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&. ; Shelf 3 


A 3 9015 00393 433 1 


'--4 ^tM, 







Nil'ig B^vg Mowriwv^ pl^ou A [iri 9oiiig. 

Epig. Incert. 


tooke's court, chancery lave; 








Epig. Incert. 


tooke's court, chancery lave; 




Sfo* XXXV. p. 154. 1. 14. read nm 

. 17. for 1, read LXX. 

19. dele Hin 

20. read p1»1 

ib. read IJf, and add MIH 
155. 22- read natfi^at 

35. read Syriace 
* penult, read Doederlein. 

No* XXXVI. p. 380, Instead of ** e^^yatriy pro ep^yri, gushed 
'lead, ippiyadiv pro kp^ayritxav 8. ippayey, gushed. 





A R^FLir to the Quarterly Rsview on dbe N^w Tmns- 
lation of the Bible from the Original Hebrew. By J. 
Bellamy. (Concluded.) •-•••••• •^••••••••«. i 

Loci quidam LtGiANi^ emendati atque explanati; a Joanne 
SXAOER^A. B. No. XI. .••^•^••.^...^... *-•••.•.• ^ 

Of the Ignorance of the most celebrated Moderns re- 
lative to the Philosophy of Aristotle. (Concluded.) SI 

Stanleii Nota qusedam in Callimachum. No. iv* 50 

Observations on some Orations ascribed to Cicero* 
No. T. ....^....- ^••..•^. ••••... 55 

Hypotheses of Mr* Bryant and Mr. Faber reconciled 65 

Odes by Professors Hermann andBoTTicsR, in comme- 
moration of die King of Saxony's Jubilee^ Sept. 1818 77 

NoT« et Cura? sequentes in Arati Diosemea^ a Th. 
FoRSTER, F.L.S. No. IV. .••••••-..••••-•• •■«' ••-••• 84 

Oxford Priae Essay for 1818* Biography 90 

Observations on Professor Hermann's Review of the 
New Edition of Stephens's Greek Thesaurus. 
(Concluded.) .^ . . • .^ . •••_•_•• '.•••l^rirrr ^0* 




Sur SiMpNiDBS de C6o8 ••*•••••« ..i 115 

De Carminibus Aristophanis Commentarius ; auctore 
G. B. Pars VII 125 

Cambridge Triposes, as connected with the lighter His- 
tory and with the Literature of that University]* ••••••••• 131 

Lifeof Heyne. Parti. ...•.••♦ 156 

EmendaUones Bentle-ii in OviDiUM •• — •• 168 

The English Liturgy : illustrated by its Version into the 
Latin snd Greek Languages ••••••« •.• • • 178 

Notice of A Second Memoir on Babylon, by C. J. 
Rich, Esq.— • • • • ...••••.# ^ h, ^ . • • • 179 

Notice of >' An TAR, a Bedoueen Romance," translated from 
the Ajrabic, by T» Hamilton, Esq. •.••...... 182 

Adversaria Litbraria. No. xix.*-^Fragment of a 
Poem on the Actian War, copied from a MS. taken 
from Herculaneum ; supposed to be written by C. Ra- 
birius— Remarks on two passages of Sophocles, Ed. 
Br. — Politiani Carmen-— M. S. Viri multis nominibus di- 
lecti desideratique ; Frank Sayers, M. D. — Aiithologiae 
ante Jacobsium ineditae epigrammata tria correcta-*Scali- 
ger de Accentibus^^In quendam parvnm et macileatum. 185 

Noticeof a Vinbication of the Master of Exeter 
School •• •.••• ••• •••• 192 

Literary Intelligence •••••-••• ••••••••• • • • • 197 

Notes to Correspondents ••••f •»«*••••#•••• ••• ^200 


Dissertatioa on St. Paul's Voyage from Caesarea to Puteoli ; 
on the wiod Eurociydon ; and on the Apostle's Shipwreck 

on the island Melite: \With a plate.'] ••••••••• 201 

Oxford PriEe Poem : — Fis Magnetica. •••••• •••••••••^ 2l6 ,.t 

Letters on the ancient British Language of Cornwall. 2£1 

A Letter on the Portland Vasb ...^.• — .226 

A Second Reply to the. Further Remarks in the Quar- 
terly Review, No. xzxviii. on the New Trans- 
LATioN of the Bible. ••«•••••••»-•••••••••••«••••••• 233 

Emendationes Bentleii in OviDiUM. Pars II 258 

Notice of "E^tnulAOt MHJEIA. Euripidis Medea. 
In usumstodiossejuventutisrecensuitetillustravit Petrus 

Elmsley, A.M •••••••••••••••••••■ 267 

Notice of Academic Errors ; or Recollections of Youth. 
By a member of the University of Cambridge. • • • 290 

: * . 




On the- Science of ihe Egyptians and Chaldeans. 

No. VI. •••.••••••<- ••••••••••••••••••••. 296 

De Carminibus Aristophanis CommeDtaiTus. Auct. 

G. B. Pars viii 315 

Baby lon ..^••••. ....••..• 321 

Notice of the CEdip us Rom anus. •• • 323 

Miscellanea Classica. No. vi • 325 

An Essay on Moods. Part i. By the Rev. Dr. Neilson, 

Professor in Belfast College. • • v^ • • • • ••••••••• 336 

Dissertatio Literaria de Ostracismo Atheniensium. 

Pars I. ••• ••••••••••.•••».• •«.• 345 

Poem by the King of Persia. .••••*.•... 358 

Adversaria Literaria. No. xx.-r-On the utility and 

the propriety of studying the Classical Writers in public 

^v Schools.-^Updii the Persba of the Ancients. — On the 

' philosophical meaning of the words |3io^, xnn/iiJiM, evipyiif^at, 

and aia^rifiM. — On Mr. Bellamy's Translation nf the latter 

part of the 9th and 19th chapt^is of Genesis. — Palindrome. 359 

Literary Intelligence. ••••••••••••••••• •./•^•« 366 

Notes to Correspondents. ••••••• ;••••••••••••#•• 376 



MARCH, 1819. 


To the Quarterly Review on the New Translation of 
the Bible from the Original Hebrew. By J. BEL- 

No. U.-^Continued from No. XXXVI. p. 231.] 

Xhere is no difficulty in the application of this word Q13f gnaa*- 
ram, when '' the nicety of construction/' which this gentleinan 
talks about, is understood. The difference of the application de- 
pends on die difference of the orthography, or, if this extraordinary 
Hebraist will again allow me, '' the nicety of construction ;" for, 
throughout the Scripture, when this word is written with the ^ vau, 
or in its absence, with the vowel holem, pronounced gnaarom; 
it uniformly signifies naked. Job i. 21 — xxiv. 7^ 10 — xxvi. 6 — 
Eccl. V. 15 — Isa. XX. 2, 3, 4, 58 — Amos ii. l6., as in the 
received translation. But when the root of this word is applied 
by the sacrjed writers to mesm prudent, subtle ^ crafty, it is not 
written with the holem, or the o, but with the shurik, or the long 
u. Gen. iii. It— Prov. xii. l6, 23 — xiii.1.6.— xiv. 8 — xxii. 3 — 
xxvii. 12 — xiv. 1.5— Job v. 12 — xv. 5 — Prov. xiv. 18., anomii pro- 
nounced gnaaruum. Therefore the passages in Job i. 21 — ^xxiv. 
7 — Isaiah xx. 2. are perfectly right as they stand in the received 
translation: there would have been no necessity for the advq** 
GATE for received errors to ask, ''What would be the sense of 
these passages, if prudent were substituted for naked T^ had be 

understood '' the niceties of construction" between DIV gnaarom^ 

*' naked," and UD)^ gnaaruum, " subtle or prudent.*' Examples 

of this description^ where an alteration is produced by the intro-. 


2 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

Auction of u instead of o, are to be found even in our language ; 
fas in tlie word poor, with the w, is pour^fooly foul, &c. From 
which it will appear to the learned reader, that the advocate has 
yet to learn even the rudiments of the Hebrew lan^uage^ though 
he has presumed to represent himself as detply learned in '^ the 
peculiarities of idiom and the niceties of construction." But, as I 
have observed, he is not alone : many there are, and he is one-^ 
desiring to be a teacher of the law, understanding neither what he 
^aysy nor whereof he affirms. 

What now becomes of the ostentatious conclusion of this gen- 
tleman's note, where he says, '^ It were endtew to recite passages 
of this description, in which the undoubted sense of the word is 
^ naked,' and in which it would be in contradiction to all sense, as 
well as in opposition to all authority, to give it the sense of ' pru- 
dent,' which Mr. Bellamy has the confidence to say it cannot 
bear r" Let the learned and the impartial reader determine. 

It is therefore undeniably evident, that this important passage in 
the original Hebrew has no reference whatever to the bodily na- 
kedness of our first parents, because the viox^U^t^HSf gnaaruumimy 
which the translators have rendered naked, never means nakedness 
of the whole body : but throughout the Scriptures it signifies, even 
in the received translation, wisdom, prudence ; to be wise in heart : 
^* I wisdom dwell with prudence."—** The wise in heart shall be 
called prudent.'^Prov. xvi. 21.—" Wisdom applied to practice- 
Practically wise." Johnson. The passage is truly rendered/ 
** Thus they were prudent for they had not shamed themselves," 
or, " they had not made themselves ashamed." 

On the passage Gen. vi. 6. the critic indulges bis spleen to 
an excess. The version reads, " It repented the Lord that he 
had made man on the earth, and it grievt^ him at his heart." 
I have shown that the word QHT yinaachem, never means to 
repent tiiroughout the Scripture ; that in nearly seventy places it is 
Tendered to be comforted, satisfied, according to idiom ; and that 
where it is translated repent, it is improperly translated. I do not,, 
as this '^ perverter" of my words says, ** quietly allow sixty pas- 
sages ^lH^ere this word is translated repent, ^^ to be right. 

But 1 am told, that I " spend much time in going through all 
diese texts, and attempting to show tlmt, in each, the word comfort 
should be substituted for repent** He affirms, " We need not say 
that his labor is unsuccessful, unless indeed the success he aims at 
be to discredit the Bible by making it unintelligible. For instance, 
1 Sam. kv. 29- * The Strength of Israel will not lie, nor repent.' 
How absurd must it be to say, ' The Strength of Israel will not lie^ 
nor be comforted ?' " But the Critic has been too hasty in his 
conclusion, as usual ; if he had had patience to examine the nar- 

on Mr. Bellamy's Trnnslation of the Bible. d 

rative, he might have been convinced that there is no absurdity 
in the New Translation. God had declared to Samuel that Saill 
should cease to i*eign^ and therefore to this part of the text ti^^ 
says, The Strength of Israel will not lie. But if the following 
clause were to be reiidered nor repent^ it would be a repetitifon 6i 
the preceding one : that is^ if he had repented, as he had dieclkred 
that Saul should no longer reign, it would have involved him intht; 
first ; for to repent would have been to have acted contrary to the 
first declaration; and therefore it would otily have been a repeti^ 
tion. This gentleman forgets that Saul had now repented, but 
Samuel informs him, that' the Strength of Israel xeould not be satis^ 
Jied by his repentance. Surely there is no absurdity in ' this, it 
being the literal meaning of the word 0113^ yiunachem, in every 
part of Scripture in the- common version ; except, as observed^ 
where the translators have improperly rendered it repent. Nei* 
tfaer is there any absurdity in Job xlii. 6. If he abhorred himself 
on account of his sin,, he necessarily repented ; therefore^, if 
VIDTO nichamti, were translated I repent, it would amount to si 
repetition. Here again this hasty writer forgets, that Job at this 
period, while he was in this abject state, received consolation from 
God ; who had comforted him while he sat in dust and ashes. 
So much for this sagacious gentleman's grammatical knowledge of 
the Hebrew in question. Now for a specimen of hi^ logic : 
*^ When he (God) is said to have repented, it is not meant in a 
human sense, that he felt sorrow for what lie had done ; but Only 
that he changed his outward conduct towards^ men, in consequence 
of their altered behaviour towards him^" But in such case God 
is subject to change, and ta change as often as men ** alter theif 
behaviour toward him." Then it follows^ that man can cause 
God to change his. mind^ whenever it shall please him to cbmimit 
sin. It is however said, ** I am the Lord: I change not.'* Mai. 
iii. fi. If the reader do not say that this is a suinmary of unintel* 
ligible doctrine which nearly borders on blasphi^my, I shairbe 
mistaken ; for it amounts to nothing more nor less than this-^th^ 
word repent does not always mean repent. Tlie New Trinsldtiort 
silences the objections which have for ages been advanced against 
N this scripture as it stands in the received version ; without having 
recourse to the absurd conclusion of this critic, tirat the c6m* 
mpH received sensf of words may cease to convey tlieir customary 
sensed It is not common sense to suppose, that such ah unscrij^^ 
^ural notion was ever in the contemplation of the sacred writer. 

• ' I 

.^^-1^— —**>—*—<—♦*— I—— I m il I aiiiii <• 

' Vide Johnson. 


4 -4 Reply to the Quarterly Review 

■ I shall end my remark on this part, by giving the crude state^^ 
ment of this writer. He says, " Now, in a literal sense, Co attri- 
bute satisfaction to the Deity, is as inconsistent with the per-^ 
fection of his nature, as to ascribe to him any other passion or 
feeJiug/' Surely he has never considered the obvious meaning 
of words, or he would not say that satisfaction is a passion* 
This word means the foial end — where there is no desire — com-* 
plete fulness— a state of perfect petice—rest—tran^uilliii/ : a 
state incapable of any passion, of any addition, of any diminution s 
therefore truly applicable to the unchangeable Jehovah. Mai. 
lii. 6. " I am the Lord ; I change not " And thus the first 
article of the church of England, with tuv utmost propriety^ 
describes God as being without passions; because he necessa^ 
rily is in that eternal state of tranquil satisfaction. But repen- 
tance is a passion ; and if the passion of repentance were to be 
applied to God^ as repentance is to think on any thing past with 
sorrow, it would affect the majesty of God— it is altogether inappli- 
cable to the Divine Being, Thus by attributing the passion of re- 
pentance to the nnchangeablejehovah— the imperfection of man to 
the great fount of infinite perfection ; this writer declares himself to 
be in direct opposition to that luminous article of the church, 
which so truly declares God to be without passions, in a state of 
invariable tranquillity and peace, " With whom there is no varia- 
bleness, neither shadow of turning,'' Jam. i. 17. 

But he says, '^ He (Bellamy) is so profoundly ignorant of the 
plainest forms of speech, as not to know that the impersonal ex* 
pression, ' it repented the Lord ^— it grieved him,! is merely ano- 
iber mode of saying ' the Lord repented — he grieved or was 
grieved.' " 1 would ask the candid and the learned reader, as 
there is no authority for the " impersonal expression," ** it re- 
pented the Lord — it grieved him," in the Hebrew ; to whom is 
the abusive term " profoundly ignorant," applicable ? to this abu- 
sive reviewer, who is not capable of informing his readers that 
neither the neuter pronoun it, nor the third person singular him, 
occur in these words in the Hebrew — or to ignorant Bellamy, who 
translates the words as they stand in the Hebrew, literally i This 
writer may talk about '^ the peculiarities of idiom, and the nice-* 
ties of construction," and that my knowledge of Hebrew *' con- 
sists in little more tlian the more ordinary and obvious rules 
of grammar;" but before a person presumes to talk in this 
affected style of deep learning in Hebrew, he surely ought to un- 
derstand his Hebrew grammar. It does not however appear that 
he possease^ >u!^">>»<^tw«l-4tBO%iJedge in Hebrew, or he 

would r ^4 ,pei^n singular preter of the 

verb, liijl with the neuter pronoun it, 

art Mr. Beltam^f's Translation of the. Bible. S 

and the pronoun of tlie third person singular him, 1 shall have 
occasion to show the public some of his '^ niceties of constnie- 
tion" in Hebrew^ when I come to say a few words on Gen. ii. 25. 
And lastly/ I would ask this captious writer, what absurdity 
there is in the l^ew Translation of Jer. xviii. 8. i If the reader 
turns to ch. vi. page 39^ on the note Jer. xviii. 8^ he will find that 
this writer has given a ftilse quotation. 1 have not translated it, / 
will be comforted, as he has the confidence to declare I have ; but 
according to the idiom of the verb, I have translated the 'W6rd^ 
Then I will be satisfied. I forbear to make any remarks on mis-, 
representation ; he is now before a tribunal, the public^ who love 
the truth, and who will not fait to reprobate an attack conducted 
with so much virulence, erroneous quotation^ and falsehood. The 
case will be precisely the same in all the texts where the translators 
have erred, in using the word repent — for the word On^* yinr 
aachem, embraces no other meaning than comfinrt, or satisfy, 
throughout the Scripturq. From which it is evident that Ihe. asser- 
tion of this unguarded writer that this word bears the sense of 
repent, is contradicted by the impossibility of the thing as applied 
to God ; by the translation of the very sai^ie word, both conso- 
nants and vowels, Gen. xxxviii. 12. '^ And he (Judah) was com- 
forted, or satisfied." See also 2 Sam, xii. 24. '^ And David com-' 
forted." Gen. xxiv. 67. "And Isaac was comforted." Ch- U 
21. '^ And be comforted tliem." Now as it is not said that Judah 
repentedf that David repented, that Joseph repented, when he eon- 
soled his brethren, that Isaac repented, or that the friends of' Job 
repented, when they comforted him— so neither can it be said that 
God repented that he had made nian. i 

This caviller says, '^ But to proceed to Mr. Bellamy a proof 
of error. Let it be remembered, that in support of the received 
sense, there is the same concurrence of all authorities ancient 
and modem, which we alleged in the former instance ; . that 
the Septuagint version, the Syriac, the Targum, the SamarU 
tan, the Arabic, the Vulgate, besides every known comm£»tator 
and interpreter, ancient and modern, are all in . perfect agreement^ 
all opposed to Mr. Bellamy." And yet every intelligent .reader 
will leadily allow that, notwithstanding the concurring testimony of 
all these <' authorities ancient and modern," the translationa I have 
so given are iperfectly right, arid sanctioned by the Hebrew. jUet 
^the public judge how far this writer deserves credit,^ where he says, 
p. 253, *' The principles of its grammar and construction have 
been explored." It is obvious diat those who '^ explored" it^ 
like this pretender to Hebrew criticism^. did not understand the 
gnuninar of the language, admitting they bad the Hebrew Bibl^ 
b^fethen. i 

6 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

This A Dvoc ATE for received errors proceeds ; " The second word, 
which Mr. Bellamy affirms to have been wholly misunderstood, is 
^^IXrn^ yithgnatseeb, usually translated * he grieved himself/ but 
which^ ashe maintains, signifies ^ he idolised himself/ He might as 
well assume any other meaning." I must here again show, that when 
tlie caviller is determined to carry bis argument, he does not hesi* 
tate to coin a word, where it neither is to be found in the Hebrew, 
nor m the common version. But I have not said that the word 
SHOf^'* yithgnaUeeb is translated he grieved himself , in this pas- 
sage^ Gen. vi. 6*. Yet the reader may suppose by this representa- 
tion", that I have so stated the common version. I have said that 
th6 translators have rendered it, <^ and it grieved him ;" and Uiat, as 
there is no pronoun of the third person, him, in the word, it 
cannot be so translated. 1 have also said, it is in the Hithpael 
Reflective) conjugation, consequently it cannot be said, either as it 
respects God or man, that '^ it grieved him at his heart." He 
proceeds: ^^ Mr. Bellamy however is a contemner of all ordinary 
authorities; w« will therefore bring against him one which we 
know to be paramount with hipi; we mean that of Mr. John 
Bellamy. The word 2'^ gnat$eeb, occurs in H!ithpael only onc6 
ia the Bible, besides in the passage before us, viz. Gen. xxxiv. 7. 
and there he translates it in the very sense which,- in the present 
text, he rejects as improper. The sons of Jacob came from the 
field^^and the men grieved themselves I^^Tl^ yithgnatseebou. 
Either Mr. Bellamy is right in rejecting the received sense of the 
wok"d; or he is wrong. If right, why does he not reject it uniform- 
ly f If wrongs why does he reject it at all f What can be consi* 
dered certain in language, if such arbitrary assumptions are allow- 
ed P pnd above all, what is to be thought of a man who thus adopts 
in one page, what he rejects as inadmissible in another V Here 
are four questions in about as many lines; I will reply to 
all of them. It is not true that I ^^ reject all authorities :" 1 reject 
alt such authorities as are not consistent with the Hebrew text, but 
ik^vere all such authorities as agree with it; Z have therefore 
referred to Bochart, Buxtorf, Calmet, Lightfoot, Sec. And among 
the string of authorities referred to by this intemperate writer,! 
feject the most ancient of them, even the LXX, when it stands 
opposed to the Hebrew.; and he also acknowledges that it is 
imperfect. . And in . doing this 1 have the sanction of Origeii, 
Jerome, Usher, Wall, and other learned men who have critically 
^xtmined it. • 

. I will BOW examine the authority which the advocate brings 

2|aiii8t me, which' he states to be Mr. J. Bellamy against Mr. J. 
ellamy^ ' -He refers to Gen. xxxiv.. f^ where he says, ^^ 1 
translate this word in the very sense which^ in the present text^ I 

Oft Mr. Bellamy's Translation of the Bible, f 

reject m improper/' In (he first plac^e, thb is not the same word ; 
. — and secoQdly> though it be in the Hithpael^ or reflective oooji»- 
gatiofi, it does not foUoMr that the same radical foim of the word 
shouM always have the same mode of expression^ because the co»- 
atruction and idiom vary the expression ; yet it will always partdie 
of the meaning of the root, either in a nearer or in a remote degree. 
As Ml £ Sam. xvi« 19. idiW eftnebvd^ '^ should I serve,*' is prcH 
perly rendered, Jer, ii. W. " I will transgr ess/'—- *1D*lp kidmou^ 
Psal. Ixviji. 25. " went before,"-*-i8 in Isa, xxi^ 14. *^ they pre* 
vented/'— 41ltfpn kikshah, '' would hardly let us go/' £xod. xiii. 
45.-^is in I Kings xii. 4. " grievous," &c. 

So OTP, which, as a noim, means bread, because the consecratecl 
l>read was not cut, but> broken mth the teeth ; so as a verb it is api» 
plied to Jigkiingf becausb a sword is as the teeth. And thus it k 
applied as a verb, to fight. 2 Sam. xii. 27- / have fought. And so 
ior other words^ This is the same in all languages ; and, to coBr 
vince the reader, 1 will ref^ him to words in our language. The 
letters p-^r form the fx>ot of & word; but, according to its ortbo* 
gra{4iy, it has d^rent modes of expression, viz, poor, pare, peer, 
pure, pier, pore ; — again, the letters s — t, set, sit, sat, sot.; or the 
letters p^n, pen, pin, pun, and the like. Thus, according to ortbo^ 
graphical arrangement, it is the same in Hebrew, with this difiiei^ 
ence, that the sense, though remote, is afiways derived from, and 
contiequently connected with the root. In the passage under Mh 
view in Gen. vi. 6. the word 2S0fIV^ yithgnatseeb, is thus written^ 
and it is thus erroneously translated, ^' and it grieved him :" but 
there is no authority either for the neuter pronoun it, or the pro- 
Aioun of the third person him, therefore cannot posaibly be tran^ 
lated, '^ and it grieved him/' 

But if the word grieved were to be retained, the word '2^T^ 
should be rendered; ^' he grieved himself.'^ But the word, ch. 
xxxiv. rendered, ** were grieved," di£fers in its application* accord- 
ing to idiom ; and consequefitly varies the mode of expression. It 
is ibus erroneously translated, ^' were grieved;" the verb is in Hitb- 
pael, or the reflective conjugation, viz. ^^ they grieved themselvea :" 
lor there is neither authority nor necessity for die verb toere. 
This is the reason why I reject the authorilieq which this advo- 
cate mentions, because they do not agree with the Hebrew ; and 
f hey attribute those imperfections to God, which are only ap{^ 
inaiite io man. But what is worse, they represent the Fountain of 
infinite Wisdom, wlio, as his great name TVP^ Jehovah, declavca, 
•Gomprebendstfae past, the present, and the future, as doing 
ftt one time, what he repents of at another, and dius that itgriemd 
Mm Kit his heart: by which he is brought to a level with mm, wlm 
lfl»owan«li»^ay whatdiaUbe ti^mocrow. . . 

,8 A Replt/ to the Qtiarterly Review 

' This word is applied by the sacred writers to idols, and to idola- 
trous vorship, in a primary sense ; and in a secondary sense, 
according to idiom and orthography^ to a grievous state of 
mindy principally in consequence of having departed from the 
worship of God to that of idols; because instead of succour, the 
•worship of idols always brought grief and distress to the worship- 
pers. V The passages where the radical ■ word in various fbrms is 
.applied agreeably to the secondary sense to grieve^ are many, 
1 Uhron. iv. Q. — Isa. xiv. 3. — Prov. x. IS, &c. and where, ac- 
cording to the primary sense, it is applied to idols, and idolatrous 
worship. Isa. xlviii. 5. '' mine idol." Jer. xxii. 28. " idols."— 
Hos. iv. 17. — ^Jer. xliv. IQ. " to worship her." Here then is the 
reason why I do not reject the word uniformly. The language 
can be considered as certain without any '^ arbitrary assumptions/' 
because the application, as well as the orthography, varies the 
mode of expression. I leave the unprejudiced public to. deter- 
mine, whether I have merited his application at the conclusion of 
his paragraph, where he says, ^' What is to be thought of a man 
who thus adopts in one page, what he rejects as inadmissible in 
another," This gentleman, as I shall show below, pays no atten- 
tion to the application and orthography of the language, though he 
attempts to talk learnedly about the '' peculiarities of idiom, and 
the niceties of construction." Now as it is evident, from what 
has been said above concerning the y/orAs repentance Bnd satis-- 
faction, that repentance is a passion, and therefore cannot be 
applied to God, because he is without passion, and that as satis* 
faction is not a passion, and is with the utmost propriety applied 
to God: so neither can grie/)^ which is a passion, and applicable 
only to man who is imperfect, be in any sense whatever applied to 
him who alone is perfect, and consequently without passion, 
. This writer says, ^' We have, perhaps, said enough of Mr. 
Bdlamy's discoveries respecting the meaning of Scripture. At 
■the risk, however, of being tedious, we will advert, as briefly as 
we can, to another instance. It is a received part of scriptural 
history, Gen. xxii. 2. that the Almighty proved the faith and obe- 
dience of the patriarch Abraham, by commanding him to sacrifice 
the child of his hopes; that the patriarch prepared to obey the di^ 
vine -command, and that in consequence of his ready obedience, the 
great promise was made to him, that in his seed all the fanulies 
'.(nations) of the earth should be blessed." But I positively deny 
lliat ^' in consequence of his ready obedience [to this command- 
inenfj.the great promise was made to him, that in his seed all the 
lunilies of the earth should be blessed." '^ W^^ have, perhaps, said 
•enough of Mir. fiellamy's discoveries^' says the Advocate: 
the reader will see that ihere ia no small degrve of presumptoooa 

on Mr, Bellamy^s Translation of the Bible. ; 9 

ostentation in this remark. The learned and the impartial reader 
.will determine, whether such presumption do not ariiie from its 
offspring, ignorance. This promise was made at a prior period^ 
when Abraham was 99 years old, 40 years before this transaction, 
when the messengers' were sent to destroy the cities of the plain, ch. 
xviii. 18. And in verse 19* of the same chapter it is said, '^ For I 
know him that he will command his children and his household 
after him, and they shall keep the way of the Lord ; that the Lord 
may bring upon Abraham that which he hath spoken of him." 
There was, therefore, no necessity for God to tempt Abraham, in 
order to see whether or not he would be obedient to his command. 
Abraham was now far advanced in life, and it was necessary that 
Isaac should be fully instructed in the representative worship con- 
cerniug the coming of the Messiah, and acknowledged by the great 
congregation at S^m, as the presumptive representative, or type 
of the Messiah. Abraham was therefore commanded to take him 
to mount Moriah (where the temple of Solomon was afterwards 
built), for that purpose. 

. I have said in my note on this passage, that ^' our first inquiry 
will be concerning the true translation and application of the word 
VvJ^ hagnaleehou, which in the common version is rendered, 
'' and offer him up.'^ This verb is in the Hiphil conjugation, 
which means to cause the thing to be done. It is used in the fol- 
lowing sense, Exod. viii.^5. ''and cause to ascend." — Numb. xx. 5. 
i* have ye made us to ascend."— Cb. xx. 5. — £zek. xxiv. 8. " that 
it might cause to ascend.*' — Amos, iv. 10. '' and I have made to 

The word iT)3f is rendered properly by " burnt-oflFering," but 
the ^ prefixed, requires the same rendering, as in Gen. iii. 21. viz; 
to, or concerning. The clause will then literally read agreeably to 
the original, and in perfect conformity with the divine denunciations 
concerning human sacrifice ; thus : '' And bring him to ;!' — or, 
'' cause him to ascend tQ, for," or '^ concerning an offering." 

This writer says, *^ Now let us consider with what palpable 
inconsistencies this new interpretation invests the whole narration 
It is first stated that God tempted or proved Abraham, which ma« 
nifestlj implies that some signal trial of his obedience was to fol- 
low. Then, according to Mr. Bellamy, there merely ensues a 
command of the plainest kind, and one which involves no trial, viz; 
to go with bis son, and ofier sacrifice on a particular mountain.? 

I know it is said in the. common version that '' God tempted 
Abraham :" but / have not said that " God tempted Abraham J' 
I have shoivn that this translation cannot be admitted^ without 
involving the Scriptures in palpable contradiction : had the authors 
of the common version translated from the Hebrew^ and bad ihey 

10 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

noticed wbat the Apostle says, they must have given die word TWi, 
mssachy which they have rendered ** did tempt,'' its radical mean- 
ing. Tiie Apostle says, '^ neither tempteth.he any man." Jam. i. IS. 
"Or proved Abraham/' says the Advocate. In future I, 
bope lie will learn to state the difference between tempt and prove. 
To tempt ^ according to our best writers, and according to its 
acknowledged sense, means to solicit to ill — to entice by present* 
tng some pleasure or gratification to the mind. But to proves 
means to evince, to show by argument or testimony — ^to experience. 
(Johnson.) Thus God prov^, showed, evinced to Abraham, the 
necessity of taking Isaac to the mount Moriah, for him to be in- 
structed concerning the burnt- offering as representative of the Mes- 
siah. Therefore the words proved Abraham, do not '^ imply that 
•some signal trial of his obedience was to follow," as this writer 
says they do. I know, as well as he can tell me, that if the com- 
mon translation could be admitted, this would be the case ; 
but, as I have shown iu the most satis^ctory manner, that is, agree- 
ably to the positive declaration of Scripture, '^ God doth not tempt 
aaj man :" nothing therefore could possibly come from God as a 
command by way of temptation, for Abraham to offer up his son 
for a burnt-offering. 

But the great question is, How icame any part of the command- 
ment to be so misunderstood by Abraham ? If the reader attends 
to the history, he will find it was the constant and universal belief 
of thie church, to the time of Abraham, that agreeably to the an- 
cient promise, a person was to appear, who was to restore man to 
the state of happiness and peace, which was enjoyed in the para* 
disaical state ; that is, a state in which sacrifices were unnecessary ; 
who was to show man a new and living way, an inward sacrifice 
by the nlence of all ftesh. Zach. ii. 13. i. e. the evil propensities, 
which in a state of nature oppose the divine commands. Now 
concerning the coming of this person, Abraham had been preaching 
for more than half a century ; he was fully instructed and believed 
that this person was to be offered up as a sacrifice ; and when he 
WAS informed by the divine communication from above the cheru- 
bim, diat Isaac was the person in whom *^ all the nations of the 
earth were to be blessed ;" — and that the covenant was to be esta- 
blished with Isaac, ch. xvii. 19. and also believing, as the Apostle 
plainly says, that God would raise him from the <kad, Heb. xi. 19* 
he concluded that Isaac was to be the sacrifice, er in other words 
the Messiah; and yet that he should not lose him, but that God 
wcKild exert his power in his immediate resurrection. 

Bot though God, knowing all things, could need no proof 
respecting the faith of Abraham, the mistake into which be ¥ras 
fKvmitted for a short period to fall, was well calculated to esta-< 

on Mr. BeHamy's Translatiofi of the Bible. H 

blish the veracity of Abraham in respect to« the faith H^hicb he 
preached concerning the Messiah, who was to abolish all sacri^ 
fices. I say, to prove to the congregation at Salem his faith ^ for 
what greater proof could they receive of his fixed belief that the 
Messiah should not see corruption, than the readiness he manifest-* 
ed to offer Isaac up as the great sacrifice f And in this view, whicK 
the passage comprehends, the faith of Abraham was proved before, 
and for theconfirmation of the church, ^]ow it is not strange^ as 
it may appear to some, that Abraham, under a belief that Isaac was 
the Messiah, should have taken the words, '^ cause him to ascend,*' as 
having reference to the offering t/p, as we have it in the commoo 
version, of the Messiah ; for the words which, in reference to sacri- 
fice, are usually translated ^' offer up,'' are literally in the Hebrew^ 
''cause to ascend.'' Now, though the 'common reader may not 
know the fact so well as our learned Critic, '^ the peculiarities 
of idiom, and niceties of construction are such/' even i^ all lan^ 
guages, that a misapprehension on the part of the hearer or reader, 
will often create an ambiguity, where there would otherwise be 
none-^and this was the case with respect to the father of the faith- 
ful— a man too well instructed respecting the euormity of human 
sacrifices ; but who, at the same time, knew, though he mistook 
the period of completion, that in his posterity all the nations of the 
earth were to be blessed. 

The Critic says to my translation of this word ) ** But, says 
Mr. Bellamy, Wilh legnolahy means, concerning a bumt-offerifig. 
To this we answer, to give the preposition the sense of concerning 
is very unusual, if at all admissible." From this remark, I am 
convinced, were this gentleman to bave a Hebrew Bible put into 
his hand, that he eould not read a single verse grammatically ; his 
Hebrew is only retailed from my translation, or he might have 
satisfied himself that the preposition 7 ^mec/, n[ieanso^,or concerning, 
very frequently in Scripture. See Numb. viii. ^0. — 1 Sam. xvii* 
22* — Isa. V.20. — Gen. xx. IS. offS^c. 

Again, the advocate says, ** We answer further that we can 
produce a competent authority, — no less in fact than his own, td 
convince him that the received translation is right; For in the 
same chapter, the very same words occur; and how does he 
translate them ? Not according to4iis new discovery, but exactly as 
they have been rendered by others, and as they are rendered in our 
received version. We have thus another unequivocal proof that 
Mr. Bellamy does not himself believe what he asserts respecting 
the error in the received translation ; for in the space of eleven 
verses, he adopts that as right which he had before condelnned as 
wrong*" I do not know what this gentleman will make of me 
at last; he here labors to make me a most profound violator 

12 A Reply to the Quart erlif Review 

of truth ; for if I do not believe what I have asserted respect- 
ing the error of the received translation, 1 should consider that 
I had committed the greatest sin that man can commit, a sin which 
cannot be forgiven, viz. contradict the inspiration of the sacred 
Scripture. I am also branded by this intemperate writer, with 
" effrontery, ignorance, inconsistency, incapacity." We shall see 
in the sequel to whom these opprobrious terms are applicable. 
. What ! " convince me from my own authority that my transla- 
tion^' of this passage^ is contrary to the express command of God ! 
which he must do if he could convince me that this passage in 
the received translation is right. Has he never heard of the 
f' niceties of construction,'^ and " peculiarities of idiom ?" Yes, 
indeed, he makes free with these learned terms, because he pre- 
sumes to think that few of his contemporaries at Cambridge are 
acquainted with the Hebrew language — ^he is however mistaken 
!n this also : and would have us to understand that he is perfectly 
acquainted with the meaning and application of these terms of 
Hebrew learning. He should have known, that, according to the 
^' niceties of construction," the 7 takes a variety of prepositions 
in our language. See Gen. xxiv. 54. unto. — Chap. xiv. 19* of^ 
— Numb..xvi. 24. from. — 1 Kings, vi. 22. by. — Prov. ix. 14. at. 
— £xod. xiii..7. t&ith. — Lev. v. 5. against, &c. 8cc. &c. But thisf 
angry, and therefore hasty, writer, appears to be altogether unac- 
quainted with the ^' niceties of construction," of which he assumes 
to talk so learnedly. Instead of this, therefore, being as he says, 
^^ another unequivocal proof that Mr. Bellamy does not himself 
believe what he asserts reffpecting the error of the received transla- 
tion ;" it is a manifest proof of this person's critical incapacity to 
translate a sii^le verse of the original Hebrew Bible. 
• The Any OQ ATE for the errors in • the common version, 
further observes, *' How infinitely inferior is a translation of this 
hard and dry ns^ture, to . that in use, where there is such an accom- 
modation to the native idion), as to make the language easy and 
intelligible, and yet no essential departure from the original." I 
have ^iven evident proof of the most '' essential departure from 
the original ;" and 1 will now, by contrasting a few passages, give 
the reader the means of determining, whether my antagonist be 
justified in calling my translation 'f liard and dry," 


Geti. i. i. In the beginning In the beginning God created 

God created the heaven and the the substance of the heaven and' 

earth. the substance of the earth. 

^i^n Mr. Bellamy's Transldtion of the Bible. 13 

^ My objector says, '^ the substance of, Mr. Bellamy conceives, 
he says, to be the meaning of the word J1K fM, which pi:ecedes 
t}%t&^n hadiowiaayim^ and Y^IMH ha arets^ the heaven ahd the 
earth. Now it is the. opinion of Hebraists of the first autho- 
rity, that /YK etky preceding a noun after an active verb, is merely 
the mark . of the accusative case." I know it has been so said by 
those who read Hebrew by the help of a lexicon; but no critic 
in Hebrew will say so{ it is not the mark of any case, and this 
gentleman is constrained to allow that Parkhurst [»- Of the same 
opinion. ..But I have a higlier authority than that of Parkhurst, or 
any critic. I have said that if DH eth be a sign of the accusative 
case^ it must here haye two signs ; as D^lt^ JIK eth ha&hamaayim, 
which I render '' the substance of the heaven," presents both 
T\tk eth and il ha : thus either the /YK eth, or the n ha, must in 
«uch case be imnecessary. See note on Gen. i. 1 . 

He adds, V^ It is true that Parkhurst: considers ilM to mean 
the very substance of a thing, the, the very ; but allowing him to 
be right, the proper translation would 1>e, the very heaven, and the 
very «arth." I reply, undoubtedly it would, if we could descend to 
mak-e nonsense of it| as the Critic has done to suit his purpose. 
Why not use the word substance, instead of very^ as this is the 
word which Parkhurst says embraces the meaning of JIM eth ? 
And he is supported in this opinion by all critics in Hebrew, l^fais 
writer is perhaps not aware> that by rejecting the word ilM eth, 
he is establishing the doctrine of the. eternity of matter. We 
have often been asked by infidels : *' From whence came the 
matter out of which God created tlie heaven and the earth ^ for 
no mention is made in any of the common versions in the first 
verse concerning the origin of matter." I have shown that tlie 
ilM eth, cojxipreheuds every thing in itself, descriptive of the thing 
to which it is applied ; and here it is applied to the substance out 
of which God created the heaven and the earth. It is the same 
as the Alpha and Omega of the Greek, the u^kyi xoc) rixos ; and in 
this sense the Redeemer. applies it to himself. But this gentleman 
is really so defective in the original Hebrew, and so eager to 
find fault with every thing in my translation, that tliongh i have 
said repe9tedly> wherever our idiom will allow of the translation 
of T)^ eth, it always elucidates the subject, yet he has either not 
read what I have said, or if he has read it, be is not willing to 
acknowledge it. He may take which he pleases, both are against 
him. His remark, therefore, '* That 1 translate it in the first 
verse, and leave it out in some others," fails iq producing a con- 
viction that I have not b^en consistent; .unless he can show, that, 
where I dp, not translate^ tlie idiom of our language would .faav# 
flowed it to be translated. . 

14 A Reply to the Quarttrhf Review 

*^ I¥dm these examples/' says my assailant^ ^ ail concurring in 
a tidgle chapter ^^ our readers will be sufficientfy enabled to appre^ 
eiiite Mr. Bellamy's pretensions to an improved translation of the 
Bible." From these' e^taropleSi however, made by this intern^ 
perate writer, the public '' will be sufficiently enabled to appre- 
ciate his pretensions" to give a true estimate of my translation* 
To the Hebrew scholar it will be evident that he is altogether 
destitute of those qualifications which are absolutely necessary for 
Hebrew criticism ; and to those who d6 not understand Hebrew, 
I have as clearly shown, and 1 pledge myself to show more fully 
and decidedly in the course of my work^ that the reoeived version 
Was not translated from the Hebrew only ; and if my limits 
Would allow it, I could here refer to hundreds of passages, which were 
translated neither from the Hebrew nor the Greek ; and that all his 
boasting affirmations concerning the few passages he has pretended 
to exiAmine> unfairly preparing the mind of the reader by his pre- 
tension to ^* the peculiarities of idiom and the niceties of construo^ 
tion," are groundless. 

This writer refers to what I have said concerning words printed 
in italics in the received tmnslation, and says, "^ We alluded to his 
assertions respecting the Words inserted in italic, as interpolations 
which obscure the senise, make the Bible speak what it never did 
speak, &c. As this is a matter of importance, we will trace these 
italics through a considerable part of the first chapter of Genesis ; 
it will then appear that Mr. Bellstmy himself has for the most part 
inserted the very same words \rhich the authorised translators have 
done." But he should have known that the verb in all such pas-* 
sages is understood i I have therefore not marked it in italics, for 
words necessary to the* sense are always comprehended in the ori- 
ginffl, which shows that all italics are not improper. Biit the 
italics I refer to, '* which obscure the sense, and make the Bible 
speak what it never did speak," are of another description. See 
where, in the following passages, the received translation reads 
better without the italics. Gen. i. l6— ch; ii. SO. ** I have given," 
thfe terb occurs in the preceding verse— ch. xiii. 9— ch. xvii. l6— 
ch. xxviii. 46— Exod. xxvii. lO^-Numb. ix. 2^— Deut xxiv. 14^ 
— xxvi. 14-^xxvii. 5—2 Kings x. 04. &c^ &c. At ver. 30; " I 
have given every green herb for meat;" this contender says, 
'' Here, in consequence of the distance of the verb * I have given,* 
ver» 29i from the words which it governs, ' evei*y gUBen herb,' the 
translators have not left ' it to be understood^ but most properly 
have supplied it for the sake of clearness. Mr. Bellamy on the 
contrary has not supplied it, and has left the sense perfectly unin- 
telligible, for h^ has placed a full stop at the end of ver. 29^." I 
have surely left out these three words^ for no other reason than that 

on Mr. Bellamy's Translatian of the BUde. 15 

thej are not authorised by the Hebrew : and as to leaving *^ (be 
sense perfectly unintelligible/' let the reader judge whether or not 
he can understan4 it^ Here follow the two verses : ^' Moreover, 
God said^ Behold, I have given to you (Adam and Evo) even every 
lierb bearing seed, which is upon the face of all the earth ; and 
every tree, in which is the fruit of a tree, yielding seed : to you it> 
shall be for food. And to every beast of the earth, also to every 
^bird of the heaven, yea to all moving on the earth, in which is the 
soul of life; even every green herb, for food: and it was so.'' 
Surely it liiust be evident that there was no necessity to mend the 
passage by interpolating the words, '^ 1 have given." The sense 
is perfectly intelligible : I will be bold enough to say, that a 
school-boy who can read his Bible will understand it perfectly, 

** But Mr. Bellamy," says this gentleman, '' plumes himself on 
his attention to punctuation. ^ I have paid,' he says, (Introd. p. xi«) 
^ plarticular attention to the punctuation. In the common version, 
we frequently find it so neglected that the first proposition i9 
made to run into the second, the second into the third, by which 
the true senile is not known; I have therefore closely adhered to 
the Hebrew punctuation, which will be found to add great light 
to numbers of passages hitherto obscure.' " He proceeds, " W>e 
will give a few specimens of his skill in this, department. The 
ibilowittg passages are pointed exactly as they are in his. book." 

Gen. i. 1. 'Mn the beginning God created, the substance of the 
heaven." The reader may soon satisfy himself that this is an 
inaccuracy ; for at the word heaven 1 have put a commas but this 
"writer has put a period, 

Ver. 10. *^ And God called, the dry land, earth." 1 liave put 
a semi-colon at earth ; but be says, *^ here follows a specimen of 
my skill," and he puts a period at earth. 

ii. 10. "And a river went forth from Eden; to water the 
garden :" I have varied here also from the pointing in the received 
translation, but the reader will remember that I have said, '^I have 
closely adhered to the Hebrew punctuation," and the reason why 
I have done this is, that, by the Hebrew punctuation, the minor 
and the major propositions are accurately divided. By this gen- 
tleman's mode of reasoning, however, I see he is altogether a 
stranger to minor : and major propositions in Hebrew ; so that 
** the peculiarities of idiom and niceties of construction," afford 
him no assistance. But he says, '* These specimens, and similar 
ones, pervade the whole work.'^ Not these specimens ; for these 
specimens are not to be found in my work, but in the unfair re* 
presentation of this interesteil writer. Again, ^' We know not that 
io any book of any .kind :" '^ any book," comprehends a ** book 
4^ any kind*'' 1 tnentioa tins to show^ that this gentleman doe» 

16 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

not always write accurately. He liowever allows, p« 278, *' thai 
die tmouators have neglected punctuation." But with regard to 
punctuation, though in some instances important, it is of the least 
weight ; it does not interfere here with, the translation. 

" We know not/' says he, " that in any book of any kind, we 
ever saw a system of punctuation so decidedly absurd." lie 
should have qualified this by saying, *' according to his opiniop.^^ 
This. dogmatism puts me in mind of the Pythian goddess, beyond,, 
whose decisions there was no appeal. I will venture to say, and 
dare this gentleman to a public trial, that, with all his knowledge of 
punctuation, he is not capable of taking an unpointed chapter in 
the English Bible, and of pointing it, as it should be, according to 
the minor and major propositions in each verse in Hebrew ; no, 
nor as it is pointed in the common version : and that if a number 
of persons were to make the experiment, they would all disagree ; 
such is the random method of this gentleman's punctuation. Now^ 
if this be the case at present, notwithstanding our advancement in- 
learning, what must it have been 200 years ago, when the present 
Bible was revised i But self-defence, we are told, is the first law 
of nature ; this gentleman's own Bible is the common version. 
But if a thousand persons were to take each the «ame chapter 
unpointed^ and were to point it acconiing to the minor and major 
propositions, and the branches of those propositions, as pointed in 
the Hebrew, they would all agree. 

But 'he says, '^ We beg our readers not to believe that he (Bel- 
lamy) has followed, as he asserts, the Hebrew punctuation. His 
system, we can assure them, is entirely his own." I pledge myself 
to show that J. have paid particular attention to the punctua« 
tion, and that 1 have been always guided. in my translation by the 
Hebrew, in the major and. minor propositions in every verse^ It 
is rather singular, however, that this inconsistent writer should 
aUow, in p. 278, ^' that the translators have neglected the punc- 
tuation." If 80) surely the word of God ought to be put into the 
hand of the people properly pointed. This, of itself, is a strong 
argument in favor of a revision of the scriptures. 

Ver. 6. The very same word Vfl vihi, which I have rendered 
in the 3d verse^ Be, viz. Be light ; and on which account this 
gentleman says, *' We have seldom met with a remark founded on 
more consummate ignorancev He does not seem to know that 
the word let, is auxiliary in the form of the third person impera- 
tive ; he renders, be, be it :" but there is no neuter in Hebrew ; and 
as I considered it the duty of a translator to be faithful, 1 have 
therefore rendered the word as. the sacred writer has written it, in 
the simple, but nipst expressive imperative, Be. And 1 appetd to 
every man of judgment, as there is lio authority for the word let, 

o;i Mf. Bellamy's Translction ofihe^Bible. I? 

3«Fhether this be not the most correct, as well as the most consistent 
^ith the awful fiat of the Almighty, *^ He spake, and it was 

. Ver. 10. The Re?iewer objects to my translation of WX^ TVIpU? 
iemikveh hamat/im, i. e. *' the conflux of the waters/* The word 
mpD^ Iemikveh, is one^ which means an assemblage, or conflux ; 
anH not two, viz. the gathering together, as in the common version ; 
it is an obvious repetition, for the '* gathering of the waters'* must 
necessarily be " the gathering together of the waters." And yet, 
though this is literally opposed to the original, this gentleman had 
said, that it " is much more simple and agreeable to the original." 

Ver. 1 1 . '^ The earth shall germinate grass." On this the critic 
bbsei*ves, " To say nothing of Mr. Bellamy's not knowing a 
neuter verb from an active, how much more simple is our version, 
' The earth shall bring forth grass V " But this is a quotation 
nearly from my translation, not from the received translation. I 
have translated, '^ the earth shall germinate grass ;" but the re- 
ceived translation, ^' let the earth bring forth grass." The reader will 
observe, that he here prefers my rejection of let, though he has 
not had the candor to say so. He adds, *' We seldom ha^e 
met with a remark founded on more consummate ignorance." 
Had he not here approved it, he would have given the quotation 
from the received translation. So much for the Advocate's 
remark on the auxiliary let. I leave the impartial, disinterested, 
and temperate reader, to apply the unchristian words ^'con- 
summate ignorance." The word Nttnil tadshee, is rendered " bring 
forth :" as the word is simple, I thought it more consistent with 
the original, not to render it as a compound word ; the sacred 
writer having set me the example. 

^ Fruit yielding seed with its fruit in it." The tritic says, '' In 
the last words is a positive error, for he has whoUy omitted the 
relative pronoun ^V^ esher, in the expression 12 IJ^It llC^h^." This 
is a *' positive error," for I have translated it. The word ^tWi 
esher, embraces the meaning of with, as will be evident to this 
gentleman if he will turn to his '* peculiarities of idiom and nice- 
ties of construction ;" for the following word lUfHi zargno, has the 
pronoun of the third person mascuhne singular, which literally 
reads '* his seed ;" and this clause reads, according to the Hebrew, 
*^ with his seed in him." But as our language has a neuter, and 
as we apply it to all things inanimate, I have accommodated it to 
the English idiom, as it is in the common translation. By thus 
rendering the word Hit^i^ esher, by with, as its obvious meaning in 
tliis clause, we avoid the interpolation of the third person singular 
«• Where then is the " positive error ?" or how is it that he who 
charges me with being " a daring perverter of the truth," has the 

VOL. XIX. CLJl. NO-X7L:s?^NW ^ 

18 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

confidence to say th^t I have '^ wholly omitted the relative pronoun 
HiDl^ esherT' Here^ I repeat, I have another opportunity — (but 
indeed the opportunities are so numerous^ that I cannot open a 
jingle page where they do not occur) of referring this gentleman 
to his '^ peculiarities of idiom and niceties of construction ;" for 
he either does not know, or is not willing to acknowledge, which 
is more blameable, that the word Htt^M esher, according to ^^ the 
peculiarities of idiom and niceties of construction/' embraces the 
sense of twenty-two words, conjunctions and pronoun relatives, in 
the English language. He further says, '^ Mr. Bellamy has made 
a similar mistake at ver. 12." The reader may easily see to whom 
the word mistake is applicable. 

Ver 20. '^ The water shall bring forth abundantly the soul of 
life.'* The erudite critic says, *^ Had Mr. Bellamy endeavoured 
to translate the verse into nonsense, he could not have succeeded 
better than he has done. The words TVtl ttf93 nephesh chayah, 
which he renders ^ the soul of life,' evidently mean ' the living 
creature, the creature, or the moving creature that hath life,' as 
our translation gives it." But I beg that be will not be so hasty ; 
it is easy to use die word >^ nonsense," but we shall find that 1 
have translated literally according to the Hebrew, .and that the 
received translation is incorrect, as well as this writer. 

The word TTtl chat/ah, rendered " living," is not a. participle 
active, but a substantive. See Gen. xviii. 14. ■' to the time of 
life ;" but to say, ^^ to the time of living," agreeably to this gen^ 
tieman's reasoning, would indeed be '' nonsense." 2 Kings iv. 16, 
17. ; the words therefore under consideration cannot be translated 
*^ living creature." That any objection could possibly be made to 
UfQi nephesh, as signifying '^ soul," is equally astonishing. But 
the reader will see through all this ; for this liberal and disin- 
terested reviewer and biblical editor is, on this as on other occa- 
sions, merely laboring in his vocation, and of course must defend 
the common translation, even where it is defective in mood, tense, 
person, &c. : all must be made to appear right, and as perfect as 
the Hebrew : Uke the council of Trent, who declared the Vulgate 
to be as pure as the Hebrew, and thus sealed it with their infalli^ 
bility, although it has so many marks of human fallibility. See 
the learned Bates, Integ. Heb. Text. 

The words tVh \ffSi nephesh chayahj cannot possibly have any 
other rendering than '^ soul of life," and not the '^ moving creature 
that hath life." Had I given such a translation of these two word^i^ 
as this, 1 should have said, Surely this gentleman is justified in 
saying, '^ Had Mr. B. endeavdured to translate the verse into 
nonsense, he could not have succeeded better tban he has done.'* 
Did this writer never hear of a certain description of oien called 

on Mr. Bellamy^s Translation of the Bible. 1^ 

ififidelsy who have often brought forward this verse, to show, a9 
they term it^ the disordered state of the Bible i who have often 
told us, that '^ this could not be written by any one who knew 
how to write P" and the reason they assign is, that '^ the sacred 
writer could not say, ' the moving creature that hath life / because 
It is evident that all creatures capable oif moving must necessarilj^ 
have life." 

I'he words rPTT tf93 nephesh chayah, have by the English trans^ 
lators been rendered ^ moving creature ;'' but if so, then the 
words, ** that hath life/' are an interpolation. But that the reader 
may be certain that these wofda mean ^^ soul of life/' I refer him 
to the following passages where the word U^J nephesh, is uniformly 
rendered " soul/' in constrtictibn with iTTT chayah, *' life," Gem 
xl. 15, 18, 22, 25, 26, 27^Exod. i. 5— Josh. x. 29— 1 Sam. xxv. 
29— Ezek. xxii. 25. &c. And this is the translation which the 
most approved lexicographers have given to these two words. 

I have translated, ver. 51 . ^* Thus God provided for all that he 
had made." This translation has been approved by some of 
the first Hebrew scholars in this country. But with this gentle^ 
man, all must be condemned ; for he says, *' Here is a needless 
departure from the original, which simply says, '' God saza* all 
that he had made." The first thing that led me to suppose that 
an improper word had been chosen, was the expression '^ God 
saw all that he had made :" this, I concluded, could not be 
doubted ; he who made all things, must necessarily see all things* 
And then turning to the statement of the sacred writer in the two 
preceding verses, I found that, " God having given every herb 
bearing seed which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree 
in the which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed — to every beast of 
the earth, and to every fowl of the air, and to every thing that 
creepeth upon the earth, for food /' that God having thus provided 
for all that he had made, I found that the verb l^TI, rendered in 
the common version, *' and he (God) saw," required to be ex- 
pressed in conformity with the preceding passages. I have there- 
fore translated it as the same word is translated in Deut. xxxiii. 21^ 
*' And he provided the third part for himself." Here is the self- 
same word, both consonants and vowels, necessarily translated 
by the word provided ; it is a remote sense of the wore} to see, 
for a person must see before he provides : and it is in perfect 
conformity with the provision which God had made for man 
and for every living creature. The reader will be disgusted witt 
the fiilse. statement of this writef, when he reads his unjustifiable 
declaration concerning my translation of this passage, viz. ''Herb 
is a needless departure from the original." It is, 1 grant, a de- 
parture from the common version, but not a departure froKxsL^^^ 

20 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

otiginaL If be mean the common version^ the common v^rsioO 
ig not the original — If he mean the original^ he has not acquainted 
himself with '^ the peculiarities of idiom and the niceties of con- 
struction^" or he would not have said, that the translation of ^^^ 
was ^' a departure from the original." 

I have said that this gentleman^ because I introduce the objec- 
tions of mfidels with a design of silencing such objections^ almost 
puts me do^n as an infidel^ sayings ^ Language like this naturally 
Lads to a suspicion^ that the writer is secretly endeavouring to 
•erve the cause of infidelity^ and to undermine as much as possible 
the credit of the Bible." He very consistently proceeds to say^ 
'' As far as outward professions go^ he appears to be a believer in 
its divine original." I ask the unprejudiced reader, was ever such 
incongruity crammed into the pages of any reputable {leview i 

In the close of this angry writer's remarks, 'he returns to the 
temptation of Abraham ; I naturally expected he had done widi 
that subject : however I must endeavour to follow him. He 
MSLys, *' On Abraham's temptation, Mr. Bellamy observes, f it 
appears by the common version that all the natbns of the earth 
were to be blessed, because Abraham had hearkened to the voice 
of God. But as this is contrary both to scripture and reason, it 
will also appear plain that the translation of this clause is not coo^ 
fiistent with the original. We cannot hesitate in concluding that 
.the happiness or blessing of any nation, or individual, never de- 

£ ended on the obedience of Abraham ; viz. because he had 
earkened to the voice of God/ " 
" Now it is well known," says the critic, '' to every reader of scrip- 
ture,that the blessing to be conferred on all nations was never under- 
stood to depend on Abraham's ol)ediei|ce or disobedience. The pro- 
mise of a Redeemer had been made in express terms long before." I 
am happy to find that this was so well known, as this gentleman 
says it was ; but I will venture to say, if he will try the experi- 
ment, that ninety-nine out of a hundred will understand it accord- 
.ing to the common version, that ^' all the nations of the earth" 
were to be blessed in the posterity of Abraham, because he had 
hearkened to the voice of God. But why did not this reviewer 
inform his readers, that this verse was improperly translated, that 
the word 1D*)3Jin hithbaarachou, rendered '^ shall be blessed," 
should be translated as it is in Jer. iv. 2. *' they shall bless them- 
selves :" as. it is in the Hidipael conjugation. Not that they 
were to be blessed because Abraham had hearkened to the voice 
of God, but that they were to bless themselves in his posterity, 
because the Messiah was to appear in it. 

'I'lie form of blessing the people before the time of Moses, was 
in the name Hlt^ /K El Shaddai, yrhich is rendered in our com- 

on Mr. Bellamys Translation of the Bible. 21 

mon version, God Almighty. But from this period the form 
of blessing was in the name TTinV Jehovah. See Numb. vi. 
24, 25, 2,6. because this renewal of the dispensation under 
Moses was to be the last renewal before the appearance of the 
Messiah, siccording to the words of Moses, Deut. xviii. 15. *^ The 
Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a prophet from the midst 
of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me, unto him shall ye hearken :*■ 
when all sacrifices were to be abolished, and when the divine com- 
munication from God by his word, was to be the same as it was 
in the beginning. This was the reason why the apostolic church 
adopted the doxology ; used every Sabbath-day, but not under- 
stood, and of which 1 am not ashamed to acknowledge I have 
been as ignorant as other people ; viz. " As it was in the begin- 
ning," (the divine communication without sacrifice) ** is now, and 
ever shall be, world without end :" showing the permanency of 
the Christian church. And therefore the form of blessing was to 
be in the name tVHV Jehovah, which word in its literal form 
comprehends the past, the present, and the future : the whole reve- 
lation of God to man. By the posterity of the woman — the Shiloh 
of Jacob — the Lord of David— the Redeemer of Israel — the Laniib 
of God — the Lion of Judah — and the Saviour of men. 

The Advocate then, in a vein of triumph, which he would 
have the reader conclude is the re^jult of profound learning and 
deep research, says, " We do not think that we should have 
bestowed so much notice upon Mr. Bellamy, if the subject in 
which he engaged had been merely literary.'* From what I haVe 
said in these pages, the reader will be able to determine on the 
merit of the lofty claims of this angry and interested writer, Tvho 
says, '^ We might then have suffered him to enjoy tranquilly a 
character for superior erudition ;" who, although he has adorned 
his article with the high-sounding terms, '' peculiarities of idiom^ 
and niceties of construction ;" is wholly unacquainted with them, 
ad I have shown. 

" We now," says this gentleman, '^ take our leave of Mr. B. 
with a hope that we shall never have to attend to him again on 
an]^ similar occasion." lliis learned dealer in '^ peculiarities of 
idiom," either thinks very highly of his own powers, or misunder- 
stands the meaning of the word *^ hope." A man may wish any 
thing iu spite of reason ; but no man of sense, ever '* hopes" 
without a reason. I have no doubt that our learned critic earnestly 
wishes never to see another part of Bellamy's translation from the 
original Hebrew— all who are interested in publishing Bibles will 
j(Mn him in his wishes ; but I tell him for his consolation, that if 
ht feel so inclined, [ shall furnish him with another opportunity to 

32 A Reply to the Quarterly Review 

attend me in a few weeks, by laying before the public the Books 
of Exodus and Leviticus. 

Having now answered aU the objections which this prejudiced 
and interested ^^ perverter of truth" has brought against my trans- 
lalion, having shown that he is destitute of those qualifications 
which are absolutely requisite for a critic in Hebrew ; and that he 
is wholly de6cient in that peculiar kind of idiosyncrasy which all 
the grammatical knowledge of the Hebrew cannot supply, 1 think 
it proper to say^ that, however he, or anv other interested or preju- 
diced writer, may be disposed to. quarrel with the following books, 
by selecting a few detached passages ; I do not mean to lose any 
more time in polemical controversy. ^11 the objections to my 
translation have hitherto been made by interested men, who have 
presumed on a lexicon knowledge of Hebrew, by which I mean, a 
reference to the root of a word, without attending to the grammar; 
the different modes of expression according to construction ; and 
what is, we have seen, as necessary, the orthography of the Ian* 

The testimonials which I have from many of our learned clergy, 
in which they express their decided approbation, and wish to have 
the following parts as soon as possible, together with the warm 
approbation of the intelligent public, induce me to conclude that 
I shall meet with no opposition but from publishers of Bibles, 
interesited writers of Reviews, and such as have the weakness to 
say that '^ the very errors are consecrated." But such as wish to 
see the Scripture divested of those expressions, which, whenever 
they are read in our churches, cause a blush on the cheek of 
modesty, and a smile from the profligate ; but which I aver, and 
shall prove) are not to be found in the Hebrew scriptures; will 
appreciate die merit even of an attempt of this nature, so much 
c^Ued for in all the nations of Europe ; instead of opposing the 
man who has been endeavouring to point out the errors, the obso- 
lete, the vulgar, expressions, put in by the revisers in the l6th 
century, and to show the delicacy and the purity of expression in 
tjie sacred original Hebrew. 

I shall now take leave of this intemperate writer ; but before 1 
do so, I must acknowledge, that, notwithstanding the unmerited 
abuse he has heaped on me, I feel gratified for the opportunity 
which his ungovernable passion, hasty assertions, and general 
ignorance of Hebrew, have given me, to present in a more detached 
^oint of view to the reader, many subjects and modes of expres* 
sion, necessarily arising from a close attention to the Hebrew, 
Ai^hich before had be^n blended with the leading subjects of bibHcal 
research ; and which had been but partially given, as 1 have pub-* 

on Mr. Bellamy^s Translation of the Bible. 23 

lished only the first book of the Pentateuch. Strengthened and 
supported by an accession of exalted and distinguished friendship, 
which will ever form the pride of my life; I trusty with the blessing 
of God, soon to publish, in continuation, tlie Pentateuch, and 
as speedily after as the nature of the undertaking will permit, the 
remaining books. 

The candid reader and the Hebrew scholar will duly appreciate 
the immensity of the task, which at the risk of my health 1 have 
undertaken, notwithstanding my limited resources. But my mo- 
tives and my principles are, 1 presume to hope, worthy of the 
protection of my Country, and its established Church ; and, under 
the guidance of Heaven, 1 look up to both. For the condescension 
and uniform patronage which 1 have received, I shall ever feel the 
most lively gratitude ; I trust that it will still support me in the 
prosecution of my labors, will protect me from the insidious in- 
fluence of calumny, and the more daring violence of malice, envy, 
and all uncharitableness. 

,%* Having inserted the articles of Mr. Hailes, Mr. Leo, and 
several other communications, in opposition to Mr. Bellamy, we 
think it our duty to insert his defence of his work. However ^^e 
may agree with the Quarterly Review in some of its statements^ 
we must declare our belief, that Mr. B. is firmly persuaded of 
the great truths of Revelation, zealously attached to the orthodox 
principles of the Church of England^ and that he is sincerely 
convinced that he is essentially supporting the cause of both in 
his new translation. That work is open to all the severity of critH 
cism, of which he has received an ample share, particularly in 
tlie article to which he has now replied. .Of his work we can 
only say, Valeat quantum valere potest. If one in a hundred 
passages of his version should be hereafter received, he will bate 
conferred a signal service on Biblical criticism ; if not, his work 
will soon be consigned, in vicum vendentem thus, et odores, Et 
piper, et quicquid ckartis amicitur ineptis. We shall only add, 
that we shall readily admit any fair afiid temperate discussion on 
eidier side. — Edit., 





No. XI. 

De Parasito. p. 868. [370. c. ed. Salmar.} icai fi^iv^ w ^eXonyj:, 
oi^eU iiiciiicoos '0/i//pov, ohb^ &v vafiirav ihliarris rv'^jfy Smts oifK hrlerrctra* 
irap* avrf roiis kpitrrovs twv ffptaStv wapafflrovs oiras.— — Inserendum 
ovrkts, — ohbeU 'OYT112 dy^KOos 'Ofiiipov^—Strris oIk kwitnaTai — «r. r. X. 

. De Parasito. p. 876. [377, D. ed. Salmur.] irp&rov Totvw <f8oc 

r« a I' Tov fikv wapcLffiTOP, aei bo^rjs icara^povouvra, Koi oitb^v fjtiKo^ 
aifT^, dv oi dvOptoiroi oiovrat. irepl pifjTopas bk, koI ^tXoo-^^vs evpoi rtsS 
av, oh Tivas, &\Ka wdiTas, 'vwo rviftov, Kal bo^s rpt/3^>Tas. ical o^ 
b6^ri5 fxovoVf dWa koX o tovtov alffxiov eoriv, vtt dpyvp/ov.— — -Fowi- 
tan tSv ol &veptaToi OPEFONTAI. Ita to " bo^rfs KaTa<l>poyovyra'' ex 
ad verso staret r^ *' vvo tv^ov koX SoJijs rpifievras :" et to " oiibkv fi^Kov^ 
avrf Jv ol &yOpwTroi opiyorrai.^ r^ ** vtt' apyvpiov rpifieyras,*' 

De Parasito. p. 878. [380. B. Ed. Salmur.] Kal fas Bvpas 8^ 

fiaka €fipu)fiivb)s cLTroKXeioyTas^ firi ris &pa vviCTwp kinfiovkevveiev avro7s- 
bebdras. 6 bk^ ttIv Qvpav rofi btjfiarlov wpotrrldritny elicfi ical rovro, As 

firi vwo ayifiov iivoiyQeiri. Interpuiigendum videtur, 6 bk (irapaerirosy 

r^y Ovpay rov btofiarlov irpoariBritny eiKfj' Kal rofrro &5 firj vv dyifjuw 

dvoi'xdeitj, Idque non prte timore, sed tantummodo ne ventus aperiat. 

De Parasito. p. 881. [382. E. ed. Salmur.] ical nrjr 6 fiky wXovatow, 

Kotrfieirai vir ahrov (rov Trapaffirov scilt.) rov bk vapdtnroy xXoi/ffwc 
ovbivoTe KotTuei, ^XXois re, ovbh^ oveibos aW^ kernv, &s trv (f^^s, to irapatrt^ 
rely eKelytp briXoydri, dts KpelrTOvi ')(€lpova. 6^(1)5 ye ^rlv rf irXovtritp rov- 
TO XvorireXis ktnt, to Tpi<^€iv Toy frapdariToy, ^ ye ficTa to KotrjjielffOai vw* 
ahroif, Kal d^^dXeea woXX?) Ik Tfjs tovtov bopv(j>6pias v7nSj(>)(€*«*"~""~"En[ien- 
dandum videtur; 'OMIID ye /iify .Tf wXovcr/y rovro XvariTeXis eoTu-^ 
IP. r. X. 

De Parasito. p. 882. [384. D. ed. Salmur.] <i>ip€ bri iraXiy air6^ 
Kpiva( fiotf TTorepSy troi boiceJ biatjiipety, Kal vpoKeifiiytoy &fi(^oly, w^repoi^ 
ay aifTos ^010, ipd ye to irXeiy, Jj to wapaTcXely ; Tv. to TrapawXelt^^ 
lyciiye. ria. tI bkf ro rf>^6tv, rj to waparp^eiy ; Tv. to irapaTpiyeiv* 
Tla* tI bk, TO iTTTTCveiv, fj t6 Topvrr'KeT&eiv ; Tw. ro irapivireheiv, Flo. tL bkj^ 
TO vLKoyTiSeiy, ^ rb TrapoKoyrlSeiy, Tv. to irapaKoirriiety. Tla. oiiKOTJv 
ofioiws ediXoio Kal rov koBUiv [laKKoy to wapatriTcly, Tv. ojuoXoyew 
avdyfciy.— Forte o^jcovv ofiolias 'AN0EAOI 'AN icol rov kuBieiv ^aX* 
Xov TO vapaairelv, vestigia in quibusdam edd. quae exhibent av 

De Gymnasiis, p. 895, [396. E, ed. Sajmur.] fi bk &pa rw hoy$^ 

Loci quidam Lucianij ^c. 25 

Snvep TO irvpwhiaraTov etrri rov iiarripos, ov vfieis Kvva i^ari, varta 
KaTai^XiyovTOSy Kat roy aipa (i/pov, tctti biaKafj TiBiPTOS, "An orewep 1 
Pellet. " Ego Pellet! conjecturam recipiendam arbitror/' Reitzius. 
Minime recipiendam pnto. 6, rl wep XiYyetas Kal aTrXriffrlas oipeXosm 
Lucian. Timon. p. 17U formula non admodum dissimili ; ubi jam 
observavi, Grsecos de omnibus, qusecunque in suo genere excelUnt, 
sive bona sint, sive mala, istam loquendi formulam usurpare ; et sic 
f^ bk t&pa Tov irovsy 6, ri irep TrvptifbiiTrarov etrrt tov it^Tepos, — est, Anni 
vero tempus ardor est ipse ferventimmus illius sideris, S^c, 

De Gymnasiis. p. 911. [414. B. cd. Salmur.] ravT iaTiv, J 'AM- 

j(ap<n, & Toifs viovs iifiels aaKovfxeVf olofxevoi <pvKaKas tifjuv rffs ttoXcws 

« ayadovs yeyifrSai, Kal ev eKevQepiq- jiiuKTeaBai bi avTOVs, Kparovyres fxky 

rwy bverfieywy, el eiriotev, Forte oiofieyoi <j>v\aKas fffuy r^s voXeiifs 

ityaBoi^s rENHXEX0AI. 

De Luctu. p. 925. [429. E. cd. Salmur.] ^ySa bri ri r&y KaKiiv 
oif waaxovtrt, arpefiXovfjieyoi re, Kal Katofxevoif xal vrro yw&y etrOtofxeyo^, 
Kal rpoyi^ <rvfi<l>ep6/A€yoif Kal Xl&ovs ayaKvXioyres. Libenter legerem, Kal 

De Luctu. p. 926. [430. D. ed. Salmur.] iireibdy tis awoBayfi rdr 
ohelwy^ wp&ra fikv ^ipoyrei ofioXoy, Is to <n6fia KariOriKav avT^, fiioBop. 
T^ TTopOfiei Tfjs yavTiXlas yeyrforofxeyoy* oh irp&repoy e^eTatrayres otroloy ro 
vofuofia yofiiSeTai, Kal el bia')(($fp€T irapa rols k'droi, koI el bi^yarai nap* 
CKelyois iLTTiKoSy 71 fiaKcboyiKos, $ aiyiyalos o/3oX^s, ovb* on noXv k6XXiov 

^y fjirj €;x€iy ra nopdfiia KarafiaXeiy, Ejecto el (ru beih-^pf), legen- 

dum existimOy Kal ei bAix'^p^l vapa rols Kdrat, Kal ouyarai trap* eKei^ 
vots, arriKoSj rj fjLaKeboyiKos, ^ aiytyalos o/^Xos. 

De Luctu. p. 928. [432. E. ed. Salmur.] 66* oiy wpeofivriis 6 nei^ 

6wy, ovrtaol vayra ravra, . ovotra elpviKe, Kal ^i rovriay TrXeiovo, ovre rov 
raibos elycKa rpaytabeiy ioiKey, oJbe yap ohK aKOvaofieyoy, obb* hy fuiSoy 
kfifioiitni rov (rriyropos* Mallem bndaa EIPHKA. 

De Luctu. p. 930. [434. E. ed. Salmur.] av ravra XiyjiSf i w&rep, 
olfK oiei rroXv dXriditrrepa, [xal yeXoiorepa cKelyiay epely ; -— Scribeo- 
dum baudjdubie, ovk olei noXv itXrid^arepa^ £1 Kal yeXoiorepa, eKeiyko^ 
epely ; etiamsi magis ridicula, 

Rhetorum Prjeceptor. p.. 28. [461. B. ed. Salmur.] kyta bk, 

ityeyy^s yap, Kal beiXos eifiiy eKtrrrioojJiai vfiiy r^s bboVf Kal navaofiai rf 
^TopiK^I eiriiroXdiiayf iiervfilioXos tSy vpos avrr/v ra v/jtirepa. Nemo in-!' 
tellexit htrvfjifioXos, male Gesnerus retinuit ii<rvfil3ovXos, quod olim 
kgebatur. darvfiPoXos wv npos ai/rrly rd vfierepa est Quatenus in earn 
non talia, qualia vos, con/ero. Sarcasmus : alludit enim ad ilia [p. 
457> 458, ed. Salmur.] Kal ro belya bk fxrl albitrSys, Kay npos iiybpwy 
eiri rf h-ipf epatrBai boKoi^s» Kal ravra, yeyeiiirris, rj Kal v^ A/a ^oXa- 
Kpos ijbri &y. dXX' etmapay 01 Kal cttc rovrif tntydyres, rjy be /ui) ioiy, 
oi olKirai Uayoi' noXXa yap Kal eK rov roiovTov wpos rj^v priropiKrjy xp^- 
ai/ia Trapaylyyerat. vXeiuty ff dyaivyvyria, Kal dpdaos, op^s ^s XaXlarepoi^ 
<u yvvaijces, Kal Xoibopovyrai Treptera&s, Kal vrrkp rovs dybpas ; ei bil ra 
ofwia vdtT^eis, biolaeis rwy &SXtay» Kal fif^y icac wirrovadai ypti fidXivrt^ 
l^y rh iriirrq, ei H /lci), niyrvs iKelva, i:al avro ^i <roi to oro/ua^ vpQ% 

26 Loci quidam Luciani 

Kol wpot ra ^\Xa, 6ir<$90 hr bvvffrai, hvvarai ik oh troXoiKlSeiy jutoyor^ 
ehik ^apfiapiSeiVf ohbk Xfipeiy, ^ itriopiceiv, ^ XoiiopeiirOai^ 4 iiafiSXeiy, 
Kal xlmfieodat' iiXXa ical vvKnap rt AXXo vTrariXeiy. Utitur Luciano0 
Tf ktntyL^oXos io Dialog. Meretr. p. 311. [Joessa, Pythias, et Lysias.] 
^{nrrti^ Z Avffla, irpos kjjik ; Koi KoXm^ ^i fiifre itpyiipior vdfTrore 
^Tri<r^ ere fiiir* aireicXeiffa eXBopra, ivhoy l^repos, elirovaa, fnffre wapaXo^' 
yUrdfieyoy roy varipa, {j v^X6fieyoy rffs fifjrpos, ijvdyKaffa kfiol r* 
KOfxitrai, biroia a\ &\Xai iroiovfny^ &XX* ehBvs e^ dpyii$ &ftif/dov, a^vfjp* 
^Xoy, elaebe^afiriy, p. 739* Ed. Salmur. itf^rf yap rod hyBp^TOV ra fikXti 
Tayra wpos ri^v yaaripa ffraaridtrai, Kal Karriyopeiy avrffSf its /idyifi 
kpyov Kal htrvfxfi6Xov KadeSofxiytis iy rf adtfiari, Plutar. in Coriolan. 
p* 393. Eki. H. Steph. aMs oIk if^iiofrey airoipaSf oiik AavfiftoXos, o^M 
j(pilSwv PorfQelas, &XXa VTrdpfyis rivos xdpiros, ivbd^ias Kal fxera btn^ 
fitiBs eXdely irpos avrdy. Plutar. io Ponipeio. p. 1135. Ed. H. Steph. 

Philopsecdes. p. 59. [495. A. cd. Salmur.] y^ Ai', Ijv b' ey^, /uaXiX 
Oavfjia<rr6y Aybpa^ roy 'AjibrfpdSey kxeiyoy ^ruioKpiToy^ os ovrtos 6pa 
hriTreitno firjjbkv 6l6y re efyai trvffrfiyai. rotovroy, ^s ye hreibr^ KaBeip^€M» 
iavroy h fiy^fxa i^w wvXwy, iyravda bteriXei ypd^y, Kal ovyrdmav ica2 
tvKTiap Kal fieff i^/i^/oav— Legend nm videtur, KA0EIPHEN lavt6y. 

Bacchus, p. 79^ [514. B. ed. Salmur.] Kal riXos KaraKpkros ^X«h 
K€9ay^ (Indi scilicet) Kal ai-^oKwoi aiHiyoyro vwo r&y ritos KarayeXa^ 
fiiytty (a Baccho et temulento exercitu ejns) ipy^ fjtaSdyfes 4fs tfinc 
^Xpfiy Atto rifs wpc&riys ciKofis Karatppoyely ^iy«ay trrparotf^biay. dXKh rl 
'^pot Toy ^loyvtroy ovtos 6 Atoyvtros, eiiroi ris fiy. on jnoi boKovtn, (xak 
Trpos ^apiTUfv fxtf fie Kopvf^ayrt^y, ^ reXiets fieSveiy hjroX&lirfTe, el r&ftii 
elK^Sw Tols deols) ofiotoy ri watryeiy oi iroXXol vpos rovs Kaiyovs rtau 
X6y(ay toIs 'Ivbols eKeiyois, oioy Kal irpos rovs Ifievs. oUfieyoi yiiff 
ffarvptKhf Kal yeXola rtya^ Koi KO'jub^ KiafiiKa irap* iffxSty iiKOvetFdat, roi-*" 

oiJra wevurrevKatriyy oiak oIS' &ti b6^y airroTs vvkp kfiov. Ista ohK difr 

09 Ti b6^ay ahrots signis pareptheseos, ut mihi videtur, includenda 
sunt : oi6fieyoi yap trarvpiKa, koI yeXo76, riya, Kal KOfubp KWfiiKa Trap^ 
ifA&y iLKotietrdai, roiavra TreTTKnei^Katny (phK olb' 6, ri bo^ay ahrots) Oirip 

Hercules Gall. p. 83. [519. C. ed. Salmur.] oh yap ^w^ 6 

S^ypdtftos oSey i^dyj/ei rats treipals ras r&y betrfitay dpxas, &Te rfjs be^g&t 
fkky iffbij r6 poraXoy, ttjs Xaias be ro ro^oy ^xovtrr^s, rpwrfftras rov Be&9' 
r^v yXwrray Hxpay, cj eKeiyrjs eXKOfiiyovs avroifs hroirjare, Kal eTreerrpair* 

ra( ye els rovs dyofieyovs fieibiwy, Pro rals treipals legere Telim* 

Toiy y^epoly* 

De Electro, p. 90. [5^6. E. ed. Salmur.] &\Kois iiky yap ohK oKi^ 
yois kyTV\ots &v 'Hpibayols ritrtf Kal Jis ohK ijXeKfpoy, 6XXa ^(pvtfbs ahrisf 
aTTOfrrdSet rtoy XoyQy, woXv rGty K^KVtav rSty woitiriKwy Xcyi/por^w.— ^-^ 
Leve mendum, Xiyvpor^pois pro Xiyvpatripots. 

'Advbrsus Indoctum. p. 107. [544. B. ed. Salmur.] iiKey oSv" 
(ntaius citharcedus scilicet) eU rohs AcX^s, r& re &XXa Xafiwpos, Kal 
brj Ko^ itrOflra '^vorofTraaroy Troiriard^eyoSf ica2 ari^ayoy bdfytis 'Xpvtr^' 

Emendati dique EocplanatL 2^7 

MXitnWf its ha^X Ka^o% riis hk^mis, er^apayifws eJvat Ifro^tyiOeis rf 
tapicfj. Malim koBf^a 'xpvalvatrrov IlOPISAMENOl. 

Adversus Indoctum. p. 119. [555. A. ed. Salmur.] tlick yo«y 
fioi KoX Tobcf €c hdarffos 6 vfjiirepos cKciros oo^^ffT^$f koI BdroXos o atr- 
Xi|r^s> 9 6 Klvatios *Hfiidiu»v 6 (nffiupiriis, ot tow Bavfiatnovs vfiiv v6fiov$' 
cvviypaxj/eVf m ^i) fLtdyeaSat, Kai wapariWeaOai, koI 7rdir)(€iP9 f^al 
TTOuiy ixeiva, ei rovrtjy tis j'vyi XeoyT^y T€pt(iaXk6fjt€V0Sf vac povaXoy 
€x<uy (iabdoi, rl oUi t^ivevBai rois 6p&€iy; — Lucianum scripsisse 
credo c^s XP^ AEA1NE20AI, ical wcLpariWeifBai, Kal iraaxeiy, koI 

TToieiy Ueiya, iMfra in Cynico. p. 97^' B. ed. Salmur. tovs 5^ 

yvy, oh irjXuf r^s BavfjMtmjs ravrrfs e^aifioviaSf Hjy i\ovaiy Kal wepl 
rpairiSas, Kal etrSfiras, Kal Xeafyoyrest Kal yjjtXo^fieyoi tray rov edt* 
fjuiros fiipos, Kal /tr) bk rcDv inroppiirfay ovbky » iri<^vKey i\€iy eHyrts, 

Adversus Imdoct. p. 120. [556. C. ed. salmur.] iiov iri yvv awjtpo* 

vitaayra iiiroboirdai fjiiy riyt rUtr Trevaiievfxiyiay ra (iifiXla ravraj Kal avw 
avTols, njv yeoKTiarov rathfiy oUiay. itvobovyat bk rois &ybpa;iroboKair^ 
XotSf fikpos yovy avo icoXX&y rSty o^ttKofiiyt^y, Koi yap KaKciya nepl bvo- 
ravra beiyws iffwovbaaas, fiipXiwy re rCv icoXvTeK&y Krft^iy, Kal fietpa- 
Kiwy Ttiy e^piay, Kal Hbt^ Koprepiiy, Miv, — Aliquid hie esse vitii sensit 
Solanus. Reitzii uota nemini, credo, satisfiicere possit. Suppleudum 
fors {vvdyta, KaL—Kdl yap KaK^lya (aybpavoba) STNArEIS' KAI 
lF€pl iuo ravra beiyvis eeFwovbavas^ fiijiXiwy re rSty iroXirreXm' Krrjffiyg 
Kal fitipaKitay rwy kl^itpiav, nai ^bvi Koprep&y^ Ctyiiy, 

Adversus Indoct. p. 120. {556. £• ed. Salmur.] PergitLucianus : 
Kal ro vpdyfjLd <roi irayv ^vovbaierai koi dijpci/erai. iibvyaroy bk iriyiira 
oyra wpos &fjL<l>ta biapKeiy. aKowei rolyvy ws iepov ypflixa avfi/jovXi^. a^ui 
yap ae iu^ifieyoy rwy fitflbky 7rpo<niK6yrvy, rr^y ir^pay y6aoy depajreveiy, 
Kol rovs vTTfipiras eKelyovs dtyp b* ofihtSf firf, emXeiiroyTuy are r&y oUoBev* 
/leratrriXXoid rivas ruHf eXev&ipmyf ols ohb' iLKtybvyay iLireXdovfriy, ijy 
fjtrj Xafiwtnv^ &Kayra e^yopevtrai ra wpayfiiyra vfiiy fiera roy ir6Toy. 
ola Kal irpijriy alfr^nrra vepl aov biriyelro, efyiXO^y 6 ndpyos, eri Kal beiy 
fiara imbeiKyvs, — Hujusce loci leusum prava interpunctio adhuc ob* 
scuravit. Gesnerus itaque eonjecit, Kal ^wt}piraf eKciyovs ityetadat 
Swiits fiil, eTTiXenroyrtay ae r&y o^iKoBeVy fjoeratrriXXiHo riyas rHy iXevOipwv, 
oTs oly cuciybvyoy iLTreXdoffany, &c. Sioe causa, me judice : namque 
rf oib't quod ia editione Flor. noa apparet, ejecto, ad huoc mod urn 
distinguendum puto : &(cw y^ ae, at^kfieyoy rwy iirfiky vpotniKovrt^y, 
r^y ir^pay ydaoy Qepaireveiy^ Kal rovs vwrfpiras eKelyovs, {plena dis- 
tinctione post eKeiyovs posita, subaud. OepaTreveiy scilicet) ifyy b* 
SfAias, (Nihilaminus servos emerepergis, et utrumque sumtuosum mor-' 
bum siwe Uuaniam alert.) /ui), htiKevifoyrmy ee r&v o*iKoBey, fierairriX'* 
\oi6 riyas rAy kXevOipmy, ols hKlybvyoy kTrekBovmy, liy ft^ Xa^aiyf 
fkirayra efykyope^trat ra Tpaydiyra v/uy fxera roy rrorov. 

Adversus Indoct. p. 122. [553. C. ed. Salmur.] mffrvi yovy xah 

/jLoXiffra davfjidtreiey dy rts^ riva kiro ypv)(fis ^tify, dfrrei rwr (itliklttr^ 
owolms aMi ^^^^^ &yeXlrrets» ir^re be ay ay ivwcueis.^ Oesoems legit, 
riya, 'T^ ^w^y ^tfv. — ForskaD riya (num. pluc) 'EIIL ^^m ^X^^ 
Hmei r&r ^ipXltay, quod minus distat. 

S8 Loci quidam Luciani 

De non tbm. cred. calttmn. p. 131. [564. E. ed. Salmur.} 

'Ey be^i^ Tis Slvtjp Kadrftai, rh ira wufifxtyidri ^x^^f fiiKpov ieiv toU rov 
Mc^ov TpotreoiKora, ri)i» X^*P^ irporelvwy TrSp^utdev in wpotriovtr^ rn 
biafioXy, Trepl bk avroVf iaratFi bvo yvvdiKes, Ayvoia /loc boKei Kai Wo- 
Xrixj/is, eriptadev bk, irpotripxcrai ii biafioXrj, yvvaiov ks vTrep/SoX^v ircty- 
KoKov, — Forte FIAPA bk avroy karatn bik) yvvdiKes. 
Db mon tem. cred. calumn. p. 133. [566. A. ed. Salmur.] 

^ip€ be Kfii iffjLeis el boKci, tcarti r/)v rov iifteaiov S<oypa<pov Ti\vriv hi^K" 
dutfiev TO, irpoaovra rpf btafloK^ npcrkpov ye Sp^ rivi TrepiypAi^dvT^s 
aMfv* ovTw yap av fffuv 4 ehuty yeviftrerat, Exeidisse videtur dirpc* 
/Scflrr^pa. oi^TUf yap ay iifiiy ij elKoiy aicpifietTripa yeyifftrerai, 

De non tem. cred. calumn. p. 133. [566. A. ed. Salmur.] rptS/v 

b* oyrtay vpoerutirwyf Kodairep ev rats KVfjLablats, tov ^ia/3aXXovros, Kol 
Tov biafiaXKofiivov, Kal tov irpos oy ri biafioXrl yiyyerai, Kaff cKatrroy 
aWwy eTurKOTiffiruffjLey, ©la cIkos eJyat to. yiyvdfjieya, Herodot. lib. 7» 
btafioXr^ yap eari beiydraToy' ky ry bvo fxiy eltn oi ^biK^oyres, els Sk 6 
abitceofieyos, 6 fiey yap biafidXXiay abiKiei, oh napeoyros Karrjyopiiay* 6 
bk abiK^ei, iiyaireidofieyos wpiy if arpiKcias eKfiddn' 6 bk br^ direciiv rov 
Xoyov Tabe Iv ahroltn abtKierai, biafiXrfdeis re vwo rov eripov, Kal vofii" 
oBels irpos rov eripov icaKos eJyat. 

De non tem. cred. calumn. p. 158. [580. C. ed. Salmur.] 
ip* ovy TOV ^Aptarelbov earl tis btKatorepos ; AXX' 6fius KaKelyos trvyeortf 
ewi Toy QefjUtrroKXia, Kal arvfiirapdt^vye Toy brf/jLoy, fjs (britrty iKelrtts 
woXiTiK fis ^iXoTifjiias viroKeKyitrfiiyos, — Haec sensu cassa ad nunc moduBi 
emendare velim ; THS IIPOS iirecvoN voXiTiKtis ^iXori/i/a* vtro icejcrc^ 
trfjiiyoSf . 

Pseudologista. p. l63. [584. E. ed. Salmur.] ravra croc koI 
avTos itweiXu}, oh fia Toy Ala Tf 'Ap\iX6\i^ eiKaSwy kfiavroy* rrd^er ; 
woXXovye Kal biuf, aol be pvpla wyeto^s ca/u/Soiv ^£ia fie^iutfiiva, irpdt 
&f fioL boKel, ohb* hy 6 'Ap^iXo^os ain-os btapK(k<rai. — Acrius esset, <rol &k 
MTfPIHN avyeib^s lafifttoy fifia, (ie^wftkya-^K. r. X. 

PsBUBOLOGisTiA. p. l64. [586. A. ed. Salmur.] €i iiri tis Sipu l( 

'Yweppppiuty &pTi es fifjids iJKot^ ^ es TOtrovToy KVfiaios cti/, ds fir^ Ibi^r, 
ev&vs eibiyai oytay kitayTiay vfipi9T6TaT6y tre oyra, fiif vepifieiyas oyKt^ 
^ipov npoain iiKoiieiy. Xenoph. Anab. 5. 8. 2. 'AXXa fxrjy Kal y^et^ 
fiuy6s ye oyTOs, oiov Xiyets, vItov be IweXeXoeTrcJrof, diyov bk fitfb* 6<rfpaf^ 
veifOaL vapoyTOs, ^6 bk irdyiay iroXXwy iiwayopevoyTfay, rroXefjUmr W 
eirofxeywy, ei ey toiovt^ Kaipf ifjipiSoy, bfioXoy& Kal Ttoy 6y<ay -djSpff 
OTOTepos elyac 61s i^aaiy wro Tf^s vfipetos K6Troy ovk eyyiyyearSat. 

Pseudologista. p. 182. [602. E. ed. Salmur.] iLyamjToy W 

ovwaovy KXeiyoy, Kal oyofiaiTToy eJyai* elra KaTapidfJufftreiy ovr^ tcls xoX- 
Xas trov wpotrriyopias, oiroaas KaTo. edvr; irpotrelXiji^as, GesDerus l6gp[t 
kaTopidfi^iffais vel KaTopidfiiiveLas. Sed sic quoque locus oon samis ; 
nam particnia 'AN opus est. eira KaTapidfjiiiaeias 'AN avTjf tcls vdXX6x 
tf>ov TTpotniyopiat, 

, De Domo. p. 19s. [6l4. B. ed. Salmur.] tovtov bk tov oUov r6 
itdXXoSf oh Kara fiapfiapucovs riycis ofdaKfJio^t, oh bk Kara TrepmK^ 

HmendiUi atque Explanati. S9 

AXo£ov/av 9 (iatTiXidly fieyoKavylav, ohbe TrivrjTOs fiovov, &XXa e^^vovf 
BeaTOv beofieyov. koI 6t^ /ii) ky rp oi//ei ^ xplais iiXKa ris koi Xoyifffxpt 
eiraKclXovdei rois XeyofjLiyou.—^hno rois BAEIIOMENOIX. nam quid 
llic Xeyofxiyotst 

Macbobii. p. 226. [643. A. ed. Salrour.] trept Ihti Ik kyos hiro" 
hkoyra eKoroy, yeypvutf, ws ^aBero 'ABnyaiovs viro ^CXlirirov ky rjf irepi 
\aipd>y€iay fJ-ayri yeyiKrifiiyovs, woTyiwfxeyos, roy YavptiriheLoy aTi\ay 
TrpotrrfyiyKaTO, els eavroy aya<liip(ay,'^bwyi6y ircr &<rrv K&bfws eicXinpy* 
Legend um npoeyiyKaro, 

Patbia Encom. p. 233* [651. B. ed. Salmur.] Khy iLwopwtn rnt 
yifs eiratviffai Ttjy iiperrly, rtljyye vvkp rfjs warplbos ohx ktropiiaovaiy ky^ 
Ktafii($fy, dXXa K^iy ^ibwaiy iripovs aejiyvyofiiyovs ireiiois iiyeifikyois, ical 
Xeifi&tTi <l>vTois wayrohawcfis bieiXrjfiiiivois, Kai avrol rQy rfjs irarpiios 
iyKWfjLiwy ovk kviXaySdyoyrai. Trjy bk ImroTpoi^oy virepopwyTeSf Kai KovpO' 
Tpofjioy kvaiyovai. Rescribendum videtur rijy bk iTworpoilioy vTfepar 
pGyT€S THN Kovporpo^y kvaiyovai, 

DisSERTATio CUM Hesiodo. p. 241. [660. B. ed. Salmur.] Sore 
iLydyicri vot (Hesiodo, cum nihil praedixeris, et tamen vaticinandi po- 
testatem a deabus accepisse te gloriatus sis) r&y rpuoy Tovrtay ainwy 
/utf ye Ttdyrtas eve^eirOaf rj yap kypeijtrw, ei koI wixpoy eiirely, o^x 4fs 
inroa^ofiiywy eroi rwv fiovaSty Kai ra ixkXXoyra vpoXkyeiy bvyaaOai, rj al 
fjLky,.ibo(ray ij(nr€p viretrxoyro — &c, Solanus delet ovx- Reitzius pro 
ovx ^s legit ovrm. Melius Solanus : sed scripsit forte Lucianus ov;^ 
ovTiifs vvocryofiiyiay aoi T&y Movtr&y, Kai (etiam) ra /jtiXXoyra wpoXiyeiy 

Navicium seu Vota. p. 252. [669. C. ed. Salmur.] 6 fiky yap 

6XX0S Koafws, al ypa<l>aip Kai rov Ifrrlov to irapdaioy wpavyks, koI irpo 
Tovru}y, ai ayxvpai, Kai arpo^ela kox irepiaywyeiSf Koi fiera rriy trp-ifiyav 
(HKTiaeis, Oavfjidaia ndyra fiot ^bo^e» — Fors. Kai KATA rrly vpij/iyay 


Navigium sbu Vota. p. 264. [681. E. ed. Salmur.] rp vSXei b^ 

ravra frop' kfiov k^afpera Hirrip^ey ay, ai fiky biayofialf Kara fxfiya 
eKa&Toy cpaxfial t^ fiky dtn-^ cKarby, r^ bk fierolK^, iffiitrv rovrufy, 
Iflfidaia bk ks jcaXXos diarpa, Kai fiaXayela. Mihi venit in meotem 
elegans lectio ; AAIMONIA bk ks koXXos Okarpa Kai fiaXayem, — bai- 
fioy la ks koKXos est Pulckritudine divina, vtl miranda. 

Navig. S. Vox. p. 272. [690. E. ed. Salmur.] Trpdcreifiey bfj, ct croiboKel 
cal 6vuts &ybp€S dyadoc ky rois Kiybvyois ^(reaOe, firj bk wpobwaere ro 
itdrpioyy ^povfi^a, ijbrf yap irov Kai oi iroXkfiioi kviXa/jfidyoveriy, dJ<rre 
TO fiky ovydriua larw kyvdXios, Mallem, Hbri yap ttov ol 'jroXkuioi 


Navig. s. Vot. p. 276. [696. E. ed. Salmur.] el bi n ky lybolsy ^ 

*Yir€ppopkois Qkafxa trapdbo^oy, tj KTiffia rifitoy, if 6 era efM^ayely ^ ifiely 
ilbka, oh fierafrretXd/jievos, dXX' avros kwiireTofieyos, difiXavoy dwdvriay, 
^s Kdpoy. Kai kirei ypv\p vwdrrTepoy dripioy, fj ^lyt^ opyeoy ky 'lybols- 
ddiaroy rois dXXots, kyit bk Kai rovro k^p^y &y. Pro CTrei, quod hib 
ineptum est, imo sensum et s^ntaxin pessundat, legendum omnino ei 

so Loci quidam Lucianij ^*c. 

in; ticubi, ical £1 IIH ypvv^, virSm-epov Oriploy, ^ foin^f ipveov kv VLrhdU 
iildiaroy rdis AXXois, ly«ii bk xal tovto iwpwy &y, 

Navio. s. Vot. p. 277- [698. A. ed. Salmur.] olov 6^ Kiuceiyo ?f, 
Tovs TTokefiovyras eirttrKoweiy i^ta fiiXovs vicepanapovfieyoy, Kal el b6f<etii 
fmt irpoa^ifuyos hy rois iirrrifiiyoiSf KotfAlacis tovs KpaTOvyras, yiK^v 
wapei'^oy rois t^vyovaiy, ttyatrTp^yj/atriy ittrd r^f rporffs, — CoQcinniut 
esset, kvampbffijLs ikwo rffs Tpoitils, 

Dialog. Meretr. p. 282. [704. D. ed. Salmnr.] <rv W w69ep 

ravra iJKOvaas ; ij ffvyridriKas avn), i MvpTioy, Kaiiyds rtyas SfjKorviriaf 
mctafM\ov<ra ; Tempus erat pro (rvyridrfKas reponere trvvriSElKas* 

DiALOO. Meretr. p. 294. [719. C. ed. Salmur.] Lyra meretrix 
aurum, floridas vestes, et ancillas quatuor adepta est^ to fiky trpdrop 
Karaxofffiovtra ^vHjy ebvpeirws, Kai eiKrraX^s oStra, xal ^aiipa irffbi 
iwayras, ohx &')(pi tov Kay^aSeiy pqhlbts, icaB&Trep trv eiufBas, d\X$ 
fMeihiuura ^^v, ica^ kiraytaydy. eJra irpofrofiiKovtra Se^ecDrj Kal fiitre ^evaxl* 
Sovera ei ris irpoaeXdoi, Ti Trpo7r€fjL\jjeie, fjiriTe aitrff iwiXafifiavofiiyfi r&v 
iiyiputy, Miror- nemioem ante me vidisse legendum esse, Kal /i^re 
'AKKIZ0Y2A, et ns wpotriXBoi rj wpoairifirf/eie^ fi{iTe avrfl ktrtXauPav*' 
ofiiyrf Tdy iLybpioy, Mediam quandam viam tenensy neque ^ffectata 
verecundia nimis se difficilem prabendo, neque centra proterva'fronte 
ipsa in viros manus injiciendo. 

Dialog. Meretr. p. 299. [726. A. ed. Salmur.] Ampelis r Kal 

TOVTO iihv (Toiy inro wXovtriwy oieadai fnrovh&ieoBai are* ovTti) yap dvid« 
trcTai fA&XXoy, teal ffuXort/ifjffeTatf ms /nif virepfidXaivro a^ov oi arreptif 
craL Xpt/. Kal firjy ovtos ye jnoyoy opylSerai, koi pajriSei ili^oi ti 
ovhiy, Afji. liXXa S^trei, SrfX&rvTroi yap, Kal fiaXtoro. XtnrrfifieroyTtUp 
Corrupta hsec verba censeo ; inquit Solanus. — Sanari posscct forsitad 
rescribendo, SijXorviroi yap koI ^aX/ora fpiXorifiinrovTai, 

Dialog. Meretr. p. 303. [730. D. ed. Saiinur.] elye, o*ixov S 
Uayyvx^i. — Gesnerus legisse videtur ^x^^> vertit enim periisti. 

De Morte Peregrini. p. 336. [763. E. ed. Salmur.] weirtUafn 

yhp airro^t oi KaKoialnoyes (Christiani) to fjiey SXoy, iiOdyatoi tffSff$ail 
Kal pt^eewBai Toy del j(p6yoy, Trap' S ica< KaTaf^poyovtrt tov OavaTOv^ koI 
itcAyrts ainvi^s kirtiib6a<ny -ol ?roXXoc.^-Legendum weneUaffi yap alrovrl 
ei ai^ovs iirtbii6affiy, ' ■ 

De Morte PereOrini. p. 359. [781. A. ed. Salmur.] clro iye^ 
Tvy^ayoy toXKoIs i^inovfJiy iis Be&traiyTO koX 0^0/.— Imo 'EIIIOYHN 
Accedentibns* . ^ 

Symposium yel LAPiTHiB. p, 439. [863. A. ed. Salmur.] retail 
ra (<fvi l^epy&SeTai 6 KaXos Upvatinros, Kal Zi'ivwy 6 OavfUKnos, koI 
KXedyOris, j^tifidria ivffrrjya, Kal IpwriQffets fi6yoy, Kal o^ifiaTa ^cAch 
#d^v. — Libentius legerem ff>iXotTo<j>afy» 

Sympos. yel Lapithje. p. 445. [869. C. ed. Salmur.] ^ya U 
fiif ayTiXiytiKri fioi, hirStra fifi Kara TavTk ffuXoeroipovei, vepl y&fXiMty, lp» 
TO eMra, to fiky ovy AptoToy Jjy fiti ielffSai yAjJiuy, &SXa, neiOofiiyovi 
HXaTiarif Kal "LiaKparei, iraiScpoorcTy. fi6yoi yap ol toioHtoi aTroreXe* 
oBeley ky npos itpeT^iv, el ik bej Kal yvyaiKeiov ydfiov, Kara to. TtXdrwyi 
ioKOvyra, Koiyas eJyai tKelyuty ras yvvaiKas, m ^u SijXov tififuy. — Pro 

On the Ignorance of Moderns^ Sec. 31. 

^icelyav scribendum censit Solanus eypfiv vel vdyrtav, Mallem ipse^ 
KOiyas elvai 'EKEINIIS ras yvvaiKas. hto ritu : ita utpnecepit Plato, 

Db Syria Dea. p. 475. [898. D. ed. Salmur.] ra bk rrpovwXaiqL 
Tov ipov €S &P€fiov fiopiriv airoKeKpiprai, fiiyaOos otroy re cKardy opyviiufy, 
— In airoKiKpiyrai una litera, nempe p, mutanda. es ^ye^oy (iopirjy &.vo* 
itiicXiyTai, cLTroKeKAiyrau 

CynicUs. p. 541. [964. A. ed. Salmur.] Cynicus: ri iroStoy ear* 
fyyoy ; Av. nopeveaSai, Kv. xaKioy oZy iropevetrOal eroi SoKovaiy ol ifjuA 
irdies, ^ oe rdy woWuy ; At/, tovto fxky, ovk *itrws, Kv. oh roiyvy ohhk 
yfipoy ij(pv<yiy, EI fjiri j^poy ra eavrSfV ipyoy SLwobiioaerty ; (sic lego 
pro oh roiyvy ohi* ei \eipoy l^ovtriv, rj fi^, &c. quod in prioribus edd; 
legebatur) Lycinus : ivuts. Kv. rovs fxky hi^ vohasy ohhky (^alyofjiai xeipop 
iiaKelfieyos r&y noWwy iyeiv* Nisi 8i l^eiy pro elyai positum sif^ 
melius legeretur rov$ fiky o^ woias, oi/iey fbalyofitu xeipov MAKEIM& 
NOTS rHy voXK&y ix€^y, 



relative to the Philosophy of Aristotle. 

Part II. — [Concluded from No. 344.] 

The next extract* with which I shall present die reader from tho 
works of Lord Bacon, is of a most extraordinary nature ; for in 
this he prefers to Aristotle Democritus^ and other ancient philo* 
sophers who removed God and intellect from the fabric of things^ 
attributed the structure of the universe to fate or fortune^ and 
ascribed the causes of particulars to the necessity of matter^ with* 
out the intermixture of final causes. And he considers these 
philosophers, so far as pertains to physical causes^ to have been 
much more solid, and to have penetrated deeper into nature, than 
Plato and Aristotle. He adds also, as the sole cause of this, that 
the former philosophers never attended to final causies ; but th^ 
latter perpetually inculcated them. And that Aristotle is more ta 
be accused in this respect than Plato^ because he omitted the 
fountain of final causes, viz. God, substituted nature for God, and 
embraced final causes, rather as a lover of logic than of theology* 
*' Quapropter philosophia naturalis Democriti, et aliorum, q«i 
Deum et mentem a fabrica rerum amoveruut ; et structuram uui* 
▼ersi infinitis naturae praelusionibus et tentamentis (quas uno nomine 
fittum aut fortunam vocabant) attribuerint ^ et rerum particularium 
causM materiae nec^tatif sine intermizione causarum fiqaliumi 

Si On the Ignorance of Moderns 

assignarunt; nobis videtur (quantum ex fraginentis et reliqulK^ 
philosophise eorum conjicere licet) quatenus ad causas physicas, 
nmlto solidior fuisse, et altius in naturam penetrasse^ quam ilia 
Aristotelis et Platonis: hanc unicam ob causara^ quod iili in 
causis finalibus nunquam operam triverunt ; hi autem eas perpetuo 
iiiculcarunt. Atque magis in hac parte accusandus Aristoteles 
quam Plato : quandoquidem fontem causarum finalium, Deum 
scilicet^ omiserit, et naturam pro Deo substituerit^ causasque ipsas 
finales, potius ut logicae amator, quam theologian, amplexus sit.'* 
Vol. iv. p. 9B. 

. I call this a most extraordinary passage for two reasons ; one, 
for its folly, and the other for the profound ignorance of the worka 
of Aristotle which it displays. For can any thing indicate greater 
folly than to prefer those philosophers who never attended to final 
causes, to those who perpetually inculcated them ? For as Ari- 
stotle justly observes in his Posterior Analytics, the investigation of 
the cause why a thing is, can only be terminated by the discovery 
of the final cause. And without the knowledge of the why there 
can be no such thing as science. So that to blame Aristotle for 
perpetually inculcating final causes, is to blame him for inculcating 
that to whiph scientific knowledge inevitably leads, and without 
which demonstration would be useless, and investigation endless. 

But this passage also shows that Lord Bacon was profoundly ^ 
Ignorant of the works of Arist6tle. For can . any thing more 
plainly indicate this than the accusation ^^ that Aristotle omitted the 
fountain of final causes, viz. God ; that he substituted nature for 
God, and embraced final causes rather as a lover of logic, than of 
theology ?*' The accusation indeed is so obviously false, that it is 
impossible it could have been made by any one who had merely 
inspected the works of Aristotle through the medium of an index ; 
and I hardly think it would be made by any hackney writer of the 
present age, if he were hired to collect the dogmas of Aristotle from 
his works. For in the 7th chapter of the 12th book of the Meta- 
physics, Aristotle writes as follows concerning the first immovable 
mover of all things, God : xivei de oiBe, ro opeKTOV xen ro voijrov x§if$t 
©u xivouju-svov. TOVTcoy ie ra Trpoora ra otvret. CTriJt/jxijTOV /xey yap to ^au- 
fofji^evov xaXov* |3ouXi]tov $s TrgcoroVf ro ov xaXov. optyofAeiot he ori 9oxei, 
ImlKKov % $0X61, 8«0T« ogsyopi^sla, oip^vi yap rj vo^triS' vovg §• dwo tow voi^rov 
xivaiTflci. — uKXoL [M^v %on TO xaAov, xai to h^-wora uiperov, bv tjj awrp 
avo'Toi^iot, — or* he eari to ov evexa ev toi^ axivijTOij tj hMgeorig* $17X01 • 
MTi yap Tivi TO ou evexa, wv to jw-fv to'Ti, to Be ovk e<m. xive* 8f cog 
epcofAevov xfvodftevoy di, r aWa x<y«. — ef avayxv\^ aqa etrriv or x«i ^ 
avayxij xaXco^* xaf ovtco^ ^PX^' — ^^ rotaurrig apa agxi'is ripTv^rai 
ovpavo^ xai 1} ^vtrig, diayoDyrj he foriy, oia n 17 apKrni, fxtxpov x^yoif 
ilfuy. ovTfltf yap au exeiyo eoriy. i}jCAiy jxty yag aiwarov evu KUi ' ffi^inf 

relative to Aristotle. S3 

^kKiSfg ocai [i^vviiMH ha, ravru. yj h vorjo'is i} xod' oLurfjv, rou KotS' avro 
u^icrrow Kut i} iMtKhfrroLj rou jxaXtora. avrov 8f voft o vou^ x^ra jxsra- 
Xi]^^iv Tou >o)jTcu. vojjTo; yoLp yivtTM iiyyavwv xai vowv, axTre rayrov 
vou^ xoi voijToy. TO ya§ Ssxtixov tou voijtou Kai vr^i ov<rixg, vov$, eve^ei 
Sfi fp^a;y. coare ex»vo /xaXAov rourou^ o Sox» o vou^ 6uov e^eiv. kui vj 6eetf- 

£ia 70 Yj^KTrov x«i ap»(rrov. fi ouv outoj^ fu sp^eii co^ flf^st^ ttote^ o fiso; a^i^ 
xvfiaaTOv. fi Se /xaXAov^ m iavfjiMffrcorepoy, e^ei Sa coSf. xoi< Cco>} Sf yr 
U7ra^;^fi. i} yap vou ffvapyeiot^ ^eoij* exeivo^ Sf i} svegyefa* fvf pygfa Sf )] 
xod* aunjv, exsfvou ^cui] apio'rri Kai aVSio^. faiisv hs rov deov 6iv£<i ^oioy 
a'/Siov^ apicrrov. eo(rTe ^coi} x^t aiojy cruve^^ xoi aVSfO^ vnag^ei too $sm. 
Touro yap o $8o;. i. eJ* '^ But it moves as follows : that >vhich is 
desirable^ and that which is iutelligible^ move without being moved, 
^ut the first intelligible is the same as the first desirable ; for that 
M'hich appears to be beautiful is desirable. But the first object of 
the will is that which is really beautiful. However, we rather 
aspire after it because it appears to be beautiful, than it appears to 
be beautiful because we aspire after it. For the principle is intel- 
ligence ; but intellect is moved by the intelligible. Moreover the 
beautiful, and that which is eligible for its own sake, are in the 
same co-ordination. But that in immoveable natures there is that 
for the sake of which other things subsist, division manifests : for 
there is something to which that for the sake of which a thing is 
done belongs, of which the one is different from the other/ But 
the first mover moves as that which is beloved ; and through that 
which is moved, it moves other things. Hence he is necessarily 
being; and so far as he necessarily subsists, so far he subsists 
according to rectitude, and is thus the principle of things. From 
suck a principle therefore as this, heaven and nature are sus- 
pended. But the life which he lives is the most excellent, and 
such as we enjoy for a small portion of time ; for such a life is 
with him perpetual. To us, indeed, tliis is impossible ; but not to 
the first mover, because his energy is pleasure. And on ^his account 
vigilance, tlie energies of sense, and intellection, are most delight- 
ful. Hope too, and memory, are pleasing throtigh energies. But 
essential intellection is the intellection of that which is essentially 
the most excellent ; and the most essential of that which is most 
essential. Intellect too, understands itself by the assumption of 
the intelligible : for it becomes intelligible by contact and intellec- 
tion : so that intellect is the same with the intelligible. For 
intellect is the recipient of the intelligible and of essence. But it 
energises possessing. Hence that which intellect appears to 

' Viz. That for the sake of which a thing is effected, is different from the 
thing effected. 

VOL. XIX. a. Jl. NO, XXXN w ^ 

34 On the Tgnorance of Moderns 

possess as divine, belongs more eminently to the first intellecl than 
to ours : and his contemplation is the most delightful, and the best. 
If therefore God always possesses that excellent condition of being 
which we sometimes possess, it is admirable ; but if he possesses it 
in a still higher degree, it is still more admirable. In this manner, 
however, he subsists. Life also is present with him: for tbe 
energy of intellect is life; and he is energy. But essential energy 
is his most excellent and eternal life. And we say that God is an 
animal eternal, and the most excellent : so that life and duration 
continued and eternal are present with God. For God is this." 
I trust the reader who has perused the account given from Aristotle 
of causes, in the former part of this dissertation, need not be told 
that God in the above citation is most evidently celebrated as the 
fountain of final causes. The falsehood also is most obvious of 
the assertion, that Aristotle substituted nature for God ; for in this 
quotation h^ expressly says, that heaven and nature are suspend^ 
edfrom God. 

In the following citation we shall see that Lord Bacon con- 
founds Aristotle with the schoolmen. For in the 63d Aphorism of 
his Novum Organum, after ridiculously asserting that Aristotle 
corrupted natural philosophy by bis logic, since he fashioned the 
world from the categories, he adds, '^ that he also attributes the 
genus of the soul, which is a most 7whle substance, from words of 
the second intention,*^ " Qui philosophiam naturalcm dialectica 
sua corrupit ; quum mundum ex categoriis effecerit ; animae 
humana^, nobilissimae substantias, genns ex vocibus secitnda inteh* 
tio7iis tribuerit." In this passage he obviously ascribes to Aristotle 
one of the barbarous terms invented by the schoolmen; for there 
is no such expression in any of the works of Aristotle, or in any of 
his Greek commentators, as second intention* 

Having therefore shown from the most indubitable evidence that 
Lord Bacon was unacquainted with the writings of Aristotle, I 
shall in the next place demonstrate that this was also the case with 
the celebrated disciple of Des Cartes, Malebranche. For I shall 
confine my remarks to the invectives of the disciple rather than to 
those of the master, as the former is more virulent, and displays 
greater ignorance in his defamation than the latter. Malebranche 
theri^fore has employed the whole of the ,5th chapter of the 6th 
book of his Search after Truth, in an attempt to confute the princi- 
ples of Aristotle's philosophy, in order that he may show the 
superiority of the philosophy of Des Cartes.* 

*' Aristotle then," says Malebranche,* ^' begins his treatise On 

« The Author of lleflections on Ancient and Modern Philosophy, says, 
" that Des Cartes has raved the best of any of the moderns.*' 
^ The edition that I quote is in folio, and was printed in the year 1700. 

relative to Aristotle. 35 

the Heavens by proving that the world is perfect, in the following 
manner. All bodies have three dimensions and cannot have more, 
because the number three comprehends all according to the Pytha- 
goreans. But the world is the coacervation of all bodies, and there- 
fore the world is perfect. By this ridiculous proof, it may also be 
demonstrated that the world cannot be more imperfect than it is, 
since it cannot be composed of parts that have less than three 
dimensions." As in the former part of this dissertation I^ have 
given the whole of the first chapter of Aristotle's treatise On the 
Heavens, I refer the reader to it, and to an attentive perusal of it 
with the accompanying notes, and he will be immediately convinced 
that Malebranche had read that chapter cursorily, and without at 
all penetrating the depth of Aristotle^s meaning. With respect to 
what he adds, that by the same proof employed by Aristotle to 
show that the world is perfect, it might also be demonstrated that 
it cannot be more imperfect than it is, it is sufficient to remark 
that this observation could only have been made by a man who 
thought in a superficial and rambling manner. For the intention 
of Aristotle in this chapter was to demonstrate that the world is 
perfect so far as it is corporeal, because it consists of parts which 
are perfect with respect to dimensions; since that \^hichis triply 
extended is all-perfect so far as pertains to extension. For as 
Ptolemy has demonstrated in bis treatise On Interval, if there were 
any other interval after the third dimension, it would be perfectly 
unmeasured and indefinite. If therefore the world is perfect be- 
cause it consists of- parts which have perfect dimensions, the asser- 
tion of Malebranche " that the world cannot be more imperfect 
than it is, since it cannot be composed of parts that have less than 
three dimensions," is just as if it should be said, '* the world can- 
not be more imperfect than it is, because it caimot be composed 
of parts that have not perfect dimensions," which I presume 
approximates infinitely near to perfect nonsense. 

In the next place Malebranche says, "that Aristotle in the 
second chapter first supposes some Peiipatetic truths, as that all 
natural bodies have of themselves tli^ force of moving, which he 
proves neither here nor elsewhere ; but on the contrary asserts, in 
the first chapter of his second book of Physics, that to endeavour 
to prove it is absurd, because it is evident of itself, and that none 
but those who cannot distinguish what is known of itself from what 
is not, insist upon proving plain by obscure things. But it has 
been^ shown elsewhere, that it is altogether false that natural bodies 
^should have of themselves the force of moving, and it appears 
evident only to such 9fi follow, with Aristotle, the impressions of 
their senses, and make no use of their reason." In this citation, 

36 On the Ignorance of Moderns 

Malebrancbe^ when he says that Aristotle first supposes some 
Peripatetic truths^ doubtless intended to say $ome Peripatetic 
DOGMAS ; for if Aristotle supposes what is true, I should not 
.conceive that any one would attempt to confute it ; but this mis- 
take is natural enough in a man who thought and wrote in so 
random a manner as Malebranche appears to have done. Let us 
therefore see what ihe false Peripatetic truths are^ which Aristotle 
supposes in the second chapter of his treatise On the Heavens. 
** He supposes/^ says Malebranche^ *^ that all natural bodies have 
of themselves the force of moving/' Here Aristotle is made to saj 
the very opposite to what he really does say ; for his words are : 
nuvTU yap ru ^uo-ixflt (tooijmtu xut fieyeii^ xaV avTx xnn^ru XeYOfi§¥ 
§$ym xetra ronov njv yup ^vtriv, Myyi<reoos ^PX^^ ^ju^sv etvat auroi^. i. e. 
'^^ We say th^t all natural bodies and magnitudes are of themselves^ 
or essentially moveable according lo place : for we say that nature 
is the principle of jnotion to them.'' Aristotle therefore does not • 
say that all bodies have of tliemselves a motive force, but that they - 
are naturally capable of being locally moved. And if Malebranche 
himself had known that this was the Peripatetic truth supposed bj 
i^ristotle, I scarcely think that even he would have conceived it to 
be false. 

^* In the second place/' says Malebranche, '' he asserts that all 
local mo^on is made in a line, either direct or circular, or composed 
of both ; but if he would not think upon what he so rashly proposes, 
lie ought at least to have opened his eyes that he might see apr 
infitute number of different motions, which are not made of either , 
tbi^ Tight or the circular. Or rather, he ought to have thought that 
the motions composed of the direct may be infinitely varied, when 
tbe compounding motions increase or diminish their swiftness, in 
an infinite number of difierent ways." Here Malebranche rambleii 
fiiU as much as in the before-cited passage. For the words^ of 
Aristotle alluded to by Malebranche, and vshich immediately follow 
ibose we have just quoted, are: fraffa de xiyi^o-i^, oo^ xara ro^ov, ijv 
xoXovftfv fopaf, ^ iuiita, ^ xuxXca, ^ bk tovtohv ju.ixti}. uttKoh yap avrat 
iU5 jxomi. airiov S*, ori xcn ret fxeyidu tomtol avXot pt^ovov, yirs evieia, xeu 
% ftep$^ep%f. i. e. ** But all such motion as is according to place, 
and which we call lation, is either in a right line, or in a circle, or 
mixt from these ; for those two motions alone are simple ; and 
this is because a right line and a circumference are the only simple 
magnitudes." By connecting this with the passage before quoted, 
it is evident that Aristotle is here speaking of those motions only 
which;, are natural, and which actually exist ni the universe, and not 
of Ibe. motions which may be produced by art* Hence it is not 
Aristotle t(iat did not open his eyes in asserting this ; but it is 

relative to Aristotle. 37 

Father Malcbranche who being blind himself^ fancied that bis own 
blindness was in Aristotle. 

Malebranche proceeds : "There are/' says Aristotle, " buttWa 
simple motions, the right and the circular, and therefore all tb« 
others are composed of them. But he mistieikes, for the circular 
motion is not simple, since it cannot be conceived without thinking 
upon a point to which it relates, and whatever includes a relation is 
relative, and not simple. This is so true that the circular motion 
may be conceived as produced from two motions in a right line, 
whose swiftness is unequal according to a certain proportion. But 
a motion composed of two others, made in a right line, and 
variously increasing or diminishing in swiftness, cannot be simple**^ 
Here in the first place, Malebranche shows himself to have been 
profoundly ignorant of the obvious meaning of the term simple 
motion^ viz. that it is an uncompounded motion ; and that circular 
and rectilinear motions, when they are natural, are therefore simple, 
because neither of them is composed of things of a different natiA«. 
Aristotle therefore shows, that these alone are simple motions, frotn 
the hypothesis of lines; for all motion is produced on some linear 
extension. Hence, if there are only two simple lines, there are also 
only two simple motions. For Aristotle does not suppose magni- 
tudes to be the producing causes of motions, but considers them as 
the material causes, or as having the relation of things without 
which motions would not exist. Malebranche falsely adds, ^' tbac 
whatever includes a relation is relative, and not simple." He is 
certainly right in saying, that whatever includes a relation is relative ; 
for relations are relatives ; but he is very much mistaken in asserts 
ing that whatever includes a relation is not simple. For it is 
obvious that there are simple as well as compounded relation^, 
or what would become of the doctrine of ratios ? In what follow^, 
Malebranche blunders from not attending to the kind of circular 
motion of which Aristotle is speaking ; for it is concerning natural 
and not artificial circular motion, the latter of which may indeed 
be produced from two motions in a right line, whose swiftness is 
unequal according to a certain proportion. But the subject of 
circular motion we shall consider more fully, when we come o 
examine Newton's theory of centripetal and centrifugal forces. 

As all the objections of Malebranche to the philosophy of 
Aristotle, are equally invalid with those already adduced, I shall 
only select one or two more, and then dismiss him, as it would be 
tiresome to the reader as well as to myself to notice all his frivolities, 
and pursue him through all his rambling, inaccurate, and distorted 
conceptions. " Aristotle farther supposes," says Mttlebranclie, '*that 
bodies are either simple or composed, and calls simple bodies, 
ihose that have the force of moving themselves, fis fire, earth, ice* 

38 On the Ignorance of Moderm 

addiDg that th6 compouuded receive their motioo from the com- 
pounding. But in that sense there are no niinple bodies^ since 
none have in themselves any principle of their motion. There are 
also none composed, since there are no simples of which they 
should be made ; and so there would be no bodies at all. Wliat 
fancy is it to define the simplicity of bodies by a power of moving 
themselves f What distinct ideas can be fixed to the words of 
.simple and composed bodies^ if the simple are only defined hi 
relation to an imaginary moving force? But let us sea what 
consequences he draws from these principles. The circular motion 
is simple. The heavens move circularly, and therefore their 
motion is simple. But simple motion can be ascribed only to a 
simple body, viz. to a body that moves of itself ; and therefore the 
heavens are a simple body, distinguished from the four elements, 
that move in right lines. It is plain enough that such arguments 
•contain nothing but felse and absurd propositions." Ilie whole 
of what is here objected by Makbranche^ depends on his mistakui^ 
. the meaning of Aristotle, when he asserts '' that simple bodies have 
a principle of motion according to nature ;'' for as we have before 
observed, Aristotle himself says, that by a principle of motion in 
bodies according to nature^ he means ^^ that bodies are esseutialfy 
moveable^ or capable of being moved, according to place,** And 
consequently all the objections of Malebranche are frivolous and 

If any thing however could be singular in so eccentric and 
rambling a writer as Malebranche, it would be this, that in the 
above extract he makes use of the expression distinct ideas, though 
in his illustration upon the Srd chapter of the first book, p. 107> 
he says, that the word idea is equivocal. His words are : ** I say 
here, that we have no idea of our mysteries, [i. e. of the Christian 
mysteries J as I said elsewhere we have no idea of our soul, be- 
cause the idea we have of the latter is no clearer than those we 
have of the former ; therefore thexvord idea is equivocal. Some- 
times I have taken it for whatever represents to the mind any 
object, whether clearly, or confused and darkly ; sometimes mote 
generally, for whatever is the immediate object of the mind ; ^some- 
Smes likewise for that which represents things so clearly to the 
mind, that we may with a bare perception discover whether such 
or such modifications do belong to them. For this reason, I. have 
sometimes said we had an idea of the soul, and sometimes denied 
it ; for it is difficult and often wearisome and ungrateful to observe 
a too rigorous exactness in one's expressions." From such a 
confession as thiSi it is plain that no distinct meaning can ha 
affixed to any thing Malebranche has written, because all his con- 
ceptions were equivocal ; and I have no doubt that the reVder is by 

relative to Aristotle. 39 

tins time fully conviDced that he spoke feelingly \vhen in bis con- 
cluding remark he says, " that it is difficult and often wearisome 
and ungrateful to observe a too rigorous exactness in one'0 

Again, " The second reason/* says Malebranche, " of Aristotle 
to show that the heavens are a simple body distinguished from the 
four elements, supposes that there are tvi'o sorts of motions, one 
natural, and the other violent or against nature. But it is sufficiently 
plain to all those that judge of things by clear and distinct ideas, 
that bodies having not in themselves any such principle of their 
motion as Aristotle pretends, there can be no motion violent or 
against nature. It is indifferent to all bodies to be moved or not, 
either one way or another. But this philosopher, who judges of 
things by the impressions of the senses, imagines that those bodies, 
which by the laws of the communications of motions, always 
place themselves in such or such a situation in reference to others, 
do it of their own accord, and because it is .most convenient for 
them, and best agrees with their nature/* To the reader who has 
not abandoned common sense, and those common conceptions 
which are congenial to the human mind, it must appear very 
strange to find a man hardy enough to deny tha^ there is such a 
thing as natural motion. For do not earthly masses tend to the 
centre of the earth ; and is not this their tendency natural to them ? 
If it is, then a contrary tendency is unnatural to them. Hence 
the motion of a stone downward is natural to it, but its motion 
upward is violcQt. 

1 trust the reader will deem the above extracts to be asufficient 
specimen of the futility of Malebranche's objections against 
Aristotle, and of his profound ignorance of the real meatiin^ of 
that philosopher. But in short, all wonder at any incongruities 
and absurdities that may be found in Malebranche must cease, when 
we find him asking in p. 1 11, *^ How can we be sure that those 
who go under the notion of mad men are really what they are 
taken for ? May we not say they are reckoned crazed, because they 
have peculiar sentiments ? For it is evident, that a man is not 
reckoned mad for having the sense of what is not, but only for 
having a sense of things quite contrary to that of others, 
whether their sense be true or false, right or wrong." And thus 
much for Malebranche, who, from his distorted conceptions of 
things, his rambling and inaccurate manner of writing, and his un- 
blushing effrontery, may be considered as the prototype and fore- 
runner of most modem reviewers. 

In the next place we shall find, that the prince of modem 
philosophers. Sir Isaac Newton, was no less unacquainted with 
the writings of Aristotle than the before-mentioned authors ; and 
that he also fabricated a new philosophy without being an ade()t 

40 On the Ignorance of Moderns 

in the old. In his Lectiones Opticae therefore, p. 148| he attack^^ 
as follows^ Aristotle's definition of color : ** Ait Aristoteles XF^M-^ 
is JiTTi Tou hei^civovs 9¥ ccofMri optiTfjLtvep wepag, Quee superfici^i 
coloratae potius quam coloris descriptio est. 11 la enini dici potest 
extremitas perspicua in corpore terminato. At color plerumque 
videtur^ ubi iiullus talis datur extremitas/ ut in iride etprismate^ ifi 
vitris vel liquoribus perspicuis et aliquo colore leviter tinctis. In 
aqu& mariii^^ quae .viridis plurimum apparet, qui tamen color non 
in extremitate aquae, sed per totam ejus crassitiem, generatur; 
in aere qui, licet maxime perspicuus et nullo corpore denso ternii- 
natusy seren^ tamen nocte caeruleus apparet; et in flammftj qus 
non minus perspicua est, et luci pervia^ quam ipse aer. Sic cum 
bumores oculi colore aliquo tinguntur, omnia videntur eodem colore 
tiucta, licet extremitas perspicui sit aliis coloribus praedita. Et 
cum solem nudis oculis modo aspexeris, luminosa omnia deinceps 
videntur rubra, et nigra plerumque apparent caerulea, qui color 
erit magis conspicuus, si clausis oculis te in locum aliquem tene* 
brosissimum statim confefas. Imo premendo oculum colores 
in tenebris excitare liceat ; quis autem vocabit illos extremitatem 
perspicui?" Here Newton objects to Aristotle's definition of 
color, viz. that color i$ the boundary or extremity of the dia^ 
phanquSf in a definite body. For he says that this is rather the 
description of a colored superficies than of color ; since a colore<l 
superficies may be said to be a diaphanous extremity in a terminatr 
ed body. But he adds, color is for the most part seen where tberfe 
is no such extremity, as in the rainbow and prism, in glass or 
liquors that are diaphanous, and lightly tinged with some coIcm*. In 
sea-water which appears to be very green, and yet tins color is not 
in the extremity of the water, but is generated through the whole 
thickness of it. Thus also color is seen in air, which though 
eminently transparent and terminated by no dense body, yet in a 
serene night is seen to be of an azure color ; and likewise in flame^ 
which is not less transparent and .pervious to the light than air 
itself, &c. 

In order to show most satisfactorily the futility of Newton^ 
objections, and the very superficial manner in which he had perused 
the works of Aristotle, it is necessary to observe, that according to 
Aristotle the diaphanous is twofold, one kitid being definite, bat 
the other indefinite, and that the former is that to which AristotKe 
aUudes in the definition of color cited by Newton from his treatise 
On Sense and Sensibles. Now the indefinite diaphanous is that- 
which receives light internally through the v\hole of its substancei^ 
such as air and water, and all those bodies which are called trans- 
parent. But the definite diaphanous is that which receives lij^ 
in its superficies only, as W mixed bodies which are not trans* 
parent, and which consist of the diaphanous and the opaque^ but 

relative to Aristotle- 41 

on account of their opacity are not transparent^ and on account of 
the diaphanou:9 which tliey participate^ receive light in their super- 
iicies alone, such as wood^ a waii, gold and his like. Such a 
diaphanous as this is assumed by Aristotle, in the above cited 
dehnition of color ; but in the 2nd book On the Soul, he defines 
the ludi'fii lite diaphanous as follows: fori Sij ri iM<t>avsg' iia^aye$ it 
XsyoD, e<m fd^sv ^puTOV, ov xaff etujo Se aparoy.etf; afrXoog eiTfiv, aXka, 
2i' aXkOTgi'tV ^pcofia* toiovtov 8f fOTiy avjpy xou viao^y xm voXXu roov orc- 
ficov ov yap p uSa)g, ov^ yj aijp, hafaveg* aKk* on fOTi ^u<ri^ evimetp^ouvu 
1] atnyj ey TOtnoig ctfJif^tpoiSf xou ev rep attup rep avto coapMTi. i. e. 
'' There is therefore sooaething vi'hich is diaphanous. But 1 call tbe 
diaphanous, that which is indeed visible, yet not in short of itself, but 
through color which is not its own. Air, water, and many solids 
are a thing of this kind. For neither water so far as water, nor air 
so far as air, is diaphanous, but they are so, because the same 
nature is inherent in both these, and in the perpetual body whidi 
is above.'' He also expressly mentions the indefinite diaphanous 
in the 3d chapter of bis treatise On Sense and Sensibles, as follows : 
faivtTcu it XM eaip xoLt uScup ^ptopLotnl^oiutva. aXX' fX€i fisv ha ro sy 
aog^trrcp ou s^y avnjy tyyvitv xat wpofriovct, xa% iFOppcoitv ep^ei ;^f«r, 
9uV aT}p, oud' 1} iakarra. tv it rotg o'ai|tta<ny tav fAni to frtgtt^ov mtji rt 
ff^trafiakXsiVf aoptarat km i} (fapraaria ryf^ XP^^' ^' ^' *^ '^^^ ^'^^ ^^^ 
water appear to be colored. But there indeed because it happens 
in the ind^nite, neither the air nor the sea appears to have the 
same color to those that approach near, and to those who are at a 
distance. In bodies however, [i. e. in opaque bodies,] unless tbe 
"circumambient produces a change, the appearance of color is also 

According to Aristotle therefore, when there is the indefinite 
diaphanous, as in air and water, color may be generated througli 
the whole of such substances, but then it is not their own color, 
but the color of other things ; but where there is the definite 
diaphanous, as in opaque bodies, which have a color of their owa, 
there the color is in the superficies of the body. It is needless lo 
observe, that the objections of Newton arise from his not knowing 
thb distinction which Aristotle makes between the definite and the 
indefinite diaphanous. 

l^ewton also in his treatise On the System of the World,' when 
he ridiculis the hypothesis of solid spheres introduced by Eudoxus, 


< Namaue ortics sohdi postea ah Eudoxo, Calippo, Aristotele introduoti 
sunt; dechiiaijte iiidies philosophisl primitus introduct&, et nuvis Grsecoxup 
eoromentis paulatini praevalentibus. — Eosdem (i. e. comeias) postea in 
iregiones infra luij<im necessario detrusit ista orbiuni solidorum hypothesis ; 
et his iisdem Vicissim per nupera astronomorum observationes in Cfs16# 
lunl Aiperiores reititutiB, confracU sunt illi orbes, et ea sthere delurbath ' 

Newton, De Mundi SystematSt q« 18<U 

40 On eh6 Ignorance vfAf- ^, 

m the old. In his Lectioneg Optir- . „(,w lo be broken as 

H3 follows, Aristotle's defiaitior . ' /-f^ethM, evidenlly goa- 

•E wTi TOO tiMfMKOf fli) •- , ^^i/jntt'e like glass. Hence 

coloratas polius <|tuni - . '>'^,p|,laiid9 liim for having 

extremitas perspicuf ■'i''!l'^' >» "'"'^'' Aristotle had 

Tidetur, ubi uulliu j "i/ '^ Wewise, in his Introduction 

¥itrisvel liquor' ^.r''')*^'^. , hat solid orba and epicycle* 

aqu& marjiil, ^^-^^^ ,*i^„[ronomeTs posterior to i'jtha- 

m extremitp K '^..r % '^"Znce, t^l llie universe liad lost all 

in aere qui -i^^ ''Lf '^LipWfit, and seemed apaiii reduced 
oatus, se- -J •^*'j i^^ ',\thon-" He adds, "that Copernicus, 
aoa mir J?^*^/ <"'*'&iism, bid bis'hoiids «.n ti>e cjcles and 
bumor /^wVp^l" «id dashed ihem to pieces. And that 
tiaclF ^J^'^ *^ ^^^llnnZjj, he took the unwieldy earlh, and 
CWr ^3 "^Jrf» ^t centre of the system, to move round the sua 

"■' ^SSirVhS-nets." 

w ^'fgti^'^ e ipupp"** "f'*"" "'I '*'"' *^' neither Kudoxus., 

' *^oi^ '"■^intle. •""■ i'to'enij, had the smallest' conception of 

?L,rf, ^'^ (7operniciis, N ewton, and in short all the moderns, 
^'l^'^ed i''^'" '" ^ave introduced into the heavens ? And 
iZft i^Pl'jg^mote certain than that the orbs which these ancients 
T<'''^br i'*'^P'"^P''^^ '^^^°'*'"S '^^ ^^'^^^'^' phsnomena, were 
^^''r^ |,eii]g hard and brittle substances, that they were sup- 
(O^ be of 'in etherial nature, and lo consist of pure immaterial 
f^*^ (j ht. To be convinced of this, the reader need only 
^'mmc die e>tractB from Aristotle's treatise On the Heavens, 
Pfj J, ive have given in the former part of this dissertation. For 
'then Aristotle expressly says, "it is impossible that the body 
which is moved in a circle, or a celestial body, should have either 
•nwitj or levity. That such a body likewise is ingenerable and 
^corruptible, without uicreasc anB unalterable, and suffers no 
' change m quality." Hence, he adds, the tirst of bodies is perpetual, 
and has neither increase nnr diminution, but is undecaying, un- 
cbanged in quality, and impassive." He further adds, " the name 
too by which we have railed it, appears to have been delivered in 
.succession from the ancients, who had the same opinion about it, 
SB far ns to the present time. For it is necessary to think that the 
same opinions have reached us, not once or twice only, but an 
infinite number of times. Hence in consequence of the first 
body iK-ing sumethmg different from earth and fire, air and water, 
ihey denominated tlie highest y\ace elher, assigning it this appella- 
tion fiuui always runniiig fir a perpetual lime." I'liis ethereal 
substance <>f which the heavens and the celestial spheres consist, 
was also catted by the ancients fire, but a fire of a very different 
nature from tbat wbicb eiists iti the sublunary region. Hence 

relative to Aristotle • 43 

Pracliu : '* The celestial fire id not caustic but vivific, in the same 
uianner as the natural heat which is m us. He also adds^ that 
mortal animals live through a certain illumination from this light ; 
and that all heaven consists of a fire of this kind, but that the stars 
have for the most part this eleiirent, and have likewise the summits 
of the other elements/' ou yap xaUTTixov to owpaviov xop, aXA* »^ ay 
fyt/yye ^atriv t^cooTroioVf ocg xm to ev ijjctiy tfi^urov 6tgfUQV> xoii amog tv TO*^ 
mpi ysve(r:oi)^ ^ctfoov, sivai ^i}0-i Tiva 6AXaju.\(fiy, vj^ irapovtryi^ ^))v tcov dwjrwy 
f xocTToy. (liv ovv oXog oupctvoif €X TOO TOiourou %vpog icrrty ra h atrrpx, 
':T?\£ia'TOV iJi,ev e^u rouro to GTOt^uoVf e^u is xai tcov aXXmy rag 

This divine body, on account of its superiority to sublunary 
natures, was called by Aristotle a fifth body, and was said by 
Plato to consist for the most part of fire ; the characteristic of 
tire according to Plato being visibility , and of earth tangibility. 
The celestial spheres therefore, being divine immaterial bodies, 
have nothing of the density or gravity of this our earthy but are 
able to permeate each' other without division, and to occupy the 
same place together; just like the illuminations emitted from 
several lamps, which pass through the whole of the same room at 
once, and pervade each other without confusion, divulsion, or 
any apparent distinction. Hence these spheres are similar to 
mathematical bodies, so far as they are immaterial, free from 
contrariety^ and exempt from every passive quality ; but are different 
from them so far as they are full of motion and life. But they are 
concealed from our sight through the tenuity and subtihty of their 
nature, while, on the contrary, the fire of the planets which are 
carried in them is visible through the solidity which it possesses. 
So that earth is more predominant in the planets than in the spheres ; 
though each subsists for the most part according to the character- 
istic of vivific fire. Very elegantly therefore is it observed by 
Proclus (in Tim. p. 278) ** that the celestial spheres [in which the 
planets are carried,] have a more attenuated and 'diaphanous, . but 
the stars a more solid essence. That fire has every where dominion 
in the celestial regions, and that all heaven is characterised by its 
power. That the fire which is there is neither-caustic, since Uus ii 
not even the case with the first of the sublunary elements, which 
Aristotle is accustomed to call fiery-formed, nor corruptive of any 
thing, nor contrary to earth, but shines throughout with vivific heal^ 
with illuminative power, with purity and transparent splendor.'* 
fli tci (lege &)) ravrx ofta)^ Xiyoftsy, tixoroof oi jxcy cr^ou^ XcTronpoey 
•p^ouo^iy Ka^ hafav/ffTipav oucrioy, ta 9e avrqa cmpMcoTipav. iretVTaxoft Is 
iWiXforu TO rvpf xtu o vot^ ovpoamg xeera rnv ^oipotXTiigt^ffrea 8uy«faiC 

Vid. Joann* Orammat. oontnt Prod. De Mundi Attraitate, 

44 On the Ignorance of Modems 

xtfi 0UT5 XtfuoTixov TO fxfi Tup, (oTTOW ye owStf TO DTO (TfXijvijir TO irpayncrrcv 
TOW evTav6oL (rrot^Etoov, o xaXitv eitoisv ApKrroTe\r,g frvgosihcy) ovre ^iap" 
rixov Tivof, 0WT6 evfltVTiov 9rpo$ Tijir yijv, ceAXa SgpjxonjT* t^aovyovm, xai 
tovaftei ^coria-TtXYj, xaf KaiagoTtiTt xen hauyBKf haXafjurov. 

When Boiiiiycastle therefore lepresents Copernicus as influenced 
bj a noble plnenziff w heii he dashed ihe crystal orbs of Ptolemy 
to pieces!, he was certainly right in calling it a phreiizy ; for none 
but a madman woidd attempt to break that which cannot be 
broken ; and a body consisting of immaterial light must certainly 
be an infrangible substance ; but it will not, I trust, be readily 
admitteil that such a phrenzy is noble, except in the same way as 
that of a plebeian lunatic, who fancies himself to be a king. 

The next modern I shall adduce, who has presumed to defame 
Aristotle without being thoroughly acquainted with his writings is 
the Honorable Robert Boyle; a man who in other respects 
deserves no common portion of esteem and applause, for the purity 
of his manners, and the piety of his disposition. In this lattef 
particular indeed, he is an example worthy the imitation of every 
sincere lover of divinity. For it is recorded of him, that he never 
mentioned the name of God in conversation without a pause ; so 
reverential were his conceptions of the divine essence. And it is 
deeply to be regretted that a mind with such a predisposition, had 
not, by a legitimate study of Plato and Aristotle, combined the 
light of science with the effusions of piety, and thus have had 
access to the adytum, instead of standing in the vestibules of deity. 
This otherw ise excellent man^ therefore^ observes of Aristotle as. 
follows : *' And I must now make bold to say, that Aristotle was 
not only a heathen, but was far enough from being one of the betft 
heathen philosophers about God and divine things, there being 
fl^veral of the ancient philosophers, as Plato and Pythagoras (to 
name no others), whose discourses about the deity and his attributes 
Were much more sound, and less unsuitable to that infinitely 
perfect being, and his actions, than were those of Aristotle, of 
whom the excellent Grotius somewhere judiciously observes, that 
his sentiments appeared much more favorable to religion, in his 
exoterical \\riting8, where he was to keep fair with popular readers, 
than in his acroamatical, where he delivers bis sense as a philo- 
sopher.''' And again in another place : '^ For as Aristotle, by 
introducing the opinion of the eternity of the world, did, at least in 
dmost all men's opinion, openly deny God the production of the 
world; so bv ascribing the admirable works of God to what bte 
calls nature, he tacidy denies him the government of the world/' * 

From these txtracts it appears, that Boyle bad never read tlfc 
metaphysics of Aristotle ; for if he had, he certainty ^outd IJ^t 

' Se« Boyle's Works, *4to. vol. vi. p. rte. * Ibid. vol. v. p. 163. 

relative to Aristotle. 45 

have said^ that Aristotle ascribes the works of God to nature ; 
since in the passage which we cited when we were speaking of 
I^rd Bacon, the Stagirite expressly says, ''that heaven and 
NATURE are suspended from the principle of things, who is the 
first mover, who moves as that which is beloved, and who is life 
and duration continued and eternal/' Had Boyle indeed properly 
studied the works of Aristotle, he would have made the same 
euiogium ou the whole, as he has represented Themistius, in a 
dialogue, making on a part of them. For this interlocutor there 
says : " That great favorite and interpreter of nature Aristotle, who 
was, as bis Organum witnesses, the greatest master of logic that 
ever lived, disclaimed the course taken by other petty philosophers 
(ancient and modern) who, not attending to the coherence and conse- 
quence of their opinions, are more solicitous to make each particular 
opinion plausible independently upon the rest, than to frame them 
all so, as not only to be consistent together, but to support each other. 
For that great man, in his vast and comprehensive intellect, so 
framed each of his notions, that being curiously adapted into one 
system, they need not each of them any other defence than that 
which their mutual coherence gives them ; as it is in an arch, 
where each single stone, which if severed from the rest, would be 
perhaps defenceless, is sufficiently secured by the solidity and 
entireness of the whole fabric, of which it is a part. Flow justly 
this may be applied to the present case, I could easily show you, if 
I were permitted to declare to you, how harmonious Aristotle^t 
doctrine of the elements is with his other principles of philosophy ; 
and how rationally he has deduced their number from that of the 
combinations of ihe four first qualities, from the kinds of simple 
motion belonging to simple bodies, and from 1 know not how 
many other principles and phaenomena of nature, which so conspire 
with his doctrine of the elements, that they mutually strengthen and 
support each other.'' ' And thus mu« h for the illustrious but 
unfortunate Boyle ; for unfortunate he certainly must be deemed, 
who, \^ iili a mind so naturally well-disposed, mistook the dark and 
descending labyrinths of matter, for the arduous but luminous 
heights of genuine philosophy. 

l^H us in the next place direct our attention to that celebrated 
modern Locke, and we shall find him so far from being an adept in 
the %\ritings of Aiistotle, as not even to have understood his logic, 
thotigh this ranks only as an introduction to the philosophy of the 
Stagirite. Any one is certainly justified in asserting this of Locke, 
when be finds him in his Essay on Human Understanding maintain- 
iog that syllogism is not the great instrument of reason. But I will 
extract what he says on this subject. 

f JBoyle's Works, vol. t. p. 469. 

4G On the Ignorance of Modems 


•* If we will observe,*' says he, '* the actings of our o\\ n minds^vv^ 
sbaii find that we reason best and clearest, when we only observe 
the connection of the proof, without reducing our thoughts to any 
rule of "syllogism. And therefore we may take notice, that there 
are many men that reason exceeding clear and rightly, who know 
not how to make a syllogism. All who have so far considered 
syllogism, as to see the reason why in three propositions laid 
together in one form, the conclusion will be certainly right, but in 
another, not certainly so ; I grant are certain of the conclusion thcF 
draw from the premises in the allowed modes and figures. JBut 
they who have not so far looked into those forms, are not sure by 
virtue of syllogism, that the conclusion certainly follows from the 
premises ; they only take it to be so by an implicit faith in their 
teachers, and a confidence in those forms of argumentation ; but 
this is still but believing, not being certain. — But God has not' 
been so sparing to men to make them barely two-legged creatures, 
nnd left it to Aristotle to make them rational. God has been more 
bountiful to mankind than so. Fie has given them a mind that can 
reason, without being instructed in methods of syllogising. 1 saj 
not this any way to lessen Aristotle, whom 1 look on as one of the 
greatest men among the ancients ; whose large views, acuteness and 
penetration of thought, and strength i»f judgment, few have equalled : 
and who, in this very invention of forms of argumcntatioii, wherein 
the conclusion may be shown to be rightly inferred, did great service 
against those who were not ashamed to deny any thing. And I 
readily own, that all right reasoning may be reduced to his forms 
of syllogism. But yet 1 think I may truly say, without any diminu- 
tion to him, that they are not the only nor the best way of reason* 
ing, for the leading of those into truth who are willing to find it, 
and desire to make the best use they may of their reason, for the 
attainment of knowledge." * 

'I'his passage may surely be considered as one of the most 
remarkable for its absurdity that ever was written by a rafionaf/ 
being. For can any thmg be more obvious to one who is at all 
conversant with logic than this, that all reasoning is a syllogistic' 
process, which process is either latent or apparent ? To say there- 
tore that God has given men a mind that can reason, without bein*** 
instructed in methods of syllogising, is just as absurd as if it should' 
be said that God has made all men archers without being instructed' 
in the use of the bow. For as all men are capable of discharging 
ftn arrow from a bow, and may frequently though unskilled in^ 
archery hit the mark at which they aim, so all iren can reason 
t!io;igh uninstructed in syllogism, and frequently though thui' 


' Sec his Essay, 4to. edit. p. 423, ^^, 

rehtixSe to Aristotle. 47 

igiioranti reason rightly, but the rectitude in both these nistancM 
is accidental ; since be who is unskilled in the use of the bow can- 
not be certain that he shall hit the mark, nor can he who is un- 
instructed in syllogism, be certain that he reasons rightly. The 
absurdity indeed of Locke's position is so great, that he contradicts 
himseU' in maintaining it. For he says, '' 1 readily own that all 
right reasoning may be reduced to Aristotle's forms of syllogism ;*' 
and yet he immediately adds, ** But I think I may truly say, with- 
out any diminution to him, that they are not the only nor the best 
way of reasoning, for the leading of those into truth who are willing 
to find it, aud desire to make the best use they may of their reason 
for the attainment of knowledge.'* Now if all right reasoning may 
be reduced to Aristotle's forms of syllogism, the best way of 
reasoning must be according to those forms. For the best way of 
reasoning is surely that which leads to right reasoning, and rigSit 
reasoning is reducible to the syllogistic forms invented by 

Besides, there can be no demonstration unless that syllogism is 
employed, the properties of which Aristotle has so beautifully un« 
folded in his Posterior Analytics. For having enumerated the 
three conditions of true science ; viz. 1 st, that the cause of the . 
thing must be known, or, in other words, that the middle term of 
the demonstration must be the cause of the conclusion ; 2d, that 
this cause must be compared with the effect, so that we may know 
it to be the cause of the conclusion ; and 5d, that this conclusion, 
must have a necessary subsistence, he observes as follows : £i rotvvv 
sjTi TO eTTiJTOKriloti, Qiov eitfjiEv* oLvayxri x^i ty,v flnroSsixrixijv £7i(rn}|xi}}f s^ 
Kkfiioi^f T eivai, xon irpetiTciov x.a% ay^frwv, xui yvoDfifMOTipooVf xon irporepwv, 
xut aiTictfV rou <rufji.'jf€goi<r[ji,aTOs. ovrcog yctp etrovrai xai ol\ oLpyaa oxxtisti 
Tou istxvvfjievou, cvWoyKTiMg fiey yetp etrrcn xai otvsu toutoov uTFoh^tg o« 
9VX e(rTar ou yap Troiijo'ei 8m(rTi}ju.)]y. aXi]^)} [asv ouv lei eivai, on ovx to'Ti 
TO [Ml ov STFKTTOLiriar oiov on i) iiafJLsrgo^ aufjCiASTpo;. ex TrpvoTcov S' ava- 
volsixrooVf on ovx efrKrTri<reTOLt jxi) e^o^v uttoSs^^iv uvtcov. to yap ema'TaV'^ 
tm (OV UTTohi^igejUf fx.)) xaTu <rvix0s^vixo$, ro e)(^eiv uTroht^iy e<rTiv. etiTiot 
r«, xoti yvaopifMorepa let eivai, xon ngoTepa. aiTix fiev, on TOTe eviTTOLiueiot^ 
OTWf Ti]y ft<riav etScoftsv. xai irpOTspot, eiirep uma. xon v^oyivco(rxo[Mva 
ou fMvov Toy ercpoy Tpoirov too ^uvisvai, ^xXa xa* rop eihvai OTi ecn, 
xpOTspcL 8* eoTi xoi yvoogtpiMTtgot h^eog. ou yap tuvtov, ifgoTepov rn 
pu(rei, XM Trqog yip^oL^ irpoTepoy. ouSe yvoopipLOirtgiiV, xai riiu%y yywgifMorepov, 
Xiyeo ie vpog ijftaf jxsv irgoTMgoL xon yifcopipt»'joTPpa tol eyyt^Tipov tyi^ 
oKritiaeoos' a7r\oo$ Se vgoTspa xai yvoogipMirtpa ra vopp-joTepov, fori Is 
jtoppooTOLTo) fisv, ra xadoAot; /xa^icra. eyyuTotTm Ss, tol xa&exoLOTa* xai 
avTixeirai raur a>cXi}\o<;. t. e, ''If thf.'n science is such as we 
have estabUshed it to be, it is also necessary that demonstrative 
science should consist from things true, first, immediate, more 
known than^ prior to, and the causes of the co!iclu«ioTv \ iv)\ x^vv^ 

48 On the Ignorance 6f Moderns 

they vi'ill be the proper principles of that which is demonstrated. 
for there may be a 8}ll<>gistn indeed v\iih(>ut these conditions ; tot 
there will not be demonstration^ smce sucli a svllogism will not 
pTodu(*e science. It is necessary, thcietore, that the tilings from 
which demonstrative science consists should be hue, because that 
which is not camiot be scietidjically known ; as, for instance^ that 
the diameter of a square is commensurable with its side. It is also ' 
necessary that they should be from things^'/ 6/ and itidemonsiraUe^ 
because they will not hesvientijically known \> i thou t demonstration. 
For to know scientifically things of which there is demons tratioo, 
and this not from accident, is to possess demonstration. It is 
likewise necessary that they should be the causes of, more knottn 
than, and prior to the conclusion. Causes^ indeed, because we 
then know scicniiiically, when we know the cause : and prior be- 
cause they are the causes. They are also previousiy knowfij not 
only from our understanding what they signify, but from our know- 
hig that they are true. But things prior and more knoM'n subsist 
in a twofold respect. For that which is prior to nature is not the 
same with that whiih is prior to us ; nor is that which is more 
known to nature the same with that which is morelcnown to us. 
JBy things prior and more known to us^ I mean such as are nearer 
to sense ; but things simply prior and more known are such as are 
more remote from sense. And things more remote from sense 
are such as are especially universal ; but such as are most near 
to it are particulars, and these are opposed to each other." 

if therefore it is impossible for demonstrative science to subsist 
without these conditions, and no scientific man will deny that it is 
impossible, how can any one be certain that his reasoning is de- 
monstrative, if he is unacquainted with the above-mentioned pro- 
perties of the demonstrative syllogism i For where the reasoning 
IS not scientific, the conclusion may happen to be true, though the 
premises are false, as Aristotle has shown in many instances in his 
Prior Analytics ; bUt then such premises are not the causes of the 
conclusion, nor the proper principles of that which is apparently 
demonstrated. Thus he who syllogizes as follows : Every stone is 
ao animal : every man is a stone : ergo, every man is an anitnal, 
asserts indeed, in the conclusion, what is true ; but then this syllo- 
gism does not produce science, because both the major and minor- 
propositions are false^ and are not the proper principles of the 
conclusions. For they can only be admitted as principles by him 
Mifho admits what is false to be true ; since, as Aristotle justly ob- 
serves, that which is not cannot be scientifically knonn, A man, 
also may happen to reason scientifically without knowing the proper- 
ties of the demonstrative syllogism, but then he is not certain that 
his reasoning is scientific ; and to say with Locke, that syllogism ia 
not the great instrument of reason, because many men reason ex- 

relative to Aristotle. 49 

ceeding clear and rightly, who know not how to make .a syllogism, 
is just as if it should be said that sight is not necessary in walking, 
because many blind men in travelling happen to arrive at the end 
of their journey in the right road. And from all this I think it is 
most indisputably evident that Locke had by no means studied 
the logic of Aristotle, but was profoundly ignorant of its true na- 
ture and use« 

This want of knowledge in the moderns, of the writings of Ari- 
stotle, and consequent defamation of them, continues even to the 
present time. For Bonnycastle, in his Introduction to Astronomy, 
p. 23., says, that '* Aristotle, who was the great oracle of anti* 
quity, gave the earth the form of a timbrel ;*' whereas Aristotle 
4:onfutes those ancients who thought it had this form, and also de- 
monstrates that it is spherical. Of the truth of what I have as- 
serted, the following extracts are a proof* In the 13th chapter 
X)f the 2nd book of his treatise On the Heavens, he says, '^ To 
some of the ancients the earth appeared to be broad, and to 
have the form of a drum. Of the truth of this opinion, they urge 
as an argument, that when the sun rises and sets, he appears 
|o make a rectilinear, and not d circular occultation, from the 
earth ; though it would be requisite (say they) if the earth were 
spherical, that the abscission should be circular. These do not at- 
tend to thie distance of the sun from the earth, and the magnitude 
of the circumference, and do not consider that in apparent small 
circles, a circumference at a distance appears to be a right line.'^ 
Tois h itXoLTthOLf xui TO ^X»Jft« TUjx^avoeiSijj* iro^ovyron de tsx^mj^iov, oti 
duvoov xai otvareXXcov o i}Aio;, soieiav, aW' gv Trepifepvj t)]v uTroKpv^iv 
^uiveron TroiQVfjLevo^ vtfo ty^^ yi}4* (jo$ 8«ov st'Tfep^riy (rfa.i^osi5)}j, vegK^epri yi- 
ye<rJai koh tijv aTTOTOfiT/jv^ ou 7rgo<TXoyify[ievoi to, ts awoa-rvji^a, tou Yj^iiov 
vpos Tijy y*jv, xai to TVjg frepi^eius fj^eyeiog, 00$ sv roig faivofievotg [juxpoig 
xvxXoi$ evisioL ^uivsrat iroppcioiev. But that the earth is spherical, 
Aristotle demonstrates in the 15th chapter of the above mentioned 
treatise, employing the whole of the chapter for this purpose, the 
beginning of which is as follows : cxyiiJLoi te 6)(^eiv <r^ongo6ide$ oLVcty^ 
xonov awTijv* exuo'Tov yoLp tcov jxog/oov fiotpo$ i^ei fJi^s^gi 7rgo$ to iJi,s<rov' 
x«i TO fXarrov wo rou jttsi^ovo^ coJouftevov oux ^^^^ '^' xvp^an/siv^ a>JKa, 
(rujXTig2[so'dai ju-aXAov, xai <rvy)^eopeiv erepov ereqap, eoos ay eA^jj e^ri to 
jxso'oy. i. e. " The earth also has riecessari/i/ a spherical figure ; for 
each of its parts gravitates as far as to the niidille ; and a less when 
impelled by a greater part cannot fluctuate, but is rather compress- 
ed, and the one yields to the other till they arrive at the middle." * 

■ In the course of this chapter also Aristotle makes use of the very same 
argument, to prove tha^t the earth is spherical^ which is employed for this 
purpose by the moderns. For he says, *< If the earth were not spherical, 


50 Stanleii Nota quadam 

And thus [ have shown, and I trust satisfactorily^ that the 
greatest of the moderns have defamed the philosophy of Aristotle 
without understanding it, have ascribed to him tenets which he 
never maintained, have decided on the merit of the whole from u 
yery superficial inspection of a part of bis works, and^ as the co- 
lophon of lawless innovation, have promulgated a new philosophy 
before they were adepts in the old. The moderns of less celebrity^ 
who, actuated by the same lawless ambition and desire of novelty 
as those I have already noticed, have presumed to attack the Sta-^ 
girite, though they had not even a dreaming perception of his pro- 
fimdity, I shall pass by in silence, and consign them to that oblivion 
to which they are rapidly tending. For the opposition which both 
the latter and the former of these men have made to the philosophy 
of Aristotle, is just as idle as are the incursions of the sea against 
some lofiy rock ; which, sweUing on high, breaks its billows, and 
exhibits no vestige of its rage, though for so many ages it has been 
lashed by its waves." 



No. IV. — [Continued from No. xxxw.p. 365. J 
In Hymn. IV. EU J^Aov. 
1 . '/2 Jof/.!.} Sic Oppian. Cj^neg. ] . 

Ol/Aoy hr) a-Kukuxcov, 
jrp^^aTio'/xep eximio orationem exornat, dum snum ipsius animitni 
illoquitur, et cohortatione quadam quasi stimulo admoto excitaf 

the ecUpses of th6 moon would not have such segments as they now haYe. 
For now the moon, in her monthly configurations, receives all divisions • 
▼rz. the right-lined, the curved on both sides, and the hollow. But in 
eclipses the bounding line is always convex. Hence since the moon i§ 
eclipsed through the interposition of the earth, the periphery of the earth 
which is of a spherical figure, will be the cause of this." ovn yaf at ml 

crtXtjvn; exXi»4"f TOiai^Trtf ay uy^vi rag aTOTOjOtaf ivv fxti yaj iv to*; jcara |tA)}y« vyjufjmm 
T49-^oif , wao-a; Xccfxfiayu rag iiaifto-iig, %tti ya,f %u9ua yinraij xcn afjufixvprog, x<m xo4,X% 
«i(i If T»f i»Xi»4'«f, atiKvfrnv »X" '"l" ^lOft^ovo-ai yfafxfxnv. w<rr* tififntf ixXitirii 4m» 

in Callimachum. S\ 

atque inipellit. Similiter Pindarus, Olymp. 2. &rfl%« vwv <rxo7rco 
f o£oy ays ivfji^e, rwa jSftAAo/xfv ; sic Archilochus ssepe in suis versi- 
bus ; et in Psalmis Davidicis iiihil crebrius hoc ornamento. Vid. 
xlii. ciii. civ. &c. Propertius item, II. Tiii. 

Surge, anima, ex hnmilijam carmine — B. 
(In not. ad oram libri additur, Omitte citationem Oppiani.) 

23. Ksi^on jasv 'jTvpyoto'i, x, r. X.] Hippocrates, in Ep. ad Ab* 
deritanum Senatum, in eandem sententiam ; Maxotpioi ye S^jxoi 
6x^0*01 Tcrao"! tovs oiyuiobs otv^poig epjxuTu uvtoqv, xou ov robg irv^youg, ov^ 
rot rel^ect, aWoi (ro^aov avS^aJv <rofot$ yvooiJt,ot$, Et Theognis, 227^ 
de viro bono : 

'AxgoTToXis xu) Trupyjig iciv xsveofpovi S^jxou. B. 

40. '^OTcg/ij.] Schol. Apollon. ^H vph ftey Jr^^og, vmpov St 
'AcTTspla. Sic item Solinus, et Stephanas. 

106. 'Avr^Xeig ^Top.] Vid. Drus. Proverb. Sacr., Smyrn. libr* 
'V, et xii. ^^^psov ^ro^^et xrip, et Horn. II. £. ^iXxeov ^to§, 

I lO. 9regi9rX6^aa-$e yiveico.] Supplicantium cuipiam mos eral apud 
veteres barbani ejus manu apprehendere^ et ita orantia verba pro- 
fyru Horn. II. K. 454. 

^H, xa) 6 [Lev pv IfieXXff yivf/ou X^^P^ ^^X^'D 
^A^afji^vog xla'cea'ion' o 8* av^h^ fJi»ia'(rov ehMVire. 
Alia exenipla in Hecuba et Andromeda Euripidis ; et mos idem 
Hebi^orum indicatur Amasae exemplo, 2 Sam. xx. 9v Eurip« 
JBacchid. 41 6. TFoipvithg ^uuMVy supplicum more, et Horn, 11. 6. 
■ xa) fAAajSg X*'S^ yevelou 

AKrcoiuevr^, S. 

Euripidis Commentator, 01 iroLKouoi Ixerevovreg edginrovro rrig yeveii" 
iog, xa) rrig x^ipig^ xoi) roO yovvurog' Tfig fisv yeveiochc, oog xscravevtrou 
% elvtiv T« frpog aXXov vvep tou Seojxevot;, etye ^evjcrei touto ^oieiv rrig hi 
p^eipoj, e^ evegyri<rAi' tov ^i woSof, mg ^aS/crai. Eustath. Tolg iru* 
kaioig Hog r^v OTn^vixa Ixirevov, xe^othY^g re Xuiifiuye(Td£H rr^g Toxt Ixsri uo- 
fLevov xefakrig pieVf Sia jxeVij^ yevsiihg, xgltol Eupiiriitiv, i) uvtepiwv^g 
xaS '^Ofirjpov, hu rlv r^yeiLOViXOV, Nonnus 6. Dionys. 

^e^irep^, ^a6t(rxe fia$v(riLYipiyyeg VTnjWig. . 

Plin. II. 45. Antiquis Grzecis in supplicando mentum attingere 
mos erat. B. 

52 Stankii NotcB quadam 

112. uvifioKTiv Iplt^ets.^ Apud Q. Smym. viii. equi Achillis, 

Sic noster in Dian. 94. Oaa-a-ovus oLvpicoy avvocouplSois, 
Et Horn. — « — imv uvsfji.0Knv o[ 

Et Virg. Qui candore nives anteirenty cursibus auras. Vid, 
Fulv. Urs. ad loc. 
Item Ocj/or Euro. Hor. Od. II. xvi. 
122. *Avayxaivi f^tyuXYj fleoj.] Oppian. Hal. II. 
■ — uvuyKoiiYi 8* oiTivaxTO$, 
Tbales dixit, 'Itr^vgorarov 'AviyKVi, xparei yaq Travrcov. 
Et Sophocles in An tig., 'Aviyxri ov^) Swo-jxap^ijTgov. 

Apoll. Rhod. Argon. III. Ou yap er aXAo 

'Plyiov uvdpu)7roi<Ti xaxr^^ e7ri^Y}<r6T ivayxTfig. 
SimoDides (apud Suid.) 'AvdyxYj ov^e 6so) liAyovroa. Plura in ean- 
dem sententiam,^ X Tragicis plerumque, Frischlinusin loc. congessit. 
141. Ahvaiou o§€o$,] Ignium ^tnae meminerunt Oppian. Cjneg. 
1.273., Pind. P}'th., -35sch. Prometh., Lycurg. contra Lieocrat.j 
Orpheus Argonaut., Anctor libri de Mundo ad Alex.^ Cic. de 
Nat. Deor. II., Lucret. II. B. 

152. *AvT hXefifioavvrig,'] Latona beneficium a Peneo collatum 
sibi lA6)]ftocruv))v dixit, non magis sane quam si olxrigfiov dixisset ; noo 
magis, inqu9in^ quam cum Israel a Josepho filio petit ne in ^gypto 
sepeliattir ; additque^ xu) Teoifiaei^ wr' Ijxe iXevifjLOU'vvYiv aXriielctv to jk^ 
du^on i^s ey AlyiisTm. Gen. xlvii. 29. See Heins. in N. T. p." 94, 
173. KeXrh itvoKTrvia-civTeg^ApYta,'] Sic Oppian. Halieut. v. 685. 
*/2j 8* 0T6 §y(r]xgV6S<r<riV STrKrvrifroovTon "Apvja. 
Horaerus his verbis uti solet, oplvHV, orpuveiv, opoSvvstv "Apr^v, B. 
175. ^ lardpiifioi Tfi/jcecriy.] Sio Ovid. 

quot in athere sidera lucent. 

Et Catull. Ille pulvis Erythrii 

Siderumque micantium 

Subducat numerum. (Jul. et Manl. Epithal. lix. 
206. &c.) Vid. Genes. 

. 176. PovxoXeonotti] Lucret. I. Sidera pascit JEther, 
Et Virg. ^n. V. Polus dum sidera pa scet. 

178. KotiTFellx Kpiaa-oTioi, Cirrha, Delphoruni nava)is,olim Crissa 
dicta teste Pausania Phoc. ; "OiJ^ripog fji^evrot Kqi<T(Fay h Tjj 'AiaSi 
ojxo/wj xaVTjJLVop elg 'AiroPO^wvu iyo[ji,oLu\(o e^ app(ris'^0LXsi r^y iei\tp. 

• 4 

in Callimackum. 53 

Bit inde ager subjectus Kpia-a-oLm fre^lov, quod Ktp^oitov iEschini. 
Strab. ix. npoxeiTcm 8g t^j Klppct^ to Kpi7<rotm veiiov euSaiftoy. Hip- 
pocr. in Presb. Thess. "^Hv yoig o^povog (Sr ijv Kgio"<raiov lUvoj' Icoxeoy 
jxgy vs^) TO 9ru9ixoy ifpov, y^v 8* 5»%ov ^ye vuv tco 'Att^KXcovi xaflisgwrai. 
KaXelrut ie ro ju^gy Kpi(r<rxiov tre^hv, ei Aoxpo) va^txeotj(ri, Meinin6- 
runt quoque Heliod. II. Herod. VIII. Vid. Meurs. Att. II. S. 
£09* A6(ruTo ie l^wvriv.'] Pindar. Oi. vi. ait Latonan^ deposita 
Zona punicea peperisse ApoUinem et Dianam. 

^A ^e ^oivix^xpoTcoy 
Zmav xaTotirixoLiJi,ivri 
KflcAiriSa r cipyvpeoiVf 
Ai^fx^a^ virh xvdvea,^ 
lixre $6ofpovoL xovpov, 
£t Hyperides apud Hermogenis interpretem, Aiytraiyoip i^y Ai^rd 
x6owroaf Tobg UalScLs ex Jfo; IXawso^tfai inro rrjs "Hpoig xat^ y^y xaV 
xard iccXeio'S'ar ifii Se «ur^y ^upwifuivriP xa) onropova-otv eSfr^y y^y 
iXSftfy ri^y ijfjLmpoLv xoA Xu<rai ri^v ^coyijy h rm TOirep^ og vvy ZaxrTYjp xa-' 
Xehou, Uem scribit Stephanfis nep) nixsmv, in verbo Kooarn^piov. 

258. hxTTpva-itiv jXoXuy^.] Ti 8i«irpt/(rfoy adverbialiter positum 
apud Oppianum explicat Suidas per ista^ hot vunoi he^iov, fs^iya, 
i^mxova-TOv, Sia/3oi}Toy. Alias addit^ M^ov xu) avo 'rripxros e\$ vipoLSf 
oiovf) haicipd(nov* Sic Oppian. Hal. v. SOO. ha'trpitriov ^oou»<n* 
Noster item Nymphis tribuit oKokoyotg (Lav. Pall. 139-) et Oppian. 
ib. &flnrpuo-ioy TrourjovoL dixit. Utitur eodetti verbo Nazianz. Orat. elg 
Toi rwiiPaa, ubi mentem hominis et fabricam sensuum ait esse <ri- 
ywvToig IvoLiViTokg r^^ [MyetXwpylag S^oxi xcti hafrpu(rlovg xtipuxag^ 

273. Ka) tTcrofuou ovx in 9rX«yxr^.] Aristid. 'AttoXKod re yap f«c- 
o'ly of voiVjTot j^rikoif ^egofiivriv rrporegov crr^cui xutol roD irsX^you; igt/- 
^aina, nrefd^ TrpSkov hv awrjf vyevtro* / 

Virgilius item Mn. III. 75. &c. (male redditus a Sandys.) 
Quam pius Arcitatensy oras et littora circum 
• Errantem, Gyaro celsa Myconoque revinxit, ^ 
Immotamque colt (kdii, et contemnere ventos* 
Sic ApoUinar. Sidon. 

Qmcs neque Deliacis peperit Latona sub atUris, 
Fixura errantem Cyclada pignoribus. 
£t poeta vetus (Barthius Petronium esse autumQt) 
Ddoi, jam stabUirevmciu iena^ 


54 Stanleii NotiB qtuBdam in Callimachum. 

Olim purpurea mari natabat ; 

Et, moto, levis hinc ei inde vento, 

Ibatfluctibus inquieta summis. 

Max iliam geminis Deus catenU 

Hac aha Gyaro ligavitf iliac 

Const anti Mycona^ dedit tenendum, 
£86. «<riyjjTO*o \b|3»jto^.] Interpretantur aliqiii acriy^oio hifififro^ 
dici^ quoniam subinde bullit etfervet; quae quatn puerilia et ludicra 
sit interpretatio, quivis vel mediocriter eruditus perspicere potest. 
Ego refero ad proverbium Graecum, quod his verbis legitur apud 
Paraem. Auctorem : To ** JwSayaToy ;^aXxf7ov^' xslTcit wapoi Mevdv* 
ipco h TOO *ApYi(pco, E^vjTM iikv) Tm iroXkoi, XaXourrcoy, xoe) jx^ hotXenr-' 
ovToov. 0a<ri yap ev Amliivr^ ^uXxtlov [aliquid deesse videtur] M 
klovog hrriva^ rov TraHu l^i}pnj/teyoy \Lwri^yci ^d^xtfir meifMiTOi ti xtm^ 
iivrog, T^y- ytMcr^ya '^oKKoikts t\$ rov Xefiv^TeL hr) xf oyov wokuf* b* e* 
' Dodonaum Ahennrr^ usurpatur a Menandro in Arepho. Dicitiir 
autem ia loquaces et a garrulitate nod desistentes. Dicunt autem 
iu Dodona ahenum in €olumna in edito jacere ; in altera vero co« 
lumna prope stare pu^rum adpensum flagellum habentem aereum, 
Spiritu autem moto magno flagellum saepe in lebetem incidere, 
unde tinnitus non parvus resuUat. Hujus quoque meminit Aasch* 
Dius ; ifec Dodonm cesset iitmitus aheni, * ' 

297—300. . =X«'^'' 

vapievixotl^y x. r. X.] Capillum diis consecrabaot, 
avit fluminibus. Pollux.' irpe^ov hi rives xofi^v vorafiol^ "fj itoii. 
Petron. cui Deo crinem vovisti^if Deis HereuH et ApoUini ; Heiw 
culi vulgus Athenieusium; ut ex Hesych. eruditiss. Casaub. docuit^ 
Apollini sortis majoris. Plutarch. Thes. MtraPatvoms ex ^mioo9, 
g\6ovrsg eis j6X(^ovs uyrdp^eo-iM r<^ 4f(^ t)}$ xo/x)}^ Quod fluminibuft 
Scholieistes Pindari, Tag fxiv yctp TTQwraf x^fLug toI^ vorafiols kvi%iU 

pOVTOy (TVfl^oXoV ToO fif S5«T0^ tlvoii vivTViV T^V AvXV^iTW. Hom. II. *". 

ejusque Interpret. Volvebant autem sacrum crinem prima constitu- 
tione infan^is super terram, aut cum nomina imponebantur. Lu« 
cian. de Dea Syria ; toTctj ^i y«oTo"i trXoxoif/LOvs Upov^ he ysviTrig axlonn, 
Tertull. de Anima xx. quern suadeo videas. Serv. ad Virg. Mn. 
iv., Stat. Theb. vi. Quin addo in nuptialibus sacris comarum primi- 
tias Junoni et Dianae obtulisse origines. Pollux, iii. ; xai rjig 
x^iirii xa\ TOTS cnnifx^vr^ rm$ fc«j^ §d xifai. Nee virgioes taniMQiy 

On the Orations ascribed to Cicero. 55 

^ed juvenes quoque. Lucian. de Syra Dea ; T^(ri vapiivotm xoi 
Toi<ri noitn rif^ov licoifja'avTO jtt^ [xiy^ oiKXoo$ yajxov Tevai, Trgiv 'iTncoXCrm 
xofjLotg Kupoi<r6ou. Var. Ambraciae primum capillum puerilem dem* 
tuiiiy item cirrosad Apollinem ponere sokbant. Stat 
jiccipe laudatosjuvenum, Phaieie, crines, 
Quos tibi Casareus donat puer, acdpe latus. S. 
302. oZko$ Idslpous^EtTTr^po^,] Varro de L. L. v. Exortae sUXim 
tempus dictum a Grsecis icTrepot, I^atine vesper; ut ante soleat 
^xortum eadem stella vocabatur Jabar, quod Jubata. B. 

Fm £• o« 



No. YU^Continuedfrom No. xxxvi. p, 25 K] 


AIagna semper fiiit in admiratione suminisque landibus celebrafa 
^st Ciceroois, quaejFTO M. Mmrcello inscribitur, oratio: iieque cuiquam 
superioribtts secuhs, quod sciamus, in mentem venit, dobitari posie, 
mtrum recte ad hunc referatur auctorem. Hoc si mirifico quodaa 
errore accidit, certe negari nuUo inodo potest, plerasque hujus opens 
partes ea virtute esse debere insignes et eo splendore claras, at aciem 
acute cerneothim preestrinxerint, ne vitia et alia vtSeias stgna videre 
possent. Quod si bsec nulla esse ostenderimus, huic orationi lans sua 
€t in posterum coBstabit. 

Hoc ut nobis agendum putemus, facit F. A« Wolfii auctoritas, cujus 
et doctrina et ingentum merito ab omnibus exiroia laude celebratur. 
Is cum reiiovasset de quatuor Ciceronis oratiooibus controversiam a 
Marklando motam, quam nunquam' motam fiiisse satius erat, in pree* 
fatione significavit, etiam aliam quandam illius orationem ferri, qu« 
sibi in otio scholae composita, non in senatu dicta, videatur. De hae 
nova quaestione ipse preeterea nihil: rem enim aliis integram relinquere 
statuerat. Utinam hoc propositum tenuisset ! Fortasse nemo ausas 

' Non difficilis sed plenus taedii labor asset, illas quatuor orationes Ciceroni 
vindicare. Quam fiitilia contra eas passim prolata sint, existimare licet e 
ipecimine disputationis de verbo pane §« iO. extr« 

56 On the Orations ascribed to Cicero, 

e«set erroris patefacti laudem illi praeripere : ct ipse putaretur senten^ 
tiam mutasse. Nunc cum oratiouem illam animadversionibus adjec- 
tis demonsfraverit, ut ipse quidcm in pntfatioiic dicit, " esse inanent 
rerum ; verbis, forinulis, constractionibus sxpc vix Latinam, in tota 
compositione ineptam, stultam, ridiculam ; denique fatuo principc, 
Claudio, quam Cicerone dignioreiu :" scrupulum injecit multis, qui de 
majoribus rebus ipsi judicare non audent. llos ego monitos volo, ne 
argutiis ejus moveantur. Nam profecto ita ille contra Ciceronem di»- 
putavit, ut ejus ratioue imitanda non minus probabiliter doceri posse 
confidam, non esse F. A. Wolfii illam orationis pro M. MarcellcT 
editionem, sed ab inepto ejus imitatore suppositam. Licebit nobi» 
ejus rei specimen dare, quoniam ipse in fine pracfationis ambiguum 
fecit, utrum rem scriam agere an ludere voluerit. Elegantissime 
scripta est ilia pra^fatio, et difficile est in ea reperire, quod non admi* 
reris, nedum ut quidquam serio reprebendas. Sed permissus erit hie 
Indus, quia docebit, non minus calumniari licere in utramque partem, 
quam disputare. Prima prsefationki particula h«c est : 

" Quum in Praefatione ad quatuor aratianes, quibus Ciceronianum 

nomcn Marklandi et meis obclis detraxi, conjecturam afferremdequinta 

quadam oratione ex ejusdem magni'scriptoris operibus summoveiida; 

tametsi graviores plerasque causas sententise mese tenebara consignatas, 

id tamen non agebam, ut eadem disputandi subtilitate ad novam quaes* 

tioncm translata, consensuni doctorum bominum singulis punctis collige* 

rem. Hoc si facere Toluissem, nuUus ei rei locus fuisset aptior, quam is 

ipse, ubi suspicionem jaciebam. Sed mibi videbar ista brevi significatione 

satis dixisse intelligentibus, qui verum, leviter et summisse admoniti^ 

suo ma|gis ingenio perquirere quam aliena opera doceri mallent: cete- 

rorum et imperitse turban rationem non maguopere ducendam putabam. 

lu boc enim genere si quid recte coujectum est, talem vim novimu» 

esse veritatis, ut, per longum tempus suppressa, tandem emergat» 

assertorem nacta suum ; cum leves conjectural et opiniones, vel caU 

lidissime oruatas, insita quandoque concidant infirmitate. Denique ita 

nuper defessus eram castigandis vitiis umbratici roagistri, ut requiem 

potius apud praestantigres scriptores, qaam novum laborem quaererem 

ex simili causa, et ea, quae mibi multo difficiliorem explicatum habere 

\ideretur. Jam vero quoniam poscunt quidam amicorum meorum, ut 

quam primum exspectationi suae satisfaciani, aliosque in viam redu- 

cam, quos in iliis a me indicatis extremis Orationibus varie errare 

narrant; sumsi aliquot dies feriarum ad ea, quae ante rudibus liueis 

iocboaveram, singular! libello disserenda." 

Haeccine Wolfius scripserit ] Imo tollamus ex inscriptione tanti viri 
uomen. Arrogavit sibi nescio quis impostor hoc nominis ornamen- 
turn : sed virtutes iliius viri adsciscere homo misellus non potuiu 
Significaverat vir magnus, quamquam obscurius, unam e Philippicis^ 
quas nunc habemus, a declamatore aliquo, non a Cicerone, compositam 
esse. Arripuit igitur egregius conjector illam pro Marcello, admirabili 
scilicet genere eloquentiae, quod ipse non cepisset, infeliciter oifensuar. . 
Sed fingamus^ summum criticum de ilia oratione significasse^ tamok 

Wolfius de Qaatuor Orationibus Ciceron. 57 

homo stolidus quid vis pptius audere, quamtalem quaestipneni attingere 
debebat. *E^ ovvxps rov Xkovra, In tali judicio ut lectores te 
audianty non sufficit argutapdi qusedam sollertia, sed poscitur ea lin- 
guae Latinae, maximeque dictionis Tuilianae scientia, . ut ex oratione 
ipsa non malum hujus rei judicem agnoscant. Sed is est stilus Aris- 
tarchi nostri^^ut ex argentese posteriorisque aetatis scriptoribus Latine 
scribere didicisse, de Cicerone autem vix fando audivisse, videaf ur. 

Sed jam ipsum audiamus Pseudo-Wolfium. Statim a secundo versu 
dicity se Ciceronianum nomen Marklandi et suis obelis detraxisse^ 
Quaeres, quibus subsidiis hoc fecerit? Dixerat ipse, quatuor orationi- 
bus. Dices banc esse ineptam ealumniam. Concedo. Sed et tu 
concedas oportet, non multo aptiores occurrere in animadversionibus 
deineeps dijudicandis, sicut statim §. i. de verbis rerum omnium, — 
Ciceronianum nomen ferri potest, ut recentioribus maxime usitatum. 
$ed velim antiqui et probati scriptoris locum mihi demonstrari, ubi 
Ciceronianum nomen, Ciceroniani libri, Ciceroniana merita in remp. 
dicantur pro Ciceronis ipsius nomine, libris, mentis. Illius aetate sine 
dubio Tullianum diceba'nt, quidquid profectum erat a Cicerone uut ad 
ipsum proprie pertinebat: et si quia adjectivum usurpare volebat ab 
hoc cognomine diictum,Ciceronium potius dicebat, sicut a Casone dici- 
tor Catsonium, a Stilicone Siiliconium, a Marone Maronium sive Maro- 
neum, Sed ex analugia Ciceronianum debebat esse id, quod minus 
arc to nexu cum Cicerone conjunctum est, ita ut Ciceronianus esset imi- 
tator Ciceronis ; or alio Ciceroniana, oratio si mills orationibus Cice« 
ronis. Ergo Ciceronianum nomen quatuor orationibus non detraxit 
Wolfius, sed pro ipsius consilio, et quantum in ipso fuit, asseruit, sicut 
<t hie, nescio quis, orationi pro M.. Marcello.^-Sequitur causas tene* 
bam consignatas, Quam vim hie hfibet tenebdm 1 Num est scriniis 
inclusas tuto asservabam 1 an manu gerebam, aut noram sive memine- 
ram 1 Denique dicendum erat simpliciori verbo habebam. Sic enira 
boni scriptores cum Cicerone dicunt. In fine periodi an Latinum est 
consensUm colligere ? Mihi secus videtur. Gratiam et benevolentiam 
eolligere apud Ciceronem saepius occnrrit. Sed consensus diversam 
significationem babet. Etiam hoc est ingratum, quqcl non intelligimus, 
bum verba singulis punctis pertineant ad consensum an ad colUgerem. 
— Insequentis periodi ultima sunt suspicionemjaciebam, De his primo 
monendiun. Latinos dicere suspicionem injicere, non simplici verbo 
jacere : deinde imperfectum tempus adbiberi de actione 1 .) saepius 
repetita, 2) diutius durante, aut per tantum certe spatium, ut aliud 
quid, quod adjungitur diserte, intra illud perfici aut accidere potuerit; 
3) de re paullo post, quam scriptum fuit, facile mutanda. . Nihil 
horum isti loco convenit. Semel enim et paucis, in praef. p. '44. 
Wolfius significavit de oratione aliqua sibi suspecta. Neque porro 
significat hie noster, interim, duui suspicionem injiceret, aliquid factum 
esse. Denique nee de re h. e. de suspicione sua facile mutanda cogi*^ 
tandum est, quam etiam nunc sibi residere, toto libello declaravit. — 
Dtinceps mirum errorem homo imputat Wolfio, cum dicit, se istm 
brevi signifieatiane sibi visum satis digisss i»Uttigentibu$. Quid enim 

58 On the Orations ascribed to Cicero. 

dixerat Wolfius 1 nihil nisi hoc, majarefonan peritiaariU muHemg it 
qua dixerat, exceHere oportere eum, qui aliquando cornoscere veUt, 
num in extremis Orationibus Cteeronis etiam alia qiUBaam lateat^ mm 
in tenatu dicta, eed in otto schola composita, Ceterum neque ontio 
quseesset, neque vitium ullum, aiit vitiorum genus aut uUum voOelas sig- 
Dum clare indicavit. Si tarn obiicura vel potius nulla significatione res 
pateret, dudum explosa esset oratio pro Marcello. — Deinceps claudicant 
ilia n<o magi8**'*docerit quia ut pugnantia ponuntur, neque tamen 
pugnant. Ut breviter dicam, quod res est, non videbat aiAtor, doceri 
absolute, sine casu positum, idem esse, quod tradi^ exponi, et necessario 
addendum fuisse^f. Sed seutentia totius-periodi yide qoantam injuriam 
faciat humanissinio Wolfio. Intelligentibus aliquid obscure significat, 
sed ita, ut ipsi yerum inveniant : ceteros autem omiies errare sequo animo 
patitur. Quis ergo iliis nbn indoctis operam suam pnestabit, si forte 
aliquid addiscere aut saltern clarius se edoceri cupiant, ubi et qno- 
modo verum inveniendum sit ? et quis rationem habebit imperitte, sed 
discendi cupidse turbee, si homines ad docenduni nati et constituti hoc 
mnnus suscipere nolunti — Sequens periodus tot et tantis vitiis scatet^ 
ut yel sola libelium falsi nomiuis inscriptione condemnet. Quid 1 tR 
hoc tAutum genere, in asserendis yelabjudicandisalicuiscriptori libris^ 
Veritas recte conjiciendo emergit ? cur non item in aliis rerum generk 
but, in quibns est simplicior indagatio veri? Deinde quis est ille, qid 
post dicitur assertor ? idemne qui conje«erat ? sed inde nascitur iouti- 
lis tautologia : an alius quispiam, qui suo ingenio, ut ante dictum erat, 
verum perquirit? Sed quanti hoc est? Intelligitur per se, inquirmdo 
verum inveniri. Quaereudo enim omnia inveniuntur. Quid quid in 
rerum natura exstat neque sponte se ostendit, perquirendo inveniri 
debet. Itaque nihil peculiare de vi veritatis hie dicitur, et verba talem 
V. ft. e. veritatis monti parturienti sunt simillima. Sed hsec ipsa veritiis 
eurper longum tempus suppreasa tandem emergere dicitur? noont et 
per exiguum tempusl Sed omnino quantulum hoc est laudis? £a 
demum recte praedieetur Veritas, qu« nunquam se supprimi patiatur. 
Ceterum perspicuitatis causa Wolfius dixisset quamvis per I, t. 9, tamen 
emergat aiiquanda^ Leves conjecturae dicuntur quandoque concidere. 
Hoc sive interprefarour interdum, sive post longum tempuSf idem 
accidit rebus certis et exploratis, ut historia docet mnltis exenHpUf. 
Pro insita infirmitate Wolfius diceret sua. Nam leves conjectune 
naturali potius et innata labant infirmitate, quam insita : et infirmi* 
tatis notio est, quod dicunt, negativa, ut ex re sublatum aliquid intel- 
ligatur, quo fieret iniirma, nihil autem insitum. Denique verbomm 
fiico absterse quid sententiae remanet de tota periodo? nihil nisi hoc, 
obscurum quidem et futile: Veritas post longum tempus invenitur 
atudio hominum : leves conjectune per se concidunt, Sed ne odiosiui 
omnia persequar, de ultimis tantum versibus aliquid addam. De 
extremis Orationibus dicitur. Quaenam sunt illae? In principle dic« 
turn est de quatuor Orationibus, et de quinta quadam. Omnrao tota 
sententia ipsum auctorem poscit interpretem. Sed malis scriptoribof hoc 
MMt commune vitium> ut, quae sua cogitata ipsi sibi videntur intelligere, eA 

Wolfius de Quatuor Orationibus Cicerotu 59 

utciinque expressa omnibus clara esse credant. — Sumpai pro tunui 
minquam, ut opinor, scribit Wolfius^ cum p inter m et < aut f, ut in 
mromtus, emtus^ et aliis, e vitiosa pronuntiatioue indoctornm et bar- 
barorum se ingesserit. Re ipsa idem si^nificat Priscianus L. X., qui 
euphoniae causam affert. Vid. Saiictii Minerva IV, 17. ubi et Perizo- 
uius statuit, Justiniani fere tempore vitiosam banc scriptionem inva- 
luisse. — Bellam a pictura nietapboram auctor petierat in rudihus et 
lineis et inchoaveram ; sed turpiter horum oblitus in extremo disst'* 
rendu. Ne somnianti quidem hoc excidisset Wolfio, pro perfieienda, 

Sed satis multa, imo nimis multa lusimus. Nemo enim credere 

debet, hsec serio a nobis vituperari. Jam ante dixi : sed iterum iterura* 

que dicere et confirmare malo, quam suspicionem relinqnere, me 

severs reprehensioni simulatae calumniationis nomen prsetendere. 

Itaque nee in reliqua praefatioue nee in animadversionibus quidquam 

attig], praeter res et sententias auctoritati et praestantiae hujus orationis 

oppositas : verba censoris ad censuram vocanda uon putavi ; in qoi- 

bus passim non ipse, sed calamus et manus peccavit, ut ad §. 31. 

^ exemplum quo bic usus est Orator, nimirum ut membra paria faciat.'^ 

Nam defendi omnia posse scio et lubens concedo. Qnin etiam insuut 

in his, quae quis admiretur et exempli loco proponere possit Latine 

scribere discentibus, ut scita periodorum forma et rcruni dicendarum 

apta collocatio. Sed, ut ad causam Ciceronis redeam, si et ipse 

Wolfius sciens volensque orationem ejus excellentem calumniatus est» 

ejus factum vereor ut judices seven et integri probent. Nam cum 

nimis feliciter et prorsus ad verum expresserit hominis pro sua 

sententia^ acerrime puguantis conlentionem» etiam intelligentioribns 

injecit scrupuium, qui banc orationem pubiicis scholis explicant. 

Mihi quidem narravit amicus, cum ipsi allatae essent Wolfii in 

earn animadversiones, se ancipiti distentum dubitatione, quid ageret, 

constituere non potuisse: neque enim silentio praeteriri posse talis viri 

dicta^ praesertim in ccetu adolescentium non indoctorum nee incurio- 

soruni ; neque rursus ad severum et longum vocari examen, quod ea 

re bona pars temporis absumatur ad alia tractan^ constituti : idque 

sibi eo molestius accidere, quo plura occurrant, in quibus non facilli* 

mum sit a viro tanti nominis dissentire. Hujusmodi querelis ut occur- 

reremy et ut discipulis quondam meis aliisque, quibus et ipse banc 

orationem, ut egregium eloquentiae Tullianae monumentum, semper 

commend^vi, copiosius judicii mei rationem redderem, Wolfii animad* 

versionea^ sicut ipse appeilat, per hunc commentarium dijudicandas 

suscepi. Nam ea re feliciter acta, plerisque hoc denique sufficere 

potent, ut sciant, orationem pro Marcello jam ita esse defensam, ut d« 

ejus auctoritate dubitari non debeat. Quamquam quid opus est tale 

iostitutum aliqua excusatione praemunire? Cuique bonarum litterarum 

amanti tarn debet esse optabile, ut auctoribus sua vindicentur, quam 

oe illis tribuantur aliena; multo niagis autem hoc, ut verae eloquen- 

tiae et Latinitatis, de qua Wolfius hirgani disserendi copiara dedit, 

explorentur notae. Ac ne ipsi quidem moles turn lore spero, ^ hac 

opera nostra, si ita cohtigerit, adjutum esse, ut ^etwsi^ >iw.«^^\^'k 

60 On the Orationi ascribed to Cicero. 

qua est deceptus, facilius discerneret. Nam illud mihi non arrogO, ut 
secundum primani conditioneni, quam ipse tulit, ad ipsum redarguen* 
dum aliquam Ciceronis orationem calumniando perstriugam et siitiili 
ratione Ciceroni abjudicem. Nempe in fine pracfationis h«c scripsitt 
'^ Jam si quis forte erit in iis, quos ego de hac quaestione judicare 
posse putabam, cui perlectus commentarius videatur ipsum Ciceroneni 
calumniari: pro opera mea hoc unum et leve pr«miuni postulo> ut is 
nobis quam prinium Orationes pro Ligario et Deiotaro, vel aliam quam- 
cunque, eadem ratione calumntetur. £a si displicuerit conditio^ velim 
sibi persuadeant lectores, meraet ipsum, exemplo Rossii, non rem seriam 
agere, sed reetiora edoctum viueta mea csedere, vel hoc tQtum genus 
criti^arum suspicionum, iie in imperitorum manus veniret, cavillando 
eludere voluisse." 

Quis vero scit, se in eorum esse numero, quos ipse putarit de hac 
quaestione judicare posse ? Quod autem postulabat, ut quam primnm 
alia Ciceronis oratio similibus calumniis exagitaretur, illud tempus vel 
ilia dies, qua earn rem confectam volebat, fortasse jam praeteiiit 
Vcrum etiamsi res esset integra, et si ego essem in illorum numei^, 
tamen altera conditione uti mallem, quae ad omues lectores pertinere 
yidetur, nisi illud me pungeret et vere sollicitum haberet, quod ante 
narravi. Sed et hoc me male habet, quod tertiam conditionem nuUam 
ponit, neque adeo, quae prima esse debebat, lectores meliora docerii 
concedit. Sed banc conditionem sine arrogantia, quantum video, mihi 
ipse ponere possum. £t, ut opinor^ viri egregii humanitas id non 
«gre feret, cum viderit, non contumeliis et maledictis pugnari. 

Jam de hac^ quam defendendam suscepi, Ciceronis causa in univer* 

sum quaedam monenda sunt. Notum est illud Horatii ( A^P. 352)). 

judicium : ubi plura nitent in carmine, nan egopaucis offtndar fnacmli$ 

etc. Hoc non solum de poemate^ sed etiam de oratione^ et de omnt 

scripturae geuere valere oportere, nemo dubitabit. Quare si non plurSj 

sed quam plurima in oratione pro M. Marcello scripta nitent, et in 

paucissimis verbis reperitur, quod jure reprehendas, multo minus earn, 

ut Cicerone indignam, damnare debebis. Quodsi porro vix unus et 

alter est locus, in quo vitium manifesto sit ipsius auctoris, quale §. 5. 

init. notavimus ; et si reliqua omnia profecta sunt ab interpolator ant 

a librario, ac ue haec quidem admodum multa, integer judex yix defen- 

sione opus esse putet. Neque vero audiendus est, si quis opponat, 

cupide sic agi, et facilem esse suppositi scripti, dictionis maxime cha- 

ractere damnandi, defeni^ionem, si eorum, quae impostorem arffuunt, 

alia tribuantur librariis, alia glossatoribus. Nam huic orationi nihil 

pnecipui juris postulo: idem tantummodo jus, quod aliis vetenim 

scriptis, ei statuendum esse contendo. At in ceteris Tullii orationibufl 

critici pauca vituperant : in hac quam multa vitia notavit Wolfins I 

Non minus multa, imo plura etiam hi ilHs vitupen^re licet, ea quidem 

ratione, quam vir doctus in hac dijudicanda tenuit, et quam ipse ludo 

quodam ab initio huj us prsSfationis expressi : et justi specim mis loco 

esse potest Appendix de oratione, li9et suspecta, pro Q. Ligario« 

Itaque, ut illuc iedeam> in ceteris antiqub scriptoribus^ et in hoc ipio 


Wolfius de Quatuor Orationibus Ciceron. &l 

Cicerone quomodo versatur criticorum gravitas? Nonne ubi plurima 
nitent et auctore, qui ab omnibus creditur, et qui ab antk|uissinio tem- 
pore creditus est, digua videntur, paucas quasdam maculas aliunde 
adspersas putantl ^tcfui per huuc commentarium nos videmur docu- 
isse, quani plurima et prope omnia, qu» censor in oratione pro M. 
Marcello notavit, Cicerone, qui semper habitus est auctor, reperiri 
digna. Sequitur ergo, ut maculis, si quae etiam nunc restant, vel 
abstersis vel excusatis earn huic auctori suo vindicemus. 

Ceterum lectoribus, qui haec nostra cum illis a Wolfio scriptis con- 
tendere volent, banc fero condttionem, ut, si forte pleraque nostra 
probarint, de Viri Excellentissimi divino ingenio et exquisita doctrina 
non minus bene sentiant, quajn adhuc senserunt. Quod ut ex animo 
possint, illud primo cogiteut, errores quosdam viris doctis, Woliii 
similibus, quodammodo esse honorificos. Cum enim non in simplici 
litterarum genere versenturi et multa diversarum rerum cogitatione 
diversorumque scriptorum lectione occupentur, non mirum est, notis* 
•imas interdum res, quippe sepositas aliquauidiu et ex animo dimissas, 
illb videri novas et insolentes, sicuti de forma res tua gesta §. 25., et 
de^aliis censori in memoriam suo tempore non rediit. Quid, quod 
Emestium erroris habet socium ? quem scimus felicissimum fuisse 
Ciceronis et interpretem et imitatoreni. At dicat quispiam, imbecil- 
litatis humanse memor non debebat ille tanta confidentia elatus homi- 
num doctissimorum et elegantissimorum judicia pro nihilo ducere, 
neque hoc sibi suniere, ut rem illis exploratam erroris plane et eviden- 
ier convincendi nomine appellaret, et profiteretur, scriptorem sub 
Ciceronis nomine latentem a se uno ictu sic affligendum fuisse, ut 
posthac nulla spes restitutionis snperesset. Sed excusare potest illam, 
qnx quibusdam videatur, arrogantiam ingenioruni excellentium mos et 
ratio. Ubi phantasia incaluit, res a se excogitatas interdum tam clara 
luce animo suo subjictunt, ut eorumacies praestringatur, neque veriora 
ilia cernaut, propter quae inventa sua stare non possunt. Ego quidem 
ilium aoimi atque ingeuii nervis carere puto, qui nulla de re non Archi- 
medeo radio explorata liquido et confidenter pronuntiare audeat, -ac 
oe sua quidem inventa, nisi timide et dubitanter, commemoret. Et 
reliquit Wolfius non pauca, ut dubia, modeste significans, se de illis 
deccrnere non posse. Fortassis etiam Marklandi exemplum, in cujus 
verbis diligenter perpendeudis et Latine vertendis paullo ante versatus 
erat, contagione quadam valuit, ut, licet niodeslior et sui judicii, plus- 
ciilum sibi videreturarrogare. Quodsi ille plane nihil verum et stabile 
de vitiis hujus orationis protuHsset, tauien e conatu per se jam lauda- 
bili hsec ill! maueret laus, quod viri docti excitabuntur, ut eo diligen- 
tius de Kpirripiois ejus quadrant, et ut ejus praestautiam penitius cog* 
poscant ratipnibusque justis declarare instituant. •" 

Sed i|e a laude magis propria censoris doctissimi discedamus, inde- 
fessum ejus et multiplex litterarum studium ad festinationcm quandam 
eum videtur impuhsse. Nam et ipse fatetur in praefatione, se tantum 
dies aliquot J eriarum operi suo perficiendo impeudisse, et res ipsa 
lioc docet plaui^sime. Quis credat^euiu iguorare, quid sit cupiditas iu 

62 On the Orations ascribed to Cicero. 

judlcando, de qua §. 25). extr. aut comparativum aliqnando altiorem 
graduin obtiiiere, quam superiativum, de quo §. 33 ? lilud docetar in 
lexicis etiam minoribus, hoc in libellis grammaticis pueronim luni 
scriptis. Quod iu his et talibus lapsus est, id partim excusatur sapiK 
dictisy partim, ut dicere iustitueram, eju^ ad roajora quaedam et gnivi- 
ora festinatione. Propter banc ctiam nennulia obscurius tantam sig- 
nificavit, ut de editore aliquo ex tit, quo$ nunc ichola haheant $.39. 
Num seorsim h»c oratio nuper erat edita, an cum aliis conjunctiint 
Lubens ego banc editionem mihi plane ignotam in consilium adhibais- 

Erunt etiam, qui ejus iniquitatem quandam accusent. Exardescit 
enim interdum veliementius contra hominem, quern sibi pro Cicerone 
Bubstitutuni finxit, ut si oppositum haberet adversariuni, non metuen- 
dum ilium quidem, sed tamen ob stultam malae mentis pertinaciam 
omni modo reprimendum et compescendum. Itaque ei aliena Titia 
obtrudi facile patitur, quasi kv Kapl Klvivyov, ut dicenda pro dueeniMf 
intuehitur pro tuebitur §. 2&^ Eodem portinet ilia velut fastidientis 
stomach! calumniatio, qua carpudtur multa apte translata et felicitcr 
novata, nonnulla item commode et ad analogiam constructa, quibui 
interpretes in commentariis non attulenint similem probati scnptorii 
locumy adeo ut, qui talis censorts notam velit cffugere, is nihil, niii 
centones, conficere possit. Rursus si quid horum exemplis ex ipso 
Cicerone defend! potest, en tibi ilia, auctorem certasse cum Cicerone^ 
aimis memorem fuisse loci TuUiaui, et similia. Sed et hsec iniquitatiy 
species potest ante dictis purgari. Facile homines eijipayraalwoi euoit 
quem reprebendere coeperunt, sibi finguut reluctantem, ita ut non 
solum cum mortuo, sed etiam cum umbra pugnent, et ejus omnia 
insectentur odiosius. Accedit, quod quis tacite et hoc cogitare potesty 
non defuturos esse rerum castigatarum defensores. Hos quasi ante 
oculos sibi constituit, et cum his sibi rem fore videt non sine aliqua indig-, 
natione. Id si accidit censori, habebunt sequi judices, quo verba 
ejus, si qua duriora sibi excidere passus est, in meliorem partem 
interpretentur. Hoc ut fieret, optavi, ex quo nonnulla ex ejus ani- 
madversion! bus accuratius expendere ccepi. Sed valde timui, ne quis 
asperius causam Ciceronis defenderet. Itaque optavi hoc amplius, ne 
quis illud niunus primo quoque tempore su&ciperet, quod mihi prae^ 
reptum doluissem, nisi idem adhibuisset aequitatem et humanitatem 
\irode bonis litteris optime merito debitam. 

Hsec scripseram totumque commentarium confeceraro, cum copia 
mihi facta est novae editionisorationistractatse. Inscribiturilla: M» TuUi 
Ciceronis orationem pro M. Marcello rodelas suspicione^ quam nuper 
injiciebat Frid. Aug, Woffius v. e. liberare conatus est Oiaus WarmiuMf Rector schola Hothersnes, Haunire, 1803. Elegantissimi 
judicii documenta dedit Wormius in disputation! bus textui subjectis, 
mihique non pauca suppeditavit ad commentarium perpoliendum. 
Veruntamen praestitit tantum id, quod inscriptio habet, nee tamen 
omni ex parte : non paucas enim censoris castigationes intactas reli- 
quit : atque etiam de iis, quas refutavit, non plane satisfecit. Praeterea 

Wolfius de Quatuor Orationibus Ciceron. 6$^ 

consultum niaxime opera sua voluit esse popularibus et discipulfs sum, 
quorum ia usum non modo in scboliis multa Danice vertit, sed etiam 
in fine adjecit totius orationis interpretationem Danicam. Ceterum 
ad laudem ejus accedit Latinitas studiosum TuUii lectorem arguans et 
-vindice TulUanae orationis digna, et^ quse virtus pluris est, bumanitas in 
redarguendis viri docti erroribus. Eodem tempore, qua Wormiana 
subsidia mihi obtigerunt, legi in epbemeridibus litterariis Lipss. de 
Commentatione exhibente nonnulla ad Wolfiana$ oratianii pro M, 
Mar cello castigationei, audore Ge. Chr. Im, Kalau, PhiL D, et LycH 
Franco/. Conr, 1804. Hanc ut mibi mitteret Clariss. auctor, non 
frustra petivi. £x ea, licet b^evissima, sicut ex epistola ad caicem 
Jtdjecta, quaedam excerpsi lectoribus, ut spero, valde probata. 

Horum propositum quod fuerit, et quatenus illud assecuti siut, par-^ 
tim dixi, partim per se apparet. Mea ratio latius pat^t. Cum orati- 
onis, quam vindicandam et iliustrandam suscepi, reprehensio fere 
omnis nata sit vel e verbis male spectatis et intellectis, vel ex arte non 
animadversa, cumque superiores etiam interpretes multa praeterierinty. 
quibus explicandis bene operam suam posuissent : non Wolfianas lan- 
tum castigationes sectatus sum, ut iUis dumtaxat dijudicandis bonaruin 
litterarum studiosis prodessem, sed et alia quam plurima accuratius 
exploravi, ut iieret, quern inscriptio promittit, commentarius plenus. 
Quid autem sit in hoc genere plenum, paucis ostendam. Hanc pleni- 
tttdinem non conficiunt omnia omnium interpretum commenta in 
unum Corpus congesta. Partim enim falsamulta, partim futilia aut certe 
aliena, partim eadem diversis verbis repetita tali colligendi sedulitate 
exhibentur. Atque etiam sic mancusexsistere potest commentarius. Ergo 
cum non pueris rudibus, sed adolescentibus Latine i. e. bene scribendo 
jam institutis et paullum exercitatis talia scribantur, ea copiose oportet 
exponi, quae ad sensum verborum per se non cuiqne perspicuum et ad 
omnem dictiouis virtutem declaraudam pertinent. Itaque interpretes 
auperiorum seculorum nonnuUos sic adhibui, ut ab iilis tradita, quan* 
tnm in me esset, ex animo dimitterem: atque etiam melioreSf ut 
Manutium, Abramium, Graevium, ita sequendos vidi, ut non ab illis pen- 
derem, neque eorum uterer verbis. Aliud res suasit in animadversioni* 
bus Wolfii, quia hie non agit verum et justum interpretem, et quia, nisi 
verba ejus ipsa servata essent, multa malitiose in alienum sensum 
detorta viderentur. Denique selectio, quae olim magna ferebatur 
laude, variarum notarum e diverts interpretum commentariis nun- 

3uam vero etintegro judicio probari potest, quia in unum corpus coira 
iversorum corporum membra nequeunt, meliusque multo est eandem 
sibique convenientem rationem et orationem per unum eundemque 
compaentarium servari. Quam ob rem magis menti quam oculis sub* 
jectas in rem meant verti aliorum interpretum seutentias. 

Textus ipse typis hie repeti commode non potuit. Fuisset enim 
commentario aut praemittendus aut subjiciendus,quod ad usum parum 
opportunitatis habuisset. Sed tamen cum prima interpretis cura hcec 
debeat esse, ut verba certa, quae putet ab auctore scripta, teneat el 
conunendeti tantum monebo^ vas receusionem Enieatii ante oci^oir 

64 On the Orations ascribed to Cicero. ' 

habuisse. Si quo igitur loco de verboruin intcgritate nihil dixi, ibi 
textum ejus ut verum aut Ciceroni maxima convenientem probavi. 
Sed tota prope oratio particulatim p^r commentarium exhibetar, ut 
vix locus relictus sit, in quo non appareat, quid genuinum aut probaD- 
dum putaverim. 

Denique et in externa libri forma, quantum erat meae facultatis, 
curavi, ne qua oculi offeudereutur, sed multo magis, ne impedirentar 
difficuitate quaerendi. Hanc ob causam animadversiones censoris noB 
iisdem versuum spatiis iyclusi, sed ita collocavi, ut prime statim con* 
jectu oculorum a reliquis discernerentur. Hac ratione etiam effectum 
est, ut eas omittere, si quis vcliet, commodius posset, atque etiam 
majori opportunitate coniparare cum illis, quae contra dicuntur, si qmS 
causam totam diligentius cognoscere et dijudicare cuperet. 

Hsec quasi extra causam przefanda duxi. Cetera praeeunte Wolfio 
sunt persequenda, e cujus praefatioue ordine singula excerpsi, qu» ad 
institutum pertinent. Nam in refutandis aliorum opinionibus minime 
probanda est eorum ratio, qui suum sibi ordinem constituunt, ut modo 
bine modo iliinc aliquid arripiant, in quo copiose se jactent. Fadk 
illi vel casu et oblivione vel difficultatum dissimulatione nonnuUa omit- 
tunt, in quibus est niultum momenti. Ac, ne ab bac oratiooe disee- 
dam, si vel una sententia atque adeo unum verbum inesset Cicerom 
auctori plane repugnaus, neque id casu aut interpolatione potuisset 
immigrare, causa nostra esset desperata. Totum igitur libellum Wolfii 
percensens omnia ordine expendi, nihilque praetermisi, quod ad can- 
sam videretur pertinere. Nascitur inde volumen majus, quam pro 
illustranda tarn brevi oratione. Nam, ut Wormius queritur (p. 109], 
'' est in hoc defensoris conditio, quam accusatoris, iniquior, quodi 
cum hie digito monstrassc et verbo monuisse contentus est, ilU ad 
suspiciones injectas delendas et crimiua sparsa diluenda longiore on- 
tione opus est.'^ Sed tamen brevitatem, quam res ferebat^ servare 

Denique et hoc addam, quod mibi de hac ipsa brevitate cogitaiitl 
in mentem venit. Dixerit quispiam, cum duplex fuerit meum consi- 
lium, unum refutandi Wolfii, alterum explicandas justo commentaiio 
oratiouis, non bene haec duo conjuucts^ jesse ; me debuisse alterutrum 
omittere, aut saltem graviora tautum Wolfiana paucis verbis expressa 
diluere, ut et commentario sua forma constaret, et justa usuique apta 
brevitas servaretur. Ad haec modo dictis prope satis responsum est. 
'Tantum dicam, cum hanc mihivaldeprobatam rationem sequi vellenit 
me vidisse, etiamsi litigiosas disputationis speciem, quantum fieri pos- 
set, vitarem, simplicemque commentarii formam tuerer, tamen dupe illo 
viro docto utendum esse, quia nemo tarn studiose, quam ille, onines 
diificultates et vitia omnia vel ab auctore vel a librario prpfecta per- 
secutus est. Itaque si illam rationem, h. e. externam simplicis com- 
mentarii speciem twiuissem, paullo brevioreui, fateor, fecissem, sed 
ita, ut neque explicata satis neque defensa omni ex parte videietor 
oratio. Quam ob rem rogo lectores, quibus secus videtur, ne vcrbosae 
disputationis specie offendantur, aut^ si vacat, primo Wolfii animad- 

Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant, ^c. 65 

^ersiones kgant, ac deiode periculam ipsi faciant aliter institnendi 
commentarii. Videbunt illi profecto, quam difficile sit» ilia, quain 
demonstraviy ratione sibi satisfacere, nedum aliis, qui eadem ista con- 
tra banc orationem prolata legerint/ et quam suspecta fiat optima 
causa, nisi quis viri docti, qui ea protulit, ipsa vestigia sedulo premat, 
et eum quasi duceqi et defendendaeet expUcand^e orationis sequatur* 



1 HOSE who read only for information on the origin and antiquity 
of nations, are too frequently compelled to discontinue their re- 
searches in weariness or disgust. The materials fihich they are 
bound to consult, if they would arrive at any satisfactory conclu- 
sion to their inquiries^ are so scattered^ so various, and extensive ; 
and the autliors who have attempted to guide them through the 
labyrinth, have embraced hypotheses so contradictory^ that he who 
has no theory to support^ is bewildered and embarrassed. Scrip- 
ture and history, tradition and etymology^ the customs of nations 
and the fictions of romance, are all enlisted into the service of an 
hypothesis. The learned writer is the astonishment of bis contem- 
poraries and the admiration of posterity^ till another strong man 
armed, overthrows his palace, to erect another hypothesis on the 
same extensive foundation of labor, knowledge, and research. 
Though successive theories are thus overthrown, materials have 
been collected, the ground cleared, and difficulties removed ; though 
Bishop Warbiirton, in the opinion of Mr. Faber, has failed to prove 
that the mysteries' originated in £gypt; though Marsham and Spen- 
cer are both wrong in their opinions on the origin of the Jewish 
ceremonies, and the Pagan idolatry, they are entitled to our grati- 
tude with Bishop Cumberland, Perizonius, Witsius, and many 
others : all their researches have contributed to demonstrate that the 
account of Moses is true, and revelation the gift of God. 
■ Among the proposers of theories Mr. Bryant and Mr. Faber are 
pre-eminent. Mr. Bryant's fame is known to all ; Mr, Faber is 
still our contemporary, and the character and reputation of an in- 
dividual can seldom be properly appreciated till his labors be com- 
pleted. But from all that we have heard and seen of Mr. Faber^ 
VOL- XIX. €1. Jl. NO. XXXVII. E 

66 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant 

w€ are justified in asserting, that for integrity of cbaraeter, purity 
of intention, and extent of research ; for learning, for fHety, and 
industry, he has met with few superiors. The history of fixe futmv 
aces can alone decide whether his interpretation of the {IropblBk 
cies of the Apocalypse be correct. Some objections may be urged, 
ui the opitiions of the most excellent may vary, against several de» 
bateable points, both in his printed Sermons, in his Hone Mo- 
saicse, and his late invaluable work on the Origin of Pagan Ido- 
latry ; but he has rendered most essential service to the commoii 
cause of learning and religion ; and he is worthy of our admiration 
and gratitude. 

1 have thus expressed my mncere opinion of Mr. Faber, though 
h be contrary to the customs of the day to offer a tribute of ttuis 
kind to a stranger. In making some few observations on a 
part of that great work, which every inquirer into the origin 
and antiquity of nations will add to his library ; I trust Mr. Fabcff 
will believe that I am actuated by the same love of truth, which 
has guided him : I would not wish in the least degree to depre- 
ciate the value of his labors, while I freely express my opinion on 
any of the subjects of his research. 

The question under discussion is briefly this. Were there two 
dispersions of mankind, or one ? Mr. Bryant maintains the affii^ 
mative : Mr. Faber the negative. I am inclined to the opinion of 
Mr. Bryant, for the reasons wbich I shall assign. I could add 
many arguments to the list, deduced from Heidegger, Wrtaiua^ 
and others^ whom Mr, Faber does not appear to have consulted; 
as they are not once referred to, if I remember right, through die 
whole of his marginal references. 

In maintaining the affirmative of the question, Mr. Bryant asserts 
that the sons of Noah retired peaceably to their respective' habita- 
tions ; but that the sons of Cush, accompanied by a mixed multi* 
tude, violently dispossessed their brethren Asher and Elam of their 
territory; and settling in Shinar, built the tower of Babel. .Frv^nft 
this place they were miraculously dispersed, and being eminent int 
arts and arms, Aey conquered, and civilised the world, and are to 
be traced in all quarters of the earth under the names of Cuthioiy 
Scythie, Ammouians, &c. 

Mr. Faber for the negative argues> that the whole assembled 
sons of Adam apostatised at a very early period ; and went toge* 
ther to Shinar : from which spot they were miraculously dispersed. 

Both authors agree in supposing that the apostaay from the 
patriarchal worship, which originated the Pagan idolatry, was the 
cause of the dispersion at Shinar. 

We shall more clearly comprehend the scope of the zrgmximtf 

and Mr* Faber reconcile^. '^ 

.by examining the several objections which Mr. Fa^er pf^S^cts 
against Bryant's Theory, with the answers which may be uig^i in 
''^ply* (Vide Origin of Pagan Idolatry, vol. iii. b. 6. p. 359*) 
After which our best plan will be to consider, with the same impar- 
tiality, the objections which may be urged against Mr. Faber. 

I shall not insert references to the several passages in Bryant's 
,AnaIy8is, or Faber*s Pagan Idolatry ; the reader is supposed to 
have perused them^ and to preserve a general recollection of the 
whole subject, and of the contents of the volumes. 

1. All mankind, Mr. Faber observes, must have been collected 
together because their apostasy was universal : the Pagan idolatry 
in every country in the known world is the self-same arbitrary sys- 
tem : the remote nations could not have borrowed from each other, 
neither could the creed of one great people have been imposed by 
conquest on their brethren : they must therefore have been united 
in one spot, and this the Scripture assures us was Shinar. 

Mr. Bryant^ in reply, would have probably reasoned, that this 
Jatter assertion appears something like begging the question. Man- 
kind undoubtedly must have been collected together; but they were 
united for many hundred years at Nachshevan, near the mountain, 
where the ark rested. At this place the corruption of tlie patri* 
archal religion commenced. In the original apostasy were two 
great sects, known by the names of Brahmanism and Buddhism. 
Mt. Faber proves most satisfactorily that Buddhism preceded 
Brahmanism. Might not the first gradual deviation in the form of 
Buddhism have commenced at Nachshevan ; and will not thia 
account for the universahty of the same system, without supposing 
that all mankind were at Shinar ? Brahmanism might have com- 
menced at Shinar ; and as it would differ at first vei^ little from 
Buddhism, its progress would be easily enforced by that violence^ 
which Mr. Bryant strenuously contends the Cuthites uniformly 
attempted, wherever they planted their settlements. 

Obj. 2. llie plain words of Scripture, says Mr. Faber, assert 
that all mankind were at Shinar. The whole earth was of on9 
language. How then could the confusion of tongues take plac9 
ut&ss all had been there united i ^ 

According to Mr. Faber's concession, the remains of one uni> 
versal language are plainly traceable over the whole earth. Mr. 
Bryant discovers it everywhere, in the radicals of all languages. 
This wonld have been equally the case whether mankind were dis- 
persed from Nachshevan or Shinar. The several nations in the time 
of Moses were divided by a variety of languages ; but the best conw 
mentators have supposed it possible that the dialects might have 
varied gradually, l^e Ra)>bis asserted that seventy languages were 
given at the dispersion. Mr. Faber affirms, from Sir Vv. jones^ 

68 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant 

th^lffl kiiowu languages are traceable to three, and these three to 
one, .which may very possibly have become confused by dialects 
gradually superinduced. Certain it is that the best translators have 
differed with respect to the meaning of V^KH /3 tSffD iTBT 773f 
Gen. ll.Q. Nor can any argument be fairly built upon that 
expression. The Cuthites might have taken new dialects with 
them ; or the languages might have been slowly altered from ae- 
▼eral causes, as languages are changed at present. 

Obj. 3. A very plausible objection is next made by Mr. Faber. 
If, as Mr. Bryant supposes, the Cuthites at Shinar were miracu- 
lously panic-stricken by God himself, and compelled to scafteir 
themselves over the earth, how was it possible that they could con- 
quer their brethren wherever they went ? 

It may very justly be answered, in Mr. Faber's own words, that 
the institution of the military caste commeo'ced with idotatfj at 
Shinar. Though the apostates were^panic-stricken by God^ y^t it 
by no means follows that they were inferior to their brethren. They 
were enterprising, united, and warlike ; and would naturally subcfue 
the surrounding people. The conquests mentioned by Bryan'^ 
though commenced at an early period, were not completed till 
many centuries had elapsed. 

Obj. 4. If they even conquered, says Mr. Faber, how coul4 
they have imposed their religion.* 

This has been already answered. Brahmanism was but little 
different at first from Buddhism ; there would be much plaiiai* 
bility, and perhaps the appearance of reformation of religioD. 
among the enteri>rising Cuthites. Mr. Faber attempts to provp 
that Ninirod most probably represented himself as the expected 
deliverer, aiid is still celebrated among the Hindoos as one of their 
Avatars. If so, the power of the sword was but a secondary meanv 
of spreading the innovation. He appealed to their hopes, and 
to their fears : he might have pretended to divine inspiration 
as Mahomet, and appealed to the sword as the laist means of COQ* 
firming his pretensions. ' 

Obj. 5. Moses tells us (Gen. 10. 5.) that the nations were dis^ 
persed '^ after their -languages ;'' therefore it has been said, these 
originated at Babel. 

.« It is replied ; Moses wrote to his contemporaries, and described 
the dispersion with reference to the languages existing at that 

Obj. 6. The whole earth p»n f?3 Gen. 11. 9- 8igni6cs all 

It is answered; in many instances it denotes only a Iai|;« 
Bumber^ as the Cuthites might have been. 

and Mr. Faber reconciled^ 69 

Such are some of the^irguments which immediately occur to the 
mind in favor of Mr. Faber against the hypothesis of Mr. Bryant, 
and such are the replies which might be made: the diiBculties 
attendant on Mr. Faber's hypothesis that there was but one dis- 
persion of mankind are much more serious. 

1. Mr. Faber has himself raised the greatest objection to the 
truth of his hypothesis by adopting the chronology of the Sama^^ 
ritan Pentateuch. He has argued this point with his usual learning 
and ability, and at great length : and he concludes that the emi* 

S ration from Armenia in one great body under the influence of 
^imrod and the Cuthim took place in the year after the deluge 
559 ; and their dispersion from thence made in the year 630. 

Now it is evidehty that in proportion to the interval^ which 
elapsed between the deluge and ths emigration to Armenia, will 
be the numbers of maukind. If the interval be short, they will be 
fewer; if longer, they will be more numerous. Calculators have 
always found considerable difiiculty in attempting to discover the 

f roper data^ by which to ascertain the probable numbers of man* 
ind« Father Petree's are too extravagant, Bishop Cumberland 
makes their number in the d40th year after the flood amount to 
SySSS millions ; a number almost equal to the estimate of the 

E resent inhabitants of the whole world, which Dr. Wallace in 
is Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind, reckons at 4000 
millions. This calculation must be erroneous, even if the period 
assigned by Mr. Faber be correct Leaving this out of the ques^ 
tion, let us consider that of Mr. Heming lately published (vide an 
Inquiry into the Progressive Colonisation of the Earth, and the 
Origin of Nations, &c. &c. pp. 98> 990 The result of one in- 
quiry gives us 4,218,750 at the end of 256 years: the result of 
another, 33,030,144 — of another, 75,468,256: pursuing either of 
his calculations to the 559'th year> we should still have many more 
millions tlian can be consistent with Mr. Faber's hypothesis. We 
cannot lose time, if these results be rejected, in examining the 
calculatioDS of Petavius, Mede, or Shuckford ; each of whom 
considers the dispersion as taking place long before three hun* 
dred years had elapsed. Mr. Faber, I believe, is the only author 
who has fixed the emigration at so late a period. Mr. Whiston 
fixed it in the year 401, and his calculation has generally been 
rejected on this very account. Let us adopt another very eaiy 
mode of calculation, that the population of the early postdiluvian 
world doubled itself every twenty years : I think this neither a 
rash, nor an extravagant supposition, particularly when we con- 
sider that the whole earth was before them, and the present dis- 
couragements to population had no existence ; neither is it irra- 

70 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant 

tional to suppose that^ as they were commanded to be fruitfiil, and 
multiply^ and replenish the earth, they would probably be ex- 
empted from the plagues, and famine, the influence of climate, and 
the variety of diseases which affect their unhappy and shortlived 
offspring. The population of America, without including the ad« 
dition of the emigrants who daily proceed thither, is said to double 
itself in that time, in consequence of the quantity of land, and the 
room afforded to its cultivators. Taking other points, such as the 
rarity of decrease by deaths at the earlier part of this period^ the 
longevity of the patriarchal heads of families, and the ready 8ii8te<- 
nance to be procured, into consideration, this calculation is cer- 
tainly not overrated ; nor can I anticipate an objection. 

From the deluge then to the emigration from Armenia, Mr. 
Faber computes 559 years. When the ark rested, the whole family 
of man consisted of eight persons : if according to the hypothesis 
these were doubled every twenty years till the period in question^ 
the increase will be 1,073,741,824 persons. 

I am unwilling to suppose too much. Let us take only the 
half of this number, 536,370,912 for the amount of mankind at 
their emigration, and we shall be so staggered with the diflScnlty, 
that I think it will be impossible to receive Mr. Faber's bypo* 

According to Mr. Faber, all the sons of Noah must have re-> 
mained near the original settlement of their father, in the 6or^ 
disean Mountains, till Nimrod became their chief, and led theni to 

The first and chie^ objection to Mr. Faber's hypothesis is, die 
apparent impossibility that upwards of five hundred millions of 
men could be united in one body before the establishment of an 
effective government. 

Supposing that they had not gradually begun to disperse before 
this period, is it probable that the several sons of the three patri- 
archs, who presided over the families of their own descendants, a^ 
king and priest, according to the patriarchal system, would sub^ 
mit to the influence of their equal and kinsman, whatever were 
the plausibility of his pretensions, and travel with him to Shinar, 

If the whole body had thus submitted, and begun their jou^ey 
to the plains of Shinar; following, as Mr. Faber, Mr. Penn^ 
Mr. Bryant, and others unanimously afSrm, the cotirse of ttie 
Euphrates ; how could they procure provisions and habitations oik 
their journey? 

Setting aside even the hypothesis that their numbers wouM* 
amount to five hundred millions, and substituting one hundred 
millions^ ' the difficulty still remain^. 

and Mr. Faber reconciled, 71 

But if we embrace Mr. Bryant's opiDion, that the Cuthitea ooljr 
were engaged in the enterprise at Shipar: if their numbers 
amounted at first to five or ten millions of warlike, desperate adven- 
turers: if they remained, as Mr. Faber suggests, ftom the year 
P. D. 559 to 630, till their numbers were increased, and dieir 
power concentrated; if when thus enlarged and strengthened, 
they gradually usurped upon their peaceable brethren, and by 
their united violence, priestcraft, and stratagem, unavoidably suc- 
ceeded in conquering them, the whole difficulty with regard to 
number vanishes : and I cannot but think the whole hypothesis of 
,the dispersion made consistent with reason, scripture, and history. 

To the objection that when the Cuthites were dispersed they 
were panic-stricken, and therefore unable to conquer ; an answer 
has already been made. 

I have repliedl also td the objection ansing from the imprcH 
bability that the Cuthites should impose a new religion oa th<e vaa^ 
quished^ The idolatry of Nimrod would, not materially difier 
from the corruptions of the patriarchal religion. 

The calculation of the numbers of mankind at the dispersiony 
which is given above, is confirmed by the consideration' of the 
numbers which have been supposed to live^in the age of Augustus^ 
I have somewhere seen an estimate which made them at that time 
amount to four thousand millions. It is calculated that the united 
influence of disease, luxury, war> 8ic. &c. permits the doubling of 
^6 stggrcg&te population of the world every four or five hundred 
years. At the period in question die lives of men were shortened^ 
the effects of war had begun ; and as the heads of families were 
ambitious, we may naturally suppose that other vices had crept in, 
and luxury and disease contributed to prevent their former rapidity 
of increase. 

If at the time of the dispersion, therefoce, in the year 559, diey 
amounted to 500 nxillions, at the end of the fifteen hundred years 
following, that is, about the period of the Roman greatness, they 
would have amounted to four thousand millions. These calcuhir 
tions cannot of course be accurate ; but I think they are sufficient 
to show the real weight of that objection to Mr. Faber's theory^ 
which arises from the probable numbers of mankind. 

£. Mr. Bryant has satisfactorily proved, that wherever ,the dia* 
persed Cuthites wandered, they uniformly found inhabitants in the 
country. Whence came these Aborigines ? 

S. It seems to have been the general l^lief of the Jews, that the 
dispersion was divinely appointed with reference to the children of 
Israel, litis opinion is confirmed by Scripture, and learnedly 
defended by Mr. Faber. The heads of the three great families mulBt 
have known their destination. Is it probable that the apostasy 
would have been so universal, that every patriarchal chieftain of the 

72 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant 

three branches, should have submitted to the influence of 
Cuthite brethren : resigning their own authority, as princet, priests, 
and prophets, and despising the command of their fathers, with 
whom they had lived near Ararat? 

4. Have we any reason to believe that God has ever left th« 
world without witnesses to his truth ? has the visible ohur<rh ever 
ceased to exist i According to Mr. Feber's theory, mankind mult 
have been entirely devoid of religion from the apostasy at Shinar 
till the call of Abraham. It seems, on the contrary, that idolatry, 
though extensive, was never universal. When the Israelites 
advanced to the holy land, the terror of them, says the Scripture, 
was upon all the nations. Mr. Faber, in bis Hone Mosaics?, 
beautifully illustrates this passage : the surrounding idolaters, be 
proves^ were aware that the land of Canaan was the inheritance 
appointed to the children of Israel from the very beginning. If they 
l|ad not forgotten the commands of God, and the plans of his pro- 
vidence, they could not have forgotten the revelation He had noads 
to their father Noah : and if so, the corruption could not have been 

5. Wherever the Israelites proceeded, the bordering nations 
appear to have been in some measure acquainted with the true 
God. Jethro was priest of Jehovah in Midian, before ihm 
Exodus ; Job was contemporary with Amram ; Heber the Kenite is 
supposed to have been a proselyte; Abimelek king of Egypt 
venerated Jehovah ; Balaam, as Mr. Faber ingeniously proves ni 
the Horse Mosaicse, was the last prophet of God under the patri- 
archal dispensation. If at this comparatively late period so much 
knowledge of the true God was preserved, is it not unreasonable to 
believe that idolatry was absolutely universal at the earlier period 
of the dispersiou at Shinar ? 

It may be urged that the preaching of Abraham had informed 
these nations : — Abraham undoubtedly was well known to them> 
his journey from Ur of the Cbaldees through the land of Shinar; 
and through Carchemish to Charan ; from Charan through the 
territory of Aram, and the north of Syria, through the wliole 
extent of Canaan to E^ypt ; from thence to the country of Sodom 
and Gomorrah, supposing him everywhere preaching against 
idolatry, as tradition asserts he did ; all this must have certainly 
produced a great effect upon the several nations ; and the effect of 
his instructions may very possibly have continued till the period of 
the Exodus. This very supposition, however, strengthens the urgur 
ment against Mr. Faber's hypothesis : if the teaching, the mere 
teaching and example of one man could have produced a perma* 
nent effect among the idolatrous nations for nearly five hundred 
years ; surely the deliverance from the deluge, the teaching of Noai^p 
the visible appearance of the Shechinah at the great sacrifice offered 

and Mr. Faber reconciled. 7S 

upon their escape from the ark, and the perpetual influence of 
prophecy, remaining among, and exerted bjy the heads of the pa- 
triarchal tribes for more than three hundred years after the deluge, 
would have been sufficient to preserve some remembrance of the 
true God among mankind till the tera of the dispersion. The call 
of Abraham and his subsequent journey, were M^onderful events ; 
but those which I have enumerated were not less wonderful : 
and were equally capable of compelling astonishment, and pre- 
serving the fear of Jehovah among the early postdiluvians. It is 
not probable therefore that the apostasy was universal ; and if so, 
Mr. Faber's hypothesis is no longer tenable. 

6. If we could ascertain who Melchizedek really was, much 
light would be thrown on this question. Both Witsius and Heid- 
egger discuss the point, but neither of them satisfactorily. Mr. 
Fabcr believes him to be an incarnation of the Son of God ; but I 
do not think be has proved the position. The general opinion is that 
be was either Shem, or a son of Peleg, or a patriarchal prince, 
and priest of the town of Salem. If the latter opinion be correct, 
the apostasy could not have been universal. 

7* Accumulative evidence is not decisive, unless additional argu- 
ments are adduced on the controverted questions by the successive 
authors ; or I could mention many who have supported the hypo- 
thesis of a double dispersion, before Mr. Bryant: Marsham, She- 
ringliam, Sulpitius Severus, (Heid. Exerc. 21. § 1.) and others, 
into whose inquiries I have no time to examine. Plerique vetere^^ 
(says Heidegger, Exerc. 22. S 9-) opinati sunt, omnino Noe filiis 
suis orbem divisisse, antea quam in campum Senaar proficisce- 
i^ntur, &c. 

8. Many authors have asserted that neither Shem, (who died 
before the dispersion, according to Mr. Faber,) nor his family were 
engaged in the building of the tower. Among these are Euty- 
chius Alexandrinus, Glycas, quoted by Epiphanius, and Constan- 
tme Manasses. (Vide Heid. Exerc. 21. ^ 5.) If these authorities 
have any weight, the apostasy was not universai. 

9* Mr. Faber contends with great justice that the institution of 
castes was once universal ; and that the institution itself implies 
conquest. Does not this opinion rather confirm Mr. Bryant's 
theory, that the Cuthites con(|uered their brethren and imposed 
the dominion of the military tribe which very possibly, as Mr. F» 
asserts, originated at Shinar ? 

10. Buddhism seems to have differed.very little from Patriarch* 
ism, when the innovations gradually commenced. The Jews in- 
terpret the expression Dltf TVOSli by, let us make an idol or set 
up a God. The word does not merely signify token, tower, &c. 
&c« If th^y are right in this interpretatioD^ and the image of th# 

74 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant 

great Father was erected at Babel for the first time, we may be 
certain that this was the origin of Brahmanism ; aod the idolators 
intruded alike on the worshippers of the true God, and the specu- 
lating Buddhists. But the apostasy could not in that case be uni- 

1 1 . Can we suppose it possible that there were do chiefs of the 
Shemite or Japhetic families to resist the march to Shinar ? If we 
adopt Mr. Bryant's theory, and dispose of these to their reapeQ- 
tive settlements, no interruption would have been given to the 
Hamite apostates, and the difficulty vanishes. 

12. Though Mr. Faber has collected many arguments on die 
phrase in Gen. 11.5.'^ the children of men,'' and attempts to prove 
that the inhabitants of the whole world are meant ; I think aa the 
expression in other passages denotes the wicked, in oppoaition ta 
the good, so it is to be understood in this place. The first verse in 
that chapter is a separate paragraph. The pronoim they, is to be 
referred to the sons of men in the 5tb verse, as no other nomiontive 
is given ; the children of men therefore are considered as distinct 
from the rest of the world, instead of including them. The words 
may be thus paraphrased. 

V. 1. One language was common to all the descendants of 
Noah, who had retired to their several settlements. 

2. And it came to pass, as those who had openly abandoned the 
worship of Jehovah journeyed from the East ; to which tbey had 
been directed by the command of God, but which they left te 
intrude upon their brethren ; that they came to the plain of Shinar, 
following the course of the Euphrates. (Vide Faber, and the cr^ 
ticism in the note on the origin of the name Euphrates.) 

Then follows the narrative of the confusion of tongues ; and it 
is very possible that the several languages and dialects which coofr* 
menced at Shinar, would supersede the original language, in every 
part of the world ; leaving only the radicals, which in M coun^ea 
are the same. If this interpretation of the expression, '^ the children 
of men," be correct, Mr. Bryant's hypothesis is more entttleJI to 
our favorable reception than Mr. Faber's. 

13. An objection is raised to Mr. Bryant's theory from the cir* 
cumstance of Abraham's successful resistance to Cbedorlaomer; 
It is argued that the Cuthites could not have been so powerful if 
Abraham with only 318 men could have conquered a victorious 
army. I should answer this difficulty by suggesting, that it is verj 
possible Abraham was miraculously enabled to conquer tlie five 
kings; to prove the superiority of the power of Jehovah above the 
idols, so lately set up in Chaldea. 

,14. Tradition is not to be depended upon, unless it is supported 
by other authority. I shall not therefore insist on the tradition vam^ 

and Mr. Faber reconciled. 75 

tioned by Epiphanius^ that the earth was divided by lot among the 
sons of Noah ; fiuxAra rob^ ickvipous h ^PufOMgou^ig : the existence 
of such a tradition proves that Mr. Faber's opinion was not uni- 
versally that of antiquity : Mr. Bryant has some curious remarks 
on this passage. 

15. The last objection I* shall mention to Mr. Faber's hypo^ 
thesis is derived from the similarity between the Patriarchal, the 
Levitical, and the Egyptian modes of worship. Mr. Faber has 
most satisfactorily proved that it was not probaUe one nation 
would borrrow its religion from another. Neither the Jews, as 
many have suggested, are likely to have borrowed from the 
Egyptians, nor the Egyptians from the Jews, whom they hated 
and despised. Witsius in his Egyptiaca has shown the singular 
resemblance which existed between the Egyptian and Jewish cere« 
monies. It seems probable from his account, that the lievitical dis** 
pensation was a revival only of the Patriarchal, but with new laws, 
suited to the object of their I^ivine Lawgiver, and the existing cir- 
cumstances of the chosen people. If the Egyptians therefore 
derived their religion from the common source of revelation, which 
appears likely from its similarity to Judaism, they must have 
derived it when it was in a state of purity, and not when it was 
already corrupted : that is, the ancient Misraim, who were favor- 
able to the Jews, who treated with Abraham and Isaac, when 
Abimelek was their king, who received Jacob and his family 
with kindness, and submitted to the government of Joseph, pre- 
served the ancient Patriarchal religion for many ages in its purity, 
and bad most probably, if Bryant's theory be correct, occupied 
the territory originally assigned them. This happy state of things 
was altered by the Hucsos, the Palli, or Shepherd-kings, who 
introduced the idolatry from Shinar. We have no evidence that 
the worship of the Bull was introduced into Egypt in the days of 
Joseph; if the original religion of the Misraim had been altered, 
it must have merely been an incipient Buddhism : but at the time 
of the Exodus, the murrain, which affected the cattle, is ably 
represented by Mr. Bryant, in his treatise on the Plagues of 
Egypt, to be a severe punishment on the nation for their worship 
of the Bull. During the interval between the death of Joseph and 
the legation of Moses, a new king arose who knew not Joseph ; 
the Shepherd-kings had resumed their dominion, though they had 
been formerly expelled, and introduced Brahmanism, and most 
probably built the pyramids to confirm and perpetuate their domi- 

Such are some of the objections to Mr. Faber's hypothesis : 
Ae. conclusions to which 1 have myself come, after a careful 
perusal of the works of the great authors in question, and many 

76 Hypotheses of Mr. Bryant, ^c. 

of those quoted or referred to by Faber and Bryant^ appear to 
me likely to reconcile their contending theories. 

Every, reasonable hypothesis, says Mr. Faber, quoting from 
Warburton^ should be founded on a fact. No observation can be 
more just. But the fact must be well ascertained, and, if possible, 
indisputable. Mr. Faber's extensive and beautifully sitpported 
theory is founded on the assumption, that all mankind were united 
in one spot, the plain of Shinar. Mr. Bryant's theory in reality 
is founded on the same fact, that all mankind were originally as- 
sembled in one place, but that place he supposes to have been 
Nachshevan. Both authors agree in believing the same circum- 
stance, differing only as to the place. If we adopt Mr. Bryant's 
theory, that mankind continued near the mountain where the ark 
rested, until their increasing numbers compelled emigration : and 
if on this foundation we build Mr. Faber's hypothesia, that 
Buddhism preceded Brahmanism, that Buddhism was probably 
the first deviation from Patriarchism> that the institution of castes- 
was coeval with the total apostasy at Shinar, originating among, 
and supported by the sword and influence of, the Cudiites; 
if we believe both as Mr. Faber and Mr. Bryant agree, that 
fierce and cruel wars took place at the time of the dispersion 
from Shinar, and that all the colonies of mankind, whether they 
pro<:eeded from the one, or the other controverted central sta- 
tion, took with them memorials of the deluge, and emblems 
of the ark, which were perverted in after times to superstitiout 
uses, together with all the elements of their future idolatrous 
worship ; we shall then have a connected and intelligible faypo^ 
thesis: Mr. Faber's system will be deducible from Mr. Bryant's 
premises, both authors will be reconciled, and by far the greater 
part of the difficulties, which perplex the unbiassed pursuit of in* 
formation, immediately vanish. 

R. M. College J Sandhurst. 

Commemoration^ ^. 77 






The Jubilee of the King of Saxony, on which he completed 
the fiftieth year of his reign^ was, last September^ celebrated 
M'ith extraordinary ^nthusia^m by all hi9 subjects, to whom the 
aged and revered monarch hps ))ecome still more endeared 
from the fortitude and resignation with which be bears his mis- 
fortunes. The festivities were particularly grand and impressive 
ip the two cities of Dresden and Leipzig, where, among many 
other foreigners, at least a hundred £nglishmen witnessed them. 
Upwards of two hundred poems, in various dialects, were composed 
on the occasion, and several in the Latin language. Of the latter, 
two attracted morp than usual notice : one from th^ pen of the 
celebrated Professor Hermann, which was presented to the King 
by four deputies from the University of Leipzig ; and the other, 
pomposed by that eminent antiquarian. Professor Bottiger of 
Dresden, ^hich, being writteq on the model of Horace's Carmen 
Seculare, was set to music by Morlachi, first composer to the 
King, and performed in one of the churches of Dresden, by a 
numerous orchestra, and in the presence of the royal family. We 
have been induced both by the merit of the two po^ms, and the 
fame of their authors, to admit them into pur publication. It will 
be observed, that Hermann, in some very spirited and pointed 
passages, alludes to the cruel, unprincipled, and unjustifiable 
dismemberment of that once happy country, or rather the robbery 
of its better half from his sovereign. The coincidence of these 
masterly passages with t|)e popular feeling, we are assured by a 
correspondent, produced so extraordinary a sensation amopg the 

78 Commemoration of the King 

Saxons^ that most of the classical scholars, who in that country are 
by no means unfrequent, instantly caught, and impressed them on 
their memories ; and some considerable time must elapse, before 
they can be erased from them. The Orations delivered on the 
occasion will be inserted in the next No. 



n. XX. SEPT. A. cIdIocccxviii. 


JVdnc insolentes carminibus modos^ 
O magna passi, discite, Saxones, 
Aptare, mutatisque chordis 
Laetificam celebrate lucem. 

Non ulla nobis candidior dies 
Emersit undis Tethyos, aut magis 
Beavit exoptata multis 

Cum precibus populum fidelem, 

Finire lustrum quern decimum favens 
Fortuna sivit non sine numine 
Ab optimi Regis cupitis 
Auspiciis initoque regno. 

lam serta templis addere^ iam decet 
Arajs ad omnes et populum et patres 
^incera gratantes dicare 

Vota^ pii moniraentum amoris. 

Iam fas puellariim ac iuvenum choros 
Versare gyris mobilibus pedem, 
Donee redux Aurora pellet 
Noctis equos uimium fugaces. 

Tuque^ o Thyoneu^ laetitise dator^ 
Adsis, virenti tempora pampino 
Cinctus, resignatumque largis 
Funde cadis veterem liquorem. 

of Saxony'^ JnbUee. 70 

Tu pectus imples igne sacro^ pater : 
^Tu verba monstras promere libera : 
Tu das amicam oblivionem, 
Thyrsiger^ uberius remiacens 

Crateras : est quum hod memmisse qftid 
Conducit^ et quae facta semel retro 
Fleet! negatum^ corrigrada 
Linquere post alio sub astro. 

Adsis, precamur^ dulceque porrigas 
Solaroen^ ut qua mente decet sacram 
Lucem colamus^ quique in imis 
Vivit amor residens medulfis^ 

Grato rependat pectore debitum 
HviCy qui iuventam dum viridem dabat 
^tas, decoram quum senecta 
Canitiem tulk^ usque constans^ 

Verusque dicti^ et propositi tenax, 
lustusque^ sanctusque^ et reve^rens Dei, 
Et mitis, et olemens^ et aequus. 
Res populi patriaeque rexit ; 

Quidqutd secundis^ quidquid et asperis 
Fort una rebus perfida luderet^^ 
Non degener magnorum avorum^ 
Debiliorve animo repertus. 

Nil es^ benigtius quod popuiis Deus 
Donare maius rege bono queat, 
Cui mens patemi pl^a amorts 
Et sapiens^ et amiea recti. 

Quid prosit illis, quos sibi creditos 
Sceptro tuetur, pervigili videt 
Cura^ neque amittit peritas 
Temporibus dubiis faabenas. 

Non ille multo sanguine fortium 
Emptam laborat quaerere lauream, « 

Nee gaudet indefessus urbes 
Arvaque finitimitf adempta 

Tunxisse regno, scilicet omnium^ 
Quascumque sacro lumine sol videt> 
Si regnet orarum, baud futiints 
Nobilior melionre civis 

80 Commemoration of the King 

IlIiCi ubi omnes, summus et infimus, 
Vt cuique filuni ruperit Atropos, 
iEquantur, et iudex severa 

Froiite sedct tacitumus umbris. 

In purpuratos praecipue gravis 
Vindex tyrannos, si quis inutilis' 
Turpive ludo segtih aevum aut 
Saevitia metuendus egit. 

O Rex, Tuorum perpetuum decus 
Certumque sidus, Te generosius 
£ni8a virtus, Te perenni 
Segregat his pietas corona. 

Tv, quae vetustis, quaeque recentibas 
Inflicta bellis vulnera sensimus, 
Sanare nee duram parasti, 
Nee dubiam sapiens medelam ; 

Tv pacis almas muneribus frui 
Permittis, et non imniinuis gravi 
Censu^ quod ab duro labore 
Reddit ager tenuis colono ; 

Per Te moratorum osor ab ultimis 
Mercator oris Hesperias veheus 
Com mu tat Eoasque merces 
Plurimus, emporiisque acervat. 

Vnde et, remotis obiicibus, lubens 
Intravit urbes Copia, libero 

Cornu refundens, quidquid orbis 
Gignit opum variatus boris. 

Idem eruditos erigis artium 
Cultus, et insignem ingenio virum 
Turba levi secernis, ipse 
Pieridum bene nolus bortis. 

Quo fonte mentes fervidior rigat 
Septos cupido rumpere tramites, 
Famaeque cuncto dictus orbe, 
Indolis ingenuo lepore 

Saxo renidet gloria gentium 
Gcrmanicarum et prascipuum decus, 
Ipsae relicto quern sequutx 
Vmbrifero.Heli^one Mu39 

Gf Saxonifi Jubilee. 8i 

lunxere sedem perpetuam^ et sacra 
Nun€ ore certant incolumem Tuam, 
O Rex^ fidetn, praesetisque longos 
Dicere prftsidmin peir ahnos^ 

" Salve," canentes^ *' bptime principuin. 
Qui lustus omni, qui Patrias pater 
Vocandus aevo, per minorum 
Nobilis historias ferere. 

Te, qui gubemat res boibiii|un' Deus ' 
Fidis, precamur^ Saxobibus^uis 
Prsesse det seroa » annoa ^ 
Nestorea validum senecta. 


Nestor quoque annis ac sapientia 
Ticisse claret Graiugenum daces ; 
Sed sortis baud expera iiiiqu»| 
Autilocho doluit peremto. . 

Quod si nitentes iam breyior Turn 

Per regna fluctus Albis agtt pater, 

Vel terminos mcestae refixos ' 

Salaides gemuere nymphs ; '^ 

liUque multi, saeva necessitas 
Quos separavit civibus a Tuis, 
Quondam Ttioa, si lacrimaniei 
Lene Tuum meminere return : 

At librat a^ua dissimiles Deus 
In laince sortes, buic cumultfis opes. 
Ilium volens virtute cdanm : 
Spernere res bominum cadncas- 

Non regna regem, nee fadant opes: : 
Rex est, sub aho pectore r^a ji • - 

Cui mens, secundis non abiitetts. 
Nee trepidb timefacta rebus, 

QtiK sint saluti civibus, uoice ^ 
Gestit paravisse : bnnc sua oobilem 
Miratur aetas ; hunc superstes 
Gloria post obitum sequetur.^ 



89 Commemoratiott of tha King 





Adite tancta Umina.— 

Ule nostqpst Deus, - 
Noster paiffM et coBibtor.— 

Ad fore3 ergo illius 
« Adite Iseti^ gratias 

AgiteV festis laudibus 
Benignitatem paiigite—- 

Predicate ceteris 
Regis salutem gentibus ! — 

Nam benignitas Dei« 
Qui Regium firinat tbrooiun, 

Clausa nullo est termino.-^ 
Et firma atat Dei fides 

Posterorum in posteris 
In sempiteraa secula. 


Alme Soil currii nitido diem qui 
Promis et celas, aliusque etidem 
Nasceris, possis nihil hoc -videre 

Pulcfarius orttt ! 

Quinquies denos remeans per aonos^ 
Phoebei tu Aitgosti Friderici amorem 
Spiendide effusum populi in Kilutem 

Cernis eundem. 

Saxonum rebus Super! fauentes, 
Cura si vobis pietatis olla est; • 
Saxonum Rep. bona iam peractis 
lungite fflia. 

lubila et voces populi precantis 
Audiat numeni pia vota scribat 
Parca non fallax adamante, laudent 
Postera sascla. 



of Saxony^sJkhilee: Sflf 

Si Deus nostras videt aequus aras^ ' 
Regiam stirpem, pietate fultanoi 
Sospitet semper^ bona det renascens 
Saecula Phcenix. 

Det probos mores docili iuv0ntae> 
Det senectuti placidae quietem^ 
Regis exemplo et pietate mentee^ 
Impleat omnes^ 

Augeat prolem numero carentem 
Per vias urbis bona Pax beatae^ 
Lap.ta ceu campis riguis per imbrem 
Gramina surgunt. 

Sic Fides verax et Hones Pudorque ^ 
Omnibus Isetos aperire vultua 
A udeaty ditetqne beli ta 'pleno 
Copia corhu. 

Rex, velut pupillam ocuirieneHaitr; ' 
Te Deus seruet, fremitus minaces 
Hostium frangat, faciatque ab oroni 
Parte beatum. ' 

Serus in coelum redeas^ diuque 
Saxonum rebus moderator ad«is| - 
Hie ames dici Pater atque Princeps 
Alterum in seuura.: 



lure dicat grex bonoruoM mille me molestii$> 
Liberauit numen eequum, miUe me beans bonis,— ^ 
Qui Siunis non amico spectat arces lumine, 
Vota semper vana votvat^ spes inahes nutriat!. 

£ psibiiid. CXLVIII. 

Laudate Dominum coelittifQ: 
Chori beati, qui procul 
Contagio mortalium 
Templa aetberis tuemini, 

Laudate Dominum, quos sibr 
Adesse iussit angelos, 
Laudate Dominum exercitus 
Parere promti idssibus. — 


84 Nota et CuriB Stquentts 

Reges et orbis prastides 
£t nadones liberae, ..i 

£t qui sedetis iudices 
Laudate Dominum cantibus.-— 

£t vos, iuventa 6orea, 
Lsti puelli et virgines, 
Senesque vita; in ultimo 
Jamiam exituri limine^ 

Laudate DomiDum ! numim 
Sit eius uni gloria^ 
Regumque regem et principem 
Extollant nostra iubila. 



a Th. Forster, f.l.s. 

No. ly.-^lCaaiinuedfrom No. XXXIV. p. ^6.] 
Ket\ iieL ¥uxret fuiKx$veiv St ctoripis eivvtawh 

194. De prognosticis ventorum ex 'Xf^ t& iivwim vpoot^ttviau. fGeop. t 
ttellis discurrentibus a^it.-^Item Dionys. i. 11. citat Buble, edit. Aiat 
quum crebro stells prscipites niunt 1793.] 

atram per noctem,atergo vero tractus Quod Virgilius elcgantissimis vei^ 
aubalbescant; accipito per illas yen- sibus ornavit in Geor. Itbro prime, 
turn eadem via venientem. Sinautem '' Sspe etiam Stellas vento impen- 
alis contrario niuiit ex aliis partibus dente videbis 

in alias, tunc omnivarioB ventos ^x- Prsecipites ccelo labi noctisque per 
pecta : qui maxiine confusi (tractus) umbram 

sunt, confusa \$xak observando bomi- Flammanim longos a tergo albesceie 
nibus spirant. Prognosticum hoc ex tractus." 

Theopbrasto sumtum est, I9tr &y [Virg. Geor. i. 367.] 

karipts Ziifrrmtri iroX\ol ((yt/«or Irrcutfcr Lucanusin Pharsaliaquum agitde 
^tk'Kwraxji0ofj6fuUtsinK3shicwbiuKra commoto in mari vento non inodo 
ontioiamvtn, jTheoph. Sign, vent.] sidera cadere, sed etiam fixas pdo 
PlolemausTctrabib. ex paraph. ProcL stellas moveri incipicntc flamiiie 
ut Buhle memorat : of «^ a^/ioi -rfir dicii, vcterum morie astronomica cum 
Mpmv, ical 8^ ittwrurfioiy €lf^Mh>hs meteorologicis confundens. 
h^ojOpQvsi^^t^v^^ «Hac fatus solvensque ratem dat 

4m^v hiknfaur «{ ik i^ Ariarrfaw fupihf carbasa ventis 

:S;^^^ Ad quorum motus'non solum lapsa 

TO ofrirr. [PtoLTctrabibil. ex paraph. ... K^*""™^ , .• , 

Pix)cLii.l4. EtGeopon.eDionysio. ^era disperses traxereoidentiasufcaf 


in A rati Diostmea. 8!> 

Tof^ioLy to) V OTF^iiv ^ufto) i^^XtuKetlmyrcu, 195 

Astra polis sunt visa quati: niger Lucretius in secundo de Rerum 

inncit horror Natura libro ambigua descriptionede 

Terga maris: longo per multa vohi- his meteoristractat: 

mina tractu *< Sic igiiur debent flammse quoque 

jEstuatuudaminax; fiatusqueincerta posse per auras 

futurt. Aeris expressas sursum succedere, 

Turbida testantur conceptos squora quamquam 

ventos.*' Pondera quantum in se est deorsuni 

[Lucan. Phars. v. 560.] deducere pugnant ; 

Apud Plinium ita scriptum est : Nocturnasque faces coeli sublime to- 

'< Si volitare phires stellae videbuntur, lantes 

quoferanturaibescentesventosexhis Nonne vides longos flammarum du« 

partibus nunciabitut.*' [Plin. Hist. cere tractus 

Nat. xviii. 35.] In quascunVjue dedit parteis natura 

£t in secundo libro : meatum l** 

*' Fieri videntur et discursus stella- [Lucret. Rer. Nat. ii. 908.] 

rum nuroquam temere ut non ex ea Faces cceli minora meteora fortasse 

parte truces venti oriantur. Existunt intelligendae sunt ; quae rarius occur- 

stellae in mari terraque.'' [Plin. Hist. runt. Nonnullihancinterpretationem 

Nat. ii. 87.] ampleziad minora, quae stellae discur- 

Politianus teste Cerdfa scribit. rentes dicuntur^ hunc subjunctum 

^* Annotat et cceli faciem; num Stella versum referunt. 

sere no '< Non cadere in terram Stellas et 

^there lapsa cadat, rapidi praenuncia sidera cernis Y* 

Cauri." [Lucret Rer. Nat. ii. 209.] 
[Politian. in Rust. cit. Cerda, Virg. Quern explicant e Vlrgilii i&neidos 
p. 161.] libro secundo : 
Seneca, in Hippolyto, « ■ .■■Etjam nox humida coelo 
^ Ocyor cursum rapiente flamma Praecipitat, suadentque cadentia si- 
Stella cum ventis agitata longos dera somnos.*' 

Porrigit ignes/ [yiffr -®neid. ii. 9.1 

[Senec. Hippol.] Sed ambo plane ad consteliationum 

Quae supra scripta sunt, ad pro^nos- seu siderum vesperi oriuntium matu^ 

tica e stellis caaentibus respiciunt; tinos occasus respicinnt. 

si plura loca de his meteoris conferre In libro Rer. Nat. quinto, faces 

vefis^ vide qu9 sequuntur. Omni cceli cum flaramis volantibus confert : 

cvo ab hommibus notata iqvenies. ^ Luha dies et nox, et ndctis signa 

Homerus in Iliade quarto Miner vae seven 

e coelo descensum adderis lapsui assi- Noctivagaeaue faces coeli, flammae- 

mulat. que volante? 

'Of «tir^ 4kMre v^s lACfiavWAafnir, Nubila, ros, imbres, nix, venti, folmi- 

B9 8^ Mw^ OJx^/Mmo mipfpiir Af(Mns, na, erando, 

Oby V haripm %n Xf^Mv w& dkyff«x»- fit rapidi fremitus, et murmura mag- 

M^*^» , ^ * , / • naminarum." 

H vahvfn Wp«, ^ ffxparf fMt Xowr, [Lucrtt. Rer. Nat, v. 1193.1 

Aa^D<{v*Tov8^Tf «o\Aol&T^<frir%€f j^^ 5,53^5 meteoris diversissime 

r^^%^Mj(B^nixxa,'Mi^, vetere» opinati sunt. Artermdonis 

^goJLifTas [Artemid. n. 58 citat Cerda Virg. f, 

TmihThwMtum, Kd^Kw^m^ka'Axd^ «6«.] VetatAristotelesquiraetcorum 

ovt. bolus ipneni caussas declarat es8« 

• [Homer. U. A. 80.] exhahtittiii^S e teM furgeatc* et aiftt 

86 i^ot{B et Cured Sequentes 

IlvtuiJi^aTos' el ii xtv aAXoi havriov atcro'CDO'iv, 
^/lXXoi$ i( iKKMV fiepioiVy roVf Itj vtfvXoL^o 

IlavTolcov &vifMOVf o7t ixpirol eWi fiikKFToiy 
"Axpira a melovcriVf W uy6poi(ri nKiMfpoLO'tcu. -200 

Aureip St* I^ tugoio xot) ix vvrov icrTgoLimiia'iVf 

aEthere ignitas, 9dyr9nf 9^ rv&nw^Xrwv pelago hinc certe tiiniierit,'veliin ne 
^ffi^0Air^Aya(hif(ta0'if : [Arist.Meteor. ipsum partim tenet pelagus, partim e 
u 4.] ea infra Lunani (nostra atnio- Jove pluvia — Sensus est: cum ex 
spbera)existereasserat. nimatkitiitrm diversis coeli partibils fulgurat, turn 
•iftkti^s r«vra yitfifrm^ &c. [Ibid.] Pli- densissimus imbf^r cadere solet. Hoc 
nius confus^ ex stellis ipsis nimio ipse numquam observavi, neqiie, Vi 
alimento rcpletis efTectum Qucit* ''Ilia verum sit, cau«sa Tideatur nisi hsc; 
Dimio alimento tracti humeris igneam guod scilicet in tempestatibus cum 
vim abundantia redd unt) cum decidere lulgurat pluribus e partibus, ccelum 
redduntur, ut apud nos quoque id, plurimis nubibus falgurantibus neces- 
luminibus accensis liquore olei nota. ge circumsessum sit ; qusB denuo in 
mus accidere." [Plin. tiist. Nat. i. 8.] unum magnum nimbura congcntae 
Sed ex iis qui de ccbIo scripserunt largos imbres efiundttnt ; ut expressit 
Aristoteles fastidiosissima ambage Lucretius, qui Electriritatis - inscius 
Ksc roeteora circumgressus est, cf. banc nubium congestionem ventis 
£xcurs. ad h. 1. adscribit, 

Ovidius inter metamorpbosea, cum « Consimili ratione ex omnibus amni« 
rhstonta e solis curru labentem ca- bus humor 

denti stellae comparat ; turn Stellas re ToUitur in nubes, quo cum bene sei^i- 
¥era non cadere dicit ; sed loca sua in na aquarum 

coslo rapido cursu transrautare, Multa modis raultis convenere undi- 

<< At Ppaethon rutilos flamma popu- que adaucta, 

lante capillos Confertae nubes vi venti mittere ttr* 

Volvitur in praeceps, longoque per tani 

aeratractu Dupliciter; nam vis venti contendit, 

F^rtur; ut interdum de cgbIo Stella etipsa 

sereno Copia nimborura, turba majore coacta 

Etsinon cecidit, potuit cecidisse vi- Urguens ex supero premtt ac fach 
deri." effluere imbreis. 

JOvid. Metamorph. ii. 323.] [Lucret. de Rer. Nat vi. 511.] 

Diversis doctorum opinionibus ob- Sed, qusecunque caussa sit, non 
servationem addam; ex his meteoris, sine auctoritate sg? ibit. Theophrastus 
qus fre()uentius occurrunt, tres spe- loquitur, 'Aorpairol ^Uvyt irorrax^^ 
cies notavi. Una, et ea est frequen- y^^mprai f^aroi &v ^ hiifj^w tniu^m. 
ti8sima,stellxsimillima est, rapido ec ftheoph. Sign. Pluv.] Paullo infra 
rectilineo motu cadere videtur, nee fastidiose scribit, Kc^ f^tpvpos harpm' 
uUum post se tractum tacit ; secunda itmv irphsfioptiov, ij xcifwra^ ^tkfpcu^uiiwtt, 
majore luce nitet, sxpe curvilineo [luid.] Virgilius poeticis ingeniis 
cursu eat, et videtur frequentius in sensum exoruavit, 
Sfltate. Tertia species albescentem '< At Borese, de parte trucis, quum ful* 
iractum in coelo post se facit, haecpost gurat et quum 

pluTiam ssepeoccurrit,et venti ceriis- Eurique. Zepbyrique tonat doimi% 
simum signum est, est Excursum de omnia plenis 

his. ^ura natant fossis, atque omois 

SOI— S05. At quum ex euro et ex vita ponto 

^usti^o fulgurat; turn etiam e zephyro Humida vela legit.'' 
et interdum a borea, omnis nauta in [Virg. Geor. i. STS.] 

in Arati Diosemea. 87 

Mil fM¥ tJ (tiv txtj iriXeiyos, tJ 8* ix J1J5 ^eop* 

"T^UTi yeip roo'O'ai .Se xs^) ore^oira) fopiovrut. 203 

HoAXaxi 8* ipypiLwmv ^sTwv, vlfta icpvK&poxiw 

Qiiem anili, ut solct, narratione spar^entur muhs'ab orient(i| aouam 
sequitur Plinius. '' Cum aestate vehe- in thduum preesagi^nt." [Pliu* Hist, 
inentius tonuit c^tiam fulsit, ventos ex Nat. xviii. S5.] 
ea parte denunciat, contra si minus Lucretiiis liubeculas htyas eeneris 
tonuit, imbrem. Cum serene coelo notat quasi humorem e marl coilig,en- 
fulget, pluviaeeruntetconitruaethye- tes. 

roaoit. Atrocissimae autem auum ex ^ Concipiunt etiam multum^ <luoquj» 
omnibus quatuor partibus coeli fulgu- • saepe roarinum 
rabit. Cum ab Aquiflone tantum, in Humorem veluti pendeHtia vellera 
posterum diem aquam portendit. lans 

Cum a Septemtrione ventum euou Cum supera magnum venti mare nu* 
Cum ab Austro vel Coro vel Favonto bila portant." 

nocte serena fulguravit ventum et - . [Lucret. Rer« Nat. vi. 504.] 
imbrem ex iisdem regionibus demon- p^of, Heyne in nota ad Virgilii 
strabit." [Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. S6.1 locum supra citatum scribit, " Nu- 

De Arati prognostico observaudum berulas lanis similes nostris homi- 
cat, quod in destribendafulguratione nibusoviculas dictas, serenitatis nun- 
e quatuor ccBli partibus, solis cufsum tias accipiebam, ut alii; male vero, 
sequutusest; incipit scilicet ex orien- nam ex poeta sententia esse debet 
te, tunc per Aiistrum ad Zepbyrum, prognosticum instantis tempestatis 
et ultimo in Boream, fulgura inducit. pluviosa; quod nunc abesse ait" 
Sed mioime intelligendum est singu- Male vero ille, ut opihor, nubeculas 
las fulgurationes hoc ordine acciderfe, a Germanis ovicnlas dictas conifundit 
sed simpliciter ex his quatuor partibus cum Virgilii velleribus lanae- Ovicu- 
ricissim fulgura et tonitrua venire. las ecnseo esse ciirocuihulbs saepe 
.' 206^907. Prognosticum pluviae serenitatis nuncias. Sed quae ab 
ex nubium fieuris-^-Saepe item veni-^jcoaloixora, Virgilioverolans 
entibus pluvns nubes urius ut pluri- velleribus persimiles vocatae sunt, 
mum velleribus similes adparent. certevel cirri vel cirrostratiaccipiendaB 
n^of vox a rb frcCKity derivata proprie sunt. Decirrocumulisvulgooviculis 
lanam comatam significat; vulgo red- "^^ Germania dictis noster filoomfield 
ditur vellut ; male tamen congruere habet locum, 
censeas vellus e " vellere.'^ Nubes upar yet above these wafted clouds 
cum lans vellenbus, seu iroKOif ^t«y are seen 

similes apparent, nluviam indicare jn a remoter 'sky «till more sferene, 
dofW etiam Theophrastus, KoA tra, ^ dltacbed in ranges through 

?S:J»«'J5VK.^ Spot£.a.'^ow and «.u„Ue„ « 

pSL^?Sri.''XlJ.te'!i1ri Scattered i«mei«ay wide from east 
Virsilius, ubi seieniutis indicia ducit ^ lowest, ,f.a^v,» 

6x absent!* eonim qu« plutiam pre- The beauteous semblance of aflock at 

"CuU°Sn» per c.lum vellera [Bi^^^d F"- Boy Winter.] 
fg„l«» H» longe diffenint cirrostratis; 

f Virg. Gcor; i; 597.1 quae semper pluvias significant^sufll^ 

Plinius, "Si nubes utvclleialan« que nubes ttriatae, vel uodutatae 

88 Nota et Cura Sequentes 

Ola fia\Kj:ra wokjOKTIv foixora Iy8aAXoyr«r 
^H SiSvfiij JB^cmri hot, iiiyav odpavov T^i$* 

interdum seroperque leves, sed in f Propert. Eleg. III. v. S2.] 

densiorem nubem et deiiuo in niin- Seneca in CEdipu, 

bum imbres effundentem coiturie. " Imbrifera qualis implicat varices bibi 

908. Vel duplex iris coelum cir- Iris colores, parte quae ma^na puli 
cumnectit. — Ip^e Irida imbrium co- Curvata pictu nunriat nimbos sinu." 
iDitem roaUienm quam prognosticum [Senec. (Edip. v. 3 17.] 

▼ocare; quoniatn numquam videri Quutn Iris in adveniente nimbo 
potest, nisi cadente pluvia. Neque visa est^ certe aquam prsmonet, li 
cluplex arcusmagislempestuosaquani contra in recedente pluviain finitani. 
simplex est. Sed prognosticum hoc Plautus inCurculioneobservat, 
ex Tljeophrasto haustum video: '^Ecceautem bibit arcus; pluet 
^Orev 7pa yUnfrau {tUmp) ^trq^tc^cr idy Credo bercle hodie.*' 

Tff voAXal IfuUs yiwrreUf OTUtoiafu Uotp M [Plautus Curcul. 1. ii. 4«.] 

iroX^. [Theoph. Sign, Pluv.] Geopon. Plinius ex veterum auctoriute tcri* 
ex Arato habetf'^fMf 84 8tr^9 ^wra^ bit, <* Arquus cum sunt duplices^iu- 
0/i^poy ^\ot [Gcop. ex Aral.] vias nunaant et pluviis/ terenkftiem 

VirgiJius notat t—antc pluviam, non per inde certam.'' [Pliu. Uist. 
** —— ^t bibit ingens ' Nat. xviii. 35.] A pluviis serenitatem 

Arcus.* hac de causa, quod arcus minime in 

[y\tg, Geor. i. 381.] late circumfusa nube apparere potsit; 

StatmsinThebaid. scribit, ergo quum apparet, nimbum daio 

At pater arcano re^id^ns Ismenos aere circumsessum demonstrate qui 
in antro sspe post piuviam longam cosluni 

Unde aura nubesque bibunt, atque serenat; non tamen cerlam screnita.- 
imbrifer arcus tern ounciat, quia plurimt nimbi ▼•- 

rascitur, et Trios melior venit annus lantes consequenter ccelum traoscur- 
in agros/ nint, et c^rum duratio incerta est. 

[Stat. Thebaid. ix. 405.] Ex Iride piuviam finiendam nunciaote 

4iJ?'*"^ J. /!• .^ BcriptumestinlibroGeneseottT^T^etoi^ 

llusque cadit liquidas Junonia vir- ^ riBrnu Ir rp rc^ir, koI Ikmu «ls ntfm- 
go per auras, w iuoimis M iUffffot> i/uv koL t^m ^^ 

Etpicturatopliiviumligataeragyro/' [Gen. ix. 13. secund. Sept.] 

tStat. Sylv. V. i. lOS.] Proverbium nostrum, e mane sur- 

us scribit, gente nirobo, memorat : 

" Quamvis praetexens picea ferrugine " A Rainbow in the morning 
cffilum U the Shepherd's warning.*' 

Venturam admittat imbrifer arcus Sed post pluviosam diem, 
•quam.'* « A Rainbow at night 

[Tibul. Eleg. I. iv. 44.1 Is the Shepherd's delight." 

Propertius se discere velle fatetur, [Prov. citat. Pointer on Weather, 
<* Qua venit exoriens, qua deficit, unde p. 62.] 

^ coactis 308. ia^foif duplex arcus frequent 

Lomibus,in plenum menstruaLuna est, triplex quam rarissime videtur; 

^^^'^y, conferendus est Aristoteles, AivAjf M 

Unde saio superant ventt, quid flamt- icai ifuufporipa rott xp^fuurw jcal «m«. 

ne captet 4x»vffa ical if $4ffti rks xp^as i^ hrtamta 

Eurus ; et in nubes unde perennis fx« M^i^A^^tt* '<^ 'rV «M^ oiriw, Paullo 

aqua ; infra, Tp«Zr tk odic/ri yitwn-cu oM wXtUm 

Sit ventura dies mundi quae subruat fy»^h ^'^ t^ ical r^y Uvrifoof yiyift^^tu ' 

arces ; iifiavpoT4pay, (bar* ical tV rfUmpf iufJikkmfm 

Purpureus pluvias cur bibit areas »^*«' ^^"^ ylyv990ai icd hJSnmnw 

in A rati J)iosemfa. 89 

^H xal itov t)s aXooa jUbeXaivofblmgy tp^si ao'T^p* 
^/iTAijoToy xXw^ovra* iviifji>e»en vlaTe(ra^ir 

o^^cvelirtfcu »pij rotf Ijxioy. [Arislot. xviii.35.] Alio loco scribit/* Existiint 

Meteor, iii. 5j caBdeiii corouae circa Lunam et circa 

Caussani Indis reddit Lucretius, nobilior^ astra ccelo quoque inhsren- 

** Hinc ubi Sol radiis tempesiatem tia." [Pliti. Hist. Nat. li. 29.] De 

iDter opacam haionibus satis supra. Tbeophrastus 

Adversa fulsit oimborum adspergine ^n Sign. Pluv. Kal Sxms /MXaSvai t9a- 

contra rmh^ luA iulKXw cti Utiktie, [Tbeopb* 

Turn color in nigris existit nubibus Sign. Pluv.] In quibusdam Aniencs 

arqui." regiouibusi ut audio, frequentiores 

[Lucret. de Rer Nat. vi. 535.] sunt hae corons halonesqae quam 

Multi secuti sunt ; inter Epigram- nobiscum. Refer ad Excursuro. 

mata invenimus, 810—211. Jam agit de pluvie pro* 

'* Cum radiis imbres et aquarum pen- gnosticis et avibutt— Saepe aves paius- 

duJus humor tres aut marinae msaturabiliter se 

Tangitur, existit, quam Gnecia nomi- inmergunt aquam desiderantes. 

nat, Iris." Geopon. ex Arato, IBtj tk aeol ^ik md 

[Epigram. Burman. edit. Aotbol. Lat. X^ircuoi xmi al OaXirrMu, M (S9«nos owt- 

Vol. ii. p. Sll.] X*» Xo«rf/««w«, x«M«wi fc|\oSfl'ii'. ' [Geo* 

Etiam, pon. i. 3. tit. Buhle. Arat. Vol. i. p. 

**Gara substheriis fulget Thau- 461.] Tbeophrastus idem scripsit, 

mantia proles «Xi9vtai leal vrrrrai imfwylfowrai Ktd &>^^ 

Nubibus, ut radiis pluvium Sol adtigit K«i ratLnrm ^Swp it^p frniAobwMri tvo/Unf. 

imbrem; [Theoph. Sign. Vent.] ut supr. cit.^ 

Et picturato coelum velamine pingit.** Sed alio ioco ad terrcstres aves pro* 

Miltonub in Parad. Amis, ex libro gnosticumtranstulit,*0/u»(«f«i«caicoxiol 

Geneseos, de fine pluviarum, ««* iXt irrjp&irw ^ rt M xi^ « BaXdm 

•• Then with uplifted hands, and eves **o»tw«"«7»;«, &» ijrra 88«*p «ng«^ 

devout ' '' nX ipMn ip»piw ^Srrjfiiuifos «Wp ^ 

Grateful to' heaven, over his head "^.Tt?^ ^'^^"^T'.lTlf^^:^ 

beholds ^®^* Alianus, qui terrcsUret a- 

A dewy cloud, and in the cloud a bow qu^m Pctentes screnitaiia^dicium 

Conspiuous ;ith three listed colours l^^:^'^^'^^^ 

Betofeg peace from God, and CO. KVaS dld^SanS, ^^^^^ 

[Milton Parad. Lost, XI. 867.] Wet , iwl Ar««wr tii^ i^i^oXif *«i^a/- 

Sed plura de Iride cf. in Excurs. de J^^ ry^\^ i 

lucia refractione. virgiliui ex Arato de signis pluvi» 

309. Itenim pluviarum mdicium vcnturae scribit: 

ex halone sumit, de quo plurima „ ^ «^i«„; „«i..^..«- ^» «..,«» 

•upi»-Vel etiammmi nelUi aliqua "J*"? r^^^" pelagi volucres etqua 

d-'ZJ^X'^illi^^^ Dulcf^: JsSgnis rimantur prat. 

r/ndT 2sr tl?L^nV^^^^^^ Certatf^' largos humeris infundere 

stelte aliquando circa se lucidum NunrMSitobjectarcfretis,nuncauw 

orbem habenr. Sed numauam vidi i^u^^^yy^^*^^^^*^^^'>>"^^^^ 

halonem verum seu annuium circa ^ "^f j- no s ^^. ^, 

mUm. Pliniu. eadem cum incau- Et .ttjdjo .nca«un. v.deas gesbrt 

aliqm plu»iMn." [PUn. HUt. Nat. l^"8- <*«»'• »• »'J 


FOR 1818. 



The subjects of Biography considered. J. The lives of eminent public 

men. This department of Biography is closely connected ^ith Hbtm^ 

lut superior to it in moral usefulness. 3. Lives of men disttngulsheo in 

literature, art, and science — why peculiarly interesting. 3. If tscelhuiipOQi 

lives. > 

The manner of treating biographical subjects— must depend on TsrioDS 
circumstances — as, distance of time. — Contemporary memoirs eoninsted 
with learned compilations on ancient lives.— The most essential equalities of 
• Biography, Copiousness and Impartiality.— Difficulty of avoidins' citiiir 
unnecessary minuteness or insipid generality .-^Correspondence of frioads 
considered as an illustration of character. — Impartiality not to be expectel 
from writers- of their own lives. — Bi(^raphical works consisting of neie 
panegyric. — Lives written by friends ofpersons deceased.— Conclusion. 

ESSAY, &c. 

X HE acts and characters of men whose virtues or talents^ n^iafor- 
tunes or successes^ have influenced the course of public evettti, 
will naturally supply the earliest subjects of biographical narratSop. 
Itliistrious names aud extraordinary achieveraents engage the atteih 
.tion and awaken the zeal of writers in every age, aud the desire of 
tracing an eminent man through a series of great actions. 19 heigbt- 
ened in most instances by national or local partiality. And as an 
^icquaintance with general history becomes more widely diffusedi 

£t Varro: non immergunt pro bono siguo :na«»- 

^'Tum liceat pelagi volucres tardsque gantibus antiqiup accepts aunt ; ut 

paludis citat Niphus, eir£miliano: 

Cernere inexpleto studio certare la- '^ Cycnus in auspiciis semper lastis- 

vandi.** * simusales; . , 

[Varro. Frag, in Catalect. Vet. Poet. Hunc optant nautse quia non aemer- 

Observavi certissimum pluviae signum ^'^ i>^ Hindis.*' 

esse cygnos contra venti cursum vo- Niphus (ex JEmil.> Augur. lUk i. 

lantes.] c. 10.] . '.,; ,j. 

A certo hoc tcmpestatis ex avium Ex. eadem re pro fasto otniae su- 

lavatione prognostico^ aves quae se muntur cycni a Virgilio. 

Oxford Prize Essay for 1 8 1 ^. 91 

men seek urith increasing eagerness a minuter and more familiar 
knowledge of persons, who have distinguished themselves in that 
diversified scene ; they turn from the widerand more comprehensive 
survey of events with awakened but unsatisfied curiosity ; like the 
inexperienced beholder of a vast and crowded picture, who instinc- 
tively draws nearer to the canvas, but discovers, as he advances, 
that the colors have not grown brighter, nor the figures more 

As literature and science begin to assume their just preeminence 
among human pursuits, the province of Biography is rapidly 
extended ; and men who have had no share in the public transac- 
tions of their age, but have adorned it by their genius or their labors, 
are allowed to divide our attention with princes, warriors, and 
politicians. If mankind still delight in those scenes of ambitious 
life, which abound in great and surprising occurrences, they begin 
also to value the more refined satisfaction of observing the growth 
and habits of superior mind ; what assistance it has borrowed, or 
what impediments encountered, from external events ; what studies 
have matured the scholar, what incident has arotised the poet, 6r 
what lessons have formed the philosopher. 

But in later times, when the more general cultivation of literature 
encourages an unbounded increase of writings on every subject. 
Biography takies a far wider range, and a place is found for indivi- 
duals of humbler merit and less extended celebrity. In a free iEind 
prosperous country more particularly, vi'here society has formed 
itself into many great and distinct branches, and innumerable 
avenues lie open^ to renown, it is esteemed no useless or tinworthy 
office of the Biographer, to record those instances of superior virtue 
or talents, which, without commanding the attention of mankind ih 
general, have illuminated and embellished their own peCu&r sphere 
of active or studious life. 

lllat species of Biography which commenhbrates persons dis'* 
tinguished in public afliairs, is dignified Udd recominended by its 
association with History; an alliance so intimate, that each occa- 
sionally deviates into the «tyle and method of the other; the history 
of a nation becomes subordinate to that of an individual, and the 
narrative of a li£e expands into the chronicle 6f a state. We see 
the Biographer Apatitite in disquisitions on politics and manners, 
and the Historian lay open the htunan mind with its secret passions 
and infirmities. Thus the profound and elegant Roman annaKsthas 
traced a portrait of Tiberius, more expressive and, more Uuily 
biographical, than is presented in the deliberate exposition of his 
character by the minuter hand of Suetonius. 

A simple detail of campai^s and embaasies, of martial exploits 
and political intrigues, comprised in the Kfe of a warrior or Itatfes- 

92 Oxford Prize Essay 

man, may be valuable for its iDformation, and still more for that 
lucid arrangement Mrhich reduces many facts to a connected seriesi 
9nd by combinin<^, makes them illustrate and explain each other. 
Stilly however, the Biographer should aim at higher excellences. 
He may indeed relate with fidelity the acts and speeches of a great [ 
man, may insist with energy on his wise counsels, or bis virtuoui 
example ; but it is only when the manners, the familiar habits, the 
daily conversation, the very look and gesture, are revived, and 
rendered present to our imagination, that we own the force mud 
impressive truth of the finished picture.' It is thus that Biography 
enlightens and animates the materials of History, and brings do%va 
the greatness of political events to a natural association with the 
ordinary occurrences of life. By this peculiar charm the spirited 
narratives of Plutarch continue, at the present day, to captivate 
even those who are as far removed by their course of life as by 
lapse of' time from the scenes described : and thus have the moit 
extravagant and romantic adventures of modern times been not 
only rendered credible to posterity, but invested with unquestion- 
able signs of nature and reality by the Biographer of Charles the 

But whatever praise may belong to this species of writing as a 
graceful appendage and supplement to History, it surpasses History 
itself in moral instruction. A short comparison will sufficieatl^ 
^point out the causes of a superiority which might indeed be claiuied 
on similar grounds for Biography in general, but belongia moce 
plainly and indisputably to that particular department which if 
strictly historical. 

The lessons of the Biographer apply themselves immediately to 
the feelings and interests of every individual, it is the business of 
History to separate and distinguish men from the mass of society, 
and exhibit them in those situations to which the generality of 
mankind are persuaded they will never be summoned. Biography, 
on the other hand, reminds us at every page how much we have in 
common with those whom fortune appears to have placed farthest 
from us ; it dwells upon those incidents in which all lives must to 
a certain degree resemble each other ; it draws our attention from 
events to persons, from external and accidental circumstances to 
the intrinsic and permanent qualities of mind ; it accustoms us to 
consider accurately the relation which men's public actions bear to 
their characters, education, and peculiar habits ; and thus teaches 

' Ofht ykp Urropias ^pi^ucv, &AA2k fiiovs* oUrt reus imptawrritruis wp^mn 
lirvoiri H^Mffa iipenis ^ Ktutlas, &XX& wpS^fUt fipaj^ roWdtas, ical M^ia, jrar wwJKm ra. 

for 1818. 93 

us to discover useful lessons of private conduct in occurrences 
apparently foreign to our own interests and occupations. To 
govern provinces^ to command arniies^^ or to conduct embasjiies, are 
arts Mhich few have occasion to learn ; yet vigilant integnty, active 
forethought, unwearied fidelity, are virtues to be cultivated m every 
station. Few men are called upon to resign greatness, and embrace 
captivity and death for the sake of conscience ; yet the heroism of 
Sir I'homas More was only the conspicuous exercise of those 
dignified and graceful qualities which shone forth in his domestic 
life, and example fitted for the imitation of even the humblest 
individual ; the Upright firmness, the candor and purity of mind, the 
cheerful evenness of temper, the sincere and constant piety^ which 
diffused tranquillity through his own breast, and order, harmony^ 
and gladness through his household.' 

The facts related by a skilful Biographer arfe rendered at once 
familiar and impressive by the detail of mmute and characteristic 
eircumstances, which must generally be overlooked in the grand and 
comprehensive views of history. When the historian shows us a 
minister and fsvorite cast down abruptly from the summit of power, 
our judgment assents to his reflections on the fallacy of all hunian 
splendor ; but our feelings too confess the bitterness of the reverse, 
when Biography exhibits the disgraced and destitute Wolsey com- 
manding his retinue to be marshalled before him, and bursting into 
tears in the fruitless effort to address them/ 

• In works of Biography the moral is more certain, and more 
easily to be deduced, than in any portion of history. A life once 
closed is a work completed ; the beginning, the middle, and the 
end are all subject to our observation. We can fearlessly compute 
the sum of good or evil, and pronounce with confidence how much 
was added to the amount of either by the several acts submitted to 
our review. But how feeble iind uncertain is the most accurate 
human judgment upon the history of nations! We may indeed 
found arguments and establish systems on particular occurrences, 
and our reasonings on a limited train of facts may be sufficiently 

* Mora's Life of Sir T. More. 

* ** Afterwards my Lord commanded me to call all his gentlemen and yeo* 
men up into the great chamber, commanding all the gentlemen to stand on 
the right hand, and tlie yeomen on the left side: at last my Lord came out. in 
his rochet upon a violet gowh, like a bishop, who went with his chaplains 
to the npper end of the chamber, where was a great window, beholding his 
goodly number of servants, who could not speak to them until the tears ran 
down his cheeks, which being perceived of his servants, caused fountains of 
tears to gush out of their sorrowful eyes, in such sort as would cause any 
heart to relent. At last my Lord spake to tliem to this effisct and purpose, 
saying," &c. Cavendish^ Lif* of TToifey, chap. xvii. 

94 Oxford Prize Essay 

correct; but the events of an age, or succession of ages^ are onlj 
part of a great aud unfinished series, and whatever ingenuity may be 
exerted in reducing any portion of history to a complete and con- 
sistent scheme, there must yet remain many perplexities to be sol ved^ 
and many imperfections to be supplied, out of the stores of suc^ 
ceeding years. We cannot doubt that the same supreme wisdom 
which disposes the lives of individuals is also, in its own time, coo* 
ducting the history of the world to its just and appropriate termina- 
tion ; but while the philosopher affects to point out the ultimAttf 
purpose of particular dispensations, and the part which they coo* 
tribute to the great and unknown plan, he resembles the traveller 
by that mysterious African river, of which we know the sounce^and 
have explored the earlier windings, but pursue with impotent con- 
jecture the vast and devious branches that descend into the ocean... 

The moral effect of History is not only rendered less perfect than 
that of Biography, by the causes already mentioiied, but it is.JtiU 
farther weakened and dissipated by the variety of incidents and.per-^. 
sons, and the perpetual mtervention of occurrences apparently 
accidental. The wisest projects are defeated, the most absurd and. 
profligate fortunately concluded ; the virtuous undertakings of good. 
men devolve upon unworthy successors, who distort and debase • 
them ; and political prosperity appears rather the rewar<^ ,of talent, 
and acuteness, than of conscientious integrity. Our attention is. oidj 
directed to the conduct of persons as it affects the general tenor of 
events ; and hence we are often led to bestow unmerited applauste, 
to desire the success of enterprises inconsistent with strict morali^^ 
and to envy, not so much those who have acted uprightly, as those • 
who have been placed in great situations. 

To assert that the lives of individuals are exempt from unfon&secu 
vicissitude, or that the maxim cited by the Roman biographer^ 
*' that every man's character is the mould of his fortune,"' can be 
received m its widest acceptation, would be vain and extravagraqt. 
But in the study of Biography, if we meet with a good man depreas- 
ed, or a bad one exalted, by events beyond human control, our : 
attention, instead of being diverted from the subject by some new 
incident or greater personage, is fixed more closely on the sequeF, 
and as we diligently trace the progress of the same mind through all 
the succeeding scenes to the greatest and last, we learn to consider' 
the vicissitudes of fortune only as different lights thrown upon the 
same figure, and not having power of themselves to improve its 
excellences, or mitigate its deformity. 

It appears from diis comparison, that the study of History tends ' 

> Sui cuique mores fiagunt fortunam. Corn. Nep. Aitkiu, c. xi. 

for 1618. 9p 

chiefly to inform the Judgn^ent and mature the intellectual virtues 
of foresight, penetration, political sagacity: Biography, while it , 
partakes m some measure of the same utility, is most effectively 
employed in strengthening those nioral qualities which in their '. 
private exercise adorn and instruct, and in their public display, 
mvigorate and exalt the state. 

That the Biography of men of letters should excite an interest . 
nore than proportioned to the importance of the events recorded^ 
maybe attributed to this peculiar circumstance; that the great 
actions by which other men distinguish themselves are perfonned . 
at a distance from us, and are known only by report, and by the 
imperfect pictures of our own imagination ; but the. works oJF t^he; 
poet or philosopher are present alike in all a^es and places, and 
the iitiage of their minds reflected from their works is neitheft, 
impaired nor obscured by lapse of lime or distance of country. , 
This daily participation in their thoughts and feelings awakens s 
natural curiosity to be acquainted with the incidents of their lives 
and td compare their mantlets and conduct as men, with the tont 
and character of their writings. It is at once ah interesting and i 
profitable study, to observe the growth and developenient of illus- 
trious talents, and the circumstances which have excited, directed, 
or repressed their activity, llie unpromising boyhood of South 
and Barrow ; the early maturity of genius in Pope, and its tardy. .. 
disclosure in Dryden; the robust powers of Johnson, growing up 
to perfection under the weieht of indigence, obscurity, and unwor- 
thy labor ; the hidden energies of Churchill bursting forth at once 
into a brief career of brilliant exertion and conspicuous profligacy ^. 
the reserved and unenterprising disposition which half veiled the 
learning and talents of Gray ; and the public-spirited ambidpo 
which gave lustre to the same qualities in Sir William Jones ; all 
these, and a multitude of examples not less remarkable, which. 
Biography preserves to us, are eminently fitted to improve th^ 
studious observer of human nature, and afford encouragement or 
suggest caution to the cultivator of letters. 

But, not to expatiate farther on those branches of Biography 
which derive importance from their subject,, there is scarcely -any 
class or description of human life, which, if honestly and skilfully 
portrayed, may not be rendered interesting and instructive. The 
ahades of human disposition are so infinitely varied, and, in the 
narrow space assigned to human action, the paths are so many and 
so diversified, that an accurate observer of characteristic circum- 
stances may continually point out new facts in the moral history of 
man^ or at least discover new illustrations of those already known. 
From this cause chiefly it arises, that in the Uter ages of literature^ 
when other subjects have been exhausted, Biography, and the descrip- 

96 Oxford Prize Jbssay 

tion of remote countries^ are most commooly resorted .to aa tjie jet 
unfailine sources of delight and information. And Biographj 
under all its forms has this great and important utility^ that the 
mind of man, too apt to be engrossed by the present hour^ or by 
anxious anticipations of the hour immediately to follow, is induced 
by this study to reflect upon life as a whole ; to observe how insepa- 
rably! in the history of every person, each part is connected, with 
the others, and to contemplate steadily that solemn though fiuniliar 
truth, how short, how frail, and how precious is the gift of 

These considerations naturally lead us from the aubjecti of 
BSography to the manner in which they should be treated. 

'Die style and method of every biographical narration must be 
influenced by its own peculiar circumstances : by none peihaps 
more remarkably than the distance of time at which the work is 
undertaken, from the period of which it treats. The tvro kinds of 
biographical writing that most widely differ from each other, and 
afford exercise to the most dissimilar talents, are the Memoiri 
composed by persons who have shared the scenes, and in^i^' nuunier 
lived the life they describe, and the Compilations of learned and 
ingenious men, illustrating the history of individuals who lived many 
ages before them. The narratives usually called Memoirs, which, 
together with the life selected as their principal subject, describe 
the society in which it was passed, undoubtedly compose the laott 
lively and fascinating department of Biography, uniting, as they do, 
the grace and brilliancy of fiction, with a portion of the weight i|nd 
useftilness of history. The more ancient memoirs are inestimable 
for that simplicity and circumstantial faithfulness with which the; 
piaint the manners of our remoter ancestors :' and in those of later 
times, we are gratified by exact yet animated pictures of individiilil- 
and social character,rendered still more attractive by felicity of expres- 
sion and brilliancy of thought, by alternate playfulness of satire, and 
profoundness of reflection.* It must however be confessed, that 
under this elegant and engaging form. Biography has often appeared 
too negligent of that severe practical morality, which is its nu^ 
honorable characteristic : and many of those works which da 
the highest admiration for the spirited graces of their style, are 

' As JoinTille's Memoirs of St. Louis; Sully's Memoirs of Henry IV; 
Cavendish's Life of Wolsey. 

* This observstion of course applies to the best species of memoirs. Thcra 
are others, however, which have their value as repositories of anscdotc^ 
though they indicate no higher qualifications in the writer than>^tffon|t 
nkemory and acute observation. A still lower class of memoirs isronlj le^ 
maikable as the ordinary vehicle of frivolous and pernicious conmiuniGraiitiK 

for 1S18. * 97: 

least qualitied to kistruct society, either by just pViociples ot virtu- 
ous examples.' • . 
: The author, who. compiles a life from the traditions lind written 
memorials of a forn^er age/ must exhibit very different qualifiiiBtions 
from him who merely depicts the scenes that have passed before 
his cyeis. With' a i less fanciful and less original mfnd;he-mUst pos- 
sess a judgment far more solid, a practised discerntfieAtVan unwea- 
ried indu8tr}'/aildBn unshaken firmness in repelling thie allurements 
of system. Removed, as he generally is, by a long series of years 
from the influence of prejudice, availing himself of every improve- 
ment which in later times has contributed to extend knowledge and 
assist reason, and deliberately comparing the different illustrations' 
which his subject has received from ancient authority. or modem 
research; he enjoys in some respects a superiority over thie con- 
temporary. Biographer; and it frej^uently happens^ that this life' 
which' has been composed after an interval of ages, is not only ^he 
most regular and polished history, but the most exempt from 
errors. Nor is this Jcind of Biography so austere in its character, 
so necessarily -incapable of ornament or animation, as might be 
concluded !by a hasty observer.- The Lives of Plutarch, which at 
least have never been deemed frigid or uniuterestmg, ^vere, with 
very few exceptions; collected from the memorials of distant gene- 
rations ; and although perhaps a greater reserve in credithig> and 
discretion in reporting, would have been useful to die ancient, as 
they would be indispensable in any modern author, yet the solid 
and unquestioned excellencies of the Parallel Lives afford suffi-p 
cient proof, that this species of Biography is not of necessity con- 
iined to the general recital of a few barren facts, or to the oninviting 
though useAil labor of antiquarian dissertations.^ 
• r The qualities most essential to a biographical work are copious- 
ness and impartiality. Activity and perseverance in the collection 
of facts are virtues of easy attainment ; but to. discern the frivolous 
from the important, to resolve on adopting and on rejecting, , to 
select materials with that unerringjudgment which permits no dis- 
tinguisliing part of the character to escape, yet rejects those indif- 
ferent circumstances which belpng equally to all men, is a perfec- 
.tiou of art which few authors have approached. Of the two vices 
to which those writers are exposed, who fail of this exoiiisite 
medium, an officious prolixity is the most exposed to ridicule, an 

' As the Mempirs of the Count de Grammunt, by Hamilton ; and the 
Cardinal de Retz*^ Memoirs of bis own Life. 

^ The Lives of Diogenes L^rtius are collections of amusing and valuable 
anpc^te, not lik^ those Oif Plutarch, complete and animated repretenCations 
of charticter 'and concluct. 


98 Oxford Prize Essay 

empty g^nerafity tbe most deserving of blame« For, on reviewing 
those narratives of every kind to which the world has been most 
indebted for information and amusement, it will be foMod that we 
owe far more to those who have left little untold, than to those who 
have scrufded to relate too much. 

The practice of suppressing tbe minute and familiar circuin- 
Stances of a life, and delivering only the general result of their 
testimony, according to those conclusions which the Biographer 
himself has drawn from it, may be considered favorable to the 
elegance, dignity, and uniformity . of a work, but must always 
detract from its beauty and utility as a biographical portrait. The 
M'riter who adopts this method, instead of permitting his readers to 
become a^cquainted with the person whose life he traces, informs 
them only of tbe opinion which he himself entertains of a man 
M'hose conduct he had opportunities of observing. But the most 
elaborate and highly finished delineation of a character is infinitely 
weaker and less instructive than a few well chosen sketches from 
the open and easy intercourse of private life ; and the powers of 
genius are often as justly estimated by tbe irregular brilliancy of 
conversation, as by the steadier and more concentrated lustre of 
published writings. 

To illustrate character by abundant extracts from correspond- 
ence, is a practice in Biography which has been sanctioned by 
several eminent examples ;' and it is not unreasonably supposed, 
that the comparison of a number of letters, from whatever hand, 
will assist materially in estimating the disposition as well as talents 
of the writer.* Yet should we avoid relying too implicitly on a 
criterion of this nature. Affectation and insincerity in the corre- 
spondent are obvious sources of deception : and the effusions even 
of the most candid and ingenuous writer^ who accustoms himself to 
expatiate on his own feelings, are not to be considered an unquestion* 

» Mason's Life of Gray ; Lord Teignmouth's Life of Sir William Jones. 

* Biography has been much disgraced in late years, by the indiscriminate 
publication of all correspondence, without any consideration of general 
utility, and without sufficient regard for the reputation of the writers. The 
foiiowiog passage from Bishop Sprat's Life of Cowley might serve as a 
reproof to some muderu Biographers. '< I know you agree with me, that 
nothing of this nature should be published : and herein you have always 
consented to iipprove of the modest judgment of our countrymen above the 
practice of some of our neighbours, and chiefly of the French. I make no 
manner of question but the English at this time are iufiuitely improved in 
this way, above the skill of foraier ages, nay of all countries round about us, 
that pretend to greater eloquence. Yet they have been always judiciously 
8|)lurine in prioung such composures, while some other witty nations have 
tirad all their presses and readers with them.'' Life of Cawhf, preM^U 
hii Worh. ed. 1669. ^' r ^ 

for 1818. 99 

able index of character.' In the calm and placid moments of con«' 
ffdential communicatkuii the mind^ delighted with its task and with 
itself^ is naturally open to every amiable and disinterested senti- 
ment : then faults asid follies are ingenuously avowed ; then schemes 
of purposed improvement, and hopes of future perfection, and 
aspirations after more than mortal excellence, begin to crowd upon 
the pen ; the imagination warms with its own exertion ; and the 
heart, unrestrained for the moment by any sordid passion 6r lo\t 
iiolicitude, indulges in its natural and original bent, and feels itself 
earnestly and sincerely virtuous.^ 

The writer of his ovm history, while he enjoys the advantage of 
a perfect and indisputable acquaintance with every fact essential 
to his work, has yet a difficult task to perform in maintaining the 
character of impartiality. A cold reserve only leaves curiosity 
unsatisfied,' and few readers are conciliated by humble professions. 
The most becoming and manly course^ perhaps, which he can 
adopt, and the most respectful to the judgment of mankind, is to 
abandon all such expedients, and without attempting that which 
exceeds human wisdom, to pass an equitable decision on his own 
merits, assume that chastened confidence which Tacitus has caliedj^ 
'' fiduciam potius morum, quam arrogantiam/' and at once, with 
truth and with simplicity^ proceed to the events which he has pur- 
posed to relate.^ The man who has voluntarily undertaken to lay 
his history before the world, must at least be persuaded that its 
general tenor is not dishonorable to him ;' he- would else be doubly 

■ But in illustrating and connecting facts, a series of correspondence (like 
that of Cicero or Erasmus) is often of the highest value. 

^ ^ It is easy to awaken generous sentiments in privacy ; to despise death 
when there is no danger ; to glow with benevolence when there is nothing 
to be given. While such ideas are formed they are felt, and self-love does 
not stvpect the gleam of virtue to be the meteor of fancy/' Johnson's life of 

^ The narratives of their own lives, given by two of our greatest historians, 
present a striking contrast; that of Hume, con>posed with singular chaste- 
ness and simplicity, but with a dryness and brevity which disappoint the 
inquisitive reader ; and that of Gibbon, in which every event is the subject 
of a pompous, but often eloquent amplification. 

^ The warmth of religinos feelings has sometimes led men to describe 
with great force and fmnkness their own infiimities, transgressions, and 
mental struggles : — the confessions of St. Augustine are a well-known 

^ The learned and visionary Cardan, though he appears to have enter- 
tained no humble opinion of his own character, has pointed out its repulsive 
features with an unshrinking boldness which few would dare to imitate. 
Among the faults avowed are the following. '^ Sasvitia, pertinacia conteti- 
tiosa, asperitas, imprudentia, iracundia, ultionis desiderium etiam Ultra 

100 Odford Prize Essay 

disgraced in such a memorial of his ignominy. And the exaggerated 
humility with which a writer speaks of himself, suggests a reason- 
able suspicioni that he will avail himself of that pretended frankness 
to assume a more unbounded licence of depreciating others: 
More honest, as well as more dignified, yet rather to be admired 
than imitated, was the pride of that romantic English nobleman/ 
who, professing to write for the instruction and example of bis 
descendants, has magnificently and circumstantially set forth the 
extraordinary incidents of his life, and declares, in one of his 
earliest pages, that from his first infancy until that hour he never 
willingly told any thing that was false. The writer, whatever may 
be his talents, who will candidly and diligently apply himself to the 
task of recording his own history, has these great and certain advan- 
tages ; that the vivid impression left upon his mind by the events 
he is to relate, will enable him to describe with that peculiar 
energy which only experience can inspire ;^ and that if a man be 
capable of any just, great, wise, or pathetic reflection, the retro- 
spect of his own past years can scarcely fail to suggest it. 

In considering impartiality as one of the duties required of die 
Biographer, it is impossible not to turn the attention for a moment 
to some beautifiil and justly admired examples in which the history 
of a life is conducted throughout in a strain of elevated panegyric^ 
At the head of these appears that illustrious effusion of eloquence 
which immortalised Agricola. The same uniform tone of praise, 
exalting its subject almost above the perfections of humanity^ 
appears in the life of Atticu^by Cornelius Nepos ; and (to take an 
instance from modem times) in the elegant sketches of the French 
academicians by Fontenelle. But works like these must rather be 
considered as professed eulogies moulded in the form of Biography, 
than as the literal and circumstantial records of events occurring iu 
human life, it was the object of those writers to raise monuments 
to the glory of the men whom they celebrated ; to applaud, not 
weigh illustrious characters ; and to impress mankind with the 
admiration of virtue by displaying her in unobstructed splendor. 

vires." " Frigidi sum cordis, timidus, et cerebri calidi.*' ^ Illud inter vitia 
niea singiiiare et magnum agnosco, et sequor, ut libentius nihil dicam quam 
quod audientibus displtceat. — Hoc atitem in meis bfiDeikctoribus devito, 
aique pocentibu^." << Sed aiea . etiam louge deterius ces^t, filiis ad aieam 
instnictis, et dome aleatoribus saepe patefacta." Cardanus De Vita ma, cap. 
13, &c. 

» Lord Herbert of Cherbury. 

^ Thus Gibbon has related the incident of his writing the last lines of 
his history in the garden at Lausanne, with an eloquence which rises to 
|H)eti'y. Another Biographer must have been content to express the facts 
in cold and general terms. 

for 1818. 101 

These are examples rarely and cautiously to be imitated; the Bio^ 
grapher ought to keep in mind the nature of his appointed task, 
lest he should desert the fidelity which so well becomes him, 
without arriving at the sublimity he would emulate; lest his 
anxiety to celebrate with unusual honor the excellencies which 
awaken his enthusiasm, should be likened to that senseless prodi- 
gality which sought to bestow new lustre on the perfect statue, by 
encrusting the marble with gold.' 

It should also be remembered, that unvaried praise soon wearies 
the attention ; that the works of this description which have 
obtained distinguished success, are short ; and that the mind which 
turns with satiety from the graceful eulogies of Fontenelle, feels 
itself braced and invigorated by the manly truth and dignified 
austerity of the Biographer of our own poets. 

To present to his contemporaries the history of one who is nowno 
more, is a task which most naturally devolves upon those who have 
enjoyed means of tracing in its growth, and observing in its matu- 
rity, the character to be described. Yet these are the persons to 
whom the duty of impartiality is most difficult and ungrateful. 
While the fondness so long cherished is yet florishing in their 
bosoms ; while affection is raised to the highest pitch of enthusiasm 
by the loss of its object ; when every sense of imperfection, every 
remembrance of past bitterness, and every topic of reproach, are 
almost obliterated from the mind, it is difficult for the writer even 
to form to himself, much more to communicate to the world, an 
impartial and accurate idea of the infirmities and errors which 
mingled with the virtues of hb friend and early associate. But 
whatever indulgence or even respect may be entertained for these 
natural and amiable feelings, we must remember that Biography, 
as partaking of the character of history, is subject to the same 
inflexible rides, and that deviations from truth even in favor of the 
warmest friendship are blemishes to be atoned for, not refinements 
to be applauded. 

Had the melancholy history of Savage been traced with a palliat- 
ing hand, posterity might have thought him less culpable, but 
would have viewed his fate with more indifference. It is not only 
the eloquence of Johnson that moves us irresistibly to pity and 
indignation, but we lend our sympathy to the Biographer, because 
we are convinced of his sincerity ; and, satisfied with the tribute 
paid to justice, we permit ourselves to indulge in unreserved com- 

The great virtue of impartiality is not, however, to be con- 

■ Some instances of this practice may be found in Pliny, Nat. Hist. b. 
x\.\iv. c. 19, xxxvi. c. 4, and Grsevius, Thes, Ant. Rom. vol. iii. p. 88. 

102 Oxford Prize Essay for 18 1». 

founded with that mistaken or pretended candor which is only the 
instrument of detraction. The survivor of his friend may justly 
faeshate to reveal facts yet unknown, which^ while they illustrated 
his character, would dishonor his memory. He who professes to 
inform mankind, is bound to inform them truly ; but it is better to 
renounce the office of Biography^ when it offers only the alterna- 
tive of dishonest concealment or hateful disclosure, than to become 
the accuser of him who no longer exists, and to raise up from ob- 
scurity the imperishable evidence of his faults. Vainly would it be 
uiged, that a duty to society requires the sacrifice of private feeling 
to the interests of moral and historical knowledge. No public 
claim can have power to violate the sanctity of that reserve which 
affiection and good faith alike emoin ; and he whose weakness or 
depravity can avail itself of such a pretext, will more probably 
corrupt men by his example, than improve them by his information. 
In whatever point of view we contemplate Biography, a multi- 
tude of interesting topics press on our attention. From those which 
have been selected as illustrative of the objects and duties of the 
Biographer, we may sufficiently estimate the difficulties of his taak^ 
its dignity and usefulness. To perpetuate the fame of heroes and 
sages, and to render those actions which have astonished whole 
states a familiar study and a salutary source of practical instruction ; 
to awaken emulation or repress confidence in aspiring genius, by 
conspicuous examples in letters, arts, or sciences ; to record the 
excellencies of those honored individuals in every class of society, 
whose virtues are held most worthy of imitation, and whose 
memory is most affectionately cherished, are labors worthy of the 
most exalted ambition : but to seize upon that sound and manly 
style of narration which at once gratifies and sustains curiosity,' 
and which neither wastes itself in frigid generality, nor dwindles 
into frivolous minuteness ; to discbarge honestly that rigorous 
duty of impartial representation in which the moral character of 
the Biographer himself is so deeply interested ; to dismiss preju- 
dice, to suppress fondness, to banish afiFectation even when his own 
history is the subject, are difficulties which the most accomplished 
mind may glory in surmounting. The writer who has approached 
perfection in a species of historical composition more powerful than 
any other in awakening the sympathies, and disposing the heart to 
profound and useful reflection, may claim a place in the highest 
rank of literature ; and while we yield this distinction to the Bio- 
grapher, we may without exaggeration pronounce, that the success- 
ful cultivation and general encouragement of Biography affords an 
honorable testimony to the genius and character of a nation. 


St. John's Collegb. 



On Professor Hermanrfs Review of the New Edition df 

Stephens' Greek Thesaurw. 

No. II.— [Continued from No. XXX n p. 390,] 

Ihe Editors will now proceed to examine some of the critical 
remarks^ contained in this valuable Review. 

1. *AfipiSf ^fip^U ^^i^f i^fu* 

'' In V. ifijhsy de qua copiosissime est et doctissime explicatom^ 
non vidimus citata^ que Valek. scripsit ad Callim. Fragmm. 233. 
Caetermn insigni diligentia efficere studuemnt Edilores doctissimi 
in adnotatione tertia p. 43. ifi§oty non ifiga esse scribendum, siqui- 
^dem librariis in hntusmodi re fides est, qui ss^pe in spiritibus 
pouendis negiigentissimi sunt. Accedit, quod recentior pronun- 
ciation quae etianmum in usu est Grsecis^ non solet exprimere spiri- 
tum asperum." 

From these words the reader might imagine that the Editors 
rested their orthography of the word afipeif Jncilla, solely on the 
aathority of librarians, who are admitted to be most careless in 
giving accents and breathings, and who no doubt frequently followed 
the practice of their own age, which might be the reverse of the rule 
adopted by those ancient writers, whose works they were employed 
to transcribe. In point of fact, however, the Editors have adopted 
the rejected orthography afifu for Sifiga, induced not merely by the 
readings of Mss., but by the authority of Eustath. and H. Steph., 
who. consider this word as derived from a foreign root, total]|y 
^stinct from the Greek word ifip^S' The words of the Editors are : 

" At AfifOj Ancilla, formatum esse ex «j8pJf, Mollis, ut censent 
doctissimi lUi viri, Dorv. Albert. Locella, Sturz. et Schneider., non 
est res satis certa. Imo vero etiam Eustath. pro voce per^rina 
accepisse, ut viditnoster Stephanus, qui ilia de causa Thesauri 
Indici intet" cetera yX^^-inifumx^ vocabula hoc inserendum esse 
pbtavit, certistimum eat. Cur igitur ifigot in ifipa mutari debeat f 
praesertim cum leni spiritu extet in duobus Hesych. locis, in 
Phavorino, in duobus Grammatici S. Germ, locis, in Etym^ m 
Lex. H. Stephani veteri, in Lex. Ms- Bibl. Coisl. 602., ter m 

104 Observations on the Review 

Eustathii loco, item in tribus Luciani locis laudatis^ cum porro bis 
sic scriptum in suo Pollucis Codice, liempe ad 4, 15 1 . et 154. inve- 
oerit Jungerm.| cum eadem scriptura reperiatur in Charitone 1, 4. 
cum deniqiie Schweigh. ad Athen. S4Q. e. * tenuerit in Machoois 
versu 8cripturam.JE/3pa^y leni spiritu, ut erat iu £d. Bas. et Cas. 1. 
nee aliud quid e Ms. A. annotatum."' 

With respect to the derivation of ifipog from fj^w, the Editors 
are agreed with the learned Professor. 

' " Similia quaedam notari posse videmus in v. Syay. Cuius quum 
duas signiff. posuisset Steph., Nimis et Falde, et utramque invenire 
sibi visus esset in illo versu Alphei, Ti [urfih yap uyuVf ayxv [ji^s 
Ti^TTu, hsec adiecerunt Editores: — ' At contra Aristoteles Rhet. 
2, 2\, OuK upiaxu ii jxoi to AsyojxsyoV} Mrfiiv ayav' hi yip rou; ys 
xaxov^ Ayav jUtAO'iiv. Eurip. Hippol. £63. Ovrco rh Aidtv JKro-ov hraivn 
Tou i^rfiiv Syav, KoH j^u/xf^o-ouoricro^o/ixoi. Pindar, ap. Plut. 9>, 11 6. 
et Hephsest. de Metr. 91. Z'o^o) li xa) tI futj^h iyay ho^ alv^areiv 
vepuro'ms. Palladas 62. Mrfih eiyxv twv hmi cto^cdv o O'Ofarraro^ 
ftTev.' Fatemur, quern ad finem base dicta sint, nos non satis 
assequi. Nam videntlir quidem hoc velle, non magis in Alphei 
versu utramque inveniri huius adverbii significationemy quam in 
his; quos afferunt, aliorum scriptorum locis. Quod etsi recte eos 
contendere putanius, tamen^ si iyav Nimii significat, firfih iyoiv 
autem Latine est Ne quid nimisy quid aliud responsurum censebi- 
nius Stepbanum, quam hoc, in illis quoque exemplis [uifih iyaof 
Ne quid nimis significare, et ap. Aristot. quidem, eodem modo ut 
ap. Alpheum, utraque significatione positum esse ayav ? Ex quo 
apparet, alio modo refutandum fuisse Stephanum ; et id ipsum 
facere debebant Editores. Nam falsum est/' etc. etc. 

The learned Reviewer has altogether misunderstood the meaning 
of the Editors. In using the words. At contra Aristot. Rhet/2, £1 . 
OifK agsaxei di fjLOi to \eySfisifov, MjSev ayotv tei yotp rovg ye Koxoi^ 
ayoLV [Ata-eiv, the Editors had no intention of opposing the remark of 
H. Stephens, but simply meant to oppose Aristotle's disappro- 
bation of the proverb to Alpheus's commendation of it. Nor have 
the Editors connected the words of Aristotle disapproving of it, 
with the words of Eurip. Pindar and Palladas approving of it. It 
is tnie that they immediately follow the passage from Aristotle^ but 
there is no conjunction, which connects them with it 

*' De eodem illo iyotv quas conira Spohn. dicta sunt p. 70., et 
quae ibidem de consociatione eius cum superlativis, non ad t. 

of the Greek Themuru$. IftS 

.'lVfpgty«yaxTeo, ubi nemo ilia exspectaret^ sed ad ipaoin adv. *'.Ayav 
afi«renda erant." 

The Editors admit that this matter ought to have been placed 
under ''AyaVy but the question is^ whether, not having been inserted 
in its proper place, it was altogether to be omitted i The Editors 
thought not, though the Reviewer may think dififerently. Those 
students, who may in future times wish to examine the opinion of 
Spohn, and to see examples, in which iyev» is used with a superla- 
tive^ will not be disposed to quarrel with the Editors for putting 
the observations in a wrong place, but rather to thank them for not 
having totally omitted the discussion of points, about which they 
were interested. Referred to p. 70., as they will be in the General 
Index, for the uses of ayav with the article and with the superlative, 
Uiey will find no inconvenience whatever resulting from this acci- 
dental distribution of the matter under '2Vsp^ayaxTC0. 

^' Locum Platonis Polit. 564. ita scriptum dedemnt, *Hyitg Ayxv 
cAevdf^ia totxsv ovx hg aAXo ti i^ sis [r^y] dyav iovXulciv ftsro^aXXfiV xal 
liKUffin xa) %6Ku. Articulum, quern uncis incluserunt, nee libri 
habent, quod sciamus, nee Stepnanus posuit, ut eum Editores pro- 
pterea, quia necessarium putabant, adiecisse videantur. At uti 
addendus est articulus, ubi finitum est nomen, ita omittendus est, 
ubi est infinitum. Sic recte dicas, aSn} loriv ar/oLV hvXela, Hac est 
gravis servitus : quod ubi dixeris, aSri) fo-riy ^ oiyȴ iovXela, hoc 
significaveris, Hac est ilia gravis servitus** 

The learned Professor seems to the Editors to have committed 
four mistakes in this paragraph ; biit they are ready to examine 
carefully whatever may be said by him in vindication of himself. 

1. The Editors maintain the necessity of adding rjy before Syav 
huXilavy because Syoof SouAe/ay without r^v is not Greek. ' "Ayav 
without the article cannot, consistently with the genius of the Gr^ek 
language, be used for an adjective, and the Editors request from 
the Reviewer instances, where it has the sense of the adjective 
without the article i Pseudo-Longin. 42. ^'Orotv bU ^!olv vwiSfrftftoLx 
^potyi. According to the opinion of Professor Hermann, this pas- 
sage is correct as it stands, but the Editors have no doubt, (see 
Nov. Thes. Gr. L. 999. d.) that the Author wrote si; tS xfaty-^- 
figoLxy- Dr. Butler, Mr. Elmsley, and Mr. Blomfield, would inter- 
pret JEschyl. Prom. 973. Sifiov, vjoo-fvp^ou, imre riv xforothr oe), 
Whoever happens to be in power. But 1. the sense does not require 

106 Ohxervations on the Review 

thb interpretetion ; d. the gcniut of the Greek langucge rejBCts it, 
because ie) never han, and never can have, this meaning, as Mr. 
Barker has shewn in his Classical Recreations and in the Class. 
Joum., excf pt when it is placed, as in the instances cited by Mr. 
Blonifield, between the article and the participle : rw &si xparowtci, 

8. Aimi hrh iyoof iovKsta cannot, as the Reviewer contends^ be 
translated, Hac est gravis servilus, because Syuv widiout the 
arti<ile prefixed is an adverb, not an adjective. 

S. Aitni harh iyoc9 SouXna the Editors maintain not to be even 
Greek, but they will yield on this point, if the Professor can pro- 
duce any instances of a similar phrase from any Attic writer. 

4. If the phrase^ Axm^ l(grivj]iya» SouXfia, necessarily signifies^ as 
the Reviewer thinks, Hac est ilia gravis servihiSf the phrase ^ Xyeof 
IwXmU must necessarily imply lUa gravis servitus, whereas in truth 
it signifies merely gravis servihts. 

5. If Plato in the first part of the sentence wrote t) afyeev IXsuflrpMe, 
he must have written riiv iyw SouXt/av, because the same principle 
of the language, which required the insertion of the articTe in the 
one place, would require it in the other : */f ycig ayeuf ikwisgU 
loncffy o^x tig icXXo ri ^ sU [Wv] iyot BovXsiav |Mrtf/3«XXsiy Hm\ Hmrf 
wi ir^Xei. 

Thuc. 7, 3. *EwuriYi rh o'TpirtviLa Is r^V t6pu^»flav jxaXXov. In the 
Bipont Edition this passage is thus translated : '^ Copiafs in locum 
patentiorem reduxit.^ '' 3f(£XXoy pro jem/2[» dicit Portus^ quomodo 
Noster supra." Wass. The word jxaXXov may be here translated 
literally Magis, fn locum patentem magis (quam altum,) '' Into a 
place rather open than high," i. e. " Into the open plain rather than 
upon the heights," Non tarn, quam. Cf. 7, 81. Ou 9rpou;^eo^ti ftoXXov 
^ U F^^C^ j^t/yrrao'O'fro. '^ Ubi ^ ftaXXov svpt}^eogla, ut ftaXXov ^ovo'la 
7, 12. et ita ^ iyav e^ova-Za, Plut. Mor. 283. c. i} eiriSt/ft/a, /xKroiro- 
in^piUf et 6 Syav ^oj3o; 452- a. i} ayav Tpo/tijisiM Chrys. 4. Op. 8. 
D2. ij TiKvots ayav ^yiiieiTWv awayooyri Democr. in Stob. Tit. 10. 
p. 130. ij ToKKoDttg Kfia-ig Plut. Mor. 452. a. i} toXiv ava^ipi^g 
Thuc. 3, 5. o\ \loty hii<rxaXot Chrys. 6. Op. 68. B. et ri imlKKw, 
N}mium, Dio ap. Stob. Tit. 72. p. 442. ri [MiXXov xoo-jMio-fiai ^wS- 
£rrai, qufeque similia notarunt alii." Abresch. Diluc. Thuc. 66S. 
This note reflects but little credit on its writer. 1 . The meaning 

efthe Greek ThesMrm^ 10^ 

of the words of Thuc. 7| 9, h; ripf tBiptf^joopiaf fi^XJaVf is miMnfider^ 
stood. 2, The phrase, j ff&^t^wpfa /xafXKoy, is, conlrary to the prifi>- 
ciples of the Greek language, considered equivalent to the phrase, 

3. AiXr/j(ji in Sapphus versu. * 

^ Atque omfiir^ laiidanda quidem magnopere est oequitas iila, 
quae in litteris noii quia aliquid, sed quid quisque dixerk,. spectan- 
dum putat : sed ob banc ipsam laoien caussam vellecnus aliquot 
locis uon esse promiscue quorumcunque hominum verba allata. Sic 
p. 54. cur ad verba Sappbus, 

Kml ^i TO XufAifpiv ip9s 
'AaXlm xa) to xceXoy Xs^^^ff 

(ita enim hi versiculi, si sic scripsit Sappho, disponendi sant,) verbei 
adscribi opus erat Volgeri, non modo sensam explanantis, qm satis 
planus factas erat eo, quod integrum Clearchi, qui hiec affert, locum 
£ditore9 apposuerant, sed fmlso etiam conteiidentis, XeXoyxf^ (quod 
bis XsXoyxi scriptum videmus, ut ap. Blomfiield.) active dictum 

The learned Reviewer has duly appreciated the candor of the 
Editors, who have neither sought for opportunities of attacking the 
writings of those, who might be considered inimical, nor ungene- 
rously suppressed the mention of their names, when their works 
supplied pertinent matter. 

Tros Tyriusve mihi nullo discrimme habetur. ' 

Nor indeed have the Editors scrupled to enamine the opinions, 
and aomedmes to point out the mistakes of their personal friends 
on points of criticism with that strict impartiality, whiclr-becomes 
them as the conductors of a national work, and that perfect free- 
dom, which should reign in the Republic of Letters. 

The very reason why the Editors quoted the words of Volger 
vras, because, contrary to the opinion of the Reviewer, he inter- 
prets XiXoy^i in an active sense ; and the passisige of Ciearchus was 
quoted at full length to shew that Volger was justified in giving that 
interpretation of it. If XsXoyp^f was not here to be considered qs 
active, Ciearchus would in all probability not have interpreted it 
by the active verb slp^fv : ^avipov voioDo-a iraa-iv, i^ ij roO ^py^lTifiujLtiix 
r) XafMrgw xoA ro xol\o¥ fl;^«y aurjf. Nor do the Editors see how 

108 Observations on the Review 

the word can be interpreted in any other sense ; but they are ready 

to consider carefully any other interpretation, which the learned 

Reviewer may propose. They add, that the interpretation of 

XsXoyp^s in an active sense, is not peculiar to Volger and themselves. 

*^ Constructio sic concipienda : 'O JIgog aeXico XiXoyp^J [mi to Xot(i/]Fpov 

xa) TO xaKov.'^ Schweigh. The vemion of Dalecbamp can scarcely 

be admitted by the Reviewer, because it is quite at variance with 

the interpretation of Ciearcbus. *^ Ego delicias amo ; feri tamen 

hominis mihi sorte amor contigit, et honestus, et splendidus.^' 

*^ Huic Volgero, qui dissuad^ntibus nobis edidit FragmenUi 
Sapphus, Editores Thesauri etiam in rebus metricis aliquid tri- 
buere videntur, ut ex eo collisimus^ quod in adnotatione subiecta 
bis verbis eius mentionem facmnt : ^ v ersus in ordinem redigendos 
aliis relinquimus, (v. Volger. p. 890' ^^ ^" ^ metrica quum omnino 
nulla est huius auctoritas, tum hoc in loco omissionis signo ante fMt 
poneado fecit id^ quod quivis, ubi melipra desunt, facere potest." 

With metrical questions the Editors do not meddle, because they 

are incompetent to the discussion of them. But for this very 

reason thley think it to be their duty to refer the student to such 

writers, as have touched on them, lliey do not, however, conceive 

that in doing so they are responsible for the opinions of those writers, 

whether right or wrong, unless they commit themselves by direct 

approbation or censure of them. In the present instance ' the 

Editors have not so committed themselves. 

^* Eiusdem Volgeri longam adnotationem. In qua inauditi quidam 
trimetri trochaici, et perinepte quidem restituuntur, non dubitarunt 
.totam exhibere p. dOl/' 

The Editors here also have not expressed any approbatioti: of 

the verses as restored by Volger. They have merely, confonnaUy 

to their plan of collecting materials for the use of future editors of 

classical works, recorded what Volger has said about the m6tre,ittnd 

also vrhat he has said about the sense of the corrupt passage in ques- 

• tion. The very folly and ignorance, and inaccuracy of some writerSy 

have not unfrequently conducted the Editors, while employed in. the 

detection of them, to the right reading or the right interpretation of 

passages, which neither the acuteness, tior the learning, nor the 

accuracy of others could correct^ or explain. 

of the Greek Thesaurus. 109 

4. TVXetro-iSflOTffipa* 
The Editors have no hesitation in expressing their entire assent 
to al)| which the learned Reviewer has written about this word. 

'I'he Editors have equal pleasure in acknowledging the propriety 
of ally which the Reviewer has said about these words. 

6. A\yuTry\i. 

*^ Quod obiter addunt doctissimi Editores, in Bekkeri Anecd. 
J, 36l. (^lyumj^' 0T;|8^tj^, vofteu^,) scribeudum sibi videri Aiyi^lvrig 
vel Aiyo^in^^f id nobis quidem parum verisimile videtur, quia addita 
jilterpretatio au^oTtig, vofMusy npn satis quadrat Periculosum est^ 
Iiuiusmodi verba tentare, ac praBstat, ut nos quidem censemus^ 
cxspectare^ dum aliunde certius quid proferatur." 

Though the Editors may have failed in their donjecture, yet this 
very failure may incite some critics to more successful efforts, 
^vhich, but for the Editors^ might never have been made. So far 
therefore from discouraging all attempts at conjectural criticism in 
such difficulties, the Editors would strongly recommend them as 
likely to elicit sooner or later the true reading. The more conjec- 
tures the critic has before him, the greater will be his chance of 
hitting the mark. With respect to their substitution of AlyifioTtis 
or Alyo^oTTig for Alyiwrfi^f they do not agree with the learned Profes- 
sor in thinking that the explanation subjoined to the gloss, {a-vfiorvig, 
vo/x8u^,) does not sufficiently suit that conjecture. On the contrary, it 
seems to them to derive confirmation from that very circumstance. 
For, if (rvfioTiis could not have been used by the Grammarian to 
explain alyo fiorr]?, so neither could vpfMv^ be conjoined with (rv^vis, 
as if it were synonymous with it, because vofji^ivg is applied /to sheep, 
and cattle^ and it may be, to goats, but not to pigs. In the absence 
of the passage, which the Grammarian had in liis eye, it is impoii- 
sible for the learned Reviewer to decide whetiier alyofiorris could not 
have been the word, because the sense might not have been affected 
whether we understood a shepherd, or a goatherd, or a swineherd. 

7. Trixtov, fij<ro'»v aiUpa, 

" P. 260. afferunt Fragmentum ex Orphicis, servatum a Macrob- 
1, 18. 

1 10 Observations on the Reiiew 

fuerit genuina scriptura pi^^^m. In ea re nos nullo modo asseo- 
tientes habent. Primum enim r^xoov uMifo, aperte poeticum est, nee 
minim, qui prosa oratione utebantur, a poetica dictione abstinuiase. 
Deinde negamus eciam onminoi ^(ra-tw scribere potuigse, qui versos 
illos fecit, non propter verbum, sed propter tempus verbi. Tixm 
enim recte ille dicere potuit, quod id paullatim fit ; ^Vo-cov autem 
non potuit, quia rumpi setherem unius momenti est, sed debinsset 
f^ag dicere, quemadmodum et Damascius et Suid. aoristo sunt usL" 

llie Editors allow that Orpheus could not, for the reason ass^^ned 
hj the Reviewer, have said pf^inrm. But, while they admit that 
T^xoov is poetical, they must ever think that pif^o^ would have been 
more so : while they admit that there is nothing surprising that the 
prosaic word should differ from the poetic, they must ever be sur- 
prised at the fact, that the prosaic word should be by fiir the 
strongest and the most appropriate expression. How can we 
reconcile to our notions of divine majesty and power that Horus 
should have been produced by the slow and gradual liquefaclioii of 
the aether, and not by the instantaneous bursting of unanimous 
clouds ? How can we account for the fact that the poet describes 
the birth of Horus by a term far below the dignity of tlie being^ 
produced and the majesty of the producing God, when the prose 
writers have employed an expression worthy of both f In. one 
way only can we reconcile the glaring contradiction by substituting 
for TTjxwv some word, which is imalogous to the ygfiX)]; payf/oTjf 
of Suidas, and the 0o5^ f^fav tov aWefa of Damascius. Whence 
could these writers, Suid. and Damasc, have drawn their phrase 
but from the Orphic theology ? and if, as there is good reason to 
believe, both of them had in view these very verses preserved ty 
Macrobius, can there henceforth be a doubt in the Reviewer's 
mind that Orpheus, whose doctrines they are delivering, used some 
word perfectly synonymous with the one employed by themselves? 
What this word was, whether the same word, "Pi^a^ 8* aMpa Kby, 
ax*v»]Tov icfiv iovrocy or some other word, the Editors will not pretend 
to say, but are ready to receive the suggestions of the learned 
Reviewer himself; for he is well qualified to decide on such 

(^ the Greek Tk^9aW¥9^ \M 

'* Quamque Homems, qui auctor £|^cU etdiix fuit in |>lerisqu« 
tebus, feniinino genere dicat ou^ifo, Sioty, videnduiii erat^ ne.ita sen* 
ptum ab Orphico illo existimare deberemus^ 7\fx£oy aitspa Stav^ axivtf- 

On the first perusal of thid passage the Editors were disposed to 
think, that by a blunder of the pres8> axiV)]Ti)y had been substituted 
for &Htvv^T0Vf but on referring to the Ms. of the Reviewer, they 
found that it so stands in his own hand-writing. They afe, how-> 
ever^ persuaded that the mistake is to be attributed" to the pen^ and 
not to the head of the writer. 

' ** P. 261. b. Aeschyli Fragm. e Macrob. 1^ 18. afibrunt Editores 
docti^sinii, '0 iJCio-o-eu^ ^A^iXXttsv^ h Ka^h^f i fMvrtg, De eo ita 
scribunt : — ' Ubi Barnes, ad Eurip. Baccb. 408. pro 6 Ka^log 
reponit 6 So^oiios, sed Meurs. (probante Butlero ad Aesch. 8^ 2.50. 
qui qua? fuerint ipsa verba Aeschyli, definire non audet^) legit 6 xa) 
Bdxj^oc, idque oninino recte. Macrob. enim testatur, Aeschylum in 
iilo versu ad eandem cum Euripide sententiam dixisse Apollinem 
liberumque unum eundemque deum esse. At msi cum Meursio 
legas, 6 Ku) Buxy(o$, nihil ibi est, e quOsMacrobii mens erui possit. 
^emoenimdixerit^ Macrob. hac una de causa versum attulisse^ quod 
Aesrhylus Apollinem KicTsa appellarit, quo epitheto Bacchus alibi 
ornatur. Suid. KKr<reC$' 6 Aiivv^o^* Addunt deinde alia, quae ad 
Bacchum Kura-ea pertineant. At primo vellcmus, quae Meursii et 
Bntleri culpa est, non etiam in se admisisseut Editores pratstan- 
tissimu Nam illud, 6 xai Bix^oi^ Scholiasta, non Poeta dignum 
est, nee fieri ullo modo potuit, ut ita Aeschylus scriberet. Deinde 
vero^ etsi SafiaKios potius, quam JSa^log dici solet Bacchus, tamen 
vix putamus dubitandum esse, quin probanda sit Barnesii conje* 
ctura : ad quam refutandam quod aiferunt Editores^ confirmandae 
inservit. Ltenim si Sotfiouo$ Bacchi, non Apollinis cognomen est, 
quis non videt, perinde esse, utrum ille Soifiou6$y an Banjos dicatur ? 
ut minime necessarium sit, ipsum hie nomen Bix^o$ legi. Denique 
in eo quoque repugnare sibi videntur, quod nomen KKr(reb$ satis 
esse ad Baccfaum significandum negant. Hoc enim si demon- 
strare volebant, etiam alios deos isto cognomine appellari ostenden- 
dqm erat: nunc vero, quum Bacchi esse earn appellationeni 
doceant, quid aliud, quam id ipsuiii, quod negabant, efficiunt, non 
posse alium,quam Bacchum, intelligi ?" 

The Editors have not denied that Uie appellation KKr(reb$ would 
be a sufficient designation of Bacchus, (for the examples, which they 
have cited, prove the contrary,) nor did they n»eaii to .in«ii|uate that 

] IQ Observations on the Review 

it might be taken for the name of some other god. But their 
meaning was this^ tbat^ if tlie verse of Aeschylus bad contained no' 
other proof of the identity of Bacchus and Apollo except the junc- 
tion of the words^ 6 Kia-a-iig 'Afr6xXaov, Macrobius would scrarcel; 
have inferred that identity without expressly adding that Ki<r<rwg wu 
a simame of Bacchusi and could not for certain reasons be applied 
to Apollo, except on the notion of their being one and the same 
god. Under this impression they rejected the conjecture of 
Barnes 6 Xot^log, for the corrupt reading 6 Ku^los, and adopted. 
the reading of Meursius, o xoj Bandog, as if 6 Sotfieuo; and 6 Bax^ 
were not^ as they indisputably are^ one and the same god. Dr. 
Butler also approves of Meursius's conjecture under the same notion 
that 6 2'a/3a7of and 6 Bax^os are not the same. They must; how- 
ever, now declare that they agree with the learned Professor in 
I'ejecting 6 xal Bixj^o$ as a phrase more worthy of a Scholiast than t 
Poet, and in adopting the emendation of Barnes, i Xufiodos. The 
Editors conceive tliat ^schylus is speaking not of Bacchus, biit of 
Apollo. For, if he were speaking of Bacchus, he would scarcely 
have applied to him the appellation 6 fiavris* Macrobius inferred 
from this verse the identity of Bacchus and Apollo, because the 
names 6 Kura-evg, 6 Sapouo^, m hich were considered as peculiar to 
Bacchus, are there applied to Apolio. 

*^ Ubi Butleri mentioiiem faciunt Editores, non debebant ilhid 
<iddere,' Qui quae fuerint ipsa verba Acschyli, definire uoti audet' 
>7am quae quis sensu cassa scribit, cur quaeso repetantur ? If>sa verba 
Aescbyli sunt, quae Macrobius posuit. Hind volebat Sutierus 
dicere, veram se horum verborum scripturam definire non aodere.'' 

Nor did the Editors suppose that Dr. Butler had any other 
meaning. It is their general practice to employ, for fear of mistakes, 
or the suspicion of mistakes, the very words of the Authors^ whott 
they quote, and in the present instance they wished to couvej to 
their readers in Dr. Butler's own language, the fact that he had not 
attempted any arrangement of the words, or any criticism respecting 
them, except by expressing his approbation of Meursius's readlM^ 

While the Editors now admit that Orpheus might have appalled 
to i7ay the epithets cuoko^^ aud xptArto^flyyi^^, they do not ' tbink 

of the^ Greek Thesaurm, US 

that the reading ilov otUXi is/ as the learned Reviewer ilitimate^ 
necessary to establish the truth of Macrobius's remark. The words 
are these : — *^ Solem esse omnia et Orpheus testatur Iiis ifersibus : 
KixXvtt rtiKsTTogot) 8/j^^ eXixavyeot xuxXov 

*AyXai Zev, Aiivvce, trirep xotriiov, Trirep uXris, 
"J^Ajg wayyufircpy Iluv aUXe, ^gwreoftyyi^.^' 

If Orpheus calls the Sun Jupiter, Bacchus, the Father of the 
World, the Father of the Earth, Macrobius might perhaps justly 
infer, <* Solem esse omnia" according to the Orphic theology. 
Though Pan be called in Hymn xi=x. x^jxoip to erufwrav, yet the 
Editors think that the Reviewer reasons too acutely in concluding 
1 . that Orpheus wrote Ilav otU\e in that sense, and 2. that Macrobiiuf 
k) understood these words. If Macrobius had so understood them, 
he need have cited only the last of the four lines to prove that in the 
Orphic theology the Sun is every thing, "HXie fcayy^viroq, Iloiv aU>\je, 
Xfwo-sofgyyg^/and as the words Jlav ouo\e do not necessarily involve 
this idea, but might be taken by his readers in the common sense, 
he would no doubt have added some remark to prevent such mis- 
interpretation of them. 

As to the thirteen verses attributed to Hermes in Stobaeu^. 
which Heeren considers as Orphic, ^he £ditors are now disposed^ 
not to adopt his opinion ; for, as the learned Reviewer observes, 
*^ et argumentum paulo aliud videtur, nee dicendi genus plane cum 
ceteris convenit/' 

*' Quod vero ad undecim illos, sive decern potius, versus attinet, 
ab eodem Stob. in Eclogis 1. 3. p. 68. servatos, eos etiam negamus 
Orphicos esse, si non aliis de caussis^ certe propter diafectum Pori- 
cam. Quare, quod aiunt, vindicasse Heerenium hos versus Orpheo, 
id.vellemus argumentis demonstrassent. Namque illi Orphicorum 
conditores non alia dialecto usi sunt, aut uti potuerunt, quam ea, 
^quse ab omnibus Graecis antiquissimorum poetarum lingua haberp- 
tur : unde iis a Dorica abstinendum fuit. Praeterea vero nihil in 
istis versibus est, quod non aeque a quovis alio, quam ab Orphicp 
acri^ore^ dici potuerit. Eoque minus, ut speramus, mir^iintur 
Edi^ores doctissimi, quod neque quum Orphica ederemus, versus, 
illps commemoraados putavimus, neque nunc adducimur, ut eos 
Orphicis adnumerandos esse nobis persuadeamus." 
, The Editors have stated the grounds, on which Heeren attributed 


114 Obss. on the Review of the Gr. Thes. 

these verses to Orpheus, viz. orationis. genus et epitheta Deomin. 
With respect to the first of these grounds, the learned Reviewer, 
may be right in saying that the verses contain nothing, which might 
not have been said by any other, than an Orphic writer ; but about 
the other argument, drawn from the epithets here applied to the 
Gods, he is silent. They do not, however, lay much stress on this 
point. The Reviewer contends that these verses could not have 
been written by Orpheus, because Orpheus did not write in the 
Doric dialect. But he has overlooked the passage, which they 
have produced from Metrodorus ap. Jambl. V. P. 34. to shew that 
Orpheus was supposed to have employed this dialect, Kt^jpr^cu ry 
Aotpix^ SioXexT^ xa) roy 'Oj^ea, frgecfivrepov Svra toov frotrfrm. Now, 
if, as there is some reason to suppose from this passage, there were 
certain compositions in the Doric dialect attributed to OrpbeuSi 
(whether wrongly or rightly, is another question,) neither Heeren, 
nor the Editors, who adopted his opinion, are chargeable with 
error for assigning to that poet the verses in question. 

10. *AyavoLXTi(o hi. 

*^ Non rectius, ut nostra quidem opinio est, p. 65. Stephanum 
reprehenderunt, verbum ayavaxTeiv accusativo iungi dicentem, 
quam construe tionem ipsi per ellipsin particulas hot expli«aiit. 
Putabamus vero, iis, quae de Ellipsi in Museo Studiorum Antiqai- 
'tatis disputavimus, pridem effectnm esse, ut istiusmodi elliptes 
nemini erudito amplius probarentur : neque in Gerroania quidem 
quisquam, prseter quosdam, qui in vetustiore disciplina consenue- 
runt, de tali re cogitaf 

> The Editors have neither leisure, nor room, properly to defend 

their opinion on this question. But they must observe, that they 

cannot bring themselves to assent to all the doctrines laid down by 

the learned Reviewer in the Dissertation, to which he has referred 

them. . . ■ ^ 

In concluding the Editors would remark, that all the criticisms in 

their work are to be considered as autoschediastic, because, as soon 

as they are finished, they are despatched to the press, and that v^ry 

little opportunity is afforded to them of correcting those error8,4Uid 

supplying those defects, which a leisurely and careful revision could 

not fail to discover. 

115 •{ 


La version latine de Platon, par Marsile Ficin, donne d Simo- 
nides l'6pithite de chium ; cette faute ii*est pas dans le teste grec^ 
mais dand I'^dition purement latine de 1300. Elle est r6p6t^e 
dans r^dition grecque et latine de Deux-Ponts, 1784^ et cefa est 
dautant plus singulier, ^ue ie texte de cette m^me Edition 6cnt 
Keiov, qui ne convient qu'^ Tile de C^os, aujourd'hui ^ea, dans la 
iner Efgie, ou 6toit n6 Simonides, fils de L6opr6p^y dont il est ici 
question : sa patrie 6toit la viHe d'loulis. On place Tann^e de sa 
naissance vers la troisiime ann6e de la cinquante-cinqui^me olym- 
piade. Tan 558 avant notre ^re ; en sorte qu'il florissoit du temps 
de Darius, fils d'Hystaspis^ dans le sixi^me et cinquiime si^cles 
avant notre ire. La po6sie fiit son principal talent; il excella 
surtout dans l'6l6gie et la po6sie lyrique> ce qui le distingue d'un 
autre Simonides plus ancien, qu'on appeloit poite iambique, parce. 
qu'il faisoit des vers iainbes. Celui-ci 6toit n6 d Minoa, ville de 
rtle d'Amorgos; une des Sporades. 

Simouides de C6o8 6toit n6 pauvre. Voulant utiliser son talent 

f>our les vers^ il parcouruti dans sa jeunesse, les grandes villes de 
'Asie, chantadt, nioyennant une recompense, les louanges de ceux 
qui avoient vaincu dans les jeux publics. Enrichi par ces courses 
lucratives, il voulut retoumer par mer dans sa patrie ; il s'embar* 
qua sur un vaisseau, qu'une horrible temp^te brisa au milieu de la 
mer, d'autant plus facilenient que ce navire ^tqit d^ji vieux. Les 
uns ramassent leur argent, les autres,ce qu'ils ontde pr^qieux, voulant 
s'assurer une ressource contre la misire. ^' £t toi, Simonides,'' 
dit un des naufrag^s, plus curieux que les autres, ^' n'emportes- 
tu rien de ce qui est d toi ?" — *' Tout ce qui est i moi," r^pondit-il, 
" est avec moi." Cette r^ponse, qu'avoit faite long-temps aupara- 
vant le sage Bias, de Priine, dans une occasion semHable, n'auroit 
pas 6t6 invent^e par Simonides, qui prouva dans la suite qu'il 
D'aimoit pas ^ rien perdre ; mais il Fappliqua fort i. propos. Ses 
compagnons de voyage, trop charges pour la plupart, p6rirent dans 
les dots : peu se sauvirent i la nage. Surviennent des voleurs qui 
leur prennent ce qu'ils avoient emport6, et les laissent nus. Pris 
de-1^ se trouvoit Clazomines, ville ancienne; les naufrag6s s'y 
retirent. Un citoyen de cette ville, anii des lettres, qui avoit lu 
souvent les vers de Simonides, 6toit, sans I'avoir vu, un de ses 
plus grands admirateurs. 11 reconnoit notre poite i sa conversa- 
tion, il Taccueille avec un vifempressement,lui donne lib6ralement 
des habits, de I'argent, et des esclave?. Pendant ce temps-ld> les 
autres deipapdent Taumdne, portant> suivant I'usage, le tableau de 

116 Sur Simonides de CSos. 

leur naufrage. Simonides les ayant rencontris par haaard : '* je 
V0U8 avois bi^ dit que tout ce qui est & moi ^toitavcc mof; vou«, 
il ne VOU8 est rien rest^ de tout ce que vous aviez emport^." Cc 
fut ainsi qu*il prouva que Hiomme qui sait orner son esprit decoD- 
noissances utiles et agr^ables, le veritable savant, trouve toujouis 
en lui-m^me des ricbesses/ 

Une ^ie errante ne pouvoit convenir long-temps d un po^te qui 
avoit m6rit6 une si grande reputation. Hipparque ayant aucceidi 
i Pisistrate, suivit Tusage alors adopte par les souverains^ d'appeler 
i leur cour ceux qui se distinguoient par leurs lumiires ou par 
leurs talens. Simonides parvenu 'k Y&ge de trente ans, ^toit bien 
digue de fixer son attention; et la g^nerosit^ avec laquelle ce prince 
le traita^ leur fait honneur k tous deux. La fin malheureuse de ce 
protecteur lui fit quitter Atkines pour aller chercher en Italic, an- 
pr^9 du roi Alevas, un asyle contre les cruaut^s d'Hippias* Ce 
fut Id qu'il sembla que les dieux rivalisassent en quelque sorteavec 
les hommes pour r^compenser les talens de Simonides. 

Ce po^te ^toit conveuu d'une certaine somme pour composer 
reioge d'un atbl^te^ nomin6 Scopas^ vainqueur au pugilat. Simo- 
nides se retire pour laisser un libre cours d son imagination : mais 
le sujet infertile et born6 arrStant son essor, il use d'une liberty 
permise en cette occasion, et fait entrer dans son po^me les deux 
astres, fils g^maux de Jupiter et de L6da, relevant par cet illustre 
exemple la gloire de son h^ros. II fit agr6er I'ouvrage ; mais ii 
ne regut que le tiers de la somme qui lui avoit et6 promise. JLors* 
qu'il demanda le reste, TathUte lui r^pondit : '^ Vous le recevrez 
de ceux pour lesquels vous avez fait deux parties de cet 61oge« 
Mais pour que je n'aye pas a me reprocher de vous avoir jrenvoy^ 
m^content, je vous invite d souper ce soir ; je rassemble aujourdliui 
ines parens et mes amis, je vous mets de ce nombre." Qiiqique 
trompe et sensible d cette injure, Simonides, pour ne pas. d^truir^ 
toute reconnoissance chez Thomme qui lui avoit fait un ^i ridicuk 
compliment, donna sa parole ; et Theure dite, il arrive, il preod 
place. Les verres, amis de la gatt6, brilloient sur la table. Toute 1« 
maison, livr^e k la joie, retentissoit du bruit des magnifiques apprdts 
du festin. Soudain, deux jeunes hommes, converts de sueur et de 
poussi^re, d'une figure sur-humaine, commandent d un petit esclave 
de faire venir Simonides, ajoutant qu'il est de son int6r&t dene point 
tarder. Le valet tout troubl6 presse Simonide3. A peine celui-ci 
avoit-il mis le pied hors de la salle, que le plancher tomba. Tous 
les convives furent 6cras6s ; on ne trouva pas de jeunes hommes i 

' Phfedre, livre 4, fable 20. Voyez I'^dition qu'en a donne M. Gail, avcc 
dies notes et une traduction fran^oise. 

Sur Smonides de Cioi. U7 

k porte. Lorsque ce9 details furent T^panduis^-on en concliilti}^ 
naturellement que les dieux reconDoissans 6toi«it venus sauver la 
vie k leur po^te.' Cette histoire n'a pas paru indigne k La 
Fontaine dL^te niise en vers fran^ois,^ long-temps apr^s que la 
croyance religieuse qui en faisoit le m^rite, n'existoit plus. La 
traduction m^riteroit d'etre rapport^e ioi^ si elle n'6toit pas si con- 
nue. Le fobuliste frangois explique comment le fait a pu ai*river^ 
par le secours des pr^tres^ toujoura d'intelligence avec les pontes* 
** Jadis rOlympe et le Parnasse, " dit-il, " ^toient fr^res et bons 


Quoi qu'il en soit^ on sent combien cette aventure dut faire 
honneur a Simonides, qui, apr^s la destruction de la tyrannie et la 
retraite d'Hippias, s'empressa de rentrer dans ^th^nes, oh il ne 
rougit pas de loner les meurtriers de ce mSme Hipparque. qui 
Tavoit combl6 de bienfiiits. Th^mistocles^ son ami, qui n%tQit &g6 
que de 9,5 ans lorsi de la retraite des Pisistratides, fit oublier les 
bonteux exc^s de d6bauche auxquels il s'6toit livr6 sous ces. tyrans, 
et se forma des priocipes analogues k la nouvelle situation de sa 
patrie. II parvint a Tarchontat Tan 493, &g6 de 43 ans. Simonides, 
s'appuyant sur son 6troite liaison avec lui, lui demanda up jour 
quelque chose d'injuste. '^ Vous ne seriez pas un bon po^te," lui 
dit ^rii^mistocles, '^ si vous manquiez aux r^les de la po6sie ; ni 
moi un bon magistrate si j'accordois une gr&ce contre les lois." 
Il ne se contenta pas de ce refus un peu humiliant, et dit d notire 
po^te en plaisantant, que c'6toit faire preuve de peu de sens, que 
nl6dire des Coriutbiens qui babitoient une ville grande et puissante, 
et de se faire peindre, laid com me il 6toit.^ 

Sa gloire fut encore obscurcie par la v6nalit6 de sa plume. Sa 
muse chanta souvent pour de Targent. Lorsqu'on lui parloit de 
son avarice, d6faut que I'bistoire lui a souvent reproch6, il r6poa- 
doit, qu'il aimoit mieux laisser apris lui du bien k ses ennemis, que 
de recourir k ses amis pour en emprunter. C'est ainsi que par un 
mot heureux, il savoit faire excuser jusqu'aux taches 16gires qu'on 
vouloit imprimer sur sa m^moire. 

Pausanias, tuteur de Plistarque, roi de Lac^d^mooe, 6tant venu ' 
ii Ath^nes apr^s avoir gagn6 la bataille de Plat6es, Tan 479^ ua 
jour, dans un repas, ce prince le pria de confirmer par quelque 
sage pens6e, la haute opinion que Ton avoit de sa philosophic* 

* Ph^re, liv. 4, fable 2«. On pent consulter sur cet ^v^ment le 
Folyhistor de Solin, ch. 1, avec les notes de Saumaise ; Cic^ron, de Oratore, 
liv. 2, ch. 86 ; Val^rc-lffaxime, liv. 1, ch. 8, §. 7 ; ct Qointtlicn, t^ IitHUu- 

tione Oratorio^ liv. 2, ch. 2. 
* Liv. 1, fable 14. 
' PluUrque, Vie de IMnutocleu 

118 Sur Simonides de CSo8. 

StmotiideSy qui^ en p4n6trant les projets ambitieux de Paiifl«ua% 
en Rvoit pr6vu le terme fatal, lui dit : '^ Sofuvenez-vous que v«ut 
6tes homme ! " Llmprudent Sparttate ne vit dans cette r^ponte, 

Jii'uue maxime frivole ou commune ; mais dans ]es disgr&ces qu'il 
proiiva bientdty il y d^couvrit une v6rit6 nouvelle, et la plus iropor- 
tante de celles que les rois ignorent. Deux ana apr^s. Tan 477 
avant notre ire, il fut roand6 k Lac6d^mone et condamn^ d une 
niort cruelle. Lorsqu'il se trouva dans un asyle oi^ il conabattoit 
contre une faim insupportable, et dont il ne pouvoit sortir sans 
s'exposer au dernier supplice^ roalheur que son ambition lui aToit 
attii^^ il se souvint des paroles du po^te de C6o8, et s'^cria par 
trois fois : ^^ O Simonides, qu'il y avoit un grand sena daus Tex- 
bortation que tu me fis ! "' 

Uann6e pr^c^dente, Simonides avoit atteint I'&ge de 80 ans, et 
il n*en avoit pas rooins conserv6 tout son talent^ puisque cette 
ann6e m^tne il avoit concouru pour le prix des vers^ et triomph^. 
L'historien Diodore de Sicile^ n'a pas d4daign6 d'inairer cette 
pi^ce dans son histoire : le po^te vainqueur y c6l^broit les aoldats 
de L6onidas, qui s'6toient sacrifi^s avec leur chef deux ana aupara- 
vant pour le salut de la Gr^ce. " Qu'elle est noble/' 8'6crie^t-il, 
^^ la fortune des gueniers morts aux Thermopyles ! Que leur deatio 
est glorieux ! Leur tombeau est un autel. Au lieu de g^niiiaaemeoi, 
ils obtiennent un long souvenir, et des 6loges au lieu de pitii. Ces 
nobles sentimens de la tombe des braves, le temps qui d^truit toot 
tie leis d^truira pas. £n ce monument est enferrole la gloire <lei 
habitans de la Gr^ce: t6moin L^onidas^ roi c^ldbre de Spartey 
qui laisse ici la renomm^e de son courage^ semblable 4 un fleute 
qui coule toujours/' 

Cette gloire, que chantoit encore si bien Simonides^ ne pouvoit 
qu'^tre parHig^e par lui ; et malgr6 son &ge avanc6, Hi^rou^ par- 
venu au trdne de Syracuse Tan 478, lappela k sa cour. Le poite 
&'y rendit en se faisant accompagner par Bacchilid^s, son neveUy 
et Pindare, son 6live ; tous deux dignes d*un tel mattre. 

Ce prince qui, avant larriv^e de ces trois iilustres pontes, avoit 
6t6 le tyran de sa patrie, en devint le p^re. La morale 86v^ de 
Simonides lui en imposa, " La vertu," dit ce philosophe, *' habita 
une roche escarp6e ; ledieu 8acr6, s6jour de la d^esse, n'est pas 
visible d tous les yeux. Le mortel que n'a point baign6 une auenr 
gen6reuse, n'atteindra jamais la hauteur du courage/' C'est ce 
qu'avoit dit avant lui H^siodc. *' La vertu sera le prix des 
nobles sueurs ; ainsi Tont voulu les dieux immortels. Le sentier 

' ^lien, HUtoiret diverses, liv. 9, ch. 41. 

* Liv. 2, ch. 2. Voyez la traduction de M. Boissonad^, dans un exoek 
lent article sur Simonides. (Journal des Dibats, 6 fevner t^\^.^ 

Sur Simonides de CSos. 119 

de la vertu est loiig> escarp^, et roide d^s I'abord ; mais sur le som- 
met la route est spacieuse et douce. 

'^ Les antiques h^ros/' dit ailleurs Simonidesy ^' fils des dieux sou- 
verainsy et demi-dieux eux-mSmes^ ne sont arrives s^ la vieiliesse 
que par une vie pleine de fatigues^ de douleurs, et de dangers. 

''Tout s'engloutit au m^me gouffre^ les grandes vertus et les 
grandes richesses. 

*^ Nos ann6es sont courtes et miserables ; le temps n'est long 
qu'aprds la mort. 

' ** On ne vit que peu d'instans ; mais quand la terre nous couvre, 
c'est pour toujours."' 

' Ces id6es m61ancoIiques conduisoient k celle d'un Etre Supreme, 
notre seui refuge contre les maux qui assi6gent cette vie passagere. 
Hi6ron voulut savoir ce que c'^toit que Dieuf Simonides de- 
manda un jour pour y r6fl6cbir; le lendemain il en demanda 
deux ; et comme il doubloit chaque fois le nombre des jours^ le 
roi, surpris de ces d^lais^ voulut en savoir la cause. ^^ Plus j'y 
fais r6flexion^" lui dit Simonides^ '^ plus la chose me paroit obscure.'^ 
Cic^ron en conclut que ce philosopher qui n'6toit pas seulement 
un po^te d61icat, mais qui ne manquoit ni d'6rudition ni de bon 
sens, apr^s que son esprit se fut promen6 d'opinions en opinions, 
les unes plus subtiles que les autres, perdit k la fin toute esp^rance 
de d6couvrir, la v6ril6.* 

. X^nophon a compose un dialogue entre Hi6ron et Simonides, 
oj^ ce po^te veut apprendre du. tyran quel motif si puissant peut 
engager un particulier ^ usurper Tautorit^ souveraine, et ^ la retenir 
aprds I'avoir usurp6e. L'objet de ce discours est d'anatomiser en 
quelque sorte le coeur d'un tyran, pour d^god^ter de la tyrannic 
ceux qui pourroient Stre tenths d'y aspirer, et cependant pour 
examiner comment la tyrannie peut devenir legitime et durable ; 
ei^ sorte qu'il ne conseille nullement d'abdiquer. J'ai parl6 fort, au 
long de ce dialogue dans un autre ouvrage.^ , . ■■ 

La reine de Syracuse ne d^daignoit pas non plus de converser 
avec Simonides. Un jour elle lui demanda si le savoir 6toit pr6- 
f6rable k la fortune? C'6toit.un pi6ge pour Simonides, qu'on ne 
recherchoit que pour le premier de ces avantages, et qui ^toit 
iiccus4 de ne rechercher que le second. Sensible au reprocbe 
renferm^ dans cette question, il eut recours k Tironie, et donna la 
pr^f^rence aux richesses, sur ce que les philosophes assi6geoient 4 

■ Fragmens de Simonides, recueillis dans Stob^e, 
* Cicero, de N&tura Deorum, liv, 1, ch. 22. 

3 Vie de Xenophon^ p. 358. La traduction de ce dialogue a 6t^ faite par 
M. Gail, avec celle de toutes les oeuVres de X6nopb6u. 

120 Sur Simonides de Citi9» 

toute heurc les mabons dcs gens riches.* Quelque temps aprif, 
Aristippe, qui avoit sans doute niieux r6fl6chi sur cctte qu^tkn, 
r^solut le proWfeme d*une mani^re plus honorable pour la philoso- 
phie. Interrog6 par Denis, successeur de Hi6roa, pourquoi k 
sage, n6glig6 par le riclie, lui faisoit sa cour avec tant d'assiduiti I 
^ Vunf dit-il, " conuoit ses besoins, et Tautre ne connott pas les 

• »2 


L'heureuse reunion que la nature avoit faite dans Simoiiides, du 
talent pour la po6sie et de la sagesse d'un philosophe, doubloit les 
moyens qu'il avoit d'fetre utile et de se rendre tiimable. Son style 
plein de douceur, est simple, harmonieux, admirable pour le choix 
et Tarrangement des mots.^ Les louauges des dieux, les victoires 
des Grecs sur les Perses, les triomphes des athletes, furent I'objel 
de ses chants. II d^crivit en vers les r^gnes de Cambyse etdc 
Darius ; il s'exerga dans presque tous les genres dQ po^sie, rt 
r^ussit principalement dans les 616gies et les chants plain tifs. Peiw 
sonne n'a mieux connu I'art sublime d'int^resser et d'atteudcir; 
personne n'a peint avec plus de v6rit6 les situations et les infor- 
tunes qui excitent la piti6 : ce n'est pas lui qu'on entend^ ce sent 
des cris et des sanglots ; c'est une famille d6sol6e qui pleuve h 
mort d'un pere ou d'un fils ; c'est une m^re tendre qui lutte avee 
son fils contre la fureiir des flots, qui voit mille gouffres ouveitsik 
ses cdt6s, qui ressent mille morts dans son coeur ;. c'est Achille 
entin, qui sort du fond du tombeau, et qui annonce aiix Grtoi, 
pr6t3 ^ quitter les rivages d'llion, les maux sans nombre^que le 
ciel et la ooier leur pr6parent. 

• Ces tableaux que Simonides a remplis de passion et de moure? 
ment, sont autant de bienfaits pour les hommes ; car c*est leap 
rendre un grand service que d'arracher de leurs yeux ces lan&es 
pr^ieuses qu'ils versent avec tant de plaisir, et de nourrir dans 
leur coeur ces sentimens de compassion destines par la nature ^les 
rapprocher les uns des autres, et les seuls en effet qui puio/seHl 
unir des malheureux. 

Comme les caract^res des hommes influent sur leurs opinions^ 
oil doit s'attendre que la philosophie de Simonides 6toit douce et 
sans hauteur. Son syst^me, autant qu'on en peut juger d'apr^ 
quelques-uns de ses 6crits et plusieurs de ses maximes'que j'ai 
d6ja rapport^es, se r6duit aux articles suivans : 

'^\Ne sondons point I'immense profondeur de I'Etre SuprJ^me; 

» Aristote, Rhetorique, liv. 2, ch. 16. 
* Diog^nes-Laerce, liv; 2, §. 59. 

3 Denys d'Halicarnasse, de veter. Script, cens. ; et Quintiiien, liv. 20, ch. 
1. Voyez le Voyage du jeune Anacharsis, qui consacre un chapitre entier a 


Sur Simomdes de CSai. <J21 

bbrnotis-nous k savoir que tout s'ex6cute par sotv ordre^ et ()u'il 
possede la vertu par excellence. Les homines n'en out qu'uoe 
foible ^manationj et la tiennent de lui ; qu'ils ne se glorifient point 
d'une perfection i laquelle ils ne sauroient atteindre ; la vertu a 
fix^ son s6jour parmi des roehers escarp6s ; si, a force de travaux, 
ils s'^livent jusqu'^ elle^ bientot mille circonstances fatalei lea 
entrainent au precipice ; ainsi leur vie est un milage de bien et 
de mal ; et il est aussi difficile d'etre souvent vertueut, qu'inn*; 
possible de I'^tre toujours. Louons avec plaisir les belles actions ; 
fermons les yeux sur celles qui ne le sont pas, ou par devoir^ 
lorsque le coupable nous est cher k d'autres titres^ ou par inr 
dulgenccy lorsqu'il nous est indifferent. Loin de censurer les 
hommes avec tant de rigueur, souvenons-nous qu'ils ne sont que 
foiblesse, qu'ils sont destines k rester uu moment sur la surface de 
la terre^ et pour toujours dans son sein. Le temps vole ; milU 
si^cleS) par rapport a TEternit^^ ne sont qu'un pointy ou qu'une 
tris-petite partie d'un point imperceptible ; employons des mometis 
si fugitifs k jouir des biens qui nous sont r^serv^s, et dont les 
principaux sont la sante, la beaut^^ et les richesses acquises sans 
fraude; que de leur usage r6sulte cette aimable volupt6, sans 
laquelle la vie, la grandeur, et I'immortaliti aAme, ne sauroient 
flatter nos d^sirs." ' 

. Ces principes, dangereux en ce qu'ils 6teignent le courage dans 
les coeurs vertueux, et les remords dans les &mes coupables, ne se 
seroient regard^s que comme une erreur de Tesprit, si> en se mout- 
trant indulgent pour les autres, Simonid^s n'en avoit 6t6 que plus 
siv^re envers lui-ra&me. Mais il ne pouvoit gu^re professer que 
des princtpes analogues k ceux qu'il avoit puis^s dans sa jeunesse 
aupr^s d'Hipparque, et qui avoient 6t6 repousses par I'austerit^ 
i^publicaine de Th^mistocles. On lui reproche d'ailleurs que les 
Iib6ralit6s du tjran de Syracuse ne purent satisfaire son avarice^ 
qui, suivant le caraot^re de cette passion, devenoit de jour en jour 
plus insatiable. II avoit et6 le premier qui eut degrade la poisie, 
an faisant un trafic honteux de la louange. U s'excusoit en disant 
que le plaisir d'entasser des tr^sors, 6toit le seul dont son kge fut * 
susceptible ; qn'apr^ tout, persoime n'«toit exempt de d^aiils, 
et que s'il trouvoit jamais un bomme irr6pr6hensible, il le d6non- 
ceroit k Tunivers. Ces 6tranges raisons ne le justiiiirent pas aux 
yeux du public, dont les d^crets invariables ne pardonnent jamais 
les vices qui tiennent plua k la bassesse, qu'sL la faiblesse du coeur. 

> On peut voir dans le Vmfage du jeunc Anach^riii les citations des pas* 
toges oii Tauteur a recueilli ce syst^me. 

122 Sur Simonides de CSos. 

Simonides iii6rita cependant les bienfaits de Hi6roii, en le r4- 
coAciliant avec un autre souverain extrSmement irriti' contre hii^ 
au moment oik ils 6toient sous les armes pr&ts si decider leur 
querelle par un cdmbat. Un tel succ^s couronna glorieusemebt 
]a carriire du po^tede C6os, qui mourut dg6 de 90 ans.' On ob* 
serve que des pierres tomb6es du ciel, ce que nous app^lons aii- 
jourdliui des aerolithes^ s'abim^rent cette mSme annee dans le 
deuve ^gos, comme si la nature e&t voulu marquer cette 6poqdfc 
par un 6vinement extraordinaire. Les marbres de Paroa, auxquek 
nous devons cette observation! fixent cet 6vinement sous rarcbootat 
de Th6agenidas« qu'ils placent sous Tan 469 avant notre ire, taodis 
que Diodore de Sicile/ et Denys d'Halicarnasse,' ne le mettent avec 
raison que sous Pan 468 : ce qui fait voir que les ann^es d' Atbines 
ou archontiques dont s'est servi Tauteur de la chroniqiie des marbres, 
6toient plus courtes que les ann6es olympiadiques ; ce dont nous 
avons plusieurs autres preuves non moins fortes ; telles que celle 
de Tepoque de la prise de Troie^ plac6e 21 ans trop t6t, comnte je 
I'ai dit ailleurs.^ 

On fait un m6rite d Simonides d'avoir augment^ dans File de 
C6os r^clat des fi^tes religeuses,' aiout6 une huiti^me corde d'la 
lyre/ et trouv6 Tart de la m6moire locale artificielle ;^ mats ce qui 
lui assure une gloire immortelle, c'est d*avoir m6rit6 les £log«i 
de X^nophon et de Platon ; d'avoir donn6 des le9on8 utiles mix 
Kois; c'est d'avoir fait le bonbeur de la Sicile, en retirant Hi6ron 
de ses 6garemens, et le for^ant de vivre en paix avec ses voisiils, 
ses sujetSy et lui-m^me : c'est enfin d'avoir perp6tu6 son talent en k 
commtiniquant d Bacchilides et ii Pindare. La famille de Si- 
monides 6toit comme ces families oik le sacerdoce des Mhses itoit 
conserve. Son petit-fils, du m^me nom que lui, 6crivit sur les 
genealogies et sur les d^couvertes qui font honneur d I'^sprit Iuh 
main.' II pouvoit ^tre n^ 66 ans apr^s sou aieul, et avoir cons£- 
quemment 24 ans lorsqu'il le perdit. Cet a'leul avoit done pa 
fl'occuper de son Education. 

Simonides lui-m6me n avoit pas fait seulement des ^Idgies^ mais 

^ SuidaSy a Tarticlc Simonides ; et Lucien, dans ses Macrobies, 
J Liv. 11, p. 65. 
" ^ AfUiquUU RomaineSy lir. 9, §. 56. 

5 Memoire ntr les Murt Saturtriens ou CyclopienSj p. 4,7. 

Athence, liv. 10, ch. 12. 

Pline, liv. 7, ch. 56. 

^ Cic^ron, de Oratore, liv, 2, ch. 86; ct <fc Fin. liv. 2, ch. 32.— Pliac. liv, 
7,ch. 24. . 

' $uidas, article Simonida, 

Sur Simonides de CSos. 123 

encore des odes et des tragedies. II avoit tompos^ des lamenta' 
tions, dans lesquelles ii d6ploroit les malheurs arrives sL plusieurs 
personnes, et avoit d6crit en vers les batailles de Marathon et de 
Salamine. Lucien lui attribue la d6couverte des lois qui goiiver- 
nent les lettres de Taiphabet, en fixant I'ordre suivant lequel elles 
doivent ^tre placies^ en determinant leurs effets et leur puissance/ 
Pline dit * qu'il y ins^ra quatre nouvelles lettres, savoir : les deux 
consonnes doubles $ et ^, et les deux voyelles longues vj et eo. 
.'I'zetzis b6sita s'il n'en faut pas faire honneur d Tancien Simonides, 
n6 d Amorgos.^ £u effet, c'est de ce dernier que Lucien parle 
ailleurSy lorsqu'il le cite comme un des pontes grecs qui ont le 
mieux connu toutes les ressources de Tart de composer les vers 
iambiques.^ Cette question est importante pour determiner I'^e 
des incriptions anciennes. On peut consulter d ce sujet, parmi 
une foule d'auteurs^ Montfaucon dans sa Palao^raphia Graca, livre 
£. chap. 1. page 1 17 et suivantes; et Edmond Chishull, dans son 
Commentaire sur ^inscription de Sigee, §. 12^ IS et 14, p. 19 et 

On peut consulter sur Simonides la Biblioth^que grecque de 
Fabricius, larticle Simonides dans le dictionnaire de Bayle, et le 
tome 13 des M4fiioires de rAcad^mie des Inscriptions, page 250. 
Louis-Michel Boissy a (^ubli6 un petit volume tit- 12 sur la vie de 
ce po^te, imprim^ d'abord en 1755, puis en 17B8. Cette derni^re 
edition est annonc6e par Tauteur comme entiirement refondue et 
augment6e ; ainsi c'est la seule qu'il faut consulter. Ce BcNssyt 
fils de I'academicien, etoit petit de taille, d'un teint fort p&le, et 
d'un caractire difficile k ce que I'on asisure. £n 1794, il vendit, 
par besoin, sa bibliothique au libraire N^e de La Rochelle, qui 
en fit ensuite une vente d Tamiable. Cette vente, forc^e par le 
besoin, chagrina beaucoup Boissy, qui tomba malade quelque 
temps apris ; et, dans un accis de fi^vre chaude, se jeta par la fenfire 
et se tua. Je rapporte cette anecdote parce qu'elle ne se trouv^ 
pas dans Tartide Boissy de la Biographic Universelle. 

II ne nous reste du poite Simonides que des fragmens Merits 
dans le dialecte dorien, moins susceptible que les autres dialectes, 
de cette douceur qui le caract^risoit. Leo Allatius en a donne les 
titres dans sa dissertation De Simeonibus; ils furent imprimet 
pour la premiire fois en grec^ dans une collection des gnomiques, 
que Mathieu Aurogallus envoya i Jerome Froben, qui la publia 
en 1532, avec les hymnes de Callimaque et ses scolies. Joachim 

> Le Jvgemeni det V&yelUt, par Lucieo. 
» Hiiioire Naturelie, liv. T, cb. 56. 
s T^etz^*, Chiliade 13, c. S9B. 
^ Le mauvait Grammairieny par Lucieiu 

134 Sur Simomdes de CSos^ 

Cam^raiius augtnenta cette collectien, et la fit r^impfimer k B&Ie, 
chez OporiDUS, en 1551 et 1555, iVi-8% en faisant usage des manus- 
crits. Jacques Hert4lius, natif de Coire, fitaussi imprimer s^ B^k, 
en 156], une collection de sentences des anciens pontes,, dans 
laquelle il fit quelques augmentations k celle de Cam^rius, tir^ 

Imncipalement de Stob^e. Simonides y est compris comme daua 
es pr6c6dentes. D'un autre c6t6, Michel Neander, rapporte 
aussi des fraginens de ce po^te, p. 39^ de son Aristologia PindarUa 
Gracolatina, et Sententianovem Lyricorumfexvariis turn Patrwu, 
turn Ethnicorum libris collectayBkley 1556, iVi-8^. Henri Etienne 
r^imprima cette collection des lyriques avec une version latioe^ en 
petit format, en 1560 et 1566. Plantin r6imprima cette demi^ 
collection d Anvers, en 1567* Fulvius Ursinus recueillit lea qu* 
vrages de Simonides avec des notes, Anvers, 1598, tit*8% P^S^ 
153-198 et 828-34^ d'une collection de lyriques tr^s-sup6rieiire A 
celle de Henri Etienne. Paul Etienne reimprima cependant cette 
demiire en l600 et 1612. 

Les fragmens de Simonides se retrouvent dans le second volume 
du Corpus Poetarum Gnecorumf Geneve, 1614, iipfolio, page 121 
de la seconde partie. lis ont 6t6 r6iraprim6s beaucoup plus cor- 
rectement dans les Anahcta veterum Poetarum Gracorum, de 
Brunck, imprimis d Strasbourg, in-S^. C'est dans le premier vo- 
lume, qui est sans, date, mais dont la preface est dat^e de Strasbourg, 
le Id dj§cembre 1776, qu'on trouve d la page 120, cent douze fra|^ 
mens de Simonides de C6os et de quelques pontes du m€me 
Bom. On n'y trouve pas d beaucoup pr^s toutes les pi^ciss 
qui sont ins6r6es dans le Corpus Poetarum ; mais on y en lit on 
grand npmbre qui manquent dans cette volumineuse collection. 
Aprds la publication de la derni^re, M. Heyne, publia k Goet- 
tingue, e|k 1785, un trait6 sur le fragment de Simonides que Platoo 
nous a cbnserv6 dans son Protagoras ; il y distingue chaque vers 
de ce fragment, ce que le disciple de Socrates avoit n6glig4 de 
faire. C'est sur ce morceau ainsi dispos6 et comment^, que M. 
Boissonade a fait son ^l^gante traduction. Oh pent done affirmer 
qu'une collection complete des fragmens de Simonides de 
des deux autres ^crivains grecs du m^me nom, est encore a £aire ; 
elle m^nteroit d'occuper un hell6niste, aujourd'hui que T^tude de 
la langue grecque semble avoir repris en France une nouvelle 

M. de F. dfU. in Millin's Annales Encycloptdigt»e$* 
#^« For a more complete coUectio» of the Fragments of Simo- 
nides, we refer our Readers to Gaisford s Poet» Minores Gneci, 
T. 1. and to E. H. Barker! Epist.. Cr. ad Gaisf. in the Classical 
Journal for additional Fragments to, and for Observations on, those 
collected by Gaisford, — Ed. 



Adctore G. B. 

VausVIL— IFid. No. XXXri. p. 370.} 

JrosT Virorutn tabores in hac re exercitatorum, duo tantum 
Carmina Antistrophica in AcharnensitHis reperiri possunt. Eosdem 
tamen Epodica satis superqqe eluserunt. lode natae sunt emen- 
dationes praeposterse. Verum istas exagitare mihi nunquam in 
animo fuit. Satius est operi^ diu nimis deducto^ finem imponere. 
In Acharnensibus igitur inoneo esse 

V. 208 et sqq. o-rg. } et sic Hermann, de Metr. p. 19o=20S« 
223 et sqq. avnorp. 5 ed. 2dae. 

V. 263 et sqq. Ita lege 



V. 3*. Vulgo deest iv. Id repo- 
sui^ ne hiatus esset. V. 5. ei^ 
itjfjiGv, At non ad iYifj^ov Phales 
advenit; verum ibi semper ad- 
fuit. Sed Jixouo7roki$ ab urbe 
per sex fere annos aberat. Ibid. 
Vulgo ao-jxevo^. Id cum praece- 
' dentibus conjungi solet. At 
rusticus, Jixai^oXi^^ non libenter 
ad urbem v^nit : fuit tamen li- 
bepter aircpJMyi); fjiot^v. V. 10. 
Vulgo xXeirroucray. intelligere 
id n^queo. Dedi xtJ^rroucray prop- 
ter verba Sophronis apud Schol. 

o-6yxa)(j.e vyxTiTTgpiTrXavijT- 

€ (Mix} ^^i^ipotOT Iv 

hirifjiov IxdoJvy acfj^ivcag 

(o irpayfJMTaov ts xa) fJi^ayaov 
xol) AaiMt^oiv aTraXXaytij* 
woXXa yaq lo*fi*^8iov, (O^ 
•-xuTrrovtray evoovi* copixw^ 
Tr)v Zr^uftoSoupoy Bparrav eis 
rot 4>sWia)g vkrj^ogov 
fteoT)? XajSovra, xarajSaXoVr- 
a xoLTuyiyoLpry^oLi, «A«X^j. 14^ 
6 V ah ^aX^^ xaeraxT/TTTa^ei. Mox dgixm^ habet Suid. in ipsa voce. 

V. 10. Cf. Pauli Silentiarii Epigr. xii. V. 12. Vulgo ex toO 
4>b\Xsoo;, Reposui eU toL ^eWecos, Luditur hie sensu duplice. 
Etenim 4»6XXguj erat verpaa^ris Tono$ : quomodo dici potest res 
virilis. Mox 6x^<Jopoj audit res muliebris. V. 13. Delevi apocvrct 
gl. pravam : quas debuit esse kqajt^tvov propter loca similia apud 
Dawes, p. 235. necnon £liani verba, Berglero citata, ex 
Epist. ix. 6jxcXi?ii(rff 8* «v Tijy — Syj^alBa apifLWog pi^ifniv ilru pt^oig 
i\s TO xXiy/Siov fp^tai rris o-^rouS^; : ubi propter verba Cojauci 

126 De Carminibui 

mronieLg Toiijo-aftfyo; pnetulerim ^^Men Tot$ wov8«;« Ut in gratiam 
redeas cum puella viam esse racilem et felicem monet Ovidius: 
Sed lateri nee pane tuo ; pax amnis in uno ConcubUu : et rursus 
Oscula da Jienti. Veneris da gaudiaflenti. Pax erit. Hoe tmo 
solvitur ira modo. Cf. et Eurip. Tro. 674. f^r fufpoi^ XaXif w 

oirog aMs loriv oirof -\ V. 3. Vulgo waif ffseif. At wai hfe 
jSaXXf jSaXAff /SaXAe /SoAXs' f correptum est pro %al§, sicut wm 
iralt iroTr rov /itoipov C pro gratis. Phot. llau. to %avvu 

ov fiaXiig; ou/SoXei;; J^V^^^' lMvo<rvX\afioo$. Vid* £l|ns- 

leium ad Uerc. F. 1410. in Classical Journal, No. xv. p. 248. 

, 285, 6. 

ct [ji^h xaraXevo'Ofiiv ) Vulgo cri /xgy oiv xaraXfvo'OfMy £ futotpa : at 
' o-f Toi jxiapfl^ xefaXii, y tri roi sic geminaDtur. Vid. Blonifield. ad 
Heracl. 657. in Quarterly Rev. No. ^viii. p. d60. et ElmsL ad 
Ajac. 1228. in Mus. Critic. Cantab. No. iv.p. 485. 

287 et sqq. o-rp. } Ita disposuit Hermann, de Metr. p. IQl* e|l. 
297 et sqq. avTicrrp. 5 Ima?. Ipse lego in 30 1, 2. f — yco xartr^y 
ttot' offToWi xoTrviuara vice ^— you toIo"!* laTreuo'/ wot' Ij xarrvf/MTa, 
At 1^ delevit Elmsl. : quern tamen latuit manifesto pravam esse 
scripturam xccTOLTefiw, Etenim Equites erant commissi anno prae- 
eunti. Id niinime nesciebat Interpolator; e cujus manu veoit 

294,5. , . . 

CQV y axova-oiiai ; awoXcr 7 Hie afcrasin facit cum u, Cf. Lys. 
xuTu (j-e xooo'o[/>BV kl$ois. J ll6. £q. 1175. et Ran. 512. ilfp- 

4/o/t awfXJoVr . 


f /g, i Hermann, de Metr. p. 360. ed. i. Reisig. Conject. 
"a cc X- ^ Aristoph. p. 210. Bentleius Elmsleiusque falluiilur 
'a V lomnes. 

UV9fCOliOL\ J 

338 et sqq. orp. 345 et sqq. uyriayp. 

aXXa vuv) Xiy oti a*o* hxel^ XO, IxcrecrticrTai X^l^^^' ^f' ?^X V?^^ 
Tov Tf AaK6l»lfAOviov avTOV, OTI (r5io/x.evov* XO. oXXa fc^ ^i wpCH 

TflSy rgovoov couo't} ^/Xoj' wj ? aXXa xsiriiou to jSeXo^. ^/. 7 
ToSg TO 5- co^ oSs yg 5 

XapxiSioy ou irpoddxrso 'ttots, <rei<rTo$ apt^ivri^ (TTpof^ 'xTg/ygro. 

Vulgo T« TpoVcp — flhov. At syntaxis est. Xsys ts Toy ^axeSai/bboyioy 
Tponov auTov, on ^iXoj o-oi ecmy. Et sane <fl\og legisse videiur 
Schol. xa) elirs Stoo Tpowco [lege oti toqv t^ottcov] 6 Aaxedai[ji,ovi6§ itrrl 
coi $iXo^. Quis. sit iile modus Laconicus exponit Ues^ch. Aaxm^ 

Aristophanis Commeiitarius. 127 

vixoy rpoWov vipalvuv, Tratiepourrtiv ^ Tcapi^nv cdetiroy roi^ ^syoi^.- Hoc 

{lostremum fecerat JixaiosroXi^^ quandoiUis ra^ o^ovSa^^ acceperat. 
n antistrophicis vulgo ceia-ri^ ^fta r^ orpo^^ yiyverai. MS. B. et 
Schol. arpo^iyyL Inde erui <rrpoif^ 'xTgiVero : et vice afta tij (t. dedl 
ifuivyi;. Etymol. 'ii/xsvi}^- — va^flt to /t^ 6;^eiy /xevo;. Suam impoten- 
tiam in praelio Veneris expertus est AikohqtcoXis ; ut alio tempore 
demonstrabo. Facete igitur, dum ad penem digito intendit, senex 
rem suam esse tranquillftn, diu licet commotam^ commonstrat. 

542, 3. 

ouTOii 0-01 y^pLiuotXjt xai 1 Vulgo ;^ajxai. Sed ob sequens et 
frh xaraSou to f /(po^ vaXfV^ 3 praecedens ;^ajxa^f^ idem hie quoque 


358 et sqq. <rr/,. } j^a Kust. e Schol. 
385 et sqq. avriorp. J 

404, 5, 6, ?• Sic lege versus, ^uos Bentleius pro senariis dimi- 
diatis babuit. 

EiqvKihov aKou<rov, elwep rep xors* 

JixaiOTToXif xoXei xotx6(rxo>^i v^' ET, Otb* lyw' 

AL 'A\>: fxxt/xX^ V JET. '^XX* klmaror AL *AX\* oftcor 

ET. *AX>i exxuxX^cofta** J/. Kurafimv «XX* Iv o^p^oXj* ^f 

Vulgo Eupiiri^oy u^^xoucrov sTts^ S^tot otvipooTFcoy Tivl, Suid. em-ep 
WOT in EiTTsp, at Rav. e?7rep wcotot i.e. ei'jrt^ rep iroTe cujus gl. est 
itvipd'Trciov tivi. Mox vulgo AmaidiroXts xaX» o's XoXXiSij; eyco. At 
ineptum est istud XoXXi$i}c. Ipse erui xaXeT xaxoc^oKx <roL. Etenim 
Euripides scripsit dramata, non minus quoad materiem quam ad 
artem, aliquatenus xaxoV;^oXa. Certe ad hunc locum respexit 
Schol. ad 397. to II ava^a^riVy iw) u\|/r^XoD tAtou xflAjjxevof* xaxo- 
a^dXai$ 8g cItts. Luditur igitur in lectione nostra AncatoTroXig xaXsI 
xaxoV^oXa (T : quae sonat idem atque Aixalot ^ iro\i$ xaXeT rot ex 
xaxd<r^oXei, vel AixondrroXis Kaxoff^oXa xaXsi trt, Postremo ad v. 4. 
retuli aXX' ou <r;^oX)} (quae vulgo exstant post lyco) mutata in aXX' 
h (Tp^oX^. Etenim Aixxio7roXi$y dum Euripidem xarafiaSviv in 
scenam intrare jubet, ne quid detrimenti ille capiat, magnopere 

j^6 et sqq. Sic lege 

m Aufji^y' 00 pxifToov aTTpu7ra$ ) 

/Soijtfijcroy co ^avslj yo^oXo'^aj J 

icJ Aoifiay 6) ^iXoov <pi\TaT, el } , 

Ti$ ij Ta^lapxos *) '•si;)^0|xa;)^05 3 

avrip s(rri Tig ^ j3o>j^>j<raTco ) , ^^ ' 

T* oLvuvai* «y« yap e^ofuea ftccro^. ) 

12d De Carmini6u$ 

V. 3. Vtilgo ^l\* i ^XffTflt. Dedi flXtop ^Ikrotr : de phrasi viAi 
annotataad Ipli/T. 827 in Clasricaljoumal, No. xv. p. 144. (bI 
adde Suid. "Ea^ar ia^drwf xetxot hawtTcaxrar brnia lvr\ rjf Ana^ 
Ttpa SeivoraTOv xa) Kimpa xwrarov, idem in ilspa habef appi^TiV' 
Sipfn/frirtqci xai xaxm xiga. Unde alio tempore Sbphoelis -ibcinl 
vexatissimum emeiidabo. Mox post ra^laifxos delenda ^ fr^fteHfM 
voluit Elmsl. cum Hotibio; et legendum ri pro n^; collato E^! 
] 19* et sex aliis locis. ^ 

092 et sqq. oyriorj. 3 ' 

836 — 859. Quatuor systemata sex versuum. Ita Br. Vid.'adRaiv 
416. 814. 898. Thesm, 959- Eq. 973. et 1111. - " 

929 et sqq. (rrp. Jit^ Elmsl. 

940 et sqq. avricrrg. j 

97 1 et sqq. <rrp. J j^^ Hermann, de Metr. p. 3645«50gu 
988 et sqq. avTiorg. J . 

1008 et sqq. (rrp. htoKust e Schol. 
1037 et sqq. aVTKrrp. ) 

1150et-8qq.<rrp } j^^ K„,t. 
1 ]02 et sqq. avricrrp. ) 

llQOetsqq.' Sic lege . '. ' 

AAi arraroLi '^ 


OTuyepot TttSt 

exsivo , oift onoixrov, our 

avfXTOv av yivoiri fioi' 

JfxaioVoXi; yotpfti pJ TSoi Terpwpi^ivov, 

xdpT ty^oiyoi yt Taio'S* l/taij av Iv 7v^ui$. li^ 


Toov t*t9i«v «j yXioLpoi xoLi Kviiviar 

TO TrepiTTSTacTToy xa) to jxaySoXwToy. 115 

Toy ya^ p^oa yuy 'jrpooTog ixTrivcoxa, 
A A. ICO icio* TgoivpAToov esrooSuvcoy— 
J/. *^ 1^ ^P'Otye Trateiov xvTga^— 
^1^4. cTTuyy', £pij, Xsyco — 

J J. jxiyS*, "'Epo?, Xgyco— * eO 

^i4. tI p.i (TV daKvei$^ 
AL Ti jX6 o'u xuysT^; 

Aristophanh Commentarius. 129 

J/, h Xovai y wv rU l^^^^^S hrparrrr* [ou jSaffs/a^;] 

it A. & ^lul^p&L riXsLifci rfiy iifjm Kuxwr^ Ileuoh Ico Ilcuaav, 

Al. [a<ruftj|0(oy /x*,] wAX' 01} rovvy 7^ btiipLipcu iralorr leu «ra/aoy. 

V. 7. Vulgo V oijf alaxTov av oifMOKriv 3v. At prius dv MSS. 
omittunt. : Mox dejji aytxrov. Vid. Cloisicat Journal, No. xxvi. 
p. S72. Adde ou tX^lTJr in Lvs. 529. et Ov fKoeras ou^eorag in 
Hec. 159. iHsrnon ava(r;^6r^ iliBrunck. Jndice. £x8tat ravr avcxr^ 
^* ixo^ in Thesm. 563* V. iQ. Valgo Mtrey^ayoi—fjxaia'iy 
«y. Ai JMtTffyxayoi est nihili verbum. V. 13. Vulgo v^ki^fi. Pa- 
pillatptiellarum certe dici possunt o-x^ijpai. At cum iis [ii,a>Jiam$ 
i«6o conveMt. Reposui x^^^^* Vox exstat in Acli. 975. V. 14. 
Vice X9^^h ^^^' X^^ph* ^^m fia^minae, quas secum Jixaid- 
<roXt; in scenam attulit^ sunt Megarenses olim sub vestitu auiUo 
introductae; quaram altera fuit mater^ altera filia, viruoi adhuc ex- 
perta; ideoque rectius diets yXMe^ci^ quam o-xXi^pft}, rectius quoque 
Xoi^itf quam^p^'^* V. 15. TtaKiiQst voluit pro xiarifipaXixMTiu. 
V. 18. xoi^e XoLiJM^iinrtw. Rav. x^tTpE ilofMep^iTir/Sioy. Inde erai 
oif^yi ircdlm X^Tpaf. Dicitur ifJMXjS TottSioy ut xoXXixo^r/t £o(o>- 
t/$iov. Intelligitur quoque x/^i^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^li loco. £teniiii 
X^Tgotv esse ^iXifftfltroBy genus docet PqUu|( %, 10. ex j^iamco Aufioii 
ffv Toov arroov, ^iX^craw rriv yprpav* In eundeoi censum referuntur ri. 
tfipiTffTaoToy et to M^tySoAon-^ : quibus adde PivyAvfii^, J^ctrov et 
^Hx^i^i^ apud Hesych. : unde corrige Photuiin v. MfltySaAiuro;. 
V. 19* Vulgo vmy^^i iy» fMy^fog hya^ At hic^ ni ftdlor, latet 
lusus Euripiideus in ]^gi$ et "Eptcf. Vide mea annotata ad« Tro. 
858. Repoaui igitur rriiYv, "Ept^, Keym et idyf^/^Epo^ Xiyoo. De 
]ierBmtatit j^^ Af|Mi<nde sd Veap. .1%SS. in Classkal Jejtn^l, 
Kq. XXXI. p. 39. v. 23. Vulgo ftapfp yvy : MSS. ywy omittunt : 
rectius dedissent vt. V. 24* Vulgo roig Xov^\ yap rl^^fufiokas 
kicpirrtro. At sententiae nexus correlativae facit^ ut hie articulus 
abesse, et pnepositio adesse debeat : sic h f^ixV 7' i^f^^f ^^P* 
ponitur rip ey Xov(rl ye ^VfifidXd^. Ad versus tineni inserui ou /3«*^ 
fsicLs, Certe fiptpiloi$ sic positum excidere facile poterat. Redde 
fiapilag ^ujtt/3oxi^, A^av^ reckonings. Simili metapbora dicitur 
^Gu^^ SaTavij in Eurip. Bacch. 891- At in Eq. 535. <ry.iKpcls 
lonrelvrig necnon Thucyd. 111. 1 1 et 64, Vcrum Hesiod. "Epy.J^l. 
^airdvrj r dXiyl^rrj, V. 25. Voces ^/l <rviu<tiopA ToXaiya rm ipim 
xoixmv vulgo exstant post exirnrcoxa. Eas hue retuli, ut inde pa- 
teret quomodo Mripi^ogov omissum esset ii^ v. 26. ubi wctlovr lv» 
erui e ironaovlct. Lamachi verba iraioov Soo deridet Dicaeopolis per 
sua vaiovT \m: ubi Tra/ovra'est sensu nequiori. Meiuebat profecto 
Jixfltio^oXif idem sibi eventurum esse atque Tryg^o ; qui scisci- 
tatur Nler curium in Pac. 711. "^/l SeWora, ispfuris y^y 6va>pa$ x«t?- 
?<oi(roLi'^AQ' etv fi?iu6rivai tix xpovoQ rl <roi low: cui respousum est^ 

vol: XIX. Cl.Jl. NO.XXXVIL V 

130 De Carminibtt$f 4:c. \ 

Ovx fl 7f xtfxiA^ iwwttiii fi^ss^iooittkan Quod' ad liiautn m mmm I»n 
m(9v \m, cf. P^c. 4d£^ 6. »c legeodos. U sroMV U. ".li^Xff Vi 
TaM9v* ikXX' 1(9 ft^ipf ^^ : ubi Ulud Lv jhfcl poieftt dufenre aliqtw 
verber^tttf. V..^: Vi|]g9 ^) vuii/. lUy.. «ii^l nvti yi. i>edi '«& 
rovuv yi. Cf. (Ed. C.^7. 6l6. la Plu.t. (J9?.^ pro o^} iW / 
Rav. ou;() mbmi vohiit od ir«yuy ye. Mox vulgo Vi^epov. Bwr. 
(n^f9y. Reposui 6a^^i quotidie. Fa^tissim^n). cat Totun hoc 
JDicteopcdidis qui| sicut iate homo apud Eustath. 'pL p. l67S. 
fieuj/^lA&o^ fimh»¥ srm v^pi^io^ ^eXX^re kVfu^i), cuj[»it lobi. aatiafieri, 
quando aliis Bftliafacere neqvit. Ulud otnifibepai aliqualeous wpoiiit 
Tbeogpi{)#il336. J^SSci aiv.xaXtf waXi ifan^ipko^, SttntcBtiaAi 
sic construe : waivv 6aii(ugcu l» (u waUvroi [rm] mvifK^m^ ifj^ tg 
TflfvtJv ye. ..... 

1214,5. oTf. a. J218^. O?f.0'. <«2«^. trrp.y; 

1216,7. Aktiot^. a. 1«*Q,1. awriiTTf . /J'. I«24j5. perrio^ y. 

V. 1226 et aqq. 'Sic kgtt 

^^. Xoy^ Tii; ijXTfinjyj fMi hi irriwf iivprJi' (rrp. t. 

XO. T^taXX^ Sfr** ewrep xaXei c', " i rpiirfio xaXXlvix^,*' imricrrp, T* 

J I. ip&rt Tovrofl nevov. 

Keii %p6g y' thcfaerov hyy(ioL^ ijiwrtv ^Xor^ev 

jireo^ff wv aeSovtv^' Arrifrrp^ tt. 

T^XXa^ xoXX/wxov ^(loyre^ o-f xaI roy ka-xiv, 10 

Mirum 'hci lAodunqf 'Ct)mici verb^^ quoe nemo iDtelligere potuit, 
disjecta exhibent editipnes: nempe e v. 6. et 2. uxsus efficitur, et 
V. 4. sic legitur : ll^eXM.'if^y eo ar^ifmloL (M^S. o$ yivwtiSat^ X^§^ 
XflejSflov rov &(rx^y; et in v. 8. additur Ti}yeXXa xaXXiviXtp^ Vecutu ^pse 
niliil videOy quid sibi yelit opare rourov) xcypv post HSugri, ; ueque 
gratias leves Editoribus egis^m, ^i quis inibi sent^tiee n.ej(i|pi 
^Jtplicuisset ; quem ipse nunc aliis extricare ppssum. Tristem 
£amac!hi vocem iioprJi ridet JixaMTroXi^ pef suuni Igetitios epipho- 
nema T^veXX^ : quod pro secundo accipit online chorus, et -^ubdit 
T^veXXa 85t«' thsp TfivtXXo^ (quae hiC; tt^ ptroijro^rQiwfW sjcut Nix^ in 
Lys. 317. Ai<nfoim NUyj, necnon in Av. ^7^. y/;^ vf^erai) Kot^il 
(T* '* CO w^6<rj3u 7L%\Km}i(kg Lyjm Swrco' XflH/jo»^ ^^(^ ;«!($* fto-JtoV* 
ubi respicitiir ad certamen supra memoratUQi in. v. lOQl. 8^ 8* «yi 
Ixvii^ npaaTicrT6£, ota-xiv Kvnia-ifoovros X^\peTai : iibi Schol. lri9«ro/8e, 
lurxog iwe^uoTjftiyo^ ly t^ ray Xooov hpr^, l(p\ o5 eSei. tqwj nfvoyr^ wpig. 
kymoL kfTToimi xa) roy tfowtov icivovTUf tog vixi^^oanet ha^dvBW a^rxA : 
unde patet me non male eruisse ayoiy l2u^a>. ex, i ayivye^ixs ..(aic 
enim MSS., opinor, exhibent): pracse.rtiiii cum phn^sis ^cg^« 

Gamtiridgt Triposes* |3j[ 

lv(ra(riai sit (m)ba et ftl^iiori^t^depiavite;^ Orttt. 838. ubi 

legitur ^IH^^Jl9^£va:«ivi^9(f/fbfyay T^} idixTmy^.h i ^jjy % toty^v 
xiyLOL^ y(jpti»* Verum ibi Canter voiuit Avtrav vero proxime : We 
Jv(T6iMvos,,9i: fpifoi prdbaiwet^' opiotiv/ i. IPi&r^il ;• iHe 'en^m in 
.Notis MS^peB6gtnevehiir^i9«^,y> pv6plerHltid t^v^cvo^ in 

X 17. 414. 4f»X^i* «y»^^^P^^f'«^' fieciioti iSyflnw--^8^^i|x* in 
Alcest. 489. Hafec -obiter. Ad G<miieuii» ivide^ Im reposui 
X^lgois y\c%^pm, Eadem v«r« Idct^ ia' Eurijpi Tre.J^l^p^.^ Hie 

1079: neaue vMe di^timt 4ooa ^i N<ib. 5\ih m ^Chti^cal 
JouiiKi/, fio.«xxvi. P'^9' V«:9* Viilga^V«<^^^;^f^^« At 
MSS., 01 faUoF, eachibeat X^^^* ^^^ enit ^ X*P?*^ Qerte 
in tali loco est opportundim %^ : et f{an. 790. 6 S^/ ^ob^t^a — 
ou^aviov ir9y. Alii»fottiewsephi€ebK*3lri)v«^/: ubi x^V'^^^''^^^ 
apud Latinot sigftificat mn/^Yujiiiteviu £)ici poterat igifor Srff^vf^), 
ut otroj ^Xoj in Plilt. 730. Nab. 7^. et (proarwa 5rw in PUcen. 

Dtiiam Ikona, Kalend. Mart. J.S. mdccc^vii. 


9 , . ' ^ 

As connetted with the ^ght&Historij and" with the. ZiU" 

rature pf that UmvisTMittf : : ; 

B* < . . * .'"'•■ 

EFOliE the publicatioii of ibe Cs^mbjcidg^ Cf4^n(]arj a good 

collection of Tripods w^s ^9 vakiftUe things w eonlaiaii^ tbe only 
printed list of llie honors qf. tbe aenatc-boiisa. Sveb « €o(Iection 
still retains iljr terltte in the hanebof the* intdH%€nt^asf exhibiting 
playful satires on .the fottifes^ and tBe fffa/id^ of tKe day/or Ijstppy 
specimens of elegant compositjon from Etonian and othW pepa^^ 

Two such .Trif|Ose^< ar^ ,pra8e|;fted 09W tP oiu* jcicadei^ The 
^rs^poem, on Scales and Seating) aeeds 110 pveliminAry oonmient ; 
and the author >ini^ be discovered -by a Very easy calcnlu^^ t>eii^ 
that senior optime io the year T 7879 to \vho8e name is Mtached 
the significant mark of (A) in tlj^ calendar Of jthe second Tripos 
here re-printed th^ author is tp i|8 upkoiowj) ; whil^ the fintbject of 
that day may be tojd in a very fair wonds/: The Wkke Bear 
tavern was inteiidioted^ and the Fellow^Gommontrs o£ Trinity, in- 
cluding the- True Bfue9, were put-^ on. short oommpns Sy the 

132 Cambridge Triposes. 

HoM. I1.B.44. 

ViNCLA pedum e duro chalybis conflata metallo, 
Egregium artis opus, variasque ex ordine partes 
Exp^iam, Arctoi circumdare qualia plantia 
Festinant. juveneSy quo tempore parcius urit 
Phoebus iiumum, et gelidae gliscit violentia bruinae* 

Cjclopum inprimis magna de gente peteudus 
Insigni arte faber ; porro hue vestigia tendas. 
Alma 8U08 inter quern Grapta recenset alumnos. 
In vicum, ingentem recto qui trainite ducit 
Ad pontem Cami : Me oculis fors obvia surget 
Parva antiqua domus, sed qu& vix notior ulla est 
Propter aquas Canii ; quippe artis symbola multa 
Ante fores penident fabriliaque instrumenta 
Dtfsuper — adversus picto strepit arjete murus. 
Sat quoque notus hems, furvam mod6 conspice Testem, 
Et furvam barbae segetem, furvosque capillos. 
Sponde huic mercedem facilis ; nee inutile pacto 
Forsan erit sacri superaddere pocula musti ; 
Quippe open auditi non immemor acrior instate 
Jamque domus reson& tremefacta incude laborat. 

Massa tibi h)c chalybis spatio porfecta sat ample 
Eligitur, mensura pedum justissima quantum 
Flagitat; ast alt^ compressi pollicis ictum 
Dimidii plus parte aifectans ardua vincat : 
Altii^s evectum incessus per lubrica ducit 
MoUior, et faciles componit Gratia motus. 
At chaljbis pars ima Deum jam passa domantem 
Nascentem induitur Lunam, angu^tumque decente^^ 
Desinit in rostrum, qualis curvata carina 
Sulcat aquam, saltuque undis caput altius effert. 
Hand procul a rostro sunimse vi dissita massse 
Lamina se attollens flammis atque arte domatur 
In furcam, lignum aptatum quae dente tenaci 
Mordeat ; a tergo patulus sese annulus offert, 
Inque ilium e lignp demittitur acta supem^ 
Se cochlea in$inuans sinuoso arctissinia ferro : 
Hanc super erigitur praeacutus cuspide clavus 
, Ima potens avido calcis comprendere morsu, 
JEt prohibere pedem lapsu iluitante moveri, 

Janaque opus exactum et visu mirabile surgit 
Machinu — quod restajt^ quo juncta ligamine plantas; 
Ha?reat, cxppnam : transit terno ordine lignum 
lialteus, hie nexu digitorum extrema coercet, 

Cambridge Triposes. 133 

klic medium, et qu& pes aliissimus^ uldmus alter 
AUigaty huic lorum adsuitur latissima ducens 
Cingula calce super — pedibus sic omnia firma, 
Omnia ti\ta manent ; at vincula fibula parc^ 
Contrahat, aut loro arctato violentiiis ustus 
CEdipodionise flamntam experiere podagra?. 
Sectile quin lignum fagus procera ministret^ 
Autmontaaa ulmus^ vel tornorasile buxum 
Praebeat^ avit melior soiido de robore quercusi 
Sitque chalybs planus ; sulcatae forma carinas 
Ducit inexpertum^ at planae felicior orbis 
£xpediet faciles (experto credite) cursus. 
Mercibus externis mal^ creditur, usque manebis 
Tutius in patrid^ nostrisque instructior ibis^ 
Qu^m Batava; si qu&is utiintur Amazones armis 
Cinctus eas~lentl latos latissima portant 
Fulcra pedes^ ea non curvatae conscia Lunae^ 
Qualis nostra ambit : stat pondus inutile ferri 
Tort& fronte minax fera propugnacula tollens^ 
Implicitique horrent maghis super orbibus orbes; 

Jamque adeo armatus vitream in discrimen iturus 
Quaere superficiem> vel qud tibi lubricus aequor 
Laive, favente gelii| lacus offerat, aut ubl Camus 
lodignatus aquas cymbae non amplius aptas 
Nunc pedibus dorsum assuescit i?ater — O ubi campi, 
Augustaeque lavans niiuros undante canali 
Alveus ! O quis m6 gelido super ^equore sistet. 
Qui curvo fluvius mordens cana arva meatu 
Obliquat ripam> et sinuoso gurgite tortus 
Volvit honoratas sine nomine nobilis uodas ! 
Qudm varia ante oculos hlc rerum ludit imago^ 
Scilicet unde artis praecepta haurire ticebit : 
Hie Hermes vitream per humum ruit, et pede in unO 
Radit iter liquidum rectd digito iiidice ductus. 
Omnia Mercurio similis^ motumque figuramque, 
Extensamque manum, et^ pennati more ministri, 
Ferrea subnectens levibus talaria plantis. 
Alter adest moUi altemans vestigia lapsu, 
Circuituve orbem coelans, qualem ipsa Matbesis 
luvideat, quorum seriem trahit infinitam^ 
Sulcat et intortis sinuosa volumina gyris. 
At neque praeteream te fas est, qui pede ferreo 
Felix arte ivA transverso marmora cursu 
Pervolitas, urgeaque pedem pede, calceque calcem* 
Quid memorem multos luctantes limine in ipso^ 
Qui dura invito certamina Pallade tentant i 

134 Ctmiiriigt ^ripmii. 

Illis nulh duiet--iiiiiltii8 qmtii iifli tttili %• - 
Costarum^not rignant, aiit Urida valnera luttibi, 
Aut OS deqte. oiinus^ fraclcve tayariafrentii. 

H^c oculoft liiic flecte, fonmi f[tA tnotrilc lil^ - 
Exponit venala Chaos, atat Jittera yxM 
iuBudaxiB lucro miseri farrago popelli ; « . 

En tibi poma, nuc€8| usti duo germkia Pstr, - • 
Quern tibi Virginin puriasiiiiiiB edufatboi'tiii) 
£t florem Seociae patria ter tulphure tinctttm. 
Adfertur panisy non ille memor brefis aevi,' ' ^ \ 

Theriacen redoleoa et ZinaibeTi adstatOporti 
Fervida yis, expers imdarain, etipunieus- humor ' 
Musti eti Cervisiae, raentitaque flamoia Genevanik * 
At procul hinc^ quisquis geiiero9i baud- iudigns baustiia 
Fortd veaisy talis Bares et odoribus* auras - 
Juniperi complet gravis halitus atque Tabaci. 

At nimis t^ ! verror, coetum glomeratur in Bfifim' • 
Turba frequens^ flaviwB ne mole oaerattis iniqeft 
Vol vat aquis^ noper quot corpora videril udism 
Oppetii$ae torum, vt giacieBi patafecit hiakiMi . - 
7Ven(itfy et ufidamni kxaa effiidicliabenas: - 
Collapsi ftabiere omoesy didu'cteque apertum 
Emisit glacies torrentem, ateorpora aqui* vis 
Inyasit prostrata, et ftinere iiiei«]t«cerbo. 

^ Jn Comitirs Postetidribnif Mar.^^ 1784.' 

- '.^ 

^ .. ■ . • ... 

Edisti satUj atque biiislu .^ . HQft^ 

D 1 X E R A T ; accepit mandiitiiia iiMiiita tyrmtA ■ 

Auribus inyiti^ Qraata, et crudeli» jussa :- 

Perque forum, per caiipoaas^ tviiteeque tabemas^ • 
Audiri questua alque iHtttafoile arromilp. 
At Hmen (fDemiai tempaa) qud ssope bibebaMi' 
(Da inemorem lacrymam) juqunda obKf ia ot|i^;- 
Nunc frpstra moesf^ lalebras aolosque recesaiia 
Explicat,.atqii€ ursi vocat in conviWa pietft^ 
Heu devota domus ! Noo tetransire solebam, 
Et nunc prsetereo invitasy sedesve reliclaa 
(Hoc daiiir) intuitu tristi contempk>r, inani 
Perfixus luctu d^siderioqae retentus. 
Interea baud ultro dominiis vaeat, ipsa fatigaot 
Otia, nee lastus cefnit pingueaaque popinam 
Desertam, vacuamque domum, taeitamqife c^Kflfaai. 

Heu m^jestaoi rerum facien»i voa di<^,v«stea 
Qu^is ornat nitidaft argentea fimbria, in agris 
Seu fort^ erratii, pronove stupescitia amne^ 

Caml»idge Triples. 155 

1)isdnotos\^ juvat.per gramiim tnaiii ficdiri) 
Qu^ lento surgit <j|dini lento lilfiiiRt ^iMthw 
Descendit ; .motu qwbm twrda temponi agaotttl?, 
Quim tar()p kcis qo^m tardo tftdia 4fiocti«. 
Nempe ista in miseros domtts- est ^mileliB 9imxmo$ 
Ante alias, que tr«8 nnk com|4ectittir asdes - 
Conjugio l«to et felici ftedere jttnclas ; ' 
Non magis insignis icrvtA^ «p)endore, ceh^mms^ 
< Atria qttt nitic^ Btracturft et cdspite pulcfara 
Pandiintur, vernas qo4 porticus «cc^t auras^ 
Qualis et .AugustDim P)K)elH.fbryeI|ti^a& aeatu 
Defendisse potest, et detinuisse sub umbr^) 
Qudm sumptu, dapiSus, iuitu, ttiens&que, epulisque. 
Cur non ut quondam p^ calks fnaa^ ¥i<|eiiiU8, 
Ciim labor assiietus vodat e film'ant^ dAhl:i& 
Passibus imparibuis quem KgftlSa tibia portat, 
Circuitus gratos perageutem i Suavior illi 
. Fort una arrisity-melioraque tern pora vidit! . 
Sdilicet baud itel*utb tttinierabit pre^inia, curtb,, . 
Aut cemet Is^to gemitiatod ore labbres. ' 

Nee rur^um, arboreas ciiifi Sol produxerit Ambras, 
Pompa culinafis procedet, splendidus ot-do, 
Kon siccis kbris servi, diadidis coquus alis ; 
Ptenave sudabit nigti manus ossea lixie 
IlliuSy iminundae cui tradita cura culioas. 

{' nunc^ infelix, vig;fliataqu6 caribina dde, 
Kam nc^nio impftuiftiis potuit c^iitlir^, i^ec unquam 
IMgha legi ce^init stotnacho latfante poeta : ' 
Mseonides xraliiit vi&o cikm dixit Achil)em . 
M vesanuiii, s^n^e ocutos patris Hectora csestirti, 
Atqu^ irfUDipenteih ni^uentia Tartiu^ luc^iii. 

Tu ver6 juvenis, sludiis ciith f6i:)d va^ftris,. 
Desine qu^ steriles posuit natuiit paludesi ' 

Coenoque ineulto;^ agros obduxit et undid ' 
Quasrere pei^hatam praedam, detisisqtie t^neiri 
Fluctibus, ac Wtao vestigia tslrdsi fno'vexe* 
Effiisus labor ebt, et cufft morjatur ibdnis. 
Non tibi jueundsp ^oeialia ^mdk mensaei 
Non tibii, ventrieulo si latrent viscera^ fumant. 
InatauralK epuWi nee dubcia fiuidit lacchus 
Pocula ; cRiai glyitit aenier porcuoi leporemir^ ^ 

Orlecari assueti^, tdtoqu^iibdoi^ne fertist. 

Hue ideji^' ad^iioim At taddein — nonJiniCajav^ntus . 
Dum rosieo sedet ore adus, scintUlat oceliiiSy 
Dum fervet vigor et venis oova vita jnesiiltati 


136 Life of Heyne. 

Tempus lactitise est — sed taiic, cum tarda podagm 
Opprimet et proprio sub pondere membra vacillanr. 
Tunc epulfe uigrique decent penetralia lustri. 

Ergo uiani donee gravis atque severior tttas, 
Os donee multis reverenter amabile nigis 
Provocat ad veneris trepidum et certamina vini. 
Tunc ubi se velvet toto sanctissimus anno 
Phoebus^ ciimque Dei terni niysteria sacra 
Commemorare decet ; plen» tibi gaudia mensas 
£t pocla indulge demens licitumque furorem. 

In Comitiis PoittrioribuSy Mar. 30, 1786. 


Pakt I. 

Jt is pleasing to dwell on the virtues and merits of those to vrboa 
we are bound by the ties of gratitude ; and in recording them, 
while we gratify those feelings, we may also have the aatisfactioD 
of impressing others, in a certain degree, with the same respect and 
admiration with which we are ourselves animated. I should falsely 
arrogate to myself what does not belong to me, if [ wished to be 
understood as deriving the information, which I shall communicate, 
exclusively from myself. This is so far from bemg the case, that 
a greater part of it I owe to a publication of the celebrated Pro- 
fessor Heeren,^ of Gottingen, who, like mysdf, had been Heine's 
pupil ; and had lived with him in habits of the strictest friendship 
and intimacy for a lon^ series of years, and was also coonectea 
with him by near rielationship.^ But^ notwithstanding this advan- 
tage, which! concede tq Mr. Heeren, it will not be too much for 
me to say, that the general features and substance of this biogra* 
phical article are in my owq recollection and knowledge; though 
I could not have spoken of particulars with equal accuracy, wiu*- 
out Mr. Heeren's assistance. Residing at the same place witk 
Heyne, in the midst of his relations and friends, having communicm- 

' I am proud to call this excellent and distinguished man my friend. He 
published soon after Ueyne*s death a biographical account of Heyne, ib ' 
German; and read his eulogium, in Latiny to toe Royal Society of Sciences 
at Gottineen, on the 24th October, 1812. The title of the former is : Chri^ 
tian Gottlob Heyne, hiographitck dorgeUelU von A. H. X. Heeren, GeitiPtgen 
1813 ; and of the latter, Memorid Christkni Gottlob Heynii, commendata m 
consessu Reg, SocietatU Scient. Ad d, xxiv Oct, mdcccxii. 

^ He married one of Hey ne's daughters. 

Life of Heyne. 187 

tioii with those acquaintances and connexions^ who,. though living 
in diiFerent parts, yet could give^ either from their correspondence^ 
or former intercourse with the deceased, information upon several 
points, which the biographer had occasion to ascertain ; having 
moreover the use of all Heyne's papers and letters, Mr. Heeren was 
better enabled than any other person, to furnish a correct' account 
of his illustrious friend : and with him as my guide, I trust I shall 
acquit myself as a conscientious historian, in exhibiting the follow- 
ing sketch. 

Heyne had left among his papers a fragment of his own biography ; 
which it is truly to be lamented that he did not finish. Nothing 
could have been more instructive, than the memoirs of such a man, 
written by himself, and with that candor and acuteness of observa- 
tion, which characterised his diind. But he only made a beginning 
of this undertaking, which does not go beyond the years of his 
youth. From this fragment, however, it may be seen what we 
have lost in not possessing the whole. It will not be a subject of 
wonder, that he did not complete this narrative, when it is consider- 
ed how many avocations were every moment diverting his attention. 
A^ man so occupied in the service of others, and so over-burdened 
with various duties, as he was, had no time to think of himself. 
This was the last subjecti^on which he would be disposed to bestow 
his leisure, if he ever had any leisure, or hours of respite from 
positive and active engagements. What concerned himself would 
be procrastinated, and even the longest life does not suffice to 
retrieve the losses, which procrastination always entails. But let 
us now enter upon our subject. 

Christian Gottlob* Heyne was bom at Chemnitz, in 
Saxony, -on the 25th of September, 172®. The day of his birth 
is, indeed, not exactly ascertained ; but that of his baptism wa9 
recorded in the church register, as September the 26th of that 
year : and Heyne himself assumed the 25th as the day on which 
be entered this world. His birth-day, however, was usually cele- 
brated on the 26ih. George Heyne, his father, was by trade a 
linen-weaver, and in a poor and humble situation. He was twice 
married ; and our Heyne was by the second marriage, being the 
eldest of four sons. By his first marriage, George Heyne had 
only one daughter. This good man passed his life m struggling 

' GoTTLOB mez,ns prai$e-god, and is frequently used as a Christian name, 
in tiiat part of Germany where Heyne was born. Other names of a similar 
composition are likewise common there; which is not so much the case in 
the other provinces. 

1S8 JLf/e ^ Heyne. 

with povcHj aid xi^nt, and dioseadvertitiesi which lin unpropilioei 
fortune heaped upou him. It is affecting to read the deliDealkm 
of hiji ctrciraistaocea in the wordi of hii son : ** No fortnliale 
incident^^ says he, *^ ever favored his plans, and his endeavours to 
improve liis situation. A succession of reverses brought him €Ha 
below the level of a middling condition. His old age was, therfefore^ 
abandoned to indigence, and to its companions, hopelessness and 
dejection of spirits. The manufactures were, at that tim^,- in 
Saxony, in a declining state ; ^nd the misery among the workiog 
classes, in those places, where linen cloth was made, was uncommoolj 
great. The earnmgs were scarcely sufficient to support the work- 
man himself; much less his family. The most shocking 8Jgfat,ia 
tny opinion, which a iierverse state of society can present^ is tUl^ 
when honest, honorable, and conscientious industry, by the utmoA 
exertion of labor, cannot gain the necessaries of life, or when ths 
diligent workman cannot even find employment for his hands ; waij 
with his arms crossed, must lament that mvoluntary idleness^ whi^ 
makes him suffer hunger, and compels him to behold tbosfe whop^ 
he loves deprived of the necessaries of life. 

" I was bom and brought up in the greatest indigence. 1(lid 
earliest companion of my childhood was want ; and the first i^pre^ 
flions I received were the tears of my mother, who did not know 
where to obtain breid for her children. How often have I seen herj 
on a Saturday, with weeping eyes, when she returned home unable 
to find a purchaser for the work wliich the utmost exertions of heir 
husband, and the labor of maiiy a night, had produced ! Some- 
times a new attempt to sell the articles was made by ikiy sister, or 
by me ; I was obliged, to call again on the draper or dealerj to. see 
whether we could not find a purchaser for our goods, lliere is a 
sort of persons in that psrt of the country, called dealers, who do 
nothing but buy up articles, especially in the linen trade ; they 
purchase firom the poor workmen the cloth for the lowdH price 
possible> and sell it afterwards in other places at high pricfes. I 
often saw one of these petty tyrants with the pride of an elisterii 
despot reject the goods offered him, or deduct a trifle fi'oni the 
price asked, and from the wages of the labor. The poor Workmen 
Vt^te forced to part with dieir hard earnings for less than was their 
due, and to make up bv severe privations what they thus had lost. 
Such sights were what kindled the first spark of sensibility in my 
childish heart. Instead of being dazzled by the prosperi^ of tb^se 
persons, who lived and throve upon the crumbs taken from so naaojr 
hundreda of the starving workmen, and of being struck with aw»e by 
ih^ splcBdor, I was hlled with indignatioa against them. TW 
first time I heard of the death of a tyrant, the idea rose whhin me 
to become a Brutus against every oppressor of the poor ; for to 

Life of Heyne. ISP 

tttch foeinlgtl cenclBived^liiit M miserj of BSf.Jrtarviiig fainil|f vmi 
4Hi»h^. 1 ktve oftun sines bad^ccasibir to jeflilct^ tbaC it is bjp tirt 
i«lM'po»itioii of a kind prondeitce, tbat dbie vnhappy virretcbj wh« 
is«iuik'9ii jBtsorjr, is plactd ;in sttcb oircum8lancesas.|Mrt$erve kkn 
from, being dnvto to^e^ctreaiitiea, and plunging into GiiiOie ; tbat Hm 
^s»Tff\\n mstminsdi and hM fedtugs witfafaaM froBB vMancc. 
'; ^^ My good patents did for m^ wbs^ diey could, and ateC aie to a 
oomnaa actiool in tbe aubiittbs* Thi^e I was eoonaBodad for m 
^uiok apfrebcnaion of what ^aa tati^ty and for. an oager di^«Bi« 
tion to bfufii : My sehooImaMcr bad tvm aone^ .vrtio: W)a»a.r|luriiei 
from th* University of lieipsig. . Tbey wem.corripi aild'iiugruii& 
cipkd. young meo, and took gtl^ fiAm te midaad Ima. - They 
nnde^y life.miserable, 4iy jEotnS^pam aakl ill-(lreatidg me^ becanse I 
fefttsed to nnke in iieir acfaaraea /«f4Jopraviiy. Wheo I was tint 
te^ years old, I. had -begiaato iMtnict tiwchiM :of one of our neigb^ 
Imnmts in readily and wittnn^ in order to earn tbe money, wliirii 1 
biid to pay to Mjr. adipolniastnr. Tbe conineiod inatruttson that wai 
gtfveo in iho adiaal «oon left m^ nothing loldam ; and if I wanted 
lo begin X«lin^ I hiid to talfe private lessons, TJin waa to be at 
aD^«sli» 'expeiise of two^pfence a week, whiek m'j paMirta couM not 
nSml. Fora long.taaae ibis was a source <3f grief to naet I had a 
godfather who was a wealthy baker, and half-brother to lay aaatbor. 
One Saturday I Wlis sent to him to fetch a kmf* With weeping 
eyes I entered hie haaise« Being asked by hno tjbe cause of my 
sorrow, I atteaq>ted to answer ; but a Aood af tears borst f ortb^ and 
i could with ^iiicuhytexplaitt the cauaa of v asy ' afflietion« « My 
generous godfather differed to pay the weekly .two«^pence tot 4Ma; 
isapositig itas a cohditiai^ that I shook! come tot him etery Stindliy^ 
and say to him^ by ibeart, the lesson froaa th^ goipel. • .This . Was 
atibaequeiitly of advantage to ma; I exercised ray memory, and 
learnt to deliver myself without diffivleacei Intoxicftted with.jojr,! 
ran with my loaf, toased it repeatedly in the air, and, barefoarted as 
1 was^ leaped for pleasure^ In the midBt of these geaticulatioif^ toy 
loaf feilinto a .kennel; an^a^ident which restored me to neaaan* 
My motbeff was pleased with thd good tidings ; my father tess so* 
Thos a few years paased ; my master confirmed^ what I bad long 
known, tbat I could learn, nothing farther fh>ot him. The time 
was arrivedi whea I was to leave sdiool, and to adopt tbat mode of 
life wbkb my fomfothers bad followed. If dia anifiosr 'were wM 
by oppressions of many different ktnda deprived of the frvits : of 
his laborious industry, and of many advantages wfateh bekng to a 
good and useful citizen^ I aboaM say even no^ia-^ Would 1 bad coa« 
iMsued m tbe condition of my fetbera t How mack misory shimiU I 
hate escaped! lA^ father cooid' not but wiiht^bavo a son grovtni 
1^, vho ni%ht assist him in his bard work; aiid jNirceived my^ dis 

140 Life of Hetjnt. 

inclination with great displeasnre. I, on the contrary^ iiished to go 
to the public Latin school. For this^ means were absolntdi 
wanting. Whence was the money to be paid every quarter — ebout 
half a crown f whence were the books, and a blue gowo, or cloak| 
which the school-boys were obliged to wear, to be taken i How 
anxiously were my eyes often ^xed upon the walls of the school^ 
as I passed them ! A certain clergyman, who was minister in the 
suburbs^ was my second godfather. My schoolmaster, who «t the 
same time was clerk of his parish, had mentioned ma to him; 1 
was desired to wait upon him, and after a short examinatiooi 
received from him the assurance, that I should go to the .Tom- 
school, and that he would bear the expense. Who can conceiTe 
the happiness which I, at that moment, experienced? I was stat 
to the master of the school, examined, and placed in the secoo^ 
form. Being naturally of a weak constitution, depressed, by 
misery and sorrow, deprived of the cheerful enjoyments of child- 
hood and early life, I had remained low and small of stature. My 
school-fellows judged me by appearance, and entertained ft meaa 
opinion of me. It was only by the proofs which I gave of my 
application and industry, and the praise I obtained, that they were 
induced to consider me as one of their number. But my applica^ 
tion and attention met witli every discouragement. Of what nqr 
godfather, the clergyman, had promised, he kept so much, that be 
paid the quarterly money for schooling, provided me with a coane 
gown, and gave me a few useless books, which he had in bis .coUec 
tion ; but to purchase the school-books forme, he would not coil* 
sent. I was, therefore, under the necessity to borrow them firoai 
my sphool-fellows, and every day to copy them before the les80B« 
But, in lieu of this, the good man was inclined to take a part in 
my instruction, and gave me, from tim^ to time, a few lessons in 
Latin. He had learnt in his youth to make Latin verses ; hence^ 
as soon as we had done with Erasmus de civilitate morum, I was 
initiated in Latin versification : all this was done, before I bad 
read any author, or acquired any supply of words. The ffentla^ 
man was violent and severe, and in every - respect formidable* 
Being possessed of a very moderate income, he was accused of 
avarice : he had all the unbending caprice of an old bachelor, and 
the vanity of pretending to be a good Latin scholar ; and, what was 
more important, a good versifier, and consequently a learned 
clergyman. All these qualities of my protector contributed to 
destroy in the bud every enjoyment of happiness in my early youtb* 
He himself had no susceptibility for any other gratification, than 
that of his avarice or his vanity : no indulgence, or forbearance^ no 
kind and benevolent treatment, no praise and approbation, weie 
tQ be expected from him> even when I had scanned averse correctly* 

Life of Heyne. 141 

If he had but taken up a classic! But he had not such a book. 
Some wretclied compilatioos of extracts, collections of epigrams, 
aod some spiritual poets, from ^vhich he dictated verses to mej, 
which I was to alter, paraphrase, and turn into a different metre, 
was all hts library afforded. By all this neither the taste nor the 
understanding conid be benefited. But the case was aggravated, 
when in process of time he thought himself inspired by Apollo, and 
composed, verses, from whieh I was to learn prosody, which to him 
was synonymous with poetry. These temptations of the demon 
of versification b^gan on occasion of the birth-day of the head master 
of the Jiatin Town-school. It was customary for the first boys of 
the ^hool, to offer their congratulation either in German or Latin 
verses, which were transcribed and collected lii a clean and neat 
copy-book. Here it was that my godfether intended to shine> and 
Latin verses were made at my expense, which were to pass for 
my work. My vexation was mcreased by the general knowledge 
that the verHes were not of my manufacture. These mortificatioAs, 
however, stimulated me to use every exertion, in order to convince 
my godfkther, that 1 could make verses myself; of this I gave hiih 
a proof, on his own birth-day ; the first time that his proud and 
stem countenance relaxed to a smile. But by this specimen of my 
efforts I had laid the foundation for the most troublesoqie deniands 
that were to be made upon me ; for congratulatory poems were 
now expected upon every occasion, even on the calendar-day of his 
name, which was Sebastian, and always considered by him as a day 
of great importance ; and not poems of ten or twenty lines, but of 
some hundreds, and in every variety of metre. Subjects of the 
most diversified nature, such as no man ever attempted to treat of 
in verse, were imposed upon me ; and thus I obtained the permis* 
sion to compose the congratulations to the masters of the school 
myself: they were, however, to be submitted to a strict revision 
and correction, under which operation they sometimes lost part of 
their fluency, and sometimes also of their sense. The instruction 
I received in school was not much better. It was carried on 
according to an old pedantic method, and consisted in saying 
Latin words from the vocabulary by heart, in construing, and doing 
exercises: all without enlightening the mind. As I had the faculty 
of rather a quick apprehension, I was commended for learning well, 
and some of my masters entertained a favorable opinion of me. I 
should, however, by this road, have arrived at perfect stupidity, if 9 
particular incident had not roused me from my lethargy. There 
were, at certain periods, public examinations at school : at one of 
these the superior clergyman of the town, who was, at the same 
time, the first governor of the school, was present. This gentle- 
plan, a reverend doctor, and in his days esteemed, a learned diviue| 

143 Life of Hejftie. 

interrupted the matter^ while he i»«8 teerfiii^ or «XEaiiiing iht 
hoyc, uid tt .oQce proposed this qqettioD— Whicli of tho- tckoltA 
could turn the word Jutfria inta «a apt attagram ? The id^ Im 
suggested, by the eircunstaficeH of the tinea, fl(^ the firet BUnrin 
war between Aiutria aod Prussia, in which S#xoiij look paii 
against Austria^ had just tbeu^brcken out; aud iu tem« fmwnfftfm 
^ pret^ aaagfam had appeared^ None of the bojs knmr- wliat m 
aaegraiii waa: the master himself looked confused vittd,- 
aoiwtfr W4tt madci^ he begaq to detail wh^t was meHnv hy waft mm_ 
gRim. I sat down iounediatdy to try at the propoe«4 queetiott) 
tnd it was . not long before <I. ojGTer^d .what 1 hidi £e»ad 
Vmituri* This was different from what had been pot in the 
ptq^^r : 4>ut the greateir was the surprise of the reverenil dodoi^ 
especially, wiien he faw before him, a little boy from the low«t 
bench of the second form. He smiled upon me with •^robaties^ 
aud loudly praised my ingenuity ; but .at the same time be aet si 
uoy school-fellows, by reproving them severely for beag 
outdone by one of the lowest boys in the second form. Jfi >ahesli 
this pedantic adventure gave the first ogccasion io tJhe devehopemaal 
of my faculties. I b^an to have some coufideuce in mjruiiifj. ani 
not to be overwhelmed by the contempt and oppresams^ 
which, I languished^ This £rst effort of my mind, whidi; 
was still extremely feeble, was by ^onae.codudeied ae ptidsi mi 
arcogancey aud drew upou me many niortificaiioas. Meanwliile'aDy 
application was kept on the stsetch^ however ill diredmb .and 
prevented me from associating myuch with my 8cbool-fiewfrs<; 
among. whom,. as. ibey werei mostly of . low extraction^: aadtnd 
education, rude, vulgar, aud impcoper manners were genoBdi^ 
pcevalept. This is tbQ case with schools of tiiat description, wheal, 
youth. aa?e lAerely taught as day-schelavs, and are under no farthet 
control Imd. direction. * What I gained at school, was s4m#il 
ebtively confined to words from the vocabulary, and to pliaaasat 
The Greek did not speed better than the Latin. The New Teala* 
ment, and Plutarch's treatise on education, was all wo knew- of 
Greek hooks*. Having no books, I waa obliged to tran^niht ior 
my use my daily task ; ^nd to borrow a granunar, which was Aaft 
of Weller. I bad^ besides, from my godfather, i^nser's Z«avaeo« m 
Netmrn Teitumwi^m^ which happened to be in his colleetion. t 
nevettheless made such progress in Gneek, that I wrote Greek 
pnose exercises, Greek verses, and was at last able to write 4iywB 
er tempore f in Greek prose, and successively even in Greek iteme^ 
wiiat was diciated^ and even the theme aud subject of sormona in 
church. When X rose into the first class, I became ^cquaiatsd 
widi some of the classic authors. Our head master, Mr^ Hager, 
who had himself published an ediUon,of Hqmer^ besides the jchool 

Life of Heyne. 143 

bour«, gave some private les3ons, in 'which he expQunded soRie of 
the books of thai poet. But that hoQint imm did not sacceed 
much in his instruction: he was himself defici^t in the elemenU. 
This waff Qf great disadvantage to me; for 1 imagined that I inight 
look down upon him» paid no attendooy acquired no taste for 
Homer, read no one author throiigh ; and when I was to l^ve 
school, I was ^most entirely a stranger to v^hat ia properly caUtd 
classical learning. Of Iays I ha4 wy read a few chapters, and I 
had no complete notion of any one ai^thor, much less of classical 
literature in general. Of the other branches of kaowledgQi such 
as histpry> and geography,. I waa quite ignorant. In th^ las^ year, 
however, before I left school, I obtained some faint id^siof :a b!attap 
mode of study. Mr. Krebs, a pupil of Ernesti, came, to Cb4»i9H 
nitz as assistant master to the school. His information apd l^now-* 
ledge were of a very different description from that to which we 
had been used before. This gentleman topk notice of mei, and I 
waa so fortunate as to be admitted into a Qreek private l^syon, Vk 
which the Ajax of Sophocles was explaiaisd. I now, at .leaat^ 
obtdn^d some better notions of interpretation, and of what io 
properly called scholarship. Had I been in more fortunate circum** 
atances, and could have fairther profited by his instruction, I shoiild ' « 
have obtained a better introduction to the classics. JButevery-^ 
where I saw myself impeded and thwarted. The perveri^e m^Afa 
of treatment, which 1 esRperiqnced from the old clergyman, tiM 
dissatisfaction of my parents, especially of my father, who couk^ 
not succeed in h^ line of business, and yet chf^risbed. the thought 
that if I had continued in bis occupation J might now prove a. 
support to him in.qra^iii|g his livelihood; extreme indigence; and 
a consciouanees of viferiority, d^not suffer any comfortable ideil or 
satisfactory feeling to rise yvithii^ me. A timid, shy, and awkward 
demeanour was calculated still more to disfiigvre my outward appear-' 
ance. But where Htfis I to learn manners and address, wh^re to ac- 
quire a right way of thinking, and the necessary cultivation both of 
mind and heart ? Yet 1 felt a desire of atniggling with my fortune. 
A sense, of honor, a wish for improvement^ a solicitude to. raiae my- 
self above my low fortune, incessantly attended me : but without a 
guide to direct them, those feejlings only l^d to scorn, misanthropy, 
and rudeness. At laat, a situation presented itself, in which I httd> 
a chance of being a little, civilised. One of the aldermen of the. 
town had taken two children of a relation iuto hisi house, for the. 
pur{>p9e of educating them, a boy and a girl, bpth nesirly of my age.. 
A companion was wanted to read with the buy ; and I was propoe^ 
ed. This attendance brought me in a florin a month, which ser.ved 
to secure me, in some degree, jsgainst the displ^sure of my family. 
1 had hitherto often been obliged to assist in their work,, th^t.l. 

144 Life of IJcyne. 

might not hear the reproach that I wanted to eat their breifd for 
nothing. Rj means of some other lessons, >vhich I gave, I was 
enabled to purchase oil for my lamp, and raiment for my body. I 
}(ad it even in my power to give part of my earnings to my father; 
and thus my condition became somewhat more easy. But I Imd 
now also the advantage of frequently seeing persons of a better 
education. 1 obtained the good-will of the family^ and ^as per* 
mitted to live with them^ even when I was not engaged with mj . 
pupil. This conversation gave me some polish, enlarged my' no- 
tions, and improved my exterior. 

. ** It wa^ not- long bdbre I conceived a passionate attacfamept for 
the sister of my V>ap]l, which made me feel most acutely the pres- 
sure of my fate, that hajl placed me in a s'ituation of povertjr. Bat 
I was not weighed 'clown by despondency. Pleasing* dreadfik of a 
possibility that I might, at some future time, still become possessed 
of the beloved object, diverted me from the contemplation of the 
present impossibility to make an impression on the young lady's 
heart ; and I succeeded in obtaining hers, and her mother's friemi- 
ship. 1 committed numberless follies, such as belong to a lover \ 
one of which was, that I became a poet. But as 1 had no one to 
guide and correct me> and as no good poet fell into my blinds, 1 
c^nld become nothing but a bad poet. How far we were at Chem- 
iiits removed from any just nation of taste, I will adduce some 
examples. It was the custom at our school, that every year soane 

Slays were acted. They were generally comedies of Chris tiaa 
k^eiase, in German: but once a Latin drama was representedj 
intitled Kunz von Kaufungen, or the capture of the Saxon Princes. 
Ibe number of the dramatis persona? was very small, and, in order 
to provide several of my school-fellows with parts, I added, widf 
the sanction of .the master, a sixth act, in which double the number 
were introduced, and among them many robbers, who were all^ 
executed. This play was written in Iambics; but my addition; was 
in prose. Another time I acted Fame, with a trumpet in my hand : 
behind the scenes was placed a trumpeter, who was to sound, while 
1 represented the goddess. This man stopped once, and I very pro- 
perly tpok down my trumpet : but when he resumed his music, V 
forgot to put my instrument to my lips, keeping it quietly in my 
hand. All this gave no offence. A steeple of the town I'lad been 
struck by lightning, and burnt : and when a new one was Ifuilt, and 
adorned, . as is usual, with a ball upon its summit, I was, at the 
suggestion of my master, honored by the senate, or court of alder*" 
men, with the confiifand of writing a Lalm inscription, which \ivas 
to be deposited in the ball. It began, Sta viator ! and witholut 
any notice of the absurdity, tlie inscription was thus preserved in 
tUe ball, for the edification of posterity. 

L^e of He^ne. 145 

'' The dnie approachedli fwhen I was to go to Ihe UBifersity df 
Ldpzig. But whence w<ere the meatis to 6e ^lecived f 4J1 oiy 
hoipes rested ii|>on tUb. old clergy man. Promisea were not wanting 
on bis paij^; but one day passed after another, the hour of departure 
arrived, and I obtained nothing. He committed me to the care dF 
his assistant, or curate^ who was going to Leipzig ; and this was dK 
.With gr^t anguish I quitted my native place, and that hoUse, in 
which I nad received more kindness than a mere wretched existence. 
I was in hopes that I should know more of my patron's intentions, 
when I had reached Leipzig. But how forsaken and desolate *did 
I fe§i myself, wh^n my companion, upon leaving me, told m^ that 
Jie had received nothing for me from the old clergyman. My whole 
atook of money consisted of about two florins. I was, in oilier 
respects, badly equipped ; books I had none. Worn out by previ- 
ous affliction, I. fell sick; but nature overcame the disorder, 
though it left me in a state of melancholy dejection, I lived in the 
wpame apartment widi the brother of ^my fonrter master, Mn Krebs, 
This, gentleman, like his brother, was a pupil of Emesti, and by 
him 1 was introduced to the lectures of diis celebrated professor; 
. through his kindness, I also occasionally obtained a book. As to 
any plan in my studies, I had none ; 1 did not know what lectures 
to frequent. Jt<)r it, had not even been setded what line I was to 
follow. The old deigyman bad destined me for the church ; and 
as I still hoped for his support, I did not oppose that expeotatioii. 
I^. last he sent me a few dollars ; but what he sent was very ia- 
aufficient to pay fcnr what I owed, and was only obtained by a great 
deal Qf solicitation. If I ventured to renew my application, 1 
received letters fpU of bitter reproaches ; aad die unfe^ng man 
twent so far in his harshness, as to put on the direction of the l^ttr 
some disgraceful efuthet to mortify me. One of those diredsons, 
for example, was written in this nsanner : i M, Heyne, E^uMant 
jfiigligaU, i J^ipzig.^ In this mimner I fell into circumstances, 
in which I became a prey to despair : being educated without 
^xed princ^ilcs, with a character entirdv unformed, vriAiNit a 
friend,. a g<iude, or adviser, I cannot, at this moniieBt,imderitand, 
^ow 1 could possibly endure so helpless a condition. What uigM 
pne on in the world, was not ambition, or a youthfid imaginatioa^ 
jor wishs that I mig^tooe day be ranked among the learned. I was 
incessantly haunted by the painful conseaousness of my foriom 
situation, of the want of a ^ood eduration and manners, and of my 
S^wkward behaviour in social intercourse. That vnhusfa operated 
most stroi^y upon me was a s^t of de fi— to against my 


' This is added fiom a note of Mr. Heeren. 


i46 Life of Heijne. 

ill fortune. This gave me courage not to yield; but fa risk 
every thing in the struggle against adversity. I niety-in thesi 
difficulties^ with one compassionate soul, the poor raaid-serfan^ 
who waited upon the persons in the house. She kud outlier 
money for the necessaries I wanted, and paid for my daily breads 
risking all she had in order to prevent me from starving. OIH 
could I find thee now, stiil in this world, thou kind and compas- 
sionate soul, that I might compensate thee for what thou didst fbr 
me ! It was towards the end of the first year of my stay at Leipzig 
that I was introduced to Professor Christ. As bis lectures were 
not much attended, it was easy to find admittance. This gentlemtn 
had some taste for elegance : my exterior was not calculated to 
' recommend me ; but he nevertheless allowed me to call upon hint. 
He would sometimes converse with me, and give me some lessons 
. on social subjects, at others supply me witii a boo|(, and permit 
' me to sit in one of his apartments. I became sensiUe that I 
wanted plan and method : he encouraged me to foHow the example 
of Scaliger, and to read the ancients in succession, so as to begin 
with the earliest authors, and thus to proceed downward* Hero^ 
dotus was the firs^ that was taken in hand. How little such a plan 
of reading is suited to the course of studies which ought to be 
followed at a university is evident. I pursued it, however^ for a 
considerable time, as far as I had an opportunity of borrowing the 
books that were necessary ; but so irrational was my zeal in 
reading, that for more than six months I allowed myself only two 
nights in the week to sleep, till at last I fell into a fever, from 
which I recovered with some difficulty. The lectures of Mr. 
Christ were a tissue of eccentricities of every kind, interspersed 
occasionally with excellent observations. I frequently needeuj odjr 
a few ideas that were thrown out in order to carry on the train. 
The case was widely different with Professor Ernesti, whose well- 

{>roportioned conciseness, accuracy, and method, observed- in his 
ectures, attracted me more and more. In the other lectures which 
• I attended, no sort of plan was to be discerned. - 1 frequented the 
philosophical lectures of Winkler, though I had not money to pay 
for them. The conduct prevalent there among 'the youiig men was 
so noisy and rude, and kept under so little restraint, that I waa 
disgusted, and staid away : but the beadle was sent to me some 
time after for the money, and 1 was compelled to find means of 
satisfying the demand. My distress in the mean time rose to the 
highest degree. I failed in every attempt to obtain some of diose 
supports which are furnished to poor students;. I never succeeded 
in procuring what is termed a free table, or an exhibition. The 
old clergymata left me for more than half a year without assistance ; 
he promised at last to come himself, but having come, he retiifned 

Life of Heyne. ,-^47 

MiUiout leaviDg me the smallest trifle. Tliis expectaiion, %vbick 
Jiad been so long anxiously entertained^ and was followed by dis- 
appointment^ entirely ovfsrcanie me : full of despair^ I sought for 
death, l^could heldom procure a meal, and frequently, had not so 
much as a half-penny's worth of bread for my dinner. In this 
situation, calculated to annihilate every remains of spirit and energy, 
I was one Sunday sent for by Professor Christ: he proposed to 
xne the place of a tutor in the family of a Mr. Haseler, in the 
country of Magdeburg. This prospect, though it could not but 
appear very fortunate in some respects, embarrassed and depressed 
me in others, I had not been two years at Leipzig, and could iiairdly 
consider my studies as begun, much less as ended. I saw that £ 
.was ruined for ever by so imperfect a state of my knowledge. Jy^ 
jigitating conflict arose in my mind which kept me in suspense for 
several days ; and to this momient I caimot comprehend whence 1 
.took courage to decide, that I would refuse the offer, and pursue 
my career at Leipzig.' Several weeks elapsed, and. I was often 
assailed by regret, when Emesti sent for me, and offered me the 
situation of a tutor in the family of a French merchant at Leipzig.'' 
Here ends the original narrative, and I shall now continue the 
history from other data. The French family alluded to was that 
of a M. Sechehaie. He accepted the proposal, but continued in 
that situation only a short time : his circumstances were not 
ameliorated, and he frequently endured the greatest distress. His 
resources were some lessons, which he gave to different persons, 
l)ut which were not sufficient to prpcure.for him a. comfortable, or 
even a tolerable existence. After having passed his time hitherto 
in general studies, it was necessary to fix upon some profession by 
.which he was to gain his future livelihood ; and he chose the law. 
Though he was by no naeans negligent in this pursuit, yet his mind 
.was not exactly adapted to it ; it was already too much imbued 
Mfith a love for classical literature to acquiesce readily in the com- 

Saratively. barren and uninteresting employment of .a. lawyer. . He 
ad, however, the good fortune of meeting vrith a very intelligent 
instructor, one of tbs law-professors, Mr. Bach ; and from him he 
derived much useful knowledge of the ancient Roman law, which 
be found subsequently of great advantage in his studies of antiquity : 
but when the time arrived that he was to close bis career as a 
student, and enter practically upon some mode of life, his. embar- 
rassment was . great. He had to i^ake his election between the 

.. I ■ ' ■ 

< Mr. Heeren remarks on this passage, that Heyne always retained a dift« 
like to the situation of a tutor, and scarcely ever advised any person to enter 
it, unless compelled by necessity. 1 kaow this also frofip my owninl^r- 
course with him. t 

148 Lift of Heyne. 

Bituation of an advocate or attorney, and a private lecture^ in the 
tiniverBity ; the latter with a view to be at some future time wf^ 
pointed to a professorship. But neither of these prospcMcts was 
satlsfiictory. In the mean while, distress and want cootiniied to 
press upon him, and he seemed to be shut out from eyeiy hope^ 
when a trifling occurrence threw a faint gleam upon liis despda- 
dency. The clergyman of the French protestant church at Leip- 
ziff, with whom Heyne had been acquainted, died, and Hejue wrote \ 
a Latin elegy, in which he expressed his grief at die loM of Us 
friend, and the sentiments of regard which he entertained for him. 
This elegy was not intended for publication, but being read bj 
many friends, it became more generally known, and the members 
of the French church wishing to honour the memory of their mint- 
ter, ordered it to be printed in a very handsome manner. It h^h 
pened that it fell under the eye of the powerful prime miniater of 
Saxony, (Count Briihl,) who, being an admirer of wbatever-was 
splendid, and at the same time a collector of books and litenujf 
pioduetions, was attracted by the fine typography of the e]^7,ttd 
condescended to enquire after the author ; he even expressed a 
wish to know him, and to take him into his service. The Ibrtme 
of the young man now seemed to be certain, since that powerfid 
minister, to whose influence every thing in the country was snk 
ject, had deigned to take notice of him. There wasaot a firiebdof 
Heyne who did not advise him to remove from Leipzig to P rea fa a, 
and cultivate the patronage of that great mair. He arrived in die 
latter town on the 14th of April, and had soon after die good foi^ 
tune of being presented to Count firiihl, who received him cmStf, 
but dismissed him urith general and vague promises. This %8ft 
the first time he had had an opportunity of approaching what is 
called a great man, and it does not seem to have left a favoinabk 
impression on his mind. Nothing proceeded from the |WirMiiiMii 
^th which he had been flattered, and he was again entirely dirown 
itpon his own resources. Destitute of friends, money, or creifil^ 
inaalrange^place, he was again assailed by distress and miaeiy: 
for a fittle time he warded them off by a temporary appoimaMUt 
as tutor t6 a young Saxon nobleman ; but this connexion did not 
last long. After having sold whatever he could spare, he actudly 
•suffered hunger, and was not unfrequently reduced to die necessity 
of collecting pea-shells that had been thrown away in order to bed! 
them for a meal. He had Ho lodging ; and wh«i a yolM^ mfn 
who had known him at Leipzig allowed Inm to share his-apartaasn^ 
be was obliged, for want of a bed, to sleep on the floor, havit^ 
nothing but a few books for his pillow. Thus he dragged on his 
^stentoe till towards the autumn of the year 1 758, when, after 
much solicitatbn, he at last succeeded in obtaining the Kppoiil^ 

hift of Heyne. I49 

oient of a clerk in Count Briihl's library^ with a salary ctf about 
18 or 19 pounds sterling (100 rtxdollars) per annum. On this 
pittance it was impossible to subsist, and every sort of expedient 
was necessarily resorted to to alleviate tm^ressing wants to which 
he was from time to time exposed. AJlfi^g them was that of be- 
coming author. He conunenced with li^nslating, and his first 
essay was the version of a French novel (Le Soldat parvenu) into 
German, for which he got about four pounds. 
. In the same year (1755) he published a German translation of 
the Greek novel of Charitoni which had, not m^y years before, 
been edited by Dorville. His mind, recovering by such employ* 
ment its natural elasticity, soon fixed upon oth^r undertakings: in 
the field of classical literature. Necessity combined with incli* 
nation; and in the year 1755 appeared the first edition of his 
Tib^uUtis, dedicated to his supposed patron, Count Briihl.' The 
remuneration which, he received from the bookseller, for this work, 
scarcely amounted to twenty pounds. His taste for poetry had 
been chiefly formed by Emesti, and among the Latin poets there 
was none that charmed him more than Tibullus. This predilection 
be retained even in his advanced life. In this edition he. gave the 
first specimen of that pecuHarity which subsequently distinguished 
him so much from o^er editors and conmientators.' He took an 
enlightened and intelligent view of his author, which showed that it 
was not the object of classical learning merely to grovel among 
words, phrases, and grammatical subtleties ; but to understand the 
sense and meanipg, and to enter into the spirit of the writer, and 
justly to comprehend his thoughts and sentiments, as well as to feel 
and appreciate his beauties, was that to which the attention of a 
rational scholar ought to be principally directed. This >vas placing 
Ihe classics, and especially the poets, in a very difierent light from 
that in which the pedantry of many of bis predecessors ba^ con- 
* templated them. That edition, however, did not, at least in Ger- 
oiany, attract much notice, though, as wiU be seen hereafter, it had 
made elsewhere a great impression. The noble patron, to whom 
it was dedicated, did not deign to bestow upon it any mark of 
fiivor. Shortly after, he conceived the project of publishing an 
edition of Epictetus, which was suggested by a manuscript of that 
author, in the Electoral Library at Dresden : this manuscript he 
collated, and at the same time began eagerly to study the precepts 
of the Greek philosopher. Witlmit adopting the stoic sj^tem, he 
derived from its lessons, and the saliitory renyirks scattered through 


^ The title of this edition is, **Alhii 'RbulU^ qnm e±9tant^ CarmUa uopU 
eurii cattigatOf lUwiritmmo, Comiti de BruM itiKripU. ..Xi/MM, irSdh** 

150 Life of Ileyne, 

It, much excellent and useful instruction fur the practical pur- 
poses of life, which oflen proved beneficial in the hour of trial and 
difficulty. The edition 'Olade its appearance in the year 1756.' 
lliough he devoted himstrff chiefly to classical studies, he did not 
overlook modem literaftffe. He had some knowledge of the 
French and English languages, and read such authors of these 
nations as he met with iii tlic minister's library : among them were 
Montesquieu and Locke. 

It was about this time (in the year 1756)^ that he became ac- 
quainted with a man, then obscure and unknown, but whose literary 
fame afterwards attained the highest degree of admiration. This 
person was the celebrated John Winkelmann, \Tho, in no 
better circumstances than Heyne, was nevertheless, with an enter- 
prising mind^ meditating a journey to Italy^ in order to give scope 
to his ardent desire of searching the fields of antiquity. He fre- 
quently visited the library where Heyne Mras engaged, being tfa» 
in a course of reading preparatory to his journey. Heyne's sitn- 
ation, notwithstanding the exertions he had madC; was not essen- 
tially ameliorated, his means remaining inadequate even to a scanty 
subsistence: but now a public calamity threatened entirely to 
overwhelm liini : the war, afterwards known by the name of the 
Seven Years* War, broke out, and Saxony was invaded by a hostile 
army. As all the public resources became a prey to the invader,' 
those also, from which he derived his limited support, failed ^ his 
little salary ceased to be paid. In these embarrassments he for- 
tunately met with an offer to instruct a young gentleman of a noble 
family, and under this protection he was enabled for some time to. 
live. It was here that he first saw a young female, who lived as 
companion with the lady of the house, and who afterwards became 
his wife. Of this period of his life, which to him was always most 
interesting, we have again Heyne's own narrative, which I will hot 
hesitate to communicate in a translation. It begins wUh an' ae* 
count of the young person alluded to, whose name was -Mm 
Theresa Jfeiss : she was the daughter of a musician, belonging to 
the King of Poland's, or Elector of Saxony's, band, in Dresden. 
She had also experienced the vicissitudes of fortune, and at last 
found shelter with the noble lady of whom we have spoken^ 
Heyne then proceeds thus : 

** Already, in the year 1756, Saxony, and especially the edurt^ 
were reduced to great extremities. I found myself, being poor^i* 
and disappointed in my hopes and expectations, exposed to the 

' Under this title : *' Epicteti Enchiridion ; adJtdemCodd.MSS.cagtiMtaM 
Chr. O: Heyne. Upiuty 17^." •» w 

Life of, Heyne. 151 

most trying want, when the little salary, which I derived from my 
situation in Count Briihrs library, was withheld. From a proud 
and manly feeling,' I attempted for a long time every expedient, : 
which chance or my industry suggested, to relieve the most urgent 
necessities. It happened, that an employment presented . itself, r 
which, more than any other thing, served to sted my. spirit against > 
adversity ; I allude to the edition of Epictetus, which appeared - 
this year (1756) : it removed the pressure of immediate distress, as 
Tibullus had done the year before, and soothed the hardship of my 
circumstances. Mr. Rabner (a well-known author in Germany) 
happened to know me; and being requested to recommend a 
person to a young gentleman, who had just left school, as tutor or 
preceptor, proposed me : I acquiesced in the proposal, 
did not suit my inclination ; but die prospect of the times, under the 
probability of a continued war, was so discouraging, that 1 had not 
the resolution to decline the offer. It was on the 10th of October, 
1757, that I first entered the house of Sch6nberg. What a crowd 
of misfortunes was 1 yet destined to encounter! and at the same ■. 
time, how wonderfully was the fate of my future life determined by 
this step ! How could I have supposed that at that moment Provi- 
dence had fixed the lot of my happiness ! I was ushered into a 
room, where I found several ladies engaged in cheerful and friendly 
conversation. Madame de Sch6nberg (the sister of my intended 
pupil) had not been long married, but her husband happened. to be 
absent, and she was on the point of setting out to join him at 
Prague, where he was detained by business. Upon her countenance 
beamed the pure inuocence of youth ; in her eyes shone the soft 
and serene aspect of gladsome spring ; a smiling and lovely ex- 
pression marked every word she uttered; she appeared to be ona- 
of those pure and uncorrupted souls, which seem to have, come into 
the world unchanged from the hand of a kind Creator : the affection • 
which she bore to her brother, did not permit her to receive me, as 
a total stranger, with indifference. By her side stood another lady, 
tall and well made, with a countenance not marked, with reguUr 
features, but full of expression : her conversation, her looks, and 
every movement, inspired respect ; but respect of a different kind 
from that which is felt for rank and birth. Good sense and good 
feelings were manifested in all she said, and you forgot that you 
might have desired more beauty or more of the softer graces ; you- 
felt yourself attracted by something noble, something pensive and- 
serious, and by something decided and resolute, which appeared in 
her looks and deportment, and claimed your r^;ard and esteem. • 
Such was Theresa, who, at first sights inspired o^ with more diail' 
esteem. Her endeavours to relieve my embarrassment, occasioned 
by a sense of my lowliness, and to entertain me by her convertatipOir 

15a Life of Hej/ne. 

in the nudst of pcrtons among whom I was a total stranf^r, made 
a particular impression upon me. Her own heart renunded her 
how much the unfortunate stand in need of enoourageaient^ es- 
pedally when they approach those^ from whom they would Gfaiini 
protection. This kmdness of disposition, which repreaeoted her 
to ne as a consoling angel among her fellow-creaturet, filled me 
with regard and tenchmess towards her : she even becnoie my bene- 
factress; for twice 1 received money from an unknown ham^ 
which greatly relieved my circumstances. 1 began my duty wilb 
mv pupil on the 14th of October, and did not see her agaio till the 
foilowmg spring, when she returned with her friend from P^raguc ; 
but then also I oidy saw her once or twice, as she was goin|[» widi 
Madame de Schdoberg into the country, to a place in Upper 
Lusatia : my pupil and I were to follow in a few daya. I antid- 
pated with youthful joy the pleasures of a country life, the dnrms 
of which had hitherto formed many a happy dream. I. atiiU re- 
member the day of our departure, the 6th of May. The society 
of two women of minds so well formed and cultivated, who deserved 
to be Amked amoo^ the best of their sex, and the desire to obtun 
their esteem, contributed not a little to improve my character. 
Nature and religion were subjects of my daily meditation : I laid 
down rules and principles for tlie conduct of my life, of which I 
bad never thought before, and topics of this kind furnished matter 
for our conversation. The beauty of nature, and the retirement, 
which I enjoyed, exalted those feelings to a degree of imificent 
and pious enthusiasm. I was not aware that Theresa's friendshm 
for me had changed to the more ardent sentiments of love, tfaoun 
she was herself conscious of it. This cast a gloom or melancholy 
over her temper, which was naturally disposed to be grave and 
serious ; and the hours of conversation, which had been wont to be 
cheerful, frequently became thoughtful and solemn. I observed 
particularly that, when our conversation turned upon religion, her 
dejection encreased : 1 perceived that she was more assiduous in 
her devotion, and found her sometimes by herself weeping and 
praying with an unusual fervor. In the month, of November we 
returned to Dresden; but the dangers arising from the war oc- 
casioned a new separation ; for she left Dresden together with her 
iriend. My pupil was gone before to the university of Wittenberg, 
where his uncle, a colonel in the army, resided. I was thus for 
some time left to myself; it was then thought advisable that I yet 
shoold continue for a while with my pupil ; I therefore proceeded 
on the 1st of January to Wittenberg, where I passed a year, prose- 
cuting my studies, with greater advantage than I had done before. 
I particuhrly attended to Philosophy smd German history. Du- 
ring this time, a correspondence was kept up with TTberesa, which^ 

hift of Heyne. 15S 

on her part, liM ohem 'strongly tioctiired with ,«mhugiaMi 
melanclioly, As she had latdy lost, her mother. Id the first monthe 
of the ficdlowing year (1760) the troubles of the wavreDdkred our 
stay at WiHenheig uBsafe. We fied setcnd times into the eouatry, 
and thus escaped with cKfficulty from the bombardment of Witten* 
berg, of which we were near spectatorsi : that town being reduced 
to a heap of slones, mf pupil oould not return to it : he was seal 
to Erlengeu, thence to Gotting«i : I remained in Dresden. The« 
resa had retired with Madaa^e de Sch6nberg into Lusatia^ in 4>rde« 
fo avoid the approaching dangers of the war, and left her goods in 
my care, whidi 1 had accordingly conveyed to my lodgings. In 
tbe mean time, the Prussians advanced, and on the IBdiof J4i]y 
Dresden began to be bombarded. I passed several nights widt 
other persons in ikt ceUar ; in Ae day-time I staid in my room^ 
hearing the balls from the batteries wbizzmg by my window, as 
they swept through the streets*^ An indifference about dapger and 
about life had so entirely taken possession of me, that on the last 
day I kid myself down in my bed, and, overcome with weariness^ 
slept undisturbed, under the most ternbie noise, of balls and shells, 
till noon on the next day. When I awoke, I hastfly put on mv 
clothes, «nd ran down stairs,^ but found the whole house deserted* 
I returned to my room, and consider^ what was to be done^ 
whither to remove my effSscts, when a bomb fell with the most 
dreadful crash into the conrt-yard, destroying every thing around it, 
diough it caused no conflagration. The thought, that where one 
bonib had found its way others might follow, gave me wings ; I 
leapt down the stairs, and finding the door of the house locked, 
to my great embarrassment, entered one of the lower rooms, whieh 
happened to be open, and jmnped from the window into die street. 
The street, where 1 lived, was abandoned and desolate, but the 
great streets were crowded with people who were seeking thMf 
safety in flight. I ran along, while the balls were flying about me, 
through Castle-street, towards the bri^e^ then pasMd over the 
£lbe, to the New-town, from which the Frussians had been forced 
Id retire. I vras glad to rest myself in a house, upon the stones, 
and there passed a part of the night : I then went to see the awful 
spectacle of the bombardment, and of the burning town* At day* 
break, the Austrian guard at the gate opened the postmn to allow 
the fugitives to quit the town ; the insolent officer, who was on 
duty, called ns Ludietan dogs, and with this sslutation he gave every 
one who passed through the postern a slap or blow. I found my- 
aelf now m the open Seld ; but whith(sr to turn was the question. 
Havii^ hurried away from my habitation, in the urgency of tersoiv 
I had tahen nothing with me, not even a penny of money* I had 
merely, as I waa going, taken from the cellar where I was wont to 

154 lift of IJeyne. 

M88 tbe nighty and which belonged to an Italian, a fur cloak wbich 
I saw: lying there; this I flung about me, and walked with it on- 
one of the most sultry days across the heath on my way to .Sns- 
dorf, the place where Madame de Schdnberg was frith Theresa*. 
I walked in the greatest heat nearly 20 miles through a barren and 
desolate country, and at last accomplished my journey, by the 
assistance of a returning postillion, who allowed me to ride for 
some distance on one of his horses : the whole day I lieard the 
firing, to which unhappy Dresden was exposed, re-echoing from 
the mountains. Curiosity, on the part of the inhabitaots of 
iEnsdorf, at first seemed to render my visit very acceptable ; -but 
when 1 appeared in the characterof a helpless fugitive, who re- 
quired support and assistance, 1 perceived that my presence was 
likely to be considered as a burden, and I received no invitation to 
stay. After some days the opportunity of a conveyance, by means 
of a waggon, offered, and I took my leave, having been provided 
with some old linen. Poor llieresa suffered much at seeing me- 
thus treated ; but her excellent friend, Madame de Sch6nberg, had it 
not in her power to act towards me according to her own disposition. 
I now felt how unfortunate I was ; but I still bade defiance to my* 
ill-fortune, and began my journey. I stopt for a short time wilh^ 
a Madame de Fletscher, at Neustadt, on my way, and then availed 
myself of the first opportunity to return to Dresden : there remained 
a possibility that my habitation might have been preserved. .With 
a heavy heart, I saw Dresden ; and hastening to the place where 
my dwelling had stood, found it burnt to the ground.* I took 
shelter in die Briihl library, which was empty: a succession of 
misfortunes bad befallen the. valuable collection which it formerly 
contained. At the breaking out of the war, the best specimens oi 
old prints and the most valuable works. were secured in a subter- 
raneous vault ; the remainder of the> books was sent to Hambuqp 
in pledge for a sum of money that had. been borrowed.. Some 
chests of books were lost oh their passage down the Elbe,- otbers^ 
were Opened in the Prussian custom-Jiouses and the contents scat- 
tered. Through the vault some pipes were conducted, belonging 
to the artificial water- works. When Dresden was bombarded^ the 
building, which stood over the vault, was a particular mark for the 

^ Mr. Heeren remarks, that ^11 his effects aod papers, together with the 
property of Theresa, which had been entnisted tu him, were destroyed ^ 
all he nad collected for Epictetus and Tibullus was lost. This loss he 
seems to have very poisnantly regretted. Among his papers, at his d^th^ 
was found a memorandum written in pencil, on the 6th of August, -17eo^ 
under the pressure of calamity, in these words; ''My idols are. broken |. 
they are destroyed : Now I care for nothing in this world ! '^ 

lAft of Heyne. 155 

enemy's artillery ; and thus it happened that some of the water-- 
pipes were injured ; hence, when at the conclusion of the war, tlie 
books were to be brought out of the vault, it was found that they 
were almost dissolved by the water, and rotten. Another portion 
of the library bad been deposited in a certain strong built stone 
house. The very first shell fell into ibis buildhog, and the whole, 
with every thing in it, was consumed by the flames. In addition 
to all this, a personal mortification awaited me when I returned to: 
Dresden : my colleague ar^the library had been reprimanded by- 
the minister for having quitted Dresden at the approach of danger.' 
This person did not know how to free himself from this embarrass* 
ment but by filing the neglect of which he had been guilty, touching- 
the removal of the books, which were burnt, upon me ; and I was 
like to have been brought to a trial before a court of justice. 
The danger of war again approached Dresden in this year (1760): 
every body took to flight.' In the winter, however, Theresa re- 
turned to Dresden : she bore the loss of her property with forti- 
tude ; but to me it was eztremdiy painful, that I had not been able 
to preserve what was confided to my care. The agitations and 
sufferings, to which she had been exposed, at last overpowered her ; 
she fell into a serious illness, and the physicians gave her. over; 
she received the last sacraments, according to the rites of the 
RcniNHi church, and having fainted away, she was supposed to- 
be dead ; when, on a sudden, it was reported, that she had come ta 
life again. Her strong constitution had resisted. Her recovery 
was attended by the resolution to renounce the religion of her 
fathers. All representations which were made to divert her from 
her purpose were in vain ; no consideration could shake her reso- 
lution ; her hopes lay beyond the ^ave. She received instructionr 
in the tenets of the protestant religion, and made her confession oa 
the 30th of May, in one of the Lutheran churches. I was filled 
with respect and admiration at the tranquillity and firmness with 
which she executed her purpose, and still more at the courage with 
which slie bore the consequences of this step : she saw herself ex- 
cluded* fi-om her ikmily, abandoned by her acquaintances, and de-, 
prived of her property by the war. Her courage elevated my own 
aoul ; I fek myself animated by a sense of duty towards her. I 
bad imprudendy, in the first time of our acquaintance, by nay con- 
I'ersations, excited religious scruples in her mind : her passion for 
me had created in her a tendency to enthusiasm, and had at the 
same time contributed to her melancholy ; even the unacknowledged 
thought of being more closely united with me by the bond of the 
same religion had unconsciously influenced her. Under these im- 
pressions, I formed a determination, which ooold not fiiil to expose 
me to the censui^ of the world, that of uniting my fate with beii. 

136 lAft of Heyne. 


Our unkm took place at JEmdorf^ on die 4th of June, 1761. 
The generous support of soiDe kind friends, especially of Dr. Jah% 
and Madame de Sch6nbergy for some time made our aituatioa 
tolerable. Towards the end of August we returned, to Dresdaik 
AlaSy how many a day of anxiety and solicitude had we to pasal 
Our cares were increased by the birth of our first son, who beiag 
bom somewhat before his time, and in consequence very d el ica t Ci 
required incredible attention. An acquaintance, whidi I formad 
with a very worthy family, de L6ben, procured us some comfort ia 
the ensuing summer, and even some happy days. M. de LAbea, 
who was tdfterwards chamberlain to the king of Poland and diector 
qf Saxony, invited us to his country house, called Marwelador^ ia 
Upper Lusation, near Reichenbach. We set off in -Miiyy and Cft^ 
joyed the delights of spring with feelings the. more gratifying, 
because the pressure of immediate care was removed. But aoea 
the troubles of the war in Lusatia, and occurrences likewiae.of a 
private nature, recalled us to the reflection that, here on earth haa^ 
puiess must not be expected to be of long continuance. Aa wa 
scenes of war came nearer, the L6ben family left the countrjt. 
The plate and valuables were concealed in one of the roomc^ and 
the care of the house and the household was entrusted to .na^ b]^ 
which means I acquired some notions of the management of d6- 
mestic concerns. In this situation we were alarmed by a visit finooi 
some Cossacks (or, as we afterwards learnt, some Pniaaians in &• 
guise) : after having entered the cellars, they became intoxicated^ 
and were proceeding to plunder the house. They pursued me^ wai 
I fled np stairs, and seeing no room open but that where my vrife 
was with her infant, I entered it. She placed herself, with the diiU 
in her arms, courageously in th^ door, and opposed die robbera.: 
this presence of mind saved me, and the treasure that was hiddea 
ib the apartment. In the middle of November we came back ta 
Dresden, wiAout any prospect 

I had now passed some years, almost without any booka by 
which I could have enlarged my knowledge or learnings or evM 
have maintained it. Mr. Lippert charged me with the oon4M>8itio0 
of the Latin text to the third thousand of his copies, or mcMlela, of 
ancient gems. I gained by this employment a hundred rixdoUan 
(about 17 pounds): bqt I bad some trouble to regain a faeility ol 
writing Latin. After my return to Dresden, I heard that enquiiy 
had been made after me from Hanover : 1 did not know vfijL 
But in December, the question was proposed to me, whether I 
should be inclined to go to Gottingen, and accept the situation df 
Professor of classical literature, which had been vacated by Hm 
death of Gesner. i honestly wrote, in my answer to the Piiaiq 
Mmist^r of Hanover, Baron de Miinchhausen, that n\v studiea 

Lifr of Heyne. 157 

had been extrettidv interrupted, but that I lioped I m^ht soon re- 
cover what I had lost ; and if lie ivouM be satisfied with this assit- 
mnce on my part, i would come. On the 1 4th of Februarjf 1 re- 
ceived the officid appointment from Hanover; and on the 14th of 
March my dismission from Count Briihl*" 

Thiis that active and useful career was opened to Heyne, in 
which he rendered such emineiit services, not only to the country 
ta which he was called, but to every part of Europe,, where an- 
cient literature and classical knotiledge were cultivated. For it is 
not to' be doubted that his writings, which were produced at Got- 
tingen, not less than the numerous pupils he trained up in his 
school, had a very extensive influence upon those studies. It is 
M'orth while to relate the circumstances which occasioned Heyne's 
removal to Giitlingen. The professorship of classical literature, 
and the office of first librarian, had been filled by the celebrated 
Matthias Gresner; and when he died (August 4, 1761)9 the go- 
vernment was loddng out for a scholar, who might be worthy t^ 
succeed him. For it is the practice at the German universities, 
where the instruction depends chiefly on the lectures, which are 
delivered, to select the most able men that can be found, for the 
several professorships ; and there is a competition between the dif- 
ferent governments to draw to their respective universities the most 
distinguished individuals, to fill those situations. The celebrity of a 
university, and the prosperity, which it attains, fi^om a great num- 
ber of students, sometimes is attributable to the fame of two or 
three eminent men. It is, dierefore, an object of ambition as well 
as of policy to the governments, to excel others, by the possession 
of such pei^ons : and to the learned it is an essential advanta^^e, as 
in this manner their value is duly appreciated, and dieir merits re- 
warded. There is. frequently a sort of bidding for such an indi- 
vidual, and the government that offers the best remuneration, is, 
of course, likely to gain him. It is rarely, tbat^ interest or fityor 

2 cures a professorship, where qualifications alone are looked to : 
d by this means those places ar^ occupied by efficient men, whp 
fiiirly earn their sdaries, and render usefu} services to the stat^. 
The Minister Miindihausen, who felt an anxious interest for the 
tmiversity, of Which he had himself been the founder, and from 
his fodteriojg care knight be called the father, speculated upon a 
man, who might prove an ornament to that institution. He.corj- 
aiilted Emesti, who not knowing any person in Germany answer- 
ing, in his opinion, to the description that was wanted, recom- 
mended Rhunkenius at Leiden, or Saxe at Utrecht. The Minis- 
ter ordered the offer to be made to the former, but Rhunkenius, 
thougli a native of Germany, finding hiqiself satisfactorily e«U|- 
hiished in Hollfind, was unwilling to leaVe his adopted countiy* 

.158 Life of Heyne. 

After dediniiig the offer, he proceeded, in his aoswer^ in this mai- 
ner: *^ Why do you look out of your country, for what yov 
country amply affords i Why do you not fix upon Christian G«tt- 
lob Heyne, as successor to Gesner; a man of superior talentt, and 
brought up in the school of Emesti, who has shovu> by his edi- 
tion of Tibullus, his knowledge of Latin literature, and, by that 
of Epictetus, his skill in the Greek. This is, in my opinion, aad 
in the opinion of our illustrious Hemsterhuis, the only man who 
can supply the loss, which you have sustained by Geaner^a deakk. 
And let it not be said, that Heyne's fame is as yet not sufficientlj 
great and splendid. There is in this man, believe me, auch a fund 
of genius and knowledge, that in a short time the whole of civilized 
Europe will resound with his praises.'' ' Such were, the senti- 
ments of the great Rhunkenius concerning Heyne, even at tint 
time, when he had scarcely begun to develope his powers, lie 
minister trusted in ihis judgment, and requested Emesti to make 
proposals to Heyne. E!rnesti was somewhat surprised at seeing so 
obscure an individual selected ; for he had not estimated faia merits 
with so true an eye as Rhunkenius: but he immediately . made in- 
quiry after him, and negotiations were set on foot. The tenm 
were adjusted ; and the appointment being approved by his pra* 
seat majesty, as sovereign of . Hanover, his nomination was offi- 
cially made known to the university, by a rescript from HanoWi 
dated March $4, 1763, of which a copy was transmitted to Heyne; 
and he arrived at Gottingen on the 29th of June, in the same year. 
The title of the Professorship, which was conferred upon hifD, 
was that of eloquence and poetry {eloquentia et pcfMeas) ; but was 
in fact what we should call that of classical literature, though it 
also imposed upon him the functions of public orator to .the unive^ 
sity. Besides the professorship, the office of first Hbrarian was 
<]estined for him. lliis charge had, after Gesner's death, been 

' The letter of Rhunkenius, which was addressed to a Mr. Jung, of Han- 
over, whom Miinchhausen had appointed to manage this coirespondeiicey 
is so remarkable, that I will transcribe the passage above in the origiml 
words. The whole letter was written in Latin, at that time the most gen^ 
ral instrument of communication between the learned. ^* Sed quid eat quod 
extra patriam quaeratis, cujus patria copiam prsebet? Cur non Uresnero ai^ 
cessorem datis Christianum Gottlob Heyniumy Ernestinse disciplinae alum- 
num, excellenti virum ingenio, qui quanta Latinarum literarum pnedin^ 
sit scientia, cdito TibuIIo, quanta Graicarum, cdito Epicteto ostendit. Hie 
mea et liemsterhusii roS vd^v sententia unus est, qui jacturam, quam Oep- 
n^ri morte fecistis, resarcire poterit. Nee est quod quis dicat, Hejnil A- 
mam nondum satis illustrem et peryaga tarn esse. Tanta, mihi crede, }fi 
hoc viro ingenii et doctrinse ubertas est, ut brevi omnis cultior Eurofia ^os 
laudes celebratura sit.'^ Epistola Rhunkenii ad Jungium. Lugduni Batavor. 
d. xviii. Octob. 1762. 


life of Heyne. 169 

provUiofially committed to Michaelis, and when Heyne first came 
lo Giittingen, the former was not very> willing to divest himself of 
the authority entrusted to him^ and thwarted and opposed Heyne's 
views^ so as to impede the projected improvements in the manage** 
ment of that institution. That contention, however, did not last 
long ; for, before the expiration of the year (December 12, 1763,) 
Michaelis, taking offence at some decision of the government, 
which was contrary to his wishes, gave up his appointment ; and 
Heyne was, from that date, the sole director of that remaricable 
■establishment. The minister soon learnt to value the uncommon 
abilities, with which Heyne was endowed for the situation of libra- 
rian, and gave him full scope to exercise them. He had the en- 
' tire and sole management, and the minister readily sanctioned and 
supported what he proposed. By placing confidence in such a 
man, that great statesman knew he should best promote the object 
he had in view. I will observe, hi this place, that those two 
distinguished men, Michaelis and Heyne, who have both attained 
great fame in the literary world, never were upon any terms of cor- 
diality and friendship, though they lived for many years at the same 
place. Michaelis was capricious and arrogant, Heyne of an inde- 
pendent spirit, that would not submit to the dictation of another. 
■From the first, a jealousy arose between them, or to be more just 
in my expression, it arose on the part of the former ; and it con- 
tinued as long as they came in contact. This, however, did not 
lessen the respect which they could not help reciprocally entertain- 
ing for the literary merits of one another. Of this, Heyne has given 
a proof by the eulogium he pronounced on Michaelis, upon his 
death, in the year 1 79^, in one of the sittings of the Royal Society 
of Sciences at Gottingen.' Munchhausen*s expectations of Heyne's 
exertions were most fully answered, in every department, in which 
he was engaged ; but his application to the business of the library 
was so close, and intense, that the minister repeatedly cautioned 
him, as is seen in his letters to Heyne, to which Mr. Heeren re- 
fers, not to carry his exertions so far, as to injure his health. He 
made an accurate survey of the library, and projected new Cata- 
logues. Heyne's other occupations consisted in giving courses of 
lectures, of which presently more will be said; in writing program- 
mata for the different solemnitiea of the university ; in discharging 
the functions of public orator; in attending the sittings of the So- 
ciety of Sciences, and-taking his share in the review of new publi- 
cations, which was "icfited under the auspices of the Society of 
Sciences. He had ^gaged in the translation of an £nglish work. 
The Universal History, by Guthrie and Gray ; and the first volume 

' It is to hi found in Vol. x. Couimeotatt. Soc. Cutting. 

160 Life of Heyne. 

of the translation appeared in the year 1 705. It made ftllogcthei^ 
ivben finished, 7 vols, in Syo., the last of which came oat in 177S> 
The learnings acuteness, and diligence of the translator ave fe» 
markable, and his translation is, in fact, a new work, highly iis» 
fill, and valuable for the accurate historical disquiaitiona m whick 
it abounds. 

In the year 176? he published the first volume of his Viigil, dv 
second cmne out in 177 1> and the two last in 1775. This is As 
first edition of that excellent production in philology. How laatfc 
it difiers from the common workmanship of commontetOMk bmI 
critics, I presume my readers will be competent to iudge« * • 

To say a few words on his lectures, to which I nave befose ^ 
luded, may perhaps not be unacceptable. I have attendcMltlMi 
myself, and am perfectly acquainted with the purport - and obfMt 
of all. They formed a kind of classical cycle, or encyclopMl^ 
so that those, who had diligently attended them, and dumIs ihi 
matters treated of, their own, might be said to have laid • godl 
foundation of classical learning. They consisted paitly in dii 
reading and interpreting of classic authors, and paridy ik • 
systematic or scientific survey of the leading subjects ot nncicst 
literature. These subjects were Greek and Roman antiqiiitoa% 
and Greek and Roman literature. The Antiquities were «ri« 
culated to give an insight into the customs, maiiners, and m 
stitutions of the ancients, and the Literatures, as thej wws' 
.called, afforded a view of the or^in, rise^ progress, and dediM 
of letters among the Greeks and Romans, together with aq aQ> 
count of their works, as we possess them, and the editions thit 
have been published of them, in modern times. It may be cofr 
ceived, how much useful information was communicated, in treaU 
ing of these topics, by a man like Heyne, so intimately ^■-iii?'* 
with them, and who viewed every thing with a comprehensive 
acute, and clear perception : how the mind of the young scholar 
was opened by such instruction, and how completely he naught te 
initiated in the mysteries of ancient lore, if he possessed enough: cf 
natural ability, and of diligence and application, to profit by wbit 
was placed in his reach. These lectures, on antiquity and Ihemp 
ture, formed four courses, each course occupying the space of ij| 
months, or a seniestr^, as they call it at Gottingen, at the mte 4f 
five hours a week, that is to say, one hour each day, in the week 
lyith the exception of Saturday and Sunday. Ulie hour appoinl^d 
for them, which never varied, during Heype's life, was from twe 
to three in the afternoon. One course was read evefy half year; 
it therefore took two years to complete the circle. I do not UMM. 
to which of these four courses to give the preference, they %cere 
all equally interesting and instructive. 1>fit <^ Rom«n 

UfeofHeyni. 161 

ties was remarkable for the accurate koowMge ot the amii^at Ro» 
man law, which .was displayed in it, and which made itjArticif 
lariy interesting to students in jurisprudence. It may be tewssx^ 
bered^ that Heyne, at one period of his life, had fixed upon the 
law as his profession ; and the lectures on Roman antiquities re- 
tained a tincture of his legal studies, but so tempered with cla«si«. 
cal taste, as to be no less palatable than useful to the general scho- 
lar. In the Grecian antiquities he was deeply versed^ aUd pos- 
sessed the 'most accurate information both of the ancient history, 
and the manners and institutions of that country. His reading bad 
constantly led him in that direction, . and many of his learned re- 
searches lay in that department. His views of the different subjects 
coMprebended under those heads were often new and striking, 
and very different from the usual mode of r^arding them. Tbs 
observations and criticisms upon the literary productions tof those 
two ancient nations, in the two other courses of lectures, om 
Greek and Roman literature, it may easily be. imagined, were in a 
hi|^ degree valuable, and comparatively not inferior in merit to 
tMfarmer. Many a hint has been derived from those lectures, 
wUdi subsequently has been productive of benefit to the cause of 
learning, throtigh the medium of his scholars. I have said, that 
thc^ hoiAr from two to three in the afternoon was occupied with 
these lectures ; I have cmly to add, that to the same hour was as* 
agned the exposition of Horace, of which the Odes occupied half 
a year, and Uie Satires another: so that the two o'clock lecture 
moved through a circle of three years. The succf ssion of the 
several conrses varied. Another series of lectures was that at five 
in 4ie. evening, which was set apart for a select niunber of.auditors, 
and solely destined for the explanation of Greek authors.. Homer, 
ttd Pindar, and a selection from other writers, alternately filled 
these bourses ; that is to say, one half year, at the rate of five hours 
t week, was given up to Homer, another half year to Pindar, and 
solo the rest. Of Homer, the Ili^d was generally chosen : indeed, 
hi my time, I do not recollect that the Odyssey was ever read, 
thoi|c)i I have heard from others, that it had formed the subject of 
that lecture. Two hours a week, in the morning from eleven to 
twelve, were generally devoted to the elucidation of some Latin 
works,, such as Cicero's rhetorical writings, £xtracts from Pliny's 
Natml History, and others. But one course of lectures yet d^ 
serves particular mention : it was denominated Jrchaofogy, and 
had for its object ^ illustration of the works of anciept art, espe- 
Gsallj sculpture, because under this most of the remains of antiqui- 
ty are comprdiended. Heyne was naturally endowed with great 
taste both for poetry and the arts ; and he had become acquainted 


162 Uft of Heynt. 

with tli« latter, firrt perhaps by having had an importunity utm- 
ing some of their productions at Dresden/ but more «6 ttfterwardi^ 
when he came to Gbttingen, by hi^ attention to every tliiiig Ail 
was written on the art of the ancients. As a conteikipbrary i 
John Winkelmann, it was impossible for him, pKMaessed of sudi • 
mind, to have passed by those objects with indiffereiMie. Bat 
that study fell in likewise with his gaierd pursuits, and ftdded M 
diamw to his classical oeciipations. After he had maile bimidt 
master of this subject, it was easy for him to give it such afbraiM 
to render it a source of instruction to others. Thetoe lectures m 
the remains of ancient art, (or Archaeology, as they were ikot wf 
properly called,) opened to the young student a ilew 'field of kbdv* 
ledge, by which his ideas were enlarged beyond the ordinary liaitt^' 
and his taste awakened. They were read only in sumnleri ftm 
eight to nine in the morning, six days in the week ; and the poblit 
library served for the lecture-roomy because it contaifaed all lk 
printed works that related to ancient art, and likewise se«n| 
casts of antique statues. Many persons have visited Italy iviH 
greater advantage, having attended these iecturet. They wKi 
prepared for what they had to see, and had acquired notions^ wluA 
might serve as the basis of a correct judgment. Having givn 
this sketch of Heyue^s different lectures, I must rentafk dtot sod 
they were in my time, in 1 790, and the following yeitra : such Aef 
were before and after that period. But it is not to be aupposci 
that they attained that form immediately after Heyne eaifit^W 
Gottingen ; they acquired it by degrees ; but for "a long du^cMin 
of years they thus were the means of the most valuable inatnictioa 
Tiiere perhaps hardly ever M'as a teacher, whose kssona prodMl 
more benefit. 

As an instructor of youth^ we have still to consider iiim ill 'nt 
other situation. There is an institution at Giittlngea called -Se^^ 
narium Philologicum^ which is under the particular Care and ^ 
rection of the classical professor. It consists of nine youD# mes; 
recommended to government for nomimttion, by the premsur; 
who are to be particularly instructed by him in ctassical leaimiBg^ 
They have a kind of exhibition, or small salary^ from > the goMM^ 
ment, and are considered as the professor's pupils, in the aflrielBit 
sense. There is no distinction made either as to country or Tiiik{ 
but whosoever among the students of the university preseitts bin- 
self to the professor, as a votary of clasMcal literattuiey has a duHics 
of being admitted into that number, if there is a probability Ait 
he will, from his abilities and acquirements, become A credMihb 
member. The time fixed for remaining in the seminary as aipqgt* 
lar member, is two years ; but these two years are, generally, piv* 
ceded by a year of trial, and no objection would be made to a ptt^ 

Life of Heyn€\ 163 

son's contiottiitt; to atteod beyond that period^ thou^ lie would be 
no longer entitled to the asimj^ Thisy however, is so small, that 
it is no object to any one ; and it is fair, that the time of belonging 
to the aemmary should be limited, in order to afford the opportu* 
nity of profiting by it to a greater number of individuals/ As Mr. 
Heyne improved every institution at Gottingen/ \vith which he 
had any concern, so did this, in particular, expierience his attentioa 
and fostering care; and it became, under Im management, the 
school, from which the most distinguished scholars in Germany 
issued, lliere was no man, that better understood how to develop 
the faculties of a young mind, to exercise its abilities, and to in- 
spire it with a laudable ambition. In these young men Heyse. 
took a. peculiar interest ; he was to them a father, and never lost 
sight of their welfare and success in life. As he knew them more 
intimately than any others, he could judge for what situations 
they were calculated ; and be never failed to exert his influence in: 
placing them, where they might be most useful, when an oppor- 
tunity occurred of recommending them. For many a valuable 
member of society, Germany was indebted to his exertions. These. 
Seminarists, as they were called, attended all those lectures, whick 
have been described ; but, besides, they had, from their appoint- 
ment, the benefit of his particular instruction. They met twice a: 
week, under his auspices, and were practised by him in inter- 
preting Greek and Latin auth^s, and in the discussion of classical 
subjects, which latter was denominated disputation. The seimi^ 
nansts wrote, in succession, treatises in the Latin language, and 
these were submitted to argumentation. The author chose on^ of 
his fsilow seminarists for his opponent^ and the latter exercised hia 
critical powers on the composition of the respondent, whose efforts 
were required in defending what l^e had written, against the attacks 
of his adversary. This controversy was carried on in Latin, and 
had the advantage of affording the practice of speaking that lann 
goage, in which many of the young men arrived at great readiness 
and perfection. Heyne himself spoke it with a fluency and cor- 
rectness, which was not surpassed, if equalled, by that of his native 
tongue. Indeed so familiar and intimate was his acquaintance with 
the Latin language, that, in the opinion of many, he possess^ 
more command over it, and .a greater facility of expressing hia 
ideas, than he did over the German. Speaking Latin, which is 
not a cpnunott practice in England, is very usual among the leanied 
in Germany, especially those who employ themselves in classical 
literature ; and in the days of Heyne, it was perhaps still more 
current, than now : though even at the present time many persons 
will be found ui that country, who would be as willing to enter inta 
a Latin discourse, as they would be to converse in German. Widi 

l64 Life of Heyne. 

as litde trouble Latin prose is written, and both He^ and nuj 
of his pupils possessed the ability of committing thdr thoiq^ ts 
paper in mat hmauagei with the same ease and expeditioB, vitk 
which they would hav« rendered them in German; Tluit tkne aO' 

Suirements were very desirable for a classical scholar, is not to he 
enied. For if one of his objects were to arrive at a thoron^ 
knowledge of the Latin tciogue^ the three roads, whidi lend to m 
perfect attainment of any language, reading, writing, and speak- 
ing, were fairiy opened before him. In Greek the praotice «■ 
coi^ned to reading alone, as it is almost every-where, tliong|i i 
would have been an invaluable addition to the system of inslll^ 
tion, if the two other means of becoming familiar with a laDgiH|R 
or at least writing, had been equally attended to as in Latin, lb 
error of not apiuyin^ to the learning of the Greek lai^piagetb 
three expedients, which are necessary for the complete nuftojif 
any language, has always prevailed, and is * the cause, that 6« 

C'sons pretend to the same intimacy with the Greek mm with tk 
tin language. Were I to advise, or to conduct, the inslnicttii 
in the former, I should, as I would do with every language, nart 
not only on the practice of reading, or construing, but dbo a 
writing and speaking. For though the two last exemanoB da Ml 
aim at any direct use, that is to be made of them, in • oar vkh 
course with others, yet they have that indirect and most importat 
effect, of ushering the student into the interior of the edifioe^ ui 
enabling him to understand accurately its form and stmcture. H(} 
^lat merely reads a language, knows only the outside of the hd^ 
:^Big; but if he were taught to construct something similar UmH 
he might be presumed to be perfectly acquainted with its wbob 
fabric. If, therefore, a complete i^cquaintance with alangoagebe 
desired, those three modes of acquiring it must be emplojed^sil 
the knowledge of it will be more or less perfect in propmtioss 

nare more or less practised, 
ut to return to the topic from which I diseased, I ham to 
observe, that it was not only the advantage of wntin^ aiid spsdaf 
Latin, which rendered the disputations of the semmariats beair 
cial to them, it was frequently also the subject of what they b' 
written^, and the remarks from their preceptor, to which it fin 
rise, either expressly or incidentally, which proved useAil mid ii- 
atructive. It frequently happened, that an opportunity thesce 
arose for encouraging his pupils, for giving an impulse to tbtf 
minds, and pointing out a way, on which they afterwards pio* 
ceeded with success. If any thing was wanting, it was metrical 
exercises both in Latin and Greek ; a subject that is in GeHMBy 
too little regarded. But to neglect the exercise of poatieal coB^ 
position, is certainly a defect. For though it may ha assertMl, i> 

Life of Heyne. 165 

it frequently is, diat there is no use in writing Latin or Greek 
verse, yet this will be admitted by the intelligent scholar und^r a 
very strict modification* He may allow that ho immediate practi- 
cal use results from it : but he will maintaip that, as far as a com- 
prehensive knowledge of the language is desired, by which is signi- 
fied, that we should completely understand, the authors we read, 
.in eveiy detail of their composition, atid be capable of Judging of 
the manner in which. they wrote, that prosody is not to be neglect- 
.ed : that we cannot read a poet as he ought to be read, nor be 
sensible of the art which he employs, if we are not conversant 
with quantity and metre. It is the difference between a person 
that possesses. the tlieory of music, and him who is totally ignorant 
of it : the latter may be pleased and charmed with a tune, or a 
concert; but his enjoyment cannot be compared with that of 

• the former, who not only is gratified by the effect of the art, but 
knows also how to esteem it from the skill with which its mecha- 
nism is conducted. It is necessary to be familiar with that me- 
chanism, if we would rightly perceive its operation, and be sensible 

.of the beauties which it is calculated to produce. To those, 
therefore, who profess to read poets as well as prose writers, an 
acquaintance with all the first principles, that constitute poetry, is 
as needful as the grammatical rudiments are for the right under- 
standing of prosaic composition. It is surprising, however, that 
a truth so palpable should escape the regard, to which it is en-^ 
titled. For prosody and metre should, generally, form a part of 
the elementary instruction in every language, in which the reading 
of its authors is a principal object : but we find it neglected in our 
native language, in which, if the young mind is prepared, by 
grammatical studies, for an introduction to its literature, the me- 
chanical details of poetical composition are hardly ever considered, 
much less practised. If this particular had been comprehended, 
together with the writing of Greek, in the system of Heyne's in- 

. struction, it would have. been perfect; but even with those blanks, 
its excellence has been acknowledged by every one who has been 
acquainted with it, and particularly felt by those, whose good for- 
tune it was to reap the full benent of it. This fell to the lot of 
all who were Heyne's scholars, and of those in particular, who 
were more strictly his pupils, that is, the members of the Philolo- 

- gical Seminary. To have belonged to this number will always be 
recollected by me with satisfaction, as I shall never cease to vene- 
rate the memorv of Mr. Heyne, with the feelin|[s of a grateful 
heart. When f have stated, that in Heyne's institution some 
things were wanting, it is by no means my intention to impress the 

• reacfer with an idea, that it wa^, for those reasons, defective, and 
that I mean to censure it. Heyne conld not do all : he could' only 

166 Life of HeyM. 

point out the way ; and his pupils had by their own ipdiwtr; ni 
primte application to supply themselves with that, whick the mi- 
ter had not the leisure or opportunity to afford. That was thor 
business, and that dieir own sense mn5t have suggested. And itii 
evident, that many did so, from the prooA they have given of thek 
•merits in classical learning. 

The sketch, which has thus been furnished of Heyne's lectarM^ 
and of his superintendence of the Philological Seminary,' will hw^ 
shown, what he was to die university, as a teacher, i have coi- 
centrated this view, instead of giving it by piecest according tot 
strict chronological order, in the progressive histoiy of bis life, 
which would require to state, in what year such or such a lectat 
was first delivered, how this or that alteration took plaee. Whft 
I aim at, is to exhibit a delineation of Heyne's life, and to show in 
what manner he rendered it useful to the world, rather t6aa to 
follow the precision of the Annalist. I now, howevmr, proceed 
with the narrative. -There was something peeuliarl j fortabali ii 
Heyne's situation at Gbttingen, which afforded fall scope to the 
activity of his mind. He found himself countenanced, auppdrted, 
encouraged, and approved by the minister of the country, wko 
not only was ardent and zealous in co-operating with kim^ tuBt sin 
intelli|ent, and judicious, and competent to set a proper estiBiite 
upon Heyne's exertions. How anxiously and diligentlj tkat mit 

. statesman entered into every thing which concerned the wdfare 
of the university, appears from the numerous letters of his, wUdi 
were found among Heyne's papers. It is seen in them, how thoie 
two men went hand in hand in their labors ; and there was seldosi 
a difference of opinion between them. What may be objected to 
Miinchhausen, as Mr. Heeren remarks, is perhaj^ his spirit of 
economy, which sometimes narrowed his views. This is a failiiig> 

' into which a conscientious minister, who is sensible of the nnay 
wants of the state, and solicitous not to increase die burdens of the 
people, may be apt to fall ; but cannot reasonably be made a 

f round of censure, even if it should sometimes- be carried too ftr. 
(y Heyne's discretion things were so managed, that no injarioni 
consequences arose, from that foible of the mmister, to the interests 

' of the university. The more Miinchhausen became acquainted 
with Heyne, the more he valued him, and from the year 1768, 

'' during the three last years of the minister's life, their comlbunica- 

' tions were very frequent ; so that hardly a week passed, in wMdi 
several letters were not exchanged. In the spring of 1770^ a new 
charge was laid upon Heyne, the supreme direction of the sdiooi 
at Ilefeld, or Ilfeld. At this place, which is situated at a distance 
of between 50 and 60 English miles from Gcktmgen, to the aouth- 

• east, there is a public school, with a foundation for g cMsin 

Life of Heyne. 167 

number of free scbolan. {t might be calculated, from its situa- 
tioUy and other cir^mstances, to be the principal establishment 
in the Hanoverian.dpigiiiioiis^ for th^ educatioa of youth^ previous 
to iheir admission to. the miiversity. But it had been ,neglectedy 
and was sunk into discredit, so as not. to ^ render those senriceflp to 
the country, which Qught to be expected from such* an institution, 
Miinchhauseo, who was alive Cq every thing that concerned the 

.interests of the people or of the state, perceived with regret the 

.deteirioration and decay of that school; and looking round for die 
means of saving it from.min, he thought he could only- find thepi 
iRthe intelligence, zeal, and activity of Heyne. He, therefore, 
wished to devolve the whole management and direction upon him ; 
and the latter^ who never withdrew from any labor, by which he 

^conceived he might riender himself useful, readily and cheerfully 
undertook the task. , The effect of his interference was soon felt : 

.a complete reform was effected^ and the school became under his 
superintendence, what it was fit to be, an excieUent place of edu- 
cation. He regulated the system of instruction, and took; care 
diat proper masters . were appointed* :By the attention which he 
himself paid to the institution, he awakened and maintained that of 

i.others* Though at some distance from it,, his eye was unremit- 
tingly watchful over the proceedings that took place. He found 
those in whom he could repose confidence, aud the establishment 
prospered and florished under his fostering aud paternal care. He 
visited the school once every year, to be ah eye-witness of its pro- 
gress ; and by his correspondence directed and guided it, as if he 
had been present. This charge he retained to the end of his days ; 
and the distinction, which Ilfeld acquired, is to be attributed to 
him. A man with such a fund of abilities, not merely for learning, 
but for business, like the possessor of ^eat wealth, received appli- 

. cations for assistance upon every occasion. 

It became necessary, in the same year, to appoint an edi- 
tor of the Literary Review, that was published at Gottingen, 

''under the auspices of the Royal Society of Sciences, and Heyne 
was selected. He willingly acquiesced in the choice, and con- 
ducted this valuable journal, for a great length of years, with a 
degree of diligence and industiy, that cannot be sufficiently 
admired. But besides editing it, he was the most liberal contri- 
butor to its contents : no man . has written in it so much. To 
say a few words of this highly esteemed publication, it is to be 
remarked, that it aims chiefly at the review of scientific, and 
other literary works, which are on a certain scale of merit. These 
are, for the most part, furnished to the reviewers from the 
public library of the university, which, as has been mentioned, 
purchases every new production. . The professors are priopipaH J 

1^ Emend^knes Bentkii 

A^ petsoDB who write id this jouraal^ tboagh the office is not ne- 
cessarily confined to them. Articles are abo received from others, 
if they are approtcd by the editor. NoVels^ and simibr composi- 
tions of unsubstantial quality, are seldom noticed. The editor- 
ship of this journal was^ m fiict, connected with the duties of Secre- 
tary to the Royal Society of Sciences, to which ntuation Heyne 
was appointed this year. That institution, like all others widi 
which Heyne was concerned, soon felt the benefit of his abilities. 
He conducted its afiUrs with a zeal, activity, and intelligence, 
which they had not before experienced. The Sgciety owed its 
origin to the great Haller, who, at its foundation, intended it for 
noting more than a means of cultivating certain branches of sci- 
ence, nominally anatomy and botany, which he thought were, in 
general^ too much neglected. But to make it a nursery to science, 
in a more comprehensive sense, that did not enter into his contem- 
plation. Heyne, on the contrary, conceived a more enlarged view, 
aind considered Uiis establishment as calculated to further and ex- 
pwHd science in all its various ramifications. The university was 
designed to di£Fuse and communicate the knowledge which existed ; 
the society of which we are speaking was, accordii^ to Heyne^s 
conception, to add to that knowledge, by new investigations and 



xliE desumtsR sunt e margine edit, vel Burmanni, vel Nicolai 
Heinsii. Liber uterque servatur in Musseo Britaimico. 

N. B. Per literam V. intellige textum vulgatum, non Burmamii,.et 
per N. H. intelligitur Nicolaus Heinsius. 

Heboid. Epist. i. 
v. 2. ut] Leg. tu [ita Briukius apud Van Lennep.] 

3. Danais invisa pueUis\ Olim voluit denos obsessa per 
I annos. collatis Amor. ii. 12. 9. Pergama^-rbelh supe^ 

rata bilustri. iii. 6. 27* Trya — lustris obsessa duo- 
bus. Sed vulgatum tuetur e oabino. Non me Troja 
tenets Gratis odiosa puellh. 
.6. insanis] incanis vel ^gteis. 
13. violenios:'] slomeratos. 
15. ab Hectare n vulnere. 

inOmdkm. ^ 

16. iinuiri$].dolori8 [ut MS. Vdss*] ' ^ 

£?• nytnpha] mnta [ut N. H.] at wamd Cod. D. olim Da- 

neimensis Wlie in Biblioth. Coll. Triti. Cantab. . 
28. victa — Tr<ya fata] quisque--fortia facta. 
S I • Atque\ Cod. D. Jamque et in 33. hac vice hie. 
40. dold] metu. 
47* vestrii — ^iacertis] Graih : cf. Remed. Am. 66. manibus 

Danais Pergaroa victa catletit 
48. quodfuit] qua stetit: cf. Tristrfti, 2.23. 
52. Incola'] Olim /n<^ra rpostea Accola [cum N, H.] 

65. veri] vestri: cf, Trist. iii. 3. 26. 

66. hahitas — abei] habites — agas [cum MS. Scriverii] 
82. immensa$\ invuas: cf. Heroid. £p. xix.210. 

91* dirum] dicam. 

95. actor] Sic MS. D. 100. invitis] ignaris. 
105. armis]anni$ [ut V.] 

IH). Tu citius veniai] Tu citus advefiias : ve\ Spe' tUius ve^ 

nias : cf. Fast. iv. 600. 
113. Jam] ^ti. 
CoUatis Sabini 53, 4. necnon Amor. iii. 9* 30. aliquid in hac 
epistola deesse putat Bend. 

Abjudicari videntur 37, 8 ; 39,40; 83^4; 99, 100; 111,2^ 

Epist. II. 

V. 3. quater] semel [nt V .] 

6. Sithonis] Bistonis : cf.90. 

10. invita nunc et amante nocent] invita nunc, et ut ante, no- 
cent. Cf. Her. xvii. 2. [in MS. Puteano, sicta et ante.] 
25. et verba et vela] et vela et verba. 
27. nm] n [cum N. H.] 
3K Jura] Pacta [sic recte video.] 
So, quod totum — tmdis] Btstonium—auris vel estu. 
37 . fetus] falsus [ut MSS.] 
39. nimiumque] natique : vel Per Venerem et natum nimium 

facientia tela. 
62. Quiccunque] Cuicunque [ut voluit Burmann.] 
74. capta] cdsa: cf. 157. 75. turba]serie. 
90. lavabis aqua] levabis humo. 

121. littora] vimina. 

122. aquora lata] littora nota [cum MSS.] 

129. minus et minus utilis adsto] minus est milU mentis, ut 
144. electum] electu [ut V.] 

170 Emendationts Bentleii 

148. necis] MS. D. .necii: cf. Her. £p. vii. 196« camam 

mortii et ensem. 
ibid, ilia] ip$a [ut V.] 
Abjudicari videntiur 17, 8. 

Epist. III. 

V. 1. rapta] capta : cf. Renied. Am. 469« 

11. vultum] vuUus Wt MSS.] 12. noster\ venter [ut N. H.] 

SO* bland4i^—prec€s\blanda—prece\yXV^ 

36. sape] nempe, 

' 3d. Si] MS. Kenaldi. et D. Nbn; lege Ep; viii.25. 

44. Nee vemt incaptis — aura] Nee veniet votis — hora : cf. 

Pont. ill. 3. Et veniet votis mollior hora meis.J 
48. iribus]quibus [ut Francius.] 
51. Cum N. H. facit Bentl. 
5S. linea vela] lintea velle [cum Mycillo ; MS. Harl. 2758. 

linthea vellaJ] 

60. animi] anima [ut N. H.] 

61. violence] tu lenie, 

67. jam] ^am [ut Gruter.] 80. Ei] Sed. 

95. secessit ab] secesserat [ut Burm.] 

96. neg^avit] negaraL 

98^ pro nullo—<adent] pollicitO'—carent. Cf. Her. Ep. ?i. 

110. .... 

100. Sapius — dominum] Scilicet — domini. 
112. facta] capta. 

115. Et si quis qummt] Si quis nunc: [ut MS«. Puteah. cf. 

Horat. 51 quis forte roget. 

1 16. voxque] Cf. Remed. Am. 754. 
124. tua] tibi [MS, Scriver.] 

132. Pr(zsentisque] PrtBsentesque [ut V.] 
Abjudicari videntur 6l, 2L 

Epist. iv. 

V. 3. quodcunqve est] MS. D. qiiicqUid id est [et sie Harl. 
2758. post rasuram.] 
8. <fe5f i/tV] re5^2t2Y[ut Douzaaliique.] 
\5. fovet]vorat: cf. AdLiviam. 134. Et voriit^^fldmma. 
16. Figit] Frangat: cf. Met. viii. 508. [Sic MSS.] 
15^ 6. Id Addendis lege movet et Flectat. 

24. ammo] vel humero vel co/fo. 

25. crimen] regimen. 26. ^w<e] cm^^ut Faber.] 
43. £«f mihi per] Estque mihi in. 

45. quaque]quasque. 
63. redMmus]p^ndamus. 

in (hidmm. 474. 

09. pt^dus] ttrtius : cf. Her. £p. xvi. S28. Quartus. 
67. voois] nobis [ut V.] 

78. Et — pulvis] Ut — ntBVUsi 

79. y^rocw]/ttgacis [ut MSS. 2.] 
81. foastum] lentum [ut V.] 

86*. materia digna perire tua] maleries digm vigore ttio : cf. 

Her* Ep. vii. 33. 
101. jam primum^ jam pridem, 
106, utmrnque] utrimque [ut IRurmJ] 
IQS, fugit} fugat. 

137. licet — i//a] virufn — illo : cf. Fast. iv. 149« 
141. dabitur] duri [ut V.] 
147. Recte Burm* sperataque non properataque. 

149. precan] vocan. 

150. Jastu8]Jiatu$ [ut N. H.] 151. jEf] At 
155. Depuduit — relinquit'] Depudui — reliquit, 

lOO. tepidum movet'] rapidum-^xxdiit cf. Fast, iiin 518. 
170. perdcfidas] pradandas [dum MS.] 
176. Perlegis : at] Perlege: 5ed [ut MS.. Lincoln.] 
Abjudicari videntur 175, 6. 

Epist. v. 

V. 6. crimen] sidus: cf. Heroid. Ep. viii^ 88. 

8. Quis] Cui : cf. Heroid. Ep. ii. 62. ex emendatione. 
24. recta] In txfairgmt aliquid fuit scriptum hodie vitio biblio- 

pegi decisum. 
33. Ilia diesfatum misera mihi dixit ; ab ilia] Ille dies dter 

misera mihi luxit ; ab Ulo. ' 

^\, peractd]parata\\xtY*] 
45. vidisti] pressisti. 
62. ilia resistit] ille residii. 
GS.focmineas — genas] fxmineum—gregem. 
83. MS. Kelandi Nee iamen. 
89. est tibi] est; ibi. 1 10. volant M$. Rel. 
121. Vox erat in cursu [ut N. HJ 

125. insignis] or^gnts [ut MS.] 

126. patrios — oeosj socios [ut MSS.] toros, 
141. tamen ungue]priu8 unsue. V. tamcn ante. 
152. a nostro] e nostra [ut Ciofanus.] 

Epist. vi. 

15. ipse Tsta [ut N. H.] 
18. OAsegtitiim] O^cttim [ut MSS.3 
24. Venerat ; et] Venit, et ut. 
29* mihi] deos. 

tTS Emendafia^es Bentleii 

37* Devicto serpente] Restabat terpen$: cf. Fwt. v. 361. 

Met. i. 700. et ii. 655. 
SB.Jidem] vicem. 

39* cursuque] cursune. _ 

40. ingenio— facta tuo]— indicia noitra $uo MS. D. ura: 

et MS. R. facta post rasuram. 
52. castrd] transtra : et sic iii Virg. Mn. iv. 604. fuces in 

transtra, non castra. 
55. vidi ieciog^t] vidua [ut N. H.] lectoque; cf. Heroid, 

Ep. ii. 57. 
54. viVa] MS. D. ripa. 
63. ^iitfii/tAtM] cadentibus [ut V.] 
66. ventW'-tenet'] vento^tument [ut Francius.] 
68. praspiciuntur [ut MSS.] 
73. ^cf^ natatur — db do [ut Cnipping. Jdde,] 
76. Cor do/et] Dedolet : cf. Rem. Am. 294. 
ibid, mixttis] aliquid olim in margine fiiit^ hodie decisum. 
77* perdo] peraam. 78. coneidat] concidet. 

82. txpectata :] expectato : cf. Her. £p. xii. 1 82.' 

83. carmine movit] carmina volvit. ' 
87.^t<iRtiia]yti/mtiia [ut MSS.] 
88. tnovet] trohii [ut MSS.] 

93. herbis] istis. ' ^'' 

OO.favet] volet MS. D, 

04. revellit] revexit [ut Broukhnsius : MS. refxit.'] - 

0$. patria] MS. pna : f. pro npa. 

11. uir won] MS. R. curnon [ut N. H.] 

IQ. Nunc] Quin: cf. Her. Ep. xv. 151. 

25. legatos [ut V.] cf. Her. Ep. iii. 127. 

30. cotpora] viscera. 

33. virgo'jfurto: cf. supr. 43. 

40. iratis] infirmis, cf. Amor. i. 7. 66. 

50. suis] tuo8 [ut MS. LincoL] , 

52.* ipse] Me [ut Burm. ad Virgil. iBn. vii. iVo.} 


V. 4. adverso']averso[\ki'^,'R.'\ 

11. novd\ mea. 

12. summa] Byrsa. • ■ '- s^ ■ 
15. terrarn] tamen. 

17. ^fter habendus amor] Altera habenda uxor* 
37. innataque] elataque. 
40. Jluctibus]Jlatibus : cf. Her. xviii. 211. 
45. sum] sim. 

. in Ovidiunu %%$ 

52. duritie [ut N. H.] 

53. Quid si neseiem] Quid, quad nescires. 

54. jtiam] tarn [ut V.] * . v ^ 

55. €tiam]viam: cf. Met. xiii. 418. Jamque viam suadet 


56. tamen latus] etiam latus [HoeulBFtiiu PericuL Crit. p. 

27 7 • tamen latus,] 
63. precor] procuL 

71. id est] erit. 75. parcatur] tu cura [utV.] 
82. primaque] primave, 
1d6. ure] jure, 87. mea munera MS. D. 
89. Fluctibus] Syrtibus. 
97 • Sic l^e [tetrastichon in Heinsiinotis.] 

£xige,iaese pudor, poenas, violataque lecti 
Jura, nee ad cineres fama retenta meos ; 
Vosque mei manes animaeque umbraque [vulgo cinis' 
que] Sichau, 
Ad quas, me mideram, plena pudoris eq. 
MS. D. 8uppeditat lecti vulgo omissum [Id^m conjecit et 
Van Lennep.] 
105. culpa] fassa [MS. IX] 
113. ifiternas] Hercaas [ut N. H.] vel heu Tyrias. 
1 16. duf'as] diibias [ut ed. Basil.] 
•1 17. ignotis :] his oris [ut N. H.] . . 

WQ. lateque—fixi\laxeque^jeci, . • . 

122. portas urbis et arma] populos martis ad arma, 
127. possit] poscit. MS. R. [ct V.] 
147. Ut moveas veloque tuas remaque carinas MS* D. [et siq 

fere MS. Scriverii ventoque tuas.] 
] 30. advectas] avectas, 

152. sceotraque sacra] MS. D. sceptraque regna. 
1 60, Vel distingue Marsferus ; et damnis-^ms : vel lege Hcc' 
tenus; et: cf. Her. Ep. vi. 63. xv. 156. xvii. 265. 
Amor. iii. 1.3]. Fast. v. 661. Met. ii. 610. 

1 68. sum-'-feret] sim—ferar: cf. Her. Ep. adi. 110. 

169. frangentia} plangentia [ut N. H.] 

175. laniataque] lacerataque [ita H. Bolsias Silv. C^it. 

p. 104.] 
179* mitescunt] MSf D. mitescant. 
180. edisco] MS. D. ediscam. 
193. Nee] Et. 194. marmore] margine. 
196. usa] MS. D. icta. 

Abjudicari videntur 85, 6, 7, 8. 97, 8. 

EmendattMes Bentleii 


5. renut] Wnd ut M& Coke; MS/ D. feci et pro; var. 
lect. ienui. 
21. $edis8ei] /teviuet : cf. 86. At 20, L. delent MSS« 
24. ntinieraf] wef: cf. Met. viii. 7. 

51. Vila] meriiit. 
S3. At] Ut. 

34. P/i« guoque ^ui-^posiet] Plus patre qw-^fwlkt : cf. 

Her. Ep. xix. 70. 
$9. permittef] concedet [ut MSS. D. iet R.] 

44. jacta] MS. D. acfa. 

48. melius] medios: cf. Her. £4). xv'u 174^ [et ric Nodell. 
Observ. Crit. p. I6.] 

52. cat/5a] nempe. 

59. objectet] oijecU [ut V.] MS. D. Orester et pro var. 

lect. Oresti. 
65. Hoc—errat] Num. [MS. Put. j»ai»]— d«ral [ut N. 
H.] Cf. Her. Ep. vii. 111. 
' , 73. rapta] MS. D. rapto : et pro var, lect. vecta, 
79- 7II//2C] turn [ut MS. Faroes.} MS. D. ^tinc. at R. Itim» 
84. pater] MS. D. parens : et pro var. lect. pater, 
99. /iWJ MSS. D, et R. ttifl. 
104. Munns et] Muneris hoc [ut N. H.] 
107. Nox — thalamis] Mox-rthalami [Sed vocem proiuqi^ 
utpote intercisam legere nequec] 

EpIST. IX. • 

1. nostris] vestris ut MSS.] 

3. Pdasgmdas] MS. D. Pelaswtacas. ; 

4. Decolor] Discolor [ut MSS.] 
iO. tantt] satis [utMSS.] 

12. humili] humilis. 
15. tota]tuta^\yX^. H.] 
. 19. rnisero] vestro. Cf. Her. Ep. xL 79. nostmm—fudorem. 
20. macula stupri-^notas] maculas turpir^mta [ita Bur- 

mann. Secund. ad Propert. i; 2. 31.] 
29. veniant] veniunt [ut V.] . 

35. votis] studiis fut MS.} 

40. omniaque] MS. D. ominaque, 

45. ira] astu [si recte lego.] r • 
5K Theutrantia] Teuthrantia. , . 

52. tibi MS. D. /fl/e^; et pro var. lect. tibi est.. 

53. prtejertur] MS. D. narratur. 

'55. toties qui terris err at] toties terris errator^ 
56. lassas] lapsas [ut V.] 

• in Ovidium^ • IfS 

58. 7Z/o] Co/fo [ut MS.] 

77. deducts] deducens, 

78. ^quaque] Et data MS. D. yel Grandia: cf. Her. ^ 

£p. X. 90. mox famosa [ut MSS.} 

83. Eximias pampas pneconia summa triun^hiJ] MS. D. 

Eximiispompis immania semina laudwi. le^e Sxuviis 
positis, immania semina laudum. 

84. narrabas"] narrabis. 

86. cunis'] nodis [ut N. H.] 

87. MS. D. cuperisifero : lege cyparissifero. 

88. MS. D. Incubuit, vasto pondere litsit humum* 
97. lavumque'] dextrumque [ut MSS.] 

104. nota] Una [ut MSS.] 

1 1 0. tud\ tua est. HI. costas"] costis^ 

120. sensus mollis] visus omnis, 

123. captiva] carpentalCt Fust; i. 619. Nam prius Auso- 

124. venit] vehunt > nias matres carpenta vehebant., 

125. incultis"] incomtis, 

126. vultus — tegendo suos] cultu — tegensve smm: MS. D. 

129> sublime sub] sublimis ut. 

133. insani] Inachii : cf. Met. ix. 112. 

134. CoT^ora] Fadera, 

141. letijero Eveno] lotifero Evenp. 
143. scribenti] re/erenti MS, D. 
150. mihi] MSS. D. et R. mea. 
156. fuit] per it. 

l60. fatis] festis: MS. D. thoris: et pro var. lect* titulis 
et thalamis: idem insidioea* 
Abjudicari videntur 17, 8. 61,2. 75,6. 81,2. 135, 6. 
Epist. X. 

3. Qua} Quam [ut MSS.] 

8. tecta Jronde] facta rore in Fast. iv. l66. Sed cf. Art. 

Am. i. 58. Met. u 44. 
9« vigilans a] vigil arnie a : cf. Her. £p. xx« 230. 
10. pressuras] prensuras [ut V .] 

l6. rapta] rupta MS. D. rapta^: et pro var. lect. rupta. 
21. clamanti] clamavi MSS. D. et R. 
^6. Hinc] Ita MS. D. Hie MS. R. legeniiftc; cf. Her. 

Ep, V. $3. 
31. Jut--me] Ut—te. 40. late] longe MS. D. 

45. me mea] MS. R. te mea : MS. jy.inemahi': et pM var. 

lect. te. 

46. desieram: MS. D. desierant. 
69. tellusjusto] MS. D.justo tellus* 

170 Emendatktws BelHitkii 

70. cara] Una, 73. Tu} MSS. Turn lel Tune. 
75. vivis] vivo vel vivit [ut V.] 
' 86. savat Hpidai insula habet] sava iigride iifha vactt 

[partun cum N. H.] 
96. m 

» • \ 

104* recepta] nUcta [iit N. H.] 
J 06. Hnxii] planxit [ut N. H.] 

1 10. nlices\ silicem [ut MSS.] 
1 J I. quid] qui [ut MSS.] 

115. Dextera — necavit] uextraqut [ut N. H.] — necoiti. 

1 16. £/] Qiitf. ^ 
IM. jtft digitus] que digitis. 
I2B. ttrfii* — arce] turbtz — ort [ut N. H.] . 
141. quoniam — cessit adoro] quod jam — cedent oro. 
14S. nee — si] ne [ut MS.] sim. 

Abjudicari videntur 1^ 2. 45/6. 85^6. 95, 5. 145, 6, 7, 8. 


10. mectassef] spectaret [ut V.] 
61. fratri nam] germani [MSS. germano.] 
65, tibt] mihi. . . 

77. pallentia] tabentia vel languentia. 
80. misero] misera [ut Francius.] 
89. inimicus] immitis. 
106. Admissi] Amissa [ut MSS.] 

111. rapidarum] rabidartim [ut MSS.] Abjudicaotur Ij $• 


6. Fita] vitam. 

16. oraque adunc€L\vA comuaque unca vel armaque adunctu 
. 17. ieitmM].j'ects^ [cum N.:HJ 
29. Acdpit] Acdpis. 

53. nunc] tunc [ut V,] 

54. erant]erat{nt\,].i 

63. aversaque] adversaque \ui.N. HO - - 
65. altera habebit] alter habebat. 
69* fuerantque]fnerintqu€. 75. ipsa] i$ta. 
80. Et fi forte alios] Jrer quastunque alios. 
92. Sic] Si. 

03. et aripedes] eSrifides [ut N. H.3 
101. Pervigil ecce draco] Insopor ecce vigil [cum MS. Pu- 

teano. • ' . : 

no. Munus — quolibet] iiomen,''---quodl%bet. Cf. Her. ^^ 
vii. 168. quodlibet esteferam. Sed lege Vnius auxi^ 
lio quidlibet esse tuli. 
119. tamque] jamque. 

in Chidium. 177 

1^5. Qu^que] QuiBve. 

137. Hymen cantatus] hymenaus clarus vd htius : cf. Lucret 
i. 97. 
^ 159- socialia] geftialia : sed cf. Her. £p. sai. 1$5. 
141. putabamjpMtebat [niff^Ji^ , 
1 49. Jussus stuaioque] cam studiaint [iit N. H.] 

m.- '&U>ltti MSS.]] P» N"W>- »«■ ««^ P- 9' J 

163. Serpenies] Serpeniemne: of. 196. 
170. Cum Puieano iacit MS. D. 
192. pimora cava MS. D. 
199* mS. D. m quaras'-^^umermnusin. 

EPIST. Xlll. 

15. arreptaque] abreptaque [ut MSS.] 

34. MS. I>. qua : et pro y^r. kcU quo, 

39. MS. D. pectam : et pro var. lect. pectar. ' 

43. Dux Pari] Dyspari [lit alii ante N. H.] 

50. reduci] MS. t). reducis : cf. I44« 

55. «e] Ji [ut N. H.] * 

57. multo} lata: cf. Her. Ep. ixt 197* 

60. 9tio^a^ti<ejriie]^iio/iictfft}uerat.MSS.] 

61. HU egth-'LeMaJ IllU'^hedeif 
65. cara] cura [ut Burm^.] 

69. faeitol taciius [N. H, /iicj/e.] 


7e. Aodo/] caie^ [ut v.] 

74- Vt-^quam] MS. D. Et—auod. 

77. CattfA ttia e9^ dispar,'] MIS. D. tMipar calua tua est. 

83. jtittm — amore'] MS. Pulean. jjtiafii-— amarey hoc est, 
quam pugnare, [ita Jortin. Miscdl. Obs. ii. 1. p. 23.] 

^ * foribta] laribus : cf. Her. Ep. xYiii. 56. . 
104. dolor — vents] vel memor^x>e$n$, vtlprecar^^^veni. 
l\6* latitia^nequiiia. 

121. verba'} labra : mox MS. D. resistunt: et prp viur. lect. 

resist ent. 

122. retenta]refecta : cf. Fast. iv. 610. [et sic Francius.] 
135. Sed quid ego has revoeo : revocandnii omen [ut N. H.] 

Cum Jureto fmcit MS. D. ■ 
137. qua ii] qmmvis. 
140. hdrbaraque'] Darddnaque. 
m. Qw>d]Tui^S. Ut.] 

Vol. XIX. CLJi. NO. XXXVII. m 



IUwftrate4 iv Hs^VersUminta the; Latin 4nd Greek 


. . . . ■ » 

1. Thb Latin Pmyer^Boofc, as piiptiidiiPitl^^tifi9^of« Ji^ne^U^ 
exhibits. the followbg >iiinmiims^ifaiwo«^atiy*iii4>PrtM»t c^igiDnse 
in the Catechism on the word '' Sacbament.^ 

''Externum et ^'ih^iW ngnwnvk^i^^^ 
gratiae, quod nobi? ^tilf; . ab ipso Gbristb; uEsti^tujo^ t^iguam 
medium quo eijni jre^^fi'sj, , rt arrsibQ^efa^ i^ «V>ft ,4a « Certos 
fociendos/' * - 

In the new and much altered edition b];: Huiniafl) JtmAUAH^ 
that response is correcllyi giten^ '-ailA agreeably -tfiMibeACSMek of 
Duport. Vid. Claes. Jmrn^fnr^,p^}pi^^ , ' * .^ 

*' Externum Tolo et aspectabite- 3kf^v^i\.>PJL^.f^ 

gratia, cdlata nobis, ab ipfft .Ql!^?!? !iM^W««K^"j^^*^«r{: ^ - 
£. Agreeably to the real meaning of the .origMK^t)i^>IVa(l| to the 
Greek version of Duport. both edition^ aJ'^thBiliB4iii>>Qxfaaiit the 

" gtmcc to hear me«||)y.t||y;yvi^l^iQayeGei^Y«iiMrj^ 
"and toVbnng^birii^Wit»>i>MheSfus^^^^^ 

^' Ut universo populo tuo m^re^ieptum^ratii&yiittid^ t^uM^tuum 
MtliiilHe/ auMlat,' dC jp^o <26rde tmrplectator,. et, frqctui ^piitus 

m the words employed^ rendsr tbctfmttaaingjtiE ithsikiplissage in the 
Exi&rtation, {Clam. Joum. xxxv. p, 102k)i^rfkitotl)iftiK>iigi«^ 
perspicuous. v - 

Feb. 10. 1819. ^^ MimEYENSIS. 

f • » 4 , 

.'.'. > 




> /• .'■. 

Of a Secofid Memoir on Babybthi bif Claudius Jaines Rich^ 

' ; ' • Esq.' 

W.£. ackpowle4ged.o9 ^ fonner occasion (See the Clcj^s. Journ 
No- X»XIV, pecember 1815, pag^ 287) our obligations for 
much iDter«8ting int^igence ^rommquicated in Mr. RicVs first 
Meipoiron the.Huins. of Babylon; a subject hitherto unaccount- 
ably neglected by antiquarian travellers. Our readers will, with- 
out; doubt, be gratified: to learn that a second' part has lately 
appearied, corresponding in size and typographical execution to 
the former, luad iUustn(ted with three folding plates, ver^ neatly 
engraTcd. la thisi Second Memoir the ingenious author inquires 
now ifar .the. ancient descriptions of Babylon are confirmed or 
disproved by the remains still visible on its site ; for that' the place 
at present called Hilla, represents the great, city of Belbs and 
Seipuramis, most antiquaries . seem inclined to believe, and is the 
d^cid^d opinion of Mr. Rich. (p. €L) ^Fhat this inquiry was sug- 
gested by some remarks which Major Rennell ofl^ered on the 
'* Topography of ancient Babylon/', (in the Archaeoldgia, 1816,) 
is declared by our autluH* hin)i^elf,, who says, (p. 2.) '' I have been 
inore paftic^larly induced to enter into a discussion on the cor- 
respQndenceibetweeijL the accounts of ttie ancient historians and 
the niins:! visited, by a paper written by Major Kenneir^ professed- 
ly to vindicate the truth, and consistency of ancientjhistofy, as well 
as his .oNv;;!, account of Babylon .in the geography oif Herodotus ; 
as he conceives my, forpner statements to be at variance .,wi|h 
commonly received jopinions.". And entertaining every senUroent 
of deference due to an authority, of such weight as the distinguish- 
ed, geographer, Mr. Rich c^nct coincide with Major .Rennell, 
either in his interpretation of the ancient writers, or in his deduc- 
Vons frpip the actual appearance of the ruins, (p. 3.) 
• From a. volume x4 barely sixty pages, it would be unreasonable 
to, extract m^qy passages.^ Our object .here is to announce the 
Second Memoir, and not to anticipate any of the pleast^e, wbi^h 
oiir readers may derive ; f^-om examining the author's ar^ninents, 
founded on. personal research among the remans at Hilla^ 'against 
the. theory (seldom erroneoujf) o^ so enihient a geographer as 
Major Rennell. . We shall, however, notice (from p. 20.) a re- 
markable circumstance of th^ Babylonian ruins. — In the tery 
heart of .^ inound,^ called the Kassr^ (or Palace,) and also on tlw* 

180 Notice of Mr. Rich's 

bank of the Euphrates^ Mr. Rich saw earthen urns filled ivith 
ashes^ and some small fragmentB of bones ; and in the northern 
face pf the Mujellibi (that imqnense.heap of bricks^ which some 
hate supposed to be the Tower of Belus), he found a gallery of 
skeletons inclosed in wooden coffins. That the sepulchral urns 
are of high antiquity, none can possibly doubt. The mode of burial, 
and a curious brass ornament found in one of the coffins, will serve to 
prove that the skeletons must have been interred before the intro- 
auction of hlamj or the Mohamm^ah religioif.-^^ These' dis- 
coveries^'' Mr. Rich observes, <' are of the most interesthug 
nature ; and though it is certainly difficult to reconcile them vrhh 
any theory of these ruins, yet in themselves they sufficiently M«- 
blish their antiquity. The two separate modes of burial too it^ 
Ughly worthy of attention. There is, I believe, no reason to 
suppose, that th^ Babylonians burned their dead ; the old Persians, 
Vie know, never did. It is not impossible diat the dtfference 
may indicate tlie several usages of the Babylonians and Greeks, 
and that the urns may contain the ashes of the soldiers of Alexan- 
der and of his successors." (p. 9Q.) 

In the course of this mquiry Mr. Rich sets but little value 
6n the accounts given by Diodorus Siculus and Gtesias ^ while 
he regards Herodotus as the best authority respecting anci^t 
Babylon, (p. 7.) The descriptions, however, left 'by the Grecian 
writers, may \^ perfectly reconciled witji the ruins in their priesent 
state, without dome violence to either, as he remarks in p. 37* 

The Notes and Appendii^ illustrating this Memoir contain iktodi 
curious and interesting matter ; and they please us, by Encourag- 
ing a hope that the ingenious author means to treat of Niniveh m 
a future work. (p. 40.) He offers (in the Appendix) sdtne 
remarks on Babylonian antiiaues, of which a residence during 
ten vears in the vicinity of Hillii has enabled him to form an 
ample and most valuable collection. This comprises niimerons 
sijuiAre bricks, and small pieces of baked clay, -thicker in the middle 
than ^t the ends ; stones of different sizes and kinds ; and cylinders, 
from one inch to three inches long, some of stone, and others 
seemingly of paste or composition ; all bearing inscriptions^ tnid 
many of them very extraordmary figures. The inscriptions are in 
that ^ character generally called arrow-headed, nail-headed, or 
cuneiform. Such is found on the sculptured marbles at Persepolis. 
To explain this kind of writing, many learned Orientalistsi isn- 
deavoured, but without success, until Mr. Grotefend of Frankfort 
lately ascertained, by an exertion of considerable ingenuity and 
persevering diligence, that there are three varielies of these inscrip^ 
tions; the first and simplest being in Zendy the Persians of 
£cbatana ; and that the Babylonian forms are but different mode<f 

Second Memoir on Babylon. l&l 

oT inscribing jlhe same character. Mr. lUch is of opinion that this 
cuneiforiQi or arrow-headed letter, was commbn to the great natioi^s 
of antiquity^ the Median, Persian, and Assyrian (p. 50*) ; and he 
quotes the celebrated Professor Heeren, who observes, '^ That it is 
ill all,, likelihood the Assyrian writing of Herodotus, and thi^t 
which Darius Uystaspis engraved on the pillars which he set up 
ou the banks of the Bosphorus«" He adds, that the Persepolitan 
inscriptions deciphered by Dr. Grotefend are of the times of Cyrus, 
Darius Hystaspis, and Xerxes; and this sacred or lapidary charac* 
ter probably fell into disuse on Alexander's Conquest, whep neit^ier 
the Persians nor Babylonians had any monuments to erect or 
events to record. Besides the inscribed stones and bricks, small 
figures of brass or copper are found at Babylon ; but Mr. Rich 
remarks that the ruins have not yet produced any coins. The 
three plates exhibit various extraordinary devices and inscriptions 
on cylindrical gems, bricks, and smaller pieces of baked clay, 
sculptured stones, and brass figures, all monuments of Babylonian 
antiquity, forming part of our author's very valuable collection. 
We sincerely hope that, qualified as he is for the task, and advanta- 
geously situated for the execution of it by his residence near Hilla, 
and the influence which he derives from his public character, Mr. 
Rich may continue his researches amoiig the Babylonian remains, 
and favor us occasionally with the result of his labors. His comniur 
nications will be gladly received in Europe, to whatever bulk or 
number they may extend. A strong spirit of curiosity has been 
excited on the subject of Babylonian antiquities ; and it is in Mr. 
Rich's power to gratify that curiosity by the publication of a work, 
which we will venture to recommend ; and the compilation of which 
would not interfere with his learned researches ; — we mean a series 
of plates containing accurate (however slightly engraved) repre- 
sentations of all the Babylonian and Persepolitan antiques pre- 
served in his own collection, each article to be briefly described 
in letter-press. It is imnecessary to inform our accomplished 
author how useful and interesting such a descriptive account or 
catalogue raisonne would prove. He is undoubtedly well acquaint- 
ed with the Recueil d'Antiquit6s of Cdunt Caylus, Raspe's Cata- 
lome of Tassie's engraved gems, the Galerie Mythologique of 
M. Millin, and a variety of similar works, that are to be found in 
every archaeological library. 

It is not merely for the pleasure and instruction afforded by bis 
own two memoirs, that we are indebted to Mr. Rich. The first 
publication elicited a quarto volume, intitled '* Observations con- 
nected with Astronomy and Ancient History, Sacred and Profane, 
on the Ruins of Babylon," in which the learned Maurice has dis- 
played his wonted ingenuity, eloqueace, and profundity of research. 

1 83 Notict of Antan^ 

Thb volume ivas pobiished in 181 6, and a aecoud part, or ap- 
p«ndii,ha8 since issued from the press ^1816); both are illustrated 
\nth engravings, and replete with erudition, such as might be ex- 
pected from the author of '^ Indian Antiquities." But we must re- 
serve for a future number of this Journal some remarks on Mr. 
Maurice's Babylonian inquiries. 

' From the conclusion of a paper communicated to- the Society of 
Antiquaries by John Landseer, Esq. in IBl?) (See Arch8eologia>- 
Vol. XV II I.) containing some very interesting observaliom on 
ancient cylinders, we had reason to hope that Captain Lockett'v 
promised Nvork on the ruins of Babylon would have been published 
bi^fore this time. Capt. L. visited the ruins in company with Mr; 
Rich, and we announced bis intended publication so long ago as 
the year 1813. The attention of various able antiquaries and tra- 
Tetters bein^ thus directed to one point, the result, we may trusty 
mil 'be copious and satisfactory information on a subject t>f which 
Sre have^ until within a few years, been left in almost total ignorance; 


ANTiirt, « Bedoueen Romance/' translated from the 
Arabic^ by Terrick Hamilton, Esq., Oriental Secretarij 
to the British Embassy at Constantinople. 

AtfnpvGn three months have scarcely elapsed since the piibKcaf- 
tibnof this romance, there is reason to believe that it has already found 
numerous admirers. Some perhaps among* them will foe pleased 
to pee a few observations concerning it ;. and those of' ouir .readers; 
under whose inspection it has not yet fallen, will pfobaMy disrnk 
us'jfbr reconimendiug the Bedoubi story to their perusal ; for/ com- 
prised within tlie small compass of an octavo volume^ it deli^ta US 
with such a picture of the manners which characterised ati intei'- 
estih^ race of Asiatics thirteen hundred years ago, as we coold 
scarcely have obtained from any other source than an originid 
Arabic manuscript, faithfully translated. That the work befbre'tis 
comes under this description, every pa^e bears testimony : indelsft 
w<!^ ^believe it to be not only faithfully trahstated, but as 'litemHy 
as the different idioms of two languages Can possibly admit. 

With the hero of this romance we have long been acquainted ; 
but he has hitherto appeared only as the celebrated author of 
verses which merited the high honor of a place in the templer at 

a Bedouin Roinnnce. 183 

•Mecca. ** Have the bardi t^ho preceded' me left 4injf theme 
iinsuug^ What therefore shail be my subjeetl^ Lo?eoiiiy «mift 
siipply my lay.** Such 16 the comtneticetAent of bit- tfdniipable 
poem, well known to English readerft through the Version published 
by our illustrious Jones^ wboy^ it appears, designed to have given, 
in a preliminary essay, aome anecdotes of the Bedouin hero :^ whe- 
ther he fulfilled this intention we hfive not ^^Qertaio^n b^it Aotar 
is noticed (chiefly • as a jpoet), by I)^Herbel6t, Reiske, WiUmet, 
JDe Sacy, Menil, and other learned' meii. The'wdrK before us 
presents bim to onr view conispicuous through "a sfbries'-^f^'eKlsMi^* 
^afyBdyentiires iii love and war ;tidventQrefrihe' more itrter^tiiig, 
^ce Trt'ctliow from indi*jpatable' alithoVity,* that however ^marVet 
Joasthensarr&tiveof faisJife, it is fdundedt oil. -fact; and that AiiUf 
is not merely a creature of the imagination. 

It is genefsHy imdc^stDod'thal we;are*indeteM /for jdie-pftbUtatiM 
of tbii. volume (<o the learned author of '' Renkarkeron Mferkl Parte qf 
Turkey^ jEgjfptiaca\*- 4r^ brother€m|geniauiatraB8UlQt-&^ lmt% 
flhort mtroduction ifae Editor obeerves^ that aome ftradilMnary>,tale# 
(eurneiit in the eighth iceotui^ypfobabljr funii8iaed>ikiaiel:ialafoi:'Ai0 
romance, to f'Osnay^ >oiiis of theemtneniliacholara rwfao 4Mloi9i0d. 
the courts of HaroUn«>al-»Raschidy and: of'his tw^lt'ai-DeUI iuoo^M* 
sor^y At^Amyn and. Al'^Mamoiinr; and-it still boniinued ' to belibe prin- 
cipal* source whence< the Btory-teHcrs off the' doffdlB4idus6a'>«i 
Egypt, Syria, and »JArabia, draw dieir iaost interesting rtiks;!':. . - 

What portion of the original vrork is cotitained tn^ Ttb^^Sk^iph 
tranriiEition, does not appear ; biit from our gleanings i]b« the ilibrary 
of an orienraKst, we are enabled tdv oonfirbij mchatl travellcars • have 
mentioned, that the Arabic tstory is ofi^/oncarienibietletagtfa'; e^end- 
ifigy if we -may- credit some accounts,: to' sfjfj^WiiTTfees^cif-viliicl^ it 
is said, thirty-five have been* lately: purebred in the^Eastt by '4i«{ 
celebrated German orientalist Mr. Hammeii^ mttd deposited in tfif 
Imperial Academy at Vienna^ Those sixty vokimes (which.we W^y^ 
perhaps, venture to- suppoto only sec^tioBai.or; chapters) •.'Ocmstiitiite 
that great body of Arabkmi romabceihtitled ^SeiM-:4bMi 'FoUmree 
AntaribnShed&di^ \s^ ^^y^ ^^jS^VyAtjt^ «Thebisto«^ 
the father (or chief) 6f horsemen, Antar thfe son <rfShwlW' ;'- exhi- 
biting die mamn^rs and customs of ft period which mliy^%d^^ifttykd 
the golden age b^tfore Mohammed. Of thifr worit Sir'WilliMlJoaM 
had seen die foArt^entb volume (and that only)^ when be' eooHposed 
his excellent coiitiuielbtary on Asiatic poetry ; wherefo' '(cipb Kvii.) 
)ie describes the bcfok ** dkAfUarmet Jbla izmori&f^;*'diMbbuntiiA^ 

^ See <« The MoatlaUt, dr S^^to Arabito PMras, which ^sre suspended 
4)u the Temple at ttecca,'^&c. Ldhd; i70d^ 4to, p. do. 

184 Notice qfAntar. 

with all that is elegant, magnificent and sublime ; ^' Nihil est elegant, 
nihil magnificum, quod huic operi deesse putem.'' '' Ita san^ 
eicelsum est/' inc. It may be remarked, that he writes the name of 
cor Bedouin chief Jntara^ while D'Herbeldt and others express 
it by Antarah. In the origiiial Arabic we often perceive the final 

h^ i|AA£ ; but the title above quoted (of the MS. history) agrees 
with Mr. Hamilton in giving the name simply Antar, j^. 

Those who read the eventful story of Antar's loves with the 

beautiful Ibla^ *^^t or Ahla^ will probably not feel less interested 
in his favor, from the consideration that his mother was black and 
a captive : — his father, however, was a prince of the tribe of Abs^ 

\yM 9 and he raised himself, as the learned Editor observes, 
<< by the heroic qualities which he displayed from his earliest youth, 
and by his extraordinary genius for poetry, from the state of sla- 
very in which he was bom, to the confidence of his king, and. to a 
pre-eminence above all the chiefs of Arabia.*^ That he was bom 
some years before Mohammed, is the opinion of a distinguished 
orientalist, Reiske; and we know that the pseudo-prophet came into 
this world (in 57 1) as the scourge of nations, whilst Chosroes, sur* 
named NusUrvan, still occupied the Persian throne, which he had 
ascended in oSl. At the cotut of this monarcli, our romance (we 
mean this English version) leaves the Bedouin hero on the very 
threshhold of those sacred edifices, concerning which some antiqoaiies 
of the present day might expect satisfactory and curious information 
from a work composed, most probably in the eighth century, while 
many altars still glowed with Zoroaster's holy flame. — ''I wish, my 
lord,'' said Antar to the Vizier, *' that you would introduce me to 
the temples of fire/' Thus closes, with most provoking abrupt- 
ness, the volume before us ; no farther continuation of Antar's 
story havii^ as yet been communicated to the Editor. 

It is natural to inquire the fate of illustrious warriors, to ask by 
what manner of death those perished, who in their time had caused 
hundreds to bite the dust That Antar fell by the hand, or at least 
the contrivance, of ffazr-ben-gzaber, who afterwards embraced the 
M<^mmedan faith, we leam from some writers; but Abu Obaida 
informs us that the mighty hero, having attained to a considerable 
age, died through the effects of cold. 

The learned Editor has well defined those characteristics that 
mark the real Arabs or Bedouins, and which this work exhibits in 
their native simplicity : '' an eager* desire for the property of their 
neighbour; an unconquerable fondness for strife and battle; a 
sii^ular combination of profuse hospitality with narrow economy ; 
quick perception ; deep cunning ; great personal courage ; a keen 
sense of honor ; respect for their women ; and a warm admiratiou 
and readj use of the poetical beauties of their uprivalled Ian- 

Adversaria Liter aria. 185 

guage.'' — It is not improbable, he thinks, that Antar was well 
known to the early European writers of romantic adrentures, who 
followed the age of Charlemagne ; but whether his singular story in- 
spired them with a taste for chivalrous exploits, ** is a question to 
the solution of which we may look forward, when the whole 
shall be before the public. It may be observed, however, thut 
little more was wantmg in order to compose tlie romances of the 
middle age, than to engraft on the war, love and courtesy of the 
Arabs, the splendid and soft luxuries of the other countries of 
the East, the witchcraft of Africa, the religious fervour of the 
soudi of Europe, and the gloomy superstitions of the north." — 
Introd. p. vii. 

We know the difficulties of translation from Eastern languagm, 
especially where poetry is so thickly interspersed as in the ro- 
mance of Antar ; but those difficulties, it is evident, Mr. Hamilton 
has long since conquered. That he may continue and finish bis 
arduous undertaking, must be the wish of all who, like ourselves, 
have derived considerable pleasure from the commencement : and 
we advise him to persevere in the style which he has adopted, re- 
taining, wherever practicable, without acAial barbarisms, the ori- 
ginal Arabic idioms. The energy and simplicity of Antar's sen- 
timents are most happily expressed in orieatal phraseology, if we 
clothe the Bedouin hero too strictly hi an European dress, we ren- 
der him as ridiculous as those effeminate coxcombs contemptuously 
styled dances J and the utmost art of a Parisian milliner would but 
deprive the beautiful Ibla of her native loveliness. 


No. XIX. 

Fragment of a Poem on the Actian War, copied from a 
Mamuscript taken from Herculanbum; supposed to be 

written by C. Rabirius. 


Col. I. 


. . CESAR . FA . . . AR . . HAR . . lAM G 

. . RT-.HISILLE- .... NATO . .CVM ELLA FOR . . . 



' The letters in the smaller type were inserted by Ciamp|ttii; as those 
he considered appropriate for tilling up passages which could not be de- 

ISB 'Adversaria Liter aria. 

AdsiUeos muriS • N£C * D£FVit IMP£TVS * ILLIS. 

Col. II. 
fuDeraque adCEDVNT • PATRiis dcforMIA • TerRIS 
cCfoedA Ilia niAGIS • QVaM • Si NOS geSTA LATEReNT 
•ir ERAT • IMrierllS* ANIMOs COHHierE SVorVM ; . 
QuID- CAPITIS lam caPTA I AC EN t QVA£ praenria belli ? 
SVBRVrriS • fERm nieA • MOENI A QVONdAM . ERat hoSTIS. 

Col. III. 
DIco ETIAM • dOLVISSE • DEAM vIDISSe triuMphoS " ) 

AcTIACOS • CVM . cAVSa fORES Tu MaxIMA beJLXl . . « i 


Col. TV. . . ' 

, , , ^ ^ ^ j^I^ 

SAEP£ • Ego QVAE " VfiUllis CVraEr seRMoNIBV^ aneoi" ' ' , 

QVA fiiGlfVr lux, erro : TameN N VNC • QVAErere caV^AS, 

EX • SiGVasque mORaS • VITAE • LIBET-. EST • MIHI • CONIuNX: . 



Hit iGItur pARTIS aniMVm DIDVctuS IN oMiilS ' 



CoL. V. 
ddeetVMQue foniM Quo noXIATVRBA COiREJ, 

Col. VI. 
hie cAdit absumtus fERROs TumeT* IlLE * VENeno, 
voLNERE • 8EV- TeN VI • PARS • INLiTA • P ARVA ' VertENI- 
hA6 ^ INT«a ' «tRAG£S • 80U0 * DESCENDIT * cT * INTER . 

Cou VIL 


SIC • ILL! ' INteR • Se mISERO- scrMoNe fRV VNT V R- 

A dversaria LUeraria^ 187 

ATROPO&- INHtDeNs inteR • DIV£R$A * vagenteM 
CONStLlA • INtEirirVs, QVAM • \AM sua fatA MAKeRENT 
GENTIS • ALEXANdrl • CupiENs AD- nioEnia VENIT- 

Cot. VIII. 
obtereRE- adnisi PORtarVm clAVSTRa pEr VRBEMf-, 

Remarks on two Passages of Sophochs^ Ed. Br, 

^£1 TtKva, Kd^iMv ToSfvAXm wia rgo^ijf GBd.Tyr. v. >•• Brunck 
translates via rpo^ti nova progenies ; Potter «kid Frandifi, ^' youth-- 
Jul progeny** Brunck's translation of yia may be defended, though 
1 think hodiema would be more appropriate. YouibfiU is evi- 
dently wrong, (^dipus baw before him an assemblage of persons, 
some of whom were children, hot^), nestlings tcarcely Bedged, ov- 
U ?rc0 [Asixgav irrMat c^ivovris ; some were weighed down with years, 
<rwv yripa ^eipus ; and others, the flower of the Theban youth. The 
monarch/ addressing them co//ec<ive^, certainly would not style 
them ^' y out hjul progeny :** and should it l>e said that the king would 
naturally be more attracted by the young folks than by the senior part 
of the company, and consequently address himself to the former, 
I beg leave to observe that in thiff case the opposition, which I 
think every one must allow to exist between' via and fov tfuXm^ 
would be entirely lost sight of; via rp^ is ^ r^o^^ vuv oZc/x rou KaifMu 
'nihMi SvTogf the now existing offspritig (whether young or old) of 
the formerly existing Cadmus — the modem (if I may. be allowed the 
expression) offspring of the ancient Cadnuu, or, in fewer words, 
the representatives of Cadmus,, as we call the living head of an 
ancient family the representative of the bouse of Russel, &c. 

Ai a? vvx^av iarojiirav. (Ed. Col. v. 1248. <' alias noctuniis splen- 
dentibus astris," Br. Musgrave understands the poet to allude to 
the Riphaean mountains, and quotes a passage from Aristotle 
strongly in favor of this interpretation. However, Ircannot help 
differing from both these able scholars, and still continue to give 
the passage that sense which on my first reading the play I thought 
the author intended to convey : viz. by vj^lav ^moiv I understand 
the northern lights. I do not know bow the poet could have more 

183 Adversaria Later aria. 

strikingly designated the northern quarter of the heavens, than by to 
allusion to this beautiful phenomenon, uor how he could have used 
terms more descriptive of it. 

February l6iA, C. G. H4 

PoLiTiANi Carmen. 

In usum et ^ratiam lectorum tuorum descripsi Odon Politiani 
purissimo Latinarum Musarum melle conditam, qua Christ. Lan> 
ilino Horatii editionem gratulatus est. Pauci illam legerunt; 
quippe quse non fuit recepta a Politiani editoribiis : at digna est 
quae a multis legatur, et hoc non semel. Vale. T. T. Lut. Kal, 
Febr. MDcccxix. 

Vates, Threicio blandior Orpheo, 
Sen mails fi.dibus sistere lubricos 

Amnes, seu tremulo ducere pollice 

Ipsis cum latebris feras ; 

Vatesi Mo\\\ pectinis arbiter. 

Qui princeps Latiam soliicitas chelyn ; 

Non segnis titulos addere uoxios 

Nigro carmine frontibus ; 

Quis te barbarica compede vindicat i 
Quis frontis nebulam dispulit, et, situ 

Deterso, levibus restituit choris 

Curata juvenem cute i 

O quam nuper eras nubibus et malo 
Obductus senio ! quam nitidos ades 

Nunc vultiis referenSy docta fragrantibus 

Cinctus tempora floribus. 

Talem pui pureis reddere solibus 
Lsetum pube nova post gelidas nives 

Serpentem positis exuviis solet 

Verni temperies poll. 

Talem te choreis reddidit et lyrae 
Landinus Veleruni laudibus aemulus/ 

Qualem tu solitus Tibur ad uvidum 

Blandam tendere barbiton. 

Nunc te deliciis, nunc decet et levi 
Lascivire joco, nunc puerilibus 

Insertum thyasis aut fide garrula 

Inter ludere virgines. 

Adv€rsari4t Liter aria. J 89 

• M. S. 

Viri muliis nominibus dilecti desidtratiqne^ 
Frank Saters^ M.D. 

In quo ingenio acri judicium p»r acce^senit 

In^r^t in sermone ejus 

inn<^ui|8 gravitate coiid|tu8 Ie|K>8, 

Lateris 4edicti9« 

at insipleQti a^peritiite prorsus al^horrebat^ 

ut doctrinae copiam nioruin Uberalitate sequaret, 

Vixit moderatu^y probua, pius, simplex ; 

ill pauperes pro facilitate largus ; 

in amicos comis ; 

benevolus in opdne^. 

Prpfectus ejus qu^es esseot, 

pirca Arcbseologiam, Historiaany Philosopbianii Poesin^ 

quae scripsit tei^tur ; 

Qualjs ipse, superstitum lacr^ftnae. 

Ohiit Vlto die Aug. A. D. M-DCCCXVIi. 

^taltift siHie UV. 

^nthohgia ante Jacoisium im4iUt epigrammatm 

tvia correcia. 

Ad Hmchkii Jtmhda erii. in AnthoL Gr. 

Pag. 202. 

rouTov Ttif^oxXiovg ^ebrov ixuro'OiMVou' 
xa) yoig Tt[iox\iti$ Zfiii^t, xopou, euhf 6 Koatw$ 

xivhy Ix roirmv wptoi Voopofopu. 
^' Mihi quidem Versus 1 . integer esse^ nee medicina indigere vi* 
detur ; rao^cr'obseryetur, primam positiohem Zmgov non esse ri iwp9V, 
sed 6 Jmpos, nonien proprium. Quis autem sit hie Dorusy non 
tarn fiquet. Si'sitDorus^ Neptuni filius, qui in Doride re^naviti 
unde populi Dbrii appellati sunt, Nymphae tbntanae seu flaviatiles, 
Dori filiae, aqua efunt Dortca, i.e. fdns, fluvius, lacus, stagnum 
Doridisy. prope hortum Timoplis ; quiboQ et convenit dialectiis. 
Sed potest et alius porus fontem invenisse, puteum fodisse, aut 
guctum fecisse aquarum, euripum^piscinam c6tt.,quibus auctoris no-; 
men haeserit ; ut Genes. 26, 20^ etSS. loann. 4, 6. Theoprit. ][d. 7, 6f 

190 Adversaria Literaria^ 

Quin, si quis Dorus aquas loci illius animi causa frequentavit, hoc 
ipsum celebre adposteros illis i^omeo ejus dare potuit^ ut Viteber- 

pB est LuikerS'Brunn. 

P. 208. 

» ' M , t 

aK>Jt xari W'^a; T^jf, ifoia;t dripiv* 
riv yip nUfft&iv'Ufiiji^v ^X^ Meio'ms 

" V. 2. xoird (Tr/yaj leg. i«ta il^wVaf/Sfawe*, genios sepulto- 
ruin, inferos. Oi icarto fw) dikit' t)\6a6r\Xd Sicaf us p. 105. et xoltu), 
apud inferos, Aristophanes; JEkciAnes So'crat. e^c. ' 

P. «77- 

Nufi^eu N^iih^f (urettfifrrm^ §^ SfiM xatru^ 

tl li riayiv to 'Xstr^ J^n X^P^* ^^^ oy^o'f < 

" V. £t -^iv i.^^fw, Mourns ewe." ' ' ' . 
'' P. 102. wird PhilemoBiA Lexteofi Technologicum Ms. ange- 
fiihrty daraus auch Villoison zu Apollonii Lexicon Homericum mehr- 
mals ganze Artikel mitgetheHffaat/dreaber fast alle wortlich schoo 
in Farini Phavorini Diciionario s^hen ;, doch so^dass der eineaus 
deni fnfldern verbesaert^werden kaim; So wio hier 4a^\iAs: dal^Jetzte 
Wort feblerhaft Jleq^ixiiinijii avgiebtf Varinus aber v. Xttya>is, ^ 
fiivoy Hx) irriJ^ -.:-« ncbtig tfi^Difibi^faitJ'' V. 

Solonis Fragmentum emendatum, 

documento quam caute indnfa sehsugue cttrenftia ttJ^is-ejicienda sint. 

In versibus iis, s-^pcf? }^i^ ,'^9^:l¥^^!^^^J^f}W^ '^^^ posuit 
Brunckius (jnom. p/7l^>:mdiuD, vi^^ poslhac 

Meiboa^,p^re;c^recj^6ue^9l^er^^^^ ??i*P?n? f^^' 

(\Qibj9s; G^cun jcpriun, e^^^ ijo. , O^c^cnsi jet ?tJJ|si^"i??^^ 

fragp»eofi,iSe4(3s ^t^ ^ sine g^ns^ (^.nietro^l^^1^aUj|r iyv fiif,^ r c^tu 
Aliud} sffo^ eX; duobiis' ^pdd. JDiogenis .^ifcrtiu-) /yf oflf.,f f^ j'fj 
yaoufl^ ,ffoii^m^tiua esl^ ductuip^ex.^^, iy'^ifLQyrc^smi, Latino li- 


.' Agitur de libro torn ineditp, qur]pu:^,er demun^ Onroli Bumeii cura 16'cu^ 
lepitff typis descriptqsprodiit: «a:|^bi>df A«{i^T^^ Ex'btbltotbeca 

Piwicasi. •Lbndini,m«i.MI>GCCXII/8. . 

Adotrmria Liter aria. 19 1 

terpreti, aui vertit celeriierj baud dubie ra;^ec«; in mentem Teneraty 
particula h. 1. hiutilis. Rectius H. SlephaQus, quum corniptum 
modeste servasset, aliud sub isto lateos ^uerebal, sed frustrft.- :^d 
vero vocabulum erat rdyugt, rarius illu.d quideniy at vetiistioris 
Atticismi auctoribus HMtatnm^ Docemtir h6c a Soida aliisqne 
Lexicograpbis, qui ad rdf)p^,u^.,b^x!^arov, Germanis quasi eiff 
hischen (bisschen, biisken): cf. Hesychii glossas, a-^tyupiw et rar/ifuif. 
quod posterius tanien minus certum videtur : ad rdyvgt igitur flli 
Eupolidis-audoritateiii :adscrip8eruiit.' Sed eorum in gratiam, qui 
gravantur pliA-es simul Itbros evolvere, quatuor illos versiculoff'affe- 
laniuSy et nunc postremun cum absurda lectioae vulgataf : 

Epos MlfMiffjJff tWivroLj 
*£^xovrAen) Mtiipet xf;(Oi tavdrov.' 
A>X fi [A&i xav ytiy Iri wela-eaiy {^sXc rovro* 
[MiSi fUyeup*, Sri cev Xilof ifgao'dfunf, 
JuA ii£reuroifi<rof Xtyioos reXi, oa^e V ieiSr 

(DisticiioN, ilKs-ex Plntarcbo annexum, sejungendum est.) Jam 
ima cum verbis^ jNtmnrofq^oy riy^qt roS), commodus hie et ele- 
gans. scnmis reMvii ttefinge^ muta, leviculum hoc, pro sexage- 

Xogeniom hujus et'certae emendationis auctor primarius facile 
pP49et diutiuji- odari. Dicendum. ergo, inventam illam jam dudum 
eue.a Sopiugio, ftrguente notulaejus ad Hesycb. T. 11. p. 15S9-' 
tribanverbUperacripta. Qua occasione grate recolertda est saga- 
ci0simi Fmii ^memoria/qui quum obscurp loco duvfiopos in sfadiis 
vixisset, in hoc maithiie gntmmatico genere entices occiipatus, 
cupctatocmtMS Qtealuinniator sui propemodum nibit ipse cfdidisset, 
a- lfilJ*aMa;tiMi8*«st, relictismaltis in Hesycbinm et alios veterum 
libroi; oonrjfectioBibus, quae nonduo) omnes tridentur^ ipsius nuidem 
uomioQ^luetm'.vidisse. Jr. 

Sc ALXGKK ,de Accentibus. 

'' Accent^! jr]|^ye9y qui.dictjppibiis Latinis apppnuntur^ nostra. 
mefnoiia,intff<^cU«uiU et ittlibrpsillati ; qui cum nihil juvent audi- 

rem. aui neMMLUtanim Mfc nrrinipfifliifn nuantHm aut auantum 

torein, qui :iieaGiti.utrum sH accipiendum quantum aut quantum, 
advecbiaittervel ut homen, nee edam. prouunciantem ; toto cpelo 
Latino ablegapdj et.fugandis^unt, Virgul« (,) et cola. (;) nostra, 
etiam t^ropestft^tW^ej:^ avMamitiOy cimi antiquis prorsus incog- 
nita fuei^t,^' 

In quendamfMrvum^nkmlenium. 
Ne siSj terra, grayb : non fuit ille tibi. 





SCHOOL. 8vo, Exeter. 

V Glassjci nihU a nobis a}ienoni putamus'* The subject of the 
siinall Pamphlet before us is of extreme importance to all Masters 
of Foundation Schools. Few of our readers are unacquainted 
with the eminent character of Dr. Lempriere, as a scholar,, a 
teacher, and a writer. About nine years ago he was elected Master 
of Exeter School. By his experience, his learning, his indefati- 
gable diligence^ and bis judicious system of education, he soon 
raised the School to a lofty eminence in reputation, and to unprece- 
dented numbers. But in the course oif a few years an opposition 
was railed against him by some leading men ip the Corporation, 
the Trustiees of the School. Of the actions of men two molivses 
usually existf one .real, and one ostensible. The real motive of 
His persecution he givea in his pamphlet. The ostensible motive 
was, that he had charged eight guineas instead of six, for tuition.' 
Before he became a candidate for the School, he naturally inquired 
into the particulars of the terjms ; and was ^uswered by the oigan 
of the Corporation, the Town Clerk, that the terms were unli- 
fikited, and that the late master had raised them. He thought, 
with every calculating man, that the difference of the timet autbo- 
litod^ and denumded, at least such an increase. 

By the Deed of Endowment it was stipulated, that the soot of 
freemen of the city shall be instructed in the Latin tongue vnthout 
any expense to their parents. These are admitted by an order 
from the Trustees ; and Dr. L. has always cheerfully received and 

« It was likewise indirectly objected to Dr. L. that he had not confined 
himself to the Latin Grammar used by his predecessors. This puts us in 
mind of the carping Momtis, who, when %ll the guds admired the beauty, 
the graces, ana the perfection of the person of Venus, observed that k$r 
stippert were too noity I Is a man of lon^ experience in the art of teaching 
to lie denied the privilege of selecting sucn books as he has found in practice 
best calculated to promote the speeoy and solid improvement of his pupils? 
Are all our Latin Grammarians, from the great Busby to the acute Jones, 
to be n^lected and discarded, to give exclusive way to one Grammar? We 
are far from blaming those, whose old associations induce them to prefer 
Lily's Grammar ; but we deprecate the bigotry of ascribing to that book, 
what is due to the supplementary inetruction of excellent teachers. We 
stronffly advise all scholars and tea^h^rs, before they prouoi- nee a judgment 
on a Latin Grammar, to peruse attentively the besit work on Latin Grammar 
ever published in England, Johnson's Grammatical CommeiUaries. 

Notice of a Vindtcation, ^c. 193 

educated gratis as many as they chose to send. From this •circum-* 
stance a plain inference appears, tb«l the charges made to other 
l>oys ought not to be subjected to the control of t^ie Trustees, but 
left to the disposal of tlie Master, whose interest would always 
induce him to keep them within tb^ bounds of moderation.' Oi» 
this subject it should not be forgotten, that his salary is t)nly 40/« 
a year, and that he is obliged to perform divine service twice oa 
Sundays at the Chapel of the Hospital, for a most inadequate 
compensation, and thus deprived of the advantage of a more pro*- 
fitable clerical employment. • 

Of late, since the real cause of the opposition to Dr.L. ap-^ 
peared more wgent to its movers, the storm against him became 
so boisterous, that he found himself obliged to vindicate his con^ 
duct and his character by the publication, in December last, of 
the pamphlet under our notice* On that very day he was formally 
dismissed from the School by a majority of the Corporation. Re- 
lieving, and. encoumged by his fiiends in the persuasion, that a 
superior tribunal would redress so summary and arbitrary an act, 
be came to the Metropolis,, to consult some of the moet eninent 
characters in the Courts of King's Bench and of Chancery. By 
them he was informed that, however bard his case was, he could 
obtain so redress, because die Corporation were both Trustees and 


To a common observer it will appear inconceivable, that the same 
men should be both Trustees, and Visitors over themselves. Quis 
cusiodiet ipsos custoderi We are indeed fold that the same case 
occurs in the. appeal from the Court of Qiancery to the House of 
Lords, in both of which the Lond Chancellor is supposed to de- 
cide. But we coBceiTe the case to be widely different. The 
House of Lords will alwaya, most properly, pay a great deference 
to the opinion of their illustrious president; but that opinion does 
not necessarily, or constantly, determine their decision. 

But^ presumptuous as it may ^eem to differ from the great atH 
thorities> who were eoMuked, we h«mbly conceive that the word 
wit J used in the Deed, does not confer on the Trustees the power 
of Special Visitors. ''The Maior and Comoa GounselP' 
are empowered ^ from time to time, and ^Vt all times hereafter^ le 
wite the said Scboole, and to owler, referm, and redresse all disor- 
ders and abuses in and touchinge the governmente and disposinge 

: ' The imce of dght guineas appears reasonable to the writer of the account 
of Steter School, in CarhaW's '' X>escripaon of Endowed GraDfSMur Scbools,^ 
Vol I p. 3X7; fin jaccouat sent by a person evidently not partial to Dr. L.. 

VOL. XIX. CI. ji NO. xxxvn. N 

194 Notice of a Vindication of 

of the same/' Now to us the word visit expressly signifies only to 
examine, to inspect, and in (consequence " to order and reforno, 
and redress." And this surely might have been effected without 
the expulsion of the Master. If they possessed this authority^ the 
path of candor and moderation was clear and simple. They had 
only to ** order" that six guineas only should be paid to the Master, 
and with that " order" be would have complied. 

This is a subject of such vital importance to the cause of liberal 
education, that we trust it will be taken into public consideration; 
and that such obsolete and absurd charters, formed in times of 
comparative darkness and ignorance, will not be suffered to remain 
uncontrolled either by special visitors of rank and talents, or by 
the dispassionate and enlightened decision of those courts of law, 
the boast of our constitution, whose object and whose practice it is 
to secure ^' the rights of persons and of things," and to vindicate 
y private and public wrongs." Our sole view in noticing this sub- 
ject is the preservation, as far as our humble but sincere endea- 
vours will permit, of the comfort and security of a body of men, 
whose learning is, in general, deep, whose talents are exteosive, 
whose assiduity is incessant, whose conduct is exemplary, whose 
exertions are meritorious, whose success is incontrovertible ; but 
whose influence on society is not duly considered, whose worth is 
not always properly appreciated, and whose services are seldom 
adequately rewarded. 

We shall finish this article by inserting a copy of a paper laldy 
sent by Dr, L. to those, whom it may concern. 

Exeter Free Grammar School, 

I OUGHT to apologise for intruding the subject of Exeter School 
on the public attention ; but it is momentous, not only to myself, 
but also to all masters of schools, and to the rising generation. . 

The able Chancery Lawyers, whom I have consulted, are all of 
opinion that "as the charter of St. John's Hospital*' {tluU charier^ 
of the existence of which I was ignorant j till within th€se. Jem 
months) ''>alIows tlie trustees themselves to be visitors, and to coo^ 
trol the school : the Lord Chancellor has no jurisdiction over Iheir 
act, however harshly or capriciously they may have exercised their 
authority, and whatever may be the merits of my case in a naoral 
point of view," 

it should be recollected, that the trustees of Exeter School ex- 
cuse themselves for signing my dismissal, because agreeably to the 
official letter of their town-clerk, written under the direction of 
their president, I asserted the right of unlimited charge for tbitiOiU' 
Though in my absence, and without my knowledgej they pass^ a 

the Master of Exeter SchooL 1 95 

tkuse to restrict the admission fee^ th^r leading members^ on my 
arrival in Exeter^ when I separately expostulated with them, saw 
the impropriety of a regulation which for 200 years had never \ieen 
attempted either in the Latin or English schools, (into both of 
which they exercise the power to send as many sons of freemen 
as they pleiEise, to be educated gratis,) and they prof^ised that it 
should be rescinded. Trusting to this promise, which I regarded as 
the honorable pledge of men desirous to evince the consistency of 
the conduct of their body, as well as the respectability of the master 
of the school, 1 left the parents of children, not freemen, to pay 
whatever they thought proper, sometimes six, sometimes eight 
guineas ; and the contribution was never regarded as immoderate 
by those who liberally considered, that the taxes of the house swal<- 
lowed up the salary of 40/. together with the small pittance re^ 
ceived from the pews of the chapel, where I was bound to preach 
two sermons every Sunday, and that I had no other emoluments 
from the Hospital from which to pay the masters, of whom the 
classical assistant alone received double my own salary. 

Thus situated, and educating the sons of freemen gratuitously, I 
felt disappointed that the new members introduced into the Cham-^ 
ber seemed to be actuated by selfii<h motives, and, concurring widi 
the original party who opposed my election, persisted to enforce 
that clause, which would enable them, in violation of what wa» 
confessedly a proper and usual remuneration, to have their own 
children educated at a cheaper rate. So truly sensible, however, 
were the Trustees of the indelicacy of their interposition, that in 
two subsequent meetings on the subject, they did not order or di*' 
rect, but merely expressed their opinion and their request, that! 
would charge only six guineas. Considering their interference as 
improper, with respect to the sons of residents, not freemen, I, 
charged eight guineas, but never ten, as has been maliciously^ 
asserted ; and then, after being suffered for ten years to act as my 
predecessors had done, in raising the terms of tuition according U> 
the circumstances of the times, and as I was authorised by the 
official letter to believe 1 could do, they displaced me, without any 
previous conditional threat, or requiring any positive explanation, 
thou^ I had simply before me the expression of their request and 
opinion, and the acknowledged assertion of some of their body that 
eight guineas were a fair charge. -^They displaced me, without 
pausing, or expostulating with me on this questionable point, or 
on any point regarding the management of the school, as other 
men, actuated by common feelings of charity, would have done, 
before they inflicted so cruel a wound on the iair fame of an inno- 
cent individual;— yes ! they displaced me at the short notice of 

196 Notice of a Vindicatiottj ^c. 

Hx>ent^'tix days, and after a consultation of scarcely /fre minut^f 
6n the plea that I had lost their confidence, and without ailing 
Any charge whatever against my conduct or character. The evi- 
dent cause of these violent and illiberal proceedings, therefore^ was 
not incorrectness in the discharge of my duty ; but that my situation 
was wanted for the son of one of the%e I'rustees, who was almost 
immediately appointed after the farce of an election, on the 27 th 
of January. 

Against the capricious decision of these men, who, contrary to 
the pure administration of justice, have acted in the monalrous 
character of my accusers, jurors, siud judges,, it seems that T can- 
not even appeal for redress to a court of law or equity. Such is 
the law as it now stand? ! fie it so. I submit, and only hope 
that I shall be the last sacrifice offered to these obsolete charters, 
vested too often in the hands of men who are guided by interested 
aAd arbitrary motives. The disgrace which they have attempted to 
throw on me recoils on themselves, and, like Gehazi's leprosy, 
will cleave to their body for ages to come. I feel it no dishonor 
to be thus treated by men who pay so little respect to public or 
private feelings, and who so palpably neglect the calls of hu- 

After sinking above 500/. in improvements on the house and 
premises, and thus depriving my family of a little fortune, and 
after raising the school to a degree of celebrity which it had never 
tefore acquired, I retire from my situation, disappointed indeed 
in my expectations of redress, but not dishonored, — and insulted in 
the feelings of myself and of my family, but not injured in reputa- 
tion. Thus obliged, at an age vihen the evening shades of life are 
drawing around me, to seek another home, and with nine children, 
to begin, as it were, the world afresh, 1 feel consoled by the re- 
flection that I have conscientiously discharged my duty ; and I look 
with confidence to a more liberal and honorable support at the 
hands of an enlightened and unprgudiced pubfii!;, than I have found 
from these Trustees. I retire from a situation which, with the 
galKng chains that now encircle it, no man of independent mind 
would tmdettake. i ^bxAd not, for all the wealth of India, ex- 
change my feelings with him who was marked^ almost ^oift his 
cradle, for my successor. No ! I should read die " by-paths and 
indirect crooked ways/' and **the blood of Naboth,'' written by 
iH invisible finger agaknst every wrfl. 

*^ yictrix causa DHs placuit, sed victa Ca4oni" 

John Jjzurnnn^. 
Enceter^ Feb. 1, 1819. 

Literacy Intelligence. 197 


Exeter, ^a December, 1808. 
^ SiRy — In answer of yonr letter of the £4th November^ to 
Mr. CollynSy I am desired to inform you, that the present number 
of boys in the Exeter School is 80 ; of whom 40 are boarders with 
the master at 50 guineas a year, and 40 are day-scholars at 6 gui^ 
neas a year. The salary is 20L a year^ as mentioned in the adver- 
tisement.' I don't know that there are any other perquisites/ bat 
there may be some. The contribution for instruction is not limited; 
it has been increased by the present master. There are two assist-* 
ants in the school, paid by, and under the controul of, the master. 
There are some \'aluable exhibi^ons in the University." 

" Hen. Ley, Town-Clerk." 

Hfteratp gntellfsence. 



Xh e Rev. F. Wrangham is engaged in editing Dr. Zouch's va- 
rious Minor Works, published and unpublished, in 2 Vols. Oct. 
with a Memoir of his life. 

Mr. T. Yeates, late of All Souls College, Oxford, and author 
of the ^^ Collation of an Indian Copy of th6 Hebrew Pentateuch,** 
*^ the Indian Church History,*' 8cc. &c., is now printing a Syriac 
and English Grammar, designed for the use of British students. 
The work was originally composed at the request^ and under the 
inspection, of the late Rev. Dr. Buchanan. 


No. VH. of Stephens' Greek Thesaurus will soon appear, when 
the price will be again raised to l/. 5$. small, and 2/. 125. 6d. 
large. Present price ]/• S^. and 21. 105. 

I>r. Meier is preparing an edition of two Discourses of Isaus. 

Aristaeneti Epistolas Grsece et Latine, ad Cod. recensuit, notis 
cum editis tum ineditis Merceri, Pauwii, Abreschii, Dorvillii, Sal- 
masii, Scfaurzfleischii, Lambecii, Bastii, atque suis illustravit J» 
Fr. Boissonade. 8vo. 

Revue Encyclop^que,^ ou Analyse Raisonn^ des productions 
les plus remarquables dans la Litt6rature, les Sciences et les Arts. 
Par «ne r6uni<Mi de Membres de ITnstitut, et d'autres hommes de 

*' The original salary of 40/. had been reduced for some years to 20/. in 
order to defray the expense of building the School House. See Carlisle's 
Endowed Sch0$ls, Voli. p. 270. 

1^8 Literary Intelligence. 

Professor Krehl» of Dresden, announces his intention of piib^ 
lishing a critical edition of all the works of Priscian. For the 
XVI Books '^De Partibus Orationis/' his materials arev^complete; 
but he solicits those who possess valuable libraries^ or preside over 
public institutions, to aid him in fitting for the press the smaller 
treatises of this ancient grammarian ; particularly by the communi- 
cation of MSS. The inspection of an impression by Elias Une' 
ius^ and of an edition at Erfurt, of the book 7rtp\ (rvrta^Hos, by 
Ganimedes Lupambulus, (Wolfgang Schenk) 1501, is earnestly 
requested by the learned Professor. His booksellers, the Weict* 
roans of Leipsic, undertake to receive and forward all communis 
cations. Jena A. L. Z. September, 1818. 


Mr. Archdeacon Nares's Dictionary of the middle age of the 
English Language. From a specimen of it, which we have seen, 
we can promise me public not only much curious instruction, but 
much interest and amusement. 



Nos. I. and H. of The Delphin and Variorum Classics; price 
209. each No. On the 1st of June the price will be raised to 2l5« 
each. Large paper double. 

'HPnAIANOT *EniMEPISMOI. E codd. Parisinis edidit Jo. 
Fr. Boissonade. Price 12*. boards. 

Virgilii Opera; with Heyne's Text, and the Delphin Notes, do 
luterpretatio ; oct. 10s. 6d. For Schools. 

Gradus ad Parnassum ; a New Edition, without the Verses and 
Phrases; the translation of the words given, "also their formation. 
Many new words are added, with various other improvements. 
Royal duod. Pr. 7^. 6d. 

The present Edition is printed on the suggestion of several 
Schoolmasters, who have long objected to the old Gradus, as b^ng 
greatly injurious to the progress of rising genius. 

Pens6es de Platon sur la Religion, la Morale, la Politique, re- 
cueiilies ettraduites par M. LeCIerc, Prof. etc. Paris 1819. 8vo, 

Botanicon Libros iv. e carmine Galiico V. CI. R. R. Castel in 
Latinos versus transtulit Cl. L. Rohard, Rhetorical Prof, in Schola 
^egia Flexiensi. Paris 1818. 

Observations en r6ponse aux Considerations g6n6rales sur reva- 
luation des Monnaies Grecques et Romaines, etc. Paris 1818' 
4to. (par M. Gamier.) 

Casp. Jac. Ch. Reuvens Oratio de laudibus Archasologias, ha- 
blu A. D. 24 Oct, 1818, cum in Academia Lugduno-Batava 

Literary Intelligence 4 tQQ 

pbilosopfaiae theoreticse et literaram humaniorum, in primis Archae- 
ologke extraordinariam professionem auspicaretur. Leid. 1819* 
4to. pp. 29- ^ 

Pisputatio de Zenobia ab A. G. Van Cappelle publice defensa^ 
etc. Traj. ad Rhen. 1817. 

D. I. Lennepii Professoris in Athenaeo lllustri Amstelaedamensi 
Disputatio pro Imperatore Gallieno. (in T. i. Comment. Lat. Ter- 
tise €lassis Instituti Regii Belgici.) 

Suite et Conclusion *de la Pharsale, Poeme Latin de Ck. May, 
traduit en Frangais par P. L. Cormiliolle ; suivi du tableau de la 
Guerre Civile, poeme de P^trone. Paris 1819. 12mo. 

^schyli Septem contra Thebas. edidit Conrad. Schwenk. Traj. 
ad Rhen. 1818. 8vo. pp. xii+309. 

Observazioni sopra alcune Lezioni della Iliade di Omero, del Car. 
L. Lamberti. Milano 1813. 8vo. 

Recherches sur les Bibliotb^ques anciennes et raodemes, jus- 
qo'd la fondation de la fiiblioth^que Mazarine, et sur les causes qui 
ont favoris6 Taccroissement successif du nombre des livres ; par 
Petit-Radel, memb. de Tlnstitut, &c. &c. Paris 1819- 8vo. pp. 
vii + 444. 

Lyrici Lusus Matheronis de Cumieu anno 1740 nati, 1807 
mortui. Paris 1818. 8vo.pp. 61. 

Discours de S. Basile le Grand adress6 aux jeunes gens, &c. 
traduit en Frangais avec le texte en regard ; revu et corrig6 sur les 
xnanuscrits, &c. par C. A. F. Fr^mion, &c. Paris 1819. 8vo. 
pp. 176. 

Nicette Eugeniani Narrationom Amatoriani et Constantini Ma- 
Qassis Fragmenta Graece et Latine cuui notis J. Fr. Boissonade. 
2 Vol. 12mo. Paris 1819. Excudebat A. Bob6e. 

Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in 
Berlin, aus den jahren 1814 — 1815. This volume contains in its 
philological part : A. Hirt iiber das Bildniss der Alten ; Savigny 
liber das Jus Italicum ; &c. Boeckh iiber die Laurischen Silber- 
bergwerke in Attica ; Ph. Buttmann iiber den mythos von den 
altesten Menschengeschlechtern ; Derselbe iiber die Kronos oder 
Saturnus; L, ideler iiber die Sternkunde der Chaldaer; Derselbe 
iiber den Cyclus des Meton, 8cc. 

De ConstruGtione Antistrophica trium Carminum Melicorum 
Aristophanis Syntagma Criticum. Apud Weidmann. Lipsise. 

L'lnvariable Milieu, ouvrage moral de Tseii-ssfe, en Chinois et 
en Mandchou, avec une version litt6rale Latine, une traduction 
Fran9aise, et des notes ; pr6c6d6 d'une Notice sur les quatre Livres 
moraux commun^ment attribu^s d Confucius; par M. Abel Re- 
musat, Professeur de Chinois au College Royal, Paris, imprime- 
rie Royale. 1818. 4to. 

200 Nates to Correspondents. 


Remarks on Saptkism, especially a9 it 19 copoected with the 
Subjects of OrganizalioD and Life, being an Answer to the Views 
of M. Bichaty SirT. C. Morgan, and Mr. Lawrence, upon those 
points. By the Rer. T. Ren n ell, A. M. VicarH)f Kensington^ 
and Christian Adrocat^ in the University of Cambridge- Second 
Edition, pnqe 5s, 

Part II. <p Mr. Bellamy's "New Translation of the Bible. 4to. 
price 1&. j' 



Part VI. of The Science of the Egyptians and Chaldeans will 
appear in our next. 

We shall hope to give a part of M. A. Mahul's IXasertation on 
the Life and Writings of Macrobitis in our next. 

Tl|e valuable and friendly remarks of C. H. have been received ;. 
and the Editor earnestly requests their speedy contiQuance, as a 
new £/liJtion is preparing for press. 

We have Just received the review of Elmsletfs Medea , which 
shall appea)'4n our next. 

In our next will be published Etymological Disquisitions, tend- 
ing to illustrate the basis of philosopbicaT reasoning, &c. by Dr. 

Miscellanea Classica will also be continued. 

VITe are anxious to record the Lord Chief Justice Abbott's Ox- 
ford Prize Essay, but we cannot trace a copy. We Adil feeV 
gready obliged for the loan of a copy. 

Muscologus' article appeared in No. XXXIV. amoi^ the 
Adversaria Literaria. We hope to be favored by M. with longer 

In compliance with the wishes of an anonymous letter-writer to 
receive an answer in the Classical Journal, the Editor of the Del* 
phin and Variorum Classics informs hira, that he is obliged to 
prmt the whole of the text, but that he will adopt a more private 
and delicate manner of noticing the passages, to which he alludes^ 
than the original Delphin Editors. The writer's caution is well 
meant, but we cannot say decies repetita placebit. 

The next part of the Cornish Dialect shall appear in our next. 

We hope to insert in the next No. the article on Uie Island, o& 
which St. Paul was wrecked. 

LacrynuB Elesiaca as soon as possible. 

We shall readily insert any observations on the Fragmtni ix^ 
p. 185. that may be sent for our next No. 



*-- -* - 



JUNE, 1819. 



' ■ • ■ 




(With a Plate.) 

oT. Paul having been accused before Festtis, the Roman governor 
of Judsea^ by the Jews, of divers crimes, availed .himself of his pri- 
vilege, as a Roman citizen, of appealing to the Emperor in per- 
son, Qr of claiming to haVe his cause heard and adjudged before 
the imperial tribunal at Rome. In consequence of this claim 
being admitted, it became necessary that he should be sent to that 
city ; and he was accordingly, together with several other prisoners, 
delivered in charge to Julius, a centurion of Augustus's band, in 
order to be conveyed to Rome. 

■ Dr. Benson*s Ilistonr of the Establi^ment of the Christian Religion, 
the Unitarian Version of the New Testament, the Bible by Messrs; D'Oyley 
and Mant, and tlie second edition of Annotations on the Gospels, have each 
a map in which the course of St. Paul is delineated; and they all agree in 
making Maha the scene of his shipwreck. This opinion, ic is supposed, 
there are stiong reasons for rejecting as erroneous. The learned reader will 
recollect the voyage of Josephus from Palestine to Rome on a similar 
occasion. lie also was wrecked in the Adriatic. 

The present article was origimdly desi j^ned to accompany a bcw edition 
of some of the tracts in the Gcographi Mmores. jz. 

VOL. xiXv a.Ji. NO. XXXVIII. a. 

202 . Dissertation on St. Faufs Voyage 

The centurion so entrusted put his prisoners, and accompamed 
them bimselr, on board a ship of Adramyttium/ then lying at 
Cassarea/ and, as we may infer, preparing to return homewfurds. 
It appears from the account, that they who conducted the ship 
meant to sail on their return by the coast«of Asia. Accordingly, 
the next day after they set sail, they touched at Sidon^ a noted city 
on the coast of Ccelesyria, lying in 33° So N . L. and about a 
degree to the North * of Cassarea, with some little deviation to the 
East. Here it seems they stayed some days ; but how long, we 
are not informed. On their loosing from Sidon, they found that 
their intentions of continumg their voyage along the coast of Asia 
Minor would be frustrated by contrary winds, which obliged them 
to pursue their voyage under' or on the Southern side of the isUnd 
of Cyprus, instead of the Northern, as, according to their plan of 
sailing along the coatst, they had at first proposed. 

The word referred to, literally translated, implies that they 
sailed under ^ Cyprus, the North point being accounted to be 
uppermost^ in ancient as well as in nnodern geography. 

Their course, after doubUng the Western point of the Isle of 
Cyprus, must have been 36^ to the North of the West paio^ 
crossing both the Western part of the Anion Cilicius and tbeKt 
which bgunds Pamphylia to the South. Following this course, 
they arrived at Myra, a sea-port on the coast of Lycia, situated ia 
about S^" 18' N.'L. and 47° 40' E. L. from Ferro. How long 
they remained at Myra does not appear ; probably not long, as 
they found an Alexandrian ship there, which was bouQd to Italy, 
and, as it seems, to Puteoli ; and as the season of the year was 
advanced, it may be presumed that they would not wait longer 
than was necessary* As Myra lies nearly under the same meridian 
with Alexandria,^ it was, from the facility of reaching it, the usual 

' Adramyttium nearly retains its ancient name, being still called Adra- 
mytta. It is situate in a small gulph tliat bears the same appellation, 
opposite the island of Lesbos, in nearly 39^,30' N. L. and 44® 40' fe.L. from 
Ferro. There is still a great trade in this neighbourhood for the buildiDg 
large trading vessels and boats. Pococke's Travels, vol. ii. part 2. page 16. 

* Mr. Bryant thinks that they set out from Piolemais; but without 
foundation. The xxvith chapter of Acts ends with what was transacted at 
Caisarea, and no account whatever is given of their journey to Ptolemais; 
and they might reach Sidon in one day from Ca?sarea, as well as from 

3 i>TftT[\tv<rafxty, ActS XXVii. 4. 

+ This mode of expression was probably derived from the visible elevar 
tlon of the North pole of the heavens in Northern latitudes. See what is 
said on this subject in the following uart of this Dissertation, of their salt 
ing under Crete, which undoubtedly means on the South side of that 

' 5 Alexandria lies nearly in 48° E.L. from Ferro. 

from Caiarea to PuteolL 203 

place for the Egyptian corn-ships to touch at in their way to Italy, 
83 in the state of navigation at that time it could scarcely be sup- 
posed that they would accomplish the voyage from Egypt to Puteoli, 
^vithout some supplies on the way^ both of necessaries^ and also of 
information respecting their course and situation. 

Their course from Myra appears to have been at first nearly 
West^ with, a small deviation to the South, and probably coasting 
the Southern part of the island of Rhodes, until they came over- 
against, or into the meridian of Cnidus, a maritime city of Caria, 
lying in 36° 42' N. L. and 45** 12' Long. East of Ferro. 

So far they had followed the coast as nearly as seems to have 
been convenient ; but here they met with a contrary wind, probably 
from a Northerly quarter, which drove them Southward towards 
Cape Samonium, or Salmone, the Eastern promontory of the Isle 
of Crete, and in latitude 35° N. L. and in longitude 44° 26^ East 
from Ferro. This promontory they passed, or rather weathered, 
in sailing to the Southward, and perhaps not without some diffi- 
culty' or danger, and arrived at the Fair Havens,^ situate on the 
Southern side of the same island. They here found that much 
time had been already spent or wasted during the voyage, and that 
the proper season for sailing had elapsed, the fast having been for 
some time passed, and navigation becoming dangerous, of which 
they were admonished by St. Paul. The master of the ship, how- 
ever, though conscious that it was not prudent to proceed on his 
voyage at that season, was nevertheless desirous to gain a more 
commodious harbour to winder in, and undertook to carry the 
vessel as far as Phoenice, a port described by both Ptolemy and 
Strabo, lying on the Southern coast of the island of Crete, and 
opposite to the small island of Gaudos, or Clauda,^ latitude 35° 12', 

' ^6x»; 7« wajaxiyonxiyw rtir^y. — eaiH aegrc praBtcfvecti. Schleusneri Lexicon, 

^ Dr. l^ococke says, that there is a small bay about two leagues East of 
Matala, which is now called by the Greeks A^Anrm xaXot/;, and not far from 
the site of the city of Lysia in the Peutingerian Tables, which must be the 
same with Lasea. Dr. Pococke thinks, that Prasus and Lasea were the 
same place. Pococke' s Travels^ vol. ii. p. 250. 

Rochette*s Map has a place called Saucti Limni, nearly in the same spot 
with that described by Dr. Pococke. 

Wetstein observes, " I/)cus adhuc hodie in Creta nomen retinet Calos 
Limenas.'' Note on Acts xxvii. 8. 

3 A place in Crete opposite to Gaudos is found in Rochette's Map of 
Greece and the Archipelago called Finichia, which was undouhtedly the 
Phoenice mentioned by St. Luke. It is not easy to determine the exact 
import of this passage. The words in the original are, Ai^lya iSxtVovra xarA 
Ai'iSa xal xari Xwpov, which implies, " open to both those quarters of the hea- 
vens from 1^ hence these winds proceea," and of course unsheltered from the 
force of these winds. According to Pliny's arrangement of the winds, this 
port was exposed to blasts from the S. W. by W. J W. to N. W. by W. JW. 

204 Dissertation on St. Paul's Vbyage 

longitude 41^40' from FerrO; and about .52 nautical miles to ibe 
North-West of the Fair Havens. It might reiquire some explan^ 
tion, why those, who navigated the vessel in which St. Paul wiu 
a passenger, chose to pass round to the South of Cape Salmone, 
and that not without some difficulty and hazard, rather than to 
attempt to put in at same port on the Northern side of Crete. 
But this question is resolved by the account of Eustathius,' who on 
anothe/ occasion mentions that there were no good ports on the 
Northern side of that island. The propriety of the caution given 
by St. Paul was, however, verified in the attempt of those who 
navigated the ship to sail from the Fair Havens to Phoenice. For 
in this short passage, although the weather appeared to be favor- 
able at their setting out, they were soon assailed by a violent tempest 
from the South-East quarter. . At what time of the year this hap- 
pened, and what was the nature and direction of the wind which 
occasioned it, will be the next subject of inquiry. 

1 just observed, that at their arrival at the Fair Havens tkf 
found much time had been spent, to which the slowness of flior 
passage from Myra to the meridian of Cnidus had no doubt con- 
tributed, that the fast was already past, and sailing become dm- 
gerous. llie word ijSi}, which we translate /^/reaofy, bears in dm 
place, I think, a more extensive signification. It probably meutt 
that the fast had been over a considerable or at least an indefinite 
time, and that sailing had likewise been (as I infer from the repeti- 
tion of the word ^Si] ^) for a considerable time dangerous. The 
fast alluded to was undoubtedly the Jewish fast of Expiation, which 
was observed on the tenth of the month Tisri, or the twerity-fifth 
of September, the day on which the autumnal equinox ^ was then 
computed. to fall. Stormy weather at sea was usual about this 
season ; but I am of opinion, that the time of this voyage, and 
of course of the shipwreck, was considerably later in the year than 
the fast, and probably took place towards the end of Novemberj 
or the beginning of December. 

It appears from Josephus,^ that navigation was accounted dan- 
gerous among the Jews from the time of the feast of Tabemt* 

comprehending 80 degrees, or more than seven points of the compass. If 
reckoned according to the arrangement of Vitruvius, it comprehends 105 
degrees from S.W. lo N.N.W. jr N. being nearly nine points of the compass. 

'^ i^uo-xi^tfof v\ K^r\m w^of th ^oppav. Eustath. ad Odyss. c'. 

Unde Lucanus : 
Boreaque urgente carinas Creta fiigit. lib. ix. ' 

^ ri^n e prseterito significat rem paratam et peractam sine termino. "Schkn^ 
neri Lexicon. 

5 Colimi. lib. xi. cap. 2. 

♦ See Wetstein's note on this passage. 

from CcBmrea to Puteoli. 205 

dcs, October the first, to that of the Dedication of the Temple, 
iDecember the ninth; and in this interval both the voyage and 
shipwreck probably took place. Vegetius assigns the ihird' of the 
Id^s, (November the eleventh,) for the day on which navigation 
was interrupted ; and we' are informed by the Calendar of Gemi- 
nus, and by Theophrastus, that stormy weather at sea may be 
expected about that season. The day above specified had, I think, 
^lapsed some time before they left the Fair Havens, which would 
nearly correspqud with the cosmicaP setting of Orion, (November 
the ninth,) a time of year remarkable^ for stormy weather in those 
seas, which the vessel which carried St. Paul was then traversing. 
Some days more might pass between the time of the delivery of 
the caution given by St. Paul and their setting sail, f'ourteen or 
fifteen days more were, we know, spent in the voyage; which 
brings the time, without any strain'on the narrative, to the end of 
November, or the beginning of the succeeding month. 

1 shall now speak a few words respecting the wind ttiat caused 
tbis tempest. The Latin Vulgate translation, that of Castalio, 
and some others, render the word Euroclydon by Euro-aquilo/ 
a word^ound no where else, and inconsistent, as I think, in its 
construction with the principles on which the names of the inter- 
mediate or compound winds are framed. Euronotus is so called, 
as intervening immediately between Eurus and Notus, and as par- 
taking, as was thought, of the qualities of both. The same holds 
true of Libonotus, as being interposed between Libs and Notus. 
Both these compound winds lie in the ^ame quarter or quadrant of 
the circle with the winds of which they were composed, and no 
other wind intervenes. 

But Eurus and Aquilo are at 90 degrees distance from one 
another ; pr, according to some writers, at 15 degrees more, or at 
1 05 degrees ; the former lying in the South-East quarter, and the 
latter in the North-East; and two winds, one of which is the East 
cardinal point, hitervene, as Caecias and Subsolanus. The Carbas 
of Vitruvius occupies the middle point between Eurus and Aquilo 
in his scheme of the winds ; but this never had, nor could have, the 
appellation of Euro-aquilo, as it lies in a different quarter, and the 
East point is interposed, which could scarcely have been over- 
looked in the framing a compound appellation. The word 
Euroclydon is evidently composed of Eurus, or Ei>go$, the South- 

' Ex die igitur tertio Iduum Noverabris, usque in diem sextum Iduum 

Martiarum, maria clauduntur. Veget, iv. c. 39. 
* Plin. xviii. 31. ' ^ ^ Virg. Mneid. vii. 719, 
^ See what Dr. Shaw has said concerning this wind. Travels, edit. 2. 

p. 331. 

206 Dissertation on St. Paul's Voyage 

East wind, and xXjuic^y a wave, an addition highly expressive of the 
character and effects of this wind, but probably chiefly applied to 
it when it became typhonic' or tempestuous. Indeed the general 
character under which Eurus is described, agrees perfectly with the 
description of the effects of the wind whiph caused the distress 
related in the account of this voyage. 

I. Eurus raises great waves. 

Virgil, in his account of the storm which destroyed a part of the 
fleet of iEneas in the same seas/ enumerates Eurus among the 
winds, qui 

« — ?astos volvunt ad littora ductus.'' Mneid. i. 86. 

Again : 

'^ Aut, ubi navi^is violencior incidit Eurus, 
Nosse, quot lonii veniant ad littora fluctus." 

Virg. Georg. ii. 107, 108. 
^' Quam multi Libyco voWiihtur marmore fluctus, 
Saevus ubi Orion hybernis cooditur undis."^ 

Horace mentions the effects of this wind in terms nearly sinoihr, 

<< Niger rudentes Eurus, iaverso man, 

Fractosque remos differat." Horat. Epod, x. lib. 5. 

Particularly in the Sicilian and Italian seas. 

"■: Eurus 

Per Siculas equitavit undas." Carm, iv. 4. 43. 

" quodcimque rainabitOr Eurus 

Fluctibus Hespenis." Cann. i. 28. 25. 

II. Eurus brings dark cloudy weather. 

It is called ^^ niger Eurus" by Horace, who also says^ 

** Nee sidus atra nocte amicura appareat, 
Qua tristis Orion cadit.'^ Horat, Epod. x. 9. 

III. A combination of Eurus with Notus seems to have been 
very destructive in the Mediterranean sea. 

" Una Eurusque Notusque ruunt." Virg, Mn. i. 85. 

^' Ut borridis utrumque verberes latus 

Auster, memento fluctibus ; 
Niger rudentes Eurus, tnverso mari, 

Fractosque remos differat.'' Horat, Epod, x. 3. 

** Saepe per Ionium Libyciimque natantibus ire 
Interjunctus equls omnesque assuetus in oras 
Caeruieuni deferre patrem stupuere relicta 
Nubila, certantes Euri Notique sequuntur." 

Statu Thebaid. 1. vL SOr. 

' Typhon is described by Pliny as " prsecipua navigantiuni pestis, non 
antennas mudo, verum ipsa navigia contorta frangens." tlin, ii. c. 48. 

* ^neid. vii. 718, 719. The Sword of Orion begins to set on the 22d of 
Scorpio (Nov. 9.) Plin. xviii. 31. 

from Casarea to PuteolL 20? 

IV. South or South-East winds prevalent in the Mediterranean 
at this season of the year : '^ Quinto Idus Novembris.' (Nov. 9*) 
hyerois initium, Auster aut Eurus.'^ . 

It appears from Columella/ ■ that the stormy weather at this 
time of year can»e mostly from a Southern quarter. 

Nov. 6, South or West wind. 

8, Sotith-East wind. 

9, South-East wind. 

lly Seas darijgerous to sail on. 
16, South wind. 

Nov. IT, South wind. 

18, Stormy. 

20, South wind. 
Dec. 7, South or South-East wind. 

V. Southerly winds particularly distressful to those who navi- 
gate the Adriatic Sea. 

'* Qua tristes hyadas^ nee rabiem Noti; 

Quo non arbiter Adris 
IVIajor, tollere seu ponere vult freta.^ Hor. Od, i. 3. 

"Mequoque devexi rapidus comes Orionis 
lUyricis Notus obruit undis.'' Ibid. i. 28. 


neque Auster 

Dux inquieti turbidus Adriae." Ibid, Od. iii. 3. 

In another place he dlude^ to a person driven into the Adriatic 
Sea by the South wind : 

" Ille Notis actus ad Oricum, 

Post insana Caprie sidera.^ Ibidem. 

The cosmical setting of Capra was, according to Columella, on 
the tenth of the CaIends«of January, (December 23,) and indicated 
stormy weather.^ The Greek Calendar of Geminus^ foretels storms 
about the same time, and as it should seem from a Southerly 

Dec. a, Stormy weather. 

5, South wind. 

6, Storms of thunder, &c. 
11, Stormy. 

20, Stormy. 

21, Stormy. 

Dec. 26, Stormy. 

31, South wind. 
Jan. 2, Storms at sea from South. 
4, Storms at sea from South. 

6, South wind. 

15, Stormy. 

A circumstance little noticed should be mentioned, which is, 
that St. Luke's words imply, that this tempestuous wind drove 
forcibly ^ towards the island. I cannot agree with the remark of 
Schleusner* on this passage, who interprets the words xar aMi$ 
to mean the ship, when it is evident that it means the island, from 

« Colura. xi. 2. * Ibidem. 

5 The hyades set, according to Columella, Nov. 17 and 19; according to 
Geminus, Nov. 91. 
♦ Petav. Uranolos. 

s "EpaXc x»T aitrns ni'fMS rv^nxhg o xaXou/uuyo; E^goxX^^wv. ActS XXVU. 14. 
Vox jSaXXw. 

SOS Dissertation an St. PauFs Voyage 

the gramnuitical constructioiiy and refers to r^ Kfifngif in the pre- 
ceding line. ' Our translation points, though rather obscurely, to 
the same meaning,' which is rather more clearly expressed in the 
Rheims^ translation; and the Vulgate' and Castalio's^ version 
agree in the same explanation. 

This acceptation of the signification of this passage contradicts 
the idea that the wind Euroclydon blew from a Northerly quarter, 
as it must in such case have driven the vessel from the island, and 
not towards it, as it appears to have done. The course of the 
wind firom the South-East would impel the ship towards the 
Island of Crete, though not so directly but that they might wea- 
ther it, as they in fact did, and got clear, though it appears that 
they incurred some risk of being wrecked when running under, or 
to the South of the Island, of Clauda or Gaudos, which lies oppo- 
site to the port of Phoenice, the place where they purposed to 

A circumstance occurs in this part of the narrative, which creates 
some difiiculty. Those who navigated the ship were apprehensive 
of falling among the Syrtes, quicksands, which lay on the coast of 
Africa, nearly to the South- West of the Western point of Crete. 
But we should consider, that this danger lay only in the fears of 
the mariners, who knowing the Syrtes to be the great terror' of 
those seas, and probably not being able to ascertain from what 
quarter the wind blew, neither sun nor stars having been visible 
for several days^ and as these violent typhonic Levanters are apt 
to ^ change their direction, might entertain apprehensions that they 
might be cast on these dangerous quicksands. The event however 
proved, that the place of their danger was mistaken. 

The storm still continuing, and probably from the same quarter, 
they lowered their sails, and were, it seems, according to the nauti- 
cal expression, reduced to scud under bare poles, and of course 
left near4y to the mercy and guidance of the elements. 

Both the Vulgate translation and Castalio render the words 
<ruvapiru<r6ivT0$ tow irXom, by the word " correptu$ ;" a tern) of 
dubious signification, and not much explained either by our own^ 

" " There arose against it.*' 

* " A tempestuous wind called Euro-aquilo drove against it. Rheims 

3 " Misit se contra ipsam (Cretam scilicet) ventus typhooicus. VuigtUe, 

♦ " In earn procellosus ventus impegit." Castellion. Vers, 

* Barbaras Syrtes ubi Maura semper 

-ffistiiat unda. HoraL 

Inhospita Syrtes. VtrgiL 

Semper naufraga Syrtis. Silius lialicus. 

• Shaw's Travels, p. 331. 

from Casarea to Put^eH. 209 

or by the Rhemish version, both of \vbich translate it by the Word 
caught, by which it is rendered in most of the English versions. 
The Greek word is better explained in Schleusner, to mean '^ cir- 
cumacta et agitata navi^ procellarum yi, et ventorum impetu/'^ 

In this condition they seem to have been apprehensive, from the 
tossing of the vessel and her uhmanageableness, that she might 
founder/ or go to pieces: to prevent which, they bound her round 
under the keel or bottom with cables ; an expedient alluded to by 
Horace,* and practised in later times.^ 

For the same purpose of preservation they lightened the ship^ 
and the day following made a further sacrifice of part of her cargo. 
But the storm not abating, they gave up all hopes of safety, as 
they were totally ignorant of their situation, and conscious only 
that they were at the mercy of the winds and waves. They conti- 
nued fourteen days in this state of anxiety, but at length discovered 
that they were driven into the Adriatic Sea^ perhaps from some 
abatement of the gloom, and some knowledge of the coast at its 
entrance, where it was narrowest. 

It may be necessary in this place to give some account of the 
boundaries or limits of the Adriatic Sea. 

These are to be inferred from writers of the best contemporary 
authority, not from casual or ambiguous expressions of later, or of 
inferior geographers. 

Strabo says expressly, that the Adriatic Sea is bounded by 
Panormus, the Port of Oricum, and by the Ceraunian Mountains, 
which lie in about 40° of North latitude, and upwards of four 
degrees to the north of Malta; and in another place, that the 
Ceraunian Mountains, and the Promontorium lapygium form the 
boimdary or mouth of the Ionian Sea.^ 

And Ptolemy, so far from accounting Malta to be an island of 
the Adriatic Sea, reckons it io be a part of Africa ; and Pomponius 
Mela inclines to the same arrangement. The latter writer speaks 
of Corcyra, which is in lat. 39® SO' North, nearly, (half a degree to 
the South of the Ceraunian Mountains,) as b'eing situated in the 
neighbourhood,' not in the Adriatic Sea ; so that he probably 
meant to assign the same limits with Strabo. 

* Dr. Hammond's paraphrase approaches nearly to the interpretation of 
Schleusner : *< And the ship being carried by force along with it, (the wind 
Euroclydon) and being not able to resist or hold up against the wind, letting 
her loose, we were carried," &c. 

a , ac sine funibus 

Vix durare carinse 
Possint imperiosius 
^uor ? Hot, Od. i. 14. 

3 See Anson's Voyage. 

♦ Book vi. p. 405, Oxf. edit, ' Vicina* 

210 Dissertation on St. VauVs Voyage 

After much tossing 'about in this sea, they apprehended at last 
that they were approaching the land, ahhou^h the darkness of the 
night did not admit of the truth of t^eir suspicions being ascertained. 
They therefore sounded repeatedly the depth of the sea ; and from 
the decrease of the depth, they judged that their apprehensions 
were well founded. 

Fearing, therefore, that they might fall on the rocks in the dark-^ 
ness of the night, when few or none could escape, they cast four 
anchors from the stern of the ship, and waited anxiously for the 
return of day-light. 

This passage has given occasion to some jocular reflections on 
this narrative, as anchors are in the present age cast from the 
prow,' not from the stern of the ship. But this is not the Oriental 
custom. Sir J. Chardin tells us, that the modem Oriental saiqnes, 
to which he compares the ship of St. Paul, always carry their 
anchors at the stern, and never at the prow ; and these are carried 
at some distance from the ship by means of the skiff, so as to have 
an anchor on each side. ^t. Paul's ship had four anchors, two on 
each side. 

The mariners of the ship, in this distress, were desirous to secore 
themselves by gaining the shore in the boat, and accordingly length- 
ened or ^ loosened the rope at the stern, that towed the boat, under 
color of casting anchors from the prow ; and probably it waa their 
attempting to do what was so unusual in the navigation of that age 
and country, which caused St. Paul to suspect that they meant to 
provide for their own safety at the expense of the lives of the other 
passengers. An observation of Sir J. Chardin should here be 
mentioned, which is, that the eastern people do not hoist their 
boats or skiffs into the ship, but leave th^m in the water, fastened 
to, and towed along by, the stem of the vessel. The taking ujpi of 
the boat then, and the difficulty of coming by it, mentioned aborei 
does not imply that it was hoisted up into the ship, but that it was 
drawn towards the ship close to the stern ; and the word which is 
in this place translated '' letting down into the sea,^' ' must mean 
letting out a greater length of rope from the stern, from which the 
boat was towed ; ^ by which they meant to bring the boat round to 

' The aochor was cast from the prow by the Roman navigators. 

Anchora de prora jacitur* Virgil, 
^ Hanner*sObs. vol. ii. p. 496. 

5 XaXo^aVTWV T»h» tf-xof qv lif Oa'haixa-ait, V. 30. 

The word x^^ signifies expandu, as well as demitto. Schleusner, 
^ It is usual in the present age for the Egyptian vessels to tow shallops 
or large boaib after them, in ttieir passage down the Red Sea. Niebunr 
says, that the vessel on board of which ne embarked at Suez towed aAvr 
her three large shallops and one small. 

^ from Casarea to PuteolL 211 

the prow of the vessel, which by being nearer to tlie land might 
facilitate their escape on shore. 

The soldiers, and possibly the centurion himself, warned by St.> 
Paul of thie intention of the mariners, ^hich so nearly concerned 
the safety of those who were likely to be thus abandoned, obviated 
the purpose of the sailors, by cutting asunder the towing-line of 
the boat, and setting her adrift. 

The numbers of the people on board are next specified, and 
amounted, we are told, to £76 person^ ; a large number, according 
to modern ideas, for a trading ship of that age to carry. 

But Sir John Chardin clears up this difficulty, by supposing, 
very reasonably, that this Alexandrian ship was like a modem 
Egyptian saique, of 320 tons burden, and capable -of carrying from 
24 to SO guns; and this computation of its size is not at all incredi-. 
ble. Niebuhr describes the vessel in which he took his. passage 
from Suez, as being much larger, and able to carry aft least 40^ 

But to com6 nearer to the date of this transaction, Lucian 
describes an Alexandrian' com vessel of 180 feet in length, more 
than 45 feet wide, and 43 and a half feet deep. The tonnage of 
such a ship, according to the usual mode of calculation, would be , 
1938.6 tons.* 

At this crisis of the voyage, those on board again lightened the 
ship, by casting out the lading ,of the wheat into the sea ; which 
part of the cargo appears to have been spared,; when they threw 
some of the lading overboard before. 

When the day came fully on, it appears that they were still as 
ignorant as ever of the place on which they were likely to be 
stranded ; but fortunately discovering a small creek with a landing- 
place, they purposed to thrust the ship into it, to facilitate 
their escape on shore. In consequemce of this intention, they 
weighed their anchors, hoisted their main or largest sail, and made 
towards the land. 

It is likewise mentioned, that they loosed, what we translate, 
the mdder-bands, an expression that requires some explanation. * 
We are told, by Dr. Pococke,' that ^^ the Egyptian ships, instead 
of a handle to the rudder in the ship, have a polie fixed in it, 
inclining upvvards beyond the ship, being abuut fifteen or twenty 
feet long : a beam is laid across the upper deck, which extends o.n 

^ Navigiuin scu Vota 

^ According to the English foot ; but if measured according to the Koman 
foot, it amounts* to 1751 tons. 

3 Travels, vol. i. p. \35. where a print of the Egyptian rudder and mode^ 
of steerage is given. 

212 Dissertation on St. PauTs Voyage 

each fide about fifteen feet beyond the sides of the ibip. To each 
end of this is tied a yard or a pole perpendicularly, ao as that 
either end of it may be moved backwards and forwards towards 
the ship, as it is drawn. To the lower end of this comes a rope 
from the pole, which is fixed into the rudder. To the upper end 
a rope is fixedy which is carried to a block at the corner of the 
atem, and brought again to another block at the upper end of the 
yard, and thence crosses the ship over the great beam, and goea to 
the other yard, to which, and to the stern, it is carried in like 
manner as on the other side. When the ship is to be worked, the 
rope of communication, which goes across tlie ship, is drawn to a 
post nearer the stem, where there is a stay made for it, in which it 
is drawn one way or another, as the pilot directs, and moves the 
helm by the ropes fixed to the lower end of the aforesaid yards ; 
and when one is drawn nearer, and the top of the yard comes 
nearer to the ship, the bottom consequently flies out, and the other 
pole is left perpendicular in its natural direction. When there is a 
atorm, and they let the ship drive, they loose the rope off from that 
post, and let the helm play as it will. And this seem^ to explain 
what is mentioned in St. PauFs voyage, ^That when they had 
committed the ship unto the sea, they loosed the rudder-bands,' and 
hoisted up the main-sail to the wind.' For these ropes, which 
direct the helm, may be very properly called the rudder bands, by 
which it is either fixed or moved one way or the other." 

St. Luke next informs us, that, in the attempt to run the ship 
aground, they fell into a place where two seas met ; by which we 
may understand an eddy or surf, which beat on the stern of the 
vessel while the head remained fast aground ; in which situation it 
was to be expected, and indeed it so happened, that the ship 
should soon fall to pieces : but the proximity to the shore, and 
the assistance afforded by the broken pieces of the wreck^ provi<- 
dentially brought them all safe to land. 

When they had reached the shore in safety, they discovered that 
the island on which they were cast was named Melita. 

It has been a subject of much difference of opinion among the 
commentators, whether the island here specified was the noted 
bland of Malta, on the southern coast of Sicily, formerly called 
Melita ; or an obscure island in the Adriatic Sea, which was for- 
merly called by the same name, and which is now known by the 
name of Meleda. 

* From the expressioa of St. Luke, ^svxrn^ias tin rcniayluv^ it seems that the 
two yards, mentioned by Dr. Pococke, to which the ropes were fastened, 
explain why the plural number, itnia^iw^ was here used, and that the word 
means the clavi, or handles, by which the rudder is guided, not the rudder 

/rdm Casarea t& Futeoli. SIS 

I am. of opinion^ that the island Meleda^ last tnentionftd, is the 
one here alluded tcu 

My reasons are as follows : 

The island of Meleda lies confessedly in the Adriatic Sea^ 
which situation cannot, without much strain on the expression^ be 
ascribed to the island of Malta^ as I have before shewn» 

Meleda lies nearer the mouth of the Adriatic than any odier 
island of that sea^ and would of course be more likely to receive 
the wreck of any vessel that should be driven by tempests towards 
that quarter. 

Meleda lies nearly N. W. by N, of the South-west promontory 
of Crete^ and of course nearly in the direction of a storm from tbf. 
South-east quarter. 

The manner in which Melita is described by St. Luke agrees 
with the idea of an obscure place, but not with the celebrity of 
Malta at that time. Cicero speaks of Melita (Malta) as abounding 
in curiosities and riches, and possessing a remarkable manufacture 
of the finest linen. The temple of Juno there, which had been 
preserved inviolate by both the contending parties in the Punic 
wars, possessed great stores of ivory ornaments, particularly figures 
of Victory/ " antiquo opere et summa arte perfectae." 

** Malta," says Diodorus Siculus,* "is furnished with many and 
very good harbours, and the inhabitants are ^try rich ; for it is full 
of all sorts of artificers, among whom there are excellent weavers 
of fine linen. Their houses are very stately and beautiful, adorned 
with graceful eaves, and pargeted with white plaister. The inha- 
bitants are a colony of Phoenicians, who, trading as merchants as 
far as the Western Ocean, ' resorted to this place on account of its 
commodious ports and convenient situation for a sea trade ; and 
by the advantage of this place, the inhabitants presently became 
famous both for their wealth and merchandise." 

It is difficult to suppose, that a place of this description could 
be meant by such an expression, as of ''an island called Melite;" 
nor could the inhabitants, with any propriety of >speech, be under- 
stood by the epithet ''barbarous." 

But the Adriatic Melite perfectly corresponds with that descrip- 
tion. Though too obscure and insignificant to be particularly 
noticed by the ancient geographers, the opposite and neighbouring 
coast of illyricum is represented by Strabo as perfectly correspond- 
ing with the expression of St. Paul. 

The circumstance of the viper, or poisonous snake, that fas- 
tened on St. Paul's hand, merits consideratiou. 

' Oratio in Verreni, lib. iv. §. 18. et f . 46. 
^ Diodor. lib. v. c. 1. fiouth*s translation^ 

214 Dmeriation on St. Taut s Voyage 

Bather Giorgi, an ecclesiastic of Melite Adriatica, who" lias 
written on this subject, suggests, very properly, that as there are 
now no serpents in Malta, and as it should seem were none in the 
time of Pliny, there never were any there, the country being 
dry and rocky, and not affording shelter or proper nourishment for 
animals of that description. But Meleda abounds with these 
reptiles, being woody and damp, and favourable to their way of 
life and propagation. 

The disease, with which the father of Publius was affected, 
(dysentery combined with fever," probably intermittent) affords a 
presumptive evidence of the nature of the island. Such a place as 
Melite Africana, (Malta) dry and rocky, and remarkably healthy, 
was not likely to produce such a disease, which is * almost pecu- 
liar to moist situations, and stagnant waters, but might well suit a 
country woody and damp, and, probably for want of draining, 
exposed to the putrid effluvia of confined moisture. 

After a stay here of full three months, they departed in a ship of 
Alexandria, which, perhaps from similar stress of weather^ had 
wintered in the isle, and came from thence to Syracuse. 

If we suppose that St. Paul with his company arrived at 
Meleda about the beginning of December, a stay of three months, 
and of perhaps something more, will bring their departure from 
this island to the beginning of March, the tenth day of which- 
month was, according to Vegetius, the time of the commencement 
of the navigation of merchant ships, and thence called Naialis 
Navigations? This is about the time of the cosmical rise of 
Orion,^ and the putting forth of the leaves of the fig-tree/ 
according to Theophrastus, at v\ hich time Hesiod ^ declares navi- 
gation to be safe. 

The JNatalis Navigationis in Egypt, called also Isidis Navi- 
gium,^ was on the third of the nones of March, or on the fifth day 
of that month ; Isis being the representative of the moon, and that 

^ See Pringle's Diseases of the Army, passim. 
^ Veget. lib. iv. c. 29. 

♦ Orion rises cosmically, March 16. Plin. xviii. 26. 
^ Fig-tree, ip»»tof, leafs 14 Pisces, March 2. Theophr, 
Fig-tree, -xuxti, leafs 29 Pisces, March 17. ^po l<rnfj^t^iag i} (Aix^of, Ibidem, 
N. B. The vernal equinox, or entrance of the Sun into Aries, is placed by 
Ceniinus at March 19. yetavii Uranologion. 

*ilgiwv axXuo-Twy aysty T^ifxtywy, Greek Epigram. 
' Calend. Constanlini Magni, A. D. 323. Fetavii Uranologion, p.ll2. 
Calendar, duu vetusta, quorum in Grutero reperiunda exeniplana. 

from Catsarea to PuteolL ^ 215 


planet being supposed to have a great influence on tbe weather," 
was likely to be introduced as the protectress of navigation. 

Lucian and others speak of the moon as having the power to 
raise or to compose tempests ^ at her pleasure. A writer in the 
Theological Repository ^ has brought an argument in favor of th^ 
opinion, that the island here in question was the island of Malta, 
^' from/' as it is expre.ssed, ** St. Paul's calling at Syracuse, in 
his way to Hhegium ; which is," he says, ^' so far out of the track, 
that no example can be produced in the history of navigation ojf 
any ship going so far out of her course, except it was driven by a 
violent tempest." This argument tends principally to show, that 
the author had a very incorrect idei^ of the relative situation of the 
places to which he refers. The ship, which carried St. Paul frond 
the Adriatic Sea to Rhegium, would not deviate from its course 
more than half a day's sail by touching at Syracuse ; and the delay 
so occasioned would probably be but a few hours more than it 
would have ^been, had they proceeded to . Syracuse in their way . 
to the Straits of Messina from Malta, as tl\^ map will show. 
Besides, the master of the ship might have, and probably had, 
some business at Syracuse, which had originated at Alexandria, from 
which place it jnust have been originally intended the ship should 
commence her voyage to Puteoli ; and in this course, the calling 
at Syracuse would have been the smallest deviation possible. The 
difference then, on which this writer places so much depenflence, 
is too insignificant to merit farther notice. 

Again, supposing the ship to have come from Malta, it must 
have been on account of some business, probably commercial, 
* that they touched at Syracuse in their way to Puteoli, as Malta is 
scarcely more than one day and night's sail from Syracuse:^ whereas 
there might be some reasons respecting the voyage, had the ship 
come from Meleda, which is more than five times that distance,' 
and probably a more uncertain navigation. 

Ajfter three days' stay at Syracuse, they sailed for the Straits of 
Messina, and after, as it should seem, one day's stay at Rhegium, the 
South wind blew, and brought them on the ensuing ^ay to Puteoli. 

1 See Long's Astronomy on the Melonic Cycle, voj. ii. §. 1338. 

» Jablonski Pantheon -^gyptiacura, lib. iii. cap. i. §, 6. 

3 Theological Repository, vol. iv. 

^ Malta is eightyrfive nautical miles, or ninety-nine and a half English 
miles, from Syracuse. 

^ Meleda is distant from Syracuse 372 nautical miles, or 440 English, in 
a straight line ; and if we consider that the course from Meleda requires a 
large circuit, and that from Malta very little, it will make the difference of 
distance more than 400 English miles, or more than five times the distance 
of Malta. 

216 * Oxford Prixe Poem. 

Iliitf must be understood as a Tojage of two days' tail, as' the dis- 
tance is near 1 900 stadia, or more than the extent of three degrees 
of latitude, whidi with a fair wind, as it seems they had, might be 
performed in two days and a uigbt. 

Tbucydides/ speaking of the usual computation of sailing, says, 
that a ship will pass from Naples to Sicily in two days and a night. 
Now Naples is close upon Puteoli, and Rhegium lies on the strait 
that divides Sicily from Italy. A fair wind, as in the present 
instance, might accelerate the voyage a little above the usual calcu- 

A note of VVetsteiii's on this passage has shown, that Puteoli was 
the port at which the corn ships from Egypt (Alexandria ') usually 
touched, and landed their cargoes. 



Arcanas rerum causas, quo corpora pacto 
Inter se coeant diversa, et foedera jungant ; 
His etiam inventis, quas, qu^ntaque commoda vitffi 
Orta, cano :— juvat hsec naturae vincia sequaci 
Inscrutari animo, et caecam praepandere nonnam. 

Scilicet angustis conclusa in finibus olim 
Errabat gens dura viriim, fructusque legebat 
Indigenos ; nondum socii commercia ponti, 
Nondum alias spect&rat opes, nee littora norat 
Altera longinquis pelagi devolvier undis. 
Ergo etiam fragilem trepidanti pectore lintrem 
Vix dabat oceano, et timide, ducentibus astris, 
Vela trahens, tardos radebat navita cursus. 

* Thucydid. lib. vii. c. 50. 

^ There was a considerable trade between Alexandria and Puteoli Tor 
other articles besides com. 

Forte Puteolanum sinuro praetervehenti^ vectores nautaeque de navi 
Alexandrina, quse tantum quoa adpulerat, candidati, coronatique, et thiira 
libantes, fausta omina et eximias Jaudes congesseraut: per ilium se vivere : 
per ilium navigare t libertate atque fortunis per ilium frui. Qua re admo- 
dum exhilaratus, quadragenos aureos comitibus divisit : jusque jurandum^ 
et cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam, quam in emtio- 
nem Aleiandrinarum mercium, absumturos. Sutton* Casar Octavim 
Augustus. ' 

Oxford Prize Poefh. 217 

At neque perpetuis urgerif prot^nus umbrw . 
Fas visum eiti«>*-(tandem nova lux orientii ab oris 
Pandere se subitu, et tcnebras difipergere inerteis ; 
Visaque nimborum media sub nocte tideli 
f ndicio monstrare polos ; coeloque latentem 
Obscuro Mjageetis apex advertier Arctoti. 
Hinc tibi.Nauta viae faciles; marb inde redusum 
Imperium ; hinc aliis equitans subliuiior undis : 
Dat secura rates extemis carbasa veotis, 
Et patefacta jacent vasti spatia aha profundi. 

Quare age^ et bcec animo miracula volvere rerum ^ 
Ne pigeat ; causasqttey aut quo. sub foedere fiant 
Naturae, et caecas penitus conquirere leges. 

Principio^ hunc omnem Terra! habitabilis orbem^ 
Expaososque maris tractus, immania coeli, 
Materies seosim tenuis circumambity etintus 
Diditur ignea vis, et fusilis irrigat iEklier : 
Quae quoniam ferri p^r operta foramina sese 
Insinuate venas penetrans Magnetis opacas, 
Idcirco hue caecae vires tacitumque reverti 
Imperium, et nulla connitens lege potestas. 
At vero subtilem alii retulere fluorem 
Perpetuo manare polls, certisque revolvi 
Cursibus : huic simitis lapidem pervadit, et acri 
Impulsu ferrum inde trabit, compage coercens 
Funditus, et liquida cohibet vortigine raptum* 
Forsitan ' baud alia ratione Electrica Virtus 
Pellet, et in medicos secreta accingitur usus. 
Ipsa sui impatiensy alieni conscta tactus ; 
Quod simul ac liquidus parteis penetraverit ardor 
Corporis appositi, calor irruit intus, et omnem 
Pervolat ignifero tremefactam volnere moleni. 
Contemplator item/ cum jam dira sethere in alto 
Lugubre sulpbureas jaculautur fulgura flammas, 
M ortiferainque rotant hyemem, quanto impete ferrum 
Sai'pe facultates miras, viresque trahendi 
Accipiat proprias, furtivamque induat ariem. 
Praesertiui,' clara siquando accenderit Arcto 
NoQttvagus Aurora faces, rubraque coruscum 
Luce jubar, rutiluuique pulo monatraverit arcum, 

Tum fixum riiutare locum, statione relicta 

' Couuexuiii betvv>-k'it Kledridiy and Magnetism. 
^ Magnetism cummut nested b^ Lightning to Iron. 
' Needle affected by the Aurora Btireaiis. 


2 18 Oxford Prize Poem. 

Contiuuoi inaue inagis varianti volvier «stu 
Magneta aapicies; donee fluor iste recedent 
Fervidus antiquum dederit servare tenorem. 

Fors et multa quidem tacito moderaminis actu 
Circunagitur, magni permanans moenia mundi 
Visy nostris invisa oculis. Ergo, Improbe, Numen 
Esse Dei dubitabis adhuc, cum tanta patescant 
Divinae mopumenta manus, demensne pulabis 
Sponte sua has moles fixos sibi ponere motus i 
Nee me animr fallit, quod' vis sterna coactos 
(Quidquid erit) propria contorquet l^e Planetas. 
Seilicet hi certo vastuui per Inane rotatu 
Coelestes iterare chorps, et mutua plecti 
Foedera, dum medio Sol indefessus Olympo 
Jussa regit spatia, et subjectos al licit orbes. 
Atqui causa Jatet, neque enim concessa potestas 
Abdita naturae scrutari, obductaque cnca 
Nocte miniateria, aut rationero exquirere mundi. 
Nee tibi, magna Parena^ (quamvis tibi dia recluait 
Flumina, sacratosque induisit largior i^austus,) 
Nee tantum Doetrina dedit ; neaue lumina mentis 
Clara iuae deosam poterant dispellere nubem. 
Sit satis orta istinc cognoscere conimoda, et axis 
Virtutem; certosque maris praedicere tractus. 

Et jam tempus erat, quando arctos incola finea 
Linquere^ et audaeem pekgo committere puppin» 
Inciperet, majora movens ; ciet asmulus ardor 
Ignotam tentare plagam, terraque relieta 
TutiuSy in medias descendere navibus undas. 
Quis tamen insanos fluctus, quis rumpere primus 
iEquora, vasta situ^ vexantibus horrida nimbis 
Audeaty aut saevis ponti occursare procellis ? 
En ! Columbus adest ! felix tu parvula talem 
Terra tulisse virum, et primis fovisse tropaeis ! 
illi iirma iides^ totoque ia pectore flagrans 
Ambitio^ irrequieta^ agitans; Illi inscia fleet! 
Virtus, indignas stimulis accensa repulsa?. 
Prseterea, occiduae jam turn telluris imago 
Multa inerat, multusque adeo cohvisere terras 
Urget honos facti, et niagnae vis vivida mentis. 

Nunc etiam tanti non unquam oblita laboris -^ 
Usque novo recolens studio^ venerabile nomea 

' It has been supposed that Gravity is nothing more than Magnetism 
acting on a larger scale. • ; 

Oxford Prize Poem . 219 

' Musa referre juvat^ meritfamque edicere laudem. 

Ut, fida turn fretus acu, et terrestria spernens 

Claustra, intentati per Formidanda Profundi 

Flexerit impavidum longinqua ad littora cursum. 

Ut — Dux sola viae nigra cum nocte negarat 
' Indicium, terras cum jam spes irrila nautis 

Despondere animos dederat^ pelagique frementis 

Horror, et irati manifestae numinis irse ;r— 

Ille, Auctor, coeptique tenax, interritus ausis 

Perstiterit ; — " Tu terrificos, Columbe, tiftiores 

Mittere turn potuisti, et tutos tangere portus^ 

Speratumque aperire viris felicior orbem. 

Tu Pater indigeno concussos fulmine monies^ 

£t juga dpectasti rigidis cohcreta pruinis, 

Nimborumque atra sub majestate recondi 

Piniferum caputs et ruptis latcra horrida saxis. 

Tu quoque praecipiti torquentes vortice fluctus 

Niagarara, Platamque, et quae magis omnibus auctam 

Volvit Amazon aquam, et vajsto se proluit alveo." 
Major abhinc rerum facies, et splendidus ordo 

Exoritur, simui assiduis freta versa carinb 

Fervere, dum claros accendit fama nepotes 

Fata sequi paria^ et Nimiles deposcere lawos. 

Quid tibi Gallorum classem, aut jactantis Iberi 

Commemorem i vel quas toties praspandere cursus 

Insolitos, longe liquidi super invia regni, 

Jnclyta fluctifragis Lisboa immiserit oris f 

1'u vero ante alias^ hinc ta Brittannia ponti 

Arbitra subjectas late dominaris in undas, 

Jnvictosque adeo pelagi sortiris alumnos. 

Hinc'et Ralivium jactas, animamque capacem 

Ultoris Draci, innumerasqu^ ex ordine palmas. . 

Te quoque, te studio sequitur pia musa fideli, 

Infelix Ductor ! quem ssevas injuria gentis 

Ante diem, misera laniatum morte peremit ! 

Heu ! quoties totum patefecit puppibus orbem ! 

Quot maris ignotos tractus, quot littora visit ! 

Saepius Angliacam conferto in littore pompani s 

Pennigeri obstCipuere duces^ sulcataque rostris 

iEquora, et insolita tarde se mole moventem 

Turritam ignivomo cum fulmine majestatem. 

llle etiam, ' Angligenis semper metuenda, sub Arcto 

' Sir Hugh Willoughby and his Cre^w perished in i\rzina, when sent by 
Queen Elizabeth to discover the North-East Passajrc. 

220 O*tford Prize Poem. 

Cincta gelu infornif, et vastis rigida arva pruiiiis 
Cerneret ; Ille etiam Australem spatiatus ad axeni 
Suavia conspiceret Taitae rura, virentenique 
Arvorum faciem, et pingues sine Tomere glebas. 

Hsc nobis Magnete Tatens animata potestas 
Attulit, et socio conjunxit foedere munduiu. 
Kespice devictos celebres, Carthago, triumphos ! 
Hannonisque hutiiiles ausiis ; tii GTrscia parvum 
Uespice remigiiim, et timidos prope littora cursus ! 

Quae seros diversa tnanet fortuna nepotes ! 
Quippe illo ductore viae, tandem ultima late 
Kegna interfuso junguntur dissita iluctu. 
Ubere dehinc abis gremio Peruvia largas 
Fundit opes ; aliis aurato pondere dives 
Mexica, et argenteas aperit Potosia venas. 
jNec sola Hesperiae flaventes integit agros 
Aurea luxuries camporum, et lucidus ddihet, 
Purpureisve rubent juga roscida cincta racemis. 
Hinc qua, Augusta, tuas "^niamesis prselabitur arces 
Fervida sollicito circumstrepit ora tumultu. 
Quin, tibi thuriferas Oriens expandit arenas, 
Ambrosiisque ultro desudat balsama guttis. 
Dat proprias tibi Niger opes, dat aromata Ganges 
Ditia^ te patrio fiyzanti e littore portans 
Munera, submissis veneratur Turca tiaris. 

Inde etiam excultae, fulgent felicius artes, 
Quaeque prius vifes ventis abjecit inanes 
Herba, novum membris praestabit pressa vigorem ; 
Atque iterum, evicto ferali funere, priscos 
Laeta salus roseo renovabit lumine risus. 

Auspice non alio, positis nova regna colonis 
Surgere, nascentis prima incunabula famae 
Visa procul, fructusque agri proferre nitentes 
Saxa per horrifera, et vastos nigra abjete saltus. 
Scilicet baud alio, adveniet volventibus annis 
Laetior ille dies, cum tu rediviva tyranni 
Servitio, priscas agnosces Africa lauros. 
Olim et tempus ent, quando. incoia Chamskadalse 
Horrentesi patnas tiimbos, glaciuliaque arva - 
Vincet, et insuetaAt nnrabitur uudique messes ; 
Ignotutnvf secHhs pairiis in classibus jequor, 
Te duce, tida iijarisdomitrix, UMJoru secutus, 
S,ub)ectam t^xiremo apectabit cardiue J^hulen, 
ipse etiam, muucua; recolens pia gaiidia vitae^ 
Lurida sacriferis ululatibus orgia ponet 

On tlte Ancient Language of Cornwall. 221 

Barbarusy et turpes calcabit mollior aras. 

Tu vero, fleternae quoniam bine Brittannia famae 
Diixisti auguria^ et tantos laeto ubere fructus^ 
Ergo fove proprii victricia Regna Profundi. 
Exoriare aliquis, qui Numine fretus amico, 
Exploret tractus alios^ cuUuque ferocem 
Molliat, et sociae praepandat lumiua vitae. 
Sic, duin sascla novas referunt volventia lauros, 
Largaque secures in plent cominercia portus. 
Sic etiam, priscum imperium, antiquosque triumpbos 
Anglia, rite coles : sceptroque insignis avito. 
Jura dabisy liquidoque potens dominaberis orbi. 

J. E. RJTHBONE. Coll. Nov. Soc. 1798- 



No. III.— [Continued from No. XXXFlLp. 1 le.] 



I CLOSED my last letter with a long list of Cornish words, and 
endeavoured to prove that that language is, in great part, sprung 
from the same origin as the Latin ; and I was the more convinced 
of it, because the terms which designate common and simple 
objects, for which the natives must have had names long before 
the arrival of the Romans, are the most disguised, and that too 
with such a rude and unclassical corruption, that they leave no 
doubt of their Celtic antiquity. 1 have also shown that the second 
class of words is the next in point of number, consisting of terms 
which were probably introduced by the Romans ; but which, from 
their pure Latinity, cannot be ascribed to a later period ; while 
very few indeed seem to belong to those ages, when thlt languag^e 
had been materially corrupted. From all these circumstances, it 
follows again, that all the elements of the Cornish must have 
already existed, when the Romans evacuated Britain, and that the 
epoch, when Arthur is said to have florished, may be cegarded 
as that in which the Cornish tongue had acquired its highest 
degree of purity. 

822 On the Ancient British 

The Cornish differs from the languages of mere Romau descent, 
8o that it cannot be supposed that the Latin, with which it 
abounds, was acquired from the conquerors of Britain. It is too 
rude and too anomalous in its disguises to admit of such a 
suppositioi^ while on the contrary it retains deeply imprinted the 
marks of its Celtic origin; which the Latin has lost during its 
progress towards improvement. How different is the Latin found 
\n Cornish, from what it is in Italian and Spanish ! These latter 
tongues are in fact notling but the Latin which was spoken in 
those countries, which, after haring been corrupted, has since been 
smoothed into a grammatical form. If the Cornbh was a Latin 
descendant, why should it not also have preserved something of a 
classical appearante, like the other modern languages i but since 
it has not, and yet so many of its primitives have the same mean- 
ing as the like in Latin, it is obvious, that it is not derived from it; 
but from some origin, which has been common to both, — and this 
is the Celtic. 

As to the Saxon, French, and words of other languages, which 
occasionally occur in it, many of them were not borrowed till 
many centuries after, and seem to have increased as the purity of 
the Cornish tongue decayed ; though in some cases it is doubtful, 
whether those nations did not rather take them from a Celtic 
dialect, than the latter from them. 

it is also possible that some of the Cornish words found in the 
modern languages, were originally Celtic, and continued in use, 
notwithstanding the ascendancy of Latin on the Continent ; but 
were never naturalised in that language, '^fhe continental provinces 
necessarily retained something of the tongue of their ancestors^ 
which was nearly allied to, if not the same as, that of Britain. 
This is therefore another reason, why so many French and Englidi 
words seem to be related to the Cornish. To begin with Italian, 
Spanish, and Portuguese. It cannot be imagined that naucb 
connexion has ever existed between the Cornish dialect and the 
languages now spoken in those countries. I have however dis- 
covered a few words, which may be referred to each, though I 
confess that the resemblance may in some cases have been 
entirely accidental. Some of these also are originally Latin, akid 
have no other claim to our attention, than that, disguised as they 
now are, they bear a nearer resemblance to words in those three 
languages, than they do to their common original. They are the 
following : 

Cornish. Italian. 

Cabydul, A chapter. Cnpitolo. A chapter. 

Dyrog, Before. T)rUto, Straitly. 

/«fr. A blowing house Fogn Violence. , 

for melting t\i\. 

Language of Cornwall. 














To move. 
A mastiff. 
To dance. 
A house. 
To look. 
S00O9 Quickly. 
A lewa womaa. 

A surplice. 
A veiu. 

A top. 

A chair. 
A maid. 



Catnap camisdt 




To travel. 
A greyhound. 
A dance. 
A house. 
To look. 
SooOy quickly. 
A 1/ewd woman. 


A bed, a shirt. 

A metallic veiu. 



A Bar, 
A chair. 
A mud. 

or sand' 

It is singular that some Cornish words take a as a prefix, as in 
agrtj, 1 believe ; agotJD9tf9, 1 say ; asgam. a bone, Slc. ; and that 
the satne thing should also be observable in Portuguese. Thus 
it is in qfear, to make ugly ; affmiane^ to dare ; qfugentar, to 
put to flight ; almojbda, a cushion ; alambre^ amber, &c.' It is 
the Arabic article al, which has not only been retained before the 
derivatives from that language, but also prefixed to words, which 
liave been adopted from die Latin. 

When we consider the long duration of the sway of the Saxons 
and the Normans in Britain, it is nsttural to inquire, whether any 
traces of their speech can be discovered in the aboriginal language. 
On examining the Cornish vocabulary, it is evident that it contains 
several French and English words; I understand by this, such 
terms as are now common to them and the Cornish, I will not 
inquire how many of these may be of a Saxon, Teutonic, or 
Latin origiu, as it is more than probable, that they have been 
borrowed from these, and not from the .Cornish ; which, since the 
formation of the languages of its powerful neighbours, adopted 
from them several terms for which it had no names. All such 
words therefore became a constituent part of the Cornish, though 
of a foreign origin, and were gradually introduced into it in the 
course of ages, and subsequently to the Saxon and Norman con- 

It is well known that none of the ancient conquerors of Britain 
adopted any of its languages, which they were accustomed to con- 
sider as dissonant, unpolished and barbarous. The conquered 
nation must be possessed of an interesting, if not superior literature, 
as tlie Greeks were, before it can aUfUCt. \!si^ cQX«^«i^t% \ft ^^& 

234 On the Ancient British 

study. On the contrarj, it was the policy of the Romans to 
diifuse civilisation and their literature, to the disuse of the lan- 
guages, customs and prejudices of the natives. And they succeeded 
in it so completely, that though their empire has been extinguished 
nearly fourteen centuries in the West, yet their laws still govern, 
and corruptions of Latin still form the basis of several of the 
modem languages of the Continent. During the Romau sove- 
reignty, the British tongues became confined within more narrow 
limits; and it was during that period, that those Latin words 
were incorporated with the Cornish, and which I have given in 
my second list. It was thus that the Roman power had' a tendency 
to corrupt the aboriginal speech of the conquered countries. 

The Saxons also had as little inclination to cultivate the native 
dialects, as the Romans. A mutual animosity long subsisted 
between them and the Britons ; and when afterwards the former had 
yielded to civilisation, and the mild genius of Christianity, and the 
horrors of war had ceased, they had already a language of their 
own ; or else their learned men preferred t6 cultivate theology in 
Latin, to the investigation of the dialect and the fables of a rude 
and illiterate people. It was thus that little or no Cornish was 
borrowed by the Saxons. 

llie same cause also operated with the Normans. They endea- 
voured to eifect a total subversion of all English establishments : 
having seized on the government, and usurped a great part of the 
property of the kingdom, they introduced their own institutioos, 
and by the encouragement given to the French language, it seemed 
as if they wished to forbid the vanquished to think and express in 
the words of their ancestors, that though they were then subjugat- 
ed, yet that like them they had once been free. In such conquerors 
as these, it was not to be expected that the extent of the Cornish 
should be increased. 

But the Cornish people, insulated on a narrow peninsula, were 
necessarily obliged to mix with their conquerors ; and as it is not to 
be supposed that they would feel any particular anxiety for the 
preservation of their language, they adopted from convenience and 
choice, some of those words, which I have selected from the 

Some of the following are Saxon derivatives, as Angus, anguish ; 
Grontys-f a grant ; Gurch, a wreck ; and yet, a gate ; others are 
remotely Latin, but too much disguised to be admitted as 
immediate derivatives, such as, Chastys, to chastize ; Fahney, false- 
hood ; Sponffy aspunge ; Tshappal, a chapel ; Tshofar, a chafing- 
dish, 8cc. A few real Cornish words have also become Englin, 
as Aval, an apple ; Aban, above ; and Lode, a metallic vein. On 
the other hand some seem to have been very lately adopted firom 

Langmagt of Cornwall. 


the En^lisbf and when the Cornish tongue was already vergiii^ to 
Its extinction. Such are the terms Pokkya mimz, the smafi-pox ; 
and TybaccOg tobacco. 

There are much fewer French than English words in Cornish ; 
a striking circomstance^ as it coofirras what historians have recorded 
concerning the failure of the Normans in substituting their lan- 
guage for that of Britain. These may also be divided into classes, 
like those which are of English derivation. Thus we have ^rst, 
Dawnsy une danse; Clofy clopiner; Parleth^ un parloir; and 
secondly, Dilvar, deliver; Feur, une foire; Fya^ fuir: Jugye, 
juger; Parhemmin, parchemin ; and lastly we have, Gravior, un 
graveur ; and Panfz, un panais. 

For the sake of perspicpity, I add lists of most of the English 
and French words which have occurred to me in Cornish ; observ* 
ing, however, that in my examination of the latter with so many 
languages, many primitives through dieir disguise may have 
escaped me, whilst I have purposely omitted a few, whose deriva- 
tion appeared doubtful, or too renoote to establish any thing like 
a common origin. ■ D. 

P. S. The following words, which are now used in the Englidi 
language^ are also found in Cornish. 


Aval. ' 










C hasty. 














An upple, 
A banner. 
To bargain. 
A beaver. 
A bmtcli, 
A buckle, 
A band, 
3b eha$tise, 
Tke chine. 
7b ditpraite. 
A jerkin. 
An entinet. 
An emperor. 
A chin. 
A goose, 
3b climb. 


To grant. 




A wreck. 






An omU 


A cabbage. 


A caldron. 




A clout. 




A coffer. 


A guill. 
A lantern^ 







A plank. 


To pay. 


A plum. 

Pokkys miniz. 

The small-pox. 






A rake. 


A radish. 

Redyn. . 

To read. 


Ti^ roast. 

' The p and « are convertible, as Sxtf, super, aoerf and in Italian tovra 
and sopra. [Aval is also German. Ed.} 


A Letter on 
















2b icourge. 
A tire. 
To tpare, 
A tkark. 
To slip. 
To tpUe. 
To speckle. 
Zb speHd. 
A MDunge. 















Spika (bails). 
'Hie following are the French words which 

Tke$ioe1t of a tree. 

To Orive. 

A tack (a nail). 

A tide. 



A trout, 

A ehmpel. 

A ckmn^. 

A chifing'diek. 

A turnip. 


Wan (weak). 

A gate. 

are also found iu 





























Va bourgeoit, 


line cloche, 

Une dense, 








Un gazon. 


Un canal. 

Ua giant, 

Un grateur, 

Un gueret* 





Du parehemin, 


Un poids, 


Des saumons. 

Un itang. 


A citizen. 
To speak. 
A bell. 
A dance. 
A fair. 
To smell. 
Foolish (mad). 
To fly. 

A dairy (turf). 
To change. 
A channel. 
A giant. 
An engraver. 
A furrow. 
The joints. 
To judge. 
To halt. 
A parsnip. 
A peacock. 
A weight. 
A penny. 


£[AVING been lately engaged in a literary contest on the Portland 
Vase, which, I may be allowed to say, occasioned a deep sensation, 
because the circumstance remains recorded in contemporary publlca^ 
tions, it is neither for the sake of needlessly renewing the contest, uot 
of gathering up the (ypima spolia of Vxclot^ Yi\\\e.Vi tcmaaci to me as 

The Portland Vase. 227 

master of the fiekl, that I am now on the point of troubfing you-; 
but with a view of collecting into one focus the -scattered facts and 
antiquarian combinations which were diffused over the sur&ce of a 
two months' discussion. 

In order to render the present letter a summary of the leading ideas 
then elicited^ I shall be as brief as possible : omitting to give a history 
of the Vase, becajuse that has been done by Darwin ; and avoiduig a 
detail of its beauties, because it is open to general inspection at tbt 
British Museum. My chief stress will lie on such novel pointsf ef 
illustration as have escaped the research of Darwin and succeeding 

My leading position is; that the secret mysteries of the great God- 
dess [by whom I understand all those deities resolvable into the Isis 
of Egypt, whether called Cybele, Vesta, Ashtarte, Bhavani, Ceres^ 
Magna or Bona Dea, or any other appelhtion conferred on the 
agency of nature] were depicted on the funereal vases of Greece, 
Rome, and Etruria, to which latter country they were carried by-De- 
raaratus the potter of Corinth. In Egypt the same custom prevailed^ 
with this distinction, that the portraiture was traced on the mummy 
chest, which like the European urn enshrined the relics of the 

Now, the Portland urn is on all hands conceded to be one of these 
funereal vases. Staaduig, therefore, on the threshold of the subject, 
the presumable infiBrence is, that the figures represented on it 
compose some scene in the mysterious dramas. From presumption 
let us descend to proof. 

The confirmatory evidence on this point is stronger with regard to 
the Portland Vase tluNi any other. It lies in the nutshell of this fact :. 
that most of the figures employed, are well authenticated and undenia- 
ble symbols appertaining to the mysteries; handed down to us by such 
a mass of harmonbing testimony as it would be folly to break through, 
and bad faith to evade. I speak of what is familiar to the schohr 
and antiquarian, the- concurring evidence of Christian and Pagan 

These symbols I shall briefly recapitulate. 

1st. The masks. These were certainly used in the mysteries, and 
thence descended to the Greek Drama; which as evidently sprung 
from religious mysteries as the modem. Milton's Paradise Lost vras 
originally intended foV a mystery. The allegorical masques of 
poetry have the same origin : and the Romish Churcb| pursuing its 

1228 A Letter on 

niiial policy, geems lo have adopted both the nanM md acope of the 
Pagan Mysterious Drama. 

Mystery, io tine, traced lo its source, means a ihiog aaasked or con- 
cealed : being derived from mistur^ a hidden thing. 

Sttd. The erect and reverted torch io the opposite compartmeots. 
These, as is proved by authentic testimony as well as moDaments 
extant, were undoubted appendages of the Mythraic, lsiac» and Eleu* 
ainian rites. Vesta, Cybele, Ceres, Isis, Hecate, Ai images of nature, 
'«e designated by the torch they carry. The vibratiou of torches m 
•their riles is equally notorious. But in reality the upright and reverted 
torch are extant lo this day among the symbols of a Mythratic car« 
[See the Plates of Hyde.] In this instance they evidently imply 
Sunset and Death as opposed to Sunrise and Birth, and poetry has 
adopted the metaphor. A second presumable inference from these 
£icts is, that in the first compartment of the vase, life extingubhed 
was shadowed, and in the second, life restored. 

3rd, The unearthly trees. 

4th. The unquestioned figure of a Priest of Cybele, in the costume 
of his order ; having the Phrygian cap and feminine dress of Atjs as 
exhibited ou extant busts ; and indicating by his gesture '* Myatery* 
as plainly as if it were alphabetically written. The gesture itself, 
'moreover, is an admitted portion of the mystic rites. 

5tb. The torch-bearer or Daduchus, another authentic a^otor ia the 
mysterious drama. He represented the first-begotten and demiurpc 
love, who created the universe, producing light firom dsirknessy to 
whom Aristophanes sublimely and beautifully refers. 

6th. The scattered ruins; the fallen capital and upright abaft. Tiie 
mysteries of masonry derived from nagianism retain these aynibob 
still. The ancient deities were pillars. A Mythratic Sculpture repre- 
sents divine love wiuged and seated on a !rainbow between two co- 

7th. The passage through a gate, another well^authettticated rite. 

8th. A figure leaying at the gate his mortal garment ; a change me- 
taphorically acted in the rites of Eleusis. 

9th. The hooded Serpent ; a universal symbol of regenerated life ; 
esteemed so by the Hmdoos to this day, and employed, as sculpture 
•and authority attest, in the mysteries of Mithra, Seeva, and Hecate. 
It b another corroborative proof of the meaning of the com|Mirtment 
where it appears, and harmonises with the upright torch, while it 
forms a sculptural antithesis to the inverted. 

the Fi>Ttland Vase. 22^^ 

- The iiileretice from this oompaet and cosetnlaratiDg proof ftpt>e*n 
to me irresistible; tiz. that the funereal mysteries (for so they 
were) were depicted on this funereal Vase. And I am inclined to 
think that even wero these symbols incoherently scattered over the- 
Urn's surface, tew antiquarians would disagree with me in considering 
tbem decisive of the question.' 

But their juxtaposition adds the loveliness of harmony to the dry 
detail of evidence, while it accumulates proof of itself sufficiently* 
strong on proof already complete. 

. According to my view this juxtaposition not only corroborates the 
^bove positions, but embraces three points : The Deity to whom the' 
mysteries were devoted, the mother temple whence they were derivc^d, 
and the scope and moral of the religious mmque. 

And here it will be accessary, as a> preliminary step to this inquiry, 
succinctly to state, that the first mysterious dramas bore a funereal 
character ; and that they consisted ot choral lamentations fbr the 
dead. In a more advanced stage^ they pourtra^ed in pantomime (as 
far as unassisted theology conld reach) the immortality from which 
man fell, the cause, bis miserable passage through fleshly cares, his 
escape through the^te of death, and restoration to primitive felicity. 
To bring together all the proof of this short summary would over*'' 
whelm me beneath the load of my arms. That which should shield, 
though gorgeous and glittering in appearance, would crush me by its 
weight, like Tkrpeia beneath the Sabine shields. Let it suffice, that 
the substance of this beautiful creed has come down to us in the sub«- 
stance of ancient stories, beautifully, but variously and capriciously 
told. It was Persephonehy the lost fruit, which human nature sought 
in vain and found in death. It was the secret of primitive perfection 
which Theseus and Piritbous strove to ravish from the initiatory rites ^ 
but perished in the attempt. It was the loss of light which Isis wept 
over Horus, it was the decree of Death which Venus wept over Adonis. 
It was tlie promise of his revival which shook with triumph the valley 
of Egypt» and echoed in gratulation from the hills of Libduus. Some- 
times it was the initiate Orpheus searching his lost love, stung by a 
serpent in the realms of night. Sometimes it was Psyche the fallen 
soul, deserted by heavenly love, descending into Hell, and opening the 
repository of evil Lastly, it was the self- immolated Hercules, the 
*' magnum Jovis incremcntuni'* uratsging up Hell in tri .nph, tram* 
pling an the dragon's head, and grasping the immort i fruit. 

I envy not the obtuseness of that iutellecl which reaolves not to 
find in these tiaditioosy fiimiliar to every schooUbo^) ib^^v^sw^Vvfias^.^ 


A Letter on 

of a universal Pagan hope, encumbered in 
tapiior, but traceable to the earliest famil* 
now is to apply tbe creed they conceal 
mutual bearings of the sculptured Dra 
1st. First, then, do we wi^h to know 
was devoted? We learn, as plainly '. 
iiuch priest at the bottom. To the G 
called Cybele, but in Egypt, Isis. 
;;rip of masonry, implies '* brother 
towards the profane. It is the la' 
" Speak not of the mysteries wit* 
2nd. Do we enquire, where w 
rites ? The masks, the " round 
the reeds surmountiDg all, rep 
explain. Byblusi the reed 
and whence the cormpted n 
3rd. Do we seek to kno' 
which the Urn embraced ^ ' ' 
the fig-tree above the fig- ^ 
ancient deity who was 
vived— Adonis, Thamn 
to Cybele, Atys A^d 
was at once an einbl« 
rites were founded, 
and Than in Hebre 
I come now to : 
It has been n 
scriptural authc 
figures and tho5 4 
to beg this cr ^ 
sented the fir? 
Rabbins hav *' 
parents, w' ** 
Pcnia of I ^^ 

Brahmins '^ 

race. '« 
ing, me- 
from i' 
above - 




232 A Letter on the Portland Vase. 

fie yision," to the fvresence of the king of the Mysteries, and the mler 
of the happy fields. This character is the ADchises of Virgil, the 
Rhadamanthus of Homer, the benevolent Daemon Cneph of the Egyp^ 
tians, and the Demiurgns of Eleusis. 

On the Vase he stands guarding the way between two trees : the 
first perhaps a box sacred to Cybele, or a myrtle worn by the elect at 
Eleusis, and both emblcmns of immortality ; the 2nd, perhaps, a fig or a 
vine: both emblems of man's shame and Jail: and the Tine being 
still considered as the fatal tree of knowledge, in the Elast. His atti- 
tude is that of a judge, having power to admit or exclude. 

In all probability he represented the " Midnight Sun" of the Myste- 
ries, which was the final object of those ancient rites : whether he be 
called Jupiter, or Helios, or Osiris Infems^ Bacchus, or Adonis, or 
Atys NyctiHcuSf whether he be Muth, or Pluto, or Serapis. The 
character was the same, though different nations pronounced his nane' 
with a different modulation. 

Those, however, who require some application of dramatu personae 
more specific, are at liberty to consider the figure as UraiDiu, the 
^ther of Cybele Uranus, to whom indeed the title of Demiurge, King, 
and Beatific Vision, accurately applies. 

And, indeed, the inference is obvious, that as the vase and the 
mystic shows represented on it are evidently connected with the 
worship of this Goddess, the mythological story of Cybele most pro- 
bably formed the groundff ork of the drama. 

As this story perfectly harmonises with the premises I faaTe laid 
down, I am enabled, by compressing it, to offer a point of union 
between myself and the most rigid lover of simplicity, leaving the 
application to the reader. 

Cybele, says the fable, was the daughter of an ancient King, dad 
Queen of Phrtgi a ; some say of Uranus and Rhea. She fell ia love 
with a beautiful Phrygian named Atys, whom her parents disHked, 
and finding her resolute, caused to be slain, and his \)ody thrown to 
wild beasts. Cybele searched the body, collected the parts, vrept 
over them, went mad, and died* But a plague ravaging the coootiyy 
it was commanded by the oracle that Atys should be buried with 
great pomp, and Cybele worshipped as a deity. Other versions say 
that he first deified her an<l became her priest. However that he, the 
priests extravagantly lamented, for a stated time, over his effigy, at the- 
end of which light was brought in, and they declared with onteries of 
joy that " the dead was revived/' A-*^ 



to the Further Remarks in the Quarterly Heview, No. 
XXXVIII. on the New Translation of the Bible. 

It was not my intention to lose any more time in polemical con- 
troversy ; but at the request of several of my learned friends, I 
have been induced to make the following remarks in reply to a 
second article in the Quarterly Review, on my Translation of the 
Bible from the original Hebrew. 

The remarks made on my Translation of the Book of Grenesis, 
by the Quarterly Reviewer, are allowed by many of the readers of 
that work to be malicious and unjust ; and, by real critics, to be 
written in the most consummate ignorance of the original. 

He begins his Review of my Reply hy saying, ''When WE 
lately undertook to examine Mr. Bellamy's New Translation of 
the Bible, \y£ found not only that proofs of his utter incompe- 
tence to the task crowded upon US at every step, but that his 
bold pretensions of making new discoveries, as to the meaning of 
the plainest passages of the Bible, tended to shake the confidence 
of the public in the certainty of received scriptural interpretations.. 
In consequence, WE felt OURSELVES called upon to explain, 
without disguise, the grounds of the opinion which WE were led 
to form respecting this writer and his work." lliis critic has here 
explained, more fully certainly than he intended, ''the grounds'^ 
of his virulent abuse of my undertaking : it '' tended to shake the 
confidence of the public in the certainty of received scriptural in- 
terpretations ! " But if these received interpretations rest upon 
false translations, should the version remain without improvement ? 
Should not the Scriptures be truly translated, that both the teachers 
and the hearers may have an opportunity of ascertaining whether their 
confidence in the certainty of any of these received interpretations 
be founded on truth ? Can any suffer loss by a vindication of the 
truth and purity of the Divine ' record ? Yes, some men may, and 
some men will ; and "in consi^quence they feel THEMSELVES 
called upon" to defend the "^interpretations" which it would be 

VOL. XIX. a. J I. NO. XXXVIU. Q ' 

234 A Second Reply to the Qudrterhf 

for their interest, as thej/ imagine, should iicver be called io ques- 
tion. But is this Reviewer, ^mi\k all his dignified WE's, US's, 
OUR's, and OURSELVES', one of these interested persons f— 
He has not denied it. 

" WE felt OURSELVES called upon to explain, without dis- 
guise, the grounds of the opinion which WE WERE led to form 
respecting this writer (Bellamy) and his work. At the same time, 
WE had no wish unnecessarily to wound his feelings, and WERE 
therefore desirous of abstaining from the exposure of bis blunders" 
(how tender!) ''to a greater extent than appeared to be required 
by a just regard to truth and to OUR public duty.'' How amiable 
and conscientious are the feelings of this critic ! how admirable his 
composition ! I stop not to ask whether he mean the same thing 
by '' this writer/^ and by '' hb work," coupled together in die 
same clause. If he separate the two, I ask, what bad he to do 
with '' this writer ?" '' His work'' surely was all that he could 
bring to the bar of his self-constituted tribunal. I was willing, it 
is true, to meet him face to face, that I might benefit a little by be 
deep knowledge in ** the peculiarities of idiom, and the niceties of 
construction*' of the Hebrew; but with all his wishes '^toiib- 
stain from the exposure of his (Bellamy's) blunders/' and with aB 
his professed " regard to truth," Bellamy, it appears, may blmider 
on for him, let what will become of ^' truth ;" for he has qot com- 
plied, and, for certain reasons, will not, I fiear, comply, wit^ my 

He proceeds : ^' Whatever may have been the effect of these 
strictures on OUR readers, (and WE are much mistaken if this b€ 
at all doubtful,) their influence on the author has not been that 
which WE intended." Indeed ! is not this very strange, consider? 
ing the cool, temperate, disinterested, and friendly manner in which 
his strictures were ofiered ? If I may judge of the effect of his 
strictures ori his readers by the result to myself, he is n^uch misf 
taken. It is true that some individuals did, in compliance with 
his very liberal and generous advice, withdraw their names : it if 
equally tnie that some of these, on reading my Reply, sent notice 
to have their names again put on my list, accompanied with rer 
marks on the conduct of the Quarterly Reviewer, wliich he WiquI^ 
not like to hear. And, however distressing it may be to th^ 
feelings of this defender of received erroneous interpret at ions, \\/}§ 
equally true, and to the honor of the British character be ij 
known; that his attempt to injure, has, on the contraryji prp- 
duced me many friends. Were I insensible to the distinguished 
support which has been afforded to shield me from jlhe effe<;tf 
of this Reviewer's malignity, I should be the most unf^liMg 
and most ungrateful of mortals. It would be highly ind^o- 

■ ■ ■ • • ■ 

pm1Ar:Be\\Bmy$ Tritmlatiofi dfthe Bibk. 235 

f (MM m tne to state find particulars in this place; but the act 
will live among the deeds of tha truly great^ when the strictures of 
the ^' Advocate'' for received errors shall have ceased to have an 
existence. The Reviewer, with all bis. assumed self-complacency, 
bad some knowledge of. this fact before his Review of my Reply 
was written. 

But of this enough for the present. I now proceed to show 
that this '< incompetent" Reviewer has again attempted to impose 
upon his readers. 

In page 450, he charges me with an error in translating the 
preposition p min, in the sense of^'or : he says — " To his render-) 
ing thd preposition P minf in the sense of for (the man,) meaning, 
' for the use, the help of man/ we answered, p. 266, that he had 
no authority whatever for giving such a sense. On this h^ is totaUjf. 
$iUnty If I omitted saying any thing on 90 unimportant a subject^ 
it was not because I had not the .oppoi[tunity of silencing this un-* 
guarded writer. However, as he exposes his want of information 
a second time, I will show him that the preposition p min, haa 
the sense of for, or because of. See Dan. v. 19, pi and for th^ 
majtstjf'-^TAiih. viii. 10, because of What now are we to say 
concerning the Hebrew learning of the Reviewer } 

This writer still pretends to believe that Eve was made of one 
of the ribs of Adam, and thus he involves himself in a labyrinth of 
uncerftaintiea, which the enemies of Revelation never fail to bring 
forward to invalidate the sacred testimony. I. refer the reader to 
p. ]9« of my first Answer, where I have given the questions of the 
aysietnatic enemies of the Christian Religion. '^ Were it possible 
(French deists and infidels have said) that he had taken out the rib 
without any pain lo Adam, what do we gain by this ? or what 
virtue could have been given to ihe simple bone^ by being first- 
made a part in the body of the man r or was man made viith an 
extra rib ? Did not God know that in such case he should havo 
a part of his work to unmake ? Could not infinite Wisdom have 
made the woman of the same materials as he made the man V 

I have said, that the word yTH tseelang, rendered in the com- 
mon version to mean a rib, is only so. translated in this passage in 
all ihe Scriptures ; to which the critic says, '' it may be true ; but 
then it should be remembered that all Hebraists, ancient and< 
modem, agree that here it does signify a rib.'' To this I have* 
said, it is not true that all the ancient Hebraists and translators- 
^ree that the wordyTSfi tseeiang, signifies a rib. Origen, Philo,. 
Kusebius, Austin, 6kC. say, that these things are to be understoodi 
aUegorically. 1 have said nothing concerning the translations of 
these fathers ; it is sufficient for the end of trttth to show, that 
their belief of this subject, stands opposed to the general belief at 

236 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Reifew 

die present day. And therefore whoever translates this word 
agreabl^' to its radical meanings as it is always translated even in 
tlie oouiniun version, in every place where it occurs : which, ac- 
cording to these authorities^ was the sense in which the ancient 
Hebrews understood it, must translate it right. In conclusion, 
1 a'^ain say, if all the Hebraists, ancient and modern, were of one 
opinion, that God made Eve out of one of the ribs of Adam, and 
had .not a single scripture to support such an opinion ; with one 
proof that this word had a different meaning, and never meant a 
rib, 1 would rather be alone with that scriptural proof, than swim 
down the stream of popular opinion without it. 

But this Reviewer charges me, p. 449, with having erred in in- 
troducing the pronoun relative ** whose/* into this text : and ob- 
serves, ''To all this, the whole of what we find in reply is a simple 
observation, viz. The translators have frequently rendered the ivntf, 
by the pronouns relative, a?Ao, which, whose, xchomJ^ The critic' 
continues, '' We will not affirm positively that- they have not done: 
so, because we cannot be certain of the fact without a laboriooi- 
search through every page of the Old Testament." 

But as this pretender finds fault with my translation of the irair, 
by the pronoun relative, it was certainly his duty, however labo- 
rious the search might have been, even ^'through every page of 
the Old Testament," to show that it is never translated bv the pro- 
nouns relative. For the satisfaction of the reader, 1 will save the' 
Keviewer the trouble of this ''laborious search." See Jadges iii.^ 
SI, "p WHICH slew ; Prov. xi. •Z^, J11D1 which is without dis- 
cretion ; Jer. xxxvi. 33, JITTD^ who wrote; i Kings ii. 5, WTTH 
WHOM he slew; Gen. xviii. 13, ^Jl3p1 which am o/i/. Now,' 
Reader, what must you think of this critic, who will not affirin' 
positively that the translators have not frequently rendered the 
\ vau by the pronoun relative.' But he complains thus : ''Tie 
M hole of what we find in reply is a simple observation " that the* 
translators have so rendered it. " Simple observation !'' What 
else would he have, about a simple fact, so notorious, that every tyro: 
in Hebrew knows it, and which he might have known without any 
" laborious search," had he only known how to inspect a Hebrew* 
Lexicon f Here I must fix the Keviewer on the horns of a dilemma.* 
(p. 451.) Either he knows how to ascertain, wiihout ^' a laborious 
search through every page of the Old Testament," whether my 
'^simple observation" was correct, or he does not. If he do not, 
be has no right to give an opinion on any point of Hebrew criti-- 
cism. If he do, he stands convicted of unfairness. " Optet sibi.** 
The Reviewer proceeds : " But this we scruple not to affirm 
most distinctly, that if they have done so in any particular instance, 
no authority is thereby afforded for thus rendering the word when*' 

OH Mr.' Bellamy's Translation of the Bible. 237 

•ever it occurs." If be were always to reason from such evident 
propositions, be would be unanswerable. But I have not rendered 
the word tbus ^Svbereverit occurs/' for in such case every ^vau, 
would be rendered by a pronoun relative^ which in numherless 
.instances would produce absurdity. 

'^ The Hebrew copulative 1 van, corresponds to the Latin copu- 
lative et'* continues this Reviewer ; '^ but who in his senses would 
.therefore contend that et signifies 227^0, whichy wtiose^ and may be 
rendered by the pronoun relative wherever the translator pleases V* 
*' The Hebrew 1 vau^ corresponds to above thirty conjunctions both 
.in the Latin and in the English language : as alias^ antequam, dpud, 
atque, aut, certe, contra, cum, etiam, ideo, inquam, nempe. Sac. &uc. : 
and yea, even, for, but, then, when, likewise^ moreover, therefore, 
yet, with, that, if, so, or, aho, &c. &c. But the rule by which the 
1 vau is so translated, is not known to this writer. 
. The. reader will see by turning to my translation of Gen. ii. 25, 
that Adam and Eye were not left in Eden, naked, and that I have 
ir^nslated the word ttWySf gnaaroumim, by prudent, — they were 
prudent. The Reviewer contends that they were in a state of nu- 
dity, and says, '^ We observed, in opposition to his positive denial, 
that OV)y ever signifies naked, that instances occur in which the 
substitution of the word prudetU would make complete nonsense.'' 
;In answer to this I. have also shown that instances occur in which 
the substitution of the word naked would make '' complete non- 
iiense." *' But Mr., Bellamy," says the Reviewer, ** contends, 
.that when this word is written with % or, in its absence, with 
the vowel holem, pronounced ^naarom, it uniformly signifies 
naked; but when the root of this word is applied. by the sacred 
writers to mean prudent, subtil, crafty, it is not written with the 
holem, or the o, but with the shurik, or long u, pronounced 
gnaartuwi." Truly I do so contend, and because I have far better 
proof to sanction it than all the proof this gentleman brings witl^ 
Simonis, Calasio, Buxtorf, Sec. My proof 1 shall bring, not from 
the opinions of men; but from Scripture, where the same word can 
have no other meaning: nor is there a single passage in all the 
Scriptures where this word, so written, ever sigmfies7'tidf//y. 

The critic introduces this passage to show that 1 have erred in 
translating WSHif gnaaroumm, to mean prudent ; and all the 
proof that he brings to show how grossly I have erred, is by citing 
Job xxii. 6, where this word is rendered naked. 

He very liberally applies the word. ^ incompetence/ to the trans- 
lator. But it was the duty of a critic so well acquamted with '' the 
peculiarities of idiom and niceties of construction" in Hebrew^ as 
this Reviewer, to have shown my incompetence by unexceptionable 
proof; but in this, and in all the passages which he tias mentioned, he 

S88 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Review 

has utterly failed. It will however be my business to add another 
proof from the passage he has quoted, of his incompetence to form 
a true judgment of my tramlation^ that when he takes the received 
version f he is not capable of making setise of any incof^ruons pas- 
sage ; and that his pretended understanding of the Hebrew resH 
entirely on the English version*^ 

It may be convenient for this critic to seize upon a miatnmslattoa 
to shield his ignorance ; but it cannot be creditable to Ilia under- 
standing to Quote one that exhibits '^ nonsense." I must, in order 
to refute such groundless assertions as he has brought before the 
public, refer to the Hebrew only. This will show that the wold 
b%)1*lJ^ gnaaroumim, which I have translated prudent, in Geo. ii. 
^5, but to which he objects, always has the signification I have 
given it. What would be the opmion of the reader if I were thus 
to translate Job v. 12, where this word both consonants and vowdi 
occurs ? — He disappointeth the devices of the vake O'^-^And ch. zv. 
5, And thou choosest the tongue of the naked. 

But lest he should again presume to tell those who may not mh 
derstand Hebrew^ that in those two passages, thougb the 1 vem ii 
written with the shurik, or long u, yet the D mem has no di^gesb; 
.vhich is not the case in the word under consideration, Job xxii. 6. 
The Hebrew scholar will pardon me if I digress a little to infona 
this writer, that the dagesh only varies the sound, but never ahers 
the sefise of the word, and therefore cannot change the meannig of 
the word UlSPHSf gnaaroumim from prudent to naked. The ktter 
which has a dage^ is only considered as written twice, that is, 
gnaaroummim, instead of gtiaaroumim : Thus Ip B pa kad, he 
tisited, with dagesh in the JPihel conjugation, reads "1^ pikkied, 
he visited of ten — WSl^ mimmayim, out of the waters'^inBtesA of 
0% ID miit mayim, out of the waters. So that the reader will see 
that the dagesh never alters the sense of a noun or a verb* It is 
necessary neither for s^ise or grammar^ but merely for pronon^ 

I now proceed to exattiine the passage which the Reviewer has 
adduced to prove how grossly I have erred in translating the word 
Dm*!}^ gnaaroumim, prudent, instead of naked: which is in Job 
^xu. 69 ^nd stripped the naked of their clothing. This is perhaps 
cine of the passages which he deems ** el^ant, simple^ and digtti* 
fied." It is '' simple " enough surely ; and such simple paaaages^ 
abounding in the common version, have in all ages excited the 
wonder of intelligent men. <^ Stripped the naked of their dotkingr 
In the name of common sense^ if they were naked, how could tbey 

onMr.'Be]\fiiny'^Transhtmof ihe Bible. 239 

he Gripped f Such improper expressions hate been often noticed 
by accurate writers : . 

A painted vest Pritice Vorliger had on^ 
Which from a naked Pict his grandsire won. 

Martinus Scriblerus. 

The persons who are here signified by the word U^yiSf gnaatour 
mimy rendered in the! common version nakedy were those who in 
the preceding clause are called T^K acheka, thy brother. The ac- 
cusation brought against Job is, that he was an oppressor of the 
nprightj the pmdent : Thau hast not given water to the weary to 
drinky and thou hast with-holden bread from the hungry. Thou 
hast sent widows away empty, and the arms of' the fatherless have 
been broken. Thou hast taken a pledge of thy brother for naught 
— that is, from nietl better than hittself, from the pruaent 
men, his brethren. And theifefore the persons signified by the 
word tTDI'V enaaroumimy ^ete understood to be prudent though 
poor. The clause truly reads, without any absurdity, Aus i And 
stripped the prudent rf their clothing. But this critic turns to his 
Eogh^h Bible for his Hebrew erudition. Hence it is evident, that 
by quoting the mis-translation^ he has altogether mistaken the 
obvious meaning of the sacred writer, who throughout the narra^ 
tive, shows that Eliphas vras accusing Job of having oppressed the 
prudent among the people. 

This critic says, •' We remarked (p. 275.) that by rendering the 
words *Q Un? 'yOVk with its seed in it, at v. 11, 12, he entirely 
omiti the pronoun relative *WM esher. The Hebrew Itt^ esher 
has no more the sense of ^ with/ than the Latin qui." This gen- 
tieknan means, according to the common translation. But ac^ 
cording to the history, and to the obvious fact, consequently ac- 
cording to the true meaning of die word, IttfK esher, embra<%s the 
meaning of with. The subject here mentioned is the fruit ; now 
the question is, does not the fruit come t6tthmth its seed in it f if 
so, then the M'ord "WH esher, embraces the meaning of with. This 
is going to the root in nature, which is the rck>t of the Hebrew 

Now let us heftr the translation ^*hidi this critic toys before bis 
readers — He translates the clause thus : " which its seed in it; U 
Well known Hebrew phrase for, whose seed in tV.^ But the 'phrase' 
M^hich he has given, is not the ^ Hebrew phrase' of XI ^JHT lUft 
esher zamo bo : ther^ is no neuter prOnOUn in the language, and 
therefore if be mean to give the "^ Hebrew phras^,' he iri^onld have 
translated it dius ; with his seed in him: thettft, then, is no neceSlil^ 
for the introduction, which he has propose, of the verb substantive* 

On Gen. vi. 6. I have shown that God did not repent that he 
had made man on the earth, and that he did not grt€«^ him$elfah 
his heart. But on the contrary, that he was sATiarviiiJ t&at hA 

340 A Second 'Reply tb the Quarttrfy'RexXew ^ 

had made man on the earthy although he (the man) idolized him^ 
self at his heart. And in confirmation of this^ I have shown that the 
verb tXlT) vayinaachiin,doeis not mean to repent in any part of Scrip- 
ture, but to be satisfiedf consoledy comfurted, 1 have shown that 
SATISFACTION 19 not a passion, that it signifies a state which ad- 
mits of no ADDiTiONi of no DIMINUTION ; thiot it IS a state 'of 
PERFBCT TBANQUiLLiTY,and ETEBNAL PEAcu; and/therefore, 
is, with the utmost propriety and truth, applied to God by the 
sacred writer ; thus illustrating that lumiAous article of the church 
of England, which declares God to be without PAsaiON». I have 
also shown that repentance and grief are paisions, and therefore 
that they cannot be applied to God, and that the Reviewer, thoush 
he may pretend to talk loudly in praise of the doctrines of ue 
Church of England, by applying the passions of repentance and 
grief to God, evideutly contradicts the first article of the Oiurch, 
which declares most truly that God is without passions. 
What is his answer to this charge i It is not his intention ever to 
acknowledge that he has committed an error ; he passes over this 
charge unnoticed. With the same dispatch he dismisses the follow* 
ing subject ; for after noticing my assertion, that DH^ naachem,' 
never means repentance in the Scripture, and that where the trans- 
lators have thus rendered it they have grossly erred ; (for even in 
the common version this word is translated by comforty consolaiim, 
or satisfaction, in upwards of seventy places,) he says, ^' In a case 
of this nature, it is impossible to bring die matter to positive 
proof ; we therefore leave the decision to the reader, without any 
fears of the result." To say tliat it is <' impossible to bring toj 
positive proof,'' whether Om naachem, means to repent, or to be. 
satisfied, or comforted, is as much as to say, that the Word of Qed 
has a doubtful meaning, and that therefore we cannot understand 
the sacred record. 

By this trifling way of ^tting rid of the difficulty, which is highly 
condemnable on so serious a subject, the Reviewer, in fiactv 
acknowledges the truth of my translation : viz. Yet Jehovah 


This incorrigible writer returns to the charge. On tlie word- 
SXifJTyithgnatseeb, which is in the common version rendered, it 
grieved him, he says, ^' He (Bellamy) makes great parade of an. 
answer to this, pp. 30. S2, the substance of which is merely that 
2!StSf gnatseeb does 8omttimtB signify an idol, and that the same 
word may be used in difFerent senses: No doulit of it ; but Dvhat 
is to be thought of a man who renders a word in a sense' contra- 
dieted (as here) by every known authority^ and adopts in one passage 

OH Mfi Bellamy's TrdmlationqftheMible. 

ti meaning which he rejects as perfectly inadmissible in anotbei^i^ 
It is not true that I have contriKlicted every known authority ; for 
I have referred to some of the most eminen^y learned men, sdch as 
Bocfaarty Buxtorf, Calmet, Lightfoot, &c. and among the string of 
authorities referred to by diis intemperate writer, I reject the most 
ancient of them^even the LXX, when opposed to the Hebrew ; 
and this gentleman also acknowledges that it is imperfect. In thia^ 
I have the sanction of Origen, Jerome, Usher, Wall, and other 
•learned men, who have critically examined it. ' 

As to ''adopting in one passage, a meaning, which 1 reject as 
inadmissible in another,'^ I answer, this is not a correct statement; 
I have never translated the same t;erft witli the same orthography 
and construction, to have a different meaning in one passage -from 
that which I give it in another. The word which I translate in the 
sense of grieve, is Gen. xxxiv. 7, Thesons of Jacob came from the 
field — and the men grieved themselves. In the first i^ace, it is not 
the same word ; and though words derived from the same root 
most always partake of the meaning of the root, yet it does not 
•follow that the. same radical form of the word shoidd alwayshave 
the same mode of expression ; as in 2Sam.xvi. 19) T^^K egnebod, 
should I serve — is properly rendered, Jer. 1 1. 20, / tw7/, trans- 
^resiy i. e. go beyond : Ps. Ixviii. 25, KCHp kidmoUy went before, 
IS in Isa. xxi. 14, they prevented: Exod. xiii. 15, tWpH hikshah, 
would hardly let us go, is in 1 Kings xii. 4, grievous. If the 
word 2!i0f^ yithgnatseebf Gen. vi. 6, were to be rendered gneveif, 
it should not be translated it grieved him, but being in the 
flithpahel conjugation, • he grievw himself. But the word in Ch. 
"xxxiv. 7, were grieved, differs in its application according to idiom 
and construction, and consequently vanes the mode of expression, 
aldioogh there is no authority for the verb were: it reads, ^Aey grieved 
themselves. I have also shown on this verse in the first part of tny 
translation, that the primary meanir^ of the word is to, idolize; and as 
idolatry always brought trouble and grief to the worshippers/ so in 
a secondary sense it is used by the sacred writers to mean grief4 
^lliis, I have saidy is the reason why I reject the authorities which 
this gentleman mentions, when they differ from the Hebrew ; and 
when they attribute to God those passions, repentance and grief, 
which are applicable to man alone. They represent the Fountain 
of Infinite Wisdom, who, as the great name rTKT JEHOVAH> 
declares, comprehends the past, the present, and the fcture; 
as doing at onetime, what be repents of at another; «nd thus 
grieving at his heart ; by which he is brought to a level -with; man^: 
who knows not to-day what he shall do to-morrow. 

It was natural to conclude, that after the specimen this writer 
had given of my punctuation, and after I had detected him in the 

e4S A Second Reply to the Quarterly Realew 

inaccurate statement in his first article^ he would uot have again 
ventured to write on that subject. Let the reader, who has not 
seen what I have said on this bead, determine whether I have been 
correct in my reproof. 

Gen. i. 1, Mn the beginning God created, the substance of the 
heaven/ At the word heaven, I put a commaj according to the 
Hebrew ; but this writer, to show that I have erred in my pvnc* 
tuation, puts a period. 

Ver. 10, ' And God called, the dry land earth.' I have put fi 
semi-colon at earth ; but this critic, to show a specimen of my 
skill, puts a period at earth. 1 have adhered to the Hebrew puno- 
luation, because the Hebrew punctuation marks out the minor 
and major propositions in each verse, without which the true a^aie 
of the original cannot be known ; but with this branch of Hebrew 
learning the critic appears unacquainted. By the Hebrew punc- 
tuation, all writers would point in the same manner^ but if he 
were to write a single page without copying the former poiDting of 
the same, he would err in punctuation ; a proof that the punctui^ 
tion in the common version is barbarous^ because pointed without 
attention to the propositions. 

There are a few verbal errors of little or no importance, whick 
this critic has attempted to swell into uupardonable bluqders ; bat 
had he waited for the errata, be would have seen theni^ rectified* 

He again introduces the subject concerning the temptation ef 
Abraham, in which, he says, '^ the Almighty commapda him ta 
take his son Isaac, and offer him up for a burnt-offering. Auiongst 
our objections to this rendering of ri^^ (Dttf) VT^Vni ve hagnO' 
Itehau {shaam) legnolah. ^ And cause him io ascend there concern- 
ing the burnt'offeringJ We stated, that to translate the preposi- 
tion 7 (lamed) ^ concerning,' is to adopt an unusual meaning of tbs 
word/'~*I have in my last remarks, shown that this is not ' an un- 
usual meaning of this preposition, by referring him to Gen. iii. 21, 
where this prefix is so translated in the common version. And 
therefore to make this objection, again when I had afforded him tli« 
means of determining that it has tibe signification 1 have given it, 
M a specimen of perseverance in error,' not easily equalled. . , 

He proceeds : '^ In our remarks, (p. 272.) on the glaring ab^ 
surdity with which Mr. Bellamv's new translation of this paasaga 
invests the whole narrative of Abraham's temptatiop, we appr^iead 
that he has fallen upon some nearer discoveries in the interval ba* 
tween the publication of his translation and his reply^ Hia pre^ 
sent ideas are, that when God proved Abraham, it is meant that he 
showed, evinced to Abraham, tlie necessity of taking Isaac to th^ 
mount Moriah, for him to be instructed concerning the.burnt- 
offering, as representative of the Messiah — He now gives it as hii 

on Mr Bellanly 's Translation of the Bibli. 343 

dpintoir, that Abrtkham conceived his ^on Isaac to be the protniaed 
Messiah.'' It is evident that our critic has not read the note on 
(his subject. Let nie onlj refer him to the paragraph in the note 
on my translation, which will convince him that I have not ** fallen 
upon some newer discoveries^ between the publication of my trans- 
lation, and my Reply." In p. 96, col. % line 31, from the bottom, 
1 have said, Abraham conceived that his son Isaac was to be the 
Messiah, The words run thus : ^^ Therefore it appears that the 
patriarch Abraham believed, by Isaac as high-priest, at the renewal 
of the dispensation given to him, that the ancient promise was to 
be accomplished in his person; that he was to be tbe 
Messiah, the divine person, when sacrificed and raised again, in 
whom all the nations were to be blessed." What then are the 
readers of the Review to think of a man who thus plainly declares 
that he had never read the passage which he attempts, not to te^ 
view, but to vilify i I have said in the note on my translatioo/ 
that the patriarch concluded that Isaac was to be the Messiah. 

The plain question is-— Did God command Abraham to ofierup 
his son for a bumt-oflering ? In what then consisted the faith of 
Abraham ? He obeyed indeed, but surely such obedience cannot 
be faith, llie Apostle says. His faith Was accounted to him for 
righteousness ; his fiiith then must arise from some other ground, 
than that of a command to .offer up his son as a bumt^ofiering; 
His faith was accounted^ eiSiy^ the Apostle; evidently meaning 
that his fiiith was not a feith that was^ required by God, because 
human sacrifices were prohibited agreeably to the divine law. Bat 
yet as he did it in the uprightness of his heart, having been told in 
the divine communication, ch. xxi. 12, In Isaac shall thy seed be 
called — and that, all the nations of the earth were to be blessid in 
hiniy xviii. 18; thus concluding that Isaac was to be the Messiahs 
This was the faith of Abraham ; his belief in the Messiah, which 
was accounted to him for righteousness, 

■ So it was with Paul when he persecuted the church, he Aought, 
according to die opinion of the Hebrews, that he was doing God 
siBrvice. Jonah, v^nen he wished Nineveh to be destroyed, thought 
he was doing God service ; he was zealous for the true worship of 
God, and thought diat the idolatrous Ninevites would reject hi» 
mission, and contbtte in their idolatry. But even this wa% acttmnt'^ 
ed to him for righteousness, Moses acted from hb own spirit 
when he smote the rock ; and Paul and the Apostles ipate many 
things for which they had no command. 

I shall refer to what I |iave said on die folbwing words of ti^i 
critic. '' Now let us consider with what palpable inconsistencies 
this new interpretation invests the whole narration. It is first 
stated that God tempted, or proved Abraham, which manifestly 

244 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Review - 

implies that some signal trial of his obedieDce was to follow. Then 
according to the Mew Translation, there merely ensues a conv* 
mand of the plainest kind, and one which involves no trial, via;, to 
go with his son, and offer sacrifice on a particular mountain." 
. I know it is said in the common version, that Crod tempted 
Abraham^ but I have not said that God tempted Abraham ; nei- 
ther does the Hebrew say so. I have shown that this translation 
cannot be admitted, without involving the scriptures in palpable 
contradiction : had the translators attended to the Hebrew, and 
bad they noticed what the Apostle says, they must have given the 
word r^J nasah, which they have rendered did- tempt, its radical 
meaning. The Apostle says, Neither tempteth he any man. Jam. 
L IS. 

'< Or proved Abraham/' says this objector. I have also said, 
it would save much time, and preveut much controversy, if writen 
would endeavour to convey to their readers, the radical meaning of 
words, which are often mis-understood, and in consequence, oftea 
mis-applied. Those who have objected to my translation of diii 
passage, have not understood the difference between tempi and 
prove. To tempt, according to our best grammarians, andac^ 
cording to its acknowledged sense, means to solicit to t7/— -to eih 
tice by presenting some pleasure, or gratification to the mind. 
But to prove, means to evince, to show by argument, or testimony 
— to experience. (Johnson.) Thus God proved, showed, evinced 
to Abraliam, the necessity of taking Isaac to the mount M oriah, 
to be instructed concerning the burnt-offering as representative of 
the Messiah, and to be acknowledged by the great congr^ation 
at Salem, as the presumptive representative, or type of the Me^ 
siah; at Salem, where Melchezedek was at this period the king 
and the priest ; that is, the supreme head of the church, to be 
succeeded by Isaac. Therefore the words, ^' proved Abraham," 
do not imply that some signal trial of his obedience was to fol- 
low, except his obedience to the command to go to prepare Isaac, 
to consecrate him to succeed as the head of the churchy aiidlo 
offer the offering before the congregation at Salem. I know as 
well as this objector can tell me, ^t if the common transhitioa 
could be admitted, and other scriptures expunged irom the sacred 
volume, then it might be said, that God tempted Abraham ; but 


Goo DOTH NOT TEMPT ANY MAN; nothing could come from 
God as a command by way of temptation, for Abraham to offer 
up his SOD for a burnt-offering. 

But I have another objection to the received sense of this vene, 
Mhich will, in addition to the true meaning of the word TtDi naeah, 


on Mr. Bellamy's Translation of the Bible. 245 

convince all reviewers, that God gave no command to Abraham to 
oflfer Isaac for a bumt-ofFering, • 

It is evident, that when Abraham received the divine communi- 
cation to go to the mount Moriah with Isaac, he had received 
no direction whatever to take him,' and to offer him' up for a 
burnt-offering. On the third day after he had received the com- 
mand to go to the mount Moriah with Isaac, when he had arrived 
at the bottom of the mountain * it is said in the 5th verde, jind 
Jbraham said unto his young men. Abide you here with the ass ; 
and I and the lad will go yonder and worship, and come 
AGAIN TO YOU. This is conclusive evidence that no such com- 
mand was given to Abraham ; nor did he at this period suppose 
any thing of the kind. The word niHt^SI venaashubah, is the first 
person plural future of the verb to return, viz. and we will 
RETURN TO Tou. But had the patriarch understood that he was 
going to offer up Isaac for a burnt-offering, he could not have 
said, and we will return to you, without uttering a de- 
liberate fiilsehood, which this reviewer must believe he did accord- 
ing to the common version. Let the reader reflect for a moment — 
The patriarch was preparing to perform one of the most solemn 
duties of his sacrea office, the celebration of the ancient sacrifice 
commanded from the fall; viz. the offering of the Slain Lat^tb; 
as a type of the Messiah. And therefore, if the patriarch had; 
according to the whole tenor of the common version, affirmed 
what be knew could not happen, how could he have approached 
before the God of truth ? 

But the great question is. How then came Abraham to under- 
stand that Isaac was to be offered up for a bumt-oifering ? If the 
reader will consult the history it will appear that it was the constant 
and universal belief of the church to the time of the patriarch 
Abraham, that agreably to the ancient promise, a person was to 
appear, who was to restore man to the state of happiness and peace 
which was enjoyed in the paradisaical state ; that is, a state in 
which sacrifices were unnecessary ; who was to show man a new 
and living way,' an inward sacrifice of the heart, by the silence of 
all flesh ; Zach. ii. 13, i. e. of all the evil propensities which in a 
state of nature oppose the divine commands. On the coming of this 
person, in whom all the nations of the earth were to 
BE blessed, Abraham had been preaching for more than half a 
century : he believed, that this person was to be ofiered up as a 
sacrifice ; and he had been told by the divine communication, that 
Isaac was the person in whom all the nations of th9 
earth were to be blessed. 

Uence then was the error of Abraham ; an error which was a 
proof of the strongest faith, and reliance on the promise of God 

846 A Second Reply to the Quarterfy Review . 

in the coming of the Messiah. When he found no sacrifice rcndj; 
in the sacrificial grove— the promise of the comity of the Mesnah 
in whom all thb nations of tub eabth wbse to be 
BLK8SBD-*and of the covenannt to be established in Isaac^ ii| 


led the patriarch to conclude, that Isaac was the person uho wa^ 
to be offered, and thus that he was to be the Messiah. 

But the critic says, ''Not so thought Paul, when be said,** 
Heb. xi. \7, '' By faith, Abraham, when he was tried thffered np 
Isaac.** And I say, and so will every unbiassed reader ; ** sp 
thought Paul when he said," in the same chapter, ver.^lQy Account- 
ing that God was able to raise him up, even from the dead. Thus 
according to the Apostle, Abraham believed, that after the offeri 
ing up of Isaac, God was able to raise him up even from the dead; 
that is, to life in this world ; otherwise all the nations of the earth 
could not have been blessed in him. 

Thus it is obvious, that the charge which objectors bring against 
the moral character of God, by supposing that he commanded 
Abraham to offer up his son for a burnt-offering, is only founded 
on the erroneous translation. But that agreably to the bxpbess 


evidently appears that no such command was given by God tq 
Abraham. '^ It would have been," as we are told, *^ a kind of 
trifling experiment, inconsistent with the dignity of the Omni- 
scient, who says. Gen. xviii. 19, For 1 know him that he.wiU 
command his children and his household after him, and ihejf shaU 
keep the way of the Lord J* This puts the necessity of apy temp- 
tation, or of any trial of the faith of Abraham, entirely out of the 

I shall notice a few mis-representations made by this writer. He 
says, p. 457> that I translate ^ HSD mipri gneets, 'some fruit of 
the tree.' And that in my note on the passage, I say, in opposi*. 
tion to the received translation, ' that D mem, prefixed to HS peri, 
fruit, cannot be rendered by of* Certainly not without contiv 
dieting the original ; even in the common version of this verse it 
appears by the answer of the woman, that they were to eat but of 
some of the fruit of the garden : and therefore the Q mem^ is pro? 
perly rendered some, as in other parts of scripture. 

But this writer, with a levity which ill becomes bis subject, 
says ; ^ Whatever may be thought of the value of this edict, let us 
observe in what degree he [Bellamy] acts consistently with it. Only 
four verses after, the very same word ^TBD mipri, occurs again ; 
and how does he translate it ? not * some fruit,' vihich he declared 
to be the right translation -, (v. 2.) but agreably to the received 

on Mf\ ^Matey'si TranslcUidtn 9f the Bitie. 84T 

v^ion, ' of tbe fruit,' the v^ reodering which he before pvo*f 
nounced ' inadmissible ! ' 

I have shown that my first translation of this word (v. 20 k con- 
sistent with thp history, and with the meaning of the Hefaorew in 
other parts of scripture; and this writer says, ^'only four verses after^ 
the very same word HDD mipriy occurs." This is not true ; it is 
not the very same word, but V^SD mipiro, with the 1 vau post- 
fixed. Thus doeis this writer continue to make false quotations of 
my translation ; or else he is so ignorant of the rules of the sacred 
language, as to Stuppose, whenever a conjunction is translated by 
a certain word in our language, that it necessarily must be ao 
translated in every other place where it occurs. I would ask this 
gentleman, Why then have the translators rendered this particle O 
Meniy by thirty-seven difierent conjunctions in the common version? 
because the rule, the idiom^ and the constructiorif required it ; n 
circumstance vrith which this critic is altogether unacquainted. Are 
not these mis-reprie^eiitations . altogether opposed to what this 
writer says, p. 453. : '^ Our niaiia purpose is, to afibrd the public 
a just view of Mr. Bellamy'ji connpetence to bis assumed office of 
a biblical critic and translator ; we have thought it best to show ia 
detail how completely be has failed in confuting the strictures 
passed on particular texts, casually selected as specimens of the 
whole." Failed ! only in the estimation of this interested Reviewer, 
but not in the estimation of able Hebrew critics in this country, 
both Jews and Christians. No ; his main purpose is, not '^ to 
afibrd the public a just view," but a false, garbled, and mutilated 
view of a few passages of my translation. 

It has surprised not a few, that this learned writer, who makes 
a parade of supporting received opinions, should not have noticed 
some of those many passages which in the common version are con* 
tradictory, but which in the Hebrew, and in the New Translation, 
are consistent with reason and truth. But this kind of liberality 
would not answer the sinister design of this gentleman ; whose in*, 
tention is not to elucidate scripture, but to court notice. . 

I therefore am driven to the necessity of referring the reader to 
a few passages in addition to those I have given in my reply, in 
order further to show the purity of the Hebrew, which is so abso- 
lutely necessary to be critically understood by those who write on 
the scriptures, but which is so neglected by the Reviewer. 

This contender for the retention of errors has said, ^* that there, 
is such an accommodation to tbe native idiom, as to make the 
language easy and intelligible, and yet no essential departure from> 
the. original/' That there is ''a dignity, simplicity, and propriety 
in the language in which the sense is couveyed." I shall refer to 
a few passages which will enable the reader to determine whetber 

S48 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Review 

die cotnmon Tersion do not hold forth the most essential departure 
from the original. 

Lev. xi. 90. All fowls that creep. 

Anvofl. iii.'O. Ood is made to be'the author of all the ^vil that 
is done in the city. 

Jer. iv. 10. God is represented as having deceived the people. 

Ch. XX. 7* That he deceived tlie prophet. 

Exod. xxxiii. 23. God is made to show his back-parts to Moses. 

Ch. xii. 12. God is represented as going forth at niidnigbt and 
destroying all the first-born sons of Egypt. See my translation 
and note, p. 219* of Part 11. 

In the following passages is there any dignity, simplicitVy or 
propriety in the language in which the sense of the original is said 
to be conveyed i And I shall be glad if the Reviewer, or any otiier 
eminent scho/ar, will translate the following passages as they stand 
in the Hebrew, which will then approach to something like com- 
mon sense in some, and in others to exhibit no contradiction. 

Lev. xi. 21. That have legs above their feet to leap withal. 

Ch. XX. IS. And all the people saw the thmiderings, — and the 
noise of the trumpet. 

Ch. xxxiv. 10. Such as have not been done in all tbe earth, nor 
in any nation. 

Numb. i. 49* Thou shalt not number the tribe of Levi, neither 
take the sum of them. - 

Ch. xix. 13. Whosoever toucheth the dead body of any man 
that is dead. 

Ver. 16. Whosoever touchelh one that is slain with a sword, or 
a dead body. 

Deut. xxviii. 68. jind there ye shall be sold unto your ene- 
mies for bond-men muJ bond-womeny and no man shall but 


Ezek. .xiv; 9. Jnd if the prophet be deceived when he hath spoken 
a thingy I the Lord have deceived that prophet. 

Ch. XX. 25, 26. Wherefore I gave them aho statutes that were 
not goody and Judgments whereby they should not live ; And 1 
polluted them in their gifts* 

2 Sam. xiv. 5. I am. indeed a widow woman, and mine husband 
is dead; 

2 Chron. xvi. 1. In the six and thirtieth year of the reigii of 
AsQy Baasha King of Israel came up against Judah. 

But in 1 Kings xvi. 6, 8. Baasha died in tbe twenty-bixth year 
of Asa King of Judah. 

] Kings iv. 26. Solomon bad forty thousand stalls of horses for 
his chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen. 

But in tbe corresponding passage (2 Chron. ix. 25.) Solomon 

on Mf. B(bUam;'ft Translatim 6f.ihe.Bibk. 349 

b«d iom tbourand tialla £Dr horses aiut chariots, and tw«if« Aou^ 
sand horsemen. 

Psal. xliv. 12. Thou sellest thy people for uought, and dost 
not increase thy wealth by their price. 

The sense given in the following passages, is not to be found ir^ 
the original Hebrew, but fur obvious reasons not specified. Gen. 
xix. 33, 34, 36 — ch. xxxv. «2— xxxviii. 9— Lev. xv. l6, 18,24, 
33--Deut. xxiii. I— Isa. iii. 17— xxx. 22.— E«ek. xxiii. 3,8, 11, 
22, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 8cc. &c. 8cc. 

Gen. xix. 3(k 
O. T. N- T. 

Thus were both the daughters llius both the daughters of 
of Lot with child by their Lot conceived, unknown to their 
father. fattier. 

They conceived, being married to the idolators of Zoar. See^ 
note subjoined to the translation. This is the true meanii^g oi the 
verse in tbe Hebrew ; but surely none will contend for the re- 
tention of this immoral passage in the eon^mon version, and thua 
retain the foul blot which has been hitherto fixed on the character 
of the holy man of God. 

There is a satisfaction in having it in my power to call oti this 
writer to be as good as his word. He says, *' Let hint pro^e to 
us that the received sense of scripture is erroneous, and his new 
discoveries true ; and we will engage to recommend his translation 
^s warmly as we now oppose it." It is of very littlfc consequence 
whether he will recommend my translation or not, but it certainly 
will be of consequence to the character of the Review, for the re- 
spectable editor of that work to be faithful to his solemn proniise 
to his readers and the public, should I fairly and unequivocally 
show '' that the sense of some parts of the translation of scrip- 
ture is erroneous." 

The promise of this critic divides itself into two parts; the 
first is, *^ let him prove to us, that the received sense of scripture 
is erroneous/' By this expression^ '' the received sense of scripture,'' 
the public are not to be told that the whole of the scripture is 
meant ; but that this incautious writer means, certain parts of the 
translation of the scriptures. The second is, '' and his new dis- 
coveries true :" evidently meaning that the received sense of such 
certain scriptures is erroneous, and that my " new discoveries are 
true/' as he is pleased sarcastically to call >them. This then 
being the obvious meaning of this writer, I shall proceed to lay 
before the public such passages as will necessarily prove '^ that 
the received sense of such scriptures is erroneous :" and perhaps 

VOL. XIX. a j(. NO, xxxyiii. ft 

250 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Review > 

the readers w31 so tut expect, that the Reviewer ** will recommend 
such translations, as warmly as he now opposes them.*' 

O. T. N. T. 

Gen. xxviii. 20. If God will Surely Jehovah will be with 

be with me, and will keep me me, and keep me in the way Aal 

in this way that I go, and will I go ; yea he will give to me 

give me bread to eat, and raiment bread to eat, and raiment to 

to put on ; so that I come again wear ; and I shall return in 

to my father's house in peace, peace to the house of my fother : 

then shall the Lord be my therefore Jehovah shall be be- 

God. fore me for a God. 

This, as it stands in the common version, has been called by 
objectors, " Jacob's selfish bargain." Let the Reviewer read the 
new translation ; and if he has any wish to be instrumental in 
establishing the credit of the Bible, he will acknowledge the 
beauty and correctness of the Hebrew, which I have given 
verbatim ; as well as the disinterested reliance of the patriarch on 
the providence of God. 

O.T. ' N.T. 

Ch. xlviii. 28. Thy servant our Peace to thy servant our father, 

father is in good health, he is yiet he yet lives, 

2 Kings viii. 10. And Elisha And Elisha said to him, Go, 

said unto him. Go, say unto him, say not to him. Thou shalt cer- 

Thou mayest certainly recover : tainly recover : for Jehovah hath 

howbeit, the Lord^ liath showed showed me that he shall surely 

me, that he shall surely die. die. 

In the common translation of this verse we have a falsehood put 
into the mouth of the prophet : I have shown that the translators 
have not translated the negative vh lo, which has occasioned this 
improper reading, to the no small disparagement of the scripture. 
A similar error is committed in the following passage : 

O.T. NT. 

1 Kings ii.9« But his hoar- Neither bring thou down his 

head bring thou down to the hoar-head to tfce grave with 

grave with blood. blood. 

Exod. iv. 24. The Lord met Where Jehovah met hhn, 
him, and sought to kill him. whom he sought crying to him. 

My limits will not allow me to swell the pages, which I could do 
with hundreds of such passages ; I have therefore, in these, acceded 
to the proposal of the Reviewer, by proving that the received sense 

OH My. Bellamy's Translation oftheBibk. 251 

of such scriptures is erroneous* I will now refer this gentleman to 
others, and I will tell him^ if I may ji^dge from the specimens he 
has given of his knowledge in the sacred language, that he does not 
appear to be capable of giving to a passage the true translation, 
which will remove the objections made by the systematic enemies 
of the Bible. 

O. T. N. T. 

Gen. iii. £2. And the Lord Moreover, Jehovah God sdd, 

God said, Behold, the man is Behold, the man was as one of 

become as one of us, to know us, with knowledge of good and 

good and evil. And now lest evil : therefore now surely he 

he put forth his hand, and take shall put forth his hand, and take 

also of the iree of life, and eat, also of the tree of life ; yea he 

and live for ev4Sf : shall eat and live for ever. 

The Reviewer will recollect, that the objectors have Ibrought this 
verse forward as it stands in the common version, to prove the 
non-existence of a future stite ; viz. lest he put forth his hand, 
and take also of the tree of life, and eat, and live for ever. But 
iu the new translation of this verse, which in every word is consist- 
ent with the original Hebrew, IJiave shown that the reverse of 
what is declared m the common version is the sacred truth ; and 
that it is declared in the most direct terms in the venerated Hbly 
Record, by the lip of Eternal Truth himself; that man shall 


Will he contend that the common translation of this important 
passage is true, which induced the sanguine enemies of Chris- 
tianity to declare, in order to appease their consciences, when they 
dipped their hands in the blood of the innocent, that ^^ death is an 
eternal sleep ?" 

The critic says, *^ We have mentioned at Gen. ii. 25. he reads 
D'^DTIJ^, prudent instead of naked, deriving it from a root which 
bears the sense of guile, craft, &c. Now at ch. iii. 7. occurs the 
cognate word Uyjf in the plural, which he, consistently with his 
former translations, renders subtle, instead of the received sense, 
naked. But the word recurs at v. 10, (iii. 10) and 1 1, and how 
does he there translate it i Will it be believed that he renders it 
imprudent, diametrically opposite to his sense of prudent, at ch. ii. 
^5 ?" By the word " cognate,'' the reader will understand that the 
word Oyjf gneerom, which in the common version, iii. K), is rendered 
naked, means the «ame as D^^^IV gnaaroumim, which iu the 
common version is also rendered naked, ch: ii. 25 ; for this gentle- 
man concludes, that though they are very different words, they 
have the self-same meaning and application. But ( would ask him 
then, why does not the ^'cognate word" tTOTSJf gnearamim, w|iich 
in Jer. 1. 9,6. is rendered by the word heaps, and ** the cognate 

259 A Second Reply to the Quarter^ 

Mford ** tfXHif gnarmonim, Ezek. xxxi. 8, rendered chesnut'-trees, 
both being under the root &Vf gnaarom, signify naked, as well as 
CTQ^ gnaarom If This should necessarily be the case by his method 
of reasoning. 

He says, " Now at ch. iii. 7. occurs * the cognate word' CTTy 
(gneerom) in the plural, which he [Bellamy] consistently with his 
former translations, renders subtle. But the word occurs at v. 10 
(iii. 10.) and 11. Will it be believed that he renders it, trnprU" 
dent If" The reader will see that I have rendered it imprvdeni 
And when the reader is informed how this writer has given a iabe 
quotation, he will conclude that he has been subtle and impntdent, 
like Adam when he disobeyed the divine command. 

Now, reader, attend. " The word recurs,*' says this writer, "at 
V. 10. (iii. 10) and 11.'^ This is not accurate; the word which 
occurs at ch. iii. 10, 11, is a very different word from that which 
is found in ver. 7* The word which is found at ver. 7« is DDT? 
gneerummim, written with the short u and the dagesh, and whidi 
applies to the mind, where I have rendered it subtle ; but the 
word which is found at v. 10, (iii. 10) Jl, is tSinf gneerom, 
which 1 have rendered imprudent: and which I shall mow has 
that signification in other parts of scripture. What now are the 
readers of the Quarterly Review to think of the Hebrew learaiiig 
of one who is so ignorant, that wherever he finds a word under the 
same root, however differently written, he supposes it to have no 
verbal, no ideal variation, but that it always must have the seme 
meaning, the same mode of expression, and the same appliciitionf 
Any tyro, who can conjugate a verb in Hebrew, can inform him 
that the words "1D2<^ amar, and ^21 dabar, have a great number of 
variations, pr modes of expression; as the radix takes different 
insertions, suitable to the ideal meaning, and as such words vaiy in 
their orthography, which always gives a variation in the appiica* 
tion. Thus it is in all words in the language. Were 1 to say thai 
the word *1lI"T according to this gentleman's method of reading 
Hebrew without the proper vowels, means both a word, and a 
pestilence ; no doubt he would say, as he has said respecting the 
word imprudent, and subtle : '* After such a specimen, we conr 
ceive that Mr. Bellamy can find no difficulty in proving tbe sam^ 
word to mean black and white." But let him turn to Gen. xv. 
ly 4. — Exod. ix. 20, 9,\, Sec. 8cc. and to Hab. iii. 5, and he vritt 
find that the very same radical word is necessarily translated both 
by word, and pestilence. But the rule, which is always regular^ 
appears to have been altogether unknown to this gentleman. 

Tbe reader will remember that the word in ch. ii. 25, which I 
have rendered pnic2en^, is \yOVSf gnaaroumim ; but the word whidi 
1 have rendered imprudent is UiV gneerom, a very 4^er«it. word 

on Mr. Bellamy's Translation of the Bible. 253 

from JOnsnif gnaaroumim, I will refer the reader to other Qcrip* . 
tures where this word occurs, with the same consonants and vowels, 
although it is rendered by the word naked in the common version^ 
where it will appear evident that it can have no such meaning, 
£zek. xvi. Sg. strip thee of thy clothes, and leave thee naked and 
bare. Surely such language as this is not worthy of being called, 
as in the first verse, the word of the Lord. Could the divine speaker 
use such an incongruous expression, strip thee of thy clothes, and 
leave thee naked and bare ? If they were stripped of their clothes, 
they were naked, and if naked, we need not be told they were 

The prophet was, here, not telling them that they should be left 
naked, after he had told them that they should be 8trip|)ed of their 
clothes: he was commanded to inform them that as they had 
built high places for idolatrous worship, they had been D*)^ 
gneerom, imprudent, indiscreet, negligent. This is the obvious 
sense of the word gjieerom, which I nave rendered imprudent ^ and 
which is also confirmed by the narrative. 

The word iT^JH vegneryah, is rendered, and bare ; but the 
prophet cQuld not be commandied to inform them that they should 
be bare, after he had told them diat they should be stripped of their 
clothes, and be left naked; undoubtedly when stripped of their 
clothes, tliey would be naked, and if left naked, we cannot hesitate, 1 
observe, in saying they would be bare. This word ITTin vegneryah, 
rendered and bare, has various/nodes of expression according to 
idiom and orthography, as words have in all languages. The word 
set is varied by above twenty different words ; as put, fix, regulate, 
plant, establish, appoint, exhibit, &c. The word see also means to 
perceive, observe, discover, discern, 8cc. But this writer supposes 
that where a Hebrew word is translated by a certain word, it must 
always be translated by the same word ; without attending to the 
orthography and construction which always vary the mode of 
expression, and which, as I have shown, would often exhibit ^' non- 
sense/' The radical meaning of tliis word is destitute. Psa. cxli. 8, 
leave not my soul destitute — Psa. cii. 17 — This clause in 
Ezek. xvi. 39, reads, imprudent and destitute; and. not naked and 
bare, as in the common version. From this it is obvious that 
the word tHV gneerom, which 1 have rendered imprudent in Gen. 
iii. 10, being a different word from WTHSf gnaaroumim, which I 
have translated prudent, ch. ii. 9,5, should be so translated, as is 
confirmed by the history. 

A word from this root occurs in Isaiah iii. 17, to which the 
translators have given an indelicate sense, which the original does 
not any way embrace. In diis place only in all the scripture, is 
the word ^PB pathen, translated secret parts, yiz. / fpill discover 

254 A Second Reply to the Quarterly Review 

their secret parts. Nor does any variation of the word ever coDYey 
such a meaninff ; neither is it applied to the women, as it is in the 
common translation. Will the Reviewer favor his readers with 
the true translation and application of this passage, so as to obviate 
the objectionable reading ; or will he contend that modesty is still 
to be put to the blush by such passages, the sense of which^ io 
the common version, is not contained in the original Hebrew i 

This critic talks about the Talmud, and says that I ''refer to it 
when it suits my purpose." 1 do not know diat I have any other 
*' purpose," except truth ; but why did not this gentleman^ who 
pretends to be conversant with things which (as will be seen) be 
does not understand, refer to the Targum for the ancient meaning 
of the sacred writer on this subject f He has indeed copied the 
Latin translation of the Chaldee of Onkelos in the Targum, and 
this he passes off for an accurate translation and knowledge of the 
Chaldee ; and here ends his Targum learning. In exposing the 
presumption and ignorance of this Reviewer, I have also another 
object m view ; which is to show, that the following passage. Gen. 
ii. 21. is in the new translation rendered agreably to the Hebrew, 
and to the Chaldee translation of Onkelos in the Targum. Conse- 
quently all the translations, which stand opposed to these un- 
deniable authorities, are literally copied from the translation of 
the Latin version as it stands in the Targum, by the improper 
application to ^Mhe flesh" of the man; and which has induced 
this critic to lay it before his readers as the true translation of tbe 
Chaldee of Onkelos. I shall now proceed to show that he, who 
has quoted the Latin version for the literal translation of die 
Chaldee, i? ignorant of the grammar of the Hebrew and the 

The following is the translation of the Hebrew into the Chaldee, 
as it stands in the text of Onkelos in the Targum, 

WD1 v^im NTH y*vy\ yd-A uixrbv »rw cr»r6» ^ Kom 

yarma Yeyah Elohyim shanta gnal Jdamvulmoke : vinnb chada 
mee^nilgnoki ; vumtee bisra techotah : which is thus translated into 
Latm in the Targum : £t injecit Dominus Deus soporem in Adam 
et dormivit : et tulit unam de costis ejus, et replevit came locum 
ejus ; and thus translated in the common version : jitid the Lord 
God caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam ; and he slept : and ke 
took one of his ribs, and closed up the flesh instead thereof. 

The first word 1 shall notice in the text of Onkelos, is HJVfO 
shanta^ which he substitutes for the interpretation of the Hebrew 
word nDT)i1 ^tardeemah, rendered in the common version a deep 
sleep. But the Chaldee word HDHV shanta, embraces no suck 
meaning as a deep sleep ,- whether it be taken from the Cbaldea 

on Mr. Bellamy^s Translation of the Bible. 255 

Nvord M3ttf shana, under wdich root it is founds or from the Hebrew 
TVXV shanah^ it has the same signification, to altera to change. See 
Dan. vii. 19, diverse — ch, vi. 7, changed — ch. ii. 21, — vi. 11, alter 
— Jer. ii, 36. — ch. Hi. 33.^^1 Kings xiv. 2. — Psa. 34. title. So 
that the Chaldee translation of the word HDTlil tardeemah, by 
ikDW shanta, to changCy perfectly agrees with my translation of 
the word HDTin taraemah, which I have rendered an inactive 
state; a state different from that state of perfection in. which 
Adam was created. A change had taken place in him ; he be- 
came inactive, or disconsolate ; he began to lose his dependence on 
liis Maker, because he saw, when all the creatures passed before 
him, that they were male and female, and therefore it is said, 
But for Adam, there was not found a help meet for him. 

The next word in the text of Onkelos is 2Vy) vunseeh, ; it is the 
literal translation into Chaldee, of the Hebrew TVp'^ vayikkach, 
rendered in the common version, and he took ; which, agreably to 
idiom, means also the reciprocal action he brought, as I have 
shown, where the same word, both consonants and vowels, is so 
translated in the common version, Numb, xxiii. 28, See also 
Targum of Onkelos, on Gen, xviii. 5, where the paraphrast is 
regular in rendering the Hebrew verb TVni\> kechah, to bring ; pre- 
serving the reciprocal action agreably to idiom, ' KDH/T l^il!) flDK 
Eseb pitaa delachmaa, and I will bring a piece of bread. See also 
the Targum of Jonathan on I Kings xvii. 10, »^ Tin 'h 1^3 ^3D 
sabi kegnan Ii zeegneer mayaa, bring now for me a little water. 

The Chaldee word which is chosen by Onkelos for the interpre- 
tation of the Hebrew word ViU^D mitsalgnothao, rendered in 
the common version, his ribs, is '^iVSlhV^ meegnilgnohi, which 
comes from the radix yv long, to swallow, for support. See 
Prov. xx: 25, devoureth — Obad. l6. swallow. So that the interpre- 
tation, which Onkelos gives to the word '^DlSlh^ mitsalgnothao, 
is helps, aids, supports ; and not ribs, as in the common version. 

This is in perfect agreement with jiTl tseelang, in its root, which 
means to lean, to halt, to rest. Gen. xxxii. 3 1 , 32 — Mich. iv. 6, 7 — 
Zeph. iii, 19 ; and so it is applied to mean side, as the eastern 
people when they halt, or rest, generally lie on the side, to renew 
their strength, and thus acquire support. So that agreably to the 
interpretation of Onkelos, this word means all the variety of aids, 
or supports, which man was to derive from woman in a married 
state. It then is in agreement with the 18th verse, where it is 
expressly said, I will make a help meet for him. To give Inui 
those helps or supports, the want of which help had iiecessarily 
brought him into a state contrary to that in which he was created, 
and for this reason it is said, It is not good that the man should b€\ 

256 A Second Bepfy to the Quarteffy Review 

The last clause of this verse in tile Tai|{uiii is, iWKX Vhu^ 
tljyvin vumlee hisra techoiah ; which is die literal traoslatiou of 
the Hebrew ill/inil "Wl "tlM vayisgor baa$aar tachienahj 
rendered in the common version, and closed up the flesh instead 

The Chaldee word M7D1 vumlee^ means to Jill^ to replenitk 
And the word nnVTH techotah, which is the Chaldee traoalation 
of the Hebrew rUDTTJl tachtenahf rendered in tlie common ver- 
sion instead thereof, refers to the subject under cousidemUoD, 
the woman. It is a reference to the substantive IfSf gneexetj a 
hefp, the woman, in the 1 8th verse ; vie. / will make a help, i. e. 
a woman ; and to iTM achath, one, viz. and he brought o ns, i. e. 
the woman, in the same proposition in this Slst verse. The IQlh 
and SOtb \'er8es are to be read parenthetically, as the eubject of 
the creation of the woman is suspended, and resumed in this £ist 
Terse. The word rtilVrJI techotah, therefore, having a feminine 
termination in immediate connexion with VTW^ U$ra, JUA, 
shows that Onkelos applied this word to the generation of the 
human race, and not to the flesh of the man, as in the appIicatioD 
of the word ejus, which has been followed in the Engtish, and in 
other translations. This last clause of the Chaldee of Ookeloi 
reads — Thus he replenished flesh under her, or subject to her, ai. 
the mother of all living. The passage plainly signifies what the 
fact proves ; God bad ended all his work, his creation ceased oo 
the sixth day, and he planted life in the first created mother^ to be 
communicated for the birth of all flesh. 

Some there are indeed, who, contrary to the grammar of "tbe 
language, will say, that the feminine n ha, is once used as a masctt* 
line pronoun. But this is inconsistent with the rationale of the 
grammar of the language. 

Thus agreably to the feminine termination of the word TOtntS 
tachtenah, also with the Cbaldee translation of Onkelos, the 
greatest of all authorities except Scripture, so admitted by all 
the Rabbies since his time ; it is evident that he applied the woid 
iinin/1 techotah, i. e. under her, to the woman, and not to the 
dosing up of the flesh of the man. This being the Irue translatioii, 
it cannot, consistently with the Hebrew, or with the Chaldee, mean 
that a rib was taken from the body of Adam to make Eve, or that 
God closed ap the flesh of die nan, because, as observed, the word 
nninJI techotah, has no masculine termination to authorise the 
translation : but that tiie clause which Onkelos trttiaiatefl, ihw 
he ftpknished Jksh under her, evidently referi> as the Hebiear 
does, to that order which God estabHriied (or the cveation of the 
hamaa race. 

on Mr. Bellamy's Tmnshtion of the Bible. 257 

Here 1 shall close iliy remarks on the assertions of this 
writer ; assertions which^ the learned reader will see, are niade in 
ignorance both of the Hebrew and Chaldee languages. But I 
cannot quit this subject without observing, that as tjie English 
language seems to have arrived at its ultimate degree of perfection^ 
and as the Hebrew language is now far better understood than it 
ever was at any other period since the dispersion of the Hebrews ; 
if the incorrect readings in the conmion version are observed, 
every man who wishes to see the English Bible speak agreably to 
the original, will be convinced tiiat there is an absolute necessity 
for a speedy revision. And what confirms this the more, is the 
opinion of the most learned Hebrew scholars that ever this country 
produced, who have left their testimony on the necessity of a revi** 
sion. Their names I have given in the preface. All parties now 
appear to be sensible that this most important work ought to be 
done, and thai the people ought to have the word , of God pure« 
The necessity of this cannot be more obvious than it is at this very 
moment, when ^leistical publications, containing m^merous selec* 
tions of contradictions from the common version, are circulating 
throughout the kingdom. If the circulation of these pernicious 
publications be stopped by the interference of government, this will 
not satisfy the great majority of the people ; it will only make them 
the more earnest to know whether these tilings be so, and if not^ 
to know what is the truth. That the objections brought forward 
in this formidable manner, are false and groundless, I aver, with- 
out the fear of a contradiction ; atni it is only by a literal transla- 
tion from the original Hebrew, that such objections as are (I am 
sorry to say) made on the ground of the present translation, can 
be finally done away. 

If there be any among the clergy^ or among the ministers of 
dissenting congregations^ or among the people^ who will presume 
to affect a kind of indifference or contempt for so desirable an 
object as thatof a n^ional revision of the Word of God, such men 
can be friends neither to the government, to religion, to the Bible^ 
to good order among the people, nor to posterity. Nay those, who 
declare themselves averse from a literal translation of the Scripture, 
when it is shown, as in these pages, that the present translation 
stands opposed in so many instances to the original Hebrew, 
may tremble at the application of that passages Mark vii. IS, 
Making the word of God of none effect, through your tradition 
which ye have delivered ; and many such tike things do ye. 

The necessity of a new revision cannot be better stated than it is 
by one of the learned Clergy, who observes, in a pamjphlet ad- 
dressed to the Archbishop of Canterfonry^ in the Pamphleteer of 

S58 Emendationes Bentleii 

February last — *^ It cannot have escaped your Lordship, that the 
Roman Catholics, the Dissenters, and the Unitarians, are at tliis 
time separately employed in producing new translations of the 
Scriptures, and that they do not pursue their labors without attack* 
ing the integrity of our authorised copy, and challenging our 
church to produce men sufficiently acquainted with oriental learn- 
ing, either to defend our own version, or to compile a correct one/* 
llierefore, as there is no want of ability to produce a more cor- 
rect translation, it is devoutly hoped that those, who have the ma- 
nagement of truths of such vast importance, will not suffer them- 
telves to be charged with torpid selfishness in withholding the pu- 
rity of the original Hebrew, the pure stream of Siloa^* << which 
flows fast by the oracle of God/' 

Notwithstanding the unmerited abuse, which this writer Las 
heaped on me, as *' vanity, arrogance, wn6 presumption ; '' I disclaim 
having said in any part of my writings, that / onhf am capable of 
giving a perfect translation. I have been laboring at this work 
during twenty-one years, with a design to adduce such facts, as 
may induce the Clergy to come forward, and to second the laudable 
efforts of those learned men whom 1 have quoted,'who have left their 
testimony concerning the necessity of a new revision. For how- 
ever accurately any person might translate, it is the congregated body 
of the Clergy only, that can give energy to the reception of a na- 



II.— [r/d. No. XXXVII . p. 177.] 


4. piarn] pia [ut N. H.] 
14. es—piam\ est MS. D.-^pia» 
18. ossa] MSS. orsa recte. ^ 

22. MSS. D. et R. pars lucisprima^tie noctit, recte: cf. 77. 
ftS. templa^tyranni] tecta — Pelasgi [ut V.] 
36. auaibam] audieram [ut V.] 

* We shall readily insert any temperate observations, either on the pre- 
ceding article, or on criticisms on Mr. Bellamy's work.— Ed. 

in Ovidium. 259 

42. dederant] MS. D. dederam, 

47. Utrum At rursus monitis jussuque coacta parentis an 
Admovi jugulo sine me tibi verafateri exhibeat MS. 
D. parum liquet e Bentl. Notis. 
^S, pedibusl laribus: at MS. D. manibus, 
93. umbra'] MS. D. unda, 
100. MS. D. dura et pro var. lect. uda. 
107. partus'] portas. lOQ. senectus] vetustas. 

128. Scriptaque] MSS. D. et R. Sculptaque. 
Abjudicari videntur 109, 1 10. 


4. veniret] movetur. 8. ullayilla* 

1 1 . celebrat] celebras. 
17. Candida Cydno] crede Gyrino. 
19. «o«] wee [ut Burm.] 32. rependo] repende. 

33. sum] sim: cf. Heroid. Ep. xvii. 13. 
49. consumpta] confusa. 
53. At] Aut ut Gronovius Epist. 76. 
63. Arsit inops — captus] Carpsit opes — winctus [at MS. Wit- 

tianus vinctus : V. victus.] 
66. Quasque — nunc] Quamque — tarn. 
15. crinibus] cruribus [ut N. H.] 
79- levibus cor] levibusque cor [ut Burm. e MS.] 
83. artesquemagistra]ariisquefnagistra [sell. Tlkalm; et die 

89. conspicias — conspicis] conspiciat — cofispicit. 

92. vidit] videt. 

134. te — libet — mihi] te— licet — tibi. cf. Her. Ep. xix. 57. 
157. viireoque — amni] vitroque — omni [ut N. H.] 
162. una] uda [ut N. H.] 178. Hac] Et. 

185. mittis] mittii. 191. At] Ah, 

202. citharas turba — meas] cithara verba — mea. 

211. parantur] paramus [ut V.] 

212. laceras] crucias [ut MS.] 

Abjudicari videntur 219, 220. 


1. Ledea] Ledai[\it N. H.] 
15. sit] sint [ut MS.] immo rata sit: i. e. spes. MS. D^sil. 
22. MS. D. Feraclea. 
33. vetuti] lentus [MS. D. tanquam.J 
39. oporteat] ApoUinis cf. Cupidinis arcu. 
Ibid. Idem defectiis in MSS. D. et R. qui in aliis est. 
45. ingentem]inpartu: cf. Her. Ep. xvii. 237. 


Emendationes Bentldi 

50. Post h. V, desuiit plura. ' . 

53. mtdut nemorosis vallibut] madidis nemorosit collibus cf. 
Amor. i. 14. 11. Ciivosae madidis in vallibus Idse, et 
Heroid. Ep. xvii. valiibus Idae [ubi Bend. collibu$.'] 

69. forma] nudis cf. Her. Ep. xvii. 1 16. vel sumiu$ cU Met. 
iii. 332. 

75. verebar'] querebar [ut N. H.] 

76. vincere posse] posse tenere [ut Francius.] 
83. nee te] me [at voluit, ni failor^ mea.] 
87. probata] probatis. 91- per] post. 

96. curaque amorque] cura dolorque vel laborque : cf. Horat 
laboraiites in uno Penelopen vitreamque Circen. 

99* oculis, animo] oculis animi, 
100. victa] vincta [ut Franc] 

\0\. fades] facer es[yit N. H.] 102. hinc] tarn. 

1 Id. vehor] vehar. 
114. sui] tut [ut Nauger.] U7. Et]Jt. 

133. obstupui] Ut stupui [ut Francius.] 

134. intumuisse] incaluisse. 

138. palmafuturafuit]palma labituraforet. 

143. Credis et] Crede sed [ut D. H.] 

145. promiserit] promiserat. 

153. MS. Dun. omenta et pro var. lect. recisa. 

1 67. videbor] fat^or [ut MSS.] 

175. sceptra] Reena. 

186. ytiflwrw] AlS. D, etR. quavis [ut V.] 

205. /tAi c/ara] TiYawa. 

20$. Lumina — trepidos — equos] Numina — tremdis equis vel 

cum trepidos a dape vertit equos MS. £>, verttt* 
221. tamen] non [ut MSS. 2.] 
94\, juvenum—amores] MS. D. aliquem — amorem, [ut V.] 

et pro var. lecUjuvenum — amores. 
249* tuamq%te] tu€unve [ut Franciua.] 
256. nutum] nictum : cf. Her. Ep, xvii. 82. sed cf. Met. iii. 

264. MS. D. Hippodamia sinus. MS.R. et alterum quoque 

habet quod est in not. N. H. 
267. fortior isset]fortiter [ut VJ \elprotinus iret. 
274. ego] MS. D. Aic. 
277. repeto] recolo [ut N. H.] . 
295. corrigat] MSS. D. etR. corrig^* 
298. fMi] jft/i. 
301. Ivit] Risit. MS. D. Esset : ©t pro war. kcU Jut. 

301. nciidfo] MS. D. cum jam. 

302. agas] MS. D. Aa6e. 303. ft/^tf] itfe. 

in Ovidium. 361 

304. tut] sui.' S05, speres.] MS. D. aredas. 

307. summd] magna. 

309. te nee iwea} «ec i»e iua* 

32S. MS. D. enumerabor. 

320. 5acra— /tiis] fwa — «ieM [ut V.] Tel stata. 

336. dabuni] dabit MSS. D. R. 

3^6. MS. R. Trojaque tola. Cf. Her.Ep.i.4. 

340. magna'} mota [ut Burm. MS. t&ta.'\ 

341. </fc 911^] ecqua. 

353. vestrai] Graia>: cf. Her. Ep. i. 47. 

37 1 . indigner—ferrum] indignum est—bellum [ut MS.] 


1 . Praefigitur distichon e Heins. Not. 
7. e gente] MS. D. de gente. ' 

5 . Jicto\MS. D. flc^o. 

16. dttm torva} torvis dura : cf. Her. Ep.XTi. 287. MS. D. 

9eda) torvis dura : et pro Tar. lect. videor. Lege sedet 
in torvis cur a. 

17. vixt] lusi [ut V. et] MS. D. in quo pro var. lect. vixi. 
19- capti] cxpto [ut V.] MS. D. capti. 

21. MS. D.tntuHt. 

22. digna} posse : cf. Her. Ep. xxi. 104. 

29. content a fiiisset} contentus abisses. 

30. tui. MS. D. <26f. 

35. irascetur MS. D. pro interpretatione : id MS. Scriver. 

in textu habet. 
37. quo'] quod [ut V.] 

40. dicuntur] MS. D. ereduntur, 

41. matronaque]formosaque: cf. Her. Ep. xvi. 288. 

42. MS. D. Quis [ut MSS.] 47. MS. D. possum. 
54. MS. D. Tyndaridaque. 58. MS. D. Priamo. 

60. Sanguine MSS. D. et R. 

61. Tro/^] ^errtfj: cf. Her. Ep. xvi. 175et 353. 

66. possint} possent. 68. MS. D. Ttf melior. 

71. 5e/wper] quondam [ut MS.] 
77. MS. D. Ci/m spec/as [ut N. H.] 
79* TfoAis] nostris. 

83. £0 f^' [«c N. H.] 85. fowgo] hmZ/o [ut MS.] 

90. quoque] ego [ut MS.] 
95. vet] sed NlSS. D. et R. 
99. opiare MS. D. 

102. m<mt-^itkest] minus MS. R. adest MSS. D. et R. MS. 
v. Nee magis : et pro var. lect, Sed magis. 


Emendationes Bentleii 

107. gaudia praiceplaque] pracerptaque pradia : cf> Her. Ep. 

XX. 143. MS. D.praceptaque. 
1 00. opiarem tihi Troica] optarim tua, Troice* A MS. R. 

abesthoc distichon: m MS. D. post sequens ponitur. 
13. MS. D. natura: et pro var. \tcX.fortuna, 
15. vallibus] collibm: cf. Her. £p. xvi. 153. 
22. MS. D. dicor 123. MS. D. mihi. 
.27. infirmo] inficior [ut MS.] MS. D. infirmor : cl qffendor 

pro var. lect. 
28. Lege Nam cur vox, animus quod cupit esse, neget. 
37. MS. D. recmo, 

40. MS. D. lleg£/^ 157. viwiw — cum} visa — dum 

67. Fama'\ Forma. 

168. Laudamur vestro] Laudaturvulgi, 
70. /ore/] /wiV [ut V.] MS. D. foret. 

85. Qii^rm male — possis] Quod bene [ut MS.] — posses. 

86. Sic] MS.D. Tti/ic. 

88. tp^a MS. D. esse MS. R. moxybrem uterque. 
90. resedit] residit [ut N. H.] 
194. /ma] /tf«a: cf. 227. MS. D. pacta. 
96. MS. D. deseruisse MS. R. destitmsse. 

211. seri/ff/] 5e/i/2a/ MSS. D. et R. 

226. ista'] ipsa. 

227. succurret MSS. D. et R. 

228. fratris']fratres [ut MSS.] velfratrum aut. 

232. /jpsica MSS. D. et R. 232. —que'\ — ve. ' 

249. ira. MS. D. 251. MS. D. ipsa /mm. 

253. sint] sunt (cf. Her. Ep. xiii. 83.) ut MS. D. 
256. digva tui] danda tuts [ut MS.] 
259. faciam] sapiam. 26 1. plura] MS. D.. ista^ . 

265. furtivai] captiva : cf. Am, i. 2. 30. 
Abjudicari videntur 127, 8. 


Inseritur distichon e notis N. H. 
2. Sesta] Sesti [ut MS.] 

5. morentur] morantur [ut MSS.] 

6. patiantur} patiuntur. 1 7. dominixi] etiam lut V.] 
42. negas] negf* [ut V.] 43. rapturo] capture. 

48. parte] nave [si recte video.] 
50. adest] abest. 53. cuncta] vera. 

54. temporal gaudia : cf. 107. 

o6.foribus]laribus [ut N. H.]cf. Hcr.Ep, xiv. 07. et Rem. 
Am. 237.' ' 

X III Ovidium. 263 

63. Sinit MS. D. at MS. R.sinat. . 

70. vide MSS. D. et R. 

76. necte] sponte [ut Francius.] 

79* vox nostras nullum] vox usquam nostras. 

84. Fortiter] Nitor et. MS. D. Fortior. 

87. MS. D. Et: pro var. lect. Vt. 

98. dabas] dabam : cf. Amor. ii. 2. 58. [ut Nodell. Observat. 

Crit. ii. p. 18.] 
lOS. Deque] Eque [ut N. H.] 
105. nox et nos] nos et nox MSS. D. et R. 
1 15. cunctatus MSS. D. et R. 
1 19* vero est — hue] videor — ad te. 
121. si] mi [ut Francius.] 
125. animo] animis MSS. D. et R. 
133. Solitarum] Solidarum^ 

}35. iterare"] iter ante [ut MS.] MSS. D. et R. ilerare* 
142. MSS. D. et R. nomine crimen. 
144. vellere] tergore [ut Franc] 
147. Arte egeo] Parte querar. MS. D. Parte moror, 

152. Quaque] Quave. 

153. ywod — et] quam — aut postea voluit quas — et cum N. H. 
156. erit in] errat [ut MS.] 

l60. Miraque — subito] Morsaque (cf. Met. xiii. 943.) subitum 
[ut N. H.] MS. D. subititm: et pro var. lect. subito 
[Jortin. Miscell. Obiserv. ii. i. p. 195. Morsaque,] 

171. et]at. 

171. MS. R. Hinc est quod raro. 

174. hoc] hac: cf. Her. Ep. xix. 142. 

177. propius] propior [ut MSS.] 

186. In] MS. D. Et. 186. mea] mihi. 

187. quid cum mihi] MS. D. quid erit cum. 

190. MS.D. non cautum. 197. MS. D. extoUar. 

203. et at MSS. D. et R. m^ Aa/ic: moxjiniat : lege desinat 

[ut MS.] 
211. ftuctibus]flatibus : cf. Her. Ep. vii. 40. 
213. pariterque] vestrique. MS. D. tenerique MS. R. ;)ari- 


Abjudicari videntur 1, 2. 


11. dona] mane. 18. reddi] credi [ut V.] 

21. mare]freta [ut MSS.] ' 

29. Utque] MS. R. C//i'e; MS. D. Usque: et pro var. lect. 

32? MS. R. flellespontiacas^-aquas. 


Emendationes Benikii 

35. turre] turri: MS. R. $ummo — tecto 

36. MS. D. assidua signa notata via. 

41. exisse] MS. D. cesaisse. 

42. omnet] bomiues MS. D. 
49. MS. D. tactis — terra. 
62. nostra] MS. D. vestra. 

70. iMT/fl^or] morator [ut MS.] 

7 1 . Moricli^m] ito» ni/fic. 
77. jactati] pacati* 

81. /oiton/es] ionarUei [ut V.] 

82. fs^e] 5/arf . 89. quoque] quove. 
92. rti/iis] cautus. 

100. MS. R. /oro. MS. D. viro: et pro var. lect. toro. 

105. MS. D. 9t/a/7i viUnere mordeor: cf. 114. 

1 16. cer^tf] cer/e. 117* si quum] si qua. 

118. peccas] pecca [ut VaD-Lennep.] 

133. MS. D. Ceyceque ei Antonoe. 

151. f/] en. 153. MS. D.faustos dum siiUai. 

154. MS. D. Cras trimus. 155. evicta] MS. D. avec/f. 

161. tumidas'] medias [ut V.] 

169* quisqtte] uterque. 171* ^rmare] amori. 

180. Ji(V puppibus] sit passibus. 

183. WMCiuifiir] werguw/itfr [ut MSS.] 

207. yrac/w] stratis: cf. Her. Ep. vii. 40. 

Abjudicari videntur 29^ 30^ 65, 6. 147> 8. 

Epist. XX. 

In disticho in Not. Heins. MS. D. nomen : et prow. 
lect. carmen. 
4. dolor] tui [ut Seal.] MSS. D. et R. dohre dolor. 
13. idem] MSS. D. et R. et id: mox timeo: lege cuoio. 

15. MS. D. nunc [ut N. H.] MS. R. nee. ■ 

16. MS. D. hie mihi. 

20. MS. R. tulisse. MS. D. notasse. 

23. quo] uti [ut V.] MSS. D. et R. quod. 

24. me] te : cf. Her. Ep. vi. 24. 

24. MS. D. potest. 27. arte MSS. D. et R. ^ 

33. rosantia] MS. D.precantia. 

S6. MS. D. tu : et pro var. lect. te mox ipsepeti. 

38. cai/fe] astute. 

41. MS. R. imo. 46. creA's] cre^^^rs [ut N. H.j. 

48. <m/ cupido] meo cupidi [utN. H.] MSS. D. et R. met 

67. pa^iar] patior. 

70. ric^fl] MS. D. weiwpe [ut V.]— i?irwn MS. R, iu^m. 
74. parva] facta. 77. MS. D. famulm. 

in Ovidium. 265 

78. adlua MSS. D. et R^ 
87. volet] voles [ut N. H.] 

93. Hoc quoque quod jus est] MS. D. Hoc quod amorjussit 

[ut v.] : cf. 230. et Her. Ep. iv. 10. : et pro var. lect. 
jus sit : mox scriptum est, 

94. MS. D. solo. 

100. MS. D. novit: et pro var. lect. noUt. 

101. Calydonis aper; nam scimus ut illo] Culydon; nempe 

nescimus an iU& ,* pauUo ante MS. D. Testis adest, 
1 13. existere] hancfallere [ut MSS.] 

120. subest^latus] MS. D. subit — letiis. 

121. e si] MSS. D. et si. 
134. iusideoque] adsideoque [ut MS.] 

143. pracerpere] MS. D. abscidere: et pro var. lect. decerperg 

144. sepem] spes MS. D. [ut V.] spem MS. R. 
155. humani] thalami [utrr2incnis.] 

\ 59' ctdjuravit] MS. D. sejuravit. 
U}\. timet hac] MSS. D. et R. hoc et [ut V.] 
162. Num dubites] An dubitas MS. D. 
172. qmd] te [ut edit, princ] MS, D. Jd te, 
1 76. tlla] MSS. D. et R. ille. 

183. alitB-^patiantur] alii — patiunturMS. D. patient ur MS. 

R. patiuntur, 

184. /rw^em] MS. D. medicam, 

188. Exciderint^lecta] Exciderantr-pacta. MSS. D. et R. 

Exciderant — ^ec/a. V. nostra. 

189. Cfl«si6i/s] casibus [ut V.] 

193. e^ — oii<€ s/w^] MSS. D. et R. hac — qua sunt. 

0.0^. fads] facit [ut Burm.] Sic et Cuperus Epist. 41 7- 

212. tuam] reor [ut MSS.] Cydippe ha?c loquitur. 

219. Sic tamen — quantusque] Tu tamen — qualisque [N. H. 

223. probarii] MS. D, probabis. MS. R. probatis. 
226. jungit] MSS. D. et R.jun^af, 
228. erat] eram. 230. vigilans] vigilem [ut MS.] 

235. datasonabunt] rata : cf. Her, Eprxvi. 90. mox salutis 

[si recte video] Her, Ep. xxi. 
242. Clausaque] Clausula. 

Epist. XXI. 

16. Pallida^putas] Tabidai ci. QO.-^puta. 
23. Jamque] Cumqne [ut Gronov.] 25. eram] erant. 

26. trepido] tepido [ut N. H.] 
28 sit] sis [ut v.] 29. QuS] Quo [ut N. H.] 

38. Proditis] Perdiiis: cf. 68. 44.. inest] adest. 

49. et] at. 55. Dicam] Die mihi. 


91. sacra 
1 IS. vduti 
127. donis 


2Gl& Emendatianes Bentldi in Ovid. 

67. aquore] tempore vel ddere. 
89. crinibus] cruribus [ut N. H.] 
grata [ut MSS.] 
velhumo [ut N. H.] 
^ proci. 
1S5. i;o;?/tiravimu3] notjuravimus. 144. erw} ertfl, 

165. Si/a5 deducta] nm deductai : cf. Am. 1. 6. 6?. Ita 

Cuperus Epist. 421. 
167. consurgere'] comistere [ut Burm.] 168. rubor'] color, 
180. ^/^i/ir] ^9 we vel Jve. J 86. ^] si/ [ut V.] 

198. versor] vertor [ut I'rancius.] 

199. tecto'] clauso vel demtf. 
S05. Si^lingua] jit — 51 qua. 
Q13. satie] anne [ut N. H.] 

227. adspiceres — prout] adspicias-^quod et. 

228. Et discas] Adspicias. 

229. cum sit] nisi si. 

234. testis] vocis : cf. Fast. iv. 58. 

238. et votes hoc et mea] hoc votes hoc edita. 

239. numen] partes, [ut N, H.] 

240. in tuavota] vel in tuajura: cf. Am.i. 2. 20* vel utilitate, 

Abjudicari videntur 247^ 8. 


Epist. I. 

5. mallem] malles. 

6. tibi— dicer e—fer am] te — discere—fero. 
1 1 . ctir« est] euros [ut V.] 

31. unus\ unum [ut N. H.] 

37. Colchiacis — herbis] lotciacas — herhas. 

44. mea] mei. 49. semper] nempe. 

52. e^] ut. 56. /0/1V5] quoties. 

86. ipsa reperta] visa repente. [Burm. usa repente.^ 
102. ira] ilia. 106. pro quo] sub quo. 

m6. mala] nece. US. iterculeam] Tyndare^^. 

jEpIST. II. 

19. occurrere] succurrere [ut N. H.] 

21. tibi] tuis [ut N . H.] 

22. Quaque] Curre [ut N. H.] 

47. I^nosce et—es] Jgnoscet—est [ut N. B.] 
49. dtxii] dicit. , 59. cart] cara [ut Bttrm.] 

Notice of Mr. Elmsky^s Medea. 267 

(i2. freta]juga. 7^. itla]ipsai 

73. mihi^i tibi [ut N. H.] 

83. revocaret—noctis] revocarent'-'^octes [ut ^ . H.] 
87. cy usque] cujusquam [ut N. H.] 88.* iste] ipse. 

94. quoque currii] mihi credit [ed. priiic. crec/tV.I 
101. mihi\jam\}xx N. H.] 

103. Excusei patremfatis in partt relieia Gnosis] Olim voliiit 
Actusat patrem^ satis est, si fama niicta Guosside: 
Postea ml mutat fWdter in parte, legeudo non sponle. 

Eptst. Ill, 

2. rescribam] rescribat {ut N. H.] 

6. cales] cades [vX N. H.] 
15. Reginam — nisi] Regina-^^non [ut N. H.] 
18. Lasa es] LaderisJut N. H.] 
65. mavqrs — ultroque] mavulf^^superosque. 
78. metuenda] retinenda [ut N. H.] 

Brpjnijor mhjeia. euripidis medea. 

In usum studiosa Juventutis recemuit et illustravit 
PETRUS ELMSLEY, A. M. Oxonii, 1818. 8ro. 


P. Elmsleius^ vir iogenii doctrinaeqne laude florentissimusy 
quum iam a. 1815 adnotation^ in Medeam edidisset, nuDC^etiam 
textual exhibuity adiuocto comnientarioy <][iu praster illaa adnbtaticH 
oes hie illic auctas mutatasque etiam alias novas contineret Pro- 
positum erat ei, ut, quum duplex editoris officium sit, alterum 
cmendandi scriptoris^ alterum interpretandi) interpretationem potis* 
simum, quam Porsonus fere totam neglexisset, adnotationibus suis 
consectaretur : in qua re quum Valckenarii Markiandique exem- 
plam sibi imitandum sumpsisset, coocessum sibi existimavit, quod 
et illi et alii fecissent,, ut occasione data vel locos alios^ quam de 
quibus ageretur, corrigeret atque explanaret, vel quidquid nori 
aimis ab instituto alienuni videretur, adiiceret. Prsesidia ad emen- 
Hationem poeta? habuit nonnulla, quibus aut caruit, aat non osus 
est Porsonus, codices quinque Vaticaaos, totidem I^arisinos, alios- 

268 Notice of Mr. Elmdey's Edition 

que libros, quorum accurata descriptio subiecta est praBfationh 
Adnotatione fere omni iam typis descripta, scholia ad cum perlata 
sunt, qus A. Matthias edidit : ex quibus quum intellexisset, partem 
telft sibi retexendam esse, aliis negotiis prtepeditus, id se alio 
fortassis tempore facturum ait. De hac igitur editione aententiam 
nostram dicere sic decrevimusy lit quum universe, quid nobis de 
P. £lmsleii opera videretur, exponeremus, turn iudicium nostrum 
exemplis, quantum quidem in hac, qiias nobis concessa esset, spatii 
brevitate fieri posset, confirmaremus. 

Ac laudamus diiigentiam, qua Editor diversitatem scriptunii 
etiam in minutissimis rebus indicavit ; qui ut molestissimus labor 
sit ei, qui eum in se recepit, at utilissimus sepe est utentibus eo» 
Laudamus etiani curam in explicatione verborum et rerUm gram- 
maticarum adhibitatti, gratique accipirkius emendationes aliorum 
quam Medese locorum copiosissim^s. Noti difHtemur tamen^ nni- 
versam hanc rationem adnotationum, licet illustrissimorum virorum 
exemplis monstratam, non ex omni parte nobis probari, ut quibus 
interpres ea tantum videatur afferre debere, quae ad id ipsum, ut 
intelligatur scriptor, aliquid conferant. £a sunt autem, primd 
Terborum significationes et constructionum rationes, deinde mens 
et sententia scriptoris, ad quam, in poeta potissimum, etiam illud 
pertlnet, bt qujfe apte, venuste, graviter dicta sint, vel etiam qua? 
incommode, ostendantur; tum historiarum omnisque rei antiquaris 
explanatio ; denique iudicium de toto opere, eiusque compositione, 
ac virtutibus vitiisve» Non requirimus, ut quis haec simul omnin 
complectatur : itnmo bene scimus, alias alio fineinstitui scriptorum 
editiones: sed quemcumque quis sibifinem proposuerit, adeum que 
non pertinent, omittenda potius, etiam si utilissima sint, cenaenioSi 
Nihil enim nisi niorantur lectorem, quem consentaneum est intellir 
gendi scriptoris caussa commentarios legere. Nunc si de rebos 
alienis in commentariis scriptum est, non tarn hi scriptoris cajussa 
facti esse, quam scriptor, ut commentarius scribi potuerit, editns 
videtur. Quamobrem nostra quidem sententia huiusmodi res 
alienae aut iis locis, in quibus apte afferuntur, reservandse, aut 
peculiari aliquo variarum observationum libello comprehendendae^ 
sunt. Locis enim non suis positae onerant commentarios, et pro 
elegantia, qua aliter placituri essent, molestos eos ad legendum 
reddunt. Vellemus Elmsleius hac in re Porsonum imhatua eslatft^ 

of the Medea of Euripides. 269 

qui quum plurima dare posset, tamen ea tantum, quae ad rem per- 
tinerent^ afferenda iudicavh : unde quis est^ qui eius adnotationes 
lion maxima cum voiuptate legat ? Numeramus autem in bis, quae 
nobis aliena videntur, etiam aliquot obiter allatas emendationes, 
quae partim quod brevissime indicatae sunt, lectori rationes requi- 
renti molestiam creant, partim ex tempore fusae videntur, ut p. 86* 
ubi .£schjli locum in Choephoris parum pensitata coniectura tenta- 
turn videmus. Praeter ilia vero^ quae aliena sunt et nihil ad rem 
faciunty baud pauca sunt in Elmsleii commentario, quae propterea 
niallemus omissa esse, quia pervulgata sunt, et nemini ignota: qualia 
multis exemplis communiri quid opus est ? 

Contra sunt etiam, quae omissa aegre feramus. Nam quum totu9 
fere commentarius in rebus grammaticis versetur, quas quidem 
opinamur propterea afferri, ut mens scriptoria intelligatur, id 
ipsum £ditor doctissimus aliquanto, quam debebat, minus curasse 
nobis videtur. Neque enim dubitamus, si id potius egisset, ut 
senteutiam «criptoris in quoque loco diligenter explanaret, non- 
nulla eum additurum fuisse, quae non dixit^ aut aliter quam dixit^ 
propositurum. Haec autem sententiarum in quoque loco dilig^s 
consideration quam saepius ab eo neglectam videmus, monet, ut de 
eo dicamus, in quo omnium maxime a viro praestantissimo dissen- 
timus. Quamquam eniiA maximopere laudandam putamus sagaci- 
tmtem illam ac diligentiam, qua ad res grammaticas, quae alicui 
dubitationi possint obnoxiae esse, attendere solet : tamen rationem 
illam, qua in inveniendis et constituendis regulis grammaticis uti 
consuevit, nullo pacto probamus, immo, ut libere profiteamur, 
tanto censemus damnosiorem et pemiciosiorem esse, quod iam esse 
quosdam videmus, qui quod non ita pridem in Porsoiio faciebant, 
ut, quidquid is dixisset, ipsa veritate verius haberent, id nunc idem 
in Elmsleio facere incipiant. Leges habere Graecam linguam quis 
negabit i At non minus certum est, nullam esse linguam, quae 
liberior sit et maiorem in formandis vel ipsis verbis vel eorum con- 
structionibus varietatem admittat. Quo maior iis, qui banc tarn 
infinitam copiam explicare student, cautio adhibenda est, ne r^iilas 
confingant, quas mox appareat non satis certo fundamento niti. 
Sed, ut ingenue fateamur, videtur nobis vir doctissinms prorsus 
vestigia sequi Atticistarum, quos constat exiguo numero exemplo* 
rum addttctos regulas condidisse^ quas ppstea diligentior pervesti- 

270 HoUce of Mr. Elm$Uy'$ Edition 

gatio aot plane faleas, aut certiii tantum conditioiiibiia vans esie 
inteliexit : lit dubitemuf, an non satis ezploratum habeat, quid sit 
]U«4| quod regulam dicitniis : quss non est fortuita aliquot ezem- 
plorum consensio, sed necessaria pariiitas. Atqiti naceaaarium 
nibil est, nisi quod kabet certain rationem, quare sic ait, ut est, 
neque aliter. Hsec ratio in rebus grammaticis pro divaraa eaiuoi 
natura diversa est. Est autetn triplex : prima, quse aoio uaq coa- 
tinttur : eaque in his tantum rebus locum faabet, in qmbua, cur 
quid ita sit, nulla omnino prseter experientiam caussa invcniri potest, 
ut cur iw} non significet 08 ; secunda, quum quale quid sit, «z eo 
cognoscendum est, quod aUa linguse lex, unde illud pendet, verum 
«ut fiUsnn esse docet: cuiusmodi est itiimXaxtlv et ltf»/i^Ktoa^ 
dixisse Grsecos, ubi prima syllaba longa est. Nam qisod Ellmskio 
p. 100. una cum aliis placet, etiam producta prima ajUabu im>^ 
xfMf et kwkeoniiMi dictum esse, id nulla auctoritas vincet, ne burbaniB, 
et non minus barbarum esse contendamus, quam si quia nobia ifiik 
et d^^/ov vellet obtrudere. Tertia deuique ratio, quK in aigoifi- 
cationibus maxime vocabulorum et varia constructioaon potettate 
cemitur, ea est, qu« fontem hafoet iustum quum ipsorum vocaba- 
lorum interpretationem, tum accuratam kMiorum, in quibna inveni- 
Mntur, contemplatiooem, unde apparere necesse est, cur quid aut 
nequeat dici, aut posse dici censendum sit. Hoc enim nisi quis 
doceat, ne centena quidem exempla unum, quod iUis repugnet, con^ 
veliefe poterunt. Ad haec igitur quum £lmsleius non satis atfiendisif 
videatur, non est mirum, multas ab eo regulas afierri, qusa certo 
scimus ipsum aliquando improbaturum esse. 

Sed convertamus nos ad singula, ut, quae diximus, exemplis 
comprobemus. Affereqius autem talia potissimnm, in quibus 
disseotimus ab Kditore clarissimo, non quo reprehendere velimtts 
riruni, quern maximi facimus, sed quia censuram, quae nibfl aliud 
quam liber ipse, cuius ea censura est, contineat, imitilem esse 
existimamus. Sed ne fame iilinc decerpendo cupide quaesivisse 
dissentiendi materiam videamur, consistemus in adnotationibua ad 
aipimentum fabulae eiusque prologum. 

Incipit liber doctis observation! bus ad argumentum Medeae a 
acfaoliastis scriptum. In his illud mirati sumus, quod vir doctisaioiDS 
p. 67. ubi, quod in schoHis ad v. 20. de Medea scriptum eat,affert, 
Srt Sc hfiaq-ik irt KopMw^ irro^oOtriv EvftijAoj Km\ StiAmShif, Xtym 

6f. the Medea of Euripidei. 27 1; 

avmtrreos Bfanti Asy^alov r £v»tr^, non modo Bon adnotavily qu® 
Eumelus narraverat^ ex eo scriptore relata esse a Pausania ii. 3, 8. 
quin partem ipsoritni Eumeli de hac re versuum exstare apud schoL 
Find. OI. xiii. 75. Tzetzen ad Lycophr. 174. qui eos etiam ad 
V. 1024. respicity et in Catal. Bibl. Matrit. p. 263. tractatoaque esse 
ab Rubnkenio Ep. crit. ii. p« 221. s. sed etiam quod Simonidis 
verba sic scribenda esse coniecit, Kiqwiaf Si votimff ovS* fxir' e; Mcty*- 
VTflirieif' iiki^ou Sc KoX^^S (rtfyftrrio^^ Spiifou Ae^cdoM r uvacci* 
Ingeniosam esse banc coniecturam quis neget? Sed quis non 
etiam faleatur audaciorem esse, quani ut ita scripsisse Simonidem 
credibile sit i Nos quidem etsi scimus quam periculosum sit, tan 
brevia fragmenta, si gravius corrupta sint, eniendare, tamen ita 
potius scrtpiiisse Simonidem coniicimus: 6 Stxopiif Kifivt9¥, o6 

ebfourtre. Tbrani nomen ignotum geographis. 

Quae mox p. 68. dicit Elmsleius, scribendum esse in argumento 
Medese, to ^Sl^ Soxti Mro^aAra^oi votfiL Neofpovog Staaiuma'oig, im 
boci ut in omnibus iis, quae accurate de hac re disseruit, nemineni 
fore putamus, qui ab eo dissentiat. 

P. 69* Observat ad verba scholiastae vop* oui^ripco xslr^ii ^ 
fjLuiomita, Scaligerum scribere voip ovhv), ut in argumento Orestiii 
iegitur. Dein, ^^ nostro loco/' ioquit, ** exspectasses^ voipoi Neo" 
^povi xf rrai ^ fiutoToitct :" similiaque affert ex argumento Baccha^ 
rum et Phiioctetse. Non inutile fuisset admonere, illud icaq ovSerepeu 
de ^sch^lo ecSopbocle intelligcadum esse. Nam qui ista argur 
menta scripsit, Thomas M. sive. alius supparis sevi grammati*- 
cus, eos tantum, qiii adhuc superstites sunt, tres tragicos norat. 
De horum duobus ergo illud xa;' tx^rrif:/^ intelligendum : ac vereor 
ne idem etiam in Orestis argumento reponendum sit. 

Qu« sequitur pagina, ea quum alia recte exposuit vir doctissi* 
ous, tum illud, has quattuor Euripidis jfabulas, Medeam, Hippor 
lytum, Aicestidem, Heraclidas, cseteris antiquiores videri, quod 
numeros haberent severiores et puriores, quam reliquae, quarum 
aliae alias negligentia superent, ut Orestes H^cubam. In subiecta 
adnotatione, <' melius/' inquit, '' de ea re iudicare possemus, si 
paiiciores essettt Enripidis tragoedias, quarum «tas Qobis prorsus 
ignota esset.'' . Nobis quidem minime dubia . videtur \mc ratio 

272 Notice of Mr. Elmsky's Edition 

tempora tragoediarum ex scribendi incuria constittiendi. Nam not, 
qui hoc primi observavimuSy quum ante hos xii. anoos^ caussam 
tantas tragoediarum dissimilitudinis cognoscere cupientes, omnesy 
qute hodie exstant, Graecorum tragoedias intra paupos dies in id 
unum intenti perlegeremus,' ad aingulas, quae melior^ quae peior 
videretur, adnotavimus : quae iudicia quum deinde conferremos 
cum historiciM, quae quidem in promptu essent, arguoientiay nulkm 
vidimus negligenter scriptam fabulam priorem esse Olympiade 
Lxxxix.nullam autem accurate scriptam ea Olympiade poaterio- 
rem^ aed quo quaeque recentior esset illo tempore, eo pluraet 
maiora continere iocuriae documenta. Unde iure nobis videmur 
coliegisse, etiam de illarum tragoediarum temporibus iudicari posae, 
qua? quando editae easent aliunde non constaret. Neque ad hmc 
usque diem quidquam se nobis obtulit, quo noQ confirmari earn 
opinionem auimadverterimus. £t illas quidem quattuor, i|iii8 
Elmsleius naminavit fabulas, in nostris quoque Adveraariis ut 
antiquae et purae notatae sunt. Nee minus de Hecuba et Oreste 
cum eo consentimus. Meminerint vero lectores^ caute in hoc 
genere procedendum esse in iia fabulis, quae caeteroquin purae, hk 
illic tantum negligenter scriptae videntur, ut Alceatis, quam puta- 
mus bis editam esse^ et iterum quidem eo temppre, quo iam irrep- 
serat ista incuria. 

Ingeniose deinde disputat Elmsleius de eo, quod in argument 
adnotari solet, ou aw^^erou, deque numero fabularucn Kuripidis. 
Sed redeunt haec ad conjecturas^ in quibus multa non possuot nofi 
incerta manere. Unum notabintus, in quo^ licet non omnino sua 
culpa^ erravit vir doctissimus. Nam quod in vita .S^hyli scriptum 
est, fecisse ^schylum dpafutroi carvgixa otfi,^) ri wim, sic putat 
intelligendum esse, non amplius quinque servatas fuiase satjricaa 
fabulas. At de tam exiguo numero non ita dubitanter loquatos 
esset scriptor iste. Vexavit et fefellit hie locus etiam Boeckfaium 
in libroy quem scripsit de tragicia Graecis, p. 27. Longe aliii4 
quid, sed illud aperte verum duo codices, quos jpsi inapeximu^ 
praebent : xa) h) tovtois a-arvpiKoL ifu^i^oXa irim. 

Ad titulum Medeae docte disseruit Elmsleius de versibus qiu- 
busdam, qui ex Medea Euripidis citantur, quum tamen non exsteat 
in ea fabula ; affertque quum alia utilia, tum illud, et vetoiibu^^ 
saepe accidiase, et recentioribus, ut alios ac volebaat auctom 

• ajT the Medea of Euripides. 273 

librosve nominarent. £t ita lusit casus, ixt ipsi id in ea adnotatione 
acciderety p. 74. Aristophanem pro Euripide dicenti. 

Veniamus vero ad ipsum Euripidis textum. £t statim ad v. 2. 
ubi BvpmXr^aSas cum Brunckio edidit^ de illo ^uy ubicumque metrum 
ferat reponendo pauca aifert^ adiecta longa enumeratione locorum 
Medea?, in quibus Aldus et Lascaris vel ^w vel o-vv exhibuerint. 
Vellemus nos quidem magnopere, desinerent critici talia contra 
libros mutare. Tragicos sibi in hac re uon constitisse, nee reguiam 
aliquani, sed quod iu quoque loco auribus magis blandiretur, -vel 
usitatius esset, sequutos esse, ut metrum, ita rei ipsius natura doce(. 
Similia iu Virgilio adnotavit A. Gellius. Omnino autem cogitare 
debemus, multo facilius huiusmodi constantiam in Thucydidem, 
quam in tragicos cadere, siquidem hie uno utitur dicendi genere^ 
quod illo tempore in usu erat, tragici autem dictionem usurpant ex 
patrii sermonis certo temperamento atque epicorum et lyricorum 
usu compositam, in qua multa sunt, quas eo ipso, quod nou sunt 
Attica, poetica babentur. Quis hodie a poetis exigat, ut huiusmodi 
in rebus sibi comtent F Et tamen antiquos illos, ut morosi ludi- 
magistri pueros, castigamus, quod quae nos scilicet eos observasse 
volumus non observarint. Simile prasceptum est de preepositione 
h et tUf de qua dixit Elmsleius ad v. 55. quo in genere utilius fuerat^ 
quaerere, quibus in formulis altera forma magis usitata fuisset, 
quam constantiam poetae obtrudere nimis profecto dubiam. Velle- 
mus vir doctissimus in his tam recto et prudenti iudicio usus esset^ 
ut ad V. 88. ubi egregie de usu formarum communium et poeticarum 

Ad V. 4. 5. haec scripta legimus : *' Mallem yJfr IgerfM^M, inquit 
Brunckius. Male. Mffn post ft^ vel (Mfii soloecum est. Negant 
hoc, sed frustra negatat, mea quidem sententia, Hermannus ad 
Sophoclis Ai. 423. (428.) Heisigius in Aristoph. i. p. 189. Citat 
MatthiK Gramm. Gr. §. 602. ITiucydidem in. 48. koA iMfii oTxt» 
JXfOv vfijx«»Tf J, ft^e hMxglx. Ubi j*^ oUrto habent omnes fere 
codices scripti, et prima? quatuor editioiies. Sed huiusmodi errorea 
etiam contra librorum consensum tollendi sunt. Vide ad v. 1213» 
li323." In Thucydidis loco i^ifrt scribendum esse, non est dubium. 
In censuris Rdinburgeiisibus, quarum auctoritatem Elmsleius ad 
Aiacis locum affert, quid aut a quo scriptum sit, nescimus : sed 
idem est^ proferre faliam regukiD^ et prolatam sequi. Putamua 

%^4^ Notice of Mr. Ehmkjfs Edition 

autem laculentissime in hoc exemplo ostendi posse, qitki sit iUud) 
quod supra in P. lillmsleii regulis grammaticts reprebendimus* 
Soloecum est, inquit, ourf post oi, ft^n post /»^. Nihil conthiet 
baec regula, quod non pridem notum fuerit omnibus, qui Grseca 
b^ne didiceraht. Satis habeo Im. Bekkerum commeniorare, qfui 
molta buius generis vitia in Theognide sustulit. Nee proFecto 
Elmsteium quisquani vituperabiti si idem fecit At quod id propter 
regulam facit, quae felsa est, id vero non possumus non improbaret 
IDupliciter autem falsa est ista regula. Nam primo, si post ^ et 
ffri^ non potest o3v et /bmjts dici, potest aiitem Mi et |Ri)it, luce claiius 
est caussam buius rei non esse in praegresso itto t6 vel paij, seAin 
diversa significatione particularum ovrr et otts, fit^n et luifii. Deinde 
l^tiam si non praecessit ov vel fMi, non otrrt et pjgrt, sed dv8i et fii|9e 
dicitur: ix <€ f^i iyx^^^^xh ^^^Mf^ hAvmy.rilf tfiaXi^ ^r 
^ofs-tt, id«tjSayiSi| 17p/«fif, f fffo-), iiifii ri riffi§$, £t mirandum sit^ a 
F. A. Woifio in Odyss. /3. 82. servatam esse vulgatam scripturam^ 
quas aperte falsa est : M' ixXai fsip w&ms lU^ Ueof, odrv tk Ih'Ai) 
T^Aijxop^oy fuMoio-iy dfi^ti^etrdou ;^aeX0iroM'iy : eompara Iliad. 9. 2fi. 
429. t. 459* Itaque nullo modo propter fMraegeslum o^ vel /m^, aed 
propter sUara ipsarum natunmi particulae ours et i^ffn cerds in locis 
poni nequeunt. Hoe ergo ostendendum erat, quas esset ilia hamm 
.particularum natura, quae eas non ubique poni pateretur ; non autem 
ratio afferenda, quae neqiie esset ulla, nee posset esse. Falsa ven» 
regulae ratio hoc duplex damnum aiFert, quod neque intelligi potest 
r^ula, et transfertur ad ea, ad quae adhiberi non potest. Quod si 
oO et ft^ non sunt in cauBsa, quare oSrt et ftijre sequi nequeat, 
quomodo vincet vir doctissimus^ nusquam eas particulas iiingi 
posse ? Sed ne banc quaestionem ita in suspenso reiitiquamus, age, 
ipsi paucis hunc locum grammatices explicemus. 

Apertum est autem, rem omnem a vi particularum ri et ii repe* 
tendam esse. Ka\ particula est coniunctiva ; ri adiunctiva ; U 
disiunctiva. 'Eyd acfi cb vofgvo(jLeia est, ego et tu imus : quo indiP 
eatur coniunctos ire duos, et instar unius habendos esse, i. e. utium 
par; Ita dicitur Castor et Pollux, i. e. Dioscuri. *Ey» vi re ^roptW- 
/yirifo est ego tu^ue imus; quod qui dicit, scire significat, altero 
comitante quidem, sed ita; ut, etiam si non comitaretur, ipse 
nUnlominus iturus esset. Sic dicitur Senatus Populusque Ronuh 
'mi$: non enim cooiuneti . in imam communttatem inlelliguBtiir^ 

of the Medea of Euripide$. 275 

sed ^enutum censuisse, idque popaluni deinde approbavisse.. 
Nemo ferodicct jyi0.«i Si mpsv^^Mfct, 4j[uia dtatanctiTa particula 
repiigiial;^ ubi.%ttkl a coniuoctis fieri dkoMhim est. Contra recte 
dictttin etCy i.irfl>J<ifugv riJiMva, TokXA i* ai (ro^i^ yivai : nam quum 
commuoe sit boCy quod laultuin est, disiungitiir id in diversas siiM* 
que oppofritas parteii miseriam et scieatiam. Apparet anteiik 
inapte dictiin«i% qui si iniseriam el sapientiam coniunctas dicere 
y»\lei, ita diceret, iroAAci riXouva, voXXa rt fro^ii : non entm sapic»*> 
tiam s)^iungeret miserise, sed copiee ootioneai eidem notioni adneo* 
terety quod absurdudi est. Qiiare semper in huiusmodi repetitione 
eiusdem notioais, aliiidy quo in diversas partes disiungatur, additum. 
habentis, Si usurpari videmus, quum quidem ilia notio pro com* 
muni partium nota est. Aliter minime. Sic quod apud HomenuB' 
est| vokKoi S* avotrrot^ xaroivra, vagayri re,' io^ia t' ^Xdov^ si commtH 
nem voles, ootioaem essemuUitudiuisi dicendum erit> voXJAavewra, 
voXkoi Si KoiroLvrmp 'WX?^ Si TifarrUf woXkti Si S^p^« ; sin minus^ neces« 
sario dices, irtXXA avttvrst, xftrayrdi rf woXXi, irdgarrd rt mWoi, iixfud 
re TTtXkd, Redeamus nunc ad cutm et ft^s. Atque apparebit iam, 
opinor, non eas particulas omnino, sed certa tantum conditionenon 
posse post pv et fU^ poni. Etenim ubi eoniuiicta in onum cogitari 
volumus, quorum commutiis sit n^gatio, diversa autem ea, quee ne- 
gantur, ibi necessario ouSi et jKri^Si dicendum est. Absurdum foret 
enim, negationemcum negatione, i. e. idem secum ipso in unum con- 
iungi. Dividi vero in partes, quod unum est, recte potest : cui rei 
inservit disiunctiva particula St. Fac enim vel maxime natura sua 
coniuncta esse, quse sic euunciantur, e. c. hoc Tbeognidis v. 4p95% 
'jtivTtov jubiy /x^ f mu tsrip^dovloio'iv apiarWffMfV wiSsiv auyag ^Ug 4ffA/ou*> 
aut illud eiusdem v« 1214. apyoXti} S* oix hr$ SouAooriyi], ovS' 4/xa;> 
TrepvAo-r tamen ineptum quid et absUrdum habebis ubi /Bufrs et 
ovTt posueris, idque tanto magis,quo ilia sunt niagis similia. Hoc 
enim dices : optimum est, natum non esse, pratereaque lucem non 
videre : non ades$ serviius, pratereaque non venduni nos. Clare 
mtelligetur discrimen, ubi copulam ab negatione rerooveris. Recta 
enim iam dices, fi^ ^uvcu, /ut^^ to-iSfiv rs auy^i ^PJou* ova hi lovAo<rvin), 
9v vffvoi^l T6 nfX'tt;* Ut hie ineptum foret Si, quia hsec adiuncia sibi, 
non disiuncta sunt, ita ineptum est 9\iTt et ft^f, quia adiungit idem 
eidem. Nam iUud est,, aio non servire et non vtndi ; hoc autem, 
^^g<^ sertitutem et mgo venditumem, quod est discreta seorsim 

376 Notice of Mr. Elmdey's Edition 

negtntisi non coniuocta negantia simul. Similis ratio estj ub> 
nulla negatio prsecessit. Nam quum uegativa s^ntentia natura sua 
opposita sit seotentis afSnnativse^ noH potest coniuogi cuav eay 
sed disiungenda est. Remove particuUm re a negatione, quo facto 
habebis diias aflSrmativas seutentias, et recta ea utere : ut in iUis^ 
Homericis, quae supra attulimus : tx U (uoi lyxH ^^X^ va^^i^n 
brwrtov, ovx tfiakiy ri ftiv* iifo-et, ft^ ro^jSci rt. Ulrumque recte 
dices etiam sic^ km o6k SfiaXiv fur xal /u.^ rapjSf^. Tantumdein est 
enim atque riiiMfriv ts, ^vfM^ h6i. Sed pone Ss in sententia, a£Br- 
mativa, et seniles repugiiare :^fy;(o; ^*X^ hiciov, ^x4atproit ii^ 
tagcu, ft^ TopjStfi Sff. Eadem vero ratione, qua uegativa sententia 
affirmativad opposita Si requiritj etiam affirmativa, si negaliva; oppo- 
nitur^ banc sibi particulam vindicat : oix hv^ov, rifk€tfTQ¥ Ss' fji^ raf< 
j9fi, tap<Fei St. 

Hactenus quae attulimua, lis hoc nos putamus effecisse, ut regu^ 
Jam istam non ita exprimi debuisse appareat, oSrs et.ftigrr non poll 
w et ft^ poni. lam vero ostendamus, etiam eo falsam esse eam 
regulam^ quod negat fieri, quad est ubi recte fiant Nolo taHa coni-^ 
memorarcy quale hoc Tbeognidis est v. 555. o9 irore SovXt/i} xt^aJ^ 
)tna wifuxw^ §tK)i al^ trxoA/t}, xaixivaXo^hv S^W oSr« yofi sx (txAAi}^ 
^S» ^in'M, 0^ vdKXH^o^y ovrt ^ar' ^x $ouAi^ Tfxyov hkwiipm : quann 
quam baec quoque regulae isti repugnant. Sed utar aliis* JSst 
autem haec duplex ratio* Ac primo recte pomtur ourt et /x^e post 
ov et fAVjy ubi ou et furj pro dSrt et /xi^rs dictum est. In huiusmodi 
enim locis non additur negatio negationi, sed una negatio distinguitur 
in partes. Ovre ctv^g, ovre ywij nemo negabit recte dici. OJx mif^f 
oSrrff yuy^, si base coniuncta cogitari volumus, perperam dici, ex iis, 
quae supra disputavimus, sequitur. At idem ubi sic dicitiuv ut 
•u pro oirrs ait, quod quum fit^ aliter pronunciari baec verba debentj 
quam quum dicitur oux avtip, ouSe yvvij, recte iunguntur istae parti- 
cuke. Quia nescit illud : Ittsi ou efcy i<FT\ x^P^^ ^ Ufiag-, ovU 
^(/^Vy oSt eip fgevag, ours ri epyae i Ilia, ouSf ^ui^, ad oi li^^t adiecl» 
sunt cum oppositione quadam : haec vero, o^ UfMig^ oSnrs ^phag, aSr# 
^a,distingttunturut partes^ quarum communis est negatio. ^schj- 
lus Pers. 586, to) S* &¥» ySiv *Aa'la¥ ^v oux irt fr§pa'ovofui)¥To^, oux ir^ 
hiciM(^ogoiJ(nv Sta-^oc-iv^Kriv kmyxai^^ o6t Ig yoi¥ wgoviTvowng ap^orFcu* 
Heathius (iam hie enim regulam istam norat) scribi volebat o^' If 
ySy, qvoi in nulla libro est. Homerus Od. S. 566. 09 n^^nh, sSr^ 

oftTie M^dca of Euripides. 277 

^? X^ifuov iroKifg, oSre ttoV o/x/Spo^: quod losephus de B. I. ]T. 8. 
p, ] 65. apte citatus a Windeto, cuius notitiam debemus doctissimo 
Barkero in Recreationibus Classicis p. 348. ex illo ipso Homeri 
loco ita expr^ssit : x^P^^ ^^^ ^jx/Spou;, "^^b vi^et^lg, oSre notiitMri 
/SapwvrfjXfvov, Odyss. i. 1 36. Iv Se Aift^y ivo^iiog, V ou x?**^ ireliTfiMrig 
hrtv, our fdva^ /SaXeeiv, ours irgviAvfici av&^i, Ac ponitur etiam 
ofrrf et jx^s omisso ou vel jtt^, quod quidem pro otfrt et /t^re sit. 
iEschylus Choepb. $92. Sep^fo-dai S* oSre avKkum riva. Isaeus de Pbi^- 
loctemonis hered. p. 132. ed. Rei&k. itapc&ouyai ours Xafiilv ijiiXi^irav. 
£t p. 147. Ixffi/tey YapiarifVoicp jtt^rs v^$p slvai oyp^toTfiay jttijj* If^y 
fifii' 6a-/o0y. Sic scribendum videtur pro [xrfii yo9«}. Admodumlibere 
enim particulas huiusmodi tractat Jingua Graecorum. In his quideqi 
particulis rariora sunt haec> alterum •Sri plane omissum apud 
jEscbylum Eumen. 502. vel wg 8* etircog pro eo positum apud 
Theognidem v. 1159- 1270. At Se quidem saepius infertur, ut 
Iliad. 1). 33. Intelliget iam, ut opinor^ vir docttssimus^ cur in 
Aiacis loco, quern in adnotatione sua attigit, servandum esse ourf 
contenderimus. Non minus jx^rs servandum videtur in Sophoclis 
CEd, Col. 495, XilirofMti yof tv ra ft^ lifatrdeu luifi bp&v, Suoiv xotxolv. 
Ubi si fiLTj proTt^ff dictum accipiraus, recte se habet, quod sequitur> 
41VIT8. Apertum est autem, turn esse coniunctim pronunciandum 
/i^ ivvourhH fitjd* ogav ; sin pjSg scribimus, divisim, /tij iuveia^tmf 
fniS* 6^Sv. Huiusmodi autem multi loci sunt. Hesiodus O. et D. 
1 88. ow8f Tig evopxot; x^f*^ Sa-irnat, ourf Sixa/ou, oirr' ayaiov, Potuit 
sic, potuit vero etiam, ut apud Stobaeum legitur, ou$s hTtaloo, 9il!f 
ayatoif si divisim ut diversa, non ut copulata et partes uniMs pro- 
ferri voluit. Theognis v. 1. ourore trslo Xi)o-ofi«j ipx^fwvof, ou8* 
avcnruuiafvog. Potuit wn scribere, si vel ovr&rt pro ocnrr^rore dixit, 
vel ovTs ante apxcfi^svog intelligi voluit. Pariterque v. 125. ou yctp 
£v elhliig dvdfog viov cure ywsuxog : ubi Bekkerus ouSt dedit, ut est 
apud Aristotelem £th. Eudem. vu. 2. In Sophoclis CEd. R. 817. 
^ jx^ ^ivoo¥ fi^eoTi, jtti)$' darmv rivoi iofMig dix^a-don, pLffii irgotrfanfilv 
Tivoi, alii habent /x^r' currmv rwd, recte, si /x^ ^iv(0¥ pro jxijrf ^«va)V 
dictum. Eodemque modo defendi potest hoc v. 824. xai jxo^ 
(^uyovri /xij 'oTi Tou; fjxou^ i$s7y, |xi|V ejxjSarfuffiv TMr^/So^. In CEd« 
Col. 731. ov |xifr oxvsirc, |Xi}r' a^^r' nro^ xaxoy, nonnulli libri, ty 
|ti}7or'. Quod si quis oy jxtproT* oxyfiy scribendum putabit, recte 
iiabebit oratio, dum illud pro fiifrf fnre accipiatur. 

278 Notice cf Mr. Elmsky^s Edition 

Sed dicatur iam de altera ratione. Ac videndum erat bis, qui 
oSrf pott otf poni posse negant ne cogitari posset eiusmodi confor- 
matio sententiarum, qua etiam necessaria redderetur istarum parti- 
cularuin couiuoeiio. Notum esse putamus iis, qui accuratiorem 
luibent Grsecse linguse scientiam, id quod supra dicebamusy par- 
Uculam Tf usurpari, ubi quid adnectitur, quod ad rem, de qua 
aeroio est, non pertinet, iieque cum ea cohaeret. Pleni exemplo- 
rum sunt praeter Homerura historici. Thucydides i. 25. ix0^e$ 
Sf 01 'Emi&iMftOi IfTijy K6gn6oVf xara to fiavrsm vaptWav r^v iaroikiav, 
riv Tf QixtoT^v eanlSujiwrrts vf&v ix KcpMav Ivtet, xa) to XP^^'^P^ 
hikwvrt^ fStovr^ Tf jsuy c^g 9tpiopa¥ haftgip^fjJvov^ : i. e. pratereaque 
orahant. Nullo modo poterat ^S^ovto l\ dicere : quod si fecisset, 
aut boc, auxiliuin.petere legatos, uf rem primariam commeinoras* 
set : orabant antem ; aut utrumque, quod fecisse legates dicit, in 
UDum coniunxissety diyisissetque in duas partes sibi ipsis adver- 
santea: fretf&o<r»» (/tfv) Ti}V moix/ocv^ ISfovTO U: quod propter rem 
ipsam hie facere non licebat. Fac iam, utramque sententiam 
negativam esse : quomodo iungi eas Voles i utrumne per Se, quo 
vidimus iungi non posse, an per Tf, qua particula iungi n^cessario 
debent i Hoc vero, opinor. Itaque si negasset Thucydides, qus 
nunc affirmat, sic scribere debnisset : exiwres di oi 'E^iSa/xvioi c^ 
T^ £^piv9oy, 0^ iragiho<reaf t^v airoixlixr cvre ISfovro ft^ (rfus Trepiopav 
Sioe^tfi^juiyou^. £t profecto ita loquuti sunt. Afferamus primo 
dubia quaedam exempla. Hesiodus O. et D. 184. jitljct^/orrai V 
if» Tcbs'^akewols /Sa^ovTf ^ txtca-iv, ayerXiot, oiii teeov oWtv f ISoVt ^* otrrf 
jxfv oSyf yijpavTfo-o-i roxfSo-iif itwo flpfTrrijpia 8o7fv. Sic aliquot codd. 
in iisque V itehergensis. Alii ouSf /xfv. Homerus Iliad, x- ^6^* ^ 
evx tJT* f/ttf xa) (re ^iXijfMvar ourf ti wiv ^xia itrvwrai. Hoc set'- 
vavic Woltius etiam in novissima editione. Aliquot libri ov$f. 
. Certiora sunt biec: Odyss. i. 146. M ovri^ t^v v^cov hridpaxiv 
of SaAjxoIcriv* our' ovf xvftMToi fiaxpci xt/AjvSojitfva frp&r) x^^o'ov f f<r/SojCMy. 
£t ibiiiein v. 1 IQ. ou fMv yap waTog Scvipwirmv airtpixu' ov^i fuv fto^ 
oi;i^f5o-i xvr/^iTM, olrs xotff uXijv otXy^a wtrxovcnVy xogv<tiotg 6fiW9 
iffjrovTfj" out' apa iro/ftv|jo-i» xotraiiryrron, our' ap^oKr\v. Iliad, x* 
199. fis 8* h Mpto ou 8uv«Tai ^eoyovra Sicoxfiv, our' ap' o tov Suyonroti 
MTo^fuyfiv, ovi' ha^xetv. Atque in huiiSsmodi locis, in quibus o5rf 
— ouTf est, erunt fortabse, qui senttniiam explicationis caussa sine 
copula adiectam putabunt : sed his accurata observatb sermonis 

qf the Medea of Euripides* 279 

Homerici meliorem viam nionstrare poterit Caeterum iliud o2r8~r 
oure saepe etiam aflSrmativse sentential adiicitur, ut Iliad, a. 490. 
jS. £03. q. 357. Hesiod. O. et D. 663. Sed redeamus ad cure post 
ou positiim. £t qusidam quidem ex iliis quae attuliaius exemplb 
certa supt, miDimeque dubia« Sed considerabimus pauca ex ]Uis> 
quae Werferus attulit in Actis Monacens. T. i. p. £6l. Miruni 
est hoc Herodoti i. £• et 3. de Graecis Medeam regi Colchonim 
reddere nolentibus : rou^ Si uvoxqlvafftmi, ds o^ mtvoi 'hv$ t^^ 
'Apy§lri^ fSooray O'f i S/xa; r^f cigvayriSf ouhe oSv omto) iiffuv iKBrnuru 
ievrigji $8 \ffyou(ri yivfjl /trrcl raOra 'ilXc^avSpoy rov IJpMfMu, UKfixoifti 
Totura, j$fA^0'oef oi fx r^^ '£\XaS9i Si' a^^ray^; ym<ridu ywoiixot, «ri^ 
cTciii.gvov iFayr(»$ Srt od Scoo'si S/xa^* ours yap iKiivovi SiSoWi. Quis non 
pro oure hie ouSe^ pro geminato isto oiSi autem our< exspectet ? Sed 
hoc quidem recte dictum est^ ^etsi potuerat etiam per wn^ At 
etiam alterum, licet et Werferus ouSe scribi voluerit^ et Schaeferus 
id in textu posuerit, videtur defendi posse: del'endendumque erit 
tanto magis, quo minus veri simile est^ librarios insolens ilhid ovre, 
praesertim praegresso paucis ante versibus ovii in eadem formula, 
tam constanter hie exhibituros f uisse^ ut ouSi ex uno. taiUum codice 
adnotatum habeamus. Nobis quidem hie oirrf egregie convenire 
videtur stilo Herodoti. PauUo ante big dixerat ouSe, ut relationem 
comparationemqueduorum inter ipsa indicaret : ne illos quidem sati$- 
fitisse; itaque ne se quidem satisjaciuros. Hinc iam, oSre dicens^ 
abstinet a comparatione : quumque dicere velit, Medeae exemplo 
edoctum Alexandrum certo credidisse non repetitum iri Heleoam, 
non opus habet afferre rationem (iam attulerat enim) sed satis 
ducit ailutam repetere. Qu^e si non fuisset ante commemorata, 
dicere debebat^ ouSc yap ixsiyQVi, hUvcm nam 'etiam illos non 
reddere. Nunc vero raentiouem eius tantummodo faciens, recte, 
quasi in parenthesi addit^ namque illos non reddere, ovre yotf 
exehoos SiS^vai. Ndn minus recte se habet alius Herodoti locos 
HI. 156. verba Zopyri continens, qui Babylonis capiendae caussa 
se ipse diris cruciaiiUns uiTecerat: ovx h-jh o3ro; i *vv}p hi [mj aVf rtf 
{(TTi iuvojuig TOO'auni epii S^ £H§ SioflfWr ours ri^ uXXoTflen^ £ jSoo'iXfu, 
rati i^yottrrai, aXX' aurog iyci efAef/ovrov. Si ouSf dixiitset, sensiis 
foret, ut panels compiebendani, luc: nemo hoc fiisi tufecisti; non 
vero per ai\um, sed pet me ipsum* Nunc quum oSrs dixerit, hoc 
ait : tu hocfecisii, idqu^ t\on per aliumf sed per me ipsum^ Finem 

280 Nolice of Mr. Elmsiey*s Edition 

lacMmus in loco Isocratis, quein Werferus attulit, in Paoegyr. 
t» 29. Purgat ibi orator cives suos propter supplicium Meliorum 
et Scionseorum, cuius ciudelitas Ipsis vitio vertebatur. £a. in re 
his utitur verbis : JhruTetf t] luv oXXoi rtvis r£v avTaov irfctYfJulTm 
vpetOTtfOv fVcftfXiSijo'ayy tutirw^ iv iifiiv hrm/xcpey* tl hi jx^ori rovro 
yiyovc^ ft^' dw ri ^ori roo'oiroov wiXioov 70 ttA^Io; xparuf, ^v fufi rtg 
xoAaCi| Tou; dfjMfr&vo)fr»i, w^ ou S/xocioV coriv ^jttz^ hrcuptlVf olrtfig 
f Xap^iOTou; ;faX«r^yayTffj, wXt Toroy Xf^voy Tijy &$%i9y xaT«rp^»7y ^Suyr^- 
0i)fMy; Poterat quidem hie quoque furfil dici: sed quia tnutari 
librorum scripturam volet, qua nihil hie aptius fingi potest ? Plane 
•enim quo debet officio fungitur particula ri, ut adnectat, quod ad 
rem ipsam non pertinet : argunientum enim oratoris hoc est : si 
alii mitiores fuissent, iure nos reprehendent : sed si numquam se 
tales prsebuerunty laudare nos debebunt. Quidquid ex illo /yUyn 
•pendet, fortuitum est et casu accedit, ut minime ad illos, qui repre- 
hendunt, pertinens, sed ad solos spectans Athenieuses : sed si num- 
quam se tales prabuerunt, pratereaque tanta civitatum tnuttUudo 
coerceri sine panis nequit, laudare nos debebunt • Sed satis dictuiii 
videtur, ut ostenderemus, caecam esse regulam^ quae numero, non 
vi exemplorum niteretur. 

Ad V. 5. nonnulla attulit Elmsleius de formula x^^^ BgerfA^u. 
•Hie non debebat negligi, quod Ruhnkenius ad Orph, ^rg. 360. 
j(S56) et nos ad Orphica p. 8 1 5. adnotavimus^ Nonnum hac ex Euri* 
pide sumpta formula delectari. Omninoque non est Nonni imitatio 
jiegligenda interpreti Euripidis : quod si reputasset Monkius td 
Alcest. 460. non repudiasset verissimam emendationem Scaligeri. 
Ad eumdiem Medeae versum observat Elmsleius, Wakefieldium, 
Porsonum, Scha?ferum «y8p»y apiareoov scribendum censere^ et, 
quum nonnulla de voce upwrthg adiecisset, '' nihil,'' inquit, ** lenius 
hac coniectura, cui tanien obiici potest, quodaeque bene dicitur ^y- 
S^eoy ofltrrtM. 'Apurrsvs quidem non usurpatur eo sensu, quo dicitur 
Med. 9^3. avSgo; r aptcrov cou rv^ovcr' ofia^yirov. Sed optimalet 
non minus bene apioroi quam apKTTvig appellantur." Minim vero, 
virum doctlssimum, qui ab exemplis, etiam ubi nihil exemplis 
efficitur, presidium petere soleat, hie, ubi quam maxime opus erat 
exemplis, nulla attulisse. Recte illi, qui agicrrioov scribendum 
conlendunt. Nam hoc solum huic loco aptum est, quia de sola 
hie nobilitate sermo esse potest. Etenim agnrrot ubi opttnsittes 

aflhe Mtd^ of Buiipide$. 281 

kHelHgunliiri moh proprie sunt opHmates^ aed^ mt In^ctt^e i^mf 
prMtaB<«s8imi# Quo autem in genere quisqu^ M pFtestHfitisamm^ 
wtnuii Bfttalifbus, mi eorporis roboi"^^ aa kigetiio, aii stipieiitia^ lo(a 
Ottiuafae conditio bsteodere debelj Quod si optimates hie int^ 
ligi vt^ebaC £lnBsfeius> demonstranduin ei erat, dtiam ubi oiU 
IKldiAuiD esset^ uade cognosceretur^ qua re aUqms optimus esscrt^ 
i^tinatiam ita ^im. Ad id autcto estemplis opiks erat ; qu« non 
piitaaHii»'iiifteiiiri po8se> mm corri»pt& 

: V; 1^. Quum vulgo l^eretur^ iyiiifwc'a ph fvy^ itd^irm A» 
istfiit&r^ Xl^iifdt, Porsonus ex Bnmiekio coiiiectiira mkiroLt^ edidifi 
Vulgatam in constructione laborare pntat Elmdeiusy nt ad qUaifc 
defendendam huktsmodi exefn^la proferri debeiant, ttt si VirgfliM 
di»s3et, vettru tst urb^m qna^ ntaiuo. Itaque quod eos omiles, 
qui bune lociliDi' tentarutot^ fugisse dit^ fcHy^ stribendtihi esse/ id 
ipse in tettu posuit, ut heee verba omnia in app6si(ione esatot mi 
iUfiy qi^ de Medea dicuntur, xantfxn n^w ytjv KopyiSeiv. Ctm»» 
■lodi appositionem etsi exemplis qntbusdam commuliire studel^ 
lamen non persimilis iis est hie loeus* Possenras hoe ex|dica^t 
demonslrare : sed ne loogi sifflusy dnrissimam hie moneraus talenH 
a|q>oMtioneni fok-e, qninn propletf' aKa^ turn quia statim seqintur 
mini '^^f B<>n ad fvy^, sed ad Medeam speetans. Nobn^ si qiud»- 
quam, sincere videtur vulgata« Ipise Elmsleius qumn similiimuai 
attalerit exenplum ex Heracl. 67- fV^ 8< t^wrh, xiv vb ju^ iikf^ 
iS» MOfirj^BH/y dSr/f fir' EdptMrHms^ i- ^* EifwrM, oMp iW$, vel^ fAirip 
tW*- Eifov6i»^^ Toircf* m Medese locum paullo accuratius consider 
rasaet^ vidisset, non woKir&v pro mxtrois^ sed xfi^^ pn>;^oiA dictton 
esse : irsXircli^ a»y dc^/ktrs yfi^^ raurf etiHAtottca. 

y. 13; '' Stobeeus/' inquit, " dMi H, quod recte admisit Betkins, 
neglc^it Porsonus. Opponuntur eMavw^a jcmv f vy^, et ceMj fit/' 
btturia reprebendtt Porsonum, qui nobis multo accuratius videtur 
menlem: poetae perspectaiti habuisse. Recte enim libri Euripidb 
«rin{ t8. Nam verbis irtivwru jxcy aperte respondent hseo v^ 
16. yuv 8* i^tpoi iroLvra, 

V. 14, Iterum notat Porsotmiti, J^w, quod afpad Pseud<)gr<«go- 
Fium legitnr^ non tuale se habere affirmantem, quod ipse hie Uflur- 
pari non posse eontendit, A vera sint, qua? ad v. 1€75. dictorussil. 
At et quae illo loco^ et item ad v. 678. de particuiis i^^ou aflfeitjr 
BiiMioe vera snnt, sed> quum ad veram earum vim non attendisM% 

Vol. XIX. ciji. No.xxxviii. t 

S82 N(fti€e of Mr* Ehnstey'i Edition 

fitque illud / suppose, qiiemadmodum eas vertendas ptttat^ ubiqtttf 
locmii habere existimareti fieri uoti pcituit, quin de aliquot locis 
aliter ac debebat iudicaret. Hoc quoque lucolentum exemplum 
est, quantam referet, recte an male regulam constituas. Nam non 
ijirou significat / suppose, sed ea tantuni posterioris particulae vis est, 
et ne buius quidem sic, ut ubique ita verti possit ; ^ autem, quod 
ei prftoiittitur, plerisque in locis ovrw; significat, recteque sic inter-" 
pretatus est glossator in Medeae v. 14. quern reprehendit Elmsleius 
ad V. 1275. Plene iitramqpe particulam explicat Hes^^chius: 
^ou, oyroo$ tou. Conferat Sophoclis Ai. 62,4. Tracb. 846. 847< 
Philoct. 1230. Alibi illud j} particula est interrogativa, ut in 
JSschyli Prom. 520. ijirou tJ irtiivSv loTiv, o ^uvotfMri^ng ; 

V. SO. De verbis ^ f^jVors arpi^aa'u vakXsvxov Hpfiv ■ ouM\ irpo^ 
ooT^v TTurip* dTToifMif^ri p/Xov, " in vulgata/' inquit^ " ^v /xijirore acci- 
piendum pro ^X^ or iv, constructione minus usitata. Quo seqsu 
fiescio an praestet aVotfuo^i}." Sensum recte indicavit : nee mini* 
mur, quod banc constructionem minus usitatam dicit. Qujn plane 
lalsa est. Sed quid est, quod vir doctissimus non, qnod quivis 
faciat, qui locum accuratius inspiciat, divisim scripsit fii^ voti i Sic 
nihil nee perperam, neque insolenter dictum. . Non : esse* autem 
idem jx^^rore et /tif vore per se planum est. Deiicoiixit^^ reponendo 
lion dubitamus accedere. Dolemus vero, quod iis in rebus, quae 
non exemplis, sed ratione reddenda opus habent, nimis brevis, 
simulque anceps animi esse tiolet. Si aoristus id, quod yel semel 
fit, vel celeriter peragitur, prassens autem vel rem saepius repetitam, 
<vel diutumiorem significat, facile iudicari, quid quoque Iqcp prae- 
ferendum sit, potest. Et hoc argumento uti. debebat etiam ut 
dpvat^tjfre in Sophoclis Antig. 311. reponi velkt, potius quam illo, 
Doricum esse ft'pa^ijTf, quod ne satis quidem. verum est. Quod 
addit de £uripidis loco, "nee male se habet u1^o^lAa>fy^, mode 
legatur el lArfTrors," valde dubitari potest, an ei hie non recte se 
babiturum esset, quaerique ea de re diligentius non sine fructu 

- V. 34. Observat nomiais cvy^opoi singularem et pluralem sa^pe 
a librariis permutatos esse. . Sed quod ait de'Hippolyti v, \%55. 
aI al, xUpavTui a-VfA^opoLi veeov xotxcoVy " ita olim soloece legebatur,** 
veremur, ne hie quoque cautius loqui debuerit. Nam primo 
dubitatur adhuc, an xU^gavTM etiam pluralis esse possit Delude 

of the Medea o/EuripidtL i^S 

verbuin singulare^ pr^positum itlud nomini plurali^ certa cond]ti6De . 
ncc soloe.cum^ nee sciiema Pindarium^ sed usitatura etiam AititU 
est. Nod fiigit hoc Buttmaniium in gramm. Gr. §. 1 16, not. 2, 6. 
V«41. Bene disputat Elmsleius ad hunc locum de scriptura 
TVpiwooif et rvgawov, ostenditque^ non hie de Creonte, sed de filia 
.eiua. debere sermoiiem esse. Itaque quum glossa cod. A. habeat 
tfi^vxa^, T^y r^auxijv, et glossa cod. B. rijy atque ?toi rijy I^tjxi^f, 
ita statuit, rvgotwov hie Anglice reddendum the princess, affertque 
verba yifftaj rvpavvov v, 847. De interpretatione loci nemiiiem 
non habebit assentientem. . Veilemus tamen accuratius hie et 
subtilius disputasset vir doctissimus. Nos quidem certe uiagno- 
pere veremur, ne soloecismum reiiqueriti Verba poetae sunf^ ^ 
xe^Tvpuvvw Tov 11 yiifjLctVTu xravj}. Coucedimus, ex additis roy re 
yijjxavra facile inteliigi posse, rvpocwov de femina dictum esse. 
•Veruni id nihil ad rationem grammaticam. Tv§awo$ enim adiec- 
tivum est^ quod de viro dictum in substantivum vertit. De muliere 
sub^tantivi loco usurpatum esse, neque exemplo ullo nobis constat, 
nee veri simile putamus propter ambiguitalem. Videmus autem, 
ubicumque de muliere dicitur, aperte adiectivum esse, ut vJ/t^ 
TvpoLvvo^ in Medea v. 1034. et alibi, ideoque, ubi substantivum non 
additur, articulum adiici. Nee pro bare poterit Elmsleius illo loco, 
quern affert, v. 847. per se substantivi vicem sustinere hoc nomeni 
'Nam quod ibi dicitur, non minus quam reliqui loci omnes, adiec- 
tivum requirit, quia idem est ac si dixisset yrifji^ag ywouKu rvgotyvcv 
oSo-av. Quod si v. 41. ser^sus mulierem dici postulat, grammatica 
autem id fieri vetat, videndum erat, ne Tvpdvvriy potius vel rvgavviv 
scripsisset Euripides. • Tyrannas et tyrannides dixit Tfebellius 
Pollio de mulieribus, ad quem v. Salmas. p. S£2. Et in glossis 
quidem, quds ilie affert, et inlibro Esther i. 18. (Stepbanus noininat 
caput 2.) scribitur rugavv/Se;. Veriim etsi canon grammaticus 
7vpuyvl$, TupawiSa dici postulat, tamen suspicari licet, significationis 
diversitatem fecisse, ut ad aliam analogiam, de qua Eustatbius 
p. 381, 6r 1403, 63. Tupxwtg, rvgoivviv de regina diceretur. Sed ne 
voces minus usitatasobtrudere Euripidi velle videamur, (quamquam 
non pauca in glos.sis illis et scriptoribus sacris perantiqua vocabula 
latent) quid est, cur Elmsleius, quum schulio ad h. 1. praefixuni 
legeretur rupuvvotSf id in vipawov mutare, quod etiam Matthias fecit, ' 
qukm veriorb scripturae vestigium agnoscere, et rvpdyvovsnon modo 

984 Notke of Mr. Elmsley's Edition 

iQ scboUo, 8«d etkun in ipso textu £iiiipida repooKre aialudrtt i 
Itt CreoD et Glauce compreheadentur hoc BomiDe^ nac (|ttii^in»i 
m!t, quod ptnt ad sensum, aut ad grammaticaii] deNderelur. • 

V. 53« Hie commemoratur scriptune varietas in verbo %nmv 
ki Medea. '* Unice," iiiquity " verum est Tiwwfli, de qua fonaa 
dixi ad Heracl. 77." LandamuB^ quod movit banc qtttMllkiiiai : 
sed qaod rem nondum oiaturam pro iudicata habtut, .idfl|iMr Qt 
INTobabilibus quidem rationibus usus, id vero parum cosaidtraiie 
factum contendimus. Videamus quid dicat ad Heraclidaa* " timm 
verbum circQinflexum esse statuerunt grammatici^ cuius aoristm 
esset %riryov. Hinc passim apud Euripidem repeiias Tirvw, Tmiif^ 
xnyiif 7(rvoD<ri^ virveli^y irtryiuyy mrvm, icirvwiTCLf inrvotmtis, wirvivng^ 
et similia ; nunquam itItvoo, wlrvsif, ^r/rvei, titvovci^ xhvtm, iriryoucn^ 
x/ryovre^. Diversae sunt eiusdem verbi formse ri«T» et irtnmy 9t 
fiivco et ft/jxyoD. Veram scriptuiam ab Heathio propositam^ cebto 
Heatbii nomine adoptavit Brunckius apud Soph. CEd. C. 1754 
£1 Tffxyov Alyiws, irpoo-TiTyoiutcv <roi« Quod paullo ante in eadca 
fabula V. 1732. legitur, mrfs, prsteritum imperfectum est. Apail 
nostrum Supplic. 6yi. wnvivrw participium esse prsesentis tem* 
poris ostendunt alia duo participia in eadem sententia, ixxvfit^rm^ 
rm et Afmyrfioy." Videntur haec movisse nonnullos, ut pfauic 
assentirentur. Nobis non satisfaciunt. Primo grammaticos vel^ 
lemus citasset, qui de hoc Verbo prasciperent. Magnum de eo 
verbo apud plerosqtte silentium est : nee minim, quum non modo 
poeticum sit, sed ne ipsomm quidem poetarum alii, quam Ijoici 
et tragici eo utantur. Habet Hesychius irirvEi, Moschopulua vol 
try^^Siv p. 86. irirvoo. Eustathius autem p. .1173^ 52. memorat 
%«*> J<rpC«' ^psyw, ifiiyif&* (uim, fitfuw yim, ylyvoar rirw, vijmm ud 
T&Tft)' ^troo, ^iWcP. Favorinus in v. irlirrto: titwo, to. vhtrat 
&pivi8ini;, »^og ie fiooiim Tpo$ flfoS/xijTai %tTwl. Scholiastes MS« 
^chyli ad Sept. c. Th. 765. ix tou itItfm ylwrou S^p^of St^/M 
irwrov, a^atigio-gi Se to5 Ssuts^ou it, xa) vkeovouriJt^ tow y, wtrvi^^ frw 
irpoo-TiTToy xa» hap^ywiievov. Qui nisi yehementer corruptus eat, 
iriryoy pro adiectivo habuerit necesse est. Sed ex his omnibttt 
nihil lucri. Deinde quas dicit vir doctissimua, pro aiuctomtale 
magis dicta sunt, quam argumentis fulta. £sto> qitemadmodnnii 
ftffiLVfio ad i^ivooy sic w/rvco se habere ad mrm. Hoc eniih, noo ithrrm^ 
pominemorandum eral. Quid indoL sequitur f Nihil aliitd^ ^n»m 

of iht Medea of Euripid€$. f85 

lion repugnare analogiam. Itaqne ceite hoc afferendum erat^ quum 
plurima ad hanc analogiam foraiata sint verba^ paucissima exstare; 
quae formam contractam faabeanty at fnrn^ IxvoSjxai. Ita saltern 
dubitationem de isto mTvm anxisset. Porro quod affert^ vpotrxirvo* 
JMiy ab Heathio et Bmnckio apud Sophoclem repositum, id nihil 
probat. Controversum est enim, an debuerit reponi. Plane vero 
pro arbitrio dicit, in eadem Sophodis fobula v. 1732. Jhrirw inper- 
fectain esse. Nam requiritur iln aoristus. Eodem aoristo usus 
est Pindarasy cui nuper eum in novissima editione H^niana 
leatituimus, Ol. ii. 42. ubi miramur^ Boeckhium imperfectum 
Mrvfi posuisse, quod alienum ab eo loco est. Quod porrp ait 
Elmsleius, in Supplicibus Euripidis v. 691* inrforrcov praesentis 
partkipium esse, ex eo oognosci, quod alia duo in ea sententia sint 
participia pnesentis, hoc argumentum nee per se ullam viin babet^ 
quia non quod ca&tera verba tempus habeant, sed singula quod 
habere debeant, spectandum est : quia enim contetidaty vlwraav xa) 
ntlfung, ac non ma-m xdie) Kfijxcyo; dicendum esse i multo minus . 
autem in isto loco ilia pnesentis .participia <pudquam prbbant^ 
Verba hsec sunt : 

tI vgaoTOV tlvto ; vorepa t^v e\s oupotvov 

^ Tou; avoo re xcii xaru) fopoJfMvo; 
ijUtoeny^ alfjMrig rs foivlou pootff 
'' rm ftev wiTvimoaVf roov Se^ 6pav(r6ivT(OV H^pcaVf 
i\s xpara irpig yrpf Ixxu/SKTreoyrcoy fila, 
TT^g o^jxareoy r ityeCi(rh XeivovTcmf ^fov. 

Imelligunt TiiTviytm de aurigis. At ita vix differunt, qui cxxu/Skt- 
TMiTff; /3(f dicuntur. Hi vero non videntur illi esse poese^ quorum 
currus frangebantur : nam eversis potius curribus proni in caput 
Tolvuntur aurtgae, quam confractis. Omninoque illud Tin^vrnw de 
aurigis dictum nimis nudum est et languidum. £x his intelligitui*, 
ita esse interpungeodum^ ray jxsiti Tnrvivrm, xif St^ ^ouo^errow 
llpigm. Sic omnia recte apteque dicta sunt : quuik alii eversis'^ 
cKiTtftti^ alii confractis, illi pram in caput ruerent, hi curruum 
rmna laniarentur. Itaque hie locus aperte aoristum, non praesens 
tuetur. Apparere'ex his putamus, alio modo demonatrari debuisse, 
quod vtolebat, umce Teniin essa ^rtrwa : Mnanurque profecto tnm 

286 Notice of Mr. Eknsleifs Edition 

imbecillig arguroentis permotum esse virum praestantissimain^ ut 
formam contractam ubique expellere coDaretur« Periniqua vero 
fortuna accidit^ ut plerique omnes^ loci nihil, quo dirimi res possit, 
praebeant. Afferamus potiores ex his. A pud ^sch^lum in 
Persia v. 46 1, ed, Rob. rofix^j t difh idinyyog lot VQoa-'TrhvovTtg ouX- 
Xvcrav. Hoc loco uti filmsleium conveniebat. Necfessarium enini 
liic praesentis participium est, nee recte nos ad Here. fur. 1371. 
aoristum tueri conati sumus. At nihil tamen hoc exemplo efiSci-^ 
tur. Caeteri enim libri veteres mpwnchrromg. Robortelli autem 
editio, quae Triclinii recensionem exhibere videtur, quid aliud, quam 
ut Triclinii illam esse correctionem credamiis, fariet? Itaque nisi 
aliunde confirniabitur baec forma, potius .itft^nc^rvwrtrsg scribeDclum 
censebimus. In eadem fabula v.* 590. our 1^ yav • npOTrlrvofreg 
oip^ovrai nonnulli ediderunt. Libri veteres irpoa-xlrpovres, irpoa^hr^ 
'nvTis, Vitebergensis ir^ocff-jrvdorrs;. Est hie quoque praesentia par- 
ticipio opus : sed nihilo certiores nos reddunt libri. Dirimeret 
litem Sophocles (Ed. Col. 1754. i rixyov Aiyimg^ Tpod'Tr/Tvo/xev^ o*«i, 
si id libri haberent, et iquidem aut multi, aut boni. At ooines 
Tr^oenriWojttey <roi, ut in perpetua horum verboriim commutatione 
eodem iure, quo illud posuit Brunckius, etiam TrgofriTvovfAev coi 
scribere possimus. Etiam ^schylus rem confieeret Sept. ad 
Theb. 764. xaxaJv 8* oo^-frep 6ci\oi(r<roL xujx* ayer to [ih frirvoy, dcAAo 
S' aelgu Tplxct>^oy, nisi hic^ prouti interpungas et verba interpreteris, 
ct praesentis participio et aoristi locus esset ; praesentis, si eiyst, 
commate apposito, cum participio coniuugitur ; aoristi, si, ut 
vulgo, colo distinguitur post aysi, ut sensiis sit, aXXou icirvivTog £xXo 
aiiperai, simili orationis forma, ut apud Sophoclem CEd. Col. 
1454. m) fiiv hipa, tol 8« vap tiiuap aiii$av^m dfva. Libri quideili 
constanter irnviv : in scholiis MSS. et hoc, et quod Brmickius 
dedit friTvov legitur. Plane denique ad liquidum perducta res esset, 
si certa esset scriptura in Eurip. Heracl. 6 1 9. ciKKst cv pi^ TPpofrfffmt 
rst, itm Zwip. Verum hoc edd. recentiores afo H. Stephano viden- 
tur accepisse,- qui in Adnotatt. ad Soph, et Eurip. p. l68. ita in 
veteribus codd. sr.riptum alt. Aldina vero et aliae antrquae edd^ 
wp6^7riTVoov habent. Elmsleius aiidaci coniectura edidit, ^AX^ <r6 fuy 
rpoxtrvooy rit fcav ^ipn, erecto corpore atque animo interpretatiia. 
Kon facile repertum iri putamus, quibiis id persuadeat. Nee 
prafecto opus erst, novmm ttqutt inaoleiitem verbi stgniflcirtiDiNMi 

o/ the Medea of JEuripides. 287 

comminisci. Scribepdum : aXXot, o-v fji,^, vgoinryw, roi iem Zitq, jbiijS* 
inupjxXyn ^foyrl^a Atiir^ ; ai tu, oro, ne aut deorum decretis, aut 
cura tua nimis dole. Respondent enim sibi /xij r^ imv uro, et i^rlSi 
^gorrlist. Utrunique indicaverat lolaus v. 605. seqq. dolere se et 
propter oraculum, quod virginem immolari iussisset, et quod 
Macaria se immolandam offerret. Quod si praeter iirnvov apud 
Pindarum et Sophoclem, et mrvov apud ^scbylum (nam quod in 
Persia v. 506. ex coniectura quidam pro mxrov posuerunt nrirvoy, 
factum est imperitissime) non exstant exempla alteram utram hujus 
verbi for mam apevte tuentia^ solum reliquum erat participium^ 
cuius exempla Elmsleius afferre debebat omnia^ ac videre an 
ubique prsesenti locus esset. Atque quum aliquot loci sint^ qui 
uon dubie prsesens habeant, plures auteni^ in quibus utrovis tempore 
uti licebaty tamen sunt etiam, qui flagitare aoristum videantur, ut 
Pindari Nem. v. 42. (7.6) Isthm. u. 26. (39) ^schyli Choepfa. 34. 
Sophoclis £1. 453. Euripidis Hec. 274. Alcest. 181. Iphig. T. 48. 
Here fur. 853. Hi igitur loci non praetereundi^ sed vindicanda 
iis praeseutis significatio erat^ si vincere vellet vir doctissimus. 
Praeterea vero etiam illud ostendere debebat^ unde huic verbo 
perpetua ilia fluctuatio inter virvodyra, Trirvcoyra, TriTvovra, ^/rvoyra 
venisset, quum nihil simile librariis in /tZ/tMu et caeteris huiusmodi 
verbis ac'ciderit. Quae si onmia reputasset, non dixisset, opinamur^ 
unice verum esse titvo). Sponte enim cadunt istae dubitationes 
omnes, si ^rirvwy praeseutis, irnvdv aoristi participium esse statui* 
mus. £t hoc quidem ut credamus, alteram aorbti, alteram praeseu- 
tis formam propriam esse, imrvov illud vincitj quod ubi invenitur, 
apertissime aoristi significationem habet. Ex hoc ipso autem 
aoristo, qui quidem sane, ut multi aoristi secundi, origiue nihil est 
nisi imperfectum verbi cuiuspiam aut obsoleti, aut numquam usur- 
pati, recte coUigitur, praesens esse mrvw, wItvod autem in verbis 
Muworixroig numerandum esse. Nee profecto magis hoc verbum 
xnm in dubitationem vocare debebimus, quam Ixvoupti, quod 
ipsum ad eamdem comparationem formatum, neque aoristum nee 
futurum habet. 

V. 67- Hie quoque in iis, quae de superlative et coniparativo 
dicit vir doctissirnqs, obsei vantiorem eum regulae> quam studiosio- 
rem iustae sententiarum interpretatiouis deprehendiauis, qui et 
9pud Homerum Od. ^1. 48I« et aBuAJ^urip^km Andrgm, 6«.com« 

3aa Notice ^ Mr. Ebmky's Edition 

pmti^rmb reponenchiBi oeaanat. Neque enim animachrcrttiM 
Videlur, Gnecos ibi superktivtim pro comparativo dicere, uIh hme 
duo tfimul indicare volunt, et maius qoid esse alio, et ooHiiyo 
maximttin. iEschylus Eum. SO. xeA m rup^fiv fu rm xglv tio'tftair 
fUMfCb ifKrra Sbify. HerodotuM in. 119* ^ ica) aXkorpimrari^ roi 
rSifwal^f, Ka) l^a-cov xtj^ttpt^fUyos roS avlfi^ kri. £t ii.* 103* hs 
rwTOv$ a jttoi SoxMi xa) otf x^oSrardt kftxiriou 6 orparj^. UIm son 
debebant ediCoret quidam ov cuia perpaucis codiciiNis ^eleie. 
Conficit rem alius locus msdem scriptoris ii. 35. 9^;(0fMi» H «f{) 


V. 78. Acute observat Elmsleius, xply Mitimiiii¥m a coenante^ «f}i» 
$fiTini<rfti a coenaturo dici ; ab utroque autem diversum esse orplv Sm- 
irvf iv, quod Don esse priusquam canofverOf sed primquam cctnatum 
eo. Accuratius tamen dixisseti ut nobis videtur, perfecto slatum indi- 
cari, qui factum sequitur; aoristo p^ectionem rei; pnetfente 
initium : itaque %ph Minrnixweu esse priusquam a cana surrexerc^ 
irpXv ttnmi(rou, priusquam eanavero ; wpifinimlif, priusquam cotmem* 
Sic wghhfMmrp^cu, priusquam qttidardeat; wph ifMFpifiipfm, priu^ 
quam exarserit ; irph Ifi^wtfMrpaaiat, priusquam ineendaiur. 

Vf 80. Non erat, quare dutntareCy an Seidlerus non reote indi* 
cassel scripturam ed. Lasc. Ipsi illud exeraplum inspeximiis^ 
testamurque verum dixbse Seidlerum. 

V. 85. Hie quoque prodidit Editor clatissimus studiiim saum 
Teteres servili cuidam' regularum obsequio adstriagendi. Nan 
quunif ssepe dicant oi xXijo-iov, Herodoti locum in. 142. et Thucy* 
didis I. 32. qui singulari numero usi sunt, corruptos esse suspicatur* 
Addit autem bis legi roy xXi^o-Zoy apud Theognidem v. fiSl. et 611. 
nescimus, utnim base quoque exempla corrigenda putans^ an at 
suspicionem suam de Herodoti et Tfaucjdidis locis ipse lafoefackHr 
Muho rarius est Mftmng pro plurali : et tamen quis propteraa 
suspectiim habeat illud Thucydidis 1. 140. rAghetnlagrt^&iftpoiwmii 
Talia emendare nihil profecto est aliud, quam docere vielle eos^a 
quibus discere ipsi debemus. 

V. 87. Valde miramur offensum esse viram doetissimum la^ 
verbis, el roitrtf/ e6ini$ eSvsx od arSpyu ifotrr^p. SoloBCum enim 
putat ei sequente ed. . Itaque audacter xa) pro et posuit, quo noQ 
^abammus dicere earn et rerba pc^'tas et aententiaai conrapkar«^ 

of the Medea of Euripides. ^289 

Quid i nam putavit^ si hie tantus esset soloecismus, non id Porso* 
mim visurum fuisse ? queiii nos quideih saepe, etiam ubi taceti 
aliquld dicere animadvertimus. Magna enim ars est, o-iyay f %rov 
ifi, xa) Xiyetf rot, Hedpia. Recte ov post el poni, ubi negatio cum 
Ycrbo coniuncta notionem negativam praeberet^ cuiusmodi hie est 
q6 aripyei pro fMtrei dictum, pridem adnotatum ab nobis erat ad 
Vigerum not. 309. p. 833. Thuc3^dide8 i. 121. ^ hmv av elij, el ol 
ftfv ixehoov ^vfji^iMixo^ M iouXelei Tp ewroov ^dpovres oux iarepova'iv, 
^li,els a M rw ri/X£0{ovfP8yoi robg ix^povg xm) a^o) ijut o'AlJK'dcu cuk 
iftt, IwKK^^oiLxVj Koi M T(p f4^ vit' Ixelvwv oiroi, i^eupe$ints airtH^ 
roiroig xaxmg xcicrp^fiv. i. e. fl xaprepia-owrtv et el f eiWftatfa. Hinc 
intelliget vir jprsestantissimus, etiam tragici loco apud Aristotelem 
Rbet. If. 23. non tnedelam, sed vitium a se allatum esse, quum 
emp 10 hre) mutari voluit. Obiter adiicimus, etiam ubi el an 
significat, recte sequi ov, ut apud Platonem Protag. p. 341. GU 
(574. Heind.) si nulla est negationis ad affirmationem oppositio : 
aliter enim p^rj dicendum, ut in ipso illo, cuius modo mentio facta 
est, Aristotelis loco : Sei yeig cjcoirelv, el rw evarrtto ri havrlov trndp'" 
X^f ftvai^ovvra ftcv, f { /u^ ivapxj^r xuratniewitlovra ie, el {nrip^eu 

Haec quidem potissima sunt eonun, quas ad prologum nobis 
adnotanda videbantur. Excessimus vel sic modum paginarum, qui 
nobis pnefinitus erat : sed etiam htec sufficere poterunt ad confir- 
mandum nostrum de P. Elmsleii opera iudicium : quem virum eo 
esse ingenio videmus, ut, si se iHo regularum servitio liberaverit, 
ante multos alios Graecis litteris profotiirum confidamus. Sii; 
autem existimamus, et sua hoc quemque experientia docere potest, 
quo quis plus in litteris profecerit, eo enm paucioribiis indigere 
regulis, quas nihil sunt nisi admbiicula titubantium. Praestat ratio- 
nes regularum intelligere, quas qui perspexerunt, simul etiam, quga 
terminos regulae habeant, sciunt* 

G. 11. 



ACADEMIC ERRORS; or Recollections of Youth. 
By a Member of the University of Cambridge. London. 
Law S^ Co., 8^0. IQmo. pp. 213. 5s. 6d. bds. 

JTifis little volume is calculated^ under an unassuming title, to 
awaken serious thoughts in the breasts of parents and guardians, 
on a very iiQportant subject: nor is it less adapted for ^ the 
instruction of governors and preceptors ; if they will condescend to 
be instructed ; or can be brought to acknowledge that with the 
mental, as with the bodily constitution, the same diet is not suitable 
to all alike. The subjects principally discussed by the author are 
the received methods of teaching Latin grammar; the oom position 
of Latin verses ; the routine of studies at classical schools ; aW 
the mode of punishment, which, amid all the refinements of modem 
manners, is still kept up in our most celebrated seminaries, with 
pertinacious adherence to the very letter of their ancient statutes. 
The remarks are introduced, and connected together by means of 
an easy narrative which commences with the author^s first leaving 
^' Dulce Domum," at the age of ten years. We do not agree with 
bim that, the earlier years of our childhood are generally uninterest- 
ing to every body but ourselves. Every man experiences a certain 
degree of pleasure in recognising the feelings of his own infancy, 
through the description of another ; and every father looks forward, 
with mixed emotions, to his son's experiencing the same joys and 
sorrovffs, hopes and fears, expectations and disappointments^ which 
have checquered bis own outset in life. The recollection of the 
past is, or ou^ht to be, always beneficial to us. We cannot look 
back upon a smgle stage of our journey, without seeing perils or 
mismanagement, from which we ought to derive correction for 
ourselves, and consideration for others. The precepts of age 
come with most effect from the lips of those who have not forgot- 
ten the feelings of their youth. 

The first part of this work will be found sufficiently interesting 
to almost all ranks of life ; for almost all parents begin the educa- 
tion of their children by sending them to a minor school, though 
they may not all end it by sending them tr> the University. It 16 
not merely the present happiness of ctiiltlren v<«hich is afferted by 
the manners 'and disposition of the person to whose care they liuiy' 
he^ consigned — their moral welfare » no less intimately connected 

Notice of Academic Errors. 291 

^itb them. Our author gives a striking example of this^ in the 
characters of the two gentlemen to xihom he was at different 
periods entrusted^ during the absence of a tender and judicious 
parent ; — the first is a Mr. P.^ the master of a grammar school in the 
(country, a pedantic and narrow-minded pedagogue^ who uniformly 
guages the intellects of his pupils by their progress in the Acci- 
dence ; and whose deportment, at once tyrannical and contemptible^ 
rouses in his pupils sentiments exactly opposite to the slavish 
reverence they are compelled to counterfeit. The portrait of this 
important personage, as vvell as of his helpmate, who kindly assists' 
bis memory , when it accidentally slips an offence, and quickens his 
sagacity, when conjecture is slow to light upon an offender, how- 
ever strongly colored, is, we fear, not overcharged. Too many of 
those to whom the care of youth in its tenderest stages is confided, 
are remembered by their pupils with no other feelings than those of 
ridicule or dislike. Power is at all times a dangerous possession, and 
he who rules over children is apt to forget, in the absolute exercise 
of bis authority, and the self-importance with v\hich it invests him, 
that he may make impressions on the ductile minda around him which 
subsequent years cannot efface, and wound feelings which are just 
beginning to blow, and may be nipped in the bud by the first 
breath of unkindness. '* Months and years," says our author, 
'' have not efKiced from my recollection the disgust which Mr. P. 
took pains, as it were, to inspire. In the same manner, had I the 
elixir vitae, and could extend my existence into ages to come, I 
should never think of a subsequent preceptor without sentiments 
of gratitude, love, and admiration. When my master put his 
favorite ' Accidence' into my hands, he did it with such an air of 
importance, as would have made me regard the book as a sacred 
talisman, had any body but himself been the persop who gave it to 
me. He penciled out half a page at the beginning, which he bade 
me learn by heart, but as he took no pains to explain the meaning 
of that which 1 had to commit to. memory, it gave me no little 
difficulty to perfect myself in the lesson. How could it be other- 
wise! words and sounds which appear almost unintelligible are 
not easily remembered, and if they be, ten to one but the order of 
them is confused and misplaced, and they are repeated without any 
association of the corresponding sense ! Noun, pronoun, verb, 
participle, which are declined, adverb, conjunction, &c. &c. which 
are undeclined! What can be more difficult than for a young 
learner to comprehend the meaning of such sentences i I could 
scarcely engrave Aem on my memory, for want of understanding 
them. But had my tutor informed me that the term ^ decIined*^ 
aignifies the change which occurs at the end of a word, as ttilMf tt^ ' 
musa^ bbA mho; atrtas, while wordt tftsit are utideclined remaiii 

292. Notice nf 

unchangeably the laine ; had these, and similar explanadona^ been 
voucliBaiedj then I should have found that I was adding to my fund 
'of information by studying the rudiments of grammar." p. 15. 
. Several very judicious remarks follow, on the best method of 
teaching grammar, arithmetic, 8cc. which might easily be reduced 
%Q practice, as is shown when our author is removed by the inter*^ 
ference of an uncle, to the care of Mr. H. a clergyman, whose 
method of at once enlightening the minds, and engaging the affec- 
tions of his pupils, is represented as carried to*a degree of perfec- 
tion w hich others less fortunate in their plans, or the effects arising 
from them, may be inclined to consider as Utopian — for private 
education it is certainly most admirably adapted, the only inconve- 
nience pertaining to it, is that it requires the master himself to set 
the example to his pupils, of all that he may wish them to attain. 
Under this gentleman's care, our author recovers the graces and. 
vigor of youth, which had been exchanged, through the ignorance afid 
ill-timed severity of Mr. P. for sullen passiveness, and mechanical 
plodding. He acquires a competent knowledge of the Greek «n4 
Mtin languages ; of arithmetic, and general reading — and ^ta o% 
after some little argument betweein his parents as to the modetf 
education best calculated to advance his interests, to a celebrated 
classical school. Eager for eminence,^ and confident of success 
he acquits himself, in his first examination, highly to the ^atia&c- 
tion of his master, until he is desired to make a copy of L<atia 
verses. His declara'tion of inability is attributed to modesty, and an 
hour is allowed him for the invocation of the muse. '^ Mn"" H.*^ 
says he, '^ had several times endeavoured to give me the knack of 
^^ersifying, but when he discovered that I had no taste whatever for 
the art, he gave up the attempt altogether, and instead of suffering 
me to waste my time in an unprofitable employment, he gave me 
opportunities of exerting my talents upon subjects from which 
I liras more likely to derive advantage. In vain therefore did { 
distract my brains, rub my head, and bite my pen to pieces ; not 
a tolerable verse could I put together ; even those half sentence 
ami detached phrases from Ovid and Virgil, which I might odier- 
wise have recollected, eluded the efforts of memory ; and whep 
my examiner returned he found nothing on my paper, but line? 
scratched out, single words, large blots, unconnected adjectives^ 
verbs without nominative cases, and nominative cases witibpiil 
verbs." p. 148. This specimen of our author's poetical taleot 
speedily demolishes the proud fabric of visionary honors to wbi<fb 
hie had aspired ; he is reduced to a mere cypher in the schoolj ai^ 
lAkOugh he denies himself even his play hours, in order that he p^y 
become a poet, he finds himself unable to get b^ond a few fiae^ 
ef verse mdre incorrect and inhiirmpnioMs tbap was Aimidj^e^ |>) 

Acadindc Errors. S^ 

A% hkmC illSMate lad in die 9ehoei, y^At^ could yet fanyt&tlM kioi^ 
•elf with the. << Gtudtis ad Pamsai^uvfr.^ A disappoioiiiietit m 
ietere trataraHy leadli to aa eoquiry info the real vdiie of ibe ait^ 
wHch the mastard of Aese elassical schools seetdi to consider 
'^ although no scieace, fatrly worth the sevea/' That ou# reaNiev^ 
nay be enabled to judge, be shall state the arguments on which his 
opiaion is founded'. " When I was at ♦****," says he, "the busiaesn 
of a class, coftiposed of boys from eleven to fourteen years of ago^ 
consisted en^rety of the same subjects, Week after week, without aay 
variation. None but ancieHtau^ors were read; nodiing but Greek 
^mmar, or Latin lines were committed to memory, no exercises 
imposed, but those which initiated them in a dead language, and 
out of these, which were six in number during the week, four vrtr^ 
to be verses. Hence the study of their native tongue, an acquaintance 
with the history of their own country, religious instruction, and the 
science of arithmetic, were esteemed too insignificapt to^ be tabett 
into consideration, and while a boy was flogged for h» bad metre^ 
or wrong concord, he was not even questioned as to his profiefisncy 
io numbers, or knowledge of modem events. — It vras a matter of 
so moch consequence to know that Romulus was the foimder of 
Rome, diat disgrace would follow an incorrect answer if the query 
related to the year of his death ; but nobody was required to know 
even the name of England's king, or the form of its governments 
The youngest boy in the class must not be ignorant of the mytho^ 
logy of the golden age, while the oldest need give himscH no 
trouble to learn what were the clouds of darkness, which the sun 
of righteousness came on earth to dispel." p. 157* 

It is this sameness of plan, applied alike to all decrees of iatd* 
tect, ail varieties' of taste, that renders so large a portion of what is 
cdied Public Education positively useless, as far as any applicalioii 
^an be made of it in after life. The real utility of competting 
young persons to compose Latin verses and themes has been often 
questioned, and Milton and Locke, or Cicero and Quiiitiiian, hava 
been brought in as authorities accordingly as their respective 
opinions might strengthen arguments for or against its .bemg 
persbted in. Milton condemns it, as ** forcing the empty wita 
of children" to undertakings far beyond their, power to do weH, and 
not of any value if they are done iU — but perhaps his reverence for 
teaming here carries him too far ; as if it were profaning it td 
suffer the semblance of it to be sported with. Locke equally con«- 
demns it ; but for difierent and less worthy reasons. ''• By all 
means," says he, ** obtain, if you can, that your son be not employed 
in making Latin themes and declamations, and least of all verses 
of any kind." But the reason he gives for this injunction, viz. that 
A poetic vem is more likely to cause poverty and idleness, than to 

294 Notice of 

proOiote the fbrtuoes of him who indulges it^ is what' one wouM 
expect from such a writer as Anthony Wood^ rather than the 
philosopher by whose name it is sanctioned. That composition 
IS highly favorable to the strengthening of the reasoning faculties^ 
none can be inclined to doubt — for it teaches a clear and method- 
ical arrangement of the ideas, as well a» to connect, adorn; -and 
illustrate them. In the composition of verse^ another advantage is 
gained besides enabling the ear to distinguish all the niceties and 
beauties of rhythm. It peculiarly inculcates conciseness and 
perspicuity, a choice of words, and a propriety of epithets which must 
have a salutary effect upon every other species of writing in which 
the young student may hereafter engage : but all these. advantages 
may be purchased too dearly ; in fact, by many they could never be 
purchased at all, and surely the labor of years, and those years the 
most valuable of human life, as being those which are the freest 
from human cares, is too great a price to pay for an abortive 
attempt. It is in making Latin verses and other compositions the 
principal feature in their plan of education, and insisting upon lit 
that sdl shall make them alike, whether their skulls possess tke 
poetic faculty or not, that the principal public schools in ilm 
country appear to us to be in fault. 

But there is still another subject of complaint^ inuch more 
serious in its nature and fatal in its consequences, and which would 
i;iot have so long existed bad it not been for that blind veneration 
of classical authors that will not admit of a line being blotted. from 
their page, hovvever impious or detestable the sentiment it may 
contam. Our author speaks on this topic in a tone of virtuous 
indignation, which will surely make its appeal to all who have the 
care of youth, particularly when they recollect that he acknow- 
ledges himself to speak experimentally, to have bought his knowr 
ledge with the loss of innocence, and that he dates many of his 
subsequent sorrows to the errors of conduct he; fell into, and the 
opinions he imbibed at ♦♦***, where the study of vice was 
sanctioned, and its practice rendered familiar ; where punishments 
were merely applied pro forma , and were in themselves of. a 
iiature calculated to efface all remains of decent shame, aad 
generous feeling. 

After speaking of the neglect of instruction in the doctrines of 
Christianity, or even the ordinations of the church, though a con- 
stant obedience to its outward forms is required in these public 
schools, the masters of which are almost uniformly clergymen, 
pur author thus proceeds : *^ I speak on this subject with regret, 
and can only lament over the mischief which results from. so 
erroneous a system ; but I can scarcely keep my temper withinan^ 
bounds, when I recall the melancholy and bhocking depravity 

... Academic Errors. 295 

\rhich i& nourished at ^**** and elsewhere, by the free admission 
of licentious books into the. school I mean classical* hockn* 
There are publications in English^ which, though in6nitely less 
deptructive lo the morals of boys, than the Roman and Greek 
authors to which I am alluding, would very properly call down 
the jieaviest punishment upon him in whose hands they were found. 
But why are not pernicious works in one language to be put to 
die ban, as well as those in another ? The most abominable pas- 
sages* that have, ever been printed in English cannot be compared 
to the infamous sentiments and details which we find in Greek 
wd Latin. : The productions of Anacreon, Aristophanes, Horace, 
and Juvenal, contain matter which it is shameful for an adult to 
allew.himself to read, and yet those are the books which are not 
gply. tolerated but encouraged amongst us. I declare I blush at 
the recollection of passages which 1 have heard my school-fellows 
imdbg to one another, while they chuckled at the licence which wais 
griviljied them to peruke as much grossness as they pleased, 
provided that the author wrote in the languages of Greece or 
llome. Luscious and warm descriptions, and voluptuous images, 
aldiough they are unfit for the eyes of boyhood, are yet pardonable, 
comparatively speaking, provided that they keep within the bounds 
of nature and delicacy. But the execrable sensualists whose 
infamous pages are open to boys ' in statu pupillari,' kept within no 
limits. Nothing was too filthy or too accursed for them to dilate 
upon ; no mysteries were too sacred for them to investigate ; 
nothing was unforbidden which they did not transgress ; nothing in 
short was unveiled or untold, which ought to have been kept out 
of sight, and out of mention for ever. They gave names to what 
ought to have been nameless ; they gave existence to worse than 
bestial abominations, and excused or recommended the vilest 
practices to which man can surrender himself. And yet these are 
the authors, with all their hideous and detestable defilements, which 
are permitted to pollute the minds of those who are sent ^t a 
tender age for the acquirement of knowledge." p. 202.. Surely no 
comment is requisite on such a passage as this — ^is there any ode 
that can be so blind as to shut his eyes against the magnitude of 
the evil of which it complains ? What adds to it is that these authors, 
who have thus profaned the sacred gifts of genius and imagination 
by this foul misapplication of their powers, are held up as exam- 
ples of estimable qualities, as men, as well as poets. Horace is 
represented as the favorite of emperors ; Anacreon, the graceful 
Anacreou, binding his silver locks with roses, is set forth iss an 
example of how much old age may retain of enjoyments under the 
influence of a convivial spirit ; and all the virtues of social life are^ 

t96 On the Science ofihe Egyptians^ ^c. 

Iqr a sMnge penrerMn ot principfe^ sbowtt ts Knkod wkb to atefit 
raim and practice publicly avowed ef the grosiest vices* 

The author next deecattts upo» the method of enforeiog tlia 
aeqaifement of thit species of knowledge. Bowmg, as the lami w i 
of public schools do, lo classical authorities, in almost every oibSf 
instance, it is sotnewhat surprising that in this they persist in acting 
decidedlj against the advice of one who was fiimilkair Wtdi tt$ 
business of tuition, and has oonveyed hb sentiments on the 
subject to posterity in a style of purity and eloquence well catett^ 
laied to set off the soundness of his arguments :-^we mean Qoibt^ 
lien, who uniformly speaks in terms of reprehension against tlss 
use of the rod, an indiscriminately appKed. Our autbor^a stslle-> 
ments on the sub|ect are sufficiently strong and convincing, . aiuk 
« it will net invafidate their force when we say that the only reaeenr 
why we do not lay some of them before our readers, is that Ae 
theme itself is scarcely fit for pnbKc discussion.— -Altogether mmf 
valuable hints may be taken from this small volume, atMl^ lliii 
antbor will, we doubt not, feel a conscious satisfaction in Itattflg 
rendered some service to society even by the acknowledgm^it rf 
his own errors. 




No. VI. 

ItAViMG shown that the great Hebrew lawgiver was smygo^ 
foundly skilled in chemistry and metallurgy, as Pbilo Judssua aa^ 
Clemens Alexandrinus assert him to have been in mathemafi€^ 
arithmetic, and astronomy ; and having assumed, what I snppOSd 
no one will deny, that Moses was indebted for his human learning to 
the Egyptians ;. I shall proceed to speak of some scientific discova-i 
ries which have been attributed to the sages of Egypt. I Imm 
no intention of vouching for the reality of all of these discoveite^ 
My readers will judge for themselves of the credibifity wfaidi ia 
due to the different statements, which I shall have to make on tlw 

Eg^pdamt and Ciuddeans. 


aaAority of various writers. Upoo the whole/ however^ I tbiok 
dMt the esambation of the subjects^ wbidi I propose to consider^ 
amy tend 4o throw light upon the early history of science. 


I begin with the transmutation of metals ; because of all the arts 
ttokuown to the moderns^ and attributed to the Egyptians, the 
existence of this is the most doubtful and the most disputed. 
For my own part I am not indined to put much faith in the 
assertions of alchemists; but since the really great Boerhaave has 
said, that the transmutation of the baser metals into gold ought not 
to be pronounced impossible, let us at least listen to the arguments 
of those who contend that the !^yptians possessed this art. 

It is argued, that we have no just reason for concluding that this 
art never did, and never could exist, because it has never been 
practised in modern times. There were many persons, who on 
similar grounds questioned the effects of the burning glass, the 
invention of which was attributed to Archimedes, by the Greeks, 
vntil M: de Buffon removed the doubt by constructing the instru* 
ment. The modems laughed at the Greeks for saying that the 
Egyptians, by placing eggs in an oven, produced chickens from 
them ; but at length M. Reaumur performed the same apparent 
miracle by the same simple means, and then it was acknowledged 
diat there was no very good reason for laughing at a fact, which 
did honor to the ingenious industry of an ancient people. The 
chemists of our days have made some discoveries, but perhaps 
fewer than some of them think. Nature has many secrets. He 
must be a bold man who says he knows them all, and he can 
scarcely be a modest one, who fancies that of all the arts known 
to the ancients he is ignorant of none. 

1. The Egyptians, it is contended, could not have possessed 
much gold, by any of the ordinary means by which that metal is 
obtained. The sta^jpents made by Diodorus Sicuhis are disputed. 
It is denied that mudi gold dust is brought down by the Nile, or 
that gold is found deposited in the slime. . Neither is it true that 
figypt was ever rich in mines of gold. Tlie assertion of Animian is 
absurd, when he says, (furum eliciebant jRgjfptu .ex-onmibm 


298 Oh the Science of the 


fere materihy potissimum vero ex saxis omnis generis, et ex Rmo 
Nilotico. It was the policy of the kings of ^jpt, say tlie writers 
whose arguments 1 am stating, to make it be believed that tiie 
country abounded in mines of gold, in order to divert attention 
from the mighty mystery of the Hermetic art. 

2. The Egyptians could not have collected much gold by war 
or by commerce. The history of Sesostris is a fable. All the 
countries bordering on Egypt were poor. A people who had no 
fleets of their own, who rarely quitted their native soil, and who 
avoided strangers, were not likely to enrich themselves either by 
commerce or by conquest. 

3. Whence then, it is asked, came the amazing wealth of Cgypt? 
See in Herodotus and Diodorus what is said of the building of the 
great pyramid : 360,000 men were employed during 30 years in 
raising that stupendous fabric. The expense of the work must 
have been enormous ; and one very singular item is mentioned by 
the Greek historians. The charge for garlick and onions for the 
workmen amounted to l600 silver talents, about 600,000 poundi 
sterling. What prodigious sums must have been expended on the 
temples, on the labyrinth, on the lake Moeris ? The golden cirek 
which surrounded the spacious tomb of Osymandias, and Mhich 
M'as one cubit in breadth and S65 in circumference, argues a pro- 
fusion of wealth of which we cannot form any adequate idea. 
Such indeed vvas the abundance of gold and silver, that the hunter 
formed his weapons, and the laborer his tools of these metals. 
But the question still remains unanswered — whence came this 
abundance of gold and silver ? It is in vain that the Greek histo- 
rians talk of mines. Where did they exist i How does it happen 
that neither curiosity nor cupidity can discover any traces of them 
in the Egyptian territory f -^ 

4. It appears that the Persian kings carried away all the gold 
which they could find in Egypt. When Herodotus . was in that 
country during the reign of Artaxerxes, there seems to have been 
ver}' little gold in the possession of the inhabitants. But the 
second Ptolemy had not been long upon the throne before the 
wealth of Egypt "became again the wonder of the world. The 
treasures amassed by that Prince exceed all calculation, and he 
exhibited such riches on the day of his pomp, as Rome in all her 

Egyptians and Chaldeans. 299 

gIoi7 never beheld collected together. Athenaeus has given us a 

very long and detailed account of this pomp. The golden plate^ 

which was used for the fedsty without counting any of the objects 

to l>e mentioned presently, amounted in weight to 10,000 talents^ 

(about. 1,1 30,000 Lib.) and was besides adorned with all sorts of 

precious stones. When the procession went forth through the 

streets of Alexandria, the attention of the spectators was attracted. 

from sun-rise to sun-set, by a continued blaze of gold and jewels^ 

Jt would be much too long to enumerate the goblets, bowls, 

basons, vases, censers, thyrsi, trophies, images, statues, columns, 

and altars of gold, which succeeded each other in rapid and 

dazzling succession. We may however remark two golden -eagles 

15 cubits in height, 64 suits of armour, QO shields, 100 beds, 200 

tripods, all of gold; besides 3200 golden crowns, 80 of which 

were adorned, with the most costly gems. Then came the most 

extraordinary object of this extraordinary pomp. If this object, 12o 

cubits in length, and six in thickness, were all cased in gold, as 

Athenaeus indicates to have been the fact, it would be vain to 

calculate the value. The procession was closed by Ptolemy and 

his Queen, drawn in golden cars. Let us next hear what Josephus 

says of the price, which this same Ptolemy paid for the Greek 

translation of the Pentateuch. Besides the rewards bestowed on 

the High Priest and the 72 interpreters, the king of Egypt made 

such presents to the Jews for the service and decoration of their 

temple, as exceed all other examples of princely munificence. 

Among these presents may be remarked 100 golden talents (about 

64,800/.,) for oflFering a sacrifice-=-20 golden basons adorned with 

jewels — a golden table for the show-bread. This table was two 

cubits in length, one in breadth, and one and a half in height, nor 

would it be easy to estimate the vJue, so beautiful were the 

ornaments, and so rich the materials. Here fruits and flowers 

were imitated by gems of every hue. A vine interwoven among 

the sculptured work hung round in festoons ; and the tendrils of 

this vine, drawn out of the golden branches into curling wires, 

were so light and so fine that they trembled in the breeze. A 

golden crown was worked on the borders of the table ; rods set 

with precious stones ran along the edges ; and a zone of stars, that 

sent forth the rays of the ruby, the diamond^ and the emerald. 

300 On the Science of the 

encircled the whole. Josephus insiAuates in Tain, that Ptolemj 
was guided by piety alone in this singular transaction. No liiotive 
of religion^ or even of policy, appears to have influenced his conduct* 
He wished to display his magnificence to Judea, to Egypt, aad to 
the world. He gave as much for one book as would have purchased 
a million. 

How^ say the writers to whom I refer, did Ptolemy Philadelpfaus 
acquire these riches ? The mines of Peru, of Mexico, and of India, 
would have scarcely supplied, within a period of less than fifty years, 
the treasures in gold and precious stones, which were amassed by the 
two first Ptolemies. There is no other way of accounting for this 
sudden accumulation of wealth, add the same authors, than by suppos- 
ing, that the priests of Egypt had preserved by tradition the great 
secret of the Hermetic art, and had imparted it to the Gieek 
monarchs, who relieved them from the Persian yoke. 

5. It is well known, continue these authors, that the Egypijn 
priests concealed their knowledge fiom the vulgar, and that for Ha 
purpose they not only employed hieroglyphical writing and a sacred 
language, but communicated their scientific discoveries to the 
initiated through the medium of enigmas, fables, and allegories. 
With respect to the art of making gold, if such an art really existed, 
the wisdom of concealing it cannot be questioned ; and it must be 
confessed, that the singular care with which the Egyptians of the 
higher orders veiled their knowledge from the public, can hardly 
be accounted for, if it were only their object to hide their specu- 
lative opinions from the people. The Greeks and Romans, who 
rarely understood the mysterious mythology of the E^ptians 
altered and embellished it after their own maqner. Still however 
some of them saw through the cloud, . and explained in a rational 
and philosophic manner those enigmatical fables, which the 
vulgar took in the literal sen;5e, and considered as the recorded 
truths of sacred history. But most of these fables were nothing 
else than allegories, relating to various subjects, both physiciU 
and metaphysical— to astronomy, to agriculture, to chemistry, 
and to the nature of the gods. The absurd system of Euhe- 
^rus was invented lo please the successors of the preteiided 
•on of Auimon ; and it was probably adopted by later Pagans, 
who desired to (latter those Emperors of tlie Romans, wfae 

Egyptians and Ckaidedns. SOI 


aspired to the honors of tlie apotheosis. The Egyptiao priests 
were possibly not sorry to explain, according to this system, 
the origin of profane theology ; but the doctrine of Euhemerus is 
now as generally as it is justly exploded. The mythology of 
Egypt was nothing else than an allegorical or entiblematic^l 
account of the system of science and of nature. In this account, 
it is contended, the chemical discoveries of the 'Egyptians ought to 
have had their place. Every person, who knows any thing about 
ancient mythology, is of course acquainted with the writings of 
Saliust the philosopher. We ought then to examine, if among 
the fables, which Saliust would have called jnixed^ there be any, 
which relate to our subject. The writeri^ whose arguments 1 
continue to state, are of opinion that the story of Jason and the 
Oolden Fleece is precisely in point. This is a mixed fable, which 
is astronomical in one sense, and chemical in another; but this 
fable is of Egyptian, not of Greek invention. The position of the 
ship Argo in the heavens would render this assertion evident, were 
we even without the authority of Plutarch for saying, that this 
constellation is of Egyptian origin. Canopus, the great star at the 
helm, is not visible beyond So"*. N. L. Now the.chemical sense 
of the fable, say the alchemists, is so dear, that some ancient Greek 
author, of whom Suidas, according to his cus{tom, probably bor- 
rowed the language, thus expresses himself — ^Dff6fMt}J>^v Ugag'^ 
rouTO Se ov)^ wg 9roii}Tixco; ^ipireu, oMm ^i^kIov ijy Iv UgiMM'i f^poL^ 
fbfyov, iripii^ov Sw0$ Sfiy/vfo^aiSia^^ij^/a^^^gua-oV — Golden Fleece — 
this is not what it is poetically said to be, but it was a book written 
on skins^ containing the mode of making gold by the aid ofckemis- 
ry. The alchemists have explained ^hat was m^ant by the 
dragon, and the oxen with brazen feet, which guarded the golden 
fleece ; nor is their explanation without some show of plausibility : 
but I wonder that they have neglected to cite a passage in Hesiod 
about M^dea, and anodier passage in ApoUonius Rhodius, in which 
it 18 said that the ram which carried Phrixus was converted into 
gold by Mercury. 

6. But it is positively asserted, that the art of making gold was 
taught in Egypt ; and that this art, which was known at Rome in 
the time of Augustus, was practised there in the reign of Caligula. 
I tip tme that tha process, as carried on at Romei a^Qean to b]i!<i«. 

302 On the Science of the ^ 

been imperfect ; but still the fact remains, that gold was made; 
This assertion is founded on the respectable. testimony. of Piiny.r-^ 
aurum faciendi est etiam una ratio ex auri-pigmerdo ; invitave" 
ratque spes Caium, Principem avidmimum auri ; quamobrem, 
jussit excoqui magnum pondus ; ut plane fecit aurum excellens ; sed 
ita parvi ponderisy ut detrimentum sentiret, illud propter avari^ 
tiam expertus; quamquam auri-pigmenti libne XI^ permutaren^ 
tur. (L, 34. 4.) Suidas appears to have copied the following 
article from some older Greek author— ;^|utg/a — yj tcu apyo^u xal 

dt» roL veoongKrievra AlyuTrrloic, — JioxXijriavoh— ^owtok uvrifuipcog xal 
^oivixooj e^pri<rotTO' on Ss xeii rot, icifi ^tjjxs/a^ ;^puo*«0 Ttcii St^upov toij 
icaXaioi^ysypaiJ^iLivoL ^i^Kla ii€pwvri(rafji,8vo$, eKaixre, vpog to /aijxsti ttXmh 
Tov Alywrrlois Ix t?j toiuutti^ ^pocyhsfriou rlp^wj^, jxijSe ^grjfJiJcTwy ovurois 
ia^povvra^ irff^ioucr/oe roO Xoitou 'PcDjxafoi^ oLyraipuv. Che7nistry (or 
more properly, what we generally mean by alchemy ;) — the conjur 
tion of silver and gold ^ of which Diocletian having sought out tht 
hooks, caused them to be burnt, on account of the innovations thai 
might be attempted against him by the Egyptians, whom he had 
roughly and cruelly treated ; and having therefore sought out the 
hooks written by the ancients concerning the chemical cotifection 
of gold and silver, he caused them to be burnt, in order that the 
Egyptians might neither procure wealth by this art, nor growing 
bold from their opulence, afterwards revolt from the Romans. 

7. It is well kjiown that much of the learning of the school of 
Alexandria was transmitted to the Arabians ; and it would seem 
that the Arabians Had preserved some traditions concerning the 
existence of an art, by which the baser metals were converted into 
gold. Without appealing to the emerald table of Hermes^ or to 
the treatises on alchemy ascribed to Avicenna and Geber, which 
are probably all forgeries, we cannot doubt that the first alche- 
mists, who appeared in Europe, took not only their nomenclature, 
but their absurd metaphors and allegories from the Arabians. 
Thus Raymond LuUy employs the curious corruptions recfage, 
adalphar, &c. ; and talks of drowning the dragon of the Arabian 
deisart, in the red sea, or the dead sea, I forget which. It may 
have possibly happened with this art, as with some others, that: it 
ooce existed, i^nd has been lost. Ko^ B«c^x\ b^Vkvei in the ^si- 

Egyptians and Chaldeans. 363 

stble transmutation of the baser metals into gold ; and his reason- 
ing amounted to this — Since carriages have been moved without 
the aid of animals — since boats have been impelled through the 
water without oars or sails — since men have been transported 
through the air — since very distant and very minute objects may- 
be made perfectly clear to vision by means of glasses — and since 
the effects of thunder have been produced by a few grains of pow- 
der — how can it be contended that the transmutation of metals is 
impossible ? In evt;ry one of these instances Bacon spoke of what 
had no existence in his own time. He had therefore received the 
knowledge which he possessed of various arts from tradition^ when 
those arts themselves had ceased for ages to be cultivated. Time 
has iiKleed renewed the existence of all of them^ with the exception 
oi that by which the baser metals were converted into gold. The 
contemporaries of Roger Bacon were greatly mistaken* when they 
argued^ thbt what was not done in their days could never have been 
done, unless^ as some of them thought^ by the aid of magic. We 
have now steam-boats^ balloons, telescopes, and microscopes ; and 
we smile at the ignorance of our ancestors, who believed that 
Bacon's assertions could only be verified by the assistance of the 
devil. But are we sure that we are much wiser ourselves, when 
we pronounce the art of making gold to be utterly fallacious, and 
the practice of it impossible, merely because we have not discovered 

8. It has been asserted, that the art of making gold was never 
heard of until after the time of Constantine, and that in fact it was 
never any thing better than the dream of some idle spirits in the 
dark ages. But the passage, which has been quoted from Pliny, 
contradicts this assertion ; and the following passage in Manilius 
(who tlorished in the time of Augustus) evidently refers to the 
Hermetic art. 

— scrutari caca met alia ^ 
D.eposita8 et opesy terraque exurere venas, 
Maleriemque manu certa duplicarier arte. 

g. The ancient Egyptians cultivated the sciences for more than 
fifteen centuries. The moderns have not been employed quite so long 
in the spime pursuits. It seems strange then that they should, fanc)[ 

S04 On the Science of the 

that they have advanced much further. You say, you can do iilf 
that the ancients couid do in chemistry and a great deal more. 
Perhaps not so much as you think. Can you compose a cemeat, 
ijvhich shall be as hard and as durable as the stones it unites i You 
cannot ; but you contemn so vulgar and mechanical a secret. Can 
you render glass malleable I You cannot ; and therefore you say 
that the thing is impossible. But Dio Cassius affirms that this 
was achieved in the time of Tiberius, who cruelly ordered Ae 
fabricator to be put to death. Pliny, it is true, expresses m doubt 
about the fact, but he admits that the report about it was very general. 
The Arabians certainly believed that the Egyptians possessed the 
art of making glass flexible ; and /&7i Jbd Alhokm mentions glass 
that would bend and not break, among the articles enclosed by 
Saurid in the western pyramid. It is well known that glass at a red 
heat is perfectly ductile ; and that when the process of refrigeratiot 
is carried on sfowly, the glass is less fragile than when tbe sam 
process is conducted too rapidly. In order to render the vitreoai 
matter yet less brittle when cooled^ the workmen mix the oxyd of 
lead with it, while it is yet in a state of fusion. How then can wt 
be positive, that some other combination might not render glass as 
malleable as gold ? Pliny mentions another fact, about wbicb he 
expresses no doubt at all. The Egyptians dipped a piece of white 
linen or cotton, prepared for the purpose, in a boiler^ and drew it 
out again dyed with various colors, according to the pattern designed 
by the artist. You cannot do this. Will you therefore deny the 
facti^ Prosper Alpin says^ that on opening an ancient Egyptian 
tomb, he found a sprig of rosemary as well preserved as the day it 
was pulled. Perhaps y.ou will say that Prosper Alpin did not tell 
truth ; and that no chemical preparation can preserve the vegetable 
life of the branch cut off from the parent stock • This will certainly 
be the easiest way of disposing of his testimony, which might 
otherwise embarrass you. But what have you to say about the 
mumniies ? Will you engage to embalm a dead body^ that shall not 
moulder into dust during the lapse of twenty centuries i 

Having thus arranged, and set oiF, with what advantage I could, 

the arguments of those who think that the ancient Egyptians were 

possessed of the art of converting the baser nfetals into gold, I sliall 

h^ve my readers to decide \Vie cjues^voti fot xVv^m'wliea* For my 

Egyptmns and Chaldeans. S05^ 

own party though I do not believe that the art of making gold haa 
ever been known in modern times, yet I will not say that^ it never 
could exist. I leave this sentence to be pronounced by those^ who 
have either more knowledge^ or less modesty than Boerhaave, 


In a former number of the Classical Journal I stated it as mj 
opinion^ that Homer took the idea of the shield of Achilles from ai 
model which he had seen in Egypt. M. Goguet thought that this 
model existed in Asia; and he expresses his belief that Homer hsKt. 
never been in Egypt. But this opinion is contrary to that both of 
Piodorus Siculus and of Plutarch. We may observe that the con^* 
atellations of the Wain and of Orion were depicted on the shield 
with the Sun and Moon. This ^eems to refer to Egyptian mytho- 
logy. The Sun was the symbol of Osiris, and the Moon of Isis, 
Orion was the constellation of Horus, and the Wain of Typhon. 

But it is of little in^portance to my general argument^ whether 
the model, from which Homer took his idea of the shield of 
Achilles, was seen by the poet at Thebes or at Tsidon. , I am 
satisfied iii agreeing with*M. Goguet, that the model could not 
have been found among the Greeks. It is however very surprising^ 
that such a model should have existed ^t all, at a period when, 
according to our modern philosophers^ the arts and sciences wer^ 
in their infancy. Without speaking of the sculpture^ we may. 
remark that the combination, the soldering, and the coloring of the 
metals could not have been effected without a great knowledge of 
metallurgy. Tiiere were four metals employed — brass, (or ratbejr, 
bronze,) tin, silver, and gold, The figures of men, animals, &c. 
must have been first carved, or ca$t, and then soldered upon tb^; 
plane of the shield, or else inlaid. Some of the objects must hav9 
been soldered upon others: as the silver balustrade round the vin^* 
yard — the grapes on the* vines, 8cc. But the most extraordinary 
part of the whole is the coloring of the metals. Besides white* 
and yellow, and shades of brown, which the metals might tbem- 
jselves have produced without the aid of art, otb^ colors art 
distinctly marked and mentioned. First the color of blood, which 
Homer denotes by a word, which the translators choose to render 

306. On the Science of the » 

Mack. But Homer, though blind iu his old age^ bad had the use 
of his eytH in his youth, and therefore he could never have 
fancied that blood is black. Tlie word fttXa; sighiiies dark- 
colored. In the Odyssey, Uonter, in speaking of a fountain^ uses 
the words /xeXav vdcop. Are we tlierefore to conclude, that this 
water was as black as iuk? Sufely not. The epithet pimply 
implies that the color was dark ; and when it is applied to blood, 
it indicates that the color of the blood was dark-red^ or purple. 
The mantle of Fate was red, the grapes were purple, and 
the oxen were dun. Now how were these colors to be pro- 
duced by the four metals mentioned above ? It is well known that 
oxygen is necessary to the developement of caloric ; and perhaps 
it is not less so to the developement of the lucid principle. Cer- 
tain it is at least, that metals are colored by oxydation ; that in to 
say, they are colored as they absorb oxygen, either in conisequence 
of the application of heat, or of the application of an acid. But 
here two difficulties occur — how could the colors required be 
given to the metals in question by oxydating them f — and how could 
those colors be rendered fixed i The dun color of the oxen might 
be rendered by the bronze having a more than usual proportion of 
copper mixed with the tin. For the red mantle, the tin might, by 
very great heat, be brought to assume the appearance of a ruby- 
colored vitrification. The same metal being placed in a dissolu- 
tion of gold, will take from the precipitate of the gold a purple 
color; but this color requires to be fixed. M. Goguet says the 
grapes might have been of steel ; but Homer has enumerated 
the metals employed ; and if we quit his authority, we may say 
any tiling we please. I admire the pretty colored engraving, which 
M. Quatrem^re. has lately published of the shield of Achilles; 
but I think it rather too gaudy. The description of the shield 
seems certainly to indicate, that chemistry and metallurgy mu3t 
have been farther advanced before the days of Homer, than the 
modems are generally disposed to allow. Even Goguet, who. 
thought that the Phoenicians had not sufficient nautical skill to have 
sailed from Spain to Britain, yet testifies his admiration of the art^ 
which could have produced such a work as the shield of Aohiile9« 

. t ji 

Egyptians and Chaldeans. 307. 

THE mariner's COMPASS. 

The invention of the Mariner's compass is generally attributed 
to Flavio Gioja of Amalfi, who lived in the 14th century. That 
this Gioja improved the compass may be easily admitted ; but I 
think it impossible to acknowledge him for its inventor. One 
Brunet^ in his old French^ gives the following c^irious description 
of a magnet which had been shown to him in the ISth century 
by Roger Bacon— -La magtiete pierre hide et noire ou ele fers 
volontiers se joint, fon touche ob une aiguillet, et en festue I'on 
Jischie* Puis fon mette en Paigue, et se fient dessus,et lapointe se 
tome contre restoile, qnand la vuit fut tembroiis, et Con ne voit 
estoile ne lune, poet li mariner tenir droite voie. This old French 
is at least intelligible ; and I wished to give it in the original ortho- 
graphy^ But the mariner's compass was known before the time of 
Roger Bacon. Take the following verses, which were written in 
the 12th century, as a proof: 

Vn art font, qui mentir ne pent 
Par la vertu de la mariniere, 
Une pierre laide et bruniere 
Ou lifers volontiers se joint, 
Ont, si esgardent Ic droit point ; 
Puisgu' une aguille ont touchee, 
Et infestus Von couchie 
En Veve le mettent sans plus, 
Et lefestus la tiennent dessus. 
• Puis se tourne la pointe toute 
Contre Vestoile, si sans doute, 
Queja nul horn rien doutera, 
I^eja por rien nefaussera ; 
Quand la mer est obscure et brune 
Quand ne voit ne estoile ne lune, 
Dontfont a r aguille allumer. 
Puis n'ont ils garde d^esgarer, 
Contre P estoile va la pointe. 

But it seems difficult to imagine that the properties of tlie 
magnetic needle were first discovered in the IStb century— in aa 

306 On the Science of the 

age of intellectual darkness. Is it not more probable, that the use 
and knowledge of the magnet \verc brought from the East? Some 
writers have fancied that the Greeks and Romans were no strangers 
to all the properties of the magnet. Albertus Magnus has indeed 
Qppealed to a passage in the treatise de lapidihus attributed to 
Aristotle, which would leave no doubt on the subject, were 
that treatise genuine. 1 shall have to spdak afterwards of thjS 
testimony of Albertus ; but in the mean time I must observe, that 
though the Greeks and Romans knew that the magnet, attracts, 
iron, yet beyond this their knowledge does not appear to have gone. 
We are therefore under the necessity of admitting, either that the 
polarity of the magnetic needle was happily and wonderfully 
discovered by the* Europeans, at a period when they were plunged 
in tl|e grossest ignorance, or that the knowledge of this important 
feet vfBs communicated to them by the Orientalists. But had the 
discovery been made by the Europeans, it is strange that the name 
of the inventor should remain unknown. The Cardinal de Vitry, 
who wrote about the year 1200, seems to indicate that the western 
nations were indebted to the Indians for the knowledge of this 
curious secret of nature. He Mtributes the properties of the load- 
stone to the diamond ; and this mistake only serves to show, that 
the Europeans had heard of the virtues of the magnet, before they 
well knew what ,the magnet was. Adamas in India reperitur, 
says the Cardinal ; ferrum occulta quadam ngtura ad se trahit. 
Acus ferrea postquam adamantem contigerit, ad stellam septen- 
triona/enif qucB velut axisfirmamenti. aliis vergentibus non movetur, 
semper convertitur, unde valde necessaria est navigantibus. 
That the poles of the magnetic needle, when it can turn freely, 
are always nearly directed to the poles of the earth, is a fact with 
wHhich the Bramins assert that their ancestors were acquainted from 
remote antiquity. The Chinese make a similar pretension. The 
author of the Spectacle de la Nature says, that the Indians and 
Chinese knew nothing of the magnetic needle, until they ^ere 
informed of its properties by Marco Paolo. It is then singular 
enough that this traveller should be generally supposed to have 
Jcnown nothing on the subject himself, until he had visited die 
EttBt, I may be told, that the Orientalists obtained their ktknv- 
Mgtt from the Europeans, and then foc|<ed histories to prpte ti»t 

Eg^ptium »^d Chaliitans. SQ9 

they were indebted for th^is knowledge to their ancestors alotie. 
This node of reasoning in, I believe, not iincoimnoft ; but I Giii9> 
not think it either just or oosdid. In the oast before us w6i have 
evidenfce which deserves attentbo. In tbe Chinese Chroaick^ 
which was compiled by the late Emperor KieB^Loog, it is staled 
that the Emperor Hoang^tiy who lived more than £000 yeaors 
before our ebra^ caused a oar to be constructedi upon which a 
figure was placed, and diis figure always pointed tp the souths 
whatever might be the direction in which the car Was driven. It is 
likewise recorded in the Chinese annals, that a similar car was 
constructed in the time of Hien-toung, about 1000 years ago. It 
seems pretty evident, that the figure must have been fixed upon a 
magtietic rod of iron, which could turn freely round, like the 
needle in the mariner's compass. This rod would always point, 
when it rested, north and south ; smd it would depend on the 
artist to make the figure point either to the one pole, or to the 
other, as he chose. Now this fact is not related as if it were 
intended to prove to the Europeans, that the Chinese had been 
acquainted with , the magnetic needle from remote antiquity. A 
story forged for this purpose would most probably have repre- 
sented the figure as always pointing to the north ; and some 
allusion at least would have been made to the magnet. Biit there 
is nothing of this. The circumstance is simply mentioned ; and it 
is left to the reader to account for it as he can. 

If tlie properties of the magnetic needle were known from re- 
mote antiquity to the Indians and the Chinese, we can hardly 
suppose that the Egyptians and the Phoenicians were ignorant of 
them. M. Goguet indeed telh us, that the Phoenicians were so 
little skilled in navigation that they never ventured to sail from the 
coast of Spain, whither they had certainly penetrated, to the 
British islands. The learned author finds tin for the Greeks and 
Phoenicians, in Asia and Africa ; and the Casseterides may be any 
where but on the coast of Cornwall. This opinion evidently pro- 
ceeded from the contempt in which M. Goguet held the attain* 
ments of the Egyptians and Phoenicians in nautical affairs. But 
we have too many proofs that the Phoenicians must have had a 
direct communication both with South-Britain and with Ireland, t« 
be swayed by the ^eulimeots of this learned ^imt prej)idic»d wiUtec^ 

3 10 On the Science of the 

There can however be no question at all, that the Phoenicians 
sailed beyond the pillars of Hercules. I shall say nothing here of 
.the Atlantis of Plato^ or of the.Anierican tribes/ whose dialedSi 
according to Mr. Adams^ contain many words .tlmt are purt 
Phoenician, and whose religion bears so much resemblance to that 
of the eastern idolaters. It is sufficient to remark^ that the Phoe- 
nicians made voyages which were so long, and which must, have .been 
so perilous, that it is difficult to imagine that they were really 
unskilful navigators. We are told by modem authors, however, 
that these navigators had no. other guides than their knowledge of 
die coasts, and tlie observation of the stars in the constellations of 
the Wain and of Ursa Minor, But when the Phoenicians con- 
ducted the fleets of Solomon to Ophir — when they navigated 'die 
Indian Ocean, it was surely not by observing the northern con- 
stellations that .they reached the shores of Taprobana. In the 
time of Pharaoh Nechos a fleet sailed from the Red Sea,' and 
returned to Egypt .by the Mediterranean. The navigators of this 
fleet must have doubled the Cape of Good Hope, where only. one 
of the seven stars of the Wain can be seen, and where Ursa Mvfor 
is never visible at all. . «,. « 

With respect to the opinion of Goguet, who thought that the 
Phoenicians had never reached the shores qf Britain, merely because 
he likewise thought that tl)eir nautical skill was insufficient . to 
carry them thither, I so entirely differ from it, that I believe, that 
they extended their voyages to the North far beyond the British 
isles, even to the neighbourhood of the Arctic circle. Pytheas of 
Marseille, who florished before the time of Alexander, pretended 
that he had sailed so far to the North that at the summer solstice 
the sun did not set at all. Strabo treiits this account as an. idle 
tale : and indeed it is little probable that the Greeks, or any of their 
colonists, fitted out a fleet, or even a ship, for Uie purpose of 
exploring the northern ocean. The Greek historians would not 
have passed over such an undertaking in silence. But. there can be 
little doubt, I think, that the voyage which Pytheas described^ 
must have been made. A navigator who had never quitted the Medi« 
terranean, could scarcely have fancied that the sun. does not set 
at the summer solstice m.the Arctic regions. Besides, the account 
of the land discovered seems to indicate that the navigators must 

Ej^tiam and Chaldeans. 311 

have approacfaod the coast of Iceknd. But irho ^were ikmt 
navigators? Not the Greeks^ because their historians saj aolbig 
of such an expedition. X conclude therefore^ that the Phcenicians^ 
the ablest maffiners of the ancient worlds were those to whom the 
honor of the enterprise should be attributed. 

Is it too nrach for the jealous pride of modem science to admits 
that the Egyptians and Phcenicians might have possessed an instru- 
ment resembling the mariner*s compass 1 Alb^rtus Magnus^ who 
florisfaed in the 1 3th century, has cited a passive from a treatise attri- 
buted to Aristotle. This passage probably did not come from the 
pen of the Stagirite, but was translated from the Arabic by Albertus. 
Certain it is diat such a treatise, purporting to be a version of Aris* 
totte, still exists in the Arabic langui^. The wonb, as Albertus 
gives them, run thns-««iigif/t<s nuignetis mjutdam est, cujm wUa 
epprekendeadiferrum est ad zoron, hoc est septentrionalem, et hoq 
utuntur nauta; angulus vero alius magnetis illi oppositus trahitad 
dphron, id est polum meridionalem, et si approximesferrum versus 
unguium zoran convertit seferrum ad zoron, et si ad oppositum an^ 
gulum approximesy convertit se directe ad aphron. I conceive that 
this sentence conveys the sense of some ancient Oriental tradition con- 
cerning the magnet and the magnetic needle. The words zoron and 
aphron have generally been considered as barbarous terms, which 
cantnot be traced to any polite language. The celebrated Andres, in his 
history of literature, holds a different opinion. He says that these ' 
are corruptions from the Arabic words giarun, a hot wind, and avrun^ 
the north. It is not always easy to tell what words ai'e meant, when w- 
thors employ European characters for the expression of Oriental 
sounds; but I cannot think the guess of Signor Andres a very happy 
one. Mr. Hager says, quantunqueis nonabbiajinora trovaio eke 
giarun si usi per il meriggio; avr, o colla nunnazione^ avrun^ e 
parola Araba, la quale, secondo i due piU celebri lessicogrqfi 
Arabi, vuol dire settentrione ; e zohr, o zuhr, i altresi un termine 
Ardbo, che signi/ica meriggio, siccome zohar lo vuol dire in 
Ebraico. That the two poles were named zoron and aphron in 
Arabic is confirmed by the testimony of Vincent de Beauvais, who 
lived in the ISdi century, and who is cited by Mr. Hager; but f 
think this last writer would have hardly ventured on the explanation.' 
which be offers of these words, had Vie aefcu ^^ ^%»»s^ h^kv^ V 

312 On the Science of the '^ 

have quoted from Albertus Magnut, who sajrs that 2oro» signified 
the Dorth^ and aphron the south. There can be no doubt that j>f\ 

signifies the north, and that if we add the tenwan, we may pro* 

nounce a/-«vrojv. Again, if the word j^lo be read ^^^ we may 
pronounce tsaran, though an Arabian would probably pronounce 
dhsaran. This word signifies the middle of the day. But Mr« 
Hager's explanation directly contradicts the assertion of the ' 
Arabian author from whose treatise Albertus quotes. iThough it 
be true, that al'^vr, or al^avron, signifies the north, it also signi- 
fies heat; and a hot wind is called \ in Arabic. But this was 

also the ancient name of the sun in the same langOage, and 
accordingly it bears that signification in the book of Job* I 
would however rather consider i\ as the radical letters in jlphron 

or perhaps only j. It is true that we shall find no word either 

in Arabic or Hebrew, which gives us a name for the south under 
this form; but let us observe that jiAraA, or phardh, signifies to 
be fruitful; the country of the south, to which the fleets of 
Solomon sailed, was called H&tk Ophir ; the name of Aphriea^ 
or Africa^ was chosen for the hottest portion of the globe; and an 
inhabitant of that country was called Afer. The Egyptian words 
equivalent to h ^Xio^ and to 6 voro^ were phre and phrea. WiA 
respect to the word zoran, I believe it to have been really an 
ancient Arabic word. *ltD is clearly a formative from "iT or TV; and 
at Job xxxvii. 9. we have the following words — TXStID NUJI ' f im I P 
rnp OntOty) — out of the south Cometh the whirlwind, and 
cold out of the north. Upon the whole then I am inclined to think, 
that aphron and xoron ought not to be considered as words coined 
by Albertus, and adopted by Vincent, in the I3th centuiy. They 
seem to be really of Oriental origin. 

Mr. Hager observes, that Renaudot and Azuni are mistaken 
when they state that the Orientalists call the mariner's compass by 
a name resembling the Italian word bussola. Im btusold, says be^' 
chiamasi ora kible name (x«Ij jJLaS) chibre name f^\2 ^^j 
ora kutub name fy^ v^S) ^'^ quelle tre lingue (Arabic, Turldsb, 
and Persian) : siccome in Cinese si dice ora kepwm^ i>ra hkuigp 

Egyptians and Chaldeans. 313 

sci-nan, per nulla dire di altri popoli Orientali. I cannot con- 
Arm Mr. Hager's statement from my owrn knowledge^ but he refers 

to Meninski. Certainly, however, ^^JH aUkutub is the name of the 


polar star" in Arabic; and kutub name appears to signify that 
which tells or indicates the polar star. I have not been able to find 
the Chinese words, which Mr. Hager has adduced, in the dic- 
tionary of D^ Guignes ; but this may be my fault. It can scarcely 
however be doubted, that the Chinese were acquainted with the 
polarity of the magnetic needle from remote antiquity. (Martini 
Histor. Sinic. L. 4. Maila Hist. G6n. de la Chin^e. See also Bar- 
row's Travels, Vol. 3.) 

From the observations ^nhich 1 have already made, I think it must 
be admitted that the ancient Orientalists Virere acquainted with the 
use of the mariner's compass, or with an instrument which was similar 
to it. Shall we say that the Chinese were the inventors of this 
instrument? Their claims are more ancient than those of the 
Arabians ; but yet I cannot bring myself to believe that China 
was the cradle of the sciences. It is made quite clear by Gaubil, 
that the Chinese had observed an eclipse of the Sun 2155 years 
before Christ ; and that their astronomical charts of very ancient date 
contained many stars, which are invisible without the help of the 
telescope. But though they could calculate eclipses, and seem to 
have known the periods in which some of the planets revolve round 
the Sun ; yet their knowledge seems always to have been mixed 
with so much ignorance, that 1 am lied to think that it was chiefly 
obtained from foreign sources, and that they never were dis« 
tinguished for their progress in the sciences. 

In the annals of the Egyptians we meet with little to authorise 
us to suppose that they were acquainted with the polarity of the 
needle, if we can believ^ that so scientific a people could have been 
ignorant of a fact, which was not unknown to other Oriental 
nations. There are however some circumstances^ which indicate 
that the Egyptians were really no strangers to this fact ; but, like 
other secrets of their science, it must be looked at through the veil 
of allegory. Dr. Greaves found a magnet> formed in the shape 
of a beetle, on the breast <»f a mummy. Now we know that the 
beetle was a solar type ; and the use of this magnet had been 

VOL, XIX. CI Jl NO. XKKvdv. ^ 

514 On the Science of the EgypHmiSj ^c. 

undoubtedly to poiot north and south, and thus served to indicate 
to its possessor, when the Sun came to the meridian. We learn from 
Plutarch, that the north was the region of Typhon, and the south 
that of Horus — that the Great Bear was the constellation of the 
former, and Orion tiiat of the latter. But Plutarch tells u», that 
the loadstone was called the bone of Horus, and the iron the bone of 
Typhon. It is further remarkable, that the poets almost always put 
Orion and the Great Bear in opposition, though. the relative positions 
of these two constellations do not strictly correspond with this sup^ 
posed hostility. Hear Euripides^ Ion, 1152,:. 

nXeia$ jttey ^ei fietroTropov Si' eCAifog, 

"ApxTos <rrpi^ou(r odgaia ^pv<r^pes toXco^ 

Why iis Orion called ^i^^gris ^ Why is he representecf witfi ai 
sword which he points to the north? Why ioe» the £^ tin poet 
term him ferroque minax ^^ Is it meant that Orion, or Horns,. 
having wrested the iron from Typhon, ahu'ays points it against him.^ 
Homer, after remarking that the Bear turns round the pole^. add^ 
xai Toy *£lgla)va hxtvu, I'he scholiast says that the Biear alwajs 
contemplates Orion as the leader of the Dog, jSXgTrei yup, co»- 
tinues he, ^ iieyaXrj oipxTO$ 7rpo$ to tou '/Igi'oovof otcrrpoy. The 
Egyptian fable of the enmity between Horus and Typhoiv was an 
allegory, which was probably made applicable to various subjects. 
In short it was a mixed fable. The loadstone was the bone of 
Horus ; the iron was the bone of Typhon. The constellation of 
Tvphon, on one side of the zodiac,, is represented as always pointing 
to, and regarding the constellation of Horus on the other^ as the 
iron turns towards the magnet. Horus, or Orion, the lord of the 
south, points his sword towards Typhon, the lord of the north, as 
the needle points to the pole. These allusions may seem strained 
and remote ; but we must be often contented with such, in endea- 
vouring to explain the mystical and symbolical' types, by which th^ 
Egyptians darkly expressed their knowledge. When we are told 
that Typhon ruled the region to the right hand (the^north); thatHorus 
ruled the region to the left hand (the south) ; and that the load- 
stone was the bone (the strength) of Horus, and the iron the bonie 
(the strength) of Typhon j how can we doubt that some indicalion^ 

De CarminibuSy ^c. 3l5 

though it be obscurely expressed^ is given of the polarity of the 
magnetic needle ? I have not a copy of H or- Apollo at hand ; but, 
if I do not forget^ he mentions the needle as an Egyptian hiero- 
glyphic. The author of the book entitled Hor-Apollo was a Greek, 
named Philip, who lived in the fourth century ; and his explana- 
tions of the ancient hieroglyphics are often very unsatisfactory. If 
a needle existed among the curiologic characters, it probably 
indicated the magnetic needle. What else could a needle signify 
in the hieroglyphical writings of the sages of Egypt i 

Florence, Dec. 1818. 



Pa Its Vm.^lFid. No. XXXFIL p. 131.] 

In Equitibus ne unum quidem exstat carmen Antistrophicum ; 
quod ipse primus reperi; neque plus quam duo ad Epodoruni 
formam redigenda sunt, Horum prius sic lege. v. £84. et sqq. 

KA. uiroiavsl(riov aurixoL fiiXa, 

xaTOifiorifrofiai trofim (re* 
AA, TgiTX^o'iov x€xpi^ofMti, <rov 

xoLToL xdpavov ^axpll^MV 
KA, 8i«|3«Xflu (ri y ecv arpa-njyoV ^ 

A A, irepie^M (t aXa^ove/ai^. 
KA» wroreftoift* av rag 68065 o"oo* 
AA, xvvQXQiFYia'OD troSj to vwtov* 
KA, hoi^opiio'eo <r% et ri ypu^ei' 

A A. x<yjrpo^opvi<ra) <r\ el XaX^o-ei^. 10 

KA, fiXe^ov elg ft* ao-xapSaftuxro^* 
A A, ffv etyopS, xaym Tfipaftjuiar 
KA* OfMXoyaa xXsvtwv (ri S* ou^l' 
A A, xonriogxm ye jSXnr^yreoy, 

3l6 De Carminibus Aristaphanh 

aXX' trtfci Tolwv <rofitot). 
KA. xal as i^^aco y aitxanvTovs 
KOiXlas ToJAsiV i^oyra. 

Inter haec et versuum sedem et voces ipsas mutavi. Viilgo oL^y, 
/3'. At ineptum esset rpiiFkourm xixjo^oftai^ ab ahero dictum, cum 
nondum ab alterius ore venisset ytara^oi^aofMn, Etenim illo rpi?rA«-> 
(fiov indicatur loquendi climax. Quod ad voces, Comicum igno« 
rare debeat is, qui credat in tali loco scriptum esse xex^a^o/tai, 
xarajSoijo-oftai et xaroKsxgoiiofuu — necnoii jSowv et xpat^cev : quasi 
vocibus istis inesset pondus aliquid^ neque dialogi ratio aliud quid 
postularet. Ipse quideni nullus haesitavi eruere xara xApam 
i^axpifyiv e xaraxixpa^oftai (re xgil^oov, memor Homerici xar avipfy 
xpiotra ^alvu : qui gestus est honiinis fastu elati ; quem aeque bene 
depingunt verba xaroi xi^uvoy i^axgi^eov : etenim e^xxpll^eiv, quod 
usurpat Euripides in Orest. 275, necnon axp/^siv, in CEnei frag- 
mentOy una cum axgo^al^nv et ax^o/SijftaW^eiVy omnia idem sigoiii- 
canlf atque roig voah axpoig /Sa/vsiv. vel illud Sopliocleuin in Ay 
1217* 'T^vjX' exoftTffi; xeiTr ixpoiif d^omop^i : ubi Lobeckius citat, 
post Miisgravium, ex Libanio W oixpwv vopivovTM et (rofioov ff 
xai avco paivcov : unde se tuetur quoque meum co^aov in Aristo- 
phane : qui verbum id et composita saepe usurpat. Kusteri Inda 
dat Sofielv bis, 'Airoao^eiv quater, et IlepKrofisiv seme!. JS quibus 
opportune perquam allegatur Eq. 60. awoaofisi rovg pifropus ^ci'* 
Cleou: quod idem hie facere minatur. V. 5. Vulgo o*' e^ev o-r^- 
Ti})^;. At nondum dixerat Allantapola se aTpaTyiyelv futurum. 

^ Contra vero Cleon ipse fuerat olim argarriyoi in profectione ad 
Pylum : fuit quoque etiam nunc inter ro^^ ajqarfiy^ug : quorum 
mentio facta est apud Schol. ad £q. ()2Q. V. 6. Vulgo (ieA^(oys/«^. 
Sed mecum facit £q. 903. 'H yoLp ieo$ (C IxiXtwrB vticrfl-al v 
aKxI^ovslci : et 887* OToij widijxio-jttoi^ (le vepieKoivvsig. V. 7- Vulgo 
uTorsftoDftflti. At nihil hie habet vox media. Certe Ixrfftco exstat 
in Eq. 374. Tov irpifyopma o-ou 'xrrft^ : et Ran. 583. tov Koipnyy 
etv fxre/xoijx/ (rov : et avarffMo apud Cratinum in Lex. Bekker. p. 
28. *AiroTepi,ely ^r^x^vai, Kparivos. To6tov 8* iTu(rxg ctvoTSfim rai 
ILfixotvas. V. 9, 10, II, 12. Vulgo y, 8!, a', |3'. Sed futura ilia 
tempora plane indicant sedem suam. V. p. Ita Elmsl. ad Ach* 
278. at ypv^us Suid. in Kovqia, V. J 6, iXk^Tcia to/vwv <roftfyi}. 
At baec minime ad Cleonem pertinent, verum ad 'AKKetvr — qui 
monet adversarium nova debere meditari, ne victus ab arena 
discedere videatur. V. 17. Vu^go. <p»lyco roig ngvToafBcw Htx — r. 
6, ^. xoi. At bene sit Athenaso iii. p. 94. D. scribeuti ^Aptrro- 
^av^j ffv 'Imrwa-r xa) trJ frjaoi aSfxarsuTou; xoi>stag »«XfIv* Unde 

patet, metro confirmatum, gl. esse tqk n^momaiy, et vocea dim 

aliter cfispositas. 

Commentarius. 317 

303 et sqq. (rrp. a'. "N 

322 et sqq. (TTg. jS'. f Ila Hermann, de Mctr. p. 189=203. 

382 et sqq. avTiorg. a\ | ed. 2^ et Bentl. 

397 et sqq. arrnrTp. |3'. 3 

367 et sqq. Hi versus habentur pro org. y\ et ^3 et sqq. pro 
avTMTf • y\ Verura ii inter se conciKari non possunt', nisi sex versus 
antistrophum pneeuntes in limine emendentur: quod hicfaciam. 
In 435 et sqq. quid editidnes exhibeant^ mox videbiraus. Seripsit 
quidem Aristophanes sic : 

KA. WTOi i^oL T^y JrifiK^TpoL KaTottrgol^tt roiKavTx iFOkXu 

XO, TOtJj Vf ri^^vs rotj toSoj rapfet. 

fig oSro^ i rei Kamtas ^ (TVXo^eivTlas iFvei. 
A A . 0*6, S* ex i7oTi$a/af ^X^^' '^ ^^ txarov Tikavra* 
KA. ri SiJTa ; /SouAei roDv raKoLVTiov %y XojSwv (riwKwif\ 
XO, kyrjp inioV r^m^ XajSoi Sex' aipm* to TfHiiii^ IXarroy. 

itvTivrp, y . rrp, y. 

KA', ^ev^ei 8* ay^^ou rirroLpocg. KA* oTov ae $^0*0) V rw ^vkoo, 367 
ilvi. (Tu S' aarpaTstots, etxo<ri¥, 441 i4^. hol^Ofuv (re xoiX/ot^. 

xXoT^^ 8g TXfTv 5 X'^**^* '''^•^* ^ /3w^« o-oO ipavewrerm, 

KA, ffx T«y oXiTijp/cttV <re ^ — ^4^4, o-ap» erg fiwAaxov xXow^j. 

jxi yeyovivxi rooy voct/cDV. K/l. 8ia9rarraAeu$^<rfix^ff^<*^7l 

4'<4. Toy TFomrov bIvm ^jxi coy 445 AA, xepixofji,pi,oLT sx (Tou a-Ket^d^oo, 

Tcoy SpuojSa^ttiy. K^. Toicoy^ K/l. ta^ fike^oipidu$ aot^ vepvuXSt^ 
A A, TcSv /Sugc/yijj T?^ 'Imrlov A A, Toy irpviyopwva o'ou 'xTe/xco* 

K/1. xopuXos «». -^'^. wayoOpyo^ fl. XO. xal, yij Jf ijxjSocX^vrej aur- 
XO. 9ra? ay$0iX6i)^. Kyi. lou lou eo varroXoy i/i^aysigixeog 

TUTTTouo'i ft 01 ^vvoDfAOTur 4j0 si^ to OTOft , 6ftT a?r eyooosv 

XO. 'jraT fltuToy av^pixayruT ew* Tiyy yTJ/yrruv IJeijpayTej, «w- 

yao'rpi^s xa) toi^ Ivriqoi^ tou cxerpo/ttso'S' eu xavS^ixo); 

xal Toij xikoh^f • xex'jyoTOj 380 

ogroo^ xoXa Toy iv^pa. Toy Tpocxroy; el yoLkaXS., 

Inter Octonarios vulgantur lectiones hae : 

KXe^ra^ ^Aii^vaim olipsi xu) tou vo^i; naplni, et mox 

Xa/3oi rovg ^e iplovg Traplei, dein » 

TO mieuiji,* eXuTTOv ytverai. inde erui 

xke^as * Airivrnv touj ye ripipovg tov voSoj waplei, et 

Xaj3oi [8ex*] aJper tJ wyeuft* IXaTToy. 

Etenim^ ut ordiar a rebus minimi ponderis^ pro Se MS. unus, re: 
duo alii robs reiplovg. at Rav. touj Tegflp/ouj. At Hesych. Tipipoi, of 
tig TO xipas tou Iitt/ou kxaripcoiBV itiipAVOi, ey olf to ipfievov eXxouo-i. 
Feci igitur rou^ yi ripdpovg : quae aunt e sede sua dejecta^ cum 
librarii oculos irretivisset uipu, in eo loco^ ubi a me ponitur« 

318 , De Carminibus Aristophatiis 

Kestitutis igiturrot;; ye ripipovs et resecto atgtif versus rtensuitl 
postulat 'Atrivw¥, Athenarum. Mox deleto ylyvrrai, quod hie 
sicut in Vesp. 12^6. adbaeret, syntaxin fulciendi causB;^ evadit 
versus 'Avijp iv 28' riSieo; Xd^oi, aiptt to wevijJ ixarrov : ubi hiatum 
iinplere poterat Heatbianum y : at ipse hue retuli Utl. e v. 4d8. 
fS olSa Uxa, TaXavTU : ibi euim legi debet au oW exarov rdXavrei e v.: 
45 1 . <^ft/£ei ypa^eis ixarov Tukivrovs rerripas : verum ibi ilia anti- 
climax in ixoLTov TotXavrovs et fTxo<ri prohibet lectionem vujgatam. 
Suo igitur loco restitutis et iKorov TuXavrd et Sfx^i restat ut expo- 
nani Comici meiitem. Facete quidem Cleoni vitio vertitur, quod^ 
cum ille Allantopolam corrumpere conatus fuit uno tanturn talentO| 
ipse non nisi deeem talenta sibi dari voluit, rou (num^y fvrxa. 
Inserm igitur oS* omissum ante ^Seeo^, ut ea voce dicta^ Cborus 
digito intendat ad Cleonem. Similiter in Vesp. (j32. oZtos pailto^ 
Dawesii eonjecturam firmat Menandreuni in 'A(ri[lh, Ouroi f^io^. 
V. 440. Deleto exaTOv toA^vtou;, versus deficit: et defecisset 
sensus^ illo verbo non deleto. Sententiae nexus postulat aliquid, 
quod conveniat cum genitivo affrpanla^. Reposui *Aypaifm* 
iSuidae gl. est: 'Aypaplov Sixtiv. 7«y Ix xaraiUrig d^kr^xirtov rS 
drifioirlep ypifiva tol Mfiotra fv (raviViv oi xaroi xaiaov Tre^l roium 
hoixotjrre$f TrpofTTtdiyrts am vocov lor) to oipXi}jxa* orav Si a«'0&t» 
exotiTTog, l^akel^iTat Tr^g fravSiog to hclypamiM. lav oSv ti; uvaypiff 
pHv oopXyjxivcUy So^j] le /x^ uTFois^coxivai, xa) to ofOf/M aurou e^ijXefjXjxeyoy 
|} Ix Tfi$ (Tctvl^qSf (rvyxe^ipriTUi rcu ^ouXo/A^evw roiv oKrrm fficraysiv xetr 
avTov dixriv aypaflou. Allantopola igitur et Cleon minantur, alter 
alter iy actiones non leves^ ut patet e Demosthen. Karei Seoxgtvw 
p. 1338. Reisk. v. 444. Vulgo, ^ijjx} yeyovevat toov t^^ Oeou, At 

auis sit ilia dea plane nescio. Erui twv ^oo-iiW. Ridet Comicus 
las dictiones idivp^{}i/i*ova$ apud Homerum i^; ex vrfiuos Theognid. 
294. Ix yaoTpos — [jt^iois yeyovr^* ^scbylum Fragm. Incert. S5. Ilor 
Tpo$ Te TOLVTOv v^jSuoj fjLius T oLTco \ quod respexit fortasse Noster in 
Acb. 790. */2j i^^yy^^S ^ xva-iog auTvis iaripa, ' OfiofiMrpSoi yap 
eoTTi x^x TauTov fcaTpi^ : ubi praestat ^OfioyoKFTpia, melius enim 
yaariig quam jut^njp voci xu<r9o^ respondet. Suid. Iloc-dtov, to aliolof, 
coUatis Thesni. 521 et 26l. V. 446. Vulgo, lopvpogooi. Repoaui- 
dpuofii^oov. Etenim Jpvofia^ri sunt, teste Hesyehio, ijubariaTdc vxi roB 
xeXv^ou^ Tou dgvos ^t^ctiuiLivoi, Hodie etiam cortex querciks in 
eundem usum comparatur a coriariis: inter quos fuit Cleon, 
dictus Bu^<ro§g\Inj^, et, a Nostro fortasse, BujtroVawoc, non Bupa-o- 
xoLwnoi ut exhibetur in Hesjehio. Hie vero aliis placere poterit 
igvo^ogwv ; 1. e. ^uXavoov, Ea etenim vox et glandem, quam gerit 
querciis (i. e. dpvo — ^opov) signiticat, et peiiem homvih : vid. Schol. 
ad Pac. 1 137. to alhlov /SotJXeraj \iysiv: hire) xa) uvto Tivee /SaAavov 
xaXouo-fv. ita et Suid. BiXuvos, to alhlov : qua voce, aliud tamea 
significante, ludit Noster in Lys. 411. Quod ad Pacis locum 
attinet, is ita legi debet : 'AXXci vpog irdp hiXxoov tiv* ivipoov h-aigaif 

Commentarius. 319 

xafji.ooVy Tri$ yvvaixog Xoujublyij^. Haec sunt omnia sensu duplici. 
Quae sint hominis ra ^vKot et ra ^i)yot; i. e. fiuXavov^, vel mulieris rov 
hgifiivtov (vid. Schol. ad Kdn. 553,) non est cur exponam : neque 
IxTrnrto'O'cbfteya non exponet Vesp. 1365. Ti he to [ji^iXav tout' Smy 
atJr^f Toyy /A>60'a) ; *H Trfrra Ifjfrov xoLofievrjs If gg;^eT«i : neque EupoL 
apud Scbol. Soph. Aj. 105. Ilapu roTo'i WjxeorttKri xaravirrco* 
/xevi^y: neque Plut. 1094. */x0(vov y^P ourco^ Oj3^ov aTreTrirroDV 
XP^^^» ^ic enim legi debet. Mox uTroipiul^m exponit Acham. 
158. Tls Twv hhfjiivTeov to 'rrio$ avoTeiplaxs: necnon Eccl. 703. 
' rica^ ipla >m^ovtb$ Aifopov (roxri$ *Ev Toi$ frpoiipOKTi ^i^ea-iai,: 
Denique xa/xoov est hie perquani facete dictum. Cf. Petron. 
Et non plane jam molestum erat munus, Uicunque igitur 
inter anhelitus sudoresque — quod voluerat, accepit: Vulgo hepeov 
— Ix^sTiffo-jxcva xavdpaxtfyov too lp6(3iv9ou tvjv re ^ijyoy — xivgipv. Inter 
qua? 8xirejrie(rfiiva et xtvouv sunt metro, et hipcov — avipoLxll^oov rou 
ege^iviov tvjv re ^yoy e(Airvpe6wv sentential oppugnantia. V. 453. 
Ita Elmsleius in Edinburgh Rev. No. xxxvii. p. 90. In Stro- 
phicis vero pauca sunt emeudanda. V. 367. Ita Emsl. ad Ach. 
343. collato Eq. 713. V. 368. Vulgo, hi^ofiev ae hiXloi$. At 
nulla hie ignaviae mentio esse debet. Ea est dialogi ratio, ut uter- 
que interlocutor metaphoras hauriat ex arte, quam exercet. Dedi 
Igitur iioi^ofisv <re xoiX/tf^*.' Aperiam tita viscera. Eas xoixias 
commemorat Cleon in v. 300. Ka) <re $ ^(to) y' ahxatTeuTovg xotXlas 
irtoXsiv ^oyra. Quod ad sentential lusum, cf. Eq. 363. *Eyeo ^s 
xiv^troo ye crow tow 'jrpcoxrh avr) ^yo'x^j : et 706. Atcovii^iS) (toO rav 
IIpvTaveiso (rhtet : et Lysistr. 367 • Bpuxovfra <rou rov^ Trvei fiova$ xou 
TOLVTiq e^ufiiitra). V. 370. Jepw iuKxxov nequeo intelligere. Adde 
quod Cleon, non Allantopola, debuit dicere ^egw. Hujus enim 
personam melius convenit cupto. Quod ad sententiam, cf. Eq. 
1148. KXBTrrovTcig iirsiT avayxal^ao tf&Xiv i^iiJLiiv, Srr uf xexXofaxri 
[Mu xnifjLov xaTapLT/iXmv : neque valde distat Thesm. 570. Toy <ri](ra- 
fjLQvvi' ov xuTe^ayes Tovis (re ^ecrelv xojjjcco. V. 377. Pro elri y 
dedi «Tt am : Ita am lySoJgy est ut kit ei^etev in Tro. 262. et ax 
odpotvodsv in IX. 6. 19. 

551 et sqq. rrp. 6 16 et sqq. orp. 756 et sqq. (rrp. 

58 1 et sqq. ayrio-Tg. 683 et sqq. avrtrrp. 836 et sqq. ayriorp. 

939 — ^942. Ad finem dimetrorum hoc tetrastichon sic lege: 

fiovXofjLevos, lorSi- -\ Hac ratione stat Dawesii canon. 

aw airomiyiks. I Porson. in Miscell. Crit. p. 251 . 

XO. vtj Tcy J (a xai roy 'AiroXXoo >ip awMryiysiV. Aliter Reisig. in 

xol] T^y JijH^? > «5 y* 6«). i Uonject. Aristoph. p. 1 10. Mox 

J ^rui 
«5 y etri ex eu yi. Cf. Agam* 

320 De Car minibus Aristophanis^ ^c. 

225. i3 yoLp flij : et Rhes. ,594. fu 8* k% rv^iiv. 
973 — 996. Sex systemata tetracola. In 989. restitue Af>. Male 

1 1 1 r — 1 loO. Quatuor systemata decacoh. 

iiann ^4r -??' 2^^*^ r Ita Kuster.e Schol. 

Etontt dabam Kalends Mart. A. S, mdcccxvii. 

P. S. Dtitn Commentarii hujusce pag'mas diligenter relego, 
nonnulla video curis secundis esse retractanda; nonnulla etiam 
pro additamento habenda. Velim igitur liodie legator in 

C. J. No. XXV. p. 34. V. 19, 20. AL aK>: i^iXoKrV clutoL XO. 

xoo^. I JL ovih yap eor* aXX' V-20. x<m$. 

V. 46. Ad vulgatutB h^tey^afji^Ost. propius 

accedit fSx/^a/Mv. 
p. 36. V. 1 1, 12. Lege 'A[t.iMrro$ Ugas | usro tiim^ 

p. 38. V. 1 1, 12. Lege — as 681 x^P^ f^ I ^ 

p. 40. V. 3. Lege 'JEp/xa wpoyoy, od riofisy yti^* 
p. 43. lin. 34. Lege libru aeest. 

V. 1, 2, S, 4. Lege ''Ava to SaoSexa- | /kt 
yovo^op&y 0|9y- | dtyoy i^v^y>}; | to jUXiwho^ 

No. XXVIII. p. 225. lin, 21, 2. Lege^Opa hi w^ lufufn- 

luft I eSSff rou; ^ aoTfo; | ^xoyra$. Cf. £ccl. 
279* TW Tgow9f lUfuovfLsvat Tw Tw ayofoU 
xopy : et 569* MtfMviun^ ere. 

p. 226. lin. 3. Lege vaifiv afi«i r ofproy — Ete- 
nim xajtiy est edere et subigere. Hinc 
lusus. Vir quisque secum fert unuoi panem 
(i. e. peneniy) duo male olentes berbas^ et 
tres oleum prabentes. 

p. 227. lin. 29- Lege or oSrtg £9 mfy^w aw Uir 
I Am fcaXXJv \ *ym h | f iXov {^fl|v. iVS. 
*Ay9itww$9w 0^ ficiXivfiy: et in Antistrophicis 
cs 8* 1) y^eua xeptwtfX^ \ ai xaxrirgi^ai | 
tmcrap ffteAinxa, | fl&iv fuirmui rmvrayL Unde 
Tersam suppleverimi alio tempore dooe- 

p. £33. lia. 26. Lege tJF tuyjurr* iw ynMm: 
ubi jbr ymHm est pro 7199^10^21 : \hi» 

Babylon^ SS^l 

fieiitl. ad Pac. 709- et EIonsL ad Prom. 


p*. 23d, V". 41^ 2^ 3, 4. XMfMTiJLrfr a^vi ZcHfiiOVx 
[Uf jxeAav- | Aexvv eof fi^r) iropeiav ou yap iri 

His omnibus, quse superstites ad Aristophanis fabulas spectanl^ 
Gompositis; restant qnaedam e Fragtnentis quoque bis similia ertt- 
enda. Verum ea omnia tarn Comici quam Tragici, Qecnoil 
auctoris Rhesi, et Cyclopia^ alio tempore proferentur. luterim 
unum illud moneo, quodHermannus fortasse desciscer^ de sententia 
sua paratus erit, et mirari desinet in mentem cuiquam venire 
potuisse Poefarum consuetudinemi qua bini semper fere asquaies 
versus in Epodis conjungi solerent. Certe nisi talis esset ratio 
carminis reperta a^ud j^schylum, Euripidem, et Aristophanem, de 
ea ipse ne per somnia quidem cogitassem. At legem semel 
repertam nolui penitu3 reticere. Res quidem ea non magni fuit 
momenti ; nee tamen pro le?i habenda. Veritas enim vel in bis, 
sicut et in gravioribus studiis, quaerenda est unice. Magistri sen- 
tentiam, ia Element. Doctrin. Metric, ed. 2. p. 731. proditam, 
deserturus est, nisi fallor vehementissime, Reisigius. Hie enim in 
p. 13. libelli perexigui (cujus titulus est De Constructione Anti- 
strophica Trium Carminum Melicorum Aristophanis Syntagma 
Criticum) instituit mensuram cant&s ultimi in Aristophanis 
Lysistrati rationi meae non valde dissimilem, ideoque a vera 
tion omnino alienam. Nee dubito uUus, quin in partes meas sit 
omnis accessurus, cum primum rei novitas aliquantisper deferbiib- 
erit. Omnes etenim probe scio, quibus aut antiqua detegere aut 
nova reperire conceditur, huic infortunio esse maxime obnoxios, ut^ 
quo magis insperata fuerint inventa, eo minus probata esse ab 
a^qualibus soleant^ a posteris laqdem fortasse nop exiguam accep-^ 


To all sincere admirers^ of Antiquity it must afford considerable 
gratification, that public attention, withih the last three or four 
years, has been- so frequently directed, by a variety of publications, 
ta the remains of a city^ in comparison with \vhich even many 

322 Babylon. 

ruins venerated as ancient^ may be pronounced modern. We 
allude to Babylon, the city of Nimrod, Belus^ Semiramis, or 
Ninus; and to the works concerning it, published by Claudius 
James Kich^ ^sq. the East-India Company's Resident at 
Baghdad, lliis gentleman's first Memoir on Babylon was 
noticed in the Classical Journal, No. xxiv, and his second 
in the last, No. xxxvii. Captain Edward Frederick has jgiven 
us, in die ** Bombay Literary IVansactions (Vol. i. art. 9.) ** An 
account of the present compared with the ancient state of 
Babylon ;" the vestiges of which he inspected with minute atten- 
tion in the year 1811. Major Rennell (in the Archaeologia, 
18 16.) has offered some remarks on the *^ Topography of Ancient 
Babylon : " The Rev. Thomas Maurice has published in two 
parts (I8I6, 1818.) his '^Observations on many branches of 
Ancient Literature and Science, connected with the ruins of 
Babylon." John Landseer, Esq. a Fellow of the Antiquarian 
Society, has given us some interesting remarks on fragments of 
antiquity discovered among those ruins, in the Archaeologia, (Vol 
xviii. I8I7.); 3"cl the Appendix to Sir William Ouseley's Tra- 
vels, lately published, contains many observations on extraordinary 
cylindrical gems, inscribed bricks, and other antiques, found on the 
spot where Babylon once stood. 

Having thus indicated to our readers the printed works that 
have appeared within a few years, we shall notice the intended 
Account of Babylon, by Mr. Buckingham, a very ingenious and 
intelligent traveller ; and we can affirm, on the authority of a letter 
written at Calcutta, in November 1818, that Captain Lockett 
was then deeply engaged in the composition of his great work 
respecting Babylon ; a work which we announced to the public so 
long ago as the year 1813. Captain Lockett explored the ruins in 
1811; and the letter to which we above alluded, mentions a variety 
of discoveries made by him, equally interesting to the Historian 
and the Antiquary, the Geographer and the Etymologist. From 
his own actual survey he has constructed a map of considerable 
size ; and his researches confirm in a most satisfactory manner the 
statement of Herodotus concerning the vast extent of Babylon. 
He has ascertained some circumstances of the Northern Wall, the 
Sirs of Nimrod (as it is called); the Agger Kuf, and various 
other particulars, which have hitherto been subjects of doubt and 
perplexity to antiquarian visitors, and those who at home have 
endeavoured to reconcile the present with the ancient state, and 
the Classical accounts of Babylon, with the Oriental traditions, 
and the reports of travellers. 

The plates, which are designed to illustrate Captain Lockett'is 
fvorkj have been long ready for publication, beautifully engraved 4 

Notice of the CEdipus Romanus. 323 

and we are justified in hoping that our curiosity to possess the 
account of bis Babylonian Researches will be gratified before the 
expiratiou of auother year. 




Or an attempt to prove ^ from the principles of reasoning 
adopted by the Right Hon. Sir fV. Drummondi in his 
CEdipus JudaicuSf that the twelve Ccesars are the twelve 
signs of' the Zodiac. Addressed to the higher and lite- 
rary classes of society. By the Rev. G. TOWNS END, 
A.M. ofTrin. Coll. Cam. 

Svo. hds. 7s. 6d. 

Our readers may remember, that Sir William Drummond has 
printed^ for private distribution^ some observations of a peculiar 
nature on the 49th chapter of Genesis, and on the books of Joshua 
and Judges, under the title of (Edipus Judaicus. Mr. Doyley 
and others attacked Sir William very warmly on certain expres- 
sions, arguments, and allusions in that work ; to which Sir Wil- 
liam Drummond, and three or four of his friends, replied. We 
shall not enter into the discussion, or explain the nature of the 
mistakes, and misapprehensions of the controversialists on both 
sides, llie discussion had been discontinued, and in some measure 
forgotten, till Mr. Townsend again directed the public attention to 
the subject by his present work. 

The (Edipus Romanus is addressed to the higher and literary 
classes of society, '^ as the proper tribunal to which Sir William 
Drummond appealed." It was written in consequence of the large 
sum, (seven, and we have heard twelve guineas,) which had been 
given for a copy of the CEdipus Judaicus. By a singular series of 
coincidences between the language of the Patriarch Jacob, as 
related in the forty-ninth chapter of Genesis, and the signs of the 
Zodiac, as they were divided and represented by the antients. Sir 
William Drummond deduced the mferences, which have given 
rise to so much dispute. Mr. Townsend imagined that similar 
coincidences might be found between the same emblematical 
representations of the twelve signs, and the events of History ; on 

324 Notice of the (Edipus Romanus. 

these coincidences bis system is founded : and wluitever be the 
opinions of our learned readers on the question^ it will be acLaow- 
ledged that the strange parallel between the Roman Emperors 
and the twelve signs is supported by the most singular and sur- 
prising resemblances. We will give some account of the plan, 
and select the proofs which identify the sign of the Ram with 
Julius Caesar, as a specimen of the management of the reasoning. 

The work may be divided into three parts. The first, which is 
introductory y contains an ironical congratulation to Sir William 
Dnimmond, on the merit, the ingenuity, the learning, and the 
talent, discovered in the Uildipus Judaic us. Because our country- 
men are cautious in receiving novelties in politics and religion, he 
condoles with Sir William on the slow progress which his discoveries 
vnW probably make, particularly in the two Universities. He con- 
siders the difficulties he may meet, in attempting to prove the' 
twelve CsBsars to be the twelve signs of the Zodiac, as exactly 
similar to those which the author of the CEdipus Judaicus has 
already overcome ; and he is therefore encouraged to persevere in 
an attempt, which at first sight appeared hopeless. Several curious 
and original rules of etymology are laid down, which we recom- 
mend to all those ingenious theorists, who are inclined to build an 
hypothesis on that foundation. 

The second division of the work proceeds to identify^ the twelve 
Csesars with the twelve signs of the Zodiac. As a specimen of 
the reasoning of the author, we shall extract the proofs, by which 
the epithet, '^ Caius Julius Caesar, son of Lucius and Aurelia/' 
is shown to mean the sign Aries. 

" Liicius is derived from Lux ; which is derived from Auxog^ or 
£L, UC, one of the names of the Sun, according to Bryant ; and 
Aurelia from Aur, *1W licht, and EL the S«d. The word Aurelia 
signifies a butterfly, which is well known to be the emblem, not 
only of the soul leaving the body, but of the sun breaking from 
the dreariness of winter, and renewing the life and beauty of 
nature in the spring. The offspring of th^ Sun, (or Lucius,) and 
of Aurelia, or the commencement of the spring, qan only be the 
sign Aries, or Caesar. 

^* The name Caius, Julius, Caesar, furnishes more than theoretical 
proof. Caius is derived from ;^ai, Caia, Caias, or Caius, the 
original term in the primaeval language for a house, or mansion^ or 
temple : thus we read of the mansions of the Moon ; and JElscby- 
lus calls the sky the temple, or Caias of the Sun. 

'^Julius is a corruption of^Xio;, which is derived frmn AL or 
EL, the Sun. 

^' Caesar is properly written Kala-ugy that is C^, a mansion, and 
Sar, eminent, splendid, honorable ; the word from which Sarim, 
Sarabj Sarabetha, 8cc. are demed. 

Miscellanea Clamca. 325 

" l^he whole name, Caius Julius Caesar, then, may be thus 
interpreted: The house, of the Sun, the first house: which is 
evidently a plain and simple description of the situation of the sign 
Aries." ' • 

The most ingenious proof of Mr, Tovrnsend's position that 
Ceesar is Aries is deduced firom the expression of Caesar to Brutus 
in the Senate-house, as related by Suetonius, xou 0-u si exelveovj xa\ 
a-if Tixvov, This' expression^ says Mr. Townsend, though so long 
considered as a simple Greek sentence, is pure Hebrew, and 
contains an indirect allusion to the change of the Sun's place from 
Aries to Pisces at the commencement of the year. It may be thus 

which is translated : '^ Must I, the conqueror of the constellations^ 
be made equal (to other signs) in the Zodiacal system ? must Salas 
be made equal in the regulation ?" Or, in other words, the expression 
of Caesar to Brutus does not mean: Thou too, Brutus, art thou 
among the iassassins of Caesar ? The meaning is : M ust I, the sign 
of the Ram, must I, alas, be made equal to the fishes ? 

Augustus is identified with Taurus, by some very amusing coin- 
cidences ; and the whole number of the Caesars are changed into 
the zodiacal signs by some carious arguments, of which we have 
no room to give an abstract to the reader. 

Hie third part (after the observations on Domitian) is grave 
and severe. The language is animated, and precise ; and gives 
good promise of future excell^ce. The character of Sir William 
Drummond is well drawn, and is highly complimentary, though it 
is made the cover of an additional philippic. Some admirable 
observations on the importance and necessity of a Revelation 
follow ; and the book concludes with remarks on the consequences, 
if its overthrow could be effect^ by the arguments of its adver- 



No. VI. 

LVFII. Virgil in the eleventh JEneid (1. 5d9» seqq.) relates the 6ighi 
of Camilla, under the protection of her father, the king of Privernum, 
from their uative city, and their manner of living in exile, without 
laying a word which might imply their return or restoration. Yet, in 
the same book, describing the exploits of Camilla against the Trojansy 
be represents her as attended with an arm^ of Vqw.vmdc^\ 


Miscellanea Classica. 

CoDvertere animos acres, oculosque tulere 

CuDcti ad reginam Volsci. iEn, xi. 80O. 

Prima fugit, domina amissa, levis ala Camillae. L. 868. 

it what manner are these passages to be reconciled? Perhaps the 
apparent discrepancy is to be accounted as one of those oversights 
** qiios humana parum cavit natura;'* or it is to be ascribed to the 
unfinished state of the Mnei6. 

LIX. In the British Review (Vol. vi. p. 314. art. Blomfield's Pro- 
metheus) the following passage from Walter Scott was quoted as 
illustrative of ^schylus's &yfipiOftoy yiXaafia : 

With fluttering sound like laughter hoarse^ 

The cords and canvas strain : 
The waves, divided by her force, 
In rippling eddies chased her conrse. 

As if thty laugKd again. Lord of the Isles, Caint« |V. 

It was the exclamation of a child on a similar occasion, ^ How the 
water laughs !" 

LX. In a council of the Achsean confederacy, where the difficulty 
of forming an opinion on the question in debate produces a general 
disinclination to speak, the president of the assembly thus delivers 
his sentiments (Liv. xxxii. 20.): " Ubi,"inquit, " ilia certamina ani- 
mbrum, Achsei, sunt> quibus in couvtviis et circuits, quum de Philippo 
et Romanis mentio incidit vix manibus temperabatis 1 Nunc in con- 
ciKo ad earn rem unam indicto,'' (sc. ut decernerent, cum Philippone,. 
an cum Romanis societatem inirent,) '' quum legatoruni utrimque 
verba audieritis, quum referant magistratus, quum prseco ad sua-^ 
dendum vocet, obmutuistis.'' It is obvious that the orator had ia fab 
mind the expostulation of Agamemnon in the 8th Iliad : 

AiSciir, 'Apyeioi, k6.k* eX^yj^ea, elbos hyrjfroi' 
vti ^fiay €v^ft}\a\y ore irj <fafi^v tlvat Apttrroi* 
hs 8iror cv AijfAV^ fceveai/X^et ity^p&atrde, 
itrBovT€S Kp4a ?roXXa fiowv SpBoKpatpautv; 
' niyovres Kprjfrf.pas hrgtrrefius oXvoio, 

Tpwioy ayff CKardy re btrfKoaiiay re I^Kacrros 
<TTfi<r€<rff iy iroXifif ; vvy 6' oih* kyos UlEjloL eifxev 
"EdCTOpos, as T&^a y^as eviwpiiaei rrvpi KfjXia. II. VIII. S28* 

LXI. In an enumeration of years remarkable for their coldness, in 
No. LIX. of tlie Edinburgh Kevieti^, just published, we read : *' In 
1468 the winter was so severe in Flanders, that the wine distributed 
to the soldiers was cut in pieces with hatchets. In 1544 the same 
thing happened again, the wine being frozen into solid lumps.'' Art. 1 . 
on the Polar Ice, p. 25. This reminds us of Virgirs description of a 
Scythian winter — " cseduntque securibus humida vina." Georg. III. 

LXII. In Liv. XXXI f. 12. *'adversus victo^ mitissimum quepique, 
auimum maximum habere,^ Crevier wishes to read " mitissimum 
quemque maximum haberi/' the word animum having been added by 

Miscellanea Classica. 327 

editors. Another way of altering the passage, retaining animum, 
.would be *' maximum quemque mitissimum animum habere/' 

In No. I. of the Miscellanea Classica (Classical Journal, Vol. xv. 
p. 296, for Pautites read Pantites ; p. 297, for Tricenum read Tri- 
cranuni. The account of the ship wrecked on the Japanese coast 
in p. ^c^, is from the Quarterly Review, Vol. vi. p. 382.— The varia- 
tion in the quantity of Syphaeem (Miscellanea Classica, No. ii. 
Classical Journal, Vol. xvi. p. 352, art. xxxii.) has been noticed 
by Dr. Carey in his Latin Prosody ; in which work he has. 
also cdllected authorities in favor of the dissolution of cut (art. 
XXXII. of the present paper) into two syllables. — The remark on 
cvfiwcvra, art. viii. p. 350, has also been made in a late Monthly 
Magazine. In art. ix. (p. 350.) Cowper*s fable of the Nightingale and 
Grasshopper was compared with the Greek epigram on the Swallow 
and Butterfly : Wordsworth's poem of the Robin and Butterfly ap- 
proaches nearer to the sentiment of the Greek. To the conjectures 
in art. xi. (p. ut supr.) on the orthography of Lamped osa, may be 
added that of Lapidosa, sc. insula, corrupted into the present name, as 
Capitolium into Campidoglio. The Secular Festival, mentioned in 
art. XIII. (p. 351.) was revived, or pretended to be continued after a 
brief intermission, by Boniface VIII. in 1300, under the title of the 
Holy Year, being a jubilee or centenary concourse of persons from 
▼arious Catholic countries to Rome for the purpose of worship and 
offerings, under the promise of a plenary absolution. See Gibbon, 
VoL xir. p. 310—313., who states the period of the Secular Games at 
100 years. The term was shortened, by the desire of the Roman 
people^ to 50 years ; afterwards to 33 (the supposed age of Christ) 
and 25 years : the cause assigned for these latter alterations is the 
impatience of the Popes — the same motive which induced the Empe- 
rors frequently to forestall the usuaL epoch of the Secular Games. 
Some further abbreviate the term to 2Q years ; perhaps confounding 
the jubilee with the periodical census. The last was held in 1800, 
and is said to have been the most splendid known for some cen- 
turies. To art. XVI. on the precipitation of the star into a well, 
add the following passage from Vol. xi. of the Quarterly Review, 
p. 281, art. Brande's Popular Antiquities, an article containing an 
extraordinary mass of heterogeneous erudition. '' The star, as the 
legend tells, fell into a well in the holy land after it had performed its 
oflice, where it could be occasionally seen. I'he optical effects pro- 
duced by deep wells may have laid the foundation for this fable. 
Under favorable circumstances, a star of ihe first magnitude may be 
seen reflected in the day-time from the surface of the waters." — To 
the metrical lines quoted in various articles add Liv. xxxii. 15. Si 
primi vim Romauani non sustinuissent — . xxxiu. 4. Insessas fauces 
Epiri non tenuissent — . 10. Ut specularetur, quae in laeva parte 
suoruni — . 

On the imitation of Herodotus by Procopius^ cited in a paper in 
No. XXXIII. of the Class. Journ. p. 208» it may be remarked^ that 

3S;8 Miscellanea ClassicL 

Procopius is, as it would seem from Gibbotii pardy an imitator of He* 
rodotus. This is less remarkable than the circumstance of Asintas 
QuadratuSy a Roman writer, having composed a history of Rome in 
the Ionic dialect (Maittaire Dial.)* — To the metrical lines from classi- 
cal prose authors quoted in former Numbers^ add the following : 

iXdovra tofm, <l^iX(h^6vws ei^aro, Herod. 1II.*31» 

Opposuit quibus baud magno certamine fusis. Liv. xnx. 18. 

Isse legates eadem jubentes rip. 

In ancipitia tela, belluis darent. 33. 
Of those quoted from Thucydides in No. xxix. of the Class. Jonrn. 
p. 181. the two last are doubtful, on account of the uncertain q^iantity 
of the second syllable in Tia(ra(^vri$ and ^apyaflaios^ It appears 
that Iambic verses occur much more frequently in the Greek orators 
than in the historians. 

XLlll. The indulgence of the reader is solicited to the following 
attempts in Latin verse. 

I. Ad Justitiam. 


Diva, quam prisci feritas Neronis 
Viiidicem sensit, Macedoque Perses, 
Quisquis et leges populosque iniqub 

Contudit armis : . 
Quam boni virtus coluit Catonis, 
Quam piis fulgens Thrasybulus armb, 
Fortis audaci resides tumultu in* 

cendere cives : 
Sou velis Astraea parens voCari, 
Sen Themis coelo et veneranda terris> 
Impium bellorum opus, et labantem 

Respice mundum. 

n. Idem. 
Ultra teUuris fines, oltraque recessus 
iEtheiios, densis late cingentibus vmbris 
Textum exstat secretum, ipsis venerabik Divis, 
Parcarum sedes, celsique palatia iatik 
Hue illuc aptis stellata per atria pennis 
Eventus volitant. Solio Fortuna niqanti 
In mediis sedet, atque vag« dat jufacatenrae. 
Inde, ubi praeceptos explerint sttcula cursus, 
Turba fugit levis : aetheiia comttatur ab arce 
Omnipotens Nemesis, totumque emittit in orb^, 
Ut renovent casus, mentis ut prsemia reddant 
Digna viris, moveantque alta de sede tyrannos. 
Imperia haec varia mutat vice, fataque ponit 
Urbibus, et fracti reparat fundamina regui : 
Haec acies oiet: bac dubinm volat an^ice tdum. 
Atqut cadeip immites acderisque dolique minittras 

MkeeUanea , Qlassica. 329 

Eumetiidas prernit imperio, vasfasque procelias .' 
Dtrigit, aeriamqiie ciet per out>ila pe^tem, 
Diversasque lues ; seu frigore torqueat arva, 
Sive inteinpesto Sol spargat in sethere fla'mmas. 

Te, Dea, te ri^s, bellatorUinque trcmiscuot 
Corda ducum : te Sylla ferox, te perfidus olim 
Caesai; et in mediis AlaTicus inhorruit armis. 
Praesentf m te Brutus atrox, te Chaerea sensit 
'' Impavidus : tu Massyli in penetralia templi 
Duxisti Asdrubalis genus,' invictumque dedisti 
Pectus, et Ausonias jussisti expendere poenas. 
Atque eadem Libycas, converso numine, turmas 
Cinyphii tandem spargens in pulvere campi, 
Rorauleam firmasti acieiDi vanique sagittam 
Fregisti Numidae, et rapuisti instantibus arma. 

Magna, veni: vocnt innumerisjam vpcibus orbis, 
Regnaque diverso resonant mortalia luctu : 
Ausonis bine telhis, hinc dedignata iyrannos 
Hesperia, auratain Tagus hinc acclinis in urnam 
Testatur coelum, atque ultricia fulmina poscit. 
Inter se ruptis concurruut legibus urbes : 
j£ratae pugn^nt classes, et sanguine largo 
iEquoraque scopulique rubent: segetes per aperfas 
Gallica flamma furit, raptique ad bella coloni 
Diram exsecrantur vitam, Superosque lacessunt. 
Exspectata veni,,conjurataeque cohorti 
Annue, et insueto gladios, Dea, robore firma : 
Exhausto donee terraeque marisque tumultu 
Arma cadant, sileantque tubae, ct ferro undique septus 
Det poenas victor: longi infortunia sa^cli 
Claude manu, et vindtx tantorum ultrixque laborum 
Solve senesceutem nimiis jam cladrbus orbeni. 
Etonje, 1812. 

Ul. ExoD. xiv. 26 — 28. XV. 1. 

*Kyravd(i HAuifg r'avr eTritrreiKey 0e(5s' 

"Ay*, cS vpo^fltaj ffi)y eiriireivov x^P^ 

es irovToy evf^vv, ws TraXiatrvr^ bpo/j^ 

vbtttp KariXdy, k'al tTTparevp^* Alyvirrioy, 

iTTirels T€ Kpvypn, Kai Tpo\r]i\aTOvs oj^ovs, — 

ehQvs bk X€:7pd irovrltav virkp flvdbty 

€T€iv€ Mwtrrjs' 9i' b* cLvtictiT^ adiyet, 

CTree KaTfjXde XevKowuXos i]f.t^pa, 

OdXatra tTrifci* vas b* €9a/i/3ij<7c (rrpaTOs. 

evravda biyais ey jjitrais AlyvTrriovs 

0€o« Kariarpeip*' 6 bk iraXiaavros. KXvbtijy 

tTTirovs CKpinpe, uoJ irebotrTtj^eis 6\pvSt 

' Libcrius hoc dictum : erat euimeifratris Aiuis. 


330 MiiceUafHa Clanica. 

Ikvipai 9f SooiTep kic ydovos NetX^ii«f 
Iwef/txiitpoiArf i^ap&iavos iyrBXais 
i{fVT€£ dakaevay ohb^ r(Mot;rov 9rparov 
df ^y AxpiTTiTOt woprloitrt xd^/iacri. 
M£nTri» M, icXeivoi r* IffpafiKos iicyopmf 
Qef irarp^f rolop Mfivri^rap fi^Xof • 

LXIV. The following are a contkiuation of the parallel passages, 
1 . Nam pater altitonans, steltanti nixus Olympo, 

Ipse suos quoodam tumalos ac teiupla petiTit, 

Et Capitolinis iujecit sedibus igne s 

Cic. Frag, de suo Cons. ap. Lib. Divin. 

Qualiter expressuro ventis per nubila fulroen 

In sua templa furit— Lucan. i. 


— iifii^l ik ^oKkos €kvifj.T€ro ciircXof aiy^ 

Ti TTVpos aidofiiyoiOf q i^cX/oi; iiyioyros. Hom. 11. XXII. 134. 

Ifois 6k€yi&iav o/uota 

/^oXaiotiv deX/cw. Eurip. Phoeo. 170, ed. Porson. 

3. — ■ ■'■ etintus 

Palleat infelix > r— Per*. Sat. llf. 42. 

And sorrow hath made mj very heart pale. 

King of the Crocodiles, Soathe/s Mmor Poenis. 

4. Lyrnessius Acmon, 

Nee Clytio genitore minor, nee fratre Menestheo. • 

Virg. ^n. X. 128. 

Jaraque aderit laeto promissus Honorius aevo, 
N^ec forti genitore minor, nee fratre corusco. 

Claud. Rufin. ii. 374. 

5. dXXa ray ^wt KOfxtv 

K\y<rian€y*'ApT€fjLiy, QeStv kyacraay Eur. Iph, Taur. 1521. 

So in Virgil: 

Summe deum, sancti custos Soraetis Apollo-— -fin. xi. 785. 

6. fyyos 'EvvdXios, Kal re Kraykoyrd KariKm. Hom. II. XV III. 309. 
— In pugna et in acie, ubi Mars comnmnis et victum saepe erigeret, 

et affligeret victorem Liv. xxviii. ip. 

7. Casimir, addressing the dews, calls them ** Stellute noctis de- 

cedentis.'' Silviludium ii. St. ly. 1. 

an host 

Innumerable as the stars of night. 

Or stars of morning, dew*drops, which the sun 

Impearls on ev'ry leaf and ev'ry flower. 

Milton, Paradise Lost, v. 744. 

8. Tp^a* *At5i}s b* iyipoiffi KaratjSifUvoicfiu iivaamMty 
TiTfjyes d" i/voraprapioiy Kpovov itfupU kdyres, 

iifffiiffrov KtXiiovo kuI aU^ S^crr^w. Cfesiod. Theog. 850* 

Mi$eeUanea Clasmca. 5S1 

He is describing the war of Typhon with the OoAs^ Silhis, describ- 
ing Jupiter tbunderixig in defence of Rome, uses the Mme image. 

" '■ ■ I ntonat ipse. 

Quo tremat et Rhodope, Taurusque, et Pindas» et Atlas. 

Audivere lacjis Ei^bi, mersusque profandk 

Agnovit tenebris coelestia bella Typbo^na. Pun. ;ki|. ^^9. 

5- T(mvm mM, XvweU yap, Sore roji^inyf , 

aipilKa dvfif Kapblat ro^eiifiaTa. Soph. Antig. 1084, ed. Bronck. 

Tis Britain barbs the arrows that I speak. 

And makes thy h«art its mark. Milman's Samor, x; 30. 

10. florentes acre catervas. 

Virg. ^n. VII. 8Q4. XI. 433. 

— ..., ■ . — ^^-^bloom'd all %he field with brass. 

Milman's Samor, x i . 32 1 . 

1 1 • Trjv ik woXv wpwTOs Ibe TrjXifia^ps d€0€iiis* 
^(TTO yap kv fiytjffT^pffi 0/Xqv feririfAiyos irop, 
oaaofieyos irarip* eaOXoy eyi KJtpealy — ■ ■ ■■ Horn. Od. I. 113. 

Hamlet. Methinks I see my father. 
Horatio. Where, my Lordi 

Hamlet. In my mind's eye, Horatio. Shakespeare, Hamlet. 
(The above was communicated by a friend.) 

12. Xa/inpa fxky aKTts, ifXlov xav^y <ra(l>^s, 

efiaXXe yaiay Eurip. SuppJ. 

: 1 some gentle taper. 

Though a rush candle from the wicker hole 
Of some clay habitation, visit us 

With thy long-leveird rule of streaming light. 

M^ton's Comas, 338. 

13. *[ls S* ore tis t iXitftayrm, yvyfl foiyiKi fiujvi^ 
M^yhf ^k Kae^pa, wapH'ioy ififieyai lirirwy 

Tolol ro«, MeveXac, fiiaydrjy mfian fiijpol 

€v<i>vi€s, Kyfjfiai r*, ^be tr(f>vpa k6X viriyepde. Hom. II. IV. 141. 

niveos infecit purpura vultus. 

Per liquirias succensa gepas: castasque pudoris 

IHuxere iaces ; non sic decus arde^ ebumum, 

Lydia Sidonio quod foemina tinxerit ostro. Claud. Pros. i. i271. 

14. valle reducta -Virg. ^n. vi. 703. 

= — long withdrawing vales — i Thomson's Spring. 

♦ 15, tenent Danai, qua deficit ignis. Virg. JEm. ll. 605. 

. Quique caret flamma, scelerum est locus. Sil. Ital. 

(The writer is describing the destruction of Saguntum.) 

l6. t6^* kvayytptiTtat tqv h* AXXoy Xaw hviif^i^ 

^iipPMwQmi biftounKara Kpartp^v icrfilyriy. II. XI. 18^. 

332 Miscellanea Classica. 

He fled full soon 
On the first of June — 
But be bade tbe rest keep fighting. 

Elegy on Jean Bon St. An^r^, in the Antijacobin. 

('fhis whimsical coincidence was pointed 4tat by a friend.) 

17. In the fifteenth Odyssey, where Telemachus requests peimission 
for himself and his companion to depart, Menelaus }ields to his re- 
quest with the saying — 

Xpi) ^eivoy iraptvvra ^iXcTf, l^tXovro Se irifiT€tv> Od. XV. 74. 

Ill the late novel of Rob Roy, where Baillie Nicol Jarvie has been inti- 
mating to tbe Highland leader the necessity of himself and his cpm- 
panion taking their leave, the latter replies in a similar manner — >• 

— " Aweel, kinsman, ye ken our fashion — foster the guest that 
comes — further him that maun gang." Rob Roy, ui. p. 227* 

, 18. si neque fervidis 

Pars inclusa caloribus 
M undi, nee Boreas finitimum latus, 

Durataeque solo nives 
Mercatorem abigunt. Hor. Lib. ill. Od. xxiv. 36. 

where busy Commerce waits 

To pour his golden tide through all her gates ; 
Whom fiery suns, that scorch the russet spice 
Of eastern groves, and oceans fioor'd with ice. 
Forbid in vain to push his daring way 
To darker climes, or climes of brighter day— 

Cowper, Expostulation. 
Horace appears to have been a favorite author with Cowper. 
19* Qualis ubi ad terras, abrupto sidere, nimbus 

It mare per medium . 

Antevolant, sonitumque ferudt ad littora venti. 

Virg. Mn. xir. 451 — 155. 

Casimir has made a beautiful application of this expression : 

— et qui jam morientibus 
Instabat, urgent isque leti 
Frigid us antevolabat horror. 

Casim. Epod. (ad S. Stanislauiti Kostkam.) 

20. When we are idle, we tempt the devil to tempt us, as careless 
persons make thieves. Baxter's Saints' Rest, chap, xi. § 6. 

And thus, in wrath and envy and despair. 

She templed Hell to tempt her Southey's Kehama, xi. 

21. NequicquamDeusabscidit 

Prudens Oceano dissociabili 
Terras : si tamen impise 

Non tangenda rates transiliunt vada. 

Hor. Lib. i. Od. ill. 21. 

Miscellanea Classica* 323 

Oh ! why has Jehovah, in forming the worlds 

Divided the deep from the land, 
His ramparts of rocks round the continent hurl'd. 

And cradled the deep in his hand ; 
If man may transsress his eternal command. 

And pass o'er tiie bounds of his birth. 

To ravage the uttermost earth ? 

Montgomery, Ode on the Ocean. 

^2. As a servant earnestly desireth the shadow, and as an hireling 
looketh for the reward of his work: so am I made to possess months 
of vanity, and wearisome nights are appointed to me. Job vii. 2j 3. 

*SU b* or avrfp hopiroio XcXa/erac, ^re vavfjfiap 

reioy aviXKrjrov (i6€ oivoire xijicr^v &porpov, 

ittTTrafflias b' &pa rf Karibv ^dos ^eXloio^ 

bSpvov €irol')(€<ydai, jSXdjSerac bi re yoivar i6vtC 

Sis *Obv<yri' atnratrrov ^bv ^dos ieXloio. Hom. Odyss. XIII. 31, 

523. *iU b* St €v ovpavf Utrrpa ij^aeiyilv &fi(f>\ cteKiivriv 
i^alver iipiirpeir^a, k, r. X. — 

rdtroa /leoiyyv vtStVy iibk BavBoio poauty, 
TpMutv Kaidynay irvpa t^aivero *\Ki6Qi vpd, Hom. II. YIII. 551. 

Nox erat, et late stellarum more videbam 

Barbaricos ardere focos. Claud, vi. Cons. Hon. 453. 

soon a score of fires, I ween, 

From height, and hill, and cliff were seen,; 
Each with warlike tidings fraught, 
Kacb from each the signal caught ; 
' Each after each they glanced to sight. 
As stars arise upon the night. 

Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel, ill. st. 79. 

24. 'tis b' or' Avaifp voos hvipos^ S<n\ kfrX iroXXl^i' 
yaiav k\r(KovQiiiS^ <j>p€a\ TrevKoKlfiriffi voiifrg, 
eyd* eiriv, 1} iyda, fi€yoiyfi<y€U re woXXa* 
ws k'paiirvQs fiefiavta biiTrraro vdryia'Uprj, Hom. II. XV. 80. 

So Claudian of the horses of Pluto : 

— — torrentius amne 

Hyberno^ tortaque ruunt pemicius hasta : 

Quantum non jaculus Parlhi, non impetus Austri, 

Non leve solUcitae mentis discurrit acumen. Claud. Pros. 11. 198. 

Toy bk arepeoy Kal &yov(roy 

toKvrepoy Toixi<r€ yor/uaros alyf/ripolo 

"tiros kirovpayiois IlodaXe/pcos. ;— Quint. Smym. IX. 46 1. 

25. Qua contra vettttim discordial Virg. ^n. x. 9. 

Rather, how hast thou yielded to transgress 

The strict forbiddance? ^Milton, Par. Lost, jx!. 90 ; 

334 Miscellanea Ckssica. 

26. Septemque qui jfiolcic Triones 

Carpathus " Casirt. Od. Lib. ill. 

— Hills that prop the polar star — Campbell, Ode to Winter. 

27. The murmuring surge. 

That oa th' unniimber'd idle pebbles chafes, 

Caooot be heard so high. — Shakespeare's King Lear^ Act I v. Sc. 5. 

Their way was on the margin of the land. 
O'er the green summit of the rocks, whose base 
Be^ts back the roaring surge, scarce heard so high. 

Cowper's Task, vi. 

28. Novistine locum potiorem rure beato ? elc. etc^ 
Nempe inter varias nutritur sylva columnas, 
Laudaturque domuS, longos quse prospicit agros. 
Naturam expellas furca licet, usque recurret, 
Et mala perrumpet furtim fastidia victrix. 

Hor. Lib. i. £p. x. 1. 14. 

'Tis bom with all, the love of Nature's works— 
£v'n in the stifling bosom of the Town 
A garden, in which nothing thrives, has charnls. 
That sooth the rich possessor- 


are they not all proofs 
That man, immured in cities, still retains 
His inward inextinguishable thirst 
Of rural scenes ? ^ Cowper's Task, iv. 731. 753. 

29. —-—^ ^Non segnius ardens 

Incurrit Tydeus, quam flammiger ales olori 
Imminet, et magna trepidum circumligat umbra. 

Stat. Theb. Viii. 

There is a simile in Walter Scott somewhat resembling this in idea : 

Such glance the mountain eagle threw^ 

As, from the clitfs of Benvenue, 

She spread her dark sails on the wiiid. 

And, high in middle heaven reclin'd. 

With her bread shadow on the lake, ^ 

silenced the warblers of the brake. Lady of the Lsike, lii. st- 

30. ET. €1* x^pas XeiS&atis ^fias ; 

nOA. eitropH' ieiKov 5* 6 irXovrtis, ital jfiK6}lj^6y kclkSv. 

Etttip. Ph(£ti. ($05, Porsoo. 

There is a similar taunt ascribed to Polynicfes in Statins : 

^nec parcit cedent!, atque increpat hosti : 

*' Quo retrahis, germane, gradus ? O languida somno, 
£t regnis effoeta quies ! longaque sub umbra 
Imperia ! exilio rebiisque exerciita egenis 
Membra vides : disce arma pati, nee fidere laetis." 

Theb. XI. 547. 

% * To the passages adduced in No. 11. of the Miscellaneft Classica, 

Miscellanea Classica. 335 

(Class. Journ. No. xxxiii. p. 33. art. 2.) as parallel to that of Ho- 
race, << Nam, quae nivali pascitur Algido/' &c. add the following 
from Tibuilus : 

Est nobis voluisse satis : nee munera parva 
' Respueris : etiam Phoebo gratissima dona 

Cres lulit — 

Parvaque coelestes pacavit mica, nee illis 

Semper indurato taurus cadit hostia cornu. Lib. iv. 1. 7^ 14. 

To the passage quoted from Horace in the same number (p. 35, 
art. 12.) as parallel to that in Sophocles, to yap ^avdkv rU ay hvvaiT 
hyevvrirov woieiv ; add the following from Milton, which resembles 
the lines of Horace more than those of Sophocles : 

But past who can recall, or done undo 'i 

Not God omnipotent, nor fate — - — Paradise Lost, l^. 9^6, 

Horace imitated Pindar, 01. ii. 29. 

— tQv bk T€wpayfAivuy 
€v iiK^ T€ Kal Trapa hUiav 
iiirolfiTOy oiS' ay 
j^pdyoSf 6 ir6.yTwy xar^p, 
ovyaiTo dificy ipyiay riXos* 

In the same number (p. 36, art. 22, printed by mistake 20.) an in- 
stance of coincidence between ^schines and the poet Cowper was 
noticed. The writer has since met with the same passages in a note 
on an article in the Quarterly Review, vol. iv. p. 208, art. Gifford's 
Political Life of Pitt. In No. in. of the Misc. Class. (Class. Joum. 
No. xxxiii. p. 38. art. 10.) was quoted from Herbert (with a similar 
passage from Young,) ^ 

Thus we prevent the last great day, 

And judge ourselves. 
The following (from a sermon of Robert Hall's) contains a noble 
developenient of a similar idea. " At the day of judgment, the atten- 
tion excited by the surrounding scene, the strange aspect of nature, 
the dissolution of the elements, and the last trump, will have no other 
effect than to cause the reflections of the sinner to return with a more 
overwhelming tide on his own character, his sentence, his unchanging 
destiny; and, amid the innumerable millions who surround him, he 
will mOum apart. It is thus the Christian minister should endeavour 
to prepare the tribunal of conscience, and turn the eyes of every one 
of his hearers on himself." Sermon on the Discouragements and Sup- 
ports of the Christian Minister, pp. 23, 24.— The lines, " In vain their 
bones unburied lie," quoted in No. I. of the Misc. Class. (Class. Journ. 
vol. XV. p. 3(»3, an. 2l.) of which the reference was accidentally 
omitted, are from Lord Byron's poem on the Death of Admiral Parker, 
printed among the niisceilaneoiis poems at the end of Childe Harold, 
Cantos I. and ii. The sentiment has often been repeated since Thu- 




X HERE is no part of graminar \i\mh is, in general, less satisfac^ 
torily explained than the theory and use of moods. Almost all 
the M'fiters on this subject appear to content themselves with 
following the method that others have followed before them — or 
perhaps they add a few observations of their own, which are forced 
to coincide with the original system. Hence arises a degree of 
confusion in the use of terms, and an obscurity of expression^ 
which it would be most desirable to avoids 

To attempt any practical improvement, in this respect, would 
probably be considered as a mere fanciful innovation. Age seems 
to have consecrated a particular arrangement, and particular names, 
which it would be little less than impiety towards the mighty dead 
to violate. But if we dare not change what has been long esta- 
blished, it is, at least, our business to form as clear conceptions on 
this important subject as possible ; and, while we use the same 
terms that others nave done, not to bind ourselves to adopt their 
opinions. That it is a subject of very considerable di^culty, every 
person will acknowledge ; and that this difficulty was felt, even by 
the classic writers of Greece and Rome, is evident from the variety 
in their manner of expression^ and the different uses which they 
make of the same forms of the verb. Hence it may be impossible 
to lay down unexceptionable rules with regard to the origin and use 
of moods ; but, although we cannot accomplish all that we desire^ 
we should not be discouraged from making an humble attempt to 
come near it. 

Est quodam prodire tenus, si non datur ultra. — Hor. 

In order to form a clear conception, therefore, of moods^ wie 
must consider the subject in two points of view. First, as to the 
ongin, which, of course, will be entirely speculative ; and, seconcijy, 
as to the use, which caii be deduced only from observations oa 
languages as they are spoken, or written. 



' The nature of the human frame is such that it continually 
requires food, cloathing, and refreshment by repose after exertion* 
Almost all our actions are influenced, more or less, by sensations 
sue!) as these. Without some object exciting our desires^ we 

An Essay on Moods. 337 

should siiik into a state of lisilessness, apathy^ and total inactivity^ 
It would b6 wandering t60:far from my present purpose to enquire 
hi whHt manner, and to what degree, the social affection of benevo- 
lence is interwovtn with the selHsh desire of action ; or how much 
our own happiness is increased by the happiness that we communi- 
cate to others. It is sufficient to observe, tiiat, as soon as we aire 
capable of forming an idea of the wants of others, we are, in ' 
general, disposed to relieve them, and that tliis becomes an object 
of desire with us, as well as to supply our own immediate neces- 

I have mentioned only food, cloathing, and rest, as the primary 
Wants of nature, being all that an infant desires. But, as age 
advances, conveniences, comforts, luxuries, superfluities are also 
desired. The passions exercise their influence on the mind, and 
desire -to be gratified. The intellectual faculties expand, and 
desire to be supplied with knowledge ; and that knowledge, when 
acquired, the mind desires to compiunicdte to others, either in 
compliance with their wishes^ or for self interest, or self gratifica- 
tion. The same observation will apply to all our pursuits. Still 
the one great principle, the desire of some good seems to pervade 
our nature, and influence all our conduct. 

^j ow, if man could exist as a solitary individual, his time might 
be spent in a silent pursuit of the objects that he wished to obtain — 
in a silent gratificatioti of his desire. But this is not the case. 
From the first period of human existence men were social ; and 
the most transient glance of one human being on the actions of 
another would convince him that their united efforts might accom- 
plish what he could not do, or do so effectually, by himself — that 
another bad it in his power to give him something, which he could 
not otlierwise obtain ; or to perform some action for him, that was 
not within the scope of his own exertions. 

He would no longer then confine himself to that silent pursuit, 
which we have considered, but make use of the most easy and 
effectual means of making his desire known to bis brother. And 
the natural faculty of forming articulate sounds would soon suggest 
the use of speech as the most expeditious method of accomplishing 
his object. When bis eye fixed upon any thing that he wished the 
other to assist him in obtaining, his tongue would give a name to 
that object — perhaps accompanied with some significant look, or 
gesture. The name, thus given, would have the energy of a 
request^ or command, and might be styled a verb in the 

Imperative Mood, 

It is probable, also, that this desire would be expressed in the 
shortest and simplest manner, possible ; aod . that the imperative 

338 An Essay on Moods. 

form would be either a single articulation of the voice^ that is a 
monosyllable ; or, at most, a very short dissyllable. 

That this tlieory is not unreasonable will appear from what any 
person may observe in children, before they can understand the 
meaning of artificial language. However ludicrous the idea- may 
appear, we may consider the faintest cry that expresses pain^ or 
hunger, that is the desire for food or rest, as an imperative verb. 
Or, descendmg still lower, we may conceive that the inferior 
animals have this power of expressing their desires, in common 
with the human species. But their powers of intellect and of 
expression are equally limited. Having no minds to cultivate^ or 
soids to store with knowledge, they possess all that is necessary for 
the use of the body in the faculty of thus communicating their 
feelings. As the child gradually ascends above the mere instinct 
of the brute, he begins to use the human power of speech, and 
invents, before he is capable of learning, names for those things 
that he wishes to obtain : and the manner in which these names are 
given expresses the desire of the child that utters them. 


We have thus endeavoured to ascertain, from theory, and the 
observation of nature, the origin and purpose of the primary, or 
imperative mood. Let us proceed, in the same manner, to cofi" 
sidcr the effect produced upon another, by the expression of this 

As soon as the application is made, the person to wliom it is 
directed will consider his own power and inclination to do or not 
to do the thing that is desired. And, if he do not immediately and 
silently perforna, or resolve not to perform it, he will intimate his 
intention to comply, or the contrary. The latter including an 
additional idea, viz. that of negation, along with the original one 
suggested by the imperative verb, will require an additional sound 
to express it, or another word besides one corresponding to that 
which was already used. Accordingly negative particles have 
been employed for this purpose, 1 believe, in all languages. . But 
as these are always separate from the verb, or easily separable from 
it, I shall take no farther notice of them in the following observa- 
tions ; confining myself entii ely to the affirmative, . or simple, fonm 
of the verb. 

We shall suppose, then, that the person addressed is disposed to 
comply with his brother's desire, and that he ifitimates his iuteation 
of doing so. The simplest, and most effectual method that he can 
emplo\ w ill be to repeat the very name of the desired object, with 
a corresponding gesture, or an additional sound, identifying 
bimsdf, as it were, vrithtbit object^ and thus expiiessing bis w^iiig« 

An Essay on Moods. 359 

ness to do what is desired. Here we hav« the origin of the 
indicative mood^ forti>ed from the imperative, by the addftiofi of 
some sound representing the speaker, or actor. And, in the 
structure of language, it will be found^ in general, that the termina- 
tions of the indicative are fragments of the several personal pro- 
nouns ; expressing, in the concisest manner, the identity of the 
person and the thmg. 

When the word is once invented, it will do for every similar 
occasion, and may be used as indicative of an intention to act, even 
when no request has been made, or imperative previously used. 
Thus the indicative becomes, by degrees, not a mere respondent 
to an antecedent imperative expressed^ but to one understood — and^ 
proceeding still farther, in the same manner, it expresses the inten- 
tion to do a thing, when no immediate reference to the will of 
another is conceived, but the design appears to originate with thb 
speaker himself. 

Thus far we have considered, chiefly^ that class of verbs >^hich 
express desires excited by external objects. But it is evident that 
the primary feelings of want, to which I slightly alluded, are 
experienced, before we have an idea what would gratify or relieve 
us. And, in the same manner, the internal emotions give rise to 
many of our expressions, when we have no external object imme- 
diately in view. Hence the inarticulate cry gradually ctianges into 
a word, expressive of that emotion, and its corresponding desire ; 
but without implying a direct request, or command, to any indivi- 
dual, to assist in obtaining the relief, or gratification, that is 
required : as when I say, 1 hunger, or / thirst. Verbs of this 
kind may be considered as having a mixed signification, both tWi- 
cative, and imperative — or as conveying an indefinite request, but 
incapable of having a distinct and separate imperative. 

Subjunctivef or Potential, 

It may happed, however, thdt the person, to whom we suppose 
the request to be made^ may not have it in his power immediately 
to Comply with it. His doing so, at all, may perhaps depend upon 
other circumstances, over which he has no control. Some change 
in theybrm of his answer will then become necessary. He must 
include an allusion to this uncertainty, or these circumstances, along 
with the expression of his own identity with the object desired. 
But this combination of ideas will be most easily expressed by 
distinct and separate words. As we have observed, this is always 
the case, with regard to simple negatives. And, in the same man- 
ner, the subjunctive t or potential mood, will be found, in general, 16 
be formed by the combination of two or mor* verbs, with con- 
ditional particles and circumstances expressed or understood. It is 

S40 An Essay on Moods. 

only in a language of the most artificial construction that a change 
in terminations alone indicates the uncertainty, or conditioiuil 
nature of tlie assertion. 


A still greater refinement, or a more ingenious contrivance is to 
combine, in one word, an expression of the thing desired, the 
person \ibo acts, the uncertainty of accomplishment, and the inten- 
tion to do it, if it be fit or possible. Yet all this is very fully, and 
clearly, expressed in the Greek optative mood. 

We have thus traced the origin of the moods from nature itself, 
commencing with the imperative, as the simple expression of desire; 
to which the indicative corresponds. And it is evident that these 
two alone are sufficient for all the purposes of speech, >vhen 
accompanied by Mords expressive of condition, uncertainty, or 


The infinitive can hardly be classed among the moods of a verb. 
It is simply the name of the action, or existence ; and is, not 
improperly, styled by some writers, a verbal noun. When it refers 
to any visible, or sensible object the same word will answer as a 
name for that object ; and even when an action only is expreslsed, a 
similar identity in the word which expresses the doing of the action, 
and its accomplishment, will produce no obscurity in.language. 

Connexion of Moods and Tenses, 

It is evident that, according to the view which we are taking of 
this subject, the only two primitive moods have a reference to 
something that is to take place after the word is uttered. Whether 
one person desires to obtain an object, or another promises to give 
it, both the one and the other look forward to it, as z future event. 
In order, therefore, to have a clear conception of the nature of 
moods, it is indispensibly necessary to allude also to tenses ; or, as' 
an ingenious writer on grammar' has called them, '* the moods of 
. time." Indeed it is impossible to think deliberately on the one 
without the other. We cannot conceive any de&iie, any action, 
or any state, without conceiving also some time in which it was, or 
is, or will be in existence. What Cicero says of decorum, * as 
connected with the virtues in general, may, very well, be applied 
to this subject. ^' Pertinet quidem ad omnem honestatem hoc, 
quod dico, decorum; et ita pertinet ut non recondita quadam 


An Essay on Moods. 341 

ratione cernatiir^ sed sit in promtu. Est enim quiddam, idque 
intelligitur in omni virtute^ quod deceat, quod cogitatione magis a 
virtute potest quam re scparari. Ut venustas et polchritudo cor- 
poris secemi non potest a valetudine, sic hoc, de quo loquimur, 
decorum, totum illud quidem est cum virtute confusum, sed mente 
et cogitatioue distiuguitur." Off. 1 •. 



As, in the origin of language, therefore, there were only two 
moods, so, both these moods having a reference to something n6c 
jet performed, there could be only one tense, the future ; and the 
desire of the speaker was equally well expressed, whether he used 
that mood which is technically called the imperative, or that mood 
which is called the future tense. The meaning is the same wheii 
I say. Do this, or, thou shalt do this : do not bear false witness^ or, 
thou shalt not bear false witness. The imperative force in these 
future expressions consists not in the auxiliary shall^ for the future 
has the same meaning, in languages that require no auxiliaries. 


But we have observed that some verbs express desire arising 
from internal emotions, and m ithout an immediate reference to any 
external object. Although these also may be called future, in as 
much as the desire of gratification is implied, yet the principal . 
consideration must be with regard to the past, or the time since 
that particular emotion arose. Hence we have another distinction 
of time; viz. the preterite, or past. And it will be found that 
these two moods of time are sufficient for almost all the purposes 
of speech. The present is like a 'mathematical point ; it has no 
parts, and no magnitude.' It is merely the limit, or mark, where 
the line of time past ends, and that of time future commences. 
But the past and the future occupy the whole line, witho.ut leaving 
any space to be filled by the present. It is true that we may 
conceive that point in any part of ,lhe past, or future ; or we may 
conceive it moving along, extending the one division, and shortening 
the other, and thus forming the last mood of time, or the 


The participle, then, may be considered as a frequent repetition 
of the indicative mood, announcing not merely the intention of 
doing a thing, or declaring the state, in a space of time too short 

' Harris, in his Hermes, makes some ingenious observations on this 

343 An Essay on Moods. 


for unagiiiitibii to conetife, but the cgatinuanee pf lint state, or 
actioo for tome length of time. And, accordingly as we ih 
that action in time past, or future, or conceive the presettC as 
iBclnded in its continuance, we form the indicatiTe mood into a 
paat, present, or future participle. 

We may also conceive an acxion to be so frequently repealed as 
to become habitual, and thus form a consuetudinal mood, or tense, 
out of the indicative. . Or, finally, considering that habit comes to 
have a permanent influence on our nature, we may suppose a 
person to be so much in the habit of doing a certain difng diat the 
tendency to the action becomes an inherent quality ki bim ; and 
thus, what was originally expressive of a single purpcjse of doing is 
gradually changed into an epithet, or participial adjective. 
• This theory of tenses and participles, or moods of time, answer- 
ing the same purpose with those which are generally called moods 
of action or existence, appears to be the only satisfactory way of 
accounting for the seemmgly promiscuous use of what are artifi- 
cially distinguished by the names of moods and tenses, in grammar. 

And that the present tense is one of comparatively little use in 
language will appear, if we consider how very few of our expres- 
sions are limited to this time. When we cast out aU narrative of 
the past, and anticipation of the future, we leave, at most, only <me 
third of the subjects of speech to b^ expressed by the present. 
Let us again subtract from this third part the expression of all such 
things as aie equally certain, or uncertain, at all times*— wfaidi do 
not depend, for their truth, upon the circumstances of the preseat 
moment, but may be asserted, with the same precision as to their 
nature, as things that have been, or that will be — and we reduce 
our use of the present, strictly as such, to very narrow limits indeed. 
This observation is particularly necessary to be kept in mind, in 
accounting for the apparently promiscuous use of tenses, in some 

Having thus endeavoured to account for the origin of moi^ds on 
the principles of nature, let us proceed, in the 

Second place, to illustrate this theory by a few observations on 
the use of moods, including tenses, in some written languages. 

1. Hebrew. 

The Hebrew appears to be the most ancient language of w^iich 
we have any correct and general knowledge. Not only are the 
early records of the world composed in it, but it possesses those 
characters of primitive simpliciQ^, in the formation of its verbs, 
which we have considered as accompanying their natural origin. 

In Hebrei^, there are only two moods, the imperative, an^ indu 
cative. For the infinitive, which is, in regular verbs, the same 

An Essay on Moods. S43 

with the vsperatife^ cannot be considered is m distinet f^mi of die 
verb* I*^ow, although the custom of Hebrew gremiiiarians, from 
lime immemorial, ha^ been to consider the third person singnhr 
of the preterite as the r^ot^ yet it is hardly possible to conceive any 
thing more improbable than that the first use of language would 
be to tell what another person had done, at another time. The 
formation of the various parts of the verb would be equally easy 
from the imperative, which, in general, consists of the same letters 
with the third person preterite; and, in some verbs, of still fewer 
letters. And, as we su(^>o3ed the first expression of desire to be 
in a very short and simple form, so all the Hebrew imperatives 
are words of two or three letters ; as, lp9 visit, 2tEf sit. The 
simple respondent to these is in the first person fingular fotni^, 
by prefixing M, the first letter of the pronoun ^3M /, to the impera* 
tive ; thua identifying the speaker with the desired action or 
object ; as, IpBM / will visit, 2tt^M / wili sit. From the same 
root the other persons, of both numbers, of the preter and future 
tenses, may, with equal ease, be formed ; as also the participles 
Cenoni, or present, and paoul, or past. It is particularly worthy 
of observation also that the different shades of potential, optative, 
and subjunctive may be expressed by the indicative, with the assist* 
ance of proper particles ; and that the imperative mood, and the 
future tense are both used in the same signification. As in that 
sublime expression, God said, let there be light, it is, "DM TP light 
shall he. In the conimandments, and other prohibitory expres- 
sions, our tiFanslators have rendered the Hebrew literally — thou 
shalt not kill; thou shalt not steaL 

And as the future tense is thus equivalent to the imperative 
mood, so it is used with a reference not merely to such events as 
certainly will come to pass, but to such as are customary, pos- 
sible, lawful, desirable, reasonable ; thus connecting the significa- 
tion of the potential and subjunctive moods with the form of tfa^ 
indicative. And as the preterite is also used to express a thin^ as 
generally true, as well as to denote what happened in past time, 
the preterite and future appear to be often used indifferently. It 
was this sameness of signincation that, probably, gave rise to the 
use of both these tenses in the same expression, and referring to the 
same time; when it is usually said that 1 inserted between them 
converts the following verb, from the signification of the tense in 
which it is written, into that of the preceding verb ; as, TvM ^iTJW 
^MSn/D verbatim, / cried unto thee and thou wilt heal me, but 
rendered, 1 cried unto thee and thou hast healed me. It is true 
that this will not enable us to say why 1 should be conversive in 
certain circumstances, and not so in others ; or why it w*as custom- 
ary to make this remarkable use of the tenses, in the Hebrew 

344 An Essay r on Moods. 

language ; but I conceive that we have sufficient reason to believe 
what is here stated to be the prindplt of the language, • and, as 
such, to be a testimony to the justness of the theory which I pro- 
pose. I1iat the future and the preterite are sufficient, ais was 
before mentioned, for the purposes of language in general, is 
evident from the Hebrew having no distinct form for the present. 
Things that were, and are, and will be true, are expressed as we 
have seen ; and, when the duration of an event includes the present 
time, it is, very conveniently, expressed by the participle^ with the 
vetb of existence expressed, or understood. * 

^ 2. Arabic. 

Like its venerable mother tongue, the Arabic has only the 
inoperative, and indicative moods, the future and preterite tenses, 
and the two participles. In this language also the imperative is 
the simplest form of the verb, consisting in general of three, and 

never of more than four letters ; as, f^\\ assist, _ ^% turn, 

from which the olher parts of the verb are easily formed. In the 
use of its tenses, also, we observe that. the Arabic future corres- 
ponds more frequently to our present, than any other tense; which 
strengthens the idea that the present. form has, originally, and 
really, a future signi6cation : while the imperative, and future, 
are used in commanding, or prohibiting, precisely as they are in the 
Hebrew language. The same observation may be iuade, with 
regard to the use of the participles. . , 

3. Persian. 


Like the Arabic, from which the Persian language is principally 
formed, the structure of their common parent, the Hebrew, is 
manifest in this dialect also. And, in imitation of the Hebrew 
grammarians, writers on Persian grammar take the third person of 
the preterite as the root, fron^ \ihich the other parts of the verb are 
formed. But they go' still farther, in supposing this to be formed 
from the verbal noun, or infinitive, by cutting off a final 8}llable ; 
and they then use other syllables, to form the diiFerent infiections. 
But this circuitous meihod mis^ht, with great ease, be avoided in 
this language also, by taking the imperative for the root; as it is 
shorter, and simpler in form, than the infinitive ; thus instead of 
saying that ^^jf he spoke, is formed from xiT '^ speak, by drop- 
ping the final it would be much simpler to form both this, and 
the other piTts of the verb from .f speak thou, 

4. Celtic, 
If we turn from the Hebrew asid\\% de%cewdaut8 in the east, to 

An Essay on Moods. 34S 

the kindred tongue that spread over the hortli-westem division of 
the ancient world — the Celtic — we shall find the same pripciples, 
that have been already considered, prevail, ih a very remarkable 
degree. ^Fiiere is a most striking resemblance between the 
Hebrew and Celtic, in many particulars, but in nothing more than 
in tlie formation and inflection of verbs. 

5. Irish, 

The Irish may, perhaps, be considered as the best preserved 
dialect of the ancient Celtic. Its manuscripts are evidently of 
great antiquity ; its character appears to be ,the original one which 
is said to have borne so gieat a resemblance to the ancient Greek ; 
and, what is most remarkable, the Irish alphabet, to this day, 
admits no other letters, than those which Cadmus, as we are told, 
introduced into xGreece ; together with the primitive digamma, 
corresponding exactly in form, power, and order, with the £olic 
character of that name. 

lu Irish, as in Hebrew, the imperative mood is the root, from 
which all the other parts of the verb are formed. Thus from 
buaii, $trike, comes buailim, I strike, and buailfid, I will strike* 
And, in general, the imperative is a monosyllable. Yet, in com- 
pliauce with a very preposterous custom, some Irish grammarians 
adopt the infinitive as the root ; and others, with equal impro- 
priety, imitate the practice of writers on Greek and Latin, by con- 
sidering the first person, present tense, as that from which the 
other parts of the verb are formed. I may observe that it was ' in 
the course of my reflections on the Celtic, while employed in 
writing a grammar of the Irish language, that the idea first occurred 
to me that the imperative was the radical part of the verb. 

The Irish is as simple as the Hebrew, in its moods and tenses — 
at least, it appears to have been originally so. But, after the propar 

C'ors of Christianity^ introduced a knowledge of the Greek and 
tin languages, several of the artificial inventions, in these 
tongues, were applied to the. inflection of Irish verbs.' 

Like the Hebrew, the Irish language uses separate particles, and 
auxiliary verbs, to express condition, circumstance, and volition. 
But it is singular in having a distinct form of the verb to denote a 
thing as customary, or consuetudinal. Thus taim, contracted for 
ta me, signifies / am now, but bim, for hi me, means / am 

' See Valp}f% Greek Grammar, p. 44. — £d. 





Quam annuente summo numine, Praside JOANNE LXJZAC^ 
J. U. 1). et in Academia Bainva Ungna Graat^ et Hitt, 
Patriit Prnfessore Oriinatioy in Auditorio Literario publice 
dam(hBatavus, Auctor, Die 14 Dee. 1793. 



JfUroduciio. §. 1. Definitio Ostracismi. §. 2. Varianomina 
Ostracism!. §. 3. De nuiterU tesiularum. §. 4. De Phtalismo 
^iMf Syracusanos. §« 5. OsTRAcisMus ap»da/ta« Grjeci£ 
CivitattM. §. 6. Z>e Ostracismi Auciore. 

Ita fere comparatae sunt res liumanae, ut saepius opinionem sequa- 
ittUT, quam exploratam sententiam. Id praesertim accidity Iq dijudi- 
candis gentium ac populorum institutis, de quibus pleruinque sic 
pronunciaii solet, ut, dicta a prioribus pro certissimis et Hon dobiis 
accipientes^ ilia pro bonis babeamus, qiiae, si accuratius insptciantar, 
minus laudanda ; contra antem tanqnam prava Tttuperemus, qits, 
melius cognita, non omnino improbanda videantur. Inlinita nume- 
roy ut a Pr%ceptoribus accepimus, talia sunt in Antiquitate Gneei 
et Roman6, quae, ad aequius judicium revocata, diversum a Tecept4 
opinione jam calculum ferrent. Idcirco, quum a studiis humantomm 
literarum ad severiorem Jurisprudentiae disciplinam discedere res 
mese ferant et aetas, profectuum meorum in priori geriere pericuium 
facturo Ostraclsmus placuit, instil utum istud Atticae Reip. celebratis- 
simuro, in quo nihil nisi injustitiam Populi Atbeniensis, ingratum erga 
bene meritos viros animum, tyrannideni deiiique popularem passim 
quaeri et inveniri videas ; quae condemnatio an ex boni viri armtratu 
pronuncianda sit, postquam singula rerum momenta allata fiierint et 
in lance posita, aequi discernent judices. laterea, cum ingenui sit 
laudare per quos profeceris, silentio mihi premere neias est nomen 
Joannis Jacobi Battierii, J. U. Doctorrs et sub finem scculi prseteriti 
Eloquentiae Professoris apud Basileenses. Hujus eteirim exstat Dis- 
sertatio de Ostracismo Atheniensium, die 15 Augusti anni l699» 
defensore Theodoro Burcardb, Basile%e publice proposita. Qnam 
brevem iliam quidem, sed clegantem et cum cnri scriplam, si vidisset 
Abbas Geinoz, supersedere potuisset operae, vei a non uno isaltem 
sibi cavere errore gravissimo, in Dissertatione Gallic^ de Ostracismo, 
quae legit ur in MonvmentU AcademitB elegentiorum Literarum Petri-' 
sime (^Mdmoires de VAcaddmie des Inscriptions et Belles-JLetires, 
Tom. xii. p. 136.) — ^Jam ipsam opellam nostram aggrediamur. 

§. I. De Ostracismo igitur dicturi, primum videamus, quis fuerit, 
81 ve quid isto nomine significetur. 

De Ostracismo Atheniemium. 347 

. Atbenienses, et ad eonun exempluili .plurimas diae Civitates Gras'- 
ciae, quae form^ imperii populari utebantur, cives, qui vel numera 
acuicoruui, vel opibus, vel gloria rerum gestarum ceteris multuoi 
emiDebaot, et a quibus, (maxime si accederet alterius potentioris ' 
semulatio et inde orta civilis cootentio,) libertati, seu forma? imperii 
oppulariy sine qua existimabaDt libertatem consistere baud posse, . 
periculum metuebant, per defiuitum aDnorum spatium patri^ jubebapt 
exulare, sine ullo tamen vel famjBB, vel rei faroiliaris, vel juriam civilium 
detriniento. ^ 

Qualis e civitate per definitum tempus ejectta, quum apud Atbe- 
nienses ope testularum irrogari soleret, kqt itoxrjv Qstracismus dictus 
est. Definitionis auctorem habemus Aristoteiem de Rep, Lib. iii. 
pag. 354>. edit, du Vol, - Tidevrat tov oarpaKKrfioy at irffJUMcparoijfjLerai 
TToXccs* — ahral yap rovs boKof/vras vir€pi')(€iy bvvdfjiei 8ta ir\ovToy, rj 
TToXv^iX/av, H Tiva d\X»)v woXiTiKrlv Itryyv, dKrrpdKiSoVf Kal fiedierra^ar 
€K rfjs 7r<(Xe(i/s ypovovs utpttfixivovs. 

§. II. Dicebatur Qstracismus ^OfrrpaKifrfibs, curoffrpaKKructs^ e^ovrpa^ 
Ki^fjLos, aut et simpliciter oarpaKov, ut Plutarcbo in Pericle pag, l6l. 
A. £is hyutva ttepX tov offTpiucov icoratn-^vaiy id est,* de Ostrdcismo 
cotttendisse,^ Per jocum etiam vocabatur oarpaKlSf ut ab Aristo- 
phane in Equit, Act, 2. Seen, 4. versu 20. Ut autem exilium ipsum 
oarpaKiaiiog vocabatur, sic actus exiliuiiL deceruendi appellabatur 
Offrpuico^cipia, teste Poliuce L, viii. «• 20. iras 6 brjfws otnpaicois li/^i^- 
■ i^itro, Koi TO ipyov etaaXeiTO- oorpajco^opict, Kal to vddos 6<npai:ifr/n6s. 

§• III. Qua^ exscripsimus modoy Poliucis verba originem vocis 
oarpaKifTfios satis demonstrant. "Otrrpeov, otrrpeiovj ofrrpaicov, ejusdem 
originis, rjusdemquepropemodum significationis voces,. nativ4 su4 po« 
testate, rem notant, quae ossi$ velut duritiem habeat, materiam assis 
instar induratam^ speciatira vero concham maxinam^ tesinm, iestulam. 
Inde nata, quae inter VV. DD. agitatur, disputatia, utrum bae testulae 
fueriat vera ostrea seu conchae marinae, an quaedam frusta terrae coctae, 
testulae figulinae, in formam concfaarum eflictae. Ut posterior tameii 
sententia, nisi vera, probabilior saltern videatur, facit periphrasis 
KepafieiKri vel KepafjLiici /iaort^, qua aliquando Qstracismus a Veteribus 
fuit designatus. Appellationis rationem exponit Hesychius ta voce 
his verbis : Kepafuu:^ fiaan^ tov oarpaKiafjiov Xcyovffi, fiaariya /ick 
Sea TO (iaaavtSeiv Toifs oarpaiciiofiiyove Kal KokaSeiv, Kcpa/JiiKrly ik bia 
TO €K KepafjLov ra oorpaica elvai, ^ 

Quin et banc sibi imaginem Latini etiam scriptores Twy ooTpaKwy 
formasse videutur, cum otFTpaKoy reddidere Latiu^ voce testulae vel 
testiB^ ut Nepos in Tketnistocle Cap. viiL §. 2. testarum suffragiiie 
civitate ejectus : in Cimone Cap. iii. §. l. nam testarum sujffragiis, 
quod illi Ostracismum vocant^ decern annorum exilio mulctatus est ; 
in Aristide Cap. i. §. 3. tamtn a Themistocle collabefactus testuld 
iUd, exilio decern annorum mulctatus est, 

> Conf. Plut. in Aristide pag. 919. R. 
^ Conff Svi D. vote Mfofux^pcMnf. 

348 Dissertatio Literaria 

§. IV. At vero ttrrpaita concliae fuerint v^tse, an tebluia; fi^lofum 

oper^ fabrefactae, parum refert : duinmodo ferreutur sufTragia, nihil 

iotererat, ao inscriberentur materia; duriori an molliori, pap^ro videlicet, 

quin et ipsis arborum foliis : arborum dicimus folia : nam, qaod apud 

Athenienses per oarpaxa sen tcstas, id in e^dem causi apud Syra- 

cusanos per ir^raXa sen folia fieri solebat, unde Petalismtis apud hos 

idem erat, qui apud illos Ostracismus. Quare Hesyehius UemXifffior 

exponit Tov bia ^AXcav otrrpaKitrfiov ytpofievov. Neque foliorum usus 

in re simili Athenis incognitus, ipsi quandoquidem Athenienses foliis 

suffrar^ia ferebant, quando ex. gr. aliquis gravi de oausd senatu Quin- 

gentorum esset mo vend uS) ut docet Etyra. magv vote iKt^vWotjfoffijaai, 

Euirori ris tUv voXiTiav abiKetv IboKci, Kai hva^os elvat tov avvehpiov 

rdy veyraKoaltoVf itricovei nepl aWov ff ftovXrf, €< \pt) ainoy firiKeTi 

ftovXeveiy, aXX* iXafrBffvai ec tov <ruycipiov, Airl t^ Tfjs \prjfov 02/XXoa 

i^pHyro, cv ols eTreafjfiaiye Tfjy avTOv yyutfirjy cKatfros, dtnrep oarp&i:^ 

ivi rov ooTpaKitTfjiov, Kal eXeyero cttI roifr^ €K(l>vXXo<^(fpfl(rai, Id est, si 

quando civium aliquis videretur noxam commisisse, et confessu 500 

indignus esse, cognoscehat de eo senatusy deberetm ampliua condlio 

adesse, an vere senatu nwveri f Utebantur autem tunc foliis, quibus 

suam quisque sententiam inscribebat, uti iestuiis in causa Ostracismif 

et fnroptierea ec^vXXo^opijfffai dicebatur. 

§. V. Neque Syracusana tantum, sed alite etiam insnper Graeciae 
civitates, simile Atheniensium Ostracismo institutum habuetunt. De 
Argivis icstatur Aristoteles PoUtworum Lib. v. Cap. 3. pag. 389. et' 
de iisdem ac de Megarensibus et Milesiis Schol. Aristophakis in 
Equit. Act. 2. Scen& 4. vers. 851. Praeterea Aristoteles Poiit. Lib: 
iii. Cap. \3.pag. S5r5. scribit, Athenienses Ostracismum Ihtroduxisse 
ID civitates, quas sibi socialis foederis nomine subjecerant, apud 
Samios, Chios et Lesbios, unde verosimile fit Hermodorum Philo- 
sopkum urbe Epheso pulsum esse Ostracismo, de quo Strabo JLib. 
xiv. pag. 950. ed. Aimelov. refert in exiiiom ftiisse missum a civibus 
suis hoc addito dicterio : 'H/i^i^ fvqhels ovrfitrros e&na' el bi ris roiov* 
ros, 6XXrf re Kal fier" AXXwy quod sic verlit Cicero Tusc. Qu€tst. L,ib, 
y. Cap. 36. ^emo de nobis unus excellat : si quis txstiterit, alio in 
loco et apud aHos sit ; quod Ephesiorum factum, narrante eodeni 
Strabone, tarn aegre tulit Heraclitus, ut indignabuitdus dixerit^ ^^tov 
'£0e(r/ot$ fi/iriboy iLvdy^atrdat, ot rives 'Epfiobwpoy oi'ybpa eavTuty ov^'iaroy 

§. VI. Sed, ut redeamus ad Athenienses, de quibus prsecipue 
iastituimus agere, videamus paucis, quis apud eos Ostracism! fuerit 
Auctor, adeoque quo Reipublicse tempore haec sive Lex, sive consue- 
tudo, vei iusititutum coeperit : Qu^ tamen in disquisitione ultra id, 
quod probabile est, uos progredi baud posse, fatemur lubentes. 

Inter varias variorum opiniones, ab omni veri specie alienas,' prae- 
cipuae sunt tres, quarum prior Ostracism! originem refert ad ipstinl 
Thesea, aiterd ad Hippiam Pisistrati filium, tertia ad Clisthenem 
Alcmaeonis tilium. 

' Vid. ScALio. ad Ev%, Ckron. «d u.niiumT^^> 


de Ostracismo Atheniensium. 349 

Prima opinio traditur ab Eusebio ad annum 7S6 et a Scholiaste ad 
Aristaphanem in Pluto vers, 627- pf^* 32. qui scribunt, Theseum, 
postquam cives suos antea sparsim, et per vicos Atticae habitantes, 
in unam omnes. congregasset civitatem, ejectum fuisse Ostracismi 
Lege, quau) ipse tulerat. OTjaevs *Adrtpaiovs Kara \wpav koirapfiivovs 
eU ev trvyayayutv, ^roi els fiiav 7r($Xiv, vpCJTOS ^ifatrrpaKiffdri, avros vpw' 
Tos dets Toy vofioy. Sed, uotante Sealigero ad Euseb. loc. cit. nus- 
quam alibi, praeterquam in his Ipcis, Theseus memoratur Ostracism! 
auctor. Plutarchus quoque in Thesei.vita, ubi illius exilium enarrat, 
nullam Ostiacismi mentionem facit. Denique nullum exstare videtur 
Ostracismi exemplum ante tempora Pisistratidarum ; adeoque existi* 
mamus istud Thesei exilium, sive voluntarium sive coactum, simplicem 
(jivyrlv vel 6,7r€v lavTicrfiov, non Ostracismum fuisse. 

Hippiam tyrannuqi legis auctorem commemorat Heraclides nepl 
voXireitov, tradens^ rovrov rov nepl oarpaKitrfiov vdfioy elariyfianffdat, Oi 
eridtf bia Toh TvpayyiioyTas. Quod si certiori fide niteretur, quam 
uuico deperditi scriptoris, cj usque qui post antiquatum jam Ostra- 
cismum vixerit, fragmento, mirum primo intuitu videri possit, ipsum 
tyrannum Legem tyrannidi tam contrariani tulisse : sed mirari quis 
desinet, si attendat ad naturam istius tyraunidis, quse externam tanien 
Reipublicae formam intactam relinquere videbatur ; qu^ de re iatius 
agemus, cum de Pisistratidis erit dicendum. 

Nobis quidem maxime probatur sententia eorum, qui statuunt 
Clistbenem, Alcmaeonis filium, Ostracismi vel auctorem, vel certe 
instauratorem fuisse. Ita iElianus Variorum Histor. lAh, xiii. Cap. 
24. KXeiaQiyvii hk 6 'AdjiyaTos to beiv e^offrpaKiSeadai TrpQroi eivYiyri" 
(rdfitvoiy avTos itTv\€ r^s KarabiKtis.irpwTos, Diod. Siculus Lib, xi. pag* 
445. Tov otrrpaKHTfAoy vofiOTeSfjyai ey rats ^AQiivais fiera rr^y KaraXviriy 
Twy Tvpdyytjyf rCty irepX YitLtriarpaTOv, Harpocration voce lirwapr^os 
scribit Legem de Ostracismo introductam hia rijy Moyf^lay rwy irepl 

Duo posteriores, non memorato Legis auctorey Legem ipsam lafam 
scribunt post Pisistratidas ejectos : Prior, cum quo convenit Plu- 
tarchus in Nicia, pag. 531. A. Clistbenem, principem tunc in Re- 
publica virum, et sua deinde ipsius lege damnatuni, disertis verbis 
memorat. Et re vera nullus ist^e aetate vivebat, a^ quo hujus Legis 
promulgatio magis exspectanda, et nullum magis comniodum tempus 
introducendae tali legi inveniri posse videtur ; sed quae plenius cognos- 
centur ex illis, quae postea de illo viro, et de ilia temporum opportu- 
nitate, dicemus. 


De mode, quo Ostr ncisuvs irrogabatur, et ejus exilii sive relega* 
tionis riaturA ac causis, 

§. 1. Ostracismi lex sive Frivil^givm, in quibus casibusprC' 

positum, §. 2. De Senatu Quadringentorum vel Quingen- 

TORUM, rfusque potestate, §. 3. nPOBOTAEYMA sive Senatui 

Auctoritas de irrogando Ostracismo; et prior ad Popuhtm 

propositarogatio. §. 4. Ccmdonis iltlicce i)ttr\tt uomVaa tl «^t.wv 

350 Dissertatio Literaria 

^. 5. De diiirihrnendiB im uamda r^gatione testulii, ei coliigemd$$ 
earutn ope gtfffragiii. §. 6. Numerus testnlamm ieu n^rmgiamm 
ad irrogandum Ostracismum necestarius ; et nonnuihrum ea de 
re error. §. 7. Irrogaiio Ostracism i, kujusqne m vero eanlio 
differentia. §. 8. />f/£fit7»m Ostracism I tempus. §. 9* Loetu 
kenoHfici hujus exilii* An Argos oi e^wrrpaKitrBiyres fuerini 
relegati? §. 10. Bona sereabant sua oi eioaTpcucitrdiyretf nee quid- 
quam posnee patiebantur. 

Quo autem universa judicii hiijus prorsus singularis ratio accurate 
intelligatur, proponemus ordine siogulatim, primum ea, quae secun- 
dum Leges praecedere debebant ipsuui 6mpaKO(^opias actum ; delude 
hujus d(7rpa«:o^0ptas ritus ; denique Ostracism! naturaniy et ab omni alio 
exilii genere discrimen. 

«. §. I. Quum primum itaque,taciti3 plerorumque civium judiciis,civium 
aliquis poteutia civili {hC i(rj(vv iroXiriKriv, uti loquitur Aristoteles de Rep. 
Lib. iii. pag. 354.) adeo censebatur excellere, et ry ToKireia fSapvrepoi 
esse, ut prudentiores necesse judicarent confugere ad invidiosum hoc 
status publici conservandi auxilium ; O'stracisuio locus erat, maxime 
autem, si, pneter nimiam unius poteutiam aut gratiam, accederet 
alterius, aut paris aut supparis, cum priore civilis contentio, ita ut 
metus esset, nc haec semulatio inter duos pluresve opibus et favore 
I^opulari insignes viros tandem in discordiam apertam erumperet, at- 
que sic Respublica in factionum partes scinderetur. Neque tamen 
de irrogando hoc privilegio apud populum agi poterat, nisi praeces- 
sisset Senatus Quingentorum Consultum» siYetlpofiovXevfia riar trevra- 


Nimirum Solon, quamvis, sese ad ingenium Atheniensium accom- 
modans, formam Reip. popularem maxime constituisset, et imperii 
majestatem apud ipsum populum coIFocasset, quasdani tamen adhi- 
buit cautiones, ne populus omnia posset, aut per se saltern posset 
solus, quo libertas in licentiam abiret : eo igitur consilio, prasterquam 
quod Senatus Areopagitici decus et auctoritatem amplificaverit, ov 
eiritTKOTToy irayriDv, icai 0vXaica rCiv vofiutv eKaOiSev, alterum instituit 
Senatum Quadringentorum, lectis ex singulis quatuor Tribubus, quae 
tunc eranty centenis vjris, ovs vpofiovXeijeiy h-a^e tov ififiov, Kai fi^kv 
iav awpopovXevToy els eKKXritriay elaijiipeffdat.'^ 

Ab alter^ tamen parte, ne quidquam summo tov Arifiov imperio 
decederet, aut praeter concionem Atticam aliqua esset Athenis legum 
ferundarum auctoritas, ille Quadringentorum Senatus nulla decreta 
condere poterat, vim Legis habit ura, nisi deinceps populo proposita, 
atque ab eo probata et sancita : etenim sanctio demuai Tribuum in 
foro congregatarum, quod ante erat Senatus-consultum, perpetuo ab 
omnibus servandum jubebat legitime. Sin autem Senatus decreta a 
populo non probareatur, illorum auctoritas non ultra durabat quani 
ipsum, quod ilia condidisset, concilium, id est, donee alius lectus esset 

i * Plut. in vit. Solon, pag. ^.T!^. 

de Chtracismo Atheniensium. 351 

Senatus, qoi quotaoois novus constituebatar, ita ut baec IlpojdovXei/- 
fMLTa non dbstmilia fuerint Senatus^onsultis apud Romanos. 

§. II. Ilium porro Senatuni Quadringtntorumf aucto <ftvX£y seu 
Trilnium numero, ceBtum Senatoribus itidem auctuni fiiisse, ita ut ex 
decern Tribubus Qmngtntij ex singulis quiuquaginta legereotur, res 
est notissima. Neque nobis animus est, aut eaquae de hac rdv irevra- 
Koaliav BovXp vulgata sunt, repetere, aut quas post CorHnum aliosque 
de iil4 disputari vel magis perspicue exponi et ad liquidum deduci 
possent, leviter perstringere : id tantum nobis agendum est, quod ad 
propositum faciat, nerape ut ex ipsi bujus Senatus Quingentorum 
constitutione atque auctoritate colJigamus, Ostracismam solo levis 
populi jussu non fuisse irrogatum : quippe uti ol vevraicoaioi, auctori- 
fatem suam populo praestantes, aliqu^ saltern parte rfis ApiaTOKparias 
vim habebant atque efficaciam, ut aniorem civium vel reprimere possent 
vel teniperare, sic iterura ro^s vevraicoirlovs moderabantur singulae su^ 
vice vpvTaveiai, seu uniuscujusque Tribus numerus Senatorum quin- 
quagenarius, per legitimum, quo reliquis Tribubus praeibant, 35 vel 
S6. dierum spatium : vpvTayeis ipsos porro consiliis et exemplo rege- 
bant decern ex eorum uumero, per Qnam hebdomada, primum et inter 
wpvrdveis et in ipso Senatu locum occupantes, 7rp6€bpoi* hos denique 
vpoibpovs per unum diem ex denis sorte lectus kwitndnjs seu Civitatis 
Praefectus. Quse omnia, ex Harpocratione ' aliisque satis cognita, 
brevissime recensemus, ut iiide efficiamus, fuisse Athenis, turn etiam 
quando Areopagus, auctcure Pericle, jam eviluerat, in form^ Reip. 
maxime populari aliquod tamen pond us, quod praecipiteni populi 
voluntatem, nisi omnino retraheret, fraenaret saltern et aliquantisper 
reprimeret: hujusque observationis majus in re nostrA est momentum, 
si meminerimus, in amplissimum hunc Quingentorum Senatum nemi- 
nem legi potuisse, nisi qui 30. annis esset major ^ et vitam, sine 
probro vel crimine actam, solenni dom/iaer/^ probaret ; ' nerainem 
Seoatorio munere potuisse fungi, nisi praestito jurejurando, si quod 
unquam, sacerrimo, cujus Bpicov jiovXevriKov praecipuum caput erat 
Kara vdfiovs (iouXeiiaeiv,^ 

§. III. Tale igitur cum esset t&v ireyraKo^lttfy concilium, in hoc 
gravissimo atque amplissimo Quingentorum consessu, antequam 
rogatio ad populum ferretur, agitaiida erat quaestio, non de privilegio' 
huic vel illi irrogando, sed universe, isne esset Reip. status, ut aliqui, 
(nemo autem nomine appellabatur) aii eam conservandam, cives, 
unus an alter, Ostracismi Lege ejiciendi videreutur. Si ilia Reip. 
conditio videretur, atque Ostracbmo jam utendum plura sufFragia 
vincereut, tum demum fiebat UpofiovXevfia^ seu, interprete Harpocra- 
tione, ro VTTO TfiS (iovXfjs \l/ri(l^i(rOky wpiv els rov bijfiov elffeve^Sfjyai. Ita- 

" Vocibus 'K^rattt^ vgoi^ps^, htiaraTiig, 

* Xenoph. Mem, Socr, Idb. i. pag. 717. . 

3 Lysias Orai.c. PhiLpag.4Q7. Ed, Tayl. 

^ Yid. Petitum ad LL, Att. pag.l9i. Auctoresqiie \bv CoNidAlm^ 

352^ Dissertatio Literarta 

que, scripto id earn seDteotiam Senatus-consnlto, quo rffs fiovXfis anc- 
toritas Populo prsestabatur, hie ad concionem vocalyatnr, ferebaturque 
rogatio, an Populus. (6 bfjfjiou tQv 'AdrivaltBv) in e&dem, qu& Senatus, 
versaretur sententid, tempera scilicet Reip. ita esse comparata, ut 
Ostracisoiiprivilegio aliquis civium^ nomine tamen baud appellandus, 
publicae salutis exfio, et ad servanaam pnesentem Reip. formam, ex 
civi^te ebset ^iciendus, nee ne 1 

*0 Sfjfios judicium suum suUatis manibus significabat, unde bic 
actus dicebalur vpoxetporovia, quem vpoy(€ipoTov(as actum, ti idem 
populo ac Senatui visum esset, sequebatur indictio concibnis in 
certum diem, KaTaickrfais dietse, quse ipsi 6(rrpaKo<^op(^ jam erat 

§. iV. KaTaK\ri(ris vel KaraKXtfala autem quae fuerit, quia et iilod 
cognovisse in bac caus4 nostri interest, paucis videamus. 

Classicus Ammonii Grammatici locus est de Diff» Verb, in v, 
cKKkriala, pag. 47. ubi, discrimen tradens inter hcicXrityiay et KaraKXrjtriy, 
docet eKKXrjffiav ab Atbeniensibus dictam fuisse rijv trivohov t&v xarh 
voXiy, conventum civium qui in ips^ urbe babitabant; KardKXritny 
vero, quando et illi convocabantur, qui rure degebant, hir6re ical rov$ 
kx Twy aypwy avyeicdXovyf nimirum ut res tanto majori cnm cur^ ab 
universo populo perpenderetur : quo ex loco efBcimus, kKKXtitrlav 
fuisse concionem tov brifiov certo tempore a civibus urbanis babitam, 
tcarcLKXriffiy vel KaraKXiitriay conventum universorum Atbeniensium, 
ad quem non soli cdves urbani sed et nistici congregabantur. ' Tertia 
fuit species, avyKXriros cKicXriala, quam non tantum a conctone 
ordinari^, sed et a icaraicXj/.^ree, diversam fuisse probabile est. ^EKicXtimd 
nimirum, uti niodo dicebamus, videtur fuisse concio populi urbani, 
quse statis diebus tarn frequenter coibat, ut cives Attici, rure degentes, 
ad illam neque adesse, neque convocari, commode possent: verum 
ad ilia coniitia, baud tarn muita^ in quibus de rebus majoris 
mpmenti agebatur, vel sponte su^ vel vocati conveniebant ruricolie 
omuesque, qui in oppidis pagisve Attices fortunarum suarum babe- 
bant sedem. Haec erat fcardfcXiyerir. Quando autem repentina aliqua 
causa incideret, ob quam 6 S^fios ad seutehtiam ferendam esset in- 
vitandus, ex. gr. magna aliqua clades bellica, motus bostium, aut 
casus improvises, tum subito et ipso quasi momento extra ordinem 
vocata concio dicebatur eri/yicXiyros iKKXtivla: * Quippe ad coniitia, 
quae stato tempore celebrabantur, populus sponte su& coibat ; ad 
concionem extra ordinem habendam vocabatur a praecontbus vel 
ministris, qui urbem circumibant : quod cum in magnis periculis 
plerumque fieret, muituni fuisse in illis turbarum et terroris constat.^ 

' De hoc discrimine egregia habet Magnus Valckenaerius Animadv. ad 
Amm. de Diff* Verborftm Lib, i. Cap. 17 > pag, 73. 

* Ulpian. ad Bemotth. .de Corond §. 126. pag* 147. de FalsA Leg, §. 224^ 
pag, 336. ' ^schines de Fahd Leg, pag, 37. 

de OMradsmo Atheniensium. . 353 

Jam vero icaroicXijffiv fuisse, sive istam concionis Atticae speciem, 
ubi et urbani et nutici adenmt cives, quae de Ostracisnio pnv 
nunqiabat, luculeotissime patet ex Plutarcho in vitd Aristidis pag. 
322. quando ibi Athenienses narrantur, wyeXdovref els &9rv irayr&xo' 
BcVf Aristidem Ostracismo dignum judicasse : confirmatur praeterea 
notissimo illo dicto cujusdam kypafifiitTou koX vavTeKQs itypoUov, 
qui cAm iuscribere testuiae ipse non posset nomen Aristidis, quern 
nullam aiiam ob causam damnandum censebat, Jiisi ob justitiaB 
famam, officium hoc ab ipso Aristide petiit. 

§• V. Quo autem in hac KaTaKkr/ffei vel fcarairXi}^/^ omnia ex lege 
et sine fraude gererentur, ac commode fideliterque suffragiorum. 
numerus iniii posset, forum aliusve locus, spatiosus ^ in quo 
concio erat habenda, cancellis sepiebatur; et septum, intra qtiod 
laturi erant suffragia, ita ducebatur, ut in ambitu formam circuit 
habente decern^ reliiiquerentur introitus, eitroboi sive portae, pro 
totidem tribubus,^ per quas portas intra septum intrarent. Ad 
has ver6 portas accedebatur per pontes, in quibus ad ipsas portas e 
cistb sive cadis ibi positis Prytanes testulas suis quique tribuUbu» 
distribuebant. Accept^ testul4 et nomine damhandi inscripti, 
singulae tribus ordine introibant per portam pegmatis sibi propriam, 
injiciebantque singuli tribules testulam suam in KablaKov vel sitellam^ 
quales decem pro numero tribuum intra septum erant positae. Eumr 
m modum collecta suffragia ab Arcbontibus numerabantur, uti diserte 
tradit Plutarchus in Aristide pag. 222. B, e cujus testimonio et 
Scholiis ad Aristophanem in Equit, vers, 851. colligere licet, supre- 
mam hujus concionis moderandae curam Archontibus et Quin- 
gentorum Senatui, baud minus quam aliorum comitiorum, commissam 

§. VI. Quod si testularum numerus sex millibus minor reperiretur, 
adeoque constaret, non eum civium numerum ad ferenda su£Fragia 
convenisscy qui de rebus miyoris momenti statuere debebat, actum 
nihil erat et irritus iarpoKo^ias actus: quippe non tantum ad 
Psephismata de causis gravioribus condenda, Legesque novas veteri* 
bus subrogaodas, requirebatur numerus civium sex mille in concione 
congregatorum, uti non uno loco Demosthenesx testis est; sed eft 
Lege, quae in hac nostrft Disputatione maxime spectanda est, ^td^ 
qua idcirco in postrem^ hujus opellae parte nonnulla dicentur, cau- 
tum erat, ^rfik kit* hyipl vifnov kfylvai BeTpai, iav /ii) ror airov M 
vaaiy *A6i}ra/ois* kav fiij ^aaox*^^**" ^<^^> Kp^phriv i/^^c£o/li^vo(s, id 
est, ne wii civi priviUgium irrogaior, nisi pariter idem omnibu$ 
Atheniensibus, tumqut nisi sex miilia civium occulta e& de relatione 
tulerinl suffragia:^ quemadmodum, ab alter^ parte, si quis jure 

* Vid. Sigonium de Rep, Athen. Lib, 11. dip, 4. Itin. Anach. Volum. 11. 
pag, 40. 

^ Toxov rn( &y«p»( irtgiirif paypiiov if x^xXw ^vpaxroif, Plut. til Aruiidepa^. 39fi £• 

3 Vid. Scbdl. ad Aristoph, Equita vers, B5U 

* Andocides de MysterOspag, 19. 1. 

S54 Dissertatio Literaria 

civitatis douandos esset, necesse ertt« ut concioni, in quA sammus 
hie bonos deceroebatur, plures quam sex mille cives prsesentes ades- 
aeof* ' Si vero, lubducto calcuKorum numero, sex mille cives adesse 
eoocioui coiistarel» mox singula nomiua seorsim ponebantur, quibus 
testttlc inMnriptae reperiebantur, et cui plurima obtigissent, is pro 
eo habebalur, a quo plurimi cives Reip. metuerent, quique adeo ut 
•tatui populari periculosiis civitate per decern annos movendus pleris- 
que videretur. Diserte Pliitarcbus /. laud, in Jristide pag. 3522. K. 
F, di hk Ap^oyres trpwroy fikv iiripidfiovr t6 trvfinav tQv ovrpaKwy irXflBos' 
Ci yap e^axttryiXliay iXArroves oi ypa\l/avT€s elev, aTeXfjs ijy 6 kfyarpa- 
cco/i(^* hfcira rwi' ovofiaruiv tKatnov Ihlff, divres, roy viro rCiv wXeltmay 
yeypafifiiyoy liticrfpvrToy els ^ny beKa, Kapnovfieyov ra kavrou, Con- 
tentit cum Plutarcho Diod. Siculus Lib\ x. pag. 445. ed. JVess. 
tcribens hunc fuisse Oslracisnii modum ; t^Kaaros rwy jroXlruty eis 
Barpaicoy lypa^c roi^yofia tov boKovyrot fzaXiffra huyatrBai KaroKvaat 
n^v brifiOKpariay' f bk ay offrpaxa irXe/w yiytirat, ^tiyeiv Ik rfl$ 
warpibos. Dubta quodammodo censeantur, quamvis ex Platarchi 
et Diodori sententiA commode possiiit accipi, verba Scholiast ae ad 
Aristopkan. Equit. vers. 851. 'ApiOfirfiiyTtay bk Jly nXeiara yiyoiro, 
Koi fjtti iXdrrta efarc(r)^(Xi»v, rovror ibet ey biKa iiftipats fieratrrfirai riis 
vdXews* ubi videtur ambiguum, an existimaverit ille Scholiastes 
damnari non potuisse nisi eum, qui sex mille otrrpaxa nomine sue ootata 
adeptus esset, an vero istum numerum significare vbluerit talem 
fuisse, sine quo, ad suffragta con^regato, nemini Ostracismus potuerit 
irrogari. Quod dubitini in Scholiastse loco, id roanifestum in Pollu- 
CIS Onom. Ub. viii. segm. xix. pag. 862. St^ efyiKKr^lXta yiyoiro ra 
impcuca, tovtov i^evyeiy l^rj : De quo loco pauca sunt dicenda. Vix 
enim operae pretium de Tzetze, futili auctore, mentionem bic fecisse, 
qui Chiliad, xii. pag. 443. scripsit, mille tantummodo suffragia 
ad damoationem uecessaria fuisse ; atque is tamen ipse locus, si pro 
naX x^^^ legamus IfycX/oiv, integritati suae restitutus videatur, notante 
dudum Joanne Meursio Alt. Ltd. Lib. v. Cap. 18. At vero, ut ad 
Pollucem redeamus, illius Grammatici, quern, licet eruditissinmniy ill 
rebus tamen Atheniensium' autiquis et alias lapsum esse constat, — 
iUius igitur Grammatici non tanta est auctoritas, ut testimonium 
Plutarchi labefaciat, refragante pneserttm re ipsft, quandoquideni 
baud tam magnus in Rep. AtticA civium erat numerus, ut uni potue- 
rint contingere sex mille testulae, nisi forte idem omnibus esset sensus, 
quod exspectandum certe baud erat in fk rerum conditione, qvA, 
scissA jam in partes civitate, ad extremum hoc salutis publics re- 
medium erat confugiendum. Ac bello quidem Peloponnesiaco, prop- 
ter varias clades et expeditiones maritimas atque longinquas^ vix 
unquaiii ultra qumque niillia civium convenisse, ex Tbuc^^dide^ col- 
ligitur. Idcirco ne veri quidem speciem habet, quod docet Pollux ; 

« AuclorOrat. contra Nearam inter 0pp. Oemosth. j}a£^. 7S9. f. 140. 
:» Zi^. VIU. Cap. 7%. 

de Osiracismo Athenienmim. 355 

atque adeO minim videatur, erranti buic duci comitem se praebuiste ^ 
Abbatem Geinozium, ' cum is nisi a Battierio, * cujus forte Dissei^- 
tionem non viderat, meliora saltem discere potuisset ab Hadriano 
Junio Animadv. Lib. v. Cap, 18. et a Petito ii«f X<L. At t. Lib, iv. 
Tit. 9. pag. 458. qui Pollucem merito reprehendit, a Kuhnio in 
liotis non satis excusatum. ^Neque etiam sin^ulare valde est, quod e 
PoUuce notatu dignum censet Geinozius, neminem huic 6(npaKo^oplq> 
civem adfuisse» nisi volentem et sponte su^ : irepifr^otvitravres tI rfr 
kyopas fiipos, ihei (pipeiy els TOy nepiopiadivTa t&ttov 'MrivaLtax tov 
PovXojJLCPov oarpaKoy lyyeypafijiivoy rovyofia rov filXKovros e^otrrpaKlSt* 
irdai: quamquam enim constat, istoc Reip. tempore, quo Cleonis 
aliorunique Demagogorura furor et insanientis populi clamores in 
concione dominabantur, optimos cives maluisse se domi continere 
quam popularibus fluctibus se committere, ita ut segniores a Ministris, 
qui ^Kvdai vel lyrevaiyioi dicebantur, fune rubro in forum fuerint 
ducendi vel impellendi, hsec tameu comitiorum Atticorum tinrbulenta 
conditio turn maxime initium habuit, quum jam Ostracismus in , 
desuetudinem abierat : ac praeterea legem altquam vetuisse, ne ad 
concionem, otFrpaKo^opias caus^ convocatam, quisquam invitus adige* 
retur, aliunde non est cognitum, neque tuto conficitur ex sold voce 
6 (iov\6/jL€ros^ qud Pollux usus est. Magis quoque sine teste loquitur 
Virjudicii multi inque scribendo alias semper accuratissim us Ubbo ' 
Emmius, et bunc, uti fit, secutiis Vir doctus Temple Stanyan^^ 
nuUos in KaraK\ri<r€i de Ostracismo suiSfragii ferehcfi jus habuisse 
praeter sexagenario majores, errore fortasse inde nato, quod, ante- 
quam mos Remp. Oratoribus in concione regundam permisisset, 
Proedri per praeconem excitare solerent qninquagenario majores, non 
tantum ut primi suffragia ferrent; sed et ut sententiam suam de re 
ad deliberandum propositi rationibus iirmarent. ' 

§. VII. Qui ex sex suffragiorum millibus, vel majori etiam numero, 
plura nactus erat, public^ praeconis renunciatione exulare jubebatur 
annos decem, eieicripvaaero is hri hkKa^ ut ait Plutarch us in Aristide I. 
laud, et quidem intra decem dies in exitium proficisci, secundum 
^q\\o\. Aristoph. ad Equit. ver$. 851. Idem Aristoph, Scbol. turn 
in hoc ipso loco, tum ad Fesp. vers. 941. discrimen inter Ostra- 
cismum et exilium sen <livy^v accuratissime omnium tradi<iit; nempe 
Ostracismum speciem esse ; species autem generibvs subjici ; ideo 
Ostracismum recte pro exilio haberi, non tamen omne extlivm Ostra- 
cismum esse ; nam kfyaTpaKioQeiai constitui et locum et tempus exility 
neutrum exilio damnatis ; et horum quidem bona publicdri, non 

' Dus. laud. M4m. de VAead. des Imcr. et BelUt'lMtres, Tomo XII. 
pag. 147. 

^ Diss, de Ostracismo, Cap. 4. 

^ t^et. Oraciit Tomo 111. pag. 38. 

♦ Histoire de la Grlce Lib. II. pag. 3. Ed. Gall. 

^ ^schines c. Timarchum pag. 4. c. Ctesiphontem pag. 53« Demosth. de 
Coron&pag. 168. Pluiarch. Tomo II. pog. 7M« Pt><i\.ad luL% Au.IaV^^VX- 
Tf/. 1. f. 6. 

356 Dissertatio Literaria 

iUamm, quibu$ licebdt etiam absentihu KafMrovoBai ra eavrSr, 
Opers pretium erit pauci^ de singulii ai^ere. 

§. VIII. £t primum quideni de Oslracismi legitimo tempore 
decenni vix ullus est dubitaodi locus in luiunimi veterum conseusn. 
Praeter Plutarch, in Arisiid. I, cit, Schol. Aristaphnnis, Andocidem, 
Corn. Nepotem, qui in vitd Arisiidis refert, liuiic sexto fere anno, 
postquam expulsus erat, Populi-scito in patriain esse restitutum, 
neque legitimam decern annarum pesnam |)ertulisse, (ita ex consuetu- 
dine voce panA magis usus, quam ex re ips^) Cap. I. §. 3. 5. — 
praeter hos igitur Scriplores, aliosque, unus Uiod. Siculi ' locus in 
contrarium adbiberi posset, quinquennale tempus Oslracismi ncyraerfi 
^(povov scribentis, ubi vetus interpres xv aiiaos legit, eoqae ipso 
peccatum librariorum manifestuni fecit, non errorem Diodori, qui in 
re adeo not^ faili non potuit, uti nierito animadvertit Wesselingius 
ad ilium locum. 

§. IX. Quaeritur deinde de loco hujus exilii, queni iHudatus tnodo 
Scholiastes disertis verbis designari consuevisse tradidit. Sed liaec 
quidem res ad liquidum perducta non est. Erasmus in Adag. x. 
Attin. 80., (iovKoX^aeis, hoc ait veiut amigmate significabant exiiium, 
siguidem qui per Ostracismum ejiciebantur, in Argioam exulatum 
ibant^ et auctorem excitat Erasmus,. turn Plutarchum in Collectaneis 
Proverbiorum, turn Hesychium> qui repertum olim hoc dicterium in 
Menandri Phasmate testetur ; sed animadvertit Battierius Dissert, 
laud. Cap, 6. t^a Plutarchi Collectanea^ Erasmo et in hoc, de quo 
agitur, loco et alibi passim citatOy inedita adkue esse, testante Andrea 
Schotto in Notis ad Zenobii Proverb. Cent. I. n. 6?. et quod de 
He$ychio dicitur, pertinere illud ad sequens apud Erasmum Prover-- 
bium ifificipds eifii, ct^us auctorem Hesychius Menandrum laudat in 
Phasmate. Edidit quidem, post scriptam Battierii Dissertationem, 
CI. Jacobus Gronovius in Prof, ad torn, X. Thesauri Antiquitatum 
Gracarum pag. 6. seqq. e Codice Florentino, sub Plutarchi nomine, 
Syllogen cxxxi. Proverbiorum Graece, addit^ Interpretatione Latin^ : 
verum neque istae al ItKovtrap^ov vapoifilai, als 'AXefav^tr e^Cjvro, 
uti ad calcem Sylloges scribitur,. eaedem sunt vel esse videntnr, qui bus 
Erasmus usus, neque una aut altera Sylloge iidem ac duo isti Paroe- 
niiarnm Libri, quos Plutarchi filius L^mprias in censum scriptorum 
patemorum retulit. ^ Denique, quod caput rei est, ne in ist^ quidem 
S^^lloge Florentin«i vel Gronoviani Proverbium (iovKoXiiaeis reperitur. 

Neque ex ips^ twv e^otrrpajcKrdiyTuty historian res satis definiri potest. 
De Themistocle narrat Thucydides Lib. 1. Cap. 135. eum, Ostracismo 
pulsum patri^, Argis quidem domicilii sedem (biaiTav) habuisse, sed 
per reliquam quoque Peloponnesum frequenter commeasse. Nepos 
I'hemistoclem Argos habitatum concessisse, ibique propter multas 
ejus virtules magu4 cum dignitate vixisse, scribit in Them. Cap. \iii« 

» Lib. XL Cap, 55. 

» Vid. Fabric. Bibl Grtec. Fol.lU. pag, a^\* 

de Ostracismo Atheniensium. 357 

§. quem locum Lambinus, Argis commorabantur, qui testa* 
rum suffi-agih e dvitate ^cti erant. Et, si verunoi, idem hau(} 
luiruni luerit, cum Argivi priscis temporibus e&dem usi lingu4, * 
qu^ Attici, i^agnam cum AthenieDsibus necessitudinem habuerint, 
turn similitudiue imperii popularis, tum vinculis foederum, turn deni- 
que invidi4 ^ Lacediemonioruro, ita ut nusquam sedem aptius figere 
potuerint, ad rtxuperandum ci?ium favorem, illi, qui patnam, quam* 
quam erga se iogratam, diligebant tamen: sed alia est res, volen- 
tes sedem ibi posuisse, alia etiam noleiitibus locum commoraudi 
fuiss^ adsignatum. Uuiverse autem, quicunque Athenrs exulabaotf 
^i non ArgoSy in Pelopoonesum tamen se recepbse Xenophoiitis 
aliorumque exemplo -patet : ac de Cimone quidem suspicari id licet> 
quum coDstet, hunc Tanagrae arma cum civibus suis voluisse sociare» 
sed repudiatum. Plut. in Per.pag, 157* B. in Cimone pag. 489. o* £^ 
Tanagra urbs erat Boeotiee ; et priore loco Cimon dicitur ekdutv Ik 
fvyiis iiluc venisse, ut operam contra Lacedaemonios civibus praeslans 
Laconismi sibi impact! susprcionem factis dilueret : jam autem Bceo- 
tiam venientibus in agnim Atticum fuisse transi&undam, tron est quod 

§• X. Postremo de bonis rHv oirrpaKurBivrwy videndum. Diserte 
Schol. Aristoph^ ad Vesp, vers, 94I. differre ait et bac pirte ^y^v 
ab ooTpaKiafA^, quod bona rSiv <^€vy6vTUiv publicata fuerint; ea autem^ 
quae otTTpaKiffOiyrei reliquissent, populus sibi non vindicaret, exulanti- 
bus fructum saltern eorum permittens, xapiroiiiiTOai ra iavruty, (ut verbis 
utamur Plutarchi ^ cura Scholiaste conselitietrtis) ipsam possessionem 
plenanique adeo (ut ioquuntur JCti) proprietatem iis redditurus, si 
per Obtracismi tempus nihil hostiliter contra Patriam essent moiiti, 
nee quidpiani ex odio aut ird erg^ illam admisissent : probatque hoc 
exemplo Thucydidis Melesiae f. qui, quiim Ostracismo esset pulsus^ 
ad Artaxerxen confugerat, eoque nomine Grseciae proditor habitus, 
et a civibus ad det^vycav damnatus, tum demum bona anriisit^ 
Athenis publicata. Ceterum pceme nomen, quo usus Cornelius 
Nepos, usi etiam alii, non nisi, ut niodo dic'ebamus, improprie in 
Ost racism um convenit, qui, ut PlutarCbi iterum adhibeamus verba, 
KoXaau ohx ^y, aXXa irapafAvBla ff^OSvov tpiXavdpuitos, quemadmodum 
ex historic nobiliofum inter otrrpainaOiyTas intelligitur, jam a nobis 


* Vid. Paus. in Gracia descriptione Lib. II. Cap. S7, pag, 199. 

* Paus. Lib. II. Cap. 20. 

^ In Aristide pag. 322. F. Lexicon Rhet. MS. quod beneficiu CI. Hnhnkenii 

descripsit;,CI. Praeser. ^Oatfaiuafxhs ^fyrj; «Wo;. — ^tot^igi* H ^vynSfOn twv oaTgcwu^o- 



Xt is generally known from the reports both of French and Eng- 
lish travellers, that Faleh Jti Skah (ot^ ^Xs ^j3) the present 

Sovereign of Persia, is a poet of considerable eminence, at least 
in the estimation of his subjects. Some translations froai his 
verses have been given in this Journal, (No. Xill. p. 131.) 

and we now extract from the Royal Div&n ( j^l^) or Collection 

of his £legies and Sonnets, a ghazl 0^) or Ode, in which, per- 
haps, the critical Orientalist may discover some resemblances to 
various passages of Hqfizj Saadi, J ami, and other Persian poets of 
the best school. .The King's Divan does not exhibit his own 
proper name : like most authors of Elegies and Sonnets, he has as- 
sumed a poetical surname, and styles himself (as in the ode which 

we here offer to our readers) Khakan (^ISUw) a title which al- 
ludes, however, to his own royal dignity, and signifies in the Scy- 
thian or Turcoman language, a King or Emperor. But this as- 
sumed title must not be confounded with Khakdni (^'U'Ul) the 
name of a celebrated Persian poet who* florished soiiie centuries 

One of the most splendid and beautiful manuscripts now in Eu- 
rope, is, probably, a copy of the Persian Monarch's Divan, which 
his Majesty himself (in the year 1813,) presented to Sir Gore 
Ouseley, our Ambassador at the Court of 2cArflfw. It was tran- 
scribed with the utmost accuracy and elegance under the King's 

immediate inspection, by Mirza Abd al Wehab (i^L^jJt Jux) a 
man of high rank, considered as the finest penman of the present 
age. The size of this volume is folio — the covers are magnificently 
ornamented with miniature paintings, and every page is illuminated 
w*ith patterns of foliage, flowers, and various arabesques in brilliant 
and exquisite colours, and enriched with gold by the most distin- 
guished artist of the Persian capita). On a^ future occasion 
we shall offer our English version of the royal Sonnet which 

Adversaria Literaria. 559 

•• •« ^ ^^ 

jy^jj^ j,LU *43T tr.^ -^T ^ ^* 


NO. XX. 

Ow the Utility and the Propriety of studying the Classical 

Writers in Public Schools. 

"Christianus Guil. Vollandus Mulhusa 6 Kal. Nov. 1720. 
scribit essie apiid se qui classicos auciores Juventuti in Schola 
eripere velint, ct pro eis Christianos scriptores utut barbaros 
obtrudant : huic barbariei dum ipse pro viribus obviam eat^ cum 
ab aliis viris principibus^ turn a Cell. Bergero^ Menckenio, 
Walcliio, Hederico confirmatuni esse^ petere etiam ut Fabricius 

360 Adiersarta LiterartA. 

harum rerum judex idotiens sententMiin suam aperiat; cui ille Iioc 
modo respondit : 

Quaeris, vir Vene rande, ex me, num periclitetur res Christiana, si 
in ludis litterariis, ita ut hactenus fieri consuevit, classici Terentius, 
Horatius, Cicero, Curtius, aliiy Ethnici scilicet scriptores porro 
personenty tenerisqiie pubis Christiaiiae aiiribus et aniniia base 
monumenta aliena a pietate Christiana instiltentiir ; deraonstras 
enim esse apud vos cum liiaxinie, qui vehementer Coiitendant, 
scholas hac in parte emendatione necessario indigere, longeque 
melius fore actum et prudentius consultum rei Christianse, si scan* 
dalum illud manifestarium tollattir, et loco detestabilium illoruni 
nominuni a Christo alienorum frequententur Prudentius, SchonaBus, 
Sejboldus, et scripta certa deligantur Christianorum hominum, ex 
quibus lon^ reciius, et tutius linguam Latinam adolescentes 
addiscant: iPetis igitur pro humanitate tua a me, ut sententiam 
hac de re nieani tibi perscribam, et quid de hoc consilio mihi 
videatur, candide etiibere aperiatn : Quanquam vero pulchre sentio 
quam parum in hac cqusa ineo sive judicio, sive suffragio sit opus, 
cum jam non inficianda exstent tot ssculorum, tot nationum, tot 
virorum eruditissimorum omni setate judicia et testimonia, qui 
semper existiniarunt rectissime eos facere et ad /eruditionem coiii- 
parandam aptissime, qui iinguas' et artes non ex rivuiis, tenuibus 
s»pe ac lutulentum iluentibus, sed ex fontibus limpidis, h. e. anti^ 
quitatis probatissimis scriptoribus petendas esse arbitrantur : atta- 
men ut deisiderio tiio facikm satis, banc eandem sententiam, quam ' 
et tu non diffiteris tuam esse, et ego esse meani libenter profiteer, 
paucis argumentis assei'am. De hoc quidem nemo nostrum dubitat, 
si cum Ethnicorum scriptorutn tractatione consistere non posset 
Christi amor, et qui Latinae linguae cultum ex Romanis, Graecae 
ex Atticis haurit quanlumvis Ethnicis scriptoribus, eum oporteret 
Christiapae ideo pietatis jacturam facere, vel illius faciendae proba- 
bile periculum incurreret, nemo inquam nostrum dubitat, omnes 
illos et totos abjiciendos jure merito, et ex scholis Christianorum 
longe longeque eliminandos, etiamsi ipsarum simul linguarum opes 
omnes ac delicia; tunc forte propterea fugere nos debereiit : Sed 
hoc nullo modo ita se, habet, quod ex Scholastica Ethnicorum 
scriptorum tractatione illud Christianas pietati periculuni immiueat : 
Atque illud niinime ita se habere, etiam tempore adhuc passim 
obtipentis Ethnicisnii omnes sibi.veteres Christiani libenter. persua- 
senint; qui in scholis suis ubique, Graeci Homerum, Demostheneni, 
Aristophanem, Xenophontem, alios, Latini Ciceronem, Terentium, 
Virgilium, similesque classicos constanter habuere, donee JuJianus 
Apostata, ut Christianos aegre faceret, et insigni illos eloquentiae et 
cruditionis spoliaret instrumento; Ethnicorum scriptorum lisum 

Advermria LiUruriu. S^^\ 

ficholisChristiaDoruin notissinio illoedicto suoiaterdixif: Cuokfiif 
necessitate compulsi Gregorius Nazianzanus et ApolliDaris suif 
quae recens composuerant Graecis carmipibus velleiit vduti succer 
daneis ilium defectum sarcire, mox sublato Juliaoq et edkto iilo 
abpIitOy libeDter iterum ad Vetera Uta Unquam meiiora — quaotDiSr 
vis Ethnica, sed ad propositum et institutum suum apMora redicr 
runt : Quis igitur nou luiretur idem, quod Juliauus oiim nominiil 
Christiaui hostis,^ ut' Christianis noceret^ edixit, idem esse inter 
Cbristianos^ qui specie pietatis nobis sive persuadere, sive injun^* 
gere cupiautf Quod autem innoxia possit esse Etbuicorum 
scriptorum in Schoiis tractatio^ imo utilis pietati etiam^ ^i idoneus 
doctor accedat^ non minus certo sum persuasus, q^uam posse aji 
JBpicureisnium et hypocrisin etiamsi quis Scbona^i, vel alterius 
Christiani hominis scripta prselegat : Testantur hoc exeippla iunu- 
mera virorum omni estate prsclarissimorum^ qui sive imbuti in 
schoiis linguae Latinae atque Graecae tirociniis ex Cicerone, Teren- 
tioy Horatio, Curtio, Homero^ Demosthene, nihil tamen Ethni- 
cismi^ nihil irreKgiositatis ex illis imbiberunt ; sive alios ex iisdeip 
instituentesj quominus ulla impietatis seniina teneris simul auimis 
instillarent, caverunt quam diligentissin^e : Memini ipsemet alque 
de utroque possum testaii : uou modo enim, quod Dei agnoscp 
beneficium, in juveutute ejusmodi magistris sum usus, atque ex 
illis scriptoribus, quantum vis Eihnicis, ue unum quidem animo 
haesisse sceleratum axioma sentio, vel impiam aut propudiosam 
sententiam menti ^ meae ex iliurum tractatione insinuasse, sed 
etiam quando ipse deinde adultior scriptores illos exposui ad9- 
lescentibus, in illis quam plurima sese offerebant recta, praeclara, 
bona^ hortationes egregiae, sententiae insignes, exempla laudatissima: 
In hoc inquam, Deus enim Ethnicis non intestatum se reliquit, in 
hoc habent quod imitentur, in hoc etiam quod erubescant licet 
melius longe edocti Christiani, in hoc danda est opera ne ab 
Ethnicis Christiani vincamur : Si qua? vicissini, ut eveuit interdum, 
sed rarius, occurrant dicta nequam, et falsa, sentential minime 
probabiles, ilia detestatus, has confutans, ostendi quantae siut sine 
Christo etiam sapientum hujus mundi ct quam crasi^a^ tenebrae, 
quanta sit nostra feticilas, quos rectius sapere Christus docuit, 
quanta obligatio ut tarn diviuo Doctori sincero studio obsequamur, 
neque ethnicis contaqiinari nos patiamur sive erroribus, sive hbi- 
dinibus : Quod porro utiliores siiit ad scopum quern sibi SchoLe 
proposuerunt scriptores in lingua Gra;ca Latinaque optimi quique 
ac vetustissimi, debebat quidem pertinaces etiam constans doctissi- 
morum tot saeculis virorum judicium convincere, sed res quuque 
ipsa evidenter hoc arguit: Ipsos lilos sciiptores legere posse et 
intelligere magna eruditionis pars hubetur; ipsi euim sunt, a quibus 
non modo linguarum ipsarum, sed etiam rerum gestarum et scien* 


'362 AdverMoia Ltieraria. 

tiartMi noCidfttn htorire Iket et convenit. lidem prifieipttdngMio- 
rom sua letate, in suo quique dicendi genere accurati et^^egtsltita, 
consensu omnium sstatum probati et classici^ sive primae clasais, ad 
qaos tanquam ad normam scripta recentium exiguntur, ubi enltas 
et distitnonia sermonis quaeritur. Quid kaque agunt, qui, bis nejec- 
tisi ad recentiores nulla auctoritate scriptoresamandant juventotem? 
<|uid agunt aliud, nisi ut adultioribus deinde factis seras querelas 
teprimanty nierito mirantibus quod ad iraitandum sibi non optima 
qiMsque, sed longe inferiora perverso docentiuro judicio fuerint 
'proposita. Nam qui phrasibus et verbis solis putant vetenim pre- 
tium ac decus omne constare et causas, ob quas legendi ipai sint^ 
his solis defininnt, quas adeo in recentiorum etiam scriptis piitant 
posse invebiri^-ilii vehementer falluntur. Ciceronis certe qui phrases 
et verba omnia tenuerit ad unguero, is ne umbram quidem TuUii 
babebit, nisi coloreni etiam ipsum orationis, inveniendi^ et argu- 
nientandi copiam, rerum pulcherrimarum delectum et ubertatem^ 
vim^ivinam ingenii, dignitatem denique ethonestatem sententiarum 
ejus cognoverit : Schonaeus autem quo minus Terentio pneferatur, 
non modo eruditionis, sed etiam pietatis judicio interesse : Videant 
illi^ qui argunienta sanctissima per comoedias juventuti proponendas 
existimanty mihi res magis seriae videntur^ quam ita per ludum ac 
jocum tractandae, ut deinde narrationes verissimas pueri in sacris 
literis legentes procul absint ab ilia debita divinis veneratione^ sed 
fiibulam aliquam Comicam vet Tragicam legere sibi videantur/' 
H. S. Reimari Comrnentaritis de Vita et Seriptis J. A^ Fabrkiiy 
Hamburgi, 1737. p. 340-5. . K H. B. 

On the Pcrsea of the Ancients. 

[An Extract from the Memoirs of the Rojal Academy of Sciences.] 

Les anciens parlent beaucoup d'un arbre de TEgjpte auquel ils 
donnent le nom de persea, qui ressemblait d un poirier, mais dont 
les feuilles duraient toute i'annee, dont le fruit d noyau 6tait'trds- 
douXy et tr^s-sain^ et dont le bois dur et noir avait une grande 
valeur. On trouve encore, dans les auteurs arabes du moyen &ge, 
des descriptions d'un arbre qu'ils appellent lebacky et qui offie 
tons les caract^res attribu6s par les anciens d leur persia ; mais 
aujourd'liui cet arbre est devenu si rare, au moins dans la Bass^ 
Egypte, que les botanistes ne I'ont pas reconnu avec certitude : les 
nns, Comme L^cluse, et Linnaeus d'apr^s lui, ont donki6 le nom de 
persea k une esp^ce de laurier ; opinion d'autant moins admissible 
que ce laurier vient d'Am^^rique. ]>'autres; conraie Scfar4ber^ ont 

Advmiaria Htfirarm. 369 

cru le reU'iOuver dans hstbestier (cordia tmxa), dont Je. fmit yis* 

.qaeux est totit ciifferent. M. Delisie a 6t6 plus heureux: ayiiot 

.observe dans un jardin du Caire. un mdividu de Tarbre appeJ6 par 

Xannaeus ximenia agyptiaca, il lui irouva la.plupart des caract&es 

du pers6a : uue hauteur de dix-huu si vingt pieds, des branches 

^piueuses, des feuilles ovaies per8i3tantes, iongues d'un pouce ^ 

dix-buit ligaes, traits qui out pu dooner lieu d la comparaiscm av^ 

Je poirier ; un fruit de la forme d*une datte, doux lor^qu'M e^t ^^> 

contenant uu uo^au un^peu ligneux, etc. Parvenu dans la ibWe 

Egypte, M. Delisle en rencontra deux autres^ et il apprjt^ pi^r.l^s 

.faabitans des contr6es sup^rieuresy que I'esp^ce. est commuoe en 

^JNubie et en Abyssinie, et tr^s-estim^ dans ie Daribur ; cependant 

il n'a pu savoir si le coeur du bois est nair comme le disent les 

.anciens deleur pers^a. 

Cet arbre se nomme aujourd'hui, en Nubie, ^^gUg* M. Deli^e 
lui trouve des differences assez marqu6es pour le s^parer des autres 
ximenUi, etjl en fait un genre sous le nom de balaniteSi 

On the philosophical meaning of the words 3io^, Kivr^fM^ 

sv6pyi}/iba, and aitr&rjfJLa. 

The following, explanations satisfactorily show the necessity of 
studying the commentaries of the Platonic and Peripatetic philoso- 
phers that have been preserved to us, as the accurate signification 
of the above words is only in these writings to be obtained. 

Concerning the first of these words therefore, Proclus observes 
as follows in Tim. p. 229? ^X'i^ 7^P oixeioraros o /3io^. e* hiroTs xcti 
em vow Xeyono, xaiairsp ev 0iX)]j3tt), tijv iSiorijTa <n}jxa*v6< nj; ?w>j^. 
8uo yap o j3*oj ravra ^Koi, to, re itiov £xa(rrov tyj; I^wyi; eihg^ xai tijv 
avfiXi^iV Ti}$; Mps(rea>s et^* fis e^ei TYjy tt^ooSov. ' AfVSTOU ouv x,ugix$ y^sv 
tm Tcoy 4w;^«)v. fv Tottirous yag ij av«Xif<f. i. e. '* The life signified by 
the word /3io^ is most adapted to the soul. For if at any time this 
word is ustd in speaking of. intellect, as in the Philebus, it signifies 
the peculiarity of the life. For ^lo; manifests these two things, 
viz. the peculiar form of each life, and the evolution of the choice, 
from which it has its progression. It is properly, therefore, 
asserted of souls : for in these there is an evolution [of choice].*' 
What is here said by Proclus, that /3io^ signifies the evolution of 
choice^ is confirmed by the following passage from the lOth'book 
of the Republic of Plato. AvctyKr^; ^uyarpos xogvjg Act'x&rsoii Xoyo^. 
^uyoLi spr^fupot^ ^X^J aXAijj TgpioSow Syijrou yevov$ ixvarripogov' ou^ 
VfiMS icttfjxov Ki^itTou, oXA' VfMi; ^atjxova oipijo'eo'Se* irgwTOS I' o Xa^oo'/, 

'it64f Jtdtersit^a lAtimtia. 

tij&coy toil btiiiDESx^fldy/'^Xtoy xisn fXAfrroy wk^ii iKurro^ f^fi' eurOi wksfti- 
WW- 9ioi 'fltFflurw^ i. e. •* The «p6^ch of the vii^n JjntMem, te 
iMighter of Necessity : ^otih tif a (fety ! Th^beginikiing of 'inotb^ 
^riod of ben of mbrtal ra(?e. Th\e'd«tnon shall not receive jtm 
as Eis lot, but yo\i sfadi cAoo^p the dsetnon. He who draWs tble 
firnty let hicrt 'first nftlke cAofce of a life (jSto^y to «vbich he tmH 
of necessity adhere. Virtue is inde)>endenty which every hoie 
shall partake of more or less, according as he honors or 46- 
honors her: thecatise is in him 'who makes the cAotce, and €h)d 
is blameless.'' The evolution of lives which follows this speech, 
is therefore evidently the evolution of choice. And the word jSm; 
i^erpetnally occurs in the whole of what is said by Plato about Ae 
dififerent lives of the human soul. 

In the next place, we are informed by Simplicius in his Com- 
mentary on the 6th book of Aristotle's Physics p. 230, that xiyij/xot 
signifies the boundary or end of motion. For he says, ofMicos St hm 
TO vuv Tou ;^^ovotf, xa< to xivfffLa ri}; xivifice»$, xaXown yap oxrrco tto 
Ti]^ xiwio-ioos w€psig, i. e. '^ The now of time, and the xivr^yM of 
motion, are similar. For thus the end or boundaiy of motion is 
called." In like manner tvffpyijjxa, which occurs in Proclus on the 
Parmenides, and also on the Timaens, is the boundary of energy. 
For in the latter of these Commentaries p. 233, he says, Xoyov U 
mpyi/ifiM TQ )<MYtw, (0$ vow to vobiv, cog ^wnoos to ^«y. i. e. *' To speak 
is the tvepyriixu of reason, in the same manner as to perceive intel- 
lectually is the i¥epyriiML of intellect, and to germinate, df nature." 
Thus too, in the last place, ai(rdi}jxa, which occurs in the ItfS. 
Commentary of Proclus on the Parmenides, is the boundary of 
M<rdri(ris, or sensible perception. And as aio-ti^fta, being the termi* 
nation of sensible perception, is an impression of it in the ienso- 
rium, that which is analagous to this must be conceived to take 
place in x«vi)jxa and ivipyrifMi. For the now, or an instant, isy. as it 
were, an evanescent impression of time, and xim^jxa may be said to 
be an impression of fViotion. For the latter is analogous to a point 
which marks the end of the flux of a line on another line. 


Manor Place, Walworth. 

On Mr. Bellamys Translation of the latter part of the 9th 

and \9th Chapters of Genesis. 

In his translation of these two passages, Mr. Bellamy has 
entirely done away the account of 'Noah's drunkenness, and of 
Lot's incest. Will any of your readers oblige the world with a 
minute criticism of the alterations in question i >Mr. BeHamy has 

Adversarial Lit eraria. ' 365 

been severely treated by some of the periodical Journals; and 
many seem to have considered it to be their duty to reprobate his 
translation. If in any instance be has wilfully perverted the mean- 
ing of the sacred text, he deserves all that he has received. If he 
has been guilty only of those mistaken and errors which are the lot 
of all, the severity of his critics will be a lasting reproach. The 
whole question with the worJd, and with posterity, will be, " Is 
Mr. Bellamy right, or wrong .^' ^^ Has he thrown any light on 
obscure passages, or not ?" Lhave fixed on these portions of his 
Vj&rsipn, in which he has so materially departed from the rece^v^ 
translation, as a criterion, by which a, Bil^lical scholar mfiy judge 
if his claim on the attention and appr^oba^on of hi^ countrymeabe 
well founded. 

A Constant Reader. 


From iroXiy and Spojbtuo, ^ word, line, or sentence^ which is the 
same, read backward or forward^, Thi^s constructed i^ an inscrip- 
tion round the font of the church of Sandbach, in Cheshire, and at 
some other places.: 

Similarly constructed is the Latin verse ; 
Roma tibi subito motibus ibit amor. 
And the English line : 
Lewd 1 did lite, evil did Idwel. 

The word Madam is a palindrome. 
. \% is related, that a npble la(^, whp hadv beep, forbidden tpj^)- 
peski; at t)ia couft of Qt^eeq. Eljzfibethf OIL account of a snspicioq of 
too/gre^t'^miUaQty with a. certain. lo9d.higl|iii\ her ipiyeaty's fayor, 
chose for a d^iqe upon b^r seal the moon partly obsjQuned by a 
cloudy wiMi tliia pidiii4roine. foe ^ motto :». 

Ablata, at alba. 
A lawyer is said to have taken for his motto : 

Si nummi* immunis. 

• . , t, ^ •• • •» 

. The follo\^in^ line is a r,^)enfeojt upon the p^ndrome, for 
each word is U^je sam^, w!iij^th(^ i;ead; fi;oi|f th(^ first lett^er, (^ the 
last : 

. t 

f -/• 




Uttetatp 3(nteUigente* 



Stephens' Greek Thesaurus, Nos. VII. and VIII. i. e. Part 

VJ* of Lex. and Part II. of Gloss. The present ^rice it 

l/. 55. small, and 2/. 125. 6d. large paper; and will soon be ad-, 
vanced to l/. 75. and 2/. 1^5. 

The Deiphin and Fariorum Classics, Parts III. and IV. Pr. 
1/. Is. stoM, and 2/. 25. large paper. V. and VI. will be delivered 
this month. The price will be raised hereafter. Very few 
copies are unsubscribed. Present Subscription 908* 

Mr. Carson of Edinburgh has just published an edition of Taci- 
tus for Sdhools, in One Volume Octavo. 

Dissertation sur le passage du Rhdne et des Alpes par Aonibal 
(par le Comte de Fortia d'Urban.) Seconde Edition, avec une 
Carte. Paris 1819, 8vo. 

Strabonis a Corayo editi Tomus Quartus et ultimus. 

The Third Volume of Clavier's Pausanias is now printing. 

Notice sur quelques Monumens Anciens : sitoes dans les envi^ 
rons de Geneve ; par £usdbe Salverte. Geneve 1819. 

Etymological French Dictionary. Charles Pougens^ a 
Member of the Royal Academy of Inscr. and Belles Lettres, 
has addressed a letter to Professor Wyttenbach of Leydetf^ deve* 
lopfad^ the plan of a work, which if executed with ability equal ta 
the vigor of the conception, will be of considerable importance not ' 
only to scholars in his own country, but in every other. The 
des^ must at least be well matured, as it appears to have beea 
not merely in contemplation, but in progress of execution, since 
1771- It is to be entitled ^^ Dictionnaire des Origines de la Langue 
Fran^aise;" forming Six Folio Volumes; comprising, Ist. the 
Opinions of all preceding Etymologists; a Comparison of the 
pnncipal, with a Discussion of their Opinions : 2d. The Author'is 
own Decision: Sd. Researches on the Origin and History of 
Words ; not applying to European languages exclusively, bat to 
others whence he derives those existing in French. Subjoined to 
Ihh DicuooBTj is to be placed a PdljglkKt Vocabulary of words of 

Literary Intelligence. 367 

the first necessity^ supposed to be necessary to man in the rudest 
state ; amounting in number to about 300. 

Of this Th^saurus^ an abridgment is also in contemplation, 
forming at most 3 vols, in quarto, designed to contain^ 1st. The 
Grammatical Classification of each word with its original applica- 
tion. £d. A Summary Extract of its Etymology ; but fuller than in 
Dr. Johnson's of our own tongue, drd. The Definitions. On this 
part, as being the most difficult and of the most direct utility^ the 
author appears to have bestowed the greatest pains. Our errors 
when not physical or moral arise, he says, from errors in lan- 
guage, the abuse of words, and false applications of them. Ten 
y^ars of his life have been occupied in an attentive perusal of the 
principal Classical Authors in his language, whom he reckons 
about 65 : from these he has culled a series of detached phrases, 
giving the particular acceptations of every word. These extracts 
exceed in number 800,000 : and a selection has been ibade from 
them, already arranged alphabetically, and distributed in registers. 
^By the aid of these he deduces definitioDs in most cases, he hopes, 
tolerably exact. He has himself been often surprised at the num- 
ber of Nuances f of which, under the pen of able writers^ each word 
is susceptible. These researches are quite terminated^ 

Inte lligenzb ltUt, Jena. A^ L. Z. October 1818. 


Fetm Testamenium Gracum cum Variis Lectionibus. Editio- 
nem a Roberto Holmes, S. T. P. inchoatam continuavit Jacobus 
Parsons, S. T. B. Tomus Secundus. Oxonii, e Typographeo 
Clarendonianos 1818; 

The progress of this work, from its commencement tQ^the death 
of Dr. Holmes, and the publication of several succeeding fasciculi, 
have been already noticed in the Classical Journal, and are already 
well known to the public. Dr. H. died in i805,at which time nothing 
more bad been published than the Pentateuch, forming the 1st 
volume, and the book of Daniel in a separate fasciculus : viz. 
Genesis 1798. Exodus 1801. Levit. 1802. Numb. 1803. and 
Deuteronomy (completing the volume) 1804 ; though the date 
1798 is improperly affixed to the general tide. The book of 
Daniel was published only a few months before his death. And 
here was suddenly broken off a laborious and expensive work : but 
as a considerable sum of money had been subscribed both for the 
purpose of carrying on the collations abroad, and also for pub* 
lish^ng them on the plan suggested by Dr. H«, and as the dele- 

i;ates of the University Press had not only contributed larger 
y to ttwt auhscriplUoni but. undertakeo also to . coiUiuue ;be 

5§8 Literary InteUigeneei 

worki if possible^ in case of Dr. H/s death ; they enga g ed Ab 
present Editor for the fulfilment of this object : by him has been 
published the volume^ which forms the* subject of the following 
Notice. In its present form it consists of more than 800 folio 
pages, and comprehends all the Historical Books from Joshua, to 
the second Book of Chronic, inclusively ; the several fasciculi of 
which came out in the following order : Joshua 1810; Judgesi and 
Ruth 1812 ; and the six remaining books in the 5 years followinr: 
the whole being printed off soon after Christmas 1817> and nearly 
ten years from, the time when the editor first entered on his task. 
To those who are not acquainted with the extent of £>f. H.'s 
plan, nor with the difficulties under which his successor has isibored 
In carrying it on, it may appear extraordinary that no furfter 
progress has been made in a nork, which must still be considered 
as imperfect, and for the final completion of which some years 
are yet required. But avoiding all discussions of this nature, -let 
us proceea to examine the materials of the present Vol. atid the 
uses which may be made of them. These materials we sbadl 
arrange '(according to the order in which they are placed in tfaie 
preface to each fasciculus) under the several heads of MSS. 
editions, fathers, and versions. 

1. in addition to a great number of the same MSS. as are 
employed in the former volume, the present is also enriched with 
the collations of several curious and important MSS. the various 
readings of which have never been given in any edition of the 
Septuagint. As, 1. for the books of Joshua, Judges, and Ruth, 
Codex Dorothei iv. Vat. 83 1 . 1 746. (Dorotheus was a Divine, 
who at that time held a high ecclesiastical office in Moldavia, 
llie MSS. furnished by him were conveyed to Wittembei^, where 
they were collated for this work by Professor Matthia;.) S. For 
Ruth, and the following books— Codex i. D. ii. Muscei Britan^ 
nici. This has been sometimes called the Arundelian MS., and 
seems to have been copied from one in the uncial character. It 
contains two different copies of the book of Esther, one of which is 
according to the Hexaphir l^ext of Origen : they were both 
published by Archbishop Ussher at the eild of his Syntagma de 
Uneca LXX. Interpp. Versione. Londini, 1635. See Pref. to 
Lowth's Isaiah. 3. For the 
Books of Kings. — Codex Biblioth. Paris, viii. S«bc. x. 

— — : Biblioth. Escurial. X ii. 19- S«d. xi. ariii. 

— Biblioth. Piiris. plim Medicseus. Saec. x. (ut tidetur.) 

•Dorothssi v. Saec. xi. 

Codex Biblioth. publicas Basiliensis, signatus B. vi. 22. 
'Coislinian. viii. Ssec. x. Lectionibus Aquibe, 

et SjQMitachi imptimia tefertum. 

Literary InteHigeneie^ 96d 

Osdex BibI!otb« Csesar. Vindob. medtocriter anliqwM* 
" ■ Vaticanus 33S. Seec. x. circ. 

• — ^ — '- 3:54. ^at. fere ejusdem. 

■ 1238. Sapc. xiii. 

Urbinato- Vatican. Ssec. x. Sec. 

Forthe d books of Chronicles, Codex antiquus Biblioth. piiblicfl^ 
Cantabrigi^nsisy quondailj Theodori Archi^piscopi Cantuariensis 
SflBG. vii. (There is an imperfect collation of this MS. anuexed to 
Walton's Polyglott.) 

Beside thefse and several other MSS. in the Greek Language^ 
Mre have also in the 4th book of Kings, a collation of iiie celebratied 
Syro-Hexaphr MS. in the Royal Library, Paris, of which P. J. 
Bruns extracted the various readings for Ae use of Dr. KeiinitoU, 
and has since reprinted in the Repertor. pro Biblic. et Orient. 
Liter. Tom. viii. The importance of this MS. is consider^ 
able in many respects, and is indeed evident on inspecting th« 
Margin and Appendix of the volume before us. For 1 . it proves 
iiMiny readings of the different texts of what is called the Septua- 
gint Version to have been taken from Aquila, Symmacbus, 8lc. 
and consequently justifies the assertion of those who affirm that alt 
our present copies of this version, are mixed and confounded with 
those of the other Interpreters. (See Hody de Textibus p. 6S4, 
Carpzov. Crit. Sacr. p. 540. Ed. Lips. 1728. Eicbhorn. Einleit. 
in das A. T. Toiti. i. p. 366, &c). 2. It supplies many readings 
of these Interpreters (Aquila, 8lc.) which are not to be found else- 
where, and may ther^ore be of great service in correcting and 
augmenting the collection of Hexaplar Fragments made by Mont- 
fancoD, 8cc. 3. It shows that the hypothesis commonly received 
in respect to the contents of those versions, called Editio 5ta, 
6ta, 7nia, is not founded in fact. And 4. it not only discovers 
the origin of certain readings in the Alexandrine copy, (see chap, 
xvi. 90 bu^ >'s^ establishes several others in conformity to the 
Masoretic Hebrew, against the authority of less ancient MSS. 
both Greek and Hebrew, and corresponding with the text of the 
Complut. edition, even when unsupported by any other MS. (see 
chap. xiii. 23. chap. xv. 10. chap. xix. 3% 8cc. 

2. The editioiiiB collated in this volume are, with the exception 
of the Paulino-Lipsiens. (Fischer), which goes no further than th^ 
Pentateuch, the same as those cited by Dr. H. viz. the Coniplu* 
tensian, Aldine, Alexandrine, or Grabe's, and that which forms the 
text of the Catena Nicephori. It is well known that for many 
years great prejudices prevailed against the Complut. Edition. 
It was not considered as a Critical Edition because it was not 
known from what MSS. its text was taken ; it was moreover be- 
Uered dnt the Edhors^ ^ttthont adbei1n| to any pariictiiar copy» 

370 Literary Intelligence. 

extracted from all of theniy or even from commeutaries^ such read* 
ings as came neareast to the Hebrew; and that they wilfully cor- 
rupted the Greek Version to render it conformable to the Vulgate. 
From the volume before us it will appear that these charges, 
though sometimes true, are not so in general. I'he text of the 
Complut. Edition follows so closely that of MSS. 19* 82. 93. 
108. (in Catalog. Holm.) throughout the several books of this voL 
that it must evidently have been taken from the same original 
prototypes. Moreover where it differs from the Romau JBdiUoo, 
It is in very numerous instances supported not only by the Aldine 
and Alexandrine texts, but also by that of the Codex Coisliniao. 
num. I. one of the oldest and most highly esteemed MSS. extant^ 
(See Repertor. pro Bibl. et Or. Liter. Tom. ii. p. 196). In 
not a few passages the text is as evidently altered by the £ditor8| 
to make it agree with the Hebrew, and especially with the Y uU 
gate. Among the most remarkable of this land may be ireckoned, 
1 Reg. vi. ly &cw — 2 Reg. xv. ?• xvi. 16 — 3 Reg. i. 3. ii* |. ix. 8. 
xii. 18. XV, 22. xvi. 34 — 1 Paralip. x. 13 — 2 Paralip.xiv. 1£. To 
make these facts more clear, the present Editor has found it expe- 
dient, frequently to cite the Vulgate, though citations froai tfiat 
Edition are not included any more than from St. Hierom) in the 
plan of Dr. H. 

The Aldine Edition has also been represented as containing 
frequent Glosses, (glossemata), together with a mixture of several 
different Versions, and Interpolations even from the N. T. Its 
text however is here satisfactorily traced to MSS. 64. 120. 121, 
8cc. (Holm.) and it also agrees in many instances both with the 
Complut. and Alexandr. Copies, and with Codex Coislin* i. when 
all these disagree with the Roman Edition. See a remarkable 
instance of tbe agreement of the Aid. Ed. with the MSS. above 
mentioned in 4 Reg. iii. 2. 

The prototype of Grabe's Editioti, like the Roman, is princi* 
pally one MS. which perhaps it would have been sufficient to 
nave cited under thie numerical sign III. But as Grabe ba3 insert- 
ed numerous alterations into his text, taken from different sources, 
together with the Origenian Marks, without making his readers 
acquainted with the different degrees of authority due to such 
insertions, his text as it now stands can hardly be considered as a 
legitimate foundation for various readings. 

Though the text of the Catena Nicephori comes very near to 
that of the Roman Edition, it is not. precisely the same, nor has the 
source of it been exactly ascertained. But in the historical book^ 
of the Greek version it agrees so constantly with MSS. 209- 23Q. 
2d7i ficc. (Holm.) that litde doubt can be entertained that it nouist* 
Tsawe4feen derured from tf^sanie ptotptyiie, or.exempl^r, vvithLth^ 

Literarj^ ItkelKgence. 371 

MSS, 3'. Notwithstanding that the celebrated Matdii» considered 
citations from the fathers and ecclesiastical writers as of little con- 
sequence, it was by him that collations were made of the works of 
Cyrill. Alexahdr. Chrysostom. Athanas. Isidor. Pelus. Euseb. and 
Gregor. Nyssen. for the use of this Edition. Various read* 
ings have also been collected from Pbilo-Judaeus, the Aposto- 
lical fathers, and many other Ecclesiastical writers^ especially from 
those cited in the Catena Nicephori by Dr. H. himself. In this^ 
as in other respects, the present Editor has endeavoured to follow 
his steps, and to maintoin the tenor of the work : but that, for 
want of more definite information as ta this part of Dr. H.'8 plan, 
he has been sometimes subjected to additional labor and embarrass- 
ment, will be seen in the Fre£Eice to the book of Joshua. 4. The 
versions collated in this volume are the 'Armenian, Slavonian, 
and Georgian, together with the fragments of the old Latin ver- 
sion preserved by Sabatier, and citations from the O. T. in the 
Syriac of Bar-Hebrteus. Of the ^ three former, which were fur- 
nished by Professor Alter of Vienna, an account may be seeii in 
his own "words prefixed to the first volume. It may be proper to 
add, that as Alter translated the Armenian, 8cc. into Greek, the 
present editor has deemed it, expedient to describe tbe varioas 
readings in the very words of his translation, and not to turn them 
into I^tin, as Dr. H. has frequently done. By multiplying trans- 
lations, it is obvious that the chances of error are also multiplied ; 
and it was to avoid this responsibility, as well as the difficulty of 
finding terms in the Latin exactly synonymous, that the editor of 
this volume has deviated in this single instance from the plan of his 
predecessor. (See an example of Dr. H.*s mode of expressing the 
Armen. 8cc. Levit. xxv. 50.) In the two books of Chronicles 
we have no further use of these versions than a collation of 15 
Armenian MSS. made with the Armen. Bible, (printed at Venice^ 
1733) by Sergins Malea, superior of a monastery at Jerusalem, in 
the year 1773; which collation has also been employed in the 
preceding books. 

The citations from the Horreum Mysteriorum of Bar-Hebraeus 
were extracted by that excellent oriental scholar the late Dr. Henry 
Ford, and a Latin version made of diem for the use of this work. 
As the editor of the former volume did not make use of the original 
work of Dr. H. though in the Bodleian Library, nor inspect 
the autograph of Dr. P., some errors had crept into the transcript^ 
which appears to have been made hastily, in several places ; and 
which the present editor has endeavoured to correct. 

It is unnecessary to add any thing concerning the use and appli- 
cation of this, as well as the former volume, to the purposes of 
Scripfmal cri^itmi especiaily after what ima been said hjAavm^' 

379 Lit/trdty Intelligence. 

fboidt aad others. Before the publication of the preaeot work, 
the only one of the kind ever attempted, it is obvious that we 
could have but an imperfect idea of the actual state of the Greek 
versions, of the authority of any readings derived from them, or 
of the sources of the four principal editions. In order to ascer- 
tain these points, it was expedient, according to the exhortation of 
Bishop Pearson, omnes codices excutiendos esse, eosque non sohim 
cum Hebraeo, sed etiam Philone, Josepho, vetustissimisque Patribos 
GiSHns, &c. comparandos. Such an undertaking had long beeo 
m diesideratum in the critical world, and was strongly recoramended 
as a necessary appendage and supplement to the great work of 
S^vicott. For it is manifest that in case of a new, or a revisal 
of the present, translation of the Bible, a synopsis of all the varie- 
ties, both in the Hebrew and Greek texts, will be indiapenaabli^ 
reqitisite. ' And above all, as it appears, notwithstanding the great 
mass of various readings collected from MSS., Fathers, &c. that 
th(9 Greek version, the mother of so many others, exhibits a text 
i% lyany respects different from that of any Hebrew copies hitherto 
known^ it becomes an object of the utmost importance to the 
Biblical student, whose ciitical knowledge of the Scriptures must 
livery imperfect unless be is acquainted widi the varieties of die 
Qreek text, as well as those of the Hebrew. 

A New Edition of the Enthusiasm of Metbodista and- Pa^sts 
considered ; By Bishop Lavington, one vol. 8vo. With NolBS, 
aod an Introduction, by the, Rev. R. Polwhele. Price 12s. bds. 
. This is a reprint from the scarce edition now selliog lor a^very 
high price. 1^ author'is principal design iji to draw a oompa- 
risoii) by way of caution to all ProtestantSf between the wild and 

g^micious enthusiasm of some of the most emifteat -saints ip the 
. opish communion, and those of the Methodists in our country ; 
il^icb latter he calls a set of pretended reformers, animated by an 
eip4hiisiastic and fanatical spirit. 

. Tb^ CEdipos Romamis^ or an attempt to prove, irqfa ti^et p^n* 
ei|piles of reasoning adopted by: the Right Hon. Sdr W.. C^iu^r. 
miopdy in his CEdipus Jiidaicus, tbs^t the twelve* Csesara are ^ 
twehre signs of the Zodiac. Addressed to the higher wffii, literaipy. 
dosses of society. By the Rev. G. Townsead^ A. M. 9£ '^iv. 
CoJJ. CaoA- 7s. 6d. bds. 


■ ^ iBQuiry into^ ^he preseiM; 9ts^ of t^ Sf^IHlpi^lM^ Yftaioi,;^ by 

* DisCavetyofa Manuscript of Ulphilas, in the Anibrosian 

Libriary, at Milan* 


The paper «aiici^iitly«ftimde'&dtn the 'Papyrus Was not bo |jteil- 
ttftil, M'e harve reason to believe^ as paper is lomodemtkifes; 4>4tft, 
^eertainly^ parchdnenty or'velknn, i9m, in various 'periods, of'coMictefif- 
able cost, ^and ^I'as esteemed worth preserving, even after the 
purpose to which the writing it contained was answer^* The 
owners of sach papchments employed a process, by which 4hey 
•intended to remove the writing, Whether by washing off the^ink, dr 
»by neutralising it, so (bat it no longer appeared. On the skin 
<thus reduced to 'an uninscribed state, they wrote afresh, suc^h'niiit- 
ter as they thought proper. Bdt, tbo'lapse of •ages has in'itMiny 
instances shown, that the process of obliteration was imperfect*; 
that the second coat of ink would gradiiaily fade, and become^ess 
legible, or less powerful. While the'first coat of ink lying beneath, 
•ivould revive, and become more distinjgiuishdble, in eonseqiieii^e df 
(he imperfect removal of its patrticles, or of their imperfect neutrai- 

It needs no prc^of that the first writing may be several hundred 
years older than the second Writing ; and that the work thus pre- 
served, or rather regained, being of deeper fintiquity, is of greater 
Curiosity. An instance of this has lately occurred to Sig. Angelo 
IklaiOy who, as our readers know, is one of the Librarians of the 
J&mbrosian library. That literato, on examining some very old 
MSS. perceived under the Latin text which they contained, toother 
very different in form, and certainly of much earlier origin. This 
taised his curiosity ; and on e:i^|Hnination the text concealed by 
its successor proved to be the Maso^Gothic translation of the 
thirteen Epistles of St. Paul^ made by Bishop Ulphilas, in the 
fourth century, the loss of which has been exceedingly lamented 
among the learned. 

It is true, that the famous Codex jirgenteus of Vpssla.yfhich 
contains a considerable part of the four Gospels^ was published in 
the seventeenth century ; and that two other editions, one so late 
as 1805, were well received. The learned Knittelalso discovered 
in the library at Wolfenbuttel, several fragments of the Epistle to 
tiie Romans, which he published in 1 76^* But the text found at 
•Milan, far exceeds in extent, all diat has been hitherto published ; 
and opens a vast field of inquiry, as well on the subject of the 
Scriptures, as on that of the Northern languages and antiquities. 
This text tills two large manuscript volumes; they are not of the 
same hand writing; but are apparently of the fifth or sixth century. 
Whatis wanting in one of th^e vokrmea is supplied by the other; 
though they will not form one whole. The letters are large and 

S74 LMtrary InteUigmu. 

haDdsomei the tides of the Epistles are written oo the top of die 
MS. and notes^ in the same laoguf^e, on the margin. 

An individu^ of Milan, distinguished by his zeal for science, has 
ordered an extensive font of these Ulphilan letters to be cast by as 
expert workman, as well for the text as the notes. The learned 
world may, therefore, expect copies of this truly ancient tranrifr- 
tion; of which Sig. Maio intends to give a most complete idea in 
a preliminary dissertation. 

Besides this discovery, the same indefatigable inquirer has had 
the good fortune to retrieve about twenty pages of the same lan- 
guage, from several other MSS. Among them are passages froa 
the Gospels, which contribute to perfect the Upsafa copy : also 
part of a homily, or commentary ; and fragments of % version of 
£zra and Nehemiah. 

As so great a proportion of the language is recovered in these 
labors of Bishop UlphiUs, a new Vocabulary of the Mcsso- 
Gothic tongue is in contemplation. It is well known, that thb 
dialect was that of the Goths, who obtained from the Emperor 
Valens permission to retire into his dominions, for shelter from th« 
violence of the Huns. In consequence, not less than two hundred 
thousand men able to bear arms passed the Danube, aud esta* 
blished themselves in Mcesia, whence they obtained the name of 

The connexion of this language with the languages of the North, 
including the Saxon, on which our modern Ei^lish is founded, 
enhances the philological value and iuterest of this discovery. 

Italy boasts, that while her southern provinces furnish abund^t 
examples for the study of the fine arts, her northern provinces are 
opening new fields to literature, by the publication of a number of 
valuable classic works, retrieved from the ravages of barbarism, 
and the obliyion of departed time. 

Our readers will also recollect with pleasure, that Britain is not 
behubd in publishing valuable MSS. WiiYi fac^simile types; and 
that our national treasures of learning are not neglected. Who 
knows what the library of the British Museum may one day fur- 
nish ? 

Itinerarium Alexandria ad Comtantium Augustum Constaniini 
M, Fiiium, edente nunc prirnum cum notis Angela Maio. 4to. and 
8vo. pp. 100. Milan, 1817. 

The Itinerary of Alexander the Great, dedicated to Constanlius, 
son of Constantiue the Great, now first published, with notes by 
Angelo Maio. The history of Alexander, like that of most military 
heroes, has been so greatly intermingled with fable, that we are 

LHerary IntelUgence. 375 

gtad of every assistance towards reducing it within the bounds of 
credibility. It is no absurd supposition that early in the fourth 
century many authentic documents^ ^and even original monuments 
of the history of Alexander, were still existing ; and were accessible 
to a writer who dedicates his performance to the Emperor Coo- 
stantiusy son of Constantine. His agreement veith many things in 
Arrian, says Sig. Maio, proves his veracity ; while he differs from 
that historian in so many others^ that he cannot be deemed his ab^ 
breviator, or copyist. He writes with more modesty than Arrian, 
and rejects those fabulous traditions in which various biographers 
of Alexander have involved themselves. The work contains an 
abridgement of the history of Alexander, from his birth to his 
death ; which the writer does not attribute to poison^ but to hii 
excess at the table of Medius, where he emptied the cup of Her- 

From the dedication we learn that the same author had com* 
posed an Itinerary of Trajan. 

The second part of this volume consists of Julii Falerii res 
gesta Alexandri Macedonisy translate ex Msopo graco prodeunt 
fiuncprimum, edente notisque illustrante Angela Maioy Ambrosiani 
CoUegii Doctore. 4to. and 8vo. pp. 270. Milan, 1817* 

This is the second part of the same MS. as is reported in the 
foregoing article. Because they are found in connexion, some critics 
have attributed them both to the same Julius Valerius ; but it should 
seem that the former is the earlier writer, though both copies 
appear to be of the ninth, or at least of the tenth centary. 
* Julius Valerius was not the same person with iEsopus, as some 
have thought, but was his translator ; and this MS. correctly dis- 
tinguishes the two persons. They are, however, wholly unknown. 
This work speaks of the temple of Serapis and the tomb of Alexan- 
der as then existing. From this Sig* Maio concludes that the 
Greek author could not be later than the fourth century : he might 
even be earlier, in the opinion of this discoverer, since the style of 
the Latin translation seems to place Julius Valerius in that century. 

Sig. Maio besides the preface has added the summaries of the 
three books which compose the work ; with remarks on the fabu- 
lous histories of the exploits of Alexander; and researches respect- 
ing authors who might have a knowledge of this Julius Valerius. 
The MS. is not complete : the whole of the iirst part is wanting, 
and there is a considerable deficiency in the second. A succinct 
analysis of the parts wanting is supplied by the editor from another 
MS. in the Ambrosian library^ which contains an abridgement of 
Julius Valerius. 

This work contains so many details respecting Egypt and 

376 NoUs to Correspondents. 

Alexandria, that it is probable the author composed it in that 
country and city. Sig. Maio inclines to believe that the translator 
Julius Valerius was, also, of Africa, 

Our readers may recollect^ that some time ago, offence was 
taken by Dr. E. D. Clarke, at the silence of the Irustees of the 
British Museum, who declined to authenticate a very capital Sar- 
cophagus, brought from Alexandria by the British troops, who 
had rescued it from the grasp of the Jrrench, as the Tomb of 
Alexander. It is possible that this work may contain such details 
respecting the nature, form, and situation of that monument, as may 
contribute to the effectual settlement of that question. We have 
no objection to invest a trophy of British valor with the most 
distinguished character; though we object to the pledging of 
British learning and veracity to a proposition not demonstrated as 
absolute fact. 


Several articles are postponed till our next No. 

We thank N. A. O. for his very judicious bints. In looking 
over our former Numbers, he will see that we entertain an opinioo 
similar to his of Buttman's Greek Grammar. His* Greek Epi- 
gram will be inserted. 

L'article de M. Abel-Remusat n'a qu'une faute ; c'est* d'etre 
d'une longueur qui passe nos homes. 



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'^ It is a work (sa)'s the last. Quarterly) in which the impartiality 
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*< Mr. A. Hawkins has rendered a most acceptable service to literature by 
a cproplete, and we think elegant translation of the Works of Claudian into 
English Verse. Gibbon's character of Claudian, and the distinctions con- 
ferred upon him by his contemporaries, recommend this poet to public 
respect; but he possesses more unequivocal claims in the sterling merit of 
ins compositions. These prove indeed that he was endowed with the rare 
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