curojcfy. Synaloepha per crasin. ; 

487. This Terse must be considered inconec^ in two particulars ; since both the 
dual number, oAorrt , is applied to more than two individiials, contrary to all 
grammatical accoracy ; and the two short syllables — vov a — are used for aspo^dee, 
contrary to every id^ of metrical consistency. The most probable emendation is, 

Mrprws, &s a^uri \t»ov pa leaycefpov &Xorrcf . 

634. Aiyct€«. Synaeresis. — 549. Read yMX^i iO c28ore. 

676. As the last syllable of IlvXaifterca is naturally short, it is most probable 
that the particle p* originally. stood between that word, and ^Atnyr. 
. 61*2. The common reading of this line famishes an it>stance of a diphthong im- 
properly shortened in the middle of a word ; J^eXaeyov vtov, 6s f>* M. There can. 
1>e Uttle doubt that the expression of Homer was, SeAoryou vf , 6s ^*, the syllable vf 
^ing employed by elision for vitu 

666. The prosodial inaccuracy occurring in this verse, firipov ^epwrtu, can be 
easily and satisfactorily remedied by the insertion of y between the words specified. 
685. We should, in all probability, read here, Kcurtfcu p*, &W*. 
695. For 6s ol 4>iAos substitute 6s hi <pt\os. — 704. irofs. Diaeresis.. 

724. xpvcrei}. Syneresis. In like manner we have in vs. 727. xfi^^^*"'^' 
818. i^€TfA€»p, Synasresis. 

827. The edition of Heyne has here, 

Mi}Tc (TV y 'Afnja rov 8ci8i0i,7i)}Te ru^ iXAov 

a lection objectionable on various grounds, and utterly inadmissible on account of 
the short quantity of the final a of *Af>ija. The reading of Clarke and Barnes does 
not involve any metrical impropriety ; but even this is inferior to the very elegant 
and forcible one of some other editions, 

899. The usual reading of this verse is opposed to our second regulation con<« 
coming the quantity of different syllables ; inasmuch as the final diphthong ti in 
ftiwyci.remains long in thesii)ef0re hfifrturOau Ws shAll* however, be relieved (torn 
ail difficulty by adopting the lection of some other editions* Honiiov* kvttiy€ fu» 

Book VI. Z. 

Vs. 46. Read J>7f>«i &p** 'Arpeos. 
. 62. Insert the particle p* between &iro and I0ey. 

81. This verse, read as at present, furnishes us with an example of a short syl- 
lable used as a long one, when it does not receive the metrical accent ; iwotxo' 
fuwM, irpiv aW, On the theory of the pttrticies we may safely introduce y* after 
vpiv, this emendation being directly supported by U. A. 98. 2. 189, 190. X. 266. 
and numerous other lines. 

91. For Kou, ol substitute either km p* ol or km ht, 

96. The particle y should be inserted between iiroffXO and *IXiov. 

130. The expression Apvwnros vlos is to be uttered as Apveu^os vios» See the ob- 
servation on A. 473. 

150. Read by diaeresis, 6^* ^0 tIBifs. — 157. For cJnap ol read airrap hi, 
165. In this line we have the second and last instan.ce in the Homeric poems 
of the elision of the diphUiqng o< ; and it certainly appears that its elision in this 
ine is far from being either necessary or expedient, instead of 6s f&* ^t\fy . . . 

S4 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

abm iStkowTfi, w« may perhapt write 69 Btkt fiM • • • tUt Uahmw^p ; bat Ifa* 

cmendadon of Bentlejr appean to be even preferable, tIs. 

'Of ^* lOfXiF ^tKonrri lurp^jMfoi oim ItfiAewrar. 

103. Read Bvymepa li|y.— 990. ;0WMar. Synnrena. 

964. For a«|/hm otiw nibttitute /tif <fiot o&«r.— 977* See o« Ta. Ofi. 

990. XPM''*0'* Sjnereaia. 

869. The f in TjflWu here improperly repeated, the qrllaMe not leoeiviiiftW 

netrical accent. There ia no reaaon why we ehould not write TptMrvr, ol |«cy- 

978. The ^ preceding e2yar«fM»r ahonld be changed to 4*. 

981. For a& sabatitute o^r^.— 488. Read $wwportmf ^ ffBipf. 

468. ^uccurcT^ iycryicii* Eliaon of the diphthong cu. 

478. Insert ^* for /(a after leau Tbeae two worda, aa before obaenred, an vaiy 
frequently found associated. 

610. <rrpc^(rOau <ic Synaloepba per craiin. 

Book VII. H. 

Vs. 30. fiaxncovTou tlroKt. Synaloepba per crasin. ,_- 

47. In this line, as in some preceding, the word vie is to be pronomiGed S«» 
See the remark on A* 478. 

142. The present lection of this verse haa been already censored on accoant«f 
the extravagance of the prosody, obrt KpartX 7c. We can replace with iaa^tj 
and a tolerable degree of certainty. 

Toy Avmopyos iwt^€ 8o\y, olrr^ fa Kparu yu 

169. 6fAtvy, SynaBresis. — ^237. Read iytty iO o(8a. 

261. See the observation on r. 357. — 394. iivaywp, Synseresis. 
410. yiypti' iw€i. Elision of the diphthong <u. 
449. Consult the remark on A. 368. 

Book VIII. e. 

Vs. 16. &28c«. Synaeresis.— 42. XP^^V^"^* I^^^* 

140. ^er' iiKicji must be here understood as hrrrai dXicir, and fumiahea an ia* 
stance of synaloepha per crasin. 

144. Read as before, lirci ^* iroXv. 

190. For dowcp ol substitute 6ffw€p ioi. 

209. In the present reading of this line, the final vowel of llpi} is improperly 
made long in thesi before auroores. We should^ in all probability, insert 4he 
particle ip* between the words. 

911. ^jiAcas rovs. Synsresis. The latter part of this verse shoidd be iwu ^ 
9o\v ^protrros hrruf, 

217. iet\Kt<p, Synsresis. — 233. <mi<reaOau ip^ Synaloepha per crasin. 
321. Read fffifpSdKta ft* lax^y* 
331. For KM ol substitute either kcu f)* ol or jcat lot. 

400. The final diphthong of ipx^ffBcu coalesces with ob by the figure synaloepha 
per crasin. 

436. xp**o'€ourty. Synsresis. 

446. In this verse, as in A. 446., hiffty is to be substituted for ^u^. 

481. r^pwovrai obr*, Synaloepha per crasin.— 493. xp^iatos, Synsresis. 

606. Insert f>* between icoi and ipioL, So likewise in vs. 645. 

614. For ij iyxet read if fyxc?. 

640. Tier* 'AOriveuJi, Eiirion of the diphthong cu. 

Book IX. I. 

Vs. 6. This line contains a notable instance of the power of the ictas metricos^ 
and of the figure synsresis. In pronouncing the word Bopciys, the last two syllables 
were contracted into one^ and the first lengthened relatively by the metrical 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 85 

. 75. xP^^ Toirar* SynsBresifl. — 131. For juey ol substitate fuv lot. 

166. TlfiKiiiaSew. Synaeresis. — ^228. daunHrOcu &\X*. Synaloepha per crann. 

235. ffxtffwBou &\V. Synaloepha per crasin. — 330. ircur€tw, SynsBresis. 

339. In all probability the particle f^ sbould be inserted between ^ and odx » 
by which means the line will be fully restored to prosodial accuracy. 

345. Read if> for c^, bj diffiresis. — ^377. For ^jc yap ol substitute ^jc yap loc 

397. ToniffOfi* oKovriv, Elision of the diphthong at. 

403. Without doubt the particle y should be here read after icpiv, as it is ia 
vs. 387. preceding. See on Z. 81, 

408. This line furnishes us with a most singular instance of a long vowel im« 
properly shortened before a vowel in the middle of a word ^ odrc Xrjiani. There 
can be little question respecting the propriety of ecasing the re in oire; by which 
erasure the expression will be rendered both correct and forcible. 

440. The present reading of this verae is depraved by two metrical inaccura* 
cies ; viz. by the final vowel of ovirta continuing long in tbesi before tlZoff, and 
by the penult of dfioilov, naturally short, occupying Sie place of a long syllable. 
We should most probably read, on the theoiy of the particles, 

NiTiriov, o^» kp* €l5o6* dfwuov &p* iroXe/ioiO. 

The repetition of &pa is fully justified by II. Y. 125. A. 337. Od. r. 430. 

441. &yop€wv, Synaeresis. — 445. KearcfrBai, ohV, Synaloepha per crasin* 
485. Insert ft* between koi and oivov, 

633. ^ oinc ^oiyo-cr. Synaloepha per crasin. 

540. iroAAcwv. Synaeresis. — 564. *l9ew ff» Ibid. — 562. ipwv. Ibid. 
587. For nccu ol substitute either koi hi or xai f>* ol» 

604. xp^v, and in vs. 666. j(P^*ourt. Synaeresis. 

669. In this verse we have ft* for /uoi, the diphthong coalesdng with the suc- 
ceeding vowel ot, agreeably to the figure synaloepha per crasiit. 

706. Some editions have in this line leavrts iirnv€<r<ra» fiaKrikqtSy contrary to 
ihe principles of Homer's versification and prosody. Others, and among them that 
4i>f Heyne, properly read Inivi^ay for imprwiraif* 

Book X. K. 

Vs. 43. xpc» $ov\7ii> Synaeresis. — 96. cnfi^wv. Ibid. 
108. 4^«/i* ^fi». Elision of the diphthong cu. 

129. For ohris ol substitute o&ris lou — 140. ir^as irpos* Synaeresis. 

213. Here also we must write icou f)* ol or km htt^ instead of kcu ol. 

238. The diphthong 01 in olSoi cannot be consbtently used as the last syllable 
of a spondee before the word cifcwK. Most probably we should read aSioi ^ 
4Xkw ; phraseology qmte Homeric 

344. &XX' ^o)/Acv« Synaeresis. 

376. The Homeric lection may have been 

XKupoi (nro Pa Seovs* rw 8* turOfiaivorrt KtXTniv, 
465. Read &iro p* I6€K. 

505. In order to preserve metrical propriety, we must in this line insert 7* after 
pvfiov^ and change ^ into ^'. 

507. Without doubt we should here write, 

'Ed09 iye ravff &pfiaiP€ Kara ^pc^a, rwppa 8* *A6i|i^. 
See the observation on A. 193. 

544. /Ml &. Synaloepha per crasin. See on I. 669. 
557. Read, as in previous similar cases, feci &p* iroXv, 

£66. TvSciScw. Synaere&is. 

Book XI. A. 

Vs. 31. xpv<reoi0'(y* Ibid. 

36. The last syllable of fiKoffvpvwts, being in itself short, cannot be property put 
ibr a long one in tbesi before krrtfawro. Respecting the prosody of thi^ lue, 

86 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

Clarke observes, " Non sine magno artiiicio, prodncta hie, edaai citm 
syllaba brevi, yeraos ipse videtar qaaai dirigiiuu :" bit remark, bowsrer, wmtft be 
Gonndered a bare hnaginary asstrtion, witboat fcmndation, and without sufipcflt. 
In all probability we sboald Tead, 

Tp 8* Iti iu¥ Toffym fikoirvpmwa 'f IffTt^anrrr 

a lection the most ezpresaive, and perfectly consistent with Homer's gBBoal 

128. kn. yap tr^tas. Syneresis. 

181. In this line, as in Z. 46. we should insert the particle V be t w een {bryp* 
and 'Arpffos. 

188. 9)7 *Ayr<fMxot9. Synaloepha per crasin. 

162. Tl>o present reading of this verse famishes ns with an instance of the s ti 
the dative plural of the third dedension, doubled in thesi : Mioroy yw w m a y ^m weHsL 
It is most likely that the Msonian bard wrote, 

Kciaro, yvitwuf &p* roXv piXrtpoi, ^ AXoxoMriK. 

180. ArpctScctf diro. Syneresis. 

200. The word vlt roust be here enunciated im«. See on A. 47S. 

226. For dvyartpaiv we must substitute Ovyorcpa liyr; so for the finale to 
coalesce with the initial e. 

272. If the present reading of this line be correct, it affords an example of the 
elision of the diphthong ai: &s ^(ci* iSwai. It may be, however, that a alight 
inaccuracy has occurred in the collocation of the words, tl^ original lection bda^ 

282. 8c tmiOta. Synaeresis. — 295. Bead fiporoKuy^ i^* Itros. 

318. ^/icfloy. Synaeresis. — ^830. Substitute o&8c lotis for M* ois, as in B. 8SS* 

' 848. trrvmiiw, Synaeresis. — 380. jBc/SAiyoi ofrS*. Synalcepha per crasin. 

386. 8i} kmifiiov. Synaloepha per cra8in«-^411. Read i»s ^c Tav6^. 

436. See the remark on r. 357. 

444. The first s in ^irco^ou is here doubled in thesi, in opposition to the princik 
pie that nothing but the ictus metricus is capable of relatively lengrthening % ufltm^ 
ble properly short. We should properly write, 

*H/cari T9»3f 7' i<rt<r6ai' i/i^ 8* diro BovfH, So/MiTa. 

636. The word 6irX§uy may. have been pronounced either orXmr or orXcspr. 

689. (p€v^ff6M iK» Synalcepha per crasin. 
. 6Q5. In this verse, as it now stands, we are furnished with an instance of the 
IGnal syllable cm, formed by synaeresis, improperly shortened before a word begin- 
ning with a vowel ; rt 8c o-c XP^^ ^/tcio. We may, perhaps, correct with safety 
ri 8c XP^^ ^^ y iiJL€io ; an emendation readily derived from a simple transpositiao 
of words, and supported, in a measure, by the reading of K. 43. 

608. In most editions the verb oha is here, and in similar passages, written aa a 
trisyllable oX» ; so for the second syllable to be considered short. But as it often 
occurs with the t long, it is better to consider it here a dissyllable, as it is evidently 
in vs. 762. and II. O. 298. «. 533. 

614. The question whether the word wpotrtro) can or cannot be properly used for 
wpoffw, the first syllable being unaccented, has been agitated in the remarks on 
A. 343. r. 109. If it cannot, as is most likely, the present lection of this line is 
partially corrupt, and we must read, 

'Imroi yap fu irapTit^ay, irpoaw &p* fufiaviai, 

617. NijAi?to8e». Synaeresis. 

666. It may be, as Dr. Maltby observes, that jScAccrtv M^V^fai, not /ScAcco-o-i 
fitpKiiarai, was here given by Homer. 
787. For ix\* th ot substitute &A\* cd iot, 
791. For cl K€V ol substitute ci Ktp hi. 

Of - ; 

cem Sancrofti Manmcriptum denuo contulit, necnon 
• rdiquam lectionis varietatem commodius digessit 
Thomas Gaisford, A.M., Gr. Ling. Prof. Reg. 
Tom. 1, 2. 1824. Oxford. 

Adnotationes fFesselingiiy Vakkenarii^ Larcheriy 
SchweighcBuseriy alwrumque in Herodoti Historian 
rum Libros IX. edidit Thomas Gaisford, &c. 
Tom. 1,2. 1826. Oxford. 

{^Translated from the ' Jena Literary Gazette.*"] 

" jVIr. Gaisford has endeavored, wnth such praiseworthy in^ 
dustry, to illustrate the history and to emend the text of Hero- 
dotus, that we must consider his edition as a very meritorious 
work. In the explanatory part^ indeed^ Mr. Gaisford, as he 
himself states in his preface, has added little, and in that little 
we have found nothing worthy of remark; but in theseiectibn 
and compression of the notes of former commentators, he has 
every where shown the greatest diligence and judgment. On 
the well-known labors of Wesseling and Valckenner, it is not 
however our intention to dwell; and we shall proceed to examine 
how far the text has been improved by the revision of the new 
editor. ''Quod (says Mr. G. in his preface) ad emendationem 
contextus spectat, per insignem benevolentiam Magistri et 
Sociorum collegii Emmanuelis apud Cantabrigienses codicem 
riianuscriptum Sancroftianum, qui a Galeo primum, deinde ab 
Askevio Wesselingii in gratiam collatus est, (a posteriori quidem 
diligentius, sed a neutro tamen satis accurate) apud me habere, 
summaque animi oculorumque intentione versare licuit. Inde 
factum est, ut non modo errata quaedam corrigere, sed ut lec- 
tiones baud paucas hactenus omissas cum publico communi- 
care potuerim. Plura de hoc codice edisserere nihil attinet. 
Licet enim permulta nunc protulerim, quorum indicio ejus 
indoles certius quam antea innotescat, satis tamen correcte de 
ejus praestantia judicasse mihi videntur viri eruditi. Atque istius 
quidem codicis ope, una cum lectionibus aliorum codicum plus 
minusve diligenter excerptis, verba auctoris aliqua saltem ex 
parte ad veriorem scripturam revocare conatus sum. Sic, ex- 
empli gratia, dedi plerumque non jx/tj jx6}v, sed fii,ta, fiiav, non 

88 Gaisford's Herodotus. 

jxo/pi] jxQ/^i}yy sed (Mlga fMlpav* Conf* Schweigbaeuseri 
m vv. fi$, fi^yfiiis, ftoi^a. In talibus autem analogiam- aequi ocni 
placuit, 0181 librorum veteritiu auctoritas acccderet, in qaonim 
consensu retinui (jLolpiiv i. 204. Similiter rem gesai in ▼▼• «oX- 
MirXao-io; Vll. 160. cf. viii. 10. 111. 135. iv. 50. ▼. 45. 
TtfVTaTX^a-io; VI. 13. SitX^o-io; vi. iS7. et alibi. In genitivis 
pluralibus pronominum ourof, avris, terminationem twv codices 
scripti, secus atque in edd. factum est, perraro exhibeot nisi in 
fceminino genera. Recte igitur, ut opiuor, et analogiae convc- 
nienter communem formani in masculinis et oeutris plerumqtie 
reposui. Utrum autem in reliquis obliquis casibus eorundem 
pronominum ante ultimam syllabam c inseruerit Herodotus, 
propter exemplorum penuriam dubitare liceat. In Hippocra- 
teis quidem libris singulis fere paginis legimus auriou, airrim, 
aureo)^, avreovs ; tovtbov, rotnico, roureoi;, rovriovs I sed in Hero- 
doto islius formae perpauca hodie com parent vestigia. Habent 
edd. awrim i. 133. 6. ubi Atlienasus tamen citat aura. Silent 
coliatores omnium manuscriptorum, locus in Sancroftiano non 
exstat. In III. 26. tres codd. optimi avreoKri, ubi S. auroib-i 
cum vulg. Similiter avriovs vii. 8. 11. rotrrioKn vii. 104. quie 
solius est Stobaei lectio vii. 39. 2* Plura hujus generis non 

''In VII. 8. 11. however, Mr. G. has been guilty of an in- 
consistency. For while in iii. £6. he has received auWoici on. 
the authority of three Mss. M. P* F., in vii. 8. 11. he has 
retained the common reading, although three Mss. M. P. K. 
have auTeous. ''Neque in verbo yjpoi<rioLi (continues Mr. G.) 
ejusque derivatis innovare quidquam ausus sum nisi prseunti« 
bus Mss.y utcunque formarum ^pesffiai, XP^^l^^^^^f ^^^* ^rgu* 
mentorum vi defendi posset ratio. Sed in v. SmvfiA, (sic) dwujxa, 
(sic) vel ioofxa. scribendo paulo inconstantius versatus sum. illqui- 
dem posterioreni formam iibenter reponerem, sicubi earn vel 
unus codex probae notas exhibeat. Qusestionem de v finali ante 
vocalem inceptivam rejicienda vel inserenda, (sic) ut et de ^ in vv» 
ovTco$, fJ^e^gis, ^X^^Sf hodie non attingam. Hoc tantuin monebo, 
in S., quem unum e codd. Mss. mihi tractare contigit, v quideoi- 
fere semper, $ vero frequentissime servari." Mr. Gaisford has 
omitted to mention, that with the authority of the Mss. he has 
generally written gI;^oy for g;^ov, &c., ^crav for ecrav (which 
Schweighaeuser also approves in his Lexicon in elvai), ehelv for 
tuTTon, /SaciXeoj for ^uciXyios, fioi(ri\ees for /SacriA^g^, &c. The 
editor's improvements, however, do not consist merely in the 
adoption of these forms, but of many new readings also. In 
order to prove this, and to show in how many places Mr. G.^ 

Gaisford's Herodotus. 09 

either with other criticSy or on his own judgment, has received a 
better reading than Schweighaeuser, we will cite the places in 
which he differs from that editor. 

'' L. 7. Afupcr/Aov S. F. a. the iota is short. See Alcaeus ap. 
A then. X. p. 430 C. AfugcriXov Schw. c. 9* ^eipctfftevov Xoyov S. 
TreipoofjLevQs \eyoo \iyov Schw. which seems to be a gloss, c. 33. 
TuuroL Xeyoov reo Kpohco. Thus the best and the greater number 
of the Mss. TuvTu XfyovTi Kpoio'ef Schw. Ibid. cLfJ^a9ijs S. and 
Valla, afAoiilei Schw. c. 70. ijyov M. F. a. c. Cf. in. 47. ayov 
Schw. c. 78. i$ Tflov ^viyy^rioov M. F. a. b. c. Gronov. Schw. 
approves of this himself, but has h$ robg i^viyr^Tias* c. 86. ovliv ri 
ftaAXov, according to the idiom, cf. iv. 118. ouSev re (jloIWov 
Schw. c. 88. vagiovTi xp^ S. b. d. Aid. Trajeovri %pova) Schw. 
c. 93. cuvoixijo'ctfo'i K. F. c. Werfer. a-vyoixYio'ova-i Schw. , The 
syntax requires (ruvoixijo-wo-i. c. 108. fti]$a/XGO( M. K. F. (ivfiaiM 
Schw. c. 114. haXa^elv S. M. F. Parisini. SiaXajScffiv Schw. As 
the copyists have evidently endeavored, as much as possible, to 
introduce Ionic forms in Herodotus, a common form, when 
confirmed by good Mss., is clearly to be preferred, c. 117* 
yevoftevoj F. a. b. c. d. S. K. P. yivoftgyo; Schw. c. 1 19. t^o- 
(rrovTff^. Schw. has incorrectly vpoa-a-ravTis; for it is not the by- 
standers, vgoa-'O-TuvTis, who ordered Harpagus to uncover the 
vessel, but those who had the management of the business, 
wpo^crivTss, for which Herodotus elsewhere says Toicri raura 
vp^o-o-ouo-i III. 29. or ToTtri Tgoo-sxeero vii. 34. and 36. c. 146* 
<»$ yi Ti M. K. &i yc hi Schw. c. 209- raura argexiaig K. S. F. 
uTpeKBcog ravTU Schw. c. 210. afte/jScrai oi ^ iv F. fc/teijSertfi Si) 
m Schw. — In this book we should have preferred the following 
readings to those adopted by the editor, c. 19* avopiio'ova'i Aid. 
S. b. d. e. for avofiia-ooa-i. Comp. l. 82. 159. 197> 198. in. 
109. V. 106. c. 68. T^v (T^vpoLv for t^v a-^vguv. See Aristoph. 
Pac. 566. Cratinus ap. Hephaest. p. 6. c. 91* olog re S. V. 
Schaefer, as agreing better with the usage of Herodotus than 
Joy Tc. c. 1 lo. 0^8 Toi F. a. c. cf. c. 111. for ouSe toi. 

'' In the second book Mr. G. has received the following read- 
ings : c. 7* ivv^pog, thus all the Mss. evvipog Schw. from a very 
unfortunate conjecture, ib. roov oBoov S. F. a. Cf. in. 126. iv. 
131. Toov ov6oov Schw. c. 8. TSToifi^ivov Aid. b. which is the only 
correct form. nraiLiLivov Schw. c. 11. orgiVoj F. a. cTffvo^ 
Schw. c. 14. fle'Xoi M. K. F. a. Ifcxijcni Schw. c. 22. toov ;^w- 
pimv F., a better reading than rwv ;^cop/coy Schw. c. 29* ?^6i; H 
vo\iv fteyaAijv Longinus, M. K. S. a. c. I^eon is if, ft. Schw. 
c. 30. 'npog *Apa^'mv rs xou Aid. c. S. icphg 'Apafiiaiv xai Schw. 
c. 67. Tus a X^i li *Egfi.i(0 woAiv P. M.. K. F. rag Si T|8»;, lowVa^ 

*S^>$ h '£• «r. Schw. c. 68. Tg4^iAo( S. See Aristoph. Acbam. 

90 Gaisford's Herodotus. 

876. rpo;^TXo$ Schw. c. 11 ?• 8i)Aoi| tbas almost all the Mm. 
$^Aov Schw. c. 121. (0$ ToD fiaa'i?Jo$ r^v ivyaripa M. P. V. S. K. 
Wess. eg roD jSoto'iA^o; r^v t. Schw. c. 124. rovri} 8« Si) F. a. rav^ 
rtig hi iri Schw. after an emendation of Reiz^ which is not neces- 
sarjy as the dative is used in what follows, ry Ss wugapUdi a&r^. 
c. 147. lxiy(jpiij;ro S. F. V. c. 151. lai^p^rti S. V. hxe^gfjoto Scfaw. 
in both places, c. 15£. ex vofMv jou Sednco F. a. S. Aid. ht 
fOfiov SotlTico Schw. c. 156. iSovS. V. F. elSov Schw. c. 158. ftj 
&at<n M. K. P. V. F. S; |x^ <r(p» Schw. c. l69. X"A S. V. F. cf. 
c. 30. X^9^^ Schw. c. 172. lyaTsvi^earo S. IvaTOW^eoro Scfaw. 

** In this book we would read in c. 10. Toi$ ^ina-iug for rci^ f^fU- 
&eag. c. 19« toutwv micepi ouSevo; for r. eJv vepi ouSevtf;. ic. 99* 
eoFO^vigoLvai for aTTO^vjgoLVM. c. 129* to fMuvh oi clvai S. V. Scha^ 
fer, for t^v jxoOvov oi glvai. c. 139. reAoj 8f, t^j airaAAayij^ for 
T»Xoj Bg T^j fiwraXAay^j. 

^' In the third book the editor has T$ov from S. V. twice in g. 12. 
and once in 13. for elSov. c. 14. wg 7Ss S. co^ eISs Schw. c. 25; 
OLVTOfj ravrfi S. cf. I. 214. iv. 135. iv. 80. v. 112. Vll. 42. 
228. oLvroi Schw. c. 32. ^ igliet^ % ieurelx Aid. M. F. a. f. ^ 0p. 
i| $. hovcot Schw. lb. "EAXijve^ juiev Xsyoucri M. P. K. F. a. S« 
"fiXXijvej jxev yc^g Xeyoutri Schw. c. 88. woXu ti F. S. tfooXu ti 
Schw. c. 48. lylvero S. P. K. F. a. iywro Schw. c. 72. 8ia- 
8gixvu<r9a) V. S. Ssixyvflrdeo Schw. c. 85. lyp^p/wTcov S. b. c. Sy* 
XpififTTcov Schw. c. 85. tov lirirov V. S. K. P. f. d. r^y Knrov 
Schw. c. 89* aXAoKTi aXXa rot. Ixaorepo) S^vsoe veftcov S. j\- 
AoKTi aXXa ISvea Toi kxa<rrip(o vifAwv Schw. c. 1 20. Iv eivhpmv S* P. 
V. K. F. b. c. d. and probably M. h avighg Schw. c. 124. 
avTog amiveii S. V. avTotre air. Schw. which however he himself 
disapproves of. c. 137* xa) xcog ruurot S. V. xwg ravTu Schw. 
c. 137. ?yovTo V. S. M. K. P. ayovro Schw. c, 147- 6/»o(«j 
xTsiveiv S. F. d. and most other Mss. 6jx. xrsvlsfv Schw. c. 153. 
^1] rj Bu^uXcov S. 71 Botfiv>^v Schw. We were surprised that io 
this book, c. 7 1 • Mr. Gaisford has received aXXa cfeug with the 
other editors, which makes no sense, instead of reading oXX^ 
<rfea with S. In c. 121. we should probably read xaraXoyiovra 
for xciTViXoyeovroL, , 

** The fourth book has also received many improvements, 
c. 21. jSo^^v avefiov S. jSopeijy iveaov Schw. fioi66yeog S. F. agree- 
ably to the Ionic dialect : fiaivyecog Schw. c. 28. apx^v S. F. 
V. K. cf. c. 29. tV agx^y Schw. c. S3. 6vov(roig V. S. Aid. 
A. B. Reiz. Schaefer. t^oiirag Schw. c. 53. Iv 51, to Igov S. V. 
cf. 1.74, 184, 185. 11.43. in. 15. IvSlauwIpovSchw. c. 69. 
lj*iroS/<ravTgj F. P. S. V. a. c. cf. c. 60. l/XTrfS^o-avrej Schw. 
c. 81. toDtov el^EVtti Gaisf. roDrov jSouXojxsvov «»$avai Schw. from a 
conjecture of Reiz's. ib. xeXevstv ii,iVy thus all the Mss. xffXeu-r' 

Gaisford's Herodotus. 91 

riy jGMV Schw. from his own conjecture, c. 93. av^puorciTot S: 
und other Mss» xa) y^wotioTotroi Schw. c. 106. y>J»(r(ra^ $g iUrjf, 
thus all the Mss. yX. 8s i$« t^wtri Schw. from a conjecture of 
fieiz's. c. 116. floSoix^eov S» Vulg. cf. c. 110. blovfcoqeo^f Schw. 
c. 119. ou veta^ii^eiei, thuD almost all the Mss. Schw, has 
edited ov vaua-OfAsia, from his own conjecture, which leaves the 
difficulty of the passage as before, c. 149. tosuto touto ' the 
Mss. Toovro Touro (ruvfijSij Schw. after a Conjecture of ReiskeV. 
c. 183. (TuugusS. v. Eustath. ad Dionys. 180. cf. 192. caugov^ 
Schw. In c. 76. jx^ Toi ye should in our opinion have been re- 
ceived for ft^ Ti yt, [See Hermann ad Viger. No. 266.] 

*' In the fifth book, c. 31. alpe^iivai F. K. P. S. V. a. d.^upco-^ 

trivdii Schw. c. 83. Ixoft/cravTO re xoii iipvcotvTo Aid. Gaisf. eico*- 

ftiVavTO xa) iS. F. K. M. P. cf. 85. WjXKTdevTS xat 1. Schw. c. 86. 

av jxij vffi F. S. a. ou v>]» jx»^ Schw. c. 89- rjxova-av F. K. M. P. 

S. ixova-av Schw. c. 9^. (^') xXeiroio KopMoo F. K. P. b. Dio 

Chrysost. p. 486 A. cf. vn. 228. xAeivoTo K. Schw. c. 94. hv) 

Xpivov iTt)y(vov F. K. P. S. a. ^govov en) <rv^vov Schw. c. 103. tov 

iFpo$ fiamXia F. S. and probably P. V. tov wpo^ tJv /3. Schw. In 

the sixth book, c. 1^. vnegfiaKotaro tov Aapnlov the Mss. (m, rov 

idapeiw Schw. after Valckenaer and Reiske, unnecessarily, c. 37. 

Tc&naov hvlpim F. S. levlgem vivrcov Schw. c. 40. i(pevye S. V. 

Ix^ewysi Schw. c. 84. ex re rocrou F. K. P. a. cf. v. 88. Sx tstoS 

Schw. c. 86. tiJvflra^aS^xijvS. P. V. Cf. PorSon. Advers. p. 

^98. Lobeck. Phrynich. p. 313. T^v votpxxaraS^xriv Schw. Also 

in c. 86. 2 and 4. I-n the seventh book, c. 22. /xaXio-ra eg rov 

'^Aioov, thus all the Mss. fiaXio-ra roi is tov "Aim Sdhwl 

from his own conjecture, c. 111. ^Un F. K. M. P. S. V. 

a. b. vi^acri Schw. c. 154. 0^ ^v loptj^opog, thus all the Mss. 

and editions. Schw. has with Reiske expunged 8^, without, as 

it appears to us, sufficient reason, c. 17O. tsov (rfe eTroTpvvotvrog 

F. S. b. Steph.i Schaefer, and Schw. himself^ in his Lexicon ; 

but his text has 0-^1. c. 220. 'Hponc\iou$ F. ^HpaxXeas Schw. 

ivofJMijro) F. S. ooiwjxaoTol Schw. In the eighth book, c. 100. 

frolee, thus all the Mss. except S. which has irolsev, Schw. 

after Schsf. and Borh. iroiesiv. cf. 1. 89. in. 35, 134, 135. 

IV. 126. v. 24. 67. c. 1 18. ijv jx^ S. as Werfer had conjectured 

in the Act. Monac. vol. i. p. 100. e\ [irj Schw. which particle is 

here inadmissible, c. 120. roi Ze^A^iiiga l^pvTut vphs row 'ExXijcr- 

wovTOv jxaXXov F. K.P. S. V. a. b. d. irpos toS 'EXXijo-ttoVtou ^e 

jxaXXoy Tci 'Afi, idp, Schw. c. 142. ro6roi)v tcocincov Gaisf. rovrieov 

irivTcov S. V. TOtrtwv iiFivrcov alii : Tourgeov atravrivToov Schw. 

from an unnecessary conjecture of Scliaefer. In the ninth 

book, c. 14. ifiouXwitto^ tixMv, thus the best and the larger 

9^ Gaisford's Herodotu$. 

number of the Mss. ifiovktum Schw. c. 106. eiH UtkommmfrU 
oio'i, thus all the Mss. ouSc HcXoroyyifO'/ou; Scbw. from his owm 
conjecture, c. 108. riga Vulg. et S. in fine cap. iga Schw* c. 
116. ^y F. K. S. V. ifiv Schw. c. 120. (reoftia, thus |dl ike 
Mss. vgig a-avtSa Schw. from his own conjecture, quite unneoea- 

** The following readings appear to us preferable to ihoae 
received by Mr. G. Book v. c. 89* xarao-rps^^aortai (S. Steph. 
end the modem editions. Cf. i. $4. 63. 89* n* l62. iv. 156L 
vni. 60. 3. Buttmaon. ad Crit. 14. Heindorf. ad Euthjd. 18. 
Matth. Gr. Gram. § 506. 2.) for xaTourrpe^t(rteu. In vi. 4K>. 
xara^uP^Hov (F. a.) for . xaTaxoL>Mou. The context requires the 
middle voice. In vii. 16. 1. t^v a-^etXegorroiniv K. S. V. and 
marg. Steph. (approved by Wesseling in the notes. Cf* ii. 35. 
Jii. 119* IX. 27.) for T^vafotXipwripfiv. c. 38, XSV^^^ (Mss* & 
XPWo^S' The iota subscriptum must be added as in i. 152. 
IV. 83. V. 65. VII. 53. ix. 110.). for x^^crai;, which, does not 
make sense, c. 141. rou x8;^pi}/xevou.(S. cf. ii. 147- 151.. lii. 
64. IV. 164. VII. 220.) for xfp^^ijo-jxgvow. In viii. 15. xpor^- 
cova-i (a. Compare in the same Ms. iragvia'ova'h I. 8, 9- m* 36. 
.135. several times: v. 109. vii. 18. ix. 91.) for xpar^a-wo't. 
c. 76. xarerp^ov (F. K. P. S. V.) for xar^ov. C 113. aimpli% 
(A. F. K. M. P.) forav(»^«V c. 140. 1. jSouAffcrde (F. S.) which 
.the syntax requires for |3ouAi}<rd9. c. 144. ei ft^ xai wporepop (S.) 
for ffi ft^ vgoTspov, In ix. £. xaratrrgiferai (so at leas^ we 
would read» cf. 1.8,9. Iii.36. 135. v. 1Q9. vii. 181. ix* 
9L) for xaTuo'rpiinf^uu c. 33. ieivot, hrolivv rs xat (F. b* c. 
edd. vet. Cf. in. 14. v. 41. vii. 1.) for hnvoi exotwrro xo/* 
The former, indeed, is not so common, but should for that vefy 
reason be preferred. Schw. hi his note to this passage is also of 
our opinion, c. 70. Ivev^xovra (see Etym. M. p. 308. 52.) for 
hfvsvrixovTot, c. 76. els (S. V. Schaefer, Borheck. cf. HI.) for ef, 
which belongs rather to the Attic dtalect. c. 103. ^^wiaTO (S. V« 
cf. I. 10. IV. 110. IX. 70.) for ISuvearo. c. 111. \ktyoLkaL ficy 
votev(iai (F. a. see Schw. note) for jxlya [liv 9roist//tai. . 
. '^ So much for the critical labors of Mr. Gaisford. At the 
same time we were surprised that he has only once atteiklpted 
to restore the right reading by conjecture ; viz. in iv. 119- where 
for ou ireKTOfAedot he proposes ovx\ uvri(r6iJi,e6a, We regret his 
omissions in this department ; as we are convinced that a man 
like Mr. G., distinguished for his learning and acuteness, could 
have either himself emended many passages in Herodotus which 
are evidently corrupt, or at least pointed out the way to others* 
This, however, not having been, doue^ we venture to propose 

Gaisford^s Herodotus. 93 

the following corrections : — V. 23, irs ii ni^iwro^ ^ij 'la-Tiotloo 

Tov Mt\vi(rlou T^v Trapa, AapBiou ahtio'ot^ ^^X^ jxio-Oov doogBriv ^uXax^f 

Ttis cr^eUris. This passage we would read thus, irs Se rgi;^6ovro^ 

^$1] 'la-Tiaiou roD Mikfjciov Mvqxivov, TyjV ntafsi Aagelov ah^a$ irvx^ 

ftio'dov, Sfio^ffigy ^uAax?^ t^j ^X^S/ijj, vil. 1 6. 3. outs V '^^^ ^^^9 ^^ 

di 69ri^oin}(rei, rouro ^ij jxoedijTeoy lor/. We propose oure ^v ri^v 

(T^y, <re di m^oir^o-ei* (Wess. divides the sentence thus) rouro Si 

yj^Tj jxajijrsoy lorai (lurai from several Mss.). In the preceding 

words el Se ijXff jxty iv ouiev) Koyeo froi^<riT»t, ouSi a^taxrei evi^avi^yai 

&c. for ou$6 we would write ov S/. c. 140. xuKolg S' e^ix/Syare 

6vfj^6v : perhaps xaxois S* hnxlpvare ivfiov, c. 154. xgo^ ijy ^opu^o^ 

pos 'ImroxgoTiog for oj^y Sopu<fo'p05 'InvoxpaTeo^. viii, 77. SoxeOyr* 

ay airpLvra vMa-ff (^rideo'fiai in one Ms.) eu. for SoxeDvr' avoi vivTx 

rlie(r6ut» c. 77 • h TOtauTOt fiiv, xut ovrw kvugyicos Aeyovri Baxidi 

avriKoylviv XP^^l^^^ '^h^ ®^^* axtroi Xeyeiv roXpi^eoo, ovre 'Kap aAXcoy 

eySexojxai, for 1^ roiaura jxgy, xat ourco Ivupyiwg xiyovri Botxih, aV" 

TiXoy/ijj X^'^^i^^^ ^^P' o5t6 fltuTOj Xlyeiy ToXpLeoo, oure irap* aWoov ey- 

Sexoftai. c. 133. roiy ola rs ijy 0*^6 a'troTreigr^traa-ixi, for rsuy oTa rs 

ijy 0*^1 airo7reiqft(ru(r6on, ix. c. 11. airaXKaa'a'ea'ion xa) ovroo, for 

uvci,\KoL(r(rB(riah xolI aurol, c. 17* avvecifiakov eg *A6riva$ ouoi vip 

cfo^pu kfjLrjhZoy 'EkX^voov roov ruvTrj olxi^fuivoov, jxovyoi Ss 4fooxieg o^ 

<ruyffo-ej3aAoy* IftijSi^oy y^^^ di^ xai ouroi^ for avve(rifioL\ov eg 'Airjvas^ 

oaoi vep IfjLYihKov 'EXA^ycoy roov tuvtyi oixi^pi^evoov. fuovvoi $6 ^^coxeeg od. 

(Fmea-e^aXov* ey^i^hfyv yotg ^ (rfo^oi xoi) oSroi. c. 27. eirfi Se 

6 TeyeriTi^g vpoeii^xe iraKaioi xa) xouva, Xsyooy, for Its) Ss 6 Teys^T)]^ 

vpoeSrixe TraKatoi xa) xonvoL Xiyeiv. c. 68. eveirehixvvaTO, for eya^rs- 

Seixyyaro. c. 91* ovriva opfi,riro, for ei riya ojpjxijro. cf. Y. 50. c* 

102. ey oT $8 01 AaxelaifMvm en vepirjitrav, oSroi oi em rco eregep 

Tiipdi xcti S^ IjEAavoyro, for ly €u Ss ol ^axeSaijXoyioi vegiffi^aVy o3roi 

o! eiri rep erepo) xs^eV Iri xai S^ Ifiop^oyro. Beneath the text are the 

various readings, in which we have sometimes not found all the 

Mss. enumerated. Thus in vi. 92. it is not stated that F. has 

^(rav : likewise in 123. 125; In vii. 65, 66, 67, 68. 81. 83. 89. 

96. 172. 202. 204. (F. d.) 229. (P'. K. S. V. F. f.) In viii. 

1, 2. 5, 6. 10. 24. 37. 39. 46, 47. 69. 72. 86, 87. 93. 107. 

110. 136, 137. In ix. l6. (F. f.) 22. 28, 29, 30. 32. 41. 70. 81. 85,86. 102. 106. 108. Likewise in 

V. 50. xarop^aXxoD, the reading of F. a. is not mentioned. It 

should also have been stated that in yii.36. Schw. has on 

his own conjecture rgirigioov after nsevrv^xoyrepaiv xai, 

** To the second vol. is added an Index Rerum et Personarum 
ab Herodoto memoratarum, in which we have only missed Ti- 
modeoius Belbinita viii. 125. n. At '* Archidice, nobilis mere- 

94 Oaiafcnd's Herodotus. 

trix/' for 135. md ii. 135. At ^' Mjs Europttus/^ flcc. Cbenf 
should be ^ reference to the note to viii. 133. 

''The fourth vol. containty betidet the notes, the Ai^if^HfM- 
rotiy and an Index Vocum et Dictionuro Grascarum, de quibuaia 
adnotationibus Wesselingii et Valckenserii tractatur; alao ao 
Index Latinus in Notas ; and lastly, an Index Veterum Scripto- 
runii qui in notis corriguntur et illustrantur.'' 

To the above notice of Mr. Gaisford's edition of Htro- 
dotusy which is translated from the * Jena Literary Gazette ' for 
Qctober 1828, No. 186, we will only add a few remarks on 
some points which appear to us worthy of observation. 

Mr. G. has very properly begun to wage war with the looi- 
cisms of the grammarians^ of which the text of Herodotus con-^ 
tains so ample and curious a collection. In many places be has 
restored jx/ce, tovtokti, avTol<ri, 8cc. for jx/i], aunoio'i, rotn-^OMri, 8cc. : 
forms which we are convinced never existed in any real spoken 
dialect of Greece. The grammarians observed that Herodotus 
said 'Aiinvicov, iroiinv, ^rp^y/xa, &.c. for the common *A6i^ifmif, WM»f 
frgayfji^oty Scc. On this induction they rashly generalixed ; and with 
a total contempt of all analogy, thought that it was Ionic to aaj 
ft/i}y rovT6ot(ri,a§lee<rxe (ll. 13.)o£$af4efle$(lv. 1 ]4.);^iXiaSefloy (vil* 
28.), with other similar barbarisms; which have about the 
same resemblance to Greek as Fourmont's Hebrew variations^ 
*Apt<r^avSeg, StaoXag, for 'Aplaraydfos, Z'xuXXa^, 8&c. In like oian* 
ner they found that the early writers said 'IvTroKgaria, KAfio-^mat, 
for ^iTTiFOxgoLTyiv, KXeia-ievyiv. Such a discovery, however, was not 
to be passed over without turning it to some account ; and there- 
fore they argued, as K?<naiev6u is to KXeiq-iirf^v, so is BipSea to 
Bep^riv. Accordingly we find, in direct contradiction to the evident 
analogy and invariable rules of the Greek language, 'Apa^ea, 
Sep^eoL, Evpvfitothot, AsoTv^l^sa, and such like accusatives ;' for 

1 An instance of a contrary change occurs in the third book, where 
the transcribers have in some places reduced a noun of the third to the 
second declension. The nominative npTi^daviis is found in in. 63. 661 
75. The accusative nf»?|<(<nr6o, ib. 30. 84, 35 twice, 02. 74. 76 twice. 
The vocative nfffi^cunr^s, ib. 35. 62, 63. In the genitive, however, the 
following varieties appear e npi^^tio'vcof, ib. 62, 63. nfn?{(i(nrc«, ib. 74, 

Gaisfprd's Herodotus. P5 

.which, as we are coDvincedy we are indebted solely to thie 
transcribers and grammarians. There are very few places in 
which some, generally the best Mss., do not afford the commop 
termination. We will give another example of this insertion of 
letters contrary to analogy. It is^ we believe^ generally agreed^ 
that the name of the Spartan bond-slaves EIASIS is an ancient 
participial form derived from EAD or EIAfl, making the 
penult of the oblique cases long ; as in hxyeyaonTos, ii,6fji,oLooro§, 
&c. in Homer. See Miiller's Dorier, vol. ii. p. 33. Prole- 
gomena zur Mythologie, p. 428. At any rate, even if it is con- 
tended that the word is an l$vixov from '^EAo^, it will hardly be 
denied that the nominative is el^cos, and not eIXc6T)]^ We will 
now give the varieties of this word as it occurs in Herodotus. 
VI. 58. 75. 80. IX. 28. eiXcoreoov. But in vi. 81. ix. 80. el- 
XoDTag, VII. 229. Tov elXooTU, ix. 10. elXcoroev (omitted in some 
Mss.). In none of these places is there any various reading. 
We should, without the least hesitation, in the four passages first 
cited, read elAcorcov; believing that eiAcorfcov is not better Greek 
than Terrapioov or Traregim, We confess too, si nostri resfuerit 
arbitrii, that we should be inclined to restore the final v, and 
the J of ouTflo^ &c., before vowels ; to write Spo^, ^OXu/a^to^, Jjupij- 
xoVio^ &c., not o5pG^, OuAujEAff^^, Svpvi>cov(rio$ ;' and we have great 
doubts as to the use of the lene consonants before an aspirated 
vowel, such as ovx tnro, &c. We know from the Heraclean 
tables that the Greeks did not, as in our printed books, repeat 
the aspirate ; i. e. they wrote not OTX HTIIO, but OTX TIIO. 
Now it is pretty certain that Herodotus would not have used 
the H in writing ; and hence we infer that the aspirates were 
inserted by grammarians who knew the pronunciation in the 
common Attic dialect, but did not alter any letter. If the 

where foar Mss. give Tlfyn^dcnrcos, Ufn^dcrKew, ib. 75. without variety. 
npri^durvtw, ib. 78. where two Mss. have npn^d<nr€os. In the single in- 
stance where do variety occurs, we should without hesitation read 

» I.* 56. vovKvwKivrrrov, Thus Mr. Gaisford from the Aldine edition. 
'KoKmr^dmrrov F. The only other instance ofinvKbs is 111. 38. (see note) 
wher<; he, has printed wKh for irdvxh from F.S. This does not seem 
quite consistent. 

96 Gaisford's Herodotus. 

lonians pronounced the aspirate of vxi, it is nearly certain that 
Herodotus would have written not OTK TDO, but OTX THO. 
It would, we grants produce much perplexity and needless am- 
biguity to soften all the aspirated vowels in Herodotus; but the 
inconsistency of the present mode of writing should at least be 

Having said thus much generally, we will only make two or 
three remarks on single passages, in which Mr. G.'s text 
«eems to us susceptible of improvement. 

I. 100. '£(re?r8fi76(rxov. We believe this to be a solecism. 
When the augment is added at the end of the verb, it is always, 
as far as we are aware^ omitted in the beginning. The E seems 
to be owing merely to the love of the grammarians for super- 
fluous letters. 

I. 1120. 9. *Efiogc5ftey. We would read logcoftfv with F. 

II. l6. El fifj ri ye Ictti t?j 'i4(r/ijj |x^t« Tr^g AifiCr^g. If this 
reading is to be preferred to jxijre yi l(rri, we conceive that it 
entails the necessity of writing jxijSe t^^ Aifivri$. 

11. 45. Xwgig oteov xoii ihO(rx^m xa) ;^vlcov. Xi^vloov, says 
Schweighaeuser in v., is the genitive plural for ;^i}veoy; which 
form occurs in two Mss., and should in our opinion be restored. 
There seems to be no more reason why the genitive plural 
should be xijvecov, than the genitive singular should be xv^^^i \ ^ 
form which would on all hands be admitted to be barbarous, ii. 
57. x^ecov jSolcov x«i ^r^itioiy TcXrfiog. II. 68. r^e jxsv ya,p coot ^vion 
ou TToXXw fiel^ovot t/xtsi. Of the former of these two passages 
Schweighseuser in v. says, ** Xn^vswv poterat quidem ad ad- 
jectivum x^l^^^^f (Ion. i. q. xijveio^) anserinus, referri ; sed ex 
altero loco (ii. 45.) intelligitur esse genit. plural, substantivi 
p^ijv.'' It seems to us probable that in these two passages X'^vtog 
is not the Ionic, but the ancient form of x^jveio; ; that form 
which, for example, would have been used in writing by an 
Athenian of the age of Pericles ; and that it has never been 
altered by the copyists into the common mode of spelling. We 
would, therefore, read x^lcov jSoeiW xolI ;^i]v£/eoy in the first, and 
yyfltlm in the second passage. Bieog likewise occurs in ij. 168. 

Cambridge Prize Poems, for, 1829- 97 

▼•77. TMV hTTOVi Sex^erijy IlaXXeih raaV iietrav. ivitia'av S. 
Perhaps ivedtv. See Blomfield ad ^sch. Pers. 994* 

VI. 137* 4. It seems to us that the reasons mentioned iiy the 
note^ and the authority of the Sancroft Ms., are sufficient to 
condemn the words rt xa) tovs tfuTSus. Compare also |1. Z. 


vii. 140. at^ifiXci TriXsi. Blomfield ad JEsch. Prom, 146. 
Gloss, proposes atSv^Xa. 

VIII. 26. eS^Xee. Five Mss. have w^\e. We conceive that 
the other word is merely owing to the predilection of the gram- 
marians for redundant syllables. 'O^Xio-xavso has for its second 
aorist eSf Xov ; but we do not remember ever to have met with 
such a verb as o^Xito or i^xim. 

G» C. If. 


FOR 1829. 


Deep in that lion-baunted inland lies 

A my9tic city, goal of high emprise. — CHAPHAtr*. 

I STOOD upon the mountain which overlooks 

The narrow seas, whose rapid interval 

Parts Afric from green Europe, when the sun 

Had fallen below the Atlantic, and above 

The silent heavens were blench'd with faeiy light, 

Uncertain whether faery light or cloud. 

Flowing southward, and the chasms of deep, deep blue 

Slumber'd unfathomable, and the stars 

Were flooded over with clear glory and pale. 

1 gazed upon the sheeny coast beyond. 

There where the giant of old time infix'd 

The limits of his prowess, pillars high 

Long time erased from earth : even as Uie sea, 

When weary of wild inroad, buildeth up 

Huge mounds whereby to stay his yeasty waves : 

And much I mused on legends quaint and old 

Which whilome won the hearts of all on earth 

Toward their brightness, even as flame draws air; 


$6 ' Cambridge Prize PoemSy 

But )iad their being in the heart of man 

As air is the life of flame : and thou wert tbaD 

A centred gIorj*circled memory. 

Divines t Atalantis, whom the waves 

Have buried deep ; and thou of later name. 

Imperial £l-dor»diOy roofed with gold : 

Shadows to which,. despite all shocks of change. 

All on-'set of capricious accident. 

Men clung with yearning hope which would not die. 

As when in some great city where the walls 

Shake, and the streets with ghastly faces thronged 

Do utter forth a subterranean voice ; 

Among the inner columns far retired. 

At midnight, in the lone Acropolis, 

Before the awful Genius of the place 

Kneels the pale priestess in deep faith, the while 

Above her bead the weak lamp dips and winks 

Unto the fearful summoning without : 

Natbless she ever clasps the marble knees. 

Bathes the cold hand with tears, and gazeth on 

Those eyes which wear no light but that wherewith 

Her phantasy informs them* 

Where are ye. 
Thrones of the western wave, fair islands green ? 
Where are your moonlight halls, your cedarn glooms. 
The blossoming abysses of your hills. 
Your flowering capes, and your gold-sanded bays 
Blown round with happy airs of odorous winds i 
Where are the infinite ways, which, seraph-trod, . 
Wound through your great Elysian solitudes. 
Whose lowest deeps were, as with visible love, 
Fill'd with divine efi^ulgence, circumfused. 
Flowing between the clear and polish'd stems, 
And ever circling round their emerald cones 
In coronals and glories, such as gird 
The unfading foreheads of the saints in heaven i 
For nothing visible, they say, had birth 
In that blest ground but it was play'd about 
With its peculiar glory. Then I raised 
My voice, and cried, '^ Wide Afric, doth thy sun 
Lighten, thy hills enfold a city as fair 
As those which starr'd the night of the elder world ? 
Or is the rumor of thy Timbuctoo 
*. .A dream as frail as those of ancient time i** , 

for 1829. 99 

A curve of whitenings flashing, ebbing light ! 
A rustling of white wings ! the bright descent 
Of a young seraph I and he stood beside me 
There on the ridge, and look'd into my face 
With his unutterable, shining orbs ; 
So that with hasty motion 1 -did veil 
My vision with both hands, and saw before me 
Such color'd spots as dance athwart the eyes 
Of those that gaze upon the noonday sun. 
Girt with a zone of flashing gold beneath 
His breast, and compass'd round about his brow 
With triple arch of ever-changing bows, 
And circled with the glory of living light 
And alternation of all hues, he stood. 

^' O child of man, why muse you here alone 
Upon the mountain, on the dreams of old 
Which fill'd the earth with passing loveliness. 
Which flung strange music on the howling winds, 
And odors rapt from remote Paradise f 
Thy sense is clogg'd with dull mortality. 
Thy spirit fetter'd with the bond of clay : 
Open thine eyes, and see." 

I look'd, but not 
Upon his fifce, for it was wonderful 
With its exceeding brightness, and the light 
Of the great angel mind which look'd from out 
The starry glowing of his restless eyes. 
I felt my soul grow mighty, and my spirit 
With supernatural excitation bound 
Within me, and my mental eye grew large 
With such a vast circumference of thought. 
That in my vanity 1 seem'd to stand 
Upon the outward verge and bound alone 
Of full beatitude. Each failing sense. 
As with a momentary flash of light. 
Grew thrillingly distinct and keen. I saw 
The smallest grain that dappled the dark earth. 
The indistinctest atom in deep air. 
The moon's white cities, and the opal width 
Of her small glowing lakes, her silver heights 
Unvisited >vith dew of vagrant cloud, 
And the unsounded, undescended depth 
Of her black hollows. The clear galaxy. 

100 Cambridge Prize Poems, 

Shorn of its hoary lustre, wonderful. 

Distinct and vivid with sharp points of light^ 

Blaze within blaze, an unimagined depth 

And harmony of planet-girded suns 

And moon-encircled planets^ wheel in wheel, 

Arch'd the wan sapphire. Nay, the hum of men. 

Or other things talking in unknown tongues, 

And notes of busy life in distant worlds. 

Beat like a far wave on my anxious ear* 

A maze of piercing, trackless, thrilling thoughts. 
Involving and embracing each with each. 
Rapid as fire, inextricably link*d. 
Expanding momently with every sight 
And sound which struck the palpitating sense. 
The issue of strong impulse, hurried through 
The riven rapt brain ; as when in some large lake. 
From pressure of descendent crags, which lapse 
Disjointed, crumbling from their parent slope 
At slender interval, the level calm 
Is ridged with restless and increasing spheres 
Which break upon each other, each the effect 
Of separate impulse, but more fleet and strong 
Than its 'precursor, till the eye in vain. 
Amid the wild unrest of swimming shade» 
Dappled with hollow and alternate rise 
Of interpenetrated arc, would scan 
Definite round. 

I know not if I shape 
These things with accurate similitude 
From visible objects, for but dimly now. 
Less vivid than a half- forgotten dream. 
The memory of that mental excellence 
Comes o'er me ; and it may be I entwine 
The indecision of my present mind 
With its past clearness ; yet it seems to me 
As even then the torrent of quick thought 
Absorbed me from the nature of itself 
With its own fleetness. Where is he that borne 
A down the sloping of an arrowy stream, i 

Could link his shallop to the fleeting edge, 
And muse midway with philosophic calm 
Upon the wondrous laws which regulate 
The fierceness of the bounding element i 

.• • 

for 1829. 101 

My thoughts^ which long had ^roveird in the sKme 
Of this dull world, like dusky worms, which house 
Beneath unshaken waters, but at once 
Upon some earth-awakening day of spring 
Do pass from gloom to glory, and aloft 
Winnow the purple^ bearing on both sides 
Double display of starlit wings which burn. 
Fanlike and fibred, with intensest bloom ; 
Even so my thoughts, erewhile so low, now felt 
Unutterable buoyancy and strength 
To bear them upward through the trackless fields 
Of undefined existence far and free. 

Then first within the south methought 1 saw 
K wilderness of spires, and crystal pile 
Of rampart upon rampart, dome on dome, 
Illimitable range of battlement 
On battlement, and the imperial height 
Of canopy o'ercanopied. 

In diamond light upsprung the dazzling cones 
Of pyramids, as far surpassing earth's. 
As heaven than earth is fairer. £ach aloft 
Upon his narrow'd eminence bore globes 
Of wheeling suns, or stars, or semblances 
Of either, showering circular abyss 
Of radiance. But the glory of the place 
Stood out a pillared front of burnished gold. 
Interminably high, if gold it were, 
Or metal more ethereal ; and beneath 
Two doors of blinding brilliance, where no gaze 
Might rest, stood ppen ; and the eye could scan. 
Through length of porch and valve and boundless hall. 
Part of a throne of fierv flame, wherefrom 
The snowy skirting of a garment hung, 
And glimpse of multitudes of multitudes 
That minister'd around it — if I saw 
These things distinctly, for my human brain 
Stagger'd beneath the vision, and thick night 
Came down upon my eyelids, and I fell. 

With ministering hand he raised me up : 
Then with a mournful and inefiiable smile. 
Which but to look on for a moment fiU'd 

102 Cambridge Prize Poemsy 

M J eyes with irresi9Uble sweet tears ; 

In accents of majestic melody » 

Like a swoln river's gushings in still night 

Mingled with floating music, thus he spake : 

^^ There is no mightier spirit than I to sway 
The heart of man, and teach him to attain 
By shadowing forth the unattainable ; 
And step by step to scale that mighty stair 
Whose landing-place is wrapp'd about with clouds 
Of glory, of heaven.' With earliest light of spriog^ 
And in the glow of sallow summer-tide. 
And in red autumn when the winds are wild 
With gambols, and when full-voiced winter roofiB 
The headland with inviolate white snow, 
I play about his heart a thousand ways. 
Visit his eyes with visions, and his ears 
With harmonies of wind and wave and wood, 
— Of winds which tell of waters, and of waters 
Betraying the close kisses of the wind — 
And win him unto me : and few there be 
So gross of heart who have not felt and known 
A higher than they see : they with dim eyes 
Behold me darkling. Lo ! I have given thee 
To understand my presence, and to feel 
My fulness ; I have fill'd thy lips with power ; 
I have raised thee nigher to the spheres of heaven^ 
Man's first, last home : and thou with ravish 'd sense 
Listenest the lordly music flowing from 
The illimitable years. I am the spirit. 
The permeating life which courseth through 
All the intricate and labyrinthine veins 
Of the great vine of Fable, which, outspread 
With growth of shadowing leaf and clusters rare, 
Reacheth to every corner under heaven, 
Deep-rooted in the living soil of truth ; 
So that men's hopes and fears take refuge in 
The fragrance of its complicated glooms. 
And cool impleached twilights. Child of man ! 
Seest thou yon river, whose translucent wave. 
Forth issuing from the darkness, windeth through 
The argent streets of the city, i imaging 
The soft inversion of her tremulous domes, 

' Be ye perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect* 

/or 1829- i(» 

Her gardens frequent with the. stately {>altn. . 

Her pagods bung with qiusic of sweet bells. 

Her obelisks of ranged chrysojite. 

Minarets and towers ? Lp ! how be passeth by. 

And gulphs himself in sands^^ as not enddrin^ 

To carry through the world those waves; which bore 

The reflex of my city in their depths ! 

Oh city ! oh latest throne ! where 1 was raised 

To be a mystery of loveliness 

Unto all eyes, the time is well-nigh come 

When I must render up this glorious home 

To keen Discovery : soon yon brilliant towers 

Shall darken wifh the waving of her wand ; 

Darken, and shrink, and shiver into huts. 

Black specks ainid a waste of dreary sand. 

Low-built, mud-wall'd, barbarian settlements. 

How changed from this fair city !" 

Thus far the spirit : 
Then parted heaven- ward on the wing; and i 
Was left alone on Calpe^ and the moon 
Had fallen from the night, and all was dark ! 






Tls jxf-, t/j KOv^aig '/mg6ye(r<nv vfAVODV 
ra^ Iff* axTciv Ae<rfii^ avapvoKTsi ; rig 

totofAU ^9 i^toYyov ^prjfAov oigel; 
fsv, votev TepA x^§^^$> ir69ev fMi 
^/Xr^a Ku) mevfjJ liieposv iroiepTTOi ; 

o7 IX8X<(rSs; 

Tootv VOX i^fipoTOun y(ipi<r(ri ^opdav 

Trevtifi^ov fi^^MV fAs^apioav ?- 

AiijSt^ kpooTonf. 

TgO xXu»v plXavKos liraXXe 8«X^iv, 

f 04 Cambridge Prize Poems^ 

ycM'ffy infioiif 

. 9w6ieo¥ oixrcp o'lfitv* h H x^Kug ■ 
iiXyti' ujxyar^p 6 (riioipoxiff^* 

«;^«T* AlyodoL x«Xuj' ouxft* '£XAJ^ 
^(Tiv ImFBuoKTa Sr uSaroov ya- 

0'010'iy ^yocro-ffi. 

aXX' ^ftflo; ^p filf/x/Sporoy, aXi^i^ re 
jxeiSia njysi xaiotpoaregov ri, 
dib ray aupay ^'iSu^io-fta^ Xpoo'wy 

aSv mom 

aviept,oov 9roix/X|xa9*^ dXi^^uroov re 
TFoppvpag ^eov fioTpvag xar S^icov 
itfiTFeXou or/A/Sei yivos* av Si pi^vproor 

f tfo-xioy aXo'o^ 

yrapievoov ^Qgotrraa-lat ^r^nroyri, 
^aXXeraj 'y xolpbijo*! ^oSoy iror avgas, 
ffaAAerat ro^eujxa [leXuft^MV a- 

(TTgaTToy aTT* 0(r(reo¥. 

KvfiuTtov yivedXM, rl vocLrov uftcoy 
affOfioUf t/ 8* varraT ; a^ref 0a F ftrre, 
<rTi[i[Mi(nv iaiSa?J<ST ayapti[Mig xpt^ 

OToAAiyoy oI$jxa» 

a^hcov Tgyyay IIuTepj ^ xiT^nretg 
yoiy TBoiv, A^ai<rTe ; TreXeogioy (roiy 
ax[i6va>v (TiyS, fievos' ovxir ex ya; 

9rDp aSffjUMeoToy 

ao^sTOi^ e§Bvyip(,evov iulxXai^ 
xiiriTshv xvXmeTai, — "Hpmg rv, 
yviyms wAcojxa *Po8ow ; Se^ yag 

sTxeXoy ?(rra^ 

AaiiUmy BiKy^i <f>p4vas, — Find. Pyth. i. 21. 

.' £t te sonantem plenias aureo, 
• Aloaee^ plectro, dura nayisy 

PHra.iug9& mala, dura belli^-^Horat, 

for 1829. 105 

xvfJMTooif TuXicxonoif, at 3* hspisv 
afA^XiTfOKTai meg uTreg^voL tc%- 

7i]i0ov t/^ jE&oi fbsXecov Trgo^arav ' 
xipvira) KgaTtjpoL Sif/'OV xotr otSgov 

Xajx^pff S/ ultpav 

pLUpiMtpovv nipov <ri\ots — ^H fouvvooy 
KvxXaicov avoiir<roi, {/.ixotipci Ar^X^g^ 

"AprefJiis odh, 

(Tuig * yap ejy oJp^Sijcri raXaiya iiarec! 
$U(rTOxcov o[iMFVsv(r6 vovoov iripi^ jUriv 
^sD(re hi^vot, ^6Xhu, xanjpe^^^ S' S- 

vspis Tepelvag 

(ixivug ^oTvi^ |3aXs* ^m$ 8* epavvov 
(0$ e^Xe^*, cog oiiJi.^po(rioig irpoiroovoig 
rixyot 7Fpo(ryiXa(r(rey, ctpLu^avep t o- 

piy^OLTi ;^s<paiv 

fllXyg pi^uTptoov xeap — ^/l rig u^d 

Na^lto xar ipeog evpi^apei cxig^ 

T)}jxari ?rf«Tg* ^ 

x(0'0'o;^a7r* oEya^ Bpopi,iog, xat evoi 
Maivahg rov Eviov ctiA^oooiriv, 
ivtoig /Soofftoo'iv uvrmXri^ |3ax- 

^euerai axToi^ 

pimM wv xoopi,ov yojxoy^ *Op^eoog H 
evisov (rriieo'a'iv iyeiqs pooviv 
ixXvov Bpaxmu^ Upav icaq uxroiv, 

ixXvov 6pi,^otif 

^ ^yKipvdrv rls fuv yAvK^ 

KcS/uov irpo^Toy. — Find. Nem. ix. 119. 
Fill high the bowl of Samian wine — 
It made Anacreoii*s song divine. — Byron. 

» Cf. Callimachi Hym. in Del. et Enrip. Hecub. 457. 

*Eic Btdtrwf Zpo^iaUtiy 

114 ffp trc8^e.^-£arip. Bac. 185. 

* AUuditnr ad mysteria in insulin Samothraoia^ et Imbro celebratai 
obi Dii Cabiri* 

100 Cambridge Prize PoemSy 

dpvifou appffrm T9knwittT9f 

TuXoSev via-ov tmlt IgiffJay ; { 

^v/S* ^^nraTfcrcri tI f oo-ft' ogeopw ; 
^y} ^pv(ralg KaL^McafTiv Ifixgiwu Tig 
^aXxiwovg, irvp(07ro$, uwipruTM ft«»- 

gag Ts xoii "Athov 

Toy Bpovov (TTlxfiovTU* kXv(o xAuco o*aA- 

^riyyoj* ceuTfl^y 

atrp^rrov — rpift' eopavh$, irpsfi,' al^g 
xa) flaXatrca a-uvm'apetyfiiva, ya ^ 
Ippayv^ PgovTpcTi hetfMtspis — peu 

Ss(y* liTiSff (T^flef 

$giy' axotfsiy roarra* Trpo^oupirto. llSat 

XafCrVpsrai to xvptov u^i&f ts- 

Xisfopov i-fMip, 




Cissar consecutus cohortes ad Rubiconemjfumen, qui provincut 

ejusjinis erat^ paulum constitit. 

St A 3 AT rjelictae in limite Galliae 
Caesar, decennes projiciens moras, 
Fatisque bellorum secundis 
Ebrius, impeiioque longo : 

^ f^fSolfmy pro )i€fiwfifA4yos. Vid. £urip. Bao. 73. ^ fidKop, Ztmt ^f^eJifjum^, 
• » Vid. Apocii!. i. 9—18. » lb. i?. 2, 3. * lb. xi. 15. 19. 

for 1829. iOT 

Illic micantes jethere turbido 
Respexit bastas, signaque militum, 
VuUusque conversoa in aniDem 
Ulterioris amore ripae ; 

Qua parte torrent vallibus in caYis 
Pleno fluebat decolor alveo^ 
Turbatus hjbemo supinos 

Imbre lacus^ oitidumque fonteiu. 

O qui sub antro flumioeo Deus 
Ludis sororum Naiadum vacas, 
Intactus armorum tumultu, et 
Puniceum inviolatus amnem ; 

Tu spem redonas rura colentibus, 
Fallente nunquam messe ; tibi viget 
Pax alma, flavescens aristis, 
Perpetuaeque ferax olivae : 

Teque in remotis Capripedum jugis — 
Qua fonte puro vivus aquas latex 
Descendit in campos jacentea^ 
£t vitrea reparatur uma — 

Credo in puellis non sine mutua 
Arsisse flamma : sed Dryaduoi domus 
Secreta, felicesque ripas, 
Fronde pia tua furta celant. 

Eheu ! Latinua ductor, et improba 
Sancto juventus obstrepit alveo ; 
Moeretque septena residens 
Romulidum genetrix in arce. 

Heu ! Roma mater ! Quid tibi Porsenam 
Fregisse Tyrrhemim, et gladio truces 
Stravisse reges ; quid receptos 
Colle sacro posuisse fasces ; 

Si non in ipsos, tempus ad ultidum. 
Stent jura natos f Quos simul impia 
Incendit audendi libido, et 
Regna avidis rapienda castris, 

Non sancta Patrum nomina, non Deum 
Striqxere mentes. Nam vitiosior 
Crescebat aetas^ et severis 
Moril)US ilDprpbior parentum, 

108 Cambridge Prize PoemSf 

Gaudens scelestis tradere cWibas 
Fascesque, et arces, et Capitoliiun, 
Qua jura dicebant Catonea 
Gentibusy et reduces CamiUi. 

Quin ipse paulum coutinuit gradum 
Metu DeoruiD Caesar; in Italis^ 
Non ante cessator^ moratus 
Finibus, ancipitique in ora 

Bellum reponens. Seu patriae memor 
Portenta vana finxit imagine 
Mens ipsa, nee veros timores 
Sera sibi pietas paravit ; 

Sive insolentem lusit amicior 
Nature ludum ; et carmine lugubri 
Audita, funestum per umbras 
Vox trepidae dedit Urbis omen. 

Ipse in sonanti margine constitit, 
Tendensque palmas : '^ O Pbrjgii Lares, 
Araeque Vestales, et alto 
Jupiter intemerate saxo, 

Vos," inquit, '' et te, Roma, Quiritium 
Divina nutrix, testor, ab ultimis 
Cum laude descendens Britannis 
Caesar, Hyperboreoque ponto ; 

Vester revertor, vester in impios 
Ultor nepotes ; si procerum scelus 
Punire, corruptasque visum 
Dis Latiis reparare leges/' 

Ergo increpantem taedia militem 
Vexilla jussit toUere ; nee mora 
Quin omnis insuetum juventus 
Marte novo penetraret amnem. 

Non Umber illam, non sine conscio 
Terrore Marsus vidit, et Appulus ; 
Non dulce qui Piodi sub arce 
Litus arant, et amoena Tempe ; 

Non qui propinquo sidere torridi 
Iram reponunt Maurus et ^thiops ; 
Ardore cum morbos iniquo 
. Spirat humus, patriisque ventis. 

/or 1829. 109 

Uterque lati terminus imperi 
Fervet tumultu ; qua redeunt dies ; 
Qua solis ad serum cubile 
Purpureum spatiatur aequor. 

O si liceret dedecus ultimo 
Vitare fata ! Quid juvat exitus 
Orare bellorum i Quid ipsis 
Porticibus^ gradibusque templi, 

Stipata moeret turba Quiritium 
Pacem reposceus ? — Cum dpmino veuit 
Pax ista. Cur segues in arma 
Vivimus, opprobrio parentum, 

Quos, masculorum funere civium 
Clars deceret flamma Numantiae, 
Non more solenni sacrorum 
Attonitis placitura Divis i 





In fauioret SheUeii naatri, difficUUmipoetig. 

JlohXot ^o^eog ijfi^otf 6 Z'eAAio;* ou iifuis larl 

iFurrolmv Iffvai wivra ha, OTO/xarfloy. 
rilUis rauTU onfyio-jxev* ixag, inag, oo'tis &\iTpigf 

xal ri Xiyoov dirXcos, xoHi rot woikouoi pgovMK 
riiuls 9 ol xcuvo), xa) Sf^ioi^ ij XoAoi av^lg, 

ol /x^yoi MX warrtof xqt^<rToihdacxofAivoif 
repiro/xffS' iv toutoi^ ftf|xui}|uifyor ouS^ tXotf v^ii»S.g 

ou f ao; h o'xoTloiSf ou (rxoTog ly favipolg. 


Cum Danaus gladio generos saeviret in omnes^ 

£t conjurata sedula turba manu. 
Sola suum leto subduxit Ljncea conjux^ 

Sola virum patri pnetulit, et patriae* 

1 10 Cambridge Prize Poems^ 

Dixit et, ostendens celatum ia pectore fermm, 

Et duri narrans impia jussa senis :-- 
*' Hsec licet edicat geoitor, faciaotque sororea, 

Ob veterem mendax nil moror esse fidem.'' 





King Henry VIII. Act ^ Sc. 2. 

Griffith. Katharine. 

Griff. This cardinal. 

Though from an humble stock, undoubtedly 

Was fashion'd to much honor. From his cradle 

He was a scholar, and a ripe and good one ; 

Exceeding wise, fair spoken, and persuading : 

Lofty and sour to them that loved him not ; 

But to those men that sought him, sweet as summer. 

And though he were unsatisfied in getting, 

(Which was a sin,) yet in bestowing. Madam, 

He was most princely. Ever witness for him 

Those twins of learning, that he raised in you, 

Ipswich and Oxford ! one of which fell with him. 

Unwilling to outlive the good that did it; 

The other, though unfinished, yet so famous. 

So excellent in art, and still so rising. 

That Christendom shall ever speak his virtue. 

His overthrow heap'd happiness upon him; 

For then, and not till then, he felt himself. 

And found the blessedness of being little : 

And to add greater honors to his age 

Than man could give him, he died fearing God. 

Kath. After my death I wish no other herald. 
No other speaker of my living actions, 
To keep mine honor from corruption, 
But such an honest chronicler as Griffith. 
Whom I most hated living, thou hast made me. 
With thy religious truth, and modesty, 
Now in bis ashes honor : peace be with him ! 

for 1829. Ill 


rPI*I0O2. KA0AP1NA. 

FP. Oux iv9 ha)g ov rijxiooTanjy ^uo'iv 
Upebs off ^^^^» Sucrygy^^ vBp ofv, o/xw^. 
Ik (ncapy&vaiv yup r^v jxsv h MoutrMg asi, 
TOVToov T axpifiwg ri^ar' ^v 8* ayav cro^oj, 
viioLv6v t' hvMpM xol) fji,ekiy\oo(r(rov (rrofta. 
TOicriv (/iv eydpolg iua'TPpoayjyopog, wixpoj, 
f iXoio*! S* ^St;;, Scirep ou isgog irore* 
61 S' oSv avXi^aTCP^ xepiim e^lsro, 
(raurri yaq k^yjfMtpreVf ovx aXXM$ epai) 
^^ovval ye /xlvroi xai ft^X' ci(pi6vw x^p) 
ir§6dv[io$ ^v, SffWoiva — Magrvpel W fwi 
Totjy 2py« ravS^o^y S/'iTUp^ai Afoucroov l^^dei, 
(Ts/xy^ ^vvmp)$f upi,\v &g xaieitraro, 
'J4;oixffy xa) av xaXX/^rugy* *Ofo)v/a* 
£y 4 jttev aur» ^uftftergco^ SiooXsro, 
ou ya^ keXsi^dat rou xrl(ravTOg i^iiXs* 
tj S', IvSs^^ w«p TOW TsXfcrfl^vaf y* fr'> 
tiSS* ?(m xXeivi^, xeii Ti^y^f^* wnpiro^ov, 
xa) Sj) TOO'ouToy av^mti xotf tj fiepav, 
eooT* o^x JXeirai roSyOft', vfi^vyja-si ie vtv 
ytj 7roi(ra, rovpyoti to58* aeifty^oroei %ap'V- 

TO TijyiV ?Sij TowTO ftJy, XS^^V ''^^'^^ 
rijy auTO^ auroD xapS/ay eyvoopKre, 
xi^evp* OTTom xr^/xa to (ri^ixpct, fpoviiv' 
jxs/^co $6 8^ Tiy'y ^ x«r avipoowov docriv, 
rijx^y 9rpo<r^8 T^y8* 6 yfipi<rxeov xg^yoj* 
29y)}(rx' ffy avrep rm icatfiv (rificov Beov, 
KA. £i yoLp AayoScr' supoi/xi TOioSroy Tiva 
^^P^9 o; Ipya Tajxa rou /Sioii ^jpao'ei, 
axfipariv re So;^«(y eS irepKrreXei, 
croi y 1^ 6fto/ov xicrToy AtJfguSg^ oro/xa. 
Oy yfl^p /x«Xi(rTa ^ooyr* uifrix^Mqov ^pormv, 
tS>v <rm akifiiwrayrog alSoio) ^psyi 
Xoyaoy exaTi, xay^ixou fpovrifutrog, 
Tijxa flayrfyTot rotiroiy — sip^yi]; Ty;^oi. 




FOR 1829. 


On Dortbeni shores the year's untimely close] 
Has mantled Nature in her garb of snows ; 
The glorious sun is sinking into gloom. 
As youth before its time into the tomb: 
And in the keen clear air, as fade away 
The streamy splendors of departing day. 
Fantastic shapes of crystal ' fretwork gleam. 
And drink a borrow*d lustre from his beam. 
O'erarch'd with colors bright as those which die 
The sign of promise in the summer sky. 
Shines his last setting : rays of brilliant hue 
Spangle the cloudless heaven's unsullied blue. 
Like smiles at parting, often loveliest, when 
The hearts they sever ne'er shall meet again* 

'Tis past :, night deepens o'er yon vessel's prow, 
Embank'd in ice and bedded round with snow : 
Above — sad greeting to a seaman's eye— 
The furVd and idle sails flap mournfully : 
Around, o'er scenes of dead and dull repose. 
The midnight moon her ghastly radiance throws. 
Or shines the northern light with meteor fire, 
And dims the lustre of the starry quire : 
Tinged with pale rays gigantic icebergs rise 
And lift their spectral summits to the skies : 
Like the grey shadows of departed years. 
Dimly distinct, each towering form appears. 

Desolate land ! how wild, uncultured, rude, 
Thy drear expanse of boundless solitude — 
The desert whiteness of the snow-clad hill — 
The lifeless stream—- but thou art lovely still ! 
For verdant meads, when summer months have smiled. 
Like green Oases in the Libyan wild. 
Bloom on the plain : fountains and bright cascades 
Gem the dark woods, and glitter in the glades, 

* Nothing in the shape of a cloud was formed, but whatever little 
moisture might be in the air was seen floating about in very minute 
spiculae, assuming various forms of crystallization,— Q«artor/jf Raniew, 
XXV. 198. 

/or 1829. US 

And o*er the.tangled brake and tfteep ravme 
In sombre clusters grows the licben*d pine : 
While flowers, that sprang unseen in mossy dells. 
Their scentless buds enclosed in crystal celb. 
Smile on the curious eye with varied hue. 
And rise .in living loveliness to view. 

Oh ! for the light of Nature's beauty now 
To smooth with liope the seaman's anxious brow I 
For here, though frozen damps' around hiih hung. 
And pains intense the sinewy limb unstrung, 
Day after day, in darkness and despair, ^ 
He plied the unvaried task with ready care. 
And brush'd the tear-drop from bis manly eye. 
As wayward fancy glanced to days gone by. 
And when he nightly knelt in praise — to bless 
The Guide — ^the Guardian of his loneliness, 
Twas sweet to think that in the land he loved. 
From that one heart, by long affection proved. 
To the same God who watch'd bis drear repose 
The same fond prayer and suppliant sigh arose. 

Oh ! if we cherish holy thoughts in joy. 
When flows life's cup of sweets without alloy — 
If amid smiles the hope of heaven appears 
Glorious and bright — how passing bright in tears I 
His faint and wayworn few when Fmnklin led 
O'er pathless wilds — the regions of the dead — 
One miscreant saw with keen and envious eye 
Their scanty food his comrade's wants supply ; 
Raised high the hand, and dealt the deadly blow, 
With murder stamped in fi^re upon his brow ; 
Then on the bleeding form of him he slew 
Fix'd his stern gaze— nor madden'd at the view ! 
But he was one,* whose dark and clouded sight 
Heaven, with Its countless worlds of glory bright — 
Earth, waving with fair flowers and herbage green — 
Ocean, with tribes untold and depths unseen — 
Entighten'd not, nor on the untutor'd breast 
The holier image of his God impressed. 

* The breath and other vapour accumulated during the night in the 
bed-places and on the beams, and then inmicdiately froze.— Parry's 

* Michel, the murderer of Mr. Hood, was one of the Iroquois: and 
though his countrymen are generally Christians, was totally uninstrnrted 
and ignorant of the duties of religion. — Franklin's Voyages. 


1 14 Oxford Prize Foem$j 

The savage native, when hii consort dies. 
Slow paces round her tomb with downcast eye»^ 
Chants for her future peace the wisard spell. 
And in low murmurs bids the dead farewell ; 
As though he deem'd the spirit lingered not 
On the cold earth, but sought some sunny spot. 
Where timorous seals on shore at noontide play. 
Or the huge walrus yields an easy prey ; 
Where bounding reindeer track the waste of snow. 
And streams in spring through green savannahs flow z 
He — like the hills that bore him — ^rude and lone 
Dreams not of climes more glorious than his own. 
Of bliss beyond the grave in blessed isles, 
Where spring and summer blend their loveliest smiles ^ 
Or of those valleys, gemm'd with fragrant flowers. 
Where rest the faithful in unfading bowers. 
Quaff the vine's luscious tears, or half expire 
Beneath the dark-eyed maiden^s glance of fire ! 
Amid tempestuous seas, and fields of ice. 
His creed has placed a lowlier paradise :' 
There swarthy hunters mount their cars again. 
Lash their lean dogs, and scour along the plain; 
Again adroitly steer the swift canoe, 
Poise the sure dart, or twang the unerring bow. 

Nor knew the peaceful tenant of the clime. 
The mystic legends of the Runic rhyme : 
How after death in Odin*s halls of gold 
The steel-clad ghosts their midnight orgies hold. 
In shadowy state around the board carouse. 
And drink with ashy lips from sculls of foes : 
Some taunting jest begets the war of words — 
In clamorous fray they grasp their gleamy swords^ 
And, as in days of old, with fierce delight, 
By turns renew the banquet iand the fight ! 

But sleep they still beneath their icy pall, 
The snow-clad plain — the voiceless water-fall ? 
Again that orb, whose never-failing smiles 
Beams on thy valleys, daughter of the isles I 
Descends in splendor on the darkling sea. 
Where strive thy sons in ceaseless toil for thee ! 
Curtain'd with amber clouds, his orient ray 
Sheds soften'd lustre on returning day. 
The light awoke the monsters of the deep — 
Ocean heaved wildly in his troubled sleep, 
■■«■■■■———— —.I————— — — — ^— — — i^i^— — — i**i— — 

' Khilla — heaven. 

, /or 1829. ' aU 

And hoUoir numiiirs rose : th^nlood &iid-€kat > 

A booming sooiid broke on the startled ear i 

Through yawning ehasms the rushing Waters flow*d. 

And crystal rocks on billowy currents rode i 

Those phantom shapes, like sleeping storms that stood 

Majestic in the moon-lit solitDde, 

Start from theiir trance, and clash in dread career, 

Like warriors in tlie conflict of the spear ; 

Round their tall crests the lambent sunbeams play. 

Leaps the white foam, and curls the glistening spray. 

The sunny skies above — the strife below — 

Where wild winds howl, atui eddying whirlpools flow. 

Contrasted well earth's danger and distress 

With heaven's deep calm and holy loveliness. 

Yet onward still, though every groaning mast 

Bends low and quivers to the frozen blast. 

That lonely vessel steers ; now plunging deep 

Beneath the dark abyss with sudden sweep ; 

Now upward on the crested billows hurl'd, 

A weary wanderer in a stormy world. 

The undaunted crew with careful search explore 

Each bay and inlet of the mazy shore. 

Unravel link by link the chain of seas 

That wind amid those Polar Cyclades ; 

Mark how the current's ceaseless, chaugieless flow 

Sets from the strait, and bears upon their prow :' 

Oh ! could they curb its tide, or stem its force. 

And trace that ebbless torrent to its source, 

Where echoes loud the wave's tumultuous roar 

From Bhering's rocks to dark Alvaska's shore ! — 

£v'n now they hear the sharp Siberian gales 

Sing in the shrouds and fill their heaving sails ; 

And far beyond Kamschatka*s loneliest steep. 

Traverse in dreamy thought the boundless deep. 

The sun, whose baffled tires assaiPd in vain 

Those icy bulwarks^ here is lord again ; : 

Bright islands laugh beneath his rosy beam, 

And blushing fruits and golden flow rets gleam ; 

Through palmy groves voluptuous breezes blow^ 

And gardens smile, and shining rivers flow. 

Still roves the seaman's eye — nor lingers long 
On that fair clime of sunshine and of song, 

^ Alluding to the current through the strait of the Fury and Hecla in 
the same direction as that which is observed to flow through Bhering's 
Straits round the icy Cape. 

118 Oxford ¥fizt PoemSj 

Eloquii, et prono npianlur flumine senstii. 
Aut infeltcem patriam, lethaliaqiie urbn 
Vuluera plorabant, laocree civilibiis armU ; 
Forsan et indignantt atrocia fnena tyranni 
Libertatis opua struxisli hie. Brute, volenteiqiie 
Hie primum Divos io grandia ccepta vocastil 

Quinetiam nugis aoimos recreare juvabat 
InterduiUy et fessos puerili solvere ludo. 
Saepius astabant, dum sepsit ovilia pastor, 
Vel mulsit gravido distentas facte capellas. 
Aut ubi per notes ducebat semita lucos. 
Hi segnes ibant ; tu currens impigra aDbelum 
Floribus implesti gremium, patrique dedisti, 
Tullia, sublatis exqairens oscula ocellis. 
Vel clam s«pe eadem post tergam lapsa, coroois 
Caesariem ornasti roseis, risuque protervo, 
*' Id concede, precor supplex, ut filia patrem 
His saltern accumulem donis, furetur honores 
Invida ne cunctos, et nil mihi Roma relinquat.** 

Te mox ante diem divellet saeva parentis 
Mors ilio amplexu ; mox is suprema daturas 
Oscula, funereo decorabit flore feretrum ! 

Parte alia,' ad collero teaui pomaria clivo 
Vergebant, et sepe bortus praetextus acerna. 
Nee fama, Cicero, indignam, neque nomine tanto 
Tu rebare operam ; tu plantas vere serebas 
Ipse manu, tenerae observans cuuabula gemmae. 
Saepe nimis patujam tonsisti constil olivamj^^ 
Depositisque tuos coluisti fascibus agros, 

Mox ubi curvavit ramos Autumnus i olentes 
Muneribus, falcemque vocat jam debilis arbor» 
Cessantes passim per laeta vagantur amici 
Virgulta, ac fcetus speculantur divitis anni ; 
Mirantes, ut mala piris aliena rubescant 
Iraposita, et Zephyrus folio bicolore susurret ; 
Utque suam serpens erratica vitis ad ulmum 
Haereat, atnplexusque petat jam nubilis uva. 

* Cic. de Senec. cap. 15. ab initio ad finem. 

' Quid ego vitium satus, ortus, incrementa commemorem ? satiari de- 
lectatione non possum, ut meae senectutis requietem oblectaraentumque 
noscatis. — De Senec. 15. 

^. Nee vero segetibus solum, et pratis, et vineis, et arbustis res ruaticie 
Isetie sunt, sedetiam hortis et pomariis ; tum pecudum pastu, apium ex- 
aminibus, florum omnium varietate. — De Senec. 10.* .. ; 

. >r 1829. 119 

Ambrosios alibi spiraia alvearia flpreg. 
Nonne vides, iacerta volaos, ut mellea kbro 
Poc.ula traoet apU, palmaeque mlerstrepat uoibraiii f 
Explorant comkes soiertia gentis onustae 
Ingenia, ac tardo fepfinuint v^^stigia gressu ; 
Ante alios priqnus. valtu ridere beoigoo 
Tullius, et ** Mecum parvos/' ait, ^* Attice, cives 
Aspice* quae felix popuio coocordia» rerum 
Quantus amor, fixis quam pulcher legtbua ordol" 

ProtiDus incuB^bena Cicerpoi Brutus, *' Et illis- 
Haustus* inest quidam divioiie lucis, et aurae 
Pars ccelestis/' ait ; ** sunt omnia numine plena; 
Numinis in raiuioio cernas mir^cula texto. 
Nee minus admiranda hominis spectacula prodii 
Natura ; banc etiam trepida formidioe lustro* 
Ergo age, jampridem caecos recludere fontes 
Pollicitum nobis, te munera debita posco. 
Hesperus invitat, nee vellere prata madescunt 
Nocturno, aut primis stat ros argenteus herbis. 
Spero equidem, nee spes umbra me ludit inani 
Pertida, non auimum, morienti eorpore, totum 
Posse moriy sed nigro aliquid superesse sepulcro.** 

Tuliius at contra, " Tanto, mi Brute, laboci 
' Impar,^ immensis errabo iacertus in undis ; 
Sin libeat, cymbae trepidantia pandere vela 
Audebo, rapidisque adeo me credere vends. 

'' Mens hominis (ni vana fides) ac mira potestas , 
Materie terirena parum est ;' quot plurima tellus 
Aspice, partnriat ; quaenam vis purior ollisi 
Aversatur hum! erassas mens integra sordes* 
Credibile ^ est igitur, deduei simplicis aurae 
Particulam coelo, sensusqne ex ornnibtisastris 
Collect OS, hue aetherio descendere. tract u. 
Ergo animus ' multos in corpore conditur annos, 

» Vide Virgil. Georg. iv. 2«0. 
Itaqne (uibit^ns, circumspeetans, haesitans^ tanquam ratis in im- 
mense mari nostra vehhur oratio.— Tusc. Disp. lib. i. SO. 

' Animorum nulla in terris inveniri origo potest; nihil enim est in 
animis mixtum atque concretum, aut quod ex terra natum atque Return 
esse videatur. — Tusc. Disp. i. 47. 

^ Homines enim sunt hac Uge generati^ qui tuerentur ilium globum 

3uem in hoc templo medium vides, quas- terra dicitur ; bisque animus 
atus est ex ilKs sempiterms ignibus, quae sidera et Stellas vocatis.— 
Somn. Scip. 3. 

^ Immo veroy inquit, ii vivunt, qui ex corporum vincuiis tanquaoi t 
€a»oaiie evolaverunt. — Somii. 9cip. 3«. . 

120 Oxford Prize Toemsj 

Sqoaleiis nocte, suaqoe sedet femigine claiiflvt : 
Hinc sibi nota tamen captivos suspieit anra 
Moestior interdutiiy atque optantia lumina jactat. 
Rumpuntur tandem sera retinacala morte ; 
Nee mora ; continuo puree id confinia lacia 
Extit/ ac nullo superavit nubila nisu, 
Dilectos dmn Isetus afrros, cogDataque tangat 
Limiua ;^ tuiio aequo libratus poDdere, demum 
Incubety et passis super aetbera pendeat alb* 

** Attice, prima vide^^lleotem coroaa Lnnam, 
Astraque tot vtgiles senfim acceudeDtia taedas. 
Forsitao et nobis dabitur miscerier istb, 
£t voHtare vagis, et circum quaeque morari ; 
Jam spectare,^ locis qui sit coelestibus ordo. 
Jam qua lege voluta rotetur macbina muudi. 
Hunc necnon angustum orbem, desertaque tecta 
Desuper e specula, nostrisque tuebimur oris. 
Nosque feret celeri curru levis aura, volatu 
Molli incumbenteSy nee pondere congemet uUo. 
Protinus intacti tranabimus aequora ponti, 
Tellurisque vias,^ nivea qua Zona sub Arcto 
Duratur glacie, aut urit Sol omnia flammis. 
Mox et delicias invisam forte senectae 
Tusculum, et bos iterum, vobis comitantibus, hortos ; 
Dulciaque ut vitae agnoscam monumenta, juvnbit 
Hos meminisse dies, atque baec mea praescia verba. 

'' Nee tamen, ut perhibent, coeli patet omnibus idem 
Ascensus ; sed enim depresses pondere culpae 
Perplexae ambages,^ eallisque miserrimus error 
Aeeipiunt ; alii tortos verruntur in orbes, 
Suspensi ad ventos, dum labem exemerit aetas. 


' Necesse est ita feratur, ut penetret, dividat omne ccelum boc, in quo 
nubes, imbres, ventique coguntur. — ^Tusc. Disp. lib. i. 19. 

* Quam regionem cum superavit animus, naturamque sui similem 
contigit et agnovit, tanquam paribus examinatus ponderibus nullam in 
partem moveCur. — Id. 

- ' Quamvis copiose hscdiceremus, si res postularet, quam multa, quam 
variay quanta spectacula, animus in locis coelestibus esset habiturua. 
— ^Tusc. Disp. lib. i. 21. 

4> Quod tandem spectaculum fore piitamus,cum totam terram contueri 
licebit, ejusque cum situm, formam, circumscriptionem, turn et habitabi* 
les regiones, et rursum omni cultu, propter vim caloris, aut frigoris, ▼»• 
cantes?-^Tusc. Disp. lib. i, SO. 

• ^ Nam qui se humanis vitiis contaminavissent, et se totos libidinibus 
dedidissent, iis devium quoddam iter esse^ seclusum a concilio Deorum.-^ 
Ibid. lib. i. SO. 

^ Namque eorum qui se corporis voluptatibus dediderunt, earumque 

. for 1829- 12* 

Vos ergo pafriam moniti, legesque tueri 
Discite,' nee segni luxas torpere veterno. 
Carcere sic animus perropto coiporiSy exin 
Adjunget sese comitem surgentibas auris, 
Devenietqoe suas rursam incorraptos ad aedes." 

Bacchus adbuc sjflvis Albana cacumina vestit, 
Subridetque Ceres, spicis intexta capillos ; ^ 
Ilia tameni Tulli, floret pulcherrima sedes 
Heu ! jampridem oblita tui, ingratique recessus 
Iromemores : nee jam disciuit virguita sonare 
CuIloquio» ant solitaro saxOTa umbracula voceni 
Agnoscunty mediisve albescit villa teoebris. 
Ast ibi moesta querens acclivi tramite rivus ^ 
Desilit: et platanus, tot jam labentibus annis, 
Hospitium,^ ut quondam y dat plurima ; mox mola collis 
Sub dorso latet, et scatebras occulta loquaces 
Accipit ; htnc inter flexus, muscumque cavatum 
Discedit liquor, et bibulis elabitur herbis* 

Nee proculy imposuit qua nunc in rupe sacellum 
Religio/ veteris restant vestigia famae. 
Quatuor attollunt immani mole gigantis 
Effractos simulacra pedes ; aedemque columnar 
Contiguam variis incisae floribus ornant. 
Hie senis effigiem videas in pariete ; chartam 
Laeva tenet ; frontem meditantis dextera fulcit. 

se quasi ministros prsebuerunt, corporibus elapsi animi, circum ipsam 
terram volutantur, nee hunc in locum, nisi roultis exagitati saeculis, re- 
▼ertuntur. — Somo. Scip. 9. 

* Hanc vitam tu exerce io optirals rebus. Sunt autem optimae curse 
de salute patriae, quibus agitatus et exercitatus animus, velocius io hanc 
sedero, domumque suam pervolabit.— Somn. Scip. 9. 

* The same alley continues to Grotta Ferrata, once the favorite villa 
of Cicero, aod now an abbey of Greek monks. It is bounded on the 
south by a deep dell, with a streamlet that falls from the rock ; and 
having turned a mill, meanders through the recess, and disappears in 
its windings. — Eustace, Class. Tour, vol. ii. 8. 

^ The plane-tree, which Cicero notices with so much complacency 
in the person of Sc»vola,in the first book DeOratore, still seems to love 
the soij, and blooms and florishes in peculiar perfection all around. — 
Eustace^ vol. ii. 8. 

^ At each end of the portico is fixed in the wall a fragment of basso- 
relievo: one represents a philosopher sitting with a scroll in his hand 
in a thinking posture ; on the bther are four figures supporting the feet 
of a fifth of colossal size, supposed to represent Ajax. These, with the 
beautiful pillars which support the church, are the only remnants of the 
decorations and furniture of tbe ancient villa.— Eustace, vol. ii. 8« 

182 Russell's Connection of 

Tristior aspiciens ponra beu I moDttiDenU YMtfov 
Avelitt nequicquaiu oculot, amissaque iuget 
Gaudia ; raox ipsis, qua stat defixua^ io uoibm 
Egregii quoodam memiiiil aenBonis*' et ardor 
Extempio surgentein animum divioior implefc» 
Magnaque nunc tandem demistae gratia lucia ! 

Scilicet. ilia tuis arcanae temina flamuMe 
Effulsere oculis, quamvis obscura ; nee ether 
Cogpata, Cicero, attraxit dulcedine seusus 
Nequicquam ; at vates venturi praescius, ultra 
Ausus es hos mundi fin6 errare, receasumque 
Optare ignotum, placidique oblivia portus. 
Haec tibi solicitae saltern ieoimina mentis. 
Nee parvum ingentis curse solamen ; et bac ape 
Heu ! miserum exilium, patriaeque ingrata tuliatt 
Vulneray servatae crudelia praemia Romae. 
Hac fretus victricem iram, Antonique ministroa 
TnstanteSy gladiique minas tranquilius, et ora 
Aspera vidisti, sublataque brachia ad ictum. 
Turn forte Elysiae sperabas regna quietis 
Postremum, et moriens figebas lumina coelo. 



HISTORY, from the Death of Joshua totheDecUm 
of the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah (intended to 
complete the Works of SHUCKFORD and PRI^ 
DEAUX). By the Rev. Michael Russei^l, 
LL.p., Episcopal Minister, Leitb. 2 vols. 8vo. 
Rivingtons : London, 1827. 

SiYERT reader is well acquainted with DeanPrideaux's Connectioii 
of the Old and New Testament. With materials derived chieflj 
from the pages of profane authors, that learned person undertook to 
fill up the interval between the conclusion of the canonical Jewisb 
scriptures, and the inspired narrative as resumed in the Christian 

^ Tusculanarum Disputatiooum. 

Sacred and PrcfaM History. 1S9 

writings, about five 4>eDturi«8 afterwards : and this t9sk he per- 
formed with so much 0Mccess> that few books have eujojed a more 
extensive and enduring popularity than the volumes which bear 
his name. It is not/perhaps, so generally known^ that it was the 
intention of Dr. Shuckford to bring down the events of the sacred 
history from the creation of the world to the epoch at which the 
other began his valuable labors. But he did not live to complete 
his plan : and his work, accordingly, which should have eictended to 
the reign of Ahaz, proceeds no farther than to the times of Joshua ; 
leaving about eight hundred years of a very important period to 
occupy the pen of some future Writer. The numerous events 
which took place under the government of the Judges, in the bril-* 
liant reigns of Saul, David, and Solomon, as well as during those 
of the successive princes of Israel and Judah, till the ascendency 
of the Assyrian power threatened the liberty of both these nations, 
remained to be embodied in a continuous narrative, as also to be 
connected with the history of such other tribes and kingdoms of 
the East as had any intercourse with the descendants of Abraham. 
Hence the object of the publication now before us, is to complete 
the scheme contemplated by Dr. Shuckford ; being a Connection 
of Sacred and Profane History, from the death of Joshua to the 
decline of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. 

Dr. Russell has seen proper to begin his work with a ** Prelimi- 
nary Dissertation, containing remarks on Ancient Chronology/' 
He justly observes, that 

to the reader who shall enter in earnest on the inquiries which are 
pursued in his book, it will soon become manifest, that in most cases, 
the study of ancient history resolves itself into a series of chronological 
disquisitions respecting the origin of nations and the relative antiquity 
of events. The last thing which appears of importance to the annalist 
of a rude age is to mark the precise order of the occurrences which he 
records, and more especially to afford the means of determining their 
place in the map of time, by noting' their distance frum one common 
point to which they might all be referred. 

In our last Number, in the article " On the Difference in the 
Chronology of the Samaritan and Greek Versions and the Hebrew 
Text of the Scriptures," we gave an outline of the conclusions to 
which Dr. RusselFs reasoning has carried him on that important 
subject, and which have been adopted by the Marquis Spineto in 
his lectures on the elements of hieroglyphics.' He remarks, that 

■ Since we wrote the above article, the Marquis has given his interest* 
ing lectures to the public through the medium of the press ; and we ob^ 
serve that in several places he ackoewleges his obligation to Dr. Russell 
in regard to his views of ehronology. At the end of the eleventh lecture 
he refers to certain works; ^^and, above all, to the Preliminary Disser* 

184 Russell's Connection of 

** those who are not acquainted with the writiogf of the mocient 
historians^ must be surprised when they find that the ajatem of 
dates which has been adopted in the authorised version *of the 
Scriptures differs from the chronological conclusions which are now 
commonly held, to the full amount of fourteen hundred jetn. 
The numbers which appear in the margin of our English Khlef 
were inserted on the authority of Usher and Lloyd ; prelates, it it 
true, who were n6 less esteemed for their great learning than for 
their zeal and integrity. But in a subject of this kind where the 
truth must be discovered by an examination of ancient recordfy 
the value of every man*s opinion must be determined by the evi- 
dence which he produces in support of it, as well as bj the 
soundness of the reasoning which he employs in weighing the ftcff 
and testimony on which the question has usually been decided. 
In chronology, it is well known, the name of Usher, as well as the 
greater name of Newton, has long ceased to command any special 
attention. Each of these distinguished authors was led astray by 
the prevailing habits of his own mind, and by the faTorite par- 
suits ofhlls age. The primate, from the respect which he enter- 
tained for Hebrew literature, put an undue degree of confidence 
in the opinions of the rabbis ; the philosopher, on the other hand, 
assured himself that a basis for an infallible system of chronology 
might be found in the deductions of physical astronomy." 

It is indeed worthy of remark, that the chronological system 
recommended by Dr. Russell in the present work, is represented 
by him as so far from being new, that it may be described as the 
most ancient that has at any time been known to the Christian 
church. In the volumes of the earliest writers who undertook to 
illustrate the doctrines and the history of our holy faith, the num- 
bers of the Septuagint are uniformly employed to measure the 
succession of the several events to which their arguments bear a 
reference. We find not in their computations any evidence that 
they were even acquainted with the abridged method which the 
rabbis have attempted to introduce : and throughout the Elastem 
empire in particular, the Hebrew chronology remained unknown 
or disregarded during the lapse of fifteen centuries. Even in the 
Western church, the era of the Reformation forced the clergy to 
the calculations which were handed down to them in the tables of 
Clement, Theopbilus, and Eusebius ; and which, in fact, had never 
been challenged except by a few obscure partisans of the rabbi- 
nical school, who urged the authority of Mss., of which they knew 
neither the import nor the history. 

tation, published by Dr. Russell at the head of his ' Connection of 
Sacred and Profane History ;* a book that I cannot sufficiently recom- 
mend, and from which I have derived the greatest assistance.*' 

Sacred . afid Profane History. M5 

In the Dissertation on. CbroDology, there is an interesting ac- 
count of the original speculations of the Jews on the. subject of 
the millenniunif which we earnestly recommend to jthe attention of 
such of our readers as may have allowed their minds to be dis- 
turbed by the ignorant reveries on that head which have been 
revived in the present day* Dr. Russell produces the most satis- 
factory proof that the rabbis, both before and after the birth of 
Christ, believed that the world was to exist only six thousand 
years, as the habitation of siuful men ; after which a new order ii( 
things was to commence, when peace and joy were to prevail among 
the chosen race, during a thousand years, much on the same prin* 
ciple that six. days of toil every week are succeeded by a day of 
rest and happiness. This opinion was adopted by many of the 
early Christians, and is:found to have influenced greatly their belief 
and expectations relative to the final consummation of all things. 
St. Barnabas, for example, who has been described as the first 
depository of the doctrine of St. Paul, presents to us, in a com- 
mentary on the 20th chapter of Exodus, the following views of 
the mystical meaning of the word Sabbath : ** And God made in 
six days the works of hb hands, and he finished them on the 
seventh day ; and he rested on the seventh day, and sanctified it." 
''Consider, my children," says he, ** what that signifies, — he finished 
them in six days. The meaning of it is this; that in six thousand 
years the Lord God will bring all things to an end ; for with him 
one day is a thousand years, as he himself testifieth. Psalm xc. 4. 
Therefore, children, in six days, that is, in six thousand years, 
shall all things be accomplished. And what is that he saith, — And 
he rested the seventh day. ? He meaneth this ; that when his Son 
shall come and abolish the season of the wicked one, and judge 
the ungodly, and shall change the sun, the mo.on, and the stars, 
then he shall rest gloriously on that seventh day. Behold then he 
will truly sanctify it with blessed rest, when we (having received 
the righteous promise, when iniquity shall be no more, all things 
being renewed by the Lord) shall be able to sanctify it, being our- 
selves first made holy." — Cathol. Epist. S. Bar. sect. 15. 

The rabbis, we are told, not satisfied with the resemblance be* 
tween the six days of creation and the seventh day of rest, sought 
an authority for the same conclusion in the apparently trivial cir- 
cumstance, that the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, which, 
when accompanied with a certain mark, denotes a thousand, occurs 
six times in the first verse of the first chapter of the book of 
Genesis. Hence they inferred that the earth was to last only six 
thousand years in its present state ; and that those six millenuary 
periods were to be followed by one day of corresponding length, 
consisting of a thousand years, or one millennium. As, therefore, 
the sixth millennium was well advanced in the time of our Saviour, 

126 RusselFs Ccnnediah of 

hit coDtemporaricB viewed themselves as those wbo Sved 'ia Ae 
Utter days, and on whom the ends of the world bad to mt'm la 
truth, the notion of ao approaching millenaiom, which pervades 
the writings of that early period, cannot be properly aMentood, 
withoat a reference to this tradition respecting the age eed data* 
tion of the world. 

In the apostolical age most men entertained the belief that tiw 
Incarnation of the Redeemer took place near the very close of the 
sixth millennium. St. Clement of Rome, as well aa Bomafaai^ 
ahared in that opinion. Justin Martyr. Tertullian, Cypriaa^ Tbe- 
ophilus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, and Ambrose, at a latn 
period, afibrd unquestionable evidence that they inherited the 
same persuasion. The last-mentioned of these fathera, in hia ex* 
position of the Gospel of St. Luke, shows clearly that be bad 
adopted the conclusion of his times, as to the age and duratloo of the 
world. When commenting on the trans6guration of our Lord, he 
lays considerable emphasis on the statement of St. Matthew, who 
observes, that, ^fer six day 8^ he taketh Peter, James, and JohDvp 
into a high mountain apart. '* In regard to this notice," wy% the 
venerable author^ '' we may remark, that it was after elm ikamsond 
years ; for a thousand years are in the sight of the Lord as om 
day. But now more than six thousand years are counted, namely^ 
from the foundation of the world." Origen, in one of his Dialofiies^ 
asserts, against an heretical follower of Marcion, that oiir Lord 
descended from heaven for the salvation of man, six thousand 
years after the Almighty had formed the first of the human race. 
And Hippolytus, who likewise florisbed in the beginning of the 
third century, warns his flock that the time of Antiohriat oould 
not be far distant, as six thousand years from the creation of the 
world had already passed away. In a word. Dr. Russell has esta* 
blished, by a very patient and learned research into Christian anti^ 
jquity, that, prior to the close of the second century, there ia no 
writer to be found who did not inherit the opinions which pre^ 
•vailed in the times of the apostles and their immediate disciples, 
relative as well to the interval which had elapsed between Adam 
and Christ, as to the expected change about to take place in the 
condition of human nature. 

In the following century, (he adds) we begin to perceive symptoms of 
change in the leading systems of chronology^ and an attempt to accom- 
modate the authority of tradition to the actual state of things. The 
expected millennium was seen to be delayed from generation to geue^ 
ration ; and it therefore became necessary to examine more attentively 
into the language of Scripture, and to calculate with greater precision 
the several epochs which were recorded in the inspired annais of the 
Jewish church. Julius Africanus, accordingly, who wrote about the year 
Q%\ of our era, is the first who reduced the period above stated (between 

Sadttd and. Prof am Hiifory. 197 

Adam and Christ) to 55dO yem;— a cbDckisioii which appeals to have 
heen readily received hy nearly all the learned Christians of his day^ par- 
ticularly in the provinces of Greece and of Asia Minor. 

Lactantius, who 'florished early in the fourth century, proved him-> 
self^ in the department df chronology at least, an implicit follower 
of Julius the Africanw In the ' seventh of his Divine Institutions^ 
he ventured to teach, according to the doctrine of the Jews, that 
the world in its present form was not to subsist beyond six thousand 
years ; but that, sjter the term now mentioned, the human raoe was 
doomed to witness the consummation of all earthly things, and the 
commencement of a new order of moral and intellectual natures. 
He adds, that those who have devoted themselves to the Science of 
Time, have ascertained with sufficient accuracy when this renovation is 
to take place; guiding their inquiries by the koowlege which is pre- 
sented to them in the holy books and other historical records of former 
a^es, wherein is contained the number.of years assigned for thedujratioD 
ot the globe. He admitted, indeed, that there appeared some diversity 
in the sentiments of the best writers on this subject; but, on the whole, 
he thought himself justified in pronouncing that the earth, as now con- 
stituted, was not to last more than two hundred years from his own 
time. ^ Quando tamen compleatur hsc summa, (6000 ann.) decent ii qui 
de temporibus scripserunt, colligentes ex littehs sacri8,etex variis histo- 
riis, quantus sit numerus annorum ab exordio mundi. Qui licet varient, 
et aliquantum numeri eorum summa dissentiat ; omnis tamen expecta-. 
tio non amplius quam ducentorum videtiir annorum.'' — Lact. lib. vii. 
Divin. Institut. num. 25. 

In this computation the learned tutor of the son of Constant! ne pro* 
ceeds on the fact, proved or assumed by Julius Africanus, that the wt>rld 
had existed 5500 years before the incarnation of Christ; and as from tba 
birth of our Lord to the period at which the Divine Institutions were 
composed, there intervened a space of 330 years, making 58^0 in ail from 
the creation ; the remainder, 180, may be regarded as justifying tbcf 
round number of $00 used by Lactantius, as completing the full term 
measured out by Divine Providence for the duration of this earthly 
abode. Eusebius, the bishop of Ceesarea, who Jived at the same time 
with Lactantius, thought proper to diminish the period between the 
creation and the era of redemption to 5300 years: a conclusion which 
was adopted by many of the Western churches, but resolutely opposed 
by those of the Lesser Asia, Arabia, and Egypt. We find also, that 
even in the days of Abulfaragius, who wrote hisHistory of the Dynasties 
towards the end of the thirteenth century, no material change had been 
introduced into the ancient chronology. *^ From the beginning of the 
world," says he, '^ to the Messiah, according to the computation of the 
hiw in the Septuagint version, which is in the hands of the Greeks, and 
of the other Christian sects, the Syrians excepted, the number of years 
is about five thousand five hundred and eiglity-six.'' This current of 
opinion as to the age of the world continued uniform during several 
centuries over the whole Christian church. Augustine, it is true, de- 

fiart^d so far from the authority of Eusebius and Jerome, as to introduce 
nto the line of the postdiluvian fathers the name of the second Cainan. 
But his views, it is obvious, were all along regulated by the same general 
principles which, in those earlv ages, seem to have determined the limits 
of all chronological inquiry: for even in the beginning of the fifth cen- 

1S8 RuMellV Connection of 

tury, the date at which he lived, we find him usiog the veiy 

guage which filled the mouths of the Christians wmle as jet the apo- 
stles and their companions were on the earth ; and assorincbb anditwv 
that the sixth millennium was already far advanced^ and that, at the 
close of ity a great change awaited the mortal condition of man. *^Ia 
sexto annorum milliarioy tanquam sexto die, ciyus nunc spatia superion 
volvuntur.'' He therefore opposes himself to.those who maintained what 
he esteemed heretical notions on the history of the cosmogony ; remind- 
ing the pious persons whom he addressed, that from the first man. who 
was called Adam, six thousand years were not yet completed, and that 
the writers who oenied this certain and un^estionable truth deserved 
not to be reasoned with, but to be treated with contempt. *^ Abipso pri- 
mo homine, qui est appeilatus Adam, nondum sex miilia annorum coni- 
pleantur : quomodo non isti ridendi potius quam refellendi sunt^ qui de 
s[^atio temporum tam diverse, et huic exploratae veritati tarn contraria 
persuadere conantur ?" — De Civit. lib. xviii. c. 40. 

It is a remarkable fact, that as time rolled on, without realizing^ 
the awful catastrophe to which the hopes or fears of men were 
directed in the early ages of Christianity, the chronologers of those 
days found it expedient to alter, from period to period, the ancient 
system of dates by which the interval between Adam and Christ 
was wont to be measured. Clement and Barnabas, with others 
who are usually denominated Apostolical Fathers, taught that the 
sixth millennium was near a close when the Saviour of mankind 
took on him the nature of the human being, and consequently en- 
couraged the expectation that the millennary sabbath of peace and 
triumph was rapidly approaching. But, after two hundred years 
had passed away, and mundane concerns continued to proceed in 
their usual course, it was concluded that a mistake had been com- 
mitted in the rabbinical calculations, ' in regard to the lap$e of 
time between the eras of creation and redemption. Hence Julius, 
Africauus, Lactantius, Eusebius, and Jerome, reduced that period, 
first to 5500, and afterwards to 5200 years : an accommodation by 
which they contrived to save, in some degree, the credit of the 
older Christian writers, and also to keep the millennium iii pro- 
spect as an event which could' not be very long delayed. Even 
one, we think, will agree with Dr. Russell in thinking, that 

such expectations are fully intelligible, only when, viewed through 
the medium of that chronology, according to which the Christians of the 
apostolic age, as well as the Jews themselves at that period, were ac? 
customed to measure the antiquity of their' nation and of the human 
race. If examined into, on the basis of the modern Hebrew text, thejj^ 
must appear not only absurd, but positively without any foundatioi| 
whatever, either in history or in tradition. If the stream of time, had 
only brought the world towards the close of the fourth millennium, on 
what ground could a people, who had been taught to expect a great 
change in the condition of man and of the globe at the eiid of six tbou^ 
sand yeari^, consider themselves as existing on the very eve of tha|^ 

Sacred and Prcfane Histwy . IS9 

tban^e, as living in the last days of the, preseqt mundane ftystem, and 
as being destin^ to be witnesses and partakers of its final consumiKia- 
tion ? Whatever may have been the precise import or extent of thia 
persuasion, there is no doubt that it was ehtertamed by many indivi- 
duals in Judea, both while they adhered to the ritual of Moses, and after 
they had transferred their belief to the more reasonable doctrines of 
Christianity; and as we know the traditional tenet on which their expec- 
tation of the end of the world was founded, we may thence conclude 
that, in the first age of the Oospel, the Jewish chronologers were perfectly 
aware that the sixth millennary term of creation liad made considerabk 

This Dissertatioa contains the substance of all that has been 
written on sacred chronology by Isaac Voisius, Pecron, J. Scaliger, 
Patavius, Marsham, Usher, Hayes, Capellus, Baillie, Newton, 
Lloyd, Bedford, Blair, Jackson, Vignoles, Freret, Faber, Hales, 
and is very valuable as a luminous compend of a most intricate 
^ieuce. The " Connection" itself is divided into two books, cou-. 
taining the following chapters : 

Book I. 1. On the Civil and Political Constitution of the Ancient 

3. On the Religious Belief and Practices of the Antient 

3. On the General History of the Hebrews from the death of 
Joshua to the reign of Saul. 
Book II. 1. On the Ancient History of the Babylonians and Assyrians^ 

as connected with that of the Hebrews, between 1543 
and 1099 B. C. 

2. Containing an Outline of such parts of the Ancient History 

of the Hebrews as may appear to have been affected 
by the power or character of the neighboring nations. 

3. On the Iranian or Ancient Persian Monarchy • 

4. On the Origin of the more remarkable States and King- 

doms of Ancient Greece. 

5. On the Argonautic Expedition ; the Capture of Troy; and 

the Return of the Heraclidae. 

Id the chapter on the civil and political institutions of the He- 
brews, there is a great deal of information well deserving the study 
of every yCung divine. In the next section, which respects the 
religious belief of the ancient Hebrews, the author crosses the 
path of Bishop Warburton, on the question which applies to the 
comparative antiquity of the book of Job. This learned prelate 
connected the inquiry now mentioned with a peculiar doctrine 
supposed to prevail among the Jews at the time when it was writ- 
ten, on the mysterious subject of diabolical influence. He 
imagined that the Israelites knew nothing of what he calls* the 
'* history of the devil," before they were carried captive into Assy- 
ria; and assuming this supposed fact as the ground of his hypo- 
tliesis, he concludes that as Satan is actually mentioned in the 
tract which bears the name of Job, it must have been composed 
after the return from Babylon. 


130 RusselFs Connection^ ^c. 

In opposition to the views of Warburton, I have (says Dr. Russdl) 
endeavored to prove^ not only that the Hebrews were well acquainted 
with the name and ofBces of Satan long before the conquest of this 
country by Nebuchadnezzar^ but also that the notions coDceming the 
character of the evil one contained in the book of Job are quite iocon- 
sistent with those which the people of God learned in the East ; and con- 
sequently that the work just mentioned must be older than the ^byio- 
nian ca^>tivity. It will be found that in the earlier periods of their history, 
the descendants of Jacob believed in the existence of evil spirits as well at 
of good ; but so far from holding, as they did subsequently to the times of 
Cyrus, that the former were the subjects and agents of a great malevolent 
demon who had apposed himself to the counsels of the Most High, they 
regarded them all, good and bad, as the ministers of Jehovah ; accostomed 
to appear in his presence, to receive his commands, to go forth in order 
to execute his will, and to take their place againamong thesons of God, 
when they came back to render an account of the services which they 
had performed. The Satan who is introduced into the scene in the book 
of Job is clearly not the evil principle recognised among the Persians, 
and adopted in some measure by the Jews of a later age. He appears 
there as the servant, not as the opposer of the Divine Will ; and pre- 
sents not in fact, either in his character or in his attributes, any resem- 
blance to that malignant spirit, whose imaginary history, as one of the 
two principles, filled so large a portion ofthe theological institutes of 
Asiatic writers. 

There is another point in which our author differs with Warbur- 
ton, namely, the belief of the ancient Hebrews in the proper im- 
mortality of the human soul, and of a future state of reward and 
punishment ; but as this subject is, in some degree, the corner- 
stone ofthe bishop's system, and is besides extremely important in 
itself, we must rest satisfied with a reference to the volumes now 
before us, where it is discussed with much learning and ingenuity. 
Tiie reader will also find in the first chapter ofthe second book, 
which treats of the ancient history of the Babylonians and Assy- 
rians, much interesting matter collected from a great variety of 
sources. The views which Dr. Russell recommends in regard to 
this portion of our primitive annals, remove all the difficulties 
which encumber the hypothesis of two Assyrian empires; one of 
which is supposed to have been erected on the ruins ofthe other* 

But (says he) whatever may be the degree of confidence which the 
reader shall think proper to place in the deductions relative to the Assy^ 
rian empire, which have arisen from the facts that I have endeavored 
to establish, it wilt not be lessened when he reflects that the argument 
has all along proceeded on a uniform principle, and without using any 
liberty with those ancient records whence the chronological (/a/a have 
been derived. I have carefully avoided the practice of that bold criti-' 
cism, which bends to its own objects the clearest statements of the 
authors whose works it examines: holding it as a first principle that the' 
testimony of an ancient writer must be received in its literal meaning, 
and, with the exception of manifest corruptions and typographical 
errors, either be adopted in whole or rejected in whole. 

We could have wished that the author had abridged hia accouot< 

Egyptian Antiquities^ 131 

«f the *' origio of the more remarkable states and kiDgdoms of 
ancient Greece/' both because this portion of his work has less 
eonnection than any other with sacred history^ and also because 
the facts on which it rests are sufficiently accessible to the ordi- 
nary reader. From this stricture we readily except the Parian 
Chronicle^ a copy of which is given at length, together with its 
history and a selection from the best commentators; because, 
although this document is to be found in other volumes, it is 
nevertheless comparatively rare/ and is besides of the utmost value 
for illustrating the early annals of eastern Europe. We may add, 
too, that there are in several parts of these two volumes certain 
conclusions and opinions in which we do not entirely concur, and 
that there are others which appear open to misapprehension, and 
of course to uncandid inferences regarding matters of the weighti- 
est import. We allude more especially to the judgment which 
may be formed respecting the plenary inspiration of the apostles, 
in connection with the statement that those holy men expected the 
end, or, at least, an alteration in the moral and physical condition 
of the world at the close of the sixth millennium. But, on the 
whole, it is a work which we have read with much satisfaction, 
and can therefore heartily recommend to all who take an interest 
in the exactness of chronology, in the history of early opinions, in 
the origin of nations, and above all in those institutions, doctrines, 
and events, to which the religion even of the present day, now so 
much purified and enlightened, must be ultimately traced. 


^FTER the example of some learned antiquaries in London, 
Messrs. Dorow and Klaproth lately undertook, in Paris, the publi- 
cation of more than eighteen hundred Egyptian gems, cameos, 
scarabaei, and pastes, faithfully represented on thirty-six folio 
plates, under the title of Collection d'Antiquith Egj/ptiennei, 
recueillies par M, le Baron de Palin ; but this work compre- 
hends, with the inestimable collection formed by M. de Palin 
(Swedish minister at Constantinople), many highly interesting 
Egyptian antiques belonging to the cabinet of M. Passalacqua, 
including also several cameos which, although they were found in 
Egypt, appear to be of foreign origin : some probably illustrating 
the ancient Persian mythology ; others Abraxas, and a few of 
which it is difficult to speak with any certainty. The plates are 
very neatly and accurately executed at the lithographic press of 

1312 Egy^ptiau Antiqmties^ 

EugelmanD ; and . to tbem are prefixed forty pa|^t of Ofraenw- 
tians Critiques mr la Decouverte de I Alphabet Bierogfypkifm, 
faite par Af. ChampolUon^ le jeune. It it to these ** Obserra- 
tions " that we now particularly direct the attention of our Eoglisb 
reader ; since their distinguished author, the learned M. Klaproth, 
unequivocally decides in favor of £ngland the chiimf to a. literary 
honor which has for some time been enjoyed by France. 

The nature of this claim will be most clearly explained by an 
extract from the first page of the *' Observations.** ** For tome 
years/' says M. Klaproth, "much has been said respecting a ' hie- 
roglyphical alphabet ;' the discovery of which incontestably .be* 
longs to Dr. Young. In 1818> he succeeded in ascertaining the 
alphabetical value of most of the hieroglyphics that compose the 
names of Ptolemy and Berenice, The celebrated Zoega had 
already suspected that many hieroglyphical signs might be em- 
ployed alphabetically ; but the honor of having demonstrated this 
fact is due to Dr. Young. Zoega's conjecture had not made any 
impression on those who applied themselves to the study of Egyp- 
tian writing : on the contrary, they persevered in regarding the 
whole mass of hieroglyphics as ideographic or symbolic signs. 
An ingenious and accomplished French savantp M. ChanipoUion, 
the younger, endeavored, during a long time, to decipher the hiero- 
glyphics ; but that he failed does not surprise us, since be only 
trod in the steps of those who had before him devoted themselves 
to similar researches. It never once occurred to him that the 
hieroglyphics contained an alphabetical portion, as we learn from 
his own words in the essay De VEcriture Hieratique des anciens 
Egyptiens^ pubhshed at Grenoble in 1821. Having mentioned 
some (hieratic) manuscripts which had attracted the attention of 
many eminent antiquaries, M. Champollion informs us that certain 
persons finding the writing of those rolls different from the hiero- 
glyphic, considered it as the ancient Egyptian hieratic^ others as 
epistolographic or popular ; but all agreed on one important cir- 
cumstance, that the writing of this Egyptian Ms. was alphabetic 
col; that is, composed of signs serving to recall the sounds of 
the spoken language. A long course of study, however, and an 
attentive comparison of the hieroglyphical text with those of the 
second sort regarded as alphabetical^ induced M. Champollion to 
form a contrary conclusion ; and he declares as the result of his in- 
quiries, that, 1st. The writing of the Egyptian Mss.of the second sort 
is not alphabetical. 2nd. That the second system is but a simple 
modification of the hieroglyphic system, differing only in the form 
of the signs. 3rd. That the second kind of writing is the hieratic, 
of the Greek authors, and ought to be regarded as a Aterog-Z^/iAtca/ 
tachygraphy. 4th, and lastly, That the hierutic characters {and 
consequently those from which they are derived} are signs of things, 
and not signs of sounds*'* From this we must be convinced that, in 

Egyptian Antiquities. 13S 

tbe ycfiar 1821, M. Cbampollioli did net ^Mmie in the txiHtnee ^ 
alpkahetical signs among the hieroglyphics. It was in 1818 tlmt 
Dr. Young communicated his discovery to tbe learned of Europe 
In a printed memoir ; and thia formed part of the supplement to 
the Encyclopedia Britannica, in the year immediately following* 
It cannot be doubted that this discovery induced M. Champollion 
to renounce the system which he had followed during the labors 
of ten years ; he adopted the opinion of Dr. Young, and with very 
laudable zeal gave extensive development to the system which 
this learned Englishman had indicated: his researches have been 
crowned with brilliant success, and he was enabled (in 1822) to 
present the learned world with a considerable series of hierogly-^ 
phic characters employed alphabetically in writing proper names. 
The result of his labors appeared in a Lettre adressie a M. Da^* 
cier. The methodical process observed in this composition, and 
the bonne foi which pervades it, were approved by all disinterested 
persons ; and it were to be wished that M. Champollion had not de« 
parted from that system in his subsequent researches on Egyptian 
antiquities. This letter, however, only mentions en passant his 
obligations to Dr. Young, although from him he borrowed the 
first idea of what he calls Am discovery. The daily journals vet 
peated his assertions, and Europe resounded with the praises due 
to M. Champollion for his immortal discovery. The public, but 
little conversant with researches of this kind, took all on credit, 
and began to imagine that henceforth it would be as easy to read 
off the hieroglyphic characters, as to translate a Greek or Latin 
inscription. Nevertheless, M. Champollion's discovery relates only 
to a very limited number of the hieroglyphic signs ; that is, he 
only reads the proper names written with an alphabet, the system 
of which somewhat resembles that of the Semitic languages, where^ 
although the consonants of a word are written, but a few, or per-» 
haps none, of the vowels appear. 

We learn from a note, (p. 1 .) that M. Champollion's work abore^ 
mentioned, (JDeVEcriture Hieratique, &c.) containing the assertion 
which he himself afterwards contradicted, (*' that the hieroglyphic 
signs are signs of things and not of sounds ") was withdrawn by 
the author, according to report, from public circulation and from 
the hands of his friends, as far as was possible. It cannot there- 
fore be doubted, says M. Klaproth, that M. Champollion's dis^ 
coveries have been grafted on those of Dr. Young, who is fully 
entitled to the praise of having first demonstrated that tbe Egyp- 
tian hieroglyphic signs were used to express the sounds of proper 
names. To dispute the doctor's claim on this subject, would be 
as absurd as to deny the invention of powder to him who first 
mixed saltpetre with sulphur and charcoal, and to call him the 
inventor who first employed that mixture in projection. 

After some remarks, which our limits do not allow us to notice, 
M. Kleproth affirms that the discoveries of M. Champollion may 

334 Egyptian Antiquities. 

be useful in reading the names of Egyptian kings, but wiU not, pra« 
bably, ever lead even to a superficial understanding; of the Egy|rtiaQ 
inscriptions, and numerous writings on papyrus found in tombs. 
So that M . C.y when he undertakes to translate tkie roost inconsi* 
derable phrase, is obliged to invent for this purpose words which are 
not Coptic, aud which he cannot justify by any authority. In this 
manner M. Klaproth examines the Lettres au Due de Slaeas; 
tlie Pantheon Egyptien, and the PrScis du Sy»t6me Hitrth 
glyphique des Ancient Egyptitns, published at differeut times by 
M. Champollion : in all of which, according to our critic, he has 
accumulated ** conjecture on conjecture, and contradiction on con- 
tradiction." Thus the second edition of his PrSeis, partly does 
away what the first edition had given as demonstrated ; and to 
render his hypotheses more plausible, M. Champollion has been 
forced to construct a new Egyptian Mythology y which is itself 
hypothetical, and founded on " nothing." (p. 6.) The proofs of 
these and similar charges occupy the remainder of this work, to 
which we must refer the reader, who may be desirous of a minute 
examination: remarking, however, that one of the most serious 
accusations against M . Champollion is that, not content with arbi- 
trary and unauthorised interpretations, he falsified the monument 
of Abydos; a most valuable fragment of antiquity, found in 1818,* 
by Mr. W. J. Bankes, among the ruins called El-haraha by the 

Considering that as yet no person is capable of spelling more 
than three or four consecutive words in the alphabetico-demo^ 
tic characters of the Rosetta inscription, M . Klaproth expresses 
his surprise at the boldness with which M. Champollion affects to 
translate it. At Aix he persuaded M. Sallier, a gentleman who pos- 
sessed three papyrus rolls covered with demotic Egyptian charac- 
ters, that one contained the history of the campaigns of Sesostris- 
Ramses, (also called Scthos, Scthosis, or Seeosis) composed after 
the ninth year of that prince's reign, par son chantre et son 
ami. Yet it appears that these rolls were not communicated to 
M. Champollion till he was on the eve of departure, and that he 
had scarcely time to look over them. 

But We must hasten to the conclusion, wherein M. Klaproth states 
the result of his critical observations^ which in his opinion demon- 

1st. That to the late Dr. Young belongs incontestably the honor 
of having first discovered the nature of a part of the ancient 
Egyptian hieroglyphical signs ; but that M. Cbampollionxorrected 
the learned Englishman's mistakes, and considerably augmented 
bis discovery. 

2nd. That this discovery can only facilitate the reading of the 
proper names of kings and of some other personages, and of a 
pari of the auxiliary signs of discourse, while it is of no avail in 
the reading of ideographic and s3fmbohcal hieroglyphics ; and 

Oxford^ English Prize Essay, for 1829- iS5 

that M. Charopollion almost always fails in his endea^orsto ex- 
plain these last-mentioned. 

3rd. That the system of this savant does not rest i)n any fixed 
bases ; and that he changes at will the sense which he assigns 
both to the phonetic and symbolic characters. 

4th. That the imperfect knowlege of the ancient Egyptian idiom, 
which we may be able to acquire through th« medium of Coptic, 
will never suffice for ascertaininj; the sense of an hieroglyphic 
inscription, even though we should suppose it wholly written in 
phonetic letters. 

5th. That the Alteration of the Table of Ahydos^ published 
by M. Champollion, shows what degree of confidence may be 
placed in the result of his labors on Egyptian antiquities. 

6th. That there is a still less chance of obtaining an explana- 
tion of Egyptian monuments inscribed with the demotic characters, 
although the demotic part of the Rosetta inscription is in almost 
perfect preservation. 

We shall here close our account of this work, by observing that 
it is (as far as we know) the first in which the hieroglyphical signs 
of characters are printed from moveable types, cast for the purpose 
under M. Klaproth's direction: these occur in their proper places, 
ranging with the letter-press like the characters used in our common 
quotations of Greek or Hebrew passages. 


FOR 1829- 

The Power and Stability of Federative Governments. 


The infinite variety in the local and otherwise peculiar circumstances of differ- 
ent nations urged as a principal reason for the wide discreparvcies which exist 
between governments bearing a common appellation. Hence the difficulty of pro- 
nounciiig any general conclusion on their power and stability. 

The nature of confederation commented on ; and its place among constitutions 
of government. 

The argument against its capacity for power. 

An objection, which might be raised from the fact of the existence of great 
power in the United Provinces, answered by an inquiry into the sources of that 
power, showing how it was affected by the peculiarity of their constitution. 

The stability of federative governments considered, and shown to be incompa- 
tible with power. 

Examination of the principal features of the Helvetic confederacy. 

Sum of the Argument. 

Brief review of the political circumstances of the United States. 

Political Science, however founded on the experience of ages, and 
illiutrated by the highest efforts of bnmao wisdom, is nevertheless of a 
doubtful and ill-ascertained character. This defect is inherent in its 

13t^ Oxford English Prize Essays 

nU!ar9, and iafteparable from iti MilijaoiHBmtter, arUiof m wieH fhioitbo 
noceasing fluctaation in the habits and circamttancet, in the noral 
and social relations of mankind, as from the complex operatioo of ex* 
temai causes. There exists indeed but little commanity of opinioo or 
uniformity of practice beyond the circamscribed limits of those maxioa 
in politics, which are deducible by direct inference from moral tratbs$ 
for the great mass of those rules and principles, which have a more md- 
mediate influence on practice, and give to a government its tone and 
peculiar organisation, are of a description purely local ; deriving tbeir 
force from local circumstances and local interests, and therefore^ how- 
ever just, are only applicable in their full extent to the particular case. 
Hence it is, that constitutions, nominally and externally the same, 
have little or no interior resemblance, and in many instances only so 
far correspond as to justify us in referring them to one common stand- 

Closely allied to the diflScnlties of the science are those impediments 
to fair and candid investigation which exist with different degrees of 
strength in the mind of the inquirer. The voice of truth may indeed 
be heard, but is fi^r too feeble to be obeyed, unless where reason has 
been enabled to establish around her a calm and perfect silence by 
stilling the angry and unruly feelings of the human breast. The cau- 
tion against any attempt to form a comprehensive theory, so just is 
reference to all subjects which furnish but precarious grounds for rea-' 
soning, applies with peculiar force to political discussion, wbieh in-> 
volves too many questions of interest and prejudice, not to provoke 
at every step a ready appeal from the judgment to the passions. 

The boundaries, then, of this subject are vague and undefined, but 
comprise in tbeir extent a wide field beaten and explored, and familiar 
to our knowlege. There are principles of increase and decay, of weak- 
ness and energy, common to all governments whatever. Others again 
develope themselves more fully and powerfully in constitutions 
of a peculiar kind. The danger, for instance, of an undue assumption 
of power by the executive exists more or less in all governments; 
while in republics more particularly we should look for an excess of 
faction and party spirit. 

In like manner, in all federative constitutions there are many points 
of common origin, on the investigation of which we may arrive at a 
common conclusion, to be subsequently modified by an inquiry into 
the peculiar circumstances of each separate example. 

The system of federation may be partially regarded as a choice of evilSf 
a species of compromise between subjection and independence origina* 
ting in the inherent weakness of each member of the confederacy. Ad- 
vantages indeed it proposes and secures, to which a number of small and 
unconnected states could individually form no reasonable pretension, 
but which involve in their very attainment a sacrifice of free agency 
on the part of the respective members. So far it bears a close resem- 
blance to the social compact, by which every man surrenders a portion 
of his natural rights in exchange for an assurance of a more full and 
secure enjoyment of those he reserves. But at this point the parallel 
must cease. In the great system of society the objects of mutual co- 
operation are infinite in number and extent ; and we admire the pecu- 
liar beauty of an order of things, which places its ultimate end in the 
adirancement of human happiness, and furnishes ns with a means of 
attaining it, at once the only one we can imagine, and in all its parts the 

/or 1829, '■'■ 157 

iBost MimiraUy comi^te. In a £Bderal iiiiumi» oir the confrary, tbe ij 
mediate objecU of co-operation are necessarily fewer ; the means too 
for securing them are not only precarious and incomplete, but inferior 
in many principal points to others, which have bc^en devised for 
.compassing the same end, which are open to observation, and matter 
of actual experience. 

But the excellencies and deficiencies of federal constitutions must 
be examined, not so much by a comparison with those incident to other 
forms of government, as by a separate and independent process of in- 
vestigation; since it would seem a fair assumption in the outset of 
our inquiry, that, supposing it possible to consolidate any system of 
confederated states into one single and thoroughly compacted body^ 
without depriving them of any advantages, natural or acquired, which 
they had previously enjoyed, the chances of prosperity, of power, and 
stability, would be indefinitely increased. In a word, any government^ 
single and indivisible, is surely preferable to one whose tendency^ 
unless counteracted by the operation of more prevailing causes, is dis- 
union and decay. Nor is it any answer to adduce examples of confe-* 
derated states, which have attained a higher degree of glory and 
prosperity than nations possessing a consolidated government ; sincQ 
this would be omitting to notice many important elements of consider 
ration in the manners and habits, temper and situation, of the people 
thus forced into comparison, all and each of which are to the full as 
important as their form of government. That there are real advantages 
belonging more peculiarly to federative constitutions, when organised 
on just principles, is not wished to be denied : but there are also 
countervailing obstacles to the extension and durability of national 
power, which may be said to form part of the essence of federation^ 
Again, the advantages of any state or number of states may be great 
and unquestionable, and yet the government may be such as to check 
their growth and increase, and disappoint the fair promise of national 
prosperity. It will be seen that a federal government necessarily 
partakes more or less of this character; that it has, in short, a direcC 
tendency to defeat in the end the very object it was devised to pro* 

The question of government is a question of the application of means 
to an end, that end being, in general terms, the happiness and pros- 
perity of the people ; and this idea of government supposes a power 
vested in the hands of a few or more individuals for the benefit of the 
community. Now it is clear that delegated power ought in all cases 
to be equal to its object ; since it is doubtless unreasonable to makv 
men responsible for the discharge of a sacred trust, while you deny 
them all adequate means for its fulfilment and execution. It follows 
that a government, fettered and shackled in Its operations by an ill- 
timed and improper jealousy, cannot be expected to provide for the 
security, advance the prosperity, or support the independent character 
of the commonwealth. How indeed can its administration be any 
thing else than a succession of impotent and temporizing expedients ? 
How can it undertake with confidence, or execute with promptitude 
and success, any liberal or enlarged plans for the public good f 

The public good cannot from its very nature admit of precise and 
accurate definition. Nor is it possible to assign to it at any given 
moment fixed and certain limits, which it may not be expedient and 
even necessary to transgress at some luture period io order to its pre- 

138 Oxford English Prize Essay^ 

lervation. iTbose, therefore, who are intnisted with power Ibr the 
protection and advancement of national interests, mast have fiill and 
unlimited scope for the exercise of their functions. This power in a 
free government (and it is such only we are considering) is lodged in 
the legislatare, composed either entirely or in part of the representa- 
tives of the people; and he who would give a constitution to bis 
country, prescribing bounds to the legfslative authority, would, in bis 
anxiety to avoid an imaginary danger, lay the foundation of practical 
and extensive injury. The true check and safeguard against the 
usarpation of the few lies not in controlling the operations of the legis- 
lature, bat in making it responsible to pablic opinion, and in giving 
the nation frequent opportunities of marking that opinion, of testifying 
their approbation or disavowal, their rejection or support. 

The impossibility of avoiding in a federal constitation the defect 
which necessarily attaches to a limitation of the legislative authority, 
is placed in a cl^ar point of view by the practice of the United States, 
which have au unquestionable title to be regarded as the best model 
of that form of government, whether in ancient or modern times. With 
a view to balance the powers of the central and the state governments, 
and to prevent the former from overstepping its proper limits, a power 
has been there conceded to the judiciary, which has in no other instance, 
we believe, been vested in that department. Thus, if the American legis- 
lature should in the passing of any law have transgressed its legiti- 
mate bounds, the citizen, who is prosecuted for the violation of that 
law, may defend himself on the plea of its being at variance vnth the 
principles or practice of the constitution ; and, notwithstanding the act 
may have passed both houses of the legislature, and have been ratified 
by the chief magistrate in accordance with all the usual forms, should 
the supreme court of judicature find that it contravened the constitu- 
tion, it would be pronounced null and of no authority. In this man- 
ner state laws, even on matters over which congress has exclusive 
jurisdiction, have actually been abrogated. 

It does not appear necessary to consider here in what manner the 
due exercise of the several branches of legislative authority conduces 
to the vigor and stability of government ; but we may safely conclude 
on the evidence of reason and confirmation of history, that a supremacy 
ofautbority« undivided and uncontrolled in the exercise of its dele- 
gated powers, must be lodged in some quarter, and that that quarter 
can be no other than the legislature. 

In the application of this principle to the question of the power of a 
federative constitution, the inquiry naturally presents itself in two dis- 
tinct points of view. 1. Can a power of this nature, fully competent 
to its object, exist at all in a confederacy? 2. Is it in the nature of 
things to expect that confederate states will be inclined to concede 
even that full degree of power to the federal head, which is compatible 
with the principles of their constitution ? 

Now to both these questions the answer is in the negative. To sup- 
pose indeed the existence of such a power in a confederacy involves a 
contradiction of terms. A supremacy of general authority admits of 
JQO participation or interference, and is therefore jincompatible with the 
rights of sovereign and independent states. On the other hand, if we 
suppose all idea of local administration to be abandoned, and every 
power, executive, legislative, and judicial, lodged in the component 
parta of the federal head ,^ the confederacy would no longer exist in any 

for 1829. 139 

shape but In that of a mere territorial division. We may add, that 
however slight might be the inflaence of these divisions on the national 
administration, in the event of so entire a consolidation of the states, 
yet would they be quite sufficient to foster old prejudices, to give 
frequent occasion for umbrage and jealousy, ' and thus keep alive 
the embers of dissension and disunion in the very heart of the commu- 

The denial of the latter of the above questions is grounded on the 
acknowleged principles of human nature. The grand and primary 
object of an association of states under one government consists in the 
improved relations of security, of dignity, and independence, in which 
they will thereby stand to foreign nations. In the same proportion, 
therefore, as these interests come less home to the breasts of the 
greater portion of the community than such as are domestic and of 
daily recurrence, will the desire of giving efficiency and vigor to the 
power employed on them be weak and transient. In the same pro- 
portion will the citizens of each separate state repose their confidence 
in the members, and interest themselves in the measures, of their own 
government, while they are either inattentive to the concerns of the 
federal administration, or regard its conduct with jealousy and suspi- 

If again by a confederacy is meant an assemblage of independent 
states into one great state for national purposes, it follows, that all the 
powers not ceded by them severally, and delegated in express terms 
to the federal head, must continue to reside in their own respective ad- 
ministrations. These therefore being, in a peculiar manner, the guar- 
dians of local interests, and protectors against the encroachments of 
the federal head, will always possess a higher relative degree of influ- 
ence over the people of their respective states : *^ a circumstance," 
says a celebrated republican,* ^* which teaches us that there is an in- 
herent and intrinsic weakness in all federal constitutions, and that too 
much pains cannot be taken in their organization to give them all the 
force consistent and compatible with the principles of liberty." 

This division of authority involves, among many other sources of in- 
convenience and danger, the very difficult and delicate question of a 
concurrent jurisdiction. Thus, where funds are to be provided as well 
for the maintenance and purposes of the federal administration, as for 
those of the state governments, there must not only exist a necessity 
for an extreme care and prudence in regulating the collection of im- 
posts, and defining the precise province of each jurisdiction, but also 
for a degree of moderation and mutual forbearance in enforcing these 
Tegulations, which is seldom to be met with amid the eager passions 
and jarring interests of numerous societies. 

On referring to the history of confederate states, as well ancient as 
modern, we shall find ample cause for assenting to the proposition, 
which asserts the power of such governments to be in exact proportion 
to the weakness or efficiency of the federal head. The denial of su- 
preme authority to this body has in most cases been attended with fati^l 
results, inasmuch as it comprises, among various other sources of evil, 
one great radical and vital error, in the principle which assigns to the 

* Mr. Hamilton, one of the most distinguished advocates of the present coasti. 
tation of the United States. 

140 Oxford Engluh Prize Essay ^ 

national oounoli under a* federative constitatioB the pbweT 
tiog for its membem in their collective caftacities of states, bat dbne* 
them all power over the indiv\daaJs composing^ those states. Noir,aii|K» 
posing a demand to be made by this body on the members of ibeir 
confederacy for supplies of men, a demand coupled with no oooatito* 
tional authority for the actual levying of those supplies, the reqaisitioii 
will have practically the force of a mere recommend ation, and not of 
Jaw. The states, on tbeir part, will observe or disregard it at their 
option, in compliance with the dictates of local interests, or of any 
faction which may chance to prevail, and accordingly as they sbaU 
deem themselves capable or not of prescribing their own terns. For 
this state of anarchy and disobedience the sole remedy is force ; the 
sole result of such a species of coercion is commonly the aggrandise-^ 
ment of the more powerful states at the expense of their refractory 

These remarks are confirmed by observing, that wheresoever a con* ' 
federacy ha^ been partially.^ free from this error, the result has been 
favorable to its political existence. Thus the common council of the 
Lycian confederacy, which is instanced by iVloutesquieu ' as the best 
model of that form of government with which he was acquainted, was 
intrusted with a very delicate species of interference in the appoint* 
ment of the ofiicers and magistrates of the various cities composing 
the confederacy. This concession of authority justifies as in conclu-* 
ding, that a union of a very intimate nature' subsisted between these 
cities ; one indeed approaching as nearly as possible to a consolidated 

Again, in the Achaean league, which has shared with the Lycian the 
applause of political writers, the federal head possessed very ample 
powers ; while so closely drawn were tbe bonds of union, that alt the 
cities bad tbe same laws and usages,^ the same weights and measures, 
and tbe same money. Thus, when Lacedaemon was brought into 
the league by Philopoemen, the change was attended by an abolition 
of tbe laws and institutions of Lycurgus, and an adoption of those of 
the Achaeans. The natural result of this wise organization was the 
attainment of great^ power and consideration ; however little calcu- 
lated to withstand the force of internal jealousies, fostered and pro*> 
moted by the ambition and ascendancy of Rome. 

It can hardly foe necessary to instance tbe pretence of union among 
the Greeks under tbe feeble and inefficient sanction of the Amphicty- 
onlc council. They had scarcely any claim to the title of aconfederacy ; 
none certainly, if the distinction be allowed, to that of a federative 
government. The notorious vices and imperfections of tbeir union, 
with all its attendant anarchy and bloodshed, may, nevertheless, be 

' 1 We say ' partially/ because there has never been an instance (the United 
States, as we shall see hereafter, possessing a constitution of a mixed character) 
of tbe investment of sovereign power in the federal head ; and for tbe plain reason, 
that such a government would not be a confederacy, but a consolidation of states; 

s Esprit des Loix, ix. 3. 

s See tbe character given of tbe Lycians, and tbe account of their constitution, 
Strabo, 1. xiv. 

« PluUrcb, Life of Philopcemen, cb. 16. Also c. 8. and Life of Aratos, c. 9. 

> ncpl tk rphs'Axed&vs wmpdZo^os a^^ts mil avft^pSvmrts rots mff 4ifM$ Kaipo7s 
y4yw99 K. r. ^«— Polybius, ii. 37. Idem, iv. 1. 

for 1829- 141 

•iisily rofeired to the operatipn of the tame mistaken prikiciple, when 
ti^en in connexion with the impossibility of harmonizing the discord- 
ant elements of oligarchy and democracy, of popular licence and stern 
repnUieanism, both of which exercised at the same moment their an-' 
controlled influence within the narrow limits of ancient Greece. 

In more modern times, the most remarkable example of federation, 
as well from its extent as from its general influence on the affairs of 
Europe^ was the Germanic body. . This curious political fabric, which, 
it may be remarked^ bore no uniostrnctiTc analogy to the Amphicty- 
onic league, had its foundation and origin in the feudal system, which 
succeeded to the reality of imperial power enjoyed by the immediate 
descendants of Charlemagne.* We find, accordingly, that it labored 
under the feeble and confused organization of an imperfect * confedco 
mcy, engrafted on all the irices and anomalies of that system. 

Were we to judge indeed from the parade of constitutional powers 
▼ested by the Germanic union in the federal head, from the ample au- 
thority intrusted to the diet, and from the extensive influence enjoyed 
by the executive magistrate in virtue of his numerous prerogatives, 
we should arrive at no conclusion, but one favorable to the domestle 
tranquillity and power of the empire. But the facts of the case are far 
otherwise : the principle, which formed the basis of this confederacy, 
that the empire was a community of sovereigns, that the diet was a 
representation of sovereigns, and that the laws were addressed to 
sovereigns, rendered it a nerveless and unwieldy body; equally inca- 
pable of internal regulation, and of security from the pressure of ex^ 
temal danger. So far indeed was it from presenting any appearance 
of concert and unanimity, that the generality of its wars were waged 
between its own members ; nor is there any one instance throughout 
its whole history in which it can be said to have united in offering a 
steady resistance to foreign arms. 

The history of Germany is a history of wars and tumults, of foreign 
interference and foreign intrigue, of violence, rapine, and oppression, 
of refusals to comply with the decisions of the diet, and of attempts to 
enforce them either abortive, or attended with bloodshed and civil war. 
In the 16th century the emperor, with one half of the empire, was eur 
gaged against the princes and states composing tbe remainder. Again, 
previously to the peace of Westphalia, Germany was desolated by a 
war of thirty years, in which tbe emperor and part of the empire were 
opposed to Sweden, aided by many members of the confederacy. 
Peace was at length negotiated and dictated by foreign powers ; and 
the articles of it, to which foreign powers were parties, became funda- 
mental principles of tbe Germanic constitution. 

' Vers le milieu du 18* siecle, la dignity imp^riale perdit son 6clat, soit par les 
brouilleries avec la cour de Rome, soit par les abus toujours croissans da regime 
f^odal. Avec le pouvoir des empeieura la constitation de Tempire fut alter^e. 
Ce vaste 6tat digSnSra ifuemiblemeiU en une sorte du ay$iime f^deratif, et rempfr- 
reur ne fat plus, par la suite du temps, que le chelcommun et le seigneur suzerain 
des vastes etats, dont ce syst^me ^tait compost. — ^Tableau des Rivolutiohs, toU 
i. p. 173. 

' Imperfect both in 4)rinciple and practice, and faulty in the extreme fipom 
the admission of many members to a share in the confederacy, who possessed do- 
minions not iadaded under the provisions of the federal compac^ in other countiies 
of Eon^. 

142 Oxford English Prize Essay j 

Henoe it is tliat we look in vain for the power which ooffat iiatimlly 
to have followed on the organization of so extensive aconrederacy; for 
allowing the existence of great strength and abundant resources in the 
Germanic body, yet we find them seldom or never called into united 
action, from the prevalence of conflicting interests, without any ade- 
quate means of adjustment ; from the want of substantial authority in 
the diet, and the consequent necessity of referring all disputes oi 
moment to the decision of the sword. 

Now it would seem that as all questions of the power of federative 
governments may be resolved into that of the efficiency of the federal 
head, and as we have shown this to be more or less incompatible with 
the principles and feelings of all confederacies, the conclusion must 
be unfavorable to their capacity for power. 

£ut the reserve necessary in the admission of any rule in the science 
of politics, and the caution with which we must examine all the cir- 
cumstances in the history of a nation, before we pronounce its consti- 
tution to be incapable of a high degree of political power, is no where 
more strongly forced on our consideration than in the present case. 

It is quite true that in the great majority both of ancient and modem 
confederacies we have a striking picture of weakness and instability. 
There are some, however, which bear a contrary aspect; and one in 
particular, which, although in a certain degree exposed to the latter of 
these imputations, cannot certainly be taxed with a want of power.' 
It will easily be understood that allusion is here made to the United 

In order to understand in what manner the extraordinary power 
enjoyed by this nation during a great portion of the 17th century was 
afiected by the constitution of their government, we must recur to the 
origin of their political existence ; since our question is not so much, 
whether the fact of a people possessing a federal constitution is of 
itself sufficient to account for the presence or absence of power, as^ 
how far such a constitution may affect the existing causes of weakness 
or prosperity. A free government is but an epitome of the nation 
where it exists ; and the real springs of power have their source in the 
peculiar circumstances, principles, habits, and feelings of the people. 
Good government will develope and assist these in their course ; bad 
government will choke and exhaust them. 

The power of the United Provinces derived both its origin and sub- 
.sequent support from their extensive commerce ; and this, although it 
arose at an early period of their independence, and prior to the exist- 
ence of their federative government, was in after times much indebted 
to the peculiarity of their constitution. History indeed teaches us, 
that in all ages free governments have been the most favorable to com^ 
merce. Nor is the fact more evident, than the reasons and principles 
on which it might be established : but this would lead us into a digres- 
sion foreign to our purpose. 

• The federal constitution, which had for its basis the union of Utrecht 
in 1579, found in the four maritime provinces of the league,^ in those 
which have from the earliest times been the depositories of the strength 

1 We may instance also the Hanseadc league, which took its rise in the 13th 
century, and which may juslJy be considered to have given the first great impulse 
to the commerce of modero £urope. 

' Holland, Zeahmd, Friesland, Groniogen. 

. for 1829." • l^ 

and riches of the Netherlands, a people whose whole thoughts and 
feelings were centred in twq grand objects^ and these identified the 
one with the other, their independence and their commerce. The re-> 
ligious persecutions which raged in France, England, and Germany, 
during the course of the 16th century, had compelled multitudes of 
those professing Ihe reformed discipline to take shelter in the Low 
Countries, where the government had long been of a milder character, 
and the privileges of the cities inviolate. The course of these emigra- 
tions took a natural direction towards such of the provinces as held 
out the fairest prospect of success in the consolidation of their inde- 
pendence ; and thus the above-mentioned provinces became the seat 
of a redundant, but wealthy and enterprising population. The result 
in favor of commerce was powerful and immediate ; and with the 
growth of their commerce their independence may be fairly said to have 
been identified, since it was commerce alone which supplied them 
with the means of a protracted resistance to the Spanish power. Fur- 
ther still, it afibrded them so great facilities for the destruction of the 
Spanish wealth derived from her East Indian possessions,^ that the 
desire to put a stop to their further successes and depredations in that 
quarter was among the chief reasons which extorted, from Spain the 
first recognition of their independence in 1609. 

Under such circumstances it was plainly impossible for the federal 
government to close its eyes to the importance of trade, even had it 
wished to give a different direction to the current of popular feeling. 
Fortunately, however, the members of that government were them- 
selves engaged in the same pursuits with the great body of the nation* 
They were sensible how much depended on the encouragement of 
commerce; and therefore fell in entirely with its habits, and with its 
consequences on society. It is to these causes that we may in great 
measure. attribute the traits of frugality, of industry, and perseverance, 
so indelibly stamped on the character both of the administration and 
the people. 

But the operation of the federal government on commerce, although 
at first silent and secondary, became iu after-times its main spring and 
support, as will easily appear from a brief review of certain results of 
that singular constitution. 

There is perhaps no example in history which reads us a more for- 
cible lesson on the precarious nature of political wisdom, or which can 
teach us by a more striking appeal to facts, that the most faultless 
and unexceptionable theories of government are not always the best 
adapted to practice, or the best calculated to iqsure the grand objects 
of national happiness and national prosperity. A plan for a constitu- 
tion like that of the United Provinces, could hardly form any part of 
the speculations of the politician, unless he were desirous to demon- 
strate the probable consequences of so glaring a perversion of the prin- 
ciples of his science. It was indeed an edifice constructed to all ap- 
pearance of ill-assorted and heterogeneous materials; a compound of 
monarchy, aristocracy, and oligarchy; which has been dignified with 
the title of a republic, without the existence of one particle of popular 
government throughout its whole composition. 

There were in this constitution four main elements. The first and' 

' Portugal and her Indian dependencies had been subdued by Philip II, in 
1680. She did not recover her independence till 1640. 

144 Oxford English Prize Essay ^ 

must prominent was the aathority and inflaence of th6 House of 
Orang^e; the second, the federal provisions of the union; the thinly' the 
soTereig^nty of the provinces ; the fourth, the freedom of the cities. 
The direct tendency of the internal administration of the two latter 
was olig^archical ; and as these, in conjunction with the^ hereditary 
aristocracy and the princes of Orange, made up the federative ^vem- 
ment, the great majority of the people had no immediate aalhori^ 
whatever. They exercised, nevertheless, as will appear, a very consi- 
derable moral influence over the minds of those in power ; a species of 
influence at once the most salutary and the most efflcacious that can 
be exercised by the bulk of the community. 

The political condition then of this people was in many respects of 
a very anomalous description. Their libertv indeed was secure from 
the fact of the balance of power between the monarchical and olig^- 
chical principles of the constitution being placed in their hands; but 
they were destitute of all immediate authority and control over the 
affairs of the league. It is therefore at first sight matter of surprise 
that they acquiesced so willingly in this form of government. But 
there is nothing more remarkable in the history of these provinces 
than the sterling good sense and moderation of the people ; the result 
in a great measure of that slow and cautious temperament, which has 
ever marked their character, and still more perhaps of the privations 
and distress through which, during along course of years, they struggled 
to the attainment of a dear-bought independence. Profiting by this 
experience, the governors presided over the national interests in an 
equitable and impartial spirit; dealing wisely and temperately with 
the people ; without encroachment or oppression, and, if we may judge 
from the insignificance of their emoluments,^ without desire of advan- 
tage. They were well aware that the surest way both to the attain- 
ment and preservation of power lay through the medium of those 
qualities, which secure the esteem and gain the confidence of the 
people; and the use they made of this conviction was wise and salutary. 
The governed, on the other hand, beheld with content and satisfaction 
the surrender of all pretence to tyranny, and sacrificed all factious op- 
position and interference to the public benefit, which they knew to be 
identified with the vigor and stability of government 

From this account of the general workings of the constitution, it 
would appear, that although necessarily imperfect from the circum- 
scribed limits assigned to the choice of those invested with power, the 
oligarchical administration was yet free from the odious vices which 
commonly attach to that species of government, and met with a noble 
recompense in the esteem and confidence of the people. Hence it 
was enabled to adjust and harmonise discordant views and principles, 
and to preserve to the several elements of the confederacy a due pro- 
portion of constitutional authority. 

At this stage of our inquiry it will be evident in what manner the 
existence of a federative government was favorable to the commerce, 
and therefore to the power of the United Provinces. Since the influ- 
ence of the oligarchy, however sure and vf ell-founded, would have^ 

* The sahoy of the pemioiier of Holland, the most iDfluential of5cer of the state,' 
did iMit exceed 2001. per annum ; and otbeis in proportion t naval and military 
officers were rexnonerated at somewhat a highej rate. 

. ..for 1829/ . .. 145 

been little able to oppose a permanent and effectual barrier to the en«>' 
croacbments of the House of OraQge,> had it not deriveda very consider-* 
able assistance from the sovereignty of the provinces and the fVeedoni of 
the cities ; the one great security against the establishment of a mon- 
archy lay in the uncompromising and watchful jealpusy. which must 
ever subsist among the members of a confederacy ; while the force and 
spirit of this must have speedily evaporated, had they been consolidated 
into one single and undivided state. 

In order then to render the inference complete, we must show that 
under the circumstances of this country, the operation of a monarchy 
on commerce would have been the reverse of favorable. 

It is not meant to be asserted, that a free monarchy has a general 
tendency to depress commerce; much less, that any republican con-' 
fititution has advantages to offer comparable to those we enjoy under- 
a kingly government tempered with all the principles of rational liberty.- 
But wheresoever regal authority trenches upon these principles, and is 
enabled to pursue with advantage to itself a separate and distinct' 
interest from that of the community, there is great danger lest it 
should deaden, and eventually destroy the spirit and enterprise -of the: 
nation. It is not in human nature to incur labor and risk in the pur- 
suit of advantages, for the enjoyment of which it can have no perma- 
nent security ; and this appears to be the main reason why commerce 
has never reared her head under the baneful influence of des|>oti8m.' 
Consequences the same in character, though differing in degree, have- 
place in all monarchies, which are not founded on the broad basis of 
freedom, and the true principles of government. 

What then, it will be asked, were the impediments to the establish- 
ment of a frte monarchy in the United Provinces ? The answer is' 
easy. The oligarchy were in direct opposition to the investment of 
the kingly office in the House of Orange.' * Any attempt therefore on 
the part of the latter to ascend the throne must have been prefaced by 
a complete overthrow and subjection of this powerful body in the state.- 
Hegal authority pursued in •contradiction to the interests and opinions^ 
of so important a body, as it must have been acquired by violence and 
faction, so must it likewise have been sustained by force, and must 
have rested on a foundation too unstable and insecure to be enabled- 
to dispense with arbitrary power. Even on the supposition of a more 
fortunate event, and the erection of a throne attended with little or no' 
invasion of the liberties of the people, yet would the change have still 
proved detrimental to the interests of commerce ; since these would no 

— p— i— — — — ■ I • 

' The authority of their princes was imposing and extensive. They were here- 
ditary liigh admirals and captains general, and had thereby the disposal of all 
naval and military commands. They had the power of pardon ; the right of choo- 
sing the magistrates from a certain number nominated by the towns ; with various 
other privileges and prerogatives, besides an overwhelming influence derived from 
their great patrimonial revenues, lordships, and principalities. 

' William II. who died in 1650, had shown a strong disposition to arbitrary, 
power. On the minority, therefore, of his successor, the. oligarchical party seized 
the opportunity to abrogate all the public hereditary dignities of the House of 
Orange. The states and cities assumed the last nomination of their own magis- 
trates, and there remained no right of pardon, and no representation of the sove- 
reign dignity of the state. This state of things lasted twenty-two years, and 
hence the division of the confederacy into two distinct and hostile parties at the 
period of the French invasion in 1672. 

VOL. XL. 67. J/. NO. LXXIX. K 

146 Oxford English Prize Essay , 

longer iiave premrveA tbeir paramonnt inflaence oyer tlie miBda of the 
entTre ODininanity, bot have given way in great measure to other yiewa 
and occnpationg, to other objects of enterprise and ambition. Jn a 
word, the estaUishment of a monarchy would have invol? ed many conr 
seqnences directly cor indir ectJy anfavorable to commerce, 9^Q lume 
iMre effectnal thiui the introduction of feelings, habits, and pursnitp, 
subversive of those principles of parsimony and frugality, ao los^ a 
source of wealth and means of power. 

The argument then may be shortly recapitulated as follows. 

I. That the eommerce of the United Provinces formed the Tery: 
nerves and sinews of their power. 

' II. Tiiat the strong monarchical principle of the constitutiooy had it 
onoe been enabled to acquire the ascendancy, must, from the naturei 
of the oase, have assumed an absolute character, which oould not. 
have failed to prove in the highest degree prejodicisJ to commerce, 

UI. That the one effectual preventive against the acquisition of 
any such ascendancy lay in the operation of tbe federal government^ 
which is therefore to be regarded as a necessary element of their 

Now it is plain, that tbe above example, however it may exhibit an 
instance of great political power, and that power mainly dependent on. 
tbe nature of the constitution, is yet in no way sufficient to constitute 
a valid objection to the general conclusion, which asserts the prevailing 
character of federative governments to be weakness and inefficiency* 
It resulted from local and peculiar circumstances alone, that the ope* 
ration of the federal constitution was favorable to power ; and ilb 
was from these, in connexion with Uieir commerce, and the importance 
derived from their relative situation to tbe nations of Europe, that this 
people attained a height of consideration and influeoce, so dispropor- 
tionate to their population and territorial extent. Their history is re- 
markable for many reasons ; for no|one more than the'n%anner in which 
t^ very, defects of their constitution were turned to their advantage; 
ae well as for the spirit and decision with which on great emergencies 
ib»jf ^ dispensed with restrictive regulations, when a close adherence 
tp the letter of the constitution would have endangered the best 
interests of the commonwealth. 

The question of the stability of federative governments is made up 
of opposite considerations to those insisted on in the discussion of their 
power : and here we cannot fail to observe the existence of a very 
aMrked difference between the results of a federal union and those of a 
national government. In the latter, political power and internal stabi- 
lity have a mutual and beneficial operation ; while under a fedeyal 

' The States General had no constitutional authority to decide in questions oif 
jkeace and war, of foreign alliances, of raising or coining money, or of the privile- 
ges of the several members of tbe confederacy, without previously sending to 
consolt the provincial states by their respective deputies. But In concluding the 
treaties, which laid the foundation of the triple alliance in 1688, they acted in 
direct contradiction to this fundamental principle. Now it is clear that this as- 
samption of supreme authority by tbe federal head was the salvation of the state ; 
since an attention to common forms would have given time and opportunity t9 
France to defeat the proposed measures by tampering with the members of tbe 
league, any one of whom might, by the provisions ef the coostitntioB, prevent s 
great national object by a single veto. 

: for 18^. 14T 

OotetittttoB, altlioii^ it Is qmite irtie th»t stabilitj is eiaeatia] to t|if 
sdeoessfal paritiit of iH>W9r> jH is it also irue, iimi accessions of 
power have a direct ajoud ideTitabie tendency to impair the stability of 
the anion. Whether tbeo we pursue an abstract inquiry into the prin* 
uiples of lederaltsm, or look to history for the evidence of example^ 
we shall arrive by distinct paths at a common conclosion ; and the 00* 
incidence between facts and theory would seem to be plain, strikii^ 
and complete. 

The most favorable instance of a federal constitation wiU be fonn4 
in tiie onion of pure republics. Unanimity can never be expected 
from an assoeiatioa of monarchies, nor indeed from any combination of 
monarchy with the forms either of oligarchical or popular governments 
neither are the two latter more easily reooncihri^; and although the 
case of the United Provinces presents us with an illustrious exceptiusi 
in faTor of an union of oligarchies, yet in the great majority of i|i» 
stances the government of the few is of too selfish a character to assi^* 
milate and harmonise with federal principles. Good governmentj^ 
therefore, if it be attainable at all nnder a confederacy, must have for 
Its basis an association of republics. Nor is the process of negative 
reasoning the only one available to the establishment of this conclu* 
sion ; but the positive arguments in its favor are sufficiently obviousg 
to allow us to assume it as one which requires no further proof. 

Associations of states, as of individuals, are formed in pursuit of A 
definite objiect by an identity of means: their stability, therefore, is 
liable to be endangered by any change in either of these two essentialsu 
In the case of a confederacy, the one grand object is the attainment fif 
security ; and, as subordinate to tbin, we might enumerate all those 
fk)litioal advantages, whidi are inseparable from an extended sphere 
of influence, of consideration, and power. In an association of repubr 
flies, when organised on just principles, the means In order to the ao»- 
quisttion of these advantages would be a close and intimate union, m 
general community of rights and privileges, and, lastly, the delegation 
of ample and efiicient powers to tiie federal bead. It will hardly be 
OHUtter of controversy, that a union, established on such principles as 
tliese, would embrace very many requisites for good government. But 
its excellences and advantages would not be confined to a mere gun^ 
nuitee of internal prosperity and peace; bat would comprise exhaust- 
less sources of energy and greatness, to swell the stream in its onward 
course to political power. 

Montesquieu ^ treats of a confederate repoblic as an expedient for 
oxtetiding the sphere of popular government, and combining the ad- 
vantages of Qtonarchy with those of repnUicanism ; the energy of 
supreme power with the liberties of the people. This is obviously true 
of a confederacy in its most perfect form; which would allow little 
room among its salutary jealousies for the abuses of corruption, BilU 
less for any fatal barst of violence or faction, and none for the appre- 
iiension of tyranny and despotic power. And were there no adverse 
prin<jSples in the essence of such a constitution,tt would not be presump* 
tuoos to propbesy in its favor a lengthened political existence. But 
Hm very prosperity of a federal government, however excellent in its 
organisation, carries within its bosom the germ of disunion and decay. 

> Efiprit des Lois, m. 9. 

146 Oxford Eiigluh Prize Essay ^ 

Sri the extreme diflicalty of retaining for any very lengthened period- 
the unanimity of thought, and singleness of purpose, which gave the 
first impulse to the measures of the union : in the impossibility (if the 
expression be allowed) of preserving in their pristine vigor these essen* 
tials of a federal constitution, and defending them against the secret^ 
but powerful and unceasing, workings of separate and conflicting 
interests. In other words, although the great object of national 
security remain substantially the same, yet the circumstances, under 
which it is viewed by the members of the confederacy, are exposed to 
continual fluctuation ; and with them the means to its attainment, 
originally assented to and pursued by all, become a fruitful source of 
dissension and dispute. 

' Now there is nothing which has a stronger and a more direct tend- 
ency to eflect a change in the relative views and feelings of confede- 
rate states than an increase and growth of power. If indeed it were 
possible to assign to the several members of a confederacy a due pro- 
portion of the political advantages acquired by them in their collective 
capacity, and thus to preserve them in a situation similar or analogous 
to their original condition, the stability of their league would be so far 
from incurring any danger of a dissolution, as to acquire at every step 
Additional firmness and consistence. But we may leave to the e&> 
thusiast the confident expectation of so cheering a result; and turning 
our eyes from the fair, but fallacious, picture of imaginary excellence, 
compel ourselves to regard .steadily those darker shades^ which are the 
truer representatives of human action, and which harmonise so justly 
with the varied colors of historical truth. 

' We will then assume a case of confederate republics, whose several 
interests have been carefully poised and adjusted in the outset of their 
national career, and their relative share of influence assigned with im- 
partial justice. This arrangement would render imperative a great 
degree of mutual concession, and a subservience of particular interests 
to the general welfare. Now it is reasonable to suppose, that certain 
of these states will possess advantages in their situation and general 
circumstances, which will enable them to outstrip with ease their less 
fortunate associates. An augmentation of prosperity will b^et, not 
merely a pretension, but a right to an augmentation of power. Power 
once acquired has a natural tendency to a rapid increase ; and is un- 
iiappily so adverse to the due exercise of equity and moderation, that 
it is scarcely possible but that the change in the relative situation of 
the confederates, which began in justice, must end in encroachment 
and oppression. The natural result of this state of things will be com- 
binations among the weaker states for the purposes of resistance ; and 
the aid of foreign powers will be invoked to repel the threatened sub- 
jection, although it is scarcely possible that this summons can fail to 
involve a dissolution of the federal compact. 

- We have a striking exemplification of these political consequences 
in the history of the Achaean league. The feeble tie of the Amphicty- 
t>nic confederacy, over which Athens, Sparta, and Thebes had exercised 
ii successive sovereignty, was at length efiectually severed by the intro- 
duction of the Macedonian power.* A state of anarchy ensued, and all 
appearance of concert and unanimity among the states of Greece vras 

»i> II I m III ■^^■^^— ■^» J ■■ 1 , ^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

^ La Grece 6tait perdue, lor^que ooi roi de Macedon obtint uae piaco parmi lea 
Amphii tyons. — Esprit des Loix, iii. 

for 1829. 149 

ooDfined to a few inconsiderable towns of Achaia. Even this had at 
one moment disappeared beneath the potent influence of tlie arts and 
arms of Ma^edon ; but it had disappeared only to i:eviye in a shape' 
more commanding and extensive. The disinterested' iinion of a few 
Achaean towns ^ gave promise of such inestimable advantages, that 
within a short time from its formation the league embraced nearly the 
entire Peloponnesus.^ Even Athens united herself to the common 
cause, and for a second time in the history of Greece the selfishness 
of ambition gave way before a generous enthusiasm for the common 
liberty. Sparta, however, a solitary exception to these sentiments { 
Sparta, who had reigned the imperial mistress of a former league, in 
which the Achseans had made so inconsiderable a figure, beheld their 
rapid progress with jealousy and discontent. The Acbaeans, unable to 
cope single-handed with the Spartan power, invoked the aid of Mace- 
don, and were triumphant in the contest. But they had escaped one 
danger only to incur another, more fatal, because more concealed, and 
clothed in the garb of friendship and alliance. Macedon had now at- 
tained a situation whence she could securely foment the iealousies and 
discontent which had already begun to manifest themselves among the 
members of the league : nor was this a task of diflicnity. Achaia, as 
the centre of the union, had acquired by her conduct and good fortune 
a very considerable share of influence and power. The same fears, there-' 
fore, which first gave birth to the confederacy, were again revived ;' 
but their direction was changed. Many of the confederates became 
distracted between their fears of Macedon, and their jealousy of 
Achaia ; and the harmony, so necessary to the very being of the confe- 
deracy, was lost for ever. 

During this crisis the Romans had appeared on the stage of Greece. 
Home, however, was content to forego an immediate, for a future, but 
more easy and certain, conquest ; and, foreseeing the ultimate fate 
which awaited a divided people, she^ employed the intermediate time 
jn secretly undermining the few remaining props and bulwarks of 
Grecian liberty. This insidious forbearance did not long pass unre- 
warded. Opportunities speedily arose for a more direct and effectual 
interference; and Achaia, in common with the rest of Greece, sub- 
mitted to a yoke of hopeless slavery, the more galling, because attended 
with a conviction, when too late» that their own errors had mainly con- 
tributed to strengthen the hands and smooth the path of the haughty 

The objection furnished by the example of the United Provinces, which 
may seem to have combined stability with power, is easily met by an in- 
quiry into the real merits of the case. Their confederacy subsisted, it 

> In the second period of the league, about 280 B. C. 

3 The expressions of Pulyi^ius are remarkable. Tod^y Z\ fUvt^ iSoKct ^laXXdt' 
r€W rod fi^ fiias irdAcws Hiddtaiv ^'x^iv trxeHbv riiv ffifiwaarav Il€\oir6pvriffoy, r^ fxif 
rhv ainhy veplfioKov tnrdpxfiv rois ivoiKodctv oifTfiv, ii. 37. 

^ Nee aiiud adversus validissimas gentes nobis utilius quam quod in commune 
non consulunt. ' Rarus duabus tribustve civitatibus ad propulsandam coroiuune 
periculum conventus. Ita, dum singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur. — Tacitus, 
Vit. Agricolje, c. 9. 

* The history of the Olyntbian confederacy, as detailed by Mitford, c. xxxvi. 
sect. 2. will fumisb us witti another proof of the certain operation of pi'o&peuty 
and power in loosening, and finally in dissevericg, the ties -of federal union. 

150 Oxford English Prize Essay, 

Is troe, for upwards of two hundred years; but the duration 6f itii pire- 
eminence in ^wer did not embrace a sixth part of that peiio#i. The 
spirit of factifllit tofj^tber with other consequences of their brief, tfaouf^lr 
extraordinanfi earner of prosperity, exposed them in a naked and de- 
fenceless state io the ambition of France at the commencement of the 
war in 1672. Since the era of that struggle they no longer occupied 
the same high station' among the nations of Europe ; and the stabiHty 
of their union, up to the period of the French revolution, was owing to 
the interest of foreign powers in its preservation, and still more per« 
faaps to their own comparative weakness and insignificance. 
. We have seen in all the instances examined the obstacles to the per- 
tiianency of a federal union, which result from the acquisitton of power 
of a purely defensive character; we are justified then in ascribing^ no 
less certain consequences to the power of a confederacy, which may 
^ave been fortunate enough to escape the influence of Internal jear* 
lousies, and have proceeded through a long course of prosperity and 
iicbes, first to security, and then to conquest. The military talents of 
a single chiefs the devotion of his victorious soldiers, the introd action 
of standing armies, a necessary accompaniment of conquest, must in* 
Tolve consequences so directly hostile to the stability of the confede* 
racy where they exist, that it is needless to enlarge on their inevitable 

If then the acquisition of power has a certain tendency to weaken 
the ties of federal union, we should expect that a confederacy, deprived 
by natural, as well as adventitious circumstances, of all pretension to 
political power, would, for that reason, possess in a superior Itegree 
the merit of stability. This position is throughout illustrated by the 
history of Switzerland, which, prevented by concurrent causes from 
occupying a high place in the scale of nations, preserved with few va- 
riations, during the lapse of five centuries, the original constitution and 
character of her league. 

^ The revolt of the Waldstetten at the close of the 13th century ori- 
ginated in an unmixed feeling of resistance to oppression : nor can we 
reasonably imagine that any idea of national power was at that moment 
entertained by these petty communities. This observation will apply 
in a no less degree to their subsequent history ; for it is a remarkable 
fact, and one which places in a clear light the general character and 
complexion of the Helvetic league, that the same free and jealous 
people, who fiew to arms in vindication of their title to freedom In 
1298, did not claim an entire exemption from the feudal sovereignty 
of the empire, until upwards of three centuries * had elapsed from the 
date of their independence. The cantons acceded slowly to the league^ 
accordingly as they severalty felt themselves aggrieved by the Au- 
strian dominion ; and, content with having emancipated themselves 
from the yoke of servitude, seemed to pay hut little regard to the dic- 
tAtes of ambition. During the course of the I4th century, their bistorv 
is one strain of well, merited panegyric ; and the mind, wearied wTffi 
the follies and disgusted with the crimes of the rest of Europe, reposes 
with pleasure on a scene, where she can find so little to condemn ; no- 
thing at least sufficient to obscure the bright example of public and 
private virtue. 

) u €. Uatil the peace of Westphalit, A. D. 1548. 

forl829. 151 

, Happy bad it Ibeeo for S intzerland> bad abe •ontiaaed to aberish 
these pare and bealibfiU feelings ; bappy bad it been, bad ibe gatneil 
ootbiBg beyond simple liberty in ber conteiit wifb ber ^^^ent nuaAen. 
But the cravings of avarice and tbe tbirst of plaiid<^r' are inseparable 
from the pride of victory; and while tbe hardy monntaiiieisr exulted ia 
the defeat and bamiliation of the Anstriao chivalry, be pnrcbased his 
triumph at the expense of bis integrity and the stnpKcity of bis nature. 
The sudden influx of wealth into the valleys and fastnesses of tbo 
Alps wrought a melancholy change in the character of the inhabitanls. 
The peaceful occupations of the peasant and citizen were gladly 
exchanged fur the dangers and privations of the soldier; and the love 
of freedom, which had first awakened their warlike energies, degene* 
rated into an undistinguisbing tbirst for gain and desire of advantage. 

Under oironmstances too favorable for the development of tbe mili- 
tary chauraoter, the Swiss were not slow to attain a prominciit rank 
among the nations of Europe. Their situation, however, precluded 
them from exerting this means of power in their own behalf, and for 
the purposes of conquest ; and they thus became the ready agewts of 
the highest paymaster ; content to substitute for the disivterested en- 
thusiasm of the patriot and the hero, the rapacity of the hireling and 
the devotion of the slave. On the other hand, tbe comparative tran* 
quillity, which was in some measure insured to the internal relatiotMi 
of the confederacy by the constant occupation of these turbnieftt and 
licentious spirits,, was a great, but a solitary advantage. 

Such was tbe condition of Switzerland, when the dawn of the Refor* 
mation gave promise of better hopes. It produced indeed a vtry 
material change in the character and circumstances of the Swiss ; and 
its effects are chieiy visible in. tbe improved tone of moral feeling, and 
in the introduction of better habits, and a growing aversion to meree* 
nary service, as the leading features of this improvement. But in an* 
other point of view, the Reformation was unavoidably attended with 
(disastrous consequences ; and the history of Switzerland, daring the 
latter part of the 16th and tbe whole of the 17th century, is crowded 
with endless details of controversies and bloodshed ; of that vioienefe 
and those animosities, which are found so terribly to prevail, where 
religious zeal has been abused to the pmrposes of intolerance, or 
^lasumed as a passport for the unrestrained incbilgenceof evil passions. 
It was not until the commencement of tbe 18th century,, that tb« 
mutual exhaustion of the conflicting cantons put an end to a contest 
which had seemed interminable, but the tranquillity then established 
Vas founded on a secure basis; and up to the period of the French re- 
volution, Switzerland enjoyed an uninterrupted course of pvoaperitj and 

. From thb brief and very imperfect sketch of the history of the HeK- 
v^tic league, it is clear, that the stabUtty of tbe confederacy daring frre 
.ceBtucies can in no wise be imputed to the absence of motives to dis- 
tinloa among the cantons, or to their freedom from intestine divisions 
and social war. The annals of few nations are more deeply tinged 
with blood ; few, like Switzerland, can present to us in tbe same pa^e 
the evidences of the most determined hostility, and the semblance of 
vniott. But these apparent anomalies are easily reconciled, by a slight 
.consideration of the nature of her league, of its original purpose, aad 
subsequent operation. 

152 Oxford English Prize Essay ^ 

FirAttheri, from the earliest ages > down to our own tinics^ the UnioD 
between the various tribes or communities occupying the extent of 
modern Switzerland has been restricted to the simple principle of 
matual defence. At no period does the federal constitution appear to 
have comprised any thing of importance beyond a general guarantee 
of independence, and a right of arbitration in disputes between the 
members of the league, vested by the constitution in the neutral can- 
tons. But we find no 'marks or traces of common sovereignty, no 
common treasury, no common troops, even in time of war, no common 
coin, or courts of jadicature. 

The second peculiarity, which resulted immediately from the fore* 
going, was the- extreme feebleness, and singularly ill-defined charac- 
ter, of the ties of federal association. Indeed, since the era of the 
Reformation, this confederacy existed rather as a consequence of geo- 
graphical position than of political combination. Before that period^ 
their common interest, their military glory, together with the pressure 
of a neighboring and hostile empire, preserved them in a state of union; 
of which they had too recently experienced the unmixed benefit, to be 
disposed to question its utility and advantage. 

Now it is precisely to this feebleness and inefficiency of the federal 
ties, that we are to look for the main cause of the permanence of the 
league. An association, which imposed on its members no perceptible 
restraint,' which called on them for no sacrifices, and made no demands 
on their individual interests, which might, we may almost say,® be 
entered into at pleasure, and at pleasure relinquished, was surely well 
calculated to survive under circumstances, which must have proved 
fatal to any system of federation constructed on better ascertained 
principles, and possessing a vested right to interpret and assert the 
provisions of its constitution. 

. It would be unjust to Switzerland to omit in this place all notice of 
the remarkable excellence of her internal government. The absence 
of power, and the division of the country into petty communities, 
appear to have exercised a very beneficial influence on the various 
forms of administration which are found to have prevailed among the 
members of the league.^ The Swiss unquestionably enjoyed during 
far the greater part of the 18th century, a very high degree of happi- 
ness and prosperity. Their simplicity and singleness of character; 

1 We learn from Cssar, that ancient Helvetia was divided into four communi- 
ties called < Pagi/ between whom there sabsisted a defensive alliance, but no 
other sign of a federal onion.' 

^ For instance, the articles of confederation forbade the conclading of any 
foreign alliance without the consent of the diet ; but, after the Reformation, we 
£nd Berne at the head of the Protestant interest in treaty with the United Tto- 
vinces ; and Lucerne as the head of the Catholic interest, in treaty with France. 

3 We find Berne refusing to take any part in the war against Leopold of Austria^ 
in which was fought the battle of Sempach ; but this contempt of federal principles 
seems to have caused little surprise, and to have given birth to qo hints at a sepa- 

^ We should perhaps confine this praise chiefly to the aristocratical cantons ; 
for it cannot be denied, that in those possessing a democratical form of govern- 
liaent; the administration of justice was extremely corrupt. This is perhaps attri- 
butable in some measure to their uniform practice of compounding for offences by 
a fine, which speedily confounds together the ideas of private gain and pubhc 

for\m: ■■'■'■■ ws 

Ibeir dispcxsHion, hold and uncompromiiting, yet peaceable and indtis- 
trious; their steady neutrality amid all the wars of conflicting Europe; 
are worthy objects of contemplation to the moralist, ami of panejB^yrie 
to the historian. The praises indeed, they so fully merit, have ue^er 
been denied them, but ratified by the concurrent testimony of all 
nations ; and, to select an evidence of hi^h authority, we find it de- 
clared by Burke, ** that he bad beheld throu|^hout Switzerland, and 
above all in the canton of Berne, a people at once the happiest and the 
best governed on earth." 

Tasum up the argument. Tt would seem that the advantages of 
federation are more than counterbalanced by its defects. The former 
indeed are calculated to promote good internal government; but as 
this is not the great object of a federal union, so neither can it be much 
insisted on as a peculiar benefit. On the other hand, in the pursuit of 
political power, which is the ultimate object of the association, the 
defects come immediately into play, and their tendency is not mor^ 
uniform and certain, than it is powerful and destructive. Now it is 
true, that these last could certainly have no place in a perfjpct confede* 
racy, which would therefore rank very high among systems of govern^ 
ment. * But political and moral perfection are equally janattairiable; 
and human nature must indeed change, before a regard for remote 
and widely-difinsed interests can be reasonably expected to stifle the 
'voice of passion, of prejudices, and local feeling. Men, either in their 
private capacities, or as members of a community, are chiefly swayed 
by motives, which have the closest and most immediate connexion 
•with their own advantage : and although in the majority of cases the 
interests of the confederate members and those of th^ collective body 
will coincide, it is, nevertheless, certain, that opportunjfies will fre- 
quently arise to give grounds for a real or imaginary opposition and 
hostility between them. Hence will result a division of ajithority, and 
a denial of supremacy to the federal head, which, howevei^it may differ 
in degree under difierent circumstances, cannot fail to prpve injurious, 
not merely to the increase, but even to the preservation, of political 

On the other hand, should the good fortune, the condupt, or the pe- 
culiar advantages of any ctmfederacy have been sufficient to counteract 
the evil influences of a partial and inefficient union, the growth of 
power will be vigorous and rapid, but its decay will be rap^ also. Jtn 
maturity will give birth to jealousies and faction, to oppression and re- 
sistance; and from the moment when these principles apsume a de- 
cided shape, from that moment will national power cea^e, and the 
spectacle of a mighty and united people give place to one of petty and 
conflicting states. The stability therefore of confederacies, bowever it 
may subsist entire and unimpaired in the absence of all means of ag- 
grandisement, may be pronounced to be incompatible with the posses- 
sion of power. 

' We turn our eyes as well from the examples of antiquity, as from 
those of more recent ages, to the great political phenomenon of our 
own times. It has been reserved for America to call into renewed 
existence a form of government, which, among the multiplied parallels 
of history, has scarcely one to command our unmixed approval, or 
challenge our unqualified applause. But it would be a most uncandid 
perversion of the troth, were we to extend to the confederacy of the 

354 Oxford Englkb Prize Esu^f 

wMtern bfimisphere tbnse oensiirety whioh are in difereiil d^givea af* 
plicable to the federal systems of the old world. 

In premising^, that the oonstitution of the United States differs most 
essentially from that of aoj ancient or modern confederacy, we shall at 
once perceive, that any judgment respectini; its future prospects must 
be attended with groat and peculiar difBculties. We shall peroeive, 
that we possess no standard of reference; no examples, by which to 
try the validity of our conclusions ; no analogous cases, to which we 
may turn for illustration or authority. Their government is a new crea- 
tion in politics, and must be tried solely and singly on its own merits. 
But the experience of less than half a century/ replete as it is with 
matter for reflection, for admiration, and for hope, is far too scaiBtj to 
Allow us to appeal with confidence to its results, or to regard them as 
•ven tolerably certain indications of what is yet to come. 

It, is a presumption indeed prior to all positive argument in favor of 
the American union, that it has avoided the glaring errors of former 
confederacies. The free and enlightened framers of the eonstitntion of 
1787 appear to have studied the models of antiquity in the true spirit 
4>f political wisdom. Uniting their own experience of the manifold 
and incurable evils of a partial union to the lessons of bistoryythey 
directed their whole energies to the establishment of a permanent and 
effective government. They considered, that if the associatioQ of thfi 
states were at all an object, it was clearly one of the most vital and 
paramount importance :, that in all questions, therefore, of co*existing 
powers, the first point was to settle the national authority on a secure 
basis, by placing in its hands every thing which could be conceded 
consistently with the preservation of the independence of the states^ 
With this principle for their guide, they proceeded with deliberate 
caution and consummate sagacity to blend together and a<]^ust an im- 
mense mass of complicated and partly conflicting interests. The resntt 
of their patriotic labors was that constitution, which, if they never ooo- 
jodered it as perfect, as indeed may easily be gathered from their 
speeches and recorded opinions, was still unquestionably the best thai 
the views and circumstances of the country would permit ; and few 
wen, we should conceive, however they may doubt its nltimate siieecss, 
can refuse to it the tribute of admiration and reject. 

We cannot attempt to offer in this place any detailed ssccount of the 
provisions of this famous constitution; but must content ourselves 
.with observing, that it partakes largely of the ruUiouml as well as cf the 
federative character. A government purely federal, would base no 
vested power of control over the individual citizens of the several 
states composing the confederacy, but simply over the legislatures- of 
those states. Now an adherence to this principle is clearly ineompi^ 
tible with a due regard for effective government ; and the Amerioan 
.aiDted with temperance and true wisdom, in abswdoning an unprofitable 
independence for the real and tangible advantages of national union* . 

Again, it is hardly necessary to eaiploy discussion to prove the ex- 
istence of politicai power in the United States. If we look around 
Ihe world, where shall we find a people who have made within, the 
same period the sanse advances in aU the essentials of national greair 

^ i e. Fjomthe date of the ^essat constitutiQSLrin 17^7, ... 

for 1899^ la* 

Hen «iid Btttkniil -proaperity! AM altboogk we mnt is hhmeam 
Bsaign a large portion of what is enjoyed by Uieai aa a nation^ to the 
century which elapsed prior to the date of their independenoe, when, to 
nse the words of Bnrke, ^ a free and generoas nature was left to take 
its own course to perfectiofn/' there will stiH remain a vast aggregate 
of national advantages, which can only be referred to their lorni of go- 
▼emment, to its admirable adaptation to the spirit of enterprise and 
the ioTc of freedom. 

It would evince a high degree of presumption in the writer of these 
pages, if with his very limited acquaintance with the social and poli<» 
ticai circumstances of the United States, he were to offer any positive 
opinion on the probable fortunes of that great confederacy, fiut there 
ere certain considerations, arising immediately from the nature of the 
case, which indeed can have escaped no one, who has at all interested- 
himself in the history of America ; but which appear too important to 
pass unnoticed, since they relate to principles, on which the perma* 
nence of the existing union would seem mainly to depend. 

The old confederation, under which the United States' bad achieved 
their independence, ceased naturally with the conjunctures of the revo* 
Intion, which had first called it into existence. It was not, it is trney 
annulled by any formal act ; but its insufficiency to answer any good 
end in time of peace had become so manifest, that no altematif e re- 
mained, but a dissolution of the confederacy on the one hand, or a 
union constructed on entirely new principles on the other. It wan 
fortunate for America, that the sound views and enlightened patriotisas 
of the friends of union prevailed over the selfish ambition of meuy 
who would fain have reared the edifice of their own power on the ruins 
of the confederacy. 

The constitution then of 1787 commenced its career under the 
happiest auspices. The circumstances of the country and the people 
were all favorable to a repnbKoan form of government, and the conso~ 
fidation of civil and religious liberty* But the extreme difficulty of 
proriding for an ever varying and increasing country a permanent and 
settled government, could not escape the statesmen of America. They 
were well aware, that the peculiar ad?antage at that time enjoyed by 
their republic in the absence of an impoverished and idle population, 
could not in the nature of things continue, for any very lengthened 
period, the same and unimpaired : and allboogh the facilities for ol>- 
taining subsistence, and many of the comforts of life, have as yet pre- 
vented any very serious evil from the rapid increase of the population^ 
coupled with the extended principle of the elective firanchbe, it is im- 
possible not to foresee, that sooner w later the time must come, when 
the antidote will cease to operate, and the poison begin to work; when 
the republican constitution, founded on the basis of equal representa- 
tion, will degenerate into the turbulent and ungovernable lioentioos- 
ness of a wild democracy. It will then remain to be seen how far the 
popular election of the chief magistrate is compatible with the internal 
quiet and stability of the union. Even at the present day these elec- 
Uom give occasion for a display of faction and party4iostility, which 
in any country of Europe possessing a more condensed population and 
a standing army, would inevitably terminate in a civil war. In Ame- 
rica the spirit evaporates and dies away, owing to the absence of these 
motives to excitenMnt. 

The distinction between the manoiacturing and commercial 

1^ Oxford English Prize Essay, for 1829- 

interests, sblon^as a due mean a^d 'Equitable proportion is presemsd^ 
in their adjustment, HFonld rather tend to unite more closely the mem* 
bers of the confederacy, than permit any adequate reasons for a sepao* 
ration. But if the spirit of lej^islation, which prescribed the adoption 
of the tariff of 1824, continue to exert its influence, the groondwork 
will be laid for substantial differences between. the states; and these' 
again, promoted, as they cannot fail to be, by geographical (or in the 
language of America, by territorial) distinctions, may pave the way for 
a premature dissolution of the confederacy. This unwise measure has 
excited, especially among the southern states, an extreme <1ogree of 
dissatisfaction. Hints at further and more important consequences 
have been loud and frequent ; and the wound must indeed have sunk 
deep into the vitals of the constitution, when we find one of the most 
distinguished advocates* of the existing union declaring,**' that a disso-^ 
lution of the confederacy would be a preferable alternative to the en- 
durance of 6vils, which must spring from this odious act of the federal 

There is yet another danger arising from the rapid acquisition of 
new territory, and the consequent accumulation of local interests. 
These are every day increasing ; and it cannot be denied, that there is 
a prospect of their becoming too numerous and too widely diffused to 
admit of regulation by one central congress. It is important also to 
bear in mind, that the final decision of any question, which may involve 
the stability of the confederacy, must almost entirely depend on the 
light in which a national union is regarded by the several states as a 
source of domestic benefits, and a means of promoting and securing 
their internal prosperity. External pressure there can be none ; for 
they are happily placed in circumstances, in which, even supposing 
them dissevered into two or more confederacies, they may bid defiance 
to foreign arms ; and thus it is, that the strongest inducement ti> the 
preservation of a federal union, that of mutual defence, so far from 
oeing constantly present to the mind of the American, is in danger of 
being overlooked or disregarded in the eager pursuit of local interesta. 
There is indeed room for apprehension, lest their security at home 
should prompt them to an undue interference in the affairs of £urope« 
But if there b^ any one line of policy which is clearl}' marked out for 
the United States, it is unquestionably that of peace. Should it be 
their ill fortune or ill conduct to plunge themselves into a protracted 
war, the high wages of labor would necessarily render the expense of 
an extensive naval and military establishment very great; while the 
antipathy to taxes would beget a still more alarming difficulty in de- 
fraying that expense. It is a disadvantage also, which is inseparable 
from the constitution of a federal government, that, as it possesses no 
strong hold on the affections of the people, the slightest disaster is 
sufficient to insure its unpopularity, and give the signal for its over- 

- The causes, however, which may create hostility between the people 
of the United States and the nations, of continental Europe, are too 
Mmote to excite apprehension, and can hardly indeed be said to pos- 
sess any separate existence. On one fair land alone, which the voice 
of nature and of interest unite in declaring the fitting object of friend- 
ship and alliance, the western horizon at times appears to Jower witb 

> Mr. Jefferson. Vide Edinburgh Review, 'No. XCVLpp. 488,489. 

Nugd. J 5? 

tfi«' signs of tempest Bot^^ while wefear iia ooltseqitenbes in tbede* 
^ence or assertion ofonrright8,we acknowiege with g^ratitiide and bop^ 
that there exist but few and decreasing* indications of an approaching 
storm. £ngland and America are both too wise, and one* at least 
swayed by councils too moderate, to allow the prosecotion of a spirit 
of rivalry and petty jealousies to disturb the harmony of the Christian 
world. Let us not indulge in gloomy anticipations, or torment our- 
selves with imagining the possible occurrence of more serious causes 
for offence. England may justly be proud of her child; America may 
regard her parent with affection and respect: both may concur in dis- 
playing to the world the power of enterprise and active industry; the 
inestimable benefits of popular representation in government, of equal 
and impartial laws : both may diffuse over either hemisphere, and, if 
united, with tenfold power, the light of civilization and the blessings of 




No. XXV.— {Continued from No. LXXVIIL] 

Remains of Sai^choniatho. 

jTiie learned Athanasius Kircber, iil his treatise on' the '^Obe«^ 
iiscus' Pamphiiius," mentions no . less than three collections of 
Mss. amongst which remains of the lost work of Sanchoniatho 
were extant in bis time. One of these remains, wbicb .was in bis 
'own possession, was written in the Phoenician or Syriac dialects 
Kircher's words, {Obelise, PamphiL p. 1 1 1 .) as they are curious^ 
and the work not very common, 1 have transcribed. After 
having cited several Greek writers concerning the Phoenician 
historian, he proceeds : — 

Hucusque Porphyrins. Scripsit autem hie Sanchnniathon, teste 
Phiione Biblio, libros sequentes : Historiam Phoenicum, in qua de en- 
gine mundi, de principiis rerum naturalium, de theologia Phoenicam 
et jEgyptiornm, de mlrabilibus Taauti sive Mercurii, de inventis 
ah eo in mundi bonum prolatis, de sacrarum institutione sculptura- 
rum, de Deorum cultu : ex quibus ad nos non nisi pauca quaedam 
^agmenta, quorum nonnulla in bibliotheca Magni Ducis Hetrurias 
superesse non ita pridem intellexi, adhuc pervenerunt. Est et apud 
me fragmentum non nisi paucorum foliorum hujus auctoris, lingua 
Aramaea, hoc est, Phoenicia lingua, cum Chaldaica et Syriaca Hsre 
eadem, conscriptum, vel potiusex Phiione Biblio in Aramaeam linguam 
traductum : tractat de institntis iEgyptionim, et Mercui'ii potissimnm 
mysteria attingit ; in quo tanien nihil adeo singulare occnrrit, quod 
jaih alii auctbres non tradiderint. Acceperat vero hoc fragmentum 

158 NugA 

•ttioorraid ladmlria «x InbllotlMair IHniiMM^ ynSgo SMm^ Mt 
Oiiente celebdrrima, nragiiifs vir, Nioolaiii Peresftit, ocjoi et e<>piMl 
mibi RowMn^ anno 1687, pro ano «ipibonanim literaraai |m>iiiotioMiV 
selo, ultimo Tidelicelaofio vit» suae, transmittere volaitiBterpretandtMai; 
ex quo Donnalla in sequentibni depromanos. Yoeator autofli a Sym 
bic aiictor SaDcbnniotho — j/i^ j^v»<^vim . qaod idem in dicta dialBcfo 

ai^nifioat, ncfulciwU me portenta, Retnlit mibi celeberrimas irir, Leo 
Allatinsy tiiisse hnjuB Philonis Blblii Sanebuniatbonem non ita pridem 
deprebensum in quadam Romae vicini monaateril bibliotbeca ; qnem 
€11 oi doctornm viroram commelidatio, ardentissimnmqae desfderioon 
pretiosiorem feciss^nt qtiam imper iti ejns posaessores prios aibi per- 
aaaserant, furto intempestive aubreptum, ita ex dicta bibliotbeca era* 
nalsse, ut in buno diem omne summa cura et aTiditate eum inquifeD* 
tium stadium elayerit. 

In page 403 of the same work Kircher has given us ah extract 
from the Ms. Sanchoniatho which he possessed: he compares 
it with a passage from the Arabian philosopher Abenephius : — 

Habemns itaque triplicem divinitatis formam in uno ^i-Kvir\o-irre- 
pofi6p<f>(p symbolo exhibitam, boc est, unum Numen triplici Tirtute ex- 
positum. Quod dictis symbolis adunibratum expressissimis verbis os- 
tendit Abenephius lib. de Religione iEgyptiorum : — 

ji£ *iH **uIaJJ ^ tiP«Nty^ »^i'«Jj' la*^^ «i^ 

Hoc est: Cum vellent indicare tres divinas virttUes seu praprietatet, 
scribebant tirculum, ex quo serpens egrediebatur ; per figvram eimUi sig» 
nificantes natwram Dei tncomprehensibikm, inseparabUemf tetemam, ommit 
prineipii et finis expertem; per figuram serpentisy virtutem Dei creairieem 
omnticm ; per figuram alarum duarum, vrrttUem Dei motu, mnnium^ qwA 
in fmmdo sunAy vivifieatrieem. Quibus verbis quid clarius diei poasi^iioil 
▼ideo. His totidem fere verbis astipulatnr Sanchunratonis fragmentma 
de Religione Pboenicum antiqua Chaldaica sen Pboenicia lingua eoa* 
aeriptum: — 

OCA ]; ■nfip] -I^cuf ]y\ oulo jAuj^iiO] ]^*sx0] . ooi cool 

Adversaria JAteraria. ISQ 

Jvppiiec qf^mrm M mktiAp.^fgt.eamrodmeiim', serpens: nrtuhu dhnnam 
naiiar^m ostendit shewineipioetfitA; terpens astendit verbum ^us quod 
n^mdiitm animat et fisewuia; ejus ala q^ritus Dei^ gut mmndummotu 

T. W. 



Classical Criticism* 

Absentem qai rodit amicum ; 
Qai non defendit, alio culpante ; solatos 
Qai captat risus hominum, famamque dicacis ; 
Fio^ere.qui Don visa potest; commissa tacere 
Qui nequit ; bic niger est ; hunc tu, Romane, caveto. 

Hor. lib. i. sat. iv. 81. 

Will you permit me to offer a few words in reply to a very 
extraordinary question which occurs at p» 33^ of your last 
Journal ? 

The learned author of the article On die Mysteries of Eleusis 
commences his paper in the following manner : ^* A learned 
Platonist of our own time, Mr. T. Taylor, in a Dissertation on 
the £leusinian Mysteries, has attempted to prove that they 
were intended to teach allegorically the Platonic philosophy. 
Fray, does Mr. T* suppose that they originated among the 
Platonists ?" 

Pray, does the writer consider himself a wit or Mr. Taylor a 
fool i If he had given himself the trouble to peruse either Mr« 
Taylor's Dissertation, or the Introduction to his Translation of 
the Hymns of Orpheus, he would have found it most satisfac- 
torily demonstrated that the Orphic, Pythagoric, and Platonic 
philosophy was one and the same ; that by Orpheus it was pro- 
mulgated mystically and symbolically ; by Pythagoras enigma- 
tically, and through images; and by the '^ mighty, magnifi- 
cent, and immortal philosopher of Athens/' scientiiically. That 
the Grecian theology was derived from Orpheus is clearly 
established by lamblichus in his Life of Pythagoras, and Pro* 
cfus in his Commentaries on the Timseus. Before your corre- 
spondent again attacks a statement supported by such irrefra- 
gable testimony, I beg to remind him of an excellent and 
iippropriate passage in Quintilian : '^ Modeste tamen et cir- 

1.60 Adversaria Literaria. 

cumspecto jiidicio de tantis viris pronunciaDdum est^ ne^ quod 
plerisque accidit^ damnent quaB non intelligunt.'' 

I take this opportunity to apprise those of my readers who 
niaj! not possess Mr. Taylor's original Dissertation, 'that a 
second and enlarged edition was given in Nos. 15 and 16 of 
the Pamphleteer ; and also to assure them that by the aid of 
this elaborate and masterly treatise, they uill be enabled to form 
a more correct idea of the true, end and design of these far- 
famed mysteries than they could possibly hope to derive from 
any other source. I have only to add, that Mr. Taylor's lumi- 
nous interpretation is supported and corroborated by very 
copious extracts from rare and valuable Platonic manuscripts. 

It appears, however, that this feeble attempt to cast a slur on 
Mr. Taylor's invaluable labors, is merely to pave the way for 
the writer's own explication of the mysteries^ and which is by 
far the strangest part of the whole affair. 

J- J. rv. 


Errabundus, Amor vere versatilis oram 
Armo fit ii|mo, fit mora Roma Maro. 

iv, P. J^ 



■ ■ 

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Literary Intelligence. 161 

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62 Literary Intelligence. 

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3. Ordonnances des Rois de France de la troisi^rae race, reoneillies 

F^ar ordre chronologique. xvni® vol. par M. le Marquis de Pastoret. 
M. Raynonard.] 

4. Cours de Culture et de Naturalisation des V6getaux, par Andr6 
Thouin. [M. Tessier.J 

5. Histoire des Gaulois, depuis les temps les plus recul6s jusqu*^ 
r enti^re soumissinn de la Gaule k la domination Romaine, par M. 
Amed6e Thierry. [2nd Art. de M. Daunou.] 

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[M. Abel-Remusat.] 

164 Advertisement. 

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On the Etymology and Formation of certain Classes of 

Latin Words ••••• »- ..••••• l6d 

* Des Peuples du Caiicase et des Pays au Nord de la Mer 
Noire et de la Mer Caspienne dans le dixi^me Si^cle ; 
ou Voyage d'Abou-el-Cassim. Par M, D'Ohsson' i68 

Bekker's Aristotle •••• • 176 

Classical and Philological Extracts from Dr.JoHN stone's 

LifeofPARR • • •••» 241 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis •••••• 263 

Professor Lee's Answer to some Articles which appeared 
in the Journal des Savans^ relative to his Hebrew 
Grammar ..•••^» ••••••• .^.c .... t^.. 307 

The Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo 327 

Extracts from some of the lost Works of Aristotle, Xe- 
nocrates^ and Theophrastus •••••..•.•.........•.. 332 

Adversaria Literaria^ No. l. — Coincidence between a 
Chinese author and Hesiod — ^The Earth cavernous • • . • 335 

Archaeological Institute of Rome • • • • ••♦•..•.... 337 



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Examioation Questions, and Indexes' •••••••••••»••• 343 

Westminster Prologue and Epilogue, for 1829. • • • 348 

Literary Intelligence ••..•••••• ..••• • 353 

Correspondence ••••• 356 

An Index to all the various Articles contained in the Clas- 
sical Journal from No. 1 to 80 • • • • 359 


The Pupil's Metrical Companion to Homer; by H. W. 

Williams ••••••••••••••••••••• £88 




DECEMBER, 1829. 

On the Etymology and Formation of certain Classes 

of Latin Words. 

Len N EP says, in his ** Etymologicutn Linguae Grscas/' that the 
Latin wordsVolumnus and Vertumnus are regular participles pre- 
sent passive, formed after the Greek model, and contracted by a 
familiar syncope from Volumenus, and Vertumenus. The Rev. 
F. Valpy, Master of Reading School, in a late and useful publi- 
cation, ** An Etymological Dictionary of the Latin Language,**^ 
represents Alumnus to be formed in the same manner from Alo- 
menus or Alumenus. It is my intention to carry this observation 
much further^ and to show not only that the participle present 
passive exists as universally in Latin as in Greek, but that it 
exercises a still more extensive office. I conceive, therefore, 
that the participle passive in dus, is the same as the participle 
ending, as above, in menus, syncopated as to the first syllable in 
me-nus, and intercalating after the n in the second syllable a d, 
as in avipos from avvip, intendo from rsheo, and in the French 
Vendredi from Veneris-dies. Thus from pugnamenus is formed 
pugnandus ; from monemenus, monendus ; from geromenus, or 
gerumenus, gerundus and gerendus ; from sequomenus, sequen- 
dus, and secundus. The broader termination of undus gave 
way to the more easy sound of endiLS, and was chiefly retained 
in Eundum, in some law terms ; as, de Repetundis, de famili^ 
Herciscundft^and in the grammatical term Gerundus. 1 would 
suggest too, that iracundus, rubicundus, jucundus, verecundus, 

' One vol. 8vo. Price Ids. 6d. Longman. 

VOL- XL. a. Jl. NO. LXXX. M— P 


166 On the Etymology of 

and facundus, are abbreviations for irascundus, rubescundus, 
juvescunduSy verescundus, and fascundus, from irascor, rubesco^ 
and the obsolete words, juvasco, verescor, and fascor, fio'xco. 

In Latin this participle perforins another very distinguished 
office, and becomes a verbal substantive, having three cases in 
di, do, and dum, under the name of a gerund. In this foriR, as a 
gerund, it becomes so much a noun substantive, that it loses its 
character of being exclusively a passive participle, and is under- 
stood either in an active or passive sense, as best suits the 

This participle is frequently used impersonally ; and then it 
has a sense which it is difficult to account for, namely, a sense 
of necessity, duty, and futurity. Thus, ' Nunc est bibendum' is 
not only nunc bibimus, but also nunc bibemus, and nunc opor-< 
tet bibere. Perhaps what is done and is doing may be some 
proof that it ought to be done, or should be done ; and so the 
present may suggest and be connected with the future. Causa 
latet, vis est notissima. 

The Greeks have a participle or verbal adjective in reoif, 
which supplies the place of the Latin impersonal gerund. 
This participle seems formed from the third person singu- 
lar of the perfect passive, by rejecting the reduplication 
and augment and by changing ai into the adjective termi- 
nation, 60$ ivj 80V. Thus from Teiegairevrai, degavEvriov ; from 
^KotxTToti, axovirriov. The verbs, however, that have this partici* 
pie, are not very numerous. I believe, likewise, that not a 
single example occurs of any such participle in Homer, Hesiod, 
or Pindar. Are we to conclude from this, that in their age 
this participle did not exist, or that it was rejected by them as 
a prosaic form unsuited to the grandeur of epic and lyriq 
poetry f On the other hand, these participles have been ad- 
mitted into the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides. 

To return to the original form of this participle in menus, I 
would observe, that a very large family of substantives are der 
rived from the neuter of this participle, namely, all those having 
the termination of mentum, the t being intercalated after the Vi, 
for the sake of euphony, as in linteus from Afvov. Thus from 
alumenus have been formed, by different processes, alumenus, 
alendus, and alimentum. The final turn has been retrenched froui 
many words, as in lenimen, levamen, agmen, carmen^ tegumen, 
volumen, 8cc., to the great ease and advantage of the poets. 

In the middle ages many substantives, which never had any 
connexion with participles, received this termination, as par- 
lamentum, torneamentnm ; and in compliance with this usage, 
and in imitation of the French, we have formed many substan- 

certain Classes of Latin Words. 167 

tived in our own language^ such as^ settlement, acknowlegemetttf 
&c.^ being Saxon words wiih a foreign termination. In this 
way, if we have defiled a little the well of pure English, we 
have, on the other hand, enriched our language by giving to 
the terminations of its substantives a greater variety. In lapse 
of time the original import of this termination has been so far 
forgotten, that m the three great modern dialects of the ancient 
Latin/ in French, in Spanish, and in Italian, this termination 
is applied as an adverbial termination in the most extensive 
manner, as in heureusement, felicemente, premi^rement, premi- 
eramente, &c. It is observable, that however prevalent these 
adverbs are in French, we have not ingrafted this form into our 
language. In adverbs, although the words are French, we give 
them a Saxon termination, as courteously, cavaliecly. 

Having considered the participle in dus, I will now notice 
some irregularities in the participle of the preter tense. It is 
evident, that out of this participle two classes of substantives 
have been formed ; one masculine, in us, as visus, casus; and the 
other neuter, in um, as delictum , debitum. 

As from Tesoro the French have formed Tr6sor, so r seems 
to have been added sometimes after the t in the last syllable of 
these participles, in order to produce a fuller sound. Thus we 
ifind spectrum f tonitru, for spectum, tonitnm. In other words the 
t is changed into ch, as in simulachrum, fulchrum, sepulehrum. 
As hausi makes haustum, so rosi, clausi and rasi, make per- 
haps rostum, claustum, and rastnm ; and hence rostrum, 
claustrum, and rostrum. The insertion of the s before the t is 
not easily to be accounted for in the following words, capistrum, 
(capitum); monstrum (monetum); lustrum (luituni); castrum 
(quadratum) ; unless it be on the principle of association with 
the preceding. We have, however, in our own language some- 
thing similar, as, for the mere sake, it should seem, of enrich- 
ing and strengthening the termination, we say trickster, ^ame^ 
ster, and mist er^ for tticker, gamer, and Mi-sir (Monsieur); 
upholster, and even upholsterer, for upholder ; and formerly 
we said baxter, and brewster, for baker and brewer. 

Liastly, 1 will remove the veil from a class of words, that have 
hitherto been disguised in consequence of the change of a single; 
ktter. \ntirtus, servitus,juventus, senectus, salus, the formatioi^ 
of the substantive is the same as in humanitas, and sterilitas^ 
except that in the termination of the former words u has been 
substituted for a. Thus virtus is viritas ; servitus, servitas ; 
juventuSfjuvenitas: senectus, senecitas ; and salus, salvitas. . 


'* Des Peuples du Caucase et des Pays au Nord de la 
Mer Noire et de la Mer Caspienne dans le dirieme 
Siicle; ou Voyage d'Abou-el-Cassim.'' Par M. 
D'Ohsson. 6vo. Paris, 1828. 

In this volume, as in the celebrated work of Barthelemy^ a fic- 
titious personage is rendered the vehicle of much interesting and 
curious iuforniation, derived from real and authentic sources ; 
Abou-ei-Cassim, the Arabian Anacharsis, speaking of himself 
only in such brief sentences as were occasionally necessary to 
connect the various passages extracted from a multiplicity of 
Arabic, Persian^ and Turkish manuscripts. Respecting these 
Oriental compositions, of which many are extremely rare and 
valuable^ some observations shall be offered in the course of 
this notice. Here, however, we must assure the reader, that per- 
fect confidence may be placed in the accuracy with which M. 
D'Ohsson has quoted and translated the passages above men- 
tioned. He supposes that in the year (of our era) 948^ Abou- 
el-Cassim was despatched from Baghdad by the Khalifah, on a 
diplomatic mission to the Bulgarian prince of the Wolga, a 
vassal of the great Commander of the Faithful ; and pur envoy 
describes what he himself had seen during his journey through 
various countries, and relates what he had heard respecting the 
more northern regions. 

Taking the road of Armenia he crossed the rivers Arass 
and Kour (the Araxes and Cyrus), and entered the province 
of Shirvan : he then notices the different petty princes who 
governed in the mountainous regions of Caucasus, each bear- 
ing the title of Shah or king, such as Herarzan Shah, Film 
Shah, Tabarserdn Shah, Iran Shah, and others. The name 
of Cavcas (or Caucasus), M. D'Ohsson seems inclined to derive 

from the Arabic Cabokh, or Cabak (f^9 <-^)« Abou-el- 
Cassim mentions the seventy-two nations of that country, each 
said to have its own particular language and sovereign ; remind- 
ing us of the seventy, or, according to some reports, the three 
hundred tribes of Sarmatians and Caucasians, who assembled 
on certain occasions in the city of Dioscuria, as we learn from 
Strabo (lib. xi.). Our envoy then describes the celebrated wall 
constructed by the Persian monarch Chosroes, (Kessra Nous- 
cherev&n,) across the Caucasus, one extremity advancing into 
the Caspian sea. His object in erecting this bulwark was, to 
defend bis dominions from the attacks of various northern bar- 

M. D'Ohsson, sur les Peuples^ ^c 169 

barians, the Alans^ Serirs, Khazars, and Turks. But some 
have ascribed this extraordinary wall to Alexander the Mace- 
donian> and others to a conqueror still more ancient, bearing the 
same title that has been bestowed on the Grecian bero^ Zou^l- 
Cornain, or *' the two-horned." One, however, is a real and 
historical personage, while respecting the other we have nothing 
beyond vague and most improbable traditions, (p. 12.) 

The wall above mentioned, which advances into the Caspian 
Sea near the town of Derbend, was built (as we learn from note 
▼ii. p. 161.) of large stones placed one over another without'any 
fastenings of iron or cement, yet so exactly joined that the sur- 
face was smooth and polished ; but it is extremely doubtful 
whether this remarkable wall) notwithstanding the numerous 
fables to which it has given rise, ever extended many miles 
beyond Derbend : certain passes, however, of Caucasus, appear 
to have been defended by walls and towers, the work probably 
of some Persian kings ; these passes being called by the Arabs 

Bab (vW)> o*" ** Gates." The principal defile received the 
name of Bab el Ebouab, or ** the Gate of Gates," and is en- 
titled by the Persians Der-bend, (Juj jA) *'the gate-fastening," 
or '* barrier." 

Our traveller frequently notices the Christians, who seem to 
have abounded in several provinces during the tenth century, 
such as the Sanarians, whose king, according to Ibn Haukal, 
was named Sennedjarib. Between Shirvan and the river Kour, 
or Cyrus, was another race of Christians, the Schekis, among 
whom resided some Muselman artisans and merchants : the 
inhabitants of Cabalah, too, were Mohammedans, but the 
districts surrounding that city were peopled by Christians. In 
other places, Abou-el-Cassim found an extraordinary mixture 
of Jews, Muselmans, and Christians, who had their respective 
temples, synagogues, mosques, and churches. 

Of Serir, a mountainous country comprising twelve thou- 
sand villages, the king was a Christian, and entitled Fildn Shah. 
Between the Alan country and the mountains of Cabokh or 
Caucasus was a most extraordinary fortress, situated on a very 
steep and lofty rock, over the bank of a river. This fortress, called 
^' the Castle of the Alan gate," was erected about five hundred 
years before Christ by Isfendiar, son of the Persian monarch 
Gushtasp ; and so strong did its natural situation and other cir- 
cumstances render it, that a single man might defend it against 
all the barbarian princes. This castle still existed in the tenth 
oentory^ when it was occupied by an Arab garrison which re- 

170 M. D'Ohsson, sur les 

ceived their clothing and victuals from die frontier city of Tif- 
flis^ a distance of five days' journey, (p. 25.) 

Westward of the Alans are the Caschakes, a great nation re- 
taining its attachment to the doctrines of Sabeism; their country 
extends from the Caucasian mountains to the Sea of Pontus 
(or the £uxine). Of this region the inhabitants are more fair, 
strong, well made, and handsome, than any of the other moun- 
tain-races. Their women are reckoned voluptuous, and they 
dress in fine linen, in silk, scarlet stuffs, and gold-embroidered 
drapery. At three miles from Derbend, on his way towards 
the river Itil or Wolga, our envoy found a colony of Arabian 
M use! mans, descended from the conquerors of those northern 
regions. The capital of the Khazar country is called liil, and 
situated on the river bearing the same name, (which we call 
the Wolga) : this is said to divide itself near the termination of 
its course into more than seventy branches. In Itil was foUnd 
an extraordinary mixture of inhabitants : Mohammedans, 
Christians, Jews, and Pagans, (p. S3.) 

In the language of the Khazars, there could not be discovered 
any resemblance to that used by other nations ; it differed totally 
from Turkish and Persian. Of the Khazars one race wds said 
to be extremely fair and handsome, another almost as black as 
Indians : the king, (who is entitled Khacan,) and his lieutenant, 
profess the Jewish religion, as do many of the nation. To this 
sovereign are subject the Bourtasses, Bulgarians, Russians, 
Sclabes, and others, of whom some individuals are always to be 
seen in the city of Itil, where seven judges reside. Two of these 
magistrates are Mohammedans, and decide according to our law ; 
two are Khazares, and give judgment as the Hebrew law pre- 
scribes ; two are Christians, and regulate their sentences by the 
Gospel rules; and the seventh, who judges the Sclabes, Rus- 
sians, and other Pagans, decides according to natural reasbti. 
In difficult cases, these last consult the Mohammedan C^dis 
and conform to their decision. All the Khazars thait one sees 
in a satte of slavery, are pagans ; for the pagans of this country 
sell their infants and have slaves of their own nation, while the 
Khazar Christians, Jews, and Muselnians never reduce to sla- 
very those of the same faith. 

In the third chapter we find an account compiled from the 
best authorities, of the Khazar possessions in the south of' Cau- 
casus one century before the time of Mohammed. It relates 
also the conquest of Northern Armenia by the Persians; 
the fortifications raised by the kings Cobad and Noushirwao, 
to defend Caucasus against the Khazars ; the Arabiaa conquests • 

Peuples du Caucascj ^c. 17 1 

in Armenia, Azerbaidjdn (or Media), and various districts of 
Caucasus; the wars between the Khazars and Arabs in the two 
first centuries of Islamism ; the Arabian power established in 
most of the mountainous regions that divide the Black from the 
Caspian Sea. This third chapter also notices the tributes im-> 
posed by the Arabs on several petty princes of the Caucasian 
provinces : thus the Khalifah Hisham required annually from one 
principality a tribute of fifty young boys and as many girls, with 
twenty thousand measures of grain (p. 65.); and the Muselman 
general, Merwan, exacted from another territory an annual 
supply of five hundred boys, five hundred girls, and one hundred 
thousand measures of grain, which was to be deposited in the 
magazine at Derbend. (p. 67.) We may here observe, that to 
pay tribute in slaves was a custom very anciently practised by the 
people of these same countries. From Herodotus it appears that 
the Caucasians sent every five years to the king of Persia one 
hundred girls and as many boys; and M. D'Ohsson remarks, 
that even towards the end of the last century, several nations 
of Caucasus delivered to the Khan of the Crim Tartars a certain 
number of male and female slaves, as an annual tribute. 
• From the city of Itil, to ascend the river Wolga as far as 
the small town of Boulgar, required two months ; but to come 
down with the stream, was a work of only twenty days. The 
Boulgarians were Christians and Mohammedans, all speaking 
a language the same as the Khazars, but differing from that of 
the Russians. Fossil bones of most prodigious size are fre- 
quently discovered in Bulgaria : one is particularly noticed — a 
tooth, which in length was four palms^ and in width two ; there 
was a skull also, equal in dimensions to an Arab but. Tusks 
resembling those of elephants are sometimes dug up as white 
as snow, and weighing nearly two hundred menus. To what 
animal they belonged is uncertain, but they are carried into 
Khorasan, where a considerable price is paid for them by the 
inhabitants, who make combs, vases, and other articles of this 
substance, which is more hard than ivory, and never breaks. 
(p. 80.) 

The Russians and Sclabes (or Sclavonians) appear to have 
been, in the tenth century, divided into several principalities, 
each having its own sovereign, and frequently engaged in hosti- 
lities one with another. All those Sclabes are said (by Moham- 
medan authors) to be descended from a son of Japhet named 
Mari, (probably Mada'i, mentioned in Genesis, ch. 10.); some 
are Christians of the sect of Jacob, others pagans without any 
aaored book or revealed religion. However those northern 

172 M. D'Ohsson, 5Mr ./e5 

nations may have changed in some instances during the course 
of eight or nine hundred years. The following passage respecting 
them^ founded on the authority of Eastern writers, will proba- 
bly not seem inapplicable to the present state of their relations 
with the Turkish government: 

** Even in oar times,'' (says Aboa-el-Cassim, writing in the tenth cen- 
tary,) 'Mhey render themselves by their incarsions extremely dis- 
agreeable to all their neighbors, who rely for protection against their 
attacks wholly on their fortresses; and even the inhabitants of Con- 
stantinople scarcely think themselves secure from them behind their 
walls." (p. 89.) 

The Russians are described by our envoy as men very tall 
and robust, with white hair and florid, complexions ; they wear 
neither vests nor tunics, but wrap a mantle about them, 
leaving one hand at liberty. Some only shave their beards, others 
let them grow and plait them as the manes of horses are often 
plaited. Of each individual the skin is painted with figures of 
trees and other objects, from the neck to the foot : they all carry 
hatchets, knives^ and sabres, which they never lay aside. The 
women are ornamented with necklaces of gold or silver, accord- 
ing to the wealth of their husbands. If a Russian possesses ten 
thousand dirhems, he gives one necklace to his wife ; if he has 
twenty thousand dirhems^ he gives her two necklaces ; and in this 
proportion he continues to decorate her, bestowing a necklace 
for every acquisition of ten thousand dirhems. Thus many 
wives are seen loaded with different necklaces. In their inter- 
course with females they study neither privacy nor delicacy ; 
they are not embarrassed by the presence of their companions 
on those. occasions when husbands and wives in other countries 
would most desire to avoid observation. Neither are the Rus- 
sians very nice with respect to their ablutions ; for a slave pre- 
sents to her master a large vessel of water, in which he washes 
his face, beard, and hands ; he combs his hair, cleanses his 
nostrils, and spits into it; after which, the slave presents it to 
the next person in company, then to another, and so in suc- 
cession till all have performed the same filthy process. 

They burn the bodies of their dead, with whatever horses, 
arms, and other valuable articles he possessed : the wives also 
are burnt alive with their husbands' carcases. Some offer them- 
aelves for diis purpose voluntarily. But when a Russian woman 
dies, the husband is never burnt with her body. Four hundred 
chosen men are attached to the sovereign's person ; they devote 
their lives to his service, and kill themselves when he dies. 
Among various nations of Turks inhabiting the couolri^ 

Feupks du Caucase^ ^c. 173 

southward of tbe.Sclabes, are those* called Gouxes, who lead 
their flocks oyer the sandy plains : there also are the Batche- 
nakes, Betchenis, and others descended from the same stock. 
The Batchenakes are remarkable for their ferocity^ and, like the 
Russians above mentioned, are perfectly indifferent about pri- 
vacy in their intercourse with women^ even their^ own wives. 
The Baschcourds, also a Turkish race, were accustomed to eat 
the filthiest vermin that their hair or their garments afforded, 
resembling, in this respect, that Scythian tribe mentioned by 
some ancient Greek and L^tin authors .as dwelling northward 
of the Black Sea. 

The Turkish slaves were celebrated for their strength and 
beauty ; their price was proportionably high. Some were sold 
in Khorasan that cost each five thousand dinars (gold coins). 
A price equally exorbitant was paid for some Turkish girls, 
(p. 148.) Our Petitions envoy, having visited the capital of 
Khorasan, joined a caravan and proceeded on his return to 
Baghdad, where he thanks God for his safe arrival, having 
escaped all the dangers that threaten travellers in those frozen 
regions, among the barbarians that inhabit them. 
. To this work M. D'Ohsson has attached a considerable 
number of very curious and instructive notes ; in one of which, 
referring to the wall of Derbend above mentioned, he discusses 
the question, whether some part of. that wall, which is now 
covered by the sea, was originally constructed under the water ; 
or whether the Caspian has risen above its ancient level since 
the construction of that wall. 

** It may be observed,'* says our ingenious author, ** that some re- 
mains of buildings appear beneath the surface of the sea, on a neigh- 
boring point of the same coast. From the extremities of the city of 
Bacou issue two walls, which lose themselves in the sea at a dis- 
tance of about sixty paces. The geographer Abd-our-Raschid, (sur- 
named Bacouy from his native city,) writing in the year 1403, informs 
us, that the sea had swallowed up some walls and towers of Bacou, 
and had already made such progress in his time that it was fast ap- 
proaching to the great mosque. This geographer's testimony is con- 
firmed by the Russian captain Soimonow, who in 1719 saw at two 
wersts or half a league's distance southward of Bacou, and at a depth 
of four fathoms below the surface of the sea, considerable ruins of a 
stone edifice, some parts still appearing above the water; it was sup- 
posed to be the remains of a Caravanserai. Hence we may infer that 
the Derbend wall had been submerged by a similar encroachment of 
the sea." (p. 164.) 

From the same geographer, Bacouy, M. D'Ohsson quotes a 
passage relative to the Zirhgueran, u race of people whose 
name signifies, *^ the makers of coats of mail :" they occupy 

174 M. D'Ohsson, sur les 

part of Mount El-^Bourz beyond Derbend^ where they htve 
villages, gardens, forests^ and cultivated grounds ; they are tM, 
with fair hair and fine eyes. Their only employment is the 
manufacturing oi cuirasses and coats of mail ; they are rich, 
generous, and hospitable towards strangers, especially those who 
"know how to write, or are conversant with any branch of 
science. They pay no tribute to any person— a blessing for 
which they may thank the difiiculty of access to their country. 
They do not profiess any religion. When one of them dies, 
his limbs are separated, and stripped of the fleshy the bones are 
collected into a garment, on which is written the name of the 
deceased, that of his father, and the time of his birth and death. 
The friends hang up this garment with the bones in tbe de* 
ceased person's house, and then they give the flesh, if the dead 
person was a man, to the crows ; if a woman, to the vultures, 
(p. 176.) 

This article might be extended to a considerable length by 
extracts from other notes with which M. D'Ohsson has illus- 
trated various passages, translated in the body of his work, such 
as Note XXXVI, furnishing a very curious account of the Eu- 
ropean nations by Abou Souleiman Daoud, (generally sumamed 
Benaketi from his native place,) and the observations on Yad* 
Joudje and Mad/oudje, the Gog and Magog of Scripture, (Eze- 
kiel^ oh. xxxviii.— xxxix. and the Apocalypse of St. John, 
ch. XX.) and the wall erected for the defence of Caucasus against 
northern barbarians ; but we must hasten to close this notice 
by mentioning some of the Eastern writers to whom M. 
lyObsson acknowleges his principal obligations. The first is 
Aboul-Hassan Ali, celebrated under the name of El-Mas- 
sottdi, because he^escended (in the eighth generation) from 
Massoud, a companion of the prophet Mohammed. Massoudi 
florished in the middle of the tenth century, when he composed 
his famous work the Mourudj uz Zeheb u Maadin'tl'Dje- 
vheri or ''Meadows of Gold and Mines of Jewels." He might 
be styled tbe Arabian Herodotus^ for he travelled much by sea 
and land that he might examine various countries — Ethiopia, 
India^ Persiai Armenia, Syria, and other regions of the Eastern 
world. Copies of his work are preserved in the public libra- 
ries both of Paris and of Leyden. M. D'Ohsson has made 
frequent reference to the Mesalik ve el Memalik of JEbn 
Haoucal^ or, as we have most commonly seen the name 

(4^.^ i^\) written^ Ebn Haukal. This work was composed 

about the year 366 (or of our era 976-7). We next find the 

Peupks du Caucase^ S^c. 1 75 

Madfem al Bolddn, the work of Shsihab uA cifn Abou Abd 
Allah Yacout^ who died near Aleppo in 626 (1229)^ This is 
'« geographical dictionary in Arabic. Another manuscript (of 
the Leyden Collection) is the Kitab Morassid el Ittiloy also 
geographical. The Kitab Assar ul Bilad t)e Akhbar ul Ybad, 
or ** the Description of Countries and Traditions of Nations/'' by 
Zakaria Cazvini ; this Arabic geographical Ms. also belongs 
to the Leyden Library. The Kharidet el Adjaieb or '* Peari 
of Wonders/' composed by Ibn El Vardi, who died in the year 
of our era 1348; an Arabic work on geography and naturd 
history. The Telkhiss ul Assar Ji Adjaieb ul Actar, or ** De- 
scription of Terrestrial Wonders/' by Abd-our- Rashid, sumamed 
Bacouy. The Nokhbet-ud-Dahr : the Tacum-ul-Boldan; 
the Nasckak el Azher ; the Djihan Numa (a Turkish work)-; 
the celebrated Tarikh or Chronicle of Jbou Djaafer Mohdilk- 
med el Tabary ; the Fotouh el Bolddn of Balazori ; the 
Turikh el Kamil; the Zubdet ul Fikret ; the Nokhbet ut- 
Tavarikhf by Mohammed £fendi; the Tarikh Bedoui-el 
Khalicat, zn ArBbic Ms. belonging to the Upsal library ; the 
Chronicle of Benaketi ; the Tartkh Aaly Bfendy, a Turkish 
Ms.; tfaef celebrated Historical Persian work of Mirkhtmd; 
the Shah nameh, or ^' Poeticd History of the Persian Kings/' 
by Firdausi; and other valuable Mss. 

To the geographical work of Ebn Haukal above mentioned 
M. D*Ohs8on makes frequent reference^ quoting an Arabic 
copy preserved in the library at Leyden ; and English readers 
have long been acquainted with the name 6f that early traveller 
through the translation made by Sir William Ouseley from a 
Ms. intitled ^' Mesalek el Memalek" which he published as 
the ^^ Oriental Geography of Ebn Haukal." The Ms. used by 
Sir William not expressing any author's name, but agreing in 
tide with the Leyden copy, he did not hesitate to describe 
it as the composition of Ebn Haukal, justifying himself by 
ejLtracts from Abul Feda and other Eastern geographers. So 
satisfactory did his arguments appear to the Orientalists of 
Europe, that for many years this translation was received as 
he described it; even M. de Sacy, one of the most learned, 
accurate, and able critics now living, devoted to a notice of Sir 
William's translation above a hundred pages, in the ** Maga- 
zin Encyclopedique," (tome vi.) and, notwithstanding some 
variations in certain passages, allows the identity : 

"^For," says he, ^' those points of differeooe are so inconsiderable, that 
we mast acknowlege, in the ' Oriental Geography/ the work of Ebn 
Havkaly qaoted by AbaFfeda: *Um ces diff^renoes sont trop peH 

176 Hekker's Aristotle. 

considerables ponr faire m^oonnoitrey dans la * 66ographie Orientale/ 
Touvrage d*£bn Haukal, cite par Aboul feda."' 

But an ingenious writer, M. Uylenbroek of Lieyden, published 
in the year 1822 s Dissertation on Ebn Haukal, and conjec- 
tures that the Ms. translated by Sir W. Ouseley was not exactly 
the work of that Arabian traveller, but one which he closely fol- 
lowed in his geographical treatise, " sed talem quern Ibn Hau- 
kalus in suo scripto componendo . maxime secutus sit ;'' and 
thus he accounts for the ** nexum arctissimum inter Geogra- 
phiam Orientalem et Ibn Haukalum ;'' and for many passages 
expressed in almost the same words^ ** loca iisdem paene verbis 
concepta/' (pp. 9- 51. 73.) M. Uylenbroek is inclined to 
regard Ibn Khordadbeh, (who lived a short time before ibn 
Haukal;) as the author of that work which Sir W. O. translated; 
or it may have been composed, he thinks, by jlbou Ishak el 
Faresi ; but whoever was the original author, it seems to M. 
Uylenbroek probable, that Ibn Haukal carried the book with 
him on his various peregrinations, and made such ample use of 
it as accounts for the conformity between his own work and 
that which he so frequently consulted : '' Hoc, Ibn Haukalus 
dum ditionem Moslemiticam peragravit, secum tulit, quo tan- 
quam duce uteretur/' See. (p. 6l.) But for some other remarks 
on this subject; and a particular notice of M. Uylenbroek's 
'* Specimen Geographico-Historicum," we shall refer our 
reader to No. Lll. of this Journal, (p. 383.) and we close our 
remarks on M. D'Ohsson's work, by expressing our surprise that 
the ingenious author did not think it necessary to illustrate with 
a map the interesting geographical discussions which are scat- 
tered through his pages. 

ARISTOTELES de Anima, de Sensu, de Memoria, 
de SomnOy similique argumento. Ex recensione 
Im. Bekkeri. Berlin, 1829. 

It is understood that the learned Mr. Bekker is now printings 
at the press of the University of Berlin, a complete edition of the 
works of Aristotle, to be contained in four quarto volumes. As 
the work proceeds through the press, some separate treatises are 
detached from the rest, and published in an octavo form. Of 
these, three have appeared — the Meteorologies, the History of 

Bekker's Aristotle. 177 

Animals, and the volume whose .title is placed at the head of this 
article. On the latter we shall now. offer a few remarks, chiefly 
in reference to. some observations which appeared in a former 
number of this Journal, on the use of the particles av ei. (No. 
LXXVlII.'p. 194 sq.) .As the text is printed alone, without 
any various readings, our materials for criticism are of necessity 
very limited. We may, however, state genei'ally that the text 
is greatly improved, both by the introduction of many new 
readings, and a better system of punctuation, and raises to a 
high pitch our expectations of the value of the complete 

The text of the volume before us, as printed by Mr. Bekker, 
does not contain any instance of av e\ before tlie subjunctive or 
the present tense of the indicative mood : but the editor admits 
them several times before an optative mood. In writing our 
former article, we had • considered the possibility of this excep- 
tion; but were deterred from allowing it by the circumstances, 
l.that this collocation of the particles in question is, before 
any mood, contrary to analogy ; 2. that there is no .metrical 
instance of av ei before the optative (see Part LXXVIII. p. 
200. No. XX.) ; and that in some cases good manuscripts 
omit the former particle before the optative (ib. No*. IX. p. 
15.) ; while the proneness of the transcribers to insert av hefofe 
fl is proved by its use with the subjunctive mood and. the present 
tense of the indicative, which Mr. Bekker apparently considers 
as incorrect. We could produce many additional : passages, in 
Mr. Bekker's favor, both from Plato and Aristotle, which we 
have collected since the publication of our former article ; but 
as they are of precisely the same nature as those already set 
down, and are only formidable by their number^ we shall not 
weary our readers by the renewal of so dry a grammatical dis- 

De Anima, p. 2. 10. ofMleog Se xav ei ri xoivov aXXd xarijyo- 


Read xai A ri, 

P. 9« H. hi S* ei ^6v9i xmirai, %iv fiia xivijdeiii* xav si /3/a, 
Xflt) f u(rei. 

Perhaps xa\ ei ^la, xav fvtrei. 

P. 12. 26. Kalroi ys ^ jxSv ag/xov/a x6yo^ tI$ co-ti toov (i^ix^iv' 
Tflov^ avv6e<ris, P. 141. 5. xa/roi ye xvpia ravi* opwfiev rot) ^jj^y 
xa) TeXetrrav. 

We believe that the instances in which the particle ye directly 
follows xotiroi are so rare, that it is safer with Elmsley ad 
Acham. 617* to consider this collocation of the particles inad- 

178 Bekktfs^ Arisiatk. 

missible. We would, iherefon, expunge ys in both these pes- 
seges. In Plato de Rep. i. p. 331 E. xo/roi ys ^iXoJxmy irott 
TOUTO lo-Tiv xapanaTiteTO, all the Mas. retain ys. Id Herod, 
viL 9* d« Mr. Gaisford has edited xairoi yt from one Ms. ; all 
the others omit yi. The use of xoiroi -t— ys, like xeA ft^v — - ys, 
is verj common. 

P. 14. 10. TO Bff Xeyny ipyltjirtmt vij9 t^nx^i* J/musp xikv kT tk 
Atyoi ripf 4^vx^ sfoilwff 1} oixoSo/mTv. 

Read SfMiw xai iT ri^ Atyoi. 

P. 16« 27. rliwreu yoig yvcopifyiv t^ eiiolcf to ^ioS| coovsp if 
ffl rijy 4^uy^y T£^ Tpayftocra riSevrs^. 

Read cScnrffp fl. 

P. 36. 12. $61 y£^p ^dcurm r^v x(ifi|0'iy rov ^flnr/^oyro^ rijy A^i^ii 
rou aepo^y &nrffp dev si o-»poy ^ opjxaSoy ^afup^ov ruvroi n; ^o^mvon 

Read&nrs^ ii^ and compare p. 12. 18. vflt^onrX^ioy Ss Xeyov- 
(Tiy &rTtp u ug ^hj rijv rexronxifv §lg et6)iOVi Musg^ai* 

P. 39* 16. h ftey yeig raig ftXXm^ Xstwtron voKKm fwft^MOVi 
Harei ii riyy a^^y. roX^Ay rm aXXooy Sitt^fpoyrcs; aiepi/Soi. 

We conceive that in the above sentence Aristotle intended 
to express the following meaning. ''Man hasL the senses of 
hearing, seeing^ smelling^ and lasting, inferior, to .many of the 
animals, but the sense of touch more accurate than any other 
animal.'' He evidently could not have meant to say that man 
had the four senses first named in less perfection tbtin a//.ani^ 
mals; which would include fish, Crustacea, polypi* Sec. In- 
deed, he throws out a very ingenious idea with respect to those 
animals which have not the power of closing the eyes, and are 
devoid of ^e^lids or analogous coverings, directly at variance 
with this supposition, viz. that their sight is as inferior tp.that 
of man, as the smell of man is to that of some animals ; for that 
with them all images conveyed to the sensorium by the sense o£ 
sight, cause either pleasure or pain; as is the case with the 
sense of smell in man ; there being no odor which is indiffek^ 
ent to us, and does not cause either pleasure or disgust. We 
would therefore read, hfLOf yetp.reus aXXeng. A,g/9rerai,fro\Xa»y reoy 
l^moov, xuToi Ss r^y i^rjv roov aXXcoy ha^6g6vTa)s axpi/3o7 ; or >perhapft 
Aristotle might have written ^rayrwy rdoy oAAcoy. 

P. 41. 7r hh xav tl h 5S(xri elftty, aWdavolfMff h 8[i,fi\ri6irros 
To3 ykuxio§. 

In this passage it is doubtful whether the construction is x£y. 
tl flffrffy, or x£v aurSeivolf/.id' iv A elftey. But we rather suspect 
that the construction is as in the following passage, in which 
case we would read xtu A. 

Bekker^s Aristotle. 179 

P. 43. 6. ho ri tomoto jxop/ov rou* (TBoiRorro; loixiy- oSra>$ a^fiv 

Here we would read ivrnp si. 

P. 44. ?• xtfefroi xad^irsp slirafiev xa) wgirepof, Koof si 81' Vfjiivof 
ahriotvoifjuAa row ean»9 dxirranf, 5jxo/cp; i» ^;^iftty. 

Read xal el, ** even if." 

P. 52. 5. ouSs ToSro S* tcr) rflcvro rep al<r6aPi<r6ou, 

The difjunctive o^s is often used after H, but we do not re- 
member ever having met with an instance of the reverse ordier^ 

P. 59* 25. rei H iv &^oitpi<rst Aeyofteiia oknrs^ av el ro (riftov. 

Read coo-Tsp el, and compare Eth. Nic. ii. 4. 1. &nrtg el r^ 
ygeifjLiMiTtKoi xai ret jxotKTixa ypaftftaTixoi xal ftotio-ixo/. 

P. 60, £9. (Txeirreov, worepoy Sv ti ft^^ioy aor^j xi'^gtVTOv tv ij 
luyidu tj >^oy€p, ^ itatra ^ 4^t^4, xay el jx^ioy ri^ Wnpoy tStip ri 
TA^a T£^ elcoiora Xeyetrdai* 

Read xal el fMpm n, 

P. 66. 16. Sii ^raXiy o3to$ t^ OTfriy xiyti, mtrmg Jb dro h rcB 
xfigw tryifAslov 8»8tSoro fJi^pi tou ^peeTO$. 

Read dSo^rep el, and the same correction should be made 
p. 122. 14. 

P. 112. 8. otfX cipu ye rg ffltri^er ro wimnov uMtarifAnSei. 
VfUh the exception of a passage in the. Nicomaebean Ethics, 
which we corrected in a former number, we have not mat with 
any instance of the use of ye after ipa. We woiUdj; th^efore, read 
odxiguT^ a](rdil<r8t, &c* dee CiassicalJournal> No. 1>XXVIIL 
p. 207. 

P. 126. 17. el Se my e^eXuuvst to eyegys/f hafriov, kJcv ivraoS' 
S^ctprov £v eii). 

This, if the reading is sane, is one of the few instances of 
the double £v in Aristotle. 

P. 145. 12. icagavKfia-iOv yAg otift/Sftfyei' x«^y ^i-rl^ rmarm iaa^ 

Read xcti ei ri^. 

Everywhere, except p. 37. 9* p« 53. 2. p. 30. 29- and p. 
128. 29., Mr. Bekker writes itxi and xim. We conclude, 
therefore, that these are misprints* Also in rwvapan^ p. 9* 4» 
ha^a/^y p. 10. 24. icpoL^vwim^ p. 102. 10. fM)n^(rmv, p. 107« 4. 
and h\ia'(rovog, p. 1 16. 8. the Attic form should be restored. 
We do not see why Mr. Bekker should sometimes write a-Aeu* 
jxfloy and sometimes irmfMof. In pp. 44, 45. running title, for 
B read r. and p. 70. 25. for Toexjo-riig read ra;^un}^. 

1 80—240 Bekker's Aristotle. 

We will take this opportunity of offering a few corrections of 
some passages in the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle, which 
had escaped our notice in our articles on the edition of that trea- 
tise by Mr, Cardwell. 

11. 6. 20. oXoog yotp otii* tnnpfiokyis xa) iKXei^Bcos /xffO'an); etrrtv. 

Read outs /xea*OTijTOj. 

lli. 4.5. xal ha^ipei ir\il(rrov lo'dog 6 ciroulaiog reS rakiiteg 
Iv kxio'TOis opavy wtrireg xavoov xai jxer^oy avroov coy. 

Read ainw cSv, and compare iv. 8. 10. olov vofAos £v iaurcpm 

IV. 1. 28. ovTB yoLp r^^BTOLi' l^* ol^ Ssi oSre XuTreirai^ ourff ms Sei. 
Read oSSh ws $§7. 

V. 4. 9- ottCTfrep av et us sTtoi $/xaioy. 

Read ^rirep el Tig, and compare v. 8. S. wiririg el rig ,Ka^ 


y. 5. l6. !ti ^ ovTcog ^ aXXay^ ^v, vgh to vo/xi(r/x« ^, S^^y, 
Read irph to voiAnrfj^a ^v. 

VI. IS. 7. S^Aov he, x&v el ftij frpaxuxri {y, Su l$ffi ay our^f. ib. 
8. chri o/xoioy xfltv sT ti$ ri^y toXitix^v ^a/ij upx^^^ '^^v ^^^i'- 

In both these passages we would read xu\ for xiv. 

lb. 8. uX\oi jxsy ovde xvgla. ye l(rTi r^^ (ro^lag* 

Read aXXa jxijy ouSe, and compare i. ()• 6. «XXaft^^ouSe rf 
a»8ioy sJyai. and for the use of ye vii. 2. 4. uKKoL ji^i^v el ye Sofa. 
VII. 2. 6. aAXfli jxijy lei ye. &c. 8cc. 

VIII. 11.3. o5t« yfli§ cfv xai ^ <fiXia. . 

We would read ourco y^^p xa» ^ ^iXla. 

X. 9. 18- oSrf — ouTe — ow8* au. 

We believe that this use of the disjunctive GuSe, when the 
conjunctive ours occurs previously in the sentence twice or 
more times, is defended by a sufficient number of examples to 
establish its propriety. Thus, in in. 3. 11. oure — o5re— H)uTf 
— ou8g. Isocrat. Panatb. p. 287- A. oure — o5t«— ouTf — ouW — ouSf. 
Xenoph. Anab. vii. 6. 22. oure — oijTe — odlSe fi^v. Plato de 
Rep. I. p. 347. B. owTf — oSre — ov^ av. Id. iv. p. 426. B. cm 
— oSre — OUTS— OUTS — ou8* a5— ou8e — ou8g. But we doubt whether 
ovBe can in any case follow one ours. See Class. Journ. Part 
LXXVIIl. p. 193, In Plato, Leg. viii. p. 840. B. quoted 
by Matthiae Gr. Gr. § 609- ovtb tivo^ voogrore yuvaixof ti^ara 
odS* av vaiiog, we would read ovuvos* 

G. C jL» . 




From the Works of Samuel, Parr, LL.D., Prebendary 
of St. PauVs, Curate ofHatton, S^c.; with Memoirs 
of his Life and Writings, and a Selection from his 
Correspondence. JBy John Johnstone, M.D. Fel- 
low of the Royal Society^ and of the Royal College 
of Physicians of London, Sgc. In 8 vols. 8vo. 
London : Longman and Co. 

No. III.— ICondudedfrom No. LXXIX.] 

Dr. Parr to Dr. Huntingford, Bishop of Hereford. 

My Lord, Hattan, Oct. 24, 1813. 

I thank you for the intelligence with which yon have favored me 
aboat Bishop Kurd's edition of Addison's works ; and sorry I am, for 
the sake of your Lordship and other scholars, that I had not an oppor- 
tunity of granting, or offering to his executors, my copy. of Addison's 
well-written, though little known, work in Latin prose. You shall 
regale yourself with it when you come to my parsonage. I cannot ^ 
on any particular person as the writer of the epitaph on Addison. He 
certainly is a man of taste, and probably he is a man of learning. Some 
of the sentences run off harmoniously to the ear, and there is a fair sur- 
face of Latinity. But, 

^Poneis totam 


The topics, though well chosen, are not quite so well arranged, and 
the Latinity in two or three places is vulnerable. I believe some Eton- 
ian to have been the author ; and 1 am sure that, if his compositions 
were to be compared with other inscriptions in Westminster Abbey, 
rather than with the peculiar dignity of the subject, he, without much 
presumption, might have given up his name. Some of my pupils, when 
they heard it ascribed to me, had the good sense to acquit me ; and 
when the Duke of Bedford first mentioned it to me as mine, in terms 
of high commendation, I declined the honor before I knew the con- 
tents. I will give your Lordship my reasons for my doubts about Bishop 
Hurd, and I |)remlse that they amounted only to one suspicion opposed 
to another. There is in the south transept of Westminster Abbey an 
epitaph on Mr. Mason, , written, as I believe, by his friend Bishop 
Hurd. It has the great merit of being free from all rhetorical florishes, 
and the phraseology is on the whole perspicuous and correct. In the 
opening there is a little error in the collocation. There is what, I 
think, an ill-judged allusion to a well-known passage in Catullus, who 

Nam castom esse decet, piom poetam 

Ipsnm, versicoloB nihil necesse est. 

In the inscription we read — Poeta, si quis alius, castus, plus, cultus. 
Now, my Lord, it is no very great praise for an English divine not to 


242 Classical Extracts from 

have been otherwise than castus et plus in his poetry, and the com- 
niendation is certainly bestowed not on his morals, but his writings. 
Again, it is rather nnlucky in a sanctuary to bring back to the memory 
of men the apology of a heathen poet for the licentiousness of bis 
verses. Again, cullus referring to the taste of Mason, does not very 
naturally follow commendation on his moral poetry. I will not quarrel 
with cultns as an epithet which seldom or never occurs in prose, but 
will admit the authority of the following passage: '* Discentur numeri, 
culte Tibulle, tui." Ov. Am. 1. 15. 28. 

My scribe wrote Xenopho as I dictated the word, and I would be 
understood so to approve of Xenopbo, as not to disapprove of Xeno- 
phofi. If you have, or at Winchester can find, the admirable treatise 
of H. Stephens, De Abusu Linguae Grsecae, pray read the whole of the 
fourth chapter, where the rationale of Latin terminations in <m and 9 n 
largely discussed. '* Apud Charisinm certe legimns itidem Memno et 
Simo, non Memnon et Simon. Est tamen bis in hoc ipso nomine ter- 
minatione ista usus Maro, cogente etiam metri lege. At vero Antipbo 
et Demipho, quse apud eundem grammaticum inveniuntnr, minus auri- 
bus nostris esse nova debent, vel ob talem Terentii usum. Apud eum 
enim Antipbo et Demipho et Ctesipho (sicut Crito, Simo), non Anti- 
phon et Demiphon et Ctesiphon legi, nemo est qui nieminisse non pos- 
sit. His autem simile esset Xenopbo, sed nescio quomodo major 
quaedam in hoc nomine esse videtur terminationis insolentia, et a qua 
aures magis abhorreant." p. 48. Bowyer, In a letter to Mr. R. Gale, 
adopts Markland's hypothesis on the formation of the imparasyllabic 
genitive, and writes thus : '^ For o-wfia they said cwfuers, twfuiTos' as 7a- 
Acucrs, yaKtaeros* rv^tofrs, rv^avrof XlKarwySt XlXeerwpos' UGfOtpmifTS, Bcyo^Mrrot . 
On this supposition, I think, we may form a rule, which ought to de- 
termine what Greek proper names should now be terminated in o, what 
in on, in Latin ; viz. those which make ovros in the genitive should have 
on in the nominative ; those in wros should be in the nominative, pre« 
serving thus the vestigia of their pristine state, as Plato, Platonis ; 
Solo, Solonis; but Xenophon, Xenophontis ; Ctesiphon, Ctesiphontis. 
Which the learned Dr. Taylor, Chancellor of Lincoln, writes without 
any discrimination in his accurate editions of Lysias and Demosthenes, 
&c. Plato, Solo, Xenopbo, Ctesipho." — Bowyer*s MiscellaneousTracts, 
p. 143. 

Now, my Lord, the subject seems to have been much controverted 
among Roman critics ; and (hey, who were advocates for uniform- 
ity and independence in the Latin language, contended for the ter- 
mination in o. You shall have a notable passage from QuintiJian^ 
where he speaks of the ^* grammaticum veterum amatorem, qui negel 
quidquam ex Latina ratione mutandum. Quin etiam laudat virtntem 
eorum, qui potentiorem facere linguam Latinam studebant, nee alieoM 
egere institutis fatebantur; inde Castorem, media syllaba prodneta, 
pronuntiarnnt ; quia hoc omnibus nostris nominibus accidebat qnoran 
prima positio in easdem, quas Castor, literas exit; et ut Palaemo, sieut 
Plato (nam sic eum Cicero quoque appellat] [dicerentur] retinaerant; 
quia Latinum quod o et n Uteris finiretur, non reperiebant.'' Lib. i. 
cap. 5. Formerly, when I knew more and cared more about these 
things than I do now, I made up my mind thus. Whensoever the ter- 
mination in Greek is »r, wos, there I would inyariably retain the ter- 
mination o, and therefore I would always say Plato ; and I commend 
•cholars for saying Dio Cassias, though I remember, that formerly they 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 243 

did not hesitate to call bim Dion. But when the termination is a»y,«rroffy 
I dare not contend for the same uniformity. In tlie speeches De Co- 
rona, we find invariably Krijo'i^rros, and yet in Terence we find among 
the dramatis personse, Ctesipbo. So AKn^ttr, Am^ctrros^ does not 
binder us from saying Antipbo. Thus Bowyer's rule about «r, wtos, is 
not conclusive, and leaves us to the choice of on or o in Latin, and 
perhaps that choice will often be regulated by the ear, or custom ; and, 
m truth, either may be used without impropriety. Yet, as I said, the 
rule for w, wos, compels us to use o only, unless we be writing verse ; 
and in verse I hold that Platon and Xenophon, however nnusuali 
would be justifiable. When the question is transferred from proper 
names to appellatives, we find the predominant power of the Latin 
termination o not only retained in the nominative, but extending even 
to the oblique cases. Thus Xttv^ Xwrros^ g^ves in Latin, leo, leonis ; and 
thus Zpamn^, iptucovroSf gives draco, draconis. But further, the rooit 
striking instance that I know among the latter writers of the right they 
took to employ the Latin termination o, is in tbe AchiUeid of Statius, 
book I. V. ^53. 

Conclamant Danai, stimulatqae Agamemno volentes. 

Our friend Dr. Gabell may tell his boys of the fact, but must not 
allow them to imitate ; and so much for the termination in o. You see, 
my Lord, that some of the sturdy critical antiquaries went a little fur- 
ther ; and because quaestor and praetor made quaestoris and praetoris, 
tliey forsooth would have had any Greek word in t*p making opof become 
in Latin oryOriSf with the penultimate of the genitive long. You and I 
shall observe, but not imitate. On the fact, noticed as it is by Yarro 
de Lingua Latina, we can have no doubt. '* Secundum illdmm ratio- 
nem debemus," says Yarro, '^ secundis syllabis Umgis dicere Hectorem, 
Nestorem. £st enim ut Quaestor, Praetor, Nestor, Hector.*' Lib. vii. 
True, say I, this was the very old practice, and it may be illustrated 
by two lines from Ennius, the first of which is quoted by Yarro him- 
self in libro ii. 

Hectoris natum de moero jactarier. 

You will find this line in page 239 of the edition of Hesselius. You 
will also find it immediately preceded by another line, where the ter- 
mination Hectorem is right, but the metrical position is wrong, 

Carm Hectorem qaadrijugo n^tarier. 

So the line is printed in Hesselius and in Maittaire*s Corpus Poeta* 
ram, and in my copy of Maittaire 1 have had occasion to correct many 
of these metrical errors. The line, as it has just now been given, was 
made so by Ursinus, and then quoted by him to prove that the second 
syllable in quadrijugo is long before jW. No, say I, and no said Gerard 
Yossius, whose « oi^s you shall have. ** Non cogitavit vir doctissimus 
veteres seeundam in Hectoris, et similibus produxisse, quomodo idem 
Ennius alibi ait, 

Hectoris natam de moero jactarier. 

Alioqui, puto, vidisset, versu secundo, trajectis primis verbis, legi de- 

Hectorem cmra quadrijugo jactarier." 

De Arte Grammat. lib. i. c. 22. In sapphics and iambics I should 
write indlfierently Hectorem et Hectora. But 1 should not venture to 
lengthen the penultimate, unless I vrished to tease some fastidious 


244 Classical Extracts from 

hypercritio wbo wotild deny the existence of any instance. Vossins rs 
right about bis jod. Bat I shall amuse you and Dr. Gabell by a nota* 
ble anomaly in Lucilius, 

£t Musconis manu perscribere possit "Ajacem. — ^Lib. zxx« 
[Vol. vii. p. 622.] S. Parr. 

Dr. Parr to Rev. Dr. Routb. 
Dear Mr. President, 1805. 

I have twice read very attentively the additamentum. I approve of 
all the conjectural emendations, and of all your critical remarks. Is 
one or two instances I hesitate a little about the Latinity. Can you 
say nemo mei fastidiverat? Kara with a genitive generally means con- 
tra. But I have seen instances where it does not, and where it has the 
power of do, and quod attinet ad. In the Index to Polybius I find 
Jtctra TcavToav tfiiropnv, de mercatoribus, and Kara varrenf n€Aoiroyn}0'MM', de 
omnibus Peloponnesiis. In the Index to Xenopho we have tcara irar- 
Twv Ucpa-oDVy de omnibus Persis. Verse 15. cap. 15. Epist. 1st of the 
Corinthians, cfutprvpifaa/Aev Kara row Oeov, where Hutcheson explains it by 
de. But I have another solution still, so as to exclude the sense of 
contra. The best account/is by Reiske, in his Index to Demosthenes. 
Kara cum genitive universe, de sive ad laudem rei, sive ad criminatio- 
nem, d Kat fieyurrov cori Koff ituiv tyicwfuov, id est, in respect to us. Yet I 
cannot think that Dionysius, if he wrote a book, meant to write con- 
cerning or about Origen. 

The nisi quod in calce, &c. is rather awkward after the preceding 
sentence, but it is intelligible and not improper. Is referendum est 
quite right ? Every moment I look at your paper, I am charmed with 
your accuracy. Your utcunque I should alter into optime. Where 
one sentence begins with dubium videtur, and the next begins nee ta- 
men adduci possum, perhaps I should have written possim. Should it 
not be sed auctior exstat, not exstans? Pray reconsider this, and yet 
it is of little consequence, nor will be perceived, I suppose, by the ge- 
nerality of your readers. To me, sumpta est sed auctior exstans, is 
not quite so clear as auctior exstat. S. Parr. 

[Vol. vii. p. 663.] 

Dear Mr. President, March 8, 1816. 

You received the first part of the Prolegomena to Harry Stephens's 
Thesaurus? Pray examine it carefully, for nothing was done in it 
without suggestion or approbation from myself, and my library, ran- 
sacked by Barker, supplied nearly, though not quite sJl, the curious 
matter. There will be, in a few months, a second part. The tumul- 
tuous state of the continent has retarded the arrival of some contribu- 
tions from foreigners. The words and the interpretations .to be added 
in the Lexicon will be very numerous and .very useful. Barker wrote 
the preface, which you will see, in four pages. I did not quite under- 
stand it. I corrected part, but my corrections could not be read. Bar- 
ker properly came hither, and improperly gave me only seven hours 
and a half to do that which required seven days. But Valpy was de^ 
termined to have the book out by the 1st of March ; and printers have 
neither the perspicacity nor the prudence of critics. However, with 
two exceptions, even now the Latinity is right, and I have dispersed 
much misty matter. S. Parr. 

[Vol. vii. p. 670.] 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 245 

W. HamUton Esq. to Dr. Parr. 

Dear Doctor, Foreign Offict^ Jan. 17, 1822. 

We are all, I see, mach and deserredly puzzled by this word 
mwtfihmtMy or cr, or «y. It is evident, from your showing, that it cannot 
mean invidere, whether the in be negative or intensitive ; and I am 
quite of your opinion, that the passage would be better without the 
line : but, as in my confined reading I see that the real lovers of Greek 
literature are very chary of expunging lines which are found in all 
Mss., will you allow me to propose the reading of diro^crcv ? which, 
there can be no doubt, does mean limis ocnlis inspicere, or invidere. 
The sense will then be the same as Coray erroneously gives to cTii3Xc- 
vffv, and may be supported by the true reading of the passage quoted 
from Cicero. How far, even then, you will allow the dcris to follow 
^i, I do not know, and must beg you to decide ; as well as the case, in 
which the object to the verb will be most correctly put. The rov y op 
^oBpa i5«y, oflfers nearly a similar meaning. 

Many thanks, my dear Doctor, for your instruction on the use of the 
word salus. The salus publica on the coins, is manifestly a personifi- 
cation ; and so, in many other instances, you have quoted. But what 
are we to say to the '^ ad salutem" in the speech of the Obstetrix, after 
quitting the house of the lying-in lady in the Andria? Perhaps salus, 
if taken as an appellative, may mean what we call recovery. In Cato 
R. R. (as I see in Facciolati) salus and valetudo are joined together as 
the object of a prayer to Mars. Salus and incolnmitas in one of 
Cicero's familiar epistles. Salus and lux in the Oration pro Domo. 
The term too is used frequently, as we apply the expression of sending 
compliments, or bidding " farewell." 

You will forgive me, if I prefer the scolion of Simonides to the dis- 
tich of Philemon on the four constituents of happiness ; and particu- 
larly for the features of aSoXaas and ^iA»y. 

'TyMuyciV fity apicrrw cof^pi 8uyarq», 
Acvrcpov 8c <pveiy koXop y^v€ff6cu, 
IIAovrccty 8* aJboXus rperoi^* k* eirctTa 
Trraprov fiera rwy <pt?MV <ruKiji5^. 

I have but one word more to add on this first of the needfuls, which is, 
that since you called roe fu^ofwra (rvtacorw^ and told me what sort of 
affection you had for that sect of philosophers, I have taken my share 
of the generous grape, though I am still Stoic enough to confine the 
more solid portion of my sustenance siliquis grandique polentse. 
[Vol. viii. p. 36.] W. R. Hamilton. 

Uvedale Price, Esq. to Dr. Parr. 
Dear Sir, FoxUy^ Feb, 9, 1824. 

Atilius Fortunatus is very mild in calling hexameters, all spondees, 
•* parum teretes et socoros ;" they drag on as heavily as one of the old 
lumbering coaches and six up a sandy bill ; or, as La Fontaine has 
well expressed it, the dead weight being at the end of the line, << six 
forts chevaux tiroient un coche.'' Knight, as I dare say you must have 
observed, has given a dactyl to the line in the Iliad, by dividing the ij into 
ffff, narpoKkKos SciXoio, and one to that in the Odyssey by so very slight 
and obvious an alteration, that of ry ar w to np 8* cw Vktffonpngi : the wonder 
is how it ever came to be written otherwise. I am very much for be- 
itowiDg a dactyl on all lach lines whenever it can be done without 
impropriety, as I think it ought in the lino from Catallos, and merely 


246 Classical Extracts from 

by reading '' neque^* instead of ^ non oonarere/' In Gesner*! edition of 
Baxter's Horace, 1 observed that nee is in the text^ instead of the more 
common reading of **neu Babylonios tentaris/' and the cases run alil^e. 
The old Ennian \erse, which I had not seen for a long while» does not 
admit a dactyl qnite so readily, and the father of Latin heroic poetry 
might be left in quiet possession of his old-fashioned coach, with six 
Suffolk punches. I could wish, however, to give him one horse of a 
lighter and more active kind. This might possibly be done (for to you 
1 of course speak quite under correction) by the same method that 
Knight has taken with narpoK\€9os, 1 believe that in the age of Ennius 
the Romans marked a long vowel by two of them, as Albaai longaai: 
you probably can tell whether it is positively known that they then 
alwayt pronounced both words as molossi: if nothing positive be 
known, they may perhaps, in the first of the two words, for the sake of 
a dactyl, have separated the two vowels to the ear as well as to the eye, 
making it a choriambus, alhUiii longaai. This Ennian line, both with 
and without the proposed dactyl, furnishes a very good illustration of 
what I ventured to show you at Guy's Cliff, on the ictus metricus, and 
on the effect it would have, if observed, in correcting the principal 
errors and vi9es of our pronunciation ; as we pronounce the line in 
question, the iclu$ (any thing but metricus) is laid in the following 
manner : 

Olli rejpondit rex AlhMi longaai, 

by means of which we give only five feet to the hexameter, and end 
the line, which, if heavy, ought at least to be grave and dignified, with 
a jingling chime of two amphibracbs, dUtdat I6ngadt. Now with the 
ictus on all the proper syllables, 

Ofli r««pondtl rex ^(baai longaai, 

we MUST give the six legitimate feet, must have a caesura of its due 
length at the proper place, and there can no longer be any jingling 
chime at the end ; and if, from our perverse and inveterate habits, 
we choose to shorten the long syllables on which the ictvs does not fall, 
as rSspdndit alb^ai, still a great advantage would be gained by having 
the long finals (especially at the caesura) pronounced long, and by ex- 
changing the jigging amphibrach for the dignified amphimacer. If the 
dactyl be admitted, the ictus on the proper syllables secures ihe right 
pronunciation of the choriambns, both in the Greek and the Latin verse, 
liO'TpokKttot^ and 

OUi res^ndit rex A^ci longaai, 

which then would acquire flow and harmony without losing dignity ; but 
in our system we are obliged to make all finals short, and therefore 
. must pronounce as well as we can, nor^xicos, rex &lbaL&l, to the total 
destruction, in so very narrow a compass, of quantity, metre, rhyme, 
euphony, and articulation. 

All that has just been said respecting the tc^tw , and its use in the 
recitation of hexameters, had but very recently occurred to me, when 
I ventured to show you at Guy's Cliff a page or two I had written on 
the subject ; you had but little time for reading them, and none for giving 
me your opinion on any particular point; I therefore felt very desirouf 
to recall the subject to your recollection, and to lay it more fully before 
you, in hopes of having my notions either confirmed or corrected by 
your judgment. Here, then, at last comes my interpolation, mixed 
with the gennine lines, the dross and the ore together. I ahall begin 
a little earlier than was neceasary, for the lake of bringing in a justly 

Dr." Johnstone's Life of Parr. 847 

eelebrated line^ on which also I shall have a remark or two to offer : I 
will oDly add, in the Italian phrase, compatisea, 

Ixyia nnrrc iro8f(r<ri vapos koviv nin^ixv^ipfoi, &c. 

Al8 the sense of my Greek may not be very clear, I will pat down in 
Eng^lish what 1 meant to express, and in part to suggest. My suppo* 
sition is, that when Ajax falls, Ulysses, who was close behind, whipt 
ronnd him to the righiy where it may be supposed the g^round was 
pretty clear from the dung, or, if not, that his guardian deity, '< trtfipoBos 
i)A0c Toiouy,*^ so he got in first ; that on the left of Ajax, it may again be 
supposed, the ground was covered with dang and blood, and that Anti* 
locbus, who was on that side, seeing from what had happened the danger 
of slipping, checked his speed ; at which moment Ajax sprung up, darted 
forward, and came in second. All this, with very little Greek, and at 
little practice in Greek hexameters, I have been trying to make out, 
and. again repeat compatisca. 

I have another explanation to make of a different kind, which I fore- 
see will be of some length ; but I am so deep in sin that I am grown 
quite hardened : it relates to a little mark I have placed on the last 
syllable of some of the pyrrhics. We uniformly lay our accent on the 
first, as indeed in all dissyllables, and thence spoil many a dactyl, and 
often where the dactylic rhythm has its most striking effect, as in the 
first line of the quotation, which I shall now mark with our accents at 
we always lay them. 

iX'vM Tw^rc voSci/tf'i, wt^pos jto'riy afi'^xuOi/veu. 

As long as our accent is on the long syllables, and on them only, the 
dactylic rhythm, so well suited to the occasion, springs forward with- 
out a check, but at once breaks down where it is on two short ones, 
Tdpos k6viv. Now, though either the ietiLs or our accent would equally 
secure the quantity of the iambus, vap6s, yet there is nothing to secure 
the amission of our accent on both the syllables of the pyrrhic, without 
which omission it cannot have its true sound, or form a dactyl with the 
last syllable ofitdpos. The fact is (at least after much reflection, and 
much discussion and amicable controversy on the point, I am con- 
vinced of it), that we English never give to any dissyllable, either in our 
own or the ancient languages, the sound which a pyrrhic ought to have ; 
and for the obvious reason,* that we always lay an accent, which gived 
length, either on the first or the last ; it is therefore a sound, as far as the 
detached foot is concerned, totally unknown to us, as likewise, I be- 
lieve, to the Italians, and for the same reason. But, though no single 
detached dissyllable can be produced as a proper standard, yet many 
of them become such when joined in composition with a preceding long 
syllable, and thence forming the end of a dactyl. Thus, for instance, 
ciilihr is, with our accent c^r, as much a trochee as sblor, or, I might 
add, s6lans with the same accent : were it to be laid, where we never 
lay it on any Latin word, on the last, colbr, it would be an iambus, both 
equally distant from the pyrrhic; but if you pronounce the compound 
dueolor in the usual manner, and then the last two syllables without 
the d\9y exactly as you did with it, you will have a sound or cadence, 
neither that of a trochee nor an iambus, but formed by the unaccented 
or short syllable of each, eoUr, The 'mark is meant as a warning, and 
a very necessary one, that we are not to lay the accent where we are 
used to lay it, on the first, but to pats quickly over it to the last, jott 
touch on iJlot, and quit it instantly. This mode of pronouncing the 

t>r ; 

248 Classical Extracts from 

pyrrhic gives what is to much wanting, a distinct and appropriate 
cadence to a distinct foot, and one which accords with and dis- 
plays its peculiar characteristic, that of lightness; the lightness of 
the most volatile part of the element, from which it is named: it 
is the way, if my notions be just, in which the pyrrhic ought always to 
be pronounced, either when sounded separately as a detached word, 
which the sense sometimes requires, or when it forms the end of a dac- 
tyl ; in which last case I should join it to the preceding word, nearly as 
if they formed a single one, as vapSs-icopw, rcWr-8/w/uoy, In such cases, 
however, I believe in all, the syllables may be divided and arranged ; 
similar quantities should produce a similar rhythm or cadence, cer- 
tainly not one of a totally dissimilar kind ; but we are creatures, nay, 
slaves of habit. We should start at hearing the compound pronounced 
fdpJipSfios, yet patiently hear it so pronounced if the two words hap- 
pen to be separate, as if Wpi 9p6iioSf or r4ktop dpSfwv, were less opposed to 
every just idea of quantity, metre, and rhythm ! U. Price. 

[Vol, viii. p. 114.] 

Dr. Parr*8 Letter to Mr. Berry, on the Plan of Teaching. 
Dear Mr. Berry, Dec. 19, 1819. 

When they have made real advances in Greek prose, read over 
with them the whole of Vigerus, with every note of Hoogeveen and 
Herman, and with the notes also of Zeunius, as contained in the edi- 
tions above mentioned. Mr. Berry, what I now recommend, is really 
one of the most useful parts of education. You should make them 
read Vigerus in this way twice every year for Gve or six or seven years. 
Pray mind my detail. Moreover, to increase the stock of phraseology, 
let them read a good deal of Lucian, and make them consult their Vi- 

Moreover, you must get two other auxiliary books, Heinecclus de 
Fundamentis Styli Latini (or, I rather think, Styli Cultioris), with the 
notes of Nicies (it is a large duodecimo), and Scheller de Stylo bene 
Latino. Grammatical accuracy and good taste will be the result of 
careful, continued, continued, continued perusal of these two books. 
Get them, study them; make your boys study them some years hence. 
Mr. Berry, these works of Heineccius and Scheller are inexhaustible 
treasures of Latin learning. 

There is another work which your boys, when they are seventeen or 
eighteen, should read. I mean Lambert Bos on the Greek Ellipsis. 
Get the best edition, and with it get Palairet on the Latin Ellipsis. 
You should also buy the last edition of Mattaire on the Greek Dialects; 
and if your boys follow the advice I am giving, they will turn 
Maittaire*s book to very good account when they are twenty-one or 
twenty-two years old. 

I have only to speak on one more subject, and I speak feelingly. If 
you wish your boys to be good theologians, make them good biblical 
grammarians. There is not much critical information, and there is far 
too much doctrinal trash, in Hardy's Greek Testament. Buy for your 
boys the useful book which Mr. Valpy has published on the New Testa- 
ment. He is the master of Norwich school. The philological parts of 
it are very useful, and your boys will have pleasure in reading them ; 
and pray let Blackwall accompany their first studies in this way, 
while they are reading Valpy*s and Bowyer's Testaments. 

[Vol. viii. p. 483 1 S. Parr. 

Dr^ Johnstone's Life of Parr. 249 


Letter from Dr. Parr to Professor Pillans. 

Our grammars speak of words, which indefinite posita subjanctivam 
postulant Bat they give very scanty information for the guidance of 
boys. We have no evolution of the principle, and I hardly know any 
teacher who understands it. My way of stating it to my boys was 
this : Qualis, quotus, quantus, quis, quam, with an adjective, as mag- 
nus or parvus, ut in the sense of quomodo or quemadmodum, may be 
used interrogatively ; and when the interrogation is real and unquali- 
fied, the verb must be in the indicative, and that is only one enuncia- 
tion, Quis est vir iste ? Qnalis est Scipio ? Quantus fnit Alexander ? 
Quaita magnns fuit orator Cicero? &c. But all these words may be 
used indefinitely ; and then one part of the enunciation depends on the 
other, and the subjunctive mood is employed at the close. The pre- 
ceding word may be a verb, as Scio qualis fuerit Cicero. Nescio 
quam magnus orator fuerit. Or it may be an adjective, as nescius, 
ignarus; and in either of these cases we must have the subjunctive. 
If there be a verb, then there may be only one enunciation, Nescio 
qnalis fuerit Cicero. If there be a participle, or an adjective, then there 
must be two parts in the enunciation, as Incertus quid agam for one 
part, and hue venio for another ; Certior factus quid agere debeam for 
one part, ad te veni for the , other. The rule applies to quam joined 
with an adjective, and to ut in the sense of quomodo or quemadmodum, 
followed by a verb ; and great care should be taken by a teacher, when 
it is so used, not to let his boys render it by the word that, when it 
ought to be rendered ut, how. My meaning will be clear by instances. 

Namque canebat uti magnam per inane coacta 
Semina, terraramqae, animaeque, marisque fuiisent, 
£t liquidi simal ignis : ut his exordia prlmia 
Omniay et ipse tener mundi concreverit orbis. 

Virg. Eclog. vi. v. SI. 

Mr. Pillans will have no difficulty in adjusting utrum and an to the 
rule, and in adjusting ne with an or necne. Utrom interrogative: 
utrum hoc fecit Cicero, an Catilina ? Utrum hoc Cicero fecerit, an 
Catilina, nemini dubium esse potest. Tune id fecisti, an alius? 
Tune id feceris, an alius, nemini dubium esse potest. Cicero hoc fecit, 
necne ? Cicero hoc fecerit, necne, nemini dubium esse potest. And 
pray observe that, as only the article necne is expressed, another par- 
ticle, such as num, must be previously understood. Again, pray take 
notice, that utrum is frequently understood as the first part of the sen- 

Ne perconteris, fundus meus, optime Quincti, 
Anro pascat herum, an baccis opulentet olivae. 

Hon lib. i. ep. 16. 

Here you must supply utrum before pascat. 

Cam tu inter scabiem tantam et contagia lucri 
Nil parvum sapias, et adhuc sublimia cures ; — 
QuaB mare compescant causae ; quid temperet annum ; 
Stellae sponte sua, jussaene, vagentur et errent ; 
Quid premat obscurum Lun», quid proferat orbem ; 
Quid velit et possit reruni concordia discurs : 
Empedocles, an Stertinium deliret acumen. 

Hor. lib. i. ep. 12. 

350 Classical Extracts from 

Here you see cares precedes several indefinite words followed by a 
subjunctive. Before Empedooles we must understand ntmm; and let 
me, in transitu, remind and inform yon, tbat Stertinii, wbich occurs in 
the common editions^ is wrong ; for no poets before the Augustan age, 
and in the Augustan age none before Ovid, used tbe genitive tt from 
nominatives in ius or turn. Thus Mercuri, not Mercurii; consili, 
not consilii ; and this was a notable discovery of Dr. Bentley. Mr. 
Pillans, I must stop a little to clear up a passage which, in my hearing, 
has been once or twice alleged about an : 

Debes hoc etiam rescribere, si tibi care, 

Quants conveoiat, Munatius : an male sarta 

Gratia nequicquam coit, et rescinditur. — Lib. i. epist. iii. v. 30,. 

Tbe verb wbich should follow si is omitted ; that verb is sit. Tbe con- 
struction is, debes rescribere, si Munatius tibi curas sit; and si, thus 
indefinite, means whether, as thus : 

Quae si sit Danais reddenda, vol Hectora fratreni, 
V^ei com Deipbobo Polydamanta roga. — Ovid. 

But the power of rescribere goes no further. We have a colon or full 
stop at Munatius, and then begins a new sentence in an interrogative 
form, an gratia male sarta coit? This I mention, because I have known 
persons, who supposed rescribere to act onwards, and an to be sub- 
joined to it with coit in the indicative ; but this is grossly erroneous. 
I shall now go to Mr. Carson's useful book. 

Mr. Carson has done well, in bis remarks on est qui and sunt qui, 
followed by subjunctives, and he will be glad to find tbat bis judgment 
is confirmed by Scbeller in Praecepta Styli bene Latini ; and as you 
may not have the book, I will give Scheller's words : ** Qui, qua, qiutd, 
de quOj in libellis grammaticis, vulgo parum accurate traditur, et cujus 
tamen usus in primis ob brevitatem commendandus est, ssepissime 
conjunctivum postulat post e$se, reperiri^ inveniri, et similia, si haec 
verba praedicati personam indunnt; atqoe ita^ut cum sua enuntiatione 
subject! vim habet ; videlicet. Est qui dicat, maUdicit. Sunt qtU dicant, 
narrent, dixerint, Sfc, Male dicunt, narrant, dixeruat, Futrunt qui di" 
Cerent ; erunt qui dicant ; reperii sunt qui confirmarent, Sfc. Male dix^- 
runt, dicunt, confirmarunt. Sic InveniuMtur, reperiuntur qui dicant ; tV 
njenti, reperti, sunt qui dicerent,** — Scbeller, p. 161. 

I pass an unequivocal and unqualified interdict in prose against tbe 
use of est qui, or sunt qui, with an indicative ; but I find that the poets 
are not quite uniform. In the very first ode of Horace, 

Sunt quos currlcalo pulverem Olympicam 

Est qui nee veteris pocnla Massid, 
Nee partem solido demere de die, 

All the Mss. give juvat and spernit, and the reading must not be dis- 
turbed ; and yet tbe propositions are general, and do not refer defini- 
tively to any particular person. Pray attend to the following note 
from Bentley : 

"(Sunt quibusin satira vtciear.) Dimidia fere codicum pars videor, 
altera videar. Utrumque probnm ; ut Carm. i. 7 : 

Sont ^oihus anum opus est intact^ Palladis uxbem — 

Dr. Johngtone's Life of Parr. 251 

€t Carm. i. 1 : 

Sunt quos carriculo puWerem Olympicum 
Collegiaae juvat. 

Quod lant, quos genos hoc mixiime jtmit. — Serm. i« 4» 24. 

Seneca, Controv« 1$. ' Sunt qai castra timeant ; sunt qoi oicatricibaa 
gaudent/ £t alii passim. Quare videar, quod hactenas editores ocea-* 
pa¥it, possessione sua depellere et iniquum foret et inatile." 

The metre will not allow us to say opus sit, though in all the other 
poetical instances the metre does allow us to use the indicative or sub- 
junctive, promit, promat, moratur, moretur, &c. I shall now establish 
my position, that the poets do not uniformly keep the rule. 

The examples will now be produced, and it will be found that they 
are poetical ; 

O Romule, Romule, die O, < 

Qualem te patriai custodem Di genuenmt. — Ennit Aanales, Ub. ii. 

Genuerunt according to the rule would be genuerlnt. 

MisimoB et Sparten. Sparte quoque nescia veil, 
Qoas habitas terras, aut ubi lentas abes. 

Ovid. Epist. Penel. Ulyss. v. 65. 

The punctuation depends merely on a conjecture of Burman. But 
iuch interrogation would be very abrupt and inelegant. The sentence 
is continued throughout the two lines in almost all editions, and then 
we must read babites and agas. I produce these two lines because 
they may oflFer exceptions to the general rule, and such they would be 
if the common reading were followed. But the common reading is 
wrong, and the note of Heinsius is perfectly right. Lentus agas in 
Chartaceo Scriverii, quod placet prae vulgato, si /labites quoque repo- 
natur, ut in uno Mediceo extat. Yulgata scriptura minus Latlna 

Quis justios induit arrna 
Scire nefas. — ^Lucan, lib. i. ▼. 126. 

This 1 consider is the true reading; there is room, indeed, for eva- 
sion, by putting a mark of interrogation at arma. But there is another 
passage in Lucan, which plainly shows that he did not adhere strictly 
to the rule. 

Qasre quid est virtos, et poace exemplar honesti. 

Lacan, lib. ix. v. 663. 

I ought to notice that Surman states, on the first cited passage from 
Lucan, a conjectural reading, induat for induit, and a conjectural 
punctuation which puts an interrogative at arma. I agree with Bur- 
man in rejecting both. I hold that Lucan has in two instances deviated 
from the common rule. But let us hear what Burman says : <' Nun- 
quam potui mibi persuadere, poetas ita servire ludimagistrorum ca- 
nonibus, ut non ssepius hocobsequiuin iibrariis, quam ipsis scriptoribus 
•it adtribuendum." The poets, I not only grant but contend, did in 
some instances neglect the rule ; and I shall produce all the instances 
in which this neglect appears in hexameters and pentameters. ^ 

He quotes from Lucan, lib. viii. ▼. 644 : 

Nesds, cmdelis, ubi ipsa 
. Yiioefa soiU M^gpi, 

252 Clamcal Extracts from 

Bat sint is tbe true reading, and is properly adopted by Oodendorp, 
Vfho notices, but does not admit, the various lection of sunt in the 
edition of Hortensius. Burman thinks that the prose writers neglected 
the rule ; but he is mistaken, and his reading of Cicero in Orat. pro 
Murena of Nescio quo pacto hoc fit is not to the purpose ; for the con- 
struction is, Hoc fit, nescio quo pacto. And I shall have occuuion to 
resume this observation, when I come to the comic writers. Barman 
has accumulated instances, nescio quid, adde quod, &c. but tbey are 
nothing to the purpose. I am fixedly of opinion, that the comic writers 
frequently neglect the rule, and I admit all the instances which Bur- 
man has quoted from Terence. I shall produce three myself^ and I 
shall add several from Plautus. But I must take notice, that tbe in- 
stances in Burman's note, where an precedes an indicative, are beside 
the purpose ; and I shall also have occasion to notice a great peculiarity 
in the Latin poets, where video precedes. Hand scio an, nescio an, 
are phrases sui generis, but followed by a subjunctive : more of this 
by and by. I must here state what is said by Vossins, who, together 
with Burman, admits what I deny, that in prose the rule is neglected; 
and who maintains with Burman, what I admit, that the comic writers 
do not uniformly observe the rule. Yossius, De Constructione, cap. 62, 
writes thus : '* Yolunt particulae interrogandi, si interrogative suman- 
tur, indicativo jungi ; si indefinite, subjunctive: itaqne.dici, Ubi degit? 
Die, ubi degat. Quoit? Scio quo eat. Unde venit? NeScio uhde 
veniat. Cur negas? Video cur neges. Verum hoc perpetuum non 
est.'' From Plautus he quotes the following instances, every one of 
which must be admitted : 

Scio quid ago. P. £t, pol ! quid metuo. 

Bacch. act. L so. 1. 
Idem, Anlul. Act. ii. 

Verba ne facias, sorer, 
Scio quid dictura es, banc esse pauperem : 
HaBC pauper placet. 

£t eadem, Aulul. Act. i. 

Neu persentiflcit, aunim ubi est absconditum. 

All these are real exceptions. But Vossius unaccountably quotes a 
passage, which, instead of being an exception to the general rule, is 
an instance of it: 

Nixnis hercle in ortos abeo, si quid agam, scio. 

Idem in Aulnlaria. 

The passage which Vossins quotes next from the Aulularia is nothing 
to the purpose. 

Vossius goes on to Cicero ; and I maintain that the readings which 
he produces, in every passage, are incorrect. Putas should be pntes,est 
should be sit, habet should be habeat, even though video precedes ; for 
with video the prose writers do not take the same liberties as the poets 
do. Faciendum est should be faciendum sit, ignoro. I wish Mr. Pil- 
lans and his excellent undermaster to read both what is written by 
Burman and by Vossius : but I oppose both. I say broadly that in Cicero 
there is no one exception to the rule. I shall now adduce from the 
Roman poets other passages in which the rule is entirely neglected. 
Nee tibi quid.liceat, sed quid fedsse decebit. 

Claudiaa de Quart. CoofaL Honor, v. 267. 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 25S 

There is an instance in the Epif^ams ascribed to Claudian : 

Hen ! miser ignoraos quam grave ciimen erat ! 

Deprecatio ad Aletbimn. 

On which Bnrman says in the note, ** Indicativus modus, ut hie in verba 
erat, etiam optima aetate invenitar." Yid. id. viii. 267. 

These words, optima aetate, must be understood with many restric- 
tions, for Catullus furnishes one example only ; but Lucretius, Horace, 
Tirgil, Ovid, and Tibullus, do not furnish any exception to the general 
rule. If we consider the use of video as a peculiarity, is there no 
writer, then,'optimae aetatis, in whose works an exception can be found? 
Yes, there is one writer, and but one, Propertius. In that one wri- 
ter the exceptions we find in two passages ; and it deserves particu- 
larly to be remarked, that in both these passages the indicative mood 
and the subjunctive mood follow an indefiuite word : 

Aspice quid donis Eriphyla invenit amaris ; 
Arserit et quantis nupta Creusa xnalis. 

Propert. lib. ii. eleg. xUi. ▼. 29. 

Here we have invenit and arserit in the same sentence after aspice 

Non rarsus licet ^toli referaa Acheloi, 

Fluzerit ut magno fractns amore liquor ; 
Atqae edam ut Phrygio fallax Maeandria campo 

Errat, et ipsa suas decipit unda vias ; 
Qualis et Adrasti fuerit vocalis Arion^ 

Tristis ad Archemori funeja victor equus. 

Here we have referas ut, with the power of quemadmodum, and flux- 
erit, and referas ut errat, and referas ut decipit, and referas qualis fue- 
rit There are no more instances in Propertius. I come next to 
Persius, from whom I shall quote two passages; and in one of them, 
as in Propertius, we shall find both the indicative and the subjunc^ 

Discite,^ O miseri, et causas cognoscite reram. 
Quid sumus, et quidnam victuri gignimur: ordo 
« Quia datui ; aut roetae qaam mollis flexus, ut unds : 
Qais modus argento : quid fas optare : quid asper 
Utile nummas babet : patriae cariisque propinquis. 
Quantum elargire deceat: quem te Deus esse 
Jttssit, et humana qua parte locatas es in re. 

Here we have discite followed by quid sumus, quidnam victuri gig- 
nimur, quid nummus habet, quantum deceat, quem jussit, and qua 
parte locatus es. 

Persius seems to follow the rule or neglect it, as the metre required. 

The second instance from Persius is this. 

Hie ego centenas ausim deposcere voces, 
Ut, quantum mihi te sinuoso in pectore fixi, 
Yoce traham pura« — Ibid. Sat. v. 26. 

If the rule were here followed, fixi would be fixerim. Burman, in 

' Some editions have diseiteqmiy and ei widf • Perhaps qmre agUe, for iucii€, 
would be too bold a conjecture.*— £d. 

254 Clamcal Extracts from 

his note on* bis first passage from Lucan, quotes from the 'iBtmC of Se- 
verus the following line. 

Scire quid occulto naturae terra coercet. 

I don't mean to dispute the reading, bat I look on tbe work itself as 
having no authority. As Barman refers somewhat triampbantly to 
.Wopkins, I will take some notice of the passage. In chap. 6thy book 
the 2nd of Cicero de Natura Deorum, we have these words : '* Animain 
denique illam spirabilem, si quis qnaerat, unde habemns, apparet," &c. 
Here Davis, who was deeply read in Cicero, says, *' Latinitas flagitat ot 
legatur habeamtu,** But, '* Grammaticam,*' says Wopkins, ** sive rigidas 
grammaticorum vix ulla cum exeeptione regulas boo flagitare, con- 
cedo : an vero Latinitas flagitare, hoc quidem baud ita constat quin 
rationem dubitandi exhibeat, qusp observavit Yechnerus Helien. lib. ii, 
cap. 36. Adde Corn. Ser. in iEtna, v. 274. 

Scire quid occulto naturaB terra coercet. 

Sic saepius poetae.'* — See Wopkins, Lectionis Tnllianse lib. ii.cap.y.p. 

Onr critic, instead of very often, oaght to have said sometimes. Wop- 
kins endeavors to support his opinions by instances ti&en from Seneca, 
Minucius Felix, Lactantius, and even Sailust. But not one of his 
readings is correct. I shall content piyself with rectifying the passage 
which he quotes from Sailust. Qui si repntaverint, et quibns ego tem- 
poribns magistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri idem assequi nequive- 
rint. — Bell. Jugur. cap. 4. 

It is quite incredible that Sailust in the same instance should write 
nequiverint and adeptus sum. Cortius is more exact and more minote 
than any other critic in his remarks on the phraseology of Sallast, and 
he very properly reads sim, and not sum with adeptus. 

Let me now recapitulate. We have indisputable exceptions to the 
rule, as follows — one in Ennius, two in Claudian, two in Lucan, two 
passages in Propertius, and two passages in Persius, and here we mast 
stop. For Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Tibullns, Juvenal, Silius 
Italicus, and Valerius Flaccus, supply no instances. There is in Ho- 
race a seeming exception, and it is only a seeming one : 

Disce docendus adhuc qus censet amicalus. 

But quae here is not from quis, quae, quid, but from qui, quae, quod ; and 
the construction is Disce docendus ea quae censet amicuius. 

I ought to notice what would be an additional exception, if tbe pas- 
sage were genuine, but it is not. In tbe first book of the Fables of 
Phaedrus, and in fable 14tb, are these words, 

Hac re probatur quantum ingenium valet 
Virtuti et nemper prsvalet tsapientia. 

Here tbe rule would require valeat, and praevaleat. But let as bear 
Bentley in his note : " Versus spurii : nee numerls probis, nee oratione 
Latina, nee sententia quicquam ad fabulam pertinente. Quid quod 
^wtfivdiop in principio fabulae hie veniat,nec unqnam geminetur?" I 
said that with video there was often a peculiarity of construction ; and 
the seeming impropriety of an indicative, where we should expect a 
sabjnnctive, is removed by making tbe construction interrogative: 

Nonne vides, croceos ut Tmolns odores, 

India mittit ebur ? Virg. Georg. i. v. 56. 

Dr. JahD3tQQQ's Ltfe of Parr. 255 

. Ut here has the power of qaomodo. We pat an interrogative at vides, 
and another at odores. 
Again, in ^Eneid. ix. verse 269, we read, 

Vidiflti quo Tumu8 equo, qnibos ibat in armis 

Here ibat should be in the subjunctive after auo and vidisti. But 
we ought to have a double interrogative, and this well suits the spirit 
of the passage. I cannot assent to another interpretation of the pas- 
sage, which would introduce a Graecisin, where the substantive, which 
sliould be antecedent, is found with a relative, as in Terence, 


Populo at placerent, quas fecisset fabulas. 

' And in Horace, 

Sea ratio dederit, sea fors objecerit, ilia 
Contentos vivat. 

The solution which I propose is far the easier than vidisti eqaam, 
quo equo, &c. 
Calphurnius uses ut with cerno in the same way : 

Cernis ut, ecce pater qnai tradidit, Omite, vaccsB, 

MoUe sub hiriuta latus ezplicuere genista ? See Eelogue i« t. 4. 

- We have a similar instance with viden' in Plautus, act iii. scene 3. 

Viden' at segre patitur gnatum esse corruptum tuum, 
Suum sodalem ? ut ipsus se crodat SBgritudine 1 

Be it observed that the poets are not uniform, but seem to put the 
indicative or the subjunctive after viden' ut, as it suits their metre; " I 
will £^ve examples of the subjunctive : 

Viden' ut Latonia virgo 
Accensas quatiat Phlegetbontis gargite tiedas? 

Sil. Italitus, Pun. xii. 713. 

Viden' Arctoo de can^ere quanta 
Tollat se nubes, atque aequore pendeat atro' 1 

Valerius f laccui, Argoa. lib* iii* ▼• 499. 

But Virgil says, 

^viden' ut gamine stant vertice ciistsB, 

£t pater ipse suo superum jam signat bpnore ? ^n. vi. ▼. 780. 

It must, however, be acknowleged that stent and signet are found in 
some of the Mss., and therefore no stress can be laid on these instances. 
Tibullus uses viden* with the subjunctive : 

Viden' ut felicibus extis 

Significet placidos nuntia fibra Deos ? 

Such is the text of Broukhusius. 

But Broukhusius, in his note» admits stant as the reading in Virgil, 
and produces an earlier and quite indisputable instance from Catullus, 
where the indicative follows viden* ut : 

Sic certe. Viden* ut feliciter exsiluere ? 

Catall. Carmen lix. v. 8. 

All these instances confirm my position, that after video and cerno. 

256 Classical Extracts from 

as an equivalent word, the poets arbitrarily pat the indioatiye or sub- 
junctive. But when the indicative is put; the rule about tbe aobjunc- 
tive following an indefinite word is not employed, for we have two 
interrogatives ; and when tbe subjunctive is used, tbe rule is preserved. 
Though I contend that in prose, the Latin writers have aniformly 
observed tbe rule, which the poets occasionally neglect, yet I am con- 
vinced that in their colloquial language, the Romans sometimes kept 
to the rule, and sometimes violated it. I fbund this my opinion on 
passages in Plautus and Terence, because in these writers we may 
reasonably look for tbe common discourse of the Romans. I have al- 
ready assented to some instances from Terence, which Borman quotes 
in bis annotations on the first book of Lucan ; and I have also repro- 
duced some of the comic instances, which Gerard Yossius has inserted 
in bis Book de Constructione. But I believe that Mr. PilJans and 
Mr. Carson would not be sorry to see some examples which I have 
marked for myself, and therefore I shall show them on paper, without 
regarding whether one or other of them has or has not been anticipated 
by Yossius or Burman. I will begin with Terence : 

Age ; sit, hue qua gratia 
Te accersi, jussi, ausculta. — Eun. act i. scene 2. 

I just stop to observe, that there is no such word as accersi. We 
ought always to read arcessi, and Mr. Pilians will take care to inoui- 
cate this strongly on the minds of bis scholars : 

Viden' otium et cibas quid facit alienus ? — Eun. act ii. scene 2. 
Vide avaritia quid facit.— Phormio, act ii. scene 3t» 

Mr. Pilians and Mr. Carson will remember that in Burman's Lucan 
they will find additional instances from Terence. I now go to Plautus : 

Nunc cujus jussu venio, et quamobrem venerim 
Dicam. Frol. to Amphitruo, t« 17. 

Here, as in Propertius and Persius, the rule is violated and preserved 
in the same sentence : 

Nunc quam rem oratnm hue veni piimum proloquor. 

Prol. to Amphitrao, v» 50» 

Observatote qaam blande mnlieii palpabitb. 

Amphitmo, act i. scene S. 

Mane, mane, audi, die quid me sqnum censes pro ilia tibi dare. 

Asinaria, act ii. scene !• ▼• 78. 

Eloquere utrumqne nobis, 
Et quid tibi est, et quid velis nostram operam. 

Cistellaria, act i. scene 1. v. 58« 

Scio quid ago. Pi. Et, poll ego scio quid metuo. 

Bacchides, act i. scene 1. v. 45* 

Sed lubet sciie, quantum aurum hems sibi demsit, et quid suo reddidit patii. 

Bacchides, act iv. scene 4. ▼• 14* 

Nee dicta ex foctis nosce : rem vides, qnas sim, et quss fui ante. 

Mostellaria, act !• scene S« v. 42. 

Circumspice daro, nunquis est 
Sermonem nostnun qui aucupet. 

Mostellana, act ii. scene 2. v. 41. 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 257 

Viden' ut tremit atque eitimuit, 
Postquam te aspexit? 

Miles Gloriosus, act ir. sdeae 6. ▼. 67« 

1 must in transitu desire Mr. Pillans and Mr. Carson to observe, 
that the second syllable in vlden' is short not only in Piautus, but in 
Siliiis Italicus, and Valerius Flaccus. 

I shall stop to mark a construction, where the principle of the inde- 
finite does not apply. 

Qain domi eccaro : nescio quae te, Sceledre, scelera suscitant. 

Miles Gloriosus, act ii. scene S. ▼. 69. 

Here the construction is, scelera te suscitant, neseio quae. 

Nescio quam fabricam facit. 

Epidicus, act v. scene 2. v. %5, 


Here the constructipn is Fabricam facit, nescio quam. 

My fi^ood friend Mr. Pillans may depend on my exactness, when I 
state, that even among the older writers of Latin prose, the principle 
of the indefinite with the subjunctive is uniformly observed. In the 
Origines of Cato the construction is throughout inartificial, and there is 
not one instance of an indefinite. But in Cato, and in Yarro de He Rus- 
tica, the rule is never neglected; and numerous are the instances 
where it is observed. 

I hope I have said enough to satisfy Mr. Pillans and Mr. Carson that 
the exceptions to the rule are merely poetical. Mr. Carson, in the new 
iedition of his book, will do well to state this. 

Now, my good friend Mr. Pillans, I know very few scholars who are 
acquainted with the rule. By accident and by ear they use the sub- 
junctive, and sometimes they violate it wilhont consciousness of the 
impropriety ; and this is often the case with Bishop Lowth, in his noble 
work on Hebrew poetry. I remember that the second edition of his 
work opened thus, 

Quid huic secunds editioni accessit, paucis ezponam. 

I told one of Lowth*s friends that it ought to be accesserit, and so it 
was altered. True, but in several other Instances it remained, and I will 
produce a few : 

Notum est quantum in hac re sibi perroiserant poetae Graeci. 

Lowth, Praelection the 3d. 
£t quo impetu jam iteram erumpit vatis indignatio, quseso, advertite. 

Praelection 15. 

Piget pudetque referre, quae tarn saepe dominabatur in hoc disciplinas atque 
biimanitatis domicilio libido atque immanitas. — Idem, in Oratione Crewiana. 

Now, in the preceding examples, Lowth was wrong, because he was 
unacquainted with the rule; but sometimes ho was guided by his ear 
and his taste to what was right, as thus : *' Si ejus sublimitatem caeteras- 
que virtutes recte aestimare velimus, hoc est quantum in conciliandii 
animi humani affectibus valeat, intelligere.** — Lowth, Praslection 2. 

I'he rule was well known to my schoolfellow Sir William Jones, whit, 
in his commentaries Poeseos Asiaticse, never violates it ; and we often 
bad talked it over with our learned instructor. Dr. Robert Sumner, and 
by these conversations it was most deeply impressed on our minds. 
Among the scholars who in my memory have been very conspicuous 


258 Classical Ejctracts from 

in England, Sir George Baker, M.D., an Etonian, Dr. William Bar- 
ford, an Etonian, and Dr. Lawrence, M.D., a Carthusian, uniformly 
put a subjunctive mood after an indefinite word. Barford, in all pro- 
bability, was acquainted with the rule ; but Lawrence and Baker were 
fortunate enough to be guided right by their ear and their taste. 

Brother Pillans ! work your boys day and night, through winter and 
summer, and recommend them when they read to mark the rule, and 
praise them when they observe it in their exercises. Make yourself 
master of it by intense and incessant application. Let me add one 
more instance from a scholar of the highest class, Bishop Hare, whose 
Latinity in the dedication of his Terence to Lord Townshend is almost 
unparalleled. In his note on scene first, act fouKb, of the Andria, Hare 
says, " Miror autem quid clarissimo viro in mentem fnit, cum diceret 
a nemine fuisse animadversos." In the aiinals of criticism this is a 
memorable note, for it led to a fierce controversy between Bentley and 

The Syphilis of Fracastorius is justly considered by scholars as a 
poem which, for exactness and elegance, stands next to Virgirs Geor- 
gics ; and now I will show you that Fracastorius sometimes observes 
the rule, sometimes neglects it, which proves that he was right by ear 
and taste, and not by that regular conviction which the knowlege of 
the rule would have impressed on his judgment. Here then you will 
see the importance of understanding and of inculcating a principle un- 
known to so accomplished a scholar, and so distinguished a poet, as 
Fracastorius ; and because my remark would at first alarm a reader 
tolerably learned, I shall support my position by long and apposite quo- 
tations. Fracastorius stumbles in limine, for in the introduction to his 
poem he uses attulerint right, and comperit wrong : 

Qai casus rerum varii, qase seroina morbam 
Insuetum. nee longa ulli per saecula visam, 
Attulerint ; nostra qui tempestate per omnem 
Europam, parteinque Asiae Libyeque per urbes 
Seviit; in Latium vero per tristia bella 
Gallorum irrupit, nomenque a gente recepit : 
Necnon et quae cura, et opis quid comperit usus, 
Magnaque in angustis homiuum sollertia rebus, 
£t monstrata Deum auxilia, at data rounera coeli, 
Hinc canere, et longe secretas qusrere causas 
Aera per liquidum, et vasti per sidera Olympi 

Magni primum circumspice mundi 
Quantum hoc infecit vitium, quot adiverit urbes. 

Here we have infecit for infecerit wrong, and adiverit right, in the 
same sentence. 

Nunc vero quonam ille modo contagia trazit, 

Accipe quid mutarc qneant labentia saecla. Book i. 

Here, too, after accipe we have traxit wrong, and queant right. 

Aspice ut hibemns rapidos ubi flexit in austrum 
Phoebus equoB, nostrumque videt depressior orbem, 
Bruma riget. Book i. 

Such is the caprice of language, that the latitude granted to video 
and cerno cannot be granted to aspice. 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Parr. 259 

Aspicis ut virides etiaro none litera rimas 
Servet, et arenti nondam se lazet biatu. 

Calphurnius, Ecloga i. ▼. 22, 

Aspicis ut virides andito Cssare sylvae 

Conticeant. Idem, Ecloga if. v« 97* 

I return to Fracastorias. 

animamqae agitans per cuncta requiro 
Quis status illoram foerit; quae signa dedere 
Sidera, quid nostris ccelum portenderit aiinis. 

Here you have fuerit right, and dedere wrong. I have said enough 
to justify my position that Fracastorias was unacquainted with the 

The excellences of Yida are not so numerous, nor so splendid, as 
those of Fracastorius* But Yida, by the fortunate guidance of his ear 
perhaps, rather than by grammatical accuracy, has escaped the impro- 
priety, which I have pointed out in Fracastorius. Probably in the last 
century no Latin poem excelled that of Boscovitch de Soils et Lunae 
4lefeetibus. But Boscovitch is uniformly right in that use of the sub- 
junctive, which we are now discussing. Mr. Gray was not only an 
eminent poet, but a most profound and correct scholar. But even 
Gray has fallen into the mistake which I have imputed to Fracastorias: 

Haec sixnul assiduo depascens omnia visu, 
Perspiciet, vis quanta loci, quid poUeat ordo» 
Juncturse quis honos, ut res accendere rebus 
Lumina coDJurant, inter se et mutua fulgent. 

De Piincipiis Cogitandi, ▼. 112. 

Here Gray is right, where he says perspiciet quid polleat ordo. But 
he is wrong when, employing ut with the power of quomodo between 
perspiciet and another verb, he writes, conjurant and fulgent in the in- 
dicative, when they ought to be in the subjunctive. 

I shall not chase the «rrors of ordinary scholars; but, that the rule 
was unknown to some of our best scholars, will appear to yo4i from the 
passages which I am going to produce. You must have heard of Dr. 
George, once master of Eton school, then provost of King's College^ 
author of the celebrated and unparalleled iambics on the death of 
Frederick, Prince of Wales. Several of George's poems are ihserted 
in the second volume of the Mosse Etonenses, published by Prinsep; and 
from these poems shall be taken examples, which show that George, 
though a very learned teacher, was ignorant of the rule about the in- 
definite followed by the subjunctive. In his fine poem called. Ecclesi- 
astes, we find : 

Quis mihi vim terras altricem sophus explicet, unde 

Semina, qusB putri jacuerunt obruta sulco, 

Pubescunt rediviva iterum feetuque gravantnr. Secies. 

Aspice nunc quanio studio curaque sagaci 

Melli6ca immensos tranant examina campos 

Aeris. Ecclea. 

The next instances I shall produce are from Dr. Hallam, dean of 
Bristol, and father of Mr. Uallam, who lately published a well-kaown 
and well-received 1i>ook on the Literature of the Middle Ages : 

Expedient alii, quorum mens ardua callet 
AfBactus lucis varios, queis didita paret 

260 Classical Extracts from 

Legibus, et qusB vis detorquet tela diei 
Obvia, perqae auras devexo tramite mitdt. 
Quis taroen ezpediet fando, quam prwpite corsu 
Descendant radii 1 

Dr. George is right in the following lines : 

Dicite, vos, quibus arcanos natura recessus 
ExpOBuit, quibus ingentis, quo prndita sensu 
Concipiant tantos bruta hsc animalia motus. 

In the next lines here produced he is wrong again : 

Qui fit ut ardentes rosa matutina ruborei 
Induat, ezpedies. Ecclesiastes. 

Qni fit should be qui fiat. On George's verses I would add, that my 
observations on ut with video and cerno, having the power of quomodo, 
will vindicate the following passage : 

Cemis, ut incerto palantes calle planets 
Nunc lento incedunt passu, nunc orbe citato 
Corripuere gradum. Ecclesiastes. 

The rule would require incedant and corripuerint. I shall content 
myself with referring to one more Etonian, whose sagacity and learn- 
ing were of a very high order ; I mean Daniel Gaches : 

Nee subit interea quantis se gloria rebus 
Angliaca attollit ; quam lato crevit adauctu 
Imperii moles. 

These are the words of Gaches in the congratulatory verses sent 
from Cambridge on the peace of 1763. They made a great noise from 
their boldness; and the greater, because the writer was appointed by 
the University a censor, whose office it was to examine all the compo- 
sitions, and admit such only as were proper both in point of matter and 
diction* But Gaches, with that singular intrepidity which marked his 
whole character through life, seized and monopolized for himself the 
liberty which he refused to other academics. He poured forth bitter 
invectives against the oppressive effects of the cider tax, and the inglo- 
rious terms of the peace, and with solemn mockery he derided the 
intellect of the king. Have these celebrated verses found their way 
to Edinburgh ? 

My good Mr. Pillans, I put before you the errors of distinguished 
nien, in order to show you the necessity there is for teachers to exa- 
mine thoroughly, and inculcate frequently, the rule about indefinite 
words followed by the subjunctive mood. I tell you again and again 
that the prose writers, both in the earlier and later stages of the Latin 
language, are correct. You well say that in Bentley's note he quotes 
only one prose passage from Seneca, and in that passage we have, as 
we ought to have, the subjunctive mood. Whether Bentley made the 
distinction, or whether it did not occur to him to notice it at the time, 
I by no means decide. But the stores of his memory were so large, 
that, if a prose passage with the indicative had occurred to him, he 
would have introduced it; and here, my friend, I shall claim thanks 
from you and Mr. Carson, for clearing up one passage in prose, where 
the generality of readers believe that the indicative actually follows an 
indefinite word. In 1732 Schwarts published at Coburg a most use- 

Dr. Johnstone's Life of Farr. ^6l 

ful Latin Grammar, and by the aid of a dictionary I make out tbe 
German illustrations as well as I can. Now, in page 656, be lays down 
this broad and just rule: ** Omnia nomina,pronomina,adverbia,et con- 
junctiones, rem definitam et certam vel significantia vel postulantia. 
indicativum ; infinitam et dnbiam signantia, conjunctivnm asciscnnt/ 
But in tbe note he says, ''Interdnm tamen indicativus positusest pro 
conjunctivo. Seneca, Epist. 94. 'Vis scire, qaam falsus ocnlos tuos 
decipit fulgor.' " My friend, I should have pronounced the reading false. 
In tbe Strasburg edition of Seneca's Epistles, published 1809, tbe 
editor gives deceperit. He says, ^* deceperit ; perperam decipit editiones.'^ 
Mr. Pillans, you would be surprised at the numerous mistakes into 
which critics are led by false readings. One of tbe acutest gramma- 
rians we ever had in this country was Richard Johnson, whose Gram- 
matical Commentaries I recommend to you very earnestly. I muat^ 
at the same time, warn you that Johnson was often misled by bad 
editions, and this my observation extends to some quotations in bis 
Noctes Nottinghamicse. It i.s a book not often to be met with, and, 
unfortunately for scholars, it was left imperfect by the Very acute 
and learned writer. If you lived near me, you would often have oppor- 
tunities to avail yourself of the advantages I have derived from long 
and severe attention to these grammatical niceties; and I must entreat 
you and Mr. Carson to boon your guard, when you quote passages of 
classical antiquity. 

Mr. Pillans will see plainly that the Roman writers of prose steadily 
keep the rule ; that tbe comic writers, with the laxity of common dis- 
course, often neglect it; that a few other Roman poets now and then 
break it for the convenience of the metre ; and that later writers of 
Latin poetry neglect the rule when it suits their metre, and observe it 
at other times, and were probably one and all ignorant of the principle^ 
and were guided by their ear, which is the very guidance also to some 
excellent modern writers of Latin prose. Here, then, a question will 
arise. Why may not a modern writer of Latin verse take the liberty, 
which evidently was taken by some ancient writers of Latin verse ? My 
an.swer is, in the first place, it is better to know a principle than not to 
know it; secondly, on the ground of uniformity, it is better to adhere 
to the principle, when well known, than to swerve from it ; thirdly, 
that, in point of propriety, it is safer to follow Lucretius, Virgil, Horace, 
Ovid, and Tibullus, who uniformly follow tbe rule, than Catullus, who 
neglected it once ; than Propertius, who in two passages neglects it; 
than Lucan, who twice neglects it ; than Claudian, who twice neglects 
it ; and than Persius, who twice neglects it. Really, on the best princi- 
ples of criticism, I would discourage young men from breaking the rule 
in Latin verse, and I would rigorously insist on the observance of it 
in Latin prose. My ear is always ofiended by the violation of the rule; 
and, by repeated admonitions and clear explanations, I enabled my 
boys to understand, and compelled them to adhere to the principle. 
Before I conclude, I will carry back tbe attention of Mr. Pillans to 
Burmau*s note on the first book of Lucan. Even Burman, who, like 
Gerard Vossius, is an advocate for latitude, writes thus : ** Nolo ex cor- 
rupta apud Ovidium Epist. x. v. 86. 

Quia scit an hsc ssvas tigridas insala habetl 

argiunentum capere ; sed tamen temere nimis Heinsium pronuntitce 

362^ Classical Extracts^ ^c. 

Latine non dici| * quis scit an habet,' sed dicendam ' an habeat/ arbitror/' 
This is an honest and judioioas concession. If Mr. Pillans will look 
at the lOtb Epistle of the Heroldes, v. 86. vol. 1. of Barman's edition 
of Ovidy be will see, from the various readings of Mss. and the various 
conjectures of critics, that there is some corruption in the passage. '* Dao 
sunt/' says Heinsins, '* quae in hoc versu offendunt, Primo, quod Latine 
baud dicitur, < Quis scit an habet/ sed/ an habeat.'" Tbe two least inn 
probable conjectures are, 

Quis scit an haec tigres insala saeva ferat ? 
Quis scit an et seeva tigride Dia vacet 1 

The first conjecture is far too removed from the ductus literarnm. I 
object to vacet tigride^ which does not resemble cuitu vacare. If I say 
terra vacat cuItu, the meaning is plain. The land wants the cultiva- 
tion which it ought to have. But if I say tigride vacat, then sorely the 
land is free from the annoyance which it ought not to have, and this 
favorable sense is the very reverse of what we should expect. What is 
the subject of terror? that the land is not free from a tiger? whereas 
this reading would suggest that it is so free. If we fear lions, we must 
also fear tigers ; and it were strange to say, in one line, that there are 
lions to be feared^ and, in the next, that there is no fear of tigers. I 
really do not know what the true reading was; but I am quite clear 
that the original reading was not such as left habet after quis scit an. 
I desire Mr. Pillans to consider well the manner in which baud 
scio an is used in Latin. The subject is curious, and there are some 
judicious remarks on it in the second volume of the Port Royal Latin 
Grammar, translated by Nugent, page 165. Mr. Pillans will also look 
at pages 474 and 475 of Scheller De Praeceptis Styli bene Latini, where 
he will find that nescio an has the power of nescio an non, and that, if 
a verb follows, it is always in the subjunctive. Mr. Pillans will also 
consult Yoltenii Lexicon, p. 1457. The direct form of such construc- 
tion is dubitandi. Tbe indirect import is aflSrmation. 

Now the meaning of definite and indefinite ought to be explained : 
when we use the indicative, the proposition is definite. But there is 
something doubtful or indefinite, when the subjunctive is put in pro- 
positions such as I have stated. With tbe indicative a proposition is 
directly and uniformly positive ; but, if less positive, it carries less cer- 
tainty, when we use the subjunctive in an indefinite form. Consider 
this well : logically, the definite is opposed to the indefinite ; fcramma- 
tically, the interrogative construction differs from the indefinite con-* 
struction. Pray attend to this distinction in the logical powers of sen- 
tences, and the grammatical construction of them, and pray observe 
what I am going to add. It is a convenience, and a very marked pro- 
perty of the Latin language, that the indefinite construction can be 
employed as I have stated it. But surely, Mr. Pillans, such an accu- 
rate denotation must have arisen, when a language had passed from its 
early and rude infancy to marked precision and perspicuity. It is 
however improbable, that the accuracy, which by degrees was esta* 
blished in writing, should in any period of the language have been 
steadily observed in common discourse ; and by these means we can 
easily account for the frequent neglect of the rule which I hare noticed 
in Piautns and Terence. 

1 am sure that your good sense will point out to you the propriety of 
tbe foregoing remark ; and I anticipate tbe prompt and entire concw^' 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 263 

renoe of yoar profoand, philosophical countryman^ Dagald Stewart. 
You know very well the high opinion which I have of Dr. Gregory*^ 
Latinity ; and he will be happy, if not proud, when he knows that he 
is in a very unusual degree correct in employing right construction, 
when so many English scholars, of the first eminence in this country, 
have fallen into mistakes. I think it not very likely that he knows any 
thing of the rule. But his ear and his taste guided him right, and his 
great sagacity would lead him to understand the rale, and to approve 
of it. I beg leave to assure you, that the Italian prose writers of Latin 
in this age are seldom or never wrong, and they too in all probability 
had no other guidance than their taste. You will see plainly, by the 
length of these papers, the anxiety I feel that the boys of your High- 
school may have the full benefit of instruction from such instructors as 
yourself and Mr. Carson. 

Yesterday I had a letter from Leonard Horner, and finding that he 
is in London, I shall send this packet to him, and desire him to deliver 
it to you. I am still very poorly ; and you have a proof of my es1«em 
and regard, when, amidst the pains and debility under which I labor, 
I make such an exertion, as I have now made in dictating this letter 
to yon. Remember me to all my friends. I have most attentively 
read Dr. Brown's book on cause and effect. It proves that he was worthy 
to be the successor of Dugald Stewart. Ask him if he ever read a 
book, written by one Arpe, de Fato. It is chiefly historical, and gives a 
list of those who have written on fate, fortune, necessity, &c., but is 
worth reading. 

Dr. Brown knows the imperfect state in which Cicero's book de 
Fato is come down to us. But what is there said of causae anteceden- 
tes, assisted me when I was reading Dr. Brown. I am not ashamed to 
add, that the work of Grotius de Fato deserves attention. Brown's 
book is most excellent, and I have recommended it to one of my 
metaphysical countrymen. I am truly your friend, 

I have not time to revise. S. Fariu 

[Vol. viii. p. 633.] 


No. m.— [Concluded from No. LXXIX.] 

vVe will now consider the more arcane parts of the mysteries, 
which consisted in representing the history of Ceres and Baubo.' 
For a description of these representations, I refer my reader to 
Mr. Taylor's '* Dissertation,'^ and to Clemens and Arnobius, 
from whom he has taken it. The passage from Psellus, which 
he gives in his appendix, as it serves to show how all the other 
mysteries rested on, and were included in these of £ieusis, will 

* BoviSw* riBriPJi Aruirrrpos. Hesychiiu. 

264 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

be found in the note below. ^ Clemens connects with Tbemis a 
somewhat similar representation.^ 

These representations were never considered by the ancients 
as licentious exhibitions. They were not intended to provoke 
lust on the contrary, the initiated were obliged, during the 
days that the ceremonies lasted, to keep themselves pure from 
all venereal connexions. They had a symbolical and an liistO' 
rical import. They were taken along with the mysteries from 
£gypt. In that country, Osiris, according to Plutarch, wa» 
considered as the cause of generation.^ This idea is connected 
with his history. Typhon, Plutarch tells us, when he tore the 
body of Osiris to pieces, threw his generative member into the 
Nile : Isis, who could not find this part of her husband, made 
an image of it and caused it to be worshipped, and instituted the 
rites of the Phallus ; and hence, he tells us, were attributed to 
Osiris the first spermatic power, and the cause of generation.^ 
Thus we find that all the Phallic rites, as well as those of Pria- 
pus, originated from these mysteries : for Priapus was the 
same as Dionysus.^ Exactly the same history of the Phallus is 
connected with Dionysus, the Grecian Osiris, as torn to pieces 
by the Titans. 

Herodotus seems to suppose that the Bacchic rites were 
altered in their introduction into Greece, and that Phoenician 

' 'A He ye fivffrripia Tovrwv, oiov avruca ra EKtv<rivia, rov fivOutov (nroKpivvrm, Aia 
fiiypufiwoy Tfj Arioi, n rji Arifirrrepi, km rri Ovyartpi rawnys ^efKre^cerqf ry km 
Kop^, EveiBri Be efieWov kou cuppoBurioi eiri T17 fiini<r€iyiy€(r6cu<rvfnr?^)Kcu,eafaBu€Tat 
vcos 71 A<f>poSiTri mro rivav ireirKaffixcvav firiieav veKayios* Eira Je yafJL^|^MS ewi rp 
Kopp 6fi€Vouos, Kcu e-jraBovaiv oi Tehavjievoiy eic rvfiirca/ov ctpayov, cjc Kv/ifiatkotw 
exiov, €K€pvo4>opria'a imo rov traurov tureSvv. 'T-jroKpiverat Se km ras Aviovs ooSiyar. 
*lK€TripiM yovv mniKa Ariovs. Km x^^VS trocriSf km KapBia\ytM. — Eirt vcurty ai rov 
Aiowffov rifiM, KM 71 KUffTtSf KM ra ToAvo/u^oXa irovMfa, km 01 rtp iSajSafiy rcAov- 
fievoi, K\7iSoy€S re km fii/xafuoves, km rts 7ix^v XepTjs eeairpcoreios km AooBwyMOV 
XdKKCioVf KM Kopvfias ciWos km Koupris irepos, SMfiovoav fiiyaifivrou E<l>* oh ^ 
Bavfiw rous fifjpovs avMrvpo/Myrif km 6 ywMKos ict€is» obra yap ovofiafovffi rfjy ouSw 
aurxwofiwoi. Psellus, Ms. riva irtpi Hm/xovcov Ho^a^ovaiy *EXA7;i'€s. 

' Koi TTpofferi ttjs 0e/u(8os ra avof^a (rvfifioKa, opiyavoVf Kvxvos, it4>os, icrctf 
ywMKfios* 6 ecrrtv, ewpTifias km fivarueas etTceiv, fiopujv ywaiKtiov, Protrept. p. 24. 

3 Ot yap (TOipcffrtpot rtav tepetov — Offipiv fiev airXws aircun}j/ ttji' iyporoioy apxi^v 
KM HxnfafuVf airiav yepeaeas Kai (nrepfMTOs owriay vofii^ovrcs. Plutarch, de Is. et 
Os. p. 269. 

* Km yap ^ irpoffriOefieuos r<p yLv6<p \oyos, &s rov OtripiSas 6 Twp«oy ro m- 
Joiov ff^i^cy cis roy vorafAov, ij 8* I<ris ovx evpty, aXX* €/itt>€p€S ayoKfia Otfiwri km 
KoraaKtvaffOffa, rtfi^ km ^oXXij^opetc era^ey, €vravOa ye irapaxop^i HiSoffKwy, &ri 
ro yoyifioy Kat ro (nrepfMriKoy rov 0eiov •Kptarov etrx^ ^^V^ ''W ^por^ia, km Si' 
iypvnrros eyeKpaBri rois 7re<pvKaori fjierexety yeyeaeus. Plat. ibid. p. 270. See Sy- 
nesias de Providentia. 

* Uof^ eyiois Se, 6 avros etrrirtp Atoyv<r(p. Schol. in Tbeocrit. Id. a', v. 21. — ^T<- 
furrou TTopa liay^aKtivois 6 Jlpiavos, 6 avros cov rtf Aioywrif, c( ev^erov KoXoviievos 
o&rws, &t Bpiofjifios KM AiOvpafifios, Acheoaeus, Deipnosophist. lib. i. 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 265 

fables were mixed with the worship that Melampus brought 
from Egypt/ But in truth they were all nearly the same; and 
although we have less direct testimony that Adoois or Tham- 
muz was considered as a generative principle^ yet we have abun- 
dant evidence that the Phoenician Aphrodite was so.^ She was 
fabled to have been produced from the generative organs of 
Cronus, when they fell into the ocean, or primitive chaos: 

MiiSta 6' 00$ TOirpeioTOV uTOTfiri^as, aSufjMVTOv 

fls ^eper a/x^reXayo; Troukuv ^ovoV a/x^i $s At uxo^ 
A^pog air atavarov yjpoog oogvvro, rep S' rifi xoupr^ * 
Eiqs^^i^' 'jTpcoTov h KvdrjpoKri t^otisoKTiv 
EttXsto, ev&ev eveiru '^epippvTOv Ixero Kvfrpov, 
Ek S* e/3)2 aiSoiij xa\ri ieog' a/t^i de fron/^ 
no(r(Ttv VTTO pahvoKTiv aejero* tijv 8* A^podnriv, 
A^goysveiav re 6solv, swrrefavoK Kvdepetav 
KixXijcrxoucri dsoi re xai uvepsg, owerC ev a^pop 

And we find from the account of Lucian before cited, that the 
Byblian women offered their chastity to Aphrodite, just as the 
ladies of Chaldea sacrificed theirs iri honor of the Babylonian 
Mylitta. The same custom was prevalent at Carthage.^ But 
Venus, as Libera, was the same as Proserpine. And thus Por- 
phyry, after showing that the art of weaving was symbolical of 
the descent of the soul into the body, and that the body is as it 
were a vest for the soul, adds, " thus also in Orpheus, Proser- 
pine, who presides over all seminal powers, is introduced 
weaving."^ And Demeter also is represented peculiarly as a 
generative principle.^ 

1 Herodotus, lib. ii. p. 122. ^ See Villoison, Aoecdota Grasca, torn. i. p. IS* 
3 Hesiod.Tbeogon. v. 188. 

* Cui glorise Punicarum fceminarum, nt ex comparatione tarpius appareat, de- 
decus subnectam. Siccae enim fanum est Veneris, in quod se matrons confere- 
bant ; atque inde procedentes ad quaestum. dotes corporis injuria contrahebant, 
honesta nimirum tarn inhonesto vinculo conjugia juncturae. Val. Max. lib. ii. c. 6. 
extern, exemp. 15. — The same practice existed in Cjprus, where the Punic and 
Sj'rian rices were prevalent. Mos erat Cypriis, virgines ante nuptias statutis die- 
bus, dotalem pecuniam quaesitaras, in quaestum ad littus maris mittere, pro reliqua 
pudicitia libaraenta Veneri soluturas. Justin. Histur. lib. xviii. c. 5. 

* OvTOJ Kat -jTopa ry Ofx^ct rj Kopi}, rjicfp tart iravros rou <nr€ipofi€POu tifwpoSf 
iarovpyovaa vapaSiBorat. Porphyr. de Antro Njmphar. p. 259. — And so Proclus : 
Koi yap airrfaOcu nav vtpul>opo»v 6 XwKparris cAcye, km ev KparvK^, rriv eyKoafuov 
Kopviv, Ttp/ r<p HKomcovi awouffav, km icmtov Tipf yevwiv eKirpour^vowraVt arrTtcOtu 
rris ^^pofuvus ovtrias cti0cto. In Platon. Theolog. lib. yi. c. 24. p. 411. 

* Tiys ye firiv j^cooyovueris c|apxct A*«»' V Aiy/iijny, 6\ws ceroyepvuffa* iravra eyKOC* 
faov imfify rriv re voepw, km tuv ^^vx^ciiv, km ti}k axupiaroy rov <r»fixi,ros» Proclus 
in Platon. Theolog. lib. vi. c. 22. p. 403. 

266 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

The arcane exhibitions of the mysteries, then, were symbo- 
lical of generation, as introduced into the world by these divi- 
nities. And Jamblichus represents the Phallic rites, and the 
obscene discourses, as so many allusions to the generative power 
as derived from the gods.^ All these indecent exhibitions in the 
mysteries, the history of Ceres and Baubo, are represented as 
secondary consequences of the rape of Proserpine, as the 
Phallic worship was a secondary consequence of the fall of 
Osiris, or Dionysus. Generation was introduced when Proser- 
pine was ravished out of Paradise. 

Now I consider that when two traditions amongst two diiFer- 
ent people are similar to one another, and they can easily have 
been derived from one common source, we may be allowed to 
suppose that they are both of one origin. If, therefore, it can 
be shown, that notions that have any connexion with these ori- 
ginated out of the Mosaic history of the fall, we can scarcely 
doubt, when we review the other proofs of identity between the 
two histories, that the more arcane parts of the fable of Ceres 
and Proserpine, as well as all the rest, were intended originally 
to record Eve's transgression. 

It appears to have been the opinion of our poet Milton, that 
the eating of the forbidden fruit introduced into the world carnal 

But that false fruit 

Far other operation first display 'd. 
Carnal desire inflaming : he on Eve 
Began to cast lascivious eyes, she him 
As wantonly repaid ; in lust they burn. 

Par. Lost, Book ix. 

But the Rabbinical writers, who have preserved tc us the 
popular notions and traditions of the Jews, went still further-; 
they imagined that all generation was introduced by the fall. 
I will instance a few. '' Aben Ezra," says one account, ** said, 

1 Orph. Hymn. xl. Arififirpos, 

* Ta 9e tp rois KaBtKcurra eiriojrrest nyv fA€v rmv (paXKau artunv rris yow^iov Zwa- 
fAt»s arvwOrifia ri 4>afi€tf, kcu raurriv irpoffKdkeurOtu vofufo/itp cis rrfy ytv^fftovpyuof 
rov KOfffMV Utowtp 8i| ra iroXXa rtp npi KoBiepovrcu, dr€ h} km 6 vca icoirfJLOs S^c- 
Tcu onto rcgy d^tcv Tifs y€vtff€ws SKris nfy caroytrtniffiy ras 8* 0107^X07109 n^s vcpc 
rtiv iKnv artpfiffews row KdKuv, icoi njs irporepov ourxyilJU}trvvr\5 ruv fieWopmv Sia- 
iUHriA€to9€u ^ovfAtu TO ci'8ci7fia irapaB^x^cu, &w€p ovra cySci; rov KOir/uar$aif c^if- 
rot Too'ovTOV fiaXKoy, 6a<p vKtop KareeyiyoHnuinis irepiravra onrpcrcuis. JaiobJichuSf- 
de Mysteriis, sect. i.c. 11. p. 21. £d. Gale. 

On the Mystetieu i^ Eleu$i$. 267 

that Adam was full of wisdom, for God had hidden nothing 
from him : of one thing, however, he was ignorant, that was 
copulation/' ' And Aben Ezra himself tells us, that ^' the tree 
of knowlege produced venereal desire ; and thence it was that 
Adam and his wife covered their secret parts."^ And Abarba- 
netis had a similar idea.' The Greeks represented the seduc- 
tion of Proserpine as a venereal congress, and she became the 
wife of Pluto. And a rabbinical writer lias asserted, that the 
serpent intended no other than that Adam should first; eat of 
the fruit and die, and that he should take Eve to wife.^ And a 
more modern writer imagines, that God had destined Eve to be 
the mother of the human race, to conceive her own offspring, 
not by carnal copulation, and in the manner of brutes, nor at 
the will of the man, but from God or the obumbration of the 
Holy Spirit alone, in the same manner as the Saviour was con- 
ceived ; that is, the virginity of the mother remaining pure, and 
the womb closed, she should produce without pain ; and that she 
was created superior to man.^ The notions of the rabbinical 
writers on this subject are innumerable ; but enough has been 
adduced for my purpose. Some believed that God had created 
Adam originally androgynous, or an hermaphrodite, with the 
parts of both sexes. Others thought that he was made double, 
consisting of a man and woman joined together ; and that when 
God is said to have taken the rib from Adam's side, it is signi- 
fied that he divided the female side from him. According to 
others, he was a man before and a woman behind/ Some 

•Vawon b'S in nSt) 'n« nmrr ni o"y jn* nb ina"? 'hk nana yit) ywa nyi 
Aben Ezra dicit^ quod homo fuerit aapientia plenua, nam Deus nihU praciperet ei, 
qui omnia scientia curet; unicam vero rem ignoraverit, coitum nempe* Mekor 
Chajim. fol. ?. col. 1. 

^ &c. 131 army invMi oi«n wa p bv^ !?awon nixn n^bv nj^nn yv 
Arbor acieniia peperit eoncupiscentiam veneream, atqve inde obtexerunt Adam 
iljusque uxor verenda $ua, ifc* Ab«n Esra, ad Gen. Hi. 6. 

' Abarbanetis, fol. 193.. 

* : Kin riK Mwni n^nn Kin b3K*w cn« nia*« «bK nana na vh nriK 
Tut terpens^ nil alvud intendistif quam ut moreretur Adam, ipseque primum come- 
deret, tu vero Evam in uxorem ducerea* R. Isaac, ben Arama. 

^ Denm ex suo beneplacito Evam creavisse, destinaTisseque, ut esset totius bu- 
raanitatis futura mater, suam conceptura prolem, non quidem ex copula carnali, ac 
brutorum more, neque ex concupiacentia camis, aat voluntate viri, sed ex Deo 
aive ex oburobratione soHus S. Spiritua, per modam quo concepta sit et nata hu- 
manitas, in qua et per quam regenerari oportet omnes salrandos ; id est, ma- 
neote matris virgioitate Integra, et utero clause, peperisset absque dolore ; eratque 
Eva constituta supra virum. Joban. Baptist, von Helmont, ap. Chenmitium de 
Arbore Scient. Boni et Mali, p. 37. 

* See the writers cited in Bartoloccius, Bibliotbeca Rabbin, in verb. DIN. 

268 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

writers have supposed that Adam and Eve were created widi- 
out any generative members at all ; but that these burst forth 
like excrescences when they tasted of the fatal fruit. But 
almost all are agreed that generation was a consequence of the 
fall : and« indeed, this may easily be conjectured from the very 
words of Moses ; for Adam appears not to have known Eve till 
after that event. 

, And here, by the way, I must not forget a very remarkable 
similitude between a particular of the Mosaical record and a 
notion of Plato. Satan, according to the former, seduced Eve 
by the promise of superior wisdom and knowlege.' And the 
serpent itself, under which Satan was concealed, is characteriscid 
as the most D1*0^ ^ subtle and cunning of all the beasts which 
God had created ;^ or, according to the Arabic version, the 
wisest A Now Plato and Proclus characterise Pluto as the sup- 
plier of wisdom to the soul.^ But if I were inclined to adduce 
such instances as this, they are innumerable, and have been 
many of them observed by other writers, who do not appear 
to have had the least idea of applying the same mode of expla- 
nation to the mysteries as the present. I will just adduce one 
passage in illustration, from Christie's <^ Disquisition on Etrus- 
can Vases," p. 62. " But a more striking instance," he ob- 
serveff, ** may be noticed on a vase, plate xciv. in the third volume 
of D'Hancarville's Collection." The painting of this, as far as 
it concerns Pan and Celmis, I have already explained : the 
remaining part also deserves notice. A naked male then ap- 
proaches a tree, the trunk of which is embraced by two ser- 
pents, in the same way as the mundane egg is embraced by the 

» *jn* D^nbKD Dn**n"» ayyy ^npsy) lano dd^dk dv3 — ^nu'Kn-bK vnan lom 

3ni 31D. ** And the sei-pcnt said unto the woman, in the day ye eat thereof, then 
your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods, knowing good from eril." 
Gen. iii. 6.— yjm niami a^w^ Kin-nwn "31 baKob vyn m» o ' ntrxn Kini 
b3K*i noy Htt^Kb-Da inm baKm insn npm Vaivn'?. " And when the woman 
saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was pleasant to the eyes, and a 
tree to be desired to nuike one wise, she touk of the fruit thereofi and did eat, and 
gave also unto her husband with her } and he did eat.'' iii. 6. 

^ " unif wise^ prudentt ready-witted, — In a bad sense, qwek-witted, cunning^ 
subtle, sharp" Parkhurst. 

' Gen. Iii. 1. 

* See the Arabic version as given in No. lxxix. Class. Jonm. p. 68. not ^. The 
Jerusalem Targum has— o*n'?K -^ lajn Kia jrrn bao trab Don mn K*im «n3rn 
Sed terpens erat sapiens ad malum pra omnibus bestiis agri, quasfecerat Doininmg 

* Koi 9<mv (&s y§ cic tow \oyov rovrou) 6 660s obros rcXeos (ro^MTTiyj re km 
fieyas tvtpytrris tmv irajf avr^, ds yt jccu toij ev0a8c TO<ravra aryoBa avaiaiv, Plato» 
Cratylus, p. 266 F. — ^Eirei fcot 6 fitv nxovronf, co^ua €(m x'^PW'^t *«* ^ou reus 
^totals, itoTa rov tw KparvXtp ^viepwrrfv. Proclus in Piaton. Tbeolog. lib. vi. c, 11. 
p. 371. 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 269 

agathodzemon.. The three Hesperian apples hang above; and 
the naked male figure appears to be kept at bay by one of the 
serpents which guard them. A draped figure advances on the 
other side ; but on that no fruit is to be seen. Thus fruitful- 
ness and sterility, and the draped and the unembarrassed states 
appear to be purposely contrasted. To the right is Pan, with 
the globe. I confess that 1 formerly found a difficulty in be- 
lieving, with Passer], that many Chaldean traditions had 
found their way among his Tuscan ancestors; but the more 
I view this plate, the more I am led to think that an obscure 
notion of the objects of these traditions had been preserved in 
the mysteries; nor can 1 refrain from adducing those memora- 
ble words in Gen. iii. 11. "Who told thee that thou wast 
naked? Hast thou eaten of the tree, whereof I commanded that 
thou shouldest not eat f " 

But to return from this digression, we find the deities, Isis, 
Demeter, Venus, with Orus, and others of the Eleusinian divi- 
nities in their Egyptian form, characterised by the blossom of 
the lotus.' Isis, on the Abraxas, is often represented as sitting 
on this flower. ** The lotus-flower," says Chausse, ** denotes 
tbe virtue of the sun, which excites generation.''^ It was in 
reality a symbol of the generative powers. Amongst the 
Egyptians, it was a sacred plant. According to Sprengelj it 
was the bean or fruit of the Jotus, from which the Egyptians 
abstained, and from which originated the antipathy of the Pytha- 
goreans to eating the bean.^ Beans, we learn from Herodotus, 
were neither cultivated nor eaten by the Egyptians.* The Py- 
thagoreans held that it was as wicked to eat beans as to eat 
human flesh.' And if we review the reasons which ancient 
authors have given for Pythagoras's abstinence from this vege- 
table, we shall find many particulars that refer to the fables of 
the mysteries. Some said that they were produced out of the 

' See Bgures in Chausse, &c. 

' Iside col fiore loto in capo, porge con la sinistra il sistro, e con la destra un 
▼aso. II fiore loto in cima della testa dinota la virtCk, die commove alia genera- 
zione ; et il vaso solilo poitarse uclla pompa d'Iside Tumida natara principio di 
tatte le cose. Chausse, Le Gerame Antiche Figurate, p. 16. number 51. 

* Oder vielmehr, nach Sprengel, Historia Rei Herbar. i. 30. der Kvafwv Aiyvir- 
TtwPt oder der Frucht des ^gj'piischen lotus : Nelambium speciosum, Linn. — 
Creuzer, Svmbolik und Mjthol. eiste band, p. 126. n. 151. 

* KvafMvs 8e cure ti fiaXa ffirtipowri Atyvirriot ty ry X^PVf """^^^ """^ ytvo/xtyovs 
OUT* rpwyowri, ovrt ii^ovrts dareoprai. Herodotus, lib. ii. p. 116 E. 

^ I<ra 8c Kwmwv vapijvei aircx€<r0ai KotBavtp aydpoovivwp aapKwv. Porphyr. de Vit. 
Fjtbag. p. 200. — Kat to i<rov ijaefiriKcvtu, Kuafiovs ^ayovra, &s ay, «t rriy Kt^dKriv 
rov xarrpos tdridoK€is, Lucian. Of cipos 17 AXcMTpvofi^, p. 163. — See also his Dialog. 
Menippi et^ac. and Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. lib. iv. c. 11. 

270 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

earth, at the beginning of things^ at the same time as man :' 
according to others, when chewed, and exposed to the sun for 
a certain time, they smelled hke human gore :* and another 
and principal reason for abstaining from them was said to 
be, because when buried in the earth, and dug up again after 
ninety days, they present the appearance either of a child's bead, 
or yvmiKOs aihiov.^ Hence Diogenes Laertius says that beans 
are like the generative organs ; ^ and accordingly Porphyry 
tells us, that beans were symbolical of generation : ' and we 
find them enumerated amongst the articles of which it was for- 
bidden to eat at Eleusis.^ 

According to the Homeric hymn, a consequence of the rape 
of Proserpine was the division of Ceres, or the earth, from the 
gods of Olympus ; after which she roved about amidst the cities 
of men. 

<^ctfa-0ejX8V)] S' Y)Teira neKouve^si Kpovicon, 
NotrfKrieifTot, decoy oLyopv^v koh fioLXpov OXuftn'ov, 
fliX^T BTT oLvigcovcov woXi«j x«« movu egycif 

And, indeed, by Eve's transgression the world was divided from 
heaven, and was tilled with nothing but mortality. For God 
bad made it a particular compact : ^< But of the tree of the know- 
lege of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it : for in the day 
that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die ;'' ^ or, as Symma- 
chus translates it, ivv^ros eo-i], thou shalt be mortal. And Orpheus 
calls Proserpine 

Sole cause of life and death to wretched mortals : 

* Porphyr. de Vit. Pjrthag. p. 200. 

^ Porphjr. ibid. — ^Acron in Horadum, Sat. vi. lib. ii. — Scholiast, in Javenal. 
Sat. XT. 

3 Et 8c KM ayOowTos €P ry fiXMrraveiv rov icvo/aov, Xtifimf ris T€pKato¥ros row 
€i»Bov5 fipaxvy w6€tri ceyytujp letpofiupy kcu ^w&niKOvra irapcupvTia^cicp r^pas fi^ra r« 
Karopvx^vMt €ira iiera ravra opv^as \afioiy Kai o^cXot to wwfia, tipoi ay oprt rov 
KwifAov ri irou8o5 kc^oKtiv awwrwraVf ri ywcuKos aiBoiov* Porphyr. de Vit. Pytbag. 
p. 201. — Faba florentis sammitates lectse et tritse, ac vasi terreo mandate, et po0t 
nonaginta dies extractse, caput infantis psne cruenti ostendant ; quod si pro supra 
dictOB dies retexeris, muliebre corpus [i. e.naturale corpus — euiotoy, Cf. Finnicns, 
lib. vi. c. 21. et lib. vii. c. 3.] formatum deprehendet. Octavius Horatianus in 
Horat. — Compare Luciau, in fiu»v irpourei, and Johannes Lydus de Menslbvs. 

* Aircx€<rdai ruv mMfuoy, ijroi dri aiSotots eurtw dfjtoioi, IHog. Laert. in Pytbag. 
p. 688. 

^ Koi KvofMvs ovK c^tfoi'ovo'iv ols §\afifiavoy mis ffvfifioXop njs icor' cvSnar yt- 
WMfftnsy KCU oitafnrovr. Porpbyr. de Antro Nympharum, p. 262. 

* See die passage cited from Porphyry in No. lzzix. Class. Joum. p. 70. not. K 
' Horn. Hymn, ets Arifinrpw, t. 91. 

' Gen. iL 17. ' Oiph. Hymn. xxiz. ^os IIcpoif^Fifr. 

On the Mysteries of Eletssis. 271 

For Eve brought iuto the world both life and mortality. And 
Proserpine is celebrated in the Orphic hymns as the mother of 
the Eumenides ; i. bringing on the world the divine wrath : 

Mother of the Eumenides, queen of the infernal domains. 

But the KOLTOL^iovix must be here understood as signifying the 
earth in its fallen condition. And thus Herodotus tells us that, 
according to the Egyptian theology, Demeter and Dionysus 
ruled the infernal regions;^ where we must understand Demeter. 
as Isis Persephone. And hence we find the terrible Proser- 
pine, Bfraivri IIep<repovBiu, peculiarly introduced by Homer as the 
ruler of the shades, whilst Pluto is seldom mentioned. The 
reason is evident : Homer's idea of Hades is taken from 
Egypt ; it is the earth itself in its fallen state.^ Ceres or Isis is 
celebrated as the giver of laws -A hence she was called Thes- 
mophora.^ And we find also in II Museo Pio-Clementino a 
figure of Isis Thesmophora.^ I am not certain if we ought not 
to give this attribute to Isis, as Proserpina^ as ruling the lower 
regions — infera — the fallen earth. We find three of these laws 
in Porphyry, as they were preserved at Eleusis : he attributes 
them to Triptolemus, who was one of the fabulous personages 
in the Eleusinian legend : they are very simple and agreeable to 
our notion of the earliest ages : they are — reverence your parents 
— oflfer fruits to the gods — do not hurt any living creatures.^ 

The cista is one of the symbolical attributes of Proserpine, 
or of Demeter Persephone f and it is very common on medals 

' Orph. Hymn. zzix. 

^ Apxny^^v€a' 8c rmf kotm Aiyvwrioi Keyowri Aiy/tijr/Mcy km Aiovwrop, Herod, 
lib. ii. p. 154. 

3 " £rgo banc terrain in qua vivimas inferos esse Tolaerunt." Serr. in JEa, yi, 

* Seivcu 8c <paai kcu yoftovs rriv Iffw, imff ohs oAXiyAois 8i8ovai rot/s at»Op»irovs ro 
iutaioVy KM Tfis adwfJMv fiitu KOI ifiptas irawraadai, Zia top aico rut rtfii»pias (pO' 
fiov 8to KOI Tous roAoiovs *V.\Kifvas rriv Aiifirirpav BwfUHpopov ovofuftiv, &s r^av 
vofjmv vpterop ^ avrris rtdtifupwp, Diod. Sic. lib. i. p. 17. — Aucaiws 8c apxnyop 
€\eyop poiutp KM dciTfJMP rrip ArifiifTpa avrois ytyoptVM, k. r. A. Phurnutas de Na- 
tura Deorum, p. 79. — "Legiferae Cereri," Virgil. JEn, i. 4. — «* Leges nam ipsa 
dicitur invenisse/' Servius ibi. 

« Died. lib. V. p. 334. et $85.— Thus in Grater, Thes. p. ccdx. MEFAAHN BEAN 

* QueHto intaglio Greco-Egizio e tratto parimenti dal Museo Borghiano a Vel- 
letri, Iside Tesmofora siede sulla cista de' snoi misteri, e ferse a questo^ epiteto 
potrebbero alludere le quatro iettere BECI, che si leggun neii' area. — ^11 Museo 
Pio-Clementino, torn. ii. p. 106. 

7 ^affi 8c jcoi TpvKToKeiiop A^vmois POfiodenttnu, km tup po/juop avrov rptis eri 
UtPOKpoTTis i (piXoao^s Xcyci 8taficyciy EXctwtyi rowrB^' ToPtis Tifitfv Bcovf jcop- 
««!» cryoAXciy* Ze»a firi (tipwOm. Porphjr. de Abstinent, lib. iv. p. 178. 

* PaosaiuM observes of a statue of Ceres and Despcena at Acacesinniy ^ fup 

272 On the. Mysteries of Eleusis. 

and coins. It was also an attribute of Isis Proserpina.* And 
the people whose oflice it was to carry this symbol in the sacred 
rites were called Cistophori.* ** The cista/' sdys Mr. Taylor, 
" contained the most arcane symbols of the mysteries, into which 
it was unlawful for the profane to look ; and whatever were its 
contents, we learn from the hymn of Callimachus to Ceres that 
they were formed from gold^ which, from its incorruptibility, is 
an evident symbol of an immaterial nature." But we have pic- 
torial evidence towards ascertaining the nature of the contents 
of this mystic coffer; for Montfaucon gives us a figure of it, 
with its cover lifted up, and a great serpent arising in folds out 
of it. In tab. xxii. tom. iv. of 11 Museo Pio-ClemeDtino, we 
have a figure of Bacchus drawn in a car, accompanied by Bac- 
chanals and Bacchantes ; and on the ground there is also repre- 
sented the cista, with the cover uplifted, and the serpent rising 
out as in the former. Clemens, too, enumerates amongst its 
contents, dragons (i. e. serpents) and pomegrantes.^ This sym- 
bol was looked oh with peculiar veneration and dread> It had 
somewhat a similar reference with the *^ mystica vannus lacchi."^ 

ow AnfirjTrjp 8qt5a €v Se^t^ (ptpei, ttiv Be Irepoy x^V^ eirifitfiKriKev evi niv AetnroivaM' 
^ A€<nroafa tnaprrpop re km KaKovfXivrjy Kum\v €irt rois yovcuriv €x«* Tp Be exBTtu 
T]7 86|tf Kumis, Arcadica, cap. xxxvii. — Despoenawas a title of Proserpine; the 
sceptre here mentioned helps to confirm what I have just heen saying. 

1 In Muratori's collection of ancient inscriptions, the goddess Isis has the 
names of Cistophorus and Cistophora applied to her. 

^ KurroipopoSf coik6V Se ras Kurras iepas tivai Aiowaov kol tcuv Oeaty, Suidas. 
and Photius, in Lex. ad verh. — Schleusner, in his note on the passage in Photios, 
has the following strange observation : "Duplici eoque gravissimo vitio laborat haec 
glossa. Quis enim unquam audivit, cistas aut capsas sacras esse Baccho deabus- 
que? Meo periculo sciibendum est, Kia<ro<l>opos, toucev 8c ras Kiffffoa Upas etpoi 
Aiowaov KOI roAV dtaiv. Sunt enim ha;c verba desumpta ex Harpocratione, cui 
etiam sequentem articulura debet Photitis. Confer tamen, quse Kiistenis ad Sui- 
dam et Interpres ad Harpocrationera ad defendendaro lectionem receptam protule- 
runt, ac Alex. Xaver. Panelium, qui de Kurrofpopois separatim scripsit." Logd. 
17S4. 4. 

^ Olm 8c jccu al Kurrai ai iivarucai ; Act yap airoyvftvwrai ra aryia avrctp, lan ra 
afpffra e^tvKtiv. Ov ^riffafiai ravra, Kot llvpafAiSes, Kat roXwrai, Ktu iroirapa iroAv- 
o/i^MiAa, x^^^^P^' ''*' aXo»i', kcu BpoKovruv, opyiov Aiovwrov Baffffapov ^ ovxi Bt pouu ; 
xpos rourBt KafXtai, vapOriKts re Kai Kirrot ; vpos 8c koi ^ois, KOt fifiKwves ; rovr* 
eartv avrotv ra ayia. Clemens, Protrept. — ^Thus Olympias represented the opytatf' 
fjLovs of Bacchus : O^cts fieyaXovs ck rov Kirrov Kai rwv fiwrriKtov Xucvov Topa^a' 
Bvofieyovs* Alexand. vit. 

* Pars obscura cavis celebrabant orgia cistis ; 
Orgia, quae frustra cupiant audire profani. — Catullus. 
^Tacita plenas formidine cistas. — Valerius Flaccus. 

' Virgil, Georg. lib. i. where Servius observes : '* Mystica lacchi ideo ait, quod 
liberi patris sacra ad purgationem animse pertinebant ; et sic homines ejus myste- 
riis puigabantur, sicut vannis frumenta purgantur. Hinc est quod didiur Osiri- 
dis membra a Typhone dilaniata Isis cribro superposuisse : nam idem est Liber 
pater, in cujus mysteriis vannus est, quia, ot dizimus, animas purgat ; unde Liber« 
jj> eo quod liberet dictus, quern Orpheus a Gigantibus didt esse discerptum." 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 27S 

There is a connexion between it and the history of the chest con- 
signed by Pallas to the* three Atlantidae — the prohibition to open 
It — her watching them from a neighboring tree — their seduction 
of one of the sisters — the removal of the lid — the dragon form 
which terrified them from within, and the change of the disobe- 
dient sister into the bird of death. The well-known story of 
Pandora, too, had a similar import ; and we learn from Tzetzes, 
that Pandora was the same as Proserpine, and as Isis (i. e. Isis 

One of the most important parts of the Mosaic history, is the 
promise that the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent's 
head/ This particular is also preserved in the gentile tradi- 
tions. Hercules is identified by Bryant with Osiris, i. e. Osiris, 
as the seed or representative of the primeval Osiris, or Proto- 
gonus. fie is celebrated by Orpheus, as 

Bringing a cure for all our ills ; 

— Novo'ciov ieXxvfigiot, volvta xojxt^ooy*' 

And there was a tradition, according to Apollodorus,^ that 
the gods would never conquer the giants, unless it were by the 
aid of one of mortal birth. Hence, even whilst he was a babe, 
be is fabled to have crushed two dreadful serpents with his 
bands.^ One of his actions was the slaying of the Lernaean 
Hydra : this was the offspring of Typhon :^ and in an Etrus- 

' ntfxrt^vri 8c, km Iffts, ^ Tiiy km 'Pea, km 'Eoria, fcoi Uca^Bupay km krtpa fitfpia 
orofAoferM* Tzetzes, in Ljcophron. Alexand. ▼. 706. 

T3swn nnio u^ki isntj* Kin nyni rai yf^i rai rncKn rai n^-a tvtoH nn*K"j ' 

: ypp ** And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed 
and her seed ; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel." Gen.iii. 15. 
—The Septaagint translates it : Avros <rov rrtptiaei kc^kcXijv, km ffv r7i(ni(r€is wnov 

,rr€pvai^.-And so ako the Coptic : 0Y0& ll[604 G^GlJXPG 

^TGRaxu^e oYoa lieoR eil^oxpea 

^ne^GIHC -The Arabic version has: ScC ^Js-u^-^ \^ 

et hac Bcindei ex te caput, et iu mordebheum in caleaneo, — ^The Targum of Onkelos 
has : mnm-no nb i*DT*n* kth Knan pm nan r^"' khhk r^") I3*n *i«k laaii 
: KSiob n-b-niaa—nn nw VOTp'?0"n*'?. Et inimicUiam ponam inter te et inter 
mulierem ; et inter Jilium tyus: ipse recordabitur tibi, quod feciati ei a principio ; 
et tu observabis ei infinem, 

3 Orpb. Hymn, us *Hpaic\. 

< Tots 56 Otois \oytov iiv, bwo Bewp /acv firfieva rw yefoanuv avoKeffOM BwooBm* 
mtiifiaxovmos Se evrrrov riyos, TeAevnjtf-ciy. Apollodorus, Ub. i. p. 14. — See Ma- 
crob. Saturn, lib. i. c. 20. 

* Infans cum esset, dracones duos daabus manibns necavit. — Hygin. Fab. 

• liydram Lemsam, Typhonis filiam, &c. — Hyginus, ibidem. 


274 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

can amulet given by Caylus^ he is represented as treading it 
beneath his feet.' He slew the dreadful dragon that guarded 
the golden apples of the Hesperides^ near Mount Atlas ; and 
this dragon also was the offspring of Typhon :^ and in a 
Tyrian coin in Maurice^ he is represented as crmhing the gr^at 
serpent with a stone. But his last^ and most celebrated labor» 
was conquering Hades itself^ and dragging the three-headed 
monster Cerberus in chains. Cerberus was also the offspring 
of Typhon ;+ and was even himself represented as a serpent.^ 

Hercules is represented by Nonnus as the same as Mitbras> 
or Helios, or Delphian Apollo. 

■■ ens (TV Miipris, 

HbXios Boi^v\aovo$, ev 'EXXah JgX«$oj AttoXXwv.^ 

And Apollo is identified with Osiris and Dionysus.7 There 
was a tradition, according to Hyginus, that the serpent Python 
would be destroyed by the offspring of Latona : for this reason 
he persecuted her wberever she fled. But she, escaping to De- 
les, was delivered of Apollo and Diana ; the former of whom 
immediately went to Parnassus to revenge his mother^ and slew 
Python with his arrows.^ Millin gives us a figure of Latona 
holding in her arms the infants Diana and Apollo, and pursued 
by the dreadful serpent. 9 Plutarch, too, calls it 0(p^s, a serpent.'^ 
But Latona was the same as Proserpine, the mother of man- 
kind. Hence Callimachus celebrates Apollo, as the destined 
saviour of man : 

AeX^og roi irpooTiO'Tov s^ujxviov evpsTO Xaos, 

^ Caylus, Recueil d'Antiq. torn. ii. tab. xviii. fig. 1. 

^ Dracouem, iramanem Typbonis filium, qui mala aurea Hesperidum servare so- 
li tus erat, ad montem Atlantem interfecit. — Hygin. ibid. p. 87« 

* Cerberus extremi suprema est nieta laboris. — Ausonius. 

* Can^m Cerberum, Typhonis fUium. — Hyginus, ibid. p. 88. 

^ nc/M K€p$€pov Karaios (leg. 'Exaraioy) 6 MtAi}<ru>s \oyw cl&pcv tiKora, otfiiv 
ifyiiffas €iri Tcuvapt^ rpwfyrivai Ztivov, K.r.X, Scbol. in Antholog. lib. iii. p. 391. ed. 

« Nonnus, Dionysiac. lib. xl. 

7 IIoAAaiS opo/xouruus KoAciTcu 6 ^\io5* 

'HAios, *QpoSf Offipiiy aya|, Aios vlos, AiroAXwv, k, t. \. 

Johannes Lydus', de Mens. p. 15. 
Conf. Macrob. Sat. lib. i. c. 18. 

^ Python, Terras filius, draco ingens. Hie ante ApoUinem ex oraculo in monte 
Pamasso responsa dare solitus erat. Huic ex Latonas partu interitus erat latD 
futmus. Post diem quartum quam essent nati, Apollo matris pcenas exsecutns 
est* Nam Pamsussum venit, et Pythonem sagittis interfecit, inde Pydiios est 
dictus. — Hygin. fab. cxl. See Macrob. Saturn, lib. i. c. 17. p. 196. 

' MiHtn, Galerie Mythologique, plate jdv. fig. 51. 

^'^ Kat xAij^riov o<f>iv rijp AwoWuyt ircpt rov ^^cmipiov fiovoiJMXowroaf tv AcA^<s 
7«»'«ff^ai A.e7aiMrty.«*Plutarchas irep* rov re oKoytn Ao^y XP^^t P» 790. 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 275 

Hjxo^ ^xi]j3oXti}V ^pvceoov eTrshixvvao ro^oov, 

nt)9co TOi xariom awrjVTero daifiovio^ ivjg, 

Aivf>iS 0^1^* rov jXfv av xarvivaptg, aAXov §7r aXkoo 

hi, hi vMnov, ffi ^«^o^ Erer Z'E mhthp 

rEINAT AOSSHTHPA' to ? efgri xsifl«v awJj.' 

And Virgil speaking of the second anticipated golden age of the 
world, free from sin and disease, says. 

Casta fave Lucina, tuus jam regnat Apollo, — Eel. iv*. 10. 

L'Abb6 Pluche explains the fable of Apollo and P3ftbon — qu' 
Horns s'6toit arme de fl6ches, et avoit tu6 Qb, ou Pytbon, 
que pour cette raison il avoit 6t6 nomm6 Apollon^ le con- 
qu6rant.^ Herodotus tells us that Apollo and Dianii wer^ 
the children of Dionysus and Isis, and that Latona was tlieir 
nurse and preserver : " For Apollo is called/* he says, *\n\ the 
Egyptian language, Horns; Demeter, [sis; and Diana, Bnbaa- 
tis."^ ^schylus makes Apollo to be the father of Apis.^ But 
Horus and Osiris have been identified by Bryant ; and Osiris 
and Adonis, and their representatives in other eastern countries, 
were typical of Adam, as the first born, and generative cause 
and the producer of all ; of Noah, as the regenerative cause and 
principle of generation in the second world ; ^nd of the promised 
seed of the woman, as the future cause of salvation and regene- 
ration to the world. ApoTIo, as Osiris, is considered by Ma- 
crobius as a generative principle.^ I will just adduce in con- 
clusion the following passage of Parkhurst. " 1 find myself," 
he observes, ''obliged to refer tlDJl, as well as the Greek and 
Roman Hercules, to that class of idols which were original^ 

' Callimach. Hymn, cis AvoWonfa, v. 97. — Proserpine herself was called 
SiVTcipa, or the jStaviour, by the Arcadians : rriy KopTjv Sc Scvrcipov KoXovinv ol Ap- 
KoSes. Pausan. Arcad. c. 31. 

3 Pluche, Hist, dti Ciel, p. 247. torn. i. 

^ AtroXKuva 8c, fccu ApTCfuy, Aioviwov km Iffiios Keyowri eivtu iratScr Arirovv Se, 
rpo^y avroKTi kou ffuTeipcw yevtffBM* Avyvirrurri fie AwoWtay fuv 'iipos* Arififfnip 
Se, Iffis* Aprcfus 8e Bovficurris, Herod, lib. ii. p^ 171. — So in the Epigram : — 

Obroo BovfioffTis Korakverai, ei yap iKOffni 
Tc^eroi &s avni ris 6cov cori Xayos ; 

Antholog. Jib. i. p. 154. Conf. Schol. et Brodsi annot. 

* Airis yap cXBw ck irtpas Naviroicrias, 
iarpofiavris, vais Avo?<Xtopo5, x'^ova 

Trfy 8* tKKoBaipci icytoliaKoov fipoTo^>$opwv* ^scbyl. in Supplic. 
* Apoliinem itwp<pov cognominaTerunt, et auctorem progenerandaroin unmium 
remm-^ut ait Orpheus : 

%axpos €Xovra poov koi twi^poya fiovXriV' 

Macrob.Sat. i. 17. p. 19S. 

276 On the Mysteries of Elemis. 

designed to represent the promised Savioury the desire of all 
nations. His other name, Adonis, is almost the very Heb. ^ITTR^ 
or Lord^ a well-known title of Christ ; and as for PDJl, 1 would^ 
without being dogmatical or positive, propose the derivation of 
it from on to put an end to, and TD heat : ue. wrath or punish- 
ment. I cannot forbear adding^ from the learned Mr. Spearman, 
to whose second letter on the LXX. I am much obliged in this 
article, that^ ' according to Julius Firmicus, on a certain night, 
while the solemnity [in honor of Adonis] lasted, an image was 
laid in a bed, and after great lamentation made over it, light 
was brought in, and the priest, anointing the mouths of the 
assistants, whispered to them that salvation was come, that 
deliverance was brought to pass ;' or, as Godwin (Moses and 
Aaron, p. 186.) gives the words, BahpnTB to) 6«a, ecrri yap vifiiv 
fx wovciov caynipia' Trust ye in God, for out of pains salvation 
is come unto us : on which their sorrow was turned into joy, 
and the image taken, as it were, out of its sepulchre."' 

We may consider these three deities, Demeter, Proserpine, 
and Dionysus, as the real triad f" the origin of all others, whe- 
ther Egyptian or Chaldean — whether published by Orpheus, 
by Pythagoras, or by Plato. From this triad all other gods 
were derived. They were the productive principles, the origin 
of all things : originally representative of the earth, and the first 
pair, they became, as their original application was forgotten, 
applied to the visible deities of every gentile nation — the terra 
mater, the sun, and the moon.^ 

1 Parkhurst, Heb. Lex. in v. nan. 

' Tlayra yap vorfra ey rp rpiaSi rcpicxcrai, km iras i 0€ios apiBfias €V rtf ro^ei 
ravrn irpo€\ii\v0€Py &s km avros 6 XoXSoios cv rois Aoyiou* 

Tri(ri€ yap €p rpuiios toKwoutiv erapxprm royro. 

T}}(r8c yap €K rpmSos ray vyevfM mrrip eiccpao'«. 

Johannes Lydus, p. 20. Be Triade, conf. etiam Damascium de Princip. ap. 
Wolfii Anecdot. Grsec. torn. iii. 

3 Thus Osiris and Isis, as Persephone, first represenUtiTe of the original pair, 
were afterwards amongst the Egyptians applied to the son and moon. — ^tvoXafitty 
(iEgyptii) etvoi Bvo dtovs cuStovs re icat irptaravs, rov re riXiov km t/iv ff€\7iPfiP, &p 
TOP fA€P, OffiptP, rriP Be, Itruf woiuutm. Died. Sic. lib. i. p. 14. — ^And thaa Abene* 

phius, ap. Kircher. (£dip» ^gypt. torn. i. p. 186 : &C. \^\ L^^s^j 

Menwrmt Philowphorum Persarum et Mgyptiorum/amiUa, quod Osiris, de a^us 
9peribu8 ante loeuti sumus, nihil aUud sii quam Sol; uxor vero ^us IMs,Luna. 
And the moon is represented by Porphyry as a generative cause, aeKriviip re owra^ 
yvwfWf irpoctrariSa» De Antro Nymphai. p. 261. — And Dionysus is made to be 
the offspring of the moon, cvtoi 8c -raiZa fftXriPiis top Atopwrop, Ulpian. in Demosth. 
contra Midiam, p. 154. (tom.v. Op. Demosth. aWoIff.)— Adoni8»too,.i8ideatified 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 277 

We shall find, on examination, that the theology of the my- 
9terie8 was the theology of every nation of antiquity. 

Among the people of Phrygia, Demeter was worshipped under 
the appellation of Cybele/ or Rhea.^ The reasons which led 
L'Abb6 Pluche to identify Cybele with Isis, and Atys, the 
companion of Cybele, with Osiris^ may be seen in the note 
below.^ Cybele is represented in Gronovius with the lotus- 
flower.^ But what Clemens says is very remarkable : ^' These 
rites/' he observes, speaking of the £!eusinian mysteries, ** are 
performed by the Phrygians, in honor of Atys and Cybele, and 
the Corybantes."* 

The legend of Atys is this : a king's daughter in Phrygia 
took a pomegranate, and placed it in her bosom ; the fruit va- 
nished, and she became with child, and produced Atys, or Attis, 
who was said to be the same as Apollo/ 

The Corybantes are said to have been derived from Proser- 
pine ; i. e. their worship originated out of the same source J 
Corybas, the father and head, is described in the Orphic Hymns 
with the attributes of Dionysus.' And in the Bacchae of Euri- 
pides, there are some passages from which it may be inferred 

by Macrobius with the sun : " Adonin quoque solem esse non dubitabitiir/' &c. 
Satumal. lib. i. c. 21. — Hercules was the sun, 'HpeucXca Se, roy*H\idy, Tzetsesin 
Hesiod.p. 249. — And so Maciobius : *' Sed nee Hercules a substantia solis alienus 
est," &c* Saturn, lib. i. c. 20. 

* 'Ori ^ Arifirrnjp toXcms €<m KaretpieriKrif oiovei ^ 719* 6d€y km TVfyo^opov esurriP 
ypcupovffi, Xeyercu 8c Kai KvfirjXri, k, t. A. Johannes Lydus, p. i9. — And thus 
Suidas in Arifornip : Eiri 8e iBp<f xaffTjs xoAcws if yiy waruf, u>s fiaarafowra TOSiroAcif, 
irAarreToi irupyo<f>opos. 

^ Tzetzes cited in p. 273. note ^ ; she is there identified with Vesta. — And thus 
Phumutus: *E^s He irepi n;; AniiriTpos km 'Earias ov ircof \€Krwy kKar^pa^V 
touctp ovx ^cpa T17S yjfs tiyai. De Nat. Deor. p. 74. The same words occur in 
Yiiloisoo, Anec. Gr. as cited in Class. Journ. No. lxxviii. p. 336. note '. 

^ On pourra me deroander qui est cet Atys qui accompagne ordinaireroent la 
Cybele de Phrygie. II ne dififere d'Osiris que par le son. Les savans conviennent 
que ce mot signifioit teigneur en Phrygien. On voit des monumens oii Atys est 
apell^ le tres-haut, [firrrtpi r»v xcanwy 'Peu;, ArriO* ^urrqi* d Rhaa, la mire com" 
mune de tons (les dieuz et de tous les homroes) et d Atys le tris-hauU Gmter» 
Inscript. p. 82. 1.] et plac6 a cot^ de Rhaa, la mire commune* Mais ce qui 
roontre que cet Atys est Osiris ou le soleil, et que Rhaea ou Cybele, qui est ms6pa- 
rable d'Atys, est la m^me qu' Isis» c'est que cet Atys ^prouve les rodmes traitementt 
qu' Osiris: une telle ressemblanc^ entre les malheurs du mari d'Isis et de celui de 
Cybele, suffiroit pour faire voir que Tun est une copie de Tautre. — Pluche, Hist, da 
Ciel, torn. i. p. 196. 

* Gronov. Thesaur. Antiq. Grsec. torn. vii. p. 424. 

^ Tavra ol ^pvyes TcXurKoucir ArriBi, km Kv/Si^Ai?, km KopvficuriP, Clem. Alex. 
Protrept. p. 11. And he observes, a little after, Si* rfv curtov ovk av^iKorws top 
Aiopvffop rtP€s Arruf vpoaarfOptv^trBM QtKovtn, cuiotwp ear^pripiepop, p. 12* 

^ See Amobius, lib. ▼. and Pausanias, lib. vii. 

7 Quos quidam Corybantes dictos trahunt aro rris Kopqs* Corybas enim ProMF** 
fina, qu8B Kopi; dicitur Graece, sine patre natus. — Servius in JEn* lib* v. 3. 

' See Orpli. Hymn, xxxviii. 

378 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

that the Bacchanalian ;^ogo( were borrowed from the Lydian 
worship of C} bele. 

Amongst the Pelasgic tribes these deities were denominated 
Cabiri : they were called, according to the scholiast on Apol- 
lonius Rhodius^ Axieres or Ceres, Axiokersa or Proserpine^ and 
Axiokersos or Pluto;' or rather, 1 should imagine, from the 
analogy of the rites of Ceres, Libera, and Liber, as introduced 
into Italy by the Pelasgi, Dionysus. And that the Pelasgic 
deities were those of Eleusis we have another proof. The 
worship of the Cabiri, we learn from Herodotus, was intro- 
duced by the Pelasgi into Samothrace ;^ and we are told by 
Strabo, that Demeter and Proserpine were worshipped in some 
of the British isles with the same rites as in Samothrace.^ 
The worship^ therefore, of the Celtic and German tribes of the 
west was the same as that of the people of the east. Thus 
Proclus tells us, that there were seven islands in the ocean sacred 
to Proserpine.^ According to Dionysius and Strabo, the 
women in the islands about Britain performed the rites of Bac- 
chus, crowned with ivy, Scc.s Tacitus says of the ancient Ger- 

' Ttaffopcs €i<ri rov ap^fiov, A^iepos,' A^ioKtpffa, A^toKtpffoil Al^i§pos ftof aw 
^crriv ^ Ariixrrnip' A^iOK€p<ra 8c 17 nep<r€<pov7i' A^ioKtpffos 8c 6 A6ris, *0 8e Tpocri- 
Bffuvos rerofyros KcurfiiXos 6 Epfxits €<rrtVf &s i<rropti Aiovviro^pos^ Schol. ia Apoll. 
Bhod. Argonaut, lib. i. Conf. Phavorin. et Etjmolog. Magn. in Kafitipou 

^ 'Ocrris 8c ra Kafieipwv opyia fi€fivriraij ra ^afio6prfiK€S irapdKafiovres mtpa IIc- 
Xoffywr, oiros otvrjp otSc to Xcyw rriv yap ^c^ioBpTilKTiP wkwv irporepov UtKeuryoi 
tudrot, roitrfp ABfivaiouri {twoikoi eycvovro, km vapa rovrwv SoftoOfn^ikcs ra opyia 
vapdKafificofovffi* Herod, lib. ii. c. 51. 

3 Ilcpt 8e Ttjs AfifJLrrrpos Kai rrfs Kopris, viarrorepa' &n (fyj^ffiv eiveu v^aov vpos rj^ 
BperraviKri, Kaff riv dfuna rois cy ^ajAodpcuc^ ircpi rriv ArifiTjTpav km ttiv Kopiyy Upo- 
Toictrat. Strabo, lib. iv. c. 5. p. 320. (tora. i. Ed. Taucbnitz.) — At.Anthea there 
was a temple dedicated to the Pelasgic Ceres, hvrucpu 8e rov fun/iiiaros rtavywm- 
K»v AiifjaiTpos €<mv Upov €TriK\ri(nv H^XcuiyiZos^ k, t. A. Pausan. Corinth, c. 22. 

* Eiyat yap ev rois avrtov xpovois hrra fi€V V7I(Tovs €y tKuvtp r<p vtXayei IIcfHrc^Myyqs 
Itpas, rp€is ^€ aWas airAcrovs, Ttfy /lev UXovrwfoSf rriv $€ Afifitapos^ xiAutfv ffraZwh 
TO ft«7c9os. Proclus in TimaBO, p. 55. See the SchoL on Plato ed. by Rubnken. 
* Aryxi 8c NTiffiaSoty kr^pos xopos, §y6a ywauc€S 
PLvZpw amiiecpridcv aiyatmv AfAviraofv 
OpvvfitvM TcAcoiMTi KUTa vofjLou Upa BeiKXV* 
^re^afitvM Kiffffoio fifXafjLipvWoio Kopvfi^is, 
Ewwx«of Kareeyris 8c \tyudpoos opwrai riXHt f'T. X. 

Dionys. Perieg. v. 670. 
See tlie Scholiast in loco, and the Comment of Eustathius. 

Nee spatio distant Nesidum littora longe: 
In quibus nxores Amnitum Bacchica sacra 
Concelebrant, hederas foliis tectaeque corjrobis. 

Prisciani Perieg. v. 589. 
Ev 8c ripwKtaj'tp paaty €ivm vt^ov fiiKpaVy ov iraw T€XayiayfTpoK€ifi€tfrjy nis €Kfio\ris 
rov Ateyripos rroraixov ouc€iP 8c ravrriv ras rotp Hafufemv yvvMKOS, Aioyvcy icorc- 
XOfiMvas' KM IXacTKOfitptis rov Oeov rovrov rtXerMs r€, Kai aXXau Upwrowus c^iXc- 
ovftcraf. Strabo, lib. iv. c. 4. p. 349. vide loc. My edit, it the stereotjrpeof Leipsic, 
3 vols. 1819. 

On the Mysteries of Eleitsk. 279 

mans, that they worshipped io commJon Herthum (or, as 3ox- 
faornius proposes to read it, Aerthum) ; that is, says he, terra 
mater, or the earth, erc/e :' and he adr?< that an island in the 
ocean, called Castum Nemus, was dedicated to her, and that in 
it were celebrated her mystic rites.^ The same author tells u$, 
that part of the Suevi worshipped Isis.^ Marcus Zuerius Box* 
hornius, in an epistle to Nic. Blanchard, illustrative of Tacitus, 
has shown us, that not only many words, but also, the worship 
of the Germans were like those of the Persians.^ And we may 
find all their deities in the mythology of the eastern nations : for 
instance, Teutates and Hesus^ may be recognised as the Egyp- 
tian and Phoenician Thoth,^ and the Syrian Hazizos.^ Mont- 
faucon has presented us with a figure of Seiva, the German 
Venus, naked, with an apple in her right hand, and a bunch of 
grapes in the other.^ 

* Keudigni deinde, et Aviones, et Angli, et Varini, et Eudoses, et Suardones, 
ct Nuithones, fluminibus aut sylvis muniuntur, nee quidquam notabile in singulis, 
nisi quod in commiiDe Herthum, id est, terram matrem, colunt, eamque interve- 
nire rebus hominum, invehi populis arbitrantur. — ^Tacit. German, p. 554. ed. Amst. 

^ Est insula oceani Castum Nemus, dicatumque in eo vehiculum veste contec- 
turn, attingere uni sacerdoti concessura. Is adesse penetrali deam inteliigit, veC' 
tamque bubus feminis multa cum veneratione prosequitur. — Id. ib. p. 555. 

^ Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificant. — Id. ib. p. 542. 

* <* Neque tantum nomina hsec Persis et Germanis eadem, sed et sacra fuere, et 
sol et ignis Germanis quoque at numina colebantur. Insignis est locus in legibus 
Canuti, totius Anglias, Danorum, et Septemtrionalium (ita se ipse appellat) regis : 
ProhibemuSf inquiti gravissime otnnem genlilitatem. Gentilitas est, quod quUi idola 
veneretur ; id est, quod quis veneretur gentiles Deos, et solem el lunam, ignetn aut 
aquamy ^c Igois ergo et sol Dii Germanis, et praecipue culti, sicut et Persis.'* — 
Bozborn. Epist. ad calcem Tacit. Op. Ed. Amst. 1661. — Ceesar observes of the 
Celtic religion : ** Deum raaxime Mercnrium colunt ; post banc, Apollinem, et 
Martem, et Jovem, et Minervam. De his eamdem fere, quam reliquae gentes, 
babent opinionem," &c. De Bello Galhco, lib. vi. c. 17. — And again of the Ger- 
mans : "Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cemont, et quorum aperte opibus 
juvantur, Solem, et Vulcanum, et Lunam : reliquos ne fama quidera acceperunt." 
Id. ib. lib. vi. c. 21. But he was not aware that these included all the rest. 
Pliny, speaking of the doctrine of the INIagi, says : " Britannia hodieque eam atto- 
nite celebrat tantis ceremoniis, ut dedisse Persis videri possit." Hist. Nat. lib. xxx. 
c. 1. — It was Apollo whom the Celts of Britain, according to Hecatseus, were said 
peculiarly to worship ; 'Ekotoios kcutiV€S rrepoi <pauriv, ev rois avriir€pavTr)S KtXrucris 
roirois Kara rov Oxtaofov nvcu vr\(mv owe t^arru rrjs SiKcAias — &trapx€iv Se Kara rrfp 
vrio'ov rtjitvos re A^oWavos /u«7<xAoirp€ir6f , icat vaov a^ioKoyov cafa&rificuri ttoXXou 
K€KoaiJ.iifi€Pov ffipatpoei^ rtp crx^fiaTt. Diod. Sic. lib. ii. c. 13. 

'^ Et quibus immitis pjacatur sanguine diro 
Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus. 

Lucan. Pharsal. lib. i. 
• See Bochart, &c. 

"" Hesus was Mars, says Bochart. And the emperor Julian observes, AptisAj^ifos 
A^fOfitvos ^Ko rv>v oMovvrnv rrpf EJStfftra Svywi^. Orat. in Solem. 
' Montfaucon, Antiq. Ezpliq. torn. ii. part 2. plate clxxxiv. 

280 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

At EpfaesuSy Proserpine was worshipped under the name of 
Artemis^ or Diana, ^schylus, says Herodotus, made Diana to 
be the daughter of Ceres, and borrowed the idea from the 
Egyptians/ The Ephesian Diana was pictured as covered with 
breasts ;^ and the Egyptian Isis was represented in a ahntlar 
manners Hence Diana was exactly synonymous with Isis in 
her double character of Ceres and Proserpine : for Ceres was 
also represented as niamniiferous> And according to the Ro- 
man fabulists, a personage called Virbius is represented as 
bearing the same relations to Diana, as Adonis to Aphrodite.^ 
Diana was called by the Thracians Bendis ;^ and her rites were 
similar to the Bacchanalia, 8cc.' 

The Syrian Aphrodite, or Babylonian Mylitta, was worship- 
ped by the Persians, according to Herodotus, under the title of 
Mithra.« Mithra and Mithras were Isis and Osiris, Demeter 
and Persephone and Dionysus : and the mysteries of the Per- 
sian deities, performed in dark caverns,^ were the same as those 
that were celebrated in the secret recesses of Eleusis.'^ 

* Eic TovTov 8€ TOW \oyov Kcu ovScyos oXXov, Ato"xwAos 6 Ev^opuopos fipweurtero, tyvt 
^pauray fiovvos 8»j iroiifTtcov rwv vpoywofitvuv eironi<r€ yap Apr€fuy ffcvat Bvywnpa 
AryiriTpos, ic. t. A. Herod. lib. ii. p. 171.— Servius asserts the identity of Diana 
and Proserpine : ** Propter cupressnm Dians. Ipsa enim est etiam Proserpina ;" 
in JEn. iii. 681. — « Hecate triuro potestatum numen est. Ipsa est enim Diana, 
Luna, Proserpina ;" in JEn. vi. 664. 

^ Diana, Ephesiis roultis maromis et uberibus extmcta. — Minucius FeUx, c. 21* 
See fif^ores of ber in Montfaacon, &c. 

^ Hinc est quod continuatis uberibus corpus Deae (Isidis) densetnr, quia tens 
▼el rerum naturae altu nutritur universitas. — Macrob. Satumal. lib. i. c. 20. 

* At geniina et mammosa Ceres est ipsa ab laccho. — Lacret. lib. iv. 1164. 

^ Alii Mempbitim deum volunt Leucotbeae connexum, sicut est Veneri Adonis, 
Dian» Virbius. — Servius in ^n. lib. vii. 

^ B€v8» ff ApT€fU5 QpoKuni, — Hesychius. Vide Palspbatum de Incred. Suidam, 
et Phavorinunu 

' Tots Aiowffiois €0iK€ KM Ttt rupa rois 6fKi(t, rare Korvrria, km ra BrydtScia, 
xop* ols KM Op^uca rtiv Karapxn^ txrxov* Strabo. lib. ix. 

^ Herod, lib. i. c. 131. See particularly what Julius Firmicus says of Mithras, 
De Error. Profan. Relig. 

^ Porphyr. de Antro Nymphar. p. 263. Julius Firmicus, de Error. Profan. 

10 ((Was nundenDienst jener Mithra betrift, so waren genauereNacbrichten sehr 
zu wunschen. Daraus wurde sich die Identitat mit alien iibrigen weiblichen Na- 
turwesen vollends iiber alien Zweifel erheben lassen. Ein Symbol, das Plutarcbof , 
bei Gelegenheit jener Einweihung su Pasargada bemerkt, werden wir unten in den 
Mysterien des Bacchus und der Proserpina zu Atben und in Grosgriecbenland, 
wieder finden, Vielleicht hatte er auch manches andere mit dem etwas sinnlicben 
Cultus der iibrigen Wesen dieser Art gemein. Dass der Dienst des Mithras etwas 
▼on diesem Charakter schon bei den alten Persem hatte, wissen wir aus dem 
Zeugniss des Duris beim Athenvos (lib. x. 10. vergl. vii.) : Nur an dem Mithras- 
tage durfte, nach dem Magiergesetz, der pernsc)^ Konig bis sor Tnmkenbeit 
trinken, nnd auch dann nur tanzte er den Nationaltanx." Crcuzer» Symbol, u^ 

On the Mysteries of Elemis. 281 

With the Babylonian goddess was connected their deity Be- 
Uis, Baat^ or B&I^ in conjunction with whom was worshipped a 
dragon or serpent.' And Belus may be identified with the 
Egyptian Apis. 

Ams 8fvg NetXmd^y Apa'^ Kgovost Accrvpiog Ztvs* 

Nonnus, lib. x. 

In the verses that follow, some of which have been already cited, 
Nonnus identifies this deity with Apollo, and Mithras, and Her- 

The Emperor Antonine, the son of Caracalla, had more 
cause for giving the Phoenician Astroarche, or Astarte, in par- 
ticular, for a wife to his god Heliogabalus/ than has been gene- 
rally imagined. Heliogabalus, or Alagabalus, was Baal, or 
Dionysus ; and the solar orb,^ as being the cause and promoter 
of generation.^ To him was consecrated a serpent; and amongst 
the mystical symbols of his worship were aiBoia avdpwnw.^ 
Astarte was, according to Herodian, Urania, and symbolically 

Myth, band ii. p. 21. — In the following passage Mithras may be identified with 
the Phrygian Attis, and Attis is expressly identified with Dionysus : 11 /licy Bcy- 
Zts^ Sp€uitia $€os, S 8e Avovfiis Aiyuirrtos, bv ol \oyoi km Kwonrpoameov ^>aoiy. Mi" 
$(nis,n€paucos, 6 Arris, ^pvytos* Sfi€V MiBpriUf 6 avros obros riip 'H^ouot^, aWot 9c ry 
i\u(f ^€urtv circt ow ol fiapfiapoi IIAovry €KOfiow, §ucorws km iroXvreAtvs rovs iaih' 
ru» Otovs KoreffKcva^of rov krriv 8c ^pvyts ff^fiovrai, rov avrov ovra vtp Aioywr^f 
K, r, \. Schol. in Lucian. Zcvs Tpa7^8os, p. 8. 

' Koi 1JIU ciSmAov rois BafivKcovtois if ovo/m B17A. — Keu rfv hpaucwv fi€y<a$ km eorc- 
fiovro avrov ol BafivXtovtoi, — Apocryphal book of Bel and the Dragon, v. 3 — 23.-— 
'' Profecto potentiam fecit Deus m brachio suo : subiguntur enim leones, et dracones 
eliduntur, et Bel atque Mithras captivi abducuntur." S. Domitiani concio ad Persas, 
in Menaeis Grscoram. — Amongst the extraordinary things shown to Alexander in 
India, was a great dragon that was sacred to Dionysus, cv 8c rois c8ct{e km {Vwy 
dircp^t/cs, AtoKvaov aryaXfui, tf IvZoi €$votr ipcutrnv nv /iriKos T€Pr€ar\e$pov, trpt' 
ipero 8c cv x^P^V icotXtfy w KprifiLvtp j3a6ct, rcixct t^^ drcp rwy MCpwv rcpii3ciSAi|- 
lAKVor fc. r. A. Maximus Tyrius, Dissert, viii. 6. 

' ^(Tos 8c airap^ffKwBM avrqt, &s royra 9P iirXots voKtfiueri B&p, rris Ovpayias ro 
teyaXf/M fier€r€fitltaro, trefiovr^y aeuro 6vtp<pv«5 KapxffioVMv re km rwv Kara rriv 
Aifivriv avdpoowvP' ^ourt 8c avro AiSto rriv ^ivurffav ihpwratrBM, dre 877 miv c^>xMau 
Kapxifiova waMP cxrurc, fiup<ra» Karartfiovaay. Aifiws fity ow avniv Ovpaviaff 
KoXowTi, ^oivucfs 8c Affrpoapxnf^ ovo/jufowty (TcAiji^v ciyeu 0€\ovr€s» Herodian. Hist* 
lib. V. c. 16. 

3 See Selden de Diis Syris, Syntag. ii. c. 1. who gives the following inscrip- 

* Ta fi€v yap cAcoi rety ci8a»v, ra 8c tpya^erMy ra 8c KOfffiei, ra 8c ayay€tp€ty km 
ovUev €<mv 6 8ixa rris axft* ^Aiov Hntuovpryuais 9wafit»s tts ^s wpotreuri km y€vtffi»» 
Julian. Orat. de Sole. 

^ T^ avrtp ['EAio7ai3oAy] c0i;cirai8af tr^aryia^ofityoSy km fiayyavfVfMuri xpufieyos^ 
oAAa KM CIS roy vaov avrov \coyra km xiBriKoy km o<piy rtva ^eoyra eyKaroKktuna, 
«c8oia Tc ayBpuTov tfifia^My, km oAA* itrra avoaiovpywy irepiairroit r€ ricri 
jivpois offiiroTf xyM»>icyo9. Xiphilinus de Heliogab. 

S82 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

the moon,' which was also a generative principle : she was 
Venus,^ who^ we are told, was worshipped amongst the. Sy- 
rian nations as the Mater Deum.^ These two were, therefore, 
Dionysus and Proserpine. And we learn from Herodotus, that 
the only deities worshipped by the Arabians were Dionysus and 
Urania, uhom they called in their own language Urotalt and 
Alilat;* the latter of which was Aphrodite, the Assyrian My- 
litta, and the Persian Mithra.^ Selden finds her name in the 
Alcoran.^ In the sacred writings, also, Baal and Astaroth 
[Astarte] are coupled together.^ 

' En 8c KOI oAXo Upov cv ^oiviKi^ fJ^^<'^f to ^iBopioi €Xov<rf &5 fitv avrot Keyomij 
AffrapTTis eoTi. AffTaprrjv 8* €70^ Soiccm l^tXrivairiv cfi/A6vat. Luciaa. de Dea Syr. 
p. 657. Edit. Variorum. 

* ** Qaarta Venus Syria Tyroque concepta, quae Astarte vocatur." Cic de Nat. 
Deor. lib. iii. — ^AoropTTj, ^ rap' 'EAAt/o"* A^^poStrt; Xeyoficvij, Suidas in Aaraprnq. — 
Ari\oi 5€ rovTO rnv Aarraprriif, ifyow k<^pohvn\v, Procopius. in 2 Reg. c. xvii. — 
Plutarch, speaking of the Syrian goddess worshipped "at Hierapolis, sa^s, ol luv 
A/ppoSiTriv, oi $c *Hp<uf, ol Se rrtv apxas km avepfiara vcurw c^ vypoay irapcurxouffoy 
airiav ku <t>V(Tiv vofii^ovffu Plut. in vit. Cras. 

' Ol v€pi ras x«/>ay Tavros, ff^fiovffi fxcv &s €irt vav rriv A<l>policrriv &s Mijrepo 
BeaVf iniKthois km tyx^^p^ots ovoixxun TrpoaayopevovTes* PtoIemsus,TetrabibL lib. ii. 

* AtOWffOV 5€ 0601' fJLOVVOV KM TTJI' OvpaVVqV 7iy€0mM €IVM, . OvyOfJufoiWl S€ TOP 

IJLMV Aiovv(rov, OvpordKr' ri\v 5c Ovpavitiv, AAtAar. Herod, lib. iii. p. 185. 

^ ETrifJLeiAaJdTiKaai 8e km tt? Ovpoftp Bueiv, vapa tc Aenrvpioov fiadoPTes km Ap€tfiunr 
jca^^ovffi 5.€ AiTffvpioi ttiv A^poSirriv MuXirra* Apafiioi $€ AAtrra* Tltpffeu 5e Mi- 
rpou'. Herod, lib. i. p. 62. — MwATyroi/, rriv Ovpaviw Affffvpioi. Hesychius. 

® Sed vero inter Arabum numina, quae, ut fit, currente seculo, nuinerosiora 
fuere, haberaus etiam in Alcorano qnod ad Herodoti Alyttam propius accedit. 
Id est, Alleth, Latb, seu AUetto. Azoara Ixiii., in versione Retinensis ; Jin tribus 
imaginibus visisy videlicet AUetto, Alance, Meneth, masculos Deoque foeminas 

adscribitisf In Arabic© vero legitar: C»U-c* r <? %jJU C^'MS AJut«il 
^^\ *I^ ^iJ! ^^\S ^ fSj^^S Xaiaj q"od sonat, VidiUis 

AUat, »eu AUetto, et Aluze et Meneth tertiam aliam ? Vobisne [haec] mares et Deo 
fcmin^ 7 — Selden, de Diis Syris, Syntag. ii. c. 2. p. 254. £d. Elzevir. Allat is 
also mentioned by Abul Faragivis; see also Pococke's notes on the passage in his 
Spec. Hist. Arab. 

7 minvybl bpnb nayn mn*Tl« lawn " And they forsook the Lord, and served 
Baal and Ashtaroth." Jud. ii. 13. Conf. x. C— D^byan-rtK bma*^ ^aaiTD*! 
rwitn^nTMl " Then the children of Israel did put away Baalim and Asbtaroth." 
1 Sam. vii. 4. — And, by the way, from these observations we may deduce the 
true interpretation of the word mu'K as connected with Baal. The modem ver- 
sions, following the Septuagint and Vulgate, interpret it a grove. Now I am 
inclined, to thiuk (hat it has no where such a signification. The versions to which 
we most look fur the best informs tiou on this subject, as they have not followed 
the Greek or any other version, are the Chaldee, the Syriac, and the Arabic. The 
Cbaldee version almost always interprets the words in its various forms by 
ttnu^M, Kn~iu:K, and the like, which Walton translates, after the other translators 
from the Hebrew, lucos ; but which are only the Hebrew words in a Cbaldee 
form, and bear therefore the same meaning. The Syriac and Arabic, in every 
pli^e that I have looked, except when they render it as a proper name, interpret 

it, the former, by j A^^ia^> numina, idola ; the latter, by p Ua^i idola, nmuttura* 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 283 

I will now hasten to conclude. If I were inclined^ I could 

The very mode in which lexicographers account for the word signifying a grove, 
is exceedingly ahsurd : it is given as a deriTative from the root niDM beamt, 
beatum, fdicem pradicavit* *' n*)VK /. (says Baxtorf.) Lucus, sic dictus, quod 
homines beatitatem in eo, utoote sacro et religioso, qusrerent, aut per antiphra- 
sin, quasi minime beatus, nt Latine Lucw quasi minime Iwidtis" This word is 
never used but in connexion with Baal or other idols, or idolatrous practices. The 
words in other places rendered in English by wood, or grove, or forest, are : 
«ipi Deut. xix. 5. Josh, xiz, 8. 1 Sam. xiv. 25. xvii. 6. xxiii. 15, 16. 18. 2 Sam. 
xviii. 6. 8. 2 Kings ii. 24. Ps. Ixxx. 13. Is. x. 18. Jer. v. 6. E2ek. xxxiii. 15. 
xxxiv. 25. Micah vii. 14. — bxOH Gen. xxi. 33. — tt^in 1 Sam. xxiii. 15, 16. 18, 
19. 2 Cbron. xxvii. 4. I consider, therefore, that nitt'K is bat another way of 
writing n*intt^» and that it ought to be rendered the same. And in the time of 
Procopius, it appears to have been understood as such by those acquainted with 
the Hebrew : for he observes on 2 Kings xvii. vavraxov to akffos ol \oaroi Air- 
rc^)<»0 ipfifipcvowrr and at c. 7. to 8e aXoos ol Xotirot AtrnpcoO [i. e. m*)tt^K] i? Aara- 
pt»0 [i. e. nnnvp] hpfinivwovtrLv Sttiv Acrrapri)i/ $9}Xot. — In Jud.iii. 7. accordingly, 
where we find, '* they served rTnTyKnTW« O^byarrnK Baalim and the groves, 
Tots BaoKifA Kou rots a\<re(rt, codices collated by Kennicott and De Rossi have 
ninnv^n, and the Vulgate translates it servientes Bwlim et Astaroth: the Syriac, 

too, has jZtAlsyo \^'^*^^ : yet the Chaldee has Kn-)«}Kb K'byn ', and the 

Arabic is Baal et Ascrah, I think, therefore, that the common reading is the 
best, and that the other has crept in as a gloss to explain it ; and I would translate 
it *< Baal's and Astarte's," or rather " images of Baal and of Astarte :" ayd\fAara 
THIS PiffTOffnis, as Aquila justly rendered the plural noun.— In Jud. ii. 13. where 
the Hebrew has JD'intt^bi bynV, the English and Vulgate '<Baal and Ashtaroth," 
and the Greek r^ BaaX fcai tois AarapTats, the Syriac and Arabic translate it the 
same as the former. Conf. 2 Kings xvii. 16. xxiii. 6. in the Greek, Hebrew, Chal- 
dee, Syriac, and Arabic. — In 1 Sam. vii. 3. ** put away m"Tntt'»n'\ DD3ino the 
strange gods and Ashtaroth," the Greek has rcpicAerc Btavs aWorpiovs ck fieaov 
^luoVy KoxTa aXan', and in 1 Sam. xii. 10. *' we have forsaken the Lord, and have 
served nnnt^jrn'TlKI D*byan"nK Baalim and Ashtaroth," rots BooXifi icac tois 
a\(Tf(ri; and in 1 Sam. vii. 4. for ** mn'©jrrTn«i D'^VpirrnK Baalim and Ashta- 
roth," Tas BadKifi koi to oA<r^ Affrapcod; and, on the other, hand, we find mWK 
translated by AcrrapD;, 2 Chron. xv. 16; *' And also • concerning Maachah, the 
mother of Asa the king, he removed her from being queen, because slie had made an 
Idol in a grove ; and Asa cut down her idol, and stamped it, and burnt it at the 
brook Kidron ;" Katnjv Maaxart^vjurn-epa avrovftcrcim^crc tov firi eipai rp Aarrofny 
\€irovpyovaav, kui fiertKor\ft to €i5wXoy, k. r. \. : the Chaldee and Arabic inter- 
pret it, quod festum celebrasset idolis suia. It should therefore be translated 
an idol or image of Astarte, Again, Deut. vii. 6. " And serves groves and idols," 
CJ^lxyn^nK*) D**lttJKn"nK, Kai cHovXtvov rais AffTapTais Kai Tots ei^eoKois. The 
Greek interpreters themselves, therefore, understood the two words as synony- 
mous. The expression in the latter part of the sentence is the same as is used in 
other places in relation to n*)V7K when translated a grove: conf. Deut. vii. 6. xii. 
3. Exod. xxxiv. 13. 2 Kings xxiii. 5, 6. Baal and Astarte, as the sun and moon, 
were the leaders of the host of heaven. Thus, 2 Kings xxi. 3. ** And he 
reared up altars for Baal, and made nnu^K a grove — tu dKurq — Chald. KHTtDK— 
properly Astarte, i. e. an image of her ; as did Ahab, king of Israel ; and wor- 
shipped all the host of heaven. 7. And he set a graven image of the grove that 
he had made in the house ;" to yKwrrov tov a\ffovs, idolum luci, Vulgate. This is 

absurd. The Hebrew is nnvKH bDSrnK. The Syriac JAXmJO Uali.| >QfiOO 

284 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

pursue the analogy by showing that the same worship was not 
only universally spread over the old worlds but that it was even 
the religion of the new. I will add one observation. The 
ancients continually speak of Dionysus as an Indian deity ; and 
in that country we find remains not only of the Eleusiniao or 
Egyptian rites^ but of the Priapeia and the worship of the 
phallus or Ungam.^ In .proof of this, I refer my readers to 
the descriptions of the caverns at Elepbanta and Elora, in 
Maurice and other authors. 

We knoWy from Bryant^ that ouf great progenitor^ as. well as 

praterea simulacra et idola. — The Arabic, «x^>* ^c. idolum quod ipse ads- 

rabat. The Hebrew should be translated, a, graven image of Astarte* Conf. 
2 Kings c. xziii. yv. 5, 6* In Judg. c. vi. v. 25. we have, " and throw down the altar 
of Baal that thy -father hath, and cut down the grove that is by it" — n3l0*nx 
rman vbjrntJK mwMrrnMi y^nb tvk b»an We find in the Syriac Tersion 

•jQSQO> .^oiQ^k^^V^OAO; ] jAiX)]o •inoj; ci;.2>Ao \lSo? Averte aram Baal 

idoli patris tui, Estheram Uli superpositam exdde. In the Arabic version it is, 
Asira idolo fceminino. — ^The Chiddee Kmu'K. In 1 Kings xviii. 19. '*The prophets 
bvyn of Baal, and the prophetennvKn of Astarte." The Greek translates ^nn by 
Ti|s aurxjuvits. — As, when we find mention made of Baal and the idols or images, 
we must understand the idols or images as referring to Astarte ; so, when we find 
Astarte miiitto^ or miTKrr, coupled with other idols, we roust understand the 
latter as referring to Baal. Thus, Isa. xxvii. 9. " The groves [leg, the images of As- 
tarte] and the images [i. e. of Baal, &c.] shall not stand up :" D*Dom onwK 'iOp*"Kb. 
Conf. 1 Sam. vii. 3. Deut. xii. 3. 2 Chron. zxxiii. 19. Isa. xvii. 8. Deut. zvi. 21. 
Exod. xxziv. 14. In 2 Kings z vii. 10. *'And they set them up O^IVKI ntSYD 
images and groves, trrriKas km a\ffiit in every high hill and under every green 
tree," according to the common version is nonsense : it should be understood as 
images [of Baal] and [images of] Astarte. Compare 1 Kings ziv. 23. Jer. xvii. 

2. I do not know one passage in which the word occurs where it must sot 
be understood of, and would not be better translated, Astarte* Conf. Deut. zvi. 
21. 1 Kings zvi. 32, 33. 2 Kings ziii. 16. zvii. 16. zxiii. 4. 6. 2 Chron. zzziii. 

3. Judg. vi. 15. 2 Kings xiii. 4. I Kings ziv. 1 5. 2 Kings zviiL 4. zziv. 14. 
2 Chron. xxxiv. 3, 4. xiv. 3. zvii. 6. ziz. 3. xzxi. 1 . zzxiii. 19. Isa. zvu. 8. 
Micah V. 14. Judg. z. 6. 1 Kings xi. 5. — In 2 Kings zxiii. 7. these words occur : 

rvrtfvh D*n3 nu* mai« D*©3n -w^ nin" n^an iw« n^tnpn ^^na-n^ yn*i. In 
the English version : ** And he brake down the houses of the Sodomites that were 
by the house of the Lord, where the women wove hangings for the grove." [or for 
Astarte.] For D^urrpn, the Greek has rcav KoSriffifi, the Vulgate effaminataruM* 
The same word occurs in 1 Kings xv. 12. where the Vatican edition of the Septoa- 
gint translates it TcXerca, and the Complut. rertXcirfitvovs : conf. zxii. 46. and in 
Hos. iv. 14. the fem. noun is translated in the Complut. Vat. and Alezandr. by 
r€T€^co>tcv«v. Parkhurst says that it means a prostitute, male or Jewutle, 
Buxtorf observes on the word, *' xoip m. meritoriuSf cimedus, qui se prostttuit, et 
qnasi consecrat libidini.'' It has probably a reference to the rites of Astarte, or 
Mylitta, [see Herodotus] of Venus, Persephone, and Cybele, or the Magna Ma- 
ter ; and these D^iTTpn were the Galli, concerning whom see Lucian, de Dea 

> It is remarkable that the same word is in use amongst the people of the Tonga 
islands, where lingha signifies pudendum tirUe, See the Vocabulary appended to 
Mariner^s ** Account." 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 285 


Noah, the regenerator, were characterised in the Egyptian 
theology under the hieroglyphical figure of a bull. Bryant has 
given us two prayers of the Parsees, taken from the Zendavesta, 
which may be compared with the foregoing observations* The 
first is the N6aesch de la Lune. '' Je prie Ormusd^ Je prie Am- 
schaspands/ je prie la Lune, qui garde la sentence au Taureau ; 
je prie en regardant en haut, je prie en regardant en bas^ — que 
la Lune me soit favorable, elle^ qui conserve la sentence du Tau- 
reau ; qui a 6t6 cree uniaue, et dont sont venus des animaux de 
beaucoup desphes: je lui fais izeschn6, et n6aescb,^^ Sec. — 
'' Lorsque la lumi^re de la Lune r6pand la chaleurj^ elle fait 
croitre les arbres decouleurd'or ; elle multiplie la verdure sur la 
terre avec la nouvelle Lune, avec la pleine Lune viennent toutes 
les productions," &c. The other is A Prayer to the Sacred Bull;' 
under the character of which we recognise the Egyptian deity, 
in his threefold reference to the first father of all, to the regene- 
rative personage, and to the future saviour and author of rege- 
neration. The bull is first addressed : ** Adressez votre priire 
au Taureau excellent : adressez votre priere au Taureau pur : 
adressez votre pri^e k ces principes de tout bien: adressez 
votre pridre k la pluie, source d'abondance : adressez votre 
priire au Taureau devenu pur, c61este, saint, qui n^as pas etc 
engendre; qui est saint/' Mention is next made of the evil prin- 
ciple, that had filled the world with desolation : ** Lorsque Dj6 

> Les sept premieres Esprits celestes, 

' It is very remarkable that Bacchus or Dionysus amongst the Greeks was also 
represented as tioiriform. The authorities on which this observation are grounded 
are thus given by the learned Bocbart : (Chanaan, lib. i. c. 18. p. 479.) " Idem 
Bacchus in Euripide describitur ravpofiopttfos, tauriformis. De eo enim sic Pen- 
tbeus in Bacchis vers. 918. 

Km raupos iifitv xpoirBty riyturBou Soiccir 
Et nos videris iaurua anttcedere. 

Et paulo post : 

AAA* If tot' If <r9a O^p ; r^rcupoHrai yap wv' 
Tune Jfera foetus? tauri enim speciem gerU. 

Ita apud Lycophronem : 

Tcofp^ Kpv^ca X9pvi^ jcaraplcrat* 

Arcana Tauto is offeret libamina- 
Tauro, id est Baccho, ut mterpretatur Scholiastes, pag. 42. et 43. Et in Elide 
mulieres hunc bymnum Baccho accinebant : EA0ciy ^f>« Aiowa^ oAior cf poop kyvow, 
trw Xaper^trw cf vaoWyrtp /Socy toSi 9umk» a|if ravp€, a|ic ravpc* Veni, heros Baeche, 
f» sacrum/anvm maritimumt cum Gratiis in templum bubulopede ruens, digne taure, 
digne taure. Plutarch, in Hellen. q. 36." But I think that Bochart has not been 
veiy happy in his mode of explainmg it. " Quia verus in Scriptura Deus 
S8Bpe vocatur TIH abbir voce homonyma qua et potentem sigoificat taurum. 
Frostra se fotigant Plutarchus et Isacius in Lycophronem ut hujus appellationis 
alias cautai comminiscantor." 

286 On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 

ravage le monde^ lorsque Timpur Aschmogh affoiblit lliomme, 
qui lui est d6vou6y Teau se r6paiid en haut : elle coule en baa 
en abondance, cette eau se r6sout en mille^ en dix mille pluies. 
Je vous le dis^ 6 pur Zoroastre^ que Tenvie^ que la mort soit sor 
la terre : I'eau frappe Tenvie^ qui est sur la terre : elle frappe 
la niorty qui est sur la terre. Que le Dew Dj6 se multiplie ; si 
c'est au lever du soleil, qu*il d6soIe le monde^ la pluie remet 
tout dans I'ordre^ lorsque le jour est pur. — Si c'est la nuit, que 
Dj6 desole le monde, la pluie r6tablit tout au (g&h) Oscheo. 
£Ile tombe en abondance: alors I'eau se renouvelle; la terre se 
renouvelle; les arbres se renouvellent ; la sant6 se renouvelle; 
ce qui donne la sant^, se renouvelle." We are next told of the 
destruction of the evil principle^ the serpent : ^' Lorsque I'eau se 
r6pand dans le fleuve Voorokesch6, &c. — ce cruel Dj6, mattre 
de magie, s'elive avec empire ; il veut exercer sa violence ; 
mais la pluie eloigne Ascher^ ; 61oigne Eghouere, elle 61oigne 
Eghranm, 8cc. elle 61oigne I'envie^ elle 61oigne la mort ; eile 
61oigne la Couleuvre ; elle 6Ioigne le mensonge ; elle 6loigne 
la m6chano#te, la corruption, et I'impurel^, qu'Ahriman a pro^ 
duites dans les corps des hommes." In another part of the iZen- 
davesta mention is made of the serpent : ** Ormusd, lejustejuge, 
dit d N^rioseugh : apr^s avoir fait ce lieu pur^ dont r6clat se 
montroit au loin, je marchois dans ma grandeur ; alors la Cou- 
leuvre m*apper§ut : alors cette Couleuvre, cette Ahriman, plein 
de mort, produisit abondamment contre moi, neuf, neuf fois 
neuf, neuf cens, neuf mille, quatre-vingt-dix mille envies." Bryant 
says, " It is to be observed also that there were two persons 
alluded to under the same character, called in the Zendavesta 
I'Homme Taureau; both of whom were looked on as the 
authors of the human race. It is probable that the like was 
intended in the Apis and Mneuis of Egypt ; and that in these 
characteristics there was originally a twofold reference. By 
the former was perhaps signified our great progenitor, from 
whom all mankind has been derived : by the other was denoted 
the patriarch in whom the world was renewed." 

Novel as the foregoing theory may appear, I think few can, 
after a mature consideration, doubt its general truth. The 
mysteries were intended amongst the gentile nations to supply 
the place of the sacred histories amongst the Jews ; but their 
intent was soon lost, as that also of the Jewish histories would 
doubtlessly have been, had it not been preserved by a particular 
providence. They were intended to record the history of the 
infant world, of the means by which mortality was introduced on 
the earth, and the promise of a future salvation from the con- 

On the Mysteries of Eleusis. 287 

sequences which followed. This history was represented equally 
in the recesses of Eleusis, in the Italic groves, and in the Egyp- 
tian temple, in the dark Mithratic cavern, and in the caves of 
India. From it originated, after its first import had been for- 
gotten, the various deities of gentile worship, although their 
source have been so manifoldly obscured in their passage from 
one people to another. Greece was proverbially the mother 
of fable :^ in her theology every appellation, which various tribes 
of people had given to the same deity, has found a place 
as a separate divinity. Even the period of the introduction of 
their worship into Greece, and the history of its migrations, 
have become eras and circumstances of their personal history.^ 
Philosophy originated from the same source ; and bence it is 
with some justice that Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, that phi- 
losophy was to the Greeks what the law was to the chosen 
people. Platonism peculiarly was the learning of the Egyp- 
tian mystics. As a platonical allegory, I certainly admire 
Mr. Taylor's ** Dissertation." I have only to add, what I 
think to be a most important confirmation of my whole theory, 
that the Hebrew Rabbi Maimonides,^ as well as Philo J udaeus,^ 
have allegorised the history of the fall in a very similar manner. 

T. W. 

* N udoroicos 'EAAof. 

^ Die Helleniscben Geburtsjahre von Pan, Hercules, und Dionysos, seyen 
mithin fur die Jahre der Einf'dbrang dieser Religionen nach Gnecbenland xu 
balten. — Creuzer, Symbol, und Mytbol. der Alten Volker, iii. band, p. 142. On 
tbis subject, the seventeenth to the twenty-third chapter of the first book of the 
Satornalla of Macrobius are worthy of particular attention. 
wsaa rrcnryn narr yao*) nvo -ytssb nm 'mo m? na b^on mn ^ vro «awo » 
; iir* nv3S)ian niMn nn« ivTanb woniT nn b^ian tn«n Fostquam venit serpens, S^i, 
t. e. postquam congenita est phantasia anima sensitive hunuaue, projecit in earn 
sordes, ut sectetur appetitum rerum corporaHum, fye, if€» R. Mose ben Majeinon. 
More Neb. c. 29. Vide loc. See also Abarben. f. nb. 2. 

* EoTi $6 ravra ou irKcurfiara /mOov, ols ro voiviTiKoy kcu ffo<f>i(rriKOP x^^^ ycvos, 
aXXa B^iypMTa rvwoov, cir' dKKrffopiav KuXownaVt Kara ras 5i* airoyouoy aToSoffeis' 
htofifvos 9€ ris fiicori artfX'urfVt ^nttFu vpoan^Koyrws roy ^ipi^voy o<piy, rfiovris 
eivai avfifioXoVy &n ftpoarov fiep earovs cort, wpviyris irerTUKtos em yaumpa' ^vrepov 
8*, ^i yris fioiXois ffiTu^ XPV^* rperoy &, dri roy toy dri^epercu rois oSoutriv, ^ 
rovs ^rix^tyras opaipfiy ir€<pvKev, Philo Judsus, de Mundi Opif. p. 27. — Kat yap 
^poyipjunwTos eariv 6 o^is xavTwy Biipimy ray cirt nys yris, &y cronjcrc Kvpios 6 Ocos* 
roty yap vayrcoy xayoupyoraroy ttrny ifioyrf Hia t( ; 6ti vama ifiopiis SovXa* iroi 6 
fiios 6 ray ^ovAwv Sconrojlrroi <^* ifioviis. Id, de Allegor. lib. Hi. p. 27. Vide Eun- 
dem de Agriculu p. 157. 









By henry W. WILLIAMS, 


No. Hi. [Concluded from No. LXXIX.'] 

Book XII. M. 

Vs. 46. The final diphthong of rapfiei cannot properly remain long before o^ 
as in the common reading of this line ; and we should therefore, most prohably^ 
insert &f>* after the former word, 

68. fiovXer* hpfttyuv. Elision of the diphthong eu. 

100. Correct, as in preceding instances, t'^X'i^ ^ clSore. , 

107. ffxn^^^f'^o* &AX*. Synaloepba per crasin. So also in vs. 126. 

130. Read as before fiporoXoiytfi hp* Urov, — ^144. Read y^vero ft* laxn* 

205. Read &iro p* l6ev.-7229. For kcu oi substitnte either kcu f>* ol or km Ioc 

236. fiovXtcoy, Synaeresis. — 238. fAerarpeiFOfiai, o&8*. Synaloepha per crasin. 
824. itrcftrOai olrt. Synalcepha per crasin. — 350. Read ro^w 4fi eiSdVf. 

881. fuy fita, Sjnteresis. 

382. Heyne gives here Xitu^txif itfjuporepjis, which is contrary to the principle 
that the s in datives of the third declension cannot be arbitrarily double, but only 
reverberate in pronunciation when the syllable takes the metrical accent. The 
expression found in the editions of Clarke and Barnes, viz. xapww ifjuportppt, 
is most undoubtedly the correct one. 

• 424. afrrcwy. Synaeresis. — 460. hymtKoikifrwt* Ibid. 

Book XIII. N. 

Vs. 24. xpvo'cj70'(y. Synsresis. 

98. Instead of Si; clScrot we roust read either 9i}r* c^croiy or 3i} ^* c23rrai. The 
latter is perhaps the preferable emendation. 

114. ^cos y. Synaeresis. — 153. See on 11. A. 608. 

163. Without doubt thej>article p^ should be inserted between &iro and lo. 

172. Read in this, as in former lines of the same kind, leptv y iXOtw, 

259. In this verse, as well as in vs. 274. ahr* is to be substituted for ad. 

275. This line presents us with a singular example of a diphthong shortened 
before a vowel in the middle of a word ; oW hpenfv Stos ^<ri. Of the impropriety 
of this usage there can, wtf think, be no question ; though great uncertainty exists 
and must exist as to the proper method of correcting the verse under consideiation. 
We suspect, 

OW hpenpf 6s hp* iffci* n trt XPV favra \€y€ff6au, 

283. yiyvrr* i^ovrw. Elision of the diphthong oc. 

Metrical Companion to Honier. * 289 

291. Tlie metrical inaccuracy at present occurring in this line may be easily 
remedied by reading irpMnrw &p* hfieuoio, 
358. Correct as before, dfioiiov op* iroAc/iioio. 
374. alvi^oiA* avaantov. Elision of tbe diphthong cu. 
376. Read Ovyartpa hiv» 
420. For KM ot substitute either Kai ^ ol or km Ioi. 

481. KOI fiot oly. SynalcBpha per crasin. — 523. xpt^f <>«''(• Synasresis. 
569. yiyver* itpris. Elision of the diphthong at. 

624. ^pijSpe/ucrcw. Synaeresis. The 8 in idutrare is here doubled in thesi, con- 
trary to every just prosodial principle : we should probably read x<^<^^ ^P* 

635. Insert the particle hp between 6/iioiiov and iroAc/uoio. 
.665. Read ds P iii ci8(»f. — ^^10. Substitute ol koi otmcos for ot ol <raKos, 
. 733. iTravpuTKovTM iivdptoiroi, Synalcepha per crasin. 
777. «r€i oh^. Ibid. — 802. Read as before, ^poroXoiytp ip' Uros. 
827. rtCT^ *AdrivcdTi. Elision of the diphthong at. 

Book XIV. H, 

Vs. 92. This passage affords a striking instance of the utility of the theory of 
the particles. Instead of ^irMrrotTo pVi, an expression which is, metrically con- 
sidered, in -.the highest degree barbarous and inconsistent, we can safely and with 
elegance read ^toToiro fi* TJau 

93. Substitute km f ol or km lot for Kat oU 

127. In this line, as in numerous preceding ones, ^i> should be distributed into 
two syllables by diuresis. 

132. To obviate the metrical impropriety occurring in Qvyu^ ifpa^ the particle V*: 
should be inserted between those words. 

162. Read id ivrwMTM^. — 166. For rov ol substitute roy iot, 

235. ciSeu. Synseresis. 

240. In all probability ^' should be inserted between rev^ei and hcrKtitrcts, 

265-6. This passage affords an instance of a vowel elided at the end of a line 
before another beginning with a vowel ; Zriv* *fls. This usiige is of far more r?ure 
occurrence in Homeric than in Virgilian hexameters. 

421. Read /ue>-a /^* taxoKTcs. — 471. hi ohX' Synalcepha per crasin. 

. 521. The true reading of this line most certainly is 

Ob yap lot ris dfioios ifrunrcffdM iroffiy iiey. 

Book XV. O. 

Vs. 4. Perhaps for x^^pot vro 9eiovs we should read x^wfKu 6k9 pa itovs. See 
the remark on K. 376. 

18. ii 01' /Ac/ii^. Synaloepha per crasin. — 21. iiXaareov. Synaeresis. 
23. Most probably we should read here 

'PtirrcMricoy reroq/w hico fijiKov y\ o^p* Ay Iktitm, 

64. ni)\€t8€C0. Syneeresis. 

66. Tbe penultimate of 'IXtou, being short in itself, cannot be used as the 
second syllable of a spondee with any degree of consistency, and we must therefore 
seek for some probable emendation of this line. The theory of the particles sup- 
plies us with the two following, *IXtov ^ irpoTcapoiBe, and *IXtov ^a irpoirapoiJde } the 
merits and probability of which seem to be equally balanced. 

1 10. iKirofi* * April yt. Elision of tbe diphthong at. 

145. irat afpeas. Synaeresis. 

146. This line furnishes an instance of the figure synalcepha per crasin, in the 
case of KcXcToi iXBtfitv, In another particular it requires correction, since thp 
vowel » in ir^xv cannot be properly considered long in thesi before els. Accord- 
ingly we should write, 

Ztvs <r0« 7* CIS *l9riy KcXcrat iKOe/jifv &rri raxurra. 

VOL. XL. Cl.Jl. NO. LXXX. T 

S90 Metrical Companion to HofHer. 

161. For l| sobstitiite ^* by eMon fbr ^. 

177. i(>xfoBai ^. SyiMlcepha per cnsin. The htter (^ shoiild be chaaged to if, 

18S. For laow ol substitate Urw loc ,_ 

244. The word vjc is to be pronounced wc. 

867. pvofi* Sftms* Elision of the diphthong au — ^871. Retd f iefptow olyo. 

875. The can be no question that the Homeric reading of this line was rmw 8c f 
imo p* MXift ^^onf. Some editions have at present, dralaxifr ; othera^vo^* lax^ 

892. Already has an opinion been ezprrased thut Ivv'crtfflu cannot be properiy 
nied when the first syllable does not recetTO the ictns metricos. Fiobably the 
particle ^ should be here inserted before it ; thos, 

*0s jcoi inj¥ op* hrw^fu iSo/uw aif yap ierep yc* 

849. For abrov ol sobstitote aircm loc 

896. Read, as in some preceding Terses, ytpero ft* coxv^ — 4^* Rod Aiew I01. 

478. The expression in this line S 9c to^, militates against oor second negadte 
proposition relative to the power of the metrical accent. In all probabilitj we 
ahoold read 6 8*^ To(or» phraseology in every respect Homeiic. 

491. ^courir. Synasresis. — 494. i^ficflir. Tbid. 
508. KcXcrcuiAtfc^wr. ^Jmalc^ha per crasin. 

519. «iiXci8cw. Synsnesis. — 522. Read TlnfOov y aSsr. 
685. Read by diaeresis & cjiws. A similar change is necessary in vs. 687. 
589. There can be little question that the particle yc originally succeeded i in 
thisline, thos; 

*Ems Sy€ r^ vsAipifc fwp wr , in 8* ^wcro rucifr. 

548. The particle ip* should be here inserted between vpoaam and I^pii9i|, anoe 
&e w of die former word cannot properly remain long in tfaesi before the laUber. 

618. Itfvctftfoi* ^. Synalcppha per crasin. — 664. ircm, Syncreaia. 
670. Read as before ipmian iip woA^imo.— 679. Read i» Atu 
696. nr T H Tgc u Ir. Synaloepha per crasin. 

Book XVI. n. 
Vs. 81. Of^MS. Syneresis. 

74. TuSciScM. IbUL So also in vs. 76. 'ArpciSeii. 

145. The editions of Clarke and Heyne have fmfymipia^ i u my t , thus indaciiig 
an nnneceassary eKuon of the diphthong «• There can be no reason wh j {(Eryw- 
|icv* shonld not be employed of itsell 

191. The expression ^vAcr H ^ r pt f cy involves a violation of the wdl-hnown 
rale respect i ng the quantity of a Imal kog vowri or dqihtbong befoie a wovd 
beginning with a voweL We can substitute other ^oAos cd ^* irpefa^, or fsAst 

826. Insert 7* for 7c between amm and fufcn; an addition not only leqnned 
by the ruetre, but in die highest degree appiopnata as it regards the sense. 

885. The words XPM*> ^'^ cvpwy improperiy united in most editioasy slioall be 
read separately. 

844. For ^ el TTC s ubst itu t e ^ lecTevc. 

865. We should profadUy introduce 7* after 4|np«. 

869. IB|MiEalct». Syn»reais. 

866. Read, as in former cases of the same kind, y tw r e fwixf. 
878. Insert the particle ^between 8c and M^xf. 

896. In all probability we dmold read here, 

Em 7* ItpuBfrnm irtfimafffitif, 4AA«/wsvy*> 
445. Some editkma havuautc i^wmtftj^i 2iym8spa.aocoidiag tm whkk kotmn 
the word {^ar is ta be uttered as a BMnosyllable. Others, and amos^ tham thai 
of Heyne. exhibit, vrith greater propcsBij. mc {Mrv^fust. no ndjeclivujbt 
is found in II. fi. 887. 
460. For T«» el fubotitntn rer Im. 

468. The coninolkm ^sr, wlikk ocean in tha edition of OaiknbclMen llvps^ 
itXss and kpmiJmift » beyond aD doubt supeiiuoni and 

Metrical Companion to Hotnif. aSM 

SSO. Read, asiti^pieyiotis siniilar instances, ^yM»lpiny. 
542. For ofcvc? ^ sabstitute ffBwtl hp^ so for the final t to coalesce with the 
initial c. 

583. For &k€i dor* read oMCfft &p', &rr*.-M(91. ^opu&pwnmnf, Synaresis. 

704. Instead of xc(p<0'<'^ &0avar2}<ri, as found in Heine's edition, we must evi- 
dently write, with Barnes and Clarke, x^H*^^ iiBavarnfffi, Metrical accuracy re- 
quires that the s of datives plural of the third declension should never be doubled 
except when the syllable fs in arsi. 

785. Read crfUf^kiKtaP^ hxoat, 

858. Clarke has adopted the word iLyUpvnfra in the text of his edition, strangely 
conceiving that the Hitt syllable of it may, in virtae of poetic license, he employed 
for a short one. The reading of Heyne and Barnes, Xarova^ oSporqra km iifi/qv, 
ia» beyond eemparisos, more.proper and 'consistent. 

Book XVII. P. 

Vs. 9. Insert 7* after nar9ov. So also in vss. 33. 59. 

40. For nay6^ iy which is opposed to rule, we can substitute either titaf$<p y iVy 
or TlavBtp &p* ^. 

89. &^i3c(rry* ov^» Synalcepha per crasiR. 

106. Read, as before, iws &ye ravft, 

142. The common reading of this verse presents to us a very formidable metri- 
cal difficult, which, however, we can overcome, by having recourse to a slight 
transposition of words, and to the theory of the particles. Instead of "EMrip, cmos 
dpicrre, k, t. \, which induces the lengthening of a short syllable in thesi^ we should 
probably write 

*Eicro/>, &P10V ci3os 76, fiaxris &/>a mWov ^8cv€o. 

144. It is highly probable that the word dmtus for htwt was never employed by 
the M aeonian bard, except in virtue of the lengthening efficacy of ib» aietrioal 
accent. If so, we must alter the present lection of this vine to ^paj^ vw^ imihjp 
Kc ToXiv. For Kox hoTv we should likewise snbstitnte /cat f iurrv, to preserve un- 
broken the rule relative to the quantity of a final diphthong before a vowel. 

164. ir€^>ara( &vtpos» Synaloepha per crasin.— 195* ni|^ci8ec». Synsresis. 
. ]96. Instead of kpS ^ write hpa kf, 
259. *£irva\(« da^p€t^prp, Synalcepha percrasin. 
317. Read as before /Atya P* laxov* — ^324. Read Bs hiintfn. 

450. ^ oig^ &X11. Synalcepha per crasin. — 461. p^afjuof. Synaeresis. 
639. irxn^wdcu, &AX*. Synaloepha per crasin. — 669. For 6s ol substitute 6s Im. 
734. It is probable that Homer wrote vpocw &p* iX^as^ Jc. r. A. In the. common 
reading of this line, our second rule on the subject of quantity is violated. 


Vs. 15. Read ^us 6y€ reuffft — 98. Md^oiTioScw. Synaeresis. 
105. This verse, read as at present, contains a most glaring violation of our first 
rule relative to the quantity of dififerent syllables. We shoiud perhaps read, 

Toior €wut 6s iip* oifris 'Ax^mf %aAicoxtT«»'wy. 

See the observation on N. 274. 

121. Kciffo/A irfi Kf. Elision of the diphthong cu. 

160. Read ftgya p* laxwv. — 194. iKir&ti\ ^t* Elision of the diphthong «u. 

213. &p€ws» Synaere8is.-^220. Bvfwpaurrwmif. Ibid. 

240. Read here* as in former lines, -VoiZra &p mkefiato, 

250. The propriety of using the word irpocam when the first syllable is not the 
irstofafoot has been qaestiooed in some previous remarks. Here we should 
probably read either 6pa y€ irpotrw km hrurffn, or jpa vpoau ip km irurerw, 

294. icv8os &pc<r0* in. Elision of the diphthong ai* 

311. y<ip 0'^€«i'. Synsresis. 

864. As this line now stands, it furnishes an instance of the elision of the diph- 
boog M ; iftfui^ itpumi. It is most pvobable, however, that Hoiher wr6te ^cv 

292 Metrical Companion to Homir. 

hpumi ; a form of expression equally proper with that for which it is proposed lo 
he substituted. 

406. fiaXa XP*^* Syoieresis. — 431. xmaHov, Ibid. 
571. The(^ pieoeding iufikx* must be cbaoged to 4*. 

611. "Xfwrtw, Syosresis. 

Book XIX. T. 

Vs. 35. The use of -oci- in kxo^iiew as a spondee, is opposed to ooi first nega- 
tive proposition relative to the power of the ictus metricus. There can exist little 
doubt that the Homeric lection of this verse was 

41. Read (r/MpSoXea ^' !axw* 

56. It appears that the particle t^ should be inserted in this line between ^ and- 

136. \c\aO«rOai itnis. Synalcepha per crasin. — 215. Ilii^cos vie. Synaeresis. 
'332. For km ol substitute either jcot ^' ol or km ^. 

400. The lengthening of the final vowel of BoAie before the word r^XcK^vr* is. 
perhaps justifiable on the ground of necessity. 

402. ^c( x* Itfjuev. Synaeresis. 

Book XX. T. 

Vs. 16. The reading found in some editions, riirr* ovr^ 'A/ryuccpowe^ is un* 
donbtedly correet. 

42. It is beyond all question that the true lection of this verse is that given by 
Heyne, viz. 

Ttws ip* 'Axouoi fi€P fjneya Kvitxvw, o6reic* 'Axt^Acvs. 

Clarke's edition has improperly rf»s *Axaco(. 
46. Read fiporoKoiy^ hff itrov. 

77. npuxfuHtw, Synaeresis. — 85. nijXctSew. Ibid. 

101, [xaXa^cu Ictus metricus and synaeresis. 
130. 9€ure^ iKtiSt, Elision of the diphthong cm. 

135. iifuas* Synaeresis. For iv€iri voXv, occurring in the latter clause of this 
verse, we must substitute, as in previous instances, ^ci dp to\v. 

143. Most probably y should be here inserted between &ya7icp and /(^. 

188. ii ob iitfAvrf, Synalcepha per crasin.-r-213. Read ^p* ^ clSps. 

216. The final vowel of oinw cannot properly continue long before *IAio$, in 
thesi ; and we should, therefore, in all probability, insert &f>* between the two 

220. 817 &^y6u»TaTo$. Synaloepha per crasin. — 261. Read &to ^* lo. 

278. Read &iro^*l0er. 

285. Read <r/i€p8aXca ft* iaxaw. So likewise in vss. 382. 443. 

368. For hrtni substitute Iwfi &p. . 

422. irrfM^affdMt &XA'* Synalcepha per crasin. — 437. Read hr^i hp km ifior, 

469. Xurffw^, 6 8c. Elision of the diphthong ai. 

Book XXI. «. 

Vs. 70. Perhaps we should read here, iarri 7', fs/Acny. 
71. It may be that the originsl lection of this verse was, 

AifTop 6 Tp ^cpj7 fiev lA«y I* iXMnrero yavyuv, 

104. See the remark on O. 66. 

283. The present reading of this line is opposed to our first negative proposition 
in reference to the efficacy of the ictus metricus in Homeric hexameters. Most 
probably we should write, 

*Ov pa r* ivavXos &to f iptrQ x^H**^*^ vtpmmu 

204. Read 6fioiSov ip -woKqioio, — 312. iniyisfr. Synsresis. 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 293 

318. The penultimate of t\vos, being short in itself, cannot be used as the 
second syllable of a spondee ^rith any degree of consistency ; so that in all pro^ 
bability we should read here, 

Keureff ^* elision of the diphthong at. IXvos, Synaeresis. 

322. For airrou ol substitute avrov £01, The figure synsresis takes place in fup 

329; In order to avoid the improper lengthening of o in kwotpf €i9y as found in 
the common reading of this line, substitute &iro /^* ipattt* 

341. (t>0€y^ofi* iyofy. Elision of the diphthongal. 

357. Btfyarcu &vTi^€^i'cty. Synalcepha per crasio. 

368. Metrical consistency requires the insertion of 71 after mWa, See the ob- 
servation on E. 358. 

394. Read rim' tdrr, a lection supported by some of the best editions. 

396. ii ov fJitfiyrf, Synaloepba per crasin. 

411. e^x^/A* ^f^y* Elision of the diphthong eu. — 458. 4ifUMi^ Synsresis* 
459. The a in vctp^ cannot here remain long before &Sy consistently with our 

second rule on the subject of quantity. We should probably insert y between 

the two. 
487. Read 6^p* ^ e%s. 

499. wXtiKTi^wff iXoxpuri* Elision of the diphthong ou. 
536. The original reading of this lioe probably was 8et8ta yap, fiii f^ ohXot &Ki}f 1 
547. For ^v fitv ot substitute iy fi§v loi. — 570. Read ahrc^) hi KpovtBiis, 
575. In all probability the particle (f* originally followed tap^u 
586. Read iv yap loi. 
602. Without doubt the true reading of this verse is, 

'Ews dye rov ireSioto Siwiccto levpo^potOm 

Book XXH. X. 

Vs. 5. The common reading of this line {resents us with an inst^ce of a short 
Vowel lengthened before another vowel in the middle of a word ; /ictvcu hXmi Motp*. 
The most probable emendation is, 

*^Kropa 8* ainov Moip* 6\07i fMivai hre^ff^v, 

an emendation proceeding on the supposition that fieivai and Motp* have been mu- 
tually displaced, and deriving some support from IT. 849. ^.-83. Another correc- 
tion, but far less simple and natural than the preceding, is, 'Eicropa 8* hp ahrov 
fA€iyai ob\ii Moip*, according to which the last syllable of /icivou and the first of obXri 
are to be blended in pronunciation. 

6. For 'lAiot; irpovapoiBe substitute, as proposed iu the remark on O. 66. 'IXioi) 
&p TcpoxapoiQ^t or 'lAiov ^a itpoirapoiBt, 

17. The particle y must be here inserted after irpiv. 

40. Read lw€i iip iroKv, — ^71. Kturovrai iy. Synaloepha per crasin. 

91. Read iroAAa 7c Xurcroyuofw* — 152. For ^ i^ substitute if i^^ 

156. Read irpip y i\$eip. 

199. We should probably write here 

*Ols 8* iv 6v§tp^ y 06 Huvarai ptvyovra Suoxeiv, 

•203. Tot el/icf ol substitute el ^tcv lot. — 231. orew/icy. Synsresis. 

296. Read as before iyvu kii<rw» 

307. The reading of this line in most editions is, 

To ol imo Xavapiiv reraro fieya t€ arifiapov re. 

In others the particle p* is inserted between ro and ol ; which is, beyond all doubt, 
the proper mode of expression. 
310. The first ^ in this veise sbovld be changed to ^*. 

394 Metrical Companwn to Homer. 

8S2. Perbapt fior ^«s iawaft^ iiu we should here read tfnt i^* l^cv^T, ^m, by 
which meane the doubling of the first s in iff^g^ in thesi, will be avoided. Iral^ 
j^. Elision of the diphthong au 

3S8. Xurtrofi' drcp* Ibid. — 370. Insert ^ between uu and dSos. 

874. ici}A.€^. Synaeresis. — S89. acaTaXi|#orra< ir. Synahspha per cmsin. 

390. fUfunitraiJf krcupov. Elision of the diphthong au 

417. U€ff^ ivu Ibid.— 438. For ob yup of sabstitate od yap lot. 

450. t8«/i* dri/. Elision of the diphthong au 

480. ^drvorrw AAXot. Synalcepha per craflin. 

Book XXIU. V. 

Vs. 47. l^er* &X^'* Elision of the diphthong m. — 114. wtXtmor. Syncresis. 
199. Bopeif here becomes a spondee by the figaie synsresb and the lengthening 
power of the ictus metricus. 

196. Xf*^^' Synaeresis. 

226. 'Emr^pos must in this line be pronounced as a trisyllable ; the fiiBt two 
vowels coalescing by synaeresis. 

243. xpf^^V* Synaaresis. Instances of the same figure occur also in tss. 853. 
308. and 361. 

382. For ^ hfju^purrov substitute ^* i/i^nipurrov. — 405. TvMiut* Syneresis. 
425. It appears that the 8 in IScmtc cannot be properly doaUed when the 
syllable docs not receive the metrical aceent. We can read here, 

*Arp€iBiit V ip* ^ur§, new 'ArriXoxv iytymwtu 

431. In the present reading of this line our second rule on the sabject of quan- 
tity is plainly violated. The impropriety may be removed by inserting the partide 
y between 9uncov and abpa» 

434. *ATp€t8cw. Synaeresis. — 441 . Read &Tcp ipKov y oifftf, 

560. For 8o00'» ol substitute Somtw lei. 

569. The particle ^' should be here inserted between fAenivia and hroBtos, 

670. 4 o^X ^^' Synaloepha per crasin. — 078. Miyirurrcwf . Synasresis. 

834. XP^V^***' Synaeresis. — 856. wcXexeoi. Ibid. So also in Vs. 882. 

Book XXIV. n. 
Vs. 7. wdkv iXTco. Sy]ueresis.~30. For 4 ol substitnte either ^ ^ of or^ loi. 

86. Instead of tckc? tf* ^^ should probably write rcicci ly. 
52. The metrical impropriety occasioned by the use of IXjcci as aspondee before 
0^, may be easily obviated by inserting p* after the former word. 
61. We should read here, to avoid prosodial inaccuracy, 

XlifXct hp*, &s iKpi Ktipt ^tXof yufer* iiBaiwroufi. 

86. ^io-eortfai h. Synalmpba per crasin.-— ^1. luayw^ai ii$ayvrom, IWd. 

101. xpwrtov KttXov. Synaresis.— 113. Head ciafwHt Iw clire. 
181. fuffyecrOai oh, Synaloepka per crasin. 

158. bcerfw. Synaeresis. So likewise in vs. 187. 

201. olxovToi, II f. Synalcepha per crasin. 

288. Some editions have here, iwHfi vt yt ihfMs : but the most emment and 
most correct exhibit ^et &p instead of ^cii}. This circumstance appears strongly 
to favor the universal substitution of the former for the latter pbrikse. 

293. Most probably we should read here Koif §6 instead of koi c^. This ob- 
servation will also apply to vs. 311. 

406. ni)A^^cw. Synsresis. So likewise m vss. 481, 448. 

'438. tiAoprtm. Synaeres*.— 4T9. Read Mpo^omn, al kou 

Metrical Companion to Hompr, 299 

483. OcociSceu Synsiesu. 

578. As the final diphthong of Si^pov cannot properlv remain long in theii 
before clcray, the particle y ihoald probablj be introduced between the two 

641. Read kcu P' al9owa oafow* — ^718. Read koi Jf cijor Avifyp. 

. 723. idfnirfow. Synsrens. — ^734. &e0A.ctM»y. Ibid. 
736. The reading foand in Heyne's edition is undoubtedly conect, vis. 

Clarke introduces run before diyirov, considering that x»oiJMm9 was uttered as a 
trisyllable by syneresis. 

755. The common reading of this Terse is depraved by the improper lengthening 
of the final a of voAAa before pvau^MaKG^, It is most likely that the particle yn 
ihould be inserted between them* 

762. 9€up€tp. Synsreais. This word is also to be uttered as a dissyllable in vs. 760* 
769. The conjunction ^ preceding ctMcrc/wy must be changed to ^\ 

Odyssey. — Book I. A. 

Vs. 15. The use of (nmrtri for orco'i, the first syllable being in thesi^ is opposed 
to the principle, that to the ictos metricus only attaches the power of relatively 
lengthening a syllable properly short. We should in all probability itnd here 

'Ey onrco'i fa yXapupouri, XiXMO/Mtni woffiv 91hu» 

53. vfMWf, Synasresis. — 73. See on vs. 15. 
89. For Kai ol read either km p* ol or kcu iou 

134* The final TOwel of Scmv^ cannot remain long in thesi before iiJ^utw, 
consistently with our second rule on the subject of quantity. The Homeric ^* 
pression probably was, Scnry iff &3i^r€ici^. 

162. The (^ before tiy in this verse should be changed, to ^. 

174. For 0^' €b ci8d» substitute ^' ^0 cISw. — 183. vXcwr ^t. Syneresis. 
190. i(fXMr$eu &XA*. Synalcepha per craain. — 191. Read either i^ p* ol or i( loc 
207. The particle ft* appears to have been originally placed between 8if and i^» 

225. xpc^* Synieresis. — 239. Read ry icer iw, 

282. For fiporw ^ 6(r<rw substitute either /3por«y if wraop or fiporw ^ ip* hff* 
coy. This remark will also apply in substance to ys. 296. 

298. ^ ohK &7cts. Synaloepha per crasin. 

300. For bs ol we roust read either 6s p* ol, or 6s ioi, 

S02. The diphthong c( before ciiq? should be here resolved into #0. 

328. This verse, in its present state, contains an infraction of our second regn* 
lation on the subject of quantity. Instead of Kovfni *lKapiOio, we should probably 
read either Kovp9i y Ixopcoio, or ttovfni ip* *lKapuuo, 

347. For 6inni ol substitute imrn 6oi, 

397. iffofioi iifiertpoto. Synaloepha per crasin. 

399. Read row V airr* Zvpvfxaxos. 

fiooE II. B. 

Vs. 29. For ^ ol substitute if ol. 

47. In all probability the true reading of this line is^ 

ToiffHttrw iiAfiaffi\tv€f xtenip V &s liwios ^ev. 

A preposition, both in composition and in its simple state, has, in many passages 
of the ancient classic writings, been omitted by the errors of transcribers. 

54. For KM ol read eitlier koi p* ol or koi lot. 
71. Ttipt^ai* fl. Synaloepha per crasin. 

114. The particle p* should be inserted between kou and iofHavti; by which 
means the former word will be enabled to preserve its natural length. 

135. Vf^c^ *Epavvf . £liskm of the diphthong «.— 148. r« 3* itis, Sy nmreiis. 

896 Metrical Companion to Hwier. 

166. Instead oi-wamwiriv iroAco-tv 8f , which is repugnant to the principles of 
Homcr*s versification, we should most probahlj write irayrcirt ^a* iroK^&w 8c. 

l70. For fh €i8«f substitute ^D etSws. — 210. 6/4ca$ Iri, Synsresis. 
216. See on A. 282. — 249. Read oh K€V lot. 
S12. ^ o&x ^''- S^'nalccpha per crasin. 

317. For ii ahrov substitute either ^* alrov or ^ hfl* tdnov. The former is per- 
haps the preferable correction. 

. 330. Tiyutas waanas, Synsresis. — 349. Instead of 8i} iwi oWow read Si| iftoi ohnnf. 
382. The reading of Clarke's edition is, iv^ ad &XA* ic.r.X. which is metrically 
considered incorrect. Some olher editions have properly ivff o^r* &AX'. 

Book III. r. 

Vs. 39. To avoid the unjustifiable lengthening of i in vartpi before ^, this last 
word should be changed to ly, so for synalcepha per crasin to take place between 
the two. 

123. Ther6 can be little Question that the Homeric lection of this verse was, 

Kcivov &f>* iKyoros iffffi* ff^fias /i* ^x** elcropowma. 
134. ff^fvp xo\tts, Synaeresis. — 140. Insert &p* between rov and cii^cica. 

181. Tu8ci8c«. Synieresis. — 200. For eft clir^ substitute 4Q dvp. 

2S0. Strictly speaking, the common reading of this line is repugnant to our 
second negative proposition respecting the efficacy of the metrical accent ; but the 
usage, Tij\c/iaxe> iroiov may possibly be vindicated on the pretext of necessity or 

262. ToAcos. Synaeresis. — 344. For &/a^ l€ff9tiv read &/i^ &p* (c<r0i|y. 
372. Read ^n; 7* ctSo/ieyr?. — 392. Read oivov y* ^Sinroroto. 

419. iKofforofjL* *AOn»rjy. £lisionof the diphthong at, — 472. XP^^'^^'* Synaeresis. 
479. To preserve inviolate our second rule relative to the quantity of different 
syllables in the Homeric poems, we must read here kcu Jd* ohfov i6riK€y, 

Book IV. A. 

Vs. 14. Insert the particle iip* between ^ and clSor. 

77. Kai <r4>ciis. I^ynaeresis. 

90. In the present reading of this line, either an amphibrach or a trochee occn- 

< * — • 

pies the first place ; ews cyw, or l«s eyw. There can exist little doubt that Homer 

'Ems 3ip* fy« vcpt xctMs woAuy fiunov <rwaytipu¥» 

120. ^or ius 6 substitute l«s iyt. — 127. Alyvwrt^s. SynsBresis. 
165. fill AaAoi. Synalcepha per crasin. — 175. Read tmcci iy. 

178. ^ficfltf. SynsBresis. So likewise in vss. 452, 652. 
194. TCfnro/i* Mvpo/ic^os. Elision of the diphthong au 

224. 5. For 068* ct ol substitute oW ti lot. — ^229. Aiyvwrt^, Synaeresis. 

283. The ^ preceding |y8o6cir should be changed to if*. 

202. 3. For ol substitute lot. 

318. In all probability we should write here, Mierai Ifiot oticos. 

324. Read ^* &AAov. — 352. Irct ov cr^iy. Synaloepha per crasin. 

3S3. l^/iM»y. Synaeresis. — 419. &<rrc/(^s. Ibid. See also in vs. 459. 

636« *ATpct3f«#. Synaeresis. 

551. Instead of ^y $9} olSa we must read either /t«r hfr* cHa, oTfuwhip wSU» 

555. Aocprcai. Synuresis. — 559. Substitute 06 yap l«t for oh yap ol. 

608. vMwr. Syneresit. So likewise in vs. 723. 

634. xpcw* SyB»i«tMs« So likewise in vs. 707.— 4M5. Read 6f(f ^ «i3(». 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 297 

i}68. WitboQt doabt the particle y* should be here inserted after irptv, 

682. ^ thcfievai* Synaloepha per crasin. — 695. tiicpyetov. Synairesis. 

718. Insert y for 7e between oh^iov and Ift, 

756. ixBeaBou' h.W\ Synaloepha per crasin. — 789. Read here Spfjuuvovo^, el hi, 

913. iroXXe»y. Synsresis. — 818. For €V€iBws read by diaeresis i\> wUhos* 
840. See the observation on A. 328. 

Book V. E. 

Vs. 16. Read ob yap hu — 41. Read &s yap ioi. 

98. v7ifi€pr€W5» SynsBresis. 

106. We should most probably write here, 

Ttfi' hf^pttVf ot itp* iurrv ircpi Tlpuifioio yuaxo^^o. 

In the usual reading, ol iurrvj our second regulation respecting the quantity of 
syllables is violated. 

113. For ol substitute lot. 

120. iroti)(rer* iucoirty. Elision of the diphthong ai. 

123. €cos fuy» Synsresis.— 143. Read a^ap loi irpo^pctfy. 

155. Instead of air&rfn y\a(pvpouriy write here <rirc<r( Pa yXofpvpouru See the 
remark on A. 15. 

164. It is obvious tliat the final diphthong of (r^ov cannot correctly remain long 
in thesi before &>s, so tliat in all probability we must insert either &p' or 7* between 
the two. Which of these alterations is to be pieferred, it is not easy to deter- 


165. Read koi y oivov. — 174. iccXecu. Synaeresis. — ^215. irorvia Ota, Ibid. 
237* The use of iircira in this verse before ffKvwapvw, so for the last syllable of 
the former word to remain short, may be amply vindicated on the plea of necessity. 

250. For €6 et8»s substitute ^D cl8»s. — 265. ^v $6 koa ^lo. Syueresis. 

358. iTfurofi*' #ir€i. Elision of the diphthong ou. — 364. vn^ofC hru* Ibid. 

365. Beyond all doubt the particle 7c is to be appended to the article, in the 
expression tws 6. 

368. The word iimv is to be here pronounced as a dissyllable "jjofp, 

410. ^aiveff a\os. Elision of the diphthong ai.— -424. Read Iws &y€ ravft. 

459. The particle p* should be evidently inserted in this verse, between &to 
and ho. 

Book VI. Z. 

Vs. 6. ola^as, Synaeresis. — 33. iafftai. Ibid. — 119. rco^v avrc. Ibid. 
174. irav6o-6ou* &\X*. Synalcepha per crasin. 

245. There can be little question on the point that Homer wrote here not icou 
ol hZoi but Kou, lot aSot. 

259. For koi ipr/ substitute kcu ft* ipY» — 297. rifieas. Synaeresis. 

303. The word ripwos, at the commencement of this line, is to be pronounced as 
a dissyllable, Jipus, by the figure synieresis. The contraction of the vowels w and 
o into one syllable is a privilege of which Homer very seldom avails himself. 

Book VII. H. 

Vs. 59. Already has it been stated that the s of datives plural in c<ri cannot be 
arbitrarily repeated, but only reverberate in pronunciation, in consequence of its 
reception of the metrical accent. Against this position the present lection of this 
verse militates ; but that the present was the original reading is by no means ap- 
parent. Instead of Tiyavrwfftv jBcurtXever, we can perhaps safely read Tiyaafrwiv 
ififiaffiXev€v, since the addition of the preposition to the verb, though not even- 
tiaJ* is yet servic«able to the grammatiod construction. 

398 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

70. The particle V should be, m all probability, placed betwee9 cvrovtnd'AUi- 


86. x""^^^* Syneresis. — 90. XP^^V* Ibid. — 107. hBovwv, Ibid. 

961. dySooy. Ibid. 

280. This Uae apparently fumi^eg another instance of an amphibiadi or t 


trochee employed as a foot, ws eir- or e»5 eir'- ; bat the true reading undoubt- 
edly is 

'AAA,' kvaxfurcrtmofos vijX^ roAtv, kw hf irnXBop. 

In support of this alteration we may refer to E* 475. 

312. For oios hrcri we should, perhaps, substitute 6$ &p* icrcri, agreeably to the 
remarks that have been already offerea on the lections of II. N. 274. 2* 105. 

317. Read^^^Oc%r. 

Book VIII. e. 
Vs. 29. For ^ 'E<nrcpi«y substitute if *Earw€punf, 

75. UriXriXaSew, Synaereds. — ^79. Read &s yap hi instead of &s yap oU 
115. Insert &p* between fiporoXoiytp and iaos, 

164. fcc/»8co«y. Svni&resis. — 174. For oi ol substitote o6 Ion. 
184. ir€ifniarofj^ Ac^Ami^. Elision of the diphthong at. 

215. The use of ro^ov as a spondee before oUa is utterly unjustifiable and im- 
proper. We should doubtless read here, 

Efi ficy roiov y olSa i^i>(oov it/tpaipaatrOai* 

224. In the common reading of this verse, our third negative proposition re- 
specting the power of the metrical accent is openly violated; 'Kpatckifi 9^ 
Edpvry. Most probably the particle p* should be introduced after the woid 

240. Head hrurrairo (>* ijirt. 

251. The particle y* should be inserted between iyunrp and oUru 

273. x<t^c«^A* Synaeresis. — ^284. heiFaffwv, Ibid. 
302. Substitute yap kot for yap oU 

315. cr^cor. Synsresis. So likewise in vs. 480. — 324. Insert 7* after a23ei. 

403. For Zoacw ol replace hwrw kou — 435. ie/i\€<p, Synsresis. 

483. The word iipwi must be here uttered as a dissyllable. 

487. aiyfofi* airayronf. Elision of the diphthong ai. 

491. The second fj in this line, if not the first also, should be changed to 4*« 

496. The particle &p* should be inserted between ol and *IAu>v. 

550. ffioAcoy. Synseresis. — 560. toAms. Ibid. 

Book IX. I. 

Vi. 13. c2pc<r9ai, 6ipp*. Synaloepha per crasin. 

SO* B.ead iv tnttffi pa yXaupvpoun, as proposed in the remark on A. 15* The 
sam^ correction is to be made in vs. 114. 

43. 4/i€a^. Synseresis. So also in vs. 645. 

44. iivotyta* Synseresis. Instances of the same figure are found in the case of 

Xpew vs. 136. of vawrtuv, vs. 138. and of ^la, vs. 212. 
215. For tb ^IBora substitute ^i> clSora. 
233. There can be little question that the original reading of this verse was, 

240. $vptoy» Synseresis. So likewise in vs. 840. 

241. The diphthong of Km cannot fonsialently regain long ii^tiiesi befoDo 4im^$ 

Metrical Companian to Homer. 299 

«8 in the present reading of tiiis Hne* In ail probability we sbonld either inser 
f between the two, or change the latter word to itueoa^. 

242. "The second syllable of rtrpcucvicKoL, being short by nature, cannot, in virtue 
of any principle whatever, be pat for the second of a spondee. The most probable 
emendation of this verse seems to be, 

*Eaif\eu fa, rerpaKVieXoi, kn^ cl9€05 h-xKuro^uuf* 

249. For Km ol substitute either koi p* ol, or km hi, 

263. *ATpct8c«. Syniereeis« 

270. Bead, as in previous cases of the same kind, ^ci &p woAv. 

283. yfafitv, Synaeresis. — 328. mjXey. Ibid. — 347. iiv^pofua Kpta, Ibid. 

391. In this verse, as in Od. E. 237. the short final vowel preceding o'KeKopvoy 
necessarily continues short. 

392. Ilie particle fi* should evidently be inserted between the words fieyaXa 
and iaxoyra, 

398. Read &to p io. So also in vs. 461. 

497. It is probable that the particle fa originally followed ^9c7(a^cyov, so for 
^ abhiaoPTos to be united in pronunciation by Synaloepha per crasin. 

498. TijueoMf, Synaeresis. 

506. AocpTcw. Synaeresis. This remark will also apply to vs. ^31* 
532. For &\X* et ol substitute &\X' cl ioi, to avoid the improper lengthening of 
the diphthong ei before a vowel u^ thesi. 

Book X. K. 

Vs. 37. That the present lection of this verse is erroneon», is evident from the 
-circurastance that the second syllable of AloXov occurs in it as the second of a 
spondee, 9wpa irap* Aid\ou ; an usage which cannot be allowed without a flagrant 
violation of eveij prosodiid principle. Probably Homer gave 

AioXov &p Btopa fieyaKiiTopos 'IinroroSoo. 

61. For KOI oUri substitute either km ^ oitri or km louri. 

75. The reading of this line, given in the editions of Clarke and Barnes, ^^*, 
4w€tij Pa Bfourof ic. r. \* is at once conjectural uid erroneous. The res^gs 
found in Mss. and other editions, are 4pp\ imi iipa, and ipbt, hrti &/>a ; neither of 
which, however, seems to be precisely correct. We shoula probably write, 

*Epp€ y*f irti Pa B^ourw iar€jc9ofAtyos ro^ Ikovmis* 

110. The particle p* sUpold be inserted between km and oUny* 
141. The common lection of ttiis verse militates against our second negative 
proposition relative to the influence of the ictus metricus ; since the final short a of 
Aifieva is lengthened in it before km. It appears also that the expression yavKoxov 
4s XiiJueva is unfit to be connected with hr* &kti)s in the Terse preceding, ao that 
the alteration of that expression to vavXoxov &p \ifJL€P0St (by which means the me- 
trical impropriety wiU be avoided) ia as beneficial to the sense as to the versifi- 

204. iiptOfitoy, Synflereaia. 

208. Read either km P* ^Ikoo^ or km Uueoa^. 

218. As iliicuray cannot be properly employed for iHiuray wh^i the first sylla^ 
ble does not receive the ictus metricus, we should probably read b«re, roi V hfi 

243. The adjective xot^wcvyoScs should be here distributed into its component 
parts ; by which means the shortening of the diphthong ou in the middle of a word 
will be avoided. 

263. iiyvyta, Synaeresis. 

264. The A. in iKurcrero cannot be rightly doubled when the syllable wants the 
metrical accent. Perhaps we should here substitnte Kaficoy ¥ iXtcrfrero for \afimf 

316. xpv(rt^* Synaeresis.— 32S. B^iA furya p* Ux^vaa, 

300 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

3d7. After the monosyllable croi, which cannot correctly stand for the last bjI* 
lable of a spondee before iirtoVy we should probably insert the particle */• 

S50. Kffi\v%6iVt hXirewv, Synaeresis. 

385. Kwraaff irapovs, Llision of the diphthong ou. 

390. iyy&opoiaiy, Synaeresis. — 410. iroprtcs. Ibid. — 430* Km ar^as. Ibid. 

434. For ot kw ol substitute ol K€p iot, — 512* *A<8€». Synaeresis. 
563. ipx^ffOcu' hWriv, Synalcepha per crasin 

574. The conjunction fj in the expressions ^ iy^, ^ ivOa, should be plainly 
written if. 

Book XI. A. 

Vs. 91. xpvcreoi'. Synaeresis^ — 109. hrivtas. Ibid. 

111. T€K/iaipo/jC oXedpov, Elision of the diphthong cu. 

119. For ^ hiifpa^ov read if &.fi<t>a9op, 

143. The latter clause of this verse, according to Clarke's edition, is, ircos ic€» fi* 
iarayyotri roiov iovrut in which a short vowel is made to continue short l>efore the 
consonants yy. The reading of some other editions is far preferable, viz. 

Elircy &ya|, irws k€p fi€ hvayvoiti rov ioyrtu 

187. The particle p* must be inserted in this line after &7p^. 
192. For Tcarm ol substitute vcanri lot. 
248. ^t oIk. Synalcepha per crasin. 

251. The monosyllable rot cannot consistently remain long in thesi before tlfit, 
as in the usual lection of this verse. It is most likely that Homer gave 

Ainap iyuyt roi eifu JlwreiHiaMV iyofftx^^v* 

269. The word vlos is to be here enunciated t/ios. 

272. Metrical propriety requires that tiiis line be written, yiifiafi&nii ly vlw ^ 
8* K, T. A. 

299. UoKvievKw, Synaeresis. — 414. Instead of ^ e2\airii/p read if c&\airiyj|* 
441. For 6y k* ed ctSj/s substitute 6y k* if> €1*8175. 

445. See on Od. A. 328.-466. ni^Ai^ZoSew. Synaeresis. 

477. IIi^Xcos vie. Synaeresis. — 668. xp^^^^* ^^i^l* 

Book XII. M. 

Vs. 17. 'At8c«. Synaeresis. — 78. B«ad here ov8* cl lot. 

109. For ivurj substitute hrtt hip, — 137. ourtfcay. Synaeresis. 
139. T€ic/ia(po/A* oXeOpov. Elision of the diphthong at. 

163. d/Moy. Synaeresis. — 187. iifiewy. Ibid. — 318. ^vfKt>wv, Ibid. 
327. The original lection of this verse probably was, 

0/ 8* &/>*, l»s fi€y ariToy 4xov km fi* oiyov ipvOpoy, 

Clarke's edition has ol Se, iws fi^y . . . kou olyoy ; some others ol 8*, ctois, k. t. . 
330. 817 hypTiv, Synalcepha per crasin. These words may, however, have been 

pronounced 8^ arypriy. 

350. BovXo/K* .ava^. Elision of the diphthong at. 

378. Aa6prta8€a;. Synsresis. — 412. Kvfifpyirrtw. Ibid. 

Book XIII. N. 

Vs. 7. vfiewv, Synaeresis. 
69. Insert ^* for ^a between jcat and oiyoy* 

113. To avoid the improper lengthening of xpty in thesi before ct'SorcSy the par- 
ticle y must be introduced after it. 

184. The true reading of this line appears to be 

'Qs i^vtt* ol 8* &p* ^curay^ hotiiwrffwro 8c raupovs* 

M€4rkal Companion to Horner^ 301 

The word iZttivayis inadmissible when the metrical accent dbes not fall on the 
first syllable. 

194. &X\o€iSfa» Synaeresis. — 200. rcwy adrc. Ibid. 

213. (r^€as. Synaeresis. So also in vs. 276. 
232. Instead of ^p* c& ct8« write b^p* iQ ei8«. 

269. 7ifi€as» Synaeresis. 

314. For iywy tv oi^ substitute iytov iv otS*. 

315. In the common reading of this line we meet with an instance of an amphi- 

brach or trochee occupying the first place; ews tPi Tpoiy, ot kws w Tpoiy, It is 
evident that Homer must have written 

'Ems h^ ivi Tpotp ToXtfuib/iw vits *Axaua>y, 

357. ^cfrOai Ififj^, Synalcepha per crasin. — 391. totvm 6ca. Synaeresis. 

482. The present lection of this verse is liable to the charge of metrical inaccii<» 
racy, on the same account on which we have objected to the readings of Od. A« 
16. H. 59. Instead of travrwirw ^€X€c<r<rt, we should, in all probability, read 
TavT€<nv hp fieKetcrffi. 

438. The final a oiirvKva, being short in itself, cannot stand for the second syl-* 
lable of a spondee even before pwyoLKerp^ ; since no consonant reverberates in pro- 
nunciation when destitute of the accent. Without doubt may it be asserted that 
the two words were originally separated by the particle 7€. 

Book XIV. H. 

Vs. 15. See the remark on K. 243. 

41. In all probability the particle 7* should be introduced after ^/ioc^ that so 
the 'final diphthong of that word may retain its natural length. 

43. irAofcT* #ir*. Elision of the diphthong ai. 

67. The conjunction tl cannot properly constitute a long syllable before axnoft 
in thesi ; and we should therefore read, 

T^ K€ lu iroTOC uvTiarev aval, el kp* avroCt iynptu 

94. ifpevova', Synaeresis. — 96. For yap ol substitute yap coi. 

104. fioiTKOVT* Iku Elision of the diphthong ai. 

125. T^€v!BovT(u, oh^, Synalcepha per crasin. 

176. Most probably ^^y hp" icrttrdai, not i(lnjv icrcrearBatf was found in the ori- 
ginal reading of this line. 

186. Instead of 6<l>p*, tl tlBu read 6<pp* iv ci8a>. 

210. The particle f>* should be inserted between kcu and oiki*. 

238. Clarke's edition has here vrjta'a'' riyri<raff6ai, the second syllable of the 
former word bemg unaccented. The Homeric expression seems to have been 
jrq^ffiv rryriffaffBai* 

251. 0€ouraf» Synaeresis. 

263. Alywrrtwy, Ibid. So also in vs. 286. Alyvrriovs, 

271. rifuav, Synaeresis. — 287. by^oy. Ibid. 

330. The conjunction fj should be here written ^'. 

332. In this verse, read as in Clarke's edition, we find an instance of the elision 
Jit the diphthong cm ; ifi/uy* Iratpovs. It is most likely, however, that Homer 
wrote ififify simply, not by elision for ififievai. 

365. For cd read by diaeresis iv, — 369. Substitute kcv loifor Key oL 

384. Read here if is 0€pos, 

411. In the common reading of this line our third negative proposition respect- 
ing the power of the metrical accent, is most strangely violated ; &pa ip^ay. The 
true lection probably is 

Tos 7€ fity ip^ay itpa Kara ^Oea^coi/ATj^fflU, 

' or ras 7c /acv ip ip^aif Kara, k, r. A. 

30!% Mttpkal Compartion io Hotne^^n 

469. tftjStfrctf. SyutB fesis. 

521. For 4 ol substitute either ^ ^* o2 or ^ kou 

BooE XV. O. 

Vs. 73. It appears that the particle 5' should be inserted in this tine betirdeD 
KOI and 6s ; by which means our second rule on the subject of quantity will be 
preserved inviolate. 

• 82. ^^as. Synieresis. 

8S. This is the only verse in both of the Homeric poems, in which an anapsst 
at present occurs ; and as the use of this foot in a dactylic hexameter is opposed 
to all metrical consistency, so the present reading of this line is, beycmd all doubt, 

partially erroneous. Instead of a^MS Sur^fi^i some Mss. have a^rus inrv^fjo^ 
which expression being perfectly agreeable to analogy, and satisfactorily reoio- 
▼xng every prosodial difficulty, should be probably adopted as genutnOk Tlie fol- 
Idwmg conjectural emendation, founded on the theory of the partieles, is sin^e 
and natural, though not equally probable with the autbentieated one just ad- 
duced : 

Adrws ip vc/i^i, S(Mr«t 8€ ri Iv 7€ ^cpto^ot. 

109. Here again we meet with an amphibrach or a trochee occupying the plac6 
of a dactyl or a spondee ; iws Ikovto, There can be no doubt that originally the 
particle op* was inserted between the words quoted. 

163. The most usual reading of this verse is, Iws in Tpotri, k.t.X, in which Iwr 
f. improperly stands for a foot. Clarke has substituted wiws €v for hts 4pi ^ but 
the true reading is undoubtedly that proposed in the remark on N. 315. 

200. In this line the particle y* should be introduced between the words icar 
Tcurxtf ^"^ *f > ^^^^ rectifying the prosody and adding energy to the language. 

201. XP^^"' Synaeresis. — ^231. r^m yxv. Ibid. 

261. XiffcrofA* 6ir6p. Elision of the diphthong cu. — 303. trvficorew. SynsBresis. 

305. For ^ oTpvPtie read either ^ irpweit or ^ ip* oTftvr^u, The former cor- 
rection is perhaps to be preferred. 

330. The word €b should be here resolved into a dissyllable by dieeresis. 

367. Instead of ix^i ob write &x^i iou, so for the final i to be united in the utter- 
ance to the initial c. 

443. hri^ptunrer* oX^pov, Elision of the diphthong at. 

613* ipx€<r6af od. Synaloepha per crasin. 

Book XVI. n. 

Vs. 89. Bead here iwn &p xo\v. 

92. fcetroSenrrcT* iucovovros. Elision of the diphthong ai. 
101. To prevent the improper lengthening of km biefore 4\tiZos in thesi, we 
should insert the particle f* between the two. 

104. AcbEprtaSfu. Syneeresis. — 185. ^fiewv. Ibid. 
195. In all probability the true reading of tbb line is 

B€\y€i &p*, 6<pp* Iri fiaXXov o^vpofuwos oYcraxtiW* 
206. Between Irc7 and is, the particle fi* must be here inserted. 
217. It may be that f>* for ^a originally succeeded ^njrcu, and that the two fol- 
lowing words, ii alyvwtoij were, in| the recitation, contracted into one. 

228. €r(l>€as, Synaeresis.— 236. cIScm. Ibid. 

311. As the word iacrttrOai cannot be properly employed when the first syllable 
wants the metrical accent, we should probably write here ^w &f>* Virccrdcu. ' 

S19. iipL^aa. Synaeresis. — 356. Substitute V wriZov for ^ turiBop, 

370. r€a>9 juev. Synsresis.— S83. ^Qwputy. Ibid. 

387. In the edition of Clarke this line terminates in&AAa i3ou^€<r0€, phraseology 
utterly iireconcUable with conectoesB of metre, as on no piiociple whatever can 

Metrical Companion to Homer, SOS 

a diphthong he shortened before a conBonant. Many Mss. and almost all critics 
declare for fioK^aOt, formed from the Homeric verb fioKofuu; nor can there be aiijr 
question respecting the propriety of the proposed substitution. 
419. Head ififitv itpurrov. See on E. 332. — 436. See the remark on A. 328. 

442. Read here imi ip km l/dc. 

Book XVIL P. 

Vs. 37. In the present lection of this verse, the final vowel of 'Apttfuii is pat for 
a long syllable before liccA.17, contrary to our third negative proposition respecting 
the power of the ictus metricus. We should probably read *Apr€fu8i p* IitcXi}. 

56. ^I'cvYco. Synaeresis. — 81. ovTsofi* iiraup€fuy* Elision of the diphthong «• 

145. For oh yap ol substitute oh yap iou — 152. AocpriaSca;. Synaeresis. 

181. up€voVm SynaBresis. 

196. As this line stands at present, it furnishes an instance of the elision of the 
diphthong oi, and also of a diphthong shortened before a vowel in the middle of a 
word 'y (naipvKTwff, irttii. Instead of irtiri we can indeed write ^ci ip ; but as 
no reason can be assigned why the diphthong ^ould be here elided, it is most 
probable that Homer gave 

d^ptirrsaOcu, iv€i ^or* apurtpaX^ ififuym M^y, 

198. It appears that in this line, as in Od. N. 438. the particle yw should be 
inserted between irvicva and fwyaXtviy* 

212. or^cof. Synseresis. 

221. In all probability mXXyari should be here changed to ToXkats. The first 
syllable of 0Aii} is, in most pasisages of the ancient classic writings, employed as 
being long in itself. 

226. For 81} 4pya substitute either Sijr* cpya, or 8i| ^' ipya. 

283. irAirycwv. Synaeresis.'— 295. Read either fi f oi or ^ loi. 

300. Kwopaun^w, Synaeresis. 

310. ygyvomoi hiyXcStf^s, Synalcepha per crasin. 

376. ^ ohx aXis. Synaloepha per crasin. — 432. Aiyinrrwy. Synaeresis. 

440. tifAcofv^ Synaeresis. 

443. The final diphthong of Kmrpov cannot properly occupy the last place of a 
spondee before /^t. Most probably y* for 7c dioald be inserted between the 

519. The common reading of this line presents us with a violation of our first 
negative proposition relative to thepower of the ictus metricus ; the only one to 
be found in the whole Odyssey. The first syllable of &€t5ct being naturally short, 

cannot consistently begin a spondee ; so that the expression aciSct Mcms must 
be considered erroneous. As to the proper method of correcting it, doubts may 
exist ; but it is not at all forced oi unnatural to supposie that in the Homeric age, 
not only the primitive word &€f8«, but also its contract ^9w, was in use, and that 
the poet here wrote, 

^8f f Pa Moms ^c* l/i^potpra fiporouru 
562. See the remark on A. 328. 

Book XVm. 2. 

Vs. 24. AflMprioScM. Synaeresis. 

27. Most probably the particle 7* originally separated KOfuyoi and Iffos, sinct 
IB this position it bodi aids the sense, and renders the metre correct. 
56. Head here, hr* *lp<p y* iipa, 
108. See on N. 438. So also for vss. 244. 284. 

120. xpvccy* Synaeresis. — 158. See the remark on A. 328. 

Metrical Companion to Homer. 305 

^^\. yvyvovraxol^^. Sjnaloeplia per crasin. 

573. ircAcfccos. Synseresis. So likewise in vs. 578.* TOsMin»v.^ 

Book XX. T, 

Vs. 61. TvrvutBea, Syneeresifl. — 70. iroff^w. Ibid. 

75. Read by diuresis iv olStv. 

89. In tbis verse, read as at present, we meet with a most glaring infringement 
of the rule, that a diphthong or long vowel cannot be shortened in the middle ot a 

word ; tows iotv; olos ii€V afta ffrpartp* The only corjrection we are able to pro- 
pose, is that already advanced in the remarks on II. N. 275. :$. 105. Od. H. 312. ; 
viz. the substitution of Ss ^* for olos* 

109. The final diphthong of &\Aai cannot be considered a long syllable in then, 
before tvHoy ; and we should accordingly introduce the particle y* between the 
two words. 

130. The particle f>* should probably be inserted between ^ and a&rws. 

165. To preserve metrical accuracy, we should, in this line» either insert ft* 
between the words ^ and itpri, and y between the words *Axcuoi and %icropotKfiv, 
or else write, 

Eeivc y*t ^ itpri tre fuxWov *Axouoi p* eUropowffty* 

227. ix€i oirre. Synalcepha per crasin. — 251. itptvov. Synseresis. 

261. xp^^^V' Synasresis. — 309. For kou o2Sa substitute km ^* o(8a. 
335. yriiJteurOai 6(ms* Synalcepha per crasin. — 340. Read fi* i^irai, 

342. yrifuurOiu y*. Synalcepha per crasin. — 348. a^^wv, Synsresis. 

351. vfi€o»y. Synaeresis. 

379. In the present lection of this verse 4fiireuov is used for a dac^l, contraiily 
to our second rule respecting the quantity of different syllables. It may not, 
perhaps, be too much to presume, that the Homeric dialect possessed two forms 
of this adjective, ifiiraios and ifiiraos, in the same manner as we find both Iroifws 
and krapos ; and that the latter was the one employed by the poet in the present 

358. See on A. 328. 

Book XXI. 4. 

Vs. 2. See on A. 328. So also for vs. 321. — 24. Read at ^ kou 

29. Read tjiv St; lot.— 47. Ovptwy, Synaeresis. — 54. For 6s ol substitate ^s iou 
73. <fKuv€T* a€d\ov. Elision of the diphthong au. 

76. T€\eK€wp, Synaeresis. So likewise in vs. 421 . 

120. T€\€K€as. Synaeresis. So likewise in vs. 260. 

136. There can be no question that Homer wrote here &iro p* io» 

154. For iiruri substitute ^iret &f>*. 

157. The present lection of this verse is depraved in two particulars ; first, by 
a violation of our second rule on the subject of quantity, and, secondly, by an 
unnecessary elision of the diphthong at ; icat iKirer* 4vi ^ptwtv. It is in the highest 
degree likely that the original reading was, 

Nvv /tcv Tts KOI ff 4\Teerai iv ^pww, ^8c fUPotv<f, 

163. Read &iro p* ^o. — 178. orcaros. Synaeresis. So also in vs. 183. 

188. 6/i€as* Synaeresis. 

208. The particle p* must be inserted between h-^i and is. 

262. AacprtoSctf. Synsresis. — 277. 66oct8ea. Ibid. 
278. Xureroyi ivtu Elision of the diphthong ai. 

332. For 8i} oticoi' substitute either 8i|r* oticov or ^ ^ omcoi^. 
400. Insert y for 7c between vwfjuf and ivBa, 

415. ikyKv\ofi,riT€»* Synaeresis. 


306 Metrical Companion to Homer. 

Book XXII. X. 

Vs. 31. Instead of iwtiri ijtaarav in the latter clause of ttiis verae, we miut evi- 
dently write «irct &p ipturav, 

81. The particle f should be inserted between (r^tcpSaXea and taxctv. 

210. The word ififitv written without an apostrophe, should be here substituted 
for ififiiv* by elision for ifififvcu, 

219. ifi€uy, Synaeresis. — 245. tfa;xew« Ibid. 

249. For km drj ol substitute km hi iou — 289. For iicfvii read ^irci &p'. 

319. ^epy^eoy. Synsresis. — 339. AaepnaHea, Ibid. 

384. ir€irr€«ra;. SyuBeresis. 

38^< In all probability the true reading of this line is, 

AiKhnp i^tpwrcof To\vo»rtf y** ol 8e re iroi^cs* 
456. i<l>opeov, Syna^resb. 

Book XXIII. V. 

Vs. 7. As the monosyllable km cannot continue long in thesi before oixov, we 
should probably insert the particle ^* between the two words. This remark is 
equally applicable to vss. 27. 108. 

36. Read either drrr* ohcov or hi f>* oXkov, 

101. For &s 01 substitute 6s lot. 

102. Read, as in previous instances, irei fi* is, 

115. It appears that the form 6tti for dri could not be consistently employed 
when the first syllable did not receive the metrical accent; otherwise, in the com« 
position of verses , any consonant could be doubled at the option of the poet. 
We should perhaps write here, 

Nuy 8* &p* ^1 ^vroWf Koaca 8e xpot eifurra tlfAM* 

186. Probably the conjunction ^ before o^ should be changed to ^'. 
169, 170. See on vss. 101, 102. 

245. ^€vyw<rBat ufKuiroHas. Synalcepha per crasin. 
304. Insert the particle ft* between km and l^io. 
335. Read iv ffveffi pa y\o/pvpounv. 

Book XXIV. ft. 
Vs. 15. XIi^XTjidScw. Synseresis. — 115. ^ oh /lefn^, Synaloephi^ per crasin. 

. 161. r€<as fiey* Synsresis. — 188. orreiXewv. Ibid. 

194. We should probably read here, Kovpvi &p' 'iKaptov. 

195. Without doubt rtp hi should be here substituted for ry ol, 
200. iatreT^ in^. Elision of the diphthong ou. — 209. Read ra koi ^iXa. 

246. oxvv ob. Synaloepha per crasin. 

257. The diphthong ib should be here resolved into a dissyllable. So likewise 
in vs. 296. 
270. Read either tb &p* i^eivurca, or ^ i^nvurcra. 

298. The reading of this verse, according to the edition of Clarke, is, 

IIov 8^ V7IVS Icrniice Oori, ^ a* ^ccye 9€vpo, 

in which a final c is put for a long syllable in thesi before a single v. For 9c vnvs 
Barnes proposes to substitute either 817 vjixfs, or 8* ^ vtivs ; but the best emendation 
probably is, trov 8* &pa m/ivs iartiKM. 

299. Instead of jj iiiiropos write ^* ifiiropos. — 321. Read irei f is, 

336. iir^ov. Synsresis. — 339. jutyAeof. Ibid. — 340. trviccas. Ibid. 
346. In this line, read as at present, the final t of irpori is incorrectly made long 
before the pronoun ol. All impropriety will be removed by reading irport Ici. 

380. <r^€wv, Synsresis. So also in vs. 388. tr^as. 

395. bfitas, Synaeresis. — 402. Read 6^p* iV tliw. 
404. Read either V &yy€\ov or ^ ip' iLyy^Xoy, 

Professor Lee*a Hebrew Grammar. 307 

406. The common lectton of this vene can be easily rendered correct by insert- 
ing either ff* or y* between ^8i| and ol8c. 

436. (ffOfucri, Synaeresis. — 451. Consult the remark on II. S. 250. 

484. 6eufiL€P, Synaeresis. — 522. ZinreiBta* Ibid. — 533. rcvxca. Ibid. 

542. Of the impropriety of Sfwilov there can be no doubt; nor is it less certam 
that the Homeric reading of this line was, 

*lirx»f irave 8c vtucos dfiottov itp* iroXc/ioio. 


No. II. [Concluded from No. LXXIX.} 

Our next question (p. 24.) is on the forms of the verbs, where 
M. de Sacy informs us, that Mr. Lee, like Schultens, Schroeder, 
and some other modern grammarians, has unnecessarily multi- 
plied them, while in reality the additional terms only present a few 
anomalies, and which therefore ought to be treated as exceptions. 
In the first place, I object to the facts. David Kimchi will not, 
I suppose, be termed a modern grammarian, and yet my paradigms 

of such verbs 7213f imnD, &c. were all copied from him, as I 
have expressly stated at p. 232 of my Grammar, and as any one 
may see by referring to the Michlol, fol. TSp, &c. But I will give 
an instance or two. The chapter beginning with this leaf is thus 

headed : JimW ^2^^ ^^ ab)B Um— 7%ere are also verbs having 

four letters (in the root). He adds, ^3^3 1DD illK ^53 K^2 W^ 

'^7)31 ^il73"13 'i'^^SIS — Some which do not double any letter^ as, 
^a"13, &c. Then on the reverse of this leaf, tXSn rT^S3^ ItifKI 
y''^ ^VnrO — And some which double the first radical^ as in 
nn "^mrby Prov. xxvi. 21. And a little lower down, ^33^ ^It^KI 
PpjBX pi "1313 pi !?3l?3 ID^ NSrr Ona—Sowe which double 
the first and last radical^ as, <^?.<?> ^^* ^^^ ^i^^i the exemplifi- 

cations nearly five pages are filled, which it would be unnecessary 
to transcribe. Now, I think I may conclude, that the practice here 
ascribed by M. de Sacy to the modern grammarians, is at least as 
old as the times of Kimchi, and perhaps I may use his own words 
in saying, " C'en est assez sur cette mati^re.' 
Let us now come to his philosophy : 


Ce qui a donne lieu asupposer ces formes inconnues aux priddent gram- 
mariens, ce sont quelques mots, dotit la vocalisation, contraire a Tana- 
logie, pourroit bien n*dire autre chose que des fautes des copisces, oU 

308 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

bien des exceptions aux rbgles^ comme ■)n*TnD» exceptions qu'il ne faut 
puint convertir en paradigroes. Parce que de rj ^J-,^ ceinture, venant 

de la racine trilit^re uSai, on fait en Arabe le verbe vJiLuLtJy faut-il ad- 

mettre parmi les verbes derives une forme JjuL^J ? 

I answer — It has been shown, that many of these forms were not 
unknown to former grammarians; and, in the next place, the 
whole of this reasoning, if such it might be called, rests on a peti- 
tioprincipii. When we are told that these forms, &c. are "con- 
traire a I'analogie," and <* exceptions aux regies ;" nothing can be 
more obvious, than that our savant takes for granted the very 
point in debate. They are contrary perhaps to the analogy of 
M. de Sacy, and roust, therefore, be put down as exceptions to his 
rules ; but they are not so with the elder grammarian, Kimcbi. 
No — Kimchi treats them as perfectly analogical, and quite regular, 
and so have I in my Grammar: and such, I will maiutaio, they 
truly are. But might not Sacy fairly be asked, where the 
rules are to end, and where the exceptions are to begin? In bis 
own Grammaire Arabe, torn. i. p. 102. he has given us 15 forms 
of conjugation of the triliteral verb: but, in the very next page 
be tells us, that certain letters may be struck out of some of them, 
and so they may be reduced: and, in pp. 144-5. where tables are 
again given, not a word is said, either about these forms or the 
reason of their omission. Now, if we ask M. de Sacy on what 
authority^ or on what principle^ he takes the liberty to reduce 
these forms, he will perhaps tell us, as in the article under consi- 
deration, **je crois qu*il aurbit mieux," &c. Similar questions 
may be raised about the Arabic Masdars of the first conjugation. 
M. de Sacy has given 37, while Martelloto, the grammarian be 
principally follows, gives 32 only, on the authority of Saibowai ; 
Erpenius 33, and Mr Lumsden 6o. But M. de Sacy must neces- 
sarily be right, and because he believes he is so 1 But further, it 
is affirmed, that these forms are *' peu usit^es," which is not a very 
definite way of speaking. I will affirm however, that many of 
those of which Kimchi has given tables, must have occurred quite 
as frequently in the ancient Hebrew, as either the 9th, 11th, 
12th, 13th, 14th, or 15th forms, admitted into M. de Sacy's table 
of the triliteral Arabic verb.' Now, I ask, why are not these 
*' formes peu usit6es," ranged among the exceptions in the Gram- 
maire Arabe I Because, no doubt, the learned author thought it 
would be better not ; and for no other reason whatsoever. We 

' If M. deSacy means only in the forms Tp3/^ and TpSD (Gram. p. 

• • , 

196.)) I reply, these are only mentioned once, and no paradigm is 
given containing their conjugations. Mr. Ewald too, has been so im- 
prudent as to have exemplified these augmented forms, (pp. 801-9.) 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 309 

are further asked, whether it would be proper to admit the verb 
(JitsJUJ into the paradigm under the form JjuUJi I answer, it is 
difficult to say what ought to be done, according to M. de Sacy s 
mode of reasoning. If it occurs as a verb at all, perhaps it has 
as great a right to this distinction as some of those just noticed: 
but if it depends on the number of times it may occur within a 
given space of Arabic composition, then the number must be 
counted : but if it depends on the " Je crois qu'il auroit mieux/' 
&c. of M. de Sacy, then he must, of course, be consulted : and 
the probability is, he would put it among the exceptions. On my 
principles, which M. de Sacy has either misunderstood or misre- 
presented, I should say, make no such paradigm, because it is 
perfectly unnecessary to do so : a few paradigms, merely to show 
the process of conjugation, are quite sufficient to learn the nature 
of verbs, or rather of conjugated nouns, in any language ; while it 
will be proper to tell the student, that the forms occurring may 
be as numerous as those of the nouns, but which, in fact, is never 
the case. And hence it is that there are found in the Arabic, as 
Mr. Lumsden has informed us, upwards of sixty, more than forty 
of which, as we all know, have never found a place in the com- 
mon grammars. I conclude, therefore, that it is difficult to say 
whether M. de Sacy*s statement of facts here, or his method of 
reasoning, be the most objectionable. He seems to me to be little 
aware that the ground on which he stands, and which he thinks 
is quite firm, and equal to any opposing force, is just as hollow 
and unstable as the system of technicahties of which he has been 
so long perhaps the most laborious and learned advocate ; and, 
that the philosophy of wards and of things, often turn out to be 
as diametrically opposed to one another, as it is possible to ima- 
gine any two things can be. 

On the next subject, that is, my etymologies, proposed in order 
to account for the forms and significations of the particles, of the 
augments of nouns, verbs, and the like, I shall say but little, be- 
cause, as I have remarked more than once in my Grammar, 
this is a subject of so very delicate a nature, that few are found 
to agree on the very plainest of cases. But that the doctrine incul- 
cated is true, I am disposed to maintain, because 1 find in most 
languages, compounds, such as in-com-pre-hen-sible, some of the 
parts of which can be satisfactorily analysed and explained, al- 
though the remaining ones may not now admit of easy solution. 
This, I say, 1 believe is the case with the Hebrew in a far greater 
degree than some have supposed ; and, as this view tends to 
explain the structure, aud in many cases the force of the language, 
I shall, notwithstanding its tendency to overthrow the systems of 
technical grammarians, persevere in defending it, however cele- 
brated the names, or high, the authorities to which I may be 
opposed. The days I trust are fast passing away, in which three 

310 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

years, at least, shall be required to learn the rules and exceptions 
peculiar to the Sanscrit Grammar ; and when few shall be found 
hardy enough to attack the endless mazes of arbitrary rules and 
exceptions found to prevail in Arabic and other grammars.^ Things 
make deeper and more permanent impressions than words : and, 
when the philosophy of language shall be substituted, as I trust 
it will, for the philosophy of technicalities, it will perhaps be 
found that half a dozen rules will really comprehend more of the 
Arabic and Hebrew language, than all the ponderous volumes with 
which the world has been pestered by such philosophers as M. Le 
Baron de Sacy. M. de Sacy thinks, moreover, that it would be 
quite unpardonable to attempt any thing of this kind in the Latin 
grammars. I think not: on the contrary, I regret that nothing 
of the kind has hitherto been done: with the younger schoolboys, 
indeed, technical rules are perhaps all that can be proposed for the 
exercise of the memory ; but, when the judgment can be appealed 
to, principles ought to be inculcated ; and these, deduced from the 
nature of things, should be explained and extensively applied. 
Such a process would make the exercise delightful both to master 
and scholar, while the mind of the latter would be gradually pre- 
pared for other investigations. But, that the veteran advocates of 
the older and more lazy system will soon be brought to acquiesce 
in any such views, is more than I have enthusiasm enough to 
expect. In the Hebrew, and Arabic, however, few children are 
ever instructed. It is for men, generally, that these grammars are 
written ; and on this account, were there no other reason, they ought 
to be taught as the sciences are, not by technicalities, but a de- 
velopment of principle extending to every case. Now, in M. de 
Sacy'sGrammaire Arabe, instead of technicalities being diminished^ 
which were before his time too numerous, they are actually aug- 
mented ; and we are told, among other things, that there is an tn- 
dicative, conditional, subjunctive^ and other modes all depending 
on certain terminating vowels. These distinctions, however, are 
not only unnecessary, but many of them are false ;^ for we some- 

^ Manelloto, too, to whom M. de Sacy owes more than to ail the 
other Arabian grammarians put together, has given tables of such re- 
duplicated verbs as, imnD> which M. de Sacy would treat as excep- 
tions, as in ^vLusxlb) ^^' ^^ ^^y be seen in his invaluable Grammar, 

pp. 185. 249. So that this practice is not new even in the Arabic. This 
18 much more than I have done, for I have noticed the forms of several 
but once, and of these given no paradigms; so that I have done no 
more than what really is to be found in the Orammaire Arabe of 
M. de Sacy himself. 

* In the table facing p. 117. torn. i. of the Gram. Arabe, the preterite 
has not the honor of belonging to any mode : and at art. 305, we are told, 
that the aorist alone admits of variations indicative of the several modes. 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar^ Sit 

times find his indicative mode used in a subjunctive sense ; and 
vice versa. We are then referred to a work entitled, *' Principes 


At art. 308^ however, w9 find it asserted, that the preterite *' est le m§me 
pour tous les modes.'' So the fact is, both these tenses are employed ia 
order to designate these modes. Let us now see how the '' aoriste du 
mode indicatif " answers its new designation, and the examples shall be 
taken from M. de Sacy himself. Art. 814. '^La proposition suppositive 

est a Taoriste indicatif. Ex. Ju^s:vjJt mmw^j «J — ^^ ^^ avare tou- 
choit," &c. So in the next example : and the indicative mode has, aftet 


all, a conditional signification ! Again, Art. 317. srytsJ ^t — <Aat 

thou go out, in the subjunctive form, really requires a conditional signifir 
cation, as M. deSacy's own analysis shows : and in Art. 34t. we learn^ 

that ^,y l preceding the subjunctive aorist, gives it a future significa^ 

tion, and that in the indicative fnod6,asto sense. .UIJ \J^^ /.J""" ^ 

feu ne nous touchera,'* &c. At Art. 345. the conditional, we are told, is 
used as an imperative, implying either a command or a prohibition, 

(with ^) and, in the very next article (346) it is constantly used as a 
preterite in the indicative mode, with ^ or L«J preceding, which, how- 
ever, is not true, for it is occasionally found as a present after A, It 

would be no difficult matter to multiply examples to a very great extent 
to show that these distinctions are perfectly arbitrary and useless; that 
the Arabs themselves recognise no such things; and for the best of all 
reasons, because they do not exist in the nature of the Arabic langtiage. 
One remark or two more on the use of the preterite. At Art. 311. the 

negative ^ will give the preterite a future sense; but then either a sub> 

junctive or conditional proposition itiust follow. But at Art. 326. '^Le 
preterit doit souvent ^tre rendu dans le sens de Toptatify ce qui est 
vraiment une signification Juture/* where no such condition is required; 

and in the very next page we have an example in aXJiI ^ where none 

is wanted. Of the use of the preterite in hypothetical sentences, M. de 
Sacy has given every thing but the governing principle, which, how- 
ever, has been developed by Mr. Lumsden, and repeated by me in my 
Hebrew Grammar (p. 357), and which is simply this. The Arabs state 
facts instead of opinions, and hence the preterite is used instead of the 
present, in these cases. Had M. de Sacy stumbled on this, his 
Grammar would, perhaps, have beeu shorter by a few pages, and his 

rules intelligible. Again, at Art. 277. ^\^ preceding another preterite, 
gives it the signification of the pluperfect ; yet at Art. 340, we have 

jO^ J o 


jjf V^^y A — ^*' Si je t'ai fatigue,*' &c., where it has mani* 

^ o- ^ O J 

fesily no such sense, with the additional error of uiJiJtj for cXXaj in 

312 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

de Grammaire G6n6rale/' for explanations ; and when we come to 
this, we find that it is a technical work on logic! But it is time to 
pi;oceed to other matter. 

In some of the following paragraphs, I have the consolation of 
finding that Mr. Ewald has, like myself, committed the unpardon- 
able sin of endeavoring to reduce the apparent anomalies of the 
Hebrew language to system, and that, in many of these cases, we 
perfectly agree. M. de Sacy's words on one occasion are, (and I 
cite them to show the earnestness with which the savant ap- 
proaches every attempt to ,get rid of anomalies) ** M. Ewald 
pousse peut-^tre encore plus loin que M. Lee i^ complaisance ^ pour 
justifier toutes les anomalies que pr6sente le texte masor^thique de 
Ja Bible," &c. I would remark, we have here also 2l petitio prin- 
cipii, unless, indeed, M. de Sacy has a power of determining these 
questions, which he will allow to no other man. Fortunately, how- 
ever, for poor Mr. Ewald and myself, literature and science recog- 
nise no pope. If either of us have exceeded the bounds of reason, 
this should have been shown by argument ; otherwise, as M. de 
Sacy himself has truly remarked, ** Qttod gratis asseritur, gratis 

One remark more on this article, and then we shall proceed to 
the last. M. de Sacy has here discovered that I have entirely 
rejected the 1 conversitum of the ancient grammarians. '^ M. Lee 
rejette absolument le 1 conversif ?L6m\% par tons les anciens gram- 
roariens ; il Tappelle Villatif" &c. As I shall have occasion to 
touch again on this subject, I will merely remark for the present, 
that in turning out this wonderful and unaccountable particle. from 
the office it so long sustained, I believe I have done a consider- 
able service to the cause of Biblical learning. How a particle^ 
which involves no notion of time, either past, present, or future^ 
should have the power of converting the tenses of verbs into what 
was contrary to their nature, I believe no one has been able to con- 
ceive ; but when we find in practice, just as we do of M. de 
Sacy's modes, that the services of this little odd fellow may be 

the vowels ; a species of error by no means rare in the Grammaire 
Arabe. No reliance, I think, therefore, can be placed on M. de Sacy*s 
philosophy in these instances ; and for this additional reason in particu- 
lar: — it will require knowlege greater than any to be derived from his 
Grammar, to determine which of the conflicting rules ought to prevail, 
in any given case. The truth is, as the examples cited by him prove, 
and as the Arabian grammarians maintain, the distinction of modes dis- 
coverable in either of the tenses can be determined only by the context : 
certain particles, there can be no doubt, will occasionally influence this ; 
but when we find, as in the cases just noticed, the real mode, i. e. as to 
signification, one thing, and M. de Sacy *s artificial one, another; — we are 
forced to the conclusion, that the theory is itself false, and^ therefore^ 
worse than useless. 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 313 

dispensed with adlibitam — it struck me very forcibly, that we had 
better have done with him altogether, and endeavor to get at the 
real reason of this apparent change of the tenses. Having arrived 
at this, as will presently be shown, I determined '' rejetter absolu- 
nient le 1 conversif admis par tons les anciens grammariens," and 
fearlessly to advance and maintain the natural and rational prin- 
ciple, which regulates the use of the tenses, and which, indeed, 
the grammarians of Arabia have long ago done, as M. de Sacy 
ought to have shown in his Gramniaire Arabe. 

This subject is resumed at p. 99* of the Journal for February ; 
and as we have partly entered on it, we may as well follow M. de 
Sacy, and examine his statements. The rules given in pages 
343 — 360 of my Grammar, on the tenses, are briefly these: 
The tenses are two, a preterite and a present : these are used 
either absolutely or relatively ; absolutely, when counted from the 
time at which any event is mentioned or committed to writing ; 
relatively, when counted from any other period introduced by the 
speaker or writer. Hence, events past will, in the commencement 
of narratives, generally be enounced in the preterite tense abso- 
lutely ; and, when this is done, others contemporary, or imme- 
diately following, may be spoken of, either in the present relatively, 
like the Greek and Latin historical tense, or they may, at the 
pleasure of the writer, be enounced in the preterite, absolutely. 
The former usage prevails in Hebrew. In the next place, events 
enounced as predictions, may be spoken of, either in the present 
or preterite tense. In the one case, the event will be exhibited as 
actually taking place ; in the other, as having taken place ; which 
is, of the two, the most solemn and impressive manner of making 
such enunciations. In strict conformity with these principles, 
an imperative rnay be enounced either by the imperative form, as 
given in the paradigm, or by the preterite, which will be the 
more emphatic. And lastly, hypothetical sentences may be 
enounced either by the present or the preterite tense. In the one 
instance, a case is put and a consequence deduced, as actually pre- 
sent; in the other, facts, which are supposed already to have' 
taken place, are compared in the same way ; not as M. de Sacy has 
reported it, '* dont la v6rit^ est ind^pendente de toute circonstauce 
de temps." This is his own method of proceeding, and with which 

I have nothing to do. 

Let us now see the objections. A good deal of this our reviewer 
thinks may pass ; but, when he is told, that the good old *\ conver^ 
sive is to be discarded, he exclaims, 

II est certain qiTen se refusant ^ reconnoitre cela, notre auteur aug. 
mente beaucoup la difficult^ du probl^me qu'il b'agit de resoudre. (P. 9^.) 

In page 101. this question is resumed, and we are there told, 

Mais en rejetaiit I'usage conversif du \ on se trouve souvent embar- 
rasse, non pas pour determiner le sens du texte ; ce ca< a/ rare ; mais bien 

314 Professor Lee's Hebrew Gramtnar. 

pour se rendre compte de I'usage fait du pr€terit poureooncer une chose 
future, ou du futur (ou present) pour ^ooncer une chose pasK^e. M. Lee 
lui-m^me a vainement cherche a rendre raisoQ du mot M^j>^ p&r lequel 

commence le L^itique. 

I must remind M. de Sacy, that the vainement cherchS, here offered 
with so much complacency to his own good understanding, in* 
▼olves a petitio principii. He ought surely to have shown that 
this was the case, unless he believes that a gratis dictum proceed- 
ing from himself, is not subject to the law laid down by himself, 
as already noticed. But, as he has not given his reasons, I must 
be content to leave them unrefuted. I may, however, be exensed, 
if I adduce a few examples to show, that the doctrine about the ) 
contfersivum is a perfect nullity ; and if I can do this, I may per- 
haps be allowed to conclude, that in rejecting it altogether, I have 
only done what it was my duty to do. 

The first passages I shall adduce then, shall be those in which 
our present (formerly future) tense, must be construed as a prete- 
rite, but in which no *) conversivum appears, in order to guide us 

in this respect. Job i. 5. DWl ^3 aV» Hfe^ HSD *'Thus did 
Job continually." (Authorised version.) lb. chap. iii. li. 

yr^w '^nt^T piD mm nmo »^ nob- "Why died i not 

from the womb? Whj/ did I not give up the ghost when I came 
out of the belly ?" The same is the case with pTVt in verse 12. 

with tOipltfm and m^^ in verse 13. with TtTtik ikb in v. l6. In 

chap. iv. vss. 3 and 4. pTTTJ^, PDp% Y^^J^» *"ust all be taken as 
preterites, without any conversive 1 to admonish us of this : and if 
it be said that the preceding or leading verb ]T\0'* is sufficient to 

determine the tense, then I ask, why have we no such verb pre- 
ceding rVlDU in chap. iii. Ill In chap. iv. vs. 5. the occurrence 

of *\ conversive is in two instances entirely neglected by our trans- 
lators, and they have given a translation according to my rules, 
but contrary to their own. In verses 15 and l6 we have a succes- 
sion of these futures, as they have been called, all of which must 
necessarily be translated as preterites, without so much as one 
conversive 1 to show us that this is right ! Let the reader examine 
the following passages, to which I believe some hundreds might be 
added, were it necessary. Job. vi. 15. 1*)IU^: ib. 17. 11*)P: ib. 18. 

inS)T> TO^, VT3K^ — where, mirabile dictu ! the last word, like some 
given above, has a 1, but not a conversive one! — Isaiah i. 21. T*^^- 
Ib. V. i6. rT|l32, in which we have a 1 conversive of the future, is 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 315 

manifestly a future id signification and not a preterite, and as such 
our translators have rendered it, *' shall be exalted/' In Is. vi. 2* HDD^ 

in each case, as well as ^9^\ must be construed as a preterite, 


but without the help of the conversive \ So Is. viii. 2. nTVKI 

ib. ix. 11. ^^3^^ cannot be a preterite : so JIIS'I) vs. 13. So also 

nW and ^pi*^ vs. ig. Sec also Is. xiv. 8. H^ ^b. In these 

cases then, we are compelled either to do without this important 
particle^ as M. de Sacy will have it, or entirely to set it at nought. 
When the participial noun, formerly restricted to the present tense, 
occurs in similar situations, though occasionally to be construed 
in a past, as well as a present or future tense, strange to say, 
these good old grammarians have never given the ^ a conversive 
power, in order to guide the reader. No, here they have left him 
to all the uncertainty which he would have had to encounter, had 
they given him no such rule with regard to their future ; and here 
he has found no difficulty. The Arabs, Syrians, and Ethiopians 
too, have all neglected to give this important and wonderful rule, 
although cases innumerable occur, in which it is just as much 
wanted as it is in the Hebrew, which M. de Sacy very well knows. 
On my view of the subject, which is that entertained by the Arabs 
and Syrians at least, this conversive power is never wanted ; and on 
every view, as shown above, it can never be trusted. M. de Sacy 
himself too sees no difficulty whatever in using the present tense 
in French, like the historical one of the Greeks and Latins ; nor, 
according to him, is there the least possible fear of mistaking the 
context ; but take it in his own words : 

Je dis, par exemple, en Franpois, ti tu viens ici duns deux am, iu trouveras 
cejardin ruini : il n' est pas douteux que \' action exprimee par ces mots, 
tu vienSf ne soit future ; et cependant je dis si iu vtens, en employant le 

temps present, et non si tu viendras, en employant le futur II 

n'en resulte neanmoins ctucune ohscuritd dans le laugage, parce que la coo- 
jonction conditionelle si, &c. determinent suffisamment le sens, &c. 

Now, I may add, with M. de Sacy, the case is the same in Arabic 
certainly ; and further, there can be no doubt that it is in the 
Hebrew, and all its sister dialects : that not only is it visible in 
the cases just adduced ; but the fact is, the translators have been 
compelled to give up their rules, and to follow this system alone. 
Let us now briefly notice the case of K*1p^ occurring at the 

commencement of Leviticus ; and here I will not repeat what has 
been said in my Grammar (pp. S6l — 363). Now, suppose I 
translate the passage, just as my theory of the verb exhibits it ; 
*' So the Lord calls to Moses and speaks to him from the taber- 
nacle of the congregation, saying,*' ^c. — will there be anymore 

316 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

obscurity in the translation, than there is in M. de Sacy's situ 
viens? Are not the circumstances of the case quite sufficient to 
restrict the event mentioned to a past tense? And this M. dc 
Sacy most cordially allows, when he says, (p. 101.) 

Au reste, si, dans une simple recit, Temploi des vcrbes II€breuz pc 
laisse dans Tesprit aucune incertitude a regard du sens, il faut convenir 
qu'il n'en est pas toujuurs de m^me dans le style releve ou poetique. 

But who will doubt this? Is it not, nevertheless, of some import- 
ance, to determine the law which regulates these simple accounts 
of events, in order that we may be enabled the better to understand 
those which are of a more elevated, poetic, or less simple character % 
Is it likely, that rules which must be rejected in plain cases, can 
help us in difficult ones 1 But if we can discover a principle which it 
can be shown is never contravened, I will again ask, is it not more 
likely, that by an application of this we may be enabled to under- 
stand these lofty passages, than by the application of one, which we 
know will only partially hold? I say, then, in the case above-men- 
tioned, theapplication of our principle is easy and natural ; no obscu- 
rity whatever arises from its operation ; and, I will affirm, that al-^ 
though every passage will not afford equal cause for conviction that 
we cannot have mistaken the sense ; yet, we do know the princi- 
ples which regulated the usage of the language, and that we have 
the best possible means for arriving at the original intention of the 
writer. In the case of K^p^] then, and such simple passages, we 

find no difficulty, and such must all those be, in which the con- 
text affords any clew to the real time of the events mentioned ; 
and I will here affirm with M. de Sacy, that '' ce cas est rare," in 
which difficulties present themselves ; and much more so on my 
principles than it is with his, as it has already been shown. 

There is, however, another case to which he adverts : it is this, 
'' pour se rendre compte de Tusage fait du preterit pour 6uoncer 
une chose future." (p. 101.) Here I will affirm also, that instances 
innumerable occur, in which it is impossible to doubt that the 
context is to be rendered in a future sense, and yet we have no *) 
tonversivum to assure us of this ; take, for example. Is. ix. 5. 

TDtt^ i^npn iDDicf by rrmor\ %nni ^^ id:5 p yh t^> i^ o 

- - • • s 

: Gf?^ -IKf TV '^li* li^2i bu \jrV* K^3, which is given in our 

version, " For unto us a child is born (for shall be bom),'^ unto us 
a Son is given (for shall be given) ; and the government shall be 
(not has been, as the conversive 1 would require) upon his shoulder : 
and his name shall be called (rather, one shall call his name, not 
one has called his name, as the ^ conversive would again require) 
Wonderful," &c. Here then we have no 1 conversivum, except with 
the futures (presents) where it is(Dianife8tly wrong ; and yet the 

Professor Lees Hebrew Grammar. 317 

translators and commentators have had no doubt, that these pre- 
terites should be understood as futures.^ If we apply this principle 
to the first verse of this chapter, I think we shall at once see the 
meaning of the prophet in one of the most regular and splendid 
predictions of the coming of our Lord to be found any where in 
the Old Testament ; thus, ** The people who (now) walk in dark- 
ness shall (surely) see a great light; upon those who (now) reside in 
the land ojf the shadow of death, the light shall (surely) shine.^ 
Thou shalt (surely) multiply the nation, shalt thou not increase the 
joy 1 They shall (surely) rejoice before thee, like the joy in har- 
vest, and as they rejoice in their dividing the spoil.*' Here, I am 
willing to allow, the translators have not unanimously taken what 
I believe to be the true sense of the passage ; but this must have 
arisen from the circumstance of their not being well aware, how 
much the preterite is used in strong prophetic declarations. They 
were probably deterred too, by not finding the mysterious little 1 
conversivum here : and the consequence has been, one of the 
plainest declarations of the prophet has been grievously ob- 
scured, and scarcely capable of receiving any interpretation. It 
will not at all be necessary to multiply passages of this descrip- 
tion, which indeed may be done to an indefinite extent. I will 
merely remark, that these passages have frequently a 1 preceding 
them : but when we know, that it is wanting in cases innumerable) 
and that the Arabian and Syrian grammarians declare, as I have 
shown in my Grammar, that the preterite tense is so used in order 
to give the strongest assurance that the thing spoken of shall come 
to pass ; and when we also know, that they feel no want of this 1 

> The rules for discriminating when 1 is to be considered as conver- 
sive or not, are given by Buxtorf in the Thesaurus Grammaticus, lib. ii. 
cap. 21. '^Si prscesserit," says he, '^aliud prseteritum, (vel futurum loco 
prseteriti positum) turn copulativum est ; sin minus, conversivum judica- 
bitur.'' We then have some remarks about the situation of the accents; 
but every one knows that no reliance can be placed on them ; not to in- 
sist on the difficulty, on this system, of ascertaining when the futurum 
est loco praeteriti positum. In the next page we are also told, that when 
conversive of the future it will receive pathach; but, from the passages 
adduced above, it will be seen, that this rule also fails. I am tempted 
to believe, that this *\ conversivum might, by the earlier grammarians, 
have been noted as occasionally marking a change from the absolute to ' 
the relative use of the tenses, and in this sense have been called ^pSStl 

Hippuk, or conversivum, never intending, however, to speak of it in the 
rigid and technical sense adopted by their followers. Of this, however, 
I cannot speak positively, as I have no access to them. Of one thing, 
however, I am sure ; the cases, in which it will not apply, are too nume- 
rous and important to be treated as exceptions in the ordinary language 
of M. de Sac^. 

* See Matt. iv. 14, 15, 16. where the preterites are preserved in the 
Greek just as they are in the Hebrew, and the Greek participles answer 
to the participle .and present jtense of the Hebrew. 

318 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

conversive ; we have every reason for concluding, that this *) is 

nothing more than an illative conjunction, just as the ^ or o 

is in the Arabic. An assertion of mine to this ejffect was noticed 
by M. de Sacy in his second article, and there reprobated. In 
bis third, however, he has tohl us, that Mr. Ewald has given it the 
same signification ; and he concludes, 

£t je crois que, sous ce point de vue, il r^pond a la particle conjonctive 
Arabe 09 qui diff^re de la simple coDJonction^ par cette mime valeur 
illative ; — 

which, indeed, had been said by Kimchi long before his time. If 
then this 1 which was once conversive, is nothing more than the 

Arabic 09 and equivalent to so, thin, therefore, and the like, what 
has become of its conversive power ? I begin to believe, therefore, 
that M. de Sacy too is more than half inclined to get rid of this 
conversive vaw. Mr. Ewald, who has retained it, seems to have 
made a greater impression on his mind than I have done ; and 
because perhaps he was as much determined to resist Mr. Ewald's 
views as he was to refute mine. 
We are next told, 

On trouve quelque chote d' analogue en Arabe, ou, apr^s Tadverbe nega- 

tive A ou I4], on doit tonjours employer le futurouaoriste,pourexpnmer 
ce qui le seroit par le pr4t6rit, si la proposition etoit affirmative ; et, au 
contraire, Tadverbe negatif^, consacr€ au futur, p rend sou vent apr^s 
lui un pr6t6rit,qui d^s-lors repoit la valeur du futur. 

To which I answer — AU this may be very good for those who have 
ho disposition to search for themselves ; but I either find, or think 
I find, the facts of the case to be different. In the Gospel of St. 

John I find, c. xii. 24. ^^l J ^ ^ ^< XUa^Jl sL> cd' 
that a grain of wheat, if it fall not into the earth, &c. Again, 
ib. V. 48. ^:Ar 3^ J^ ^^*5caKVl^ i^j^^--^^^ ^ ^^^ denies, 
me and receives not mj/ word, <&c. Again, in the Arabian 

Nights,! X3L>JU55 SXJLil J3 .^JJlxSu ^^ JCJUJI ^ Ubl J 

gSis>S — If the king will pardon me, and (will) not kill me, then 

on the following night I mil tell the story. But if this authority 
is objected to, let us see what Jami says on the subject in his com- 
mentary on Ibn Uihajib on the force of these particles, p. im a | 

^ Calcutta edition, vol. i. p- f^^o. 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 319 

^t^4X..t Jlit fJOlt <UJuu UI5 Joj f«^ ^^^^J^ '^!^ ^(f ("J^t 
&C. l^ J&&\ u^^ Jl ^S. " The particle is peculiar 

in what is termed oUxxMit (immersion), i. e. by an immersion, as it 

were, into the times of the past, beginning with that in which the 
negation is made, and continuing up to the time in ' which it is 
enounced. You may say, ' such a one has repented, but his 

repentance does him no good' (when using ^), that is to say, the 

consequence of his repentance : which assertion does not necessa- 
rily extend up to the time in which it is made ; bnt if you say, 
* Zaid has repented, but his repentance does him no good as yet;' 

(i. e. using t#j) this assertion is supposed to hold good up to the 
very time of its enouncement/' Nothing, I think, can be more 
evident, than that the word preterite (_»^l^)) is here used abso- 

lutely (HaJI^). as this commentator terms it ; but at the same 

time, that the verb following ^J or Ul, is to be reckoned relative^ 

(i. e. jL)ks^)* ^cc ^y Heb. Gram. p. 344. note. The translation 

will then be, as I have given it, in the historical present, which, will 
exactly express the force of the tense, as a relative, but not as an 

absolute preterite. The particles ^ and l^], therefore, exert no 

more influence on such verb, than any other particle, or even the 
illative ^, quondam conversivum, actually does. And that Jami 

used the particle ^ in strict conformity with the principle here 
mentioned is clear from innumerable passages in this work, as in 

y^ (J »n^ cj^. (J uV P- r AV^- **J^ fJ U^> P- rA^> 

&c. The only difference then between ^ and l^ is, that the 

former negatives the action of the verb in a vague manner ; the 
latter up to the very time in which the enunciation is made : and 
as they are mostly used in narratives, they will necessarily be 

320 Professor Lee s Hebrew Grammar. 

used in an absolute past time, though this tense may be a relative 
present or even a future ; as may also be seen in the passages cited 
Art. 346. Gram. Arabe, tome i. and p. 33. of tome ii. The 
reason of their being used with present tenses, in the signification 
of absolute preterites, is not because they have within themselves 
any conversive power; but because they are used chiefly in narra- 
tives, and really signify not yet ; (Gram. Arabe, tome ii. pp. 33. 
34.) which no one will say is the case with the Hebrew 1 vaw : 

while in other constructions ^ at least may be used iu an abso- 
lute future signification, as the passages above cited show. 

It is worthy of remark, that a similar usage of the present tense 
prevails in the Greek Testament to a very great extent, and fre- 
quently in a future signification without any particular notice, as 
iu the iV^p^ of Leviticus in the past. Of the first case. Matt. iv. 
5. Tore wapaXafiflapei avrov — ver. 6. Kal X^yec ahrf — ver. 8. 
ITaXii' irapaXafijSdvei avTov — ver. 9. Ko« Xeyei avrf — ver. 10. 
Tore Xiyet avr^ — John ix. 13. "Ayovaiy avroy irpbs revs ^apitralovsz 
of the second, Matt. vii. IS.oiTiyes ipxovrai — ib. ver. 24. oaru 
itKOvei — ibid. chap. viii. 9* Ka« iropcveTat — kqi ep^eTai — koi Trotel — 
are examples. M. de Sacy, however, has a method of solving this 
difficulty, without having recourse to a xai conversivum, butwhich, 
like some of the preceding, involves a petitio principiL It is 
this : — 

II ne faut pas perdre de vue que, dans la plupart des langues, les 
memes formes temporellea ont souvent pluskurs usages, V un propre^ 
I'autre impropre, ou, si 1* on veut, abusif. Ainsi le present, en Oreo, en 
Latin, en Arabe, (and why not in Hebrew ?) en Franpais, en Italieu, en 
Allemaod, sert a exprimer un temps indifini: \4yov(ri, dicunt, on dU,d 

dice, man sagt, ^Iju &c. sont emplo}^s bors de leurdomaine nature], &c. 

My belief, however, is, that this is no improper use of this tense; 
because, according to my system, it is perfectly natural : and, I 
contend that Xiyovai means, they now say ; that is, in the present 
tense either absolutely or relatively, as stated in my Hebrew 
Grammar. It is an exceedingly convenient thing, no doubt, to 
term that impropriety or abuse, which one does not understand ; 
and thence to tell us, that we must arrange under exceptions, &c. 
all which certain savans cannot make out. That Mr. Ewald is 
wrong in supposing that the Hebrew language has no definite 
tense, I have no doubt ; but how M. de Sacy can attempt to set 
him right by arguments such as this, it is quite out of my power 
to say. 

M. de Sacy has told as, moreover, that the particle ^ will give 

to the preterite a future signification. This I deny, and M. de 
Sacy himself may be cited to show, that it is more frequently used 
with a preterite in a past tense. The truth is, the preterite may 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 321 

at any time be used in a sense of prayer or command, (See my 
Hebrew Grammar, p. 354. note, and the Gram. Arabe» tome i. 

part. 326.) In such case, then, futurity must be intimated, and ^ 
may then be added in order to negative the action of such verb : 
Bs AjuJU y may you not meet. This ^, therefore, possesses no 

such conversive power as our savant pretends; but is a mere 
negative, as in all other cases. 

M. de Sacy also objects to my theory of the tenses, because he 
thinks a difficulty still remains, as to whether a passage should be 
considered as prophetical or not. (pp. 100, 101.) I answer, the 
case is perfectly the same in both the Arabic and Persic : and yet 
no one complains of ambiguity in this respect, as attaching itself to 

these languages. The phrases, A\ju jJiJt Gody may he he exalted ; 

iSX^ ^Ij may his kingdom be perpetuated, and the like, may, 

it is true, be translated and understood as intimating facts that are 
past ; as, God was exalted; his kingdom remained ; and the like ; 
but if one of M. de Sacy's pupils should happen thus to translate 
them, I believe he would look on him as being scarcely compos 
mentis. But, I will allow, that passages may occur, in which it 
may be difficult to say what is to be done : and what then? Do 
not the same difficulties occur, whether we possess these rules or 
not ] Every one accustomed to read the Hebrew Bible very well 
knows that they do occur, and that very many have not yet been 
satisfactorily made out. Is it not then valuable to know, that 
still another, and, as I hold, the true key to their solution, may be 
applied? I need not, perhaps, again cite the passage in Isaiah 
already adduced in proof of this : but, I will say, I believe (and I 
speak from a pretty long experience) that no difficulty of this sort, 
greater than what we meet with in other books, will present itself to 
us in the Hebrew Bible. Could I indeed have devised rules, cal- 
culated to put the reader in possession of a perfect knowlege of 
Hebrew, without presenting him with any difficulties, I should 
truly have performed a much greater wonder, than our savant 
has in his Grammaire Arabe. 

Another misfortune noticed is (p. 101.), to suppose that a pre« 
terite having an imperative signification would be 

tine chose qui jeteroit evidemment le plus grand desordre dans Je 
discours, s'il n'y avoit aussi un antecedent qui d6terminS.t la valeur de 
la circonstance temporelle, &c. Exemple, lorsque Moise, (Deut. ch. 6. 
vs. 5.) dit aux Israelites, Tu aimerag (ou aime) le Seigneur ton Dieu de tout 
ton camr. &c. et qu'il emploiedes verbes au preterit, Jlini«>> ^VT» PH^H, 

&c. — tous ces verbes sont determines au sens de rimp^ratif (ou plut6t 


322 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

du futur remplapant TimperatiO,' par Tenonce pr^c^dent, ^J^Ttt;^ yOfff 
EcoutCf hrael. C'est {'application d'une r^gle saos exception de la 
grammaire Arabe. 

I answer, in the first place, I can see no reason to fear any such 
disorder, because I know of no instance in which, after due consi- 
deration, it can occur. The same fear is expressed by M. de Sacy 
as to prophecy, and yet no difficulty presents itself in such pas- 
sages as ^ib ify^ T^^ ^D—for a child has been (i. e. shall be) bam 

to us ; although we have no particular word going before to as- 
sure us that this is future : and M. de Sacy himself has no doubt, 
that the imperative above noticed is nothing more than a future 
*' rempla9ant Timp^ratif." Nor can I see any such connexion^ as 

he does, between the preceding 7M^t2f^ 2^^ltf» an<l the foUovring 
Jnnn2>^, <&c. The one is a present tense, enounced, as it should 

seem, merely for the purpose of exciting the attention, just like the 
JUm heoTf which is recommenced to beginners in the Hindustani, 

in order to secure the attention of the native. What follows in 
the preterite tense is manifestly intended strongly to inculcatfe a 
command, and that of a nature totally different &om the preceding. 
And if the 1 before i13n2<^ is to be taken, as M. de Sacy has no 

doubt it occasionally may, in the sense of so, then, now, &c. 
the passage may be translated. Hear, O Israel ! the Lord our God 
is one Lord. Now, or therefore, thou shalt (surely) love, Sfc. 
But M. de Sacy says, this is a rule in Arabic, admitting of no ex- 
ception : I deny the fact, and challenge him to produce this rule. 
The rule cited by me (Heb. Gram. p. 354.) says no such thing ; 
nor does M. de Sacy so much as hint at any such rule, when he 

gives us the examples ^Uj AUt— JU^ aJLft *Xll ^JU«— ^JCJLo ^b 

--~""~"~~'~~-~"~— ~— ^— _ _ — ■ 

> M. de Sacy here, as in other cases, takes for granted what I totally 
deny. I deny the existence of the convertive power, which he here talks 
of, in every case ; and maintain, that the context can be explained 
without it ; the << tous les verbes sent determines,'* &c. I must, there- 
fore, treat as 2i petitio principii. That the preterites here used must be 
understood as imperatives, surely there can be no doubt; and, if the 
usage of the Hebrew verbs, in other cases, will justify this acceptation of 
them, I can see no reason why we should recur to any preceding 
verb for further assistance. Besides, when we know that the preceding 
sentence is quite complete in the assertion, the Lord our God is one Lord, 
to which the imperative ytS^t} must have been intended to call the 
attention; I must confess, I see no reason which will justify us in car- 
rying on the imperative power of this verb to others following, which 
relate to a totally different question. See Gen xlv. 13. 

. Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 323 

&c. Gram. Arabe, tome i. art. 326. And the truth' is, no such 
rule any where exists ; it is the mere figment of M. de Sacy, and 
it has been framed for this particular occasion. 

But M. de Sacy has some doubt whether such imperatives do 
not really occur; and, on this point, he cites the 85th Psalm. His 
words are, — 

Dans Jes trois premiers versets, le puete, employant des verbes au 
preterit, semble annoncer que Dieu s'est r€concilie avec Israel, et a oubli^ 
sa colere et ses projets de vengeance : BenedixUti, Domine, terram tttam; 
avertUti captivitatem Jacob, Remisisti iniquitatem plebis tius^ &c. ; puis, au 

3uatri^me verset et dans les suivans, il prie Dieu de suspendre les effets 
e sa fureur: Converte nos, Deus . . , , et averte iram tuam a nobis, &c. 
He adds. Comment concilier cela? Faut-il considerer les preterits 
Jl^*l> Jlt^te^^) D9D2*^* ^C'9 comme ayant ici la valeur d'un futur, d'un 

T»T T TT t;~T 

optatif, ou d'un imp^ratif ? C'est une question que je ne veux pas resou- 
dre. And he concludes, Maisje fais observer qii'elle est d'autant plus 
embarrassante, qu'il n'y a point ici d'antec6dent auquel on puisse avoir 

It is very true, no previous word is given in order to show us 
whether the verbs should be taken as preterites or imperatives. 
That they are preterite forms there can be no doubt; and that 
preterite forms have occasionally a future, imperative, or precativie 
signification is equally true. These verbs then may be taken, so 
far, either as preterites or futures. The next step must be to look 
at the context : and, as M. de Sacy tells us, verse 5. commences with 
a common imperative )U^t^ turn thou us, &c. At v. 6. it appears 

that they are still labouring under affliction. At the 8th another 
prayer is offered, and at the 9th the answer is expected : and at 
the lOth a strong assurance to this effect is mentioned. Verses 
11, 12, 13, 14, then, I should prefer taking as predictions, and 
the verbs ^lltf^Sl HO^^y ^P^^^ <^<^* ^'^ ^^ ^^^ future tense, the 

preterites in a strong prophetical sense, and the presents as being 
relatively present with respect to them. In that case, I should 
also prefer taking all the preceding preterites also as futures in a 
precative sense : and then the whole Psalm will be a most beauti- 
ful prayer for deliverance from some national calamity. I do not 
mean to affirm, however, that the verbs P^Dt &c. may not be 

T • T "^ 

taken as preterites in a historical point of view ; but I think, if 
that had been the intention of the writer, some such words as 
according as, like as, &c. would have been added, as in Psalms 
XXV. 7. Ti. 2. cvi. 45. cix. 26. cxix. 124, &c. But in the other 
case, we have a mere anticipation of the real tense, just as we have 
in the instance of M*^j!)^ already noticed in Levit. i. 1. the subse- 
quent context being quite sufficient to guide us in this respect. 
In page 95 of this third article it is said, — 

Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 325 

cannot surely be iguorant^^ that Persian infinitives^ will govern 
nouns in the state of constructioo, no less than stand in their own 

verbal character without exerting any such power. ^A-ib j,j JA 

to take up or elevate, the heart, is, I have, no doubt, correct Per- 
sian ; so is ^JLmIJ jj ^J the elevating of the heart : and this 

is the construction which, I argued, regulated the examples ad- 
duced, (Heb. Gram. p. 317 — 31 8.) and to which M. de Sacy 
agrees. But why he should have woven this web to catch himself 
withal, is a most marvellous thing to me.^ He thinks the Persian 
verb might be otherwise construed, and he is right ; but he should 
have shown, which I maintain he cannot, that the construction 
proposed by me is not Persian ; for the fact is, it is both regular 

and common. With regard to this phrase /• y^ ^ci CL^]^^ 

I have said just what M. de Sacy has, viz. " In these cases bo^h 
^^a^Ij jj and ^^^.>- ^ may also be considered as nouns." 

Then why does our savant object? I suppose, because he is de- 
termined to do so, and for no other reason. Nevertheless, both 

w and ^ preceding these words act as prepositions ; and my 

opinion was, and still is, that even in these characters, like their 
equivalents in Hebrew, they really have the power of placing the 
preceding noun in the ''rapport d*annexion," or the genitive 
case. But this M. de Sacy has uot noticed. 

In the next paragraph, (p. g7*) and the last which I shall notice, 
M. de Sacy is if possible still less happy. The passage I^H Jl^ i^2^ 
he says, ought to be considered as containing what is usually 
termed a pregnant construction, (see my Gram. pp. 335 — 7.) like 

the Arabic ^uJ) .^U for xJ) ^J3^ JSl " de m^me," continues 
he, •* nW ni^ K2l^ est une ellipse pour TVn r\H T^^\i^^ m'* ou 

* So ^^^ u^o>^ Guiistan B. ii. tale 20. ib. t. 12. fJSSj 4fb 

ib. t. 23. UL-^Ju:^ /. ^'-l::^>;uujJ^ 4Xxj, where in the last 

two instances the measure requires the kesrah. 

* In a Ms. critique of M. de Sacy, on the usage of the Persian iS 
of intimation, which some time ago came to my hands; it was affirmed, 
that this cf put such noun into an indefinite state, as to signification, 
although followed by the particle ^f, i. c. that the phrase ^T ^J^j 

did Joot mean the land which, but, a land which ! See the 9th edit, of Sir 
YT. Joaee a Persian Grammar, art. 71. &c. I only ask, is not this more 
than srrao^e from such a writer aa M. de Sacy? 

326 Professor Lee's Hebrew Grammar. 

Hyn n^ l^3\ MP, exMt et venit urbem pour in urbem," &c, i 
remark, this doctrine of supplying ellipses is a very convenient 
thing to help us out of difficulties when every thing else faik, as 
will be beautifully exemplified in this instance. For first, DM NST 
*1^yn means, he went out of the cityp and not, he went out into 
the cityy as M. de Sacy has so ingeniously made put. The passage 
occurs in Exodus ix. 33. as mentioned in my Grammar: and there 
the reader may examine it for himself. The truth seems to be, M. 
de Sacy has been puzzled by the particle DM, which the gramma- 
rians have generally supposed marked the accusative case, although 
DO such case exists in Hebrew, as our reviewer himself confesses. 
Out of this notion, I suppose, grew his Latin urbem ; and then to 
make this good, he has had recourse to his favourite doctrine of the 
ellipsis ; and so we get **e3nv%t et venit urhem pour in urbem T 
My remark went to show, that DM possesses, in reality, no such 
power ; but that its signification is, with respect to^ ag to, or the 
like ; and that the passage should be rendered, he went out, (i. e.) 
WITH RESPECT TO the city, or the like. So Neh. ix. 19. JIM 

*)D VO XS3V^ T)QiJ^» AS TO the pillar of a cloud, it passed not away, 
where it is impossible that JIM can point out an accusative case. 
Here then we have a trifling technicality implicating one of the 
greatest savans in Europe in a most ridiculous mistake : but bis 
system is more in fault than he ; and 1 shall now only remark thsit 
technicalities are dangerous things. People are apt to imagine, 
that under every name there must necessarily be couched some 
reality ; and, if they can frame a particular rule on a given exam- 
ple, and give this a name, that they have formed a principle, 
grounded on the very nature of things, and which will, therefore, 
never fail them. A further insight, however, into the real nature 
of things, may convince them that no such principle exists, and 
that the whole is a mere delusion ; that the whole is governed by 
laws of a totally different description, much more simple in their 
nature, and far more extensive in application. Such were the laws 
developed by the mighty discoveries of Newton in science ; and 
such, I believe, are those which regulate language, and which ought 
to be investigated, and laid down in the construction of Gram- 
mars. Mr. Ewald (as well as myself) has endeavored to do this; 
and I am surprised to find the number of instances in which our 
results perfectly agree. We have, for the first time, for instance, 
investigated and laid down the laws for the rejection of the ^*1M 
letters, and the contractions of the vowels ; which, I argue, enables 
us to reduce every apparent anomaly in the forms of nouns and 
verbs, to the measures of the regular triliteral paradigm of *Tp9, as 
I have shown in my Grammar. We have, in the next place, ac- 
counted for, or attempted to account for, the augments in nouns, 
in every case where a word exceeds three letters. This, too, I 
have applied to the forms of the verb^, arguing, that not only the 
principle, but the very words themselves are identical in every case. 

The Mandarin Tongue ajt J^oor'Choo. 327 

We both have determined the nature of syllables, which, with this 
knowlege of the analogy, reduces the changes of the vowels, a 
subject formerly scarcely approachable, to a mere bagatelle. The 
doctrine of the tenses I have reduced to principles the most simple 
possible, and to those very principles, which in some degree pre- 
vail in our own language, and are fully recognised by the gram- 
marians of the East. In this case Mr. Ewald has failed, although 
he has cordially recognised the facts on which my rules have been 
built. It would be too much here to enlarge; I must, therefore, 
as M. de Sac}* has done, refer the readers to the works themselves. 
I was certainly anxious to hear what would be said on this sub- 
ject: and, I must say, after carefully and impartially, as I trust, 
weighing the objections of M. de Sacy, who has not been accus* 
lomed to view grammar in this light, I am convinced that this js 
the legitimate method of constructing grammars; and that 
although in some instances, neither Mr. Ewald, nor myself, may 
have succeeded to the utmost, yet, that in the main we have been 
successful ; and have shown that the Hebrew language is not that 
chaotic and disorderly mass, which some, and particularly M. de 
Sacy, would have us believe ; but that it may be reduced to a 
few general rules, and those rules easy to be acquired and retained. 
In conclusion, I must say, I trust that what has here been ad- 
vanced will not be construed as arising from any animosity dr 
envy entertained by me against my learned reviewer. Certainly 
I entertain no such feelings : on the contrary, I most heartily con- 
gratulate the learned Baron in the celebrity which he has so de- 
servedly acquired ; and shall ever be amongst the foremost to 
acknowlege that Europe will never be able to discharge the debt 
which it owes to him for his multifarious and valuable works. In 
a question of science, however, every consideration of this kind 
must give way ; and where the highest deserved celebrity appears 
to be advocating what is not true, the love of truth will, I hope, 
always be a sufficient plea for raising and advancing such objections 
as may appear in this article. This I avow to have been my motive, 
and this must suffice. 



W^HEN I visited Macao, in the year 1827, as naturalist to the 
expedition under the command of Captain Beecbey, I was re- 
quested by Dr. Morrison to ascertain the dialectical variation 
of the Kevan-heva, or Mandarin tongue, at Loo-choo, as it was 
expected we should call at that group of islands on our way to 
Kotzebiie's Sound. For some time after our arrival I had rea- 

328 The Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo. 

son to despair of being able to fulfil my friend's wishes, OHaog 
to the eager curiosity which these people exhibited to scrutinise 
the novelties on board the Blossom ; so that out of many hun- 
dreds who honored us with their presence, I could seldom obtain 
the attention of any one more than a few minutes, who, if he 
chanced to be possessed of a competent skill, had not patience 
enough to separate the general from the peculiar by casting his eye 
over a cluster of characters, and in this way educe what is some- 
times represented to be their leading denomination : instead of 
this, they gave me the provincial readings of such characters as 
happened to be recognised within the range of their gramma- 
tical attainments, which, in consequence, conduced very little 
towards advancing the object I had in view. A learned man, 
who accompanied - the mandarin, showed great readiness to 
assist me, by compromising the canons of a ceremonious beha- 
viour, and doing only an occasional justice to the viands of a 
board which was garnished for our entertainment, that he might 
have leisure to inspect a list of characters, which I had copied 
out for the purpose of availing myself of any accidental assist- 
ance. But, unfortunately, he mistook my meaning, and taught 
me the Loo-chooan pronunciation of all the characters that 
were shown him, as the rest of his countrymen, whom I had 
previously consulted, had of a few. From the copy of a letter 
written to Dr. Morrison, soon after our departure from Loo- 
choo, I will make the following extract, as it briefly shows what 
the reader is to expect from this communication, and the mode 
in which it was obtained :-^ 

'< They had always shown macb reluctance in suffering as to pass 
through their villages, uniformly appointing one or more natives to 
accompany our officer as soon as he landed, who never quitted his side 
till they had conducted him back to the sea-side. Having one day 
taken your book on shore with me, I easily yielded to my guide's ad- 
monitions, consented to shorten the extent of my herbarising excur- 
sions, and return to the hostelry, or house of entertainment, where, 
among many others, I encountered two or three old men, who, willing 
to sacrifice their curiosity to their quiet, patiently sat by me during 
that day, and very soberly went through nearly all the characters in 
the dictionary ; and it was from them that I obtained the symbolical 
orthoepy, or nomenclature, which pertains to the dialect of Loo-choo. 
1 confess, indeed, that I could perceive nothing of that nice discrimi- 
nation of sounds, which you tell me exists among the Chinese. Ex- 
treme accuracy was not to be expected, when I observed that in their 
articulation they did not agree among themselves, and that the facility 
with which I imitated their peculiarities confounded them ; which I took 
to be an indication, that precision in vocal sounds was looked on as 
something beyond the compass of ordinary attainment. But a decision 
would require a better warrant, than so short an acquaintance codlA 
famish ; besides, these old men might not be a good sample of the 

The Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo. 329 

more learned and better educated part of society. Had the old gentle- 
man of the mandarines suite, whom I met at an entertainment given 
to the officers of the Blossom by that personage, bad the opportunity of 
conning over the characters in the dictionary, he would, I doubt not, 
have given me a more accurate orthoepy than I possess.'^ 








Tsae (nearly Tsy) 




Chay or Jny 

Chee or Jee 


















Hwang or Fang 












Gaou and Naou 




























































Loo-CHOOAN. Chinese. 

Sha He& 

Hae or Shae Heae 

Shang Heang 

Sheaou Heaou 

Chaise He6 

Jueng HeeiT 

Shaw Heo 

£u Heu 

Chei Heue 

Heung Heuen 

Sheung Heung 

Shew Hew 

F!h Hih 

Jing Hin 

Haw Ho 

Hwaw H6 

Foo Hoo 

How How 

Foong Hung 

Hwa Hwa 

Hwa Hw& 

Fae Hwae 

Hwang Hwan 

Hwang Hwang 
Hwang or Hwoong Hwang 

Hwaw Hw6 

Hwtih Hw&h 
Hwuy (nearly Foee) Hwy 

£ang or Yang Jaag 

Eaou or Yaou Jaou 

Eaou or Yaou Jay 

Je 3h 

Fee or Jee Jih 

Jang Jen 

Jing Jin 

Ing Jing 

Yaw J6 

Neu or Eu Joo 

Joo or Yoo Jow 

Yuen Juen 

Soong Juh 

Joong Jun 

Nuy or Nuee Juy 

Kae Kae 

Kang Kan 

K&ng K&n 

Kang Kang 

Kang K&ng 

Kaou Kaou 

Jee or Chee Ke 

Kea Kea 

Ke& Keft 

330 The Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo. 





Kae (English Ky) 






































Meo or Meauu 






Jeuh or Clieuh 












Ka or KYIi 




























Koo or Ktih 












Kwe (Italian e) 








































Dang or Lang 


















Oor Go 





















































Do or Lo 
























The Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo. 331 









Puh or Po 
















































































Soong or Seung 










Je (Italian e) 



























































































































Wee or Oee 































332 Extracts from some of the Lost Works of 

LoO'CHooAN. Chinese. 

Ye Ylh 

Ying Yin 

Ing Ying 

Y6 Yo 

Eu Yu 

Yue Yue 

Yaeng Yuen 

Ya Yah 

Yueng or Eng Yuen 

From a comparison of the sounds expressed in the corre- 
sponding columns, we may deduce the following observations: — 

That among the people of Loo-choo, there is a disposition to 
substitute sibilants in the place of aspirates : she for he, &c. 

They confound the sounds of d and / together, like the na- 
tives of the South-Sea Islands. 

There exists among them a predominance of nasal sounds, 
Cheng for Chen ; the same difference takes place in the Hawe- 
riian and New-Zealand dialects of the Polynesian language. 

They often exchange a consonantal combination for one of 
smoother articulation : se for che. 

Extracts from some of the Lost Works of Aristotley 

XenocrateSy and Tlieophrastus. 

JLh g following fragments of some of the lost writings of Ari- 
stotle, Xenocrates, and Theophrastus, are, 1 believe, not gene- 
rally known ; and they are only to be found in the under-men- 
tioned authors. 

BouXu TO ftfra roxrro rijv votvo'o^ov vvoiyogeua'co Seiprivoi, roy rou 
Xoyiou ruirov EpiJi,ou * * (Supple xai tco) AtoWoovi km reug Afou- 
iTUi^ fi\ov ; exeivo$ u^ioi rovg enegeoToovTa$, xai 6\oo$ efrt^etpovvTa$ & 
deoi eicriv, ov^ cog aydpayrrovs ayroxgnreoog rvy^uvuv, axX' oog d^gM 

The Emperor Julian says this of Aristotle in Orat. vii. p. 
440. 4to. i.e. ''Are you willing, after this, that I should ad- 
duce as a testimony the all-wise Syren, a type of the eloquent 
Hermes, and dear to Apollo and the Muses ? For he thinks 
it fit that those who inquire, or in short argue as if they were 
dubious, whether or not there are gods, do not deserve to be 
answered as men, but to be punished as brutes." 

£yva)$ av %go irayrcov ori ra irgog Toug iiovg eutrifietg iivai, xffi 

Aristotle J Xenocrates^ and Theophrastm. 333 

[iefi,vfi(rion vuvTU to. (jLvaTrigiUf xai rsreXefcrtfai rug iyiaararag reXe- 
TOLif Kon diu iravToov rcoy futivifiaToov i}%$ai> TOt$ enroa tou TtepiireiTOU 
|3a$<^ou(ri vpoviYopevTO* Julian. Orat. vn. p. 440. 

I. e. ''To those who entered into the school of Aristotle, 
this was proclaimed prior to every thing else^ that they should 
be pious to the gods, should have been instructed in all the 
mysteries^ aiid initiated in the most holy teleta,^ and have a per* 
feet knowlege of all the mathematical disciplines.'^ 

0i}(rf yag xai auTO$ ApKrroTiXvi$ nvai Ilvitov o$xoi Trap* kavrcpf oinf 
avrep xm vj o^jxi} ^go; ^iXocro^tav sysvsro. Julian. Orat.vii. p. 

I. e. '^ For Aristotle says that he had a Pythian oracle in 
his house, and that from this his impulse to philosophy was 

That Aristotle accords with Plato, in the dogma that the 
principle of all things is super-essential, is evident, as Simplicius 
well observes^ from the end of his treatise On Prayer, in which 
he clearly says, ** that God is either intellect, or something above 
intellect,'*^ irapa Toig e<r^aTOi$ tov j3ij3Xiou vggi srpoo-eup^s happvfiriv 
Xeyoov, OTi 6 $60^ vovg eCTiv, tj ri xai threg vouv. Simplic. in Aristot. 
de Coelo. p. 118. 6. 

Aet yag eXKctiuitBiv rifjuv to ieiov eXtyev 6 BevoxpaTVjg, oXX' ovx eui 
hotnepaivetv to fj^axapiov foos, hoL rr^v uXijv, xai ha ra$ Tapet'^ag rag 
e^ avipanriveov irgayii^arcov evrv^ovtrag aei xai wo^\o\)<rag ^ftiv. ham 
yap xaiapoorepa tj/up^ij ev^ofieia rop dstop, ro<rourcp' eTrirriiBiorepoi ifr- 
f/i,ev irgog to ru^eiv nap' aurou, m fiovXofieia ayaicov, xai xaXoov xai 
Sixaifiov. 1. e. V Divinity always illuminates us," said Xenocrates, 
*' but the blessed light is not always perfectly received, on ac- 
count of matter, and the perturbations arising from human 
affairs, through which we suffer perpetual molestation. For by 
how much purer our soul is when we pray to God, by so much 
greater is our aptitude to receive from him the good, beautiful, 
and just^things, which are the objects of our wish.*' 

^ Such as the Eleasinian Mysteries, for they are always so denomi- 
nated by Proclus. 

« For the principle of all things is celebrated by Plato, the one^and 
the good; by the former of these appellations denoting that all things 
proceed from him, and by the latter, that be is the object of desire to all 
things ; for all things desire good. But Plato, in bis Parmenides, shows 
that the one, and in the 6th book of bis Republic, that the good is super- 
essential. But that which is above intellect is super-essential ; there- 
fore this must be asserted of God, who is beyond all things. 

334 Extracts from Last ft^arJcs of Aristotle ^ ^c. 

The ancient author of those fragments of MeCsfdijsics first 
published by Aldus, and ascribed bj him and others to Theophras** 
tus, observes concerning. the simple energy of intellect as follows : 
Ii9^gi [Aiv ovv Tivo^ StfvajXffSa Si* airiou tHogmv tu$ otp^a^, onro tcpv 
m(riri<recov XaftjSavoyTSf . huv h fir* cttrroi ra etxpei xai wgoora ftffra* 
fiaivcofiev, ovx sri iuvetfi^sda, un Sia ro fti} e^eiv avriav* ut§ hot Ti)y 
riiAeregav aaitvuoiii, toavep wpo$ ra ^ooTtivoTara /SXix-fiv* ret^a V 
exeivo aKridea-TepoVy ev^ etVTcp rep vep ^ dtrngiu iiyovriy xai oiov d^oL' 
jULcvo)'' Sfo X0ti ouK ffOTiy ttTran} Tepi aura' ;^aXfl«i} Sf xai ff»^ auro 
TOUT© xai ^ (njve<ri$ xai ^ vifms' i. e. " To a certain extent, there- 
fore, we are able to survey principle^ through cause, deriving 
assistance for this purpose from the senses. But when we pass 
on to summits, and things that are first, we are no longer able 
to do this [i. e. to survey them through cause] ; either because 
they have no cause^ or on account of our imbecility to look as 
it were at the most luminous of things. Perhaps, however, 
the assertion is more true, that the contemplation of intellect is 
by contact, and as it were adhesion. Hence there is no decep- 
tion in the survey of these objects by intellect. But such a 
perception as this, and the^oiM by which it is attended, are 

This simple and self»visive energy of intellect, by which it 
speculates things themselves, and by intuition and contact be^ 
comes one with the object of its perception, is called by Plato 
in the Phsedo, teio^ \oyog, divine reason ; and hy the best of the 
Piatonists, fospa nrijSoXi}, intellectual intuition. 

Conformably to what is said in the above extract from Tbeo^ 
phrastus, Aristotle, in the last chapter of the 9th book of his 
Metaphysics, observes, concerning the objects of the intuitive 
perception of intellect, ** that in these, truth is obtained by contact 
and assertion .*" to ftev itysiv xai ^etvon aXijSs^. And he after- 
wards adds : '^ but not to pass into contact with them, is to. be 
ignorant of them :" to S* etyvonv ftij diyyavtiv. Shortly after 
likewise be adds, ** With respect to such things as are heinp 
and in energy, about these it is not possible to be deceived, but 
they are either intellectually apprehended or not :" wa $i} eoriv 
hmp eivou Ti xai ivepyeiu, vegi ratna oux ecrnv awanitrpfou, aXX.' i| 


With respect to these beings in energy, which are the satlie 
as the truly-existing beiffgs of Plato, t« ovrmg ovra, Aristotle 
says, in the 8th chapter of the I2th book of his MetapfayiieSy 
(Aldus*s edition) : ^^ It is necessary that each of the revolutions 
of the celestial orbs should be moved by an essentially immove- 

Adversaria Literarid. 335 

fible and eternal essence; and that these essences should be as 
many in number as the revolving spheres." ' To these first 
essences also he alludes in the following beautiful passage^ in 
the second book of the same work : cocnreg yap xai t» roov vvxre^ 
pi8av 0[iij^aTei iFpog to feyyog t)(jn to ]xg9* rifiepav, ovreo km tijj ^jxf- 
repus tJ'^X'J^ ^ ^^^^ '''P®^ "^^ '^V 9^^^^ ^avBpooTUTa iravroov' i.e. '* As 
are the eyes of bats to the light of day^ so is the intellect of our 
soul to such things as are naturally the most splendid of alV* 

Manor Place, Walworth, 



NO. L. 

A Striking Coincidence between a Chinese Author and Hesiod. 

"The highest order of men [called Shing, pekpect, or in- 
spired] are virtuous or wise^ independently of instruction ; the 
middle class of men [Heen, good, or moral] are so after in- 
struction; the lowest order [Fti, s^tfpuf, or worthless] are 
vicious in spite of instruction." 

OvTog (i€v IIANAPISTOS, 6^ avTO$ iravra voi^cu, 
ESOAOS S* av xax8tvo$, 6$ tv bitovti riiyirat, 
*0s de X6 ftijT auTO^ vo8Y]y jxifr* oAAou uxovmv 
Ev iviueo ^ei}J^rprou, 6$* avT AXPHIOS avijp* 

Quarterly Review, JVo. 81. />. 97. 
According to the Platonic philosophy, in every order of 
beings there are thrego^, o-uo-Toiyfa, 6f9ing, t. e, transcendency ^ 
co-ordination, and diminution. jThus in the human species, the 
highest class, from the proximity and alliance which it has to 
natures superior to man, possesses, with respect to the rest of 
mankind, transcendency. The second class possesses the cha- 
racteristics of human nature in such a way as neither to tran- 
scend, nor fall below the^e characteristics. And the third class, 
from its proximity to the brutal species, composes what the 

* Avaymi iccu rovruy ^Kwrrtiv ruy ^pwf 6i^ oKonrrov re KtvwrBai Koff adro, tau 
aSZiou owrias. — — ^cw^pov rowvy, in roaamas ovaias oMoyiauov emu, rrip re 
^iMTiy aXUtovs kcu oKamiTovs Kvilf a^ras, «cai oi^cv ftryf^ovsy Sia njv €tpfrifMifiv airituf 

336 Adversaria Literaria. 

Chaldean oracle calls the herd of mankind^ or^ in the emphatic 
language of Burke, the swinish multitude* The first of these 
corresponds to the vuvapia-TOs avrigf the second to the striXoSf aod 
the third to the w^^py^io^ avrjp of Hesiod. 

For further information on this subject, see p. 324. of Tay- 
lor's Translation of the Ph^edrus, p. 336. of the Phado of 
Plato, and p. 229* of the 3rd vol. of the same gentleman's 
translation of Pausanias. 

J. J. W. 

The Earth Cavernous. 

^* Franciscus Patritius, a man famous enough for his learn- 
ing, in a certain book of his ' Of the Rhetoric of the jincientSf 
written in Italian, and printed at Venice by Franciscus Seoeo^ 
sis, 1562, has the following pleasant story, which he says 
Julius Strozza had from Count Balthazzar Castillon, and he 
had it from a certain Abyssinian philosopher in Spain. This 
wise Abyssinian did say, that in the most ancient annals of 
Ethiopia, there is a history of the destruction of mankind, and 
the breaking of the earth. That in tbe beginning of the world 
the earth was far bigger than now it is, and nearer to heaven, 
perfectly round, without mountains and vallies, yet all cavernous 
like a sponge, and that men dwelling in it, and enjoying a most 
pure aether, did lead a pleasant life," &.c. — The Abyssinian 
Philosophy Confuted, by Robert St. Claire M.D. l^mo. 1697- 
p. 88. 

The foregoing is in perfect accordance with the Platonic 
philosophy, e. g. ^* For I am persuaded that there are every 
where about the earth many hollow places of all-various forms 
and magnitudes. * * We are ignorant, therefore, that 
we dwell in the cavities of this earth, and imagine that we inhabit 
its upper parts. # # # Pq^ dwelling in a certain hollow 
of the earth, we think that we reside on its surface.' — Plato, 
the Phado, p. 220 of Mr. Thomas Taylor's invaluable transla- 
tion, 8vo. edition. See also p. 140 of the translator's masterly 
and luminous introduction to that most beautiful dialogue. 

In the subjoined passage from Olympiodorus, there occurs 
the very same simile as given above in Italics : lanov ori ol f i- 
\o(ro^oi oiovrat fr\)piyya$ fl%e(v i^y yi}v dairep ti}v XKro^jgiv, xcu ori 
hotTerpyiTM u^i tou eerp^arou rov Ktvrgou atmig ."^Olympiad* 
Schol. Mss» in Plat, Gorgiam. 

J. J. W. 




Under the imnaecliate protection of His Royal Highness the. 
Hereditary Prince of Prussia, an Antiquarian Society has within 
a few montlis been formed at Rome, and intitled, the Instituto 
di Corrispondenza Arckaologica. Through the kindness of 
an ingenious member of the new society, we have lately received 
the '' Bullettino degli Annali'' of the Institute, (an octavo 
volume of 56 pages,) and from the first article we learn that 
under the royal auspices above-mentioned, this society enjoys 
the patronage of many illustrious personages, foj^eigners as well*' 
as Italians, eminent for their love of antiquities ; and compre- 
hends among its members several accomplished archaeologists 
and artists. In the list of distinguished foreigners we find the 
names of our fellow-countrymen Sir William Gell, Mr. Millin- 
gen, and Mr. Dodwell; all are associated under the presidency 
of the Due de Blacas d'Aulps. 

It is a main object of this institution to describe all the new, 
discoveries, especially those made in excavations or in researches 
among monuments of classical antiquity. 
' The volume of annals which it is proposed to publish every 
year wilt be divided into three parts : the first containing parti- 
cular descriptions of excavations and of monuments hitherto 
unknown or imperfectly noticed ; and of the accessions made 
to antiquarian museums. The second part will consist of lite- 
r^ry compositions and communications on the subject of ar-» 
chaeological researches; and the third will comprehend sucfai 
illustrations as may arise from the inspection and comparison 
of monuments. 

These annals will be accompanied by a general report con- 
'eeming the progress of archaeology, and a Bullettino of notices 
tending to promote the principal objects of the institution To 
the annals will be annexed a collection of chosen engravings, 
representing monuments hitherto unpublished, serving to illus- 
Irate archaeology, sculpture, painting, and other interesting 
I^ninches of antiquarian study. 

It is proposed to publish every year at least forty sheets (in^ 
octavo) of letter-press, from papers written in Italiisin, French^ 
Latin, or other languages, with twelve plates, in royal foiio^ 
exbibiting oionuments of which no delineations have ever before 

VOL. XL. CL ji. no: LXXX. Y 

338 Archaological Institute of Rome. 

been offered to the public, and various engravings of a smaller 

It is expected that the annual sum of two louis d^or sbould 
be contributed by each person desirous of patronising this new 
association; in return for which. they will receive the volume 
and plates above-mentioned. But to those who contribute, 
manuscript articles or drawings, this sum of two louis d'or will 
be returned or allowed. Any communications and correspond'- 
ence relative to these publications may be addressed to' the- 
Royal Hanoverian Legation at Rome, and particularly marked,^ 
Per I'Instituto di Corrispondenza Archaologica. • < • 

In the first fasciculus of engraved monuments are comprised 
six plates of very large folio size. The first two are divided 
into five compartments, and represent the walls and gates, with 
plans of the ruined city of Norba^ designed and engraved by' 
John Knapp, architect. , .. ' . 

The third plate (published by Mr. Dodwell, and engraved 
by Mr. Knapp) represents the extraordinary gate of Segni. 
~ In plate IV. are delineated several figures as they appear on 
a beautiful painted vase, from a communication- of Edward 
Gerhard, Royal Professor of Berlin. The painting on this vase* 
exhibits Ceres and Triptolemus, Hecate, and other personages. 
' Plate V. is divided into two large compartments showing* 
the devices painted on four vases, and representing 1 . Apollo^ 
and Mercury. 2. The death of Orpheus. 3. A poet who 
seems to fly from a winged female figure. 4. A young* manr 
receiving the reward of literary merit. These are from commu^ 
nications of Theodore Panofka. 

Plate VI. exhibits a remarkable dance comprehending seven 
figures of which five are females, from a drawing communi- 
cated by the learned antiquary, Mr. Millingen, in whose col-' 
lection is preserved the vase on which this extraordinary seMt 
is delineated. A particular explanation of all these plateau wad 
a description of the various monuments which they represent, 
will be given in the first fasciculus of the 'VAnnals." There ir 
reason to expect that in the next number of tbisJoomalwe 
shall be enabled to gratify our antiquarian readers with an Ac- 
count of these interesting monuments. i 

Meanwhile the octavo '^ Bullettino degli Annali'' before us 
contains much curious information, more especially concerning* 
discoveries made in excavating the artcient Etruscan city of 
Tarquinia, not far from Corneto. It bad long been known that 
within the vast circumference of its -Necropolis were 'scattered 
many remnants of Tarquinia's fofnier magnificence. Winkel-'' 

Arcbaological Institute of Rbmi^ 5S9 

mann and other learned writers bad noticed the tombs, and th^ 
painted vases (resembling those of Magna Graecia), which were 
occasionally found in this part of. the old Etruria. But nothing 
very important appears to have been done until the year 1823, 
when some, excavations were made by certain individuals of 
Corneto ; in 1825, these researches were continued /' dall' 
Inglese, Lord Kinnaird." Several precious articles were subset 
quently found by Signor Carlo Avvolta, and Signor Vittorio 
Massi. Two magnificent tombs, of which the walls exhibited 
many extraordinary paintings, rewarded, in 1827, the researched 
of Counsellor Kestner and Baron de Stackelberg, who,' 
assisted by the pontifical government, have succeeded in bring- 
ing to light many valuable specimens of ancient paintiog. 
Other excavations, about the same time, furnished Signor Vitto^ 
rio Massi, above-mentioned, with various painted vaaes and 
different fragments of antiquity: some of these have contributed 
to found the collection formed by Messrs. Dorow and his asso- 
ciates, and the remainder is still at Montefiascone, in possession 
of Signor Massi. During the course of last year (1828), some 
indications of concealed treasures, and the importance of those 
vases which M. Dorow had purchased, gave occasion to more 
numerous and regular excavations. A vast and desert plain, 
extending in circumference about five miles between the terri- 
tory of Canino and Montalto, and crossed by the little river 
Fiora, has already been regarded as the ancient Necropolis of 
some £truriancity and probably of Vulci. The adjacent grounds, 
belonging partly to the Signor Candellori of Rome, and the 
Signor Feoli, have produced many beautiful painted vases : but 
the Prince of. Canino, (Louis Bonaparte) being principal owner 
of the territory, has, through his own and his princess's genero- 
sity, been enabled to collect within a few months an astonish- 
ing number of monuments, estimable for their beauty and for 
the instruction which they furnish to studious antiquaries. 

The greater part of these objects are found in small grottoes 
at the depth of a few palms under ground. The general con- 
struction of these monuments does not afford much new matter 
for observation ; but it is an extraordinary circumstance that 
^objects so interesting and valuable as works of art, should be 
.discovered in such a miserable situation. A more detailed ac- 
count of them must be reserved for different fasciculi of the 
'** Annals :" here it may however be observed, that the number 
•of vases inscribed with letters far exceeds that furnished by the 
.excavations made in Magna Grsecia, above one thousand having 
•been disinterred within a few months* Thus the estate of 

S40 ArefUBohgical Institute of Rome. 

Prince Musignanb has become a museum of noble moimmente 
executed in the happiest schools of art, recalling the best ages 
of Grecian workmanship, while the abundance of Greek inscrip- 
tions found on the painted ^ases might induce as to suppose 
hi the soil of these Etrurian coasts some remnants of a Grecian 
colony. Indeed the TONAGENEGENAeAON, observed 
eight times on different antiques found here^ might serve to in« 
dicate that the Etruscans of this place were diligent per- 
formers of the Attic games, or of games corresponding to the 
Athenian usage. 

But the beauty of Grecian art is found at Tarquinia com-« 
bined with characters belonging most indubitably to the Etrus* 
caii alphabet ; the names also of various Etruscan families are 
inscribed on monuments at this place — such as the Appian, 
Annian^ Lar^ian, Mrnutian, and Fabian. Yet a great number of 
iniail objects executed in gold; ivory, bronze, and stone, dis- 
covered with the painted vases in those excavations, bespeak rather 
the elegance of Grecian artists than the stiffness of monuments 
indisputably Etruscan. 

The importance, however, of such rich discoveries in the 
supposed city of Vulci does not authorise us to omit noticing 
that many curious antiques have been found in the vicinity .of 
Tarquinia, and in the ancient Cossa ^mentioned by Pliny) and 
the present Orbetello. These are described in a conimunica«> 
tion frotn Signor Carlo Avvolta, who found in those pJaces 
about two hundred sepulchral depositories, with vases and 
paterae, near the remains of the dead : and he remarka that wbea 
a tripod was the first object that presented itself, a vase .was 
always discovered. We must notice another passage (among 
TOveral very interesting) in the letter of Signor Avvolta dated 
•on the fiSth of last April : . 

Many of the tombs and grottoes which I excavated at Montarossd 
contaiiied tbe remains of human bodies which had been burnt^ close io 
others which had not been burnt, as weU as burnt and anburnt bones 
in the same grave : whence it might perhaps be justly affirmed* that 
the Etruscans of this region were accastomed to burn the bc^iei of their 
^ead, and at the same time to inter their dead without burning them. 

Other excavations accidentally made near the wall of Orvieto 
"^re described by Signor Cervelli, an accomplished painter, 
who hientions, in a communication dated last April, that some 
months before, several articles of terra cotta, ornaments, bassi* 
rilievi, shiall statues, half figares, (probably of Jupiter and Pria- 
pus) vases, and other pieces, had been found at tbat place, 
ylnd Signor Pi^tro Casuccini discovered in the ancient sepal- 

jArcBaiklogical Imtitute of Ronk. 34tl 

*ehres at Gbtiisi many very beautiful remnants of former agei. 
The Canon Mazetti also mentions, among others, interesting 
antiques found at Chiusi, some urns of stone, scarabaei of 
cornetian, and vases of black clay but not baked. At Volterm 
also, and in its neighborhood, several curious urns and other 
monuments of Etruscan antiquity have been lately discovectd 
by Signor Giusto Cinci. For the account (here epitomised) of 
excavations made in Etruria^ we are indebted to the ingenious 
•Professor Gerhard. / 

Some researches in the kingdom of Naples among the Italo- 
Grecian tombs, particularly those of Nola, afford M. Panofka 
subject for an article in which he very ingeniously describes 
the burnt vases called salicerni found there a few months ago ; 
a class altogether unknown at Corneto and at Canino, and 
distinguished for the purity of their design. From various cir^ 
cumstances it appears, that the ancients were in the habit -of 
breaking those vases before they cast them on the funeral pile 
of their parents or friends. There also were found, (what no 
other classic soil has hitherto produced) two cups, of wbich 
the insides display a white and brilliant varnish like the most 
beautiful porcelain, while the exteriors present figures painted 
:in red on a black ground. One cup exhibits Minerva and 
Hercules, delineated in a fine style ; the other a toilette-scene, 
the name of one woman being inscribed AINEZIAQPA. 
•Fragments of a third cup found at Nola (and now in the col- 
lection of Major Lamberti at Naples), are remarkable for their 
excellent design, and the gilding which appears on the ear-ring*^ 
bracelets, and necklace of the principal woman, to whom an^ 
other offers a casket. These three cups probably served afe 
presents on occasion of nuptials. In the same place was dis- 
covered a' vase of which the extraordinary form represented an 
Ethiopian in the throat of a crocodile. 

Two years ago, the Due de Blacas found at Nola several 
magnificent vases, besides the skeletons of two young children 
^ith their play-things lying near them. M. Vulpes, a <:ele- 
brated physician of Naples, making some researches at Ischia 
in 182(), found at the feet of a skeleton a large vessel full of 


Another article in the Bullettino describes many discoveries 

^made in 1828 and 1829> among the remains of Pompeii, par- 
ticularly in the building called the House of Castor and Pol^ 
lux, where several fine pictures rewarded the . excavator's labor* 
• The latest researches brought to light a door situated at tli€ 
extremity of the building: hopes were entertained that thismigb| 

344 School hnd Coltege Greek Ciasneh. 

We bftVe transcribed the Advertiseinent respecfiaf^ this intended 
Series of Greek Authors, in l^mo., because it briefly and satbfae- 
torily conveys those sentiments, which we should ourselves have 
expressed in the notice now submitted to the readers of the Clai- 
9icdl Journal. Our limits will not permit us to enter into any 
detailed account of these very useful and acceptable publications, 
and perhaps we shall best fulfil our duty to our readers by subjoin- 
ing a few extracts with remarks. 

The Hecuba of Euripides has been edited in a very satisfactory 
manner, and abounds with information valuable to the student. 
Oil V. 32. Tpiraloy {jSvi tfiyyos aiu}povfx€yos, the editor has ^vritten 
the following note : 

^' Tpiralov ffiiyyosy a remarkable expression for the simple rplrow. 
Euripides supports himself by another instance, Hipp, 277 • 

II(Ss h* ov, Tptraiav y* oltr Atriros fifiipav ; (where see Monk:) 
It is singular that this very expression, Tpiralav f/fiipav, is used 
by the Scliol. on Aratus Dios. 57, p. 99* ed. Oxon. The author 
of the Christus Pat. had this line in view, 1779- 20l6. Porson. 
TpiToios ijhri aiiitpovfi€Pos would have been the correct use of the 
.ulrord. See Scbleusn. Lex, N. T. v. TerapraiosJ* 

In the second volume of the Parriana, p. 680. Mr. Barker 
quotes with approbation the following stricture on Porson's note 
by G. Wakefield, in his Diatribe : — 

'^Incogitantiam equidem V. D. satis mirari nequeo, nimirum qui$- 
quis altifpelrai rpiraiav fifxipay, per tres dies aiiapelrat : .qui yero 
« Tpirriv iffiipav, per unum solummodo ex tribus, Optime et Gra^* 
cissime, D. Joannes, 11. Sp. Kvpie, ^brj o^ec rerapTaios yap kori. 
Age vero substitue rirapTos, et omnia corrumpes ac pessum dabis; 
-nee Tpirov tamen minus Euripidis menti disconveniret, nisi verb6- 
rum tenorem mutes, et ingenium constractionis. Hocautem, sit licet 
non nihil inconstantias scriptoribus, generaliter verum est et rec- 
tum. Ut quid velim, breviter definiam, rpiraia fffxepa in eadem 
• re successionem indicat, rphrt non item." 

" TerapraTos," says the Rev. E. Valpy in his Greek Testament^ 
John 2, Z9. *' This is the fourth day. Numerals in aeos are used 
'to signify the interval of days since any thing ha«^ happened ; and 
^he place and eircnmstance, says Hermann on Viger, 3, 2, 15. wHi 
'Sfipply the proper periphrasis, by which they are to Be rendered/' 
On examining the Schol. Arat. Dios. 57. we find the expresskm 
■ to be; TpiTHiav iffJiepav &yovffa, for which the poet has, rpirov liftap 
(kyovaa. But though the poet Aratus may use rpiroi for Tpiraios^ 
it does not necessarily follow that the poet Eurinides has used or 
could have used rpiralos for rpiros, because, ac^rding to the re- 
nark of G. Wakefield, an event may have occurred on the third 
day of a period of time limited to three days, but not on tbe^f^ 
i«nd ^eond days; if, however, an event is stated to liave liappeiMli 
on the rpiraia iffUpa^ the uninterrupted, eontinmed dmraHom-Qtit 

School and College Greek C^os^crk 34S 

for three days is implied. The lacutio in Euripides, if ins^Uta znd 
mira at all, is so in reference to this point only, viz. that ^iyyot h 
vised for fiftipa, and an idiomatic expression, rpitaia iifiepa, varied 
by poetic license into rfHTolov ^iyyos, 

IVfr. Major's own critical remarks are always sensible, and we 
«re but very seldom disposed ' to differ from him. We will givt 
one little specimen of annotation. On vv. II67 — 8. 

rioXXal yap flfJiStv, ai fiky eia eiriijiOovot, 
Ai 5* els ApiOfAoy rwv Kaxwy ve^VKafxev, 

Mr. M. writes : ' 

** Blomfield in his remarks on Matth. Gr. Gr. 358>. adduces 
this as an instance of a figure termed by the grammarian, Les* 
bonax, to axfjfia 'Attikov, in which the nominative is used for tlie 
genitive, as in the following instances, Od. M. 73. Oi bk bvta oncdr 
7re\o£, 6 fxky ovpavov evpvy cicat'Ci, Thuc. 1. Sp. OiKiai al fxkv iroX^ 
Xat €V€irru)Keffay, oXlyai he vepirjaay, Virg. JEn. 12, I6I. * Intereift 
reges, ingenti mole, Latinus Quadrijugo vehiturcurru: — Hinc pater 
^neas.' But this line is not an example to the point, because the 
gen. fffiCjv is given ; the sentence is merely pleonastic, 9roX\a^-^oI 
fi^v, a< ^e, being used for iroWal fjiev, voWal hi: cf. 1133. See 
Seager's abridgment of Viger's Idioms, 1, 4, 7 — 8«" 

We would suggest to Mr. Major, when he reprints these playi^ 
to mark the notes of Porson by inverted comfnas at the begihning 
and end of each note, and to make the learned annotator's name 
conspicuous by 'putting Porson in capitals; for at present the 
name is in italics, and it sometimes happens that italics precede 
the word Porson, and produce confusion as to what is meant 

** The CEdipus Rex of Sophocles, chiefly according to the Text 
bf Brunck, with Critical, Philological, and Explanatory iVbfejr, 
Illustrations of peculiar Idioms, and Examination-Questions. By 
the Rev. John Brasse, D.D. late Fellow of Trin. Coll: Cani. 
1829. pp. 104. 

We do not remember to have seen any distinction made between 
•criticism, philology, and explanation. The ancient and commot 
division is into criticism and philology, and by the latter term is 
understood what relates to the interpretation of the text, the hia^ 
torical and geographical allusions, the construction of the seno 
tences, metrical discussions, &c. 

Dr. Bra8se*8 Preface, as it is short, shall be quoted entire :-^ 

** So many excellent editions of Sophocles have within the hat 
twenty years issued from the press,'as well in this country as tMl 
the continent, under the superintendence of highly*gifted Gieek 
-scholars, that some explanation and apology seems neceaaary fir 
otfienti^ the present publication to the notice of tbe literaty^ wivrld. 

S46 jSehool and College Greek Cia&iia. 

^'The labors of Elmsley, HermanOy Erfurdt, aod others, were 
chiefly directed to the establishmeot of a correct tex^t. . Their aa- 
liotatioQs therefore, though extremely valuable to the advanced 
scholar, and exhibiting the extent of their researches, the souodr 
Jiessof their judgment, and the accuracy of their discrimiqatipn, 
•consist chiefly of philological remarks, and critical disquisitions* 
Brunck has attempted, though not always very successfully,. to 
improve and settle the text ; and has also occasionally illustrated 
particular idioms and explained obscure allusions* But of what- 
ever nature the notes of these distinguished editors may be, they 
all throw an impediment to their usefulness in the way of the tyro 
1>y being written in Latin, which he is either unable to comprer 
hend, or unwilling to submit to the trouble of reading. As how* 
ever the ancient system of learning and teaching the Greek through 
the medium of the Latin language is now deservedly and generally 
sinking into disuse, it seemed desirable to give to the world a cheap 
edition of those plays of * The Attic Bee,' which still remain, in a 
concise form, with short English notes, explaining the more diffi- 
cult words and passages, illustrating manners, customs, allusions, 
and idioms, and stating the reasons for altering the text of Brunck 
where it was deemed necessary. By, this means, the young scho- 
lar will not unwilhngly seek in his own native tongue, and readily 
%nd, that assistance, which he formerly declined to accept, wheo 
presented under the uninviting garb of verbal criticism and of 
Dald Latin. Such were the considerations which prompted the 
publication of the CEdipus Rex ; generally placed the first in the 
^collection, as it is decidedly the best, of the plays of Sophocles^ 
Though the text of Brunck has been generally used, yet the emen- 
dations of Porson, Elmsley, and many others have been adopted, 
Avhere manuscript authority or satisfactory arguments have been 
produced for the alteration. Notes bearing on, or illustrative, of, 
any particular passage, have been translated, and introduced. from 
•the works of the first critics ; and a collection of questions on all 
the notes is subjoined for the use of teachers, who may wish to 
examine their pupils as to the extent of their proficiency. 
. ^* The utility of the present attempt, to facilitate the endeavors of 
the student in understanding the (Edipus Rex, has been satisfac- 
torily proved on a small scale by the Author himself for some 
years : he therefore ventures to introduce it to the favorable 
notice of those who are engaged in the arduous and important 
task of classical tuition. ! 

** Should this little found generally useful, the rest of 
tiie plays of Sophocles will be published on the same plan with 
lUJi due expedition."— Prtf/iacc. 

The commendations, which we have bestowed on Mr. Major's 
Heouhi^ and Medea, are equally merited by Dr. Brasse's perform- 
ance* Many passages are well illustrated, many difficobies aie 

School. and College Greek Classics. !347 

satisfactorily solved, many expressions and idioms are rightly ex- 
]>lained ; much scattered information is collected, and the whole 
sieries of annota:tions reflects credit on the good sense and sound 
judgment, the learning and research, the industry and perseverance 
of the editor. This might be expected from one, who was educated 
by a very able master, and who has been for a long series of 
jears engaged in tuition. 

^'The Anabasis of Xenophon, chiefly according to the Text of 
Hutchinson, with Explanatory Notes, and Illustrations of 
Idioms from Viger, &c.. Examination- Questions, and copious 
Indexes. By F. C. Belfour, M.A. Oxon. F.R.A.S. LL.D. and 
late Professor of Arabic in the Greek University of Corfu." 1830. 
pp. 270. 

The following is Dr. Belfour's preface, and it will show the 
reader the advantages which this edition offers to the Greek stu- 
dent : 

** Since the excellent edition of the principal works of Xeno- 
phon given about the middle of the last century by that illustrious 
scholar Hutchinson^ several German critics have exercised their 
ingenuity on the improvement and illustration of Xenophon's 
text. The latest Editor, John Gottlob Schneider, Professor in the 
Prussian University of Frankfort on the Oder, was enabled, 
chiefly by the attentive use of the Paris Ms., to amend various 
readings neglected by his predecessors; but indulging too freely 
in alterations, authorised solely by the Eton Ms., and frequently 
inconsistent with ordinary neatness and purity of style, he may 
be said in general to have altered the text, not improved it. 
In the present work such of his variations from the usual text 
have been adopted, as seemed recommended on the acknowleged 
principles of the Greek language and the concurrent authority of 
ancient manuscripts and editions : but in most instances the re- 
ceived readings, as found in Hutchinson, have been restored, and 
the wanton introduction of dissonant barbarisms has been 

'' To facilitate the endeavors of the English student to compre- 
hend the history and seize the grammatical elegancies of his Attic 
author, the employment of the Latin language in the Notes has 
been dispensed with. The ancient system of learning through 
that medium is now generally and very judiciously discontinued ; 
for the student's own language, whatever proficiency he may have 
made in his studies of the Roman classics, will ever be the readiest 
and most eflicacious instrument in the work of his instruction, 
and he will ever more eagerly accept the assistance which is prof- 
fered him, when it is presented in the familiar and genuine idiom 
of his mother tongue, than if obscurely involved in intricate 
periods of spurioul La tin» 

948 Westminster Prologue 

. *' The Summary of Contents, wanting in most of the former edi- 
tions, will, it is hoped, be A>und of great use in expediting the 
perusal aod knowlege of the History ; and the collection of Ques- 
tions on the Cambridge plan, to which the subjoined Indexes will 
serve as a key, will materially contribute to the proficiency of the 
pupil, by guiding and preparing his examination." — Prefaee. 

We have examined this edition, and we find in it a valuable 
body of critical and philological information, including many in- 
teresting remarks on Oriental manners, customs, and habits. It 
IS an excellent manual for the student, and the editor is evidently 
n man of judgment and taste, as well as of various knowlege. 




C/UM forte nostri in mentem coUoquentibus 
Venit theatri, quaeritur saepe an vetus 
Habitus reponi posset, an vivacius 
Graecorum amictu redderentur Graeciae 
Exempla priscae : et chartis itidem mos fuit 
Carpere diurnis annuus : pro tradito 
Ego more pauca pace vestra proloquar. 

Hoc primum: constat vix satis doctissimis 
Quales Athenis ordinum quorumlibet 
Vestitus atque ornatus : sin dignoscere 
Studio et labore contigisset clarius ; 
Vix hie laboris fructu utier oportuit: 
Pueri quotannis scilicet muliebribus 
Ad ccetum amicum vestibus partes agunf, 
£t vos ridere facilem risum assuescitis, 
Puerilibus si prod it passibus puer. 
Si ventilabrum quatere, si disponere 
Nescit inexpertus synha, nee sudarium 
Satis expedite lacrymabundus extrahit. 
At totus involutus, fasciis chorus 
Novis tumescens, qua careret vi sua. 
Qua libertate, et facili negligentia ! 
Dein ipsa nostris vestibus fidelius 
Vita exprimitur, et mores : an obviam alicui 
Factus hodie ingenuus et liberalior 
In plateis juvenis? en rursus tibi, Antipho ! 

Ergo babitum nos proferre solitum pergimus ; 
Sin Attici possimus aemularier 
Sales leporis, vos favete, et plandtte. 

/ und Epihgueyfor Mt9i. 349 


Hbgio, Cratinus, CRtto : Magistrates sitting with papers 

ahd PdUce Repaints lying on the talnS* 

Cri. Sectio D. numerus viginti quiaque — Sateliea . » 

DigDus qui partes Centurionis agat. 
H. Strenuus iste creat sine fine negotia nobis ; 

Id scio. Cri. At inspector Phormio noster abest. 

Noise behind the scenes. — Enter Phormio as an Inspector 

dragged on by Demipho. 

Miror — D. Ain custos es ? at alguazil, inquisitor, 

£t credo, janissarius es profugus ! 
Mene magistratu coram, tu furcifer 1 immo 

Te sislam, atque aderit jure Cratinus. Crat» Adest. 
jD. Est ubi te ulciscar probe, et in nervom — Crt\ Obsecro^ coaem 

Ilium, atque bumanum 1 D. Vim mihi nempe tulit. 
Cri. Vim ille ? iucredibile est — nam fiunt cuncta '* secundum 

Actuqi." H. Et custodi cuique libeilus adest: 
In quo, luce magis clarum, patet omne legenti 

Descriptum certis finibus olficium : ' 

Ergo iucredibile est. />. Sceleratus is ostia fregit 

Invito me, inquam ; die mihi, lege licet 1 
Crat. to P. Rem narra. P. Hunc hodie statuebam visere. 
D. visas! ^ 

P. Quo melius norina teque, domumque tuam : 
Nil aliud. D. Secreta domus tu ! H* Te pudet herum? ^ 

P. Et qui cognati, quae nova nnpta. />. Taqe : 
Fama bona est — nil cuiquam debeo — solvo tributa, . . 

Et semper "sit rex salvus,'' in ore meo est: 
Quid porro cum cive rei est tibi^ H, Cognition^m 

Hanc ex officio tu faeis ergo tuo ? 
P. Immo. H. Prome libnim. P. (Showing instructions and 
pointing to rule.) Reverentia vestra notabit 

Sic descriptum. Cri. Illi tuque uodestus erai ? 
P* San^. Crat. Nil praeter licitum bic fecisse videtur ; 

Dixi. H. Fratri ego consentio. Cri. Et ipse simnl. 
jD. Sic agitis ? neque jam propria inviolatus in iarce 

Anglus erit ? H. Vix tu concipis ista satis ; 
Ne detrimenti quid corpore, sive crumena 

Tu capias, visum est lege caveire nova. 
jD. Ista omnis pereat nova Codificatio ! cur non 

Contenti antiquis 1 H. Tutior inde domi 
Atque foris vives. D. Tutum me hsec dextera semper 

Praestitit. Crat. ^tatem respice, amice, tuam ; 
Non somno excutiere. X>. Odi aha silentia noctis : 

Me turbae, et sfrepitus, el crepitilcta juvant. 

350 Westkinster Epilogue, fot 1 829. 

CW. Lodii DOS— nullo quin tanta (>arata iabore 

Ista tuo. jD. £t nullis sumtibus.oro meis? 
HI Missum te facimus, taceas^ age/ Pliormio, quaBoam 

Acta tua fuerint in statione, refer. 
P. Distrahor bine illinc, sed me ina^s omnibus unum 

Turbat. B, Quidoam isluc? P.Omnihw: iude timor. 
Rfaeda nova, aut aliquid simile est. CraU Cur nomine at isto 

Dicta ? P. Id me incertum, soHcitumque facit : 
Forma huic oblonga, et cuique est Cacfucifer ; ille 

Claudity vel redd it corpora, poue sedens : 
Res agitur signis. Crt. Ubinam consistitur istis 1 

P. Nusquam : per latam, quce nova dicta, viam. 
Hue illuc properant. H. £go Londinensis in usum 

Has Academiae suspicor esse Novas. 
Oral. Credibile-— omnibus ilia patet. P. Vab! callide, et intus 

Libri. Cri, A quels cursum quisque Professor init. 
P. Res plana est, istas attentius observabo. 

Amoveo plateis noxia cuncta procul. 
jD. Teipsum ergo amoveas. P. Quicunque cigaria sugH, 

Hunc jubeo fumum devoret ipse suum. ' 
Sub dio baud cuiquam Septem in Dialibus est fsls 

Dormire ; indignum boo, in-qve-salubre nimis. 
H. Recte. P. Caeruleae et virgo plebeia Genevae 

Plus Cjfathos nioneo ne bibat ulla deeem. 
Crt. Scrutantine usquam sese obtulit Indica arista 1 

P. Grande illud credo Seditionis opus ; 
Quin bunc, vulgarit Cereris qui arcana, vetabo 

Mecum. CW. Ut vir frugi civibus invigilas^! 
P. Nee minus externis : heus ! introduce Chabertum* 

Enter Doric m Chabert, iht Fire King, in charge of Police' 

man, Division D. No. 25. 

Extraxi furno bunc : vab ! prope tostus erat : 
Quin sua inbumane vertens in viscera virus, 

Mille venena bibit. (Officer) Mille venena vomit. 
Crat. Hqrribile I P. Ardens plumbum, oleumque, et phoaphortts 
Z). Chelseiensis aqua bis omnibus antidoton. 
//. Fac mergatur. Dor. £bo! an non me jugulem, aut suspen- 
Quaeso, aut praecipitem fas, nisi pace tua? 

Crt. Desine: quid jam actum est cum furibus, O bone ? P. abac* 
tum est 

Id genus omne. Niger, Leno, Corinthiacus^ 
Evasere omnes : age, Rufi Regis ab aula 

Templi usque ad claustrum progrediare velim r 
Nemo (ita me Di conservent !) occurret, opinor. 

Qui tibi non fuerit vir probus atque pins. 

. Valpy 's Family Classicai Library. S51 

Crat. Quo fugiiint miseri? P. Templares inter as^luiii» 

Atque suae Alsatiae limina nota petunt : 
Id ciirent Alciermaoni — nos peste caremus. 

Enter Chremes to Phormio. 

Ch, Obsecro, tu miles civibus affer opem. 
Collect! fures tola erupere Suburra, 

Praetor et a tergo civicus ipse premit. 
Clamant quaestum abreptum, et ''compensatio fiat 1*^ - 

H, to P. Ut potesy occurras, pr'aeveniasque nialo« 

Exeunt all hut Chremes and Hso^io. 

Instruito turmas — reliqua hie curabo. 2>«. MsneDtem 
Laudo ; praeter earn oe fugitote caaaoi* 

To the Audienee. 

Vos moDeam paucis. Atfdistis, nuntius iste 

Turbata ut plateis omnia rettulerit. 
ISunt fures passim, et custodes : tutius ergo 

Argentum in capsa deposuisse mea. 

The Family Classical Library, Vol. !• De* 
MOSTHENEs. Price 4s. 6d. small 8vo., published 
Monthly; containing English Translations 
of the most valuable Greek and Latin Classics. 
To be edited by A. J. ValpY, M. A. London: 
Colburn and Bentley. 1830. 

Of the translation of Demosthenes presented to us in the first 
volume of this Miscellany it is unnecessary to spenk; it is.un- 
doubtedly most ably and classically executed : but it may become 
us to offer a few brief remarks on the * Family Classical 
Library ' as a Series. It is, in our opinion, calculated to assist 
even good scholars, and to improve those who are unable or 

- unwilling to acquire an intimacy with those authors in the ori- 
ginal language, which should be read by all who wish to be 
considered well-informed, if not well-educated, — authors whose 
works are justly said ' to abound with brilliant examples of 

^ acute reasoning, moral and political reflection, and numerous 
facts in history and science, from the study of which all classes 
of the reading community may derive advantage, and a know- 

&6i .Valpy's Family Classical Library. 

lege of which cannot fail to make the reader both wiser aati 

It will be readily admitted, that even a great portion of dioae, 
who pass through a first-rate education both at school and col- 
lege, have not sufficient time to become thoroughly acquainted 
with the best and most popular classic authors during the 
period usually devoted to academic education. To. these the 
present series of correct and elegant translations must prove 
highly acceptable ; and to the mere English reader, unacquainted 
with the languages in which they have fortunately been pre- 
served, it affords an easy access to the valuable stores of anti- 
quity, which are thus familiarised to his means of obtaining a 
knowlege of what was thought and said by the sages and poets 
of the early ages of literature* 

Classical learning,, in the strict sense of the term, is placed 
beyond the reach of thousands ; and as we fiilly agree with the 
author of Lacon, that * he who shortens the road to knowlege 
lengthens life,' we earnestly hope that the work before us 
will meet the approbation of all classes. 'There is certainly,' 
says an 'accomplished writer, ^ something in the character of an 
Englishman analogous to the disposition of an old Roman. 
H^ has a natural generosity, and love of independence. He 
tias also a gravity of temper, better adapted^ to mental and 
moral improvement, than any other; because more capable of 
fixed attention. A sensible father, who is not a convert to the 
(effeminacy of the times, had rather see a son forming himself, 
as a scholar and a man, on the example of an old Koman or 
Athenian, than imitating, in his writings and actions, the undig* 
nified vivacity of nations, which have been taught by their philo- 
sophy to degrade human nature.' 

The use of Translations has of late been encouraged by 
^mlmy Schoolmasters and Tutors, although some years ago sac^ 
.helps were not tolerated. No alarm, however, need be enter- 
tained ; for the assistance of a Translation will not be injurious 
to the real Scholar, and may prove beneficial to those who will 
not, or cannot, read the original. 

In France and Russia, where translations of the Classics ane 
now in course of publication, their utility has been duly appre- 
ciated; and we venture to predict that the appearance of the 
first volume of Mr. Valpy's * Family Classical Library' will 
fully realise the expectations of the publisher. 
t The second volume, which will appear on the first of 
February, will contain the completion of the works of Demo- 
.sthenes, afid the whole of Sallust, and will be enriched by bigbly- 
finished engravings of both those Authors. 

Literary Intelligence. 353 

.' The price of the series places it within - the reach of most 
persons; the style and execution of the work will strongly 
recommend it to all ; and the permanency of character which it 
assumes will doubtless establish its claim to admission into 
every library. This is not merely an annual — it is an exotic, 
rendered indigenous to our soil— an evergreen, from which 
succeeding generations may gather instruction and amusement. 

We are greatly inclined to look favorably on these cheap pub- 
licationSy because they issue from the press at the lowest possi- 
ble price, and must at once destroy the hope of being liereafter 
procured at a less sum : so far literature itself will be ultimately 

We have now only* to direct the attention of our readers to 
the plan of the proposed Series, which will be best explained 
by extracting a few words from the Prospectus : — 

'The Selection is intended to include those Authors, whose works 
may with propriety be read bi/ the youth of both sexes; and 
it will be obvious that the nature of the publication is of so per- 
manent a character, as to prove equally interesting to posterity as 
to the f)resent Subscribers. The whole will be presented to the 
public in a cheap, elegant, and uniform size, forming a 
complete ' Family Classical Library,* alike useful for the 
purposes of instruction and amusement. ludeed, as Dr. Parr 
says, ' if you desire your son, though no. great scholar, to read 
and reflect, it is your duty to place juto his hands the best Trans.- 
lations of the best C7iif«tca/ Authors/ 

' A Biographical Sketch will be prefixed to each Author ; 
and Notes will be added, when necessary for the purpose of 

' Highly-finished engravings of the authors will also be given 

* The excellence, as orators and historians, of Demosthenes, 
Cicero, Herodotus, and Xenophon, will place them foremost 
in the collection of Prose Authors : these will be followed by 
Thucydidbs, Livy, Sallust, Tacitus, &Ci — HomsR» Vir- 
.GiL, and Horace, will justly take precedence among the Poets.' 



The Delphin and Variorum Classics, Nos. 129 to 132, 
cotitaining Plautus and part of Cicero. Pr. 1/. Is. per No. 

VOL. XL. C/. Jl. NO. LXXX. Z 

354 Literary Intelligence. 

Large paper, double. Present Subscription, QSS, — ^The Work 

will not exceed eight more Numbers, making 140 in the whole. 

As it may not be convenient to new Subscribers to purchase at once 
all the Nos. now published, Mr. Valpy will accommodate such by de- 
livering one or two Nos. monthly, till the set is completed. Very few 
copies are left for disposal. 

PhanisstB of Euripides, with English Notes, Examinatioii 
Questions, 8^c. on the plan of the Hecuba. By the Rev. J. R. 
Major. Price 5s. 

Bos on the Greek Ellipses; translated into English, and 
abridged for the Use of Schools, on the pkn of Viger's Greek 
Idioms Abridged; by the Rev. J. Seager. Price 85. 

Antigone of Sophocles; with English Notes, ExaminatioD 
Questions, 8cc. on the plan of (Edipus Tyrannus* By the 
Rev. J. Brasse, D.D. Price ds. 

The Idyllia and other Poems that are extant of Bian and 
Moschus; translated from the Greek into English verse. To 
which are added, a few other Translations, with Notes critical 
and explanatory. London, l2mo. 

An Introduction to the principal Greek Tragic and Ctm^ic 
Metres^ in Scansion, Structure, and ictus. Second Edition ; 
with an Appendix on Syllabic Quantity in Homer and Aristo- 
phanes. By James Tate, M.A. London, 8vo. 18^« 

A.Jiew Grammar of the Hindoostanee Language; to which 
are added. Selections from the best Authors, Familiar Phrases, 
and Dialogues, in the proper character. By William Pric^, 
M.R.S.L. Assistant Secretary to Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart. London, 
Parbury. 4to. pp. 96. 1828. 

Elements of the Sanscrit Language, or an Easy Guide to the 
Indian Tongues. By W. Price, M.R.S.L. &c. Parbury. 4Ao. 
pp. 64. 1828. 

Mr. Price has in the press a work, in which he will illustrate 
and explain many Babylonian and Persepolitan inscriptions, Ao. 
which he has himself collected, and which we expect will throw 
some new light on the antiquities of the East. 


The Satires of Horace, interlinearly translated by Dr. 
NuTTALL, are nearly i^eady for publication. 

Royal Society of Literature. At a meeting of this Society, 
(h^d on Nov. the 18th) the secretary read a paper communicated 

Literary Intelligence. 355 

by Sir William Ouseley, one oFthe ten royal associates, coot^in- 
ing an account of sixty ancient and very extraordinary aipbabfMy 
delineated in an Oriental manuscript brought from India by 
Lord Teignmoutb. Of tbese alphabets the greater number may 
be regarded as mere works of imagination; but others have 
afforded subject for observation to Sir W. O., particularly the 
Persepolitan and the Tree alphabet. Although some of the alpha- 
bets given in this Ms. resemble those published by M. Von Ham- 
mer^ yet Sir W. O. thinks that one work was not copied from tbe 
other. At the same time he submitted for the inspection of the 
Society two fragments of Persepolitan sculptured marble, bearing 
inscriptions in the arrow-headed characters, and the manuscript 
exhibiting those alphabets above-mentioned ; the fragments be 
found himself among the ruins of Persepolis. 

M. Champollion, jun. on his road to Toulon to embark for 
Egypt, stopped two days at Aix with M. Sallier, and examined 
ten or twelve Egyptian papyri, which had been purchased some 
years ago, with other antiquities, from an Egyptian sailor. They 
were principally prayers or rituals which had been deposited with 
mummies ; but there was also the contract of the sale of a house 
in the reign of one of the Ptolemies ; and finally, three rolls united 
together and written over with fine demotic characters, reserved, 
as is well known, for civil purposes. 

The first of these rolb was of considerable sjze ; and to M. 
Champollion*s astonishment, contained a history of^ the cam- 
paigns of Sesostris Ehamses, called also Sethos or Sethosis, and 
Sesoosis, giving accounts the most circumstantial of his conquests, 
the countries which he traversed, his forces, and details of his 
army. The manuscript is finished with a declaration of the his- 
torian, who, after stating his names and titles, says he wrote in the 
ninth year of the reign of Sesostris Rhamses, king of kings, a lion 
in combats, &c. 

M. Champollion has promised, on bis return from Egypt, to 
give a complete translation of the manuscript. 

On the same Ms. commences another composition, called. 
Praises of the great King Amemnengon. There are only a few 
leaves of it, and they form the beginning of the history contained 
in the second scroll. This Amemnengon is supposed to have 
reigned before Sesostris, because the author wrote in the ninth 
year of the reign of the latter. 

The third roll relates to astronomy or astrology, or more likely 
to both these subjects. It has not been far opened ; but will 
probably prove of the utmost interest, if, as is' expected, it con- 
tains any account of the system of the heavens as known to or 
acknowleg/ed by the Egvptians and Chaldeans, the authors of 
astronomical science. — Abridged from the Bulletin UniverseL 

356 Correspondence. 

DiHOvery of Antiquities at Herculaneum* Tbe excavatioBi 
uom ill progress at Hercalaneum and Pompeii daily lead to tbiemosl 
important results, and authorise the most brilliant hopes. The 
workmen are engaged in uncovering a magnificent house at Her- 
culaneum, the garden of which, surrounded with colonnades, is the 
largest that has yet been discovered. Among other mythological 
subjects are the following r Perseus killing Medusa, by tbe aid of 
Minerva; Mercury throwing Argus into a sleep, in order to carry 
off from him the beautiful lo (a subject which is exceedingly rare in 
the monuments of art); Jason, the Dragons, and the three Hespe- 
rides. But the greatest curiosities ii> this house are some bas- 
reliefs of silver, fixed on elliptical tablets of bronze, representing 
Apollo and Diana. A vast number of other articles, furniture, 
utensils, &c, of the most exquisite workmanship, add to tbe 
interest which the discovery of this rich and beautiful mansion is 
so well calculated to excite.— Ztfcr/irj^ Gazette, Feb. 14. 1829^ 


To the Editor of the Classical Journal. 

' I am induced to offer two or three observations on the '^'few 
words " of your correspondent J. J. W., in No. LXXIX. of the 
Classical Journal. These few words relate to the commeoce- 
inent of my article on the " Mysteries of Eleusis,*' against which 
he brings a charge of being not only extraordinary ^ but very 
strange. The passage referred to is : '* A learned Platomst of 
bur own time, Mr. T. Taylor, in a Dissertation on the Eleusiniaa 
Mysteries, has attempted to prove, that they were intended te 
teach allegorically the Platonic philosophy. Pray, does Mr. T. 
suppose that they originated among the Pbtonists?" '* Pray,*' 
observes J. J. W. '* does the writer consider himself a wit, or Mr. 
Taylor a fooH*' The writer begs to inform your correspondent, 
that he neither thinks nor ever intended the one or the other ; nor 
would he have thought, before he saw these remarks, t^at any one 
could form such a conclusion from that passage. As to wit, he 
really cannot see a spark in the whole sentence ; but be does not 
pretend to possess so nice a discrimination of wit as your corre- 
spondent, who doubtlessly had an eye to something of this kind in 
selecting the Latin lines which he has prefixed to his ** few words.'' 
But the fact is, J. J. W. labors under an intire mistake; the pas- 
sage never was intended as a personal attack ; the writer only asks 
the plain question, '* Does Mr. T. suppose that they (the Masteries) 
originated among the Platonists ?** Instead of answering this 
question, your correspondent tells the writer that 'Mf he bad 

Advertisements. 357 

given liimselfthe trouble to peruse either Mr. Taylor*s Dissertation, 
or the introduction to his translation of the Hymns of Orpheus, he 
would have found it most satisfactorily demonstrated that the 
Orphic, Pythagoric, and Platonic philosophy, was one and the 
same;" and that Jamblichus and Proclus say, "the Grecian theo- 
logy was derived from Orpheus/' all of which he knew before, but 
which have nothing to do with the passage in question. If 
J. J. W. could have informed the writer who Orpheus was, and 
whence he derived that philosophy, and what it was in his hands, 
lie would bave given him better satisfaction than either Mr. Tay- 
lor's Dissertation, or his introduction to Orpheuscan, and it would 
have been much more to the purpose : but he would require better, 
authorities than Jamblichus or Proclus. So much for the extra- 
ordinary part of the affair. 

'' It appears, however," he continues, ** that this feeble attempt 
to cast a slur on Mr. Taylor's iuvaluable labors is merely to pave 
the way for the writer's own explication of the Mysteries, and 
which is by far the strangest part of the whole affair." I confess I 
am ignorant which it is that J. J. W. considers so strange, the 
writer's paving the way to his explication with the question 
alluded to, or the explication itself. If the former, I have only 
to say, that there is quite as much strangeness in J. J. W.'s paving 
the way to apprise his readers, ** who may not possess Mr. Tay- 
lor's original Dissertation, that a second and enlarged edition was 
given in Nos. 15. and l6. of the Pamphleteer** by his *' few'' but 
very illiberal " words." If the latter, until J. J. W. think proper to 
point out to what parts, and for what reasons the term is applied,: 
he can say nothing at all. 

T. W. 


This day is published, in one vol. 8vo. price 5s. in boards^ 


adapted to the Third Edition. 

By Alexander Cowie, A.M. 

These Qaestions are intended to enable young men to prepare with 
precision the subjects of the Preliminary Observations, and to assist 
Teachers in the business of Examination. 

R. Hunter, 72, St. Paul's Church Yard ; where may be bad Clavis 

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358 Advertisements. 

This day is published, A New Edition, in one' vol. royal 

18 mo. 5$, 


By the Rev. John Williams, M.A. Rector of the Edin- 
burgh Academy. 

John Murray, Albemarle Street. 

*' Whatever new light could be thrown on any particular point of 
Alexander's career, by a most strict examination of all the ori^nal 
writings of the Greeks and Romans — whatever could be gathered from 
the literature of the Arabs and Persians — above all, whatever the 
works of modern European travellers could supply, all this may be 
found concentrated in one handy little volume of the Family Library. 
We are greatly mistaken if this little volume do not become a school 
book. It is far better fitted for that purpose than any one of recent 
publication, with which we have chanced to meet. It will, no doubt, 
become a great favorite among young persons engaged in the delight- 
ful career of classical study ; but we are bound to add, that it deserves 
a place in the collection of the more mature reader, and is in fact a 
permanent addition to the stock of standard histories in the English 
tongue." — Literary Gazette, 

** The present biography, from the pen of that well-known scholar 
and estimable gentleman, the Rev. Mr. Williams, is an attempt to 
supply, and we believe for the first time, that desideratum in English 
classical literature, a correct history of Alexander the Great. The task, 
one of no slight difficulty, has been executed with consummate skill; 
and is among the most fascinating specimens of biography we have 
ever had the good fortune to peruse." — Sun, 

This day is published, in one large vol. royal 4to., price 9/- 9^. 

boards, a new Edition of 



with a Dissertation on the Languages, Literature, and Manners 
of Eastern Nations. By John Richardson, Esq. F.S.A. 
&c. 8cc. revised and improved by Charles Wilkins, Esq. 
LL.D., F.R.S. ; and now considerably enlarged by FrancIs 

London : Printed for Parbury, Allen, and Ck». ; T. Cadell ; C. J. G. 
and F. Rivington ; Longman, Rees, and Co. ; John Richardson ; 
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Bohn; H. T. Hodgson; R. Scholey; Smith, Elder, and Co.; Howell 
and Co.; J. Cochran; and W. Mason. 


GENERAL INDEX to the various Articles con- 
tained in the Classical Journal from No. I. to 

{The first figure denotes the volume and the second the page.] 

Academic education in the university of Cambridge, on the present lyitem of, 

XXV. 327. 
' Academic Errors/ notice of, zix. 290. 
Adam's elegy on the death of Abel, xx. 394. 
Adversaria Literaria, ix. 37. 688. x. 166. 339. zi. 173. 368. xiL 209. 460. xiiL 

196. 438. xiv. 381. xv. 131. 362. xvi. 183. 395. xvii. 204. 453. xviii. 198. 

xix. 185. 359. xx. 201. 387. xxi. 141. 361. xxii. 241. 465. xjdii. 171. 393. 

xxiv. 174. XXV. 373. xzvi. 188. 396. xxvii. 171. 367. xxviii. 170. 364. xxiz. 

209. 386. xxxL 193. 416. xxxii. 31. xxxv. 149. 191. xxxvi. 142. xzzvii. 152. 

265. xxxviii. 138. 316. xxxix. 346. xl. 159. 335. 
' ^thiopic Lexicon,' on the republication of the, viii. 336. 
Affinity of the Latin to the Teutonic and Celtic languages, iii. 117. 
Africa, some observations respecting, xxxiv. 211. 
African fragments, xziii. 279. xziv. 243. xxvii. 113. 248. 
Agapae, on the Christian, v. 311. 

Albion identified with the Hyperborean island of Diodorus, iii. 176. 247. 
Alchymy, aiiUquity of, xx. 75. 
Algebraical problem, solution of Porson's, v. 201. 
' Analecta Grsca Minora/ defence of, xxv. 209. 
Anatomy and physiology of the brain, x. 180. 
Anaxagoras, sketch of the life and character of, xvii. 173. 
' Ancient Alphabets and Hieroglyphics,' notice of Hanmer'9, L 61. 
Ancient Alphabets, xxviii. 334. 

Ancient and modem authors, observations on, vii. 240. ix. 129. 
Ancient Clu'onology, remarks on, xxxiv. 103. 
'Ancient Commerce,' notice of Vincent's, iii. 60. 
Ancient custome, xi. 347. 
Ancient geography, viii. 1. xvi. 257. 

Ancient languages, on a new mode of pronouncing the, xxxviii. 140. 
' Ancient Unedited Monuments/ notice of Millengen's, xxxii. 318. xxxiii. 346. 
Anecdotes of remarkable females, viii. 29. 

Anecdotes relatiitg to Theophilus, collected from Philostorgius, vii. 382. 
Anglo-Saxon Church, xxxi. 232. 

' Anglo-Saxon Grammar, introduction to the elements of,* notice of, xxzi. 121. 
* Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han,' notice of, xl. 25. 
Answer to an extract of a letter from Mr. Walckenaer, xxx. 394. 
Answer to observations on the reply to Sir W. Drummond, xvi. 372. 
' Antar, a Bedoueen Romance,' notice of, xix, 182. 
Anticipations of futurity in^epic poetry, i. 305. 
Antique Metal Figure, found at Silchester, Hants, on an, !v. 490. 
Antique ring, on an, iv. 128.454. v. 177. 
Antiquities, v. 262. 
' Anti-Tooke/ notice of, xxx. 274. 
Aphorisms by Dr. Parr, xxxv. 69. 
Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, xii. 466. xiii. 183. 
Arabian anecdote, viii. 280. 
Arabian forgery, instance of, xv. 279. 
Arabian poem, account of an, L 66. 
Arabian atory, xxi. 33. 

S60 General Index. 

Arabian tales, zii. 259. 

Arabic language in Asia and Africa, on the prevalence of, zzxvii. 287. 
Arabic MS. relative to the death of Mungo Park, on an, xzi. 299. xxiii. 292. 
Arabic MS. zzx. 391. 

* Arabic Syntax/ notice of, zii. 194. 
Archaeological Institute of Rome, xl. 337. 
Aristotle, monuments of, zvii. 155. 

* Aristoteles de Anima, &c. ex rec. Imm. Bekker/ notice of, xl. 176. 
' Asiatic Researches,' on the sixth and seventh volumes of, v. 237. 
Asiatic society, report of the, xxviii. 106. 

Athenian elegance delineated, zxzvii. 21. 208. xxxviii. 40. 
Attic Months, on the, ix. 324. x. 265. 

Babylon, xiz. 321. 

Babylon, notice of a second memoir of, xix. 179. 

' Balthassaris Castilione Carmina,' notice of, xxxiii. 153* 286. 

Barnes' works, catalogue of, xiii. 362. 

Bayer and Bobusz, zxxvii. 221. 

Bentley , life of Dr., v. 276. 

Bentley defended from a charge of plagiarism, ix. 520. 

Benwell, some account of the Rev. Wm. xzxii. 330. 

* Biblia Polyglotta Britannica,' plan and specimen of, iv. 493. 

' Acta Apostolorum/ notice of, xxx. 381. 

Age of Christ at the crucifixion, xxv. 169. 

' Annotations of the Bible,* on Dr. Clarke's, iii. 461. iv. 307. v. 75. 

* Anti Deist,' notice of, xx. 206. 

Apocryphal books of Scripture, remarks on the, xxxiv. 254. 

Arithmetic of the Holy Scriptures, xxv. 29. xxvi. 13. xzvii. 253. xxviii. 219. 

xxix. 249. zzx. 321 . 
Authenticity of the Bible, v. 266. 
Bible, Mist of the earliest editions of the, xxviii. 169. 
Bible, on Mr. Bellamy's new translation of the, zviii. 151. 209. xix. I. 233. 

xxi. 331. xxii. 348. xxiii. 21. 122. xxiv. 283. 
Bible, on the English translation of the, xxix. 239. 
Biblical Criticisms, miscellaneous, i. 100. 144. 252. 299. 823. ii. 510. 603. 

742.759. 795. 800. 869. 872.885. iii. 16. 109. 134. 166. 199. 198. 235. 

284. 483. iv. 63. 125. 273. 422. 465. v. 60. 86. 129. 187. 245. S09. vi. 1. 

34. 160. 331. 344. 395. vii. 67. 122. 140. 221. 289. 355. 437. viii. 25.95. 

120. 161. 270. ix. 48. 137. 149. 182. 246. 262. 305. 482. xi. 92. 286. 305. 

xii. 149. 193. 237. 252. 436. xiii. 189. 226. 365. 417. xlv. 56. S37. zvii. 

152.413. zviii. 203. 273. xx. 322. xxiii. 312. xxiv. 85. 119. 177.360. 

xxvi. 245. 376. 386. xxvii. 117. 341. 345. 381. xzviii.19. 249. xxix. 1. 298. 

xxx. 43. 48. 60. 327. 360. 374. xxxi. 321. 394. xxxii. 63. 77. 149. 214. 241. 

272. 325. zzxiii. 45. 133. 264. zxxiv. 85. zxxv. 135. 248. zxxvi. 83. 98. 

xxxvii. 108. 251. xxxviii. 73. xxxix. 96. 
Biblical Synonyms, vii. 202. ix. 215. x. 228. xii. 67. xiv. 241. 
^ Bibliotheca Biblica,' notice of, xxx. 379. 
*• Book of Jasher,' on the, x. 23* 
Books illustrative of the Bible, notice of, viii. 135. 
Cambridge MS. of the Four Gospels, remarks on, xii. 276. 
Cherubim, conjectures respecting the, iv. 416. v. 105. 
Christ's vest, iii. 358. 

Chronology of the Holy Scriptures, on the, xxxix. 207. 
Chronology of the tracts of St. Paul, x. 1. 

Corroboration of the Pentateuch, analysis of Faber's, xxxii. 197. 
Countries to which Solomon and Hiram sent their fleets for merchandise, on the, 

xxiv. 17. 
Creation, on the, v. 71. vi. 387. 

General Index. 361 

Decalogue, the, xzzvi. 139. 

Defence of Gabriel Sioiiita, remarks on, xii. 254. 

Diacritical points, on the, ix. 265. 

Dissertation on the 49ih chapter of Genesis, iii. 387. supplement to the above, 

Error relative to the time of the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, zzix. 

Fail of Man, a defence of the account of the, ▼. 93. 
Genesis, 10th chapter, explained, iv, 14. 
' Gnain' power of the Hebrew, viii. 97. 
Greek Ritual, MS. fragment of a, zzii. 379. 
Griesbach in sacred criticism, zzziii. 136. 
Hebrew Bible, list of the earliest printed editions of the, zxvii. 110. 

* Hebrew Bible, notice of Frey's, v. 178. 
Hebrew Bible, on Boothroyd's, viii. 386. 

Hebrew Bible, on the points of the, viii. 114. xi. 66. 

' Hebrew Bible,' reply to critiques on Clarke's, iii. 428. 

Hebrew Bible, various readings of the, xxvi. 63. zzviii. 16. zzix. 65. zzz. 

Hebrew Criticism, introduction to, xziv. 76. 
' Hebrew Criticisms and Poetry,' on Dr. Clarke's, ii. 024* 850. iii. 87. 253. 

iv. 168. 
Hebrew Criticisms, ix. 359. z. 7. 335. n. 104. 275. ziii. 49. 435. ziv. 109. 

zv. 189. xzvii. 104. 
Hebrew Descent of the Abyssinians, zii. 293. 

* Hebrew Lezicon,' notice of Gesenius's, zxzii. 349. 

Hebrew Numerals, and different modes of notation, iv. 401. vi. 186. 

Hebrew Scriptures, on the integrity of the, viii. 374. iz. 395. 

Hebrew text, on the integrity of the, v. 61. . 

Hebrew tezt» answer to Mr. Bellamy on the integrity of the, x. 268. zi. 112. 

xiL 77. . 

His^ry of Balaam, on the, xiv. 65. 

Hypotheses of Bryant and Faber reconciled, xix. 65. ^ 
Illustratioo of the First Book of Kings, iii. 266. 
Illustration of Isaiah ii. 809, 
Illustration of Jonah xzi. 337. 

Illustration of a passage in the New Testament, vi..294. 
Illustration of St. Luke, ii. 588. 

< Introduction to the Hebrew Scriptures,' notice of, zii. 240. 
^ Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures,' notice of Home's, zx. 58. 

xziv. 426. zxvii. 124. zxziv. 325. 
Job, critical notice of Miss Smith's translation of the Book of, i. 162. 369. 
Languages into which the translation of. the Bible has been promoted by the 

British and Foreign Bible Society, zzv.113. 
Masora,the, zxxiv. 86. 216. 

Mosaic Record, analysis of the first, xxxv. 257. zzxvi. 73. 
Moses, meekness of, considered, xxvii. 227. 
Moses, remarks on the introductory chapters of, xvi. 378. 
" Nachash,' on the Hebrew word, iii. 70. 
« New Greek Testament,' notice of Valpy's, xxzix. 156. 
New Testament, conections of the translation of the, xiii. 145. xiv. 148. 374. 

xvi. 274. xxi. 280. xxv. 225. 
New Testament, notice of Van Ess's translation of the, xiv. 328. . 
New Testament, on some passages in the, xxix. 312. 

New Testament, passages variously rendered, xxxii. 363. xxxiii. 162. xxxiv. 8. 
Novi Testamenti de Grsds accentibus, xv. 39. 
Obscure passages in the Bible translated, iv. 1. 
Old Testament, on a revision of the translation of the, xx. 188. 225. 
Old Testament, on Bellamy's new transhtioB of the, jxvi. 125. S85. 

S62 General Indejc. 

' Ophioo/ on the, iv. 240. v. 416. 

Opinions of the Hebrews respecting a future, existence, xxi. 29. zzii. 123. 
xziii. 17. 

Fentateodi, on the Buchanan roll of the, viii. 11. 

Pentateuch, on the criticisms of the, xzvi. 73. 
. ' Peor/ inqnii^ into tlie etymology of, viii. 265* 

Perfection of Being, attributes constituting the, zzvii. 138. 229. 

' Pharaoh/ on the derivation of the word, iv. 468. v. 180* 

Polyglott, observations on the London, iii. 289. 

'Prophecy of Esekiel,' notice of, xxxiii. 27. 

Porson*s letters to Travis, xxxvi. 223. xxxvii. 33. 232. xxxviii, 66^ 197. 
xxxix. 33. 

'Scripture Chronology,' notice of, xxvii. 333. 

'Scripture Harmony, notice of, xxx. 253. 

Scriptures, on Dr. Lee's new translation of the, xxi. 368. 

Septuagint, notice of Holmes', ix, 476. 

Seria Biblica, vi. 321. 

Shipwreck of St. Paul, xv. 269. 

Specimen of an emendation of the Bible, examination of Bellamy's, xvH. 221. 

' Spirit of the Gospel,' notice of, xxvi. 209. 

Syriac Version, on the preface to the, vii. 196. 

* Syriacae versionis collatio,' notice of, xii. 124. 

* Tractatus de utilitate lingue Anglicaein explicatione Sanctn SeriptunB,' notice 
of, ix. 466. 

Translations of the Scriptures, a condse view of the, xxv. 116. 

Trinity, familiar exposition of the doctrine respecting the, xxvi. 64. 

' Version of some Egyptian names in the Old Testament,' remarks on Sir W« 
Drummond's, iii. 366. iv. 369. 407. v. 43. 407. vii. 109. 

Vindication of St. Paul from the charge of wishing himself accursed, L 112« 

Voyage and shipwreck of St. Paul, xix. 201. 

Vulgar B«ligiou8 Opinions Biblically investigated, xxviiL 324. 
Bibliographical inaccuracy, ix. 35. 
Bibliographical Topography, xi. 326. 
Bibliography, miscellaneous, iv.. 456. V. 287. vL 391. ix.260. x. 316. xv. 220. 

XX. 88. xxiii. 228. xxv. 188. xxxvi. 117. 

Prices of some of the books and Mss. at the sale of the Rev. H. Dnixy'a libfiiy, 
xxxvi. 144. 164. xxxvii. 68.— At Mr. Edwards' sale, xii. 36.~At Dr. Heath's 
sale in 1810. ii. 662. — At Mr. Lunn's sale xiv. 343. — At Professor Porson's 
sale,'!. 385. — At the Roxburgh sale, vi. 414.— At Talleyrand's sale, xx. 209. 
—At Home Tooke's sale, vii. 283.— At Mr. Willett's sale, xii. 473.— At the 
White Knights' sale, xx. 389. xxi. 68. 307. xxii. 67. 
' BibUomania,' notice of, iv. 499. 
« Bibliotheca Classica,' notice of, viii. 178. xxxvii. 257. 
Bibliotheca Gossetiana, viii. 471. 
Bibliotheca Parriana, xxxvi. 131. 
Bibliotheca Sussexiana, xxxv. 332. xxxix. 273. 
Blank verse, essay on, vii. 442. 
Bono de summo, viii. .277. 
British language of Cornwall, on the ancient, xvii. 437. xviii. 103. 366. xix. 

221. XX. 69. 260. xxi. 62. 238. xxii. 26. 377. 
Britons of the Classics iv. 44. 

Brunck's < Analecta,' index to the three vols, of, x. 115. 
Budaeus, life of^ xxv. 261. 

Cambbidgb Classical Examiaarion Papers, xxix. 167. xxxiii. 182* xxxvii. 167. 
Cambridge Education, notice of the pamphlets on, xxvi. 148. 
Cambridge {Examination for Junior Sophs, xxix. 835. 
Cambridge ExaminAtion for a University Scholarship, xvi. 180. . 
Cambridge Honors,, account of, vii* 368. 

General Index. 368 

Cambridge Prize Essay fyiv. 170. 446. zvii. Ml. zzL 254. ^az. 62. xxzi. 112. 

XXXV. 8. 241. 
^Cambridge Prize Poems, i. 1. 6. 10. ii. 807. 990. 408. 408. ir. 62; 67. 62. 122. 

V. 317. vi. 353. 366. x. 80. 83. 87. 164. zi. 240. zii. 146. 186. 180. 206. 

xiv. 163. 187. 346. zvi. 167. 176. 178. xnnak, 108. lOS. 106. zx. 07. 00. 102. 

103.371. izii.176. zziT.';188. 322. zxvi. 800. xxviii. 100. 126. zzz. 113. 

232. 203. zxxii. 117. 206. xzziv. 06. 114. xxzvi. 118. zxzriii. 248. 247. 248. 

250. 257. xl. 07. 103. 106. 100. 110. 
Cambridge Tripos Papers, v, 412. ix. 608. xi 171. 888. xt. 88. xvi. 881. zvii. 

240. zviii. 166. xiz. 131. zzii. 106. zzr. 14. zzvii. 184. zzzi. 266. szziii. 

178. 253. 
' Canares, a poem in modern Greek/ notice nf, zxvti. 860. 
' Carmina Samaritanomm Anecdota,' zziz. 36. 
Casaubon, life of, ziL 172. 
Casimir and Burns, iz. 169. 

Casimir, on the life and writings of, zzv. 103. zzzL ^8. 
Cephrenes, on the pyramid of, zzi. 8. 
Chaldean Oracles, collection of the, zvi. 333. xtU. 128« 248. 
Character given of Dr. Bentley , on a, zz. 857. 
Chart of Ten Numerals In Two Hundred Tongues, iv. 106. essay descriptive of 

the same, iv. 327. observations on the above chart, vi. 218. 
China of the Classics, iii.206. v. 252. vi. 204. vu. 32. 
* Chinese Pantheon/ notice of the, i. 177. 
Chinese World, on the, iii. 16. 
Christian Fathers, on the study of the, viii. 368. 
Chronological Mnemonics, xz?i. 196. 
' Chronology of Greece,' notice of, zzzL 366. zzxii. 114. 
Chronology, remarks on ancient, zzxiv. 226. 
Cicero, on the monuments of, xziii. 266. 
Cicero, on the villas of, xziii. 300. 
Classical and Oriental library and Museum, xzzvL 298. 
' Classical and Topographical Tour throueh Greece,' notice of, zzv. 1. 
'Classical Collectors' Vade^Mccum/ notice of the, zzvii. 68* 
Classical education, vi. 236. 
Classical Improvisation, zxx. 67. 
' Classical Literature, nature of^' notice of, zzvi. 406. 
' Classical Manual,' notice of, zxzvii. 265. 
CLASSICAL NOTICES, criticisms, &c. 

Absyrtus, a query respecting, zzxiv. 253. 

Accents, Greek and Latin, on, zi. 72. 269^ zii. 804. ziiL 124i 

Accentuum regulae praecipase, vi. 339. 

* Adversaria,' notice of Person's, zi. 820. 

' Adversariorum criticorum specimen,' notice of, viik 380* 

^lianum emendationes in, ziii. 446. xiv. 280. xv. 350. zviii. 30. 

^schyli cantus choricos tentaminis novi, iv. 460. v. 19. 

^schyli carmina epodica commentaiins in, zi. 242« xii. 344. 

JSsch^M de Heliadibus, zxzv. 276. 

^schyli e cod. Msto. Emerici Bigot, varis lectknes, zvii. 178. 

' ^schyli Perss.' Blomf., notice of, zi. 186. 318. xii. 90. 

^schyli Persae, notes on the, zxxix. 180. 

^schyli Persse, remarks on a manuscript of the, i. 57. - 

^schyli Prometheus emendatus viL 464. 

iEschyli Prometheus, metrum restauraturo, zi. 68. 

^schyli Prometheus, notes on the, iii. 271. iv. 200. 425. vi. 107. vii. 160. 

iE^hyli Prometheus, on the, zvii. 80. zzzcv. 39it. 

' JEschyli Prometheus,' critical notice of Hlomficldf t, v. 200* 

' ^schyli Sept. Cont. Theb.' Blomf., notice of, vii. 308. viii. 01. 

.£ichyH Sefit. Coot. Theb. collation of, zxyi. 26. . 

^schyli Sept. Cont. Theb., on a word in, vii. 166. ' 

364 General Index. 

.£8ch^li Sapplices, emendation of, ii. 801. iii. 18S. 414<> 

* ^schyli Sapplices et Euinenides/ notice of Burges', xxv, 182. 

^^hyli varis lectiones, zvii. 340. ' 

^schylum, dissertatio de versibos spuriis apad, zxxviii. 58. 

* iEschylus, translation of the Agamemnon/ notice of, zxxi. 101. 
' JEschy\\xa,* canons and remarks on Blorafield's, zxxvii. 275. 

< ^schvlos,' critical notice of Batler's, i. 16. ii. 461. 
iEschylus, hint for the correction of a passage in, xxxvii. 185. 
^scbylns Ms. of» compared with Pauw*s ed., z. 100. 
^schylns, notes on, vii. 466. viii. 181. z. 114. • 
^schylus, on a verse of, yiii. 347. 
^schylus, philosophical sentiments of, zi. 207. 
^schylus, Portos's, zzv. 169. • 

* ^schylus/ notice of Schutz's, vii. 280. viii. 15. 

^sop and Babrias, on the fables of, xxv. 20. 364. zzvii. 24. 

^sop, on the f&hles of, zi. 220. 

AlcsBus, the poet, a brother of his fights nnder Nebochadnesxar, zxzvi. 272. 

Amcenitatcs critics et philologicae, xvi. 109. 375. zxvi. 158. zzvii. 297. 

Amomitates philosophies, xzii. 387. zziii. 114. 201. zxiv. 312. 

Anacreon, on the lyrical metres of, iii. 81. iv. 196. 280. 

Anacreon, on th& metre used by, v.. 174. 

Anacreontis carmina, Brunck,, notice of, xii. 27. 

' Analecta Critica,' notice of, viii. 281. 

Andocides emendatiis, xzii. 353. 

Antimachp, poeta et grammatico Colophonio, diatribe de, iv. 231. 

' Antiquities of Greece,' notes on, zziii. 150'. 292. < 

' Antoninus liberalis,' notice of Teucber's, vii. 284« 

Apollon, recherches sur, xii. 115. 

Apoll. Rhod., nets inedits Porsoni in, zviii. 370. 

Arati Diosemea, nets et curaB sequentes in, ziv. 368. xvii. 46. zviii. 19. ziz* 

84. zzii. 327. zxiii. 257. zziv. 50. 
Arcadio Antiocheno, admonita qusedam de, zzvii. 208. • zzviii. 188. 
« Arcadius Grammaticus Ms.', eztracts from, xv. 165. 
Kemarks on the extracts, xv. 310. 
' Archaeologia Grseca,' remarks on, xi. 143. 
Aretaeus, on the description of ardent fever by, xx. 242. xxi. 57. 
Aristophanem, Bentleii emendationes ineditas in, xi. 181. 248. xii. 104. 182. 

852. xiii. 336. xiv. 130. 
Aristophanem Brunckii, notae in, v. 136. 
Aristophanis carmimbos, comraentarius de, xiii. 83. 369. ziv. 285. xv, 286. 

xvL 33. zviii. 366. xiz. 125. 315. 
Aristophanes, emendations of some passages in, ii. 496. 704. 
Aristophanis Fragmenta emendata, xxii. 219. 
Aristophanis fra^entis, de, xxii. 130. 
Aristophanes, notice of Brunck's ed. of , vii. 92. 
Aristophanes, notice of Fischer's, viL 410. 
Aristopb. Nubes, on the, xiv. 276. 
Aristoph. Nubes, on the date of, vi. 185. 
Aristophanes, on the translation of the Birds of, xxxii. 88. 
' Aristophanica Porsoni,' notice of Dobree's, xxi. 365. 
Aristophanes, prefoce to the Editio Princeps of, vi. 148. 
Aristoph. Vesps, notes on the, xxxi. 802. 
Aristotelis Ethica, epitome scholiorum in, xxviii. 806. zziz. 104. 
Aristotelis Pepli Fragmentum, ziv. 172. 

Aristotle, ignorance of the modems of the philosophy of, zviii. 888. ziz. 81. 
Aristotle, NicomacbsBan Ethics of, notice of Cardwell's, zzxviii. 278. zzziz* 

Aristotle, on passages in SCnbo, Platarch, and Atheaaeos conceniag the 

woiks of, zzzvii. 56. . 

General Index. 365 

Aristotle, on a passage in the Poetics of, xiii. 47. 

Aristotle, some emendatioDS on, zxi. 252. 

Aristotle's definition of tragedy, interpretation of» zxi. 292. 

Aristotle's Ethics, remarks on, zzxv. 124. 

Arrian's Periplus of the Erythreui Sea, on an error in the translation of, z* 323. 

zi. 154* Vindication of t]he translation, zv. 317. 
Arrian's Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, on a passage in the, zzii. 4S9. 
Athenaeas, translation of, zxzTiii, 11. 
Avieni MSti codicis coUatio, iv. 120. 

Avienus, notes on part of a poem of, iii. 136. ▼. 108. vi. 148. 295. 
Ausonius, on the wntings of, zzziz« 103. 
Bacchylides, fragment of, ii. 435. 
Bassis, dissertatio de variis, zzz. 306. zzzi. 77. 246. 
Bello Trojano, notice of Josephus Exoniensis de, zzz. 92. 
' Bibliotheca Critica Nova,' notice of, zzziv. 141. 
Blomfield's Canons, xxziz. 141. 

Boissonade's publications, notice of Professor, zzz. 402. 
Boissonadii notas ad Pseudo-Herodiani Partitt., observatt. inj zxiii. 94. 
Branck*s Transcript, ii. 560. • 
Caesura, on the, xv. 95. 
Callimachum, Stanleii note qusdam in, xvi. 164. xviu 190. 361. ziz. 50. zzi. 

Callimachus, on a book written against Dr. .Bentley relating to, iz. 173. 349. 

z. 209. xi. 155. zii. 128. 370. 
Callimachus, on Bentley *s, vii. 101. iz. 409. 
Calphumius and Nemesian, on the poems of, zzxi. 252. 
Catullus emendated, zziv. 210. 

Chorizontes, zzxv. 189. /, 

Chremonidian War, on the, zzzvi. 93. 
Cicero de Natura Deorum, vii. 415. 
Cicero de Senectute, collation of a MS. of, iv. 801. 
Cicero de Senectute, et de Amicitia, notice of Barker's ed. of, v. 188. 424. 
' Cicero, de Offidis,' notice of, ziii. 91. 

Ciceronis Disputationes Tusculanas, symbols critics ad, zzvi. 56. 
' Ciceronis opera omnia, cure Emesti, iii. 91. 
' Ciceronis Qusst. Tusc., curs novissime in,' notice of, viii. 131. 
Cicero, observations on some orations ascribed to, xvii. 134. 394. zviii. 1 1 3. 

241. xiz. 55. zzv. 221. zzvi. 321. 
Cicero, on the different opinions relative to, xzii. 105. 
Cicero's Catilinarian oration, obscure passage in, ezplained, zzii. 376. 
Cicero's Cato Major illustrated, zii. 73. 
Cicero's Cato Major, on a passage in, z. 306. 
Cicero's lost treatise De Gloria, xzzii. 126. 

Cicero's two tracts, notes to Barker's edition of, vi, 155. 274* vii. K5. 
Classic Authors, list of the earliest editions of, zzviii. 166. 
Classical Connezions, iz. 139* z. 119. 366. 
Classical Criticisms, miscellaneous, ii. 904. iii. 473. iv. 501. v. 101. 128. 179. 

202. 334. vi. 94. 123. 147. 193. 221. 224. vii. 141. 296. 441. 458. viii. 18. 

288. 353. 385. iz. 171. 321. z,21. 58. 64.- zi. 19. 38. zii. 367. 470. ziii. 

74. 252. zzii. 315. xziii. 98.275. zzv. 337. zzvi. 122. 198. 378. zxvii. 129. 

182. zziz. 344. 350. 379. zzzi. 348. zxziii. 3. 81. 215. 307. zzzvi. 162. 

zzzvii. 8. zzzviii. 29. xxziz. 305. 346. 
Classical Writers, originality of the, iv. 275. 
Classical Writers, remarks on obscure passages in, xxz. 74. 
Claudian, genius and writings of, zziii. 203. zzvii. 275. zxiz. 281. xj^z. 10. 
Claudian, remarks on, i. 18. 22. zziv. 366. 
Compound words in the ancient languages, zzziz. 1. 
Conjecture critics in auctores Grscos, ii. 563. 892. iii. 76.287. iv. 154. v. 36. 

vi. 342. 

S66 General Index. 

* ConjonctionB, de i'einploi dei,' notice of, xL45« 
Criseos mythologies specimen, xxvi. SOB. 

Curs posteriores ad DawesU Miscellanea Chtica, sxxvi. 857. 

Dawes' letterto T«^, z. 849. 

I^emiurgns, corraptum ot, zzziz. Idl. 

Demostbenein, commentarii in, zxvi. 2SS. zzvii. 47. SSI. zsviii. 54* 254* 

zziz. S63, zzz. 108. 866. zzzi. 02. 
Demosthenes, a passage explained, zzzr. 24. 

Demosthenes, critical remarks on detached passages in, ii. 590. iii. 151* 
Demosthenes; is the first Philippic one oratioii or composed of two ? zzzii. 1. 
Derivation of anUa, antehacj &c., xv. 846. 
Derivation of the word tirow, iz. 114. 
' Dictione Latina, liber de pura,' notice of, iz. 43. 
Diodori Siculi Bibliothece Histories Libri, notice of, iz. 471. 
Diogenes Laertius, a patre an a patria sic vocatus sit ? zzv. 848. 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on his credit as an historian jmd critic, xzziv. 277. 

zxxv. 112. 268. xzxvi. 3. 802. xzxyii. 179. xzzviii. 1. 
Dissertatio de Pallene et Pellene, zzxiii. 258* 
' £lementa doctrina metrics,' notice of, xv. 79. 
« Elementa lingus Grscs,' notice of, zzviii. 362. 

* Empedoclis et Parmenidisfragmenta,' observations on, zzvi. 260. 
Epistola Bentleii ad Richteruro, xv. 171. 

Epistola Crkica, z. 166. zi.63. 

Epistols dus Ricardi Bentleii, zii. 157. 438. 

Epistola Heytiii, zi. 169. 

Error of Mr. Mathias noticed, xz. 821 . 

Etymological Researches, zziii. 262. 

Euripidea carmina epodica commentarios in,iz. 15. 293. z. 34. 369* xi. 86. 

Euripidis, commentarius de dialogis, ii. 609. 

Euripidem, commentarii in, zz. 78.271. 

Euripidem, Marklandi nots Mss. in, zzv. 339. 

Eoiipidem, observationes critics in, xii. 30. 

Euripidem, varis lectiones ad, zvii. 188. 

Euripides, emendations of, zii. 467. xxiv. 121. 129. 

Euripides, on the philosophical sentiments of, xiv. 112. 305* 

Euripidis, collatio codicis Havniensis cum editions Forsoniana, szviii. 199. 

< Eurip. Heraclids,' notice jof Elmsley's, vii. 298. 

Eurip. Heraclidas, observationes in, vii. 391. 

Eurip. Here. Fur. Herman.* notice of, viii. 199. 

Eurip. Hippol. and Alcestis, canons and remarics on Monk's* zjexvii. 184. 

Eurip. Hippol. criticisms on, vi. 392. 394* 

Eurip. Hippol., notice of Monk's, t. 193. vi. 74«. 

Earip. Hippol. on the 77th verse of, xii. 111. 

Eurip. Hippol. Steph., critical remarks on, vi. 347. vii. 2O64 viii. 81. iz. ISX 

Eurip. Med., nots in^ x. 412. zsviii. 114. 317. zzxii. 1 57. 

' Eurip. Med. Elmsley,' notice of, ziz. 267. zxi. 338. xzii. 402. 

Em^dei Phaetbontis iragmeata, nots in, zxii. 166. azvi. 366. / 

Eartp. Philoctetes, on afingment of, i. 346. 

Eurip. Phoenisse, notes on, v. 861. x. 99. xziii. 20. 

Eurip. Phoenisss, Surges, critical notice of, i. 129. 

Ewip. Phcsnisss, Burges, notes on, L 263. 314. 

Eurip. Phoenisss, Schuts, notice of, ziiL 177. 

Eurip. Supplices, Herm., notice of, viii. 417. ix. 49. 

Eutropius, collation of a manuscript of, ▼. 349. 

Facetis Classics, ▼. 885. 297. 

' Grsca Grammatica,' notice of, vii. 216^ 

Grses lingus, dissertatio de pronunciatione, xxiii. 67. 

Grscos anctores, syntagma de ratione emendaMU»y. 203. 361* 

Grscorum Comicorum fragmenta, xzii. 277. xzvi 346. 

Gentral Index. 367 

Gnecororo de Legitros Metridfl Poetariiin, zxiiii. 310. zzziv. 19* 

Grscorum de verbis ex regnla flectendts, i. 161. 

Grscoram Lyricoram fragmenta dithyrambica, xxiv. 867. 

Gnecorum Poetarum de legibtis metricis, xxxiv. 286. xxzv. 60. 

' Graecos scriptores qnosdam emendationes in/ remarks on, xryiii. 06. 

* Grammar of the Greek Tongue/ remarks on, zii. 23. 

' Grammatical parallel of the ancient and modem Greek Unguagea/ notice of, 

zzzi. 163. 
Grecque litteratore, zvii. 89. 
Greek Accents and Metre, iii. 476. 
Greek Accents, on the, i. 357. ii. 567. 843. 
Greek Accentuation, theory of, zxzii. 341. zziiii. 9. 
Greek Article, on the, ix. 481. 
Greek Cases, origin of die, ii. 896. zxzrii. 97. 
Greek Dialects, xvii. 84. 

Greek Drama, general obserrations on, xxxiii. 73. 
Greek Etymology, ii. 862. 

Greek Iambic, Trochaic and Anapsstic Verse, on, xzxi. 83. 269. 
Greek Pastoral Poets, essay on the, xvii. 74. xviii. 80. 280. xs. 124. 200* 
Greek Prepositions, aissertation by Professor Moor on, iii. 28. 
Greek Prepositions, remarks on Prof. Moor's dissertation on, iii. 470. 
' Greek Pxt)sody and Metre, elements of,' notice of, xxiii. 2^ 
Greek Sapphic Ode, on the, xviii. 373. 
Greek Syntax, on, xxv. 284. 
Greek Writers, Eastern languages requisite to illustrate obecuie passages in 

the more early, v. 182. 
' Gymnasium, sive Symbola Critica,' on the, x. 884. xi. 206. xii. 167. aiii. 

422. XY. 146. xxvti. 842. xxxvii. 264. 
Heerenii dissertatio de Chori Grecorum Tragici natura, xxx. 28. 
Heliodorus, remarks on, viii. 847. 

Hendecasyllabic measures, formation and connectioD of, xxxiii. 30. 
Hendecasyllabic measures, xxxiv. 134. 

Hermann, de particula &y, xxxiv. 166. xxxv. 33. 209. xxxvi. 83. 209. 
Hermogenis progymnasmata, v. 381. vi. 397. ^. 417. viii. 156. 
Herodotum emendationes in, xxii. 373. 
Herodotus amended, ix, 490. 

Herodotus and Thucydides, maps and plans illustrative of, xxiii. 291. 
Herodotus, notice of Gusford's, xl. 87. 
Hesychii et Etymologici quibosdam glossis de, xii. 398. 
Hesychio Milenio, conjectuiu de,-ix. 686. 
Hesychius vindicated, vi. 190. 
Hexameter Verse, two last feet of, xxxii. 224. 
Historiaro antiqulomm temporum, observationes critica in, zxiv. 296. 
Homer, critical remarks on, xxxiv. 66. 
Homer illustrated, iii. 376. iv. 467. 

* Homer, illastrations of,' critical review of, iv. 617. v. 166. vi. 262. 
Homer, illustrations of, v. 214. 429. 
Homer, metrical companion to, xxxix. 337. xl. 71. 288. 
Homer, observations on some lines of, xvii. 265. 
Homer, on the Hiatus in the poems of, xxxv. 1. 285. 
Homeri Odysses, coUatio cod. MS., xxxiL 178. xxxvi. 261. 
' Homeric Digamma,' translation of Dr. Thiersch's, xxxvi. 806. xxxvii. 118. 
' Homerica Carmina,' notice of, xxiii. 346. xxiv. 829. xxvii. 874. 
Homer, on the Margites of, xii. 161. 
Homer, on the versification of, ix. 361. 
Homericos hymnos, animadversiones in, viii. 4. 
' Homer's Hymn to Mercury, translation of,' notice of^ xxxi. 169. 
Homer's Iliad, critical remarks on, zzxi. 392. xxiii. 292. xxxiii. 142. 

368 General Index. 

Homer's Iliad, on the examination of the primary argument of, zxvi. 168. 

Homer's Iliad, remarks on the introductory lines of the, iii. 318. 

Homer's Odyssey, collation of the Harieian MSS. of, iz. 191. 492. xi. 95. 201. 

xii. 7. xiii. 107. ziv. 80. 833. zt. 14. 292. zvi. 119. 309. zvii. 97. 292. 
Homer's Odyssey, observations on the 24th book of, xiii. 122* 
Homerum, prolegomena in, vii. 321. viii. 33.289. 
Horace, annotations of, vi. 145. 
Horace ezplained by Thucydides, iz. 281. 
Horace, metrical arrangement of, vii. 455. 
Horace, observations on an Ode of, ztl. 248. 
Horace, Ode zziz. Book 3. observations on, zvi. 383. 
Horace, on the Latin Alcaic and Sapphic metres of, zxxi. 144. 
Horace, remarks on, vii. 83. 

Horace's Satires, ezplanation of a passage in, ii. 749. 
Horace's Scansion and structure of tlie Alcaic stanza of, zi. 351. 

* Horace, the lyrics of,' notice of, zzv. 346. 

Horace, Variorum edition, notice of, v. 161. 336. vi. 97. 279. 

Horse Classica;, iii. 105. 332. 

Horatianis de veisibus quibusdam, zziz. 71. 

Horatii libellus de felici audacia, ziii. 291. zv« 61. 

Horatii opera, notae criticae in, zxiz. 45. . 

Horatium, conjecture in, zziv. 120. 

Horatium, notae aliquot in, zviii. 126. 

Ictus Metricus in Virgilian Hezameters, on the power of the, xxzixl II. 

Idioms of the Greek language, observations on some, ziii. 355. 

Illustrations of ^schylus and Cicero, xi. 332. 

Inceptive power of S. x. 122. 

' Institutes of Latin Grammar,' notice of, xzvii. 332. 

Justin emendated, iv. 31. 

Justin Martyr, on a controverted passage in, zzvit. 261. 

Juvenal, ^desultory remarks on, zv. 18. 

Juvenal illustrated, iL 702. 

Juvenal, observation on a passage in, vi. 125. 

Juvenal, proposed emendation of, v. 415. 

Juvenal vindicated, x. 107. 

* Juvenalis et Persii satiite,' notice of, zzvi. 374. 

' Juvenalis satiras, animadversiones in,' notice of, viii. 236. 

* Klotzii opuscula,' notice of, x. 309. 

Latin Alcaic and Sapphic Metres, zxxii. 143. " 
Latin authors, observations on some, xxvii. 197. 
Latin Historians before Livy, on the, xxiii. 139. 
Latin Metre, remarks on, xii. 10* 
Latin Metres, ii. 515. 

Latin poetical expressions to render to run, xii. 84. 
Latin Scholiasts, ii. 452. 
Latin Supines, ii. 434. 848. 

* Leonidae utriusque carmina,' notice of, xii. 239. 
Lexicographorum veternm glossis de quibusdam, xiv. 294. 
Liters quaedam ineditas, xxx. 149. 376. xxxi. 147. 243. 
liviana de Fatavinitate, zxii. 385. 

Livy, Book 3. chap. v. remarks on, xxiv. 29. 348. xxvi. 352. 

Livy, emendation of a passage in, xxiii. 278. 

livy, on a passage of, xv. 115. 

Longinum, animadversiones in, iii. 64. 

Longinus, critical remarks on, ii. 818. iii. 340. v. 40. 395. 

Longinus, notes on, xxiii. 317. 

Longinus, remarks on, viii. 79. 

Longqs, fragment of, viii, 403. 

General Index. ^69 

Luciani loci quidam emendati atque ezplanati, vi. 125. ix. 168. iei. 199* iliii. 

71. ziv.77. zv. 161. zvi. 232. xvii. 326. xviii.48. 298. xix. 24. 
Lucretius, corrections in the text of Wakefield's, xxi. 102. 
LycophroD, essay on the Alexandra of, v. 1 13. 
Lycophron, obscure word in, xviii. 362. 

Lycophron, the tragic poet ; was he the author of Cassandra 1 xzxri. 88. 
Macrobe, sur la vie et les ouvrages de, zx. 105. xxi. 81. xxii. 61 . 
Magic of the ancient Greeks and Romans, zzzv. 185. 
' Manual of Classical Bibliography,' notice of, zzziii. 20. 
Martial, illustration of, ii. 797. 
Meaning of rpax^Sy &C., zziii. 31 . 
Metrical canons of Forson, on the, xziii. 166. 
Metrical lines in prose classics, zr. 181. 

Miscella critica in aliquot loca sciiptornm Graecoram, zviii. 344* 
Miscellanea classica, zv. 296. zvi. 361. xvii. 33. 348. xviii. 232. ziz. 325^ 
zz. 7. 344. zzi. 22. 276. zziL 171. zziii. 41. 296. zziv. 11. 377. szzv. 
Momi miscellanea subseciva, iz. 526. z. 51. 176. zii. 261. ziii. 80. 
Moods, essay on, xii. 336. xz. 63. 

Mots omis par H. Ettenne, xii. 216. 463. xiii. 161. 406. xiv. 280. zvi. 31. 
' Munusculum Juventuti,' notice of, zzv. 161 . 
< Muss Cantabrigienses/ on the preface to the, iv. 78. 
Nazianzeni Gregorii epigrammata, viii. 31. 
Negative particle, vn, on the, zzvi. 390. 

' Nestoris Novariensis Vocabnla/ inquiry relative to, ix. 261. -^ 

^ Nubere,' meaning, use, and etymology of, vii. 119. 
' Noininibus Grscorum, de,' notice -of, viii. 385.' 
Notarum Romanarum ac literaruro interpretatio, vii. 248. viii. 369. 
Nugs, zxiv. 382. zxv. 9. 349. xzvi. 78. 363. zf vii. 18. xxviii. 122. zxiz. 126. 
268. xzz. 18. zxzi. 186. zzzii. 284. 112. zzxiv. 46. 213. zzzv. 106. 314. 
zzzvi. 10. 173. xxzvii. 63. 245. zxzviii. 107. zzziz. 306. xl. 157. 
Nugae Critics, xxv. 357. 
Nugs Grammatics, ii. 773. iii. 1. 
' Observationes critics in Tragicos, &c.' notice of, x. 11. 
' Observationes in auctores veteres,' notice of, zi. 10. 
Observations sur MEXPI, xzviii. 186. 
' Odes of Anacreon of Teos translated,' notice of, zziz. 229. 
Origin of the term Middle as applied to the Greek verb, xviii. 157. 
Originality of Kuster's discovery of the true force of the middle verb, zv. 304. 
' Origination of the Greek Cases,' notice of Sandford's, zzzvii. 90. 

Orpheus, Mystical Hymns of, iptroduction to Taylor's translation of tho, zziz. 
322. XXX. 81. 

Orphic Remains, zvii. 158. 

Ovid, criticisms on, xzvi. 147. 

Ovid, remarks on a passage in the Nuz of, ii. 740. 

' Ovide, Art de Plaire,' notice of, zxix. 53. 

Ovidian distich, hint to form the, zzii. 121. 

Ovidii fragmentum antiquum Heroidum, i. 127. 

Ovidiuro, Bentleii emendationes in, zix. 168. 258. 

Palibothra, and the Golden Fleece, zziii. 100. 

' Palimpsestus,' on the word, zii. 204. 

Particle ai^, on the, zvii. 65. 

Particulis iwws et ivtos fiii, de, xzviii. 132. 

Patrician and Plebeian, on the ancient Roman distinction of, xzzvi. 103. 

Pausanias de M. Clavier, analyse du premier volume du, xiii. 316. 

Persii et Catonis manuscriptomm coilatio, iv. 353. 

Persii Satirs, zviii. 62. '' 

Persius, notice of Passow's, ix. 501. 

VOL. XL. a.Jl. NO.LXXX. 2 A 

370 General Indte. 

FerfittS, obsenratioiif on, Tiii. 174* 

Fersius, obeer^aiionf on Df umiMMi's, iii. SdS* 

Fetrarch, on the Africa of, %iM. fiS. 362. 

* Pherecydis et Acusilai fn^ginnta/ notice o^ Tiii. IM. 
Philelplu epiBtolse, zxak 1* 

Philemon, critical xwMska on Dr. Osann'a edition of, nv« S4S* xXTi. 67. 
« Philemoni^ LeakMi/ notice of, vii. 87. 

* Philologue, t^* notice of, xviii. 1S5« 

* Phsedri fabdte, novoB et veteres/ notice of, aili. M7. 
Phednuy <m the Iambic metre of, zvi. 74. 
Phceni^ on the, xir. 319. 

« PlMCli Biblicola,' notice of, zxxiii. 361. 

nMii Lexicon, nots in, xxviii. 38. 

Iliotias, correction of a paisage of, xvi. 888. 

Fhotiua, notice of Por8on*s, zxviL 356. 

Fbrynichnm Lobeddannm, obserrationes in, xxix. 8. 

Pindar, preface to the Aldme, v. 171. 

Plato, CQQsin'a edition of Proclng on the Parmenides of, xJBd. 10. 971. 

Plato, emendation of the text of, xxx. 304. 

Plato, observations on the PhsBdo of, xxxi. 209. 

Plato, observations on the Scholia of Hermeas on the Phsdms of, xzviii. 79. 

268. zxiz. 169. 273. 
Plato, Creuzer's edition of the commentary of Olympiodorus on the First 

Alcibiades of, xxvii, 39. 
Plato, on the Excerpta from the Scholia of Proclus on the Cmtylus of, xjtx. 3. 

' Plato, Variorum Edition of,' notice of, xxzix, 161. 
Platonic use of acu^uKcir, viii. 276. 

Platonis et Horatii, symbolss critics in qneddam loca, zzvl. 889. 
Platonis Menexeuum, notulae quedam in, xii. 415. 
Plato's Meno, on a geometrical query in, xvii. 171. 
Plauti Comcedis, Bothe, notice of, xxxiv. 74. 
Plutarch, on his character as an historian, xvi. 278. xvii. 102. 
Plutarchum, Archilochi fimgm. ap. xii. 326. 

* Poetas Minores Graeci,' notice of, xii. 410. xiii. 169. 

Foetaram Mmorum, de Fragmentis, xiii. 381. ziv. 286. zv. 210. z?i. 217* 

xvii. 323. 
Poetical metres of the ancients, iii. 79. 
Porsonian Canon examined, zzxi. 176. 
Porson's Canons xxxi. 136. 
Person's derivation of ^h refuted, xxx. 266. 
Porson's Iambics, iii. 232. 293. 
Person's Metrical Canons, xxxii. 308. 

* Propositions, essai sur les,' xxvii. 333. 

* Pmcli, Marini Vita,' notice of, xi. 334. 
'Procli opera,' notice of Cousin's, xxii. 168. 

* Procli scholiis in Cratylum Platonis, excerpta ex,' notice of zzv. 229. 
Proclus, on the commentaries of, xxv. 134. 300. 

* Proclus on the Parmenides of Plato,' notice of Coasin's edition of the first 

two books of, xxiv. 336. 
Prolusio Mercurialis, xvi. 224. 
Pronunciation of Greek, xxxiv. 156. 
Pronunciation of Latin words, v. 91. 
Propertius, on passages in, xiii^ 416. ziv. 216» 
Pross et poeticsB orationis, de differentia dispatatio, xxxvit, 79. 187. 

xxxviii. 33. 
Prosodial power of the ktter ^, iv. 516. 
Prosody of Greek Verse, xii. 208. 
Ptolemy, notice of Bertius's, zzzvi. 1. 

General Index. 371 

Quantity of a final short vowel before a word beginning with- « followed by a 

consonant, i. 71. 283. 
Quantity of ' academia,' xi. 221. 
Quantity of fvv in comic yerse, viii. 20. 

Quisquiliae ; or Miscellaneous thoughts on Classical and other subjects, juuit 15. 
Kecherclies graromaticalea sur lea propositions els et int^, zxviii. 3^3. 
Kecondite meaning of * Ruere/ &c. viii. 128. 
Roman tragedy, some remarks on the value of, xxzi. 70. zxxii. 66. 247. zzziii. 

86. 205. 
Ruhnkeniana opuscula, ii. 618. 

Ruhnkenii celebri quodam reperto literario, de, zzii. 19. 
Sallust, note on, vi. 393. 

Sallustii et Eatropii, codicis manuscripti notitia, z. 144. 
Sallustianarum lectionum excerptarom symbols, zxxiv. 126. 
Sappho, Alcsus, &c., remarks on fragments of, xxiii. 306. . \ 

Sapphic and Alcaic Metres, on the, ziv. 361. it. 105. 221. .zvi.49« 
Sappho emendata, xy. 157. 
Sappho, fragments of, i. 139. 
Schleusner's *■ Opuscula Critica,* notice of, viii. 186. 
Scriptores quosdam yefercs, annotationes et emendationes io, xxziv. 249. 
Senatns-consultum in honor of Germanicus, fragments of a, .zxx?u« 202. 
Senecffi Hippolytum, animadveraiones Justi lipsii in, ▼. 57. 
Senecs opera, Hentleii emendationes ad, xxxvii. 11. 
' Senecae tragcedise/ notice of Bothe's editicm of, zzv. 81. 
Senecam, Bencii prsfeitio in, vi. 139. 
Senecam Tragicum, Variffi Lectiones in, zzz. 174. 
Sextua Pythagoricus, discovery relative to some sentences of, zxi. 266. 
Short syllables, viii. 21. 

Silius Italicus, Bentley's unedited emendations of, iii..381. 
Simonides de C6os, sur, zix. 115. 
Simonidis fragmenta duo emendata, zzii. 338. 
Singular use of the word oyycAoy. 
Sophocles, annotations on the Fhiloctetes of, i. 331. 
Sophocles, Bentley's emendations o£^ ziii. 244. . 
Sophocles corrected and ezplained, iz. 465. 
Sophocles et Theocritus emendati, xzvii. 339. 
Sophocles, notes on the Antigone of, zzxii. 85. 257. xzxiii. 33. 
Sophocles, notes on the (Edipus Rex of, xxziv. 266. xzzv. 85. 229. zzzvi. 49. 
Sophoclis (Edipus, criticism on, vi. 395. 
Sophoclis Antigonam, annotationes in, zvii. 52. 
Sophoclis (Edip. Colon, emendationes in, xxiz. 286. 
' Sophoclis CEdipus Coloneus/ notice of Elmsley's, zxviii. 356. 
' Sophoclis omnia que eztant,' notice of Brunck's, zz. 198. 
Sophoclis vulg. qucdam lectt. defenduntur et explicantur, zziz. 96. 
Strabo, criticism on Falconer's* vi. 45. viL 152. 
Strabo, remarks on, iz. 113. 
Strabo, two letters on the Oxford, vii. 445. 
Strabo, unpublished notes on, zzzL 131. 391. 
Suetonius coUatus cum MSto., iz. 143. 386. 
Suidas, observations on, vii. 456. 
Sylva or Silva ? xzxiii. 30. 309. 
SynUz of Uei, Scito, v. 185. 377. 
lacitum, conjecturain, iz. 162. 

Tacitus, critical remarks on detached passages of, ii. 473. iii. 159. v. 358. 
Tacitus, fontes quos, in tradendis rebus ante se gestis videator sequutus, 

vm. 244. 
' Tacitus, Germany and Agricola of,' notice of, zziz. 84. 
Tacitus illustrated, u. 581. iz. 101. 
Tadtufl, remarks on some passages io, iu. 133. iv. 48. zzziii. 187. 

372 General Index. 

* Tentamen de Metrit/ critical notice of Dr. Bamey'e, ii. 643. 
Tentamen de Poetia Romania Elegiacis, ix. 346. 

Terence, imitations of Menaoder by, zxiz. 67. 

Tbeocriti qusdaro Tuig. lectt. defendantur et ezplicantur, z&ix. 66. 

Theocritus, on a passage of, xviii. 351. 

* Theophrastus, characters of/ notice of, zxiz* 214. 
Tbeophylact, on the Asonas of, vii. 319. ?iii. 90. 
Thucydide (Le) de Duker, £cc., notice of, zzvii. 257. 
Thucydidem, notulae in, xxzv. 233. 

Tbucydides emendatus, zzii. 376. 

Thucydides misquoted in Mitchell's Aristophanes, xziii. 147. 

' Thucydides de Peioponnesiaco,' notice of, zzvi. 318. 

' Tiberius Rhetor de Figuris,* notice of, zii. 198. 

'Tibalius et Lygdarois,' notice of, zi. 369. 

Tiraocreon, translation from, zv. 313* 

' Tragica Graeco-Latina, nova Chrestomathia,' notice of, z. 23. 

Tragicorum Grscorura carmina monoscrophica, commentarius in, vii. 167. 369. 

viii. 141. 
Verboruro deponentium et mediorum, de origine ac vi, zzii. 341. zxiii. 103. 

* Vigor's Greek Idioms, abridged and translated,' notice of, zzz?iii. 321. 
Vindication of J. A. Ernesti, zi. 124. 222. 

Vindicis Antique, zvi. 6. 288. zvii. 114. 330. zviii. 67. 

Virgil, conjectural criticisms on various passages in, vi. 385. vii. 82. z. 291. 

Villi's iEneis, notice of a translation of, zzi. 286. 

* Virgil's Fourdi Eclogue, Illustration of,' notice of, v. 56. 
Virgil's Georgics, First Book, on a passage in, zz. 339. 
Virgil's Georgics, on two passages in, zziv. 425. zzvi. 232. 
Virgil's Georgics, remarks on some passages in, zzzvi. 109. 
Virgil vindicated, viii. 106. 

' Xenophon,' annonce de, zv. 175. 
Xenopbon, on the Hellenica of, zxzv. 296. 
' Xenophontis Economicus, Kusteri,' notice of, vii. 403. 
Xenophontis Memorabilia, animadversiones Ruhnkenii in, iii. 444. 
Xenophontis Memorabilia, Valcknserii annotationes in, iv. 129. 

Classical Telegraph, v. 105. 

Coincidence between the Belts of the Planet Jupiter and the fabulous bond» of 
Jupiter the Demiurgus, zx. 324. 

* Collectanea Graeca Major8>' notice of, zxv. 358. zviii. 1. 

* Collectanea Grsca Minora,' notice of, zxviii. 242. 

' Collectanea Graeca Minora,' on the notes to the, xzvi. 27. 

Concio ad Clerum, z. 43. 

Conformity of the Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit, ix. 219. 529. 

Corfu, ypa^udi h'otpia of, zzv. 127. 

Correspondence, xv. 174. 

Correspondents, notices to, i. 174. 394. ii. 679. iii. 245. 489. iv. 260. 525. v. 

235. 436. vi. *217. 443. vii. 237. 464. viii. 224. 494. ix. 228. 411. x. *191. 

429. zi. 197. 380. zii. 235. 485. xiii. 219. 467. ziv. 224. 395. xv. 188. 386. 

zvi. 203. 404. zvii. 220. 464. zviii. 208. 409. xiz. 200. 376. zz. 224. zxi. 

187. 378. zzii. 200. 484. zxiii. 187. 426. zziv. 196. 446. zzv. 198. 386. 

zzvi. 204. 409. zzvii. 195. 385. zxviii. 191. 382. zziz. 222. 409. zxz. 200. 

429. zzzi. 216.441. zzzii. 192. 388. xzxiii. 199. 359. zzziv. 164. 326. zxxv. 

344. zzzvi. 159. 326. zzzvii. 173. 325. zzzviii. 161. 342. zxxiz. 185. 361. 
Couleii Plantaruro Libri, zzxi. 331. 
Course of studies pursued at Ozford, vi. 305. 

* Course of the Niger,' critical observations on the, xzii. 354. 
Creation, on the, v. 371. 

Cruz Ansata, on the Tau or the, zz. 178. 

CursB posteriores, z. 417. zi. 367. ziv. 357. zv. 361. 

General Index. 373 

Cyrillofl Lucaris, on the Confession of Faith of, zxxiy. 1. 90B, 
Cjrillus Lucaris, Patriarch of Constantinople, some incidents in the life of, xxiii* 
178. xzzvii. 225. 

' Death of Demosthenes,' notice of, zxz. 412. 

* D^coavertes Philologiques/ notice of, xxiii. 211. 
Defence of Public Schools, viii. 187. 

Degrees in the Universities, a dissertation on, ii« 824. 

Deities of Sainothiace, on the, ziv. 69. 

Dempster, sketch of the character of Thomas, xxiii. 119. 

Derivations of English words and phrases from the Spanish and Italian, x* ll6>, 

< Description de la Grece de Paasanias,' notice of, x. 355. 

AiaXoyos Xrepavov rov MeXavos Bi$\ioirw\rj5 kcu ^iKofAaOris, V. 288. 

Dionysiaca, notice of Nonnius's, vii. 354. 

Drama, origin of the, xxi. 230. 

Druids, on the origin of, vii. 173. viii. 225. xi. 1. 

Drummond's * Hcrcalanensia,' critical notice of,,ii. 524. 

Druses' religion, on the founders of the, vii. *213. 

Duport's Greek Prajer Book, xvii. 410. xviii. 101. 

Eastern Antiquities, xx. 352. 

Eastern Bibliography, anecdotes of, xxxri. 90. 

Eastern mode of expressing sentiment by action, iii. 141* 

Ecclesiastical Researches, iv. 35. 

* Edinensi Schola, Ex Tentaminibus Fneronun in,' notice of, vi. 412. 
Egyptian Antiquities, vii. 316* xl. 131. 

Egyptian, Babylonian, and Fersepolitan writing, x2:vii. 329. 
Egyptian embalmers, xviii. 364. 
Egyptian etymology, ix. 153. 

Egyptian idols, on, ix. 559. * 

Egyptian mythology, analysis of, xxyi. 89. 
Egyptian Tomb, Belzoni's, xxxii. 370. 

Egyptians and Chaldeans, on the science of the, xvi. 145. 262. zrii 19. xviii. 1. 
298. xix. 296. xx. 42. xxi. 35. 

* Elements of English Grammar,' notice of, vii. 318. 

Elephant and Sphinx, Schlegel's History of the, xxx. 209. xxxi. 42. 

Elgin Marbles, xiv. 98. 

Elgin Marbles, Professor Beuvens on the, xxviii. 175. 273. 

Embalming among the Egyptians, xxvii. 316. 

Embassies to China, xxx. 1. 

Emerald, on the, iv. 162. 

Emeralds, where found, i. 65. 325. 

English and Swedish languages, similarity between the, xi. 15. 

* English Grammar,' notice of Grant's, x. 174. 
English Liturgy, on the, xix. 178. 

* Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists considered,' notice of, xxii. 82. 
Epic Poetry of the Romans, on the, xxxix. 341. xl. 14. 

' Epigrammata,' notice of, xxxii. 352. 

Epitaphs, on, xiii. 351. 

Epithets in poetical composition, ix. 33. 

* Essay on a Punic Inscription,' notice of Drummond's, iii. 198. 
' Essay on Ancient Coins, Medals, &c.' notice of, xxxviii. 25. 
Etymological disquisitions, ix. 121. xi. 6. 

Etymology, iv. 437. 

Euripides, translation from, xi. 227. 

' Euripides, the Hecuba and Medea of,' notice of, xl. 343. 

European words derived from the Persian, xi. 343. 

Examination for classical medals at Cambridge, xvii. 209. 

Examination for the Cambridge Clasncal Triposes, xj(ix. 19C. 

374 General Index. 

Excursion from Home to Horece'i Sabine Farm, accomit of an, xzx. 216. 

' Excursion to the Mountains of Piedmont,' observations on the, Trriii. ISO. SS8. 

Extract of a letter to M. de Hammer, vii. 162. 

Fables, and the Eastern sciences, xzx. S45. 

Fables of Bidpai, xxviii. 10. 

* Family Classical Library/ notice of, xl. 351. 

' Flavii Merobaudis Carminum Orationiaqoe Reliquise,' notice of, zzziii. 28S. 

Foreign Works, notices of, xxxviii. 117. 324. xxxix. 166. 349. 

Forgeries, account of literary, xvi. 123. 

Formation du Langage, i. 204. 

' Fragmenta Basmurico-Coptica,' notice of, xiii. 61. 

French literature, x. 377. 

Geographical extract from Ben Haukal, unpublished, zxviii. 260. 
Geography of Susiana, observations on the, ix. 440. 
Geometrical Problem, x. 401. 
German and English dialects, affinity of, x. 318. 
Gesner, Letters of Conrad, xxxiii. 1. 
' Gibbon's miscellaneous works,' notice of, xi. 356. 
'Goerres' Sb&hn&meh,' notice of, xzxi. 284. 
Gottingen, account of the library at the University of, xzii. 243. 
Gottingen lectures, ix. 27. 

' Grammar,' observations on that article in Dr. Kees' Cyclopedia, iii. 408. 
' Grammar of the Persian language,' notice of the, rmi. 19. 
Grammar, on, xxxvi. 19. 
' Gray's Works,' notice of, xL 183. 
Grece, Nouvelles litt^raires de la, x. 427. 
Greece, civilization of Modem, xxi. 189. 

Greek and Latin Languages, on the importance of acqnirmg the, xxzi. 218. 
' Greek Classics, School and College,' notice of* xl. 343. 
Greek Epigram, style of the ancient, xv. 212. 
.' Greek Exercises,' notice of,, xxxiv. 309. 
Greek Fathers, remarks on the, ix. 87. 
' Greek Gradus,' notice of the, xxxvi. 303. 
Greek Indexes, on the composition of, xx. 247. 
Greek Letter of Bennet Langton, xv. 375. 
Greek Lexicography, contributions to, zxxiii. 201. 
Greek Literature, viii. 124., 
Greek Ritual xxlv. 28. 

Greek Sapphic Ode, on the composition of, vii. 163. 
Greek Testament, on its use in public schools, vii. 180. 
Greek Translation, ix. 473. 
Greek war song, v. 404. 
Greeks, on the mythology of the, xxiii. 33. 
Greeks, on the theology of the, xxii. 89. 301. 
Griesbach, memoirs of, x.^5. 

Grqtius to Du Maurier on a course of reading, iL 765. 
Grotius to James de Thou on his controversial writings, ii. 770. 
Gwawd lludd y Mawr, xiii. 420. 

Hades, observations on, xxxi. 55. 223. 

Hades of Homer, on the situation of the, xxxix. 80. 

' Hakluy t's Voyages and Travels,' on some passages of, xzv. 89. 

Hales's Chronology, viii. 385. 

Heathen Mythology, origin of the, xxi. 148. 

' Hebrew Grammar, Elements of,' notice of, x. 356. 

Hebrew Grammar, Professor Lee's, xl. 1. 307. 

Hebrew Grammars, ix. 381. 

General Index. 375 

Hebrew Language, analysis of the Rooti and DeriTstives •£ the, ssiir. 200. 

XXXV, 174. 
Hebrew Language, on the vowel points of the, zzxiii* 145« 
Hebrew Language recommended, the atndy of the, xzxv. 980. 
' Hebrew, Latin, and English Dictionary,' notice of, xii. 381. 
Hebrew, motives to the study of, i. 184. 
Hebrew Roots, on the study of the, xxxvii. 134. 
Heerenii dissertatio, zzx. 262. 
Helen, antique representations of, xxxvii. 204. 
Henna, account of the antiquities of, v. 24. 
' Herculanensia,' remarks on the notice of, iii. 113. 
Herculanensian Papyra, xvii. 203. 
Herculaneum, account of, vii. 43. 
Heyne, life of, xix. 136. xz. 17. 
Hibemicum Florilegium, xxiv. 866. 
Hieroglyphic, remarks on a, xxi. 198. 
Hieroglyphicid Language, ii. 549. 

' Hieroglyphical Literature, Discoveries in,' notice of, xixL 106. 
^ Hieroglyphicorum Origo et Natura,' notice of, avi. 313. 
' Hindu Pantheon/ notice of Moor's, vii 307. 
' Histoiie Cbronologique de TArt du Destin,' notice of, xvii. 182. 
^ Histoire de la Mosique, £cc.,' notice of, xxiz. 60. 
History, an Inquiry into the Truth of, xxxviii. 232. xxxix. 20. 317. 
' History of the Refozmation under Heaary VIII.,' notice of, xxziif. 349. 
Homer and Shakspeare, xxxvi. 07. 
' Hors Pelasgics,' notice of, xii. 383. xiv. 36. 
Horsemanship, on ancient^ xxxiv. 206. 
Howling of dogs, v# 73. 
Human character, inquiry into the csusas of the dheraity of the, vi. 83. 248. vii. 

1. ix. 66. X. 237. xii. 41. 263. xiii. 305. 
' Icnocraphie ancienne, on Rocueil de Portraits axtthentiquet/ notice of, vii. 209. 

loENtiTT of New IHum and the Tioy of Homer, xzvii. 1. 

Idolatry, origin, progress, prevalence and decline of, xxi. 320^ xxi?. I. 316. xiiii. 

330. xxiv. 1. 220. xxv. 51. 266. 
' Idyllia Heroica Decern,' notice of, xxvi. 105. 217. xxvii. 312. 
niad, specimens of a modem Greek translation of the, xzviH. 113. 
Illuminated Manuscripts, xxxvi. 278. 
Illustration of St. Oregon's epitaph on St. Basil, ix. 130. 
* Illustrations of Hogarth,' notice of, xxv. 354. 
Imitations of Horace, iv. 97. 
Immortality of the Soul, xsi. 201. xxii. 40. 
Improvisation poetique chex les Anciens, De T, xvi. 357. 
Improvisation poetique, De T, xv. 249. xvi. 96. 
Inscription premiere du Voyage- a I'Oasis de Thebes, xxxii. 358* 
Inscription deuxieme du Voyage a TOasis de Theb^, xxxiii. 53* 
INSCRIPTIONS, miscelUneous, 

Arabic inscription, answer to observations on Ae transladoii of an, xxiii. 371* 

Arabic inscription discovered in the Pyramid of Cephrenes, on the, xxii. 44S. 

' Corpus Inscriptionum Gnecamro,' notice of, xxxvii. 140* xxxix. 123« 114. 

Delian Inscription, i. 94* 

Elean Inscriptions, xi. 34a xiii. 113. xxiv. 401. 

Epitaphium m Athenienses, xiv. 185. 

Greek inscription in a Turkish cemetery, iv. 87. 

Greek inscription on an ancient helmet of brass, on a, xxix. 133. 

Greek inscription on the Roeetta stone, remariu cm, x. 66. 

Greek inscriptions xxv. 192« xx?i. 393. xxx. 124t 

Greek inscriptions ia the Oaaif, xxiii. 156. 365. 


General Index. 

Inflcriptio EUaca explicata, zxii. 352. - 

Inscriptiu Gneca in Insula Chio reperta, i. 117. 

Inscription among the rains of Cyretis, ziv. 339. 

Inscription at Alexandria, remarks on an, zv. 161. 

Inscription at Axom, i. 83. 

Inscription at Beroot, viii. 185. 

Inscription at Damietta, i. 93. 

Inscription at Fenica, v. 395. 

Inscription at Sens, i. 161. 

Inscription discovered at Cyrene, xxxii. 165. 

Inscription found at Ancient Saguntum, ▼. 270. 

Inscription found at Eieusis, ii. 736. 

Inscription found at Lyons, vii. 42. 

Inscription Grecque en Vers, explication d^une, zxii. 289. 

Inscription near the Stadium at Epbesus, iv. 456. 

Inscription on a helmet and cauldron found in the Alpheus, near Olyropia, i. 328. 

Inscription on a monumental urn, iv. 489. 

Inscription on a sarcophagus at Fenica, ii. 557. 

Inscription on a «tone found at Alexandria, ir. 498. 

Inscription on an Ionic Temple, ii. 521. 

Inscription on anionic Temple in Blenheim Gardens, remarks on, ii« 897. 

Inscription on Sir John Moore's monument ix. 179. 

Inscription (m the Tomh of Airian, xvi. 394. 

Inscription over a gate of the Fortress of Amboor in the East Indies, iii. 111. 

Inscription to the memory of Dr. Jowett, ix. 258. 

Inscriptionem Actiacaro, commentatio ad, xvii. 366. 

Inscriptionem Eliacam, animadversiones ad, xx. 285. 

Inscriptiones Graecs Vetustissimae, xxxiii. 322. 

Inscriptions at Alexandria Troas, and at Parchia iv. 406. 

Inscriptions at Barcelona, x. 331. 

Inscriptions at Parchia, in the island of Paros, v. 144. 

Inscriptions at Skripu, xiii. 331. 

Inscriptions found at Ancient Saguntom, ofn the, ii. 657. 907. iii. 63. iv. 263. 
▼i. 153. vii. *226. viu. 31. 

Inscriptions on bricks found on the supposed site of Babel, v. 126. 

Inscriptions on the Greek Theatre at Syracuse, vi. 391. 

Inscriptions r^marqnables, lettres sur des, xiii. 152. 

' Inscriptionum Antiqnarum Sylloge,' notice of, vii. 425. 

Latin Epitaph found in a church in Jersey, iii. 284. * 

Latin LauBcription at Jersey, i. 82^ 

Latin Inscriptions, vi. 203. vii. 141. viii. 139. ix. 132. 

Orchomenian inscription, xvi. 392. 

Phoenician inscriptioQ found in the island of Malta, on a, v. 47. 399. vii. 101. 

Prolusio Epipraphica de Inscriptione Gneca, xxvi. 358. 

Pyramidical Inscription answer to observations on the, xxiv.21. 

Rhodian Inscription, xxx v. 123. 

Rose's ' Ancient Greek Inscriptions,' notice of, xxxiv. 145. 316. xzxvii, 75. 

Tarragona, Roman Inscription at, xvi. 387. 
. Tynan Inscription found at Malta, vL 191. vii. 147. 276. 
< Inquiry concerning the site of Palibothra,' notice of, xvii. 321. 
Invention of printing with moveable types, xxi. 117. 
' Institutes of Christian Perfection,' notice of, xxxiL 288. 
' Irace Persies Descriptio,' notice of, xxxi. 291. 
Itinerary from Tripoli to Barbaiy, xxix. 4. 
Itinerary from Tripoli to Hoosa, xxix. 75. 
Itinerary from Tripoli to.Timbuctoo, xxviii. 193. 
Itinerary of Achmed ben al Hasaen, xxvi. 329. 
Itinerary of El Hage Boubeker.Anzani, notice of, xxvi. 100. 
* Itinerary of the Morea,' notice of, xv. 156. 

General Index. 377 

Jaloff numerals, vr, 521. 

* Jewish. Oriental, and Classical Antiquities/ notice of, zxviii. 288. 
Johnson s Epitaph on Mr. Thrale, remarks on, xii« 6. 
Jones's Persian Grammar, zxzv. 121. 
Josephus, an historian, xvii« 198. 
' Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor,' notice of, ziix. 401. 
' Journal of a Tour in the Levant,' notice of, xx?ii. 146. 
Journey to Persia, iz. 631. 

Junius, extracts from Barker's Letters on the authorship of, izxviii. 151. zxxiz. 

' Labarum ,' essay on the Standard, iv. 223. 

Langue de I'^gypte, recherches critiques sur la^ i. 101. 

Language of Action, vii. 142. 

Language of Eg^pt, vii. 54. 

Language of flowers, fruits, &c., ix. 208. 

Languages, plan for translating, without study, xxvii. 215. 

Larcher's ' La Vie et les Ecrits,' notice of, x. 130k 

Latin colony, proposal for a, xxv. 281. 

Latin epistle to the late Professor Porson, xxv. 157. 

Latin, Greek and Sanscrit, a parallel between, vi. 375. 

Latin letter, v. 125. 

Latin oration spoken at Cambridge, xii. 240. 

Latin poetry of Professors Barrow and Duport, on the, x. 29. 

Latin words, Etymology and Formation of certain classes of, x1. 165. 

Latinisation of names, i. 247. 

Latinity, English, xxvii. 108. 

Laughter not always the effect of joy, ii. 606. 

Laws of Comedy, ii. 484. 

Learning, ancient and modem, on, xi. 229. 

Letter from Professor Boissonade, xxxi. 192. * 

Letter to Simonds D'Ewes, xiv. 55. 

' Letters to a young person m India,' notice of, xxxviii. 12. 

* Levant, Journal of a Tour in the,' notice of, xxvL 82. 
Lexicography, xvii. 411. 

* Lexicon, Greek and English,' notice of, xxviii. 329. 

' Lexicon novum in Novum Testamenturo,' notice of, ix. 923. 

' Lexicon of the Fundamental Words of tlie Greek Language/ notice of, xxziii. 

170. xxxiv. 37. 
Libraries at Leyden, Hanover, Cassel, &c., account of, xxii.^0. 
Library at Vienna, account of, xxiii. 52. 
' Life and Morals of Epicurus,' notice of, xxx. 47. 
' Lindley Murray exammed,' and ' The Essential of English Grammar/ critical 

notice of, i. 254. 
Literary coincidences, xvii. 9. 295. xxxvii. 31 . 
Literary Intelligence, i. 170. 383. ii. 660. 929. iii. 241. 486. iv. 251. 522. v. 

226.431. vi. *213. 456r vii. *229. 469. viii. 219. 454. ix. 225.411. x. 184. 

419. xi. 187. 370. xii. 220. 479. xiii. 202. 449. xiv. 219. 387. xv. 182. 376. 

xvi. 186.400. xvii. 213. 458. xviii. 204. 395. xix«197.366. xx. 211. 396. 

xzi. 166. 372. xxii. 259. 472. xxiii. 185. 410. xxiv. 191. 433. xxv. 193. 381. 

xxvi. 199. 408. xxvu. 190. 384. xxviii. 187. 375. xxix. 216. 407. xxx. 187. 

416. xxxi. 196. 419. xxxii. 180. 378. xxxiii. 188. 851. xxxiv. 157. 327. izxt. 

153. 333. xxxvi. 146. 814. xzxvii. 160. 319. xxxviii. 157. 335. xxxix. 180. 

355. xl. 160. 353. 
Literary labors of Professor Porson, account of, ix. 286. 
Littene quaedam ineditae, xxik. 383. 
Longeyi^ of men of letters, xv. 207. 
Lust Works of Arbtutle, Xenocrates, and Theophiattus, Extracts from the, xl. 


878 General Indea;. 

Ludis privatis ac domesticis Teterum, de, v. 67. 

Luther's letters, on, zxxiv. 139. 

Lycopbron's Cassandra, notice of lli^inMlifion, xiii. 1. ziv. !• 

Macaronica tfkkk^wmf* 959. 

'ilUac ^ikm Mirimit Greeks and Romans, zzze. 186. 

flfamj's edition of Morell's, ' Tbesaunis Prosodiacos,' notice of, ziv. 85. xv. ST; 

Manners of the heroic ages as collected from the Iliad and Odyssey, xziii. 207. 

Manoscripts, classical, biblical, &c., ni. 30ft. viii. 149. 460. iz. 6M. z. 309. zi. 

87. ziv. 103. ZTi. 214. zvii. 183. zviii. 92. 251. 
Manuscrits d'Herculaneum, vii. 272. 
Marathonian Antiquities, iz. 196. 
Martyni Lagonse epistola, ^iii. 128. 
Mathematicians and Medallists, vi. 413. 
Mandarin Tongue at Loo-Choo, xl. 327. 
Medals, Sir William Browne's, zii. 191. 
' Megha duta, or ' Cloud Messenger,' ' notice of, zii. 432. 
Mexican antiquities, on Mr. Bullock's specimens of, zzix. 174. 
Millengen's < Unedited Monuments,' notice of, zznii. 144. zxzr. 97. 
Milton s Latin Poetry, on, iz. 838. 
Milton's Latinity, error in, noticed, vii. 398. 
Milton's Lycidas, on the origin of, zziz. 356. 
Milton's ' Treatise on Christian Doctrine,' notice of, zzzii. 168. 26S. 
Minor Tracts by Bishop Pearson, vii. 86. 356. iz. 197. 206. xii. 1. »ii. 91. Zffi« 

164. 272. 
' Miscellaneous Observations on Authors, Ancient and ModefB,* fenmiks qb, iz. 

Miscellaneous prize poems, viii. 387. ix. 102. zii. 278. zziii. 189. zziv.898. 

zziz. 156. 
Mitford's Observations on the History and Doctrine of Christianity,' ■odce of, 

zxiz. 317. 
' Modem and Ancient Geography,' notice of, viii. 829. 
Modem Greek Proverbs, zvii. 39. 
Modern Greek, specimens of, v. 401. 
Modem words derived from the East, z. 317. 
' Mohammedan History,' notice of, iz. 546. 
Monument of Comosarya xiii. 199. 
Morelli epistola xzvii. 165. 
' Morier's Two Joameys in Persia, &c.' zzzi. 33. 
Mosaic, derivation of the word, viii. 138. 
Mohammedan Invocation, xziz. 316. 
Munich, account of the library at, zztii. 950. 
Murrbine Vasef> ii. 472. 

Museum Criticum, on some remarks in the, zziv. 898. 
Museum in Greece, and Abbe Fourraont, zziz. 881. 

* Mysteres d'Eleusis, essai sur les,' notice of, ziii. 899. ziv. 165. zv. 117. 
Mysteries of Eleusis, on the, zxziz. 382. zl. 56. 263. 

Mythology of the Greeks, zziv. 64. 

' Narratitb of a Journey into Persia,' notice of, zzzii. 81. 

' Narrative of an Ezcnrsion in Piedmont,' notice of, zzz. 152. 

Neero|ogy--G. Pretyman, i. 142.^Professor Scott, iv. 191. v. 221. — ^Dr. Raine, 

vi. 220w->Dr. Vmcent, ziii. 221. ziy. 190.--ReT. Dr. Parr, zzzi. 406. J. H. 

Voss, zzziv. 123. Mr. Fowler Hull, zzzviii. 259. 
Neglected Books, extracts from, zzz. 833. zzziv. 78. zzzvii. 289. zzzviii. 927. 
Nightingale, the Herald of Day, is the, zzvii. 92. xzviii. 184. 848. xziz. 

zzz. 180. 841. 
< Nocm of Night,' Ben JoMon'i, and Virgil illustrated, y. 167. 

* Notitia librorum manu typisve descriptonun,' notice of* zzvli 88. 

General Index. 379 

* Nngae Hebnicas/ notice of, zxziii. 54. 

* .Numismata OrientaUa Illustrata/ notice of, 3tzxiii. 316. 
'HiairinHUical History of the Chinese,' notice of Hager's, i. 47. 
Numismatup^i^y, z. 358. 

Observations on passages JaTwritnt- wid modern anthon, tU. 125. 
' CEdipus Romanus,' notice of, xiz. "823. 

* Olympia,' notice of, xxx. 176. 

Oratio ab Henrico Halford, xxxii. 130. * 

Oratio ad Virum Nobiiissimam, Marchionum de Hiintly, &c. jxv, 126. 

Oratio de constitutione Tragoedianim, ix. 9. 

Oratio de iingos Arabicae antiquitate, praestantia, et utilitate, iv» 320. 

Oratio de publicis Atheniensium moribus, &c. vi. 359. 

Oratio de utilitate Tragoediarum, zii. 340. 

Oratio habita iu Theatro Sheidoniano Oxouiae, z. 183. 

Oratio in iEdibus Carthusianis : Laudes Sattoniae, zzxviii. 303. 

Oratio in solerani inauguratione, &c. xiv. 260. 

Oratio in solemnibus Regni semisscularibus Friderici Augusti, xx. 141. 

Oratio Norvicensis, x. 108. 

Orations spoken at Oxford, in the seventeenth century, viii. 22. 

Oratiuncula Richardi Bentleii, ix, 316. 

Oriental criticism, xxvi. 113. 

Oriental customs illustrative of the Scriptures, xxii. 257. xxiii. 193. xxiv. 67. 

Oriental literature, x. 293. xxiii. 101. xxiv. 181. 391; xxy. 371. xxx. 182. 

Oriental literature, notices of foreign works on, xx. 178. 

Oriental manuscripts, xxxii. 154. 

Oriental manuscripts and antiquities, xxzi. 150. 

Oriental manuscripts in the Library at Munich, remarks on, xiv. 841. 

Oriental publications, notice of two recent, ii. 414. 

Orientalibus scriptoribus, obscrvationes quaedam ad N. T. a, xxvii. 155. 240. 

Origin and progress of language and writing, i. 37. ii. 422. 

« Origin of Pagan idolatry,' notice of, xvii. 1. 

* Origines,* remarks on the, xxxii. 103. xxxiii. 293. 
Ossian's Teroora, critique on, xiv. 269. xvi. 344. 

Ostracismo Atheniensium, dissertatio literaria de, xix. 345. xx. 150. 

Oxford Prize Essay, ii. 439. 681. iii.219. i v. 20. 391. v. 145. vi. 225. xviii. 

320. xix. 90. XX. 327. xxii. 288. xxiv. 93. 197. zxv. 806. xxvi. 137. 280. 

xxxiii. 221. xxxvii. 291. xxxviii. 94. xl. 135. 
Oxford Prize Poems, i. 121. ii. 427. 437. iv. 375. v. 160. vi. 142. 182. viii. 

153. XV. 344. xviii. 26. 96. 100. 391. xix. 216. xxi. 3. 295. xxii. 65. 295. 

xxiii. 89. 197. xxiv. 180. xxv. 379. xxvi. 132. xxvii. 133. 831. 362. xxviii. 

84. xxix. 400. xxx. 172. xxxi. 181. 418. xxxii. 70. xxxv. 145. 309. xxxvii. 

153. 281. 304. 309. xxxviii. 133. 309. xxxix. 159. xl. 112. 116. 

Pagan Trinities, iu. 125. iv. 89. 484. v. 240. 

Palaeographia Assyrio-Persica, xi. 98. 

' Palibothra, Site of the Ancient,' notice of, xxviii. 151. 

Parallel passages from authors ancient and modem, xiii. 165. xxi. 137. xxviii* 

32. 209. xxix. 146. xxx. 288. 
' Parr, Life of,' classical extracts from John8tone*s, xxxix. 221. zl. 83. 241* 
Parriana, xxxviii. 125. 

Parthenon, manuscripts found in the, xxii. 201 . 
Paaigraphy, xvi. 22. ■ ■ . 

' Peintures Antiques de Vases Grecs,' notice of, xxxi. 235. 
'Peintures Antiques et In^dites de Vases Grecs,' notice of, zxix. 118. 
' Penal Code of China,' remarks on Staunton's, ii. 887. 
Perfidy of the Ancients xi. 7. 

Persia, on the materials for a history of ancient, xxviii 312. 
Peimn ingenuity, xxxui. 137. 

380 General Index. 


' Persian language, grammar of the/ notice of, xii. 429. 

' Persian Manuscripts, extracts from, zxziv. 284. xxzvii. 254. 

Persian Od6, v. 203. 

Persian poem, extract from, x. 332. 

Persian poetry, specimens of, vi. 41. 290. ^ii. 131. 

Persian Komances, xxxiv. 136. 

Persian Sonneb, xi. 49. 346. 

Persians, mystical poetry of the, xxi. 1. 

* Peuples du Caucase, &c. dans le dixieme Steele. Par M. D'OhsaoD,' notice of, 

xl. 168. 
Phseaces, on the origin of the, v. 289. 

Philologicai Remarks on Greek, Latin, and Celtic words, xxxviii. 267. 
Phoenician and Punic languages, remarks on, xxxii. 123. 
Phcenician Antiquities xxvi. 381. 
Phoenix, on the, xv. I. xvi. 88. 

Phonetic System of Hieroglyphics, notice of an essay on the, xxxii. 136. 
Plagiarism, defence of, xxvi. 61. 
Plagiarisms of C. J. Blomfield, xxii. 204. xxiv. 402. 
Ploughing by the Romans, different methods of, xxiv. 105. 
Poecilograplua Grseca i^E. 179. 411. x. 176. xi. 187. 
PO£MS, miscellaneous. 

Ad Vesperam v. 224. 

An Ossiani editor habendus est Poeta ? Affirmatur, viii. 391. 

Antrum vocitanum, xxxv. 65. 

Ardentem frigidus ^tnam insiluit, ii. 890. 

Athenarum Panorama, seu Grseciae Veteris encomium, xxvi, 17. 

Bruntonam, in, e Granta exituram, i. 281. 
^ ^^ Calpe obses^a, i. 195. 
"« : ' .. Carmen Seculare, xxv, 120. 

Xpurrov aravpfoffWy €is tuv tov, v. 283. 

Ducis Burdigalensis ortum in, xxiii. 361. 
. . ' ' ^ Effbdiuntur opes, xiii. 395. 

Elegeia scripta de Ponte ad Amicum CantabrigienBium, i. 201. 

Elegiacs lachryms, xx. 1 13. 

Epigram on M. T. Cicero, vii. 42. 

Epigramma in MS. Herculanensi, i. 266. 

Epigrammata, i. 280. vii. 248. xv. 317. 

Epigrammata, epitaphia, variorum, xxv. 110. 

Etona, xi. 33. 

Extemporary Latin Verses, v. 143. 

Fabula Phaedriana, iv. 489. 

Faustam navigationem, xxxii. 377. 

Gray's Elegy, part of, translated into elegiac verse, ii. 675. 

Greek epigram by Tweddell, xiii. 49. 

Greek ode, xxi. 113. 

Greek poem, xv. 179. , 

Greek Sapphic odes, v. 120. xv. 315. 

Grotii carmen, xxvii. 170. 

Gryphiadea, xv. 237. 

Guarreno Hastings, xiii. 177* 

Gulielmi Craven, in obitum, xii. 184. 

Haxmah More, on, i. 120. 

' Herculaneum,' extract from, xi. 43. 

Hesperiae Triumphi, vi. 21. 

Hortus ubi ? vi. 374. 
ii. Houardius carceres invisens, x. 345. 

Inscriptio pro columna Londinensi, ii. 676. 
Insuetis propius adeundi metuB erat, ix. 87. 
Jeu d'esprit, xiv. 356. 


General Index. 381 

KoXoKOTpovfif TO ooyia rov, xxrii. 154. 

Latin poems, iy. 76. v. 104. 406. yii. 30. 65. xt. 86. xvii. 210. xxIt. 3]*. 
xxzvi. 161. 

' lines on the death of the Princess Charlotte,' notice of, zviii. 64. 

Lucretius, from a leaf of, in the library of J. Bryant, v. 174. 

Malignom quemquam Recensoreni, in, ii. 674. 

M aximiliani, in Nuptias, zxxii. 375. 

Mille pericola ssvs orbis, i. 303. 

*0 BouriXtKos*'T/u«s, translation of, iviii. 255* 

Odes in commemoration of the king of Saxenv's jubilee, xix. 77.^82. ' 

Fhilippi de Romanis ode Roma condita, xxxiv. 13. 

Poems by the king of Persia, vii. 379. xix. 358. 

Pbrson's riddles, xxxvii. 286. 

Postumum, carmen ad, xxiii. 26. 

Presentations and congratulatory odes recited at Oxford, xiv. 91. 

Presented to Mr. Elliott at Naples, i. 160. 

Princess Amelia, on the death of the, iii. 194. 

Quicquid delirant Regis, plectuntur Achivi, iii. 217. 

Quo quisque valet suspectos terreat, i. 261« 

Ricardi Porsoni, in obitum, i. 81. 

Serenissimo Arausise et Nassaviae Principi, Gulielmo Frederico, ix. 551 

Sophonisba Masinissae, xxiii. 241. 

Templi Jovi Olympio ab Agrigentinis dicati demolitio, It. 362. 

Templum Vacunae, v. 225. 

Tentamen, xxviii. 849. 

Tribute to the memory of the late Bishop of Durham, xxxiii. 350. 

Unde nisi intus monstratum, v. 410. 

Vale, vii. 414. 

Valentinia, vi. 393. 

Vectis Insula Pulcherrima, xxt. 84. 

Verses on a subscription for the Greeks, xxxiv. 326. 

Villam perelegantem R — H — , Rectoris Ecclesis de Arborfield, Carmen 'E7- 
KOffAioffriKhv in, i. 244. 

Violatis regum sepulcris, de iisdemqne a rege Cbristiaxyugsimo restitutus, xvi. 43«. 

Votum Senile, v. 333. ' 

Walliae principis, ecloga in laudero, xiv. 248. 
Poeseos generibus, de, xxxvi. 282: 
Poetry, lectures' on, xxxiv. 185. 
Polite literature or Belles Lettres of Holland, xx. 308. 
Polyaenus, on a passage of, xx. 370. 
Polyglott Bible, on the new edition of the, xxix. 69. 
Polyglott, observations on the London, ii. 924. 
Polyglott of Paris, xi. 70. 
Pompeii, researches among the ruins of, xv. 320. 
Person vindicated, viii. 88. 
Pbrson's algebraical problem, solution of, v. 411. 
Porson's last illness and death, ii. 730. 
Portland vase, a letter on the, xix. 226. 
Prologues and Epilogies, i. 11. v. 157. vii. 52. viii. 414. xi. 16. xiii. 119. xiv. 

355. XV. 158. XX. yS. xxiii. 86. xxv. 166. xxvii. 161. xxviii. 371. xxx. 

398. xxxiii. 100. xJSv. 313. xxxviii. 318. xl. 348. 
Prophesying, on the liberty of, xxvii. 55. 245. 
Ptolemy, xvii. 820. 

Public schools defended, viii. 187. 441. ix. 1. 

JPuerilia, xxiv. 13. 390. xxv. 11. xxviii. 346. xxxi. 279. xxxii. 176. xxxiv. 14. 
' Pursuits in Greece,' notice of, iv. 244. 
Pyramids of Egypt, xxviii, 46. 295. xxix. 87. 266. xxx. 240. xxxi. 166. 

Rabbinical Fictions and Sea-Monsters, xxxv. 169. 

382 General Index. 

BAcine, critical remarkg on, viii. 350. 

' Recherches g^ographiqnes sar V int^eur de TAfrique Septentriooale,' notice of, 

xxviii. 84. 
Rechercbes Hist. Geogr. et Pbilolog. xvii. 170. 
Reiskii, de ^ita, xxiv. 135. 

Religion and Philosophy of certain writers of antiqaity, xxiL 452. 
Repetition of certain words, viii. 336. 
Report from the Committee of the House of Commons relative to Dr. Bnmey's 

library, xvii. 429. 
' Researches in Greece/ notice of, z. 402. xzi. 270. 
'Researches into the Origin and Affinity of the principal Languages of Asia and 

Europe,' notice of, zxzviii. 165* 
Researches of the German Literati, iii. 348. iv. 139. ▼. 1. vi. 813. vii. 17. 
' Researches on the Tenets and Doctrines of the Jeynes and Boodhists,' notice of, 

xzzvi. 87. 
Resemblance between the English and Italian languages, iz. 117. 
Respect paid to old age by the ancients^ iii. 142. 319. 
' Robertson's Latin Phrase Book,' notice of, xziz. 194. 
' Robinson Crusoeus,' notice of, iz. 622. 
Romaic authors, list of, vi. 122. 
Romaic, on the, vii. 377. 
Royal Society of Literature, zxviii. 95. 
Royal Title of * Rez Britanniarum/ i. 192. 
Ruhnkenii dus epistols inedits, zzz. 262. 
Ruins of Babylon, zii. 287. 

' Sacred and Profane History, connection of,' notice of Russeirs, zl. 122. 

Saladin and Malek Adel, zii. 112. 

' Sanchoniathoi Phoenician Fragments, &c.' notice of Cory's^ zzziz. 250. 

' Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, life of William,' notice of, zziy. 353. zzv. 

Sandy's Travels, reniiarks on, zzviii, 168. 

'Satires of Persius translated into English Verse,' notice of, xzvL 1. 
Scytharum sedibus, de origine priscis, z. 258. 
Sermons, notice of Dr. Vidpy's, iv. 603. 
Seven, on the number, viii. 365. 
Shield of Achilles, vi. 6. viii. 409. 
Shnilarity of Won^p in the Pagan world, ziii. 410. xiv. 350. zv. 88. zvi. 205. 

zviii. 52. 
' Sketches of Persia,' notice of, xxzvii. 1. 
Socrates, on the Demon of, zv. 205. zvi. 160. 

* Songs of Greece from the Romaic tezt,' notice of, zzziii. 246. 

* Sophocles, (Edipus Tyrannus, and Coloneus,' notice of, zl. 343. 
Sophronis Mimorum Fragmenta, iv. 380. 

Sorrento, v. 271. 

* Sortes sanctorum' of the ancient Christians, viii. 9. 

Soul immediately after death, on the state of the, zzii. 141. 261. 

' Sources of Pleasure derived from literary composition,' essays on the, L 225. 

Specimen characteris codicis Ambrosiani, zzvi. 407* 

' St. Quentin's Grammars,' notice of, vii. 148. 

Standard of Taste, i. 267. 274. iL 752. 

Statements of Sir W. Drummond, remarks on some, zii. 256. 

Stephani Thesauri, censura in novam editionem, zviiL 169. 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, xiii. 202. 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, additional list of materials for, z. 413* 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, hints for, vii. 362. 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, letter from Lord Grenville on, ivr5I3. 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, list of materials for the improvement of, z. 194. 

' Stephens' Greek Thesaams/ notice of, xzsiz. 150. 

General IndeH 383 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, on Bl*^ ^ermaan's Renew of the new edition of« 

z^iii. 381. xiz. 103. 
Stephens' Greek Tbe^Mftti, on the critique in the Quarterly Review on» ud. 00. 

zziii. 383. 
Stephens* 0«*e& Tiiesaurus, remarks on, iv. 443. 

SteplwfWg^Greek Thesaurus, reply to the Quarterly Reviewer of, zzii. 285. 
flimotype printing at the Cambridge University Press, xxzii. 12. 
Strada's Contest of the Musician and Nightingale, zvii. 170. 
' Stream of Time,' notice of, iv. 247. 
Studies pursued in the University of Cambridge, zvi. 1. 
Suidas and Hoffmann's Lexicons, iii. 268. 
Symbolical language of ancient art and mythology, xxiii. 1. 225. zxiv. 88. 918. 

XXV. 33. 241. xxvi. 33. 250. xxvii. 68. 
Syriac MSS., remarks on the collation of, xxiii. 245* 

* Ta Tsing Leu Lee,' remarks on, ii. 585. 

Tasso and Homer, coincidences between, xxix, 223. 

' Taxatio Papalis,' notice of, xxxiv. 306. 

Technical Memory, xxix. 340. xxxii. 240. 

Telemachus, notice of a translation of, xxiii. 325. 

Tempo, present state of, xiii. 170. 

Themes, Essays, &c., subjects for, xxxi. 126. 227. 

Themes, subjects for, xxx. 415. 

Theological Works necessary for a young divine, list of, xxvii. 377. 

Theology of the Primitive Greeks, xxxvii. 102. 

* Thesaurus criticus novus,' notice of, viii. 351. 

Thoughts on the perusal of a sermon of the Rev. F. Wrangham*s, iv. 438. 
Thucydidea somnia, xxiii. 341. 
'To run a muck/ illustrated, v. 206. 
'Topography of Athens,' notice of, xxvii. 287. 

* Topography of the Plain of Troy,* remarks on, ix. 605. 

' Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature,' notice of, xxxv. 208. 

Transcript of a letter from Mr. Walckenaer to Mr. B., xxx. 73. 

Translations, suggestions for a history of, vi. 201. 

' Travels in Arabia,' notice of, xxxix. 113. 

'Travels in Asiatic Turkey and Persia,' notice of, i. 221. 

' Travels in Nubia,' on the appendixes to Burkhardt's, xxv. 148. 

'Travels in Persia,' notice of, xxx. 161. 270. 

' Travels of Ibn Batiita,' notice of, xxxix. 300. 

Travels of Two Mahommedans, on the authenticity of, x. 333. 

Triposes, essay on, xiii. 83. 

Troad, examination of opinions respecting tlie, xv. 326. xvi. 57. 

Trojan controversy, remarks on the, xviii. 141. 

Trojan Horse, considered as a proof of a Trojan war, xx. 1. 

Troy, answer to remarks on the topography of, x. 275. 

Troy, on the existence of, v. 14. vi. 25. vii. 105. 

Turkish memoirs of Ewlia Effendi, xxiv. 361. 

Typographical Gazeteer,' notice of, xxxiii. 244. 

Ulysses, on, vii. 40. 

' Universal Lexicon of Learned Men,' notice of, xi. 68. 

Universe, ancient division of the, xxvi. 404. 

Valpt's Etymological Dictionary, xxxvii. 146. 
Vatican at Rome, account of the discoveries in the, xxv. 142. 
Ventis, de, xxxvii. 175. 

Versification, nature and efficacy of ancient and modern, xl. 110. xii. 320. xiii. 
273. xxjd. 04. 880. zxxii. 104. 


384 General Indes. 

Vesta, on the worsMp of, xy. 123. 257. zvi. 821. 

• Vindication of the Master of "Exeter School/ notice of a, ziz. 192* 

* Vint to the Seven Churches of Asia/ notice of, zxxviii. 16. 
Vita S. Antonii, zxxiv. 69. * 
Voltaire's * Thoughts, Remarks, and Obserrations/ notice of, xxxi. S87. 
Vulgate Bible of 1 450—1455, iv. 471. 

Wahabis, account of the, viii. 231. 

"V^ilford's ' Dissertation on Semiramis, &c./ notice of, xxvixi. 153; 

' Wonders of Elora/ notice of, xzxi. 21. 

Worledge's * Gems,' notice of zxzii. 74. 

Wrangham's Translations, selections from, xxxix. 246. 

' Xenophon*s Anabasis,' notice of, xl. 348. 

Yesedis, account of the, vii. 143. 

Zabii, on the ancient, xiii. 284. 

Zend and Pahlavi Languages, xxxix. 16. 

Zodiac of Dendera, on the, xxviii. 59. 225. xxix. 19. 

Zodiacs of Esneh and Dendera, on the antiquity of the, xxiv. 151. 251. xxt. 63. 

Zodiacs of Esneh and Dendera, postscript to the memoir on the antiquity of the» 

XXV. 380. 
Zoroaster, whence several of that name, vii. 220. 





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