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The Subscription will soon be closed. 

No. L will be published in October, 1815* 



Bishop Pearson's Minor Tracts, chronologically arranged. 

No. IV. 1 

Remarks on Dr. Johnson's Latin Epitaph on Mr. Thrale. 6 

Collatio Codicis Harleiani 56/4 cum Odyssea editionis Erne- 

stinae. No. v. • 7 

Remarks on Latin Metre. • •• 10 

Notice of Mr. J. Jones' Grammar of the Greek Tongue. 23^ 

Notice of Bninck's Anacreon, edited by G. H, Schaefer. 27 

Observationes Criticae in Euripidem. •••• 30 

Account of the Prices and Purchasers of the most valuable arti- 
cles in the collection of the late J. Edwards, Esq. 35 

Inquiry into the causes of the Diversity of Human Character in 
various Ages, Nations, and Individuals. By the late Professor 

Scott, No. VI. 41 

Biblical Synonyma, No. iv. • • • • • • • • • 67 

A passage in Cicero's Cato Major illustrated. 73 

Answer to Mr. Bellamy's Essay on the Hebrew Points, and on 

the Integrity of the Hebrew Text, No. III. 77 

On the different Latin Poetical expressions to render the English 

verb to run. • 84 

Remarks on Mr. Blomfield's edition of the Persae of ^scbylus. • • 90 
Bentleii Emendationes Ineditae in Aristophanem — In Ranas, 

No. III. 104 

On the 77th verse of the Hippolytus. Ill 

The gallantry of Saladin and his Brother Malek Adel. By Mr. 
Hammer. • • 112 




Recherches Sur Apollon, et sur divers points de Grammaire ; 

par J. B.Gail 115 

Notice of CoUatio Versionis Syriacae quam Peschito vocant, cum 
Fragmentis in Conimentariis Ephraemi Syri obviis institute a M. 

Gottl. Leb. Spohn. 124 

Answer to a late book written against the Learned and Reve- 
rend Dr. Bentley, with an examination of Mr. Bennett's Appen- 
dix to the said book. No. v. • • • . • • • • 128 

Wallace, a Cambridge Prize Poem, 145 

Observations on the ** Remarks in Sir W. Drummond's Disserta- 
tion on Gen. xlix." 149 

Richardi Beutleii Epistolae Duac ad Ti. Hemsterhusium. •••••• iStJ 

On the Margites of Homer. l6l 

Dr. Crombie's Remarks on the notice 6f his Gymnasium, sive 

Symbola Critica, No. 11. • • • 167 

The Life of Isaac Casaubon. ' 172 

Ode Graeca, In Obitum Gul. Craven, D. D. Coll. Div. Joan. 

Cant, baud ite pridem dignissimi Magist. 1 84 

Cambridge Prize Poems, for 1815. • 186 

Sir William Browne's Medals. • IPI 

Biblical Criticism. 193 

Locketfs Arabic Syntex. 19** 

Notice of Tiberius Rhetor de Figuris, una cum Rufi Arte Rheto- 

rica. Edidit Jo. Fr. Boissonade. • 198 

On the word Palimpsestus. • -^ 204 

Cambridge Prize Poem for 1790— Ode Latina. 206 

On the Prosody of Greek Verse, as connected with dialect. • • • • 208 

Adversaria Literaria. • • 209 

Mots, ou Omis par H. Etienne, ou inexactement expliqu^s. Par 

J.B.Gail. 215 

Literary Intelligence. • 220 

Notes to Correspondents. ,....•....#...•..•.. 235 


Biblical Criticism •♦•..... .w-.i... 337 

Notiee of Utnusque Leonidae Cannina, Ed. Alb. Christ. MeiDeke. 

Lips. *••••••» •►• 239 

Notice of HamUton'si OeUcmd Introduction to tite Stody of the 

Hebrew Scriptures, &c. ••• • * • 240 

Omtio Habite Cantabrigiae : octavo Kalendas Junil MDCCLV. 
Perorante Otd. Maskeljne, A. M. • • • «^« ••••••••••••••• 24i 

Aeaiaiks on 1 Tim. iii. l5. .*•••*• .*.•••...••• J47 

R^narks on the Meaning of the Hebrew word y^ •••••• •• Sft 

Remarks on the I>efence of Gabriel Sionita • • • 254 

Remarks on some Statements of the Rt Hon. Sir W. Dnunmond 1^55 

Arabian TVdes, originally Persian • ••• ••••••..• 25^ 

Momi Miscellanea Sttbseciva, No. iii. •••• 25l 

Inquiry into the. Causes of the Diversity of Human Character in 
various Ages,. Nations, and Individuds, by Profsssoe 

Scott, N0.V11. .•...•...•^.. .•*..•••• ••• 2(55 

Prometheus. An English Pri2e Poem: Spoken at the Apposi- 
tion, St. Paul's School. April, 1815 • • 5^5 

Remarks on the Cambridge MS. of the Four Gospels and the 

Acts of the Apostles • ^ 276 

Notice of Rich's Memoir on the Ruins of Babylon 287 

BiUical Criticism : Hebrew Descent of the Abyssinians ••••a* f93 

On the Greek and Latin Accents. No. iii, • • • 304 

De Lectione KrjpoirXAffras in Archilochi Fragm. ap. Plutarchum rJjUS 
An Inquiry into the Nature and Efficacy of Imitative Versifica- ^ 

tion. Ancient, and Modem • • •*:* • 329 

D. Heinsii Oratio Be Utilitate, quas e lectione Tragoedianvi per- 
cipitur • • • • • • 340 





In Caanina Epodica ^bchylea Commentaries. Auctore G. B. • • 34* 
Bentleii Emendationes ineditae in Aristophanem : in Eqoites • • • • SSft 

Claftical Criticism 367 

An Answer to a late Book written against the learned and Rev. 
Dr. Bent1ey» relating to some MS. Notes on Callimachus, 
together with an Exammation of Mr. Bennet's Appendix to 

the said Book. Concluded ' 370 

Notice of Frey's Hebrew, Latin, and English Dictionary • • • • -^^ 381 

Notice of Dr. H. 'Marsh's Horse Pelasgicae 383 

E. H. Barken Epistola ad G. H. Schseferum De quibusdam He- 

sydm et Etymolpgici Glossb . .• • • 393 

Notice of Poetae Minores Graeci. Edidit Th. Gaisford • • 410 

Notulae Quiedam in Platonis Menexenum • 415 

Notice of a Grammar of the Persian Language. By M. Lums- 

den,LL..D. • • > 429 

Notice of the Megha Duta, by Calida^a ; translated from the 

Sanscrit by H, H. WUson * 432 

BihBoal Criticism ...*.... r---- 436 

Bentleii Epistolae du» ad Ti. Hemsterhusium, No. H. 438 

Adversaria. Literaria, No. VIIL • •• 450 

•AnOAOlTA TH2 TmSfAITAnN 'EKKAHIIAI, sive Apologia 
Ccclesice AngUcanse, auctore Jo. Juello, olim Episcopo Sa- 
ridb^ Graece quidem reddita a Jo. Smith, A. B. Nuper recen^ 

suit et notas addidit A. C. Campbell, A. M. •••••• 456 

Mots ou omis par H. Etienne, ou inexactement expUquis. Par 

J. B. Gail, No. IL •••• 463 

Euripides Emendatus •••• •• • •••.. 467 

Virgil explained ..••• ...•••••k 470 

Prices of some of the Principal Books of the celebrated Library 

Qf Ralph WUlett, Esq, • 473 

Literary . Intelligence • • • • * • • • • 479 

Notes to Correspondents • ••• 485 



m. XXIII. 





No. IV. — Continued from No. xix.p. 99. 

so. VIII. 









Prioied by J. 6. for Natlumkl Brook, at th« Aogel in Coinbill. 



2 Bp. Pearson^s Minor Tracts^ 

NO. IX. 









In Vindication of No Necessity of Retbrmation of the Poblick Doctrioe 

of the Church of England. 




Printed by J. G. for Nathaniel Brook at the Angel in CornhilL 


NO. X. 







Opus summd curA recognitum, ^T ^n navem Tomos divimm. 
Qidd in hoc Opere pr€e$titum sit Prof alio ad Lectorem ottendit. 


Excudebat Jacobus Flesher, mbclx. 
CoRNRUUM Bee '\ 


Prosiantapud ^samuelem Thomson ) 

Thomam Ro^INsoN Oxomii. 
GuiLiELMUM ^ MoRDEN ContolbriguE, 

* These two pamphlets were reprinted by Dr. George Hicks, in his Bibl. 
Script. Eccl. Anglican^ ; Vol. 1. Load* 1709.— T. K. 

» Dr. Pearson was the prindDal of four pcTsona engaged in this Work. T.K. 

Chronologically A rranged. 3 





R E G I, 







D. D, D. 



Prod I IT nuper, et nunc inter manus hominum versatur, Librorum 
optimus, BIBLIA scilicet IXOATrAHTTA, editionem feliciter pro- 
caraute Viro adraodum Revereudo BRIANO IVALTONO, S. T. D. 
aliisque Viris CI. de Religione et S. literis quim optiin^ mentis : En 
jam prodit tibi. Lector pie et erudite, (Tibi enim soli utrinque et seri- 
tur et metitur, tibi soli utrunque prelum insudavit, et Waltonianum, 
et Nostrum) prodit, inquam. Liber (si ita loqui fas sit) 86vrs§iif§wro^, 
primo tantum posterior, optim6que proximus, CRITICI nimirum 
SACRL Quid enim post literas natas melius, quid optabilius, qu-^m 
ut primi^m S. Scripturse Textus originates un^ cum Versionibus antiquis 
Wo y^iav crivQ^iv redigerentur, ade6 ut simul ac semel omnia et conspici 
et conferri possent ; dein et ejusdem S. Scripturae sensus, queih vocant, 
Literalis et Grammaticus, qui ipsissima Scriptura est atque ipsummet 
Dei Verbum, a Viris eruditione, ingenio, judicio instructissimis eruere- 
tur? Illud autem Viri quos mod6 dix]« Yiri saepius, semper menio^ 
randi, summa cum accuratione ante triennium prasstiterunt; Hoc ver5 
praecipu^ CORNELII BEE, hominis ad antiquiores melior^sque li- 
teras juvandas nati, curae et impensis acceptum ferimus^ Is enim ver^ 
^e^c^u/xo^ quicquid vel ex suapte periti^ vel ex iodicatione alien^ dig- 
num compererat, id omne sedul6 conquisitum iti hunc Thesaurum Sa- 
cmm, in banc Catenam Biblicam, vel, si jnavis (nee enim ikcile est tan- 
tum Opus satis ampio titulo cohoncstare) in banc Bibliothecam Hagio- 
Criticam,* sicut Apis puro distendit nectare cellaa, congessit et in tuos 
nsus recondidit. Enimvero quotquot uspiam a^foiUrVTjjxoygurmfa in 
Divinis Yoluminibus occurrunt. Res, Personam, Actiones, Loca, Tem- 
pera, Regiones, Urbes, Templa, Instrumenta, Vasa, Pondera, Men- 
burae, Nummi, Habitus, Gestus, Munera, Ritus, Leges, Consuetu- 
dines, omnia, doct^ b!c et dilucid^ enarraiitur. Hie non soli!km expli- 
dantur Typorum mysteria, Prophetiarum et Parabolarum senigmata, 
ade6que ttniversa S. Textfts loca diificiliora, quin et insuper vocum ip- 
sarum origines, usus, signiiicatay imd apices nonnunquam et mioutiaB 

4 Bp. Pearson's ^inar Tract^^ 

pensiealatiiks examinautar. Htc e^ihtbetur quicquid ad DiviDas paj^ioai 
vel Synogog^ Rabbini vd Bccteir Doctores sobtiiiils anaot&rant. 
Htc compommtur, Saprosaiucta Dei Oracula cum exterorum moBomeii- 
tis, Hebraeoram Leges cum iostitutis Gentilium, Odae Davidis, Solo- 
monis PanBrnite, aiiariioque Scriptorum tsovfeirrwv Gaom^ cum 
£thniconini Poetarunt, Rbetoruna, Philosophorum sententiis parallelis. 
Hie <ienique (quod optimum est iuterpretandi genus) yidere est mirum 
SS. Codicum .cfmsensum couceotCimque) altcrituque ut Alter poscH 
opem locus, et conjurat amich* Sed non opus est ut hederam hie uos- 
tram praetexamus : Insptce Catalogum, et iuvenies Nomina omni lauro, 
omni laudtt majora. Quis singuloniui fuerit Annotatorum scopus» 
quod consilium negotii]mque» ex ipsoruni, quas Catalogo subjunxi- 
raus^ Praefationibns constabit melii!ks» optim^ ex Opere. ANNOTA- 
TIONES, quae in septem usque Totnos excreverunt, duobus insuper 
TRACTATUUM Tomis cumulantur : de quibus hoc tantiim nosdix- 
isse suificiat. Hi etiam et ipsi Annotationes sunt, idque et Critiae, et 
Sacra, saltern dignissimi qui Annotationibus ejusniodi quasi Appendix 
et iirlfjierfov adjiciantur. /Jam quae Bctsftrae in boc Opere partes fuerint 
restat Qt ' exponamus : quod, ne te diutiilts moreiDur, paucis accipe. 
^o<? in primis tibi penitus persuasum iri cupimus, im6 expetimus, et 
exspectamus; Nos non cinnum htc coniiniscuisse, aut consarcin^sse 
centonem, veriUm Auctores tibiexbibere integrosetillibatos.* ^ Ade^ 
enim nobis pen^ religio fuit ipsos mutilare, ut etiam ubi alterius 
verba usurpat unus, et item alter, deinde tertius, atque ita ad eundem 
locum eadem non sensu tantum sed et verbis plures commeutantur, nos 
eadem verba* lic^t aliquantulijim gravat^, identidem reposuerimus, 
yeriti scilicet, si ullibi vel superflua omisissemus, nequis alibi et neces« 
saria nos omisisse suspicaretur. Aliquid tanien juris nobismetipsuB 
permisirouSf idque ^ re tu&, uti speramus, et cum bou*^ veni^. Nam 
non aolJ^m qu^m plurima quas oscitabundi Typpgraphi x^h^ ^\ P^^" 
miscue ediderant, ^ed quaedam etiam quae Auctores ipsi in alieniorem 
locum rejecerantf nos opportune et suo coilocavimus. Sic quatuor 
illi Annotationum rivi qpos tumultuario quodam impetu ma^uus ille 
fruditionis tori;ens JO. DRUSIUS in N. F. profudit, jam m unum 
alveum collect! leni cursu labuntur. Sic quae H. GROTIUS o ircivv 
ad Decplogiim, ad Epfaes. 1. : ad 2 Thess. 2. I. 12. ad Jac. 2. 14.» 
&c. ad 1 Job. 18 — 24. & 3. 9. & 4. 1—5. item ad Apoc. 13»^ 17* 
fusiiis disseruit, et certas ob causas Annotatis ad Euangelia subjunxit* 
in hac aostr4 Editione propnas singula stationes obtinent. Ejusdem 
Viri CI. Aj^pendix ad iqterpretationem locorum N. T. quae de Au'ti* 
cbristQ Bgunt aut agere putantur, Annotata ad Apoc. .17* immediate 
^bsequitur. Reliquorum qu^ sparsim interseruimus sedes tibi indigi* 
tabunt Catalogi. Optima semper exemplaria secuti sumus; verunta* 
ifien ad errata ipsorum corrigenda, et supplendas lacunas, p^jora not) 
jrar6 nobis subsidio fuerunt. Quae in Catalogo asteriscis praefixis insig- 
jiiuntur, nunc primuni in. lucem prodeunt : r^liqua antea excusa nqi 
dcMuo tibi repraesentamus. Loca vel ex SS. Scripturis vel aliunde citatu 
!diJisenter examinavimps, atq; iuibi deprebendimoa niulta mendarum 
niiilia, fff^ aut preli incuria fuderat, aut Scriptores, at fit, oimiiliB^ 

Chronologically Arranged. 5 

properantes parum caverant. Omnia su!iiin& qu4 potuimus cur& receo* 
saimus : Quae in manifesto errore tenebantur, purgavimus ; ubi retf 
erat in dubio, conjectaris duutaxat ^ adhibitis^ liberum tibi reliquimus 
judicium. Characteres, quoties opus fuity rite variavimus, et pravis 
interpuuctionibus sublatissubstituimus aptiores, atque ita locis obscuris 
et involutis emphasin suam dedimus et perspicuitatem. Denique non 
pudet, im6 juvat, merainisse quantum negotii nobis facesserint minu- 
tiae Typographicae, qu6dque per integrum fer^ sexennium literulis, 
numeroruni notis, puuctis^ accentibus intenti fuerimus, et tantikm noo 
immersl. Haec enim utcunque nugae videantur, tamen aeria ducent in 
W9Ut ubi fuerint neglecla ; et qiiicquid tuo comuiodo poterit luservire, 
uos oec nimis durum unquani judicaibimus, nee nobis*-Vale ; 
utere« fruere ]aboribu8, e6sque boni consule. 

JO. PEARSON Archidiaconus Surrtensis. 

ANT. SCATTERGOOD Eccksice Lincolnknm 


FRA. GOULDMAN Eccknte Okendon AmtraHs 
' * ' in Comitatu EssexuB Rector. ' 

RtC. PEARSON Coll. Reg. Sodus. 

Vequis nobis vel operis vel pretii raagnitudinem objiciat, sciat ipsius et 
compendio et commodo ma^nopere a nobis esse consultum. Htc enim 
libri circiter nonaginta, iique integri, in novem coierunt, et librae 
pliis miniis quinqua^enae (nupef vix aut ne vix minoris haec omnia 
coemisses) jam ad quindenas rediguntur. Non est igitur quod de nobis 
just^ queratur quispiam; est quod sibiet.aliis plurimil^m gratuietur. 

NO. XI. 

Iq 1661, Dr. Pearson was appointed in his Majesty's Commission 
to bear a part in the debate at the Savoy, about the alteration of the 
Book of Common Prayer, &c. 






CteeU : 

For the satisfaotion of those nvbo think tliemselvet thereby oblig'd to beKeve all 
things therein contain'd to be absolutely necessary to Sal? ation. 


Priated by Henry Hall, Printer to the tTnivcrsityi 

fi»r Tho. Robinson, 1663. 


. ON 




jriAviNG observed Dr. Johnson's Laitin Epitaph on Mr. Thrale, 
published in your XVth No. p. 159> I ^^ tempted to offer some 
renmrks upon it, lest the general authority of his great name maty 
mislead the young and inexperienced among your readers, in mat- 
ters in which it is wholly undeserving of authority ; his acquire- 
ments in what is called classical literature having been very limit- 
ted and supei-iicial ; and when he undertook Latin composition, 
he was too proud to doubt, and .too indolent to inquire ; as this 
£pitaph abundantly proves. 

In the first place, seu, occufring twice in line 3, is only em- 
ployed by writers of good times as a connective of alternatives or 
opposiles, never of conjuncts : it joins things, one, not both, of 
which we mean to state or affirm ; so that the commendation of 
Mr. Thrale for res seu domestkas seu civiles can only belong to 
cither private or public matters, not to both^ as intended. 

The phrase too, res civiles or domesticas agere, must mean 
cither to agitate tkeni, as a disturber, or exhibit them, as an 
actor on the stage. To express the meaning intended, it should 
faai^e been, in rebus quum civilibus turn domesticis ita se gessit, ut, 
ifc. or in rebus et civilibus et domesticis, 8sc. 

Multi, in line 4, is feeble and frigid. He might have written, 
without incurring the imputation of extravagant compliment, qui 
noscerent omnes. 

Res sacras agere, (line 5.) is still more faulty than res civiles or 
domesticas agere ; meaning, in its primary and obvious sense, to 
agitate or move things forbidden ; and, if admissible at all in a 
sense like what is here intended, must mean to perform the sacred 
functions of a priest or minister of the church, not merely to dis- 
charge punctually the ordinary moral duties oj religion. 

Quam brevem (vitam) esset habiturus pnescire, (line 6.) can 
only Bignify presciehce of the brevity of lifo prior to its commencer 
ment : for qui vitam habiturus est, is one who is to have lifo, not 
one who already ha% it. It should have been, quam brevis esset 
concessa scire videretur ; or more properly ipse prasentire videre- 
tur : for such is the proper verb ; and the addition of the empha- 
tical pronoun would have given strength knd spirit to the anti- 
thesis. ^ 

CoUatio Codicis Harleianif ^c. 7 

Sibique semper similis, (line 7-) is one of those quaint pueiili- 
ties which so frequently disgrace the works of Ovid and Tasso. 
Sibique semper aqualis would have been endurable. 

If by, nihil ostentavit cut arte fictum aut cura elaboratum, 
(lines 8 — 9.) be meant that he ostentatiously displayed nothing 
skilfully contrived or carefully executed^ the expression is just and 
adequate : but if it be intended to signify that he showed nothing 
artijicial or affected in his manners,' it should have been, nihil aut 
simulatum aut conjictum ostendit. 

Regi patria^que fideliter sluduit, (lines 10 — 11.) is, 1 believe, 
faulty ; though, regis dignitatis patriaque libertati, or prosperi" 
tati, fdeliter studuit, would have been proper. 

The numeral mille, used iudefinitely as in line 13, belongs, L 
believe, to light, loose, or comic modes o£ expression only, and 
seems noways adapted to the solemnity of a sepulchral inscription. 
Perhaps the writer's meaning had been properly and accurately 
expressed by, inter assiduo ingruentia mercatura negotia. 

The word nepote, in line 30, is so employed as to signify the 
grandson of the person commemorated, not the person himself, 
vhich the writer evidently intends. It should have been cum eo, 
instead of cum nepote. 

In critical, philological, grammatical, or philosophical disquisi- 
tions I would by no means be a rigid exactor of purity, it not 
being in all cases possible to find ancient modes of diction ade- 
quate to modem modes of thought ; and distinctness, perspicuity, 
and precision of sense, like Lord Bacon's, are cheaply obtained, 
even by all the barbarisms of his Latin, gross and manifold as they 
are : but in compositions which can pretend to no higher merits 
than those of expression, the expression should at least be faultless. 




No. V. — Continued from No. XXII. p. 206. 

S86. mUi. H92. /8«irrf). 

S87» TO 9f lA^rrK tf^/0T«^«$ ani t«v S93. rM^w yi • 

Ixmm. 395. ay^a^^o et super «» pxius 0?. 


CoUatio Codicis Harleiani 

4M. fUret )i' eififi^$e-in¥ et supra 

405. f«f 1*5 at. 

406. xrsW ex emend. 

41 L Mv0-«y y et sfc citat Scho- 
llastes supra ad 275, vbi etlam 

412. Post hunc additur in mar- 
gine versus, rot; y^^ iii vm ftnrr, 

^413. lyiAtfo^ ^/Ad» ^Tdg, sed y^. 
*ig super Jt^^. 
428. r^Tgm, 

444. iWflfwj yam. secunda^sed 

445. Xuxf^m. Schol. y^. je«^ 

451. yg. jr«^«i/f. sed potius credo 
referendum^ ad 453. vbi textus 

mfiUfyP suprascripto a manu se- 
cunda, sed anttqua. 

4*55. y^. ifcfct9* dAf^goy. 

• •• 

457. osrwui (sic). 

459. $ttf6Vf*h0v et supra glossa 
rvirrtfimvy postea v finale textus in 
r mutauit. Mox *»» ^j, ^j^, sed 
m marg. pro var. lect. luiiifKtf. 

464. «r/dF<. et a super i. 

#58. ifci y et supra sy. 

477. «y' ^AAf. 

*^2. 539. »!«« 

483. rvrtfdjr. 

484. vcMi(rhh sed v super ». 

485. rif 3> £^ ,-y^^ ^YloL 
marg. y 

48&. «4;»,trif ;v. 

491. «74^gy. In marg. }mns 

499. Uptitnru Quae verior est 
scnptura. IVIS. Hesychii, M^ 
fc^Mrrt, partim recte. 

502. u Kxi rtq (n xurcLxJUfUf ckut 

bchol. supra ad 106. 

504. «T«A»?r«^^diry sed vulgatom 

516. i.>Mm9tfi sed ^e^ super if et 
pro interpretatione, 8rv^A«r«« 1^. 

r«i«r9Wf . Deinde ii!ie^9«T» et su- 
pra, 0-0W0. 

520. tftxf 4f Anff**. / 

523. 4*^5 y« et « supra yg. 

528. xAv^i. 

533. $» nunc, sed i erasum. 

539. flr^dvtf^dfdf et supra y^r. ^r- 

540. 542. S9r/ Tdv sr^arigav tf^nTr- 
T«*. wtff y«^ ifi^aXtf mj^hi : 

553. sxAeifly «}' et D« super «i0r. 
Post ci* additum &^* m. antiqua. 
Legi igitur. voluit emendator, uwi^ 

554. «AA' «yf fu^^t^tv et ^ in 
I mutatum. In marg. yg. iJaa* clf^to. 

559. )« rin «. et sic K. 186. 
561. 'wr^weti et «r super «e$. 


6. viti a m. pr. j/8^«mf . 

7. «»0«V<; am. pr. < in « mutauit 
manus recentior. 

11. tcliiifii» 

12. r^rdltf-f kt^tra-t, Schol, marg. 

13. y^. »« j Tf/;^M ^jc^<». 

16. Mt/ flit. Mox jiB«T«Af{4v, sed 
f super « secundum, et « super «. 

19. ^tfxc ?g fut ixiu'^ets, 

30. uyr«e$ et ig super «; ab ea- 
dem xbaucu SbHoL marg. M'vrf^ 

31. mAA«^k« 

39. y^. xeii imfAtt^* YxnTttti 

41. ^lifoitrci txrtXumf, 

42. •?««y Intro^U^ 

43. TflS* f^A^xf in text. In marg. 

urn }Q»KU xdi Tti y' fitmu mi] rdyB 

cum Odyssea Editionis Eme$tifue. 

SSm ^kr*U V wtuwifMfm 

62. hjUmqi iuMfutr^ \ati^Tm$(An* 

65. Yidetur am. pr. faisse W 

70. MJMTriy sed Jinea transuersa 
damnatuniy et suprasc. p(A«»d7^r. 
[ Nisi merus est error, volebat 
x«A«70*i.3 In znarg. ^iivo}«r«f ^A- 

*1S» f^* fsrii u$ufdTHrt9» 

93. KVfitij^. Primo fuit y pro 
T 9 sed nihil in accentibus mutauit. 
Quod si alterum consilio scripsis- 
sety ita notassetyjtvfM y\ Apolloni- 
us y. tiil^w habet xifAxr* 

100. v^^tttr. 

103. v(. ^ Ki¥ «?^|«i. 

106. ivycirt^ (sic). 

107. Jucr^SifffWTd. 

110. T47y^ text, et schoL t« 31 

116. )ii9r»«f et supra y^. ii^wu 
118. Tii/(«< et x< supra («i. 

123. ^fifiS'f r\ 

124. Tsifrv text. In schoL^s- 
i«fT«: ^(<W«e^;^«$ ^g^«vT0. Paullo ante 
Schol. upirro^tinK i^^ ^ ^i tf^^ms* 

126. fy«rv«Kd^. 

129. ^vytifMu 

130. »lt ifuti r^vT^ ftiv ^i^Kyri- 
jMf. tirMi % y^« •29 «(^« xfltrrK. imA- 

•^« 9r«9rK :-«[Manus librarii in vlti- 
xnis aberrauit; volebat tUV &xol 
ftimif quod ettam coniecit Tou- 
pius Cur. Nou. in Suid.v. aH^r\'uu 
Suidas quidem et Apollonius ha- 
bent tifAOf sed &,>m fonicer defen- 
dunt loca a Toupio laudata, supra 
H. 328. infia N. 78.] 

1.36. m^§rr^»n^i •v3jf0v«. 

140, nfiflk 

146. lett^ik et «ff-o suprascr. 

152. yTv«r et suprascr. y^. xtiiriiu 

156. niff. 

160* ^ii9«2»Ti; Xif yaf( f««n 

164. y^* 9ii^"^#9 fA*ifiirunti.hrt-' 

166. iW\ 

169. »«r«Atffl^9fM» schoL xnarr. 

170. •Swrn^ «iy: ii(«rr«f «nK K w 

174. Av y«^^ m» JMiTA^vfv^^^al^f sed 
•■ supra « additum. 

175. Itsa^i. text. iTiA^fry schol. 
178. iP r«n T« •vrtff fi^mt : -«, 

( pro «iiu»). 

188. fuiui in vcT* h/09 «• #• ^cirA 

220. i^iarct^^i yg. simcr )' i y sr^*- 

224. TTtxlriK (n«A(rv$ est error 

Inter 233. et 234. additur in 

xnarg. /8. rfl&xrt K %vk%S xV^ 

239. 240. r^ix»9 r% xm }^;. 
Schol. ^i|9«)or«$ lUB/ 9roS«$ y#. jmm b 

242. m^' £kvX69, In schol, 

gnt^* £«tfA«v : «(/<T«(;g«f •wc •!}• Tdff 
rTiX*9* •3eiutAAi'rr^icr«$ «yT 4(vr«y y^« 

249. «y«{i»fftf4'. In marg. b 

253. omittit, et xnox 265. 

268. «{c<( et ff super &. In marg. 
i&^iW«^;^oc «rr/ row r«»«y : (Ita nempe 
explicac rwp.) 

28 1« trii )* nvr' J ^irrvvf . 

285. 0^ y • 

287. >' omittit. 

288. tfAvAicnr^ 

296. MAj|0tT«< et X additum su- 
per I prius. In schol. j(fxAif0tr««. 
306. 70i«0-iy. et supra y^. }vy«i" 


316. Tst/;^f. Deinde )f9r«iet in 
xnarg. u acAAap. yii#«t7 vx« Ai;rii^#: 

K) Remarks oh Latin Metre. 

{kge y m)iXiff iiiF»\ if yi^»' M X.] turn est Ai£«f.] 

S20. Xi{«et in marg. »uritf «^/. 324. jm/^* ix&^v^ifUfn: iifirr«^« 

«••«{•» x^tfcei i cvfet^tBfMt : [ Lege Ax'^V^ * y{«^«. 

9vtA^t6fu!v. Videntnr quidam fc' 326. i^ cSrt et tat; super «$. 

gisse Af^i' elisum pro As^m, quod 329. • a-<}«y<«$ ^Wv mhrut^ttt tiv 

plenum exstat II. I. 639. Postea rr/;^**. 

e Af{i, nota elisionis neglecta, fac- 334. mfin^fnu 


il/or^ particularly of a short vowel being lengthened when 
. Jbllowed^bjf the consonants sp— sc — st — and sm. 

X HE true method of ascertaining the force of the consonants above 
mentioned is certainly taken in the first No. of the Classical 
Journal, where the authorities for and against the observance of 
4t are laid before us. A writer on Latin Metre, in the third No. 
of your Jx)urnaly under the signature of L. makes several assertions 
on the subject, in few of which I can acquiesce, and to which I 
shall take the liberty of replying in ,the present Essay. That the 
• metrical canon advanced by Terentianus Maurus, and supported 
l>y Dawes, is in general acknowledged by the classical scholars 
of the present day, I by no means admit ; the weight of autho- 
rities on the question will be adverted to in another part of thiai 
Essay. — From the manner in which L. writes, 1 do not believe him 
to be an Etonian ; yet as he adopts the metrical canons which the 
gentlemen of Eton maintain, in answering him I shall take the 
liberty of controverting the three metrical canons of that school, 
which are the following. 

First, that a short final vowel is lengthened when followed by 
the consonant sp — &c. 

Secondly, that such words as servitii^ officii^ consilii, imperii, 
are not to be admitted in the genitive case as words of four syllables. 

Thirdly, that the letter O is not a short vowel, nor admissible in 
Latin verses as short, when scanned with another short vowel ; for 
example, tendo cKelyn^ caiigojuturi, farrago libelli, prapono Sa^ 
burra, instances of which occur in every ps^e of Statins, Juvenal, 
mA Martial. 

The gentlemen of Eton are excellent Latin scholars, and hap- 
pily cultivate the Latian Muse. Being learned, they are also 
liberal, and will hear with candor objections to their system. I 
propose to consider the metrical canons in the order I have stated 
them. 1 begin with the first of them, of short vowels being 
lengthened when followed by the consonants sp — &c. 

Some among the Greeks have accounted the letter S merely 
an aspiration^ in which number is Plato. Many of the learned 

Remarks on Latin Metre. 11 

among them avoided the frequent use of it* Tlie Romans^ Tdlloncing 
- the example of their masters^ softened this letter down to a mere 
aspiration. The comic poets write audin\ credin\ instead of 
audisne, credisne. The other old Latin poets in many instances 
consider it as a mere aspiration before a short syllable, and even 
before a long ; witness the following sort of verses, which occui in 
€very page of Lucretius : 

Nam si de nihilo fierent ex omnibu's rebus. 1. 1. 

Nam fierent juvenes subito ex infantibu's par vis. ib. 

Sive foras fertur non est ea fini's profecto. ib. 

Scire licet gigni posse ex non sensibu's sensus. I. 2, 
.In this last quoted verse S is made both an aspiration, and a 
letter ; and many similar instances can be produced. 1 contend 
.therefore from the preceding premises, that S was considered 
anciently by the Roinans as either an aspiration, or a letter, as it 
suited a poet's contenience. I admit that the writers of the 
Augustan age^ in general, but not always, abstained from making 
it a mere aspiration, probably from sonie change which had taken 
place in the pronunciation of the language. Your correspondent 
L. has the following words : ^' It is a curious thing that, in an 
author who pretends to treat of the art of Poetry, there should 
be two. false quantities in two consecutive syllables — 

Convulsum remis rostrisque stridentibus sequor. 
Those who would read tridentibus to favor Vida would act as 
.Nero to Lucan, beneficio Neronis Jama servatOy they would give 
him his death blow.'* This is not a line of Vida's, it is a line from 
Virgil, to be found JEn, 5. v. 143, and again in JEn. 8. v. 690. It 
is so given in all the old editions of Virgil : the modem indeed have 
tridentibus, I have a quarto edition of Virgil now before me, printed 
at Paris in the year 1520, which gives the line in both places with the 
word stridentibus. Vida merely quotes the line as he found it in his 
own Virgil, deeming it a line suiting the subject of his Poetics. The 
Editor of the Variorum Virgil says that the first syllable in stridens 
being looked upon as long by grammarians, this verse has much puz- 
zled them, and they have endeavoured to substitute in its place sofian- 
tibus, ruentibus,3nd tridentibus, and then adds, *^ sed lectioneshujus- 
modi in nulla ex antiquis exemplaribus offendi, quum vero bona 
codicum antiquiorum pars rostrisque stridentibus habeat.'' This 
Editor says that rostrisque stridentibus is merely a conjectural reading 
.from the University of Naples, in which, however, (though he thinks 
stridentibus msLy he well supported) he acquiesces, because in some 
ancient pictures, and coins, prows of Roman vessels with three 
projections, somewhat like a Trident, may be observed. Although 
your correspondent L. styles this line a puerility of Vida, yet most 
judges, I believe, will admit it to be a very forcible line, and strongly 
.expressive of a vessel dashing through the water with great violence. 

12 Remarks im Latm Metre. 

Thai Virgil himself deemed it siicll is apparent frovi his repeating it 
a seciMid time, a practice, though Homeric^ by no means com- 
mon wi^ him. I think there are sundry objections to tridmtibui^ 
We cannot«imagiHe that Virgil^ describing a vessel rushing with 
^eat rapidity through the water, would stop to mention the shape 
^ the prow. Besides rosiris properly requires the union of an 
adjective^ tridentihus is a substantive. L. himself strongly objects 
to tridentiiiis, but now, when he discovers it to be a Virgilian 
verse^ .it is incumbent on him to remove the difficulty^ and inform 
us how the line is to be lead. The difficulty in the case is, that 
the first syllaUe is in no other place found short, but, for what we 
knqw to the contrary, it may liave been common. Perhaps 
Virgil, thinking the word strong and expressive, might, like Lucre* 
tiu^ and the oM -Latin writers, deem tlie jS* at the beginning of it, 
a mere aspiration, and in this instance think proper to adopt th^ 
ancient custom. This is not the only instance of a Virgilian line 
where S is cut off in the manner of Lucretius : 

Liniina tectorum et medii's in penetralibus hostem. 
This reading Pierius, Farnaby, and others insist, is the true one.' 
There are many reasons to support stridentibus. All good maou- 
scripts concur m it. — The word is repeated a second tioie with the 
same concurrence. — ^There is nolsubstitute given for it except from 
mere conjecture — The verse expresses- forcibly the sense which 
Virgil meant to convey to bis readers — ^Strong manuscript autho* 
rity is not to be laid aside from conjecture. 1 may at all events, 
however, here take notice, that whatever may be thought of Hhc 
preceding observations, the question in dispute by no means depends 
upon the verses mentioned : the cause I support can be fully 
maintained without them. There seems no pretence to say that a 
abort vowel before any two other consonants, except those beginning 
with sp, 8wc. is made long in Latin verse by such position, so that 
at all events if there be such a metrical rule, it is contrary to ana- 
logy, and to the general practice of the Roman writers, and there- 
-fore requires strong evidence to support it. 

The pronunciation of the Latin language is entirely lost ; if vft 
merely consult our ears, these consonants sp — &c. no more offend 
us than any two other consonants, for instance the following verse-: 
Nos pavidi trepidare metu, crinemque fl^rantem 
Excutere — ''^ 

In the viotdftagrajis there are six consonants, and only two voweK 
yet no one pretends to say that bis ear is offended by the fir^; 
syllable of the word being short. Virgil in another place tnakes 
ftagram long-^F/agrantes perfusa genas. This sufc^t therefor^ 
can only be determined by attending to the practice of the Roman 

> See also J£neid. XII. 700. wheM decem€r§ U the old and general reading. Ss»« 


Remarks an Latin Mttre. 13 

writen. In the knt Number of your Jourual^ you give us Ihis 
practice^ by wbich let the matter be determined. 

Strong symptoms of a bad cause appear^ \rhen it cannot be 
maintained wkboot the destruction of all authorities hitherto 
deemed incontrovertible ; and when this destruction is to be ac« 
compiisfaed^ not by argument^ but by an ipse dijcit. These levellers 
of authorities are not unlike those of the present day, who style 
themselves Christians, yet deny the validity of those parts of the 
Scriptures which militate against their tenets and doctrines, and 
ffcruple not to strike them out of their Bibles. L. says that the 
only authorities with regard to Latin metre, ate the Odes of Horace, 
Virgil, and Catullus. So that the greater part of Horace, all Ovid, 
Lucretius, Propertius, Tibullus, and ail the later writers, with one 
feH swoop are put hors de combat. 1 cannot submit to this sh<Ht 
method of deciding the question, but shall now take the liberty of 
making some observations on the authorities mentioned in your 

The old Latin writers had no notion of any Such metrical canon. 
There appear ten examples in LucVctius of the nonobservance of it, 
and. none for it. 

Propertius too is entirely against it. 

In Virgil rfiere are three against it, and one of very doubtful 
authority for it. 

In Ovid there are fiinet^en against it, and not one for it. I am 
aware that some of the examples against it in Ovid are attempted 
to Be invalidated by various readings, but to this I shall presently 

Aa to Catullus, the great authority with L., he may fairly be 
put out of the question, he cannot prejudice our cause. This 
aottior being a great admirer of the Grecian writers, and his best 
poems being probably translations frbmthem, followed the Gi'eciaa 
rule of making a short syllable long before any two consonants. 
But that rule is not countenanced by any other Roman writer, 
yet Catullus has the following line : 

Testis erit magnis vtrtutifous unda Scamandri. 
So that, as your excellent correspondent in your 19th No. (p. 122,) 
observes, '' if this line is the only instance in which CatuUns has 
not lengthened a final vowel before any two consonants whatever, 
instead of asserting that he attributed a peculiar power to sc, 5p, or 
$tj we ought to conclude that sc was weaker than any other combi- 

Let UB now see what can be urged against the overwhelming 
authority in opposition to the rule. 

Lucretius and Propertius are not writers of the Augustan 
age, they are too ancient ; at alt events they show the ancient 
practice. They clearly prove the rule (if any such there be) to be 

14 Remarks on Latin Metre,- 

an innovatioQ* The chief reliance of those who support the canon > 
appears to be on one single line of Virgil^ of very doubtful 

Ferte citi flammam^ date tela^ scandite muros. 
£rjthraeu% in his learned index to Virgil^ though he is a great ad« 
Tocate for the verse as here quoted^ acknowledges that all ancient • 
copies are against it; that Macrobius and other grammarians read 
et scandite ; that Servius adopts it without the least observation or 
objection; that Pontanus so read it. I may add that Vida must 
ba^e so found it in his Virgil, from the manner in which he quotes it 
in his Poetics. The Variorum editor, compelled by manuscript 
authority^ gives et, as also the Parisian edition before mentioned by 
moy printed in the year 1520. Is it sufficient against all this to say^ 
that to the modems the et appears to incumber the verse^ and to* 
destroy its effect i At all events Virgil has duly one verse for the 
rule, and three against it. 

Your correspondent L. endeavours to impeach the authority of 
Horace, as to metre, by saying, as many odiers have said before 
him, that his hexameter verses are not to be concluded as un- 
impeachable, being sermoni propiores. But sermoni propioVf in; 
the original, merely refers to the subject of his verses, and not to 
the verses themselves. He merely says that his subjects are pro- 
saic, and consequently his lines must be destitute of poetic fire; but- 
we are not to conclude from this that he disregarded metre. This 
isii most absurd supposition. If the case were so, his composi- 
tions would be the strangest jumble of inconsistencies that were 
ever submitted to the world, half verse^ half prose. L. ought to 
produce instances of this neglect of metre, and show that there is 
somewhat in Horace that cannot be justified by the examine of 
other poets : but this he has not done, nor can do. L. deals more 
in assertion than any writer I ever read. Poor Ovid, like the rest 
of bis po^cal brethren, is attacked in the same mode. L. says, 
'^ Ovid utterly disregarded the wholesome severity of metrical 
jurisprudence :" but this is absolutely contrary to fact. Perhaps 
h. does not know that Ovid, so far from disregarding metrical 
rules, apologizes in one of his epistles, de Pont., to a very great 
friend whom he had known from infancy, for not writing to him, 
and showing him some mark of his remembrance, because his name, 
I'uticanus^ was inadmissible in verse. It will not be irrelevant to 
our subject to insert a part of it. 


Quo minus in nostris ponaris, amice, libellis, 

Nominis efficitur conditione tui. 
Aat ^o non alium prius hoc dignarer honore. 

Est aliquod nostrum si mpdo carmen honos* 

RmMrks on Latin Metre.^ 15. 

Lex pedis officio, naturaque nominis obstante 

Quaque meos adeas est via nulla modos. 
Nam pudet in geminos ita>nomen scindere versus 

Desinat ut prior boc^ incipiatque minor. 
£t pudeat, si te, qua syllaba prima moratur, 
Arctius appellem, Tuticanumque voSem. 
Non potis in versum Tuticani more .venire. 

Fiat ut e longa syllaba prima brevis* 
Aut producatur qus& nunc correptius exit, 

£t sit porrecta longa secunda mora. 
His ego si vitiis ausim corrumpere nomen, 
Ridear, et merito pectus habere neger. 
It appears from this epistle, that Ovid held metre almost sacred, . 
and thought that nothing could justify a poet in deviating from it. 

It may, perhaps, be alleged that some of the authorities against/ 
the rule produced from Ovid may be objected to, on the ground of 
various readings ; but at all events many of them must be estab- 
lished. It very clearly . appears that some copyer, some librarian, 
a disciple of Terentianus Maurus, has been tampering with this 
poet. Who can doubt the authenticity of the foUowing line i 

Ante meos oculos tua i^t, tua semper imago est. 
The alteration made is; visa est ^ instead of tua siat. But how flat 
is this ! How violent the 'alteration ! I will mention another line. 

Ilia sonat raucum, quiddamque inamabile stridet. 
Ridet is the vslhious reading; but this is not only contradicted by 
the best manuscripts, but most incontrovertibly by the cont^t. 
The line which follows inamabile stridet, is, 

Ut rudit a scabra turpis asella mola. 
Let u%Bxamine some other lines : 

nostri litera scripta memor. 

Ista Mycenaea litera scripta manu. 
Scripta, according to the various readings in both instances, i» 
changed, into ybc^a,' but this is done with every appearance of force 
and impropriety. There is, however, in Ovid de Trist. 1. 5, £1. IQ, 
a line to the same purport, to which there appears no various 

Carmina scripta mihi sunt nulla, aut qualia cemis. 
If scripta must stand good in this place, why not in the others i la 
the following line, 

Oraque fontana fervida spargit aqua.* 
The various reading is, puhat aqua^ which appears scarcely int^ 
ligible: spargit aqua is the common phrase of Ovid. Upon.^ 
whole, if any one will attentively consider the various. readings, and 
at the same time consult the text, be will- be convinced that few or 
none of them can stand their ground, and that, upon. the whole^ 
Ovid must be considered as a most powerful, incontrowtible^ and 

16 Remarks on Latin Metre. 

decided authority «guiiBt the role ; and if its advocates have nothing 
to advance, but inerely a gratis dictum that the best versifier inHbe 
Latin language did not observe, or regard the laws of metre, their 
cause is in a desperate situation. If the authority of any ancient 
poet can with reason be objected to, it is that of Virgil, who left 
his great work imperfect ; so much so, in his own opinion, that he 
requested it to be destroyed. Ovid, on the contrary, is so confi- 
dent of the excellence of his great work, that he defies even Jove 
himself to destroy, it. Ovid^ in my humble opinion, is a better 
versifier than Virgil ; I do not s^y poet ; his verses abound much 
less in elisions. I never can thiiJc that elisions add to the harmony 
of verse. Ovid, though well acquainted with Virgilian verse, never 
chose to imitate it. There are several lines in Virgil, for the 
metre of which grammarians do not satisfactorily, account, such as 
the following : 

Posthabita coluisse Samo, hie illius arma. 

£t siiceus pecori et lac subducitur a^^is. 

£t vera incessu patuit Dea ; ille ubi noMtrem. 

Stant et juniperi et castaneae hirsutse. 

Ckmassent et littus Hila, Hila omne sooaret. 

Nomen et amia locum servant, te, anuoe nequivi. 

Credimus? an qui amaot ipsi sibi somnia fingunt. 

Rumpe moras omnes turbataque anripe castra. 
Are these oustakes, or only defexisible licences ? No modern, I 
am smse, would venture to copy tbem. Theiie are, however, other 
lines seemingly contrary to the laws of prosody, which can now be 
well accounted for, on the ground of Professor Dunbar's learned, 
ingenious, and sadsfactory discovery of the principle of Homeric 
versification, which is equally applicable to Latin hexamiiiters, and 
was certainly adopted fi^m Homer, by Virgil and other Latin 
writers. The principle is, that a syllable naturally short may be 
made long by being the firat syllable of a foot, the arsis, or metri* 
cus ictus, or cassural syllable, call it which you please, resting upon 
it All the Viigilian lines ending in or^ it, bus, or any other con* 
eonant which would be naturally short before a vowel, may thus 
be lei^thened ; and even a short vowel may be lengthened. We 
shall have ho chfficulty, in fiiture, in accounting for sudi licences as 
she foUovring : Omnia vincit amor et nos ; Gravidus autumnus ; 
Pectanbvs %nhian$; Caput Evandrius abstuUt ensis; Camt 
Hymenaos; Fultm Hyacintho; Auro gravia sectoque Ele- 
phanio; Lkmnaquelaunuque; Ensemquecb/peumque; Fontesque 
fitmosque, &c. SU:. Of such lines I should not think there were 
fewer man fifty in Virgil. I do not here mean te say that the force 
of the csMural syllable in Latin verse is now first discovered ; but 
that there was always an outcry agpunst any modem who laid daim 
to the licence; false quantity ! fidbe quantity ! was echoed from all 

Remarks on Latin Metres 17 

llUdrteri; and thb metrical license was always received with cold* 
ness, and a timid, half kind of assent. But as it is now shown 
that Homeric versification is founded on this principle^ which 
Virgil and othen adopted, the practice will henceforward test oo 
a jKrm foundation. This I am happy to say is a rule of liberty^ 
not of restrictioo^ such as I am now comhating: hut I. must copr 
less that restriction appears to be the order of £e .day. Althou^ 
on this occasion I earnestly declare for this liberty of the csesural 
ayllaUe, I admit it to be contrary to the general laws of Latiii 
prosody^ and that it ought to be used with moderation and dia- 

I must now add a few words on Catullus. As to the opinioa 
of L. that we ace to look up to this writer as a principal authority 
in metre, I fancy that very few will be disposed to coincide in^^il* 
Catullus laid down a rule to himself, as has been before observed, 
lo which no other Roman poet ever paid the least attention, but 
contradicted in every ten lines. His pentameter verses <^end 
against every rule regarded by other elegiac poets. Take a spe- 
aipen of them : 

Troja vir&m et virtutum omoium aoerba.cinis. 

Illam aiBigit odore, iste pent podagra. 

Aut facere haec a te dictaque factaque sunt. 

There ougbt^ at least, to be a pause at the end of every pentame- 
ter verse; the sense ought not to run into the edsuing heKameter, 
according to the Grecian mode. To ^is Catullus pays no regM'd. 
Nunquam ego te, vit& frater amabllior 


Quo mea se moUi Candida IKva pede 
Intulit ? .■,■>■.■>-- 

The polysyllabic terminations of die Greek pentameter are 
hardly tolerable in Latin, and haVe been studiously avoided by 
Ovid and Tibullus, whereas the terminations of the pentameters of 
Catullus are in general of this sort. 

Catullus makes the first syllable injuverint short, an tastttice of 
which can be found in no other writer. 

Non, ita me Divi, vera gemunt, jttverint. Poem.64. v. 18« 

J) is short poems fai hexameter and pentameter verse have little 
merit, and are in general on offensive subjects. So that in every 
point of view I think Catullus must be objected to as authority. 

Having, I trusty shown that the great classical poets disregardefl 
die alleged metrical canon, let us examine the authority on which 
it at present rests. 

The pid grammarians differ so much from one another on ifaft 
subject, as has been shown by your correspondent in your IQth Noy 
diat nothing to be depended on can be elicited from them. The 

NO. xxni. CL ju VOL, xn, b 

18 Remarks on Latin Metre. 

great Terentianus Maurus dien is to determine the question. But 
who is Terentianus Maurus i In what age did he live f I can find 
no account of him in Bayle, or Sir Th. Blount. Until this point 
is settled, he is no authority whatever. On consulting Harwood, 
I am informed that the first edition of his work appeared in the 
year 1497*' Probably he is not more ancient than the date of bia 
work, and is to be classed among those writera, who, on the 
revival of letters in the 15th century, when manuscripts of ancient 
^writers were in high request, endeavoured to palm himself on the 
world in the light of an ancient. J think it incumbent on his 
patrons to give us some reason for their veneration of him. i have 
<iiot this writer at present by me, but I take his position from the 
verses as . quoted by your correspondent in the 19th No. of your' 
•Joomal. The meaning of his verses appears to me obscure and 
.contradictory. I am, however, content, that his patrons should 
elicit that metrical rule from him, which has hitherto been the sub*- 
'ject of this essay. In the first place, then, he lays down a rule which 
^e writings of the ancients almost entirely contradict, and to sup- 
port which no sufficient instances can be produced. Secondly, ia 
the short quotation fi-om him in your Journal, he manifestly 
shows himself ignorant in a matter in which a writer on metre 
ought to be particularly conversant: he says, that Virgil makes a 
^se quanti^ when he writes, soius hie itijlexii sensus. But this 
.is not the only place. in which Virgil makes hie. short before a 
vowel. He begins a very memorable line thus — Uic vir, hi^^ est, 
lie. I believe, there, is no doubt that other writers make hie short. 
Terentianus Maurus says that die line in Virgil, Insula lonio in 
magnOf &c. b a false quantity ; to other critics of great name 
the verse appears defensible.. These instances are sufficient to show 
'that Terentianus Maurus is opt infallible in all his positions. 
Other ol^QCtions might be made, without doubt, to his doctrines, 
if any one thought it worth while to scrutinise them. DaMres siip* 
ports the doctrine of Terentianus Maurus : Dawes was undoubjt- 
edly a very learned man, and, as a Grecian, of Porsonian stature, 
but as a Latin scholar, he can claim no pre-eminence over othera. 
It ini|8(. be admitted that he was very positive, and very dogma- 
.tical^ no very excellent qualities in a critic. However, valeat 
gtisaueloritas quantum valere potest. Bentley and Tyrwhitt 
knew of no such doctrine. Dr. Symnions, \u his defence of Milton s 
Latin poetry, (that such poetry shpuld be defamed ! that men of 
learning should think it necessary to cuiiic forward against hia 
pigmy critics!) intimates to us, that the learned Dr. Parr, a 
^friend of liberty. and the Muses, supports the Davvesian system. 
But it is no great symptom of his regard for it, that he furnishes 
*bis friend with instances against it. I shall not, however, give im- 

Remarks on Latin Metre. 19 

plicit credit to this iaformation, until I see it confirtned under his 
band. I should like very much to see the subject of Latin metre 
discussed by Dr. Parr; I wish some potent voice could rouse this 
venerable and recumbent lion, tbis sovereign of the forest, from 
his den. 

The men of Eton certainly defend one of their own canons^ 
and 1 do not hesitate to acknowledge the weight due to them. But 
the men of Westminster and Winchester not only deny this, but 
the two other Etonian canons, as their poetical compositions suffi* 
ciently testify. I believe few impartial men will admit that either 
of these schools should concede the palm to Eton. The editors 
of the Portroyal Latin Grammar, most pre-eminent scholars^ 
deny any kind of authority to this sp. rule. All the Italian, Ger- 
man, Dutch, and English writers of Latin verse, treat it -with 
contempt. To say all that need be said, in one word — ^the two 
first seats of learning and the Muses which the world can boast, 
the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, pay no regard to any 
of the metrical canons which I controvert. They both annually 
g^ve premiums to those who excel in Latin poetry, and reject no 
man's verses for non-adherence to them, as is sufficiently apparent 
from the prize poems published at both the Universities. 

1 come now to the second canon, that such words as servitii, 
consilii, qj^ciiy imperii, navigiif are not to be admitted in the geni- 
tive case as words of four syllables. I do not know whether the 
supporters of this canon admit words of the nominative case end* 
ing in ii to be of four syllables, but I take for granted diat* they 
do not: It is very difficult to know xi^bat to say on the subject, 
becaase no one of the supporters of this extraordinary metrical 
canon has condescended to inform us on what ground it is founded* 
I know of no Roman writers who observe it. L., in his dietato* 
rial manner, says words of this kind can only be allowed ins 
pentameter verse. But why so ? I could fill pages with instances 
where they are used in hexameters. Ovid, the. best of all authorities, 
introduces them in all parts of his numerous works. It is needless 
to make collections of them from him, and other writers. I shall 
quote two or three lines from memory. 

Hosne mihi fructus, hunc fertilitatis honorem 

Officiique refers ? < • 

Kiillum servitii signum cervice gerentem. 
1 recollect a line of this sort of five syllables — 

Arte supercilii confinia nuda repletis. 
Horace has - Maonii carminis alite. 

' Virgil has— <• Nufycii posueruut moenia Locri. 

These instances occur to me whilst writing, I do not think it 
necessary to add more, until I learn the ground on which the canon 
is founded. Horace,certaiolyi in his lyrical compositions^ contiMts 

so Remarks on Latin Metre. 

aeveral wofds of. this stamp, as imperf, consili/ Pdmpilf^TareuinS^ 
The license is here id the contraction^ making a word propeny of 
fout syllables, only of three. Why Horace does so, is obvious. 
Woi^s so contracted are more toitaUe to lyrical compositions ; 
unless so contracted they could not find a place in Iambics, but if 
90 contracted, they could not be used in hexameters. These words 
are by poets made suitable to the diiferent metres in which they 
nrrite. There are, however, many of this sort of words> of the 
fbnbraetiou of which no instances can be produced. I never heard 
of €^ciy navigL I doubt whether the -supporters of tlte system 
ivould contract words for which they could produce no authority^ 
It. has been said^ tliat there can no iestaliee be produced of classical 
«;u<ibbrity making imperii of four syllables. I have lately bee^ 
fbading Juvenal,, and can assert, that it. is to be found three times 
in Ms Satires. Ovid, I recollect, has iUs line*^^ ■• ^ 

Non sunt imperii tarn ferajussa mei. 
But all words of this kind stand Upon the same IbotM^, ' and 
t1io«|^ any particular wcnrd might not be found in a classical author, 
it -would not follow from thence, that it was not authorised, because 
four syllables are the legitimate numhev, and the admission of 
only three is the license. Upon the same ground that you object 
to making imperii of four syllables, it appears to me that you 
might object to such words as jiuviiy gladii, radii, being three. 
The loss of sttch a large class of words in hexameters as those in 
otaestiion would occasion many unnecessary difficulties. I think 1 
my now dismiss this canon. 

. SJet us now come to the third, that the letter o ought not to be 
Used as a short vowel, when scanned with another short voweL 
iF^ihntaBce, tendti chutly^nj caligi futuri^ farragb Itbelli, &c. 
' It cimnot be denied, that Words ending in o are made short hf 
ill R<Hnans where concludes the iooH-^^minc scio, nuttc ^volo, at 
miia,'tentio, nescio, Sec. 8lc. Your correspondent, in die 19^ 
Mo* of your JiMimal, furnishes me with one line from Ovid^ which 
contradicts the canon. 

Ingenio foniiK damna rependo mesp. 

I have looked for ten minutes into Ovid, and find^ in one of bia 
most finished poems, that, de arte Am., the following verses : 
Adjice prseceptis hoc quoque, Maso/ tuis. 
Pollicitisqoe favens vulgus adesto meis, 

Naso mi^^er erat. 

Collige, vel digitis en ego toUo meis. 

Horace has— — Aliqwando bonus dormitat Homems. 

There canaot he the least doubt diat o is common ; but I admit 

Jj^iWObfc U lJ aiil O h* l * I . K I H l l l * . I at 

"*- Mo one doubts Ibat » is oommoR in Nominatives^ and of cousie ia 

Remarks on Latin Metre* SI 

Ihat Vii^l and Ovid rarely made it short in the manner mentioned 
in the above canon, although the later poetH did, but I contend^ 
nevertheless, that this is no reaton for the moderns to abstain from 
the practice in question. 

It is well known that not only language^ but die pronunciation 
of it, alters in the course of time. No language altered more rapid- 
ly than the Latin. It is clear, that the pronunciation of it changed 
very much from the time of Lucretius to that of Virgil. The lette? 
s gave no offence to Lucretius, whereas it has been observed 
that Virgil avoided ending a word with this letter, and beginning 
the following with the same. Each particular poet has his pecuiiat 
fancy and caprice in the construction of his verse, as observed in 
those of Catullus^ Virgil, and Martial. AH poets, in ail ages^ 
have had peculiarities of this sort, fiut their contemporaries or 
successors are not bound to follow the caprices, even of the best 
poets. That. the observance of seldom making die o short by 
Virgil in the manner mentioned in the rule, arose probably froaa 
some singularity of opinion, or from the pronunciation of the day, 
is manifest from the total rejection of it by succeeding poetsw 
Ovid, too, an Augustan writer, shows by his own practice its admis^ 
sibility. Statins, Juvenal, and Martial, make o short in every 
page ; they were all as well acquainted with the writings of Virgil 
as we are, admired him as much, knew his practice as well, yet 
even his example and authority had no influence on them. Juvenal 
idolised Virgil, he refers frequently to him in his Satires. — He thus 
compliments him : 

Conditor Iliados cantabitur, atque Maronis 

Altisoni dubiam facientia carmina palmam. Sat. xi« 

People are often induced by fashion, or by admiration of a 
person, to imitate that for which there is no substantial reason* 
But no motive of this kind ooerated on any of the later writers, 
I conclude, from the whole, mat Virgil was merely guided by his 
ear, and the pronunciation of his time, in this matter. But as the 
pronunciation of Latin is lost, and must have been different at 
different periods, I contend that the modems have notliihg to do 
with niceties of this sort, and that, in the j)resent instance, they 
are at full liberty to follow the example of the later poets, espe- 
cially in a practice which no age forbad. One of the Latin Fathers 
asserts, that if the word primus, in the first line of Virgil's ^neid, 
had ended in «$, (suppose the word tristis) it would have offend<- 
ed the ears of the old Romans ; but if this assertion be well 
founded, which I much doubt, I know not what metrical rule 19 tQ 
be drawn from it. We can merely say it is a nicety of which the 
moderns have no notion. 

I admit, as a good metrical rule, that enclitics should be joined 

22 Bfimarks on Latin Metre. 

to- the first word of a clause/ but even this rule is very firequeatly 
offended against by Ovid and HbuUus in pentameter verses, 

•*-— jactatas excutiatque faces. Ovid dear. Aman. I. 1. 

^ " in medics desiluitque rogos. 1. U 

tarn sero cur veniatque rogat. i. 1. 

Cura fixity multo diluiturque mero. L !• 
tJpon the wholey I think it unwise in the modems to throw 
stumbling-blocks in the way ^f Latin composition, to lay down 
metrical laws which are very disputable, ^fhe old Romans will 
not rise from their > graves to condemn us-— the moderns must be 
content to be ignorant of Roman pronunciation. I must^ for my 
own party declare that I detest those minute, captious, illiberal, 
word-catching critics, who are never pleased but when they can 
find fault. If the Latin verses of a modern are written in the 
true spirit of poetry, be harmonious, not too much encumbered 
with spondees and elisions, and the latinity of them be good, they 
must give pleasure to every classical reader, notwithstanding any 
trifling metrical lapse. The critics of the present times appear to 
read modem Latin poetry, nbt with any view to be pleased, but 
merely to discover some lapse. L. mentions some excellent Latin 
poet, and learned man, who made u in salubris short ; thb, in the 
opinion of L., counterbalances all excellencies, and condemns the 
poet for ever. Tereutianus Maums maintains that Virgil ' has 
made false quantities, and every poet who ever wrote has committed 
aiany and great errors. I require verses to be read vnth a liberal 
spirit ; give due commendation to good verses ; gently bint any 
lapse which may appear ; do not expect perfection ; nothing it 
more easily rectified than an error in metre ; a man who has a 
jiacility in making Latin verses^ can turn a sentence twenty different 
ways. I shall only add, that writing Latin verses must be deemed 
a liberal entertainment either in young or old, at least by those 
who read the Classical Journal, or write in it. It would be a 
matter to be lamented, that a person who can write such excellent 
Latin verses as Mr. Lonsdale, an Etonian, and many others, whose 
poems appear in your Journals, should not continue the practice in 
more advanced liiPe, for really our present English poets are not 
intitled to very high praise. The Hobgoblin, and the cloud-capt, 
Indo-mytholc^ical, poets of these days are above the reach of 
classical readers, they are intelligible only to the female part of 
the world. 


* See Class. Journ. Vol. IX. 587. 



A Grammar of the Greek Tongue, on a new plan. 
jBy John Jones, 3d Edition, 1815, 12wo, 

1 HIS philosophical; aod yet sufficiently pracdcal^ Grammar, is 
now presented to the Public in a more acceptable form, and the 
improvements which it has undergone in this, the third editioo 
cannot be better stated than in Mr. Jones's own words : — 

" Much remote, and less practical, matter, has been exclud ed 
and the volume is solely occupied in detailing the parts of speech, and 
the rules of syntax. The formation of the moods and tenses, a sub* 
ject so complicated in this tongue, is given at great length ; and the 
fulness of the detail, though it may appear formidable, instead of 
incumbering, will be found to aid the memory. The difficulty 
attending verbs in jxi is universally felt by learners. The manner 
of treating that branch of the Greek verb is peculiar to this Gram- 
mar. The expediency of resolving the Jour classes into one com- 
mon model, of reducing the tenses into tt»o, present and past, and 
of deriving so great a variety of terminations from a few invariable 
rules of contraction, will for the future render the learning of these 
verbs an easy and agreeable task. Indeed, sp great is the felicity 
of the subject, that no elementary work in Greek, or any other 
language, can present so happy a specimen of grammatical analysis*" 

^^ To this edition is annexed, what is wanting in the two former, a 
plate of Abbreviations. And here the writer would recommend, 
as a necessary and elegant attainment to those who would under* 
stand the Greek language, the art of drawing its characters with 
nearness and precision. Mr. Hodgkin, a respectable man, and 
useful teacher, has labored to diffuse this accomplishment : the. 
rules and plates which he has published for this purpose, ought to 
be in the hands of all school-masters." ' 

Our limits on the present occasion will not permit us to enter 

00 that copious analysis of this excellent little work, which we had 

meditated, and we are reluctantly compelled to content ourselves 

with one or two extracts. 

Id page £00, Mr. Jones remarks, that '^ learned men have 
asserted, that in some places xaXco/tai conveys the same precise 
sense with ufu, vid. Callim. in Jov. 20. But it carries the addi« 
tional idea of being proclaimed or celebrated, uio» 9eou xXqtiio'ovrai, 
ihqf shall be called, i. e. they shall be announced as such before 

* The Piates liave been inserted in our former Nos. En^ 

24 Notice of J. Jones's 

an assemMed universe. Juno remmcls Jupiter of her rank, bjr 
telling him^ <nj Trupaxoius xixkififMttf I am called, i. e. celebrated to 
fame as thy consort.'^ • , 

This observation was, we believe, first made by the writer of 
the article on Professor Monk's edition of the Hippolytus, inserted 
in the British Critic, and it has been subsequently confirmed in 
aome notices of the same work, which appeared in the Classical 
Journal, where we have the additional remai k, that xreXeojttdti never 
can be used but with persons. 

As much has been lately said in the Classical Journal on the Doc^ 
trine of the Association of IdeaSf as applicable to the illustration 
of language, we shall quote what Mr. J. says upon the subject ; for^ 
as Mr. Walter Whiter was the first who endeavoui'ed to explain 
any English writer by this means, so Mr. J. seems to have beeH 
the first, who has employed this principle of ^sociation to eluci^ 
date the Greek and Roman writers. 

^' Association may be considered as influencing the gdvernmtnt of 
itords, or the choice of words, or the meaning of word^. 

Association influences the government of words. This influx 
ence, styled by Grammarians Attraction, sometimes causes a noun, 
in consequence of its proximity to a transitive verb, t6 be put iA 
the accusative, which should more regularly be used iu the ilomi* 
native, in connexion with the succeeding verb. 0^« <rt rti $t, 
Mark i. 24. I know thee who thou art, for otSei ttg u av, I know 
who thou art. '0§a$ njv 8ewv ttrx^v 6*^, t/ou see the potter of the 
gods, how great it is, for ogag 6(n} fori tj reof ttoov tvypg, you see how 
great is the power of the gods, Ot/x etrrtv ^vrwn vamote ovx il^w 
a^Xriv, there is not what public office he did not sustain, for owx 
•oTiv agp^, ^KTiva ^awroTi oux ^g^8V, there i^ no public office, which 
he did not sustain. ^ 

^^Lt xaravevo'en KgovKova, 8cc. — turrqemtvaav sjriSf^ia, II. ii. 350. 
I assert that Jupiter, flashing out auspicious omens, for xAryflswrs, 
or OTi xontyfuo-e Kgoviwv. Toy Xoyoy 6y aexwrfiXf ro*; uhig lfrg$afi< 
fUtfyyeXi^o/xcvo^ ti^vifv liA Jigo-ou Xpunooj ouro^ son va»rwf xttf lo;* 
Acts x. 36. the word which God sent to the children of Israel, 
preaching peace through Jesus Chnst, this is the lord of all — roy 
Aoyoy, attracted by avKreiXg, instead of d Xoyog the nominative 16 
§crti, this word is lord of all ; meaning that the Christian doctrine 
was not, as at first supposed, to be confined to the Jews, but 16 
extend to all nations, and to acquire a sovereign authority in the 
breasts of men. Toy cigrt>p w xXdo/EKcy, ou%» KOiVoovM rtv <r»futr<ig 
rati Xfurt^u toTi, Cor. ix. 16. h not the bread we break a partici^ 

Greek Grammar^ 23 

pation of the body of Christ -^rcv ajrov for 6 apTo$, Vide 
Matthew xxi. 42. where a similar attraction occurs. 

On the other hand, a noun, which should more regularly be itt 
the accusative, is used in the nominative, attracted by the subject 
of a preceding veib. 

Evx^Tou ogvtg ysvsorSoLi, she prayed to become a bird — oqvig for 
6fvt6a. Mai ofio<r(rov vgo^gwv agrj^eiv, being ready to defend me, 
swear (that) — for Tcpo^gova otqrj^nv, swear that yon are ready to de- 
fend me. M>j to) oixsioj eivai wkttsvcov ctiJisXYj, not to neglect (his re/a- 
tions) confiding (for respect and affection) in being a relative--* 
tixttog, attracted by a|u.sXi}, for oixeiov in connection with eivou. 

In the following, and such other examples, the construction is 
perfectly conect and regular. Km d[Mt i)<rflo|xi)v otvrcov ha rt^ 
iFOiv^iV oioii^evoov xoli t olKKol cto^cotoitov eiVM aytgcoTroov, Plato's defence 
of Socrates, I at the same time perceived from them, (meaning 
the poets) thinking themselves, on account of their poetry, the 
tDisest of men in other things* Here the whole clause is in the 
genitive, as expressing the origin of what Socrates perceived 4 
9iofMva)v being used participially in the sense of the infinitive,^ and 
e-ofcoTaTcov put necessarily in the same case as predicate to oiorwp 
eiOfi,§va>v. Nevertheless an English writer would have said, / per* 
ceive that, because of their poetical talents, they suppose them' 
selves to be the wisest of men also in other subjects — avrovs ote&9a$ 

It is most eligible for me to become thy disciple. Here again, i^m 
means the same person with /xadijTr, and therefore with the strictest 
proprietyput in the same case. The whole clause is the subject 
to €<m. Thus, for me to become thy disciple is most eligible. See 
the Index of Forster's Plato under the word genitivum. 

Km Ti]ySs wv vogTracrov oLfr^aXw^, het 

M»6ri (To^urrris oov Ams vcoiearregos. Prometheus Vinctm. 6l. 

And now clasp this secure, that being a craftsman, less quick 
than Jove, he might learn, namely, that he is so ; m being attract* 
ed by o-o^i<m}; to agree with it as a participle, instead of being the 
infinitive uvm after fk^e^. 

In the same Play, line £00^ we read, 

SrcMTii r sv fl(XXi]XoiO'iy a)go0t;v£Ta «. 

0\ fjLev ieXovTis sxjSoXXety khgas K^vov, 

'Us l^suf avourcoi hfiiVy ol 8e rouftvoAiV 

Xv^vioms tog ^sug [i^riiroTe of^u^y dscDV. 
A dispute arose among themselves: some of the gods, being 
desirous of expelling Saturn from his throne^ that Jupiter might 
reign; others, on the contrary, urging thai Jupiter slumld not 
ruk the gods. 
The nominatives 0} ftev^o! U, which critics call oominativi con* 

sis Notice of J. Jones's Greek Grammar. 


sequential, Imve no corresponding verb: but the aoomalj pro- 
ceeded ironi the writer^s taking, by association, trrourig, dispute, for 
the gods, Saijxovg^, disputing ; as though he bad written, iAifiove^ 
^Tua-ju^ovTeg ev aXX)]Pvoi(riv oopoivvovro, ol (i,ev, &c. 

A noun, that should be in the genitive or dative, is often clianged 
to the accusative, attracted by an infinitive verb. 

'^ITius I'hucydides — Avigcov yag (roo^goveov fjLev ecrri, e* /u,ij oSixo^vr^ 
^<ru%a?6iv" ayadcov h a8<?couft«vouj, sx fiev eigijvtjf ^oXgjxgiv, ev is fsoLfour^ 
p^ov ex TToXsjutow 9r«>i»v <ru|x/3i}i/ai, it is the part of moderate men to 
iive peaceably, if they Qfe not injuriously treated ; but of brave 
men, when injustice is done them, out of peace to make war, and 
being succeshjul, out qf war to make peace — uhaovfjisvovg in refer- 
ence to 7oXsjUrSty, and not ahxavfisvoov agreeing with otyctSoov, Sopho- 
cles, Elec. 99o, writes, irapsart fj^ev {(roi) o^reveiv w-Aourou vargtoon 
xn}(riy ejTsgyiiJLevri* vetqccm $£ oAysiv aXsxr^a yy\gouFX(a}<rotVj it awaits 
thee deprived of thy fathers inheritarue to sigh ; it awaits thee 
growing old without a home to grieve. See verse 480 of the same 
play, also the Criio of Plato, Sec. 13. 

The relative, instead of being the accusative after its governing 
verb, often assumes, inconsequence of attraction, the case of its 

XecofjLM olg e^M, I use the means which I possess, for XQ^H^^ ^ 
9)(j». £»«<rT6U(rg TO Xoyco, w €ivsv 6 /i](rou$, he believed the word 
which Jesus said, John iv. 50. cp uvw for ov svkbv, MsfAvofjLevog m 
twgci^ev, remembering the things which he did, for iJL6[i,yoiJi^vo$ rcoy 
%gayfs,oLT(ov, d eirgot^ev. 

The influence of association causes a terra prominent in the 
Biiud of the writer to be used absolutely in the nominative at the 
beginning of a sentence, though a more regular arrangement of 
his ideas required it to be. placed at the close of one of the oblique 

Thus, Goldf they shall not delight in it, for, they shall not 
delight in §old, Isaiah xiii. 18. He, who conquers and preserves my 
works to the end, to -him / will give authority, &c. Rev. ii. 26*. 
VIXC0V KM rrigoov fte^gi nkoug rot ^§y^ ftou, Secco) axrrco s^ova-iav, for ' 
€fUT(o rep vixeovri, &c. Soxrw e^ov(riav. So also writes Homer, 11. vi« 
510. when comparing the swiftness, with which Paris flew from 
the citadel to the embattled plains, to the velocity with which a well* 
fed horse escapes from the stall to the frequented meads. 

. 'O y evY^iJl^t TreTTOidcog 

*Pi[i^oL k youva ^egei psra r ijSea xau vo/ctov hwoov. 
But he priding in his beauty, his limbs rapidly conveyed him to 
the accustomed pasture of toe horses, for rou S* ayXou^^i veifoiioTo 
ywva, See* the limbs of him priding in his beauty, &c. 

To this may be referred such examples as the following — 

Notice of Schaefer's Ed. of Brunck's Anacreon. 27 

Thuc^d. the army being numerous, it will not he in the power of 
every city to accommodate them* In strict propriety the historiaa 
should have written, voKkrig yaq nj^ (rr^artflCf oucn}^^ or nrfi yoLo 
iroXAi) ^ <rr^«ria i}y^ since the army was numerous. 

Homer should thus have described the horses of Rhesus : Tov 89 

QfMK^if The horses of this man tpere the handsomest and largest A 
have ever seen, being whiter than snow^ and like, the wind in bwift^ 
ness. But instead of this he says, roti ie, xoXAittou^ i'Tntwg iSov^ 
i}Se [i^ifTToui^ Xsuxorepoi p^ioFo^, &c. II. x. 436. The same poet 
was going to say^ Nw V etti rov^y 60-01 ro iTsAooyixov A^o^ svefiovrOp 
&c. €i^8¥ AyiKKso^j Achilles commanded those who inhabited the 
Pelasgic Argos. But in the room of this, he writes, wv 8' ou roti;, 
00-01 ro IlsKouryixov Afyog evefMvrOy 8cc. reoy at/ mynflcovra vboov ijk 

ajX®^ i4X*^^^^> ''• "• ^^* — 685." 

As to the instance adduced from the Prometheus Finctus,v, 6]«, 
Mr. J. cannot be ignorant that Mr. Barker has, with what success 
we pretend not to determine, in the Class. Journ. endeavoured to 
demonstrate in two or three articles, to which Sidneyensis has 
replied^ that the passage is capable of a different interpretation, 
viz. ^' That he may know that, cunning as he is, he is not so cun- 
ning as Jupiter.'' To these papers we refer both Mr. J. and 
our readiers. 


Anacreoktis Carmina. Accedunt quadam e Lyrico* 
RUM R£Li(iuiis. E recefmone et cum notk Rich. Fr. 
Phil. Brunckii, Edidit God. Henr. Scha£F£r« 

Lipsiae. 1811. S4mo. pp. xv+ 100= 1 !*• 

Th„ H^ -»k U pu.77!:^ P«»«, G.«o™»r 
which, as our readers are probably aware, Schaefer, the industrious 
German, is editing, << ad fidem opdmorum librorum.'' As it is 
merely a reprint of Brunck's edition, the merits of which are well 
known among scholars, it will not be necessary to make any 
critical remarks on the text ; we shall therefore content ourselves 
with transcribuig from the preface some emendations which the- 
vfditor has made in the text of the small edition of Euripides, 

28 Notice of Schaefer's Edition 

vfhich was pubUehedat the same time with Anacreon and Xeoofhon. 
« Euripid. Electr. v. 256. vulgo legitun 

Hinc verbum ava^tovv, ceteris lexicographis onussum^ Schnel- 
derus ascivit. Sed ego hoc verbum graecum esse nego. Itaque 
dedi: ayv. 1^. ri L ^ (ratroL^imVy Sic confusa in Diog. Laert. 
vii« 105. kvciiioLv et oaca^lav^ V. Addenda ad Gregor. Corinth* 
p. 922. Ibid. V. S06. Editiones habent : 

Scripsi; vp, fu clots ^v wev. <rro\l}^ofji,en* Sic Carm. Anacreont. 
xxviii. V. 29. sq. SroXiffov to Xoi^ov adr^v *TfFOfrop^6poKri w-wrXoif. 
Ipse Euripides voce a-rokfuog de TfiirKotg aliquoties usus est. 

Ion. V. 297. : ri/xa, Tijxa, aog (jlvj tot oo^eKov <r sWilfiv. Fcede 
comiptum hunc versum (v. Porson. supplem. praefat. ad Hecub. p« 
xxiv. Lips.) sic mibi videor ad saniorem rationem revocasse : 

uTifiM nyua^ fji^rjiror aS^sXov 0"$' iSeTv. — Conf* v. 299. 

Iphig* Aul. V. 448. sqq.: xa) yap ioLicpv<you ^ct&icos avrols ^s'^ 
"AvoK^a t siTTgiv, rco Sg yevvotiiv ^vciv'' ATravra raOra. 

Primam vocem postremi versus, quam nemo facile dubitet vitium 
contraxisse, viri docti variis conjecturls emendare conati sunt, 
Mthi visa est mutanda esse in imvru difficilia. Opponitur 
^oStcof 6;^gi. Suidas : ''AvoDtrtt — IxtT/jEpyi. Ceterum literas v Qt v 
st^issime confusa esse a scribis, cknietur pluribus locis in nova 
editione Gregorii Corinthii. Vid. p. 716. 726. 730. 747. et 
922- Ibid. V, 907. : «ri tivoj tTwovZourriov fMi jxaAAov, tj rixvov iriqi ; 
Sic vulgo editum est. Sed exitU|S hujus versus satis docet, etiam 
initio scribendum fuisse irB^i nvi^. Adde quod frequentissima 
est confusio ptaepositionum l7t\ et nrsq^ cujus causam indicavit 
praestantissimus Bastius, his Uteris ante paucos dies immaturo 
lugubrique fato ereptus, ' in Commentat. Palseograph. p. 783. ubi 
in Mythographi loco vere me correxisse w^ xouyoTOfj.ov(rav freg\ 
r» 6eM, nemo dubitabit, qui contulerit hunc Platonis Euthyphr. c. 
2. p. 12. Ed. Fisch. d>g oSv xaivorojctouvroV (TOu Tre^i rot ielx. 
Similiter Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 2. 16. xot) freg) rovg [ji,Kr6o^6pov; 
BKumugyei. In Scholiis Tzetzarum ad Lycophron. v. 683. pro 
vulg. vaget Teigealov e codicibus Vitebergensibus MUUero nostro 
dare placuit freg) Tetge<riov. Sane hoc propius verum est : nam 
Scholiasta scripsit stti Tsigea-lov, judke Tiresia* Sic Plutarch. Mor. 
.T» i* p. 71L Wytt. npwfiurt^s ii %evt^gcis c^iowrfu W adroD 
xgAy^vem, x. r. A. 

Rhes. V. 115. :-^vixfiGj*fVoj ftev, riyvSe jtMj ftoA>)^ WAjv. 
Recte vertunt : turn poteris redire* Sed hie sensus ut existeret^ 
debebant scribere, ut ego scripsi : 

' Multis ille bonis fiebilis occidit; 
Nulli flebilior quam raihi. 

of Brunck's Anacreortj and Euripides. 29 

Obiter moneo, in antecedenttbus v. 110. ^svyniv non esse «uai 
Musgravio solicitandum. Verte : adeo ir^ttis es, id qpineris^ 
Gracos Jugere. Prsegnans enim hlc vis est verbi e^xipsvtM : 
quapropter infinitivus ^fuyttv recte sequitur. Xenq[>hon Hellen. W. 
0—12. xoLTs^pSifouv $e h% r^g ipi^Trpofriev ri^OL^y fjLifiiim av hvi^ttpy^M 
wfliTiy* ubi cum nonnullis visum esset post rix^i inseri oportere 
participium oiojxsvoi, unde penderet infinitivus «r»;^6*p^crai, vere 
xnonuit criticus eximius in Addend* edit. Schneider, p. 121. 
xetre^pitn>v¥ h. L esse xotra^pow^rniao$ cfovro. Ibid. v. 4^ ^5. jxaXot 
irfMev fieyot ppoyovm$ |x^ vnW^fiv roT; 0fi^odot$ ; quod L^uacla* 
vius bene vertit, quamquam — prius elatis animis se minime T%ebam$ 
cessuros ejpistimassent. 

Trpad. v. 554}. : Ucuxsv i:oLp uttvco. De vitio vocis Sirvw viridocti. 
cdnsentiunt : dissehtiunt de medela. Ego edidi : i^coxev *nap pTvw, 
memor confusionis horum nominum, cujus exempla dedi in not. 
ad Plin. Epistol. p. 14-5. b. et in' ptaefat. p. xiv. His nunc 
addo var. lect. ad Eurip. Cyclop, v. 589. et Reiz. ad Aristotef* 
PoHt. p. 74. (coll. V. D. in der rfeuen PhiloL Biblioth. iii. p. 185. 
et Schneider, ad Aristotel. Polit. p. 456.) Ceterum eandem loci 
Troadum emendandi rationem video placuisse Erfurdtto ad Sophocl. 
OEd. R. v. 773. p. 110. ed. minor." Schaefer. Praf. pp. viii — ^xii. 

Schaefer does not profess to have made any emendations of 
Anacreon's 'or the other Poems contained in this neat littte 
volume : ^ nihil mihi, specimina typographica legenti, nisi passim 
in accentus, interpunctionem similesque minutias, Itcere arbitratus 
sum." Pnef. p. vii. At the bottom of the page, however, he pro- 
poses^ what we are disposed to think an ingenious emendUition of 
one passage : it is as follows. 

<«P. 67. in Aristotelis Paeani versus penultimus fortasse sic 
"Scribendus : Aiog Sevlou aefiag utfixxrai : ut hie etiam, quod toties 
factum, a et au, ? et f confusae videantur. Quod si recte conjeci, 
alterum h. 1. exemplum habemus activi a ^ co. S^^ctg at^eiv autem 
dicitur, ut <re/3a^ hronhliriai s. Kotronhla-iM, V. Porson. ad Euri- 
pid. Med. v. 750.** 

We shall probably, at some future time, consider Schaefer's 
tmail editions of the other Greek writers. — The present work 
seems very correctly printed as far as we have seen : and, as might 
be expected from a modem production of the Leip2ig press, is 
most beautifully executed. It is an admirable substitute for 
BmncVs editions, which are all scarce : the text is, we think, m 
several cases improved by alterations of the punctuation : and it 
jK>ssesses another advantage, which is, that, while Bmnck's 
Anacreon sells for half a guinea, this may be procured for the 
trifling sum of three shillings* 


^ « 



To THE Editor of the Classical Jooenal. 

Jl N the year 1799 a duodecimo edition of the Cyclops was printed 

at Nuremburg. To this little volume are subjoined a few critical 

observations by the Editor, M. George Frideric Daniel Goes* 

As the work is extremely scarce, and the notes contain some useful 

matter, I have been at the pains to transcribe them for the use of 

your Journal^ in which so many scarce and valuable tracts have 

been judiciously reprinted. The text is the same with that 

of Hoepfner, Lips. 1789. 1814. L. C* 

Vers. 15. De verbo XajSoov Jacobs V. Cel. in animadversi- 
onibtts in Euripidis trag« et frag. torn. 1. pag. 119. hsec scribit : 
satis quidem expedita sententia, Silenum ad navis gubernaculum 
consedisse^ sed in verbis haeremus. J^gu enim, non quod J%aMtttf 
yoluit, clavum gubemaadij sed ipsam navem significare, satis cum 
•X aliis locis, tum ex Euripidis Helena vers. 1584. adparet, ubi 
est : l^5T?i(rey ficr/S^voi U^, et in ipso Cyclope, v. 19. ^ogi, quod 
pemo facile de gubemaculo intelliget; neque tamen verisimile 
jest poetam idem verbum intra, tam paucorum verbc?om spatium 
tam diverso significatu adhibuisse. Quae cum ita sint, diflEicile 
dictu est, quo v. hoL^m referendum sit, quod cum v. $o^ conjungi 
nequit. His rationibus ductus yxt^m in mendo cubare ^uspicor, 
et corrigendum: doLKm.'^ Vocabulum So^u, 1) signifiQZt hastam, 
2) omne lignum, inprimis nauticum, 3) navigium ipsum : proinde 
doqv vere significare posset ex sententia Heathii clavum guber^ 
naculi. Nee minus plura exempla, quae hie enumerare.supersedeo^i 
quemque edocent, eadem verba omnino intra paucum spatium 
apud vet. poetas occurrere. Equidem v. x^jScov ad a/x^ij^e^ refer* 
endum esse, navigium significans quod tUrinque remis impellitur, 
arbitror et vulgata^i lectionem satis probam amplectens ita inter- 
pretor verba : Ipse in extremd puppi gubernaculum tenens navem 

Vers. SO. C^l. Jacobs non negat quidem, sensum quod attinetj 
lectionem vulgatam defendi posse : attamen tentavit pro ftevcov— • 
jojxeoy, quod ejus ex sententia proxime a vulgata abest, neque exem- 
plo caret vers. 118., et Iphigen. in T. 949. oUwv ovres iv roarr^ 
o-Tsyei, nee non CatuU. carm. Ixiv. 247. sive etiam ijLskiipoDV^ 
quod cum per compendium sic scriberetur filAouVy facile in fteveoir 
abire potult. Sic Alcest. 247. fjieXaigoov o^rlyai. Ingeniosam 
vel hanc esse amicissimi Jacobs conjecturam nemo negsmit, licet 
non satis intelligatur, cur a vulgata lectione recedendum sit, quae 
tttique Sileni conditionem signtficantius exprimit, qui manens 

' llafc conjectura metro -repuguat. 

Obseroationes Critica in Euripidem. 31 

JOS8U8 est, scopis verrere et alveos implere, ande pecora blbunt, 
quae filiis pascere licitum est. 

Vers. S9. Florens ChristianttS tngeniose, sed sine omni causa 
legit: xfrjBK)), quod nee Barnesio ineptum visum esty adque Silenum 
esset trahendum, qui comes Bacchi erat, quern sequebantur Satyri. 
Huic coHjecturse Musgravius favere ait, quod a-uvacrvtfyiv plerum- 
que sine accusativo jungatur^ cujus rei exempla attulit. Idem 
h«c monet xi^w^y ita MSS. Stephanie quorum auctoritati obtem- 
perandum putavi. Editio Aid. xwjxot, unde et xmfuov facias, quod 
ibrtasse . degantius. Hoc x£o/itov s. xcojxouc etiam Heathius praefert* 
comessationes una peragentes. Hactenus Cel. Hoepfnerus, Gyclppii 
editor doctissimus \ verum mihi neutrum placet. Prima conjec- 
tura non necessaria, altera satyris, ex quibus chorum constare 
^ertum. est, nullo modo adcommodata est. Vocab. xcdjxoi vei pro 
Stngul. x«o|xo$, quod facile intelligas, positum est, vel, quod magts 
placet, pro nw^oi legendum est K&^aoy quum vos in orbe saltatori^ 
Bacchi soSales eratis^ siquidem Bacchus xmfA,al^siy irplgAX^ma^ 
jdicitur, quo eam Satyri comitabantur. 

Vers. 44. et 46. Pro twSc et hvm&f prxeunte Musgravio ia 
^textum recepiT«$9 et hvah^ quod nemini displicebit, et Hoepfherum 
T. Cel. non fecisse poenitet. 

Vers. 49. Verba ou raS ou, ow ruh vifivj^ quibus Satyri oves, 
quas paScunt, appellant, dudum me offenderunt ; contra uhius 
oodicis lectio w roS'^ oSr' ai ruh vefxri arrisit, cui clarissimum 
Jacobs in animadversionibus in Euripidis trag. et fragm. torn. 
S, pag* 158« adsentiri postmodum lubenter vidL 

Vers. 60. et61. Omnium de his versibus criticorum conjecturas, 
quas seque diligenter coUegit atque adcurate examinavit cl. Hoepf« 
n<erU9> desuo recensere et piget et supervacaneum arbitror. Omitto 
quoque, quam modo Cyclopis laudatus editor protulit interpretati- 
onem, qui afu^tfiuXXeiv esse idem, quod x^pV fialveiv invita Minerva 
censets-nec non quam equidem olim in commentatiohis in Agam^ 
emnonem ^schylum particula tertia pag. 22. conjecturam jSa^ 
afifi6ot\fis dedi, cum verum viderit censor edit. Hoepfner. ia 
lictis litenuriis unlversalibus, qvtx Jeiise innotescunt, doctissimus^ 
fiift^ifiiXKetg h. 1. significare i. q. cejiK^f crjSijrffi;, et vertendum esse 
4ttbitaS'ZTbitrztn9* Attamen interrogationis signum post v. vofiot^ 
pohendum esse nullus dubito, ut sensus exeat : in stabidum ire 
JbHe4tMas ? In JE^cis namque scapulisj ubi stabulum iingendum 
«8t> nefue Bacchus, neque saltationes, neque Bacch^e thyrstfera sunt. 
. Vers* 71. Miror, neminem interptetum vidisse, v. vrrifAoty, quod 
jQuUo modo quadrat, propter prscedentis versus vocabulum iasXttm, 
.cum poetarum more ad ^inyjn* referendum esset, ab inscio gram- 
jmatico esse'corruptum. Equidem vWrrou legere et textum recipere 
auUtts dubiuvi. 

Vers. 91. Acuta est Musgravii observatio, se neque quenquam 

82 Ob$€n<ifiQn€9 CrHicd in Euripidem. 

U}veni88e» qui ifj^fiodmv ar^/viv diKeri<^ neque, ettamsi gnece 

hie locum habere posse» Ulysse cum wciis zuinc primum m con* 

«pectum prodeuQte. Quo mimis tamea amplectar conjecturam 

2'ns-^i^i¥Qy f^9 prohibet literarum major, quam forte par e$t> 
iversitas. Propius certe 9d vulgatae scriptaras ductus nos conji- 
cimus : a^svov re y^, cet.^ ut cum IvoLfri jungatur hoc partieipiuoi. 
Ingenioae et pr^clare hsec cl. Jacobs libro saepius laudatus torn. |. 
aoimadverut. Verba itaque, paulo alitet a me juncta sic vevten^a 
esse puto : ViS ilUs miseris ! Qjdcuaque tandem siniy ignorantp 
ffuakm domnus $e geratj nesciuntque, se ferasa €t ab hominum 
tonsortioremotam terram if^estog esse. 

Ver$* 169. Vera est emendatio voeabuli icAqxtrKwu^iuivwy in 
quo nasvum haerere quUibet gr^ccse linguae peritus facile iiiteUigiC» 
f uaoi de Euripidis tragoediis optime meritus Jacobs lib. laudat. 
(torn. 1. pag* 122. adtulit. Corrigit nimirum frtpifrHereurfuiyov, q\koA 
iipice V. Knfmyo^ >congruit« 

Vers. 178 — 185. Mirum sane videtur, hos versus mterpretum 
peminem, eel. Wakefieldo excepto, -qui in silv. crit. part. iv. p« 
295* V* ^oqo^yrtt mutare vult in ^avivrotyU e. Xafiffrovraj o^ndisse^ 
cum et interpunctbne et saasu laborent. Equidem nan inauspicata, 
ttt mihi videor, manu interrogationis signumj in fine vers. 179« 
^Uatum post v.. TgoSoriv posui, ita ut v. rp^onv cum hsx^orfje-arg 
conjungatur, et versus 180. quasi parenthesi inclusus extubeatttr. 
Ptd v. ^opovvra ut ^ogoucot legamusj et rei ratio et verborum nexus 
postulare videntur. 

Vers. 244. Versum hunc esse corruptum omnes inierpretfs use 
pre cotisentiuxtt, et inde facile adparet, quod V* ISovro; cum 
&f6gat)iog nuUo modo conjungi possit, neque v. Kq€av6iM» liabefait> 
^10 referendum sit. Prae ceteris mihi semper placutt «Baendatio 
obI- Ruhnkemi ^i^oyro; IolItol rou K^eavojxot/^ donee kgeraoi, qM^ 
censor edit. Hoepfher. in act. litter, univers. Jenens. exqeUencis* 
imus i^avTQ^ imxarw Kpeowii^ou conjecerat. Prima facUior^ altera 
clegantior est^ ita ut difficile sit disceptatu^ quod in meme |>oeta 

Vers. 269. Verba i} nexx&g oSroi Kuxoi iUustfis. Wakdfialdus ill 
i3v. crit. part. ii. pag. 53. contra Masgravium, invUa sane Minerra^ 
pro xaxoi Euripidem scripsisse xaXoi autumantem, optimo juft 
defendity et locutionis veritatem multis exemplis probavit. 

Vers. 298. Vaiio modo crilici versum tentarunt, ut lon^ut 
etset et a voluntate alienum, eomm sive inl^tpretati^ies sive ooii^ 
jecturas laudare> quas ceL Hoepfnerus ea, qua par est* ouxareeen^ 
suiL Equidem jam <dim adcurate ni^imadviertisse videor^ naevuflft 
Aon in V. imwrrgi^oVf sed in w. tS Xvyot}^ podu6 ha^rere^ q;ila^ 
propter enmidatioiiemy quam in comment, pjima in Mschift* 
Agamenmonem^ pag. 31. proposueramy sv^oyovs «xorr$l^oti repetiit 

Observationes Criiias in Euripidem. 98 

et textui inserere non gravatus sum. Verte : jure merko^ 
instihtta morUdium regnce. 

Vers. S25«— S26. De his versibus emendandis sagacissimiu 
Jacobs bene meritus est. Verba ejus sunt : Musgravitts conjecit^ 
iM}f6fU¥0$y eS GTffyowi Yourriq e^lav verUri bene capienti ludibriunif 
quod ut doctum ita nimis longe quaesitum est. Melius placet quod 
proximo versu emendavit: eir* kxvioov. Denique haeremus in 
verbis ^erXov xqqvco, quae, quocunque tandem modo eiqplicarerist 
difficultatem relinquent, Equidem totum hunc locum sic refingam : 

% ftoVp^ov Smov ^ Ti itj^tov ^ix,o$ ^ 

^MWfUvog iij arivcovys ycufrriq wrrlav 

eir' hxTploov y«Aaxro; etfj^pea, jSSeAoy 

xgoveo, cet. Odtss. I. 

Cyclops yoL<rriqa (rtivMVf venirem implens camibus est Homericus 
31e, qui /xsya^qv lirAija-ftro yyjhuv. Vid. animadvers. in Euripidis 
trag. torn. I. pag. 124. Mihi in mentem venit, eS a-rivo) re, ita ut 
Terbum o-tcvco cum praecedente l;^ctf cohaereat, nee interpretor m« 
plere, sed in proprio significatu sumo, i. e. et dum eptdorj valde 
propter ventrem repletum ankelo. Nonne significantius et dicen- 
tis characteri adcommodatius ? quod denique ad loquendi rationem 
rarAov xpo6a) attinetj nihil video, quod nos movere possit, ut a vul- 
gata lectionerecedamus, quae non modo satis usitata est, sed conjee- 
turae etiam clarissimi Jacobs eatenus longe praeferenda, quatenus 
vix, et ne vix quidem, H^o6eiv /SSoAov dici possit. 

Vers. 3^6. Lectionem hujus versus vulgatam eamque veram 
i^ TO ff'ffilvTestitui, pro qua Musgravius legendum esse 00$ roujxir/iiv 
monet, quamque Heathius corrigit 00$ rouKTrieiv. Namque noi^ 
modo verbum simplex praestat, sed metrum etiam sanum est, 
siquidem, quod utrumque fugit, ultima pedis lambei syllaba, quam- 
vis sit natura brevis, a tragicis passim producitur, quoties cum lUa 
finiatur verbum. Vid. exempla, quae Wakefieldus in Silv. Crit. part, 
prim, p. 81, laudavit, qui lib. I. part. 1, pag. 94. eandem senten-* 
tiam protulit, nee non Lucian. de Parasito 7. allegavit^ quocum 
Plautus Pseudol. 5. lO.conferendusest. 

Vers. S60 — 861. Ab emendatione quam dudum margini ad- 
posueram, recedere non possum. Pro axx^oc lego (Txa^ei ut con- 
jungatur cum v. fj^ovw^ et interpretor verba : noli mikij nolialiquH 
tribuere, solus soli ventri navis, i. e. ventri tuo, navis ventri simili> 
infer. V. xo/ji/f --«v, teste Hesychio, idem est, ac /Sato-ra^ iv, wr*$fpgiv, 
Vid. Trill, observ. critic, p. 144. Apte hie, et vers. 501. Cyclopia 
venter, cum navis ventre comparatur, cujus rei cxempla apud Ro- 
manos quoque extare notum est. Vid. commentationis mese in 
^schyleum Agam. part. tert. pag. 18. 

Vers. 364 — 365. Verba £v ^xbi 9v<rlav, quae criticis multas 
difficuUates moverunt, insulsum esse glossema vocabulorum uva^ 

MO. xxm. a. JL . VOL. xii. o 

34'' Observationes Criticce in Eutipidem. 

fioofiioi hyArm] ex TerBis oAx ix^i ivtrluv, znargiiii interpretationir 
causa adscriptis ortum, olim jam in commeiitat. prim, in ^schyL. 
Agamem. pag. 23. docui, et hie repetere non erubesco :.quibus 
omissis, omnia bene cohxrere^ et plana sanaque esse manifestum 
sit. ^Airo^iuios dujxarctiv h» 1. dictum est, sicuti i'^aknog euFvlloWf 
A7reitXo$ ^ot^ioDVf a^o^igro^ xoxujxaTcov, utalia exempla omittam, quae 
poetarum Graecorum lectores non fugiunt. 

Vers. 391— -394. Aliorum interpretationes sive emendationes- 
xque, ac conjecturam, quam olim lib. I. pag. 24. dederam^ relin- 
quens cum clarissimq Jacobs Heathium sequor, qui, leni verborum 
transpositione adhibita,lios versus in eum modum constituit : 
6^eXo6$ r' axgovs fi,h lyxcxfltu/ttevou^ vogt • 

airvetii ye <r^dtys1ay woi\io6pov xXdBop : 
fr^otyiia, airvaia, ut recte cK Jacobs, lib. I. tom. II. p. 159. obsenva- 
vit, mstrumenta sunt ingentioy ut omnia, quibus Cyclops ad usum 
domesticum utebatur. Vid. Aristoph. Pac. v. 72. et Hesych, 
sub v." alrvam. 

Vers. 397. Cel. Jacobs intomo secundo animadvers. in£uripidi» 
tragoed. scribit ; verba pu6[ji,oo Tm valde es^e jejuna, cum prsesertim 
diverso modo a Cyclone mactati in proximis versibus narrentur, et 
scribendum esse autumat ; So'^a^' krui^ow tHov Iju^v o^;^ evi pvSfi,M» 
Hanc emendationem etsi vir praeclarissimus exemplis stabilire 
studeat, neque tamen metrum admittere videtur, neque de modo 
mactandi h. 1. sermo est. Si locus noster in mendo cubet, verum 
omnino est codicem Paris, ad eum restituendum ansam praebere» 
qui verbis transpositis r'm puflftaJ exhibet. Propterea eatenus cla- 
rissimo Jacobs adsentiri non gravor, quatenus, particula ov^, omissa, 
legendum Ivi fu9ft«5, i. e. uno tenoref sive uno ictu censeo. 

Vers. 431 — 433. Lubenter h. L cum clarissimo Jacobs Musgra- 
vii conjecturam, vocabula icriquyoLg, uKubi in nrrspDyot^ caXsusi mutan- 
tis amplector, quse lepidse temuknti senis descriptioni optin>e con- 
venit. In sequentibus, ubi amicus suavissimus in verb. otTcoKsq^otlvcov 
aliquid latere, quod temulentix significationem habeat, scribit, et 
corrigere vult ; ua-isvtjg yotg xai ^o8' a^pavaov, ttotov Mweg %gQs cet. 

Non de partibus sto, et conjecturam licet ingeniosam super- 
vacaneam arbitror. Sensus vulgatae lectionis satis expedkus est. 

Vers. 446. Ex commentario, quo Cel. Hoepfnerus Cyclopem 
illustravit, doctissimo satis adparet, verba hujus versus fu$[j^fi(rl viv 
interpretes valde turbasse, quorum autem emendationes partim 
longe petitas, partim nimis quaesitas interpretationes iterum exami- 
nare mihi neutiquam in animo est. Primo obtutu intelligiturj 
poetam puifjLM(r6 viv scripsisse. Jam alios idem in mente habuisse 
video, quibus nescio quo jure adsensum Barnesius negaverit. • 

Vers, 501 — 504. Sensum horum versuum in tert. commenta- 
tione in iElschyl. Agamem. p. 18. vera oiim interpunctione resti- 

Mr- Edwards^ Sale of Valuable Books. !f5 

tuisse mihi videon Post v. oTvoe; puncti et podt yiwfjiut ^i comma* 
tis signum pono, unde lepidissimus et aptissimus sensus oritur ^ 
lo f lo ! lo ! plenus sum vini. Lcetor onustus oblitusqnt lauto 
convivio usque ad infima ventris tabulata ceu navis oneraria^ Vo« 
cabula lano^ ^fi^s> quorum sensum interpretes fugisse miror, h. L 
j)08ita sunt, sicuti Find. Pyth. II. 147, x^g**' /xijflov, -^schyl. 
Agamem. vers. 1458. evvris (sic pro corrupto v. iolvri^ ibidem scri* 
bendum est) r^^ sfxrig ^AtS^. Soph. Trachin. v. 554. Kvtvi&iov XvTnj/xay 
i. e. sanabilis dotor^ et in loco, de quo agimus, Eunpidis oXh^^ 
CH&pog, i. e. navis oneraria. 

Vers. 509 — 514. De naevis, quibus hi versus squalidi jacent> 
diluendis exinde mihi ssepius cogitanti, nihil melius in mentem 
venit, quam quod olim in commentatione ssepius laudata pag. 21. 
•proferre conatus sum. Me itaque conjecisse non pcenitet, Euripidem 
pro 8aia, quod ferri nequit, Sa/crei scripsisse, ad quam conjecturam 
viam monstrat editio Barnesii, quse lain ministrat. Sensus est; 
amatorie, amatorie oculis adspiciens (Cyclops) aula exit. Amai 
aliquis nos, sed mox lucerna accensa (innuit torrem in Cyclopis 
oculum mox hitrudendum) cutem tuam in roscida spelunca ceu molis 
spofisa coniburet u e. deperiet^ et varii colores caput tuum oma" 
bunt. Satyros secum Cyclopem deridere et acriter cavillari in 
aprico est. Nonne melius esset pro T15 ^/xa^ scribere nv iiftm^ u e. 
idiquem nostrum ? 

Vers. 560. Miror novissimum doctissimumque Cyclopis edito- 
rem, Cel. Hoepfnerum vulgatam huj us versus lectionemp^' coTrepom 
Sf/Lg, quae partim jejunum sensum continere, partim non bene conve- 
Hire versui sequent!, qui uno spiritu Silenum ebibisse docet, facile 
intelligitur, Musgravii emendation! sagacissimae x «<r7rffg oxt Kniui, 
i. e. sicuti non delassabeiis^ non gravaoeris praetulisse. 

Vers. 584. Hunc versum aeque bene clarissimum Jacobs, in 
animadvers. tom. II. p. 162. Cyclapi adtribuendum esse, ac vert. 
587. corrigendum censuit j 

evdov [lev do 'vr/g Tcb 8' wttvo) ^rapsijUr/voj. 
Tu^' ef avonlovg ^apvyog coivja-ei xgea. 


The PfucEs and Pukchaseus of the most ^oalua^ 
ble Articles in the Collection of the late James 
Edwards, Esq. sold by Mr. Evans, April 5^ 1815^ 

^'a7id Five following Days, at No. 26, Pall- Mall. 

4 CoNSTANTiNl Lexicon Gracco-Latinum, folio, hestediiiony rusna^ 
gilt leaves. [9/. Perry.] 15.92. 

49 Hoilanii, Heroolo<!ia Aiiglica, hoc est Vitae clarissimorum An- 
glorum aim ffji^iebus a Pass^ folio. This extraordinary fine copy for- 
merly belonged to Bucheliust who wrote the Latin verses signed A. B. 
under each portrait. He has made corrections and additions io a very 

.86 Account. of Mr. Edwards' 

.seat hand thrdngfaout the voliune, apparently with n view to a «ev< 
tioo« [151. Miller.] i620. 

67 CbnstophoriTfauaniTumulas, trtfAAt'i^or/rar^. Par. Patissoo, 
1583. — ^J. Thuani Tumulus^ Par. 1580. 4to. large pofeVf moroccQ, 
T^p c<my vf J, A. Thuanus. [lOL 10«. Dibdin.] 

119 Johnson's Collection of the English Poets, from the time of Cow- 
lef, witii Biographical Prefaces, best edition, 75 vol. 12mo* green mo* 
roceo. [S2l. Marquis of Ely.] 1790. 

147 Fables de La Fontaine, 4 vol. folio, large paper, with rmmerom 
plates after (hidryi'a designs, most hriUiant impressions. Marshal Mont* 
morency's copy, green morocco. [22/. lls.6d. Goldsmid.] Paris, 

l^ Andreino, TAdamo, Sacra Representatione, 4to. Jtrst edition, 
ptts, by C. A. Procacioo, rare, ^een morocco. [\5L Burrell.] iUi- 
lan, l6ld. — This Italian mystery is supposed to have suggested to MiU. 
ton the idea of his Paradise Lost. 

162 Gesta Romanorum, folio, a very beautiful Manuscript upon vel- 
lum, of one of the most ancient Story-Books extant. It was executed 
for Charles VI. of France. It is written in a very legible hand, and is 
'ornamented with nine very large Miniature Paintings, and a profusion 
of richly painted capitals, and various figures in gold and colors at 
the beginning of each Story ; bound in vellum. [467. Longman.] 

l£4 Here begynneth the RecuyeL of the Historyes of Troy, 
.dmwen out of Latyn into Frenche, by Raoul le Fevre, and translated 
into EngUsbe by Caxton, begonne in Bruges 1468, and iinysbid in Co* 
Jen 1471 » Mio, nissia, imperfect, but contains the Colophon with Cax- 
ton's Account of the time when he executed the work. This speci- 
men of the first printing in our language was the Exercise of Caxton^s 
^Uppnenticeship in Germany, being three years before he introduced the 
Art into England. [43/* Is, Longman.] 

165 Walpole's Castle of Otranto, printed upon vellum, blue morocco. 
1^29/. Ss. Dibdin.] Parma, 1791* — One of the most beautiful and fine 
specimens of a modem book printed upon vellum. The edition was 
-printed by Bodont, at the expence of Mr. Edwards, who bad six co- 
pies taken off upon Italian vellum, from each of which the sheets were 
carefully selected to render this copy as perfect as possible. 

211 Opere di Piranesi, namely, Antichite Romane, Vedute di Roma, 
Sepolcrl degii Scipione, Magnificenza ed Architectura di Roma, Opere 
Yarie, Fasti Consulares, Acqua Giulia, Antichite di Cora, Campus 
Martins, Antichite d'Albano e di Castel Gandolfo, Vasi e Candelabri^ 
•Cotooiia IVajana e Antonina, Antichite di Foestum, Teatrod'Ercolano; 
Maaiere di adornare i Camini; 23 vol. bound, in 17 9 Atlas folio, th^ 
original Roman editions, very first impressions of the plates, selected 
by Mr. £. a magnificent set, bound in russia. [315/. ISIortL.] 

214 Anthologia Gt^rca, manuscript, folio. [10/. 10^. Lunn.] — ^Thia 
Is a transcript by the celebrated Brunck of 74^ inedited Greek Epi*^ 
grams, from a MS. in the King of France's Library. The original 
comfMlation was made by Guyet, who bequeathed it to Menage. In 
« note at the end of the volume^ Brunck says he transcribed it in 176'9^ 

Sale of Vatttahle Books. 3T' 

** fedoto et quanta potui diligentia." It may be added that this traiH 
fcript fer exceeds the original in interest and value, from the notes and 
References to critical works with which Brunck has enriched it. ' 

$24 Anli Gellii Noctes Atticae, fol. manuscript of the XV. century^ 
upon reilum, with all the richness of illumination in miniatures, and 
capitals, which distinguish the fine Italian manuscripts of the Classics 
under the protection of the Medici family. The writii^, both of the 
Greek and Latin, is in the boldest and finest style of tlie 15th century, 
from which Sweynheim and Pannartz formed their t3rpes ; the arms of 
the family for whom it was executed are in the first page, bound inrei 
morocco. [36/. lbs. Dibdin.] 

263 Horatii Opera, manuscript of the XV. century ^ upon vettum^ 
fol. red morocco, [12.5/., Dibdin.] This is a manuscript of the first 
splendor, both for writing and illumination. It was executed for Fer* 
(uoand I. King of Naples, who first introduced printing into his states^ 
and was so ardent a collector of books and manuscripts, that Mr. Ros- 
006 relates, that the Florentines, to conciliate him in a rupture, pre- 
sented him with some fine manuscripts of the Classics ; as the Palle 
of Florence are seen among the ornaments, this may be one of them. 

278 Livii Historiarum quae supersunt, cum Epistola Joamiis An- 
dreae Episcopi Aleriensis ad Paulum 2 Pont. Max. folio, first editump 
printed upon vellum, in the original bindings morocco. [903/. Arch.] 
Romre, MrcccLXix. — ^This splendid specimen of the press of Sweyn- 
heim and Pannartz is the only copy of the first edition of Livy known 
to exist upon vellum. It appears, by the arms at the bottom of the 
first page oPthe history, to have been taken off for Alexander VI. 
when Vice-Chancellor of the Roman See, and Governor of the Mo* 
nastery of Soubiaco, where Sweynheim and Pannartz took up their 
abode (being a German monastery) when they introduced the art of 
printing into Italy. 

287 Nonius Marcellus de Proprietate Sermonum, folio, printed up» 
on vellum^ with the title and 52 miniatures from the antique, in reiief 
on pale blue ground, most exquisitely painted for the Mediei Famify, as 
appears by the arms in the beginning of the work, bound in morocco^ 

!\99l' 10«. Dibdin.] Ven. Jenson, mcccclxxvi. It is impossible 
or the beauty of this copy to be surpassed. 

810 Prudentius, 4to. Manuscript of the X. Century upon velbum 
(formerly belonging to the Monastery of St. GattJ, green moroeeo, 
[231. 29. Marquis of Douglas.] 

317 Strabonis Geographia, Latin^, ex versione Guarini Veionensis 
et Gregorii Tiphematis, folio, first edition, blue morocco, [421. Dib* 
din.] Ronue, per Sweynheim et Pannartz MCCCCLXix.— >One of the 
very rare productions of the above Printers, (only 275 copies having 
been printed). See the Printers* address to Sixtos IV. in Vol. I. p. 1» 
of the Bibliotheca Spenceriana. It is one of the finest specunena of 
their press, and as Audiflredi says, " typus ita integer ac nitidus ap^ 
paret, ut non sine jucunditate a Bibliopbilis spectari possit.'^ 

377 Leonardo Da Vinci Regole e Precetti delta Pittura, folio. Ma* 
Biucripty with Original Drawings by Nicholas PoussiUs moroeeo* [t02l» 


5? Accoiirit of Mr. Edwards' 

1-8*. Thaiie.]-^The original Manuscript of L. da Vinci was depoAit^d 
with the Barberini Family. Mr. De Chantelou, Minister of Franceat 
the Court of Rome, wishing to obtain a transcript of the rules for- 
drawing, employed Nicholas Poussin, then purbuiiig his studies at 
Rome, to make drawings of what L. Da Vinci described.' These are 
the subjects : — 4 Drawings of Anatomical Figures ; 22 Dravuags of 
Human Figures ; 2 Heads in Profile ; a Hand and a Horse. This vo^ 
lume exhibits an admirable specimen of N. Poussin*s powers of dfaw- 
ing, and evinces an extraordinary combination of taste, spirit, fidelity, . 
ahd science* , . 

394 Sir W. Hamilton's Collection of Etruscan, Greek, and Roman 
Antiquities, taken from Etruscan Vases, 4 vol. folio. Fei*i/ scarce, fine 
e&py in iiissia, with borders of geld. [53L lis. Copley.] Naples^- 

^ 669 Holinshed's Chronicles, with the Castrations, 3 vols, folio, besi 
edition, red morocco. [IS/. 18f. Singer.] 1386. 

574 Rapin's History of England, and TindaFs Continuation, with 

Vertue's heads and monuments, very fine impressions, 6 vol. folio, rus^ 

9ia, gilt leaves, [43/. Is. Egerton.] 1732. — The Rapin is upon the 

largest paper ^ which is very rare^ and the Contiiiuation of Tindal upon 

fine paper, a very fine set. . 

587 Ashmole's History of the Order of the Grarter, folio, large paper, 
very fine impressions of the plates, a beautiful copy in blue morocco^ 
Diike of Newcastle's copy. [42/. North.] 1672. 

6*12 Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, S vol. fol. with all the 
plates, very fine copi/, in the original binding in vellum, gilt leaves. 
[38/. 17s, Sanders.] l682. 

624 Catnden*s Britannia, by Gough, 6 vol. fol. Best edition, iHus- 
trated with, more than 1000 Vieyvs ironi Grose, Stukeley, &c. [52/. 
10». North.] I8O6. 

. 657 'Loggan Oxonia lllustEata^ fol. morocco, 1675. — Loggan Canta* 
brigia Illustrata, fol. russia. [21/. North.] 

'. 672 Croniques et Gestes des Tresliaulx et Tresvertueux Faitz de 
Fran9oi8 Premier, commen9ans au temps de son Advenement k la Cou- 
ronne, 1514, par Andre de La Vigne Croniqueur du Roy et Secretaire 
ordinaire de la Royne, fol. [100/. Dibdin.] — A Magnificent Manu-t 
scrij^t on vellum, with splendid miniatures and highly ornamented ca- 
pitsds at .the beginning of each chapter, of which many are six inches 
by five, displaying all the richness of invention and grandeur of exe- 
cution to which the art of illumination had arrived. The first minia- 
ture occupies the whole page» fifteen inches by ten and a half, and re- 
presents Francis on his throne, surrounded by his Court, and receiving 
the Book from the Author. The arras of Francis the First, quartered 
with those of his first wife, Claude de France, are on each side of the 
irame-work which surrounds the picture ; her arms are painted sepa^ 
rately in a cordon ; bound in green velvet., 

7o7 Salviani Historia Piscium et Aquatilium Animaliuniji folioi 
plates, large paper ^ ruled, a nwst beaut ijul copy, bound in tfwrocco, in 
compartments, with the arms of Thuanus richly gilt^ [30/. 10«, 
Clarke.J Roma, 1554. 

Sale of Valuable Booksl 9& 

. 7.98 The Koran of Mphammed, ixyntten in the grandest andTSolduf 
tf Oriental Characters, enriched throughout with )>rilliant illumina* 
tions. A most splendid Manuscript in the highest preservation. It 
was a present from Maulowa Molmmmed Achmed to Nijul al Dowlafa, 
fol. with a blue morocco case. [5^1. 10s, Marquis of Douglas.] 

804 Biblia Pauperum, a CoUection of Designs, rudely cut in woody 
of the principal Historical Subjects in the Bible ; interspersed with 
sentences above, below, in the middle, or in scrolls, according to the 
ancient manner of describing figures speaking, fol. [210/. Dibdin.] 
The extreme rarity of this book is well known ; it is esteemed the first 
essay towards the art of printing by blocks of wood, before the inven- 
tion of moveable types, and is generally attributed to Lauredce Coster 
of Haeriem, between the years 1440 and 1460. A very fine and per- 
fect copy, and none of the plates injured by being painted, which is 
generally the case ; bound in morocco. 

807 Biblia Sacra Polyglotta, edente Walton, et Castelli Lexicon Po- 
lyglottum, 8 vol. fol. very fine copies in blue morocco. The Bible is 
ruled, and has the original republican preface to the Polyglot. [Glh 
Watson.] Lond. l657. 

808 Biblia Sacra Latina, Vulgatae Versionis, 2 vol. fol. [1751. 
Lloyd.] Moguntia, per Fust et Schaiffier, mcccclxii. Printed 
upon vellum, and decorated with rich illuminations. This is the first 
edition of the Latin Bible with a date. A magnificent copy, the finest 
which has been offered to public sale for many years. The book is a^ 
fair and fresh as when it came from the press ; the leaves were care- 
fully selected from two very fine copies, 2 vol. splendidly bound in 
blue morocco. 

sod Biblia Sacra Latina, cum Interpretationibus Hebraiconira No- 
miaum, 2 vol. fol. The first edition of the Latin Bible printed at Pa- 
ris. A remarkably fine copy, in blue morocco. [34/. 9.81' 6d. Trip- 
hook.] Par. MCCCCLXXVI. It has the following colophon : 

Jam tribus undecimus lustris Francos Ludovicus 

Rexerat! Ulricus Martinus itemque Michael 

Orti Teutonia, banc niihi composuere figuram 

Patisii arte sua, me correctam vigilanter 

Venalem in vico Jacobi sol aureus offert. 
Which esfablishes the date of the impression to be 1476- This is the 
celebrated edition which attracted so much curiosity and discussion by 
tiie imposition practised on Lord Oxford by an alteration of the colo-* 
phon, and which would have ascribed it to 1463. The edition, how- 
ever, is unusually rare ; and Mr. Edwards, who, from his valuable and 
.extensive correspondence on the continent, obtained more early printed 
.books than were ever imported by any one individual, was yet more 
than twenty years before he could obtain a fine copy. 

810 Biblia Sacra Latina, fol. [115. \0s. Triphook.] Ven.perJen^ 
son, McccLxxix. Printed upon vellum. This beautiful copy, of an 
extremely rare edition of the Bible printed by Jenson, is the only one 
which has occurred in any sale for manv years. It belonged to Sixtus 
ly. as appears by his.arms in. the beginning of the book. To thif 

40 Account of Mr". Edwards* 

magnificent Pontiff (tbe founder of the Vafican Library) Sweyohdm 
and Pahnartz addxesaed the well-known sapplicatory letter for relief in 
consideration of the numerous splendid works which had been printed 
by them In Italy. The capitals are richly illuminated, and al the corn-* 
mencement is an elegant miniature ; bound in red morocco. 

821 Eyangelia Quatuor. Graece^ fol. A 'magnificent Manuscript 
npon vellum, of the Tenth Century, roost elaborately executed. The 
•ubject of each page is designated at the top in letters of gold. This 
grand Manuscript is in the highest preservation, and is one of tbe finest 
^reek Manuscripts of the Gospels extant. It is supposed to have been 
#ne of the Imperial Collection saved at the capture of Constantinople* 
It would be a most important acquisition to any library, public or pri<- 
vate ; bound in blue velvet, with bronze-gilt Medallions of the birth 
of Our Saviour and the adoration of the Magi on the sides. [210/. 

824 Psalterium Graeco-Latinum, fol. A Manuscript of the Ninth 
Century upon vellum, of the first curiosity and importance, written in 
.a very £iir and legible hand, with this peculiarity — the Greek is written 
in Roman characters, by which means we elicit the curious and inte- 
Irestiilg knowledge of the exact pronunciation of the Greek Language, 
as spoken at that period when the Byzantine Empire was in its literary 
glory. A very learned antiquary has given the following illustration of 
the writing of the first page tending to fix the period when the Maniv- 
script niiist have been written : 

Kyrie Boeithi ton doulon sou 
Cymeon Monachous f^resbiterou, &c. &c. 
Nota, que je trouve ce Pierre 2. Abb6 de I'Abbaye de S. Ambroise 
4e Milan depuis Tan 856 sous Louis 11 (apr^s TAbb^ Andr^ 851) jus- 
qu'en Tannic 897. C'est la demi^re date des Diplomes de TAbbaye de 
S. AnibroisA de Milan, lesquels commencent en Tannic 721 sous le Roi 
des Lonibards Luitprand — dans le " Codice Diplomatico Sant Ambro- 
zio delle Carte dell' Ottavo e T^ono Secolo de F. Angelo Fumagalli." 
Milano, 1805, 4to. [110/. 5s. Marquis of Douglas.] 

8^9 Officium Beats Virginis, 12mo. A delicate little Book of Ofiices 
of the Sixteenth Century, in Roman characters. The Paintings exqui- 
sitely finished, the writing admirable, and tbe border most pla^uUy or- 
namented in the best style, with devices and mottos of the family for 
whom it was executed. This is by fiir the most exquisite of the Italian 
Sibminated ofiices that Mr. Edwards ever had an opportunity of ob- 
taining; blue morocco. [120). North.] 

830 The celebrated Bedford Afissal, or Book of .Prayers and Devo* 
tional Ofiices sjneuted for John Duke of Bedford, Regent of Frtmee, 
containing 69. miniature paintings, which nearly occupy tlie whole page, 
and above a thousand small miniatures of about an inch and a half in 
diameter displayed in brilliant borders of golden foliage with variegated 
powers, &c. bt the bottom of every page are two lines in blue and gold 
letters, to explain the subject of each miniature; a cnrcumstance per- 
haps onky to be found in this expensive performance. But what cd^ 
Iwiices the valne of the MS* in this country^ is, that it has preserveA 

Inquiry into the Causes^ ^c. 41 

llie only porttaits remttiDiiig of the noble pair who formerly pbssesied 
it ; John of Lancaster^ Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and Anne 
of Burgundy, his Duchess, interspersed with their mottos ; an elegant 
expression of the gallantry of that time ; on his part ''A tous entier/ 
and on hers, " J 'en suis contente." And also Uie portraits of Henry 
V. of £ngland, and Catherine of France. Nothing can exceed the 
strength of character and high 'finishing of the portraits. Mr. Googh 
pronounced it the finest example of the art of that period he had eter 
seen. Vertue engraved his portrait from this painting. Another inte* 
resting characteristic in this fine MS. is the attestation of its being pre* 
sented by gift of the Duchess, and by order of her husband, to King 
Henry the Sixth, when he went to be crowned in France, and was 
q>ending his Christmas at Rouen. The monogram of the attestor I. S* 
is John Somerset, styling himself Domini regis ad personam servitor ad 
sanitatem vitagne conservationem cansultnft. This is confirmed in 
Hearne's Vita Henrici (>, per T. de Elmham, where he b called phya- 
cian to the king ; and that he was a favourite appears from a grant of 
the Manor of Ruislip to him for life by Henry 6th. See Lysons's En* 
^ irons, vol. 5, page 258. This rich book is 11 inches by seven and a 
half wide, and two and a half thick, bound in crimson velvet, with 
gold clasps, on which are engraved the arms of Harley, Cavendish^ 
and Holiis, quarterly. It was the property of Edward Lord Hariey^ 
Earl of Oxford and Mortimer, who bought it of Lady Worsley, great 
grand-daughter to W. Seymour, second Duke of Somerset, who was 
appointed Governor to the Prince of Wales by King Charles the Fint» 
It descended from Lord Oxford to his daughter, the Duchess of Port^ 
land, and was purchased at her sale. May 24^ 1786. [687/. 1^'* Mar*- 
quis of Blandford.] 





By the late Profbssob Scott, of King's College, Aberdeen. 

No. Yh^ConHmui from No. XX. p. 237. 

Sect. in. 

Of the Indirect Effects of Climate upon the Human 


1 HE effects of climates which I have yet considered, may be said to 
pvooeod immediately from tta influence ; tiiere are other peciiUaritiet 

4S Inquiry into the Causes of 

in tilie e<Mi€litioii of men, which may fairly be traced to the influeoce 
of climate, although their dependence upon it is more remote and 
precarious ; - and these I am now to consider. They may be con- 
templated under the heads od tirst, the condition of the female sex, 
secondly, manner and amusements, thirdly, laws and government. 
. First, With respect to the condition of the female sex, we are pre- 
pared to admit from what has been detailed at the conclusion of the 
preceding section, that it has a chance to be more favorable in a 
temperate than in an intemperate climate. ^ A moderate indulgence of 
the sexual appetite is much more calculated to advance the respecta- 
jlMlity of females, than either apathy, or licentiousness in this particu* 
lar. In hot countries, women have almost always been con^^^idered as 
intended only for sensual enjoyment ; they are ardently sought after, 
but little valued or respected when obtained ; and if their pei*sons are 
admired, their minds are as uniformly despised. In such countries, 
the inferiority of the females to the males, in <^ery respect, except in 
personal attractions, is a prevailing doctrine ; and in some of them, as 
iswellknovm, it is. even an article of religious Ikith. 
: It is in these countries that the practice of polygamy has uniformly 
prevailed : a practice by which the dignity of the female sex is com- 
pletely sunk, and women are degraded to the rank of mere slaves* 
^his practice has never been found in the temperate regioils of the 
World> where women have generally been considered as objects of a 
eertain degree of esteem, as well as of desire. The causes of this 
pecuharity, and its connexion with the iniluence of climate, have 
•been so admirably pointed out by the celebrated Montesquieu, that I 
•cannot do greater justice to. the. subject than by transcribing his 

" Les femmes sont nubiles, dans les climats chauds, k huit, neuf, 
ct dix ans : ainsi 1-enfance et le marriage y vont presque toujours 
ensemble. Elles sont vieilles k vingt : la raison ne se trouve done 
jamais chez elles- avec la beaut^. Quand la beaut^ demande Tempire, 
la raison le fait refuser ; quand la raison pourroit Tobtenir, la 
beaute n'est plus. Les femmes doivent etre dans la dependance : 
car la raison ne pent leur procurer dans leur vieillesse un empire que 
la beaute ne leur avoit pas donn^ dans la jeunesse m^me. II est 
done tr^s simple qu'un homme, lorsque la religion ne s y oppose pas, 
quitte sa femme pour en prendre une autre, et que la polygamic 
8' idtroduise. 

'' Dans l^s pays temp^r^s, oji les agremens des femmes se conser^ 
▼ent mieux, ou elles sont plus tard nubUes, et oii elles ont des enfans 
dans un ^ge plus avanc^, la vieillesse de leur mari suit en quelque 
fa^on la leur : et, comme elles y ont plus de raison et de connoissances 
quand eUes se marient, ne flif-ce que parce qu'elles ont plus longtems 
v^^lii, ,il a d^ naturellement s'introduire une espece d'^gaUte dans les 
deux sexes, et par consequent la loi d*une seule femme. 

** Dans les pays froids I'usage presque n^cessaire des boissons fortes 
^tablit lintemperance parmi les hommes. Les femmes, qui ont ^ cet 
^egard une retenue naturelle, parce qu'elles ont toujours k ge dcfeudrei 
ont doac encore Tavautage de la raison sur eux. 

the ^versify of Htmdn Character. 4S 

** LailatuTe, qui a distingu6 les hommes par la force et par b 
raisou, n'a mis k leur pouvoir de tenne que celui de cette force et de 
cette raison. EUe a donn^ aux femmes les agr^mens, et a voulu que 
leur ascendant linit avec ces agremens : mais, dans les pays chauds, 
ils ne se trouvent que dans les commencemeas, et jamais dans le cours 
de leur vie. 

" Ainsi la loi qui ne permet qu'une femme se rapporte plus au phy- 
sique du climat de 1' Europe, qu'au physique du climat de TAsie; 
C'est une des raisons qui a fa it que ie Mahom^tisme a trouv^ tant de 
facilite h. s'6tablir en Asie, et tant de difficult^ k s'etendre en Europe ; 
que le Christianisme s'est maintenu en Europe, et a 6te d^truit ea 
Asie ; et (|nV ufin les Mahometans font tant de progr^s k la Cliiiie» 
et les Chretitiis si peu. Les raisons humaines sent toujour^ subor- 
donn^es k cette cuusp supreme, qui fait tout ce qu'elle veut^ et se sert 
cje tout ce quelle veut. 

'''Quelques raisons parlicuU^res k Valentinien lui firent permettce 
\^ poly gam ie dans I'empire. Cette loi, violente pour nos cfimats, fot 
6tee par Theodore, Arcadius, et Honorius." (Esprit des loix. 1. iff, 
ch. 2.) 

The reasonings of Montesquieu are perfectly agreeable to historical 
fact. Polygamy has in all ages been practised by the inhabitants of 
V^arm cUmates : and it has as uniformly been rejected by the people 
of temperate regions. It was the practice of the ancient Assyrians, 
Babylonians, Persians, Egyptians and Medes ; and it is at this day 
practised by all the African and Southern Asiatic nations, wilii 
scarce any exception. If indeed we can implicitly believe the rela- 
tions of travellers, there are some exceptions of a very peculiar 
kind ; for we are informed that in some districts of the East, and 
particularly in the Ladrone or Marianne islands, a plurality of hus- 
bands is allowed to one wife. Montesquieu speaks of a simiiar 
practice among the Naires upon the coast of Malabar, and indulges in 
some ingenious reasoning concerning its origin. 1. l6. c. 5. A like 
anomaly prevailed, according to Strabo, in some districts of Media« 
where, he says, each woman was compelled to receive five husbands, 
«rhile in other cantons each man was expected to take seven wives. 
(I. 1 1.) Such institutions, if ever they existed, are only to be viewed 
as the exceptions to the generally pervading practice of polygamy, 
and as occasioned by circumstances altogether peculiar to certaoi 
tribes. In the case of the Medes the practice probably arose from 
the exigencies of war, which while in one quarter of the country it 
had occasioned an extraordinary havoc among tl^e men, in another 
might have thinned the women in consequence of the predatory 
incursions of the enemy. 

On the otlier hand a plurality of wives, or of husbands, seems te 
havfe been altogether unknown in more temperate chmates. Saao 
Grammaiicus, who wrote the history of Denmark in the twelftk 
• century, gives no hint of such a practice prevailing, even among die 
Kings and Princes of his country. Crantz, in his history of the 
Saxons, aflSrms that polygamy was never known among the Northern 
imtions of Europe ; which is confirmed by every other writer wha 

44 Inqtdty into the Causes a/ 

pvm thd bistoi^ of any of tkose natioiis. Seheffeir in pafti^^dhtf , wft» 
wiites the history ofLaplttad, observes, that neither polygamy nor 
iivQtet were ever heard of in that country, not even during the 
zeign of pagauism/ Christianity hns conspired with climate to 
haaish polygamy from most of the countries of modem Europe. But 
such is the influence of physical causes that, though Christianity is 
the religion of Ethiopia, the natives are strongly inclined to indulge 
la a pfamlity of wives, nor are the judges severe in their condemna- 
tion of that practice. Among the Christians of Congo, polygamy i» 
as uiuch in use as ever it tras among Pagans. 

We have found the inhabitants of a rigorously cold climate resem* 
bling those of torrid regions in many particulars ; and it is not a little 
remarkable that while polygamy appears to have been uniformly 
discountenanced in the temperate districts of the continent, it has 
been found in those icy regions where the female sex is extremely 
littie sought after. Polygamy, to this day, it is said, obtains in the 
tfold country of Katntshatka, and in the still colder country round 
Hudson's bay. 

This singularity can only be ascribed to the little estimatton III 
#liich females are h^ in those regions. For polygamy can hardly 
pieVaii in countries where women are respected ; and on the other 
hand where it does prevail it is impossible that they can be held in 
dtte estimation. Throughout all the East, and in those parts of Africa 
when polygamy is the practice, women are bought and sold like 
slavea.. *' The negroes," says Lord Kaimes, " purchase their wives 
nod turn them off when they think proper. The same law obtains itt 
China, in Monomotapa, in the Isthmus of Darien, in Caribeana, and 
4gmsn k> the cold country round Hudson's bay. All the savages of 
South America, who live near the Oroonoko, purchase as many 
wives as they can maintain ; and divorce them without ceremony." 
•*The sovereign of Giaga, in Africa,'^ says'the same author, " has many 
wiVes^ who are literally his slaves : one Carries his bow, one his 
arrows, and one gives htm drink ; and while he is drinking, they all 
^U on their knees, ckp their hands, and sing." In the conduct of 
U^ f^tty tyrant we have a faitliful picture of the general demeanouf 
of the Asiatics towards their wives. 

ieakmsy and oppressive resti^int are the invariable concomitants of 
Hkt practice of pk>lygamy. *^ In the hot countries of Asia," says tlie 
autiu>r just quoted, '* where polygamy is indulged, and wives are 
iniichased for grat^ing the carnal appetite merely, it is vain to think 
fif restraining them otherwise than by locks and bars, after having 
fnce tasted enjoyment."—" The Chinese," adds he, " arc so jealous 
of their wives, as even to lock them up from their rela^ns ; and, so 
fit'eat is their diffidence of the female sex in general, that brothers and 
eisters are nbt permitted to converse together. When women go 
flbroad, they are shut up in a close sedan, into which no eye caik 
fttnetrate. The intrigues carried on by the wives of the Chinese 

' See Kain^cs^s Sketches passim. 

the diversity of Human Character. 45 

EmpGW, afid the jealousy that reigns aqiOQg tlieni^ vender tfiem 
unhappy. But luckily, as women are little regarded where polygamy 
is indulged, their ambition and intrigues give less disturbance to tbr 
government^ than in the courts of European Princes. The ladies of 
Hindostan cover their heads with a gauce vett, even at home, which 
they lay not aside except in company of their nearest relations. A 
Hindoo buys his wife ; and the fyrst time he is permitted to see her 
without a veil is after marriage, in liis own house. In several hot 
cauntiies, women are put under the guard of eunuchs, as an additicm- 
al security ; and the black eunuchs are commonly preferred for their 
ugliness. — In tlie city of Moka, in Arabia felix, women of &shion never 
appear in the streets in day light ; but it is a proof of manners refined 
above those in neighbouring countries^ that they ^re permitted to visit 
one another in the evening." 

Our author next proceeds to illustrate the influence of Eastern man- 
ners in corrupting the minds and inflaming the appetites of the female 
Bex. But for what he has said upon that subject, I shall refer to his 
own work. (Sketches of the history of M^ b. 1. sk. 6.) It is, how- 
ever, sufficiently evident that such effects are ueee^^ry consequences 
of the practice of polygamy ; and that another practice equally to be 
reprobated is intimately connected with it; namely, the custom above 
alluded to of converting men into Eunuchs.. This odious refinement 
of jealous sensuality is ^und uniformly to accompany the privileige 
of a plurality of wives. It at once affords a proc^ that this practice is 
a violation of the original laws of nature, and shows the futility of dw 
attempts which have been made to defend it upon the erroneous sup- 
position that in the countries where it prevails, the number of females 
fxceeds in a great proportion that of the males. 

Let us now contemplate the eonditioo of the female sex in those 
countries where polygamy never was in practice, and we shall find it 
much more exalted even during the rud.est periods of society. Ae« 
cording to the testimony of many ancient writers, the women in the 
North of Europe were at all times respected by the other sex ; they 
were even held in a certain degree of veneration, as beings of superior 
wisdom, and consulted as prophets and soothsayers. The Scandina* 
vian women were anciently believed to be skilled in magic, and in the 
arts of divination, and Procopius informs us, that among the Vandals 
all the soothsayers were of the female sex. According to Tacitus, the 
Germans had no other physicians than their women who were accus- 
tomed to follow the armies in order to staupch the blood, and suck 
the wounds of their husbands, as weU as to supply the wants and sup* 
port the courage of the combatants.' Another fact mentioned by 
that historian places in a very conspicuous light the riespect paid to 
the German women. Female hostages, he says, bound the Germans 
more stricdy to their engagement than those of the male sex : for, 
adds he, they believed that there was something sacred iu the female 

1 « 

Ad matres, ad conjuges, vulnera ferunt: ncc ills numerare aut 
txsugcre pUgas pa vent : cibosque et h^rtamina pugnantibus gestanu** 

46 * Inquiry into the Causes of 

character ; and ascribed to it a superior degree of foresight, insomuch 
that they never despised the opinions of women, nor neglected their 

As courage was a virtue held in the highest estimation by the rude 
tribes who anciently inhabited the North of Europe, so it affords a 
convincing proof of the dignity to which the female sex had attained 
among those tribes, to find them eminent in the practice of that highly 
valued qnali^ation. Ail the writers who treat of those ancient 
nations concur in ascribing extraordinary fortitude, and even valor to 
their women. Caesar, in the first book of his commentaries, describ- 
ing a battle in M^hich he was engaged with the Helvetii, says that th^ 
women, with warlike enthusiasm, exhorted their husbands to persist in 
the contest, and placed the waggons behind them in a line, to prevent 
their flight. Tacitus and Florus assert, that several battles of those 
liarbarous nations were renewed by their women presenting their 
naked bosoms, and declaring their abhorrence of captivity.^ Johannes 
Magnus, Archbishop of Upsal, and Jomandes agree in describing the 
women of the Goths as full of courage, and trained to arms like the 
men. The latter makes particular mention of an expedition of the 
Goths to invade a neighbouring country, in which more women went 
along with the men than were left at home (b. i.) The Goths, says 
Procopius, compelled by famine to surrender to Belisarius the city of 
Ravenna, were bitterly reproached by their wives fur cowardice (Hist. 
Goth. 1. 2.) The Longobard women, according to Paulus DiacohuSy 
when many of their husbands were cut off in a battle, took up arms^ 
and obtained the victory. And Saxo Grammaticus assures us that in 
Ibnner times, many women In Denmark applied themselves to arms.. 

To this we have to add the various testimonials concerning the 
remarkable valor of the ancient British women. Tacitus, in his annals^ 
says that the British women frequently jmned in battle with the men, 
when attacked by an enemy. It was not, he says, unusual for that 
nation to fight under the conduct of a woman.^ Nay, so much was 
the female sex regarded, that according to the same author there was 
no distinction observed between it and the male in conferring autho- 
lity."^ Of the valor and patriotism of female British chieftains, ancient 
history affords many notable examples. During the war carried on by 
Caractacus, against the Romans, Cartismandua Queen of the Bri- 
gantes, afforded that gallant Monarch eminent assistance. Bonduca, 
and Boadicea, are both recorded in Roman annals, as Queens of a 
warlike and heroic spirit ; and both combated their invaders, if not 
with ultimate success, at least with unshaken bravery. 

1 u 

Inesse quinetiam sanctum aliquid et providum piitant : nee aut con- 
silia eorum aspernantur, aut responsa ue^liguntur." (De Mor. Germ.) 

* " Memoriae proditur, quasdam acies" iiiclinatas jam et labantes a 
feminis restitutas constantia precum et objectu pectorum, et monstrata co- 
minus captivitate quam longe irapatieutius feminarum suarum nomine 
timeiit/' Tacitus de mor. Germ. 

^ ** Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare/* (Annal. 1. 14/^ 

* " Neque enira sexum in imperils discernunt." (Vit. Agric.) 

the diversity of Human Character. 47 

Neither is it to be imagined from these proofs of manly courage ii 
the females of ancient Britain and Scandinavia, that they were desti* 
tute of the peculiar attractions of their sex, or disgustingly harsh and 
masculine in their demeanour. We have the authority of Procopius, 
that the women in those countries were remarkable for beauty, and 
that those of the Goths and Vandals were the finest that ever had been 
seen in Italy. (Hist. Goth. I. 3.) The literary remains, if they can so 
be called, of th^se ancient nations, testify that among them the female 
sex was the object of a delicate and reverential homage, which could 
only be due where there was mildness of manners, and propriety of 
conduct. The ancient poems of Seandiuavia contain very refined 
expressions of love and regard for the female sex. " It is," says Lord 
Kaimes, *' an additional proof of the great regard paid to women ill 
Scandinavia, that in Edda, the Scandinavian bible, female deities 
make as great a figure as male deities.'' If the authenticity of the 
poems of Osstan be admitted, they afford very shigular evnleiice of 
the delicate homage paid by tlie warriors of Caledonia in those re^ 
mote ages to the fair objects of their afifections. But this subject 
will again come under our notice ; and without dwelling farther 
upon it at present, it may be safely assumed, from the evidence 
adduced, that among the ancient nations of the North of Europe, fe- 
males were an object of refined affection, as well as of respect. 

Til us, tlierefore, in regard to the condition of the female sex, we 
find a decided superiority in the natural influence of a temperate climate 
over that «f a climate either unusually hot or cold. In hot climates, 
where women arrive at the age of puberty, while their intellectual pow- 
ers are necessarily dormant, they are sought after merely as the means 
of sensual gratification ; and seldom rise above the condition of slaves* 
In regions of extreme cold, tlieir condition is little better, as the love 
of the sex is not sufficient to counterbalance the contempt inspired by 
Inferiority of strength. But in countries which are exempt from either 
extreme of temperature, the passion for the female sex is compounded 
of respect and affection, as well as appetite. The women are not con- 
sidered as mere vehicles of sensual enjoyment, because the growth of 
their intellectual capacities keeps pace with the ripening of their per- 
sonal charms. They are admitted as the rational companions of the 
men; as the. sharers in their victories, and the partakers in their 
power ; and as qualified to assist them in counsel and in the field, as 
well as to sweeten and alleviate their suficrings and toils. 

2dly. We have to contemplate the infiuence of climate, as it affects 
the manners and amusements of a people ; and I cannot help thinking 
that even in these particulars, which might seem to be very remotely 
connected with it, the infiuence of climate is very considerable. As 
far as we have yet established the operation of climate, we find that 
in torrid regions its tendency is to produce indolence, and a strong 
propensity to sensual gratification. In tliose regions too, the soil is 
generally fertile, so that abundance of the necessaries, and even many 
of the superfluities of life, can be obtained with little toil. This cir- 
cumstance greatly contributes to confirm tiie indolent tendency of the 

48 Inquiry into the Causes of 

?»oj^Ie, end l^y op means counteracts their propensity to sensuality* 
he effect of the whole together is to produce a fondness for what it 
called luxury. 

There is a considerable difference of opinion concerning the peculiar 
indulgences in which luxury consists ; and the word has no doubt 
becQ employed in very different acceptations by different writers ; in* 
«omuch that while with some it conveys a severe imputation, with 
ethers it includes scarcely any censure. Without, entering into this 
controversy, I shall merely state that, luxury, according to the mean- 
ing in which I here employ it, denotes a fondness for the various 
indulgences of sense, of the taste, of the eye, of the ear, of the 
smell, and of the touch, as well as of the sexual appetite ; a prone- 
jae^ to indulge in those ^tifications in a far greater degree than 
the simple calls of nature justify, and a consequent dereliction of the 
more noble purposes for which human nature was intended. Luxury, 
taken in this sense, is not very different from what is usually called 

That it is the natural tendency of a hot climate to promote this kind 
of luxury and effeminacy, can scarcely be doubted, if we allow to 

« " Men in difTerent ages," says Lord Kaimes, ** differ widely in their 
notions of luxury; every new object of sensual gratification, and every in* 
dulaence beyond what is usual, are commonly termed luxury ; and cease to 
be hucury when thejr turn habitual. Thus every historian, ancient and mo- 
dem, while he inveighs against the luxury of his own times, wonders at 
ibrmer historians, ft>r characterising as luxury, what he considers as conve- 
niences merely, or rational improvements. Hear the Roman Historian 
talking of the war that his countrymen carried on successfully against An- 
tiochus king of Syria : " Luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico 
iUvecta in urbem est. li primum lectos seratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, 
plagulas et alia textilia, et quae turn magnificse siipellectilis habebantur, mo- 
nopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. Tunc psaltriae, sambusistriaeque, 
et cojavivalia hidionum oblect amenta addita epulis : epulsE' quoque ipsae et 
cura et sumtu majore adparari cceptae : turn coquus, vilissimum antiquis 
mancipium SBStimatione etusu, in preiio esse; et, quod iiiinisterium fuerat 
ars haoeri ccepta. Vix tamen ilia, quae tum conspiciebantur, semina eraiit 
futuraB luxuriae." (Tit. liv. 1. SO. c. 6.) 

His Lordship relates as a remarkable misapplication of the reproach of 
luxury or effeminacy, that ^' a knot of Highla'oders benighted, wrapped 
themselves up in their plaids, and lay down m the snow to sleep. A young 

fentlemaij making up a ball of snow, usf d it for a pillow. His father (Sir 
ivan Cameron), strikiiieaway the ball with his foot, " What, Sir," says 
he, " are you turnine; e^minate ?*' He is inclined to limit the term luxury 
to the excessive and habitual indulgence in " the pleasures of taste, touch, 
and sme)), which appear as existing at the or^an of sense, and upon that 
account are held to be merelv corporeal :'* and he does not think it properly 
applicable to any pleasure of the eye or ear. But surely, though we should 
grant tliat " the concord of sweet souuds,*' is aninnocentaud even dignified 
indulgence, yet We can hardly exclude from the clasb of luxuries, splendid 
ornaments of dress, showy equipages, superb houses, and other " lusts of 
the eye** which are so much sought after by a wealthy and luxurious peo- 
ple. (See Kaimes's Sketches, b. 1. sk. 7.) 

the divernty of Human Character. 49 

such a climate, the effects already ascribed to it. Where man Is na- 
tmally inclined to be idle, and where nature is usually prolific in her 
gifts, active exertion, whether bodily or mental, will rarely be found. 
Some expedient must be adopted to fiU up the painful void which is 
thus created, and the pleasures of sense are those which naturally 
offer themselves for that purpose. Feasting and debauchery effectu- 
ally occupy the mind and keep off ennui, at least during the moments 
of immediate enjoyment. Their natural accompaniments are splendid 
dresses, showy apartments, downy couches, and every resource of art 
for promoting ornament of ease. Sumptuous equipages, and long 
retinues of attendants in time succeed ; and thus is perfected that lux- 
urious splendor, which we now emphatically call Asiatic or Oriental. 

Even in the remotest ages we shall find evidence of a propensity to 
this kind of enjoyment among the people' of the warmer regions of the 
earth. In the days of the patriarch Abraham, the Asiatic nations are 
described as possessed of various kinds of jewels, and vessels of 
gold and silver. In Isaac's time, we find mention of sumptuous and 
perfumed garments ; of which kind were those of Esau, which Re- 
becca caused Jacob to put on. We find, therefore, the use of per- 
fumes or sweet-smelling odors, introduced among the people of the 
East, even in the most dbtant ages ; from which we may presume 
that they were acquainted with other arts of luxury, which Moses had 
no opportunity of mentioning. 

In Egypt we can trace the introduction of luxury also in the most 
remote ages. In the days of Joseph, we find that the Egyptians were 
possessed of costly jewels, vessels of gdd and silver, rich stuffs and 
perfumes, and were waited upon by a great number of slaves. This 
patriarch dwelt in a superb psdace, and had a master of the household 
to manage his dinnestic ai&irs. When he went abroad, he had many 
attendants, and a herald went before the procession, and proclaimed 
the occasion of it to all the people. At this period the court of Pha- 
raoh makes a very magnificent and brilliant appearance. There we 
find a chief butler, a chief baker, a captain of the guards, &c. Per- 
sons of distinction were then dravm in chariots, of which they had 
various kinds, suited to a variety of occasions. The establishment of 
die queens of Egypt must have been very splendid, if we may judge 
of it from what Diodorus relates, that the whole revenue of the fishing - 
of ^e lake Mceris was allotted for the purpose of finding those prin- 
cesses in robes and perfumes. This sum was by no means inconside- 
rable, for it was said to amount to a talent a-day. (Diod. 1. 1. and 
Athen. 1. 1 .) 

The little we know of the ancient Assyrians proves them to have 
been not less addicted to luxury than the Egyptians. Their monarchs, 
from Semiramis down to Sardanapalus, are represented by ancient 
historians as devoted to sensual indulgence and sunk in effeminacy ; 
and if such were the manners of the court, it is impossible that those 
of the people could have been very exemf^y. 

Concemiog the ancient Babylonians, we have much more distinct 
information ; and all ancient writers agree in representing them as a 

NO. XXIII. a. Jl. VOL. XII. D 

60 Inquiry into the Cau$e$ of 

people strongly addicted to luxury and debauchery* The sacred boob 
are fiill of reproaches uttered by the prophets agsinst this depraved 
nation. By Daniel they are represented as altogether devoted to 
gluttony and drunkenness. What we read in this prophet of the feast 
which Balthasar made for |dl his court, at the eve of the taking of Baby- 
lon by CyruSy may serve to give us an idea of the excess and ttcentious- 
ness which reigned in the repasts of the Babylonians. The account given 
by Quiiitus Curtius of the manners of the same people agrees in every 
Fespect with that of the sacred prophet It was a practice almost 
peculiar to the Babylonians of ail the nationa of the East, to admit 
women to their banquets, a circumstance which cannot be supposed 
to have diminished either the luxury or the dissoluteness of the enter- 

The dress of the Babylonians was extremely sumptuous. Eventh^ 
common people, according to Herodotus (1. 1. a. 19^,) had a tunic of 
lawn next their skin, which descended to their feet, in the Eastern 
mode. Above that they wore a woollen robe, and again wnqpped 
themselves in a cloak, which was of an extraordinarily whke ccAor. 
They let their hair grow long, and covered their heads with a kind of 
bonnet or turban. According to the sameaiKthor, and Strabo, (1. l6.) 
each of these people wore a signet on his finger, and never went 
f broad without having in his hand a staff or baton of elegant work^- 
manship, on the top of which was raised some distinguishing oina- 
ment, as a pomegranate, a rose, a lUy, or an eagle. 

Persons oi high rank affected in their dress a much greater degree 
of magnificence. They were not contented with stuffs of silver and 
gold, embellished with splendid dyes and the finest anbroidery ; but 
enriched them still further, with rubies, emeralds, sapphires, peark» 
and all the jewels of the East, Collars of gold were also a part of 
their finery, as Sextus Empiricus informs us. (1. 5. c. 24.) The Ba« 
bylonians too gready del^hted in perfumes, of which they made con- 
stant use;, frequently perfuming the whole body with odori£erotts vm- 
ters, (Herod, ut supra.) The Babylonian perfume was even peculiady 
renowned among the nations of antiquity, for the singular excdlenca 
of its composition. (Athen.l. 15. c. 13. Plut. in Artax.) 

In the decprsitions of their apartments, as might natoiatty be eau- 
.|»cicted, the g^test splendor prevailed. The scripture nuwes mei^ 
tim of vessels of ivory, marble and brass, with wjhich the Babylo- 
nian dwelUnss were adorned; and by the same authority k ^ppears^ 
th^t qiany qi these impJenents were ornamented and enriched with 
precious stones. Costiiy carpets were an article of luxury iawUeh 
the Babylonians bad attained great excellence. Pliny» spesking of a 
eacpet fit for covering those couchea which the ancients made ose of 
at tabl^, says, that &s piece of furaitare, which was the produce off 
the looms of Babylon, waa valued at eighty one thousand scstcrtiB» or 
near six bundled pounds sterling. (1. 8. sect 74). It appears also 
from Herodotus, G< !• »- 199*) tlmt litters were in general use among 
the Babylonians, a sort of conveyance which hasnevcr been employ- 
fd but by a wrfuptttoos and offemioate peo|»le» 

the diversity of Human Character. 51 

The ancient Medes have been scarcely less exclaimed against for 
fheir luxury and effeminacy by the writers of antiquity than the Ba« 
bylonians. In the writings of Herodotus, Xenophpn, Strabo, Athe- 
nseus, Diodorus, and Justin, we find ample proofs of their passion for 
pageantry and luxurious indulgence. They wore long flowing robes 
with large hanging sleeves, a dress well calculated, says Xenophon, 
to conceal the defects of the shape. These robes were woven with 
various splendid colors, and richly embroidered with gold and silver* 
(Herod. 1. 1. n. 1 1 1. Xenoph. Cyrop. 1. 8). They allowed their hab 
to grow, and covered their heads with a tiara, or kind of pointed cap 
of great magnificence. They were besides loaded with bracelets, 
gold chains, and necklaces adorned with precious stones; (lb.) and 
carried their nicety in dress so far as to tinge their eyelids and eyebrows, 
paint their faces, and mingle artificial with their natural hair. (Xen. 
Cyrop. 1. 1.) 

The luxury of the table amongst the Medes was equal to that of 
their dress. Xenophon describes a feast which Astyages gave to the 
youthful Cyrus, in which there was the utmost profusion as well in the 
quantity, as in the variety and quality of the different meats. Ac- 
cording to the same authority, excess in wine was an usual accom- 
paniment of such entertainments. (Cyrop. 1. 1.) That author alsQ 
records an instance of this kind of intemperance sufficiently remarka- 
ble. In the war which C^axares, the last of the Median kings, made 
against the Babylonians, Cyrus, who had joined his arms to those of 
that prince, finding a ^vorable occasion of worsting the enemy, set 
out on the night at the head of all the cavalry. Cyaxares, on the 
contrary, passed the same night in a debauch, which he carried to 
^eat excess with alibis principal officers. (Ut supra.) 

Music, amongst the Medes, was called in to heighten the pleasures of 
the table. They sung and played upon a variety of instruments. The 
monarchs themselves took part in this diversion, and usually in every 
thmg that could animate the jollity of the feast Dancing also is to 
be reckoned among the pleasures of the Medes ; and according to 
Xenophon they gave into it with great ardor and transport. (Cyrop. 
1. 1. and 4.) 

To this detail of the luxurious taste of the ancient Eastern nations, 
I might add what authors have recorded of the magnificence, pageantry 
and effeminacy of the Persian court, during the contest of that nation 
with the Greeks ; the pomp and parade of the court of Armenia, 
during the reign of Tigranes, and so forth : but the description would 
consist of littie other than a repetition of the particulars already stated* 
It ought also to be mentioned, that the taste for luxury and magnifi- 
cence was characteristic of these nations only at certain periods of 
their history ; at those namely, when they had acquired dominion over 
their more feeble and eflfeminate neighbours ; for the Persians and 
Armenians, properly so called, were naturally a hardy and enterprisiiig 
race, sprung firom a rugged soil, and enjoying a tolerably temperate 
climate ; but like many other nations, they were corrupted by cop- 
quest, and contammated by the eflfeminate manners of the people over 
whom they acquired power. 

5S^ - Inquiry into the Games of 

It is equally unnecessary to illustrate the tendency of a sultry climate 
and fertile soil to encourage luxury and effeminacy, by examples drawa 
from modern nations. The prevalence of these vices among the present 
inhabitants of the South and East, among the modern Turks, Persians*, 
Hindoos, Moguls, &c. is too well known to stand in need of proof iir 
this place. 

Let us then proceed to contrast this propensity of the inhabitants of 
warm climates, with what naturally takes pfeice in the temperate regions 
of the earth. There, in the earlier ages of the world, we hear nothing 
of elegant and flowing robes, of cosdy vessels of gold and silver, of 
magnificent houses and equipages, or of delicious and luxurious re- 
pasts. Simplicity in external appearance, and frugality and temperance 
in living, or at least in eating, seem to have been as characteristic of 
these people, as the opposite disposittons were of those just described^ 
Let us here, ast)n former occasions, take for our guide Tacitus, whose 
philosophical account of the maimers of the ancient inhabitants of the 
North of Europe contaius very satisfactory proofs of this remarkable 

" All the Germans,'^ says that author, " cover themselves wFlh a 
cloak, fastened by a clasp, or sometimes by a thorn only. The rich 
are distinguished by a ^vestment, which is. not flowing, as those of the 
Sarmatians and Parthiaus, but fits clbsely to their limbs. They like* 
wise wear the skins of beasts, which are more studiously prepared* 
as we recede from the frontiers. These hides tliey diversify with spots, 
and with the skins of those creatures which the remotest ocean pro- 
duces. Neither does the dress of the women differ from that of the 
men, unless that they sometimes use linen vestments variegated with 
purple ; and that the upper part of their garment is not fashioned 
into sleeves. Their arms are bare to the shoulders, and the upper 
part of the breast is uncovered.** " There are," says he, " to be 
seen among them vessels of silver, received as gifts by their embassar 
dors and princes : but they are emplbyed with as little ceremony, as 
Ifiose of earth.'' " That the Germans do not inhabit cities,** says he^ 
•* is sufficiently known. They dwell apart' from each other, accord- 
ing as they are attracted by some favorite fountain, field, or grove. 
They make no use of cement, or of tiles ; and in general employ ia 
their houses materials that are rude and inelegant. Some few places 
they diligently cover with an earth of such purity and splendor, that 
it produces the effect of a colored painting.** ** Their food," h« says, 
*' is simf^e, consisting of wild apples, game^ milk and cheese ; and 
served without show or any extraneous iJicitement." What he writea 
concerning their funereal ceremonies strongly marks the prevailing 
simplicity of manners. ** They are not desirous of funereal honors. 
The only ceremonial is, that the bodies of illustrious persons are 
consumed by certain woods. The funeral pile is ornamented neither 
, witli garments, nor with perfumes. The arms alone, and sometimes 
the horse of the deceased, are bestowed upon it. A turf distinguishes 
the sepulchre. The cumbrous honors of a i^onument, as displeasing 
te the departed shade, are uniformly contemned. They soon dismiss, 
cries and lamentation, but long retain a real grief. It is reckoned 

the Diversity of Human Character. S3 

f>eeoiiiing in the women ta bewail their loss : in the men to remember 
it only/ 

Such is the contrast that may be traced in the manners of the peo- 
ple of the South and of the NortJi, or more properiy in those of the 
inhabitants of a sultry and of a temperate ctimate. Among the first 
a passion for empty show, and the deUghts of the senses, is found to 
prevail ; the latter are naturally little charmed by external splendor, and 
are too hardy to place much value on luxurious indulgence. Their 
pleasures and amusements are usually of a very different class. They 
are not sought in costly robes, downy couches, or splendid banquets : 
but in the arduous toils of the cbace, in contests of strength or warlike 
skill, or in listening to the traditionary legends which record the feats 
and prowess of their ancestors: Tacitus mentions it as a prevailing 
amusement of the German youth, to expose themselves naked in a 
dance amidst swords and javelins,* an exercise lydl calculated to qua- 
lify them for the toils of war. How well they^encountered the dangers 
of the iight, we are already qualified to judge, from what our author 
records of the heroism of the chosen band of the companions to the 
prince. To this we may add his testimony of the high spirit of honor 
prevalent among the German soldiers, which rendered it the height of 
disgrace to relinquish their shield in battle. *' Those," says Tacitus, 
*' who met with this misfortune, were disqualified from assisting at 
the sacred rites or appearing in council, and many of tiiose who 
ignominiously survived a battle, terminated their shame by a volui^ 
tary death."' 

' " Tegumeu omnibus sagum^ fibula, aut, si desit, spina consertum. 
Locupletissimiveste distinguuntur nonfluitante, sicutSarmats acParthi, sed 
stricta et singulos a^tus exprimente. Gerunt et ferarum pelles proximi ripsa 
negligenter, ulteriores exquisitius, ut quibus nullus per commercia cultus^ 
Eligunt feras, et detracta vclamina spargunc maculis, pellibusque belluarun^ 
quas exterior oceanus atque ienotum mare gignit. Nee alius feminis quam 
iriris habitus nisi quod femuise saepius lineis amictibus velantur, eosque 
.purpura variant, partemque vestitus superioris in manicas noa extendunt, 
nudae bracbia ac lacertos. Sed et proxima pars pectoris patet/' ^ Est videre 
apud illos argentea vasa legatis et principibus eonim muneri data, n<^ in 
alia vilitate quslm quae humo finguntur/' '' Nullas Germanorum populis 
urbes habitan satis notum est, ne pati qiiidem inter sejunctas sedes. Colunt 
^iscreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit. Ne csementorum 
quidem a^pud illos aut tegularum usus. Materia ad omnia utuntur informi, 
et citra speciem aut delectationem. Quaedam loca diligentius ilUnunt terra 
ita pura ac ^plendentc, ut pictucam ac linearoentacolomm imitetur.'' " Cibi 
simplices,, agrestia poma, reoens fera, aut lac concretum. Sine apparatu, 
sine blandimentis expeliunt famem.*' " Funerum nulla ambitio. Id solum 
observatur, ut corpora clarorum virorum certis lignis crementur. Stniem 
rogi, nee vestibus, nee odoribus cumulant. Sua cuiqiie arma quorundam 
igniet equus adjtcitur. Sepulchrum cespes erigit. Monumentorum arduum 
et operosum- honorem, ut gravem deftinctis aspernantur. Lamenta ac la- 
crymas cito, dolorem et tristitiam tarde ponunt. Feminis lugere bonestum 
est: viris meminisse." 

* *' Genus spectaculorum unum atque in omni ccetu idem. Nudi juvenes, 
quibus idludicrum est, inter ^ladios se atque infestas frameas saltujaciunt.'' 

3 Scutum reliquisse praecipuum fiagitium. Nee aut sacris adesse, aut 
concilium inire ignominioso fas* Multique tuperstites bellorum infamiam 
laqueo finierunt. 

54 Inquiry into the Causes of 

There is one kmil of seastial indulg^nte, to wiuck the natioiis of 
the north appear to have been more addicted than those of the south, 
tiamely intoxication. " The Germans/' says Tacitus, " have not the 
same temperance in drinking as in eadi^. If one were to indulge 
their love for tiquor to the extent of their desires, they might be con^ 
quered not less easily by their vices than by arms/'' This iprc^n- 
sity may be called the vice pardy of their climate, partly of their 
rude and uncivilized state. In countries where the cold is occa-* 
sionally piercing, as was the case in ancient Germany, the inhabitants 
are much inclined to indulge in strong liquors ; and in such countries 
this indulgence is not accompanied with liie same madness of intoxica- 
tion nor productive of the same deleterious effects upon the constitu- 
tion, as in those of a warmer climate. It is likewise universally found 
that men but a litde degree removed from the savage state, are 
prone to this pernicious indulgence which effectually for a time re- 
lieves them from the painfril listlessness occasioned by their want of 
intellectual employment. The habits of the present North Araericaa 
Indians afford a satbfactory commentary upon these observatioBs ; 
and indeed in many particulars bear a very close resemblance to 
those of the Germans as described by Tacitus. Among them 
we find the same passion for miUtary glory, the same contempt of 
danger and even death ; the same patient endurance of every priva- 
tion, with the same occasional tendency to excess. In one important 
particular however, there was a remarkable distinction. Among the 
ancient Germans, the female sex was in very high estimation ; hiaSt 
among the N<Mrth Ama^can Indians its cmidition is low, which seems 
to arise from a frigidity of constitution, natural to those tribes. 

The Germans, according to Tacitus, employed for a smgular pur« 
pose their proneness to convivial excess. They were accustomed 
during their potations to deliberate concerning peace and war ; judg* 
ing that at no other period was the mind more ardent, or more free 
from the bias of crooked policy. They took care, however, not to 
resolve finally till sober reflection returned.* The whole nation* 
of Scandinavia were greatly addicted to excess in tiquor ; insomuch 
that the quaffing endless draughts of beer makes a conspicuous figure 
among the joys of the inunortals as described in the £dda. The 
Russians of the North are to this day too much addicted to the same 
vice. But the particulars above detailed of the manners <^ the Baby- 
lonians and other Southern nations, serve to prove that it is a vice by 
BO means confined to the people of the colder regions of the earth. 

An amusement of a far more dignified nature in which the ancient 
Scandinavians and Germans highly delighted was the poetical recital 

— I^^ii^—— I II I I ■ 1^ ■ ■ I ■ II ■ ■! — ^i^W^^— ^^i^^ 

■ Adversus sitim non eadem temperantia. Si indulseris ehrietati sug« 
gerendo quantum concupiscunt, baud minus facile vitiis quam armis vin« 

^ De pace denique ac bello plerumque in conviviis consultant i tanquam 
nullo magis tempore aut ad simplices cogitationes pateat animus, aut ad 
magnas incalescat. Ergo detecta et nuda omnium mens postera die retrac- 
tatur, et salva utriusque temporis ratio eht. Deliberant, dum fingere nes- 
ciunt : constituunt, dum errare non possunt 

the dhersUy of Human Character, 55 


<if tte heroic deeds of their ancestors. Such recitals, according to 
Tacitnsi inflamed the courage of the Germans, and served them as 
omens of the fortune of future wai£ire. Nor Was it so much by the 
charms of harmony as by the display of heroism that the hearers 
were delighted, for, according to that author, a harshness of tone was 
affected, and the voice was rendered deeper and more resounding by 
tile application of a sftueld to the mouth of the bturd." Both Strabo 
tod Diodorus Siculus make mention of the bards of the ancient Gauls^ 
to whom they assign the province of composing songs in praise of 
deceased heroes« Lucan speaks of this respe^ed class of men in the 
Ibllowing terms: 

Vos quoque, qui fortes animas, belloque peremtas, 
Laudibus in loneuin vates diniittitis aevum, 
Plurima securi fudistiscarminabardi. 

It were easy to multiply evidence of the universal prevalence of 
thia profession among the nations of the north, and the high estimation 
in which it was held. In ancient chronicles, the kings of Denmark, 
Sweden and Norway are refHresented as constantly attended by bard^ 
which were there called Scalds or Scalders, and treated with the 
highest respect. Harold Hiur&ger, we are informed, placed these min- 
strels above all his other officers ; and employed them in negociations 
of the gaeatest importance. Hacon earl of Norway, in a celebrated 
engagement against the warriors of Tomsbuig, was attended by five 
bards, each of whom animated the courage of the soldiers when about 
to engage, by a war^-^ong : and mention is made by Saxo-Gramma- 
licus, in Us description of a battle between Waldemar and Sueno, 
of a scald w bard belonging to the former, who advanced to the fix>nt 
of the army, and in a pathetic strain of poetry, reproached Sueno for 
the murder of his own father. 

The term bard is of British or Celtic origin, and those among the 
ancient British who were of this profesnon, formed a distinguished 
class among the Druids, and employed their strains in order to excite 
religious enthusiasm, as well as the ardor for military glory* Among 
the Caledonians, «ven of the most remote antiquity, we have a singular 
proof of the high powers of this distinguished order, in the Poems of 
Osfiian, supposing the authenticity of these productions to be estab- 
lished. This most accomplished of all the bards of Celtic antiquity 
was not less remarkable by the dignity of his birth, than by the sub- 
limity c^ his genius, since he was the son of that very king of Morven 
whose exploits he has so exqubitely celebrated. This circumstance 
is by no means inconsistent with the character of the times ; for in 


' Sunt illis hsc quoque carmina, quorum relatu quern Barditum vocant, 
accendunt animos futuraeque pugns rortunam ipso cantu augu^antur, ter> 
tentenim, trepidantve^rout sonuit acies. Nee tarn vocis ille quam virtutis 
concentus videtur. Afifectatur prxcipue asperitas soni et fractum murmur 
olyectis ad os scutis, quo plenior et gravior vox repercussu intumtscat. 

,56 Inquiry into the Causes of 

many other instances was the ancient character of bard united with 
elevated rank and warlike £ime. Regnar» king of Denmark^ was no 
less distinguished in poetry than in war. Rogwald, earl of Orkney, 
passed for one of the ablest poets of his day. Harald the valiant, who 
florished in the eleventh century, has immortalized himself by a 
beautiful poem, in which he complains that, notwithstandmg his nu- 
merous achievements, he is unable to subdue the scorn of a beauteous 
Russian princess. 

Among the Indians of North America, it is a favorite amusement to 
listen to songs which detail in animated language. the warlike eiploits 
of their ancestors. These poetical effusions, however, are not executed 
by any particular class of men, but are generally left to the seniors, 
or those who happen to be most versant in such traditionary lore. 
But we have very satisfactory evidence, that among the Greeks, 
during the heroic ages, the esteem for such martial poetry was so grea^ 
that it formed the employment of a separate profession, as among the 
ancient Scandinavians. Homer makes honorable mention of Tha- 
myris and Tiresias, two celebrated bards of those ages ; and he de- 
scribes as one of the highest gratifications at the court of Alcinous the 
bard Demodocus, pouring forth to the sound of the lyre his lofty 
strains. It'can hardly be considered as degrading to this divine poet 
himself, to enrol him among a class of men, anciently so highly ho- 
nored, if, as is justly his due, we place him foremost in the list of all 
the cdebrated bards of antiquity. 

Among the people of warmer climates, poetry and music have at 
all times been sought after as occasional sources of pleasure : but we 
do not find that they ever attained to that dignified rank, which 
they evidently possessed among the nations just mentioned. They 
were considereid only as fleeting amusements, calculated to heighten 
the pleasures of the table, or fill up a vacant hour, but by no means 
adapted to elevate or invigorate the soul. Hence it does not appear 
that the profession of poet ever rose to much dignity among the in* 
habitants of the torrid regions. Like that of a mere musician in 
^ modem times, it was encouraged as an occasional luxury, but the 
talents which it demanded were not considered as of the most honor- 
able kind. It was not deeds of arms, and heroic achievements that 
formed the fiivorite subjects of Eastern poetry, but the softer blan- 
dishments of love, luxurious and highly-colored description, and the 
eccentric wanderings of a lively and unchastened imagination. 

If such be the character of Asiatic poetry, would a monarch of 
that country ever have thought of employing one of his minstrels for 
the purpose, which, according to Homer, Agamemnon intended to ef- 
fect by a celebrated musician or bard of his time? On setting out 
for Troy, that prince, if we may credit the poet, in order to secure 
the fidelity of his queen Clytemnestra, left her under the charge of a 
bard, whose office it was to regulate her unruly desires by the sound 
of his lyre. Egysthus, he adds, could not triumph over the virtue of 
Clytenmestra tSl he bsKl put to death the minstrel whose strains had 

the diversity of Human Character. 57 

nah a salutary effect. (See Odyss. L 3. v. 267, &c.) Whatever there 
may be in this story, it shows that among the ancient Greeks, poetry 
and music were not considered as frivolous amusements, but as ra- 
tional and dignified enjoyments. In confirmation of this, many other 
&cts might easily be adduced, such as Solon promulgating Ids laws 
to the sound of bis lyre, his queUiog a sedition at Athens by the same 
means ; the great emcacy ascribed to the music of Timotheus upon 
the manners of the Lacedemonians ; and various other particulars^ 
which are so generally known, that it would be superfluous to detail 
them in this place. 

This remarkable distinction in the character of the poetry and music 
of sultry and of temperate climates, seems to have had very extensive 
effects upon the prevaihng amusements and occupatiojis of the people 
of these different regions. Among the luxurious Asiatic nations, as 
we have had occasion to remark, the gratifications of the table, the 
splendor of equipage, ornament and dress were among the principal 
sources of enjoyment ; and poetry and music were only occasionally 
called in to exhilarate the festive hour, or furnish a new incitement to 
the palled appetite. Among the people of more temperate regions, 
on the contnuy, the mind was interested by the exertions of the min- 
strel ; he was listened to with the ardor of enthusiasm, as he poured 
forth in song the exploits of former ages, and the praise of departed 
heroes. His maxims were considered as the precepts of experience, 
and his sentiments as the dictates of virtue. He was not only ad- 
mired and cherished, but he was also esteemed and honored. 

It followed as a natural consequence that among these nations 
poetry aiid music gradually rose to a state of high cultivation, as the 
people emerged firom barbarism, and as the various arts became objects 
of lively interest and curiosity. Among the Greeks, when the useful 
arts of life were at the lowest ebb, when princes were in the habit of 
performing for themselves the most menial oflices, and when their 
domestic comforts were not much greater than those now possessed by 
the meanest peasant, the art of poetry, and as may reasonably be 
supposed, its twin sister music were in a very high state of improve* 
ment. It was during this almost barbarous period, that Homer, the 
sublimest poetical genius that the world has yet seen, arose : and the 
aera of hb immortal compositions adds not a little to the interest 
which is roused by their intrinsic merit. The poems of Homer carry 
with them distinct traces of the rudeness of the age in which they 
were composed ; and if there were any doubts of Uieir authenticity^ 
there is sufficient internal evidence to remove all such uncertainty* 
In these poems we find the liveliest pictures of genuine simplicity of 
manners, not unmixed with a considerable degree of rudeness and even 
barbarism; and many of the maxims and sentiments of morality are 
such as cannot be approved by a more refined age. But we Ukewise 
find, along with the sublimest effusions of genius, the language of true 
heroism, and sentiments admirably adapted to rouse the enthusiasm 
of a warlike people : occasionally too we meet with the most moving 
delineations of the softer and more attractive emotions of the human 

58 Inquify into the Causts of 

Inreast, of compassion for the distressed, of filial piety, and of coojngift 

We shHll look in vaio for such sentiments io the poetical composition* 
of the luxurious Asiatic nations of the same period ; or even of an 
age of much greater refinement, while in Greece the age of Homer 
was succeeded by a poetical aera of neariy equal genius, and of much 
greater correctness of sentiment. That country will always be pe- 
culiarly distinguished for having given birth to the drama, an applica- 
tion of the poetic art, which has been productive of very remarkable 
effects upon the manners of mankind. The origin and progress of 
dramatic poetry are much better known, than of almost any other art, 
and the honor of both is almost entirely due to Greece. It was at 
Athens that Thespis first taught the singers at the festival of Bacchus 
to intermix with their odes in honor of the divinity, an episodical 
fiible expressive of some interesting event ; it was there that Eschylus 
brought forward his actors completely prepared to represent the cha* 
lacters to which the fiible related ; and that Sophocles and Euripides 
brought the Greek tragedy to its most perfect state. The Greek 
comedy also was invented and perfected in the same city. 

The drama we still consider as a school of manners ; but at the 
period of ^society of which we are treating, its influence in this respect 
must have been much more considerable. Rude men are much more 
caught by spectacles than the polished and refined ; and the Grecian 
drama vi^as calculated by the splendor of its decorations, the power 
of its music, and the sublimity of its poetry, to produce the most 
impressive effect. We find accordingly that the Greeks had a pas- 
nonate fondness for theatrical representations, and bestowed much at- 
tention upon their regulation. At Athens, commissaries were named 
by the state, whose office it was to judge of the merit of dramatic 
pieces: none were allowed to be represented that had not been exa- 
mined by the commissaries: that which obtained the plundity of 
sufirages was crowned or declared victorious, and represented at the 
expense of the republic with ail possible pomp and magnificence. (Plut. 
in Cimone.) 

The sentiments in the Greek tragedies are in general calculated to 
inspire heroism, the love of freedom, ardent patriotism, parental and 
filial affection, a contempt of danger and even of death, in the cause of 
our native country, and a pious submission to the will of the Gods* 
Such too were the prevailing opinions of the people to whom these 
4ramas were addressed. The Greek comedy, along with much appro- 
priate satire on the prevailing absurdities and vices of the age, in- 
dulged too much, it must be acknowledged, in personal invective, 
coarse indelicacy, and looseness of morality. But in its last stage of 
improvement it became greatly refined of this dross ; and constituted 
on the whole a lively and not uninstructive delineation of humait 
manners. Taking the ancient drama as consisting both of tragedy 
and comedy, it will be allowed, that it was calculated to produce very 
happy effects upon a people who were taught to consider it as a source 
of high enjoyment, and to devote to it their most precious hours of 
ease and relaxation. 

the diversity of Human Character. 69 

Among the loxnrioiis nations of Asia we find scarce any traces of 
dramatic poetry, and it does not appear that in that countiy dramatic 
exhibitions ever formed a common source of amusement :' the pre* 
vailing pleasures of these nations were certainly of a less rational and 
dignilied kind ; they were directed to the senses and the passions^ 
nther than to the intellect or the imagination ; and were more calcu« 
lated to debase than to elevate the dignity of the human character. 
The history of the nations of the East is in perfect conformity to these 
conclusioDSy for it uniformly exhibits to our view examples of effemi- 
f^'^y, pusillanimity, and sensuality ; while that of the European nations 
of antiquity as uniformly abounds with instances of hardiness, hero- 
ism, and magnanimity. 

If we inquire into the peculiar manners and amusements of the 
tatives of extremely coM regions, we shall find that, as in former 
eases, there is a decided advantage in favor of the people of temper* 
ate climates ; although there is not here the same analogy which we have 
liitherto found between the effects of climates, which greatly exceed 
the middle temperature, either by their heat or by their cold. The 
prevailing characteristic of the inhabitant of the circumpolar regions 
appears to be apathy and indifference. His passions are torpid ; and 
lus desires limited to a provision against the immediate wants of nature. 
With him, therefore, luxury is a thing utterly unknown. His hut, hh 
dress, and his utensils, are formed with no farther view than to pro* 
tect him from the rigors of his climate, and to supply his most press* 
ing necessities. And his time is too much taken up in providing for 
the wants of the moment, or in indulging his propensity to indolence, 
to allow of his cultivating the elegant arts of hfe, or of fomiing a taste 
for any of the more rational and refined sources of amusement. 

There is evidence of a better taste for poetry among some of the 
Northern tribes, than could well have been expected from their very 
rude and barbarous condition. Some of the songs of the Laplanders 
exhibit a refined tenderness, and delicacy of sentiment, which would 
Aot discredit a polished nation. Such is particularly the case with 
two of their love songs, preserved by Scheffer in bis history of Lap- 
land, and which have been repeatedly translated into English. The 
general character of the Laplanders, indeed, stands higher than that 
of most of the other Arctic or Antarctic tribes. They are a gentie, 
harmless, and friendly race, strongly attached to one another, and 
kind and hospitable to strangers. But they are at the same time in* 
dolent and timid, destitute of that energy, which provides for the 

■ The Chinese form an exception to this remark. It appears by the 
testimony oflate travellers, and particularly by the narratives of the recent 
embassies sent by the British and Dutch East-India Companies, that thea- 
trical exhibitions are a favorite amusement in China, and that the pieces 
Serformed have often considerable merit. In Hindostan, Sir William Jones 
iscovered and translated a regular dramatic poem, the Sacontala, or En* 
€hmUed Ring ; but it does not appear that the exhibitions of the drama 
were ever common in that country. 

60 Inquiry into the Causes of 

gradnal amelioration of the social state, or secures even ffie most 
ordinary comforts of life. 

It must, therefore, be acknowledged, that the high-flown eulogyfof 
Linnaeus, upon the happiness of the Laplanders, is somewhat mis- 
placed — " O happy Laplander," says that learned writer, " who, on 
the utmost verge of habitable earth, livest obscurely, in rest, con- 
tent, and innocence. Thou dreadest not the scanty crop, nor the 
ravages of war, which cannot reach thy shores, while in a single 
moment they waste and destroy the richest provinces of other coun- 
tries. Under thy covering of fur, thou sleepest securely, a sttanger 
to care, ccmtention, strife, and envy. .Thou hast* no danger to fear, 
but from the thunder of heaven. Thy harmless days slide on in 
health to extreme old age. Millions of diseases, which ravage the rest 
of the world, are unknown to thee. Thou livest like a bird in tke 
woods, obliged neither to sow nor to reap, for bounteous Providence 
has provided for all thy wants." ' Such a panegyric, according to 
Lord Kaimes, might with more propriety be appUed to an oyster — 
for; says he, '' no creature is freer nrom want, no creature freer from 
, war, and probably no creature is freer from fear ; which, alas ! is not 
the case of the Laplander.'^ (Sketches, b. 2. Sk, 1.) 

The manners, pursuits, and amusements, then, congenial to tero- 
|>erate cUmates, are, in every respect, to be preferred to those natural 
to climates either of extreme heat or c(M; The inhabitant of tem- 
perate regions, neither sunk in luxury and effeminacy, like the Asiatic, 
nor chilled into apathy, like the Greenlander, is fiond of active amuse* 
ment, of the sports of the field, of the recital of the exploits of his 
ancestors, and of the sublime efiiisions of genius, in the higher and 
more instructive species of poetry, music, and song. 

3dly. The last of those indirect effects which I cx>nceive climate to 
produce upon human character, is reducible to the head of laws and 
j;overnment. If ctimate has a sensible influence upon the strength 
' and vigor of the human constitution ; if it perceptibly braces or 
enervates the tone of the mind; if it gives a character to the ordinary 
pursuits and amusements of a people, it is a natural conclusion, thsHt 
it will not be without its effects upon their poUtical institutions, their 
code of laws, and form of government; for these must be chiefly de- 
termined by the general character and dispositions of the people. 

If the natives of sultry cUmates be, as we have represented thear. 

' " O felix Lapo, qui in uliimo angulo mundi sic bene lates, contentus 
et innocens. Tu nee times annons caritatein, nee Martis prselia quae ad 
tuas eras perveuire nequeunt, seel florentissimas Europae proviocias et urbes, 
unico momento, saepe dejiciunt et delent. Tu dormis hie sub tua pelle, ab 
omnibus curis, contentionibus, rixis, liber, ignoraiis quid sit invidia. Tu 
nulla nosti di&crimina nisi tonantis Jovis fulmina. Tu ducis innocentissi- 
mos tuos annos ultra centenarium numerum, cum facili 'senectute, et sum- 
ma sanitate. Te latent n);yriades morborum nobis Europsis communes, 
Tu vivis in sylvis, avis instar, nee sementem facis, nee metis ; tamen alitte 
Deus optimus optime." (Flor. Lappon.) 

the Diversity of Human Character. 61 

iltttQTaQy prone to indolence and sensual indulgence, and scarcely 
susceptible of high intellectual exertion, it is evident that we are not 
to look among them for the origin of a free political constitution, or 
the invttition of just and eqnsd laws. To obey implicitly the will of 
another, is butatriflmg hardship upon one, whose character is devoid 
of all energy and activity ; who has scarcely a wish beyond those 
immediate gratifications, with which his prolific soH plentifully supplies 
Iiim ; and who, if he be left in repose, and in the undisturbed enjoyment 
of *the luxuries natural to his cbmate, ha^ hardly a desire ungratified. 
Where the necessaries, and even conveniencies, of life are so easily 
obtained, they will naturally be considered as comparatively but of 
little value. If they are taken away by force, the injury will be 
looked upon as trivial, and consequently wiH scarcely be provided 
tor by any adequate institutions. Where the circle of enjoyment is 
confined to a few gratifications of sense, the varieties of injurious 
treatment are by no means numerous, and do not demand a compli- 
cated system of civil or criminal law, in order that they may be suffi 
ciently guarded against. 

In the torrid regions, therefore, we are not to expect a complrcatedt 
system of politicsd regulations, or well digested codes of crimes and 
punbhments. It is not there that we can look for a people jealous' 
of their rights, and anxious to assert their liberties against the usur- 
pations of the powerful and ambitious. We are rather to expect 
arbitrary government, a deficiency of just and equal laws, the most 
unfeeling oppression on the part of the rulers, and the most abjed: 
submission on the part of those who are subjected to their sway. 

If we examine history, we shall find that such has actually been 
the condition of those regions from the remotest ages. Among the 
people of Eastern and Southern Asia, despotic government seems to 
have been nearly coeval with the world itself. In Babylonia, Nimro<f 
laid the foundation of absolute power in the ages immediately after 
the flood ; and from the little we learn of him, we have reason to 
believe that his sway was tyrannical and oppressive. All the nations 
spoken of by Moses, the Assyrians, Elamites, the inhabitants of 
nlestine, and those who dwelt on the banks of the Jordan, were 
without exception under the doniinion of kings. In Egypt, too, 
there was an absolute monarch, and we find by the facts recorded in 
scripture, that his power was but too often exercised in the oppression 
6f his subjects. Even the Israelites themselves, though favored by 
the h'ghts of divine inspiration, and originally governed by a code of 
sacred origin, were unable to resist the general propensity of the people 
around them, and called loudly for a king to rule over theml The 
kingly government was accordingly established in their country, and 
continued ever after to prevail in its most oppressive form. 

The most ancient nation of the East, of which pro&ne history 
takes particular notice, is the Assyrian, and there monarchical govern- 
ment was early established in its utmost rigor. What we learn of 
Behis, of Ninus, and of Semiramis, is entirely conformable to this 
assertion. Of Ninias» the saccessos of Semiramis^ die ancicoil^ 

69 Inquiry into the CauHs <f 

writers hare given several particuhr detaib, and they snfficientff 
establish the tyranny of the kings of Nineveh. This monarchy 
according to Diodorus and Justin, comnuinded a certain number of 
troops to be levied yearly, in every province ol his empire. With 
this army he formed an encampment round his capital, by which 
ijieaas he kept his subjects in obedience, and was always ready t» 
chastise the rebellious. He likewise took especial care to commit the 
government of his provinces to those who were entirely devoted to 
his person, and each governor was obliged to repahr annually 4o 
Nineveh, to give an account of his conduct. (Diod. 1. 2* Nic. Damasc.) 

It is mentioned by Diodorus, that Ninias kept himself continually 
secluded within the walls of his palace, (1.2.) as if apfH-ehensive that 
the awe with which he wished to inspire his subjects should be dimi^ 
nished by too near an approach to his person. He was not, however^ 
of that effeminate cast, by which his successors in the Assyrian 
empire were so greatly debased ; for it is admitted by the ancient 
historians, that he took care to place good generals at the head of 
his armies, experienced governors in his provmces, and able judges 
in his cities; in a word, that he neglected nothing that seemed neces* 
sary to preserve order and tranquillity in his dominions, and that he 
maintained peace during his whole reign. 

In the character of Ninias, then, we behold a despotic, but not a 
cruel or oppressive prince. It is, however, but seldom that absolute 
power is untarnished by such excesses. Where there is no restraint 
upon the wilJ, no check upon the caprices of human nature, the baser 
passions are but too apt to assume an unbridled sway. The history of 
the Roman emperors will ever afford a memorable lesson of the dangers 
9f excessive power, and will teach enlightened men to wish to live 
wder a limited authority, as the only safeguard against the most 
wanton cruelty, and the most unblushing profligacy. We read of a 
Persian vizier, who, every morning when he left the presence of his 
sultan, used to satisfy himself whether his head stood firm upon hia^ 
shoulders. A stronger picture can hardly be exhibited of the abject 
terror which must ever prevail in a despotic government. 

Absolute monarchy has, from the remotest ages to the present 
times, continued to be the only known form of government throc^h- 
out the extensive regions of the Southern and Eastern world. In that 
boundless tract, the inhabitants have, from generation to generation^ 
quietly submitted to the arbitrary will of favored individuals, whom 
enterprise or accident may have elevated to the seat of power. We 
lead, indeed, of many struggles for the succession of a monarchy; of 
bloody wars, plots, and assassinations, undertaken by rival candidates 
^r a throne ; or by some fortunate conqueror filled with the ainhi-< 
tion of universal dominion. But we hear of no contests entered into 
by the people for the defence of their rights agaipst the encroach- 
ments of their lulers, no struggles for equal laws and a free constitu* 
tion, no steady claims of a strict and incorrupt administration of justice* 

It clearly follows from this, that submission to absolute authority ia 
sturdy congenial to the people of those re||i<»i8 ; and is founded 

the Diversity of Human Character. 63 

«pon causes as permanent as the soil and climate of the regions Ibem* 
selves. A republic, a democracy, or even an aristocracy, are things 
which have never been heard of among these nations, and the niean^ 
ing of which it would be difficult to make them understand. " A V«. 
netian, named Balby," says the French collector of voyages to the 
Indies, '' being at Pegu, was introduced to the king. When his 
majes^ learnt that there was no king at Venice, he burst into such a 
violent fit of laughter, that, he was seized with a cough, and was unable 
for some time to speak to his courtiers." (T. S. p. 1.) He was pro- 
bably as much inclined to disbelief as his brother monarch of Bantam, 
upon being informed that in winter the waters of the rivers in Europe 
became so solid, that men could walk upon them. 

In countries governed by the absolute will of a despot, it is almost 
superfluous to inquire what were the laws, or system of jurisprudence; 
for where all must yield to the mandate of an individual, law is ren- 
dered absolutely nugatory. From the little that has descended to us 
concerning the laws, or rather usages, of the regions now under 
consideration, we are induced to form a very unfavorable opinion of 
their spirit. We find them severe and oppressive, deficient in the 
discrimination of the degrees of guilt, and inflicting the heaviest 
punishments on every kind of crime. We see in very early times^ 
Thamar condemned to be burnt for adultery (Gen. c. 38.) ; and in 
the Egyptian laws we find this punishment inflicted not only for adul« 
tery, but for much more venial crimes. Among the Israelites, bias* 
pheuiy, idolatry, profanation of the sabbath, smiting or cursing father 
or mother, were all punished with death, and even with the most cruel 
kinds of death. Indeed, we find the ancient penal laws of almost 
every country, uncommonly severe ; and it requires the collective 
wisdom of ages to render the criminal code, even of a free country, 
at all conformable to the principles of real justice. 

The only polislied nations of antiquity, who have been celebrated 
for legislative wisdom, are the Greeks and Romans : for the legal system 
of the Egyptians, which has sometimes been famed, was rather a re^^ 
ligious than a civil code. It was among the Greeks and Romans too« 
tliat republican government was first matured, and that full scope was 
given to the noblest exertions of tiie human faculties. These were 
the favored soils in. which freedom firbt fixed her seat; it was in their 
temperate climate that she first took firm root, and produced those 
happy fruits which have been found to spring firom her alone. It was 
there that the world first beheld unshaken patriotism, undaunted va- 
lor, and the noblest exertions of intellect in all the departments of 
science and of art. 

But it is not from the example of the Greeks and Romans alone that 
we infer, that temperate climates are favorable to independence of 
ipirit, security of rights, and the administration of just and equal 
laws. Among our rude fore&thers we shall find the same repugnance 
at despotic government, as among the inhabitants of Latium, of Athens, 
or of Sparta ; we shall even find a free political constitution well 
<^rgamsea and digested ; and we can discover the distinct embryo of 


64 . Inquiry into the Causes of 

that admirable system of limited government, which has long .been the 
boast of Britons, and the envy of the world. " C'est d'eux (les Ger-. 
mains)/' says Montesquieu, " que les Anglois ont tir6 Tid^e de leur 
gouvemement. €e beau systeme a ete trouv6 dans les bois." 

The treatise of Tacitus concerning the maimers of the Germans 
amply confirms the truth of this observation. " The Germans/' says 
that writer, ** choose their kings, on account of the splendor of their 
race : their generals, on account of their bravery. But the power of 
their kings is not unbounded, or arbitrary ; and their generals rule ra- 
ther by example than authority. Afiairs of smaller moment are en- 
trusted to the chiefs ; but in those of higher consequence, the whole 
nation deliberates: in such a manner, however, that those matters 
which depend upon the will of the people, are examined and disimssed 
by the chiefs. If they are not prevented by any emergency, they all 
convene upon stated days, and generally when the moon changes, or is 
full. From their unrestricted freedom, this inconvenience arises, that 
they do not all assemble at once, like men under the influence Of com- 
mand, but sometimes a second or a third day is consumed by the tar- 
diness of those who collect together. They sit down armed, in a pro- 
miscuous crowd. The priests command silence; and in them the 
power of correction is vested. Then the king or principal chief is first 
lieard ; and the rest in order, according to theur precedence in age, ia 
nobility, in warlike renown, or in eloquence; and their influence arises 
rather from their ability to persuade, than their authority to command. 
If the proposed measure displeases, it is rejected by a confused mur- 
mur: if it is approved, they brandish their javelins. To assent by 
armSy is the most honorable species of approbation. In this assembly 
it is lawful to present accusations, and to prosecute for capital offences. 
Punishments vary according to the quality of the crime. In the same 
assembly, also, are chosen their cliiefs or rulers, who are to administer 
justice in the various towns and districts. To each of these are con- 
joined an hundred persons chosen from the common people, who are 
to aid them both by their authority and advice.' 


* " Regesex nobilitate, duces ex virtute suniUnt. Nee regibus infinita 
aut libera potestas, et duces exemplo potins qu^m imperio praesunt. De 
minoribus rebus priucipes consultant, de majoribus omnes ; ita tamen ut ea 

2uoque quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes pertractentiTr. 
loeunt, nisi quia fortuitum et subitum inciderit, certis diebus, cum aut 
iuchoatur luna aut impletur. Illud ex llbertate vitium, quod non simul,. 
nee jussi conveniunt, sed et alter et tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium 
absumitur. Ut turbaB placuit, considunt armati. Silentiuin per sacerdotes^ 
quibus turn et coercendi j^iis est, iniperatur. Mox. rex vel princeps, prout 
aetascuique, prout nobilitas, prout decus bellorum, prout facundiaest, audi- 
untur, auctoritate suadeudi magis quam jubendi potestate. Si displicuit 
sententia, fremitu aspernantur : sin placuit, frameas concutiunt. Honora- 
tissimum assensus genus est armis laudare. Licet apud concilium accusare 
quoque et discrimen capitis intendere. Distinctio pcenarum ex delicto. 
Eiiguntur in iisdem conciliis et principes, qui jur^ per pagos vicosque red- 
dunt. Centeni sin^Iis ex plebe comites^ consilium simul et auctorita^ 
adsunt'* (Tacitus de Mor. Ger.) 

the Diversity of Human Character. 65 

What an admirable picture is h^e displayed of manly independence^ 
and a dignified sense of the rights of the lower orders in the state! We 
h^re behold the regulation of public affairs, not entrusted to the arbi- 
trary capnce of a single individual, but subjected to the deliberation of 
the whole people. We behold a due respect paid to rank, to age, as 
to talents ; but we find no servile adulation, no abject submission. 
We behold, in a word, that republican system of government, which 
the political sages of ancient and of modern times have so hi^ly ex- 
tolled ; and winch required only to be modelled into the representative 
form, and guarded by proper checks, to constitute that admirable 
political system, under which we now happily live/- 

It is a melancholy reflection to consider how few are the numbers of 
our fellow creatures, who have at any period enjoyed the blessings of 
such a form of government. Wl^ile the fairest and most extensive por- 
tion of the habitable world has, firom the remotest ages, bowed under the 
yoke of arbitrary despots, the benefits of freedom and equal laws have 
been confined to a very limited space, and have been usually enjoyed 
but for a short interval by the favored people who haVe at any time 
possessed them. So congenial, it would seem, is submission, to the 
greater part of the human race : so difiicuit is the formation of a well 
regulated political constitution : and so hard is it to preserve what is 
thus arduously acquired. 

** II sembleroit,'' says Montesquieu, " que la nature humaine se 
•oul^veroit sans cesse centre le gouvemement despotique. Mais, mat- 
gr6 Tamour des hommes pour la liberty, malgr6 leur haine contre la 
violence, laplupartdespeuples y sontsoumis. Cela est ais6 k com* 
prendre. Pour former un gouvemement mod^r^, il fiiut combiner les 
paissances, lesr^gler, les temp^rer, les (aire agir; donner, pourainsi 
dire, un lest k Tune, pour la mettre en ^tat de r6sister k une autre ; 
c'est un chef d'ceuvre de legislation, que le hazard fieutrarement, et que 
rarementoalaisse faire'^ la prudence. Un gouvemement despotique, 
au contraire, saute, pour ainsi dire, aux yeux ; il est uniforme par* 
tout: comme il ne fiiut que des passions pour T^tablir, tout lemonde 
est bon pour cela.^' (L'esprit des loix, liv. 5. ch. 14.) 

It is of littie use to enquire what are the laws and form of government 
which most naturally arise in countries exposed to the extremity of 

' We find in the laws of the Gothic nations, who overturned the Roman 
empire, additional evidence of the advance made by the people of the 
North in the true principles of legislatioD. The ancient wnters pass the 
highest encomiums on the administration of the Gothic monarchy in Italy, 
under Theodoric the Great. His laws were dictated by the most enlighten- 
ed prudence ; and framed on that benevolent principle which he expressed 
in nis instructions to the Roman Senate. '* Benigni principis est, non tarn 
dtlicta velle punire, quam toUere.'' It is enacted by the laws of the Visi- 
goths, who obtained a permanent footing in Spain, that no judge shall 
decide in any lawsuit^ unless he finds a law in the written code applicable 
to the case. The penal laws of this code are generally tempered with great 
equity. For example, it is enacted that no punishment can affect the heirs 
or the cnminal : '< Omnia crimina suos sequantur auctores,— et iUe solus 
judicetur culpabilis qui culpanda commiserity et crimen cum illo qui fecerit 

NO. XXIII. a. Jl. VOL. XII. E 

fi§ Professor Scott's Ingfwiry, ^c. 

,cold. In these torpid regions, the passions are so blunted, and there 
is* so Uttle of intellectual exertion, that laws are scarcely required or 
thought of. To provide for the bare necessaries of life requires a greater 
efktrt of industry than the indolent inhabitant of the circumpolar re- 
gions is willing to exercise. If this he accomplished, he seeks no 
further enjoyment than an undisturbed repose amid the smoke of his 
hut. It is not, therefore, his inclination, either-to oppress his fellow- 
creatures with usurped powers, or to oppose an effectual resistance to 
the inherited or assumed authority of a chief. Whatever authority it 
exercised m these inactive regions, is rather of tlie paternal than the 
monarchical kind ; it is assumed without opposition, and obeyed with- 
out repugnance. ' 

In the important prerogatives, then, of laws and government, as in 
the other particulars that have come under our review, we find that the 
^inhabitants of temperate climates possess superior advantages over the 
other regions of the earth. It is tiiere only that an equitable system of 
legislation, and a well regulated political constitution, have usually been 
found. It is there that the encroachments of despotism have been 
effectually resisted, and that a permanent provision has been formed 
for the rights of every order in society, tlie lowest as well as the highest. 

Great, then, indeed, are the privileges which naturally belong to the 
temperate regions of the earth ; for, if the preceding investigations be 
well founded, we find them excelling those districts which are exposed 
to the extremes of heat or cold, not only in the natural strength, activity, 
and temperance of their people ; but also in the dignity of the female 
character, in thek habitual manners and amusements, and even in 
their laws and government. 

I shall conclude my observations on this subject with the contrast 
which Montesquieu has drawn between the inhabitants of temperate 
and tropical regions. '* U y a, dans TEurope, nne esp^ce de balance- 
ment entre les nations du midi et celles du nord. Les premieres ont 
toutes sortes de commodites pour la vie, et pen de besoins ; les secondes 
ont beaucoup de besoins, et peu de commodit6s pour la vie. Aux unes, 
la nature a doon6 beaucoup, et elles ne lui demandent que peu ; aux 
autres, la nature donnepeu, et elles lui demandent beaucoup. . L'^qui- 
libre se maintient par la paresse qu'elle a donn^e aux nations du midi, et 
par Findustrie et I'activit^ qu'elle a donn^e k celles du nord. Ces der- 
ni^res sont obligees de travailler beaucoup, sans quo! elles manque- 
rokxA de tout, et deviendroient barbares. C*est ce qui a naturalb^ 
h servitude chez les peuples du midi: comme ils peuvent ais^oient se 
passer de richesses, ils peuvent encore mieux se passer de liberty. 
Mais les peuples du nord ont besoin de la liberty, qui leur procure 
- plus de moyeus de satisfaire tous les besoins que la nature leur a donnas. 
Les peuples dunord sont done dans un^tatforc6, s'ilsne sontiibresott 
barlnires : presque tous les peuples du midi sont, en quelque ^^on^ 
dans un itli violent, s'ils ne sont esclaves." (L'esprit des loix, 1 2U 
ch. 3.) 




Tjlo, iv.^ — Continued from No. XX. p. 236. 


Genesis, vUi. 7- n^ND he sent forth a raven, which went to and • 
fro, until the waters were dried upfront the earth. 

The raven was one of the oldest constellations, and perpetually 
occurs on all the marbles on which the Mithraic emblems are 
engraved. It was indeed in most oriental regions a bird sacred to . 
the sun, and of great request in the mysterious rites of their religion* 
[Maurice*s Ind. Antiq. vol. 5. p, 617. 

Genesis J viii. 8. And he sent forth a dove front him to see iftht 
voters were abated from off the face of the ground. 

Lucian^ in his book de de& Syrid^ mentions three statues in the 
inost holy recess of the temple at Hieropolis, one of which had a 
golden dove upon its head^ which was supposed to have been in*- 
tended for Noah^ there being a variety of circumstances connected 
with the worship and rites of that temple, which justified Ihe 
opinion : this dove, it was asserted^ flew away twice in a year^ at 
the time of the commemoration of the flood. It may be added^ 
that the dove was so sacred^ that pigeons were never eat about 
Hieropolis. [See Cumberland's Sanconiatho, p. d£0. 

Genesisj 3. Eve and the Serpent. 

In the Codex Vaticanus^ a collection of Mexican paintings, is 
a representation of the celebrated serpent woman Cihuacohuatl^ 
called also Quilatzli or Tonacacihua^ woman of our flesh. The 
Mexicans consider her as the mother of the human race, and, after 
the God of the celestial Paradise, Ometeuctli, she held the first 
rank among the divinities of Anahuac. She is always represented 
vrith a great serpent. Behind this serpent, who appears to be 
speaking to the goddess Cihuacohuatl, are two naked figures of a 
different color, in the attitude of contending with each other. The 
serpent woman was considered at Mexico as the mother of two 
twin children. These naked figured are perhaps therefore the chil- 
dren of Cibuacohuatl> and remind us, as Humboldt observes^ of 
the Cain and Abel of the scriptures. [Humboldt's Researches, 
▼ol. i.p. 195. 

Genesis^ viii. £1. And the Lord smelted a sweet savour, S;c. 
^ It seems to have been a general opinion that the deity was gra- 
tified by the fumes arising from burnt offerings. Lucian refers to 
the wound inflicted on Venus by Diomed, Hom. 5., adding^ that the 
greatest luxury of the gods was, instead of victuals, to suck in the ^ 
ftinies that rise from the victims, and the blood of sacrifices that are 
offered to theiii. [Lucian Icaro Menippus, vol. 2. p. 225. 

68 Biblical Stynonymal 

GenenSf xxiii. l6. jind Abraham hearkened unio Ephr<m:an9 
Abraham weighed to Ephron the silver which, he had tiamed in the 
audience of the sons of Heth^four hundred shekels of silver, cur* 
rent money with the merchant. 

This was the most ancieot mode of carrying on commerce* 
There is a curious accouut in Cosroas (called Indicopleustes) to 
be found in Maurice's Ind« Antiq. of its adoption between the in- 
habitants of Axuma^ the capital of £thiopia, and the natives of 
Barbaria> a region of Africa near the sea coast, where were gold 
minesy which gives us a tolerable idea of this primitive kind of 
commerce. Every other year a caravan of merchants, to the num- 
.ber of five hundred, sets off from Axuma, to traffic with the Bar« 
barians for gold, lliey carry with them cattle, salt and iron. On 
their arrival at the mines, they encamp upon a particular spot, and 
expose their cattle with the iron and salt to the view of the natives* 
The Barbarians approach the mart, bringing with them small ingota 
of gold, and after surveying the articles exposed to sale, place on 
or near the animal, salt, or iron, they wish to purchase, one or 
more of the ingots, and then retire to a place at some distance* 
The proprietor of the article, if he thought the gold sufficient, took 
it up and went away, and the purchaser also secured and carried 
a>vay the commodity he desired. If the gold were not deemed 
sufficient, the Axuniite let it remain fixed to the article till either 
more ii^ots were added to satisfy the full demand for it, or the 
first offered taken away. Their total ignorance of each other's 
language rendered this silent mode necessary, and the whole busi- 
n^ss terminated in five days, when the Axumite caravan departed 
hc^mewards, a journey of not less than six months. It was the 
custom of some Indian merchants, as in fact is still practised in 
China, to carry a certain portion of gold or silver into the market, 
and having previously fumbhed himself with proper instruments and 
tcales^ be cut off and weighed out before the vender of the com^* 
modity wanted, as many pieces as were proportioned to the pur« 
obese of it. [Maurice, Ind. Antiq. vol. 7. p. £4. 26. 

Dr. Bell makes the sane observation on the Chinese, who, when 
they have occasion to buy any thing above the value of six 
pence, cut off a piece of silver and weigh it^. [BelTs Travels,. 
irpL 2. p. 39. 

Genesis, xxix. 26. And Laban said : It must not be so done in 
tmr country to give the younger before the first bom. 

Thus also in the ancient Hmdoo code, it is made criminal for a 
man to give his younger daughter in marriage before the elder, or 
for a younger son to marry while his elder brother remains un« 
BHUTied. \maurice, Ind. Ant. vol. 7* p- 329* 

Genesif, zuL 4if, 51* And Jacob took a stone and set it upfof 

m pillar. A^d Laban said fb Jhooby Behold thh hicp, mid behold 
this pillarywhich I have cast bettbeen me and thee. 

It] the treaty of Nerthiask between the Russians and Chinese^ 
the aaibdasadors of the latter, according to a custom of the earliest 
date, raised two pillars upon the spot to determine the boundaries 
of the respective empires, and on them engraved the treaty. [Pen* 
nani's View of India^ Sec. vol. 3. p. 183. 

Genesis, xl. 20. And it came to pass, the thirds which was Pha* 
raoKs birthday ^ that he made a feast unto all his servants. 

The following passages, descriptive of the customa of ancient 
nations, prove the great attention paid to birth-days. Amongst all 
the Persian festivals, each individual pays particular regard to his 
birth-day, when they indulge themselves with better fare than 
usual. The more rich among them prepare on this day an ox, a 
horse, a camel, or an ass, which are roasted whole : the poorer sort 
are satisfied with a lamb or a sheep ; they eat but sparingly of 
meat, but are fond of the after dishes, which are separately intro* 
duced* [Herod. Clio. 133. 

There is not a Chinese, though ever so poor, but keeps hif 
birth-day with all the greatness he is able. All the children, kin* 
dred, neighbours, and friends, know every man's birth-day ; a man* 
darine's is known by all under his jurisdiction, that of a viceroy or 
supreme governor by all the province. It is an ancient custom to 
celebrate birth-days, but not for private persons ; nor is it so um* 
versal as it is in China. The women keep their birth-days, but 
the men are never with the women in any rejoicing whatever. [Fer^ 
nandez Navarette's Acct* ofSipain, ChuraiilCs Coll. vol. 1. p. 71* 
The celebration of the birtn-day of the great Mogul is thus de^ 
scribed by Sir Thomas Roe. He and all his nobles made merry, 
1 was invited to the ceremony too, and as I drank his health in a 
noble cup of gold set with emeralds, turquoises, and rubies, he 
entreated me when I had drunk the wine to accept of the cup as 
his present, lliere were several chargers of rubies and almonds 
made in gold and silver, which were brought in and thrown amongst 
the nobles and them that stood about him. His majesty appeared 
in all die height of pomp and richness of dress that day, and hia 
elephants were set out m all their most glorious furniture too : 
they all passed before him in great order, and bowed very handU 
somely to him as they marched along, which, all things coasidered, 
I thought one of the finest and most agreeable sights that day a£* 
forded. [Harris Coll. vol. 1. p. 166. 

Exodusj ii. 3. Atid when she could no longer hide him, she took 
fir him an ark of bulrushes, and daubed it with slime and wiih 
pitch, and put the child therein; and she laid it in thejiags by 
th€ rivef^s brink. 

I Viileam frvta^^S Ub. 17^^ «p^ all afitu|uity; tbat boat! 

made of reeds aud tbe Egyptiao papyrun were uscid veiy early. 

^ Sic cum tenet omnia Nilus 

Cohserititr bibula Memphytis cymba Papyro. Lucan, • 

*^ From Lucah also it appears that boats nearly similar wesfe very 
"eirly in use amoftgsit the Venetians and Britons. 

» . . ' . Pri^^im capa ^alix mad«facto yimiuey parvam 

Texitur in puppim cjesoque inducta juvenco 
J ' Vectors patiens tumidum superenatat amnem : 

'" *" *' Sic Venetus stagnantePado; fu«oque Biitannus 

l^avigat oceano. 

Pliny mentions some boats used by the Ethiopians^ M'hicfa he ' 
calls Pucatiles, because, he says, they used to fold ihem up together, 
'and carry them upon their backs, whenever they came to a cata- 
ract; and such, Herodotus tells us,' were used b^ the Babylonians: 
his words are, — Of all that I saw in this country, next to Babylon 
itself, what to me appeared the greatest curiosity, were the boats. 
TJiese, which are used by those wh9 come to the city, are of a cir- 
cular form, and made of skins. They are constructed in the parts 
above Assyria, where the sides of the vessels, being formed ojf 
\villow; are covered externally, with skins^ and having no distinc- 
tion of head or ^ern, are modelled into the shape of a shield; 
lining the bottoms of these boats with reeds, they take on board 
their merchandize, and thus commit themselves to the stream. 

A boat much resembling this is constantly used on (he Severn 
and Wye, called a corracle. 

* The Oabites, a South American tribe; were remarkable for using 
1)6ats, the fabric of which was something between thatch and 
-wicker work, being of a long and strong kind of straw, knit to the 
timbers. These they made large edough to carry ten or twelve 
persons. ISouthey's Brazil, p. 44. 

* , Exodus, iii. 5. And he said: Draw not nigh hither, put off thy 
''shoes from off thy feet , for the place n^heteon thou ttandest is holy 
ground: - 

. This custom is practised by the Siamese when they approach 
their princes'arid governors, to whom a* deference, •amounting' nearly 
to adoration^ is paid ; an observant traveller mentions it in his au- 
'dietrce before the berklam or chancellor of Siam : we turned to- 
wards the house where he gives public audience, and appears with 
all his pomp and splendor. We ascended a stony staircase, and 
then pulled off our shoes. [K^unpher's Japan, vol. 1. p. 17- 

At Asmere in India, is the tomb of Hodgee Mundee, the great 
Indian saint. The sepulchre, with the buildings about it, is a vei; 

' Herodotus. Clip. 

Bibliad SyntmynKf^ fi; 

toble thing ; it is as rich and ftDe^, as a prodi^i blind zeal and su- 
perstition nught be supposed to make a thingy for /which it ex-, 
presses the highest respect. You pass three larg^ courts before 
you come to it, the first of which is near an acre of ground^ and 
b paved with black and white marble ; the others are proportion- 
ably Hrge, but the nearer the sepulchre, the more extravagant the 
pomp and glory of them. There is such an opinion of the sanctity 
of all these places adjacent to the tomb, that no person dares walk 
there without a naked foot ; you must be quite bare, or not pre* 
tend to tread any part of these hallowed courts. \Finch^s Travels 
t» Indioy Harris Coll. vol. 1. p. 89. 

In the description of a public triumph in Mexico, the same ob- 
aervance is noticed. '' The victories gained were so great^ that 
the rejoicings in Cusco on that score lasted a month. There were 
of all the several conquered nations there to grace the ceremony, 
and bear a part in the entertainment ; they all appeared in their se*. 
veral different habits, and with the martial music used in their re- 
spective countries ; they were divided into so many distinct bands 
and troops, which marched in order after the Inca and the generals 
to the temple of the Sun. All the rest put off their shoes, when 
ihey came to the boundaries of the temple, only the Inca himself 
kept his on till he came to the very door, where he made his feet 
bare, and then went in, and gave thanks for the mighty victories 
he had gained/' [^Harris ColL vol. 1 . p. 782. 

When Montezuma delivered himself to Cortes, he was accom^ 
panied by two hundred lords, drest in a style superior to the other 
nobles, but bare-footed, two by two, keeping close on each side to 
the walls of the houses, to show the respect they bore to their 
sovereign. [Cullen's Mexico, vol. 2. p. 64. 

And when Cortes with his four captains and a few soldiers went 
to pay their respects to Montezuma, we are told, that after passing 
through three courts and some halls to the east antichamber, in 
order to come at the hall of audience, they were politely received 
by several lords who kept guard, and were forced to put off their 
shoes, and to cover their pompous dresses with coarse garments*. 
{Cullen's Mexico, vol. 2* p. 70. 

Exodus, iv, 15. And thou shalt speak unto him, and nut words 
into his mouth ; and J will be with thy mouth, and with his mouth, 
and will teach you what ye shall do. 

Among the Egyptians, says Mr. Bryant, ' Moses was styled 
Alpha, or more properly Alphi^ which signifies the mouth or oracle' 
of God. We are indebted to Ptolemy Hephestion for this imelli<< 
gence : his words are, '^ Moses, the lawgiver of the Hebrews, was 
called Alpha.'* 

> Bryant's Plagues of Egypt, 348, 

TV BibUcal Sjfnmyma. 

EioduSfiinu i. And the river shall bring forth frogs abtin^ 
dAntly^ which shall go up and come into thine Souse, and into thy 
bedchamber, mid upon thy bed, and into the house of thy servants, 
and upon thy people, ana into thine ovens, and into thy kneading 

The people called Autariats were forced^ by frogs bred in the 
clouds^ which poured down upon th^m instead of rain^ to forsake \ 
their country and fly to those parts where now they are settled. 
[Deod. SicuL b. S. c. 2. 

Exodus, viii. 17. And Aaron stretched out his hand with hisrod, 
and- smote the dust of the earth, and it became lice in man and in 
beast; all the dust of the land became lice, throughout all the 
land of Esypt. 

In Diodorus Siculus; there is reference to the destructive effects 
produced by lice upon the body. Talking of the Aeridophages^ 
be s^ys^ as the manner of their death is strange and wonderful, so 
it is sad and miserable. For when they grow old^ winged lice 
breed in their flesh, nrot only of divers sorts, but of horrid apd ugly 
shapes. This plague begins first at the belly and breast^ and 
in a little time eats and consumes the whole body. He that is seized 
with this distemper first begins to itch a little, as if he had the 
scab, pleasure -and trouble being united. But afterwards, whea 
the lice begin to break out in the skin^ abundance of putrid matter^ 
accompanied with ptolerable sharp pain, issues out with them. 
Hereupon the sick person so tears himself in pieces with his muls, 
that he sighs and groans most lamentably ; and while he is thus 
scratching himself, the lice come pouring but in such abundance^ 
one after another, as out of a vessel full of holes, and thus they 
close and end his days. ^Diod. Sic. b. S. c. 2. 

Exodus, xii. £. This month shall be unto you the beginning of 
months, it shall be the first month of the year to you. 

The North American Indians begin the year at the first ap-» 
pea)pance of the first new moon of the vernal equinox. Ac- 
cording tO: the ecclesiastical year of Moses, and the synodical 
months, eaich consist of 99 days, 12 hours, and 40 odd minutes^ 
which make the nioons alternately to consist of 29 and of 30 days* 
^ey pay a great regard to the first appearance of every new moon, 
and on the occasion always repeat some joyful sounds, and stretch 
out their hands towards her, but at such times they ofier no public 
sacrifice. Tlie Indians name the various seasons of the year, from 
the planting or ripening of their fruits; the green-eared moon' ia 
the most beloved, when the first fruits become sanctified^ by beii^ 

' The month Abib was, en the institution of the Passover, constituted the 
first month of the Jewish sacred year; the meaniog of Abib is, the green 

Cicero Illustrated. 79 

AanuiUy ofil^r^d up. And from this period they comit Am h%^ 
loved or holy things. [Adair's American Indiansj 76* 

Exodus, XXV. 37. And thou shalt make the 9even lamps thereof; 
and they shall light the lamps thereof, that they may give light 
over against it. 

The idol of Lingafn^ a deity similar to the Phrallus of the Egyp» 
tiansy is always to be found in the interior and most sacred part of 
the temples of Siva. A lamp is kept constantly burning before i^ 
but when die Brahmins perform their religious ceremonies^ and 
make their offerings, which generally consist of flowers, seven lamps 
are lighted, which De la Croze, speaking from the information of 
the Protestant missionaries, says^ exactly resemble the candelabra^ 
of the Jews, that are to be seen in the triumphal arch of Titus*^ 
[Sketches of the Hindoos, voL 1. p. 203. ^ 

In his account of a bass relief, descriptive of a sacrifice to tlie' 
Sun, discovered by M. Savary ' upon a rock near the town of 
Babran in Egypt, he informs us that before the divine object werv 
three wood pUes, sustained by seven vases with handles bearing 
slain lambs. And M. Montfaucon in his Antiquities mentions an 
image of Mithras, near which were seven altars, flaming to the ho* 
aor of that deity. It should be observed, that the sun was wor- 
shipped by the Persians under the name of Mithras^ and by thd 
Phoenicians under the name of Baal. 

^ Passage in Cicero's Cato Major illustratetL 

^^ Oninino canorum illud in voce splendescit etiao^ 
nescio quo pacto, in senectute." Cic. tk Senect. c. 9. 

The only notes upon this passage in J. 6. Gnevius's excefleot 
edition, published at Amsterdam in 1688. 8vo., are these, '' Cano* 
rum illud in voce — De quo Cic. 3. de Orat. Est auiem in di^ 
undo etiam quidam cantus obscurior, non hie e Phrypa et Cariig 
Rhetorum epilogus, pane canticum ; sed ille, quem stgnifieat De^ 
mosthenes et JEschines^ cum alter alteri objicit vocts Jlexiones^ 
J. G. Grsvius. ** Quinctilianus^ ubi de pronuntiatione agit, dicit 
vocis naturam spectari quantitate et qualitate. Quantitas est sioH 
plicitas ; in summa enim grandis^ aut exigua est. Qualitas mi^gia 
varia est : nam est aut Candida^ aut lusca ; et plena^ et ezsilis : «| 

! SaviiT's Lftttrsy vol. 1. p. M9. 

74 A Passage in Cicero's 

felHs et asp^rav^et contFacta^ et fnsa ; et dura, et ilexibilb; el 
clara^ et obtusa.- Canorum vocem claram ; clarior euim turn fit, 
CQxn obtusa splendfescit." Aldus Manutius* 
I ' J, C. T. Emesti^ in the Lex. Technology LaL Rhetor. Lips. 
1797. 8vo. p. 46.^ thus explains canorum: " Vox canora maxime 
in viriute ponitar, oratorisque perfecti propria dicitur a rhetoribus^ 
i^ui et canorum oratorem laudant^ praistanti voce et actione 
fermo eat. Sic Cic. Or. 3,7 • in Carbone prnfluen& qiuddam 
it canorum laudat, quorum illud ad expeditam suavemque 
^ratjonis copiaoi, boc ad concinnitatis earn suavitatem pertinere 
iridetur, quae cum pronuntiandi modulafidique jucunda varietate 
€onjuncta sit. Vid. Brut. 88. et 9^. ubi, cumconcursus hominum 
iiarique strepitus dicantur desiderare canorum oratorem, patet mag* 
nam vocis Aaritatem intelligi^ quae nullo strepitu obruatur, sed eum 
.Behetret^ et sua vi superet. Sic Spartianus Pescenuiuro Nigrum 
ttacanofic vocis fuisse dicit, ut in campo loquens per mille passus 
andireturi Enimvero idem Cicero vocem canoram> (Offic* i. 13. 
7.) ita commemorate ut in vitio esse videatur. Ibi de Catulis^ 
Sinecontentione vox neclanguenSy nee canora, ubi pro tinoula acce- 
pit Heusingerus, recte quidem, si cantum quendam tremulum cogi- 
tavit et firma intentione carenteni, ut est apud Quintil. 11. S.55, 
Kon dubito illomm verborum eundem sensum esse, qui Cassiodon 
lib. de Animtty ubi describens bominem virlute et sapientia prasdi* 
tum^ Dox ipsa, inquit, mediocris, nee debilU vicino silentio, nee 
tobusta clamore dilaiato, Quamvis in loco Ciceronis illud etiam 
Tocis vitium cogitari velim, quo ille propt^ ipodulationis affecta* 
tionem, ad moilem quendam cantum accedit. vid. quae ad voc. 
CajuHus diximus. Ceterum in canoro veteres non solum, praestan- 
tiam et splendidam claritatem, sed et suavitatem et eiegaiitiaiii 
auribus jucundam cogitasse, patere videtur ex Horat. jlrt, Poet^ 
821. ubi nuga canora dicuntur versus, non rebus ac sententiis, sed 
idlis elocQtionis omamentis, numero, concinnitate etc. exceilentes : 
cf. CresoU. Facatt. Lib. 3. p. 484." 

That canorum in the passage of Cicero de Senectuie means^ not 
^ magiiam vocis claritatem," but '^ suavitatem et elegandam^" is ap- 
parent fromthe context, and scope of the passage — " Orator metuo 
ne LAN€t0BSGAT iu senectute;. est enim munus ejus non ingenii 
•oluui, sed L A T R R u M etiam et v ir i u m , Omnino canorum illud^ 
inr voce spiendescit etiam nescio q^o pacto in senectute : quod 
fequidem adhuc non amisi, et videtis annos : sed tamen est deco-. 
BUS sERMo sENis QUIETUS ET REMissus, facitque perssBpe 
ipsasibi audientiam diserti senis comta ex mitis oratio." ^ 

^ As to splendescit, Cicero does not appear any where else to use 

the verb sp/endescere in this sense. Nizolius quotes this passage, 

•nd the following from the preface to the Paradoxa — ** Nihil est 

tarn borridum^ tarn iDcuUnm^ qvqd qoo splefideacat orationCf et taa* 

Cato Major illustrated. ^S 

"^iiaiii exadatur." But here it cannot escape the reader's sagacilf 
.that the words splendescat oratione are not used in the same senae^ 
.in which we have '^ canorum illud in voce splendescit/* 1 have 
examined the dictionaries of Basil Faber^ of J. M. IjTesner^ and of 
JBgidius Forcellinus, or Jacobus Facciolati, both under canorum^ 
and under spieridescere, and they have no remarks upon this pas- 
sage in the Cato Majors nor do they cite any similar use of splen^ 
descere from any other writer. But X^xjxt^o; in Greek is applied 
to the voicej and when it is so applied, it seems always to denote 
loudness and dhlinctness. . 

1 find that, in the Index Demostkmea GracitatiSf Reiske notices 
these passages, Ka\ tov ^sPisiDfJi,ivoy oAtoo filov txvrltut Si) jU.aX' l^ei Aa/u^ 
'vqa rp ^a)vjj: Again, rivet Se fteyy^crSai i^iyMrov diriyTeov, xa) cra^i^ 
crar av elrrslv o,ti jSouAoira, XM/itrga rji ^odv^ : Ala^ivyjv oW St$ rot/rovL 
Both occur in the wb§) vapemea^, p. 403. 1. l6. and p. 405. 1. )& 
Thus we have in J. C. T. Ernesti's Lex. Technology Gr. Rheton 
(Lips. 1795. 8vo« p. 194. :) ^^iiaftv^o^aw/a, clara,sonora vox. Phot* 
Bibl. c. 0,65' p. 1474. Oppo^tum est ro la^i^oovov. vid. Plutarch* 
Vit, Dec, Rhet. in Isocrate, cui eodem sensu Philostratus Soph. p. 
504. ri lAX«9ri^ roC ^iiyiLotrog tribuit. vid. voc. Xevx^ip. Splendorem 
jvocis, forta^se ex eademmetaphora commemorat Cicero Brut. 7U 
Sic et Plin. 1. ^0. 6. s. 21. de porro. Foci splendorem affert. Cf. Cre« 
soli. Vac. Aut. 1. 3* p. 482* Polybius 1. 4. p. 63. oSgio; tuA Xa[i^ 
^go$ av6[Ms. Geopon. I. 12. 15.$iaTorou; 'Enjo'fa; avifiovg XofjLTrgoSt^ 
hriirystJtrM it) ffoXuy xf oW : ubi J. N. Niclas : *^ Aufi^itgoi inpM 
Atticis s^xiifottesj magna vi aliquo incumbentes : vid. Dorvill. ad 
.Cbarit. p. 1 14. ac mox hie n. 34. wmnrowrt $e xoi 'Emto'tm KBi§Mtpws^ 
et 38. iv rip liscpi TFviQWiV aviiM$ Zi^ugoi ?^a(x/iFffil" 

But Aristotle Poet, 24- uses Ko^fi^vpoi Aff^i; for dictio omata, as we 
use splendid diction, and the Greek rhetoricians in the same sense 
use Xafi4rg& vOYifAarot, KoifMrgirri; Kiyoo. 

• In the sense of splendid diction Photius, Bibl. Cod, 6. de Gr^or. 
Nyss. beautifully says, r^ ^pettniff AofMr^i^y xa) ^oyi}$ ma\v ^woar^pm* 
It is however to be remarked that ^ophocles in the (Ed. Tyr. 48 1, 
ed. Sophoc. Eton. 1786. p. 32. uses the verb as applied to the 

iXoiiJL^s yig roD yi^oWo; 

itprlcoi ^uvuo'ct 

^i(iM Jlapmffr^ 

TOV cl^\ov ivigoL 'Kon/r \yjn&tw. 

Here the Scholia substitute tSijAatf^f as a gloss to ezplam lyi^^ 

clumsily enough. But it is here equivalent to came forth, issued 

forth, the , oracle commanded, ifc. The passages of Pliny and 

.Cicero (in Bruto) referred to above by Emesti^ are quoted hj 

7(J Cibero Illustrated. " 

F0rceIIlDU8> and decidedly mean *' clantas/^ " Splendor toeing 
mp Forcelltnus^ *^ est claritas et canora suavitas. Cic. in Bruto, 
c. 68» et 7U ^c^fo e;t«« habebat et in voce magnum ^lendorem, 
€t in motu summam dignitatem. Plin. 1. ^0. c. 6. Porrua^ 
sectivum voci splendorern adfert, xaSulgn rijv agrriflotv, inquit Dios- 
cor. I. ii. c. 179" 

But in the passage, \vhicli we are discussing^ splendescit does not 
mean claritas, and this is apparent from the context (as I observed 
ibove with respect to canorumy) for Cicero indirectly explains his 
Canorum illud in voce splendescit by sermo quietus et remissus, and 
eomta et mitis oratio, and these words are incompatible with tbe 
sense of '' claritas" as applied to canorum, or to splendescit* 
*^ Omnino/' says he, ^^ canorum illud in voce splendescit etiam^ 
|^escio<)tto pactOy in senectute ; quod equidem adhuc non amisi^ et 
videtis annos; sed tamen est decorus sermo senis quietus et remisstis, 
facitque persaepe ipsa sibi audientiam diserti senis comta et mitis 

As to nescio quo pacto, that implies no doubt of the fact, but 
merely states that the case is so swnehow or other, and the phrase 
mntiehow or other as used by qs sometimes implies that we are igno- 
mnt of the cause, and sometimes implies simply that we really be- 
lieve the case to be so, but do not choose to give to ourselves the 
trouble of thinking how it comes to pass;^ and in this latter sense I 
tederstand the nescio quo pacto in the passage under consideration* 

Hie following translation, or paraphrase, of the passage has been 
proposed : ^' Omnino, * to speak generally,* canorum illud, ' that 
musical sweetness, which we so much admire in the voice,' nescio 
quo pacto, ^ a thing I cannot account hr,* splendescit etiam, ^ bc^ 
jcomoseven mbr^ clear'and n^oredignified,' in^en^c^ti^^^in 'old age."' 

from what I have said above the reader will infer that I under- 
iltand splendescit to mean neither ** claritas," nor '* suavitas," (for 
^ suavitas" is meant by canorum,) but Cato means to say that 
Canorumillud ^ continues/ 'exists' in old age : splendescit is only a 
strong and vivid expression, and is used simply for est, inest, manet, 
or some analogous verb, as in the passage of Sophocles quoted above* 
i>Mfji.^8 signifies '^Aeoraefe declared, commanded, charged,' or some 
«iher analogous idea. The force of the sentence is in etiamr^ 
Etiam in senectute, ' even m old age.' Cato did not mean to say 
that canorum illud is a necessary concomitant of every voice in old 
age, butthat^ where this quality of the voice ever exists in youth, it 

Answer to Mr. BeUamy's Esstiy^ ^c. 77 

it not NECESSARILY lost in qU age, as might be suj^osed^ and liet 
aeems to intimate that old age rather mellows than destroys it^ and 
he quotes himself as a living example of the truth of the remark — 
^ Omnino canorum illud splendescit etiam^ nescio quo pacto, in 
senectute ; quod equidem adhuc non amisi, et videtis annos/' But 
the ** principal doubt about the justness of the translation or para* 
phrase mentioned above arises from hence:, that experience does 
not seem to confirm the truth of Cicero's observation.'' But I have 
already answered this remark by saying that Cato does not say that 
old age necessarily mellows the voice^ and attunes it to harmony/ 
but he intimates that, where there has ever in early life existed any* 
thing of a mellow and harmonious voice, it is not necessarily lost in 
old age, however much the '^ latera et vires" may fail. The mis* 
conception appears to be in supposing that Cato meant to say that 
diis musical property of the voice is its necessary concomitant in oU 
Qge, which is so far from being true in point of fact, that old ag« 
gives to some voices harsh and disagreeable tones ; and this, as I 
suppose, b what is intended by the words that ^' experience doet 
not confirm the truth of Cicero's observation/' 

Hattan, April 2, 1814. E. H. BARKER. 


To Mr. Bellamys Essay on the Hebrew Pomfs, and oB 

the Integrity of the Hebrew Tea^t 

No. III. — Continued from No. XXL p. 118* 

I THINK that we may esteem it very probable, that a MS., wri(« 
ten in the Rabbinical character, must, generally speaking, have 
been transcribed by a Jew : and if this be admitted as a satisfac- 
tory evidence of their origin, we shall soon find a great number of 
our MSS. to be really Jewish ; besides many others ef which we 
can ascertain the proper classification by their history. 

Another and much stronger proof of the family to whidi a MSw 
belongs may be discovered generally, in the date. When the date 
is given according to the Jewish calculation^ it may, I should con- 
ceive, be safely referred to the Jewish class^^There b still another 


78 Answer to Mr. BeUamy^s \ 

evidence respecting a MS.; namely, the Masora. Where th€ 
Masora i» written in the margin, there surely can be no doubt 
that the copy containing it is a genuine copy : and this will go far 
to prove the authenticity of most of the MSS. collated by Dr. | 

Kennicott. It is a curious fact that his Cod. 2S., which has a 
double Latin version, and the Lord's prayer^ twice written in 
Hebrew at the end, and which there is reason to believe 'was ' 
transcribed by son^e Christian^ or, perhaps, some converted Jew^' 
has neither date nor Masora. 

I have not insisted upon the Codices Hebra^o-Latini, because 
it is not exactly known what they really are : that the greater part of: 
Dr. Kennicott's collection, however, are genuia6 copies, there \ 

cannot be a moment's doubt. Many of them carry with them i 

a certificate of their birth. For example. Cod. 76^ '^ scriptus | 

fttit a Rabbi Menahim in usum Rab. TKhv '1 WTtpH P Sp^ ex j 

Cremble, in civitate S. Amotdd, A. M. 3056.— A. C. 1296/ la. 
Cod. 89, "constat Colophon lineis 14. scriptis rythmici ; et. 
lineae 8. ultimse dant acrostic^ nomen StribtB ^^il 2pSP qui codi- 
cem vel ponctavit, vel perfecit. * — ^There is one MS. more to 
which I shaU particularly call the reader's attention ; Dr. Kenni* 
cott's Cod. Q9'9 of which h^ gives the following accotot : ^'parum. 
adest Masorae. Libri 3 poetici scribuntur hemistich ; at^ ordine^ 
forsan mngulari, exaratur jRuih inter Psalmos et Jobum. Codex 
noster, etsi non inter antiquos numerandus, argutias Masoreticas de 
literis minusculis, 8cc. (Gen. ii. 4. ; xxiii. £. &c.) saepius corrigit ; 
et plurimas voces abnormes emendat : ut bis in Gen. xviii. 24* 
D^pnS et tfpnsn. Dicitur in fine, codicem scriptum esse a 
Jacobo ben Rab, Josephi de Riphiillo, pro R. Isaaco ben R, 
Juda de Tholosa, hh Salsona, an. mundi 5145 : i.e. an. Christi 
1385. H»c descriptio nunc paginam exomat titularem; et hac, 
pagina avers^, legitur codicis hujus historia^ a testibus 5 compro- 
bata. Affirmat Titulus — Codicem kunc\esse sanctissima Hieroso^ 
lymorum civitatis Synagoga dicatum et consecmtum. Affirmat 
insuper historia — qu6d Turae, depradaid Sunagogd Jerusalem, 
€0 qudd infelix natio Judaorum argentum stbi impoutum exsol^ 
tiert potis kaudquaquam fuerat, sacrum hunc librum eo majori 
abstulerunt aviditate, quo majori cupiditate Judai retinere cona'- 
bantur, uti pretiosissimapi Thesauri sui supellectilem" * In Dr. 
Kennicott's catalogue there are a great number of Jewish copies, 
which 1 now enumerate. They are numbered as follows : 376, 
S77, 378, 379, 380, 381, 387, 388, 408, 409, 410, 41 1,412,413, 
414, 415, 4 1 6, 4«3, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428, 522, 523, 524, 546, 
i»47, 554. (belonging to the public library of the Jews at Mantua :) 

» Dissert. Gen. p. 77. * Ibid. p. 79. * Ibid. pp. 79—80. 

E$3ay on the, Hebrew Boihts. 79i 


556, 55»,56l,'570,571, 572, 573, 574,575, 57S/579;580;iai; 
^82, 583, 584, 585, 586, 6S6, 637, 638, 639, 640,641, 642,64% 
668. (belongs to the Chinese Jews:} 671* A. B. C. D. E. (live 
rolls, each containing the Pentateuch, belonging to the Synagogue 
in Duke's Place :) 672. A. B. C. (three rolls, each cohtaiiiing the 
Pentateuch, belonging to the Synagogue at Bevis Marks.) Four- 
teen of these, viz. 377, 379, 423, 425, 428, 546, 570,571, 574, 
636, 637, 638, 639, 642. read yWH Ps. xvi. 10 : to these must 
be added 2. and 99: five only read ■prrDTI ; via. 409,410,523, 
572, 579: 575 was not collated in the Psalms; and the other MSS* 
mentioned, do not contain the Psalms. — Out of 272 copies col- 
lated either in whole or in part, .180 have "jT^*^ ^ the text; 
among these authorities is the Talmud of Babylon, which twice 
quotes Ps. xvi. 10. and in both citations, * in all the editions reads 
"TTDn : and also the Keri printed in Vander-Hooght's Bible : 664 
ahould be reckoned as more than one authority, because it con- 
sists entirely of variations quoted by Houbigant *' ex codicibui 
non descriptis.'' ITD^ ^^^ originally the reading of tbiee copies, 
which have since been altered, and i^ now the marginal reading of 
four authorities^ 

This, I think, affords strong evidence, that Jewish, and therefore 
genuine, copies still exist ; and it is equally true that these copies 
by no means agree among themselves. — Hence, therefore, Mr. 
B.'s assertion, that, on examining '' the authorised copies in use 
among the Jews, which have, been handed down to them from 
the time of their dispersion," we shall ^' find tbajt they all agree ; 
there are no different readings, consequently they *must be the 
tame as the autograph of Moses,"^ evidently is incorrect: and 
thus both his principal reasons for believing in the intc^ty of the 
Hebrew text fall together. 

It is also true that the Rabbinical writings frequently supply oi 
with various readings. — Let us compare a few citations from 650« 
B. (the Babylonish Talmud,) with the text of Vander-Hooght. 

Vander^Hooghfs edit. Talmud, 

Ps, XV. 1. ^ V ?D1 

xvi. 10. VV1«^ PVIK^ 

— — TTDTT TTDrt 


DeCodice 563. agit in Dissertatione MS\&. Jacob Sartand^ doctus Judsus 
Mantuanus; lyM dis^tis v«rbis ait, Varktattm leUtonii^ m MSto. magna 
mtmfito reperiendaniy ex consenso, <'um aatlquis versiombus dyudirandma 
esse.*' Kennicott Dissert. Gen. p. li>^. 

» Talmud. Bab. T. ii. tract Erubin. fol 19. Tom. UL tract. Goma. fol. 81. 

' Clatt. Joum. No. xviii. p. 407. 


Answer to Mr. Bellamys 

Wa^dtr^Hoaghfs Edit. 
V^.xn. 11. /)R 

xvii. 14. ^TSSN 
ixiv. 6. Htm 

zui.6. nrm 
XXXV. IS. von^ Hvt 

xxxix. 13. first tM 

xiiv. 10. \jD^i)m rtiit 

dvii. 7* O^M 
— 8. to 

xiix. 15. omn 
' E. 6. insic^n 

Ixv. 11. iToVn 

IxviiL IS. ^^a 
Ixxii. 17. r^ 

— 18. rwy 

Izxiv. 4. TiyVi 

— 11. Tpn 

omitted; all other audioritiet 
retain it. 


JinB with inany other authoii* 


^1 660 }A..{JeruMlem TtUmmty 
W6»6 650 B. alone . 
TSTTy many other authoritiet. 
DTQ/^ many authorities. 

iQhn 650 H. 

nnnj many authorities. 

TWO . 

On the subject of the Talmudic readings, I shall only further 

{roduce the opinion of Dr. Gill, by whom diey were examined. 
le had formerly said iiat the Talmudical variations were few in 
mmber, but after having collated them he changed his opinion and 
confessed his mistake. *' Jam retractandum erit, quod egomei 
ipse affirmavi, et alii ante me, * nimirum, vel nullas vel perpaucas 
reperiri varietates a textu vulgato, in Talmude fainc illinc allegatis ; 
et hasce nuUius, saltem levis esse momenti: ' quum consiet ex prace* 
denti collatione, dtscrepantiui esse tantum non milk J* * 

It is certain, also, that various readings were occasionally col- 
lected by the Jews themselves. Rabbi Ben Ckaim, in the pre&ce 
to the great Rabbinical Bible printed at Venice by Bom berg, 
has these words : ** Vui Synagogs magnaer invenerunt libros inter 

I Apud Keaitt€Ott| 

• Oen, p. 16» 

Essay on the Hebrew Points. 81 

le differre : et in loco, ubi invenerunt dubitationem et confuiionem, 
adHcribebant unum^ sed non punctabant ; vel adscribebant margini^ 
sed non in textu ; quia fueruut dubii cfe eo quod invenerunt."' 

Sed missa hac faciamus : 
We rest the argument on other grounds. — ^^Fhe text of the New 
Testament certainly is far removed from a state of absolute in<» 
tegrity or perfection. To go no farther^ we have a most con- 
vincing proof of this in the case of the controverted verse^ 1 John 
V. 7« It is not my intention to enter again into the merits of that 
question ; but 1 may remark, that, whichever side of the question 
be true, still a corruption must somewhere exist. If the text 
be genuine, it must follow that all the M SS. and versions must 
be corrupted, because in those it is omitted: if it be spu« 
rious, the printed editions must be interpolated, because in 
them it is contained. From one of these inferences there is no 
possible way of escaping : and then a second inquiry is to be 
made : why should either the MS. or the printed text be permitted 
to be corrupted either by omission or addition ? Neither does the 
question stop here. Both the Jewish and Christian Scriptures are 
undoubtedly sacred ; and having been both ** given by inspiration 
of God,'' are equally entitled to his miraculous and divine pro- 
tection. How happens it, then, that they are not both placed 
upon the same footing ? Why should one be committed to the 
care of Man, while the other is retained under the more immediate 
guard of Heaven ? Why should that protection be withheld from 
the Scriptures of the Christian, that is so liberally granted to those 
of the Mosaic covenant ? and why should God have so visibly 
watched over the revelation of bis inspired prophet, while he 
teems not to have guarded the gospel of his Son f 

These are all obvious and fair questions : nor is the answer to 
them very easy, while we defend the integrity of the Hebrew text : 
when we yield that, every thing becomes easy, all difficulties 
vanish, and all inconsistencies disappear. Nor need we. fear that 
we lay open too wide a door to infidelity : the doctrinal integrity 
of tlie text will still remain, though the literal integrity may be 
untenable. It is merely the doctrinal integrity of which we stand 
in need : if we show, as we certainly can da, that with regard to 
doctrine, the text is precisely in the same state as when delivered 
by Moses or by Christ, we still have sufficient ground on which to 
prove the divine origin of our faith. All genuine parts of Scrip- 
ture are retained in a number of copies fully sufficient to prove 
them so : and when a passage is destitute of such support, it does 
not become unreasonable to consider it as spurious. Nor can 
the rejection of a passage ever militate against the doctrine it 

' Rab. Ben Chaim in Prjefat. ap. Kennicott Dissert. Gen* p. 10. 


8 J Answer to Mr. Bellamy's 


contains; for the wisdom of the Almighty has ever ordaine^ 
that no doctrine essential to salvation should ever rest upon a 
single passage. Even if 1 John v. ?• be spurious, the doctrine of 
the Trinity reipains undiminished in strength ; because it is une- 
quivocally declared in so many Texts, and may be logically de- 
duced from so many more, that the addition or omission of' the 
passage will make as little difference in the Trinitarian controversy, 
as would a single drop of water, taken from, or added to, the 
waves of the ocean* 

For my own part, I may be permitted to say, that I regard the 
corruption of the text as one of the strongest arguments for the 
truth and divine inspiration of the Scriptures. This may, at the 
first view, seem a paradox ; but it appears on a second and more 
deliberate examination to be founded in fair reasoning. * It is ap- 
parently conceded on both sides, that, whatever may be the state 
of the Hebrew Text in a literal point of view, it is certainly en- 
tirely pure as far as relates to matters of faith, and instructions in 
nlorality : if then, it be still perfect in this sense, while it is 
corrupt in the other, it will surely follow, that by some providen- 
tial care the doctrine has been preserved, while, the other parts 
have remained in the care of men : and it will easily be granted 
that this care would not have been extended to it had it been an un- 
hallowed imposition on the world. 

It is now high time that I should conclude: but before I 
close my letter, I request Mr. B. to believe that I entertaia 
a sincere respect for the rectitude of his intentions, and that 
on the main point, the truth and divine authority , of the 
Bible, I cordially agree with him : and should it be attacked, he 
will find many abler assistants in defending it, but can never have 
a more lealous and sincere coadjutor. How far I have succeeded 
in defending Dr. Kennicott's side of the question must be left to 
your judgment and that of your readers : but that the integrity of 
the text must be proved by other arguments than those which 
Mr. B. has made use of, seems very plain. Had it been pro- 
bable that any others of your correspondents would have taken 
the trouble, to address you upon Mr. B.'s article, you would not 
have been troubled with these remarks. ^^ Quemvis — ^hoc mallem 
de iis, qui essent idonei, suscipere, quam me ; me, ut mallem, 
quam neminem." [^Cicero, Orat, in Q, Caciliuin, 3, 5 J] 

Jug. 12, 1814. -M".' . 

P. S. I wish to add a few particulars respecting a Masoretical 
edition to which I have already alluded ; but which it would then 
have been foreign to my purpose particularly to mention. This 
edition is denoted in Kennicott's work^ by 300. It was printed at 
Mantua, 1742 — 1744, and is generally known by the name 

Mssay on the Hebrew Paints. 8S 

W /iniD : and although the text for the most part agrees nvith that 
of the other editions, *' eomprehendit — varias lectiones supra 
£000, corrogatas ex MStis et editt. impressis, a Judaso eruditis- 
simo, nomine Jedidiah Solomon, Menorzi seu ex faniilia ^orzi*^ 
Dissert, Gen. p, 9,1 > In the preface a pathetic account is given 
of the difficulties under which the Jews at present labor ; '^ nee 
minima datur luctiis hujus causa, qu6d sacri eorum libri multi 
adhuc egeant emendatioqey quam tamen facile nancisci non 
possint." D.ssert. Gen, p. 27 ,—'* desolatus est omnis plus et con* 
stentatus; dum intel/igit, quod'abierit manus,et erRores mul* 
TiPLicATi siNT: nec est cuiquam cura cordique, ut did afferat 
medicamenta. Quis restituet decus i — Qiais coilocahit nobis 
signa in Uteris ^ Quis ejiciei raphanos et spinets !^ Quis dabit ut 
conscribantur voces et signantur^ secundum emendationem in libris 
perfectis ? '*' i'here are also many parts in which the multitude of 
various readings greatly perplexes the author : he remarks on 
Prov. vii. 9,5. in the following manner: '^ Erravit cor meum, 
horror confadit me ; quum viderem multitudinem variantium, 
qua ceciderunt in libros I Omnes . nos tanquam oves erramus ; 
quilibet ad viam suam respicit : neque est qui docet cognitionem, 
it judicat secundum normam. Is. liv. 1. Ego autem sedeo deso^ 
latus ; quum video multitudinem diversitatum, qu<t ceciderunt in 
libros : et valde malum hoc mihi Jactum videtur. Quia singulis 
diebus continuant ur, et multipticantur ; et editores eunt obscurati, 
' neque lux , est eis : neque est qui indagat, neque est qui quimt 
cessatio?iem hujus diversitatis ! " On Zach. xi. 5. he has the -fol- 
lowing note : '' Diversitates multas vidi in aliis libris, et harum 
tadium me cepit : quare a^scondidi faciem meam ab Hits" He 
goes still farther in a note on 2 Kings xviii. 29. : " Libri, in qui^ 
bus scnptum 'H^, sequuntur Jilios Babylonis; sed secundUm 
filios terra Israelis {quibus nos innitimur in varietatibus Biblio^ 
rum) scribitur 1TD» Quis potest emendare quod pervkrte- 


Ecce nos palpantes tanquam caci in obscuritate diversitatum ; 
nec prosperam facimus viam nostrum, ad inveniendum desiderium 
nostrum. In tribus libris antiquis impressis sic, ^TD sicut invent 
in uno correcto MSto Hispanico: at in alio MSto 1TD cujus 
tamen in margine TMtaiur, alia exemplaria habere H^D. — Non est 
in potestate mea decidere. Deus auferat tenebras nostras; ut 
oculi cacorum, caligine et tenehris obducti, videantr*-^\n quoting 
the notes of this edition, Dr. K. marks them by 300 : when he 
cites the text, he makes use of the mark 300. T. Let us now 
extract a few of the principal readings of this edition^ and occa- 
sionally compare them with other Jewish copies. 

* J. S. MoDorziia Praefat. ad ^ JinJD ap. Kennicott. Dissert. Gen. p. 27- 
» Ibid. 

84 l)iffeve«t Latin Poetical JEspressions 

'Fext of Vander Hooght. 

Ps.Ll. a^Dll 
V. 6. ^D DHXf 

— 8. Tn^a 

vii, 5. %7ltf 
vni. 3. DT?yi 

ix. 1. rm'b^f 
— 12. nanr 

— 9. ppan^ 

xi. 1. TTtt 
XV. 1. miT 


xvi. 10. Vh 

— — "pTDn 

xvii. 5. "nt^ 
— 14. 1^3^) 

Cod* 300. Re^ings of otiier Copies. 

attriDarTs. 99. 

!?3 naxm HD^ 650 H. 

iTjn T. 





2. 99. 650 B. 

ma 650. B. 
omitted in 660 B« 
650 B. 
Vh) 2. 650 B. 
TTDrf2. 99. 650 B. \^iA 
many others. 


IJlSm 650 B. ' 

It is hut fair tx> acknowledge that the edition iti question ap- 
pears to be 'more nnprolific in various readings in the Psalms, 
dian m the other parts of Scripture : but 1 select the early 
Psalms chiefly for the sake of giving more of the Talmudicai 
readings, than I could do in the body of my letter. 

On the different Latin Poetical expressions to render 

the English verb to run. 

It is well known that some of the greatest poets have been in the 
habit of writing their verses in several different ways, before they 
couM express themselves in such a manner as to meet with their 
own approbation. The rough copy of Pope's Homer, now de- 
posited in the British Museum, affords an unequivocal proof of 
this circumstance. Virgil is reported to have sometimes written a 
great number of verses, which, on correction, he afterwards reduced 
to few ; but this may perhaps mean nothing more than the differ- 
ent forms of expressing the same ideas, from which he particularly 
selected those which appeared to be the most felicitous, appropriate, 
and elegant. His poems afford internal evidence of unwearied 
labor and application. They ar« th« most correct, and ^e moat 

to render to Ruii. S5 

artificial, perhaps, in any language, and exclusively of the maitter 
which i aoi not now to consider, the perfection of the nnnibe^ ia 
auch, that they never could have been the extemporaneous and un« 
revised effusions of even the highest and most extraordinary gifb 
of the human intellect. I appeal to any scholar of taste, if oa 
reading Virgil for the hundredth time, he will not still discover 
something new ; some of those very minute and critical points both 
in the matter and the style, which will then excite his admh^tion. 
I have also seen some variations of the Italian poems of Petrarch, 
in which many of the lines seem to have been originally expressed 
in several different ways. The versification of that poet ranks a« 
high in Italian, as that of Virgil in Latin. . Their numbers are in- 
deed the standards of perfection in their respective languages, a 
characteristic for which those poets were undoubtedly indebted to 
their taste, their accuracy, their skill, and their application. Indeed I 
believe that if we could trace the private literary history of every other 
poet, we should find his case to have been the same, and that his 
most beautiful passages were precisely tliose which he bad re-written 
the oftene^t, and which had cost him the most pains in revision. 

Tiie poetical spirit of ideas is the exclusive gift of nature, and 
therefore unattainable by art ; but the excellence of metrical com- 
binations 18 the result of skill and copiousness of diction. Henoa 
poets have generally chosen diat particular language, in which they 
could most easily, and most fully, express their own sentimenta. 
The copiousness of every dialect is not, however, the same ; and 
there are sometimes defects against which neither art nor genius 
can afford an adequate remedy. But the Latin, from which I apt 
going to give an instance, does not labor imder any such disad- 
vantages. Its copiousness is immense, and a real scholar can never 
be at a loss in it for suitable expressions. 1 am an enthusiastic 
admirer of 'the Roman muse, but I trust that it is an attachndent 
founded on her intrinsic merit. I had lately occasion to turn the 
following English words into a Latin distich — A spirited horse 
runs. Of course the thought consists of three distinct ideas,-** 
korse — spirited — and running. 

Insigni captus mefitae dulcedine palmar ] 
En ! festinat ovans | pulverulentus equus* 

I was not pleased with the way in which, at first, I versified tha 
last idea, and which is included in the first hemistich of the second 
liner I tried again, I was not satisfied, and 1 made the hemistich a 
third time. 

My theory is, that the poet should go on versifying the same 
thing over again,, until he has produced something good ; and hence 
a thought struck me to make an experiment on the copiousness of 
poetical Latin expressions^ and to ascertaiii in how womuj Tariotta 

86 Different Latin Poetical Expressions 

ways the action of running might be described in the first penthe^ 
mimer, without altering the former verse, or the conclusion of the 
distich* Great and extensive as are the resources of Latin phra- 
seology, I was astonished at the result. My success exceeded my 
most sanguine expectations, and it filled me with admiration, that 
without seeking for any uncommon expressions, exerting any par- 
ticular labor, or even materially departing from the meaning of 
to run, I found that in about aa hour I bad translated it in poetical 
Liatin, in nearly forty different ways. Encouraged by this unex- 
pected ;succes8, 1 have since seriously endeavoured to carry it on still 
further, and I have now to offer considerablv above one hundred 
variations of, the same meaning. The subject, however, is not ex- 
hausted, and such is the superabundance of the Latin idiom, that 
it is impossible to say to what an extent the expression might not 
be still modified. 

It is an indispensable qualification to become a good Latin 
poet, to be an elegant scholar, and a man of genius; and it is, there- 
fore, an accomplishment which can be possessed but by few. But 
this great variety of diction, while it perplexes and even misleads 
the unlearned, affords an incalculable assistance to the skilful versi- 
fier. What cannot come into metre in one way, will come in 
another. The facility, which in a few instances has been acquired 
in writing Latin verse, is amazing, and there have been persons who 
could compose in it nearly as fast as they could have done in Latin 
yrose. Such a facility is the necessary consequence of having a 
great variety of expressions at command ; and hence it has been 
generally acknowledged, that supposing an equal skill in English 
and Latin versification, that of the former is the more difficult. 

Vida observes that the poverty of the Latin language, of which 
Lucretius complained, had long ceased to exist. I am doubt- 
ful whether any other language could be found, in which the same 
idea could be expressed under so many different forms. In Greek, 
on account of its copiousness, it might perhaps be done. As to 
French, it is the most unpoetical of all languages. I do not be- 
lieve that there is so much variety in English or in Italian ; and if 
I am not mistaken, there is not either in Spanish or Portuguese. 

The variations which I am going to offer, only affect the former 
part of the second line, in which, for the connexion of the sense, 
the use of a verb is indispensable, together with some other word 
depending upon it, so as to fill up the hemistich. If it were not 
for this circumstance, the variations might be still more diversified. 
There is no doubt also that the whole couplet might be as much 
varied in its composition, as the hemistich iii question. 

The difficulty which is so often experienced in composing Latin 
yretse does not really exist in the thing itself, but in the. incapacity 
of the versifier. Since this is^ therefore, the natural inference^ it ia 

to render to Run. 87 

not kss so on the contrary^ that the facility of Latin verse affords 
a most ample encouragement for the exertions of the poet in that 
language. He ought to persevere in making the same verse over 
again, until he has been particularly fortunate in the structure of it ; 
and he ought also never to overlook one single careless^ inelegant, 
vulgar or inappropriate expression. « 

This great variety has also the advantage of enabling persons 
^hp have but a moderate acquaintance with Latin, to frame tolera*- 
ble verses with the assistance of the Gradus. If they know but the 
common rules of metre, and can remember only k few of those 
numberless expressions, they will be able to make them scan to- 
gether into verse, — and that will be sufficient. The greater 
number of Latin verses at this time, (though by the way not the 
best) are those done in schools, sometimes under very indifferent 
masters^ and that too only with a view to acquire a knowledge of 
Latin quantity. Considering it, however, as a more scholarlike and 
more elegant exercise^ I would suggest that instead of requiring 
young persons to bring a certain number of verses, they should be 
encouraged to exhibit the same thought so many times versified, 
under a different form and inflection. This would introduce them 
to a more intimate acquaintance with the language, by compelling 
them to think more on their subject^ and to take in a wider range 
of expression. 

Sometiiing of the kind, though in a very imperfect degree, obtains 
in some seminaries, where the odes of Horace are given as exer* 
cises, to be turned into elegiac verse. 

It is, however; unnecessary to give directions, where nature has 
denied the existence of poetical powers, or where a want of taste 
does not permit them to be called into action. Nor is that alone 
sufficient. The poet must not be in a state of uncertainty about 
his daily subsistence : he must have leisure, and he must be free from 
all the cruel anxieties of the mind, before he can acquire that total 
abstraction^ which is necessary for the cultivation of his favorite 
pursuit. Some of the latter poems of Ovid have been severely 
criticised, as if they betrayed evident marks of carelessness, and as 
if his intellectual powers had been sinking fast into decay. I am 
so far from agreeing iu this opinion^ that I consider the Tristia as 
one of the [)roudest monuments of human genius. Those elegies^ 
1 own, might perhaps in several passages have been more correct, 
but taken all together, they still exhibit the wrecks of a mighty 
mind, which it had not been in the power of misfortune and perse- 
cution to overwhelm, and which appears venerable, like a ruined 
edifice, which still raises its bold front, as if to attest at once the 
fury and the impotence of the pitiless storm. It is rather astonish- 
ing that the Homan poet, when placed in such circumstances, should 
have beeu able to write at all, and that .that vigor of mind which was 

88 Different Latin Poetical Expressions 

only impaired^ should not have been totally exthiguished by despair 
and insanity. The Tristia were composed by the poet with the 
▼lew of softening, since he could not forget^ the recollections of an 
accumulation of calamities — the loss of his home^ hi» fortune^ and 
his friends — those friends whom he complains to have basely for- 
saken him by joining in the cry of persecution, and by trampling 
upon him in the hour of his distress. Still like what is reported 
of the palm tree^he rose superior to the pressure which would have 
crushed him to. the ground ; and his celebrity has survived, when 
the names of his oppressors are either forgotten^ or only remember- 
ed in execration. 

This is the summary of my reasons for admiring the TVistia ; the 
very same reasons in substance which the poet himself repeatedly 
employs to excuse the inaccuracies of that work. It is, therefore, 
indispensably necessary, that whoever wishes to cultivate poetry, 
should not only be entirely absorbed in that most delightful of all 
studies, but that his own mind should be free from every kind of 
anxiety; for the contrary instance of Ovid is more to be consider- 
ed as a singular and uncommon exception, or rather moral pheno- 
menon, than to be expected to be found in every individual, who 
is similarly situated. 

Insigni captus meritae dulcedine palmae^ (Spirited) 

£n ! festinat ovans {Runs) pulverulentus equus {Horse.) 

. Pyuria lectiones* 

Hinnit ut excurrit pulverulentus equus. — Per campos fertur p. e. 
— Currit rura super p. e. — It per strata viae p. e. — Fert per rura 
pedes p. e. — Pervenit ad metam p. e. — Seepe revisit agros p. e. — 
JEn ! currit stadio p. e. — Currere gau^et agris p. e. — Vix pede 
tangit humum p. e. — Spargit humum pedibus p. e. — Stare loco 
nescit p. e. — Jam parere negat p. e. — Ore lupos mordet p. e.— 
Friena indigniitur p. e. — Spohte sua fertur p. e. — Rectorem sper- 
nit p. e. — Quam velox agitur p. e. — Ante alios rapitur p. e.— 
Prasvertit reliquos p. e.-— Non calcaris cget p. e* — Putre solum 
pulsat p. e. — It rapido cursu p. e. — Non paret domino p. e,— - 
£xsuperat cursu p. e. — It medius turbae p. e. — Non cessurus 
abit p. e. — Carpere gestit iter p. e. — It quacunque via p. e.— 
Hostes procuicat p. e. — Carpit anhelus iter p. e. — ^Terga dabit 
nunquam p. e. — Visere rura solet p. e, — Per salebras tendit p. e.— 
Martis amat strepitum p. e. — Carcere primus abit p. e.— -Dat 
sese comitem p. e. — Flectitur in gyrum p. e. — Tergo fert equitem 
p. e. — It citiorc gradu p. e. — Pone volat cursu p. e. — Nil remo- 
ratur iter p. e. — Noluerit vinci p. e. — Carpit iter solitum p. e, — 
Ardet inire viam p. e. — Dat volitare jubas p. e. — ^Turpe putat 
vitrei p. e. — Uaud requiem patitur p. e. — Prseterit obstantes p^ e. 


to render to Run. 89 

— Primus adest cursu p. c. — Gloria fertur equAm p. c. — Curri- 
culo vincit p. e. — Exultat epatio p. e. — Non segnis sequitur p. e.-« 
JEgr^ fert vinci p. e. — Assuescit circo p. €. — Arva videre cupit p.. e. 
1 — Curritat hue illuc p. e. — Exspatiatur agris p. e. — It pede veloci 
p. e. — Feslinat campis p. e. — CoUa humore madet p, e. — Festi- 
Bare potest p. e. — Transmittit campos p. e« — In campum tendit 
p, e. — ^Calce ferit terrain p. e. — ^Spumas oris a^t p. e. — Ore 
reluctatur p. e. — Mofe fugit veuti p.e« — ^Turbinis instar abit p. e. 
— Cogitur ad cursum p. e. — Signat humum pedibitf p. e.— 
Signa pedum figit p. e. — ^Vix gramen tangit p. e. — ^Verbere non 
agitur p. e. — Nunquam defecit p. e. — Hinc vires sumit p. e.— - 
Ore fremens properat p. c. — Ocyas ire solet p. e.-^^Attingit 
metam p. e. — Decurrit spatium p. e. — E^editur castria p. e.— - 
Insequitur lepores p. e. — Fuloiina Martis amat p. e.— Propter iter 
sadat p. e. — ^Arma ducesque vehit p. e. — Bella cruenta colit p. e. 
— Solvitur ex stabuiis p* e.-— Eminet ante alios p. e.-— It redit m 
gyrum p. e. — Etinetitui: iter p. e. — Venatu assuesdt p. e. — Non 
formidat iter p. e. — Ambit certamen p. e. — Ire per arva petit p. e* 
— Sponte volare solet p. e. — Ocyor evadit p. e.— Assequitur 
primos p. e. — Pone alios linquit p. e. — ^Fessus abire negat p. e. 
— Corripit inde gradum p. e. — Primus babet metam p. e. — Nescit 
habere parem p. e. — Exercet cursum p. e^ — Nunquam fessiia 
erit p. e. — Custodes faHit p. e. — ^Usque vagatur agris p. e.— 
Pascua laeta legit p. e. — Centum lustrat agros p. e.^— Nescit ubi 
sistat p. e.— It celerante gradu p. e. — Poscit iter fremitu p. e. 
— Currit Olympiasin p. e. — Cum domino vincit p. e. — Non re- 
fugit campum p. e. — It quo fert animus p. e. — Ingeminat gressus 
p. e. — Accelerat campo p. c. — ^Arduus arva quatit p. e.-— Non 
cessare potest p.e« — Vi magns^ erumpit p.e. — Ssepiusexcurritp.e. 
— Passibus incedit p. e. — Martis it in Campum p. e. — Nititur ire 
foras p. e. — Qusim cit6 transit agros p. e. — Infert se medium 
p. e. — Ut cursus iterat p. e. — Rursus init campum p. e. — Rum 
superbus obit p. e. — Contendit cursu p. e. — Certat ovans plausu 
p. c. — Fine coronatur p. e. 

Such are the variations which are now offered, but which^ if it 
should be necessary, might still be extended to an indefinite number. 
There are here one hundred and thirty^three various readingt 
in addition to the original one^ all of which convey a distinct meaiH 
iog of the running or speed of a horse. 


Bodmin i Cornwall, March 8/7i. 1815. 

90 Strictures on Mr. Bloiqfield's 

On th^ words ^dopa, ha^Qslpstrf, ha^6op&, xara^ielpup,- 
xaTOL^dopuj (TuyxaTa^QetpeiVj applied to the Illustration 
of several Passages in the Greek Tragedians^ and 
Prose JVriterSy with Strictures on a Note in Mr* 
Blom^ield's Editipn cj the P£Rsje of iEsCHYLUs* 

JEschj/li Persa, 722. 

« Aii^ietprai Aid. Turn, ct recentiores. xotreftia^rui Rob. K. ct 
Colb. I Moaq. Viteb. xaTe<^flagTO M. 1 . Supra 223. '11$ iv [Lia vAijyp 
nari^a^ai 9roAvj''OA^05. 33 1 . ^AK^ coSe laifutmv. rig xar6<^isi§6 (TTgarov. 
lufra 7S5,^Ilh ^aii^Ttiihfii he Xai^ va$ Karefia^oii Zopl. Forro Sia^te^ 
fuy in sensu perdendi non iisui patur^ cum potius significet corrum-' 
pere, ut in Jgam. 9^4. HecuL 60\, HippoLSQl. Bacch. 31S** 
JBlomf. in Gloss. 

Mr. Biomfieid is perfectly accunite in reading xctTs^ietgrou for 
hi^ioL^arj and the three passages, which he has quoted from this very 
play, appear decisive. But I atli far from thinking with him, that 
xfiLTB^dagTM is to be preferred to he^toc^rai, because '^ hu^delpe^v in 
aensu perdendi non usurpatur, cum potius significet corrumpereJ* 
For we shall soon see that thci<piei^eiy is much more frequently used 
by the best writers iii the sense of destruction, than in that of corrupt 
iion. I read xonk^oL^M for a reason^ which is founded upon the 
propriety of language^ and which reason seems not to have occurred 
to Mr. B., that xaT«4>fle/gsiv is employed by the purest writers to 
denote universal destruction, the destruction not of individuals, but 
of whole armies, a whole multitude , a whole people. So it is em- 
ployed by ^schylus in the three passages adduced by Mr. B. from 
this very play. 

733. ^flls iFctf/i^TC^Yiv hs Xao$ tt oig kolt i (fid oi gr a t Sog/. 
S25. *n$ hv fJLii 9rX)jyJ xetTefioLgraV tt o><vs 

In the last passage, the epithet ttoXiij will serve to convince Mr. 
B., that ^sch} lus, even in the- metaphorical use of the word, has 
retained its proper notion of number or multitude. So too in the 
passage under consideration. 

aXA* a/u.^* 'A&fjvug irag xolt eft otgr at erg ar6$* 
Thus, vie have in Sophocles CEd, T. SSI, 

vjfxois vpo^ovvai xa) x otr a^i el goLi voXtv, 


^^mmmm ' — ^p^m - i ■■ ■ m i-im h i h i,^, i ■ i mm^— i^^^— ^m^^i m ■ ■» 

' Mr. B. here gives a wrong reference — for the passage does not occur in 
▼. 9$5 ; nor have 1 been able to find where it does occur. 

Edition of the Persa. 91 

We have in Euripides, Ion. 1£35. 

i. e. lapidatio. Here we may retain the proper meaning of the- 
word, by understanding death occasioned by- a multitude of stones 
poured down upon him or them. In the Septuagint translatioa of the 
Old Testament, the word frequently occurs in this its proper sense* 
Es. xxiv. 1 . Kvgioc xara^delgu r^v Oixaufx^evtjv oXijy. £s. xiii. 5. 
KotTot^ielgoLi voLoroLv TYjV olxou/tfvijv. Gcu. vj. I?. ftTfltyCO TOV XaT0LKkv<rfM9 
xara^ielgM frSb-uv 9^ipxx.Q Mace. v. 14. oxrco Ss ftu^iaSe^ xare^totf^ 
ri<retv. In Es. xlix. ]9* Bgtjfioi trov xa) xars^ioLqfLsva sc. x^?'*^» xarf- 
^dctgfi,svot denotes complete devastation. Exod. xviii. 18. ^iop& 
xara^^oLgrjo^ xotl crif, xoti %£$ 6 \aog ovtoj. See Biel's Nov. Thes, 
phi /o tog. Here 1 may be permitted to remark that xara^islgsiv ia 
the Septuagint sometimes occurs in the sense of ha^deigsiVf corrum* 
pei'e. Gen. vi. 12. eKs Kvqiog 6 Biog t^v y^v, xa) ijv xare^flagftgyij, 
corrupta : ibid, xare^ietg^ ^racra ^ol^^ t^v oSov ^turou, corruperaf offinii 
^aro viam suam, 2 Par. xxvii. 2. xoCiin 6 haog xotTe^ielgero, et 
populus nmpiius corruptus erat. We ha%e in Jud. ii. 19. Sie^deipoer 
(sc. rug Ileitis aurSiv) (ntip roir; irarigo^. 

In the ^ < T. xxra^ielguv is not, as it should seem, once used in 

its proper sense of corporeal destruction, but is applied metaphori* 

caliy to the mind. *' Speciatim et metaphorice, erroribus et vitiis 

animum imbuo : sic legitur in N. T. 2 Tim. iii. 8. ubi commemo* 

rantur homines xoire^tagfjLsvot rov voSv, quorum animus ita perversus 

esc, ut veritatem agnoscere et sequi nequeat. De depravatione 

tnorum xaT»^isige<r&cu reperitur in vers. Alex. Gen. vi. 12. 2 Paral. 

xxvii. 2. Suid. xarct^pioga* 6 Iv uvofjLtong /3/o^ xa) vaqoLfiig-ecw. Perdo, 

dtsperdo, sive corporaliter (Jesmxiv. 1. Gen. vi. 17. 2 Maec.v. )4.) 

aive moraliter, miserum reddo et infelicem, et speciatim de panis 

peccatorum usurpatur. Sic autem reperitur 2 Petri ii. 12. f y rjf 

^oga, ccuTcoy xetroL^iotgyjirovToii, per impietatem suam summam sibi 

contrahent miseriam, seu^ perversitatis sua; aliquando gravissimaa 

Deo pcenas dabunt. Ssepius non legitur in N.T. Lev. xxvi. 39* 

xctra^6oigY)<rovreu hoi Tas afj^grlag ednSiV. Suid. xaroi^togei* i aicowo^ 

tavarog, quse glossa pertinere videtur ad 'Ps. xlviii 9- ubi video- 

dus 1 heodoretus." Schleusner Nov. Lex. Gr. hat. in N. T, Thtl 

noun xaroi4>6ogu does not occur in the N. T. Lucianus Timon. 

V. I. p. 148. ed. Keitz. yfiincaielei xotrot^iBtgagf where, howeverj as 

Reitzius says, '' ha<pielga^ J. (Junt.) ^larg. At W. (Aldmas Prims 

Wesseliugii)," and I should prefer ha^tslgotg, because for x«raf 9e/« 

fuv in this sense, 1 have seen no better authority than the Septua* 

gint, and the N, T. in the places just cited. *' Ps. xlviii. Q. . 

{^flreroi ilg TeXog^ oux S^srai xara<piopwf, vivet in finem, non videbit 

corruptionem. Ps. xv. 10. et Act. xiii. 35. Sir. xxviii. 6. fbi^o-dijTi 

rot itryaray xa) ifa!i»<reu l^galvrnVj xara^Sopety xai iivarw^ xciH Ifji^fji^s 

irrokau^J^^ Biel. ^* Jm^oga, speciatim putrefactio^ cui obnoxiut^ 

p2 Strict%tres on Mr. Blomfield'sr 


€si corpus Aumanum. AV;t. ii. @7* ouSf Sctfo-fi; rov mn^ o-ou IStTv Smi^ 
(o0«^v^ nequc cultorem tuum sines putrefleri, (coll. Ps, xvi. 10.) ii. 31. 
99k ^ (Tfll^ «vTov ETSs^ide^$og«v, necinpHtredinemabiit. ibid. xiii. 34. 
p}»en /tuXXorree v^roar^^cfv tig hu^ofotif, ita ut nunquam moriatur, 
ibid. V. 35 — 37- Swpius non legitur in N. T." It deserves to be 
noticed that, though xftro«^$o^e^ is used in the Septuagint in the sense 
of <^ death/' yet in the N. T. it is never so used, but hA(piofot, is the 
weird employed. 

Mr. B. wkh bis nsatA candor will not, I am persuaded, hesitate 
to admit the propriety of this remark on the word xarai^hlgsMff at 
denoting mnvenal, total destruction, supported as it is by the ex* 
emples already produced ; and in Zonaras, Phavorinus, and Suidas, 
fae will see additional reason for adopting the opinion, which I have 
endeavoured to establish. Phavorinus : ^o§a eon, xlvri<ng anch rovo9 

te fTM^M ro ^^\ff%cki ptiovy vjrot trriirstrdAi eup^sgeog' ij ^iogi irri Xio'is nei 
t§iXy(n$ roC xarci <rM4e<rfV <jvyKstfj^B90u xgiyfuxTog* 
' Zonardfi, ^9^' lori x/vito-i^ ex rop orrog tig ro f&ij tlvM. Again, 
Zonaras, and Phavorinus: ^iof&'yj Sia^su^i^ rij; ^Inf^gtoFo rov axupbei* 
<mg* ^m^iegei, Srotv uK?^ owrla St* krigeis a<payll^tu, Stnrtp ro o^oofMe axi 
Ta)f^ cr^eoAi^xcoy* xara^o^Siy % 9ra(VT6Xij^ oHFaoXsia. Soidas and Pbavo- 
tinus have the following words — Am^dogi' iivarogf hiXtXTtg ro9 
vvvSmv trwfi^rog, llie words, which follow these, as Kuster tells 
ms, are not to be fot^nd in the Ed. Mediolanensis, and two of the 
IParis 14 SS., and in ihe third Paris MS., they are written m the 
mergifi : 4ney should be compared with the passage in Zonaras, of 
which I have jtist cited a part : ^iogoiy ha^dogoij xoi) KaTct(p6o0i* xoA 
iffiogei fte^ eoTi ^atpMr-wv vixgwtng, xou kxiv^frlciL rwv ogyivcov rou (reo/xaro^, 
^S ^X*^ ^^ ro^ot> ^ojg^tetvyig. ^ia^6ogoi Ss, hiXva-ig (rcojxaeTOf, xst\ 
9ra9TeK»g ot^oofKTfjiogy xot) cxcoXrjxanf xaTi0gaifji,oL' xara^oga H, 6 alaiviog 
ftfvaro^, ^ ira^voft jtfi, %ci) fcagoL^oLcreig^ xoti avofL(ou' cog to, *0 Xmo^ e^6i^ 
If ^vop^ioag. xmi ^to^v [lsv uTreon) to ro5 Koglw e-wfJiM, hM^iogav $e oti. 
Siiicer in'the Thes. Ecdes. is silent about the words ^iogeiy Sio^Jo^^, 
iMTet^ogoi. Zonar««$, under the word dii^iogtif, has preserved a verse 
of Eupolis, iv A&poXixco, where both the prepositions xard and &a 
ere joined to tbe word ^ielgBWf 

eri Tdt TTstrgwa if gig tri xaroSis^ioga' 
fy,otov yig eerri* to hi^oge * rm xariinroge xoH awexTOVsv. I have 

' ** Xbqm.M.'AiTfiXT'ovaxaXAwy '^ dnixTeivd' dTteKravoy $b dSoxtwov ifivtri, 
libanius T. i. p. 810.^ C. 832. Corrigendus Phavorinus, qui ditsxravsp 
^oiir&iTOvev) 'ArriTiLwg dvrirov ditexTELvtv: add. Idem v. direxfva: Suid. 
V. dTr^KTivyvveu*** Witlcnis, Sallicrius, and Stoebems, however, have referred 
to instances, where dirixrsiya occurs in Lysias, in the ^]ian, who wrote the 
Var. Hist.y in Plato, and in Xenoph. Moer. Attic., 'A^exroyfv, 'Attikw^- 
wTrsxTizyfAev,* EAAij^mw^. ** Attici, ioffiiius Xenopho, p»terituzQ medium 

Edition of tlve Pers^e. 99 

further to remark^ that the word mera^/joi^ is » wetcl o£ very ratfe 
occnrreoce. It occurs in Sopboctes only ooxrev In Bvck'a laden 
to Euripides we have only the noun ket¥u<p6agoL, In Kuster's Index 
to Aristophanes the word is not to be founds nor is it to be met 
with in Herodotus, or Xenopho; nor have I been able to find it 
in Hippocrates. In the Index Lucianeus it is mentioned only 
once, in the Choeph. 209* we have ^gepooif xaroi(f>iogu. 

Let us now consider whether Mr. B. be correct in his notioa 
that *' ha^ielgeiv in sensu perdendi non usurpatur, cum potius sig^ 
nificet corrumpere, ut in Agam,9^. Hecub.tiOl. HippoL 391* 
Bacch, 318." It is very easy to disprove this unqualified assertion 
upon testimony, which he himself will scarcely fail to admit. Phryni- 

*^w^^^ II ■ ■■ ^. ■ I I ■ III I ■ I Mill mmm^^tai^mmmm^mmmaam^i^mmmmmm^^^^^ 


drixrova, usurparunt pro activo dirsKrocyicc, vel dirsKroLyyta., ut SiifSoga pro 
As^S^tpxa, qitanquam altero direxraxa etiam usi sunt. Vetus Gramma- 
ticus ap. Suid. 'ATtsjtTdKxa-i xdl d-^sxTOycicrr Miirovtri a>iy,(3ifdrs^, ^fi^oovXp 
MBKrdyitKri $* off, quae in v. diroxrlvvvari repetuntur, et pfoeul dubio e Teteri 
Comico depromta sunt. 'AifeKrovoca^ legitur ap. Isocratem Panathen. nov. 
cd. T. ii. p. 214. Recte a Taylore rcstitutum Lysiai contra Theonm. y.tO'S,; 
nee tamen eidem adsenserim amtra Jgorat, p. 232- diteKtsivs pro dnrixroafB 
reponenti. Rectius scribas dirixrove^ et sic in Eurip. Rheto 978. legendum pro 
dirsxreivs. Ap. Thorn. M. forte scribi debet direKtayycoL 5g dSoKifji^oy itdvfrip 
quod fl Reg, iv. 2. occurrit." J. Piersonus. With the conjecture of Pier- 
sonus all scholars will be satisfied. Phiynichus ^<i<fiTr. ITf oiTafatrx, ap. 
Bekkerum Anecd. Gr. v. 1. p. 35. At£<p6of6v: oJ ri' ^fi^ffafrati roi/r* 
tnj^alvBi* ho xai dfjiagrdyovtriv ol ksy ovreg' Ai6<piofev S itcCig, ^tw heftxf^ 
rai. ro Se hs(p6ogE ro $ie<picig}is <rrj(ji.arm. So Bekkcr has given the mord% 
but, as Stoeberus in the notes on Thomr. M . v. 8iB<p9ogiy tells us, Sal^terios 
read hifiogsv, diipicc^oLi ov ravro <njtiaiv€i, and so I read myself before I 
consulted Stceber's note. Thorn. M. die(piof6v' dvri roS i^Jfl^f ij* AwKia^yig 
iy tuJ *U^a}iXiov( yea) * A(nt\riifioi} hxKoyaf *Tir fltfx.<poTy S^afiog<as ''« (rdl^ar 
inta^ U, dvu rou s(pdeige' ^o<po>CA.ijs sv *H\sKr(a, (307«) 

xoii rug oi7rou(Tag eXxtBctg Sts^$optt^ 
But two other instances are Quoted by Moschopulus, who is cited by Stoeber 
1. 1. ex edit. Vascos. Ai£(^h§og rfifig ro ^<a(p9£rf ov, ow to hefia^fMevoy. 
'Aparo(p(iyris iv Ko^aig' Ats<pSo^a$ riv opov TJawv. Miyav$go$ ev 'A$s\(po7f» 
EiJi ng ryjy xofijv he(p&o§ujs x. r. A. See Phavorinus in v. hacp&stjoiixi^ 
and in v. (^io^dg aJu.x. Zonaras, Aisf^o^sy. ou ri Jie^Sajrai ^ijAo* Ttocfi 
'ArriKoTg, dwd ro Siip^a^Kev Evirokig, 

^Og rov VEaviVxcoy (ruvoiV 8ie$flogi — 

OTi ri 'TTATQuJx TTgog <ri xxruhsfiogoL, 
Suoiov yif so-rt rd Sie(p^ogB rcy yixriaifo^B moli difBHrovev* Etym. M. p. 754. 
1. 25. TO \i\oyoL xal iref^aSci', JyffyT^nxTjy g%ej (ryiiucLtrlxv ro U riiyjira ytai 
hE(pSo^a, nroL^yjrixyjv' ol auro) ydo ^y^fju^oLric-iLo^ xoCi Biti fysgyrftixoij KoM^ 
^dvovrxi xa* sVl itaAr^nMO. Thus we see that Thomas Magister was mis- 
taken in confining to Sophocles the active sense of fte^flftja. 

94 Strictures on Mr. Blomfield's 

chus 2*0^. HqfuteLoao'. Sie^So^iv. hi^iet^ou 06 ruuro cyifi^xlnr Sio x«l 


CEd. Tyr. 446. ^HK r[^kqa ^Ccrsi ce xa) hta^iigel, 
Philoct. 507. X ^^'^ '^^^ *^ ??> njvjxaCta tov j3*ov 

jdf;. 1305. AoL^m hcoLxxov av^p 6 ^urewrois ^rar^j, 


Jo». S44. Iw. "08* IxTeSe)^ vaT^ irou Wiv ; 6*(rog« <f ao; ; 

Kg. 06x ol^iv ouhls' Taura xa) [jLa'/revofJiMi. 

Ieo. £2 8" ouxer' lo-Tiy r/vi rgovco Sie^Sa^)},* 
JSerc. Fur. 458. "Enxov ftJv ufta^, iroKnuloK; 8* I9gs\j/«fti}v 

T^qhO-^LOLj xa7r!xoig[Ji»a,, xa) lici^io poLV. 
Hippol, 1353. ^I0e /x' l^^fisi^a^y xara r exreivoc^. 
Iphig, T. 7 1 9» *A'^^§ ''0 TOW Sffou y* oy 8 1 e 4> fl q ^ g y 0*6 ttw 

MwfTeoiMt, xai roi y eyyvg hrvixas ^6vov» 
HifC. 796. *0f fl^ (T* aysAdoov, ei 8«a(J)fla§ij(r8Tai, 
Ka) |u.^ 8/xi)v 8fiG(rou<riy, olriveg ^svovg 


HippoL 1434. Kol) aoi icxqouvw wuTega [j.)j (rrvyi-lv cretev, 

*l7rrro\VT' ?p^6i^ yoig fj^igoLV, J dte^i igv\ c* 
Iphig, T. 1028. 07 ftoi Siff^fia^ftgo-da' TrcLg 7(oSslfjLsv av ; 
** AuL^dei^siVy interficere, A. 4 1, 8. exivdvvsvasv av Bia^ioi'- 
f^vai woXkoi TOu iFTgoLT sifuaTO^, T, 7j 2^2. ft^ 8ia(^$ag6<V |y 
tJ oTgarifle, we opprimerer, K. 2, 1,21. ^iXoxX^^ aTganjyo^ towtouj 
}ie^deǤsy. q. I. Leuncl. male explicabat de animorum depravatione. 
4.4. 11. 8iff^i/;oyro, peribant.7,4, IQ, auroi ovtov ^ie<pieipev. lep, 
S, 8. tmo yvvonxaov rvgimovs he<piugfj^ivovs. Sic Jerct dicuntur komi" 
nei iioi^ieig€tVf 11. 1,4, 7* Ay. i, 22. Eodeni mode Socrates X 
4, 52. verba hominis Syracusani, ha:p6iigai TraTSa, intelligere vole- 
bat. Sed ille inteliexerat de re venerea : cf. sect. 53. avyxadci^e^v. 
Etiam Latini ita utuntur suo corrumpere. v. tierald. Advers. i. 1 1. 
— 8<a$9gig6iv, quocunque modo Jtocere, perniciose ladere^ con urn" 
pere, ut urbem et artes direptione, 17. 7. 2, 4. et 5. — ^^4. 7, % 2. 
irrpaTsufjM 8<a^9sigoju.6voy dicitur exercitus ob varias sententias £//j- 
persus.'* Lex. Xenophont. LXX. Inti. Mich. ii. 10. Svexev 
mKc^ugcrloi ha^iigr^re ^fc^at, occidione occisi est is. 

Thus then 1 have proved that hx<pdelgeiv is used not only 
by the purest Attic prose writer Xeuopho, but by the trage- 
dians Sophocles and Euripi()es, " in sensu perdendi*' which Mr. 
B. denies, and I shall proceed to show that he is not quite correct 
in his language, yvhen he says that it is not used 'Mn sensu /)er- 
dendiy cum potius significet corrumpere, ut in Agam. 934. Hecub, 
OOK Wipp©/. 3&1. ^accA. 318." 

Edition of the Persa. 95 

In the Classical Recreations^ p. 252—9. and 486— 8, I have 
4hown that 4>8sl§eiv, itoL^ielgeiv, and .^ioooi are often employed by 
painters to denote " the mixture of different colors,** and I have 
there cited several instances of this technical use of the words. 
" Haec sibi corrupto casiam dissolvit olivo : 
'' £t Calabrum coxit vitiato murice vellus." 

Persius, Sat. ii. 64. 

'' Unguentum curat conficiendum e casia pr^sertim nigra, pre- 
tiosissimum. Omnia autem unguenta fiunt mixto olivo ; nam oleum 
est materia apta suscipiendis odoribus servandisque : itaque in 
oleum transferuntur ab unguentariis : recte autem corrupto : quic- 
quid enim desihit illud esse quod fuit, corrumpi dicitur: olim 
l^acedaemonii cum unguentarios urbe pellerent, criminis loco ob* 
jecerunt, quod oleum disperderent : ergo etiam niixtiones, qualei 
fiunt a myrepsis et pictoribus, sunt <pdo§al : neque aliter pictoreg 
loquebantur^ ut usurpat Plutarchus in Symp. viii. : sic [Methuv dixe- 
runt pro fuyvvetVf et lulavtri^ pro mistioney ut disputant Plutarchus 
idem, ac Porphyrins ; et ita doctissimus Persius, sequente versu, 
vitiato murice,^" J. Casaubon Comment, in Persium. 

" VI. 30. M^ jSa^jJff, 7ie mergaris et obruaris, Xyl. imo, ne 
tirigaris, ne ifijiciaris : ne mores aulici genuinum animi candorem 
obfuscent, quod inquinamentum combibere Septimius dixit de 
Spectac. c. 14. 

aj ore rf^ t eXe^avra yovij $o/vixi fti^vij, 
Ut Homerus loquitur //. $. 141. i. ut Maro Mn, xii. 
Indum sanguineo veluti violaverit ostro 
Si qtiis ebur, 
quod nos diceremus, ^ that yjou be not stained :* nam quod Graeci 
paiveiy et jSa^rreiv, nos dicimus ' to stain.' £um autem Homeri 
locum respexit Plut. de £< Delph, ubi dixit, eadem usus, qua hie 
metaphorice M aVcus, voce : To ev elXixgive^ xu) xaiagov kripou yai» 
P'iSei irpos eregov 6 {noLir luo^' wg 9rou xoti*' OiLmpog lAg^avra nvct ^oa- 
yia'0'Ojftffyoy ^oL^ri fi.iulveo'd al ^riirr xoti ru fjLiyvvfji^svoi t6o¥ X?^f^* 
TWf ol jSa^fi^ ^iiigeirdaif xet) ^iogav tyjv fji,i^iv ovo/xa^ouo-i : unde 
emaculandus auctor idem in Symp, L. viii. c. 5. Uivra rci iJLejt,iypi,6va 
rmv aiilxrwf hriV^aKitmqoL icpog (n^'^lv fOTi* woisi yoLp ^ ft/^i^ I^^PCJ^* ^ ^^ 
IM!^ fx^ra/SoX^v ftrrajSoAij le rig rj a-Yj^tg' 8*3 rig re f^i^eig twv ^geofJM" 
roov ol J^ooygi^oi ^dopoig wofLoXfitja'k, xa) to ^oc^fon 8 < ^ y a < xsxAijxey i 
iro(i}T^^ :' fuvijpfcu legendum. Sicut et Latinis itidem tingere, inJicerCf 
et colore ahquo tincta dicuntur irijecta. Idem in Rom, Problem^ 
ۥ 26. Movov oSv TO XsvxoVf slKixgvAg xou upi^iyig xa) ay^laVT 6v eo'Ti 
jSa^p xoi aiJil[Ly\rov, Sed et Porj-hyr. de Jbstin, L. iv. xolI 6 fjto- 
XucfAog xol) Ti /* » a V cri J fiijAoT tjjv ful^iv toO iTff^oysvou^ %gog mgoif* 
xoti fiiXia^ oray Sucexyiwroy ^ivriTai' oBsv xai «rl T«y /SajXftarouy, a ^ 
hx f/>l^9m¥ rvyicrayroUi tttovg aAXou aAAco oi^jx^Aexo/tiyou p,iulv6 19 

g6 Strietures on Mr. Blomfield's 

%oli ip/itaXtv toi$ P'tSsiS ^60 got s ol t^coygi^oi Xeyovcir ^ 85 a-vyvjieioL rl 
iliMrdf %a) xoi9ctghj u^dagroif xa) aiCpou^vl$ xoA ocxYjparoy, Eadem 
hac metophora usus est Marcus L. v. l6< ubi dixit^ fiiirreroii ydf 
inro r&v ^avroffiSiV- ^ 4^^- ^t L. iii. 4. Sed in partem melioretn 
accepta> ubi de mo bono, Smawo-Jvjj /Se/Saju^ftli/ov ug fiidog. * Vult 
•rgo XASugoiv fjJifetv hivoiAv, ut L. viii. 48. aut, ut mox sese ipse ex- 
prfieat, obrXovv xaA oocigottov. Senec. Ep. 59. Elui difficile est : non 
enhn inquinati sumus, sed infecti, i. e. 06 iJi,6iJLioia-fji.svot, aXKot, /Sg/Sajt^- 
l»6voi/' T. Gatakeri Comment, in M. Jntonin. vi. 30. p. 238. 
ed. 1697. 4to. 

** Dionyd. HaBc. w?gl ^vo/t. crmiicr. xi. tS>v ?s a[i(poTipxg Tag rigrug 
i^^vtrav o& fih xutit fulav <rvk\cifiYjv <rvv6^iugij,iyov e^ov(n rto o^sl to ^oiphj 
rtctt interpres commistum: infra p. 78. R. (ryv6$3ag/jteywv aAX^Xoi^ 
xa) ?SiAv fcovviv XaftjSavrfvrcov : interpres. Uteris se invicem mutua 
etntiorre cormmpentibtts: nisi male, certe 7ro<i}TixcuT6joy quam pro 
nttione prosrag Romanorum. p. 171. yga^oilg ^wsfia^fji^evoL tol (pcoTeivx 


■ The .proverbial phrade ftxawcrvyTj ^sBatjL[j[,svov slg ^d^og deserves to be 
SMtkred. ''"Ovf^*^ j3a9Wff^a vi. 6. color purpura^ qui videtur esse saturior: 
yide Eiit»Anim. xiii. 18. et tlv. 28. : cf. ad hoc Virgil. 

Ifyali saturo fucata colore ' 

Servium ct Jun. Phylargyrum : Cassiodonis L. I. Var, hunc purptirfe colorem 
eleganter vocat obscuriiatem rubentsm, nigredinem sanguinatm. Philes. LII. 
de Animal, Propriet. ippog slg ^oi6og, quod Bersmannus vertit, sttmme 
gilvus, et LIX. 

interpres. At color conchyliatus in profunda cernitur : Olympjodorus in L. lU. 
Meteor. Aristot, to dXov^yov eV) to fji,eXdvT£^oy it^oo'T^BTtBi xa) ito^^v^i^ov 
•SJy itrri TO iv t^ dXov^ym %pw]u.a, et alibi eundem colorem ait, ^Mrs^ov 
wv dkXoof ^^uffjLaTcvv^ pressiorem aliis coloribus: vid. et Salmasii Notas in 
TertulL de FaiUo p. m. 184. et Plinium xxi. 8.'' Kuhnius in Indice ^liani 
V. H. These passages unfold the orii^in of the phrase. 

Eustath. p. 456, 1. 5. ed. Rom. Miaivsiv ^s ffxgd tw ifoitjTT) to ^diereiff 
SifE^ d'AXot (poLDii^dtrarsiv (pafjr\r evTsviev xa* Miai<p6yog Afiijg ovxiiri 
^ir/Wf d\>! ojg A\{xofia.(py^g, xa< Mia^o^ ali^aTi, ou^ «;/ Mia fa) 
iff/,sfat irocfd To7g lia'Te^oy al tujv y.oLToi'/pwivMv' dX?C AljxojSa^^^, xxTd 
T^y oiSeiroSi [Jt^ta^og- lit&o iv tuj Te\ei r-^g 'iKidSog 7is7rai. Pag. 519, 1. 1. 
^yjlislouG'ai^ Se xa.) oTi to Mtsufovog, 06 5* bvtolv^x (^A^Egt'^Afeg, ^^OTO' 
?Aiye, i/^at(pove) iir) (ffi^si ksItcu' tI ydi§ ehi [/.iryjy oUruj kou ovk iv xai^, 
Xoliofov sivat TTJy 'Airjvdv ; ^tjXo'i Se ditXoig ouTojg wg ev f^sT^iw cvAiLiJ^oLTi 
rov A^o^OjSa^^. BtrTi yd^ Miaiyeiriat /u,gy, to ^dTtTBo-dar wg xa* tt^o- 
ysyffiwrrar d<p oS xa) Mia^og irov ysx^og iv Tolg B^yjg, a,lu.ol3a(p-^g' <povog 
^ TO oJfLa sv6vfx,y}TB0y Se xa) wg iv rr if^oo'e^cvg ixre^si(r^ %f^<^^' TOii 
*Apy iXop^oo, Tov va^ 'Oi^r)§(v Miatipov ov', Mirj^ovoy exeJvog etpyj. 
\ Heliodonis Mthiop. x. 15. p 479. (quoted by Prof. Porson on the Orestes 
V. 909.) " dixit, nigrum in candido Charicleae brachio circulum memoranS|'' 
xal Tfy Tig wa-ireg l^syog ts^iS§o[ji,Qg ihiifctyTa. rh j3f a%/oya y^ixlywy* 

Edition of the Persa. 97 

To7f <rxt€go!g ix,ov(rotis: vid. Hemsterh. ad Lucian. T\ 1* p. 31.: 
tetigit nuper Matthsei ad Nunnesium p. 133/' Schaefer ad Dionys. 
Hal. De Compos. Verb. p. 129- Mr. Schaefer then cites from the . 
Critical Rev. July 1803, p. 343. an extract from a letter written 
by Mr. Upton to Dr. Taylor in consequence of his note in Lycurg. 
p. 328- ed. 8vo. " ^Joga apud pictores est colorum commixtio — 
unius adeo rei cum altera commixtio est ^ioq^ et ex tali commix- 
tione naturalis et proprius color perditur et corrumpitur (Virg. Georg, 
II. 466. Nee casia liquidi corrumpitur iisus olivi)y unde (J^de/gco-Jai 
est commixtione corrumpere : Plut. m Sympos. p, 708. avSpdmoov \ 
ftij 6fM)^6Xa)v fMfii 6/to<07ra$aJv t]g to oluto (TUft^dagevreuv^ i.e. in unum 
confusorum^ commistorum.'^ This explanation corresponds with 
the remarks of Hemsterhuis, whose note is quoted entire in the 
Class. Rear. p. 486, 7.—" Pictoribus, unguentariis, ac tincioribus 
propria fielgetv, ^iogotly et <rvfji,(^6slgB(r6on de colorum unguentorumque 
diversi generis mixtura : hac quidesn temperatione sua cuique perit 
pulcritudo, et corrumpitur ; sed arte lamen alius exstitit color, qui 
naturalem stepe vincat.*' 

We are not informed who first applied the term ^ioqoi to denote 
*^ the mixture of colors:" possible it is that Apollodorus the painter 
was the person : Plut. de Glor. Athen. p. 346. A. '^^roXXoScogo^ o 
^ooyga^o^, otvigiyrwv ^poorog e^vpcov ^dogoiv, xai onro^potxriy (rxiSi^y '^dij- 
vulog i}v. But Plutarch, as quoted above, has well explained how 
the term came to have that signification, and Hemsterhuishas done so 
even more clearly. I may perhaps be permitted to suggest, that the 
painters might have taken the term from the philosophers, who under- 
stood by ^oget, as applied to death, ij xlvri^ng fx ro5 ovrof elg ro firj elmiy 
ri airo rou oyro$ tht) ro /tij iv jUrerticjSoX^ (see Zonaras, and Phavorinus 
quoted above), and that from its frequent use as a philosophical 
term to denote ** the change of being, or removal from this world to 
another," together with the circumstance that it is frequently joined 
with words signifying " change,** came its sense of. mere " change;" 
or *^ alteration," which 1 shall proceed to show that it sometitnes 
has, after having quoted the words of Plutarch, which will serve 
somewhat to illustrate my notion, and vindicate it from the charge 
of gross absurdity: vavra rot fj^efj^tY^ivoL roov A/ui^ixrcov Incrt^ftAeo'- 
Ttp« ygoj iTY^lv €<rrr irotsl yap ^ f^i^i? J^X"^^* ^ ^^ T^^X'J /tsrot- 
0o\^r jttffrajSoX^ $sri^^ ari^ig' hh rig re pi^l^Btf roav ^goopiArcoy ol 
^^ypi^ot ^* ^dogoig** ovofLa^oueri, xotiyo jSce^i htjvcn (jx>)jyai) xsxXrixev o 
^nnfr^g. Those, who reject the notion, which 1 have suggested to 
account for the signification of *^ change," will perhaps not with- 
hold their assent from the idea that, as the Nvord was used for '^ cor- 
niption," " deterioration by mixture," " adulteration," it at length 
acquired the meaning of " change," wtere no " corruption, dete- 
Horation, or adulteration,'' was included. Or we may thu9 explain 
U^-That which is changed^ is c^nvpied, and by a^very natural pro- 



58 Strictures on Mr. Blomfield^s 

cess of reasoning, the ^ord» wbich signifies '' corruption/' is em- 
ployed to denote ^^ change/' because the idea of ^' change" is in- 
volved in the idea of '* corruption" — ftrrAjSoA]] rt§ ^ ^nif^f »ay9 
Plutarch. We have in the ^g^rmemnon v. 941. 

Stanley had at first translated the passage, " Animum quidem scito 
me neutiquam cort-upturum" which he afterwards improperly cor- 
rected thus: ''Minime dissimulaturum me scito sententiam meam." 
Abresch's note upon the passage runs thus : '^ Lys. Or. in Andoc. 
p. 104. vou^ ov Btanv ris rotn-ot; yywjxijy Sie^tsi^s. Isocr. ad Demon, p. 
17. ha^iagsla-iig rrishavolas. £urip* Orest. 297* to ^M^iuph ^pwwif. 
^schyius Choeph. 209. ^gevmv Kotra^toga.** Not one of the in- 
stances cited by Abresch is to the purpose. The words Jf«^l«- 
fittnig ri}; havotag in Isocrates mean^ ^' when he was deprived of his 
reason in consequence of intoxication ;" for a little before these 
words, we have orav yaq 6 vou^ xtno olvou hoL^iciq^. In the Choeph. 209* 

the words ^cevcov ituTec^iogoi denote '^confusion, perturbation of 
mind." In Lys. Or. in Andoc. p. 222, S. ed. Reiske^ vwg oi Semv 
Tis rouToo yyoofi't^if iii^ietge, the word Sie^ficj^i means^ as Reiske 
translates it, mentem 'vitiavit et occacavit. Eurip. Oreft. 297* 

OT»v ii TUfu iiuiM^ayr iSj};, 
cu jukou TO Ssivov xat tiet^ietfiv ^pevmv 

here r« hM^dupiv ^pevm manifestly means ^^ distraction of mind, 
or madness." Schol. orav Si "t^s rafjiM, ijrot ifih Xcurodoftifa'ayrai rtvr- 
crriv (i^avivTU, urb to hmv Ijxou^ xa) ro SM^apiv riov ^pww^ ^t 
T^y itu^tojgAv, eWfp^e, xeA xwXve, wagotf^uiov rt* Mr. Blomfield will 
b^ convinced of this in one moment. Dionys. Halic. De Compos. 
Verb, xviii, p. 246. ed. Schaef. Ttonpov Too-auni ^-f^i oturov jv AifuttrthiivU 
neA ^ctxyrns, &rra /xij (tovoqSv, oJuyig eiriy viytms ^ itywii$ j$u0/xo), ^ 
rperocun) ieofihufis^a xoe) ^la^topoi rtov ^pivoav, wrre tlSora rou; 
jt^rroUf, mir« cd^laion tous ystpwag, where Schaefer cites this very 
passage without any remark. But in the verse of the Agamemnon 
now under consideration, 

941* yvipLfjv fiiv urd* fMi ha^B^ouyr ifi^i, 
the words yvcpfMjv iia^iigowra do not mean what^ in the four pas- 
sages quoted by Abresch, is meant by iw^tapti^s ^( i§ciiyo{m$, 
** temporary loss of reason," ^^ distraction of mind," or by rh 
Sia^fioejffv ^gev«i>v, ^pevm Kora^iafa, ^^ madness,'^ or any Atoj3Aaj9»«,-af 
in the words of Lysias, tftag ou Bam t^s roi^ou yyei/tijy lU^tup : bul 
they mean to express simply that '^ he will not change his mind, or 
determination," and so Schutz rightly understood the passage* 
*' Atqui, quanquam hsec, quse de moderato fortunae usu dixisti, veria- 
Mina sunt, noli tamen ea adversus sententiam meam dicere, ut per 
stragttia picta iocedere recuses, cui respondens Agamemn<m neg^t 

Edition of the Tenet. 99 

•eeommissuram at propter uxorisstndium sentbntiam mittst/' 
Scbut^'s good sense told him that this was the meaning, and he left 
it to others to reconcile this meaning with Si«^i«^ouvra. As I had 
in the Clcus. Recr. p. 487* pointed out this to be the meaning of 
Agamemnon, I was somewhat sorprised to find Mr. B., in hit 
^tion of the Perste, ranking this passage among those instances, 
where iw^itlpftv has the sense of corrumpere* But perhaps, when 
he comes to the Agamemnon^ he will favor us with some elucidation 
of his obscure word corrumpere. In the Class. Recr. p. ^55. I 
have observed that fto^<^4; ha^to^oi in the Prmn. Desm. 644. means 
" a total change of form :" — 

xal roi Hoii Xfyouo*' S86gopi0»t 

|xoj<^^$,*o9fy /tot <r^tT>Ja irgocrm'aro. 
Stanley properly translates the words by ** permutatio formae/' and 
even Mr. B. himself^ who understands the words literally^ for he 
translates them by *' ibrrase ruina/' is obliged to subjoin by the way 
of explanation ^* mutatio in vaccam." 

Mr. B.'s second instance of ha^tsl^w in the sense of C9rrum* 
pere is taken from Euripides Hecub. 60 K 

1 had quoted this passage in the Class. Recr, p. 487) and observed 
Aat Iff^Sfif t evidently signifies that the good man is not changed in 
his nature by calamity. But 1 now admit that we may very well 
understand by the words ^6<rty Uiftn^g, " is not corrupted in his 
nature/' '' does not lose any of his goodness." 

The third instance, which Mr. B. cites of ha^ttt^uv in the sense 
of eorrtnnpere, is from that notable passage in the Hippolytus, of 
which neither he nor Professor Monk can easily make sense with-< 
out the aid of some such alterations, as I have made in the Ciass» 
Recr. p. 9,52-5. 484, 5. 

V.S90. rmn otiv rrfi$^ rvyxi^iw ^poyww eyii, 

f/teXAov, wart roSfj^fpaXtv ^B(rtlv ^p&fwf. 

X«f CO K xa) 0-01 T^ «ft% yvfiojxi}^ mv. 
** Jta^tiquv significat aboUre, hie vero usu metaphorico oblivisciP 
Prof. Monk. If tia^tfi^fiy here means oblivisci, the remainder of 
the sentence wart roSfiiraAiy wmrslv ^^svwv has no meaning whatever^ 
and must be expunged ; for the sense of the words, with such an 
interpretation of hai9§qii¥, is this. — ** Since, then, I happen to be 
sensible of these things, (this human infirmity), there is no medicine, 
by which I could be brought to forget this passion, so as to fell into 
the opposite state of mind.'* But surely the state of mind oppo* 
site to love is hatred, and not forgelfulness; and surely any person^ 

100 Strictures on Mr. Blomfield's 

not blinded by prejudice, would allow diat it is absolutely iibposmUe 
to suppose that Euripides, or any person in his senses, could write 
any thing so inconsequential in its reasoning as this. — *' Since I am 
aware of these things, there is no medicine to make me forget my 
passion." Mr. B., as we have seen, would translate ha^el§€w in 
this passage by corrumpere^ and so far as this goes, he escapes 
the absurdity into which his friend, Prof. Monk, has fallen, by un- 
derstanding the word to mean ^^ oblivisci." But till Mr. B. has pre- 
sented us with a more correct view of the whole passage, I shall 
continue to read, pointy and translate it thus — 
toot' oZv hfceiB^ Tvy^ivoa ^govoOo*' hyd, 

IjUrsXXov, coot' elg rou/x^aXiv vecelv ^gtvoov, 
Xi^oi) 8s xoi (To) Trig sfMig yvifAvig oSov. 
'^ As then I am well aware of this (human infirmity), and as there 
is no drug (to be found), by which 1 was likely so effisctually to 
change (my complaint), as to fall into the opposite state of mind, 
Xthat is, no drug capable of turning love into hatred), I will tell 
even to you what plan. 1 mean to adopt." ' 

The last instance, to which Mr. B. has referred for ita^tslgetv 
in the sense of co7rumper^, is in the BacchtB v. 318. 

/ xoti yaq. EV Ba)c^B6(/Ma'tv 
ftwr .7} ye (Too^gcoVy ou dtet^iugijireTeLiy 
^' quae natura pudica est, non corrumpeturJ* Here I admit that 
hoL^ia^fTffrai means '^ corruption of morals.'' 

I have somewhere remarked that ^^ the previous word ^ip^xw, 
which signifies both a medicine, (oi*, a remedy), and a color, naturally 
suggested, upon the principle of the association of ideas, the meta- 
phorical use of the word &«^$eip»y in the passage of the Hippo^ 
tfftu&j** and I have to add, that the same thing has happened in 
smother Play of Euripides — 

otroLg (T^ctyoLg S^ ^oig[ji,ix.oov davacrZ/bteoy 
yvvulxeg sigov ctvipua-tv ^let^dogag ; Eurip. Ion, 614*' 

We have in Diod. Sic. Vol. 1. p. 288. ed. Wess. Folio, rov isaxiga 
^agjxaxo} hiu^^ugoLi. . 

I find that xara^^ds/^eiv, <rvyKOfTu<pi€lgetv, and xorra^floga, which 
I have noticed as words of rare occurrence, are used by Foiybitts : 
— " Ketjot^Mgeiv, tj^ x^9^^ ^^' 9* V^O vastare, II. 64, 3, et 7. coll. 
vs. 6. TO fl-Xfio-Tov fiigoy Tfig duviftitog, amkiere (sicut 8#«^9«/p6i») IJI. 
60, 5. — StryxaToiftiigeiy Tobg frrgetrionagj simul perdere, amittere^ 

' The conjecture of wot' e\g rouiifjrci^tv, for uSars ro5jM,iraAiv, found 
its way as something original inio the notice of Mr. Monk's Hippofytus, in- 
serted in the Quarterly Heo.y though it had been published in the Ckas* Recr. 
many months before the said notics appeared. 

• I- 

• V 

Bditian of the Persa. 101 

ix. 26, 6. — Kara^dopoty 4, reov afiqSav, interituSf aedes^ i. 49j 4. ii. 21. 
6. iii. 35. S. r^; 'EXAmSo^, pemici&tf xi. 6, 2. r^; x^P^^ devastatia, 
iv. 67» ]• r&v Uymvydestructiomachinarum^ i^ne crematarumyi, 4Q, 
8.11. 21^9/' Lex. Polybian. Diodorus Siculus twice uses the 
"word xara^iuquv. Vol. i. p. 66. ed. Wes8. Folio, t^v <rweyyuj x^i^ 
xoTU^ielgBw: p. 32. ra 8* oKXa xoTi^ta^ou het. rov x^wov. 

eTT^xfifoi^siVy fMTiivBiv, radere : Euripides i/Ze^^- 

Here it may be worth while to notice^ as we are speaking on the 
subject of the terms used by painters, that Mr. B., when writing 
on the 6 1st verse of the Sev. a. Thebes, has fallen into a slight mis- 
take — 

" XS**''^9 ii^gtiino : sensu primario leviter atiirigo : cf. Ruhnken. ad 
Timaeum p. 276. Porson. ad Eurip. Orest. 909." Mr. B. But 
the *' primary sense" of ;^^«jyeiy is not " leviter attingere," but the 
word is applied to '^ touching the skin of the body/' and thence 
comes its meaning ^' to touch the superficies of any thing lightfy^^and 
thence ^' to come near any thing." Porson in the passage, to which 
Mr. B. refers, is much more correct in his language : ^' x^a/ys<y 
nihil aliud proprie signifioat, quam ret cujusquam superficiem 
leviter radere, vel attingere.** As we shall soon see, Porson was 
indebted to Eustatbius for tliis interpretation of the word. Mr. B. 
refers us to Ruhnken's Timseus, as Porson had done before 
him, and there we are told that p^^a/vsiv is properly a technical term 
used by painters: Timseus, xea/veiv, ?youv awo;^ga/yg<v, 'rrupot rol^ 
^JBoyga^oi$ Se Xtyerou to [mv ;^go(/vs'y, ri x§^&'^ ^'^ ^^^ pafi^lov to Sf 
auro^qaheiv, to ras ;^go0(r$eyTa lyo^roisTy^ and J . Pollux vii. J 29>> enu- 
merating the technical terms used by painters, says: — x^**^*'/ 

See Hesychius m v. ovKf^qcdww : I shall find another opportunity 
of discussing Hesychius's words. Let us now turn to Eustathius. 
/liTTsj $e 6 XS^^^* ^^^^ ^^ ^ Xi^^f '^^ ff-^o^aiyofteyoy iriKoi rris xetr 
aydgoojrov <ra^xo$, ^ouy T^y x^^^^^' ^f^'^oL to, va^oS^aflseiy ^ Xgoi^* dio 
xal yrpos TO, h XS^f OfJi^oiorr^eL ex" ''"o X^'^?*'^' ^^^^f Fovara fi^ Xf^ 
2|«y efjM' T^yovv XS^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ XS^ ^X^'^* ^jurOioy ^e xa) to Min/i¥ 
*%S*^i**^*' ^y^^" ix6TeufiijfA«y xara ie^ioiv xa) yiyara' TOiouToy W. xoA 
TO xs^^v^^y xaroL ^agaycoy^y* o3 irpooTOs jUriTex^' ^ X?^^^' ^^ 
tu TfTjarrai rpayixw^ xa) to, *AyopSis xi^'^^*'^ nvx^ov (Twyyeygj 81 toTj 

103 Strictures on Mr. Blomfield's 

Iri Sff xai TO xpfiisiv^ o sortv nriir(9rTeiy: p. 467- ed. Rom. Again, 
p. 1063. 1. 23. (is Javoioi Tpita-criv kfrixg^v, ^youv eo^ xa) 9r^offj^^4i| 
lyairlTreo-ov^ swtl, e4^ eTireiv, ty ;^pa? eT^Xdov t^A^pyi^ig olv evraoQa tit 
^avaoi (i$ SiWcixoii ol Avmoi Sta ri ^pativ^ 10 o3 6 K^X9^^^ 
xciigia it %0triTM$ ij roiauri) Xi^tg, hi xa) t\s evrnuta KiiTui xar l7r$fji»oin/v 
EV re rp apxjj t^j wagajSoXtj^, Koci ev tJ awoSoo-fi. 'Itrreov 8s ori re &r8 
ToO XP^> yivsroLk 7rX60vao*fta> aioXi>ca)ToO 5, ;^gat5»' oTov, Xpavo'ti j*er 
r' auXij^ uTE^aXjttcvay. xal on xal to e^pou. xu\ to 9ra^' 'Hgoloref 
Ivi^f^^v fil^ TO T/9oVw7oy. xal to eirep^gaff. xal To;^^auo'o(i. xai r^ 
$x TouTCoVi XP^''^^^ ^^"^ X8^^^ 'iroioiv kvafvjv Si)XoD(rr x») Svk 
ex Tou Vfoo) xp^ vuqiyaiyyov to xS^'^^^f ^^^ '^^ P^ pa/vco* ^g^/vsiv Se^ 
ai) M ^^eTyou, xaT^ To^ ''A<rrv xciyopois ;^pa/voov xuxXpv. ou fj^YjV xa\ ji 
(UrOXuvciv Toiourov els t to ^pa/veiv fiiTaKafjiffioLyeTou' outqu yoig to ftcy 
ffroXuvcoy T^y wr^wjy, ^^oyepov lori* to SJ, *Ij^8uS/»y wkqxvI&ols Ta xgavlx. 
hfjLoXvv aXivgcfy Tfp^yixoy loTiy, eo^ nr) TTfjyuvla-f/iMn yoLg ^r^Kxlvi hppeSi^ 
Pbavorinus, who has this passage^ for Ixivhltov, gives !;^$»S/coy^ for 
avoxvfxag gives iTCOXvria-ag, for Itt) Ty^yetvliryMTK gives eTriTrjyavlo'fjLara. 
Before I close this article, it may be worth while to notice a 
strange opinion entertained by Facius about the celebrated passage 
in Eurip. Orest. 909. 

iXiyixig Sfirrv x^kyogac xga/ya»y xuxXoy. 
*' Xg«^«»v dtcTTo, frequentare astu, ut ygot/yecrfloei tt^Xiv, Sopli. (Erf. 
C. 381." Buttne passage in Sophocles by no means warrants 
this interpretation of the passage in Euripides : — 

itqiv jxiv yap uuralg v^v egoog, Kgiovrt rt 

igovovg euo'Smf fxride x^a/yscSai 'tciXiv, 
. Xoycp (yxoTTOVffk T^y vaKxt yivovg fdogotv^ 

of a xariaxjs riv o-ov JfSXiov 8^oy. 
S^oX. ir«X. np\f n^v yoig udTolg' ^gciijy T^a-av (rxoiFfiirotvTegy T(3 Kpovtk 
**f*X***P^^** t^v (Trjv /Sao-iXg/flty. Kgeovrl rr re ^Xeoya^si. 4^tt> orxo- 
flroSoT fJ^eroxfj i(ruVy ov pri^. The passage is, as I frankly own, to 
me very obscure, firunck reads ig0$, and thqs writes: — " Libri 
omnes ijy igig, quod series narrationis falsum esse ostendit, et a 
librario hue retractum fuit e. v. 372. : Th. Tyrwhitti conjecturam 
recepi, qua nihil certius mihi videtur : sic igwg occurrit infra 436., 
Eurip. Phan. 631. Ale. HOI. Suppl. 139. Jphig. A. 813. et 
passim: vide notata ad prioris CEdipi v. 6OI.'' The anonymous 
writer of the Observations on Sophocles, appended to Bishop 
Burgess's Edition of BurtorCs Pentalogiu p. 52. retains ipig, and 
thus explains the passage: ** Dele interpunctionem post ipig^ qnab 
quideni ap. Aldum nulla est: duarum sc. contentionum mentionem, 
facit, quarum prior (utrum sc. solium relinquerent CEdipi filii) erat 
inter ipsos et Creontem; posterior autem (de occupando) inter 
se ipsos.*' In the Lexicon Gracuniy subjoined to the Pentalogia, 
Nve have-r-" xs^'^^^l^^h ^' 360. j^olluo vrhem, ^uasi imperio injusto, 

Edition qf the Persa. 103 

regens.^ " Annon praestiterit Igcos, votum, cupido ? ut infra 449. 
Creonti enim regQumpermittentes, de quo contenderent^ nihil erat/' 
In the passage of Euripides, 

ikiyoLKis aa-TU Kuyoqis ^fetlyoov kCkXov, 
^palveov clearly means *^ approaching/' *' coming near/' Thus in 
the Scholia we have: — To ie *0\iyoixis a<rrtj xkyoqi^ ^qahw x6k\ov, 
mvii Tou ixxXiio-fflu; ou 9rcgieg;^^f4svo;, ouSi 9rXi](ria^ooy. In addition 
to the passages cited from Eustathius, I add one^ which occurs 
in p. 551. 1. 10. on Iliad. e\ 138. 

Ji) roTC fjAV Tg)s Toccov eXfv i^ivog eSore Kiovrotf 

X^au^ou Si kiyiToHf to «nwoX^$ iiv»i elf aoTov tov p^gouv t«S o-fiS/taro^ * 
Xfltl ylvtrou kjrtviio'U ^youv irXeovflUTft^ roD 6, uTri rou ^S^' ^S t^ ^XS^^ 
ic^Scfv X0t) jttigTegijxoi jxtn^arijgef m^goLoy, »$ H XQ^ XJS^^9 ^^^ ^ot\ 
Kim. olov, *AairulgovTa >jSuoVy xa) kot^ ifXtovao'iLOV Aavco* i^ o5 x«i ri 
ctT^aJa)' xa) Xeuxav/a 6 hxufiAi. ourco Se xa) ao) fltuco to ^(«o xot) f »vo». 
xol \pa6u \{^atuctf xa) IXaco lAauco e^ o3 ro lAavyco. Etym. M. x?^' '^^ 
few, ef o3 XS^^^ ;f gauo-fio, '/XiaJoj e', XS^^^f ^^^ '^^^ ^C'^SlH ^^' ^A/yo» 
Toy yjiOTflt, hri^varj, ijroi wgO(reyyiVj' awo tou x^^'^^Sf X?^* ^^^^ Wfoo"- 
itauci). The metaphor in Euripides is derived not a polluendo, as 
Musgrave supposes, but a radendo, and this interpretation may be 
well defended by the exactly similar use of radere, *' to approach/' 
in the Latin poets. *' Sxpe a poetis radere dicitur, qui prope locum 
aliquem transit, ita ut pasne contingat, qui prxternavigat, praeter- 
Tolat, correr vicino, andar rasente: Virg.^w. vii. 10. Proxima 
Circaa TSiduniuT littora terra : Valer. Flacc. v. 1Q8. alta Carambis 
Raditur: Virg. jEn, III. 799- jiltas catUes prcjectaque saxa 
Packyni Radimus: JEn. V. 169. Hie inter navemque Gya, sco^ 
pulosque sonantes ^sidit iter lavum interior : Ovid. Am. III. el. 
ult. v. 2. Raditur hac Elegis ultima meta meis : Propert. III. £. 23. 
jiUer remus aquas, alter tibi radat arenas : adde Lucanum viii. 
246. Simile est illud Ovid. Met. x. 654. de pernicibus cursoribus: 
Posse putes illos sicco freta radere passu, Et Hgetis cana stantes 
percurrere aristas: Virg. JEw. V. 21 6. de columba, Aere lapsa 
quieto Radit iter liquidum, celeres neque commovet alas, ^ fende e 
•corre V aria.' " Forcellinus in Lex. 
ITatton, May 4, 1815. E. H. BJRKER. 

104 Bentkii Emendatianes Inedita 



[No. III. — Continued from No. XXIL p. 259.] 

In Ranas. 

C/OLLATUM esthoc drama cam MSto Barocciano [fortasse eodem 

libro quern m partes suas vocavit Gabfordus ad Hephaest. 

p. 303.] 

^- X^X^i Suidas in niw [habet] crp^oX^ : male ; neque Kusterus 

correxit. [At Dawes, p. 232, crp^oX^ verum esse contendit.] 
7- MS. BoLp^wv yv [Mvov 8*lx6j»' oTrcog. [Ita MS. Brunckii.] 
11. orav: Suid. in '£jgjM,e7v habet m. Forte lege irkvpf y m 

jxsXXeo *ym '^e^s7v. Sed in MeKXeo [unde illud eyci hausit Bentl.] 

OT«v ftlXXco y e^sfjLsiv, 

33. la Schol. ^^ kol) JSiotvlotg xoiXovfLivri$ aKpag.*' Immo MoLKiag 
— uKpag in Xenophont. Ellen. I. 446*. Strabooe est MaXla, quod 

34. ^Hr MS.'Hy : mox, Schol. ^ntJ— pro^ijjx/: dein, pro v^ 
AtoL habet /xa J. [sic MS. apud Br.] 

51. Ita MS. HP.<r(P(i; JL v^ tov'AttoX}^* HP.x^t: 

55. [iixgos: MS. /ti}xg(>; : alia manu a scribitur superi]. Suid. 

[nxgog in MoXoov. 

51. ^vveyevou K>s^Kr6ivsi ; MS. inserit rco, [sic alii.] 

64. lege vj Vega [et sic Seidler de Vers. Dochmiac. p. 388.] 

76. Soi^oKkeoL ultimam habet longam. Aut ergo lege £Tr oS 

So^ox\iu vgoregov ovr Ewgwi'Sou ; aut oup^l, deleto Svr. 

79. MS. ffMTsg y [sic MS. Borg.] mox v. 86, MS. HsvoxXlij^ 
99. lege TOiourdt'. Suid. roiotirovi in Jlagotxexii^vveuiiivov. 
ICX). \govoo irolcii Euripides Bacch. 886. 

102. % : MS. «V6t>. Suid. 1. c. 7Sia \ aveu. 

103. Suid. in Si Se x.r.X. habet Si de raxn ags<rx6i ftoXXov : Sed 
MSS, Kusteri /ju'tiAXa: Vid. v. 624,' 757. 763. Achar. 458. 
Av. 109. Sic ou yaq otKXoi est affirmativum : vid. [£q. 1202, et 
Gaisford ad Hephaest. p. 27, et Markland ad Suppl. 569*] 

Ibid. MS. a-oi. mo$. 104. MS. xo^Xa [Sic MSS. apud Br.] 
108. lege mxa [Sed ovvbxol est magis ^sitatum, tarn Comicif 
quam Tragicis.] : mox MS. ^eov [pro figoav]. MSS. Br. ivsxei — 

121. yoig omittit Suid. in Bpavtcv, Kikoog et Ilvlyeug, 

131. MS. 'jni : et mox 136. aXX' yjmeg [abi vulgo deest oXX'.] 

137. ?fe«5 ftfyaXijy Suid, in ''Afiwr<ros. 

138. dele ye [et sic MS. apud. Br.]— 146. vwv MS. crx^\. ploy. 
. 174. w(C<r* : MS. wo?: et mox 176. MS. h' av [vice lav.] 

in Aristophanem. — Ranas. 105 

185. MS. J/. JV^ Tov nocreiiw. 

• 186. deleto JL Bentleiiis sequitur Schol. [sic Hotibius.] 

186. ^otvQol: leg. (rirugoi. [Usee emendatio est feliciter exco- 
gitata : etenim Achaebs plurimas fabula^ Satyricas composuit.] 

193. Forte lege ri^v freg) touv aKgoov. Intelligit Carias ArgU 
nusas. vel Tregt rigv a^cpetv : ut Malia intelligatur. Vid. v. 33. Pho- 

Ibid. Id Schol. sic legitur Sophoclis fragmentum Tototirog oov 
Si^ug fTV roCSe rou xfrng : vulgo deest cu : [quod supplevit fir. in 

195. rpi^oov: MS. xixXop [sic MSS. alii.] 

197. J/. fJLaviiveig. Ita MS. — 209. MS. xSra xsAsue. 

211. MS. semper Bqexexe^: et Suidas in BgiXixe^ et Alo\u¥» 
[Ipse Bentleius semper jBpsxsxxexe^.] 

220. MS. rrig ifg^y X^?^^' 

222. Totum hunc versum oraittit MS. et 269. 

235. v7roX6giov : lege xhroXudiov vel uTOjSgup^jov. 

240. MS. iiyx6^ot$. 

242. forte ir»6(ra(rte vvv: ut versus hi duo sint pares [sciL 
'^XX* 00 ^iXeo^ov ysvog Trotwreurdi wv 
MaXXov jMrSV o5y ^iry^ofMtrff, el S^wot sv — ] 

245. MS. ^Xcoju^eta. — Suid. in ^\im, 247. lege froXvKoXvfji.fioKn. 

252, 3. Utrosque fiaccho tribuit Bentl. Similiter 263, 4. 

288. MS. ilou TTOu 'oTiv. H/4. Ifewricfcy. MS. Vat. ttoG iro3 

292. Omissum yt in Frob. supplet Bentl. e Suid. in EfivovireL 
et MS. ubi bis ^rors [sic MS. Kav. et alii.] 

295. y omittit Suid. in "Eiuwoxxtol [sic MSS. apud Br.] 

297. MS. AL xa) (TxiXog et SA. N^ rh [sic MS. Rav.] 

302. 8gy?rroy: MS. 8* efi'^rrov: lege y' sT ?rrov [sic MSS. 
apud Br.] 

.304. lege wvr' ayaSa. [sic MSS.] 

305. In Schol. ita legit Bentl. Fragmentum Strattidi^ A, toT 
vgog $eaov iroi 9roi yaX^v. B. y&kf^v, A. eyw $* cSftijv ere Aeyeiv yaX^y 
6;w : et ad illud Sannyrionis adscripsit varias lectiones r/ — IvSJ- 
(rojEMti — oSro^ elg e^6govg fuiya quas prsebet Schol. ad Orest. 279* 
ubi corrigit Bentl. 'Ogiart^v — et Kmaqw : hie vero reposuit sio-iSooy 

307. Olim voluit Bentl. xotrofMir^v fMi. Nij Alai coUatis Nub. 
)234. iwoiAoa'a$ ftoi rou^ Stoug* et A v. 444. xarojbioo'ov — fJLo$ postea 
inseruit e MS. roy omissum in Frob. ante Ala. [sed melior videtur 
conjectura quam MSti lectio, vid. vers, seq.] 

311. MS. ftoi [sic duo alii teste Beck] mox idem ret xaxA 
rauri [duo apud Br.] 

S14. ai\il T^g iviov, Htec^ vulgo in textu posita, delet Bentl. 

106 Bentkii Emendationes Inedita 

CoIIato Schol. ad v. 1£82. Achar. 115. [ubiexstat i^ sro^friy^f^^ 
krivcufi.] Av. 223. [ubi AtiXtl rts in textu sedem habet.] 

318. MS. Baccbo tribuit. 

39.6. et sqq. Srf. 343 et sqq. '^yrio-rg. [Vid. Hermann, de 
Metris, p. 352.] 

327- MS. ev cSf^dct; [sic Rav.l mox o*^ [pro era).] 

328. MS. "I^^x ^ ''^^X' ^ fo^X*' 

SS6> Ti(iMv : lege r* e/t«y : mox dele comma post ^Xoy/. 

347* MS. anocr^lovTai [ut alii] : mox omittit r . 

353. MS. haiMcotiTh. [ut unus MS. apud Br.] 

354. MS. et Schol. X^uy W av^Qv. 

358. yi/w/x)} Suid. in 'E^i(jTa<r$ou. mox xudoLptvtt Seal. Gellius 
[in Prsefationci p. 11.] Plutarch, [ii. p. 348. D.] 

359* oBc : Recte Aid. tie : Gellius et Suid. in Taugo^yov, eJSev ^ 
Plutarch, ^(rtv^ 

372. lege roTcriy: MS. Gellius et Suid. in 'Anavlw dant tovtois. 

ibid, post Kulhs inseritur to rg/roy a Gell. MS. rg/roy. 

375. et sqq. Hos in sex versus dispescuit Bentl. nee tamen 
Antistrophicorum nomine insignivit^ licet sex ejusdem mensurse in 
ordinem redegerit quorum initium posuit in v. 380. '4XX' fffbjSot. 
[Hotibius vero eos Antistrophicos appellat.] 

ibid. Si) yuy : dele S^ et leg. vuy encUticum : vid. 443. %c0^sirff yvy. 

383. eif Tcls oipeis : dele Ta$ [recte : in hac formula non usurpa<* 
tur articulus: cf. L^s. 392. et 1036.] 

387 et sqq. necuon 392 et sqq. disposuit Bentl. ut exstant in 
edd. Kust. et £r. 

391* vala^Mi lege fTul^at [sic voluit Kust] 

397. "Ay •!« : forte 'AXk' eU. 

401 et sqq. Numeris Arabicis notavit versus quatuor; quo9 
liceat systema a [Anglice stanza] vocare. 

406 et sqq. systema /3'. 4. vers. 

407* lege t6v re o-avIaxIq-kov. 

ibid. Suidas Evrikeioif <rfnxpo7r§6irei», EuriXtiot ii cuSai/tov/^ 
vfugoi TO ev TgXelv *Aqt(rTo^otvfi$' Sot ydg hioojMv 'JSr $VTikel^ Toy 
<r«y$aA/(rxoy. Videtur alius esse locus. [Non reperitur inter Ari^ 
tophanis fragmentaa Brunckio congesta.] 

412 et sqq. systema y\ 4 vers. 

419 et sqq. Disposuit ut exstant in Kust. et Br. quatuor systa^ 
matibus 3 vers, notatis. 

42 1 . In Schol. ^' Post oSovra; Suidas in ^puctn^gas inserit. ^fotff'* 
nfgtf^ : quod Palmerius ut suum dedit." 

425. lege XAO-riy: mox MS. KksKrteyy^y, 

430. lege co 'va^Xvimog [et sic Person ad Orest. 1645.] 

433. nvtrdov MS. et Suid. in 'ImFOvoqvs. 

440. MS. aTjoi' ; vid. 505 et 607. [Sic alii MSS.] 

443 et sqq. et 447 et sqq. duo systemata 4 vers. 

ibid, lege xflgini ; mox dele flc«ir. 

in Aristophantm. — 'Ranas. 107 

447« ^/. omittit MS. mox lege xAiirir— 9r«yn»;(/i[ovriy [sic Ho* 

451. MS. voXu^^oSov; cum ^oX. iroXtf^;(OVf. 
ibid, et sqq. iieciion 457 et sqq. notantur quasi systemataj qutt 
in Aid. et Kust. sunt Antistrophica. 
458. %aX delet MS. et legit U&i^ : vid. Scfaol. ad 443. 
46 1, rou; omissum supplet ^fS. [sic alii.] 
468. MS. %oLi ToXfMifi xoMifaxMrt 0^ : vid. Pac. 181. et S6l. 
470. MS.^/t^y. 

476. dele ^ vel lege ix«royxl^o; : vid. Nub. 335. [sic MSS.] 
477- TVfftijx^yaw MS. et Suid. 
476. In Scho. ptua-ovreu : ** fo. Zavvroi'^ 
486. MS. r^ia-dov 3 A. TOvoTiir [ut alii.] 
491* Ouxotiv: Seal, o^xay [sic MSS.] 
497. lege Xi]ju^nr/tt(: Suid. in*/$i habet AijjXfleriaf. 
501. Suidas in Oi yif faabet fri^coy. Vide etiam eum m 
27fi0Teoy et UiTrm. 

511. KoMioTflt est excusantis, recusantis ut Latinis, Recte, 
Seriigne: et sic paulo post xah&g, [Et sic Scholiastes: quern 
vide ad v. 915.] Recte quoque Scaliger personas distinguit. 
515. Seal. BE, pro AL et delet 6£. in vers. seq. 
519. Inter Schol. ad verba ra cfirco fpoiryr^ addit Bentl. "ly 
At^vlcug Hesych. in JoguoMo^. lege Al Be yvvoClxtg roy io^ueikkif 
^g&ywvTUi, Vid. Etyiiiol. in Jo^foXXo^." 

522. Male Seal. ^^&<r(ov. Nam Biqonfaivei loquitur non Bipoeicotv. 
ibid. 6f^(rTgl^i MS. et Suid. in Avrii. — 5.S4. *0j Seal. male. 
544. Suid. in MaXiaxmn^v habet Mrtutrrqi^wV int. 
547. 8^: lege ?. MS. Vat. 5y. [Vid. Porson. Horn. 08.] 
550. lege xuywy [et sic Br.] 

556. MS. ft' e^exotf^r [sic MS. C. apud Br. qui sacpe cum 
Barocc. convenit.] 

559' lege xars^ay': [et sic Hermann, de Metr. p. 152.] 
ibid. MS. 4jxTy. et vice UA, semper habet *£re^. 17dcy8ox. 
566. Hie MS. addit 'Ercp. U, et UAN. 567 et 569* cujus vice 
in locis proximis legit Bentl. EA* 

568, owtf frxiy: MS. ov o3toj [et sic alii.] 
$70. t\s fM Suid. in '£ftuxaro. 
573. MS. initio versus prasfigit EAN. 
$75. le^e i^^^cis [et sic Kust. in notis.] 
593. rwnjig M S« et Suid. in OlS* oTSa. 
601. cavTOif as) omittit MS. 
607. Aid. avayKfi rtg : lege 'orly : [et sic Beck.] 
624. In Schol. Non if^iXa : sed /t' aXAa : vid. 103 et Thesm. 653. 
Ubi [ubi cornuit Bentl. ft' iXXd vice ftaX^.] 
63 1 . fiacayiw Suid. in Bao-ay/^eo et /C^lfMexl^ely• 
635. Aid. et Suid. yifrfrci}. — 638. fri S* fl^ Suid. in KxtjACLXt. 

fi|4Q« MS. O-V Tfl(XCC0( Tfli O-Xf^l}. 

108 Bentleii Emendationes Inedita 

657. MS, (TXoWfi vDv ijv jx' axoxty^o-ftyr' : MS. Vat. vvoxiv^etitr 

658. ioKsls: lege Soxsi vel 8oxei> [sic Reisk. et Schasfer^ sirecte 

662. ^ omittit MS. — 665. lege 9raAi et sic in 671. 
668. ijTsnai MS. mi [et sic duo Harleiani teste filmsleio ad 
Acham. 178. in Auctario.] 

678. Seal. vpeoMj.— 687. MS. litaLq ao^5a^ 

693. lege dotjx/a [sic Br. perperam : xov/a^ est Bacchius.] 

694. KBhaqvlfyi Suid. in 'E^/xAavtov. 
696. avoXoiTO Suid. in */2f oLTfoKono. 

701. In Schol. Tpayixm agnoscit Suid. in nakodo-ixMo-t : in 4>pif- 
yip^oj habet oTgotrriycoy. 

717. MS. WOT : [et alii] et in 720 y oJroj. 

718. In Schol. lege w iroXiY^ou. 

724. dele re : quod habet Suid. in KKsiyivyjg et Kuxyjo-iri^gov, 
726. MS. ixhotrgl^ei : mox fo. i$cov vice ei^co^. 
732. In Schol. aXAa vixa. fo. 'EXXavfxo^ [sic Tyrwhittus in 
Not. MSS.] 

741. StobaeuSy p. 241=l69» vaXalargot et in 747. a^lov yaqi 
Grot. yoOv. 

742. 9rgo<rfiAouj«,6v MS. Aid. Suid. et Stob. at MS. unus Stobasi 
wgouysXovfj^ev : quae vera est lectio. Hesych. n§ovYs>^'iy. At Gro- 
tius W^oof eXdojttev : male. 

748. MS. (T^a AffiT*: Suid. in'^^Jiov habet xav retf-^oX^T : at in 
*A7F0 xoAoO fyX&u et in Kiv t« habet xS.v ri. 

750. MS. ^!ax: sed ex alia maiiu JoSAo^ v4iax : et sic dein- 

757. leg. jx.' aXXoi vid. 103. et sic in 763. — 759- MS. Tovflopt/?«y» 

763. MS. Vat. arr av.— 765. Citat Photius Mieiivscrdou. 

771. MS. et Aid. irqayiuct 'rrpoLyiuu'. mox yiq omittit MS. 

775. MS. ^vvTv^m : et mox xar^xf [sic alii.] 

809- Etymologus in TaXuvrov habet 'AW Jj — x^id^frerM* 

810. MS. t/ ial. 

812. Suid. in UkoLttnoi habet ^vfMnixTa, MS. ^vfMrrvxTei, 

8 16. "'E/SXerJ/g yoOv MS. et Suid. in TavgijSoy. 

819. lege *Aif^youois: sed Suid. in Svvifiauifev habet Qu ya^ 

826. et sqq. Quatuor systemata septem vers. Bentl. numeravit. 
829. MS. o$<fvr' Aid. i^vra. forte legendum fii^yovra r oSovra^ 
835. lege <rxiv$aXa/xeov [sic MSS. duo apud Br.] 
853. MS. 'TrvevfMvoov et mox fbedeZ/xi^y [sic MSS. duo.] 

861. Suid. in 'AygioTFom: et sic in *Eywia: at in 'Ayglanrovnt 
MS. e 2^. manu : ubi o^^^* ^YS^ '^^ ^env^y : [quaere an iiog^vjn 
praebeat MS. ?] 

862. Suid. '^ff-uXoorov : at a66gooTov in *Ayfl(07rov* 

879* 4e/ya»v Suid. in ICf ^0(Xa/(». . f 

in kristophanm.—Ranas. 109 

891* lege d ^ydif v^ [sic Dawesius.'J 

898. MS. evitraTB legit vvao-are Etymol. in ^Tnayqainiui^. 

899. MS. addit & et Kai in 908. et in 905. ooiittit rs. 
904. lege errgg^Xoij. — 910. MS. ropfaj Z^e [sic alii.] 
917. (Toi : MS. eScr) et Suid. in KaXm;. 

920. lege S6vs9^ls re xoi [et sic Br.] 
922, et sqq. Sre* 1023 et sqq. "AvriTrg. 
935. Citat Suid. Avrtyfrgifivoig et ArjfjM. 
943. Post Niofif^v adscripsit riy«t Bentl. 

948. yag ; lege a§ [sic Elmsleius in Edinburgh Rev. N. 37. 
p. 87.] vel Y ig. 

Q6\, dele {v [sic Elmsleius 1. c. p. 85.] 
967. MS. itoict Y [ut alii.] 

969. In Schol. scripsit E^A^e. i. e. vela. 

970. Aid. omittit /xlv.— 972. Suid. in ''l<rxcivet. 

973. XfioxoTf MS. et Suid. in "la-p^uvot. 

974. In Schol. wtuo'iinfis. At Suid. wrio'avijj in ''icrp^ava. 

. ibid. ■■ ■ Ypifvrai 8e xaJ amjfloSv. Sic EtymoL in *H6fiog, 

976. lx9re(ro5y Seal. — 983. tovtI : MS. rovro [et sic C. apud Br.] 
989. MS. fM* wr(yro7Fsl<r6eu : Suid. in Ka^woroireia'dai. 
997 • forte xag^voirnvoxafji/frrai vel o'rofXr^ao'jxo — . Suidas ag« 
noscit 2'a$xa(r|u.(»riTuoxaftTrai. 

998. olftoj Suid. in Krf|i*4'o^ — 1010. tout : lege to?. 
J012. Suid. Alue wafloi. — 1014. ^ijTWi Suid. in Houarl /x' ^. 
1018. lege (Txogo^iov. — 1019. MS. lAafot;. Suid. ra; hxictg bis. 

1020. Suid. in *Afie\r — BoutoKkiw et Mo/x/xax— habet ajSeXrepco- 
T«Toi : et MS. — ts^oi. 

1021. ftMyLfuaxuioi Suid. in M^etyim^g, 

1024. lege JTuSi: mox forte legendum* jMrOvoy oveo^ fM^vtifi^ovtva^g 
ut respondeat Strophae. 

1029. ini>^g Suid. in 'larlotg et iielbv. 

1031. lege lOTioi^: et sic Suid. 1. c. 

1035. In ^larms Suid. X0t0eoTi}xoi Xufioig, 

1051. MS. <rh rl ^§a(rot$ auToig ovrtag av^peloog e^ei!8a^6i$, [Vid. 
Bentl. Epist. ad Mill. p. 19. ed. Cant. 470 ed. lips.] 

1053. lege Bri^ais ut hodie titulus est. sed Eustathius^ p. 1218* 
Bas. irifiag. 

1058. Tou^ omittit MS. recte si legas k^eiHa^a [sic Porson Prsef. 
Hec. p. dd,"] 

lOoO. forte kgendum ijvfx' axou<ra^ vsg) Aagelou tou rsivBooTog 
'O ^op^s Y ^el ^yfxa y ^xou<rev Jage/ou — Darius enim magnaa 
dramatis partem loquitur et Chorus turn Id 61 01 lamentatur. 

1060. Suid. 'lotuor a^eTAi«(mxoy e^/^^jxa. 

1067. ToDff : lege to5S.— IO68. J/, sed MS. ET. 

1076. MS. tiV : et delet av : forte OuS* e5 oIS* fTd' ^vtiv' egco<ray. 

1077. MS. |(ti)8fv (Toi. 

1078. MS. hinaitiro. [Vid. Elmsl ad Heracl. 283.] 

1]0 Bentkii EmendatioHes Int^dita^ ^e« 

1079. lege J J. wars ye et mox dele ' Jf. 

ibid. MS. x^rovv6/3oKXev« 

ibid. Vid. Pac. 700. [ubi BeDtl. vult hrifiaXav coUato ibid. 745 ] 

1082. MS. yewala^ xal yewalwv [sic alii.] 

1083. legeflrieTv [sic MSS.] — 1084. lege toOtov [sic MSS.] 
1087' Tolg S* ^j3tt>(ri iroiyixat: lege vel roio-iy 8* [et sic Fiorillo 

(rectius dictus Fur ille) ad Herod. Attic, p. 151.] vel rol; ^/Soiff-iy 
Is iroiijra^ ilavv Sij $f7. 

1089. forte ilapvijSwv.— 1091. y* omittit MS, 

109«3. lege tXHVol [sic probante Porsono Praef. Hec. p. 8.} 

JO96. Sic distinguit Bentl. e/SXav^a ri ipao-ag; [sic Reisk.] 

ll£l. oLve^wjiydv^v Suidas : sed in serie sua 'JSardt^avav^y. lege 

1 137. av^a^^eo-iov : sed syllaba brevis esse debet, lege ivaiial* 
gtTO¥, [His conjecturis proxioise sunt Dawesianss avaSao-tfclov et 

1150. leg. <roi [sic MSS.]— 1153. MS. «ira(feV. 

1155. forte 'Ofetrrf/ix; [sic MSS.]— 1161. MS. roDr* iToira. 

1178. MS. ftoXAov. 

1188. lege ^xa> [fortasse ex Gellio. xiii. 24.} 

1192. lege Tavr/y io-riv oXX' Ireow^. MS. et ed« vet. roSr* lor* 

1194. £1$ y^v iJih ixtiiy Suid. in "Hm.— 1204. lege Xtyf« 

IS09. iSoi; Suid. in Sroifi^. 

1211. fMMa-Tiv pro ftoi foriy. Suid. Ou yti^ /tovsrir i>X Aicovtf'^ 
Tfflt. TO reAf iov* 06 yaq aKk» fk^l mtiv uKOvrjea' ian) rsv vaw y^* 
*Afwro^aviii |y JSar^op^Oi;* xa) ly 79nrfua-iy (v. 1202.) *</l«if' sv 
yetf aXXoL row iragadinoi ii Xctqki. Vid* £q. 996> 1088. [addi 
poterat v. infr. 1446.] 

1213. MS. 8u$ai/xaw. 

1215. %^v [jiv ^ ^uvM *Awix\mif: MS. v^V fSyoi |^y: lege 00 

1229. xar* €70^ Sg Suid. in 'Axo Aqscutioti. 

1250. i4i}»utfioy. N. B. et caesura est et casus nominativiia ante 
ffsrwXfo-cv venit. ^ijxul— est casus accusativus. 

1251. lege t/ eo-f; moz dele ye post rouro. 

1270. MS. cacroy [ut C. apud Br.]— 1271. MS. vokifhrfW. 

1283 et sqq. Duo systemata trium versuum. 

1283. f. lycBux vice iyooy. — 1285. y omittit MS. 

1267* yuv oyrtfy: lege yuvi: vid. 1120. in oyvfji^ifMrtas m vwfl 
£ttc Gaisfordus ad.Hephxst. p. 303.] 

1281. MS. (Ufii^eTM [ut alii] mox l^e rouroy/. 

1290. forte avixrofa Hesych. 'AvixTwg. 

1294. Post 9rgo(r«uA£iadditur ri^in MS. et Suid. in iJiatfAiMk 

1296. MS. nabet (rp^oX* Sorioy Jri ri i^xoiroy ou xeAaSei; isr 
ifeoyeiv %at}^oov iravraxp^ iirt^igu nvpto»s intlyw rm 'loftfiittw tf W 
^UQT *Ax!^Xi\i. 

t » 

On the 77th Verse of the Hippolytus. Ill 

1316. AL lege JL— 131B. MS. iifitif [ut ftlii.] 

1323. MS. x«H ^ hfv.—lS29. MS. o-oyxXivi^ r\ 

ibid. In quibusdam exemplaribus h. v. deest. Vid. Schol. 

1335. MS. Ifgpy [ut alii.] 

1337. MfXfrcu: MS. AfiX^rou. lege MsAiJtou. et sic Athenasus 
XII. p. 551. [ubi MiXiT^s Schweigh. contra MS. A.] mox d^le 
Ktil : et sic Suid. in MeXna^, 

1342. t«5t : MS. tSlV itrt [sic MS. Vat.] 

1349. MS. lacerus. — 1364. croi ScaL 

1366. Suid. KsXftfvf^ai)^. — 1385. lege igiffalyovou 

1410yl. £x his duobus efficitur senarius. 

1412. yoig uYuyiiv: Insere aorov ; vel rolnog ut in 1428 et 1435^ 
irel xoT* hos ut 1454. [MSS. 3. apud Br. aurrfy.] 

1423. lege «7ri«o>ijv [ut MSS.] ... 

1447* ^I' lege AI. mox 1448. est ex ore J J. 

1450. Bentl. citat Schol. Phoen. 1201. 

1455. dele comma post yuvii : notat t^v x<vflii8/«v Cephiso- 

J 464. dele 8^ : mox lege o5v av. [sic MS. apud Br.] . 

1475. /xlya: Suid. /xeyceXa in Sl^viot. 

1485,6,7,8,9. Lineis uncinis circumdedit Bentl. [Vid. Schol.] 

1496. Suid. in Xa^ecrrfgov habet p^^ijcrafjxecrddt <rwdE/i]/xsy iv. £sic 
Dawes, p. 243.] 

1500,1. Ho9 pro spuriis rqccit Bentl. [Vid. Schpl.] 

1514. V addit Suid. in ne/9ixXi}^~^1525. Suid. Tig 8" oTSsy. 

1526. in Schol. rouro c0 ' J?nroXvrou : lege iToXuISov. vid. SchoL 
ad Hippol. 191 ' xfti auro^ Iv nfoXuiSw.^ 

1552. rouro et rouroi^ Suid. in nxoutaw. — 155S. lege ro^oftrir. 

1558. post fixoacrtv addit lytu Suid. in Jevgo [sic Toup. ad Suid.] 

1563. S^vov: an Jaxov [sic Br.] MS. Vat. dwxov. 

1565. lege xolI fioi a-di^eiv [sic Tyrwhitt. in Not. MSS.] 

1574. lege TsTcriv iuvrov. — 1575. lege jx^XTrcio-iy. 

ON THE 77th 


So) T^v^e tX'xtJv arrefavov If axr^parov 

Sv6* ouTi TTOia^y af io7 ^ep^uv j3oT«, 
our' ^Xde ^00 (r/Sr^po^, «XX' otXYipuTOV 

oiSfio; Se 9roroc|Urjaf(n xi)7fU8i Ig^croi;. Hi P. V. 72— 7* 

Amid the discussions^ which hare found their way into your 
Journal, 6n this celebrated passage, I have seen no notice takeu 
either by Mr* £. H* Barker^ or by any other criticj of the opioiba 

112 Saladin nnd Malek A del. 

of Jacob Bryant, whose version of the passage is not altogether 
unworthy of attention :— 

<< An allegorical personage watering the meadow seems to us 
a very idle conceit Were it a garden to be really watered by a 
supply taken^ from the river, Ai^eo^j or Modesty , for the modest 
votaries of the Goddess, might be more tolerable. But here all 
is the work of nature, and the morning [eco^ , ^dg, ulds,] is very 
naturally supposed to draw up his dews from the river. We 
have another authority for this reading, which no critic has 
yet cited. Mr. Bryant, in a beautiful Ionic Temple in Blenheim 
gardens, supposed to be dedicated to Diana, with this inscrip- 


has inscribed the six first verses of this speech of Hippolytus 
with the reading ^cJj, to which he has subjoined the following very 
elegant translation — 

To thee, bright Goddess, these fair flowers I bring, 
A chaplet woven from th' untainted mead. 
Thy cool sequestered haunt ; where never yet 
Shepherd approach'd, where the rude hind ne'er heav'd 
Th' unhallow'd axe ; nor voice nor sound is heard^ 
Save the low murmurii^ of the vernal bee : 
The day-spring from above the dew distills 
Genuine and mild, Jrom the pure stream exhoTd 
On every fragrant herb, and fav'rite flower. 

The version of this eminent Scholar is thus a comment, as well, 
as a translation.'* Revieob^ Egerton's Edition of tie Hippolytus 
in the Brit. Crit. for April, 1 797 . p. 428. B. 



1 HE names of Salahtddin and Melek Aadel are of the highest cele- 
brity in our ancient Chronicles of the Crusades, aud in the historical 
romances of our own times. They are represented by historians as 
two great Princes, who inspired terror among the Crusaders by the 
rapidity of their victories, and gained the hearts of all by their gene- 
rosity towards those whom they had conquered. In this respect their 
renown is too well founded to admit of any disbelief; and those asper- 
rions which the spirit of hatred and fanaticism has cast on the memory 
of Saladin, through some historians of the Crusades,' far from tarnisb- 
ing his true glory, only serve to weaken our faith in iheir veracity. 

' Gesta Dei per Francos^ p. 1152. 

Saladin and Malek AdeL 113 

Not content, however, with the picture which History has drawn of 
the great and brilliant qualities of those princes, our romance writers 
have thought proper to embellish it ; and instead of describing them 
merely as examples of generosity, courage, and magnanimity, they 
present them tons now as models of gallslntry, delicacy^ and chivalrous 
attention towards the ladies. 

Saladin makes a figure in the amours of Eleonore de Guyenne, who 
nearly risked her own soul that she might save that of her IMusulman 
lover; and Malek Adel, whose projected marriage with the sister of 
Rithard Coeur de Lion failed through the intrigues of priests,' is be- 
come, thanks to Madame Ootin, the most tender, the most refined, the 
most transcendant of ail chivalrous lovers ; he is idolized by all women 
of sensibility, and he has reduced to despair all those men who feel 
that they are not capable of rivalling him in this amorous heroism. 

Quite enchanted with the romantic virtues of this hero, and his 
success among the ladies, we have endeavoured to conciliate in some 
degree their approbation, by a diligent search in Arabian manuscripts ; 
hoping to discover in these sources of history some new features, some 
exploits hitherto unknown, such as might inspire his iair admirers 
with fresh raptures, and confound the incredulity of all men who enter- 
tain any jealousy of his perfections. We must, however, acknowledge 
the unfortunate result of our labors — instead of radiant plumes with 
which we hoped to deck this Phoenix of Arabian cavaliers, our re- 
searches have produced nothing but disgraceful anecdotes, which 
reduce him to an heap of ashes, out of which he will not easily be 

We doubt if the ladies will give credit to our simple assertion — at 
most they will allow that Madame Cotiu has exaggerated a little ; but 
they will insist that she only added some embellishments to a ground- 
work of real chivalrous virtue. This was, at first, our own opinion ; 
and having turned over a variety of manuscripts, without finding one 
anecdote in favor of Malek Adel's gallantry, we still persfsted in be- 
lievmg him a perfect cavalier, in spite of this fatal silence of the Ara- 
bian authors. 

But what was our astonishment on discovering, in a classical histo* 
rian of those times, some facts which incontestably prove, that this 
fkfflous MeUk Aadel was not only destitute of all the superior qualities 
which have hitherto been ascribed to him ; but, on the contrary, that 
he, a ferocious soldier, and an unmerciful conqueror, was deficient in 
\ the slightest attentions paid to the fair sex, even in the country of 
harems and amongst barbarians ; that so far from being the flower of 
Arabian worthies, or of having any pretensions to that title on account 
of his delicacy towards the ladies, be invariably treated women ill, 
and has always been considered among the Asiatics, as one who forgot, 
in the most interesting situations and circumstances of his life, what' 
every man owes to beauty in distress ! 

« See « Abulfeda.'* 


114 Saladih and Malek AdeL 

• - ■ » 

His brother Sahth-eidin is equally guilty in this respect. History, 
whilst it does justice to their warlike and political merits, has, never- 
theless, marked them as two barbarians who always failed on the most 
essential occasions, in the respect and kindness due to the fairest and 
the weakest portion of the human race. 

But let History declare the facts :— according to an Arabian authof 
— *' In the year 5S 1 of the Hegiia, (of Christ 1 185) Salahed-din a second 
time laid siege to Mossoul. The chief of this city sent to him a solemn 
embassy, composed of his mother, the daughter of his. uncle Noureddin 
Mahfnoud, and other women, intreating him to raise the siege and 
spare their property ; but he drove them back and refused to comply 
with their request ; for which shameful conduct all the world blamed 
him the more, because the daughter of Noureddin Mahmoud, (a 
princess of illustrious blood among the chief families of this time, and 
to 'whose father Salahedditt owed many obligations) was one of the 

In seventeen years after this occurrence, the harshness of Salahed- 
din's conduct Was punished in his own family, atid the blow of retalia- 
tion fell upon his mother; but what renders the circumstance still 
more shocking is, that the blow was g^n by the hand of his own 
brother, the Melek Aadel so undeservingly celebrated. The historian 
Abulfeda^s words (according to Ibn Emir) are as follows : 

" In the year of the Megira ^99 (of the Christian iEra 1202) Aadel 
deprived his brother Afdhal of the cities of Sorouje, Raas-ain, and 
Qualatan-nedjm. Afdhal sent his mother to Hama, and requested 
that his nephew Mansaur would send some person with her to wait 
upon Aadel, and endeavour to obtain from him the restitution of his 
property. Mansour deputed to accompany the lady, Zeined-din Ibn 
Hindi, the judge: but Melek Aadel rejected her supplications, and 
sent her back in despair.*' " Thus,'' (observes Ihn elAttier, author of 
the book Catnel,) " was the family of Salaheddin punished for the mis- 
conduct of Salaheddin himself; on that occasion when the females of 
the illustrious house of the Atabege, and amongst them the daoghter 
of Noureddin, came, during the siege of Mossoul, and threw them^ves 
at his feet without success.'' 

What a sad discovery for the chivalrous glory of Saladin I and how 
unworthy does Malek Adel appear of the ravors bestowed on his me« 
mory by Madame Cotin ! Where we had reason to expect that he 
would prove himself another Coriolanus, we find him disgraced by 
misconduct towards the females of his own family, and branded with 
the eternal reproach of history. 

This unfortunate discovery has given us much uneasiness— *as we 
feel equally for him and for the ladies of whom he has been hitherto 
the favorite. We are sometimes rendered so happy by illusions, that 
it is unpardonable in History to come forward and destroy that menik 
gratissimus en*or. We must only request of our fair readerson this 
-occasion to be assured, that our researches have been directed ta|iap- 

. >■ ,^ I i ll 

I ;:^ii)l^ Vol. IV. p. ea. 

Recherche^ sur Apdhnt 1 1$ 

MDages tndy liistoiGal, and allogether unconiiActed with the heroes of 
romance^ those darling objects of female sensibility. Let Saladin 
and Malek Adel enjoy in peace the happioess which they can derive 
from the esteem of our ladies — they are no more the true Sahheddin 
and Makk'AadeltbdOi the Mohamet of Voltaire is the Mohammed of 


Lect6ur royal, Membre de I'lnstitut, et Chevalier de Saint Wladimir. 

Recherches sur ApoUon Xwxeio^, Xukoktovo^, XvxriyevYis, XoJ««^, rihsio^y 
J.- etc., et sur divers points de Grammaire. 

•KiKN de plus commun dans les 6crivains anciens que de rencontrer 
k la suite du nom d'Apollon, les ^pith^tes Xux£iof , XuxoxrovOf et autres. 
Les savans eux-mimes, k plus forte raison les oommentateursy ont 
beaucoUp dissert^ sur cette mati^re, et ne itne paroissent avoir rien 
ceoclu de satisfaisant. De nonvdles recherche peuvent^lles sembkr 
oiseuses?' Je ne I'ai pas cru. Je propose en consequence de nouvelles 
observations sur le sens de divers attribnts d'ApoUon, extraites d^une 
dissertation assez ^tendue que j'ai compos6e sur cette mati^re. 

I. AvKEios^ pu Xij)fLocio$. On donne k ce mot diverses ^tyipologies : 
.1.^ celle de Au^o^ limp, ^tymologie qui rappelle Toracle d'ApolIou, 
Jeqnel avoit indiqu^ aux bergers le moyen de d^truire les loups 
(Paus., 1. 2, c. S*) $ 2,^ celle de Awatij.* l§> Mmiere qui precide le lever 


' AvKatos, ^juKBio^, XvKios. Le tr^s^savant M. Belin (dans son Lucien, t. 
4. p. 80.) juge le premier de fbnne dononne; le second, de la langue com- 
mune; )e troisi^me, altei€. Pausanias donne le premier, l.:ft. o. 9.. p. 133; 
le deuxi^me et le troisifeme, 1. 1. c. 19: p. 44, 45 ; le trmsltoq, encore, 1. 2. c. 
19. p. 152, 153. Sur Xyxeio^ voyez Pausan. 1. 1., et Thesaur. antiq. gi»c, %. 
T. p. 559. au mot XvKeia; H. Estienne, I Xvg et Xvksios; Constantin,^ 
AJx£iO^; et Vossii, de idolatrid, 1. 2. c. 12. 

* Subst. qui est primitivement Tadj. fern, de ?^vkoS} ^^^^» Aintr^ ehA 
nous, le subst. au6e vientdu femin. alba, blanche* 

Il5 Recherches sur ApoUm. 

AimMI/ h trifuamh in tnatim (Macrob. Saturn. I. i. e. 17)* Mmim 
n est probable que ces deux mots sont de meme faniilley et out nne 
cuomiune origioe: que Xvko; vieot de AiIkij,* crepuscule du matin: 
qyt la diiioiiiination de xJko; loup^ rappelie Tbabitude du^Ioup qui^ an 
ctepiiMule du niaUo» va cfaercher sa proie. Oubliant que piesqne 
tons lea animaux aont d^sign^s par le son de leur voix, leur taillet In 
cottieur de leur robe» leurs raoeurs> leurs habitudes;* oubliant cet 
ttsage^ et la double signification de soleil et de loup renferm^ dans 
Atiko;,' on aura» en raison de deux Etymologies admises au lieu d'iiiie» 
Itabii deux tradition^^ sur le sens de Xvxst^s- I^^ uns y voyant I'^ty- 
mologie de kvKOs loup^ et adoptant la fable de Pausanias, auront tn- 
duit» ApoHon destructeur des loupa. Les autres consid^rant qu' Apel- 
Ion est Eminemment le Dku lumineux, le Dieu soleil, auront, avec Jli^ 
g^nieux Macrobe, cm devoir rendre ApoUan Lycien par Apoliom Dim 
dmjowr, ou Dieu soleil, et tel est le sens que je donp.erois k rinfso- 
tion du choBur dans les sept Chefs contre Thibes par Eschyle, ▼. ]4& 
If • On y lit, Ko) a-i, XvkbC iva^, AuxciO; yivov ar^atuj Saiv, et Tod p- 
pose, Dieujadis dsstructeur des hups, sois aiyowd*kui dt9trwiar 

' £t Auxijy de XuttTy tolto, cperia. < 

* Ainsi fiodf (Ic bteiiO, le vastci.oVo^ (l*ane)» le leiit,.le tardif; n^(le 
li^vre)) le parcsseux, etc. 

^ Soiemenim Auxov appdlari, etiam Lycopolitanam Th^baidis civUaimt^siS' 
ato eifr(Macrobey cite par H.£stienne).. Uanalogie qui exlste eobtiiuf 
Mrp et aJxo^ fo/ei7» expliquera pourquoii en laague celtique (voy.iitet. 
daM. Johanneau), le m^me mot, ^ peu pr^s, a signifie loup et anmk 

^ Je ne parle ici que des deux traditions le plus connues. ' H enofiteto 

autres. D'apres Tune, les Athenicns d^rivoicnt le surnoni de Lp^iitlj- 

cus, un de leurs heros mythologiques, duqucl, ales en-croire, Itsljaaaic 

VAsieavoient empninte leur nom. Suivantune autre, fond^sorietezie 

^ . de Sophocle (CEd. t. 212—217), ce que j'appelle le Dieu soleD, wwileBwi 

fi^^'^^^^^^^r^^l^'S^n^ae Lycie,etque:Sne;sf "^^ 
•Apollon oninclineroit , croi« avec u^^^olite qu'ApolC^'l^^^^ 
ycie., ou p^ce qu'il est n^en I^ie,ou t^* l«^i<« ««^ ^onr^^^ ^f. 
nd la Lycie. Mais le moyen Tra^pte'^^/iU quatri^o^e trldiS? '^ 
Ik qui vo,t le Dieu soleil dans ApouSJ^J^f^n, adroit de mp^os^^'T"" ?' 
m de Lycien mppelle Ja cons^ration ^ ^^ycie ^ ^^^o^ SL ^^^, ^* 


Recherches sur ' Apollon. . 1 17 

4e Pennemig oa tms digne de tan sumam de dettrueteur de» Idupt. Cf 
■ens repu plait assez h, M. Visconti, qui me permet de le noramer. 
Mais, je Tavoue, avant de eonnoitre son opinion, j'auroi^ ^xkiixi de 
traduire, Dieu Lyden {Ditu du Jew, Dku soldi) montre-ioi cnntrt 
I'ennend digne de ton eurnom de Lycien. Sous ce nom' ApoUon a 

- Ath^nes^ ^toit repr6sent6 portant un arc ^ & sa main gauche, et sa 
droite reploy^e sur sa t^te montre le Dicu se reposant comme d'une 
grande fatigue : les traits partis de cet arc, et au si6ge de Troie»^ et 
aillearsy aToietit 6t6 la vie ^ k des miiliers de guerriers. C'est done, pro- 
bablement ce Dieu soleil que ie choeur d'Esehyle invoque, et non le 
Dieu destructeur des loups : c'est le Dieu soleil, le Dieu du jour arm6 
d'an arc d'or»^ et d'invincibles traits, et non pas le Dieu destructeur 
des loupsy que pareillenient Electee ' a invoqu^ contre cet £gisthe dout 
ellea jur^la mort. 

- Dans CEdipe roi« de Sophocle (v. 71, 212 et pass.), lorsque Thebes 
d^soI6e par la peste, iuvoque Apollon Lycien, peuUil kite question 
d'ApoUon tueur, ou destructeur des hups ? N'est-ce pas ^videmment 
le Dieu soleil (CEd. T. 67^)) ce Dieu p\irificateur que le choeur invoque 
avec instance, et si souvent dans le cours de la trag6die ) 

De ces deux versionsi Dku destructeur des laups^ Dieu soleil arme 
ds traits, la premiere peut tr^s-bien se d^fendre cemme religieuse et 
nystique,* puisqu'elle se foQde sur un^ tradition de Pausanias. Mais 
i cette tradition populaire que cite Pausanias sans la discnter,^ et sans 
y croire peut-^tre, je crois devoir pr^ftrer celle qui enseigne ^ix' Apol- 
lon Lyden est synonyme d'Apolian Dieu soleil. La demi^re seule in- 
spira les pontes, les peintres et les sculpteurs ; et parmi ces derniers* 
cet artiste (koojt if tsov$ ds^Mg), k qui nous devons TApollon vainqneur 

> Voyez MusU Frangais, par M. Visconti, article Apollon Lycien. 

^ Ainsi qu a Argos probablemeut, ou pluc6t, je crois, k Myc^nes (Soph. £]. 
69 $g,)icsLr, dans TElectre de Sophocle, la sc^ne est a Mycenes; ce que n^ad- 
, act pas H. Esdenne (au mot Xjix§tos)» tandis que, dans TElectre d'Euripide, 
la sc^e est a la campagne pr^s d'Argos. 

3 bicien, dans son Anach. de Gymn. t. S. p. 887, Fappelle ^oS Auxtou^ 
au lieu duquel r€d. de Florence donne Auxf /ouflepon approuvee par M. Belin, 

^ Horn. II. 1, 45. «f . ; 4, 93 et 119 ; et passini, Soph. (Ed, t. 212. 

' On donne des traits non-seulement auDieu soleil, mais encore k lalune. 
Voy. (Ed. t S18, sq, et son Schol. ib. 

« Soph. (Ed. 1 219. 7 Soph. El. 1396. • Ainsi pense M. Clavier. 

en cite plusieurS| sans en garantir aucune. 

118 Recherches sur ApalhfL 

da serpent Python/ chef-d'ceuvre fond^ snr la fable qu^ApoUon, Hkm, 
solefl, aToit un arc et d'inTiociUes traits, dont il se senroit pour puriOer 

II. AvKsiof dyt^i. D'apr^s oes notions, et autres, Adxsio; iyo^i 
(Soph. £1. V. 7) signifiera non pas, place m^ Pmi awnt mis la statue d'vM 
l&up en fhonneur <f >fpo/?(m (explication donn^ par Estienne, et adop- 
tee par Testiinable M. PL) inais plaee fycienne, cvnsacree i Apolhu^ 
Lyckn (ApoUon, Dim eokil). 

Ill; AvxEioY yvfLvafriov, Ath^nes avoit trois Gymnases, rAcad^mie, 
le Cynosarge, et le Lyc^. Le premier £toit d6di6 an h^rps Acad^mos ; 
le second, k Hercule ; le troisi^me, le plus illustre de tons, k qui 6t6it- 
il consacr6 ? A Apollon tueuir (interfector luporum, Est.^ de loupe, ou 
destructeur de loups, me r^pondt-ont deux sayans ; Tun d'apr^s Pauaa- 
nias, Tautre d'apr^s les h^roiques de Philostrate. Quant a moi, saisi de 
la belle id6e de kviisto$y Dieu soleil, c'est encore k Apollon, Dieu so* 
leil, que le Lyc6e me semble avoir dA ^tre consacr^, et non pas k Apol- 
lon, Dieu tueur de loups,* Dans le premier Lyc6e de la plus fameuse 
des cit^s savantes, on invoqua sans doute, non pas un Dieu qui toe 
des loups, mais un Dieu qui 6clake. 

IV. AuKokrorof . On le traduit vulgairement par lupidda (biporum 
interfector, H. Est.) ; mais encore ici, je vols le Dieu du jour. M*^, 
consid^rant que je derive Xi}tsios de Xuxtj, la himik^ qui pr6c^de le le- 
ter dn soleil, m'a object^ que si Xuxsio; signifie le Dieu dujour, A»x«- 
xTovog signifiera le Dieu qui tue le jour; et qu'alors Apollon s^roit le 
Dieu du jour et de la nuit ; et sa remarque a paru, k quelqu'un, d'une sa- 
gacity rare. Mais mon explication ne pr^sente pas la ^Contradiction 
qu'on lui a pr^t6e : car, d'apr^s Macrobe, j'ai traduit AuxoxT^vof, noo 
pas, Dieu qui tue lejour, mais Dieu soleil dont la prisence efface cette 
hlancheur qui precede le lever du soleil. 

V. AvKrfyBvrjs, o. Svmom d'ApoUon, d cause qu'un hup s*Hoit 
mantri d sa mere pendant sagrossesse. A cette explication donn^ par 
H. Estienne (qui renvoye k Hesych. et k Eustathe), pr^ftrons celle de 
M. Belin, hell^niste tr^s-souvent ing6nieux, et de Tillustre M. Heyne. 

* Quand les eaux du d6]uge se furent retirees, la terre alors impure infte- 
toit les airs. L'influence bienfaisante du soleil, ou, pour parler plus poed- 
quement, les fleches d'ApoUon la d6livrerent du serpent Python, c'est-a- 
dire la purg^rent des exhakisons meurtri^res dont ce veoimeux repUle €toit 

* Sur le Lycee d*Ath^nes, voy. Lucien, 1. 1.; Thil. Jsc. Crophii ssercUai, de 
Cymnasiis literariii Mheniensiitm ; et le Lex, Xen, qui le cite. 

Ueeherches sur ApoUon. 119 

Ce dernier 4irive T^pithfete de kuKHj, ogSgos (k point du Jour J ; et 
▼oit dans T^pith^te d'Hom^re (II. 1, 101 et lip), Tantique notion 
d'Apollon^ Dieu soleil (notionem soils in ApolUne antiquissimam : est 
enim sol man^ natus, ut dies est yjuig i^gtyiveia : explication conforme k 
cell^ de Macrobe (cit6 par H. Estienne, au mot xCgJ, qui donne 
yevvwyra, njv Aoxtjk, generantem exortu suo lucem, pour glose de 
Xuwy/svsot, Notons dans ce dernier passage, Auxi^ signifiant la Utmiere, 
en g6n^ral. Mais n'oublions pas que dans un sens plus restreint, il se 
dit de la luroi^re du matin, du cr^puscule du matin. 

VL Auyta^as, o, Yannie, Encore dans ce mot, je verrois Tid^e de 
lumi^re et de Dieu soleil ; et, renoupant k Tune des etymologies indi- 
qu^es par H. Estienne, itagoi tq \uwuv iixijv fiouysiv, je lui pr6fi§rerois 
celle de Tanglais Robertson, k Xvkov, id est solis fidasi. 

YII. AvKOiQv 0T)xc(;|xa(Eurip. El. 1274), Hi^ron enl'Iionneur d'ApoI- 
Ion Lycien, ou d'ApoIlon Dieu du soleil. Get Hi^ron, en Arcadie, 
6toit consacr6 au Dieu du jour. LesDioscures (Eurip., t(.) y envoyent 
Oreste. II etoit en effet naturel que le Dieu Loxias, par qui il avoit 
€ti criminel, lui offrtt un asyle. ' Le substantif qui accompagne aJ- 
xouov m^rite bien une note. D'apris H* Estienne et autres, on rend 
fT^Kco^a, par contrepoids qiCon met dans la balance; mais pas un mot 
de sens que je donne k <rrfX.ujy,a,, lequel d'apr^s mes id^es sur les 
desinences* en [jm, je croirois plus expressif que o^xo^. ' 

VIII. Ao^las ou Xo^iij;, 0, encore Dieu du jour, A ma version on 
m'oppose ce mot de Lucien,^ semblable d ce Dieu qvfon appelle Loxias, 
tu nfi dis rien que d*obscur» Mais n'est il pas evident que de deux 
interpretations donn^es k ce mot k double entente, le Voltaire de son 
si^cle a dA> ^cartant la notion de Dieu dujour^ pr^f^rer celle qui peint 
Apollon avec un ridicule, et qui convient davantage au genre caustique^ 
mordant et irr61igieux qu'il avoit adopte 1 Que Ton saisisse done avec 
enthousiasme Tid^e d*Apollon, Dieu obscur, dans le sens deLucien, je 

* Eurip. £1. 1266, sq.; etPOreste du meme, trag. 1645. 

* Voy. men TraUi des Desinences, deuxi^me partie, p. IS. 

5 Voy. mes Observatioru historiques, etc, p. 197. — Pollux (IV, 172) 
donne cr^TivSi^aTa ivriSsTvai, H. Estienne, au lieu d'expliquer la difficultd 
dans Pollux, se borne k citer la locution. Quant k Tannotateur de Pollux 
11 propose dyfideivaig qtut ponderantur paria facere. N'ayant pas le texta 
qui contient Vivtidelvai^ je ne puis que proposer conjecturalement, ava- 
Uha4g consacrer (rf^Kw^Mf.'fa,) des hUrons (i des Dieus); ou, fans rith 
changer, donner k UvtI le sens de en rcconnoissancs* 

^ Sect, iL Vencan, 1. 1, p. 554, 

120 Recherches sur Apotlon. 

ne le trouverai pasmauvais : mais que I'on me piui^donne de trouTer plaa 
inspirante pourles pontes et les artistes, etplus digne d'Apollon, Tepi- 
th^te de Dieu dujour; et, zytc Macrobe, de d^river Ao^{a^ de xyxAof 
Xo^of, le zodiaque. Au reste, je suis Wm de juger absurde, encore 
moins d'accabler d'offensantes et dures personnalitis (de pareilles ma- 
nitres oie sont ^trang^res) les partisaqs de la if«nion, AfoUon ohseur 
dans ses oracles. Les ^crivains sacr^s n'ont-ils pas dit du vrai Dieu 
qu'il 4toit sou vent mp4n6(ra^lef 

IX. TfXfiof. Cette 6pith^^e» m'a-t-^n objecte, se donne g^nerale- 
ment aux grands Dieux. Pour moi, je doute <](u'eHe dpitre ayoir ce sens 
dans les passages que j'ai cit6a^ 

€e mot signifiera, 1^^ parfaitt sens facile et connn ro^me des enfans. 
2** Qui ad metamfioris juvenilis (etnon ^t ad metam vitas) pervenii; 
sens que dans mes premieres Etudes sur les divers attributs d'Apollon^ 
je n'appliquois pas, et k tort, au Zevg rixsios d'ApoUodore (1. 1> ch. 2). 
M. Clavier Tadopte avec raison, et avant lui» Lennep, expliquant le 
passage d'Apollodore, au mot rikof. TiXsio^ est un de ces mots dont 
le ^ens ne se determine qi^e par le contexte. Or, le ^ont^xte ^t les 
rapports logiques justifient le sens de M. Clavier, qni est celui de 
Lennep : Jupiter fut nourri (et non pas SlevS) par les CurHes, du lait 
de la ckivre Amalthie, mais parvenu d tdge viril, etc. 3.* £t clest ici 
Tacceptlon difficile, rixnos signlfiera, je crois, le Dieu dont k$ orofjbi 
ont leur aecampHssement ; ou bien, le Dieu qui accon^lit, qui exauee, 
jtft conduit une chose d sa Jin. Ainsi dans TG^dipe T. de SophocIe» 
▼.1353, reK(j5y, signifiera, nonpas, Apollo mala eonfeeit mea (version 
de Brunck); mais, c*est ApoUon qui permet que mes maux s*aeeom' 
fUssentt des maux pr^dits par lui coutre Tassassin de La'ius (ih.^ 232j 
4q,). C'est comme si (£dipe avoit dif, Apollon (t^AuSv) est contra 

moi reX6<o^. 

Dans ce passage d'Esch}Ie (Ag., 982), o^ Clytemnettre adresse k 
Jupiter une priere a double entente, (sv riXEit, rif ifi^g tiy(cLf riksi, 
riXeiog ne signifiera cerlainement, ni Dieu parfait, ni Dieu qui est ^ la 
fleur de T^ge ; mais Dieu qui exauce, qui accomplit, qui conduit on 
vceu^ son parfait et entier accomplissement* Clytemnestre (ib.^ 1440 
qui vient d'assassiner son mari, s'6crie : Ecoutez men serment, fen jure 
r^y rsXeiov ttj^ ifJi^YiS iraiSif iixyjv. Brumoy et autres traduisent, par la 
vengeance de ma Jllle, et negligent rsXeiov, 6pith^te qui n'est nuUement 
oiseuse, et qui signifie, je crois^^ la vengeance accomplie (uUionem 
puB effechim sortita est); ensorte que ri\€to$ seroit passif ou neufre« 
tandis qu'il est actif au v. 982. 

Recherches sur Apollon. 121 

^atiiwv. Sophocle (£1. S26), fait dire au chceoT 6mu de9 malt^eun 
d'Etectre, c^ donesont ks fvmdres de Jupitfrf oh est ^Xtof ^«Mairl 
On traduit, ubi hcidus sol? Pourmoiy jecroirois pouvoir doniieri. 
faiAujv le sens de Miler, et non celui de hiire, Ce sens me plairoit, 
non parce que Servius derive ^xsiwv de ^aof lux, et de aiiw hrtdtr^ 
amis parce que Tanatogie le conseiile: en effet, la substance du feu«t 
celle de la lumi^re 6tant la nitoe, on concevra que (faiAmv puiftie 
signifier le brillant, et le brulant, £n outre de Tanalogie que pottr- 
tant n'appuye aucun exemple, je croirois avoir pour moi le contexte^ 
en partie, du nioins, £n effet» le choenr demandant au soleil «a 
vengeur, doit penser moins k I'^clat du soleil qu'^ ses feux, et k ta 
faculty de brAier et de ch^tier. 

Dans les huit premiers articles que je viens de discuter, oh Ton 
voyoit le Dieu (lupicida, on interfectar luparum, H. Estienne), k Diem 
destructeur des loups, j'ai pr^sent^ continuellement le Dieu du JoUTt^ 
le Dieu eoteil. On a oppos6 k mon opinion, celle des grammairien^ 
qui d^rivent Xtix^io^ et Xuxoxrovo; de Auko^ loup. Nous avons r^pliqu6 
que kdyteiog et XukoxWvo; d^rivoient non de xJho^ loup, mais de Ai(xij 
lumihre; que Auxo; signifie loMfi et eoleil; que lorsqu'il signifie loup, 
il derive uniquement de Xvxyi hmn^e; qu*on avoit d6sigu6 les animauK 
par leurs rooeurs et leurs habitudes ; que la denomination de XvKOg hmp, 
vient probablement de Thabitode oh est le loup d'^Uer au cr6pU8<ftile 
du matin ou du soir»' chercber sa proie; que )es images des loups qui 
existent k pr^pt encore» dans les pays vou^s jadis au culte d'ApoUon, 
De prouvent qu'une soumi^sion aveugle k fine tradition erron^e, une tra- 
dition accept^e d'abord par |e peuple, et ensuite par les savans eux- 
mftmes ; que cette tradition Aron^e se con^oit et s'explique aisiment 
chex un peuple aussi ami des fiibles que le Lycien;* que la traditi<Hi 
que je defends, et qulrappelle le Dieu eoleil, me parolt noble et inspi- 
lante ; qu'enfin elle a pour elle le droit d'ainesse (utUifuieeimam eolie 
noiionemj, ainsi que le remarque un sarant d'une grande autorit6, 
M • Heyne. 

On oonfoit pouitant que les deux acceptions ayent trouv^ des parti- 

^ All cr6pusci)le du aoir (p'estriHlire, erUre chien et loup)^ au moment oik 
Ja couleur du loup ne se distingue pu de celle du chien. Voy. H. Esticnne a 
'Av{ et a la^fiXuxi]; et Macrob. Saturn. 

* La Lycie, dit le si^vi^t M. Bella (t. 3, p. 5i9« de son Lncicn), avoit ^te 
ie theAtrc d'une infinitS de fitbles. 

122 Recherches sur Apollon. 

s ; que Ite ^riyaias d'uae ai^me ipoqiie ayeot adopts cbacun ea 
particulier la tradition qui lui plaisoit le plus, ou qui CQUvenoit It 
nieux au genre de ses idtes ; que les ^crivains my tbologues, par exemple^ 
fongeant k ApoUon, berger d'Adm^te, ayent vu dans Auxoxroyo; 
le Dieu destructeur des loups ; tandis que les torivaias astronomesy pof» 
taut leur vue plus haut^ auront prifi§r6 k une fable la tiadition vraie 
qui ayoit rapport k des id6es astronoraiques. 

Dans la mytiiologie grecque> il existe quantity de iatts qui ont une 
allusion maaifeste aux oj^^iaians priautives sur les revolutions des astres. 
On a beau Jeter siir elles un voile rdigieux, la trace de leur engine et de 
lenr. alteration n'en est pas moius aper^ue par les esprits attentifs et 
accoutum^s k refiechir sur les fkits. 

C'est ainsi que la fable du serpent Python, que ju d^ja cit^e, rap- 
pdle, ou riofluence bienfaisante des rayons du soleil sur Tatmosph^re 
qu^l purifie, ou peut-4tre tout bonnementle dessechement de quelques 

J*ai declare ma preference pour Tune des deux tiadiUons; je ne 
m'aviserai cependant pas de me f^cher contre Topinion contraiie, ea 
reflechissant que le sens de At!x»o^, ^0Af» et autres, pouvoit etre 
probiematique du temps de Pericles. 

Vn orateur Ckurintbien (Tbuc, 1, 70, 5), dans son parall^le d'Ath^nes 
et de l^rte s'exprime ainsi : ro7^ ^ulv ^wii^aunv dkXjjrgtutreirois iitig t^S 
*i?s£ott( yj^&vroUf r^ ^i yvt^f*^, olnsiorcay is ti "Jifgda-my* J'aitraduit: 
ib •ffrent d ia pairie tt leurs corps^ cowme des Inens qui leur seroiemk 
t^ui'i-faii iirungers, tt leur ame (yvw^'ri)^ comme un pa/trimmue 
qu'ih kU canaaereui. Un jeune litterateur bllime aninUi, de ma version 
latine, version conforme k la glose de M. Neophyte Douka, et il a 
tiHit<4-fait raison : car c'est des facultes intelleotueUes (mens J, et noo 
de Tame en general f^ntM^^ qu'il est ici question ; mais il n*a pas 
egalement raison, lorsqu'il donne k y^^^M* ^^ ^™ ^^ gime, Ce serolt 
faire beauconptrop d'honneur au peuple d'A throes que de lui aceorder 
(en masse, qu'on me pardonne cette expression), le g(:nie qui a'est Ip 
paitage que de quelques etres ^mviiegies. II n'a pas raison non plus, 
lorsqu'il voit dans yvw/xij une allusion au genie des grands hommes 
d*Ath^oes. Thucydide qui dans le membre precedent (roT^ crwiLxartv 
aX. X? J« parle de tous les Atheniens en general, n'a pu dans le mem- 
bre qui suit, penser^ quelques Atheniens en particulier. Voici au reste 
ma conjecture sur le passage de Thucydide. " Les Atheniens, quand 
** H s'agit de combattre pour la patrie, sacrifient leurs corps, comme 

Reckerches mr ApolUm. 12S 

** s'il leur itoit absolumoit Stranger : mais qoand il faut d4Ub£rer sor ce 
que Ton doit faire poor le salut de F£ta^ ila tieiuieiit fortement i 
leur opinion (yviiiwji), comme h un bien qui leur est propie*'^ 


Sur le yvcS^ij, attribu6^ d tort, je crois, k Herodote, par deux 
savana illustres^ MM. Larcber et Wyttenbach. 

Tjr yyaifx^Ti de Tbucydide me rappelie le yvwi^r^y que MM. Larcber et 
Wyttenbach attribuent k H^rodote (1, 31), dans Tbistoire de Cl^obis 
et Biton. J'ai cm devoir rappeler et d^fendre, dans ma Dissertation 
sur ks Hierons des anciens, Tancienne le^^on ^wjxijv. *' pwaijy (dis-je 
alors, p. 182, sq.), que Ton rejette, et que cependant fortifie le voi- 
sinage de vsrjniouy, me parott k pr^f&rer. Les bommes louent la force 
des deux jeunes gens (i^y pd^M^y): les femmes plus sensibles, levr ban 
cesur (dlujv riwfwy ixJ^o'eJ, Ainsi, H6rodote donne k cbacun des 
sexes le r61e qui lui convieot. Lisez yywfL^v(que je crois fort peu grec 
dans le .sens de bon naturelj, vous 6tez k H^rodote une beaut6 ; et de 
plus, vous lui attribuez une r^dondance, puisque vous lui faites dire 
que les bommes louoient le bon natureU et les femmes le bon naturel 
de C16obis et Biton." 

Mes raisons ne furent point gofit6es : elles furent presque trait^es de 
paralogisme et d'b6r^ie litt^raire. Mais elles recevront une nouvelle 
force du temoignage de Pausanias, qui (1. 2, c. 19« p* 153\ rappelant 
rb^roisme de Cleobis et Biton, lui fait un m6rite, non de leur bon 
naturel (sens, je le r6p^te, que je vois bien foiblement indiqu^ par 
yycuu^y}), mais de leur force (pt^if^fi), mot qu'il fortifie encore d'Ia-;^uo^. 

*Tvo<piiTiiS (Tune des 6pUhetes d'Apollon), et itjOfTii^f, sant-ils syno* 
mfmest we demande un Slhe de VEcok Normals^ maintenantprofesseur ? 
Void ma r Spouse* 

I. 'Tiro^ijr^;. Rocbefort, 1. 1, p. l6 de son Sqpbocle, le rend par jir9- 
phitey et Testimable M. Planch^, par interprite de la DivinitS, La 
demi^re version se trouve conforme k Vinterpres Deorum de Cam6rier» 
cite par H. Estienne. Cependant en consid^rant la preposition M, 
je croirois plus exact de traduire, en parlant d'ApoUon, par exemple, 
Dien qui rend des cracks sous un autre (MJ, qui rend de$ oracles 

124 Critical Notice of 

fue lui cofmnutUque tm Dieu MUpMmr. L'analogie conseille ce senr, 
«t de plus des exemples le confirment. Qu'Apollon rendlt des oraclts, 
noD d'apr^s lui, mats d'ajpr^s Jupiter, c'est ce que nous a|^iend rancien 
Scboliaste de Sophocle ((Ed., t. 151): o yap *A<n'oXAtt;y uVof ijn;; * hxtl 

*j(oig sKfi^eiv: c'est ce que nous enseigne unc autorit^ bien sup^rieure 

encore, celle de Sophocle lui-m^nie, qui, parlant d'un oracle rendu 

Bolennellement par Apollon lui-m^me, s'^crie : 6 doux arade de Jujnier 

(Soph., CEd., t. 151). Je viens d'avertir dusens de tneofijrrif dans un 

cas d^termin^. Peut-^tre, en d'autres cas, auroit il le sens d'tn^er- 

prete : cedent ppurtant je doute, et dont peut-^tre aussi douteroot 

Qeux qui n'aiment pas plus que moi les k pen pr^s. Le sens dUnterpr^te 

(des oracles, par exemple), convieudra niieux (quelquefois) k ?rf'of i/nj^. 

' II. Ilfo^ijnj;. Quelquefois, dit H. Estienne, ir^o^ifri;; sent pou' 

viroipYfrrjs, M'interdisant ici toute excursion philologique, je n'invo- 

querai que l'analogie, et je dirai: ^^o^ijnj; signifie propA^^f , quipri- 

dii Vavenir f^gij ; et comme ce proph^te ne parle pas d'apr^s lui* 

in^me, en le consid^rant comme parlant d'apris une inspiration, je Tap- 

pellerai wfo^nfj^, mais ^ces deux mots ne sont pas, pour cela, syno- 

nymes, comme le prouve mon explication. Toy. M. Barth^lemy^ 

(Anacfa.i t< 2| p. 441), sur le sens qu'on attaohoit i prophite$» 


CoLLATio Versionis SYRiACiE quam Pkschito 
vacant cum Fragmentis in Comment ariis Ephraemi 
Syri obviis instituta a M. Gottlieb Leberecht Spohn^ 
Catecheta ad JEdem. Petrinam et Societal is PhilobibUcce 
Socio. Lipsias 1785. 4to. pp« 28« 

Wk notice tliis work, partly on account of its rarity in thit 
country, but principally because it contains some very valuable 
materials for a work which is much wanted; a correct edition of 
the Syriac version of the Old Testament with various readings. 

V Apollon parloit d*apr^s Jupiter. Done il etoit son terhe^ terme que j'ai 
employ^ dans inon Xenophon (t.7, p. 320), mais que je dois condamner, 1.^ 
parce qu*il rappelle xiyog, mot consacr^ dans la philosophie platoaicienne, 
mais que n'employe pas le Scholiaste; 3.® parce que ce mot ^tant eonsacra 
dans notn religion, ne doit s'employer ailleun qu'avec reserve. 

CoUatio Versionis Syriaca. 125 

lUspecting the general' value of th^ version, there s^mi to be 
among the chief Biblical Critics but one opinion, which iS| that it 
ranks among the best, as well as the most ancient : but it3 utility 
is unquestionably much diminished by the numerous corruptions 
of its text. Of all the versions, indeed, which are extant, the 
Septuagint and Vulgate excepted, it has been most exposed to cor- 
ruption : and when it had passed through the dangerous period 
antecedent to the invention of printing, and appeared likely to meet 
witli some skilful physician, who might heal its wounds, and 
restore it to its original sanity, it unfortunately fell into the merciless^ 
hands of Gabrixl Sionita. In him-were united all the disquaiiiica- 
tions which could possibly join to unfit a man for the ofEce of an 
editor : careless, ignorant, and conceited, he has altered some 
tilings from rashness, some from inattention, and more from igno* 
ranee : but fortunately, we possess in the Arabic version, which 
was made from the Syriac, a tolerably sure means of discovering 
his errors. The judgment of the late Professor Michaelis (un- 
doubtedly the best Syriac scholar of his day,) respecting Sionita 
was remarkably severe : in every page of his valuable grammar he 
speaks of him in the language of contempt. 

In ancient MSS. as is well known to all who are versed in 
Palaeography, the diacritical mark which distinguishes Dolath from 
Rish (»-r-}) is often omitted, << unde aliis male puncta supplenti- 
bus multa varietas lectionis, maxime in nomlnibus propriis. In- 
numera scriptionis vitia hinc orta, socordiaeque Gabrielis Sionitx 
accepta referenda, versionem Syriacam prisci foederis in Polyglottis 
Parisiensibus et Londinensibus inquinarunt, ut in quaestione critica, 
iueritne nomen proprium Hebraice per "^ an per -y scriptum, version! 
Syriacae, qualis nunc Gabrielis culpa est, non solum non mediocris 
sed plane nulla fides sit*'*' 

Jud and Nun (^ — j) which dIfFer merely in size, have also been 
frequently changed : " hanc ergo legem sibi rogent critici, si iii 
codicis Hebraic! lectione dijudicanda quaestio sit de litera jFod 
vel nun, nuUam esse auctoritatem Syriacae versionis, atque ex hac 
quidem sola ne lectionem quidem variam textus Hebraici, quse Jod 
pro Nun aut Nun pro Jod habeat, comminiscendam ; solus si in- 
cedat Syrus, merum sphalma librariorum esse. Nee in nominibus 
. * ^ . 

* Michaelis Graxnmat. Syr. p. 5. 4to. Hale 1784. — He ace Kennicott in a 
note on Chron. xi. 38. loses a part of his argument which is to prove that 
n^n notniin >« the tmc reading: he urges that the Syriac reads ^ . ; hut 
this authority is of no consequence, as we have seen above/ nJH is 
certminlythe right reading, as the Arabic version proves by reading ^«N£ : 
this too supports the Syriac, which, were it not for the consent of the Ara- 
bic, would not have the slightest weight: indeed in a question of this na- 
titr«, they amount only to the authority of one. 

126 Critical Notice of 

propriisflolimiy 8ed et aliis in vefbis idem mendtimfreqaeos^ ctegant 
aofuianquam et bonam fondens sentenliani, sed tamen mendvnu 
Jobi. y. 12. pio Hebraico ^^ ffiaiim aUaium est) Syriacum 
fcgcBS ^«^ /j (responsum est,Jetxxx. 17. pro y^p^ erodunturYel 
erodunt reraies ossa mea,) r> «o. grcma sunt mihi ossa meoj prope 
eertum habebit, Syrum ibi *^t^ /j scripsisse, hie q-.qj troduni^ 

Vetusquidem uterque error, in iHo jam exemploS3rriaco commissuSy 
es quo Arabs Jobum venit: est et bona sententia, elephantiasi 
enim laborantibus ossa ipsa gravia atque oneri sunt. Verum 
▼ariam lectionem Textus Hebraici hie ex Syro exsculpere magn« 
esset incogitantiasy eum ^ et ^Hebraieum figura sit dissimillimum^ 
nee faeile, ut in Syriaeo, errori locus.*** 

In the MSS. from which the Syriae version was taken, the 
vowel points were generally omitted, and were only employed m 
such words as might have some want of perspicuity, were they 
omitted : Sionita, however, with immense labor, every where added 
them, in doing which, as might be expected, he has often made 
mistakes. «« Vetere Testamento Syriaeo si quis uti voluerit, hoc 
stalim ante omnia statuat, punetorum voealium nullam omniuo 
esse auctoritatem : e. g. Job. xviii. 17. ne putet Syrum tam fuisse 

vecordem, ut pn verterit jA*f^ creaiuram^ sed ^erat jA^o oe- 
tertum, ut et Arabs ex Syro ^^^*^ vertit. Sic, et gravius, non cen- 

tum, non sexcentls, sed innumeris loeis a turpi editore erratum^ 
nee tam inscitia, quam summa soeordia."^ 

These defects, however, do not diminish the value of the Ver- 
sion as it originally stood, and ought only to incite us to greater 
exertions to restore it to its original purity. For this work, the 
tract before us contains some very valuable materials, although 
mixed with some of the refuse which must of course exist in every 
collection of various readings. — ^The Syriae version might, we con- 
ceive, be restored to a state of purity with less labor than most 
other works of the kind : it has been seldom transcribed, because 
used in a very small tract of country ; the MSS. therefore may be 
expected to be tolerably correct : an Arabic Version has been made 
from it, which will often point to the true reading as we have 
seen : and it has been cited by many writers, fathers of the Eastern 
church, whose works still exist, and when compared with the 
writings of the Greek Fathers, present an almost uncorrupted 
text. Ephraem Syrus, the most eminent of these, has left many 
Commentaries on Scripture, in the course of which he cites innu- 
merable passages : Spohn, a very eminent German critic, has from 

' Michaelis Graramat. $yr. p. 6. * Michaelis Grammat. Syr. p. S^* 

CoUatio Verstonis Syriac^e. IStT 

this source drawn many valuable readings : his researches, indeed^ 
are con&ned to the first twenty two chapters of Isai^ \ but it is 
much to be wished that he bad examined the whole of the yersioft 
by this test. 

In this country the tract is very scarce : the copy lying before ui 
is the only one we have ever seen. As the Continent, however, i$ 
now open, we thought it might be useful to mention its existence: 
as it deserves a place in the jQsrary of every one, who would criti* 
cise on the Syriac version. 

Since various readings of the Syriac version are so remarluu 
bly scarce and difficult of access, we take the present opportunity 
of adding a few, which were extracted by Professor Adler from a 
Syriac MS. of the Gospels, written in the year 548, and published 
in his Versiones Sk/riaae (4to. 1789.). Schaaf s edition is the stan>« 
dard, with which he collated the MS. 

Schaaf MS. 

Matt. i. 19. ^^jzjo looi VijZJo 

— '- — 21. ,^AU Ai 

• 9- wOioA*]! jooi «i.»cnoA»|2 

iii. 4. oiAi^Qi)lioo oiAXo-^klco 

iv. 2. ^ , V . ^ < 4 ,j^.ic«* 

4. SXb^ 001 £uAd 

0. ^oouj^ ^obu^^> 

21. ^QA« ^1 i;j90 VkOAw omittitur* 

V.5. 1:^5 j j^^jy 

13. MS. ooa^ & w\v.// without Jud. 

'19' \li:>oi j;;jL3| j;.jL)!^L30i 


— 22. ;;ii)j;^\bo «lop! ^J^oo 

— 24. jj^^yloW^k i#j^\o >0rO 

—32. ^50^4. 50^! 

—47. ^A^l^ ^AjI^U 

128 Answer to d late book 

Hatt. vi. 1« y ^o Uie 

13. /SsZ ■ i\s/ , 

^^ 30. pcuwj \icu^2 

— vii.3.y^ . U^ 

12. ^Aa3.? ^Aj] 

— 13. ]m«.«oJo WoJ]o 

— lb. pij*o^^ll! oio^-Alh* 

14. }««| deest* 

23. )ooA:£^! >x>A:o 

— 25 & 27. 

Some very valuable readings of a Cod. Guelpherbitanus coDat.* 
ed by Bruns, may be found in Eichhom's << Repertorium fiir Bib* 
fiache und Morgenlandische Litteratur»'* vol. xv. which firequendy 
agree with those Adl^ has found in the Vatican MS. 



Written agaimt the Learned and Reverend Dr. Bentlof^ 

relating to same Manuscript Nates an CalUnmehus. 




No. V. — Cantinuedfrom No» XXI. p. I69. 

fb ike Autlwr of the Remarks upon Dr. BentUy's Fragmenti 

of CalUmackus. 

V^ Num. 12S. Suppose it were read thus, iiriavs tf khtioBat^ et si- 
leutes sedere, Hesvch. &vebc4 Utrvxai^ Afwyoi. And the Pythagorean 
sihnce is too wellhoown to be disputed. [P. 72.] 

Dr. Bentley^ relating to CalHmackus. 129 

W. Twould be a daogerous thin^ for a person of that old Comio 
poet, Philemon's Constitution, to, read such a piece of Critkisoi as 
this. [V. Lucian« Maic/»r;/3. versus fin.] Or was it your design to print a 
Banter upon voarselfl For Itad a man premeditated bow to write 
learned nonsense, he could not have done it more effectually. The 
Fragment here spoken of is taken from A. Gellius, lib, 4. c. 11. who 
introduces it thus. Opinio vetus falsa occupavit& convaluit, Pythaao- 
ram — * It hath been of a long time a current tradition, but false, that 
Pytbavoras the phitosoplier abstained from eating the flesh of animals, 
and from beans.' 'Twas in conformity to this vulgar error, that Calli« 
machos wrote these two verses. 

Kut Kudfiav diro x^V^^ ^^"^ avmvrov iSeoOai 
Kdycl;, Utldayopas ifs eiceXei/e, Xcyw. ■ 
Tn the IS rst of these lines the word aviiitrToy is a manifestly false Leo* 
tion, and makes no possible sense. So that there being a necessity of 
some correction, Stepbanus gives it thus, eyeiv [khI ayaifiov] eietr&ai. 
Dr. Bentley thus, ex^iv [dj^cWd r] ibeffdai. Theite two corrections of 
the Dr. and Stepbanus agree in exactly the same*sense ; and which 
oflTers the less violence to the Text, the eye may judge* After tbem 
both comes our judicious Vindicator with his correction. And iidiat's 
that ? why, aveovs re ibelffSai, et silentes sedere : for Areot in Hesy^hius 
is S^<t>FO£, silentes ; and the Pythagorean silence is too well known to 
be disputed. But, good Sir, what signifies the Pythagorean silence to 
th«* Pythagorean abstinence, the only thing here spoken of, which you 
arc c«>ntent to drop as nothinc; to the purpose. 'Tis a wonder tome 
bow such a piece of criticism should enter into an liead that has brains 
in tr. A. Gellius is proihicing a couple of verses directly relating to 
Pytha<;oras his supposed abstinence from flesh : by the help of your 
correction they no more relate to it, than they do to his golden thigh. 
What an ea^ie thing were it tor me here to ask you an insulting qut$^ 
tion or two ? but Til not be unmannerly. 

V. I am sure hfiiwrov in Dr. BentUy 6 sense is a pure Anglicism^ 
and I cannot think that Callimachus pretended to our language. 

W. Were I the spiteful^st man that ever took pen in hand, I coold 
not retort this accusation upon you. I must do you that justice to 
confess, that of all the books 1 have ever seen in our language, I never 
yet read one with fewer Anglicisms in it than yuurs* That the sigdifi* 
cation here given to the word u/3i4iiros is uncommon. Dr. B. owns; 
[Rara quidem, fateor, est aa verbi sighificatio: sed, &c.] but withal 
observes, that Callimachus was a great innovator in laogiiage ; and that 
Suidas after the more common interpretation of the word, gives it this 
less usual one; afiiurros, b fi^ ^tav. Callimachus therefore bein}; a 
trreat innovator in language, and Suidas having manifestly some-where 
or other met with this word used ip this sense ; His not improbable^ 
but that in writing his Lexicon he migh^ have this very passage of Gal- 
liniachus in his eye : an author whom he refers to more than once 
Mritbottt express mention of his name, vid. supr. et speciatim Suidam, 
v. iravitpKi^s, coiif. cum Dr. B. n. 48. 

NO. xxm. a, J/. VOL. xiL i 

130 Afuwer to a Book written against 

V. Num. SOO. Dr. Beotley reads it, Kaifi6yos^ Ssc. €t solus sdole^ 
•ceatttm oomeuebat lutorem, (one of the worst of crimes and worthj 
the Dr/s considering.) 

W. What a biting parentheRis is here? Wit and satyr all over^ 
But suppose a man should ask you the question ; what thought, Sir^ 
what meaning had you in your mind when you wrote it down I Coiild 
you answer him 1 

V. But suppose we read, koX Vip6vo9 alSia^v eyp, Kr)i. 
W. But suppose there be no such Greek word as aliutuv, then I 
suppose we must not read it so. [aetiuMs there is, not ai^wos, I ques- 
tion, whether ael be ever contracted into aL] And if yov caunotL 
maintain your aliiai^y, then your K^yos hlls to the ground of course, 
and with Kpovos your' Julius Firmicus, and witJi JuUus Firmicus your 
Imown story of Saturn's devouring the immortal infants before they 
were a day ^d. And thus I think your second correction is as ins||»* 
oilieant as your first was ridiculous. 

To fetch in the rest of those learned observations of ypur Own, I 
must return to the beginning of your indictment* 

V. Dr. B/s correction of Fulgentius Pianciades was needless. 
IP. ^.3 

W.> That correction : was none of the Dr/s. The Dr.'s words are, 
viri ^ffoditi emendant. > So that if it was needless, those learned men 
are to blame,i not Dr. B. : But why was it needless 1 
' V. For why should he cite a faulty edition ? 

W. The Dr. cites it from the edition of Jos. Mercerus, Par. Svo. 
1613. which all men of learning esteem as the best edition of that au- 
thor. Gothofred did well in correcting the sense of his author, but in 
supplanting his words, and making his own conjecture (though just) 
part of the text of his author, he exceeded the bounds of a conunen- 
tator. The Dr» conld have done the like upon Malela ; but he better 
understood the laws of criticism. Another little shrivelled observation 
you have here, at which I cannot afford to make a stop. Perlmps 
there's nothing in it. 

If any bookseller's shop in town could present me with a page more 
fruitfull of mistakes than is your 38th and 39th, it must be Mr. Ben- 
net's ; but TH defie even his to match you here. Passing by your unin- 
telligible (I am sure 'tis so to me) story of that old edition (you are 
•pesdiing of Hephaestion) and thb last ; and your idle cavil upon a 
scape of the Dutch Printer, in putting a v for an v, I come to your 
own remarks^ or at least those which you espouse and make your 

^ V. The Dr.'s quotation out of Terentianus Maurus was long since 
cited by Laetantius in his Notes on Statins hisThebais, [P. 38. Lib. 3. 
▼. 479.] and much more correctly, and to better parpose, thus^ Bfanchi 
meminit Terentianus de metris, 

Hyronum Branchiadie Phoebo • 

W. Let the reader, if he pleases, see it at length in your book, and 
compare it with the Dr.'s out of Terentianus himself, n. S6. 

Dr. Jienikyf reldHiflg tQ CaUimachus. 

Much more corrtctly^ you say, atfd to better purpose* How a 
quotation Could be more incorrectly given, and to less purpose, i$ 
•cavee to bfe imagined. If any mortal can make either sense or gram* 
mar of it, da it stands in that Lactantius, i'll lose the whole cause* 

V. For as the tekses are now read, I cannot excuse them : Chron- 
ology itself csmnot defend them. [P. 39.] 

W. Chronology ! Stuff. 

V. For Branchus could not sins: an Hymn of CaUimachus. [Ibid.] 

W. Nor could you construe Terentiaous* which therefore 111 do 

Nee ndti et memini, pedibus quater his repetitis^ 
Hyni^ai Battiadem Fhcebo cant^sse Jovique 
Pastorem Branchum : quern — 

Nee son et oumiiui^ and I also remember, Battiadem, that Callima- 
chttSy cantisse) composed, Hymnum, pastorem Branchum, an Hynm 
(called) Branchus the shepherd, pedibus quater his repetitis, with these 
"*'**'• Choriambick feet four times repeated, Phoebo Jovique, in praise 
of Jupiter and Apollo. And though Chronology will not admit 
Branchus, who liv'd so many years before CaUimachus, to have sung 
an Hymn composed by CaUimachus, yet CaUimachus may have comi-> 
posed an hymn in praise of Jupiter and ApoUo, and given to that hymn, 
from, 'tis probable, the principal fable of it, the title of Branchus. 
And of that very numerical hymn there is scarce any doubt to be 
made, but that this fragment was part, and probably the first verse, it 
'being in that Metre Terentianus speaks of, and with express mentiou 
of Jupiter and Apollo. 

Here's the Pentameter, whicb Hephaestion and Terentianus speak p( 
arfWr f be 4 ChoHfimbics ending in a Baccbius. 

V. Branchus, says the same commentator, [Ibid.] was a Thessaltan. 
'Branchus ThesHdus fuit, dilectus ApoUini — Ulinc Branchiades ApoUo 
diet us. 

W. But here this same beloved commentator of yours is no less ihva 

twice mistaken. First, Branchus was not a Tkessalian, but a Milesian : 

fvide inter Historiae Poetics^ scriptores Coaon. Narrat. 33, Ss 44. and 

Bemartius m loc. takes ootiee of Luctatius (ah Lactantius) as the only 

-authority for Branchus his bavins^ been a Tliessalian. [Statii oper. 

Far. 4to. l6i8. Vol. 1. p. 143.] Nor secondly, was Apollo ever caU'd 

Brapohiades, though you will find it so in some Lexicographers and 

Spitfaet-mongers, iato whose haads it first came from this Lactantius^ 

<and so pass'd downward by transcription. 1 find it in Hoffman, but 

Baudrand hath rectified this mistake. For Apoilo to have been called 

Branchiades, or rather Branchides, he must ba«e been the son, not 

the fiither of Branchus. For that termination -^ l&tit or *— • idbiis de* 

termines tlic Patronyonck to the deseendaats. There was indeed au 

: OiaiNiium called him the suceessars of Branchus Bpayx^Sac or Bpay- 

X<Swv : but ApoUo, as related to that oracla, took his name from Ite 

place oCit, Didyosasns* As is imply'd la tj|is< ve^ tx^ffotnt^ 

132 Answer to a Book written against 

V. I question not therefoje, bat that Branchiades is the better read- 
ing. [Ibid.] 

W. And I as little question, but that the reading Branchiades is 
most ridiculously absurd. 
Vi It carries its own credentials with it. [Ibid^] 
\y. It carries its own confutation with it. It is against Gramiimr* 
i^hronology, and common sense ; has been long since condemned by 
Brodaeus in his notes on the Anthology, lib. 3. cap. 23. and by Nic. 
BrissaeuB MontevillariDs in his netes upon the passage in Terentianus 
now produced, Paris, 4to. 1531. Never, I believe, approved of by any 
man before yonr self. 

V. Nor is thef^ any need of playing. the corrector, and changing 
qnum into quem. [Ibid.] 

W. So much need of it, that without changing ^uom into qnem (an 
easie change) there's no construing those lines. 

V. And to^this bead I question not, but the quotatilm, p. 337* in 
the Dr/s collect ion ought to be referred. [Ibid.] 

W. And upon this point I question not, but that yoa are again as 
much as ever mistaiken. For most certaia it is, that that quotation 
cannot belong to this bead* For this Poem called ^&pkyym was all of 
it written in that sort of Pentameter just before mentioned, and there- 
fore the quotation, p» 357- which is Hexameter, cannot belong to thb 
-head. As Virgil's Tityrus being all of it written in long verse, 'that 
cluster of short ones, sic vos non vobis ■■ > ' cannot belong to bis Ti^ 
tyrus. i^ad you construed that Greek you transcribed to the press in 
the page Just before, you could not have fallen into this mistake. 
Ka2 rf wivrafxerp^ KoXX/yuoxos ^''OAON Troii^ik rov ^pky\ov frvvi- 
^t^, Aalfioyes 6v^P» 38.] 

I think you have made me work enough in one page : what have 
.we in the next? why another, 'I question not.' 

'V. The book (Nofufia Ba^apiira) was written, (I qiiestbn not) afUIr 
the example of Aristotle^ whose treatise under that title is cited by 
Varro. [P. 40.] 

W. This is brought in for no other end ch* purpose, but to ereate in 

the reader a good opinion of your learning. And therefore purely for 

the humonr-sake, 1 shall tell him that this leuned leniark is Scaliger^s 

in his notes upon Varro, which our Vindicatori witfaont naming his fae>> 

nefactor, has confidently made his own. And yet whether or noVarro 

did indeed cite any Treatise of Aristotle under that titiei is still a qoes- 

.tion. The copies of Varro have it Nomina, and the Nomima is bat 

a conjectural emendation of Sealiger, which though aot improbable^ 

yet is it not altogether nnquestioimble* See the foieHBKntion'd Mau- 

.«aci Dissert. Critic. iaHarpocrat 

V. Na^is ComeSf *n4 45* 

W. rU have no concerns with Natalia CoBU!S,.supr. [P^ 45*] 
• V. Joannes Franciscus Trincavelius, — Victor Triocavetius^ — 
Cardmal Bembo, — with a Tristich« 
W. A XiBtich^ beginning, with a short verse, aed vid. sapj-. 

Dr. Bentley^ relating to CalUmuckus. 133 

V. The Dr. hath, I donbt not» studiously omitted those entire epi- 
pams Which had beea collected by [Himself and] others ^ 

W. Here the [Himself and] is added in your second edition ; the 
only instance I have observed in you of a second thought. But a 
strange kind of omission .this,, metfaiiiks ; the omission t>f the epigrams 
collected by himself: and n. b. collected by himself: q.d. not by 
others, ergo the collection his own, ergo, not stole. Your meaning, I 
suppose, is, he studiously omitted the inserting these entire epigrams 
among the fragments, and, to conceal the fraud, placed the entire epi- 
grams among the entire epigrams. Studiously, I doubt not. This 
ought to have iieen referred, to the class of transportations; supr. 

V. A critick so curious in what did not belong to his poet. [P. 50.]. 

W. The name of Callimacbus did belong to his poet : which 
name therefore being falsely ascribed to a. wrong person, 'twas no un- 
necessary curiosity in the Dr. but full to the subject he was upon, to 
rectifie that mistake: for which a man less litigious than your self 
would have thanked him. 

V. The Dr. might have been so carefull as to have acquainted the 
learned world with what was genuine and presumed to be truly his 
author's. [Ibid.] 

\V. Which the Dr. hath amply done. But is that Latin epigraiii 
you are here speaking of in Mr. Jurefs collection of Epigramroata ve-^ 
terun genuine, and truly Callimachus's 1 If you can have had any 
other meaning in this than purely the contradicting Dr. Bentley, it 
nost have been a very silly one : and io that you all along come off 
so scurvily, I hope we shall hear np more of you. 

V. Natalis Comes, KaXXtoqp? ^o^W' [Ibid.] 

W. I tell you again, TU have nothing to do with Natalis Gomes, 

V. Mr. SUnley baviqg r— [P. 51.] 

W. Here begins fk para[^rap|i» but where it ends I know not, nor 
how to construe it. 'Tb big of accusations against the Dr. 

y. Mr. Stanley reckons the Dr.*s n. 142. among the fragments of 
the epigrams ; which se^ms very likely. 

W. But for what reason, sir, doth it seem so ? I see none. 

V. And that the title of this epigram was M r^s Aeiovrehv bofms^ 
as Saidas averr% [Ibid.] 

W. Whether your meaning b^, uppn the skin of a lion« ov upofi the 
skin of Leontius, (for either or neither of these you may meap^ for 
ought I know) Suidas aveirs neither the ope nor the other. The Greek 
preposition eirc, sir, in this place signifies de (de pelle) not in (in pel*^ 
lem.) And all that Suidas averrs, is, that the word an^Xos is some- 
times apply 'd to the skin of a lion, or that the skin of a lion is some* 
times called in Greek by the name of trKiikos, For which signification 
of the word he produces the authority of Callimachus in this fragment. 
This is all that Suidas means, sir, by his etri rfis Xeovreiov bopds, 

V. As his despised ^milius Portus had corrected his author. 

Iff. "X'l^ po presumption in Dr. Bentley to despise Amilius P(Hl^s^ 

IS4 Answer t^ a Book written against 

y. Dr. Beatley takes it from Aniaids Pdrtiu. [Ibid.] 

W. Dr. Bentley takes it not from Amilios Portus. 
* V. Not to mentioa the Doctor's cheoging okjSiKos into rrAiw. 

W. The Dr. does not phange moSXot into moSKov. This fragment 
stands in two authors : in Suidas, and in the Scholiast on Sophocles. 
In Saidas it is given >yith the word ckiSIKo^ ; and therefore with the 
word okjSKos from Suidas did Mr. Stanley transeril>e it. In the Scho- 
liast on Sophocles it standi wttli the word mciSIKor; and ^ from him 
hath the Dr. given it. So that the Dr. did qot change <rin^Xpf into 
ffKiiXoy^ but as he found it in his author; so without aqy change at all 
he wrote it down.- 

V. Whereas both words are genuine. 

W. And therefore the Dr* might use either of them. Qu. Is nol 
this cavilling I 

V. That the reader may judge whether the corrections, 'AXip-cdScu, 
4, TE^^Pfl, be Dr. Bentley's, [P. 52.] I will transcribe the Fr. n. lOSIf 
from the MSS. [MS. write like a scholar.] 

Kal fiiy 'AXifTf dSae iroOVv ^ep€%6rtpav. 
TcJySc vap* ■ ■■. 

W. I do judge that Dr. Bentley took not those corrections from 
Mr. Stanley's MS. As for the 'AXijred^c, the verse required that Lee* 
lion, and I do judge that Dr. Bentley knew tlie tiile^ of the Greek 
Prosody before he saw Mr. Stanley's MS. As for the other two cor^ 
rections (fj and *Efi^fip) the Dr. hath many very material variations froai 
your MS. upon which variations from your MS. those tirO correction^ 
altogether depend; in conjunction with which therefore they must 
have been made. The Dr. comes nearer to Junius his Lection, than 
to that of your MS. [Had Junii Animad. lib. 4. c. 21.] And therefere 
if we must suppose him to have been beholding toeither of them, 
it was to the former. [Gruter, vol. 4.] The mistaken Lection of your 
MS. jf€pti6r€pav, lin. 1 . rdt^e, lin. 2. make its true Lection 'E^^jy ^^* 
last o? no use, and in the same last line the Lection dyoivcffral, (as you 
have given it) can never be brought to bear either sense or construc- 
tion. But the Dr. having established every one of his Lections upon 
reasons and authorities rendring them certain, hath thereby made vA 
the parts of the fmgm^nt consistent, and given a very learned and 
perspicuous explication of it ; which according to the Lections of 
your MS. could never have been done. So that upon the whole, my 
judgment is, that the Dr. was no more beholden to Mr. Stanley for 
his ^Aktjfriahaiy fj and '£^i//»|7 here, than he ytiis for his *£«&Xi7, hivbpeoi^ 
and fiwirtrdos before. [Supr.] But this is the way of you ; ^tis but 
arming forth your pages with a set of Greek words against the 
Dr. and throwing them off with a confident turn ; and so, with your 
readers, the work's done. 

V.The reader is left [Ibid.] to compare theDr.'s n. 71 . out of Soidas^ 
begmning with these words, — ovi^ ro ypApfxa, &c. with the same 
fti^ment in Mr. Stanley's MS. beginning with these words, iUadn i* 

Dr. Bentlei/f retating to Callimachus. 1S5 

ovSe ro ypdfjifxa \eyoy ; and to pass his judgment upon the Dr/s asser^ 
tioD, Qo% antek corruptissima felicit^r nunc restituimus. 

W. . And my judgment is, that the Dr. had very good grounds for 
his assertion. Dr. Bentley's Lection comes much nearer to the, text 
in Suidas : and there be almost as many flaws as lines in Mr. Stanley's* 
He begins with a too licentious inversion of the order of the words ; 
his second line Tloy AeioTrpeirovs . — were there no exception lay 
against the grammar of it» runs, metbinkst very heavy and unpoeticaL 

ITiov \ciOTpeirovs iceiadai roy K^toi' &vSpcL, 
The word Kpaviov would not make vpav/wFos verse 4th, but Kpaputvot, 
The conjunct ai^as (so I suppose it should have been printed)' seems 
in this place somewhat too impetuous for the verb ^Xitrdey, to which it 
cleaves, besides that it is a farther departure from the text (cCias ;) in- 
stead of which, the Dr/s interjection of lamentation a? at seems to be 
demanded by that expression of Suidas OIKITZETAI KaXklfiaxos 
TO &B€fffiov fyyor, which I take to be as much as miserabiliter repra> 
sentat. What Mr. Stanley means here by his fieydkas (TKonabas, I know 
not. But Dr. Bentley hath given us a fair account of his fAeyaXovs Zica- 
9rAias. Such is the justice which is done to the manes of the deceased, 
when their papers are put into the hands of them that know not how to 
use them. But 'tis no imputation to any man that his first thoughts are 
not correct. 

Besides, Sir, if Dr. Bentley were such a plagiary as you would have 
us helieve of him, what a prize had here been for him ? And why did 
he not make hast off with it, and forthwith to beating about again for 
more prey? That's the way of them that live upon the plunder^ 
What another instance have you here given us of your unskilful! ma- 
nagement 1 So often telling us of his transcribing your MS. ? So fully 
demonstrating how little he regarded it ? The character upon which 
3rou spend the former part of your book, a most supercilious corrector, 
is not very consistent with what you give us in the latter part of it, a 
most notorious plagiary. Who'd imagin both these belonged to the 
same man ? 

V. In n. H6, the correction of iktaydpas M^XiOf, was long since 
made to his hands. {P. ^6.] 

W. Nor doth the Dr. lay any claim to that Correction, But the ob- 
servation that that fault in the copies of Plutarch had been of so long 
standing as to have misled Eusebius and Theodoret (the former of 
which Praep. Evang. 1. 13. and the later Therapeut. Grsec. Ser. 2. fol* 
low that corrupt Lection of Acay. o MiK^inos) and consequently the 
rectifying the mistakes of those ancient writers, this was the Dr.'s own. 
V.And whether XdXicciov be not a genuine reading, and tfahrec be 
not as likely as if^ec, I refer him to Sam. Petit's Misqellan. observat* 
I. I.e. 2. p. 9, 10. [Ibid.] 

W. And I refer him to Richardus Bentleius» in not. ad Fragmenta 
Callim. num. 86. p. 340. For, Sir, do you think your so often sayings 
I refer the reader to, &c. will pass any where, but amone yourseivesy 
for a confutation qf Dr. Bentley ? Though tbb Sam, Petit being t 

136 Answer to a Bo6k written agmmi 

critick from whom as little is to be leam'd, as from any of those whose 
books have the good luck to bear a price^ ! am apt to believe you mat 
have read him. 

V. Callimachus m^y have written a Tragedy called Dasdalos, of 
which Tragedy, this fragment^ (u. 3050 may have been part. [P. 65^ 

W. No, Sir, that cannot b^. But that you >Vere resolved to be an 
author, you might, perha))s, have pass'd for a scholar. This fragment 
is part of an hexameter, a sort of metre which a very moderate anti« 
quarian would have told you the ancients bevel* made use of in Tra* 

gedy.- , , 1 , 

'Ev he KoL'^aive fitv epya aihiipov. 
V. The Dr. n. l39. cites among the Fragmenta incCrti loci, [P. 67 .]j 
that known passage out of Athenagoras, Kpf\T€s ael \J/€v&tal &c^ which 
verses are no fragment, but part of that entire poem, Hymnus in 

Wi, This looks like cavilling. Athenagoras his Reflection upon 
Callimachus is not so vulgarly known, and for the sake of that alone 
did the Dr. t presume, produce this passage, ttttn-eiifav KaXKlfiaxe Tali 
y ovals, &c. 

Besides these learned observations of your own> and your many ju* 
dicious animadversions upon the mistakes of the Dr. you have been 
pleased to present the learned world with some farther discoveries by 
way of Supplement to the former editions of Callimachus. After my 
having been at such pains to disclose some of your failures, 'twere in« 
justice to conceal your improvements. But before I come to them, 
there is another part of your charge against the Dr. not immediately 
concerning Mr. Stanley's MS. upon which I am obliged to bestow some 
few reflections. 

Not content to have made the Dr. so notorious a plagiary upon the 
account of Mr. Stanley's MS» you intermix here and there some proofs 
of plagiarism up<m him from some other printed book^. 'Tis resolved, 
I see, the Dr. shall be a plagiary. The work is begun and it must be 
finished. [Mr.B. p. 143, 171, \i\3, and 54, 13S, 2l6, 2?6, 233, 248, 
26i, 262, &c. Vid. et Dr. B.'s Answ. p. 213, 333, 383, &c.] If any 
of the same passages be to be found in any other books whatsoever,' 
ivhether printed or MS. as in the Dr. from thence shall the Dr. have 
stole them. According to which method I challtnge you. Sir, to name 
. that modern writer, writing upon a subject wherein the producing the 
authorities of the ancients is necessary, whom I shall not (even with* 
out the assistance of a club, and with no more than one set of fingers 
to turn over books) prove a plagiary. And yet this h the way of these 
gentlemen's (I'll venture to put it in the plural number) managing their 
controversie with Dr. Bentley. But as for you your self, siT, (such \s youf 
reading) you are very sparing of your instances of this kind ; and in 
these few you do produce as obliging to the Dr. as heart could wish. 

I took notice fsupr.] of about 9 or 10 pages in Dr. Bent-^ 
ley's collection, small letter and close print, sc» from p. 327* to p» 

Dr. Bentleyj relating to Cattimackus. 137 

437. for which only a little itiargioal reference in Mr. Stanley ; the 
consideration ot which I tlien postponed, and shall here take it up. It 
is indeed at first sight the most plausible thing against the Dr. ia the 
whole indictment, and seems to make him directly beholden to Mr. 
Stanley for a little hint at least, though the working it out was left to 
himself. Were 1 at a loss for an answer here, our Vindicator Cwhich, i 
thank him, he seldom fails to do) hath supply 'd me with one. [P. 54, 
55.] But I need not crave his assistan<^e. The case is this. 

In Mr. Stanley's MS. over-against the title Qavfiarwy, in the margin, 
stands, Meurs. in Antis:. c. CXLIV. That chapter in Antigomis, be- 
gins thus. YleiroiriTai ie riva koX o KvpriVaios KaXXt/tta^os €K\oy7iy tmv 
itapaio^uty ^s hvayplifofitVy a wore rtfuv e^atVerO elvat IlkoTis k^ia ; 1. e. 
Callimachus of Cyrene hath made a collection of things strange and 
wonderfull, the most remarkable of which I shall transcribe, ^\nd so 
he begins his transcribing, ^i^qW EvSoi'oj/ laropelv Sti, &c. He (Cal- 
limachus) saith, that Eudoxus relates that, &c. 

Now upon this Mr. Stanley had made this remark. Quibus ex ver« 
bis omnia quae seqnuntur usque ad iinem libri ex C^lliraacho de« 
prompta esse conjicere licet ; i. e. From which words one may conjec- 
ture that all that follows in Antigonus to the end of the book is taken 
from Callimachus. And good reason had he so to conjecture ; for An- 
tigonus in his cap. 144. entering upon transcribing from Callimachus, 
and it not appearing (his book being imperfect) where he ended, the- 
inference is very fair, that all that follows in that book, as it 
now stands imperfect. Is .taken from Callimachus. An instance of. 
the same kind we have before in the same book. Antig. c. 32. Ka2 
/ti^r r6s T€ Xoiwas Ivrpexeias rwv $dtiav — aK^i/Jeffrar' ay tis €K rfji toO, 
'ApKrroriXovs (rvyaytoy^s KarafiAdoi, c{ Js iffxeis wpwTOv voitfirofjieda Tf)y 
iK\&y^y, cap. 33, 0i;(rt trepi /cw^wtt, &c. i. e. * The several otbc^r won- 
derfull sagacities of certain animals one may find most accurately de- 
scribed in the writings of Aristotle, out of which, before I go any fur- 
ther, I shall make this following collection, cap. 33. He saith that, 
ttie wolves about the Lake of, &c.* And so he goes on still transcribing 
oat of Aristotle to cap. 127* which he thus concludes, IlaXXw}/ ^e oy 
tu>y iy caraycy^a^ei' 'ApitrroriXris, &c. i. c. * But Aristotle hath left be- 
hind him many books, out of which what I have here given is all 
that I could at present recollect.' And so he breaks off his transcrib- 
ing out of Aristotle. After the same manner doth he begin his col- 
lection out of Callimachus, c. 144. But where he ended, his book 
being imperfect, we know not. Therefore saith Dr. Bentley, p. 328. 
et profect6 ut omnia, quse deinceps, &c, ' As all that is in Antigonus 
from cap. 32. to cap. 127. is transcribed from Aristotle, so all from 
cap. 144. to the end of the book is taken from Callimachus.' And 
accordingly all those passages he transfers into his collection. Upon 
which oifr Vindicator cries out shame upon him. ' I cannot acquit him,' 
saith' he, ' either of being vain-glorious, or a plagiary, when he avers 
(as 'tis true he doth) that he himself was the first who restored those 
Mobie fragmeiits to their true author.' For how can Dr, Bentley have 

138 Answer to a BooJc zmtten against 

the face to say, that he was the fint» when Mr. Stanley had obsenred 
it before him. But had Mr. Stanley also observed the like -of Aris- 
totle 1 But to let that drop. Pray, sir, will you please to read your 
own words immediately following your transcription out of Mr. Stan- 
Icy. Quibus ex verbis, &c. And with Mr. Stanley agrees the learned 
Johnsius in his second book of the Writers of Philosophick History, 
cap. 12. p. 176. [P. 55.] If therefore Johnsius had observed it as well 
as Mr. Stanley, then Mr. Stanley was neither the first man nor the 
only man that had observed it. And why may not our learned critick 
^a title, which, since some books lately publish'd s^ainst him, no man 
will deny to Dr. Bentley) have observed it without the help of Mr. 
Stanley's MS. [P. 61.] as well as had the learned Johnsius, whose right 
to the same tine is as little disputed 1 But in the words immediately 
following, [P. 55.] and in several other places of your book, you 
tell us over and over, and that very emphatically, that the Dr. had 
thorowly read that piece of Johnsius. [P. 61. et seqq. Mr. B. p. 142.] 
You have over-done your work, sir, and laid the indictment in two^ 
places. The unhappiest man at managing an accusation, that ever 
took such a piece of work in hand. Pray, sir, will you please to 
certifie the world in your third edition, from whom did the Dr. take 
this hint first 1 Did he take it from Johnsius first, and afterwards from 
Mr. Stanley 1 or first from Mr. Stanley, and afterward from Johnsius 1 
This, sir, is a point upon which you ought to be very determinate, 
[P. 7^*] the province you have taken upon you obligeth you to restore 
every paragraph to its right author. And therefore you must let the 
world Know precisely, if Dr. Bentley's name must be expunged, whose 
name must be put in the room of it in the next impression of Callima* 
chus : [P. 74.] whether Mr. Stanley's or the learned Johnsius. Foir 
without a more particular information than you have yet given, Mr* 
Graevius will not be able to do justice between them. 

But V\\ maintain the Dr.'s right. His name must not be expunged 
out of the next impression. I very confidently presume the discovery 
Ivas of the Dr.'s own making, and (not to flatter him) 'tis one of the 
meanest in his whole book. Antigonus himself had laid it so full in 
view, that no body* reading him with attention, especially having that 
Greek poet, Callimachus, in his thoughts, could have pass'd it over un- 
observed. Let the reader cast his eyes back upon the irenolifrai ii nva 
— and the ipritrh. Callimachus made a certain collection — he saith 
that—now, sir, dip upon what chapter you will in Antigonus after c. 
144. to the end of his book, (abating here and there an intersertion of 
the collector's own, easie enough to be distinguished from the rest) you 
will find this if^rioly either express or subintellect before the infinitive 
mood : for the Dr.'s correction ofQeofpatrros into @e($0f>a0Tov,c.l45. and 
pf IffTopel into itrrofieir, c. 147. with others of the like kind, I suppose 
no body (unless perhaps your self) will dispute with him : And that ^/ffiv 
must have some Nominative Case, and that Nominative Case can be 
no other than KoXXZ/uaxoc. So that the utmost of the Dr.'s discovery 
liere was onbf finding out first the principal verb, and the then Nomi* 

Dt. Benihyj relating to CoiUmmJius. 139 

native Case to it : which ^tis k straage thing if he coidd not have dond 
ivithoat the help of your MS. 

But why then is the Dr« so vain glorious upon. his performance hei^ 
if it was so easie a thhtg ? [P. 54.] Haud mal^, opinor, de Callimacho 
meritus sum, qui primus tam luculenta iiiroanratrfiana ilii restitao. ' I 
think Callimachus is not a little obliged to me for being the first who 
restore to him so fair a quantity of fnigments.* 

Because the thing is true. For how obvious soever the discoverer 
might lie, yet no body having before given the publick any notice of 
it, (no not, in express terms, Johnsius himself) or taken care to restore 
these fragments to their true author : to the Dr. alone doth Callima- 
chus owe his obligations. Besides which, Callimachus is not a little 
obliged to the Dr. for the commendable pains you your self acknow<* 
ledge him to have bestow'dfupon these fragments ; [Ibid.] for his having 
restored them to their genuine Lection, and for his having, justified our 
poet's narrations from the concurring testimonies of so many other 
good authorities. And if you will please to look over the many ini« 
provements which (after the learned and accurate Meursius and Xy*- 
lander) the Dr. hath made upon that part of Antigonus, you will fidd 
that he might well think Callimachus not a little obliged to him, and 
that 1 spake within compass when I said before, [Supr.] bring* 
ing this very instance for a proof of it, that in many places for one 
fingle line which you alledge against the Dr. as stoln from Mr. Stan- 
ley, the Dr.'s additions are more than twenty to one. As in this pre* 
aent case is very manifest, taking in your marginal reference in its uU 
most extent. 

Ay, that's true indeed, in this place. But to whom b the Dr. obliged 
for all this I To the learned Johnsius, who advised bis reader to con* 
0ult Stephanus, Pliny, and Suidas. [P. 55.] And 'tis plain by the com* 
parison, that Dr. Bentley followed his advice, though he will not own 
pis kindness. 

As much as to say ; that Dr. Bentley would never have read Ste- 
phanus, Pliny, and Suidas, had not the learned Johnsius put him in 
mind of it, that there were such books in the world, and that he ought 
to read them. . For this advice and advertisement is it that the Dr. is 
%o deeply obliged to the learned Johnsius, and (ungrateful! man as he 
is) hath not told the world who told him of those books. 

Tis plain, by the eompaiison, you say, that the Dr. fbllow'd his 
advice. That is, to a man that will read over the Dr.'s Collection it 
will plainly appear, that the Dr. hath read Stephanus, Suidas and 
l^liny. As for Stephanus and Suidas we have had enough of 
them already. [Supr.] But hath ihe Dr. read Pliny too 1 Yes, 
His plain, you say, he hath. Now, pray, sir, turn to the 83d page of 
your book, and there you do as good as say the Dr. hath not read 
Pliny. For the Dr. having produced several passages out of Pliny, as 
n. 392, 393, 394, &c. Harduin's Indices, say you, directed Dr. Bent- 
)ey to these quotations out of Pliny, q. d. Dr. Bentley did not meet 
with these quotation* in Pliny himself, but just turned to the Index 

14Q . Answer to a Book written against . 

Authornm, v. CallimachuSy and so came by them. But if the Dr, foW 
low*d Johnsius's advice, and turned over Pliny himself, as 'tis plain he 
did : what need was there of running to Harduin's Indices ? Tis a plain 
case, sir, from the beginning of your book to the end of it ; that yoii 
know not, or matter not what you say» so that you can but fling out 
somewhat against the Dr. And this is the way of all of you. Caium* 
niare fortiter, is the rule you go by. But there should be a little wit 
in it. I wonder how your book comes to bear a second edition. In 
p. 65» I find you upon Harduin and Pliny again. His quotation out 
of the Scholiast upon Apollonius Harduin in his notes upon Pliny sup- 
ply'd him with. Ridiculous ! as if the Scholiast upon Apollonius him- 
self were not sooner read over than a Plhiy with Harduin's notes, or as 
if that were the only quotation out of the Scholiast upon Apollonius in 
the Dr/s collection. [Vid. supr.] But that quotation is not in Har- 
duifl^s Index. ' So that all that is in Harduin's Index, from the Index 
the Dr. stole it : bul what is not in the Index, for that he is oblig'd to 
JofansiuSy who advis'd him to read over Pliny himself, which advice, 
'tis plain, the Dr. followed. Are you not ashamed, sir, of putting such 
stuff as this into print? I do not answer these things, as if they de- 
served an answer, but to let the world see how these men manage their 
cootroversie against Dr. Bentley. The Dr. must have what is in the 
Index, or not have what is in the author, vid. supr. 

But you are a person as unlucky in your memorandums, as you are 
inconsistent in your allegations. Let me lay down this as a rule : 'tis 
not for a young writer to despise an Index.. Tis but comparing the 
author of Dr. Bentley's Dissertation upon the Epistles'of Phalaris exv 
amined, p. 164. with Dr. Bentley's answer, p. 229. And with the In- 
dex to a. very common book, iBlian, Var. Hist, iitera* x. and youll 
find out my meaning. 

V. The quotation out of the learned Scholiast upon Aristophanes^ 
n. 101. was ready brought to his hands by the editor of Arista^nef us his 
Epistles, ep. 10. p. 229. [P. &7'] 

W. I had reason to observe of yon, that you are the most unhappy 
man to your friends, and the most obliging to your adversary that ever 
took pen in hand* 

The Dr. stole his quotation out of the Scholiast upon Aristophanes 
from the editor of Aristsnetus his Epistles. 

Answ. 1. Compare your learned patron, p* 31* Marg. with Dr« B. 
Answer, p. 2 1 . and Mr. B/s p. i64. again with Dr. B.*s answer, p. 229^ 
230. and you will find that the Dr. was too well acquainted with the' 
Scholiast upon Aristophanes, to have borrowed his quotation put cvf 
that Scholiast from the editor of Aristsenetus, 

2. The Dr. in this very place rectifies a mistake of that learned 
Scholiast, which the learned editor of Aristaenetus transcribes into his 
annotations without taking any notice of it. $o that you hav.e h^re 
marked out an instance for the reader to reflect upon : that the D^. 
how notorious a plagiary soever, yet he is none of your pedanious pn- 
tieks, a literatim transcriber of other men's mistakes,, and making thfoi 

Dr. Bentley^ relating to Callimachus. 141 

bis owo. The Dr. ts able to correct the faulty opinions of the An- 
cients, as well as the faulty copies of their works. 

3. The Dr. also reelities a little mistake of that learned editor of 
Aristaenetus (Josias Mercerus, sir, the father-in-law to Salniasios) who 
misquotes this piece of Callimachus under the title of Acoutius, whereas 
it should have been Kv^tViri; ; as the Dr. from the authority of Ovid 
establishes it. And that I put the reader in nqiod of this other second 
little advantage, which (as to this particular) Dr. Bentley hath over 
tlie learned Mercerus, is owing to your self, who were so friendly to the 
Dr. as to point it out to me. 

4. Vou have supply'd the Dr. with a fresh authority here for that 
new Lection which he gives of this fVagment, and justified his correction 
of the leariied Scholiast upon Aristophanes. The fragment itself i^ 

*AXX' kv\ hrl (fikotoim Keico/ifiiva rdffffa (jtopeiTe 
Tp&jAfxara^ Kv^/irTTiyv otrfr epeovffi KaX^y, 
In the Scholiast upon Aristophanes, for (fKoioiot it stands ^vSXoi(ri\ 
and as that Lection is admitted by him for genuine ; so from him in 
the same words is it transcribed by the learned Mercerus : and other- 
wise than with that Lection I presume it is no where to be found, nor 
Was there ever, perhaps, before the Dr. any suspicion entertained con- 
cerning it. But the Dr. than whom ('tis plain by the comparison) no 
•mhii reads books more intently, discovered something ot incongruity 
in this Lection ^vXXocfiri, and therefore ventures, by a conjectural emen- 
dation, to restore it tfKvtdiffi. And was at some pains to justiiie the 
correction both from reason and authority; but the most proper au- 
thority in the world to his purpose he had (I know not how) omitted. 
In Gomes our most obliging Vindicator here, and supplies him with it* 
Nor could one, that Itad studied for it, have given a fuller demonstra- 
tion of the Dr.'s happiness at a conjecture, than hath this veryniao, 
who is writing a book against him ; having pointed out to us the very 
place %i hich establishes beyond controul every thing the Dr. bath s^icf, 
Aristasntt-ep,. 10. (m. p. 46, 490 cWe & hiv%pd; <fec. $■ yoUv totrUvra 
Kara rutv t^Xotutv eyjcek'oXf^/iyueva (ftepoiTC ypd^fLfmra gtra rijy J^v^ivTrrjU 
hroyofidSki ^fa\j)i/, n. b. mra rt^y ^XoiGy, not '<pi(k\b)y, words comins 
as near to those of the fragment according to the Dr.'s correction of 
it, as prose and verse would fairly admit Sir, the Dr. i& obliged to 
you, and (in his name) ( presume to return you thanks. This disco- 
very (the very best in your whole book, though made without your 
knowing any thing of it) will, I iloubt not, be inserted in the next im- 
pression of Callimachus. And therefore, 

5. From hence I infer a iregative directly contradictory to your af . 
firmative, viz. The Dr. did not take his quotation out of the SchoIias»t 
upon Aristophanes from the editor of Ariitsenetus. For if the Dr. 
had then had Aristsenetus in bis view, he would not have omitted aii 
authority so direct to his purpose. You may cavil ; but the inferenco 
it undeniable. 

* I have drawn oat ray answer to tliis your allegation into so many 

142 Atmver to a Book z^yiritten aguimt 

particulars, to shew you, first. How imprudently you bqtr^ sicted ift 
putting one so often in mind of things which were better forgotten : 
though indeed let the best pen. that can be found engage any farther 
in this cause, it will be next to impossible to escape splitting upon the 
same rock. And secondly, to let you see how much it turns to the 
Dr/s advantage to have his writings brought uuder a close examina- 

V. I'he greatest and best part of those numerous quotations whicb 
.adorn Dr. Bentley's edition uuder the several IlcVaice;, p. 551, et seq< 
were before collected by Johnsius. [P. 6l.] 

W. At which least the reader should be surprized, you spend no 
less than three pages to shew with what judgment and accuracy that 
learned person hath treated of these catalogues, indices, or tables of 
Callimachus. [Ibid.] So that all that you prove here is, that he piust 
be a very extraordinary man indeed, who can so exhaust his subject 
as that Dr. Bentley coming after him shall not find room for improve- 
.ments. < And if you could have said not only the greatest and best 
part, but all and every one of the quotations in the Dr.'^s collection 
were before drawn together b^ Johnsius, yet even so it would have 
amounted \ to no more than this : that two very learned persons treat* 
ing upon the same point of antiquity, neither of them had made any 
material omissions. If you bad known how to have managed your cause, 
you should have spared your elaborate elogies upon Johnsius, [P. 
65, 6l, &c.] with which you have but made a garland for Dr. Bentley^ 
Like the monarch, who spent the greatest part of a long reign in ga- 
thering trophies onely to place them all at last upon his neighbour's 

But you will not part with Johnsius so. If you can have read me 
litherto without a blush, prepare for one now. 

V. Dr. Bentley to ttWtt&l his transferring Johnsius's correction of 
Antimac^us for Callimachus into his own stores, [P. 64.] cites the pas- 
sage (n. 390.) out of Eusebius, whereas iu the edition of Tatianu^, 
from whom Eusebius had it, the names are as they ought to be 

W. Good reader, look over these words again ; Dr. Bentley to 
ttXittOl &c. [P. 19, 25, 76.] Here doth this man, who quotes scrip- 
ture and councils, charge Dr. Bentley with having ^tole a correction 
from Johnsius, and with using a certain artifice to conceal the fraud. 
Every syllable of which is as wilfull a falshood as words can express. 
Turn to the Dr.'s n. 3fi0. p. 423. Tatianus apud Eusebium, Prsep. 
Evang. lib. 10. Ilepi fxkv yap Tfis 'Ofjiiipov, &c. After the quotation 
given at large the Dr. bath these words. Ex hoc loco Vossius in li- 
bello posthumo de Poetis laudat Callimachum Colophonium : sed lege 
apud Eusebium ^Aarifiaxos 6 Koko^yios. Ut recte habetur apud ip- 
sumTatianum, sed hoc video doctissimum Johnsium ante me ani- 
madvertisse. Tb true the Dr. transcribes the passage out of Euse- 
bius, but he tells us how it stands in Tatianus. The reason of bis 
transcribing it out of £uacbi4% waS|. I presume, - ^ ts^« this oppor- 

Dr. Bentky^ relating to CaUimachus. liS 

tonity of giyiog the reader notice of a false Lection crept into the 
copies of that author, and of a mistake from thence transferred into 
Yossius his posthumous piece de Poetis. No» saith the Vbdicator ; he 
4id it on purpose to conceal his having stole this correctioo from 
Johnsius. Oh Confidence ! Construe it» sir. Sed hoc video doctis- 
simum Johnsium ante me animadvertisse. To conceal ! as plain as 
pen can put down words on paper, 'tis declared that the leiumed 
Johnsius had made that correction before him. Here are your wri- 
ters against Dr. Bentley! And will you stiU believe them, reader? 
But take another instance. 

V.The corrections of the Fragment, u. 233. [P- 71, 72.] were ready 
made to the Dr.'s hand by Salmasius, and in Is. Vossiiis his MS. The 
old translator of Pollux had given the true rendring of kv i^ TlKoihu. 
Pluto Aristophanes : which Dr. Bentley calls his own. 

W. Confidently ! Dr. Bentley doth not call the true rendring ey ik 
tlXovr^ his own. So far is the Dr. from claiming to himself the cor<» 
rections ready made to his hands by others, that in express terms he 
disclaims them. The Dr.'s words are these : Qui quidem locus, in 
vulgatis codicibus mendosissimus, recti itk emendatus est k viris eru* 
ditis. — et it^ saui Codex qui fuit Isaacv Vossii. Is this calling things 
his own 1 Twere charity to believe you cannot construe Latin. But 
the rectifying tlie mistakes of the Scholiast, and the correcting the text 
of Aristophanes himself: a correction just and necessary, and which 
perhaps was never so much as aimed at before the Dr. and without 
which, neither could the poet, nor his commentator, nor J. Pollux 
have been understood ; this the Dr. doth call his own, and his own it 
is, vid. loc. Fragra. n. 233. p. 395. 

V. Salvagnius Boessius iu his Prolegomena to his commentary upon 
Ovid's Ibis, [P. 83.1 hath inserted the epigram out of the Anthology 
(which Dr. Bieutley has transcribed num. 2.) with the emendation of 
KaXXi^axos for KaXKifiaxov (claimed as his own by the Dr.) though 
he confesses that the admirable critick Eustathius reads it KaXXi- 

W. Of air this I do not understand one word. The emendation of 
KaTOufidxov into KaXX//xaxo$ the Dr. doth (both here Fragm. n. 2. and 
£p. ad fin. Malel. p. 71*) claim as his own, and his own I believe it is. 
In Salvagnius Boessius's Prolegomena I find not a syllable of that epi- 
gram either with an emendation or without. Who confesses, that the 
admirable critick Eustathius reads it KaWlfjiaxos 1 Salvagnius or Dr. 
Bentley 1 in neither of them do I find tlie least mention of Eustathius 
relating to this matter. My Salvagnius Boessius is 8vo. Lugd. l66\. 
There may be some later edition for ought I know, in which may be 
the passages you speak of; but I have never seen any such edition, 
nor (as I have a reason, not worth the telling, to believe) hath Dr. 
Bentley. So that how many soever editions of Salvagnius Boessius 
there may be, what Dr. Bentley here calls his own is still his own* 

V. In those Prolegomena also is to be found the epigram of Mar- 
tial upon the Aincu 

144 Answer to a Book written against 

W. fa Dacier's Testimonia veterum also is to be found the epigram 
of Martial upon the A'iria : and in Farnaby's Martial also h to he 
found the epigram of Martial upon the Atna. Stuff! 

V. In Salvagnrus Boessius his commentary upon Ovid's Ibis are 
many other good observations, which Dr. Bentley hath read. 

W. Tis more than natural stupidity : it looks like a kind of infa- 
tuation, that a man should be so constant in confuting himself. Com* 
pare, sir, these two pages of your*s ; page 35. with page 85. 

Page 35. The epigram out of Martial (n. 2.) is iu Mr. Stanley's col- 

^ page 85. The epigram out of Martial (u. 2.) is in Salvagnius Boe*- 
siUs (m. p. 48.) And Salvagnius Boessius Dr. Beutley hath read. 

Page 35. The quotation out of Clemens Alexandnnus (n. 2.) is ia 
Mr. Stanley's collection. 

Page 85. But Salvagnius Boessius Dr. Bentley hath read : aod in 
Saltagnius Boessius is that quotation out of Clemens Alexandrinus, 
verbatim, p. 47. 

Page 35. The quotation out of Servius upon Virgil, n. 8. [Supr.] 
is transcribed/rom Mr. Stanley, verbatim. 

Page 85. Salvagnius Boessius his commentary upon Ovid's Ibis Dr, 
Bentley hath read : and in that commentary, p. 30U is that quotation 
out of Servius upon Virgil. 

How will you look your Honourable Patron in the face, after hav- 
itl;r thus discover'd to him how carelessly you read his book, and how 
little you minded the caution he gave you. Not to lay your indictment 
in two places. [Mr. B. p. 142.] 

'And this is what I before promised you to take some particular no- 
tice of. [Supr.] Read what is there written upon that quotation 
out of Clemens Alexandrinus, 'Ev<i>opiwp ykp, &c. I here repeat 
my charge against you, sir, and in the plain unaffected stile I 
call you false accuser, and prepensely such. You knew these se- 
veral passages to be in Salvagnius Boessius ; Salvagnius Boessius yon 
knew the Dr. to have read : how then durst you charge these particn^ 
)ar passages upon liim as proofs of bis plagiarism from Mr. Stanley's 
MS. all of which you knew the Dr. to have met with elsewhere ; and 
one of which you ktiew, you could not but^know, your own eye sight 
assured you, that the Dr. did actually transcribe, not from Mr. Stan- 
ley, but from Salvagnius Boessius ? I say, which you could not but 
know, that the Dr. did not take from Mr. Stanley. For that quota- 
tion out of Clemens Alexandrinus, as it is given us in the Dr.'s collec- 
tion, I am very confident is not now (whatsoever it may be e*er long) in 
Mr. Stanley's MS. nor, I believe in any other printed book whatever 
•ave in Salvagnius Boessius ; and therefore only from him can the Dr. 
have transcribed it. And this you cannot have been ignorant of, since 
both Salvagnius Boessius, and Dr. Bentley himself have given express 
notice of it: Salvagnius f p. 47. Sic et Clemens Alejpdndrinus, 
lib. 5. Strom. Lvfcpiioy yap b itottfTtis, &c. Sic enim Manuscriptus 
tneu9 pervetustus Codex cum in omnibus Cditionibiis desint hiec verba 
«oi 4 KaAXc/M^xov IBIS ; and in Pr. Bentley, p. 345. Tit. IBIS iik 

Cambridge Pnze Foem^for 1815* 14a 

Godex MStus Dionytii Sal?agnii : in rulgatb IBH abest. I do there* 
fore af^in and again repeat it opoo ^fou, sir, thoui^h your whole book 
be a proof of it» yet more especially from this particular passage, as 
being an irrefragable demonstration ; that you are a false accuser, and 
that you are prepensely such. First, in telling the world, that that is 
io your MS. which is not in your MS. and secondly, in placing among 
your proofs of things transcribed from your MS. that which you knew 
was not transcribed from your MS. and upon both these articles 1 bring 
ID your own Salvagnius Boessius for evidence against you. And this 
you^have gotten by over-doing your work, and laying your indictment 
in two places. And the aan once convicted of wilfull, I cannot say 
perjury, because 'tis not in a Court of Record, though you have kissd 
the Bible upon it more than once; yet of wilfukl prevarication is be- 
come for ever afterwards (at least, as to that cause) an incompetent 
witness. And how far this sentence may extend, I leave it to those 
who are most concerned in it to consider : desiring them withal, out 
of pure compassion to themselves, not to be over eager in tempting 
a no very unwilling man to discover all he knows. For the letting the 
world know, how hx busie men are to be credited, I take to be duing 
a good piece of service to the publick; which he that shall venture 
upon, as he must incur the displeasure of many, so lie deserves the 
thanks of more than one. 1 have complied (and not many more so 
obedient readers can be boast of) with Mr. B.'s unreasonable request, 
with which he concludes his preface to his examination of Dr. Bent- 
ley. But as for you yourself, sir, 1 have now near upon the matter done 
with you. For as for your wretched common-pluice niilery, and 
>*our blunt characterisms upon the Dr. (most of them stole from your 
houourable patron, but spoiPd in the telling) 1 scorn to take any no- 
tice of them. But there is still behind your Supplement 


A Poem i^ich/Mw^kL ike CSian^dlor's Medal at the Cam- 
ifridge Comwimwrnenii July 1815. 


'' J^^niis hsc ioimica tyr^mns 
^ Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem.'* 

On Gambia's banks^ no sweetly-breaAine gale 
Cheers the lone wild or fans the thirsty vale. 
In weary silence rolls each livelong day, 
And nature pants beneath tfie sultry ray : 
Tet will the negro, from his deserts torn 
And fur away to western dunates borne, 

146 Cambridge Prize Poem j for 1815. 

O'er the wide ocean cast a wistful eye. 
And think upon his native sands and sigh — 
' Turn we to where the Northern tempest roars. 
To Lapland's drear, inhospitable shores ; 
The breast of Lapland owns no genial glow. 
Pale is her aspect and her mantle snow : 
By Winter withered, shrouded by the storm 
Amid yon arctic rocks she lifts her form. 
While ocean-blasts a deadly chQness shed. 
And meteor phantoms hover round her head^^-— 
And would you lure the peasant from his home 
Beneath 'a milder, kinder heaven to roam ; 
Vain were the task — His every thought and care 
Still loves to linger in his native air ; 
The child of woe, by cold and want opprest, 
He boasts a patriot passion in his breast, 
And, happy tenant of an humble shed. 
Smiles at the storm, that howls above his head. 

Spirit of generous Pride, whose high command 
Binds all affections to one spot of land ; 
Thou that canst wake a breeze on Afric's shore. 
And bid the Polar blast forget to roar ; 
When, rapt in History's page, the eye surveys 
Deeds of the mighty dead in ancient days, 
Is there a tongue, that honors not thy name ? 
A heart, that bums not with thy kindling flame ? 
Whether, in classic record, it retrace 
Th' expiring efforts of a sinking race, 
And mark die morn, mom dear to Rdme and thee. 
When Brutus struck and saw his country free : — 
Or whether later times the tale disclose, 
How Grisler triumphed in a nation's woes, - 

Till vengeance bade insulted worth rebel, 
And Freedom smiled upon the sword of Tell : — 
Or how, unawed amid a cheerless land. 
Brave Wallace reared on high the patriot brand. 

Wallace, undaunted foe to lawless power. 
Friend to thy Scotland in her darkest hour, 
In action daring and in danger proved^ 
Famed for thy valor, for thy virtues loved ; 
These were the crimes, that claimed a tyrant's hate. 
And gave thy manhood to an early fate. 
Thee, Wallace, thee thy native woodlands mourned* 
The grots and echoing caves the moan returned ; 

Cambridge Prize Toem^ for 1815. 147 

The frowning dtflF, the torrent, vale and glade 
Poured a sad- tribute to thy pensive shade. 
And every gale that blew from rock and sea. 
And every zephyr bore a sigh for thee. 
The shout of war, that waked a Southern host, 
Was heard no more upon the sullen coast ; 
In murmurs floating on the banks of Clydd ' 
The last; sweet music of thy bugle died ; 
That beacoxl blaze, which patriot hands had fired, 
Glimmered a parting radiance and expired ) 
Hushed was each hope, the dream of gladness fled. 
And Scotland languished, when her offspring bled. 

Heard ye that war-note burst the deep repose ? 
It was the kneU of Caledonia's woes—* 
O saw ye not the banner streaming red ? 
That banner waves above a tyrant's head-^ 
Proud with the spoils of Cambria's fallen state, • 
And reeking from the brave Lewellyn's fate, 
Edwjurd has summoned all his warrior band 
To pour the tide of battle on the land-— 
Insatiate king, when erst on Holy shore 
Thy battle-blade was drenched in Paynim gore, 
Full oft the laurel bloomed upon thy brow — 
And seek'st thou yet another garland now ? 
Lord of a mighty race, a wide domain. 
Yet canst thou envy Scotland's rugged reign i 
O sheath thy sword and fling thy buckler by, 
Noif smite the mountain haunts of Liberty. 
But vain is Reason's voice and weak her sway, 
When thirst of endless empire leads the way. 
And wild Ambition beckons and invites 
To trample on mankind^ insulted rights. 
To stand, with gory lance and flag unfurled. 
High o'er the ruins of a prostrate world. 
Then fair Religion seeks her inmost ceil. 
Indignant Justice bids a long fareweU, 
And Science breathes a last, a dying moan. 
And sorrowing Virtue pines unpitied and unknown. 

Cursed be die fatal day, when Edward came 
In crested pride to urge a lawless claim ; 
Cursed be the day.-— Let weeping History tell 
How fought the brave and how the noble fell, 


* Wallace was betrayed into the bands if Edward in the neijfiibourbood 

148 Cambridge Prixt Pwm^ for 181 5. 

When, sloiriy siv^lii^t^raiUed the "bp^de tMt 
On Falkirk's &eid of id^lh ^fii ^qren^ niie'^ 
The be^rn of moirnj tha^t lofo im*ea8tern,hti^» 
Danced on the plume of msoif a i^Uaat jEnigli^ : 
The ray^ that lingered on the ooeiifHvraYej 
Kissed the red tuif pf many a soMiorlS'grain. 
Dark as the tprreiU's d^splatiiig iflpw. 
And drear as winter was that time of wo9 : 
Tet 4rooped not Hope : she turned ber •^citte t^f 
Where heaven-w^d Caledonia's mouniaina laM^ 
And de^p embosomed in the gloom of night 
A star was seen to shed a lonely light j 
It t>unied afar with lustre pale and sweet 
To mark the ^ot of Freedom's Jajst HH^eat. 
There on a rock, unmoved aa4 vu^diamof^i. 
The sable plumage waving 9'er his head. 
Stern Wallace stQod.'-*-Wit|i high uplifted hMi 
He shook the gleamy teniorf of hi^-boandy 
Glanced pr^judly on tb* embattled ho9>t helow^ 
And mocked the menace of a epnqueriqg {ee^*^ . 
And long had mocked0-*-*hut Heaven ««l^M»flf jm^nedj ' 
And plucks the f aarest 4ower on Si^otui^ ffomd^ 
It was no falchion raised in mfXft^ ^Ite 
That snatched thee, Waj^bc^ from the ligbl ^f Hf^. ; 
Kb arrow glided on the wiags of deatli 
To<diink thy blood an4 steal away tkj -breath 1 
Thine were no honors of a gloripue «r%Wj 
The patriot's boasti t^ birthright oTtbe hfftve s 
Far other fate thy f^nerou^ ^al reptid^ 
Torn from thy country, by thy friend bietwyo4<-*- 
Methinks I 5ee thee led in #uile» ^Itfttej 
High in thy fi>}lj and, e'en in fetcei«, greoi^ 
And view thee dragged in all the ponip of woe^ 
A sport of impotence, a public show. 
Still conscious virtue cheers ^y latest hourj 
..Nor sinks thy spirit in the grasp of power % 
: Still in the pangs of death ^y closing eyes 
Speak the proud thoughts, tiiset in thy bosom nmi 
And thtf last s^h, that gave Ihe ^'^ release, 
Breathed to thy Scotlawd liberty^aa^* peace. 

O Wallace, if njy voice can piei^Ct^ ^ gloew 
And rouse the silent slumbers of rthe *<^"*^f 
O'er thy cold dust the Muse shall pou. ^ ^^^ strain. 
To tell thee, that thou didst not fall in > 'ain — 
Yes, hofibred Shade, thoiigh brief was thj " career. 
And not a atone records thy lowly bier ; 

On Sir W. Dnimmond's Bissetftatian. 149 

Seir yet, tlijr mtire woods and. wilds among, 
Thy wreaths are verdant and thy deeds are sung. 
There haply as some minstcel telb thy tale 
To many-a mountam chief, and listening Gaelj, 
Their kindling bosoms catch the patriot flame. 
And Team the path to Freedom and to Fame. 

EiiWARD^ SMIBKEySt. John'^> College. 



Ortthe *^ Reitajiks on Sir W. Drummond's Dissertti^ 
tion on Genesis xlix," inserted in the Classical Jour- 
noLNo. XXII. 

h ifA^vv: read the Biblical Criticisms in your JJwrmx/ as they have 
Mgldarly appewed', and I have thon^t from die beginnings that 
iKIich goodmay be doneby a cool and- dispassionate inquiry, after die:> 
almse of such passages^ as in translations are altogether inconsistent: 
with the justice and mercy of God. Even those, whoise province it ia: 
f!l> e<zf)lain the Sacred Scriptures, arefrequentiy at a loss to show that 
die objectionable" passages (Which are indeed many) are in any way; 
even eompatiblf with the justice and mercy of man. Much valuable, 
itifoiiraation. has: been already given ; and if some of your learned. 
Gorre^ondents, who seem to have devoted- a great part of tHeir 
lives to the study of the original language, were to continue their 
labors, much light, no. doubtj would be given to those passages, 
which infidels always adduce in support of their opinions. 

I cannoti however, approve the productions' of those writers, 
who not only endeavour to run down others, without referring to 
scripture proof, but who are in the constant habit of finding fault 
with every thing advanced by some of your most luminous 
writers, however strongly supported by evrdence. This puts 
me in mind of a' certain gentleman, who, in the House of Gom- 
mons, declared* himself to be such an enemy to the politics of Mr. 
Pitt,, that he was determined to oppose him, right or wrong. I 
therefore take the liberty to make a few remarks on an article in 
your last No., p. %<i5y signed W. A. Hailes ; and leave the judgi 
ment of your readers' to determine whether he i» competent for the 


150 Oh%trofj£t%im% on Sir W. Drummond's 

work he has undertaken : viz. of elucidating the Scriptuie from the 
original Hebrew. 

In the translation of that memorable passage, Gen. xlix. 24. — 

^Klltf; pK njn Dlttp ipXI TlljJ ^TD — the arms of his hands were 
made strong, b^ the hands of the mighty God of Jacob, 


gentleman, with an astonishing degree of confidence, takes the li- 
berty (like a disciple of Kennicott) of translating it thus, << bt the 
NAME of the shepherd the stone of Israel ;" and he says, in answer 
to Sir Wm. Drummond, " Can Sir William object to this version 
of the unpointed Hebrew ? Is there any thing, then, in the passage 
to embarrass a person searching for truth V* 

It does not behove me to show that the general tenor of the 
prophecies, contained in this most important chapter, has been mis- . 
taken by translators and commentators, but I will show that this 
writer is decidedly wrong in his Hebrew criticism. 

The word Dtra, mishaam, is never, in any part of the Sacred 

Scripture, translated by « name .*" it is not a noun, as Mr. H. has 
supposed, but an adverb ; and with the preposition D, mem^ it lite- 
rally Qieahs from thence^ as it is rightly rendered in the conmion 
version, and as may be seen in every part of Scripture where it 
occurs — Gen. ii. 10; 1 Sam. iv. 4; 1 Kings ix. 28; 2 Kings, 
xxiii. 12 ; Hos. ii. 15; 1 Chron. xiiL 6 ; Gen. xi.8; xii. 8; and. 
xviii. 16, 22 ; Lev. ii. 2. 

The word which means a name, in every part of ScriptUR^ too 
numerous to be introduced here, is OS* sheem ; Gen. ii.. 11, and 

iii. 20, &c. Now, Sir, in disquisitions so serious as these respect- 
ing the sacred Scriptures, I would recommend Mr. H. to attend 
strictly to his Hebrew ; he then may help to pull down the strong 
holds of Satan. 

Hitherto I have answered Mr. H. as though this translation had 
been his own, as he has purported it to be, by not acknowledging 
Dtt^D fi^^ tohence he has taken it. But what will the learned and 

T • 

the unlearned say, when I prove that he has taken it from a 
book now before the public, without acknowleging the source 
of his information. If, however, the reader will refer to a 
book entitled, " Commentaries and Essays, by a Society, for 
promoting the knowledge of the Scriptures," vol. I. p. 28S, 
an avowed publication of the Essex-street Socinians ; he will 
find that Mr. H. has taken it from that publication, or from 
the Note on this verse in Pearson and Rollaston's Bible, edition 
1 788. 1 shall show, however, that this translation does no more ere- 

Dissertation on Genesis XLIX. 151 

tlh to the Essex-street gentlemen, as possessing a knowledge of 
Hebrew, than it does to Mrl H. as the copier. 

Before determining the true reading, I will remark on the ab- 
surdity of thus translating the passage. We are here first told, 
that the arms of his hands 'twere made strong by the hands of the 
mighty God of Jacob ; but there was no necessity to say, as Mr. 
H. does, that the arms of his hands were also made, strong bt 
THE NAME ofthe shepherd the stone of Israel. To be made strong 
by the hands, and to be made strong by the name^ would be a tau- 
tology highly condemnable. *< The arms of his hands 'were made 

5^ro7ig/" to a certainty I^T^yS?, can have no such rendering: it is 

not sense. It is a very easy matter to quote from the Septuagint, 
Vulgate, Tremellius, Gastellio, Geneva French ; to talk of the Sa- 
maritan, the Syriac, the Talmuds, &c. and thus make a pompous 
display of something in imitation of learning and deep research, as 
this writer attempts to do ; but these are only translations, and 
not authorities ; and Mr. H. has been rightly told by Mr. CoUit, in 
your last Number, p. 275, " If names are to be taken for autho- 
rities, there is no falsehood, either in physics or morality, which may 
not be proved to be true.** 

I believe it is allowed, that Sir Wm. D. as an oriental scholar, 
can be equalled by very few j the opportunities he had of im- 
proving these important branches of learning, when he was am- 
bassador at the Porte, particularly his acquisition of the Arabic 
language, seldom fall to the lot of a literary man. Let his Essay 
on the Punic Inscription be read by any person capable of read- 
ing it ; and it will suiBciently establish his character as an oriental 
scholar. Should such a scholar be lightly attacked by a person 
whose critical knowledge of Hebrew does not enable him to dis* 
tii^uish an adverb from a notm in that language ? Had he under- 
stood the language he would not so implicitly have adopted the 
suggestion of those who have shown themselves as ignorant as 
himself. They have however a claim to originality : nor can they 
be charged with copying the discoveries, without acknowledgment. 

One might reasonably conclude, from such an exhibition, that 
Mr. H. had it in his power to reconcile the numerous passages in 
the translations which stand opposed to each other ; and I could 
wish to see him attempt something of the kind, instead of indis- 
criminate censure. No article ought to be admitted on these 
subjects, unless it contains an elucidation of some controverted part 
of scripture, confirmed, not by opinion, but by other parts of scrip- 
ture, where the same word can have no other meaning nor applica- 
tion. And, in conformity with this plan, I ^hall endeavour to 
give a true and rational translation of this passage. 

}52 Obsercations on Sir W, Drumntond's 

Surely Mr. H. has fallen into as great an error her« as ^vrfiefi h« 

mistook the city n^ID. Gibeah, for « a hill.* Thug wc find what 
errors are committed by those who contend for the " unpointed 
JHebrew." It is a species of perversion of scripture, and 13 as per* 
nicious in its effects, as to contend against the integrity of the 
Hebrew text Remarks of this nature will be published as mao 
nifestoes by infidels. But the enmity to the Hebrew arises from 
this cause : Hebrew is not considered as necessary for admission to 
the pui^it ; therefore many haye not acquired a knowledge of it in 
theiir younger season ot life : it is not taught in our public schools* 
and after that period they conclude it too late to undertake the 
Arduous task of acquiring a grammatical and critical knowledge 
of this gigantic language ; rendered much more so, by the fright* 
fttl appearance of thirteen vowels^ called by these writers, pohUSi 
not to mention the accents^ 

The only proof that can be admitted of any person's laving 
acquired a knowledge of the Hebrew' is, when we find him ca- 
pable of reconciling those passages in the translation, which 
have aided the cause of deism, and which are altogether incon- 
sistent with fcommon sense, agreeably to which they were origi* 
nally written. I have known those who scarcely knew the alpha* 
bet of the language, and others who were not able to point out the 
radical from the servile letters, attempt to determine on the mferit 
of an article in Hebrew. Surely not only Sir W. D. but every 
Hebrew scholar, will object to this, and to every version of tha 
«* unpointed Hebrew." Enough perhaps has been said in two 
articles, in No. XVL and No. XVIl. to show, that with- 
out the vowels, not a single word can possibly be pronounced—* 
that, as in all other languages, so in Hebrew, they determine tha 
true meaning and application, as is obvious in the passage before 
us, that they were co-eval with, and that they form a part of, tha 

Mr. H. in answer to an article in No. X. p. 250. (where it }• 
proved that the word DTt^^^, Elohimy is a noun singular, and that 
it was so understood by the most learned Jewish writers, when 
the language was a living language, Jonathan, who expounds the 
passage, 1 Sam. xxviii. 18. D^N ^JTNI DM7K < I hnw s^en itn 
angel of the Lord ascending .-' and afterwards the learned 
Kimchi, who expounds Elohim by, a great many J says: 
^but I take neither of tihem as authority, since they do not 
give the literal reading, but what they conceived to be the 
intended meaning of the text." A more futile reason was 
never given : I have shown dhat these great authorities understood 
Clcdiim to be a noun singular-^2L\\A Mr. H. says, ^ he takes iiei<> 

Dissertation on Genesis XL IX. I5S 

ther of them as authority, as they give only what they ccmeeiYed 
to be the intended meaning cf the text." Mr. H. further oW 
serves, << we have a specimen of Mr. B.'s modesty, in diarg«^ 
ing Dr. Kennicott, and De Rossi, with ignorance of the Hebrew, 
and with adding to and taking from the Hebrew text." After 
what has been advanced on this subject by your correspondent Mn 
.iCollit, your readers will be at no loss to determine to whom tk% 
word modesty is applicable. I have made good the well-founded 
charge, and Mr. H. has convicted himself, by enabling us to detfit* 
mine that, in the case before us, he does not know the difiereoctr 
between a noun^ and an adverb in Hebrew. 

It certainly would have been more satisfactory if Mr. H. bad 
endeavoured to give a rational translation of objectionable pas^ 
sages, which, in their present state, are marshalled against tti# 
scriptures, for the support of infidelity. 

I u ill give him a short list of passages for his considentim>» 
which will be easily rectified by him, as well as a thousand befiidet 
if he be a sound Hebrew scholar. 

Numb, xix IS. < Whosoever toucheth the dead body afai9ig^memk 

that is deadJ" Gen. xxxvii. 24. « And the pit foas emiJt^% thp'0 

was no water in it.' v. 18. * And when they sow him afar cff^ 

even before he came near unto them* 23. < T*hey stript Jbs^pA 

out of his coat 9 which was on him,* Numb. xxii. 31. ' ^nd hefiU 

JtcU on his face.^ Psal. xxxix. S. < Then J spak€ with w^ tengim^ 

xliv. 12. < Thou sellest thy people for nought j and dost mot ineriOH 

thy wealth by their priced Dan. vi. 8. < Kneeled upon his knemJ^ 

ifi. 6. < Burning fery furnace,* Gen. xxiv. 26. * B^md damn 

his head.* xxvii. 14. < Andfetched, and brought,* 1 Chron. snx* 4i 

< Their buttocks.* Lev. v. 8. < divide it asur^er* Isa. xxxvi. 19* 

* eat their cfwn dung** 1 Sam. xxv. 12. *pisseth against the walV 

Pi^al. Ixxiii. 27. * that go a whoring.* Jer. xxxi. 22. * A 'oxmeiM 

shall compass a man* Respecting this last passage, the truly 

learned and modest Taylor says, * I am not able to determine it i 

**— perhaps Mr. H. will favor us with a translation of it. GeOf 

xliii. 28. < Thy servant our father is in good healthy 6e^ is jf!# 

alive.* Isa. xxviii. 13. < But the word qftlte Lord was unto tJlim^ 

precept upon precept ^ precept upon precept, line uj.on line^ lm$ 

upon line^ here a little and thn^e a littley that fhry might. gQ, and 

fall backward, and be hoken^ and snared, and taken.' Chap. viiL 

14, 15. « And he shall be^^for a gin, and for a snare, to the inkm^ 

hitants of Jerusalem^ — And many among thtm shall stumblet and 

fally and be broken^ and be snared , and be taken^ J<^t. iv, 1(K 

« Ahy Lord God, thou hast gteatly deceived this peoplci ^V^ Jem* 

salem.* ch. xx. 7, < O Lord, thou hast deceived me, and I wa$ 


154 Ohseroatiom on Sir .W. Dnimmond's 

' I^e ixrms of his hands iceremade strong ': The traiislatbrs have' - 
rendered the word XT yaadaayOf « by his hands/ and .*TD mideef 

^ by the hands :' hence arises the improper reading, viz. the arms 
of his hands were made strong. But by the accentual reading we 
find, that in this passage, the word should be translated by its 
primary meaning, which is, power: see Job. i. 12 — ^Dan. xii. 7. 
2 Chron. xxi. 8. And in a secondary sense it signifies the hand, 
having power. The limit of this article will not allow me to ex- 
plain the construction by the accents here, that will appear in its 
proper place ; the present will be satisfactory, as I have referred 
to those places, where the word must necessarily have this read- 
ing. The two propositions then will have a sense which can be 
understood, agreeably to the original, and which will read thus : 
The arms of his power were strengthened; by the 
power of the mighty one of Jacob, from thence is the 

Where now is the propriety of asking the following question ? 
« Can Sir W. object to this version of the unpointed Hebrew ?" I 
dare say that Sir W., or any other person understanding Hebrew, 
will object to any translation, where the translator introduces a 
word, or a letter, which is not in the original, when there is no 
necessity for it. Mr^ H. has no ^ authority for putting the article 
the iti the body of the word, h/ the name. This, truly, is fol- 
lowing the plaii of Kennicdtt, and other modellers of the 
Hebrew Bible, who have endeavoured to put in letters, words, 
ind even sentences, to make that plain which is sufficiently evident. 
-^His remarks respecting the word Elohim, as used in the 
narrative of the woman of Endor, have beeil so fully settled in 
the former numbers of your Journal, that I,, as one of your rea- 
ders, expect a recantation on the part of Mr. H. It wiD not 
be the first time that he has acknowledged his errors, nor will it 
be to his discredit. I agree with him in his judicious re« 
mark. No. XIII. p. 62. « There is an idiosyncrasy in some me» 
for interpreting, which is almost totally wanting in others, and 
whi(^h want cannot be supplied by all the grammatical knowledge 
in the world." I could wish to see this verified in the passages to 
wUch I have referred. 

It appears that Sir W. D. objects to the present translation of 
Exod. vi. 3. but by my name Jehomh, was I not hnamn to 
them. And certainly, if taken according to the common acceptation 
of words, it is objectionable \ because it leaves us to suppose that 
God was not known to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, hy the name 
Jehomh. De who is the object of these observations says. 

Dissertation^ on Genesis XLIX. 155 

« How should a person ^who. searches : the Bibley as he would aH 
astrological calendar, elicit any meaning from it, respecting devo- 
tedness to God ?'* Sir W. D. supposes that allusions to the 
science of astronomy are made in the Bible. I have nothing to do 
with the squabbles of Mr. H. with Sir W. : but I am of opinion 
that the sacred scriptures cannot be deteriorated by showing that 
they contain allusions to the science of astronomy, on the basis 
of true theology ? Is not this calculated to show that they are of 
more consequence than many have supposed them to be ? Did hot 
that eminent oriental scholar. Sir W. Jones, declare, that he verily 
believed they contained allusions to all the liberal sciences ? What 
will your correspondent say, if our best anatomists should ere. 
Iqng allow themselves to be indebted to the Bible for informa- 
tion respecting the science of anatomy, which, with all. their 
labors, they have not yet fully obtained ? 

Mr. H. however, in order to remove this apparent objection in. 
the common version, has recourse to the old method, of answering 
all objections ; for he « says, >< in my opinion 1^7, fo, is a corrup- 
tion." Had Mr. Hailes been able to read the Hebrew Bible 
agreeably to the grammar of the language, with its vowels and. 
accents, he would have known that the word ^b, lo, is as 
necessary to a true understanding of the passage, as any word, 
in the verse.* I will not use such gross and unchristian-like 
language to this gentleman on his pretensions to Hebrew cri- 
ticism, as he has to Sir W. Drummond, though, in the case 
before us, he does not know an adverb from a noun; but be 
must permit me to tell him, what every reader of this article will 
admit, that, notwithstanding his great anxiety for the reputation of 
a Hebrew scholar — ^notwithstanding his consulting the Rabbinical 
writers : it does not appear that he can read many passages. This 
Rabbinical reader has informed us. No. XIII. p. 71. that Onkelos 
has rendered rtWT IK /D malaak Jehovah, i. e. < angel of Jehovah,* 
by ^ Kip yikra diiy i. e. * glory of Jehovah 5' but after having 
beoi detected by your learned correspondent O, he then tells us. No. 
XXII. p. S17, that <f during the time that the book of Onkelos was 
in my possession, I made several extracts from it, but I do not find 
that any of them authorise me to say your correspondent . O 
is wrong in his statement. I do not intend to say that I have not 
mistaken the point mentioned above." I give him credit for this 
candid acknowledgement, but I appeal to every reader of the 
Journal^ whether any dependence can be placed in future on the 
Hebrew criticisms of this writer, until he has made himself more 
perfect in the language. But Mr. H. says, << I have been accus- 
tomed to read swer critics— Lowth, Leusden^" &c. but even. 

156 Obserimiims o» 5i> W* Dnimmond's 

i40vtb» 39 I have dtows in yoitr foraaer Jaumabi bat laiitaltn 
fi» parts of speech in Hebrew. 

'. Mr. H. says, that ^ Sir W. is not quite correct in stating^ Mr.H. 
proposes to leave out the negative K7 lo" <^Ihave said^'* he obsexT«0» 
^ that in my opinion it is a corruption, but I made no proposal ten 
littve it out of the passage." Surely, if it be a corruption* it amounts 
to a vejection of ^e word. But this writer, I see, when it suits 
bis purpose^ can allow 0*rpH Ekiwh to be singular. No.. XXIt 

p. 917. for he says, " whether the person who appeared is (bej 
caHed. ntTj or D'Tlbi^, or rDiT-1l>^!to, o»^ and /£^ same" beings is* to 
be understood i** viz. no two JehomkSi no two Efbkims'; ani 
when it suits him, he can contend is a plural noun. ^. STh 

I shall ^y no more of his Hebrew critirism. We have sseR- 
his errors to be tpo gross to admit such z claim: nor* 
shall I in future trouble him, unless he attends to the gram«- 
mar of the language, in which he is evidently defective; — 
And when he has so qualified himself, I would also recommend' 
him to write in a different spirit. It is nothing but zSectztisnt tif 
talk of « devotedness to God,^ if he thus writes in the spirit of 
persecution. Civility is as cheap as abuse.: a soft iKHsrd tumUt 
(pmcy wrath, the heart of the prudent getteth humledge^ anS the 
ear of the wise seeketh knormledge. 

Smuld Mr. H. attempt to convinop your readers of his knowi^ 
Tedge of Hebrew, by recovering any of the foregoing passages 
from their present obscurity, contradiction, and barbarism of' laI^• 
g,iiage, I would beg of him to remember, that though it may be 
satisfactory to him when pressed with a difficulty, othei9s wffi 
l^ever subscribe to his dogma, tliat, " it may be, that divine wis* 
dam has ordered diflSculties to remain (in the bible) that such men 
(as he is pleased to call infidels) may be snared, and fall by the&r 
own inventions.*' No. X. p. 24&. Mr. H. may rest assured that 
such writing •*^ will have no tendency to prevent the cavife of i»- 
fidels.'* He has said, « if my knowledge of Hebrew extended no 
farther than Mr. Bellamy's, I would not have had the teraeritf to 
trouble tJie editor with any of my remarks.*' (No. XVIII. p* 
250.): that he has << been somewhat accustomed to mai^matical 
deductiony* (very necessary perhaps to a right understatkKng of 
Hebrew) that, "on subjects of theology, the Bible is his elefimi* 
arji treatise^ in it are contained all his axioms^ postulates, and. 
di^nitionsy by the aid of which he must try every question*** 
^o. XIIB. p. 82.) Now, Sir, from such a stock, he should be 
able to show satisfactorily how persons, «* ensnared by difficulties 
Ordained by divine wisdom, for die very purpose, can be- said to fall 
by their own inventions ?'' I havenot be^^ble ta&ict sueh sr doe* 

Richardi Bentleii Epistohe Dtue^ &c. 157 

tnne in Ae liementmy treaiise to winch this writer has rdtned. 
Is at really there, or has he farmed k himself, in proof of hit 
« devDtedness to God ?" 

With regard to the origmal, though I haye spent above twenty 
fears in acquiring a knowledge of it, I see so much yet to be to^ 
quired that I will not call myself a master cS the language, W 
depreciate the meritorious labors ol others. I have, however^ 
acquired sufficient knowledge to distinguish an adverb from a nottil 
in Hebrew. For any thing further, I refer to two articles which 
are before your readers in No. XVI. p. S74— ^nd No. XVII. on 
the higher branches of the language ; and leave it for the reader to 
determine this matter. I certainly have die highest regard for those 
who by their labors have been enabled to set controverted parts of 
Sacred Scripture in their true light, and thus wrest them ftom dit 
hands of the enemies of revelation. Such labours I conceire to 
be of the greatest utility to the public, and certainly calculated to 
maintain the credit of the Classical Journal. 




€pidto!ae Dttae 




S. p. D. 


l^UM mane occupatus eram in scribendh meis ad Horatmm anno- 
tationibus, et in recensendis foliis, quae jam tum a typographo ao 
ceperam ; venerunt ad me gratissimse tuas literae, per Sikium Lon- 
dino hue miss2e ; in quibus et eruditio tua singularis elucet cuni 
$umma humanitate conjuncta, et egregius erga me amor et volun- 
us. Quamobrem, ne longiore siora ex^ccationdua tuam inora- 

158 Richafdi Bentleii Epistoke Dua 

rer» deponto statim Venusino nostro, PoQucem arripui; et qte de 
smguliB locis inihi sub xp'oriv et conjecturam veniunt, jam hoc ipso 
die ad te a^o(r%e$i0c(etf. Locus primus est IX 57. 6 $6 x?^'^^^ 
#r«T^p fwciv sSvyaro, &c. Nihil hoc falsius dici potest) neque va- 
cat nunc quaerere, quomodo rem expediant Sabnasius, Gronoyins^ 
aliique quos memoras. Certam tibi emendationem praestabo, <rrat- 
fUf pro xV^^^St ut ex toto loco clare ipse videbis ; 6 ie STABMOX 
vrarrif fivay ^Suyoero. x»\ yag ev ro7^ l<rrafuiyoiSy ^^v f^'^v r^^ j^vi); 
#Tttri}pa ^vof/LatouoT x«) irav uirooa^t nsvroKrriryjgoVj vevrif/rWvv SoxoOo'i 
Xeysn, w^ iv TJ} *l7nfOxgarovs UuqaxeiteLdrjxv^ * ''Orav ya^» oi^i, Xevxo^ 
ttvipooTTOS^ ^etx^^f '^pyo$9 >^a/3|) SiXsXXay, £»$flp^ rpufay, nevret^Teenigcnff 
ylyysreu to flrysOft' aycu* fffTi Se xai NOMISMA (rraT^^, »f oray enroi 
^Afiiarofav^s, &<?• ^^ ultimis Terbis vdf/Lio-f^oL (rrar^g luce ipsa ck- 
rius est, supra noil actum esse de Statere Nvmmo^ sed Pondere : 
neque locum ibi habere ypu<rovg (quod de solo numrno dicitur), sed 
corrigendum rradfjioc. Nempe notissimum est, Nummos et pecu* 
niarum summas nomina sua olim a Ponderibus accepisse : inde 
idem Yocabulum et in Ponderibus et in Nummis eundem locum 
habuit : Postea nummorum singulorum pondere mutato et dimi- 
nuto, nominibus tamen (a pondere ductis) adhuc senratis, immane 
quantum discrepabat, de ponderibus> an de nummis loqueretur qui 
▼ocabula ilia usurparet. Haec comperta sunt, neque exemplis est 
opus. Ergo opponuntur hie et Sraif^og et vip^urfjMi ut pauUo an-^ 
te : ^Hv he xa) fiya (rToiifjiOu re xa) voiJiliTfjioirog ovofua i et sxpe aiibi 
tam apud Hunc, quam apud Alios. Srarijg igitur, cum de Pon- 
dere dicitur, vcdebat^ aitj f^yav minam ; hoc est, aequiponderabat 
minae : id probat, quia h roT^ l(rrafAivois rrjv fj^vav r^^ potni^ (rrutJiga 
^yojuie^duo-iv, hoc est, ^uia mina ponderis ipso nomine Skater a pon- 
derantibus vocaretur. Quippe si idem nometi habeat, habeat urique 
eundem valorem^ ut barbare dicam. Tum aliud profert argumen- 
tum ex * IifTroxpaTous poetas fabula, qui voce irffyraoranj^oy (de pon- 
dere) pro irtvrafuvwv U8U8 est ; ergo stater idem ac Mina. Sed pro 
'Imroxgarous corrige vel Kgarovg (ut alibi Pollux, ubi hunc ipsum 
locum citat, vel, ut ibi Codex Vossianus, cujus lectiones variantes 
habeo, Saxnxgarov^) vel propius ad vulgatam hie lectionem 'Emxpa" 
rovsi qui passim Athenxo, aliisque laudatur. Sequitur ipse locus 
ad lambos a nobis supra redactus ; sed versu secundo pro elheig, 
lege eteo&Ms T^u^nv senientia est,. Si quis ex plebe ilia urbana, albus 
et Soli insuetus, pinguis, piger, luxuriae deditus, vel levissimum 4i- 
TCnem vix quinqUe librarum pondere sustulit, statim anhebis fit et 
ilia ducit "ANfl ylyvsrai, ut Horatius noster : SUBLIMI Jitgies 
mollis anhelitUy quod Vir magnus, Julius Scaliger, se ex toto Ga- 
leno negavit capere posse. Verba jam, opinor, satis iUustravimus r 
fem ipsam, nempe Staterem kl (rradftoD valere Minam, jam con- 
firmatum dabimus. Pollux lib. IV. 17S. Sraipi^v Mfutra. 
STATHPA, ait) •! r^i Kwiutl^lag iroivrrui ri^y AITPAN xlyo^f i. rigv 

ad Ti. Hemsterhusiuin. 159 

fkh yeip >drfav slgi^Kouriv oi ^ixeAoi xcofiwSof. S/xeXXay hi %trraffrarv^fov 

ScM-ixgiTt^S ev n»gaKaTairjXT^y r^v vavraXirgov, Sic lego ex Codice 

Vossiano, et est idem locus qui supra ex Hippocrate adductus est. 

Sententia est, AITPAN^ Libram, Siculojum pondus. Poets Comici 

Athenienses STATHPA noipinant; et ligonem vevraXtr^ov Sosi- 

crates dixit 'xsyrourrajr^ffov. Vides hie secundum PoUucem staterem 

(de pondere dictum) valere libram, xhqav ; in altero loco valere 

minam, jutvav. Rectissime: quippc in Ponderibus x/r^ a Siculorum 

idem valebat quod ftv«e Atticorum. Hoc certissimum est; quia 

utTumque tam mina, quam libra ducebat olim pondus centum 

Drachmarum sive Denariorum : ut alia argumenta et exempla 

taceam. Tu, Vir doctissime, si Anglice scis, de klrgu et ceteris 

nummis ponderibusque Siculorum, multa nova reperies in Disser- 

tatione nostra de Epi^tolis Phalaridis. Jam ad proximum, de quo 

consulis, locum accedo, qui sic habet IX. 70. *£y toI; 'Aghcrro^wiH 

rof Aili(iois i^ OvXoLUf^co, veU ut MSS. AklvfiMtg ^ npfoivXto, quorum 

.utrumque mendosum esse satis constat ; quid reponendum sit, cunfi 

•nusquam alibi citetur hsec fabula, certo scire nefaa est. Poteris, 

HuXoopoo^, Janitore ; poteris nupoi6v» sive IIuQ^iXco, hoc est, ;^ut^o- 

vo$i» Baiillo; poteris nuiauXvi, Pytkaula. Sed hoc hariolari est; 

.primum tamen magis arridet. Tertius locus est IX. 93. ^i^a\ yovv 

h Toig 'Airo^^iyfMLO'tv 6 KuXXiaiiyrig wro E6fio6?<ou roD *Atoipv61tov tov 

TOi)}ri)v l7ff^(riyov^ aiAeXo6(ievov, tig MirvXrjvvjv onreXSovru, iavfJiMl^QyTa 

yqi^ai, hvn roLi 0cuxatSa$ Ip^ooy ^HxUv 4$ioy I y AfirvX^y]} /xoAAoy % |y 

'^ra^yfff TunaXXptrru, qui levi manu sanari potest. lege, ^wxafSdi;, 

&g S^m^HxBwy ifihv — ev 'Arapyti. £t sententia est, Callisthenes 

narrat Persinum, ab Eubulo spretum, Mitylenam abiisse ; atque 

ibi mirabundum scripsisse, Quod libentius permutaret (sive in vic- 

tum impenderet) Phocxenses quos secum attulit nummos, Mity- 

. lease, quam Atarneo ; hoc est, se magis ex animi sententia vivere 

hie, quam illic. Recte ^wxalSa^ ex MSS. non ^^xoitrag. Hesycb. 

^aoxdtg. Svofiet Hvougy x«} to xaxjOToy ^gwriov, lege vero *Aragvel ; nam 

nomen urbis 'Arapveus, De Persino nihil comperi. Sequitur Cra- 

tini locus a Salmasio tentatus IX. 99. Ilay^iovi^a voXioog ^wnxia^, 

. rrif iqifiwXsiKOi, olaV i)y Xtyoftfy, xa) xwa xeit woXiv^ ^y ftoill^owFiv. Nu^ 

meros hie Anapsestos video, quo certissimo filo ex tenebris his ex- 

pedire me posse videor: lego itaque et ad versus redigo : i7«vSio- 

• wiSa, ifiXuMg /SfluriXeu, Tr,g ipixoiXaKog, ol<r^ i)y Xiyofi^ev ; Ka\ kwu nal 

itiXAVj i)y Tai^9U(riy. Quorum hasc sententia est: O Pandionide 

(orte Pandione) rex civitatis parasitis refertae : Scis quam civitatem 

dicimus ? Non ucique Athenas, sed quam latrunculis ludunt, xiya 

■ x«} iroAiy. Hoc a Cratino ff-nr^ixTdti, ait Pollux. Ergo, pro ept^ci- 

Kotxig (ex vulgata et MSto Salmasii qui habet l^ix^Aaxo^) lego «p«* 

x«Adtxo(, et propter versum et parodia ab l^i^«A0tx0(> . quod non 

. miif ied regioni conveoit. . '£^«x»a«p$o; itaque wUmmv hie Ora- 

lot) Richardi Bentleii EpistolcB Dtut . 

tinuS) ut Aristophanes, ^>^^?^ BeeoXo^ rijv xt^akriv xoKeaco^ ^i, <t(^ 
tlia multa* Dande, ut offensam vitet, jocose se non de Athtsus 
tirbe, 3ed de ludo verba facere, xuva xou niktv, quae explicabit tibi 
ipse FoHttx IX. 96. x») to f/^lv TtXivitov (sic lege, non ?rXiid/a;v) Kakei-^ 
T«i 7ro^l;, raiv $s ^fi^cov kxcttmi, xvcov. Proximus locus Eupolidis 
%8t X* 10. A^a ^8 loi (TKsSyi xoCKoir av eTTurXaytov ij xou^^ XTri(ris, ra 
iiriToAijj ivrxrm xTfifuirwv. *0 yovv ESfrohtg ev roi$ KiKaj^i if^$iitw 
^■i*- Jfxove ^ij O'Xf iJij Tfli xar' oix/av, er^ays 'rroigairKvj<nov* retrcuygypair* 
twi T«i^ T« imvKa, Pro istis iTnirXaynv jj, tu, Vir doctissime, refia* 

£'i, iirtTtKa, ^youvjj xdw^ij xTijcrij. satis commode, quoad sensum. 
d >e8tigia Itterarum vide, et sic potius scribes, imnXciy am A xw^ 
xl^o-i;. Hoc certissimum : deinde tentas ; Tbm^ oiv yiyqatnal crot 
td ■hri7r>M. Prope hoc ad literas, sed nullum inest metrum. Lego 
€tidi^ngtio, ut sen anus sit lambicus, Ilatpa'rrKvia'tov rs trot yiyfanrmt 
tSttivXoi. Sententia est, Cum Eupolis prius dixisset, ixove hii arxivfi 
T& xar oUUv, mox subjunxit {hrviyoiys) addidit, Et srmiliier d»- 
mip^i numerata, tibi sunt TUTivKeiy vasa mobilia. Ta^iirXa pro 
^ hiit>M primam syllabam producit, ut rapsi, radixft, dec* Ve- 
iiio ad locum X. 18. ubi verba Alexidis, TJolU [u iy€i% ; hiira» 
KvxXwv. et sic MS. Vossianus. mox Diphili pT^<rti ex Excerptis tuit, 
XaI fr^wriri Tolvvv i(r^igoLy xeti vuv xaSov, <rr^fAotTa, '<rwhv oxTXiMn}^ 
tiXsixoVy w$ iroi) CTpauolynfv av ri^' aAXde xa) xixhov ex r^f ayoqa^ 6p^ 

to^l^eiv viroXafioi' rotrovTog iff^ 6 pcowog, o<rov'<ruT»§i^£j4f- Quos lam^ 
OS esse recte calluisti, et «ic emendas, xaivov— <rt/yoVra r wrxoTniqf, 
••*- crrpaTicoTi)^ — w7roA«/3wj, freptpigtlg. Repte hoc postremum : to- 
tinn v^ro locum, vide, an sic potius rescripseris : Kul leqoffsrt Tolwm 
*koj^igitVj X6V0V xttSov, SrgifuaiTeif ^iyuvof, dcG-xoTrij^ay, $6k»xov, *'^ 
vou trrgftTt^np/ av 'Vig, ocXXoi x«) x6x\ov 'Eh rrig wyopug o^ftoy ^oB/lSfiv 
*&roARj6of* TWoDrdV «(rd' ^ pSttrogy Sv (ru 9r«^i^«|st^. Servulum, credo, 
'ifiquem sdloquitur quk, variis utensiHbus humeros oneratum. Tot 
Tea, Inquit, cervice gestas, ut Militem te esse existimet qutvis (Sets 
tnflites olim omnia arma et utensilia sua sms humeris in agmine 
porta^sse") vel potius x^Aov et totam turbam ffoyjroncokMv ex foro do- 
Iffum redire : Tanta vasorum vis^est, ^luam tu portas. Ke^hv acii&>Vy 
^e, 81 vino plenum ^esset, impar esset servulus tot rebus gestandis. 
m autem <ft « passim in^er ^ mutari, nullus dubito, qain probe 
"Scias. Slyww, 'quod et metn) et seutentiae aptum ; hmtam fet" 
Team J inde sequitur, quod (r§«neoi«ifv esse suspicetur quis. Sv cru pro 
^firov (TV clara<:orrectio est. Kuxhog vel xuxXoi erat locus in Foro, 
ntbi ffXiVYi utensflia vembant : thede^ iteejue aliquis ipsum xuxXav 
cum omnibus 'suis tbsis •€« foro ambulare : adeo onustus ^is iomni 
genereisasoiiim. Atque hactenus, ut expedite, ita, Yii fallor, felici- 
ler^res piocessit. Quseirero postea^quseris, sunt ejusmodi, utnid- 
lus -sit conjeCfciirK locus : «deo curta, mutSa et tnendosa sant. 
IL'^re. imp k amp ioqak^ Aristi^phanes vooat, in iquam invomiuM, «t 

•" ' ' On the Margites of Homer. I6l 

Kot^^fiKTxdopvii 8* Iv'o-Ti iv iroSoX9v/a>y sftotifjitv. quod ste ipse teatae, Ka) 
^ofv (i^iNp^ V0' ci( &y Iv T]J .TTOTov olvov ejxotl|Urfv. Nihil videO| nisi Te- 
'^W^n yersus vestigia, 

l|SSt) ft^y crxoStpiJ^Vd' t/-u--»U- sftoDjUrev, quale illu4> 

•flffolim autemj ujt conjee turae tuae fidas ; neque enim metrum ul- 
llAi]^ nee Graeeam otationem servat. Cetera piget describere: 
j^eque enim nunc ptium est ; si vellem nervos intendere> et extun- 
^l^aliquid. Tii igitur haec, qiialiaeumque sunt^ sequi bonique 
X9nsule9 et raptim bene vale. 


7he passages, Id which positive mention is made of the Margites as 
Homer's, are to be met with in Aristot. De Poet. 7. 8. Eudem. v. 7. 
De Mor. vi. 7. Plat. Alcib. ii. p. 94. [edit. Bipont.J Clem. Alexand. 
Strom, i. Dio. Chrys. Oral. liii. p. 554. Joan. Tzetz. Hist. Chil.iv. -868. 
vi. 599. Mar. Victorin. p. 2524. 2572. and Atil. Fortunat. p. 2692. In 
the rest, as Hephapst. p. 112. 120. [edit. Gaisf.jHarpocrat. inMopy/ri^f/ 
Eustath. on Odyss. K. p. 413. and the Scholiast on Aristoph. AV..914. 
^e authenticity of the work is uniformly questioned : as by these it is 
referred to, either under the title of 6 Mapy/rijs 6 eWOfjiypov oi/a^ep^ 
.jievos, or in some way otherwise ambiguous. Suidas goes further, and 
affirms that it was not wiilten by Homer at all; but by onePigres* 
who inserted an elegiac verse between every pair of lines, taken in order, 
throughout the whole Iliad. *0^ rn *l\idbi TrapeyifidKt Karharixoy 
eXeyeiov, otfTta ypdi//af Mfiviy aet-€, ©ca, TijiKnidhtii) 'A^cX^es, Movaq.^ 
ff^ yap wdtnjs Treipar ^x^** ao<pl7\s, "F^ypaxf/e Kal tov els^Ofirfpoy kva^pi- 
fuvov Maay/ri|v, Kal ^barpa'^op.voiia'yiav. See under Tliypjis, 

The fragments of this poem, that remain, are but three in number ; 
and are all of them written in the heroic measure. They bave been 
collected by Twining, (Translation of jiristotU'f Treatise on JPopir^, p. 
193.) and are these : 

hiovcrdwv BepaTTuv Ka\ ^cijjSdXoi/ * AwSXXijy os, 

(Schol. Aristoph. A v.) 

*f6pb* [rov S*] oir al [h.p edd.]* aicaTrr^pa deal Bi^av, of^r' iiporfipa, 

« With respect to the orthography of the word, I would write Ma^yt-nif 
notMa^yeWyis ; as we read 0fif (riiij^, not ©ffergJ-nj^. Not more than two 
or three passages, where the word occurs, have the form ehrj^ ai all; and, 
wherever that form is given, one, or more, pf the various readings g^ves 

^ Perhaps we ought to read oSt$ in the place of our a^ or oSr nv. 

No.xxm. a.Ji. VOL. xii. l 

162 On the Mar git e$ of Homer. 

(Aristot. Eudem. De Mor. & Clem. Alex.) 
IIcJXX' iiwdrraro ^pya, KaKws b" ^triffraro v&yra. 

Plat. Alcib. if. 
We are informed, however, by Hephaestion, that the Margites wat 
Hot wholly written in heroics, but that these were occasionally inter- 
spersed with iambic lines, although upon no settled principle. Merpim 
€€ oraicra, Stra iK /jtirputv fikv ofioXoyov/jLivutv avvktmiKe, rd^iv ik xal Ava- 
KilfKXrttny oIk i)(fi, otire Kara or/^o*'! oi/Tc Kara ^vtrrtifmra, olos ktrrtv h 
yiapytrrfs, 6 els "Ofirfpoy iLpatjiepSfievos, kv ^ irapitrvaprai rots iveviv 
lafifiiica, Kql raSra oi Kaif'itrov trvtrrrtfjia. p. 112. And again, speaking 
of the same fAerpma &raicra, he says ; rotovrd^ €<m Kai v Mapylrifs 
'Ofiiipov oh yap reray/jirip apSfxtp cwHJy rb laufiiKov hrifiperai. p. 120. 
So also ' Joannes Tzetzes, Hist. Chil. iv. 867. "Akovc roy Mapyiriiv, 
Els oy 6 yiptay^^Ofiripos fipmdfjiPovs ypa^ct. The verses, thus made up of 
heroics and iambics, were called, in general terms, ffpioiafilioi ; as ^pa- 
€\€ye7oy was the name for that species of versification, which was formed 
by a union of the elegiac with the heroic. Marius Victorinus : " Hexa- 
metro Dactylico trimeter Iambus comparatur, quem Latin^ senarium 
nominamus, veluti Hexametrum ; sex enim pedes lambos habet, ut ille 
Dactylos, cum uterque purus ex se figuratur. Trimetrus autem appel- 
latura Graecis, quia tribus percussionibus per dipodias cseditur. Ideo- 
que dicitnr et Homerus in Margite suo miscuisse bos versus tanquam 
pares." p. 2524. Again : " Hoc genere versuum, ut supra diximus, 
primus usus est Homerus in Margite suo, nee tamen totum carmen ita 
digestum perfecit, nam duobus pluribusque hexametris antepositis 
istum subjiciens copulavit, quod postea Archilochus interpolando com- 
posuit." p. 2572. Compare also Atilius Fortunatianus, p. 2692. 
" Sequitur ut de lambico dicere debeamus, cujus auctorem alii Archi- 
lochuni, alii Hipponacteni volunt. Sed primus Homerus hoc usus est 
in Margite." See Gaisford's Hephajstion, p. 36Q. 

If we are to give credit to the last mentioned authorities, Archilochus 
was not the inventor of the iambic measure. But this assertion ap- 
pears to me to be founded in nothing more than the circumstance of 
their considering the Margites, in the state in which they had it, as 
genuine ; ' which it certainly cannot have been. 

It is to be observed, that, in consequence of the doubt, which seems 
to have existed upon the minds of several of the Grammarians, and of 

' Correct, by the way, the next line but one in Tzetzes, by referring to his 
Hist. Chil, 597, The line, as it stands, is i^xys^w rtg auTov eyjcyjxovTj^a^ 
p§s<pos ; .where the 6rst word is by some interpreters rendered exAnero^aJid 
by others evirato, without any meaning in cither case. Read ef avijpa/ra^ 

^ P^^ p^^y^^^^^^f ^^ the other hand, speakint of the Margites, says; 
^ojt"^ ''o^y^o leoltiiua, M *OiLY,20v yeyovevou vswre^ov, Kcii iiroirsi^wfji.syov rijs 
aurou (pva-ewg. Orat. liii. p. 554. 

I « lambicum usurpabatur metrum ab Archilocho primiim, si constanti 
scriptorum omniiun testimonio fidendum est." TyrwkiU's Aristotle, p. 122. 

On the Margites of Homer. 16S 

Eostathius in particular, relatively to the authenticity of tlie Marsites^ 
scholars have been divided in their opinion on thi!> head. Some hiive 
affirmed that the Margites was not \iritten by Honker at all; while 
others contend thnt the poem Sjtoken of by the Gnmnihrians is a differ^ 
ent composition alto ether from that referred to by Plato and Aristotlfe, 
which alone they consider as genuine. Neither of these opiinOti^ seems 
to mesatisifactiry. For, since Plato and Aristotle both quote from the 
piece as authentic, we may fairly infer from thenCe that suih \^as the 
general 'opinion amnni^st the Greeks; whose sources of information 
werecrrtainly more plentiful than ours. Add to this the very great 
repute in which the poem seems to have been held by them, (and they 
were not a people likely to set a high value upon a composition of no- 
thing more than ordinary merit,) and it seems almost preposterous to 
conclude otherwi>e than that Homer did write the Margttes, although 
Dot in the form, in which it was afterwards handt d about It was \i rit'- 
ten therefore by Homer, and that too in heroics : and as for the iambic 
lines, which the Grammarians allude to as having a place in the work^ 
I conceive them to have been interpolated afterwards ; and, in ail like- 
lihood, by the same Pigres, who foisted his pentameter verses into the 

As we are told by Suidas that in the Iliad the elegiacs of Pigres were 
interpolated Kara trrlxov, i. e. line for line, it is hiuhly probable that the 
same was the case at first with the Margites ; and that, as the poem 
(like all others at that day) would be preserved entirely by oral tradition, 
a great part of the interpolated iambics, being for the most part the 
mere substance of the several preceding lines, or something of the same 
stamp^ expressed in another metre, would in this way gradually slip 
out of the memory. And this the more, as the^ chain of the poem 
would not be interrupted ; while the ear, being accustomed to the free 
and regular flow of the heroic movement, would naturally drop the in- 
tervening iambics, as discomposing the harmony of the whole. This 
may account for the confusion which Hephaestion speaks of relatively 
to the arrangement of the two metres. T^iv bk Kal dvaKuKXriffiv ovk 
^fif ovre Kara tni^ov, ovre Kara avfrTrifAara. This conjecture derives 
additional support from the second of the two adduced from 
Victorinus, ; from whence it appears clearly enough that in the Mar- 
gites, as he had it, there was frequently a succession of two or more he- 
roics, but never more than one iambus at once. Compare also the Scho* 
liast on Hephaestion, p. 120. drdKrur, oroe trork to araKTOv kwoitjae fjL€* 

' *E'!terirTsvTO Bi xal 6 Ma^yinjf tow 'Ofj^rj^ov gWi. Schol. Aridtoph. 

Ar. 914. 

^ For example, suppo^^e one of the fragments above-quoted to have run 
tbus^ with the interpolation : 

Toy 8' ouTf o'xaTT? j« iio) Hcav^ our* agor^gft^ 

Ov ciTOTOioy, ovre [Mix^o^vof'pa^ov, 
OSt dXkoi; ri co^dv* x* r. A. 
The absence of the iambus leaves nq j^reach in the sense, nor does its 
presence obstruct it 

164 On the Margitei of Homer. 

TpiK6v, fii yhp Terayfxiv^ hpSfjif- fiera yap S^jco otIxov^ iru^ipei lapfioT' 
Kal wAXiv /icrct irivTe Kal 6Kru)» 

Yet, although I am of oiiinion that the Margites, referred to by Aris- 
totle, HephaestioD, &c. is radically the same piece, it is at the same 
limo highly probable that the hero of this poem may have been " the 
tubject of many others of inferior note ; and that,, in process of time, 
some passages from them may have crept into the genuine perform*dDce. 
It should seem, however, that these, for the most part, have mistaken 
the character ; and made an idiot of him, whom Homer^meant to re- 
present only as wrong-headed, whimsical, and eccentric. But the turn 
of Margites's mind seems rather to have been analogous to that ofHudi- 
bras or Don Quixote. Out of these petty compositions would naturally 
proceed those idle stories and puerile jokes, which have been pawned 
upon the person ofMargites; and which* Twining is, with reason, 
at a loss how to reconcile with what it is presumed the character of 
Homer's Margiles was. Thus Suidas, in w , vv ^aaiv apiBfif^aai [ikv fi^ 
^ irkeiit) tC)V i iwriOfjvai' vvfjt^prjv be ayo/Jevov jxri a^patrdai a^r^s, aXXa ^o- 
Peicrdai Keyovra, firfi t^ f^^Tpt avrov bia l3aX\rj' ayvoeiv be veaviav jSij 
yeyevrifi^vov, jcai TrvvOdveffdai Tf/s firirphs, ciyc airo rov avrow Tcarpos 
kre^ri. See also Hesychius in v. In Eustath. Odyss. K. p. 413. a story is 
told of him so truly ridiculous^ and at the same time so indelicate,, 
that we think the good Archbishop might, without much harm, have 
suppressed it entirely. Compare also Tzetzes, Hist.Chil. 596. OJrrot 
irav<^povifjid}Taros [an Trapa^poj/tjuwrarcs] wyyipwv 6 Mapy/rj>5 *EJa vijpc&ra, 
rh avTov eyKVfJiorriffas j3p€(pos 'Ek Tfjs yaarpos- iyivvrifrev ; ap 6 var^p, j| 
H^lTrip ; 

Hence the word Mapyirjjs latterly became synonymous with /oo/, 
idiot, &c. Thus Hesychius ; Mapylrov &(^povoSi fiiopov, Suidas; 
'Vidpyirrfs, Ala^ivrjs, iv t^ Kara KTrirrnpStyTos, e lopv/jilav 'AXe^dibpov 
Mapyirriy ^dero. 'EkoXovv be tov& avofiTOVs oihuy. Harpocrat. in v. Map- 
yiTtjs Al(r\ivris kv T^ Kara KTfjffifutVTOSr^EirioyvfJtlav b^WXe^dvbp^ Map- 
yirriv idevro, Kai Mapo-vascv irifitTrTi^ riov nepVAXe^dvbpov Ifrropei, Xiyiiiv 
"MapytTTiy tfTTQ A»yjUO<r(?ci'OvsKaXeIo'0at rov'AX^fai'Spov. *EKdXovv bk rox^s- 
iLvoriTovs ovru), bta rov els "Ofxrjpov ava(f>ep6/ji€vov Mapytrriv. Liban. itt 
^|0Ccr/3ei/r£K*^ ad JuKanum ; *AXi^avbpos bk TToXXa irapa rwv ey^ABi^yrjai 
^rfopijjv TjbiKTffiivoSf rd re^ Trpdyfxara TapaTrSvTtov, Kai rovs biiixovs Kivouv* 
Tbiv, Kal M.apyiTriv alrov aTTOKaXovvrtav, Kai yppi^ovrtov k. t. X, See also 
"Plutarch in Demosth. &Erasm. Chil. ex. Lucian. 

And now that I have spoken of Margites in the capacity in which 
h^ seems after^n^rnds to have been represented, I shall be at the pains 
.to enumerate some others of the same class ; amongst whom we find 

. ' Thus Suidas; Ma^yiryjs' oivrjo sfti pupf^ia Koaacy^ovfji.svog. 

* " It is not easy to reconcile it with some other acniunts, which' seem to 
m^kc Margites a downright idiot; such as, his not being able to number 
beyond five; his ab taininii iVom all intercourse with his bride, lest she 
should complain ut' him to lier mother, &r.— ^Ooe cannot well conceive, how 
such a man.should, as Homer expressly says, * Know how to th many things;^ 
even though he did them ever so ili.*'-^2Va7i»/<ili'o» i^AriistotWs Treotinvn 
Poetry, p. 104. 

On the Margiies of Homtr^ 165 

imt Minvd Melitides. This celebrated idiot seems to have been con-* 
ibiuided withMargites himself; for Eustathius tells tlie very same story 
of bin^^ that Suidas ^n i Tzetzes do of our hero. See his commentary 
on OdyM. K. p. 413. Aristoph. Ran. 1022. edit. Kust. £rasm« 
Adog. p. 1023. and Izetz. p^ 74. Another of these, of well knows 
faDi«, waft Sannas,' the son of Theodotus. Cratinus in the play, 
speaking of hin)» says; 'O b' ijXidios, dunrep Tpofiarov 13^ (if) Xiywv, 
Bal^Sei* A third was known by the appellation of Mamma- 
€uthu^ Suidas *in V. Aristoph. Ran. 1021. Tzetz, p. 75. Eus*- 
tath. Odyss, K. p. 413. Uesych. in v. In which passages it isto 
be remarked that the word is spelt in four different ways, viz. Ma/i* 
fMi6u[ouBo$, tiafjLfidt:ydo$, Mafjidtcovdos, <& Ma/jidKvdos. See the Scholiast on 
the passage referred to in the Rau%« But I will quote at full length what 
Eustathius says on the subject. Irifieiutaai ik ore, iis kuI ey 'Widbi ibii- 
X^fl €7riQep(rlrovt Kal af)eX^ Tiya vpotrutTru icat oi ndvy (nrovbaia els Tpolav 
iarpareiaaro. Olos bri res kui 6 iiXnt)vwp eyravOa' [Odyss. K. 552.] 
or''Ofiiipos oIk iQiKwy vff^obpioi icatcoXoyeiy, irjoodyec ray frepi airov \6yov 
kfro<lKiTiKi!is' tivuty ovre dybpeioy wdyv ovre (ppeyt^pri avrby eiyat, IIoXi//£(i- 
Oelas b^ xdpty oi fraXatol kuI roiavra Trapeyeipovaiy ols ypd'ftovaty, iva 
Kal roioi^uty evTropia n« yiyoiro rois ifnopeiy eOiXovtriv. 'EwtBev 
riy fMnpoy dibaficy ^dyyay kaXeiaUai, uts av6 rivos KvpLov oyS/iaros' kqI 
trapdyerai Kpariyos, Kwfi^bwy roiovroy, Toy 0€oboTibi}y ILdyyay. *E{ €K€l* 
9my be Kal Kopoi(iovs riyas dvoffKUfTrro^ey, fiaOovTes riya Kopoifiov eifii&th 
Mvyboya ^pvya ro yiyos, vararoy rwy itriicovpwy d(jnK6fi€voy r^ Tlpid^tf 
<&* evifjdeiay, Ovruts iyytafxey Kal roy a^pova Maf^y/rijv, toy dicQ tov fJiap^ 
yaiVecv, o iori fiwpaivety' ly b iroiriffas rov €Tnypaij>6fjieyoy 'Ofxiipov Muf)« 
yiri/y vnoriderai evnoptity fxky eis vvepfioXrlv yoykiay ^vyai, yri/JLayra bk k* 
r. X. — *O/i0«W Kal Toy Mo^/ud«coi/0ov, Kal roy MeXiribriy, Kal roy *A/;i^t€r/» 
hniy, ai btafivrfToi inl fihipi^ {<rav. '^Vly 6 MeXiribris dpiSfuly re /i^ evitrra* 
9$ai Xiytrai u fA^ a^i rHy ircvre, kui ay yo€iy ^npos oworipov rwy yoyiwv 
kiTQKvtfieirf, xal yvfii^ri [yv^rfs] fJt^ &\l/aa0ai, evXafiovfieyos rr/v irpos fiif 
Wjpa iai/SoXi^K. "[hnrcp b^ tovtous ^ laropia X6yov ijUit^ffcy, ky ds icai roy 
rh Kvfiara fierpovyra WoXviitpoy, Kal roy ky ry KoJOevbeiy difjteyoy i/hpioM 
tBt^fil^ vypov vpos rn rc^Xp, Kal OXtfiovfieyoy [an OXtfivfieyoy] rp aKXi^po-' 
TVh 1^^ bid TovTQ iyypa vapaPvtrayrat Kal ro ^k€vo$ xX^^avra, lyd [i^^^a] 
«i iifiey fiaXaxoy e'lri Ttpoaice^iiXaioi', ovna k. r. X. To this list may ba 
added two female idiots, named respectively Acco and Alphito ; air 
though Plutarch tells us that they were considered in the light of huge 
bears to frighten children into their duty. From tlie first of these came 

* EraHiDw Adag. p. 17 it. £u»tach. Odyss. B. p. 545. oStw xol) 6 %%^x rf 
MWfUKW K^arivw ^dvv&s' auroe fji,evrot oJ riy Bvyjiyj drr^uis StjXotf dXXd row 
fiAuciy iv ^iffw; ij xoiyij yXwo-o-a TJavvov AaXc?. Aofw o dv etXii^iai ^ XeJ*f 
df^' rm 'Ao-ioyiJy Sawoiy, ou^ «i ISKarat Tt^zvywg xaXouo-i, fia^fix^iMOg 
'iyrau ^% ^S ^i^oVt suvjiui Si* dva.iSeoo'lav, iience the Latin words iannm 
and MJiRio, Pers. Sat. i. 62. Cic. de Orat. ii. 6t. Epist.Fam. ix. 16. But Ca^ 
aaubon (Comm. on Pers. p. 106.) derives sannalroui ptcr,artterfy from 
whence come W^ dens, and fO^yt^, aculeata oraiio. Heoce ;xiho the fiogUsh 
Word,j;any. Preacher at once and zunif of th^» agt. li'ops, 

* Perhaps *£/3a{iCffy is the true reading. 



166 On the Mar git es of Homer. 

the words hkufSeiv, aceissare, nngari, and aKKitTfios, aed^mui, fikgaiU. 
Cic. Attic, ii. 19- Quid unim aKKido/jieOa tarn din ? PhUem. spud 
Athen. xiii. oU etrr* oifbk eh 'Akkkt/ulos, oihe \fipos, Eustath. Iliad. Z. p. 
494. Kai if Wkku) to Trapoifnioih Kdpiov KoX to Kutfiticm eiireiv fiUKKo^v, 
\(Tov [ tffoy] ov T^ fiff Poeiv, Again, Odyss* $. 49« KocTv ik rd roeiv* 
odcy Kai fivLKKOq.v, to firj voelv, dXX' iivorfrniyeiy. TzetCes p. 7^* calb 
her Macco. Mwpa yvv;) tls if MaicKij, ?) KaToirrpov Kparodfra, Kat n^ 
0'JC£ai^ T))v eavrffs cpiotra r^ icaTdifTp^, "AXKriv boKovira yvvaiKuy, ^Xitat 
vporriycpet. See Erasm. Adag. p. 1669, Tzetzesalso informs us that 
idiots were called Blitomammantes, from one Blitomammas no douht 
"Afravras BXtro/jidfjifiayras nplv tovs fiufpoi^s eKuXovv, p. 74- Add also 
Butalio to the number. hovToXfuv, koI K6poij3oSf xal MeXcr/Sjyry M 
fib)pi(ji bteft^fiXiiiTO, Suidas in ^ovraXltav, 

That the author of the Iliad and Odysspy should have employed 
himself upon a com; osition so different in grain and cast from either 
of them, may at first sight seem strange. Experience, however, has 
shown us that a genius f()r the satirical and ridiculous is by no means 
incomi^atible with a talent for the sul)lime and pathetic. Thus, we 
see, Milton could write those Epitaphs on Hobson, the Cambridge 
carrier, and thdt Sonnet entitled, On the detraction which followed 
upon my wriiing certain /rffl/t>e« ;— wbicii, in my -opinion, have very 
considerable meiit, and are many degree rieAioved above those spirit- 
less performances, with which our presses teem nowadays in profu- 
sion, and which affect to leave a sting without having a sting to leave. 
The same may be said of Gray's Long story ^ which contains much 
gf^nuine wit and humour, and shows great skill in that particuhir 
method of versificat on, without which such pieces lose half their 
virtue and cnaniel. And so of Euripides, the author (as it is gene* 
rally believed) of the Cyclops, the only specimen that remains of the 
Greek Satyric Drama ; who in his AIc^Hr also has furnislied us with 
someihin<; iike a snmple of what he could do in this way. Thus also 
we ste that Macbeth and the Merry Wiwes of PVindsor were written 
by the same person. 

But eveiiin ihe Iliad and Odyssey, to say nothing of the account of 
Thersites in the former, and of the blinding of the Cyclops, the pun 
upon the name of Ulysses, Sfc, in the latter, there are passages less 
obvious here and there interspersed, which have in them a great deal 
of the comic. The well known line Oiyofiaph, kwos oftfiaT ^ccfv, Kpahliiv 
i* €\d(i>oto. (I'iad. A. 226.) savours something of thb. The railing 
speed) of Patroclu9, on the occasion of his killing Cebriones, Hector's 
charioteer, has a strong tendency to the ridiculous; and is,. perhaps, 
beneath the dignify of the poem. Homer says that he fell from the 
chariot apvevr^pi eoixits, viz. head foremost; which comparison is' na- 
tural enoui^h ; as, being wounded in the forehead, and that iif the 
position in which he would be (pronus in verbera pendens^ /En, v. 147.)» 
he uould necessarily fall in that direction. However, by putting the 
followintj words into the mouth of Patroclus, which were suggested 
by the idea of the cliarioteer tumbling headlong — diver-win (as a 
translator of the Iliad would have said not many centuries agoX he 

Dr, CromhWs^Remarksy SfC. 167 

ghres, as appears to me, a ludicrous turn to the whole. ^H iroiroc, ^ 
^V kXa^ot avvip ois peia kv(^i(Jt^, £t hit trov Koi 7c6vt^ kv lyfivneyri 
yiyoiro, tloXXovs ay Kopitreiev dv^p obe r^dea bi(j>cjv, Nijo; aTtodptMitrKuty, el 
Kai hvvwkfj^Xos eirf *ftf yvy kv irehlf^ ej iirnwv ptla kv/dutt^, 'H pa 
Kai iy TpbieatTi Kv,3ifrrrirfipes eatny. The passage is in Iliad. U. 745. In 
Odyss. A. 1215. Telemachus says /id\* arptKius sure enough, as he 
professed to say, but somewhat laughably ; Mr/riyp fikv r kyii (prfffi rov 
ikfifievaC airap iytoye Oi/c oTS'* ov ydp nia ru eoy yovov airos a^iyyu). 
Thisy it seems, did not escape the comic poet Menander, who sa^^s; 
AvroK yap ovbels oJbe tov tot eyiyero, *A\\* viroyqovficv irdyres 
{firitrreiiofiey^ See Eustathius on the passage in the Odyssey, from 
whoni>Beotley replaced the true reading wor eyeyero in lieu of the 
clumsy and awkward interpolation of Le Clerc. The sarcastic 
reflection of Eurymaehus upon the bald head of Ulysses (Odyss. 2. 
352.) is singular in the same way. Ovk aOeel 6b' ayrjp 'Obvaiiiov is 
S6fwy tK€C "Etfjivris fjLoi boKeei batboty arkkas ififjieyai avrov Kai kc^oX^s* 
ejrel o^ oi ivi rpix^s ovb" ' >//3aca/. Whoever has seen a painting on 
canvas of Old Parr's head, will readily comprehend the joke. The. 
story of Elpenor's death (Odyss. K. 55^2.) may, perhaps, be placed 
to the same account. ^EXwi^yiop be rts ecrKC yetljraros, ovbk ri Xirjy "AX- 
Kifjios h^ voXifi^f ouT€ f^ttrXv Tiaiv aprjptos, "Oj fiot ayevff erdpiay, iepo7s ky 
i^fAueri KipKris, Yv^eos lfi€ip(t)y KareXi^aro olyol^apeluy' J^ivvfieyujy 8' 
irdptay Ofiaboy Kai bovvoy aKoiJtras, *Eja7riViys avopovae, Kai eicXdOero (l>p€~ 
aly ^(Tiy^Axlfopfioy Karafiffvai luty es xXlfiaKa fxaKpiffy* 'AXXd KarayriKpif 
riyeos iritrey' €k be oi av^r/v *A<rrpayaXwv edyrj, \l^vj(fl b* aiboabe KarfjXdeVm 
See also A. 51. seqq. The siur upon Ni reus too (Iliad. B. 671O is 
af this sort. He is there mentioned as being the handsomest man in 
the Grecian army except Achilles ; ^ and nis name occurs thrice 
within the space of three lines, but is not to be found again throughout 
the whole of the Iliad. These instances I have collected and strung 
together, as they suggested themselves to my recollection. The 
number will, I make no doubt, admit of considerable increase. 
August, 1815. ' V. L. 


On the Notice of' his Gymnasium, m^e Symbola 


No. II.— [Continued from No. XXII. p. 304.] 

AvD AX.*— I perfectly concur with the intelligent critic in the mean* 
log, >A hich he assigns to audax ; nor can I account for the mistake, 

' 'H/3aiov- juifx^o'y. Hesyrhius in v. Compare Iliad, B 141. 
* 'EyrooSa tjW ivQpMO'as rov Nifia oJx in awVou i/xvrVJij. So says 
the Scholiast See abo Galen. Pergam* Suasor. ad Anes, Orat. 8. 

I6ft Dr. Crombie's Uemark^ on the Uotice of 

unless by supposing, that I iDcouaiderately adopted the expIaM-* 
tion of Doletus, who is guided by the usage of Cicero otiiy ; or of 
Popina, who says " Audax in vitio est t fortis in laude.*^ Thia 
explanation^ however, though generally, is not universally, correct. 
The term, though most frequently employed in a bad sense, and 
even when this is not the case, generally implying, a degree of 
hardihood, and boldness of enterprise, superior to the conceived 
powers of the agent,, yet is sometimes used iu a good sense, de- 
noting a becoming degree of fortitude and courage. My expres- 
sion therefore ought to have been qualified ; and the same expla- 
nation of the secondary idea should have been assigned to audax, 
as I have given to audacia ; with this only difFerence, that the latter 
is more frequently used in a good sense> than the former. By Ci- 
c^o the substantive is almost uniformly employed in a bad sense : 
Audacia lemeritati, non prudentia conjuncta. (Orat Part.) Ju^ 
daciafortitudinemimifatur. (lb.) Animus paratus ad perimlum 
si sua vupiditate, non utilitate communi impellitury audacia po- 
tins nomen habet, quam foriitudinis. (Cic. Off.) This elegant wri- 
teir, however, occasionally, though rarely, employs the term audacia 
in a good sense. Audax, as far as I can ascertain, is always em- 
ployed by him in a reptehensive sense, conveying the idea of error 
and excess, tf the learned critic can name any passage, in which 
he has used the word in a different acceptation, I will esteem it a 
favor if he will poibt it out. In the mean time his obaervation, 
as it deserves, receives my thanks. 

ALTA VOX. — In delivering my opinion of the expression 
alta vox, I have cited in its favor the authority of Catullus ; I 
ought, however, at the same time to have remarked, that 
some critics in the passage, which I have quoted, read nox in- 
stead of vor. I have likewise cited the phrase vocem attoUere al- 
tiuSy which has been offered^ as presumptive evidence, that alta 
vox is a classical expression. The evidence I conceive not to be 

?uite conclusive ; without, however, condemning it as a barbarism, 
merely observe that analogy is not always a safe guide to purity 
of diction. And it is somewhat remarkable, that neither Cicero 
nor Sallust, Livy nor Caesar, ever employ this expression, but 
uniformly magna vox. Cum legem Voconiam magna voce, et 
bonis lateribus suasissem, (Cic« de Senect.) Magna voce hortatur, 
(Sallust B. J. cap. 60.) When Cicero also enumerates the va- 
rious principal characters of Voice, he uses magna not alta vox, 
Jiarn voces, ut chorda sunt irttettt^e, qua ad quemque tadum re- 
spondeanty acuta^ gravis; cita, tarda; magna, parva.. 

I would, therefore, recommend to the classic writer to employ 
fhagna in preference to alta vox. 

The foHowhig observation ofGesner, the critic remarks, de- 
serves att(»ition : ^ Vox utta a iircisicorum diaj^rammatiir primum 

his Gymnasium^ sive Symbola Critica. 169^ 

dicta." The correctness of this opinion has been questioned; 
and it has been asserted that the very reverse was the fact^ the 
highest notes being marked by characters placed at the bottom of 
the scale^ or musical Hne^ and the lowest notes by characters 
placed at the top. Whether this was, or was not the practice, 
there is reason to suppose that the deepest or gravest sound was 
called summa by the Romans, and the shrillest or acutest ima. 
Gesner himself, in his note on the passage in Horace, modo summa 
voce, modo hac resonat qua chordis quatuor ima^ as far as I re- 
collect, (for 1 have not his edition at hand) considers summa as 
equivalent to gravis^ and ima as synonimous with acuta. This 
is decidedly the opinion of Sanadon, who investigates at great 
length the meaning of the passage. See also " Beattie on Music.** 
1 do not therefore consider the opinion of Gesner, recommended 
by the critic, to be of unquestionable authority. 

BRACHIA— LACERTI.— it would be an act of mjustice to 
the candor and liberality displayed through the whole of the 
learned critic's observations, if I entertained a conception, that he 
intended to impress his readers with a belief, th^t the author of 
the Gymnasium was indebted to Mr. Barker, for the explanation 
which he has given of these two terms. His language however, 
though I am persuaded, unintentionally, leads to this conclusion. 
His words are ** Mr. Barker, in the ^ Classical Recreations,' had 
pointed out the circumstance noticed by Dr. O. that the two pas- 
sages quoted by Dumesnil in favor of his distinction militate di- 
rectly against it/' One would naturally infer from this, that the 
** Classical Recreations" had been published antecedently to the 
" Gymnasium." The reverse, however, is the fact. The *' Gym- 
nasium" was published three months before Mr. Barker's work 
made its appearance ; and though there id a strikittg coincidence 
between his observations and mine, 1 am far from supposing that 
ibe ingetiious and indefatigable author of that work was indebted 
to me for his very judicious remarks. The subject involves no 
difficulty ; and it is rather a matter of surprise, that the common 
misconception of the terms in question has so long obtained 
aaiotig Lexi<;ographers and Critics. 

TlMse are the only observations, which f have to offer in reply 
to the candid animadversions of the learned Reviewer. I cannot, 
however^ dismiss his remarks, without repeating to him my thanks, 
for the liberality, whieh is exhibited in the whole of his critique ; 
and tiM approbation, which he has bestowed on the subject of his 

Befort 1 cmicliide, permit me to address a few observations td- 
toother Critic, to whom also I am indebted for a favorable re« 
p9tt of the same work. (See Critical Review^ V. S. No. S ) 

bk live fint plao#y it is necessary to inform him^ that^ when I 

170 Dr. Crombie's Remarks on the Notice of 

expressed my opinion, of the inelegance, and the inaccuracy of the 
Latin compositions and translations, which have lately issued from 
the British press, 1 had no particular allusion to ^'Falconer's 
Strabo." My remark was general; nor can 1 easily conceive, how 
the Reviewer could either question or misapprehend my mean- 

It has been observed, in the *' Gymnasium," that, when the 
accident or inflexion, not the word itself, is either obsolete or 
novel, it may be regarded as an offence against etymology, as tU' 
multuis for tumuhus, duhit for dent, amasso for amavero, jugos 
for juga. The Reviewer remarks, " Dr. C, is surely using the 
word Etymology in &ome sense very different from the usual ac- 
ceptation of it ; for with the exception of the word duint, not one 
other (he means, not one) of these examples can be said to offend 
against what is generally termed Etymology.** This observation 
cannot fail to surprise every reader, who is but moderately con- 
versant in the science of grammar. Let us examine it. la the 
first place, it may be inquired, why has the Reviewer excepted 
duint 1^ Is it not precisely in the same predicament, with the other 
examples \ Does not the error^ involved in it, as well as in the 
other words, consist in improper inflexion ? Why, then, is it ex- 
cepted, the error being precisely of the same character, with that 
in tumultuis or amasso i The conceptions of the Reviewer on 
this subject seem to be neither clear^ nor correct. In the next 
place^ it appears necessary to inform the Reviewer of the two 
senses, in which the term Etymology is used by grammarians. 
It denotes then, ] st, that part of philological science^ which con- 
sists in investigating the e(ymo7Z5, or radices oi vmxds, it traced 
the derivative to its primitive, and resolves the compound into the 
simple terms, of which it is composed. In this sense, it is called 
by Quintilian origination It denotes^ ^dly, as the Reviewer 
should have known, before he hazarded his observation, the con- 
verse of this, namely, that part of grammar, by which we follow 
an eti/mon through its various inflexions and changes, including, 
therefore, the declension of nouns, and the conjugation of verbs. 
Is there any grammarian, who requires to be told, that the term 
is €mplo)ed in this sense? Let him attend to the following defini- 
tions. " Etymology treats of the different sorts of wordsf, and 
their derivations, and variations.*' (A. Murray.) " Etymology 
treats of the kinds of words, their derivation, change, analogy, or 
likeness to one another.*' {British Grammar.) *^ Etymology 
teaches the deduction of one word from another, and the various 
modifications, by which the same word is diversified, as horse, 
horseSf loref loved" (S. Johnson.) Etymology is considered by 
Campbell in his '' Rhetoric'* as that part of grammar, which treats 
of iuflexioD. (See book 2. chap. 3. J '^ £tymologia est ea Gram* 

his Gymnasium^ sive Symhola Critica. 171 

maticae pars, quas singularum vocum naturas et proprietates expli- 
cat." ( Rud'iiman.) He divides grammar therefore into four parts. 
Etymology, Orthography, Syntax, and Prosody. Under the first 
division he includes the inflexion of nouns and verbs. Nor is 
thi!4 use of the term confined to the grammarians of this country. 
" Etymologia est scientia osteiidens veram dictionum originem, 
cum reliqui« accidentibiis." ( Despaul^ Comment.) Gohus, ia 
his Greek grammar, divides the art of speaking and writing Greek 
into four parts, Prosody, Etymology, Orthography, and Syntax. 
More evidence might be produced, if more were necessary. This 
surely may suffice to show, that the term Elymolosiy is employed 
to denote that part of grammar, which treats of uifiexion, and 
that every etror, therefore, either in declension or conjugation, is 
an ofi'ence against Etymology. 

I am aware, that Varro, with several other writers in imitation 
of hitn, have denominated by the term Analogy that part of gram* 
mar, which has been named by other writers and critics Etymo* 
logy. But^ though Varro has treated only of declension and con- 
jugation under this head, it is evident, that, agreeably to his expla- 
nation of the term, the word admits a more extended signification. 
In fact every deviation from a general usage, or general rule, 
whether that deviation regard derivation, composition, declfsnsion, 
conjugation, orthoepy, or syntax, is a violation of analogy, llie 
term embraces all those resemblances and congruities, which we 
remark in the structure and phraseology of any language. It is a 
term, therefore, too general to specify the notion, which 1 intended 
to express. If this violation consist in false declension or con- 
jugation, implying therefore the use of a word not belonging to 
the language, I consider it as that species of barbarism, which 
consists in an offence against Etymology. If the violation consist 
in deviating from the established rules of concord and government, 
I consider it as an offence against syntax, which error is denomi- 
nated solecism « 

The Reviewer, I apprehend, is slightly, if at all conversant in 
the art of teaching. He considers the distinction offered between 
iitm, igitur 8c iude as unnecessary ; and thinks the young student 
could scarcely err in the use of these adverbs, unless the English 
H^ere deficient in perspicuity. The same observation he applies 
to the explanation, which 1 have given of ducere vmAferre; and 
.observes, that the scholar must be young indeed, who would be 
«t>t to confound them. Tlie experienced teacher will naturally 
•mile at the Reviewer's remarks ; nor will he need to be told, 
that in Anglo- Latin translation the young pupil is apt to employ 
turn for igituff igitur also for tum^ and inde for both. Nor will 
he require to be informed, that a boy at school, who has been 
accustomed to render capere by *' to take/' and jferre '' to carry/'' 

1T« The Life of 

may igooraafly suppose, that the Latin verbs have the same exte»> 
aive signification with the respective English verbs, and improperly 
employ capere for Jerre, and also for ducere> The Reviewer per- 
fafip9 may be surprised, when I assure hidfi, that I have seen the 
passage in question, to which my observation refers, namely, 
** They took him to the Academy,"— jEww ad Jlcudemiam cepe- 
runt. When he recommends, that an equivocal term, such at 
take for conduct, should not be employed, he beirays an ignorance 
of one of the principal advantages, which the young scholar derives 
from Anglo-Latin translation, and s«ems not to be aware, that the 
character of the style, as either formal or familiar, dignified or 
easy, may render the one term preferable to the other. Equivo^ 
cal words are constantly occurring in oral and written language, 
without creating any ambiguity ; and the young student should be 
taught to distinguish tbeir various acceptations. If a teacher 
were to exclude from an English exercise every equivocal term, 
that is, every term having more significations than one, he would 
undertake an arduous task, and, if he even succeeded, would fail in 
the discharge of his duty as an instructor. In the last sentence, 
which I have written, in which, I trust, there is no obscuiity, let 
the Reviewer say, how many words, as having more meanings 
than one, ought to be changed. More, I apprehend, than from 
his observations I should think he is aware of. 

It was my intention to offer a few remarks respecting his dis- 
tinction between pugna and pralium, and his acquaintance with 
Scheller. But I have already trespassed so far on the patience of 
the reader, as well as on your pages, Mr. Editor, that I must, for 
the present at least, relinquish my intention. 

Greenwich, 20di May, 1815. 

' I i' ii III ■'■ II ' ■ II I r, 


(An Extract.) 

XSiAC Casjiubon, one of the most learned critics in the en4 
of the sixteenth, and beginning of the seventeenth century, 
was born at Geneva, February 18, 1559, being the son (^ 
Arnold Casaubon and Jane Rosseau.' He was «duc^ed at ' 

/ This Arnold ^as a native, and minibter, of BourdeauK, a village <fif 
Diois, in Dauphtn€, but. was obliged, on account 4»f the j^erseoutioa lor 
celigion, to fiiy to Geneva. When tha,t cea^d, lie W9» chJsoa.wtusteri;^ 

Isaac Casauhon. 175 

by his fardier, and being a youth of excellent partSi made S6 quicfc 
a progress in his studies^ that at the age of nine years he could 
speak and write Latin with great ease and correctness. But his 
fcther being obliged, for three years together, to be always 
absent from home, on account of business, he was neglected^ 
and entirely forgot what he had learned before. At twelre 
years o( age he was forced to begin his studies again, and 
to learn as it were by himself | his father's frequent absence, and 
many avocations, hindering his attention to him, excepting at 
vacant times. But as he could not it^ this method make any 
considerable progress, he was sent, in 1 578, to Geneva, to com* 
plete his studies under the professors there. By his indefatigable 
application, he quickly recovered the time he had lost. He 
learned the Greek tongue of Francis Portus, the Cretan, and soon 
became so great a master of that language, that this famous man 
thought him Worthy to be his successor in the professor's chair, in 
1582, when he was but three and twenty years of age. In 1586^ 
Feb. 1, he had the misfortune to lose his father.' The 28th of 
April following, he married Florence, daughter of Henry Ste- 
phens, the celebrated printer,* by whom he had twenty children. 
For fourteen years he continued professor of the Greek tongue at 
Geneva ; and in that time studied philosophy and the civil law 
under Julius Pacius. He also learned Hebrew, and other 
Oriental languages, but not enough to be able to make use of 
them afterwards.' In the mean time he began to be weary of 
Geneva ; either because he could not agree with his father-in-law, 
Henry Stephens, a morose and peevish man ; or because his salary 
was not sufficient for his maintenance ; or because he was of a 
rambling and unsettled disposition. He resolved, therefore, after 
a great deal of uncertainty, to accept the place of Professor o£ 

Crest, in Dauphine ; and here it was, that his son I^aac learned the first 
rudiments of Grammar. That he was born at Geneva,. he informs us him- 
eelf; and, therefore, Moreri confounds the father with the 6on, when he 
says, that the latter was born at Bourdeaux. 

' He died at Die^ aeed 63. Charles Bonarscius, and Andr. Eudsmou^ 
Joannes, have aifirmen that he was hanged. But kis son bath fully con* 
futed that false and scandalous story. 

* Who had withdrawn from Paris to Geneva. There had been a long^ 
intimacy between him and Casaubon; and that, probably, is what gave the 
enemies oi the latter occasion to assert that he had spent his youth in cor^ 
recting the books printed b^ U. Step.iens: which indeed is false^ tbougb 
Qo blemish to his reputation^ if it had been true. 

^ About the year 1591, he fell into great trouble, of which he complain^ 
extremely in his letters, by being bound in a great Bitm for Mr. Wotton, 
nn EngUshmao, which he was obliged to pav. This straitened him^ till lir 
was reimbursed by the care of his friends, and particularly of Josepb 
Scaliger^ about a year after. 

174 The Life of 

the Greek tongue and polite literature, which was oilered him at 
Montpellier, with a more considerable salary than he had at Ge- 
neva. To Montpellier he removed about the end of the year 
1596, and began his lectures in the February following. About 
the same time, the city of Nismes invited him to come and re« 
store their university, but he excused himself. It is also said, he 
had an invitation from the university of Franeker, but that is not 
so certain. At his first coming to Montpellier, he was much 
esteemed and followed, and seemed to be pleased with his station. 
But this pleasure did not last long ; for what had been promised 
him was not performed; abatements were made in his salary; 
which also w<is not regularly paid : in a word, he met there with 
80 much uneasiness, that he was just upon the point of returning 
to Geneva. But a journey he took to Lyons in 1598 gave him 
an opportunity of taking another, that proved extremely advanta- 

Seous to him. He had been recommended by some gentlemen of 
f ontpellier to M. de Vicq, a considerable man at Lyons ; this gen- 
tleman took him into his house, and carried him along with him 
to Paris, where he caused him to be introduced to the First* 
President de Harlay, the President de Thou, Mr. Gillot, and 
Nicholas le Fevre, by whom he was very civilly received. He was 
also presented to King Henry IV. who, being informed of his merit, 
would have him leave Montpellier for a professor's place at Paris* 
Casaubon, having remained for some time in suspense which 
course to take, went back to Montpellier, and resumed his lec- 
tures. Not long after, he received a letter from the king, dated 
January 3, 1599, by which he was invited to Paris, in order to 
be professor of -polite literature. He sec out for that city the 
26th of February, following. When he came to Lyons, M. De 
Vicq advised him to stay there till the King's arrival, who was 
expected in that place. In the mean while, some domestic aflairs 
obliged him to take a turn to Geneva, where he complains that 
justice was not done- him with regard to the estate of his father- 
in-law. Upon his return to Lyons, having waited a long while 
in vain for the king's arrival, he took a second journey to Geneva, 
and then went to Paris ; though he foresaw, as M. De Vicq and 
.Scaliger had told him, he should not meet there with all the 
satisfaction he at first imagined. The king gave him, indeed, a 
gracious reception ; but the jealousy of some of the other pro- 
fessors, and his Protestant tenets, procured him a great deal of 
trouble and vexation, and were the cause of his losing the pro- 
fessorship, of which he had the promise. Some time after, he 
was appointed one of the judges on the Protestants' side, at the 
conference between James Davy du Perron, Bishop of Evreux^ 

Isaac Casaubon. 175 

afterwards Cardinaly and Philip du Plessis-Mornay.' As Casati* 
bon was not favorable to the latter, who, as we are assured, did 
not acquit himself well in that conference ; it was reported that 
he would soon change his religion ; but the event showed that 
this report was groundless. When Casaubon came back to PariSy 
he found it very difficult to obtain either his pension or the charges 
of removing from Lyons to Paris, because M« de Rosny 
was not his friend \ so that it was not without an express 
order from the king that he obtained the payment even of 
three hundred crowns. The 30th of May, 1600, he returned 
to Lyons, to hasten the impression of his Athenaus which 
was printing there \ but he had the misfortune of incurring 
the displeasure of his great friend M. de Vicq, who had all 
along entertained him and his whole family in his own house^ 
when they were in that city, because he refused to accompany 
hi^ into Switzerland. The reason of this refusal was his 
fear of losing in the mean time the place of library-keeper to 
the king, of which he had a promise, and that was likely soon to 
become vacant, on account of the librarian's illness. He returned 
to Paris with his wife and family the September following, and 
was well received by the king, and by many persons of distinction* 
There he read private lectures, published several works of the 
ancients, and learned Arabic ; in which he made so great a pro- 
gress, that he undertook to compile a dictionary, and translated 
some books of that language into Latin. In 1601 he was obliged^ 
as he tells us himself, to write against his will to James VL king 
of Scotland, afterwards king of England, but does not mention 
the occasion of it. That prince answered him with great civility, 
which obliged our author to write to him a second time. In 
the mean time, the many vexations which he received from 
time to time at Paris made him think of leaving that city, and 
retiring to some quieter place. But King Henry IV. would never 
permit him; and, in order to fix him, made an augmentation of two 
hundred crowns to his pension : and granted him the reversion 
of the place of his library-keeper, after the death of John Gosse» 

* This conference was held at Fontainbleau, May 4, 1600. It was at 
first desii^n^d, that it should coniiruie several days, but the indisposition of 
Mr. du Fie>sis-Mornay was the cause of its lasting but one. The other 
judge on the Protestants* side was Mr. Canaye, who convinced » as he pre» 
tenaed, by the arguments that were then used, became a convert to Popery, 
He used his utmost endeavours to persuade Casaubon to follow his exam* 
pie; but not being able to prevail^ he grew very cool towards him, and 
ceased to have the same regard and friendship for him as he Lad, till then, 
expressed. As for Casaubon, he clears himself in several of his letters, of 
the imputation thrown upon him, of favoring Pnpery. 

176 The Life of 

lin, d&t librarian. He txxk a journey to Dauphin^, in Maj^ 
1608, and from thence to Geneva, about his prWate affaua; 
rttuming to Paris on the 12th of July. Towards the end of the 
«aine year, he came into possession of the pbce of King's library- 
keeper, vacant by the death of Gosselis.' His friends of the 
Roman Catholic persuasion made now frequent attempts to induce 
him to forsake the Protestant religion. Cardinal du Perron, in 
particubr, had several disputes with him upon* diat point : after 
one of which a report was spread, that he had then promised the 
Cardinal to become a Roman Catholic : so that in order to 
stifle that rumor, the ministers of Charenton, who ttrere alarmed 
at it, obliged him to write a letter to the Cardinal, to contradict 
what was so confidently reported, and took care to have it printed. 
About this time, the magistrates pf Nismes gave him a second 
invitation to their city, offering him a house, and a salary of six 
hundred crowns of gold a-year, but he durst not accept it, for 
fear of offending the king. In 1609, he had, by that prince's 
order, who was desirous of gaining him over to me Catholic re- 
ligion, a conference with Cardinal du Pepon, upon the contro- 
verted points ; but it had no effect upon him, and he died a Pro- 
testant. The next year two things happened that afflicted him 
extremely ; one was the murder of King Henry IV. which de- 
prived him of all hopes of keeping his place \ the other, his 
eldest son's embracing Popery.^ The loss of the king, his patron 
and protector, made him resolve to come over into England, where 
he had often been invited by King James I. Having obtained 
leave of the Queen-Regent of Fraqce to be absent for a while 
out of that kingdom, he came to England in October 1610, 
with Sir Henry Wotton, ambassador extraordinary from king 
James I. He was received in England with the utmost civility by 
persons of learning and distinction.^ He waited upon th^ 

' His possession of that place was a great advantage to him ; noit , 
only on account of the salary, but because he liad then free access to tly 
books in that valuable library, which Gosselin would not permit him to 
bavQ, as much as he desired or wanted. . •. 

* This last accident gave him a great deal of affliction and uneasiness.; 
and the more» because a report was spread, that he himself bad charged 
George Strauchan, a Scotchman, who tauglit his son the mdthemtitics(,'t0 
instruct him at the same time in th^ Popish religion. 

3 But it seems he did not meet with the like treatment from the inferior 
sort of people. For he complains in one of his letters, that he was more 
insulted in London than he had ever been in Paris in the midst4>f |he 
Papists; that stones were thrown at his windows night and day ] th^the 
received a great wound as he went to court; tiiat his children were 
assaulted in the streets ; and he and his family were sometimes pelted with 

Isaac Casaubon. 177 


king) who took, great pleasure in discoursing with him, and even 
did him the honor of admitting him. several times to eat at his 
own table. His majesty likewise made him a present of a hun-^ 
dred and fifty pounds, to enable him to visit the universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge. The Sd of January, 1611, he was made 
a denizen; and the 19th of the same month, the king granted 
him a pension of three hundred pounds : as also two prebends, 
one at Canterbury, and the other at Westminster. He likewise 
wrote to the Queen-Regent of France, to desire Casaubon might 
stay longer in England than she had at first allowed him. But Casau* 
bon did not long enjoy these great advantages. For a painful 
distemper, occasioned by his having a double bladder, soon laid 
him in his grave. He died July 1, 1614, in the 55th veat of his 
age; and was buried in Westminster-abbey.' He had, as is 
already hinted above, twenty children.^ We shall give an account 
of his writings, and of the books he published, in the note.^ This 

stones.^— He doth not mention what were the grounds of those many in- 
civilities to himsejf and family. 

' Where there is a monument erected to his memory, with the following; 
inscription : 

Isaacus Casaubonus, 
(0 Doctiorum quicgvid est, assurgite 
Huic tarn colendo Nomini,) 
Q^em Gallia Reip. literarisB bono peperit, Henricus IV, Francorum rex tnvic- 
tissimus Lutetiam Uteris suis evocavit, Bibliotheca sua prafecit, charumgue 
deinceps dum vixit habuit ; eoque terris erepto Jacobus Mag. Brit, monarcha, 
JRegum doctiuSmuSj doctis indulgentiss. in Angliam accivit, munijice foroit^ 
potteritasgue ob doctrinam atemum mirabitur, H, S. E. invidia major. Obiit 
mtemum in Christo vitam anhelans, Kal. JulU, 1614. JEtat. 55. 

Viro opt. immoriaUtmte digniss. Thomas Mortonus Episc. Duhelm. jucun* 
diswna quoad frui liatit amsuetudinis memor. Pr. S. P. Cu, 163. 

Qui nosse vult Casaubonumy 

Non Saxa ud Chartas legat 

Superfuturas marmorif 

Ei profuturas posteris. 

^ Jokn^ the eldest, turned Roman Catholic, as hath been mentioned 

above. Another, named Augustin, did the like, and became a Capuchin at 

Calais, where he was poisoned, with eleven others of the same oraer. Mr. 

Du Pin relates of him the following particular, upon the authority of Mr. 

Cotelier : before he took the vow of Capuchin, he went to ask his fathers 

blessing, which the father readily granted him ; adding, << My son, I do 

not cQAdemn thee; nor du thou condemn me ; we shall both appear befbrfi 

the tribunal of Jesus Christ." What became of the rest of his children 

(except Meric) is not known. In 1612, be had a son born in England, to 

which the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury were godfathers, and 

Sir George Cary's lady godmother. 

3 They are as follow : I. In Diogenem Laertium Nota Isaaci Hortiboni. 
McrgOs 1583. 8vo. He was but twenty-five years old when he made 
these notes, and intended to have enlarged them afterwards, but wds 
hindered. He dedicated them to bis fauer, who commended him, but 


178 The Lift of 

great man received the highest encomiums from persons of kamint 
Ui his time \ and he really deserved them^ not only on account of mi 

tdd him at the same time, *' He should like better dnf note of bis upo^ 
the Holy Scriptures, than all the pains h^ could bestow upon profane 
authors/' These notes of Casaubou were inserted in the editions pf Dio- 

fenes Laertius, printed by H. Stephens in 1594 and 1596 in 8vo., and have 
een put in all other editions published since. The name of Hortibokm^ 
ivhich Casaubon took^.is of the same import as CoMaubonm,. i. e, a goo^ 
garden; Ccaauy in the language of Daiiphine, signilying a garden, and 
bon^ good. II. Itaaci Hortibontljectionei Theocritica ; in Cnspinus's edition 
of Thepcritiis, Genev. 1584, 12mo« reprintctl several times since. III. Strd- 
bonis GfografMa Libri xvii. Gngcr tt LatinCf ex Guil. Xyiandri I^^erprttft* 
tione, edente eum Commentariis Isaaco CasauboHQ. Geneva, 1587. fol. Casaa« 
bon*s notes "were reprinted, with additinns, in the Paris edition of Stra&i 
Ih i62p, and have been inserted in all other editions since. , IV. Nomm 
l^amentum Gr^um, cum ISiotis Isaad Caiauhoni in quaiuor EvqngeUa ei 
Actus 4postoli^um, Geneva^ 1587, Idfo. The^ notes were reprinted after- 
wards at the end of Whiiaker*s edition of the New Testament, Lond.^ an4 
inserted in the Critici Sacri. V. Animadrersionet in Dioni/siuTn Halicarnas^ 
sensent, in the edition of Dionysius Halicarnassensis, published bv our 
authof with .^milius Portus's Latin version. Genev. 1588, fol. These 
were written in haste, and are of no great value. VI. Poli^ani Stratege^^ 
tnatum, Libri viii. Grace et Latine, edente cum Notis Isaaco- Cataubon^. 
Lugdunif 1589, 16^0. Casaubon was the first who published the Greek 
text of this author. The Latin version, joined to it, was done by Justus 
Vulteius, and first published in 1550. VII. Dicaarchi Geograpkica quadamy 
sive de Statu Grada ; Ejusdem descriptio Gracing versUnu Graeis tambicii^ 
ad Theopkrastum ; cum Jsaaci Casauboni et Henrki ^tephani riotii, Genet^y 

1589, 8fo. VIII. Aristotelis Opera Grace^ cum variorum Interprtiati&ni 
Latina, et variis Lectionibus et Castigationibus Isaaci Caioubom, Lugdunif 

1590, fol. Geneva, 1605, fol. These notes are onijr maivinal, and were 
composed at leisure hours. IX. C. Plinii Cac Sec. Epist. Lib, ix. JSjfusdem 
et Trejani imp, Epist, amabaa. Ejusdem PL et Paeati, Mamertini, Naxarii 
iPanegyrici, Item Claudiani Paneg^rici, Adjuncta tunt haaci Caaaubom 
Nota in Epist. Geneva, 1591, l^mo. Ibid, 1599, 1605, 1610, and 1611, 

' IZmo, These notes are but very short. X. Theapkrasti Characteres Et^ici 
Grace et Latine, ex versione et cum ccmmentat io Isuaci Casauboni, Lugduni, 
1592, 12mo. and 1613, l%mo. This latter edition is the more e^act of the 
two, beina; revised by the author. Casaubon's edition of Theophraetus is 
still higlOy esteemed, and was one of those .works which procured biffi 
most reputation. Joseph Scaliger highly extols it. XI. L, Apultii Afol»- 
gia, <um Isaaci Casauboni Castigationibus. Tifpis Cwmnelini, 1598, 4te, In 
this edition, be showed himself as able a critic in the Latin, as be bad done 
before in the Greek tongue. It is dedicated to Joseph 8caliger. XII. C» 
Suetonii Tranquilh Opera cum Isaaci Caxauboni Animudverumfibui, G4ne9a, 
1595, 4/o. Item editio altera emendata et aucta. Paris, 1010. This second 
edition is enlarged. XIII. Publii S;yri Mimi, sive sententia \eUete, L(dint^ 
Grace versa, et Notis illustrata per Jos, Scfdigerum ; cum prafatione Isaaei 
Casauboni. Lugd. Batav. 1598, 8vo. XIV. Athenai Deipnmcphktarum, 
Libri XV. Grace et Latine, Interprets Jacobo BaUchampia, cum Isaaci Casau- 
boni Animadversionum, Libris xv. Lugduni, 1600, 8 vol.' fol. J6idL 1618, % 
vol. fol. Casa\ibon*s notes take up the Second volume, and are Very Isx^^ 
and full of ^eat learning* XV* Hint0im Augtuta Scri^otet^ i^m tammen^ 

Isaac Casaubon^ 179 

extensive knowledge) but likewise c£ his modestyi sincerityi and 
probity. Some writers, indeed, even of the reformed religion^ have 


tario haaci Casauboni. Paris 1603, 4to. reprinted at Paris in 16520, with 
6alma8ius*s Commentaries on the same authors, fol. and at Leiden, in 
1670, 2 vol. 8vu. XVI. Jfiatriba ad Dionis Chrj/fnottomi Oratianes, Diiblistied 
in the edition of that f^uthur by Frederick Morel, at Paris, 1604, fol.' 
XVn, Persii Satyrs ex receniione. ft cum Commentar. Isaaci Casauboni, 
Parisy 1605, 8vo. Lend. 1647, 8vo. These notes upon Persius are lectures 
he had formerly read at Geneva. They were enlarged in the edition of 
1647. Scaliger used to say of them, ** That the sauce was better than the 
fish." i.e. The commentary better than the text. XVIII. De Satyrica 
Gracontm Poesi, et Romanorum Satyra Libri duo, Paris, 1605, 8vo. In this 
work Casaubon affirms, That the Satyr of the Latins was very different 
from that of the Greeks. In this he is contradicted by Dauiel Heinsius, 
in his two books, De Satyra Hxn-atiana. Lugd, Batava, 16^9, 15Smo. But 
the learned Ezekiel Spaoheim, afler having examined the arguments of 
these two learned men, hath declared for Casaubon. C renins hath inserted 
this tract of Casaubon, in his Musautn Pkitologicum et HiUoricUm* Lugd. 
Baiav. 1699, 8vo. and also the following piece, which was published by our 
author, at the end of his two books, De Satyrka poesi, ike. XIX. Cyclops 
EuripidU'Latinitate donata a Q. Septiniio fiorenie. XX. Oregorii Nysseni 
£pistola ad Euttathiam, Antbroaiam^ et BasilUsam, Grace, et Latine, cum not'u 
J. CasaubonL Parity 1601, 8«o. Hanoviay 1607, 8vo. This letter was 
first published by Casaubon. XXI. J?e Libertate Eccl^slastica Liber, I6O7, 
8vo. pages $64. This book was composed by the author during the 61%- 
putes between Pope Paul V. and the republic of Vepice; and contained a 
▼indication of the rights of sovereigns against the incroachments of the 
court of Rome. But those differences being adjusted while the book was 
printing, King Henry IV. caused it to be suppressed. However, Casaubon 
navins^ sent the sheets, as they came out of the press, to some of 
his friendsy some of the copies were preserved. Meichior Goldast in- 
serted that fragment in his CoUeetanea de Mmiarchia S. Imperii, Tom. I. 
pag. 674, and Almeloveen reprinted it in his edition of qur author's 
letters. XXII. iMcriptio velui dedicationem Jundi continent, ab Herode 
Rege facta, eum Notis Itaaci Casauboni. This small piece, published in 
1607, hath been inserted bv T. Crenius in his Mus/rum Philohgicuni- Casau- 
hon's notes are shorty but learned i however, he appears to have been mi&* 
taken, in ascribing the inscription on which they were matic to Herod, 
Xiog of Judaea, instead of Herodes the Athenian. XXIII. Poiybii Opera, 
Otmee, et Latine ex vertione i$aaci Casauboni. Accedit Mneai TracMcus dUe 
toUranda obiidione, Grace et Latine, Paris, 1009, fol. et Hanovia, 1609, fol. 
The Latin version of these two authors was done by Casaubon; wha 
intended to write a commentary upon them, but went no farther than the 
first book of Polvbitts, being prevented by death. What be did of that was 
published after his decease. The great Thuanus, and Pronto Bucttus,^ the 
Jesuit, were so pleased with the Latin version, that they believed it waa 
not easy to determine, whether Casaubon had translated Polybius, or Po- 
lybius uasaubon— *tt^ non facile diei posse crederent, Polybiumne C^sanbonuSf 
am Caeaubonum Polybius convertisset^ At the head of this edition there is a 
dedication to King Henry FV. which passes for a master-piece of the kind* 
And, indeed, Casaubon had a talent for such pieces, as well as for prefaces. 
In tiM former, he praises without low servility, and in a manner remote 
Inim flattery i in the latter^ be lays open the design and excellencies of the 

180 The Life of. 

undervalued him> and called him a half-divine; But the reason 
was, because he did not entirely agree with their sendments in 

books be publisbes, without ostentation, and with an air of modesty. So 
that he may serve as a model for such performances. XXIV. He publbhed 
Josephi Scaligeri Opuscufa varia, Paris, 1610, 4to. Et Francqfurtiy 1612» 
8vo. with a preface of his own. XXV. Ad Frontonem Ducaum Episl(^, de 
Apologia, Jesuitarum nomine, ParisOs edUa> Lotidini, 1611, 4to. CasauboD, 
aUer his coming to England, was forced to alter the course of his studies, 
and to write against the Papists, in order to please his patron, Kin^ James 
I., who affected to he a great controversist. He began with this letter, 
dated July 2, 1611, which is the 730th in Almeloveen's collection, and for- 
which King James made him a considerable present. It is a confutation of 
la Reponse ApologUique H V Anti-coton, par Frangois Bonald. Au Pont. 
1611, 8vo. XXVI. Epistola ad Georeitim MichaeUm Lingehhemium de qwh- 
dam libello Sfiopii, 1612, 4to. This Tetter is dated Aug. 9> 1612, and is the 
828th of Almefoveen's collection. XXVII. Epistola ad Cardinalem Perro- 
nium. Londini, 1612, 4to. This letter, which is the 838th in Almeloveen's 
collection, is dated Novemb. 9, 1612. It is not so much Casaubon's own 
composition, as an exact account of the sentiments of King James I., whose, 
and the Church of £njE;land's, secretary he was, as he tells us, witli regard 
to some points of religion. Accordingly, it was inserted in the edition of 
that King's works, published in 1619 by Dr. Montague, Bishop of Win- 
chester. It is written with moderation. Cardinal du Perron undertook to 
give an answer to it, which was left unfinished at his death. It has been 
likewise animadverted upon by Valentine Smalcius, the Socinian, in his Ad 
Isaacum Casaubonvm Paranass, Racoviay 1614, 4to. published under the 
name of Anton. Reuchlin. XXVIII. De ELehus sacris et Ecclesiasticis Exer- 
cUiUioneswi, Ad Cardinalis Baronii Prolegomena in Annates, et primam 
eorum partem^ de Domini nostri Jesu Christi Nativitate, Vita, Passione, Asswn- 
fione, Londini, 1614, fol. Francofurti, 1615, 4to. Oeneva, 1655 et 166S, 
4to. What was the occasion of this work we learn from Mr. Bernard : 
namely. That soon after Casaubon's arrival in Bngland, Peter de Moulin 
wrot6 to Dr. James Montague, then Bishop of Bath and Wells, to inform 
him, that Casaubon had a great incHnation to Popery ; that there were 
only a few articles, which kept him amon^ the Protestants ; and that if be 
returned to France, he would change his religion, as he had promised. 
Therefore, he desired him to endeavour to keep him in England, and to 
engage him in writing against the Annals of Baronius, since he knew that 
he had matiriab ready for that purpose- Accordingly, King James em- 
ployed him in that work, which was finished in eighteen months' time. 
Niceron thinks, that Casaubon was not equal to this work, because he had 
not sufficiently studied divinity, chronology, and history, and was not con- 
versant enough in the Fathers. So that he is charged with having committed 
more errors than Baronius in a less compass. Besides, as he comes no 
lower than the year 34 after Christ, he is said to have pulled down only the 
pinnacles of Baronius's great building. It appears from letter 1059th of 
our author, that Dr. Richard Montague, afterwards Bishop of Norwich, 
bad 'undertaken to write against Baronius at the same time with himself; 
^nd he threatens to complain df him to the King, . who had en^ged him 
in that work. XXIX. Ad Polyhii Historiarum TAbrum primvm Vommenta^ 
rius, Paris, 1617, 8vo. See above. No. XXIII. XXX. Isaaci Casaiuboni 
Epistola, 'Haga Comin, 1638, 4to. published by John Frederick Gronovius. 
A second edition — Octog^nta duakus Epistolis wictior, et justa seriem tempo* 

Isaac Casaubon. 18 1 

trveiy point. For though he was a Protestant, he disapproved of 
Bome of Calvin's notions: and whoever doth so is sure to be 
branded, by the bigotry of a zealot, with the odious name of here- 
tic, if not worse. 


In Sir William Musgrave's collection there is a citation from 
the History of Europe, Vol. I. p. 163, which asserts that Isaac 
Casaubon was born at Bourdeaux, in 1555, and died in 1613. 
This account is erroneous in three respects : in the place of his 
birth, in the time of it, and in the year of his death. The same 
history, with manifest inconsistency, represents Casaubon as 
dying when fifty-five years old, though that was in fact the case : 
for if he was bom in 1555, he must, in 1613, have, at' least, been 
in the 58th year of his age. 

When Isaac Casaubon formed, in 1610, the design of residing 
in this country, Dr. Richard Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
wrote the following letter to Sir Thomas Edmondes, the English 
ambassador at the court of France : 

rum disesta — was published afterwards by John George Grsevitis ; at Mag* 
dehurgn, and Helmstadt, 1650, 4to. These editions are eclipsed by the fol- 
lowing one ; intitied, Is. Casauboni Epistolttf insertis ad ea$dem responsionibuff 
'fuotquot hactenvs reperiri potuerunty secundum seriem temporis accurate di^ 
^estiC, Accedunt huic EdUionif prater trecenteu inedUas Epistolas, Is, Ca^ 
sauboni vita, ejusdem DedicationeSf Prafationes, ProlfgnmenOy Poemata, Frag" 
mentum de Libertate Ecclesiaslica. Item Merici Casauboni Epistola, Dedica* 
tioneSf PrafationeSj Prolegomena, et Tractatus quidam rariores, Curante 2'Ae> 
cdoro Janson ab Almehveen. Itoterodami, 1709» fol. The letters in this 
i^olume are 1059 in number, placed according to the order of time in which 
they were written; and 51 without date. A certain writer finds in them 
neither eleaance of style, nor fineness of thoughts ; and censures, as very 
disagreeable, the mixture of Greek words and. expressions that are dis* 
persed throughout; affirming besides, that ihey contain no particulars tend- 
'ing to the advancement of learning, or that are of any great importance. 
Another owns, that there is in them the history of a man of probity and 
learning; but nothing otherwise very remarkable, excepting the purity of 
the language, and the marjf^s of a frank and sincere mind. One author, on the 
vther hand, assures us, that they are all perfectly beautiful ; and makes no scru- 
'ple to compare them to those of Grotius and Scaliger with regard to leaf nine ; 
«nd to assert that they exceed them for the easiness and purity of the style, 
which is entirely epistolary, and not at all affected. XXXI. In 1710 were pub* 
lished, Casaubonianay sive Isaaci Casauboni varia de Scriptoribus Librisque 
judicia, Observationes sacra in utriusque Faderis Loca, Philologica item Ec- 
icle$iastieay ut et Animadversiones in Annates Baronii Ecclesiasticos inedita, ex 
«omf Casauboni MSS, in Bibliotheca Bodieiana reconditis nunc primum 
jtruta a Jo. Christophero Wolfio, ^c. Accedunt dua Casauboni Epistola ine^ 
ditOj et Prafatio ad Librvm de Libertate Ecclesiastica, cum Not is Editoris in 
CoMauhoniana, ac Prefaiio, gun de hujus generis Libris disseritur, Hamburgi, 
171Q» 8vo. There is nothing very material in this collection. M, 

] 8fi T/ie Life of 

c« A^ very good Jjurdi 

« Mons. Casaubon purposeth (as I take it) to coitl^ ovet 
into England with his wife and family. His Majesty hath already 
bestowed upon him a prebend in Canterbury ; and sonoewhat else 
V^ill be shortly thought upon for his better maintenance. I pray 
your lordship, when h^ shall repair unto you for that purpose^ 
deliver unto him thirty pounds towards his charges of transporting^ 
,which my Lady Edmondes, your wife, hath received from me, as 
by her letter here inclosed may appear. And so, with my hearty 
commendations, I commit your lordship to the tuition of Almighty 

*< At Lambeth the 26th of June, 1610, 

" Your Lordship's assured loving friend, 

« R. CANT. 

*« This must be kept close, lest he be prevented or murdered in 
his journey. *< TuiLS* R. C«'' 

On the Christmas day after Casaubon arrived in Englandf he 
received the communion in the King's chapel, though he did not 
understand the language. This circumstance is mentioned in his 
diary, in which he declares, that he had catefuUy considered the 
office for the sacrament the day before ; that he highly approved 
of it ; and that he greatly preferred it to the manner of receiving 
in other churches. Qratias iibi Domine^ quod kodie ad sacram 
mensam sum admissus^ et corporis sanguinisque Jactus sum partP- 
c^s in ecclesia Anglkanaj cujus forrmdam heri diligenter medita^ 
tus admodum prcbaviy et ordinem agendi mire laudcvoipra recepiup 
npud alios consueiudine. 

From the whole article of Casaubon it may be collected, that 
he was somewhat of a restless disposition ; and it appears, that^ 
though he met with such encouragement in England, he was not 
satisfied vrith his new situation. This occasioned Sir Dudley 
Carleton to write severely concerning him, in a letter to Sir 
Thomas Edmondes. " I am sorry" (says Sir Dudley) « Mr. Casau- 
bon, or rather his wife, doth not know when she is well. The 
conditions he hath in England are such, that some principal scho- 
lars of Germany, who are as well and better at home than he in 
France, would think themselves happy to have : and so I hav^ 
understood from them since my coming hither. If ever he turn, 
his religion. We shall see him a wretched contemptible fellow, ot 
else I am a false prophet." It is certain, that Casaubon was not 
pleased w^th the manners of the English ; and, in a letter to 
Thuanus, he complains, that those who were acquainted with 
him before he came to England now treated him as a perfect 
stranger, and took not the least notice of him by conversation or 
otherwise. Ego mores AngUcanos non capio: qu/oscunque iftc 

Isaac Casaubon. 183 

habui paios prtus^pum hue tJenirem, jam ego iUi$ siM ignoiuSf vere 
.peri^inuSi barbarus i nemo iUorum me vel verbido afpeUat^ appeU 
lotus silet. 

. The ingenious writer df thi^ Confessional owns, that he is one 
€f those who do not rate Caeaubon's integrity so high as his 
knowledge; whilst Burigny, on the other hand, says that he 
joined the most profound erudition with the most perfect probity. 

Isaac Casaubmi is to be ranked amongst diose learned men who^ 
in the beginning of the last century, were very solicitous ta have 
an union formed between the Popish and Protestant religions; 
This is expressly asserted by Burigny, in his life of Grptius. 
According to that biographer, Casatiben, who wished to see aH 
Christians united in one faith, ardently desired a re-union of the 
Protestants with the Roman Catholics, and would have det about 
it, had he lived longer in France. He greatly respected the 
opinions of the ancient church, and was persuaded that its senti- 
ments were more sophd than those of the ministers of Charenton. 
Grotius and he had imparted their sentiments to each other before 
the voyage to England ; and Arminius had a project of the same 
kind, which he communicated to Casauboiii by whom it was ap- 
proved. Several divines, at that period, looked upon a scheme 
of. this nature as practicable, and, among the rest, Huetius did not 
think it to be absolutely chimerical. Bayle, with much superior 
iagacity, entertained the opposite opinion. He believed that the 
attempt to unite the different religions was as- great a chimera as 
the philosopher's stone, or the quadrature of the circle. Indeed, 
from what Burigny observes, nothing of the kind could ever take 
place : for that writer treats it as absolutely ridiculous to suppose 
that the Church of Rome» though she might remit some point of 
her discipline, would extend her indulgence so far as to give up 
transubstantiation, or any other of her doctrines. It is well known 
how zealously Grotius engaged in this idle project ; on which 
account it is not strange that he could not find out Popery in the 
prophesies of scripture. Though, therefore, he was, in-general, 
so excellent a commentator, little regard is to be paid to his autho- 
rity, where the Roman Catholic religion is concerned. The pecu- 
liar bias of his mind prevented bim from discerning what, we 
apprehend, coiidd not have escaped an impartial critic. 

It may, at present, appear surprising that several learned men 
should formerly have been so much captivated with the idea of 
efiecting an union between the Protestants and the Papists. But 
we shall the less wonder at this circumstance, when we consider 
the state of men's minds at that time. Numbers, even of the pnw 
fessed Protestants, had not shaken off all reverence for the apparent 
4l]gnity and antiqmty of the clwrch of Rome. The extravagancies. 

184 . Ode Grace. 

likewise^ and bigotry of some of the reformed, gave dtBgust td 
many persons of a peaceable temper. A much higher opinion,' 
also, was then entertained .of the importance and necessity of an 
unity in religion than now prevails. It was not, at that period^ 
sufficiently discerned, that the only desirable, as well as practica* 
ble union, is the union of mutual charity amidst discordant senti^ 
ments, and the union of mutual toleration and liberty amidst 
different forms of worship* On these accounts, we ought the 
less to be surprised at the conduct of Casaubon, Grotius, and 
other scholars and divines of the last age« But it may justly be 
^ught strange, that any Protestants of the present century 
should have been seduced into the support of so visionary a 
scheme. They ought to have known that it was not only imprac* 
dcable, but of such a nature as should never have been attempted. 


In obitum Gulielmi Craven, 2>. D. Coll. Div. Joan. 
Cant, haud it a pridem dignimmi MagistrL 


^9 ut guimuSf aiunt^ gttando, ut volumut, non Ucet. Terent. 

JCiUffy wv* ' vsxpwif rpiiroBoLTog auXav 
TravhoxQV ^ifia)^ o yipmv OfjLtog 8^ 
r^(r\})(0Sy )((oa"7r6p ^pi^og ajSXajS^p, Ai- 

'iraiL&pov xix'Kyixv rebv V ihos^i 
^Xeuxov avdb^, &[UTip(p Xi9r<ov yo- 

Toiyapmv, riftfiog Tph av lyxaXuTrj) tr 
u(rroLT<a \ xeudjxcoi//, rsSiv ^i'KoifL ap 
jiA>jriikiv ^'KouTTT^is! aperav, (ppiuog re < 

[JLt^pia hdipa* 


" Dixit Euripides y^xiJcyv av\iy, in Alcest. «61. 
* Obiit annos natus octoginta. 

■v' •;• 

OdeGraca. 185 

^ir$os yog rjtrdoL* ri 8', opff hieuwv, 
sWcu) ' rirpa'^o Trpog Wo* xou^ 
^[jLTrTidxsg (rxiirouj [uyd, (ri[ipiTijjLog 

'^XXa r/^d' ouTwg ri Xuga yocaihsg 
TrivQifJMV T t^^ei fjii'Kog ; ou rsQvaxsv* 

rqitrfJLOLxctpf rphO'i'K^iog. *flg dsXoijct* av 
ffu<rc0aiv davfiv davarov, xotdsuSoiv 
X^KrroD Iv ^payioiriif afi^poroig s- 

yiptn[JLOp uTTUou. 

trri^oixsv rsalg ykp Iv ayxaX'^0"i, 
Tttlj^ sr cov^ rpa^elg xogti^a^ diraPTOg 

€VgI ap £V xaXa vsorarog wpct 

ytj/po^oo^xTjca^* ra Si vSv frriysig re- 

co iv} xoXttcd 
TOV (TTTooop ^ yepoifTW — tri ykp (p{\a<re, 
f iXrarov iwi^, wfrwsp iyo^ <pi7iw ^s, 
c^o^puy (To) ^pevcSu xadapaif aifol^ag 

xTifl^a (3adiO"rav. 

ColL Div. Joan, Cant* SchoL 
roii. cal. Apr. A. S. MDCCCXF. 

> Cf. Iliad, s. 403. 

* Eurip. Bacch. 1337. €f. Helen. 1693. CalUitr. SceL in Harmod. et 
Aristog. Find. Ol^mp. 

' Collegium Divi Jo'annis. 

* Vide Porson. adOrest. 614* 

' Hijyus constructionis exenipla dattunt Eurip. Orest. 523. 1168. Horat. 
Epist i. 19. 19. Ad Pisanesy 18. 

« Eurip. Med. 658. 



Numismate annuOf quod otim legavit D. Gulielmus 
Browne, Eques^ donata^ et in curid CANTABRiGiENSi 
Coniitiis, qua vocant, Maximis recitata. 

In augwiisswmm GaOuB rtgem $olio amto riddUmm. 

oti[iaTo$ yiXatrfJLatn [wqioitnv 
i^pog a-zyag xopifvpiag' rh S*, otu^a, 

TToimoig aSpoif 
i^phf cipavcS xi^u^fiUy vprl<rw ' 
i<rrio(i xoXxov ^aduy* £? Si' trypoiv, 
vopQi^s eiirreqogy TrXaxa dptStrxgy Nr^pnfi'^ 

tmy &xoX(koQo$^ 
alnng riyyoutn hpotnp daXao-^-o^ 
rav ;^Xi8av rSig xvavioLg idBlpoLgy }0 

Titrdi ITxXX/a^ xarayottr avaxr* i^ 

TrarpiioL yaJap, 
*JBv ^'O'*^*!? itrrtocev cti^a^, warpciav 
aXav IfAippwif iSisfv* ysyijdoy 

<iD^ irpofiTjCi 
xaXoy civ oo'O'oi^y ors icpwroy o^ig 
^iXraro^' itraivs 'jrarqag yipovra* 
<p£g S* cir* ai^XcUvri ;^udiy T^ocroMrai 

£udu^* eXajct^^sv. 5£0 

^^^ApaTcarpt^og^ y^povlaTrBpy auiya 
'^ audi^ EjXTraiei xgaSia (rt>vi}di}^ ; 
'* a irroa 4/u;^eU^ ^Xuxurix^o^ oSd- 

^' ray xaXai ^aXaii^ tpihig ^utrofx^poig 
y&v frcOiBxMua'av* Jtarpig^ w ;rpyo/<ra^ 
€UTu;f^^ *JEX«tifi«f «a^ TraT^trrpaf 

'^ ;^a7jpf jttaX* audi^, 

' Tflulof fbf raVfi fUyyos* Antig. 1214^ 

Cambridge Prize Poemsj for 1815. 187 

*^ TtDyiwv aiyoChxfis oiyw y\vxi7aif SO 

^^ eiSiav* ip^vav xar^ a-HOTBluotP 

^' o(nrtp atrTpairrio¥ airo haShg afyXay 
^' ra^ (pQitriuL^poToo <rrspo]ra^, ctt' aeZay 

Zsr»g aw wpomHo j(poiKt vu¥ aTourav 
'^ j^putria^g fipi^Bt yi^etSfO'cri v'Ka&rou, 
^^ cav h\ Elpava, yapiv aZ ^iz$iia 

*' Ts^'^ig o/t/Xs7y 40 
*' imh tnmipoiv xuX/xoiv* apoopcug 
^^ elu axripoLTfiig ' apoToxtg anu 
'^ FoSa^ xo) frrajQig^ Zs^i^oio aeivoSy- 

^' 'At^tC ot *-4yyX/a^ aXiKXtiOToy axray, 
'^A'Kif aiya^ng ^Xoy), j^gacroVoiToy 
aviav sTTifT^sgy «xoj de tout ay* 

" ysiXoy, OT f v ftoi 
^^ /tva/MTitf SfXroixri ^gcvcov c7^>{/a 
'^ atjvofjj oLsiixvdtTTtv iiy" tqXoi^v ^0 

*' iccsrai Trayrmv ayaBSv Jg i^, ^/* 

^^ Xa ri^* aftoi0a. 
^^ Aoiyiog ^^€uc§ Alxetg fjnaairmpf 
^^ Ta[jLfidj(otg ^qa^ouct ^pimP* — tv i^'tr)^ 
^^ A16t\ «y Tia^pai^i sraXoti QuiXTioug 

" &ys[jL0V6{Mo9 : 
"*l)3gi^ i^aydo7(ra roiourov aUi 
^' xa/pTToy ou xo/tforcov i^afJLi^trey* 
'^ ^7fr , oxTQiM'iy ^uya^ ly [M^iyattri 

" a-oXXd ^s^pu^fog 60 
Xoyg^y oyrXi^ff'ci^ jS/oray, ^ Tpotrwp^g 
wnig coy* ff'i S' clxs Aixag ay^u/JuoL 
'' od;^2 G'uy;^C(i0'oyra WXei^, ayixXxiy^ 

^* a/tjxo^oy ais) 


' C£d. Tyr. S70. Vid. Ebnsleium ad locum* 
* Philoct. 691. 

188 Cambridge Prize Poeinsj for 18l5i 

t&topeig rl ftlXXov, oi^a^* yXuxsTa 

sxpatnv oLTOLg 
MrersiwvjI^lJMrt Kupvoxiy^rag* 
vaplii^oLxev *A(ru')(ia' ttsSov Ss 70 

aSdi^ aa-rqaLTrru xara;^aXxoy ou 7rai« 

12^ 9ror euppuog irapk vapua. Aipxag 
j^putroTrTJ'Xyixa (rrdj(uv i^avTjxev 
ata, y&g Tio^supM ^iXa^, 6 S* aldi^p 

ouXiov [is[xyjVSy TTopog vip ct^pa 

vup^opog rrjTsMuylg ixi^var aXyT^a 

6v[iopaia-rimif. 80 

Tiv fjMxpaieov rig jSioro^, yepaihy 
rauff opwvTi Trafiar MTarr i^av^rf 
7} p a^T^pirov tr^ivog evr jLvayxoLg, 

^ p oLoafJMtrroPm 
0X010^ y&^ T^trQa ro Trpiy ^raXai (Toi 
deXyioiv aystiirro^ i^ap^'^ev alcav 
iHioLg ipeTTovTi ^ipitrrov Avdog 

'Atruyiag re. 
*tlg ip co0£Xsy roSs So^oy 6[j(,[mp* 
a yot^ tfJLspog^otripwg eTTSKre QO 

(TxaiTTOv oLiA^iTsty cs, raTiOLg^ stt aurdS 

yrjpaog oiSoS. 
Ttog X^P^ xoLxov re ^poroTg xtixXouvrai 
iratriVj oV "Apxrou (rrpo^d^eg xeXsudoi. 
Oitj(l S^y ravdpdnri^^* ajctati^ov aig trxi- 

&g ovap STTTa. 
Upog rexK m^ ripav^tog ayuM ;^Xi&9tra» 
w\|// X^S^*^^ pot^8omi[jjSv. — roiaurav 
vp&^iy €u .3£j3<o(rav iSa)y ri^ Sv x^^ 

do/toy ay eT^roi^ 100 

I7(£ TTo;^* "ilXio^ ^asdoiy, ^porsia 
wain s9ri<rxo3raiy ipXoy}, Ta xipauvoi 
Zr^vog ayp^nrvotf rd^' opdivTeg si xpm* 

routrnf sxTjXoi ; 

Cambridge Prize Poems, for 1815. 189 

N'fyciogj rl raura [iAruv yeywvsTs ; 

sis Sijxa^ opya) 
' StKr/ta;^oi (rxiT^^oueri Aif^. Bapsiav 

a>(/ct^oy rideitra ^a0'lv irpotrip/jrei, 110 

xotl ftaX* utrripiD to8J, to3 dfo3 ju-s- 

rdipofjios Ara* 

Trin. Coll. 1815. 


Numismate annuOy quod olim legavit D. Gulielmus 
Browne, EqutSydonata^ et in curia Cantabrigiensi 
ComitiiSy qua vocanty Maximis recitata. 

Vivos ducent de marmore vultus, Virg. JEn. y'u 849* 

IVlusis amicus, Threicia poteas 
Lyra Tyrannum tangere ferreuno, 
Quam pasne dilectam reduxit 
Eurydicen superas ad auras ! 
Qui regna noctis visit inhospitae 
OrpheuSy et amnis flumina lividi, 
£t uiovit arguta severas 

Eumenidum lacrymas querela. 
At non minores exuviaa gerit, 
t Quicunque vivo marmore consecrat 10 

Vultusque, mortalemque formam^ 
Tartarea revocans ab aula : 
Seu Marte clarorum et titulis ducum^ 
Regumque sacras pooit imagines^ 
Seu coiijugem, aut aevi recisum 
Flore novo puerum fideli 
Dextra elaborat. Spirat adhuc amor, * 
Fulgetque frootis gratia lubricasj^ 
Letoque vix tandem retenta 

. . . Labra micant tcemebunda motu. £0 

Felix ! dolores cui Parius lapis 
.Delinit legros^ aut ebur Indictmi, 


J9Q Cambridge Pnx$ Poems^for IBlS. 

Qui pascit haerentes in ill^ 
Effigie cupidos ocellos. 
Ergo repostam in sal ti bus aviis 
Nunc mane myrto^ et spargit bdoribus, 
Nunc fronde feralis cupressi^ 
Sub tacita face Noctilucae. 
O tu> vetustse Filia Graeciae, 
Quae saxa dura excudisi et horridas * 30 

. Rupes^ et inspiras anhelam 

Paene animain, facilesque gressus*. 
. Ta fflbulosis juncta Sororibus^ 
Pindi recessUs inter^ Apolline 
Ductore, ludebas^ et iisdem 
CastaliaB recreata tymphis. 
Dam nuda terrae Siinplicitas adfauc 
Regnabat arvis„ atque humili foco 
Lar rite, deformi figura 

Et patulo venerandus ore, 4^ 

Stabat patemus : quern coleret puer 
Lacte innocenU, et fructibiis aureis, 
Quem parva Musarum Sacerdos 
Carmine virgineo vocaret 
O Diva, tecum templa labantia, 
Et sacra Musis ingrediar loca, 
Biandoque contempler furore 
Phidiacae monumenta dextne. 
Hie casta nudam se refugit Venusj, 
Intaminata candidior nive, dO 

Manumque praetendit decentem 
Anxia, ne nimium protervo 
Lapsu pererret membra Favotiius, 
Furtiva libans oscuia, et halito 
Fragrante suspirans amorem. 
Hie media Cleopatra morte 
Recumbit. — Eheu ! te nihil attinent 
Lusus, jocique, et turba Cupidinum, 
Regina ! qua^ sentis per artus 

Insinuans ' tacite venenum, 60 

Recline coUum fulta manu : tibi 
Languor supinis excubat in genis^ 
Umbraeque pailentes Avemi 

Fronte sedent, gelidique rorea.*'^ 


> ^ Per pectora cunctis insiouat pavor." Viig. JEn. It. St8. 

Sir W. Browne's Medak. IJfl 

Vidcn f juventa et terribSi ferox 
Stat Divus arcu. Quam gracili pede ! 
Quam veste candenti decoriis^ 
Ad tremulutn fluitante ventum! 
Talis, diei Rex^ volat aurea 
Rota supei bus : Sic Lyciae juga , 70 

Transcurrit, aut moUi renodans 
Ambrosios premit arte criaes. 
Et tUj Britanni gloria Phidiae, 
Stans in verenda sede puertiae, 
Quam Camus allabens adorat 
Composita taciturnus unda ! 
Tune ingruentem jam magis ac migis 
iVudis procellam, niptaque fuimina i 
An surda nil curas imago, 
' Quid picese meditentur umbrte ? 80 

O SI, refracta compede, melleos 
lUa, ilia tandem lingua daret soDosI 
O si Promethea caleret 

Forma seniel reditdva flamma! 
Eheu !— quid auras, quid juvat irritiB 
Vexare vdtis .^ Tu tenebris jaces 

Extinctus ; Ah ! nunquam Britannum^ 
Chatbamide, rediture coelum. 
Te nempe soninus, te gelidus tenet 
Aippk xus Orci, et nigra silentia : 90 

^os ** rursus in bellum resor bens 
Unda fretis tulit aestuosis." 


Trin. Coll. 1815. 




As I perceive that the Poems, which are annually rewarded with the 
^old medals, left by Sir William Browne, Knt. to die Uniyersity of 
Cambridge, are generally inserted in the pages of your Journal, the 
following brief account of those prizes may with propriety be entitled 
to a place there as welL 

These medals, which are three in munbcr» are cast in the same 
noold. They are valued at E,rt guineas each ; and were directed to 
be given away anmiattyrOA the Colnmen€Cl^fln^day9 to Unee under- 

192 Sir W. BrowneVMedak. 

graduates ; the first of whom should write the best Greek Ode m imi- 
tation of ^Sappho ; the second, the best Latin Ode in the style of Ho- 
race ; and the third, the best pair of Epierams, one of which must be 
in Greek, and framed after the pattern of those in the ' Anthologia— 
the other in Latin, and after the manner of Martial. 

The first and second were instituted in the year 1775 ; the third not 
dll the year after. Although, however, it seems to have been the in- 
tention of the founder that these medals should be given to different 
undergraduates, yet this restriction, * wisely enough, seems never to 
have been considered as at all existing ; so that any two, or all of 
them, may be gained by one and the same person. 

On one side of the medals, which are about 4f inches in circumfer- 
ence, is a head of Sir William Browne, in full dress as President of the 
College of Physicians at London. The motto round it is, ESSE ET 
VIDERI. At the bottom, and in two concentric circular, lines, 


On the reverse is a figure of Apollo, seated upon a sort of ^ tripod : 
his left hand rests upon his lyre ; and, in his right, he is holding forth 
a crown of ^laurel to the successful candidate, who is represented in 
his Academical unifprm, and, in a kneeling posture, is presenting him 
with a copy of his performance. The motto is, SVNT SVA PRAE- 
MIA LAVDI. Underneath the whole, and in three .lines, are the 




Some account of Sir W. Brovme may be seen in Nichols's Anecdotes 
«/* Bofooyer. 


P. S. I have often heard it objected as a defect in University and 
College Prizes, that, in general, there is nothing appended to them, 
by which the exact nature may be specified of the merit which has ob- 
tained them. In thi& objection there is certainly something reasonable. 
Where medals are the instruments of reward, the distinction might be 
made, by recording upon the rim ' the purpose for which they are 
given, the date, the name of the successnil student, and that of the 
College to which he belongs. 

I In the Anthologia, which consists of a collection of Greek Epigrams of 
all kinds and of all a^es, a candidate for the prize must be cautious what 
sort of Greek he stumbles upon. 

* Such a regulation, if it could have beeh mentioned to Sir William 
Browne during his life-time, must necessarily have received his consent. 

s *0^ ieo'TTiwhl t^hroSos he yjur)jXarou. Aristoph. Phit. 9. 

^ Laurei donandus Apollinan. Hor. Odd. iv. 9. 9. 

' For example, the medal for the Greek Ode might be concisely distin* 
guished thoi^^de Greca, 1775* GuL Cofc, (kU. Reg^ 

Biblical Criticism. 193 

ITTliere the prizes are given in booksy the difficulty is easily removed. 
The examiner might specify the nature of the prize, Sec, upon the re- 
verse of the title-page. This is uniformly the case in the German 
Universities, where it is done in Latin. Wherever this distinction is 
' wanting, the prize per se^ in my opinion, loses the better half of its 

I conclude with proposing, as an improvement, that the Seatonian 
and Hulsean prizes, and also those ia^warded by the representatives of 
the University in Parliament, which are now given entirely in money, 
be given partly in books ; and that those books bear upon them the 
arms of the University. It never was intended that prizes of this na* 
ture should be considered as matter of emolument, but of honor ex^ 


Im the 10th PsJm occurs the phrase V/ltolO-bs DV6» VH, that 

U, «A11 his thoughts^ or, all his machinations and skill (are) 
there is no God.'* Why ? because, as we find in the preceding 
phrase, ** the wicked man is not humble enough even to make the 
research," or, « through arrogance, will not make the research.*' 
Surely the strength of this phrase not only suits the passage much 
better than << neither is God in all his thoughts," but is supported 
by the 14th Psalm in the expression : « The fool hath said in his 
heart, There is no God,'' 

First Epistle to the Corinthians, 11th chap. 2d — 10th verse* 
In the last ox 10th verse, the present translation draws a most ex- 
traordinary and inconsistent conclusion from the preceding argu- 
ments : « For this cause ought the woman to have jxjwer on her 
head, because of the angels." In a Letter addressed, with permis- 
•ion, to the late learned Dr. Ross, then Bishop of Exeter, I attempt- 
ed to prove, that some hasty copyist must have changed the invert- 
ed and mutilated S into N in e^ouo-iav, << power,'' and formed into 
one word the two words 10 ovo-ia^, that is, << conformably to naturie 
or sex." For this cause ought the woman i^uv M r^^ x«^^«i;, 
i. e. be covered, as equivalent to i-^siv xmrci xi^aXric^ in the 
fourth verse. ThAs the argument and conclusion upon the sexuat 
duty of the woman in this case will be consistent. Query—- Would 
not hyyiXov^f instead of ayysXovgy be preferable, or at least admis- 
sible ? « For this cause ought the woman to be covered conform* 
ably to her sex, on account of the scofiers or busy-mockers." 

Z4mionj IS Aug. 1815. JOHN HAYTER. 


194 liockett^s Arabic Syntax. 


The Miut Amil, and Shtirhoo Mint Amil, two Element* 

ary Treatises on Arabic Syntax. 

In the Classical Journal, No. XIII. p. 234, we announced, on the au- 
thority of a letter from Calcutta, that Captain Lockett of the Bengal 
Military Establishment, Examin^^r in the Arabic, Persian, and Hin- 
doostanee languages, and Secretary in the College of Fort Wil- 
liam, had long been engaged in translating and preparing for pufolica'- 
tion some of the most valuable treatises relating to the Grammar, Rhe- 
toric, and Logic of the Arabs, as cultivated in Eastern seminaries. 
We now hasten to inform our Readers, that the late Indian fleet has 
brought to this country a few copies of his Miut Amil, printed during 
the last year (I SI 4) at Calcutta, in a handsome 4to Volume, of. about 
three hundred pages. 

The Mini Amil, translated in the jfirst part of this work, must not 
be confounded with those numerous compositions which, under the 
title of Arabic Grammars, teach little more than the alphabet, and 
most simple elements of the language ; teaching even that little in 
such a manner as rather to discourage than allure a student— surround- 
ing that which is not in itself very clear or easy with additional obscu- 
rity and difficulties. Syntax, that important subject, has been, in the 
works to which we .allude, but superficially illustrated ; and the East- 
ern writers themselves, who discuss its refinements, have generally in- 
dulged, as Captain Lockett observes, " in little verbal quibbles and 
philological fopperies, which tend, more or less, to disgrace almost 
•very work on Arabic grammar."— (Preface, p. ii.) Of these blemishes 
the Miut Amil affords but a few instances, as its author, Ahdodqahir^ 
emphatically styled Alnuhwee, or the Grammarian (See Pref. p. xv.>, 
displaysi within the compass x>£ five quarto pages, " so much skill and 
ingenuity, and combines at the same time so many excellencies of bre- 
vity, order, perspicuity, and precision, that it may be fahrly considered, 
on the whole, as the most judicious compendium of Arabic regimen 
that has yet appeared in the language." (Pref. p. i.) 

Of this distinguished author, whose name D'Herbelot writes Ab- 
^edhtTy and Meninski Abdelkaher, and whom his commentator (per- 
haps Ibn Hisham) styles " the most excellent of the learned," so 
scanty are the biographical records, that Captain Lockett has been able 
to ascertaib but very few circumstances respecljng him. It appears 
that be composed many celebrated treatises on Grammar and Rhetoric, 
and died in the year 474 of the Hejira, orlOSl of the Christian era. 
<Pref. p. XV.) 

" Abdoolqahir,'' says Capt. Lockett, " appears to bje the first gram- 
marian who reduced the governing powers of the Arabic language to 
^ definite number; and as he lived at a time when Grecian Utentuie 

Lockett's Arabic Syntax* 195 

of cver^r kind was ardently cultivated in Arabia, and when, in fact, al-; 
most every learned Arab made a merit of studying and copying the 
philosophical writings of the Greeks, it is not very improbable that the 
Centiloquium of Ptolemy, ^ a work on astrology, which must have been 
popular at that period in Arabia, gave him the first hint for the title of 
his treatise on regimen, and produced the Mint Amil, or Hundred go- 
verning Powers." (Pref. p. xvi.) 

For the brevity of Abdoolqahir's work, his commentator, in the 
SJturhoo Mint Amil, compensates ; and, still more, that able and inge- 
nious orientalist to whom we are indebted for the English version of 
both those compositions, and for his own admirable illustrations, evin- 
cing a critical knowledge not only of the Arabic, but of general gram- 
mar, extensive and intimate acquaintance with the Greek and Latin 
classics, and with modern books of merit in almost every language, 
and the happy art of enlivening a dull subject. 

It is not consistent either with the nature or limits of our Journal to 
follow the original author, his commentator, or their learned translator. 
Captain Lockett, through the mazes of Arabic syntax ; but the follow- 
ing extract (See Pref. p. xi.) will sufficiently explain the method adopt- 
ed by Ahdoolqahir — " He divides Regimen into two general classes, or 
departments, termed verbal and absolute. By the first is simply un* 
derstood, the effect that one word has upon the termination of another ; . 
by the second is meant, tliat specific mark of case assumed by a noun, 
when used absolutely as the nominative to a sentence. The govern* 
ment, in the first instance, is termed verbal, because the change of ter- . 
mination is occasioned by some word either expressed or understood ; 
in the second it is called absolute, because the word thus governed is 
considered independent of all verbal agency, and acquires this peculiar 
form of construction from its nominative situation alone. Verbal go- 
vernment he then sub-divides into two distinct classes : the first com- 
prehends ninety-one specific words, which are termed from their na- 
ture prescriptive govefliors ; the second contains seven distinct classes 
of words, such as verbs, adjectives, participles, infinitives, &c. &c. 
each of which necessarily includes all the words of its own species ; 
and each of these classes he considers numerically as one, and terms the 
whole analogous governors : here, then, are all the verbal governors 
in the language reduced to ninety-eisjht : viz. ninety-one in the pre^ 
«criptive, and seven in the analogous class ; to which, if we add two in 
the absolute, we shall have an exact centenary of governing powers," 

Among these, as we learn from page 1, some are termed by the 

grammarians of Arabia ^J^aI or verbal, and some (^^^^ or abso^ 

luie : of tlie verbals, one class is styled t^^^t*^ or the prescriptive 

government ; and another ^^ or the anabgous. Our author then 
proceeds to the class of seventeen particles, which govern the noun 
alone in the genitive or relative case : these are — 

} Vide Voss. de Natura Artium. The work is also attributed to Hermes. 

196 Lockett's Arabic Syntax. 

^wU— ^ — olT — J^—^—f^a — <^— <5"~'tJ*~«>*~V . 
iJsc— JI:si— LiU— jmJi!! *U— jmJOI ^!^— ^ 

mnd he illustrates their powers by such short examples as the follow 

•X)jj Oy-« I went near, and passed Zeid — 
*5^i J\ o/suiS ^ Cj*M I travelled from Bassorah ta 
Koofa — 

uri^' (o^ f^" *^^ I ^ti^*^ ^^ arrow /ro/w the 
bow, &c. 

But those who wish to l^ecome masters of the abstruse Arabic Syn- 
tax, with all its niceties, must peruse attentively Ihe Mint Amil itself, 
which, in the volume before us, occupies but five pages of original 
'text, and sixteen of the translation ; he must also study the Shurhoo 

Mini Amil, J4»lx xiLo ^jXS — or ** Commentary on the Hundred Gro- 
▼eming Powers,'' of which the Arabic text occupies thirty-one pages, ' 
and the £nglish version two hundred and sixteen, being enriched with 
the learned translator's copious annotations, and a variety of Tales and 
Anecdotes, each exhibiting some certain particle under all the senses 
ascribed to it in the commentary. From these, without any reference 
to the particular word illustrated, we shall extract the following 

CulXft. or story. 

" A certain city lounger was standing one day in the street, and hap^ 
pened to see a woman c»f elegant appearance pass by with a child in 
her arms. He said to the people about him — ' If any one will bring 
me that child, in order tbat I may kiss his feet, I will give him ten dir- 
hums' — but nobody answere(^ him. He addressed them again, and 
said, 'I will give fifteen dirhums to any one that will bring me the. 
child ;* but they continued silent as before. ' I had better,' said he to 
himself, ' leave these blockheads alone, and watch the motions of the 
woman, and wherever she goes, go there also ; and at whatever house 
she enters, stop there, and wait her coming out ;' upon which he began 
to follow her. The woman turned round, and said, ' What is your ob- 
r jecli sir, in pursuing me thus Y * I wish' (replied he) ' for permission to 
kiss the feet of tbat child; and if you allow me, I will do whatevefv 
you command.' ' Why do you wish this V said the woman. ' Because 
I love you' (replied he), ' and you love the child, and the beloved of 
the beloved is also beloved.' The woman laughed at his answer, and 
said, ' If you are determined on this, you had better wait for his Ei- 
ther, who is about to proceed to the bath ; and when he takes off his 
shoes, you can go and kiss his feet, for my love to him is greater than' 
to this child.' The fellow was abashed at her reply, and retreated.** 
^?. 137. 

Lockett's Arabic Syntar. 197 

We sball extract another Story from page 180. "The wife of a 
niggardly attorney happened to be seized with a longing after fish, and 
expressed her desire one day to her husband. ' O what execrable food* 
(said the attorney) ' is fish, and how vile a thing is fish for food ! for its 
F is fatality, its I insipidity, its S sickness, and its H horror,* The 
good woman, however, was determined to satisfy her longing ; and ac- 
cordingly, having pawned her ear-ring, unknown to him, purchased 
some fish ; but in the very act of enjoying it, who pops in upon her 
but old Pinchpenny, who, seeing her eating, cried out, ' What is that 
you are eating, my dear T ' Nothing but a little fish' (replied the wife)^. 
which a neighbour woman has sent me/ * Oh, ho* (cried Muckworm), 
' then allow me to join your mess immediately, for most excellent food 
is fish, and fish is truly excellent for food ; for its F is fatness, its I 
impletion, its S salubrity, and its H hilarity* ' ' What a vile describer 
of fish you are' (said his wife) ; ' for yesterday you abused it, and now 
again you are praising it.' ' Nay, my dear' (said the attorney),, ^ I am an 
admirable definer of fish, for I divide it into two classes; one that is 
purchased with money, and this T hold to be the bad c}ass; the other 
that is got gratuitously, and this t consider the good class.' His wife 
laughed at his answer, and was surprised at the readiness of his reply.'^ 

Our limits restrict us to one story more, which we shall borrow from 
page 230. <' < I resided at Basrah' (said a certaia Arabian Yorick) ' as a 
parson, and professor of humanity ; ^ and was, one day, a good deal, 
amused by a strange fellow, squint-eyed, straddle-footed, lame of both 
legs, with rotten teeth, stammering tongue, staggering in his gait like a 
man intoxicated, pufiing and blowing like a thirsty dog, and roaming at 
fhe mouth like an angry camel, who came ap, and seated himself be- 
fore me. ' Whence come you' (said I), ' O fiither of gladness V * From 
borne, please your worship,' said&e; ' And pray where is your homel' 
(I rejoined) ' and what is the cause of your journey V ' My home' (he 
repUed) ' is near the great mosque, adjoining the poor-house ; and I am 
come for the purpose of being married^ and to beg you will perform the 
ceremony : the object of my choice is this long-tongued, importunate, 
hump-backed, scarlet-skinned, one-eyed, no-uosed» stinking, deaf, 
wide-mouthed daughter of my uncle.' ' Do you agree^ Miss Long- 
tongue' (said I), ' to marry this Mr. Pot-belly Y * Ay^* said the lady, 
with a great deal of Doric brevity. * Then accept, my friend' (cried I), 
' this woman for your wife— take her home, cherish, and protect her/ 
So he took her by the hand and departed. Now it happened, that 
about nine months after that, they both returned to me rejoicing ; and 
had hardly seated themselves, when my old friend Adonis called out, 
* O, your worship, we have been blessed with a most sweet and fascinat- 
ing child ; and are come to request you will bless and give him a name, 
and offer up a prayer for his parents.' Now what should I behold but 

* Or, agreeably to the original word, (JUm, its first letter is pwwn, its se- 
cond ikkness^ and its third affliction; and again, its first isfatnsu, its second 
gnjoymeni, and its third competency. 

198 Notice of Boissonade's Edition 

a little urchio, stone-blind, hare-lipped, without the use of its hands, 
splay-footed, bald-headed, ass-eared, bull-necked, not possessing one 
sense out of the five, and altogether frightful and deformed : in short, 
a perfect epitome of all the qualities of his parents. At this sight, I 
said to them, * Be thankful for this darling boy, and call him Oembs* 
rooTy * for truly he has all your perfections combined in himself, and 
that child is truly admirable who resembles his parents.' " 

In the Annotations (page 103) Captain Lockett notices a species of 
paronymous composition, very frequent among the Arabs and Persians, 
and occasionally practised by the Greek and Latin Poets. Numerous 
examples of the Paronomasia are given, he observes, by Vossius, in his 
Rhetoric, and others may be found in Aulus Cellius, Plautus, Ennius, 
&c. The following Arabic couplet contains a delicate play on words, 
that cannot be preserved in a translation. Capt. L. quotes it in his re- 
marks on ^, the common responsive negative, directly opposed to m 

W ^-;^' J^^:? V^ ^ Lb C^Hi, 

'' I saw a fawn upon a hillock, whose beauty eclipsed the full moon : I 
said, ' What is thy name]' She answered ' Den\* ' What, my dear?' 

said I ; but she replied, ' No ! no !' " Here the play on ^^ loo loo, 

i^ ^ lee Zee, and ^ ^ /a /a, is inevitably lost in translation. The 

first means a pearly the second is. a repetition of mine or for me, and 
the third a reduplication of the negative no. 

But we must not exceed our limits ; and might, perhaps, close this 
article best by declaring generally, that the volume before us contains 
in every page something to instruct or entertain. We shall, however, 
more particularly direct our readers' attention to the learned translator's 

Preface, and his important Remarks on the terra i5«X^ (p. 195 and 
seq.) which are replete with curious and valuable criticism. 



Tiberius Rhetor de Jiguris^ Altera Parte Auctior ; una 
cum Rtifi Arte Rhetorica. Edidit Jo. Fr. Boissonade. 
Lond. in MA. Valp, 1815. 8vo. pp. 98. Pr. 6s. 6d. 

1 HIS litde work is dedicated to Dav. Jac. Van Lennep, a cele- 
brated Professor at Amsterdam. The circumstances, under which 

' Literally, " The joy oj his parents^" being compounded of ^\ mothoTf 
iJS father^ and .^^ joy. 

of Tiberius Rhetor^ and Rufus. 19& 

tlus publication originated, and the manner in which the work hais 
been executed, will be best explained in the very learned and in- 
genious Editor's own words : 

** Casu ad Tiberium fui delatus, nihilque unquam minus cogitavi, 
quam me hujus fore scriptoris editorem. In Codice Vattcano 4^3^ 
quern aliud quserens evolvebam, inveni Tiberii S;^H.(Mer« : et, cum vo- 
luissem conferendo experiri num essent editis emendatiora, non sine 
quadam voluptate (nam non carent nostra studia voluptate) animad- 
vert! Tiberium manu scriptum duplo majorem esse quam editum Ti- 
berium, et alteram partem, qua Figuras Elocutionis exponit, Galeo 
defuisse, primo hujus libri editori, nee non Fischero qui Galeanam 
Editionem iteravit, indiligenter nimium et incuriose : etenim immania 
priorum typographorum peccata saepius repetere non dubitavit. Sed 
Tiberium integrum habere nihil erat, nisi et alii haberent. Ergo me 
ad editionem adcinxi ; at levi manu rem peregi : nam non est Tibe- 
rius is auctor, a cujus editore multum exspectent lectores. Galeanas 
observationes servavi, et identidem Claudii Capperonnerii adposni no« 
tulas, a me descriptas ex margine exempli Oxoniensis, quod, post fata 
viri fnr»^iiceirttr6Vf in Bibliothecam Regiam Parisinam migravit. Hoc 
eod^m exemplo usus est Schneiderus, atque inde sumsit quas dedit ad 
Demetrium Phalereum Capperonnerii emendatiunculas. Praeterea lo- 
corum a Tiberio excitatorum fontes quam potui diligentissime indica- 
vi, varietatesque Codicum Vaticani et Parisini 2918 enotavi : e pricre, 
cum maxima sedulitate ; e posteriore, qui altera parte caret, non nimis 
anxie : nam fere cum Galeana conspirare yidebatur. 

*' Parem in Rufo edendo rationem tenui. Rufum dederat olim 
Tiberio comitem Galeus, sed anonymum. Scriptoris nomen com- 
mode obtulit idem ille Regius liber. Inventi nominis fortuna Rufo 
profuit. Quem anonymum adhuc latere sivissem in Galei et Fischeri 
libellis, jam volui, recuperato nomine, publicse notitiae luce donare, et 
ipsi novus quasi pater existere. Meum enim movebat animum fatum 
illud triste quod ipsi nomen inviderat, et alteram, post mortem, mor- 
tem attulerat. Nee tamen paterni affectus justum esse me judicem 
impediunt, et quam sit'tenuis meus ille Rufus optime intelligo. 

" Hie finem praefandi faciam ; nam de Tiberio quae scire forte cupis 
Testimonia a me collecta te docebuut. De Rufo auteni, praster no- 
men, nihil novi." 

The notes, with which the Editor has enriched the book, bear 
an honorable testimony to his learning, ingenuity, taste, judgment, 
and accuracy. Many of them are so excellent, that we shall easily 
obtain the pardon or our readers for thus occupying two or three 
of our pages. 

Diotinii Epign cw'TgaTrtj^opo^, ao-TfaTrr^^aXo^, aGrpxTc^- 

** De n pro u in vocibus huic similibus, cf. quae notavi ad Marin, p. 
105. Perpetua est harum syllabarum, propter soni similitudinerot 
permutatio. Diotimi Epigramma quartum in primo versu laborat. 

200 Notice of Boissdnade's Edition 

kl it'^A^nfin etvns ;t;«»A»8v$ Mxvutt. Non faciunt satis Brunckii etSt* 
cobsii conatus. Propono'5 J'^'Agri/itif — ^Anonymus qui editor in JVb^ 
iiis Manuscriptorunif t. 6. p. 500. eodem modo vitiatus est : St 
Htmhi ^ttcrtMintv ua-a7r9iu Lege, ^f i^tmhi /3««>— Alia obiter in hu- 
jus auctoris carmine emendabo: at meam mihi in ignobilissimo 
poetastro corrigendo sedulitatem nemo exprobret; nam dignus 
est emend atione, qui fuit habitus editione dignus. Vers. 5. •x^ 
ftetfiMf «f j^^vo^Xmtov {(»«». £ditor doctissimus proponit «A«« r«« 
^iiTdy, ego tf'At; r»f*uc¥, Quam sspe permutentur A et ;^ docuit Bastius 
ad Gregoriura. Sed rxfcticf non mutandum ; rctftwcp versum facit 
, asquo longiorem. Metrum enim est iambicum politicum dodecaw 
pyllabum, cum accentu in penultima, non servato ubique iambo finali. 
Ab hac norma recedere videtur versus undecimus, desinens in wo^^^h : 
fied accentum male imposuit vel librarius, vel tjpotheta. Legendum 
Uta^i^^, — ^v. 27« etvjM 6iir6xt x^piif io^^»vn^o^6K Lego, «t^«y. Voce 
ftrr^xTmpi^og caret H. Stephani Thesaurus, qui nee habet'epithetam 
ejusdem commatis, ^9T(««»/3«A0;, inveniendum apud Eumathium vi. p. 
197. nee verbum aaT^»mfi6}^M» Eumathio iii. p. 70. pro Uft^ifi*^ 
r^etficXilf restituo iav^tt^mficXu. *•»♦*• Auctori notac me- 
lioris, Philoxeno Athenaei i. 8. nocet particula yi. Xx^^mcg tei 
wavnti yt, nv rh v^uKrh vTriXStiu Non dicitur quid vel quem scorpius 
sedaverit. Lego : 2k. uu vetvctn ot, rev r. ^r* v. vel X». »v 9r»vv%i yt rt^ 
vw r. 9r^. h. Elmsleius, vir egregius, ad Achani. Auct. p. 116. huic 
loco alia ratione mederi conatus est." p. 17* 18. 

Lysias Epitaph, explained. 

** Lysias Epitaph, p. 95. R. ^A^nvetTot jte» l»/«uuy rri fttvfitaj^tfj A«»i}«i- 
fU9m il, wilv TMf ^v^^lq litttil^ yivoftiyou Supplementa hiatus proposu- 
erunt docti interprttes, et Augerius, semper audacior^ scripsit e con- 
jectura Reiskii quem, de more, nominare neglexit, AtticiiectfMviet ^t l^v- 
rrv^na-uK Equidem xrredo hie esse ^sr^r^^^o-iv, et scribendum A«»i}«<- 

fM9l»$ 2% • • 6viiu" p. 25. 

Plutarch corrected. 

" Sape notatum est quam frequenter »t et 1 permutentur, et nuper 
a Letronnio, viro juvene a quo egregia speranda sunt, in Animadver- 
sionibus ad Dicuilum. Vide Porson. ad Odyss. r. 278. H«c obser- 
vatio Plutarcho proderit de Aud. poet. p. 90. Krebs. KaiccTrt^ h vtim 
^MTi Kui KtK^ufM»6i9 ftv^^if iXuHtxi, Wytteubachius, quam opportune 
obtulerunt codices lectionem, Kuc^ecfimf recepit. Jam locus erit om- 
nino restitutus, deleto xai\ nato e prava iteratione initialis syllabae vociS 
xtK^ecfiimK : * in adulterina luce veritatis temperatac fabnlis.' Hie per- 
fecti reduplicatio, »g, peperit ex se conjunctionem tctti : alibi syllaba m 
prorsus evanuit, mutata male in conjunctionem,. verbi causa, xai Xi^^^ 
ftiifitf pro xtxtt^trfMftff. Vide notam ad Marinum p. 98.'^ p. 26. 

XoL<priV6ia, a rhetorical word. 

In p. 30. Professor B. quotes the words of Mr. Blomfield in 

' Gloss, ad Sept. Theb. " (ra<f ^ve«a, vox rarior," and adds that H^ 

Stephens in the J^es. notices it as a word of rare occurrence in 

of 'Tiberius Rhetor , and Rufux. 201 

t>ro9e. Mr. Bl. wad in all probability led by H. Stephens to make 
the remark, which, however true it may be with respect to the his* 
torians, orators, and poets, is untrue in regard to the rhetorical 
writers. Boissonade well observes << rhetoribus placuit," and he 
appeals to Aristotle Poet. c. 37, to Theo Progymn. p. 31, 32. cd. 
Camer, to Aphthon. Progymn. p. 4. Commel., to Aristides T. II. 
p. 475, to Rufus s. 16, 17-, Demetr. s. 202., Hermogenes de 
Form. II. 11, p. 489., to Matth. Camariota p. 10. 24. 26. ^ to 
Apsines, and others. We had ourselves lately occasion to read a 
very considerable part of Hermogenes, and there we met with the 
word not only in the places referred to by Professor B., but in se- 
veral other passages. It may be found often in Dionysius Halic. 
« Aristoteli cra^^^ Xe^ig est, quae mediimi tenet inter aSoXeo-p^/ftv et 
cvvTOfi^lav, loquacitate^i et nimiam brevitatem Lib. III. Rhet. cap» 
12. fin. Diog Laert. X. 10. commemorat Epicuri Xe^tv xvglav xeA 
iSiojranjy, deinde addit : <ra^rig {v ovToog, oog xol) ev rep Trep) ptjfrogtxrig 
it^ioi [jLYi^h aWo i) (TOL^^vetav awairsTy." Ernesti Lex. Technol. Gr. 
Rhet p. 305. Ernesti thus defines the word : ^< Sa^^fjyucif claritas 
crationisj prima ejus virtus ex disciplina Hermogenis Lib. I. v^qi 
M. p. 26. quae constat duabus rebus, too xoAa^to et ewpmlf puritate 
et perspicuitate.'' 

Plutarch corrected. 

*' Plutarchus de Superstit. s. 16. p. 54. Matth. •v3f htMv Ir nmt^ 
jFtHm rK$»9 9r#«; nxiniif iiFetm^Jivt^* Sudant interpretes in explicanao 
vel corrigendo x-A^Jy, nee proficiunt hilum. Conjeci 9ra»y«»y rxMi quod 
verum esse omnino videtur. Locutio est poetica, quam potuit de more 
Plutarchus a poeta quodam mutuari, ^schylo forte, vel Pindaro. 
Tlmym 9%ms est conus umbras. Vide Albertium ad Hesychii n#y«ry." 
p. 36. 

We entirely agree with the Professor in the propriety of this 

JEschylus Agam. v. ai4. $Xoyoc jxsyav irooYciova, Stanley trans- 
lates the words thus, promissam ignis barbam. Schol. A. nooycova 
Xffyei TYjV elg o^v X^you(rav axjx^v toD frugog' xa) 6 'jraoyoov yeip eU ^fi 
\riyn' &rfceQ xa) aWa^ov Avia^rj yvi^ov r^v axfx,^ tigrixey kou ^j^unjra 
T^^ cr^t^vos (Prom. Vinct. 64.)* (niiJ.eteoa'ai Ss ort ex toutov civof/keurti^ 
mciqoi Tol; lUBTswqoXiyQig Trcoyoovlac ourri^p* ^< lisdem verbis," says 
Stanley, << rationem praebet Scholiastes Homeri antiquus, quare 
%iym, Latinis Pogonusy Troezeniorum portus appellatus fuerit» 
%oay(ov isy inquit, 6x\r}$vi oltto pt^iTu^opeig roS 9ra»ya>vo^, SioVi Xyiyet elg 
6^6, Porro ad hujus loci nomen allusisse videri ^Sschylum putat 
vir cl. in Pompon. Mel. ii. 3. Tanquam si a fate Agamemncmia 
eiset appellatus* Hunc ^schyli locum respexit Jul. Pollux One* 
snast. II. 4. ev ttj T^ay«8/a, Uiytov mjpog^ ^ e\g 6^v avaSpojx^ Tijj $Xo- 

yii*" <* Pogonias vocant^" says Pliny, « quibus inferiore ex parte 

202 Notice of 'Boissonside's Edition 

in speciem barbae longse promittilur juba/' Lib. IL 25. Maniliu^ 
Lib. I. V. 837. 

£t globus ardentis sequitur sub imagine barbae. 
We may observe that the astronomical use of the word as ap- 
plied to comets mtk their Jlery taih may have suggested to Flu- 
Xarch, when speaking, as he appears to do» astronomically^ the -use 
of it in the passage under consideration. 

Carcini nomen in Catalogo Rhetorum. 

<« Alexander Rhet. ii. 2. de anadiplosi : xtvr^ to r;^^ « ftcv lU^xi- 
r«; ff'^AiXXdy/tfy MeAiT. Nonnannus pro Ka^k/m^, reponi volebat muxi" 
?<t^. Vides itenim nomen Caccilii d^pravatum ; nam nullus dubito 
•quin vera sit Normanni emendatio, delendumque Carcini nomen in 
Catalogo Rhetorum Fabriciano." p. 44. 

m yajxoi, yajxoi, prooerUaUy used. 

In p. 45 we have the phrase cS yafj,oi, yifMij numbered among 
the instances of the figure ** epanalepsis." The Professor says in 
the note : " Haec forte petita e Tragico. Apostolius XXI. 9. eo yi- 
'/to«, yajxoi, ew) twv ^um/^ovvroov. Pantinus reponendum arbitratur^ 
a yifLOi ayoifuoi. Facile quis videt Pantinum errare.*' We are 
surprised that the real source of the phrase eo yaiioi, yotiufn^ which 
Apostolius numbers anjfong his proverbs, should not have occurred 
^o a memory so exact, and ready, and rich as that of the Fro* 
fessor on most occasions. 

(L yoLiMi^ yifLot 

aveire tol'jtov (nriq^oL^ xune^el^aTB 

yvfjLfa$y yvyoTixagf fji^r^Tscag re, ^oanoact, 
OLvryitri ev avflpoowoio'iv egya yiyvsrat. . 

Sophocles CEd. T. v. 1403. ex ed. Elms. 

The Professor will recollect the notice taken of the passage by 
the Pseudo-Longinus w. u. sect. 23. The proverb cannot trace its 
origin higher than Sophocles. 

jSIschines corrected : hrla-raiJuoHf ytyvwtrxco. 

<< nxufti^u ^schines in Timarch. p. 44. R. Uruitif • . . rws fifMv^ 
yvf Kttlu^, Sed Codex Coislinianus vocibus ytS x^i caret, hocque adi> 
pictum habet scholiam : si^ ff-i^i0^«^£i>A»$ «y«yy»ffTEtf y irrl roii lat yvS xtu 

^^. Crediderim JEschinem scripsisse tantum n^uv^ ui^ et e scholio 
marginali yvStuii irrepsisse." p. 55. 

Though we are disposed to think with Mr, B. that yv(p xai is a 
marginal gloss, yet we are afraid to speak positively, and respect- ' 
fully submit to the consideration of this truly enlightened Parisian 
the following instance of pleonasm, which seems in a great mea- 
sure to vindicate the propriety of yvuj xou in the passage of M^ 

of Tiberius 'Rhetor^ and Rufus. * 203^ 

Tu XP^<t't' evicrotfiea-ioL xai yiyvaxTKOfj^eVy 

Eurip. HippoL v. 382. 
6v<riig IwiTTaf^gafla x^) yiyvcocrxoftev. 

Eurip. Iphig. Taur. p. 490. 
On this second passage J. Markland judiciously writes thus : 
« l^ovimus et scimtis : rrig Tat/roTijroj suspicionem leviorem fore pu- 
taverit forte aliquis, si legatur, x* gj y<voo(rxoju.gv, et probe cognita Aa- 
bemus. Sed reclamat ipse Euripides Hipp. 380. et D. Lucas Act. 
Apost. xix. 15. [^Tov Vijcrouv yivdocrxco, jtai tov IlaiiXov l7/(rTafLa«] 
Plautus Mil. Glor. 11. 5. 42. Neque vos, qui homines sitis, naoi^ 
neque scio." But to the passage produced from the Acts it may 
be well objected that the two verbs are introduced, where one 
might have been sufficient, merely for the sake of variety, and do 
not in this instance bear the same appearance of pleonasm, which 
is visible in the passages of ^schines, Euripides, and Plautus ; and 
therefore we subjoin the following example : Marc. xiv. 68. oux, 

Athen-^us corrected. 

" Non abs re erit Anaxandridem Athenaei 1. 62. irvvHrv liberare, 
quod in ejus versus inopportune invexerunt librarii : Uv hovrn^^t vvf/Vui^ 
(Puv6v rs x'tXXiiit irr^tiynTiy ^Munrt To fiet^o^y ^ucarx%2»n to ir^my i>t/y Vs(p«( '£v2 
Toi; ft%rm%tv, Quis non offendet ad iTetunri^ ^ixG-Ki^un ? Lego : 'P«^<c« 

909 ri TToAA^y WT^tfyijT*, tvetvai ti To /3«(^o<, dtcta-Ktcu ri to w^.— ^ Eyretvcrt, ^djpet' 

M« nempe. — ^Vel mutaverim tantum di«e0iBi}«Ti in ^^xo-ki^^ ts, nempe 
fd(pm9^,*^ p. 60. 

Velleius Paterculus corrected. 

<* Morbo Paterculus laborare videtur ii. 7. — * Factum Opimii, quod 
inimicitiarum quaesita erat ultlo, minor sequuta auctoritas : et visa ul- 
tio privato odio magis quam publicae vindictae data.' Ingrata vocis 
ultio repetitio merito displicuit doctis inttrpretibus ; sed locum non fe- 
liciter tentaverunt. Equidem, nescio an felicius, cenjicio ultio post 
visa esse glossema, delendumque. Glossator metuebat ne quis visa re- 
ferret ad auctoritaSf et adposito uHioy errori cavebat ; sed ipsa seduli* 
tas auctori nocuit, et glossema textum invasit." p. 62. 

Demosthenes De Cor. 

Li p. 64. Tiberius, quoting the celebrated passage of Demos- 
thenes, has, 'Ea-vipa fuh yaq ^$i], whereas in the editions of Demos- 
thenes we have ^y. This variation has escaped the notice of Pro- 
fessor B. 

BiKr^'/BcraLVy TrsTO/ijxserav, etc. 

*« Theodorus p. 88. f. w^ y% fAit rkq tio-^vi : et p. 86. ritu yt fAv •vBiv 
tiP^^fmi imAo^ok* Ad vocem uXhx*9U9 adpictum-ffc, dubiutionem edi- 
toris celeberrimi indicare videtur. Sed in hoc scriptore talis forma 
f«renda est. Etenim tunc temporis tertia plurali plusquam peifecti 

j604 On the Word Palimpsesius. 

Attici persona utcbantur, loco perfecti vel aoristi. Tzetzes initio com^ 
mentarii in Iliadem habet hrtKixu^itttr»9, ^nf ^orriW^Fy mwti»tr»f, non 
alio modo posita." p. 67 f 68. 

Curious Latin Inscription. 

In p. 69. M. B. quotes from the « Auctores Itlneris literarii 
duorum Monachorum D. Benedicti'' T. I. p. SOI. an Inscription^, 
whidi deserves a place in our Miscellany : 




Demosthenes corrected. 

** Exord. Olynth. 1. 'Aw ^roXXSf xty i Mf^tg *Ahid7$tt xv^**^"^ 
AftUf iXit^at fou/^itf u (puH^of yi96tr6 to ftixXcf cvmntf r^ %'oXtt. Sic 
irolgo distinguunt. Sed Dupiniis, vir doctissimus, qui nuper 
Oratoris Olynthiacas fecit gallicas, ,commate posito post yintrtf 
non li ^ctH^ot yfyoiTo, sed r« ftixxof cvfclntf a verbo ixiai»t peridere nota- 
▼it : quae sententia omnino vera esse videtur, et commode firmari a 
Rufoy qui avfc^i^^f xmI x^ifMtret avyxptvia^eit animadvertit, non x^iifMrm et 
T6 ^ttn^iu Demosthenes qui hie lxir^«< t« fuXXw avfeinif scribit, paucisF 
interjectis dicet pttiUv t«» tov avfi^i^^rr^ alfl^wtv ytnv^i : et hoc Dupi- 
aianam interpretationem tuetur." p. 78, 79. 

olxitrxogy domus avium. 

In p. 89. of Rufus the famous words of Demosthenes occur^ 
jcav Iv oIxiVxcp rig avrov Kuieip^ag -njpj}. We embrace this oppor- 
tunity of telling our readers that the word oTxicxo^, in the sense 
usually assigned to it in this place, occurs in the *< Geoponics," as 
edited by Niclas, that oTxo^ is there so used more than once, and 
that domtis is so used by Lucretius at the opening of the first book : 
" Frondiferasque domos aviuMy camposque virentes." 


It is well known" (says a Reviewer of a Volume of Fragments of 
Cicero, lately printed at Milan) '' that we have to ascribe the loss of 
many valuable works to a practice, which prevailed in the middle 
ages amongst the monkish scribes, who used to pare off the surface of 
parchment manuscripts, or to obliterate the ink by some chemical 
process, for the purpose of fitting them to receive the works of some 
Christian author. Copies of books thus prepared and written on a 
second time are called Codices Palimpsesti. It appears, from the 
account given by Wetstein of the Codex CUromontanus of the New 
Testament, that it had originally oontained the works of some tra- 
gedian, perhaps Sophocles. A very ancient Galen was detected under 
8ie text of the New Testament by Knittel, in the library at Wol* 

On the Word Palimpsestus. 205 

fenbuttel : for the erasure (erssement, Johnson) of the original writing ' 
was not always so complete, but that parts of it might be deciphered ' 
by holding it up to the light/' 

In a note on the word Palimpsesti, after quoting the two passages 
from Cicero and Catullus, referred to by Stephens, Gesner, Ainswoith, 
Cooper, Adams, and every other Latin or Greek Lexicographer, 
under the word palimpsestus or 7ra\ifji}lni<rros, he proceeds ; " In both 
which passages some reoid palinxesto. Gloss. Vett. naX//Ei;//i;rpov Dele- 
tida. Another has Dekticia UaXl^yj/riicTpov, To say the truth, I do 
not see by what analogy mKifxyl^vioros is formed. It should rather be 

1 will show him by what analogy ; and will give at full length in 
gratiam ledoris what is said on the subject by H. Stephens, under the^ 
word \f/du> ; from whence by an easy process we come at yfnjtrros. 

Ytitrros, ov, 6. Tersus, Detersus : vel Rasus, Derasus, aut Ra» 
dendo detersus, unde 'jra\(fjL\lni(TTOs, ov, 6 Kal 4, iterum Derasus, vel 
Deradendo tersus. Pro quo et 7ra\t\Lri&Tos scriptum reperitur, omisso 
f(. Dicunturque tabellae vel chartse aut menibranae fra\(fi\l/f)ffToi sive 
^aXiypritrroi, quae secundo rasae et detersae sunt: ut deleta priore 
^criptura, nova possit inarari ; quas Latini deletitias chartas et mem- 
branas vocant, opponentes ^i novam. Ut quum Ulpianus ait, chartm 
appellatio et ad novam chartam refertur et ad deletitiam. Plut. in fine 
libelli quem conscripsit vepX rov on fidXitna toIs fiyefidtrt bei roy ifuXdao-' 
fov biaXiyeffSai, de Platone loquens in Siciliam ad erudiendum Diony- 
llum profecto, eZpe ^ovvaiov lienrep fiipXiov iraKl}\rri(TTOv H^ fidXvtrfjiiir 
^yawXetay, xai Trjy fiw^iiy ovk aviiyra Tfji rvpayyibos, ev iroXXf JCP^V 
hevaoTToioy oleray. Idem in lib. vepl kioXcox^^'^f ^^^ ^ prociu ab 
initio, oi b^ airoKyalovtri biiirov ra wra rais TavroXoyiats, ^Jtnrep xa- 
Xl\l/if(rra hiafioXvyovTes. Latini etiam palimpsesti voce utuntur, ut 
Cic. adTrebat. lib. 7. Epist. 18. "Nam quod in palimpsesto, (s. 
literas dedens) laudo equidem parsimoniam : sed miror quid in ilia 
«hartula fuerit quod deiere malueris, nisi forte tuas formulas; non enim 
puto te naeas epistolas deiere ut reponas tuas. An hoc signifiras, nihil 
fieri,' frigere te, ne chartam quidem tibi suppeditare !" Ubi satis 
apert^ ostendit, palimpsesti nomine se accipere chartam deletitiam : 
hoc est, in qua, deleta priore scriptura, reponitur alia : Sic Catullus 
epigr. 19. (20) ad Varum de Suffeno quodam, ''Idemque long^ plu- 
rimos facit yersus. Puto esse ego illi millia aut decem, aut plura 
Perscripta; nee sit, ut fit, in palimpsesto Relata: chartae regiae, novi 
libri, Novi umbilici, lora rubra, membrana Directa plumbo, et pumice 
atdma aquata,*' Sed notandum est^ in posteriore Plutarchi loco 
veterem codicem pro xaX/if/i^ffra HABERO waXlfiypcutrTa, a ^iia ; apud 
CatuUum, quibusdam in exemphx'ibus \eg^ palinxysto, aenpaUnxesiOf 
ttt quidam scribere malunt. Sunt porro duo ilia com P. tlaXiyiieerros 
BT IlaXlyivtrros, ex verbis (eof et (i/oi, idem cum yj/^ significantibus, 
nuBimm Hado, Erado, Derado : sonatque irakly^ttros nve iraXiyfytrros 
Iterum rasus, Derasus, Rasus et pvmice eequatus, nam ^ikiy et if^v ita 
ilgaificant radef^e jseu eradere, ut 3imul roif hfxaXlSeiy et aiquandi seu 
iM>mplanandi habeant significationem aliquam, et praesertim sitabellam 

S06 Cambridge Prize. Poem. 

scriptoriam \(^y sive £i/6iv dicamur. Budteus SCRIBIT XlaXlvlifinog^ 
ut etUaXivletrros alii." 

So wretched a Greek scholar was Robert Ainsworth that he actually 
proceeds to derive the word from iraKtv and {^ar. 

1815. • A. F. 

P. S. Mr. Elmsley hi his notes on the Medea (v. 842.) has the 
following passage. ** Multum ad nostrum locum illnstrandum Talet 
Phoenissarum locus a nemine, quod sciam, hue relatus. v. 838. tos 
*Afjubioylaf re Xijpas iftro wvpyos avitrra hihvjuav irorafuiv, &c* Majori 
quidem Jure Thebse htbvfKav vorafuiv ir&qyo9 (i. e. ttoXcs) appelhmtur^ 
qu^m Athenae Up&v vora/niav iroXis propter parvum flumen Cephisum 
[nothing said about the Ilissus], quod modo memoravit noster. Sed 
poetarum proprium est res exiguas dicendo amplificare.'' If Mr. £. will 
turn to p. l66. of our xth Vol. he will there find something on the 


FOR 1790. 




oic^ quando vastum funditur in mare^ 
Parvas et intenniscet aquas salo 
Rivus, profundo vix inaucti 
Percipitur pela^i barathro ; 
Ut Musa nisii praecipiti mea 
Fertur, pusillum flumen et ingeni 
Sinu in capaci, liberique 
Laudibus Oceani recondit. 
Quin aBstuosum ne metuas mare, 
Pimplea; mox et fontibus integris 10 

Gaudebis, et duici Hippocreue/ aut 
Castaliis potieris undis. 
Felixy amicae qui monitis pii 
Fretus Minervae, roboream ratem 
Construxit, efiusoque primus 
Non timuit dare vela ponto. 

■ Metnun labomt. Pennltima hnjns tocis iibiqne legitor prodocta. Dixit 
Strabo, si bene memini, 'i««Migt)vii. *h n^m rw Xirfcov (Dor, 7«mr) icJltcet. Quis 
et Heuodnt faab«t 'vxnovii^nh 

Cambridge Prize Poem^ 207 

tfle et marini regna Dei nova 
Mortalibus subjecity et aequoris 
iBrarium reciusit ingens^ 

Aiictor opum decorisque nostri. 20 

Videsne rivos Hermus ut aureos 
Fuiidit, politumque India ebiir, sua 
JMolle8 Sabaei thiira mittunt, 

Balsamaque, et croceos odores f 
Cydoniorum intendimus arcuum 
Subtile robur ; Tlireiciis equis 
Insidimus, Pfaoeniciique 
Regio honore nitemus ostri. 
Laeti exterarum fructibus arborum 
Carptis ab umbra vescimur ; optimum SO 

Uvae liquorem Formianie aut 
Nectareum bibimus Falernum. 
Quin et feraci terra sinu capit 
Fovetque longinquae genitalia 
Sementa Met!i3«nnaB; recenti 
Induitur foliorum amictu, 
Et poma mirans non sua, I^esbicis 
Kubet racemis fraxinus insito 
Ut gaudet efflorere male, et 

I n platano pyra laeta canent. 40 

Quid quas opertis in penetralibus 
Alit perennes divitias mare, 
Poe tuque Neptunum natantiim 
Innumero referam tumentem ? 
Quid vasta quanto corpore se movent 
Cete f revulsum credideris procul 
Montem avehi, radicibusve 
Ortygiam freta ferre ruptls. 
Quid dei'icatos Carpathii canam 
Scari sapores i aut acipenserem tO 

Laudatum, et extensi decorem 
Egregium spatiumque rhonibi ? 
Qnas ergo larg& fudit opes manu 
Omnes per undas Oceanus pater^ 
Maeotis aequ6 vel remoti 
Divitiis potiantur Indi. 
Nee tu solutum marmoreis iter, 
Hispane, campis obstrue, non tua 
Kegna arrogans^ circumfluique 
Publica jura maris coercens : 60 

208 On the Prosody of Greek Verse. 

Victricibus firmata Britannia 
Si vellet arinis^ — sed modo vindicai 
Justos hopores, liberique 
^sserit imperium profundi. 

Coll SS. et Lidiv. Trin. A. S. 1790. 



To THE Editor of the Classical Journal. 

XHERE is a nice point in the Prosody of Greek verse as con- 
nected with dialect^ to which I beg leave to call the attention of 
your critical readers. 

In an Essay on the Composition of the Greek Sapphic Ode 
{Class. Joum. No. JX. p. 1^3.) it is doubted whether these words, 

falvprou xelvco io-oxAi}^o; Iftjxsy, 
can be considered as forming a legitimate line ; when the fifth 
syllable is a long vowel adjinem vocis, supported by the ictuSy but 
followed by an initial vowel in the next word. (Vide also Class. 
Joum. No. XIIL p. 163.) 

The writer proceeds with 'greater positiveness in his next re<- 
mark, thus: 

'^ Of some other cases far more common in modem SapphicS;^ 
there is neither doubt nor difficulty ; where, for instance, in the 
Trochaic movement, a long vowel or diphthong with an hiatus 
forms a short syllable. 

'^ The following lines, therefore, 

P. 108. KOLi Sievos Toi fjuaxgoi Pi^otv, xeu ^Zpan^ 

P. 1 16. Ssfffto) ifMrXs^ev xgaregw 'nXamraq 

and all other verses like these, Quintilius would bid you at once 
incudi reddere. 

'* The error lies in arguing or in seeming to argue from what ob- 
tains in dactylic to what is lawful in trochaic movement. 

Iliad. ^. 88. niv^otgov avrlteov hKruJ^iviif bItfou e^ti^i 

evidently affords no justification for a Sapphic line ending thus, 

eiirov evqoi : 

nor r. 450. EHifov lo-atp^o-fiev *A}J^av^oy tiouUa 

for one thus beginning : ^Og xai ed^QuoerSof rufji^ias .xtQaw&vJ^ 

Mr, Blomfield, on the other hand, in the Museum Criticum, 
No. f . p. 6. has edited the fourth stanza of the ode of Sappho §tg 
'A^fotlrMf, in the following maimer : 

Adversaria Literarid* 209 

?gfw OTTi T ^», ri vhrovta, xe^fm 15 

8ij tJ xaX)}jXi5 

and with the fpllowing note on v. 15. 

" ^p«', orone9, quod loniciim est.** 
If the change of tiext thus settled by Mr. Blomfield be received 
at correct, the two verses quoted above from the MusdR Canta^ 
brigiettses, pp. 108, 1 16. become instantly legitimate. 

First of all, however^ melior conditio posiriden^iV holds good in 
the critical court as well as in the judicial. 

And secondly, in what sense is ^g^o Ionic, in which it is not 
£olic also, at least as having free ingress into the j^olic verse of 
Sappho and Pindar ? In TruXeeov and irfjXriiaSeaf, 7nj>Jim and *Arg$j^ 
iao, we immediately recognise Ionic as distinguished from £olic 
forms of the noun. But is it equally clear, that, as forms of the 
verb, lifio ever stood in that relation to ligsv i 

lastly, perhaps, Mr. Blomfield, with all that vigilant acutenees 
for which we so justly admire him, was yet not aware, that if ^^ eo 
may be questioned on the score of dialect, ^su so posited is at 
least as questionable on the score of metre. 
^ I st^ould apologise certainly for the minuteness of this discusr* 
sioii) werfe it not entwined with a subject of great annual interest 
to the young men of our University. When the ^olian Jyre is 
awakened, the least tack, which fastens one of the strings, has its 
share of importance/ 

7th August, 1815. 


Noi VII. 

A Dictionary of Abbreviations would often prevent some 
strange mistakes. The following exhibits one of a curious nature. 
The words Juliani cum Mgyptiis F. mil. were, by the ignorance 
of a copyist, written at large, Juliani cum Aigyptiis quinque mil- 
libus. Thus the expression passed current, until a correct mquirer 
found that mil. was the abbreviation for militibus.^ 

' We beg leave to refer oar Correspondent to pp. 262 and 263 of Vol. vii. of 
the ClasticalJintrnalf whei« he will find (he different abbre?iatioi» ofiiit2/«and 
trnUs. — £d. 

NO. XXUI. Cl.Jl. VOL. xii. o 

SIO Adversaria 

A more modem blunder may be here introdaced. An officer, 
ivho wrote an account of an expedition against Tippoo Saib, gave 
his MS. to an eminent writer to polish into a style of greater ele- 
gance. The original had stated that a sickly regiment landed at 
Joanna^ and received so much benefit from the air and vegetables 
of the island, that all had recovered except 2, or 3. In these num- 
bers the r was so indistinct that it was overiooked| and the printed 
jcopy gravely informed the reader^ that such was the salutary in- 
fluence of the air and vegetables of the island, that all recovered 
except two hundred and three. 

T. M. 

* t 

Olympi-c Games. — A MS. of Lucian, No. €954, in the 
"Royal Library in Paris, contains the following Scholium on the 
'^Pr^ogm AilwrxoM^f c. 9« i/vhich fixes the date of the suppression 
of the Olympic Games : 

*OXMjX9riou Jio$, *Ey rawrj aydv eTrereXelro Tuyxoa-fjLtog, roi 'OXvfMrw, 
x«ra vivTe hri avyxgOTovfj^evog* hi Kot) TFevToterriqixog IxoXsIro, 0$ xei 
itveygifers roig Sy}]xoo'/oi; as), els ^Xcoaiv rooy hiamoov, xa) i^v reirro 
axgi^ijg Tov ;(^ovot> iwlyvcoo'tgf rsa-a-igcov yag ircov [Mza^b iiap^eovroov, 
Tcp TrifLfrrw cuverfAgiTO. Ku) h^gxwev &g^ifJi*€VO$ avi rwv *E0poiixm9 
KgiToov ftep^^) rod fnxgov Oeo^axriov Bis/frpviTiivTos yoig roO h 'Okv[Ji.xl» 
vom, h^iXtire xoti ^ roov 'HKeloov vavriyvgiS' 

Latin Tbanslation of Suidas. 

Charles Stephens tells us, that the first Latin version of the Lex- 
icon, which goes by the appellation of Suidas, was executed by 
Robert Grossetest, alias Grosthead ; and, in the Latin form, Capi- 
to. This man was formerly Bishop of Lincoln, and died A. D. 

Portus says nothing of this translation ; nor Kuster, unless I am 
much mistaken, although 1 have him not by me. 

If any t>f your correspondents can give information whether or 
not that work was ever printed, and, if not, whether there are any 
MSS. remaining of it, he shall be entitled to the thanks of 

1815. A. F. 

Pontanus having made the following enigma on a hole, 
Die mihi quod majus fiat quo pluria demas, 
Scriverius answe id, 

Pontano demas carmina, major erit. 



Uteraria* 211 

Latin Verses supposed to ha/ve been written by Bishop Pearson. 




Amicis mcerentibus, 



CANTABRlGIiE.— 1638. 
P. 14. Tut A peregrinis sospesque virescit ab armis, 

Nee timet externam terra Briianna nianum ; 
Ambitus aequorei quippe irremeabilis alvei 

Difficiles aditus ambiguosque dedit : 
Dum brevia^ et Sjrtes, medioque latentia ponto 

Terrent ignotas naufraga saxa rates. 
Diis maris hoc^ summae quibus est haec insula cufae^ 

Indulgent nostro praesidium imperio. 
Heu ! tamen his periit queis nos servamur in undis^ 

Gloria Cantabrici non reparanda chori. 
Mitte male impensas posthae persolvere grates 

Numinibus duris, terra Britanna, maris. 
Non hoc praesidium, non sunt ea munera tanti^ 

Nee placet faac nobis conditione Salus. 


^ Milton's Lycidas* first. appeared in this collection ; it is the last poem of 
tht second part, which is entitled 

** Obsequies to 

the memorie 




Anno Dom. 


* " Jo&eph Pearson," — ^T. Warton; on what authority W. has not stated. 
He informs us, that " the contributors were not all of Christ's College;" J. 
Pearson was at that time Fellow of King's College, and was collated by 6p. 
Davenant to the Prebend of Netherhaven, in the church of Sarum, in 1630. 

* I have put down those variations which have not been noticed by T. 
Warton in his second edition of Milton's occasional poems. It is to be re- 
gretted that the editors have not adhered more faithfully to the orthography 
of our great Bard; it should not be wholly abandoned. With this, however, 
I have no concern. 

. 1. more; 2. never-sere; 4. rude; 10. He veil knew — in the margin of 
the copy, which appears from v. 157. to have been collated with subsequent 
editions; 37. a-field; 43. hasil-copses ; 51. Lord L. lov'd— in the margin;- 
t6. stridly; 13t. smites; 176. oazie^ooi te ia ma^in ; 177, in the margin. - 

jili Adversaria 

AMMiAi^t^s Marcellinus explained. 

** Amtnianus Marcellinus informs us of an observation^ which 
Hormisdais^ a Prince of Persia^ made on Rome, and which is some- 
thing remarkable, namely. That one thing onlj/ had there pleased 
hint'^ojind that men died at Rome m will as ehemkere. 

*^ Mr. Gibbon, in his History, has told us to read displicuisse for 
placmssej * displeased' for ' pleased' — a correction, to which those 
of Bentley are innocent. He says, the contrary sense would be 
that of a misanthrope, whereas his affords a reproof of Roman 

^* The sense that strikes me is very different from either of these, 
and is this, that the Princess enty at the pleasures of the inhabitants 
of' Rome could only be moderated by the r^ection that their plea- 
sures were transitory. 

'* How would the miserable envy the happy, were not the grave 
the equal termination of pleasure and of pain." — R. Heron's Let- 
ters of Literature, Lond. 1785, 8vo. p. 68. 

(r<^o8ga. — St. Mark's Gospfel, chap. xvi. 

3. '^ And they said among themselveSj Who shall rail us away the 
fitoQe from the door of .the sepulchre i 

4. " (And whea they looked, they «aw the! the stoae wee roUed 
away,) Ibr it was very great.*' 

I am disposed to believe that the lnjtter part of the fourth verse 
(^y ycig fji^iyotg c-^6dgoi) ought to hftt^e been placed at the end of the 
third, for the following reasons : — 

1st. Because the greatness of the stone was the occasion at the 
question, *' Who shall roll us away the stone ?" 

Sndly. Because the connecti^ (Article yap now stands perfectly 
useless, but with the alteration proposed, it will have a reference to 
the preceding question. 

drdly. Because the common English version taculy acknowledges 
the propiiety of my emendation; in an endeavour, by a most awk«> 
ward p ar e nthe s i s, to connect th« words, which have been hitbeno 
separated, with their proper subject. 

The Translation may then be read thus : 

3. '^ And they said aiiaong Ibemselv^s, Who shall roll us away 
the stone from the door of the sepulchre ? for it was very great. 

4. *^ And when they looked, they saw that the stone was rolled 
away ; 

5. '^ And entering kto die aepukihre, tkey «iw/' tec. 

Liter aria. 2 IS 

$ho^oo$ fl^ev 'EKKfjvlKetv yap ^viareiTO, 'EvrwJioL ju,Jv ^Sij yiXoag lyiv" 
fTo. — Xenophon's Anabasis, Book Vllth. Hutchinson's Ed. 4to. 
p. 550. 

^' When Seuthes heard him speak^ he asked the cup-bearer what 
he said, who told him, for he could speak Greek : upon this there 
xvas 2k great laughing." — •Spelman's Translation. 

In my opinion, the passage ought to stand thus : 

1 St. Because the real sense seems to require it ; for it is more 
natural to suppose that Seuthes, knowing that his cup-bearer un« 
derstood Greek, should ask him what was said, which occasioned 
the mirth ; than that Seuthes, without knowing whether his cup- 
bearer understood Greek or not, should accidentally apply to him^ 
and that he, by good luck, should understand Greek. 

Sndly. Because the word o'mx^^^ ^^ immediately follows o'mxpoVj 
that any pronoun or relative would have sufficiently answered the 
purpose, instead of a repetition of the san^e word. 


*' When Seuthes heard him speak, he asked the cup-bearer what 
he said ; for he understood Greek : the cup-bearer then told him ; 
|ipon this, there was inmxadiately a great laughing." J. fV. 

Euripides Bmendatus. 

In Eurip. Orest. 606. voces SoSvai Uhviv reddit PorsoQus^'z/s d^re 
vel reddere, usii, ait ille, rarissimo ; totumque locum sic distinguitf 
Jd^Xoiv yia els ixxXijrov Me/^^v o^>^v, ^flxouc^v, odx uKOva-av hiO'eicro^ 
^oXiv, So\ 0^ T iScAt^l >^swriyifiv iwvai $/x))v. Ut amoveatur id quod, 
apud bonse notae Scriptores, paen^ nuncupaveram solascismuni, aa 
hunc potiiis modum distinxerim. MoXcov yuq ei^ ?xxXi)tov ^Agysieov 
SX^^^} *ExQuo-av, oCx axou(r«v, 6vi(rel(rw -woXiv So) (rp r' othX^^, X6uo-<ju,ov 
iovvM 8(xi]y. Quin et sic verterim ; Ubi enim perventum sit ad con-^ 
vocatam ArgivQrum turbatn, Volentem, minime invitamy urbem 
commovebo J[n te tuamque sororem^ ita ut panam peudatis lapida^ 
tione. Exeipplum verbi hrkcreioo cuin dativo, ut dicunt grammatici, 
persona? suppeditabit ejusdetu fabulte, v. 249* ^il fJ^reo^ UsTeuM 
(Tff, jxij 'irlireii [Mi Tig alfutrtm^hs xci) ^etxovTfiStig xo^ag, Alexis Co- 
micus apud Athenseum VIII. p. 339. citante Porsono. ^Sl /ayits^, 
ixsTsua) <re, fLrj Vfo'et^ fM2( Toy MKryi>^v* C^terum haudquaquam 
aliter intellexit Scholiasta ; cujus verba sunt bene interpretem agen^ 
tis, xoToi 0-ou xeA rtis JcSsX^^, coore SqCvsu vjuois 8(x)]v hoi hltoov. 

^ 1815. N. 4^ 

214 Adversaria Literaria. 

On the translation of the Iliad into French^ by Madame Dacief, 
whose name was Le Fevre : 

Ntjy IIviXriioLha) /xijviv SieKTB 0ii^ 

Groot, the name of Grotius^ signifies Great in the Flemish lan- 
guage. Hence Vossius^ speaking of that celebrated character^ 
says that he was re et nomine Magntis. 

Mary, Queen of Scots^ wrote on a pane of glass, at an Inn, m 
Buxton : 

Buxtona, quae tepidae celebrabere numine lymphae, 
Buxtona, forte iterum non adeunda^ vale ! 

The Poet Lainez, who died in 1710, spent all the momingin 
study, and all the evening at table ; hence he said of himself — 

Regnat nocte calix, volvuntur biblia mane : 
Cum Phoebb Bacchus dividit imperium. 


De voce Bovxego^, 

An, quod probabile est ex accentu, veteres Graeci dixere /3ot^ 
xtpes, a veteri iiominativo xipos (vi^e Pors. Praef. ad Hecub. p. ix.)^ 
seriores fiovxegms, ideoque in Choricis, saltern ^schyleis,vetus forma 
reponenda est i In Odyss. K. 158. varia lectio ^flxepov praebet pro 
Tulgat^ v^lxegeov. Class. Joum, Vol. XI. p. 65. 

Hanc meam conjecturam firmat vox Latina bucerus, quod antea 
praetermiseram. Vide Lucret. v. 864. vi. 1240. Ovid. Met. vi. 395. 

1815. N.J. 


1* Mitto tibi Navem prora puppique carentem. 
S. Si quid dat pars prima mei, pars altera rodit. 

3. Nil erimus, totas si vis exikere partes : 

Omnia, scinde caput, 'lecjor amice, sumus. 

4. Quem mea pra^teritis habuerunt moenia seclis 

Vatem, si vertas, hoc motlo nomen habent. 

5. Primum toUe pedem, tibi fient onmia fausta; 

Inversum, quid sim dicere nemo potest. - 

Mots ou Omisy ^. 215 

6, Sume caput, curram ; ventrem conjuage, volabo f 

Adde pedes^ comedes ; et sine ventre bibes. 

7. Cortice sub gelido reserunt mea viscera flammam.. 
A capite ad calcem resecare ex ordine membra 
Si libeat, varias assumam ex ordine formas : 
Spissa viatari jam nunc protenditur umbra ; 
Nunc defendo bonos,. et amo terrere noceutes ; 
Mox intrare veto ; sum denus denique et unus. 
Unica si desit mihi cauda, silere jubebo.' 

The inhuman Catherine de Medicis was terrified at the sight of 
a Comet, which appeared at the time of the League. To that 
circumstance the following verses allude : 

Spargeret horrendas cum tristis in sethere crines^ 

Venturique daret signa Cometa mali, 
Ecce suae Regina timens male conscia vitae- 

Credidit invisum poscere fala caput. 
Quid; Regina, times ? namque haec mala si qua minantur^ 
Longa timenda tua est, aon tua vita brevis. 


That we have na characters to express the sounds of the French 
J, U, or final N, is an assertion of Mitford, History of Greece, 
c. ii. 8. 3. He might have added the French A,. and other sounds ; 
but he probably meant that we have no similar sound in English 
to J, U, or the nasal N. This is accurate only with respect to U; 
for we have the sound of J in our S in the words measure, pleasure, 
&c. and we have the nasal sound in can't, won't, &c. The 
/ mauillee is generally thought difficult of pronunciation to those, 
who do not recoUect that we have the same sound in such words 
as billiards. 


Ou inexactement expliques. 
Par J. 6. Gail, Lecteur et Prpfesseur Royal, de llnstitut de France, 

1. Avwaat. (Thucyd. 8. 9^. 2.) H. Etienne (t. iv. p. 766. c.) traduit 
aK6ffa« Triv ir6\iv, urbem hostibus objectare : c'est ne rendre ni le sens 
de Ayut, m cdui de iaai. £milius Portus en donoe pour glose. 

2l6 Mots ou amis 

iLyarpareiffoy ct ras r&y w^K^filmv x^iftas ififi^tkXegv ; je Tadoplerois k 
Texception d' e/i/3dXXe<y, qui me parolt iwble ; tandisque le grec £aa^ 
bien plus ^oergique, signine, urbem protrudere : ce qui donne Tid^e 
de force et de violence mieux que i/Mp^iWeiv. Je proposerois done : 
rempublicam pessum abeuntem ac intervergam in manus hostium protru- 
dere, Notez que Hva ou &yti renfenn6 dans hrwaat depend, non dc; 
ioai exprim^, ntais d'un Verbe sousentendu, tel que rpairttvav. 

Je pourrois citer quantity de verbes dent la proposition depend de 
m^me, non du verbe auquel elle est jointe, mais d'un verbe sousenten- 
du : donnons en deux exenples : iUwe^yl^aVf pour biofjeplfavres erref^- 
}pay, (Thucyd. 4. §. 1.) eKirXefftrai, pour irkevoai eKfvyiyres: (Tbucyd. 
8. 102. 1.) le Semelivre deThucydide, quequelques Savans balancent, 
bien k tort, k attribuer k cet historien^ nous fournira beaucoup de lo- 
cutions aussi remarquables. 

2. iybfidwoSoy, vient, nous disent les lexicographes, de Ay^p et d^ 
vovs, Tob6s, Mais c'est prendre pour desinence ce qui tient au radical. 
Car le dernier a de &ybpa n'est nullement desinence de ce mot : il ap- 
partient Ovidemment k Va d' dxo^v. L'analogie ^t un passage forme! 
de Pausanias prouvent incontestablement que la veritable Etymologic 
est ayijp et awobdia, iumdnem vemdo. Voy. Tarticle pififpAppjaros. 

3. AtrfjiaKSts iovXeveiy, Thuc. 2. 63. 2. H. Etienne, t. iii- p. 1172. 
H. Gite &flr^aXa;s rijpeiv dUigetUer eusiadirt, Mais au ' lieu de eel ex- 
emple, ou, si Ton veut, il la suite de cet exemple facile, il convenoit 
d'en citer un bien autrement' difficile. C'est ^tf^aXws bovXeveiy de 
Thuc. 2. 63« 2. le repoa, dit Pericles, ne te conserve que combine aiuc 
I'activite, et il ajoute : le repos est bon, non dans une ville qui eom» 
mande, mais dans une ville qui obHt ; et eela pouir ttre aesn^etti avec 
moins de danger^ c. k d. pour rehdres^ esdavage moins dangereux ; 
vt seeura serviat. La version de mes devanciers, neque civitaii prin^^ 
cipatum obiinentt, sed subdita, quietam securamque agere servitutem 
condudU est Evidemment fautive. yoy. 1^. la version latine de mon 
Thucydide ; 2® mon menioire sur Thucyd. 3** mon Demosthhie pro 
€orom pag. 145, 146. Demosth^ne a empruntO^ entre taint d'autres, 
isette locution ^ Thucydid^, 

4. hiltatru, a^/oi/ia, Thuc. 2. 3?. 1. Tillustre Henri Etienne qui 
paroit trop soiivent Stranger k I'analogie, dit Mfjitauis idem quod aiitofiai 
Pour moi, je propose dc dire : ^luais. Paction de pr^tendre, postu- 
latio : et non pas postulatum comme je Taidit k tort ; a^taifia le resul- 
iat des pretensions, la dignity, dignitis. voy. mes essais sur les desi- 
nences 2. particj p. 13. sq. j'essaye d^y prouver que les noms en 
<riff expriment en glnOral Vaction de^ et ceux en /xa Vobjet d'action ; 
que dans toutes les desinences Grecques, Latines, Fran9aises, eu 
n$a me, la lettre m paroit servir k exprimer cumulation, agglom^'ation, 
eonsistance, soUdiU, majesty, grandeur ; que sur le sens de &liwois, 
iKovais, &K€tnSf hKoyrtvis, iidyyi^ois, iiririiievois, Ttly^ioix, lesquels diffe^ 

par JJ. EtiennCj ^c. S 17 

lent de d{/tf/ia, ^xowimo^ iKcttfta, aKovrurfm^ iiayvutfiiit lircn}Sev/4a« 
re/^ff/ia, et sur tant d'autres H. Etienne, Cattier, Abresch, Balier, 
« Ducker, et avant eux Bud6e, Thomas Magister> et Denys d'Halicar- 
nasse lui-m^me pe soiit m^pris. 


5. h(ayv(otns discussion ; hiayviitfiri r^sultat de la discussion. voy« 
mon Demosth. pro coron^ p. 120. et mes desinences 2. partie, p. 14. 

6. beihiifjioves. (Horn. tl. j3. 56.) H. Etienne le rend par timidus^ 
meticulosus, et cite le v. 56. de 1*11. aXXa /zaXa Tpdes beibrifjioves ; con- 
formement k cette version d'Etieune, M. Bitaube qualifie les Troy ens 
de timides, et iin autre de l&ches. Homere qui 3. 36. et passim les 
appelie dyepo^ci/v et 3. 131. iirirohaiiiav, a-t-il bien eu la pens6e de traiter 
les Troyens de laches, et de mcttre cette 6pithete dans la boucbe d'un 
h^ros Troyen qui ei^t ainsi insult^ sa nation. Je ne puis me le persua- 
der. Je crois done que la paraphrase du vers est : les Troyens sont 
trop respectueux pour un desjils de kur roi, nimis verecundi. Cepen- 
dant le respect ne va pas sans un certain sentiment de craiute. Dans 
I'lliade, chant 3. 172. et ch. 24. 435. ces 2 sentiments sont exprim^s 
^t r^unis dans un §eul et m^me vers. Voy. mon Thucyd. t. Q. p. 122, 
ct mes obs. sur Thucyd. p. 78. sq. 

7- eyiptrtpos ^vos. H. Est. traduit d'apr^s Nonnus, somnus^quo aU" 
§uis exciteri potest. Fortifioos son exemple d'un vers de Theocrite non 
compris (id. 24. 7.) c'est eyipiripoy tfifvoy, qui signifie non pas un som- 
pieil suivi d*un doux reveil, comme le veut M. Geoffroy, niais un swn* 
meil suivi de rSveil, un sommeil qui ne soit pas celui de la mort : id^e 
pleine de sensibilite, qui fait allusion au danger qu'avoit couru le fils 
cl'Aicm^ne d^ dormir sans s'^veiller jamais. 

8. ^er^au, (Thuc. 7, 30, 1 et 2.) mot compose, omis par H. 
Estienne,* Robertson et autres lexicographes. Nous lisons dans Thu- 
cydide (1. 1.) ey rpl iafidvet. On le traduit par dum naves conscende^ 
rent, version admise par le savant M. Douka : roais je propose, dum 
naves peterent : version qu'ailleurs j'expliquerai logiquement. 

9* Op9«ci} et ra ivl Qp^s. H. Et. se taifc sur ra em 9p^i:r}s. On 
leodoit commun^ment ces deux locutions par la Thrace ; mais en refl^-^ 
chissant et sur le g^nie de la langue et sur ^es -faits historiques que 
je d^veloppe dans un memoire, je proposerots la Thrace^ au premier ; 
et Vtpi-thrace ou viUes epithraces^ au second : denomination qui iudi- 
queroit l^s colonies Grecques ^tablies sur la mer Eg^e, depuis la 
presquile de la Pall^ne jusqu'k Byzance, et auxquelles les Ath^niens, 
k une^ ^poque indiqu6e par Thucydide, (8, 64, 1.) donn^rent uii 
gouvemeur ; ce que notre historien n'annonce pas comme unc cr^atioa 
de place. Un helteniste Francois fori habile ne partage point mon 

218 Mots ou amis 

opinion, et tracluit ra M 6^4*^ P^ ^ PV^ ^ ^ T%raee ; ou tes 
affaires de la Thrace : version conforme k celle de Tinterpr^te Latin* 
qui donne ad obeundaa res Thracue, tandisque Hudson le rend par 
tft Thraciam pergens, Mais je crois tous les dieux fautifs. Un memoire 
que j'ai compost sur ce point de critique grammaticale et g^ogn^ 
phique, peut seul apporter la conviction. 

10. k6tos. Selon Etienne, d'apr^s Eustathe, kotos se met simplemeni 
pour x^^^* Eustathe par1oit*il ainsi d'apres ce vers oil Hom^re 
(II. 3, 220.) dans son admirable portrait d'Ulysse, dit qu'il 6toit 
SaxoToy, On le traduit par iracundum. Mais dira t'-on d'un ira^ 
cundus, ce que dit Hom^re de son Ulysse, (ndorKey, vval bk "ibeaKe 
Kara Udovos ofifiara tHj^as, *AffT€fji<l>€s, &c. 1 Non certes. Rejettons done 
le furiosum de Politus, Viracundum de I'iliustre M. Heyne. Ces 
^pitbetes supposent une colore qui se manifeste par une agitation ext6- 
rieure. Or TUlysse d'Hom^re, loin de se laisser aller k. des mouve- 
mens violents,.^ une agitation exterieure, concentre sa colore : il tient 
son sceptre immobile, il a le regard louche, et la figure d\in imbecilie 
(a^poi^a, II. 3, 220.) Zaxoros se dira d'un homme qui couve un pro- 
fond ressentiment. Quant a k6tos f'll ne peut ^tre synonynie de x<^Xor»- 
Homere lui m^me r^futera Eustathe dans ces vers: (11. i. 81,82.) 
Larsqu^un rot en veut d quelqu^un, il peut bien, un moment, arriter 
les transports de sa colere, (x^Xov) mats le ressentiment (kotov) n*habite 
pas mains dans son ame^ jusqu* d ce qu'il lui ait donn^ tout son effit^ 
Voy. Korioyrcf II. 3, 345, k6tos, (II. 13, 41 6) avec le sens de ressenti- 
ment ; et x^^^h ^^^^ Tacception de coUre, II. i. 224 ; i. 387 ; vi* 23 ^ 
X. 106, 107. 

11. irdvioKos, (Pindare Ol. 3, 30.) H. Etienne traduit ^Mt quemRbet 
hospitio exdpit ; omnes capiens. Pindare employe ce mot en parlant 
de THi^ron, ou enceinte sacr^e de I'Olympie. Get Hi6ron ayant pres- 
que r^tendue d'une cit6,'^n'est41 pas probable que w&yboKos signifie 
omnia capiente, plutot que omnes acdpiente ? VHieron qui tmbrasss 
tout, pour qui embrasse tant d'objets prScieujc, oii se livrent 'tant de 
combats fameux, &c. &c. n'estil pas pr^f^rable k FHi^ron hospitalicE 
de rillustre M. Heyne, ou k lHi6ron qui Mberge tout, le nunide d'un 
autre savant 1 L'analogie ne le dit-elle pas ? Pour avoir omnes capiente, 
irarr edt 6t6, je crois, n^cessaire dans la formation du compost: 
n'ayant que way, je traduirois par omne, et non par omnes. Dans cet arti- 
cle, j'ai dit rOlympie, pour le territoire d'Olympie; car je n'admets pas 
de ville d'Olympie. II jp'a manqu6 k cette pr^tendue ville si fanieuse 
que d'avoir exists. Voyez Vindex critique de Vatlas giographique de 
mon X&nophon grec-frangois Latin, dix Vol. in 4to. 

12. trehihs, dios, 4. H. Etienne, au mot vebtyos traduit le subst. 
par planiiies, comme ireilor, Mais ces deux mots different : webioy 
sign, plaine; nebias vaste et immense plaine. Voy. 1^ met essais sur 
les disinences. obs; prelim, p. xvi.; 2^ met idiotiimet grecs, 2^ 
edit, p, 208. 

par H. Etienne^ ^c. 219 

13, irpoff^OeyKTos ^oiv^s 68. Sophocles Philoct v. IO96, edit, de 
Vauvil. donne trois mots : le Schol. donue pour glose irpo(r<l>(ovrfifivai 
ii^ios. Brunck la r6p^te. Au lieu de la juger fkutive, H. Etienne donne 
irpoffibOeyKTiKOh au lieu de irpotn^QeyKrosy (m^counoissant ainsi les principes 
des desinences ; car il existe une grande diff(§rence entre les desinences 
Tos et KTiKps) puis cite la glosse. Uidg^nieux mais souvent trop hardi 
Wakefield propose de substituer ^oiKp k <l>wyfls. Pour moi, je propo- 
serois 1°. de r6integrer dans H. £t. wpoff^eyicTos qu'il a omis ; 2°. de 
traduire ai/ant Voreille frappee de la voix de tot ; et plus litt. frappi 
par le tan de la voix de toi {(jttjvfjs r^gi par irpos). J' ajouterois enfin que 
desormais dans les lexiques, irpotrtfieyKTos ne doit pas ^tre cite sans ^tre 
suivi de aov (juaviis qui est comme Tappendice de irpoffi^BeyKTos, 

14. ptfjufidpfiaros. (Sophocle, CEd. c. III7. edit. Vauvil.) H. Etienne 
omet ce mot. Robertson, lexicographe soign^, le donne ainsi que le 
mot precedent, et le traduit par qui celeriter ^ curru fertur ; version 
adoptee par un de nos sarans qui le rend par porU rapidement sur «» 
char, qui fait vokr son char avec rapiditi. Cette version est-«]le 
bonne 1 je ne le crois pas. Sur quoi fonde t'-il Tacception, portS sur un ' 
char? Sur la desinence souvent passive tos: mais dans tos le r appar- 
tient, non k la desinence mais au radical Apfiars. En refl^chissant 
done sur les principes des desinences, je dirois que pifjufxipfjidrois joint . 
k d/i/XXaes (Soph. ^d. c. 1117> 1 118.)signifie chars rapides. La ver- 
sion de curulibus prteliis vaut mieux que celle de curribus de 
Brunck, qui en la donnant devoit bien, dans ses notes, presenter un 
Supplement h. cette version. &fjLi\Xais pipxf^. de TCEd. c. me rappelle 
VhfiCKkats -^aXcLpyois de TElectre (867) du m^me tragique. Le premier 
des deux mots composes montre le char ; le second, les coursiers* 

15. ffirevbto Trfy fiycfioviay, ad principatum pr opera. D'apr^s cette 
version de H. Etienne, voila deux g^nereux citoyens transform's en 
vils intrigants, voy. mes ohs, sur Thucydide^ 5, 16, 1. 

16. (nfvBvi}9K€iv, H. Etienne Tadmet et citeSophocle qui Temploye 
dans son Philoct. v. 1488. mais comme les plus grands critiques, ne le 
comprenant pas. Font corrig'; licence que je combats dans mon Philoc- 
tete, expliquons le vers que cite, sans Texpliquer, H. Etienne: car 
la pi^U {vvvMitTKei) transmigre avec Us martels religieuXf avec eux 
tr^sse, avec eux va dans Vautre vie, avec eux se refaint aux dieux, ^ 

En terminant cet article, perniettez. Monsieur le Eedacteur, que 
j'aye I'honneur d*annoncer k vos compatriotes mon Thucydide Grec, 
Fran^. Latin, que j'ai souvent cite dans les precedentes explications/ 

^ On s'empresse d'y porter Pattention des lecteurs du Journal dans lc( 
Prospectus du Xenophon du savant auteur, p. 227. — £d. 


Jlitetarp JnteUigente* 

A Corrected Catalogue of the late Mr. Lunn's books ; with the 
prices affixed ; for ready money. Price Ss. 

We cannot refrain from recording the following Biographical 
Memoir of Mr. L. written by that illustrious scholar^ Dr, 
PahBj whose actions are always foremost in the cause of humanity ; 
and prefixed to the Catalogue. 

" Mr. Lunn resided as a Bookseller at Cambridge for ten years. 
In March 1797 he came tol^ondon, and succeleded Mr. Samuel Hayes 
ill Oxford Street. On his remoyal into Soho Square in 1801, he, by 
theadvice of Scholars and with the approbation of friends, established 
the Classical Library upoii a new and extensive plan. His views 
were announced in a perspicuous and even elegant Advertisement, ir 
which, with a tone of thinking far raised above the narrow and selfish 
views of a mind intent only upon profit, he endeavoured to interest in 
his own favor such persons, as habitually look with veneration to the 
faiemory of Bentley, to the erudition of Hemsterhuis, and his illustrious 
School, and to the sagacity, taste, and learning of our celebrated 
eountryman, Richard Porson. 

** Other Booksellers had been accustoined to provide for purchasers 
publications in the modem, as well as the ancient languages : Mr. 
Lonn resolved to act up faithfuily^and rigorously to the name, which 
i^e had chosen for his own collection. He immediately entered into 
various and important negotiations with Booksellers upon the eonti^- . 
nent. He confined his attention to such Works, as were interesting 
to Scholars only. But, in order to supply their demands, he took a 
wid€ and varied range. With an activity, and perhaps we may add, 
magnanimity, which men of learning cannot fail to applaud, he ven- 
tured to bring together many Prindpes Editiones. He did not shrink 
firom the purchase of other editions, expensive from their bulk, their 
splendor, or their rarity. He amassed large numbers of the Dei- 
fhin Editions, and of those, which are called Variorum. He was 
upon the watch to procure new editions of classical works published 
by foreign Scholars of his own time, and he took the most judicious 
measures for obtaining them early. To critical and philological Books 
he was peculiarly attentive ; and whether we consider the number ox 
the usefiilness of those, which the Classical Library supplied, 
we cannot wonder that the zeal and the judgment of Mr. Lunn in col- 
lecting them attracted the notice of the curious, and the fiivor of the 

" The ardor of his mind induced him to take a large share in 
valuable and costly publications firom the presses of Cambridge, 
Oxford, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and London. The cost of reprinting 
Brotier's Tacitus under tibe superintendance of Mr. Yalpy fell upon 

Literary Intelligence. 221 

Mr. Lunn only* Among other Works, in which he was concerned vnih 
respectable men of the trade, Wakefield's Lucretius^ JEmestVs Cicero, 
jDrakenborch*$ Livy^ Schleusner's Lexicon^ MorelVs Thesaurus^ im- 
proved and enlarged by Dr. Maltby, and Scapula's Lexicon^ deserve 
to be enumerated. He had engaged to take several copies of the 
Herodotus, which b now preparing for the press by Professor 
Schweighaeuser ; and in consequence of the connexions, which he 
had gradually formed with the literati of this kingdom, he so far de- 
viated from his original design, as to undertake the publication of n 
few Tracts in the Oriental Languages. 

"His vigilance and integrity were manifested in the good conditiofi 
of his Books; and perhaps we have to commend bis munfficence, 
rather than his discretion, in the fondness which he occasionally in- 
dulged for costly bindings. His pride indeed was gratiiied by the 
consciousness of pursuing such measures, as were alike agreeable to 
the opulent collector and t)ie profound scholar. 

" The fortune, which Mr. Lunn inherited from his Father, was very 
inconsiderable. On his first settlement in London, a part of the pro- 

?erty bequeatlied to him ultimately by his Uncle, Mr. R. Labutte, a 
rench Teacher in the University of Cambridge, and amounting nearly 
to 10,000/., came into his possession, and enabled hiro doubtless fqr 
some time to carry on with effect the concerns of the Classical 
Library. For this advantage he was indebted to tlie kindness of an 
Aunt, whose confidence in his honesty, and whose solicitude for his 
welfare, induced her to give up during her life a portion of that 
money9 which by the Will of the Uncle was to descend to Mr. Luoo 
at her decease. Observing the importance of this concession in faci- 
litating the success of Mr. Lubn, this excellent Woman was afiterwirds 
led, from the same motives of kindness, to transfer for his use the re- 
mainder before the month of January 1 808, when she died. In the 
growing prosperity of Mr. Lunn, in his probity, and his gratitude she 
received the just reward of her unfeigned and disinterested friendship. 
^ *' The whole of Mr. Lunn's property was embarked in his trade, 
and under circumstances more favorable his accunmlation must have 
been rapid. But he had to struggle with unusual and most stubborn 
difficulties. Insurances were high — Goods were often delayed, for 
which Mr. Lunn had been obliged to pay before they reached him — 
The course of exchange ran for many year<> against England, and the 
loss, which Mr. Lunn sustained from this cause on the amount of the 
invoices, was sometimes 20, sometimes 25, and sometimes even 30 
per cent* The sale of books^ procured under tliese unavoidable and 
irremediable disadvantages, was in many instances slow and precarious 
Mr. Lunn, like every other Bookseller, was doomed to losses from the 
inabihty of his employers to make their payments. He dealt with men, 
whose rank, whose deUcacy, and upon some occasions whose poverty pro- 
tected them from that importunity, with which the generality of trades- 
men enforce their claims. He rarely expected immediate payment — he 
never demanded it-^he allowed for it a reasonable discount — and in 
the mean time, for the support of his credit both at home and abroad, 

222 Literary Intelligence. 

he was compelled to fulfil his own engagements without deduction and 
without delay. 

'* We have now to record the chief cause of those embarrassments, 
which disturbed his spirits, and shortened his existence. The return 
of peace, by opening a free communication with the Continent, was 
beneficial to oAer traders, but most injurious to Mr. Lunn. They 
accumulated their stock without the numerous impediments, which 
Mr. Lunn had encountered. They were exempt from many of those 
restrictions upon importation, to which Mr. Lunn had for many years 
been obliged to submit. They were able to buy, and therefore to sell, 
at a cheap rate those articles, for which Mr. Lunn had previously paid 
to foreigners a very high price. They purchased after a favorable 
alteration in the course of exchange, and with considerable diminution 
in charges for insurance. 

" Disappointed in his expectations — ^alarmed at the prospect of im- 
pending losses — ^perplexed by the application of creditors, whose de- 
mands he had frequently satisfied with exemplary punctuality — 
conscious of having exhausted the whole of his property in procuring 
books, some of which he might be obliged to sell at a less price than 
that, which he had advanced for them — unaccustomed to propitiate 
the severe by supplication, to trick the artfiil by evasion, and to dis- 
tress the friendly by delay, he was suddenly bereaved of that self-com- 
mand, which, if he could have preserved it, would eventually have 
secured for him unsullied respectability, undiminished prosperity, and 
undisturbed tranquillity. But io the poignant anguish of his soul 
deticacy prevailed over reason, and panic over fortitude — Every ex- 
pedient proposed by his faithful and affectionate advisers was at one 
moment adopted with gratitude, and at the next rejected with phrenzy 
— Every present inconvenience was magnified into an insurmountable 
obstacle — Every possible future mischance was anticipated as an in- 
evitable and ruinous calamity — ^To his disordered imagination retreat 
seemed impracticable — ^To his unaltered and unalterable sense of 
honor resistance appeared unjustifiable — By his wounded pride sub- 
mission was deemed alike ignominious and inefficacious — He reflected, 
and was impatient of reflection — he hoped, and was ashamed of hope — ^ 
be approved, and disapproved — he decided, and hesitated — he de- 
spaired, and perished. 

" Happily for the human race, all the extenuations, which accom- 
pany such cases, are reserved for the tribunal of that Being, who 
knoweth of what we are made, and remerabereth that we are but dust. 
In the mean time many a Christian will be disposed to commiserate 
the circumstances of Mr. Lunn's death, and many a man of letters 
may find reason to deplore the loss of his well meant, and well direct- 
ed labors. 

*' Unfortunately Mrs. Lunn and her daughters have not the means 
of continuing the business, in which Mr. Lunn was engaged. Their 
doom is to lament an affectionate husband and an indulgent father. 
Their only resources lie in the exertions of their friends, and in the 
good will of every wise and every virtuous man, who contemplates the 

Literary Intelligence. 223 

•cuteness of their sufferings, and who from experience. can appreciate 
the worth of their nearest relative, and most beloved protector. 

*' For the satisfaction of such persons enough has been already 
stated, aud to others, who are seldom inclined to pardon human frail- 
ties, or to pity human woes, more would be urged in vain. 

" It remains for us more directly to lay open the purposes, for which 
the Catalogue is intended, and the principle, by which it was regu- 

" The debts of Mr. Lunn amount to eight thousand pounds. The 
worth of the property, which he has left behind him, is supposed to 
exceed that sum. His Executor b anxious to discharge those debts by 
Ihe speedy sale of his effects, and to employ the surplus in making 
provision for Mrs. Lunn, and her two daughters. In order to facili- 
tate the sale of the stock in Soho-Square, the price of every common 
and every choice article has been considerably reduced, and every 
possible encouragement has been given for literary men to partake of 
the various and precious treasures offered to them. It cannot often 
liappen that books so valuable will be presented to their choice at so 
moderate a price. It may never be in their power again to gratify at 
once their curiosity, and their benevolence. They are respectfully in- 
vited to mark the good opinion which they formerly entertained of 
Mr. Lunn himself for skil fulness in his profession, and probity in his 
•dealings. They are earnestly entreated to manifest their good will to 
a family, deprived of his protection, mourning for his death, and de- 
.pending upon the successful sale of his books and other property as 
the only expedient, which can procure for them the necessary com- 
forts and reasonable conveniences of life. 


«< THOMAS KIDD, A.M. Trin. Ck)ll. Cam. 



<< THOMAS EDWARDS, Executor, Soho Square." 

The catalogue of the books published at the Leipsig Easter fair 
1815, having just arrived^ we extract for the use of our readers the 
titles of the principal works on Classical and Biblical Criticism. 
Catidogues have been proc^red by Bohte, York Street^ Covent 
Garden, who also has imported many of the books contained in the 
annexed list. 

Acta philologorum Monacensium, edid. Fr. Thiersch. 8vo. 
Monachii. 1815. 

Aristophanis Conusd.. edidit Phil. Invernizzio. Tom. VI. 8vo. 
Laps. 1815. 

iBschinis et Demosthenis Orationes de Corona. Recensuit \m, 
Bekker. Accedunt Schol. Part, inedita 8vo. Halae, 1815. 

iBschioif Oratorit opera^ ad fidem optim. libr. edita. 12. Lips. 

S24l Literary Intelligence. 

.. Afioiiymi CEconomica, qu« vulgo Aristotelis falso ferebahttir. E 
"bris scriptis. et vers, antiqua emendavit J. G. Schneider, 8vo. 
laps. 1813. 

Antholog. Graec. ad fideih Cod. Parisini. ex apograph. Gothano. 
ttdidit. Jacobs, torn. It. 8vo. Lips. 1815* 

ApoIIonii Rhod. Argon, ad opt. libror. fidem accurate edit. 18. 
Lips. 1815. Betiedicti T. F. Comment. Crit. in VIIL Thucydidia 
librosy 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Caesaris Jul. Comment, de bello Gallicoet Civili. 8vo. Marburg. 

Ciceronis M. T. Orat. Philipp. 2da. iibersetzt und mit einem 
imch Hand schrif ten berichtigen texte von Mi G. G. Wemsdorf. 
8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Ciceronis Op. ad fid. opt. libr. accurate edita torn. I — IIL 
Rhetorica contin. 12. Lips. 1814. 

^ * ■ Op. quissupersunt omniaac deperditor. fragm. cikmvar. 

lect select, edidit, C. G. Schiitz. toni. Ill — VI. 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Histor. Philosoph. autiq. ed. F. Gedike. 8vo. BeroL 


Trium Onitt. pro Scauro, pro TuUio, pro Flacco partes 

ineditae, cum scholiis ined. receusuit et not. illustravit, P Mains: 
8vo. Francf. 1815. 

Corpus historic. lat. cura F. £. Riifakopf. etj. D. Seebode; 
lorn. V. Velleium Paterc. cent. 8vo. Hanov. 1815. 
Tom. XV. p. 1. Sext. Rufiim. cont. lb. 

Tom« XV. p. 2. S. Rufi de regionib. urb. Rom. libellu^ edidit 
et Comment, instruxit. G. Miinich. lb. 

Eichhom's J. G. Eiuleitung in das Neue Testament. 3 bds. 2te 
lialfte. 8vo. Lips. 18 14. 

Die Weltgeschichte 2r. Theil. dr. und.4r. Band. 8vo: 
Gottingen. 1814. 

Eicbhorn's Literargeschichte £te halfte; 8to. Gottingen^ 1814. 

Epistola D. Jacobi I. atque Petri 1. cum versione germauica et 
Gonimentar. lat. edidit J. J. Hottingerus 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Euripidis Tragoediae et fragmenta. cum scholiis gr.e codd. MSS« 
et vernone Latina. Edidit Aug. Matthis. torn. III. 8?o. lips. 

Frank O. Fragmente eines Ver^chs iiber die dynamische Spra* 
cherzeugung nach Vergleichungen der Persischen^ Indiscfaen, und 
Teutschen Sprachen und Mythen. 8vo. Niiniberg, 1815. 

Freytag, G. W. F. carmen Arabicum perpetuo commentario, et 
fcrsioneiambicagermanicaiUustratum. 8vo. Gottingen, 1815. 

Friedrichy C» G. Symbolae philologicocrit. et lectionis varieta- 
tern continentes ad interpretationem Psak CX. 8to. Lips. 1815. ^ 

Geseniusy G. de Pentateuch. Samar. origine, indole^ et auctori* 
tate, commeutatio. 4to. Halae. 1815. 

Littrdry Intelligencei " 2S5 

Kritische Geschichteder Hebraischen Sprache und Schrift. ^o. 
Lips. 1815. 

Geusau, A* von, Geschichte der Romischen und Griechisches 
Kaiser, von Julius Cassar bis Franz. II. mit ihren V ildnissen. 5.bde. 
4to. Wien. 1814. 

Griesbach's D. J. J. Vorlesungen iiberdie Hermeneutik des N.T* 
mit Anwendung auf die Leidensund Auferstehiingsgeschichte Christi. 
Herausgeg. von 1. C. S. Steiner. 8vo. Niimbergl 1815. 

Haibkart. C. G. Tentamina criseos in difBcilioribus quibusd. 
auct. vet. et Graec. et Lat. locis. 8vo. Wratislav. 1813. 

Haldersonii, Biorn. Lexicon Island. Lat. Danieum^ edidit R^s- 
kius. torn. IL 4to. Havniae. 1815. 

Honieri Uias. Gr. et Lat. cura J. G. Hageri torn. L 8vo. Chem-> 
nitz. 18id. 

Homer's Werke^ iibersetzt von J. H. Voss.4 bde. .8vo. Tiibing. 
1814. ^ 

Horatii op. recensuit C. F. Doring. torn. I. 8to. Tiibiiigi 1815. 

Jacobs, Fr. Elementarbuch der griechischen Srprache fiir Anf an* 
ger. ir. Thl. ir. u. 2r. cursus, 8vo. Jena 1815. 

'Isejx^A/p^ou Xa\}critie9)g TCe^) ^iov Uviayopixot} Koyo^. lambKohi vit. Pythagorica liber. Textum post Lud. Kusterum ad fid. 
codd. MSS. recognovity Ulr« Obrechti interpret, passim mutavit, 
Kusteri aliorumque animadd. adjecit suas M . T. Kiessling. Accedit 
Porphyrins de vit. Pylhag. &c. 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Lowth Rob. de Poesi Sacr. Hebr. Praelect, Not. J. .'D. Mi« 
chaelis suis animadd. auxitF.O. Kosenmiiller. Accedit C. ]P. Rich-^ 
teri de aetate lib. Jobi defin. et Weissii de metro Hariano Com- 
ment. 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

Mattthiae, P. Handbuch der Griechischen un<f Romischen Lite- 
fatur 8vo. Jenae. 1815. 

Prologus de Pherecydis fragmento. 4to. Altenburg/ 1815. 

Meinecke, A. Curae Grit, in comicor. fragm. ab Athenaeo servata. 
.8vo. Berol. 1815. 

Ovidii, P. N . quae supersunt^ ad opt. libr. fid. accurate edit. 
^Tom. i. 18mo. Lips. 1815. 

Pappelbaumi G. T. Cod. MS. Graec. Apost. Act. et Epist. 
' coAt'ment. Berolm. asservatum, descripsit, contulit, animad. crit. 
adjecit. 8vo. Berol. 1815. 

Platonis opera> ex recens. Stephani, adject. Scholiis et not. crit. 
edidit C. D. Beck. torn. IL 12mo. Lips. 1815. 

Plutarchi Vitffi. edidit G. H. Schaefer. tom. VIII— IX. 12mo. 
lips. 1815. 

Edidit A. Coray. 8vo. Paris. 1815. 


$20 JLzierary InttUigenct. 

P»elai Gt. Gaonki ad opt. lik fid, ace. edit. ISmo. Li|^^ 

Ruhnkeoii ad VcUmm Paterc. Not. Integr. 8vo. Hanovtr. 

Sappho's Oden^ ^riechisch, und dentsch mit erklarendenaninerk.y 
KQD E. A. L. MittitiML 8vo. Hannover, l&ld. 

SicbtUs^ M. C^ Q. ^JEXXi^ixdi sett anticiuiss. graecor. bistoris rea 
insigniores usque ad CMympiad. i. 8vo« Lips. 1815. 

Spib^er^ Fr. de v^su tirsBcorum hoxiico, maxine Homerico. 
Accedit M. Fr. Tr. Fridemanni Dissei'latio de media SyUaba Pen* 
iMBetri GfSBCoruaa elegiaci. 8.vo. Lips. 18 i5. 

Spohn, F. A. 6. de agro Trojano in carm. Hoiii. descriptor 
Cbmioeatatio. 8iro. Lips. 1815. 

Stosn^r^ C C^ explicatio vulgaris et orthodoxa locor. JSbr. i. 3« 
et Cci. i. 1?. ab injuriis recentiorum mterpretuni vindicat. 4to. 
Lips. 1815. ^ 

Tbeognidia EI^p. Ex fide MSS. recensuit^ et auxi^ c. not. Fr. 
8]fibiirgii et tU Fr. Phil. BruQckii^ Imnian. Bekker. 8vo. lips. 

Thiersch^ t^. Griecbisch^ Gfammatik fUr Scfaulen. 8v6. 
L«M. 1815. 

Twesteni, A^ Comment, crit. de Hesiodi Carm. quod inscribitur . 
Opera etIKea 8vo. Kilise. 1815. 

Walchii, 0. 6« L. Emendationea Livianae. 8vo. Berol. 1815. 

Xeaephontis Opusc. poliL equestr. el venal, accedit Ariiani 
fibeHus de venatiooe, cwra J. 6. Scbneideri 8vo. Lips. 1815. 

n ■■ fi Qnw extant, recens^ et interpnetatua eat J. G. Schneider* 
l*om. Ti. Lips. 1815. 

<— -^Dtt^ Cjri diaciplkufy lihr. viii^ edidit J. 6^ Schneider. 8vo* 
lips. 1815. 


Prospectus df la Traductiom complete des G^uvTes de X6no^. 
phon par J. B. Gail, Lecteur royal, ^^ouvrage se vend^ d Pari^, 
chet Mugusiie Delalain, ImprimeUr-jLibraire, rue des Mathurins^ 
Skdtttr Jacques } et cAez Charles Gail neveu, au ColUgt rcyali 
place Carnhrai.'] 

L?s (jEuvi^s completes de Xinopbon (onze volumes 10-4.^, 
eomprenant^ Texte grec/ Versions latine et fran^ois^ Obser^^ 
vations historiqu^ et critiquesj CoUatioa et spedmen de ma*^ 

' Avec les lieaux caract^s de Garamoat, qui, trop rarement empbyte 
^epuii Louis XIV, ent 4tl rtmis en activkipour cetleNitiEUu 

lAterurp IrUelligemt, 9S7 

QUfcrits^ Cartes g^ographiques^ Tableaux chronologiqiiety Plans 
de batailles et de si%es, et une belle collection d'estampes, 
ii'apris les desshis de MM. le B4rbier, Boichot et Moreaiii 
seront distributes en sept livraisons, dont la premiere a paru 
|e 9M D^cembre 18 14, fit les autres successiv^ment de moia 
^n mois. Elles n'6prouveront aucim retard; car lout est 
imprime et grav6. Si le tirage des isstampes et cartes^ ()ui exige 
beaucoup de soins, 6toit termine^ on pourroit, au moment mfemCt 
se procurer tout Touvrage. li pourra &tre demand^, en son eiitier 
(r Atlas excepte), par ceux qui consentiront k r6unir les estampes 
d«^ns TAtlas^ Toeu exprim6 pai* plusieurs souscripteurs. 

Quoique cet ouvrage, decor6 d'estampes, s'anponce avec une 
sorte de magnificence qui semble devoir en augmenter le prix, on 
a'apercevra facUemeiU que les /propri^tatres ' out satisfai^ par sa 
modicite r^elle, au vceu de I'auteur., qui a voulu rendre accessible 
d toutes les fortunes le F6u61on de la Gr^ce. 

Prix des sept livraisons, 160 francs, beau papier ordinaire^ et 
320 francs^ papier velin sating. II en existe 45 exemplaires, es- 
tampes avant la lettre et eau*forte. Ceux qui n'auront pa9 sooscrit 
au ler. juin paieront 200 francs jui lieu d^ l60 francs^ et 400 
francs au lieu de 320 francs. 

L'Avertissement anponce lei Observations miUtaires et geogra" 
fhiques de M, Gail; d*apr^8 Xenophon et autres auteurs. Quoi- 
que tr^s-utiles i, \bl lecture de X6nophon^ dont dies expliquent 
souvent le texte, elles feront n^anmoiiis un ouvrage i part, lequel 
aura plusieurs volumes. Le ler. volume, in^S.^, sera donn6 ^ra/t^ 
aux souscripteurs de Xenophon, lors de la septi^me livraison. Cha- 
cun des volumes suivans leur cofitera 5 francs : 10, francs cbaqu^ 
volume pour les non-souscripteurs de Xenophon. 

Jiota. Thucydide, et !?^6nophon son continuateur, allant en«; 
semble, on rappelle que le prix de Thucydide, grec-latin-franjois, 
in-4.^, papier v^liii, est de 145 fr. ; papier ordinaire, 80 francs. 
Le m&me, in-Q.^, 45 francs. 

La collection complete (in 4.^, pawner v6lin^ estampes avant la 
lettre,) contenant Xenophon, l^ucydide, Theocrite. Mus4e, Ana- 
creon, Mytho)o^e de Lucien, 506 francs* — La meme collection, 
papier ordinaire, fig. apris^ la letUre, 280 francs. 

Oh a tiri deux eiemplaires de X6nophon, peau viUn satin6, 
dont un exemplaire est complet et a ten,dre. 


^ L*ouvrage (imprime en grande partie aw^ fk^ii du Gouverneme^t) 
appartient en toute propri^t^, aapr^ un acte pas86 pAr-dievant notaire, a un 
particttlitr qui a fait imprimer it ^es frais une partie di rowviast. et svaver 

ptiiires de chacun de mes ouvrages. 

22^ Literary Intelligence. 

M. Tullii Ciceronis triura Orationiim in Clodrum ct Cuiionem 
de sre alieno Milbni^^ de Rege Alexandrino, Fragments inedita ; 
Item ad tres prsedictas Orationes^ et ad alias Tulliatias quatuor 
editas commentarius antiquius inedituSy qui videtur Asconi^ 
Pediani ; Scholia insuper antiqua et inedita, qua? videntur excerpta 
e Cominentario deperdito ejusdern Asconii Pediani ad aiiacf 
rursus quatuor Ciceronis editas Orationes — Omnium ex antiquissi-f 
mis MSS. cum Criticis notis edebat Angelus Maius Bibliothec» 
Ambrosianse a linguis orientalibus Mediolani. 

In the month of November, 1814, the literary world was in-* 
formed of a discovery of a manuscript in the Ambroi<ian library 
at Milan^ containing some fragments of three Orations of Cicero, 
which were supposed to have been lost ; the publication of these 
was almost immediately followed by that of several fragments of 
three other Orations of Cicero, which had also been discovered in 
the same library ; together with an ample commentary, supposed 
to be by Asconius Pedianus on the above, and on eight others of 
Cicero's Orations, which had been already published. 

The first of the inedited Orations of Cicero is " In P. Clodium 
et Curionem," that is relative to a violation of public decorum 
committed by P, Clodiiis during the cefemonifss of sacrifice to the 
Goddess Bona. 

The second is entitled, ^' De aere alieno Miloiiis,'' that is, re^ 
specting the debts of M ilo, and was pronounced on the occasion 
of that person becoming candidate for the Consulate. — ^The dis- 
covery of die fragments of this Oration is of great importance, as 
it do(es not appear that the learned had preserved any record of its 
ever having existed. 

TTie third inedited Oration is entitled " De Rege Alexandrino,^' 
and was delivered in a discussion which took place in the Komaq 
Senate respecting the re-establishment of Ptolomaeus Auletes on 
the throne of Egypt. 

The Fragments of Cicero are illustrated by an inedited and 
ample commentary, which has- also been discovered, and is nojnr 
published for the first time. It relates to the Orations already 
published of Cicero, pro Archia, pro Sylla, pro Plancio, in Vati-; 
nium : and also (but with much more' brevity) to the Orations 
Quarta Catilinaria, pro Marcello, pro Ligario, pro rege Deiotaro. 

This commentary is highly valuable on several accounts-— 1st, 
as it is extremely probable,, nay, almost certain, that it is the pro- 
duction of Asconius Ppdianus; — Sndly, because it is of the purest 
Xatinity, is replete with historical allusions and illustrations, an(i 
contains some Latin words, of which we had no knowledge—* 
Sdly, It refers to two productions of Cicero, of which we wert 
altogether ignorant^ yiz. £dictum L. Racillii Tr. PL in invectio? 

Literary Intelligtnce. 229 

aem P. Clodiiy and ^' Epistola ad instar volutniois de consulatu 
suo ad Pompeiuin." It also contains an inedited passage of the 
coiiiic audior Afranius^ and an interesting Fragment of an Oratioa 
of the tribune of the people Caius Gracchus. 

llie discoverer and editor of these Fragments has prefixed to 
them a dissertation^ wherein he relates the manner in which the 
discovery was made, and points out its classicul importance. He 
then enumerates all the arguments on which he founds his opinion, 
that the copimentary is that part of Asconius Pedianus^ of vyhich 
the injuries and accidents of time had deprived us. He examines 
with critical acuteness, and endeavours to ascertain the precise 
period at which Asconius wrote, a subject on wliich ancient and 
modern writers have been divided in opinion. The result of his 
researches is^ that Asconius, the commentator of Cicero, was 
acquainted with Virgil and Livy^ that he continued his literarj 
pursuits at a very advanced age under the Emperor Claudius. — 
Finally^ he discusses the age of the manuscripts from which he 
bas taken these Fragments, and proves their great antiquity. 

The editor has illustrated the Fragments of TuUy, and the 
commentary with Notes, explanatory of the ancient 1 ext ; and 
has added accurate engravings of the characters in which the maniv- 
jscript was written, from whence the work is taken. 

A copy of the above having been obtained from Milan^ it will 
jBioon be republished in this country. 


Extract of a Memoir, By Dr. Carey, Dr. Marsiiman, and Mn 


. The languages, in which we are now translating and printing the 
Scriptures in the Middle of India, are, the Sunsrskrit, the Bengalee, 
the Orissa, the Muhratta, and the Hindee, with its dialects, the 
Brij-bhasa, and tliose current in Oodya-pore and Joy-pore. 

J. The Snngskrit. — The Sungskrit, as the parent of the other 
Indian Dialects, demands the first place. It has been already said, 
Utiat in this language the New Testament and the Ptntateucii have 
been long printed. The llii^torical Books are nearly printed off, the 
Second Book of the Chronicles being now in the press. 

2. Bengalee. — In the Bengalee Language, the fourth edition of tht 
New Testament, containing five thousand copies, is more than half 
through the press. This is the largest edition we have yet printed, 
and we have reason to think, the most accurate, as the corrections 
made in it, which are by no means few, are the fruit of tiicnty 

. years' acquaintance with the language. 

3. The Orissa, — In this dialect, four volumes of the Scriptures hare 
" been long published ; and this year will probably complete the print- 
ing of the whole Scriptures. The Pentateuch is printed to the middle 

f 3p Littraty IntclHgenoe. 

0[ht\iXicuB. The pubiicpitioo pi the othor piffto rfthe CHd TenlMmil 

has been already particularized* 

4. The MahrattM.—ln t|m fainguage, among the foost extensive of 
th^ dialects of India, the New Testament and tro Pentateuch a^e in cis; 
culatbn. Of t|fe Historical Books in the press, five books fure printed 
off, the First Book of Kings beipg begun. The transhtion of the 
ivhole Scriptures in th^s language, the Psalms excepted, has been lon^ 

5. The Hinice.^-rThh language, which, with its vaiietks, embraces 
^o great a partpf India, has long had both the New Testament and 
the Pentateuch in circulation ; and the increasing desire manifested 
lor the Scriptures, has exhausted the first edition of the former, aad 
icialied for more than half the ktter, wlpch consisted of a thousand 
copies each. A second edition of the New Testament may be said to 
Ik finished, as only a few chapters of the Revelaiions remain to be 
printed ofi*. This edition consists of four tliousaod copies. 

6. The Brif'bl^sB.— 'In this d^dect, esteemed by Gilchrist the 
purest dialect of the Hindee, and which is spoken in the upper jparts 
of Hindoostan, firom Agr^ to Sirdhana, the Gospel^ 'are printed as 
far as St. Luke^ which is in the press. Mr. Cfbamberiain, now at 
Sirdhana, is vigorously advancing with the rest of the Scriptures, for 
which his acquaintance with Hindee in general, as well as mat diadecl 
m particular, emmeutly qualifies him. T^e following versions may be 
considered as varieties of the Hindee. 

7. The J(>y/w)re.-«*This variety^ of the Hindee is spoken i^ the little 
territory of this name, which lies west of Agra toward G^^urat, and 
is governed by its own Prince. The points in which this dialect differs 
from the Hindee are not very numerous, the great body of the lan^' 
guage ' being the same. The alteration, however, of a few tennina- 
tions, and a few leading words of firequent recurrence, to acquiie 
which would cost a man, accustomed to philological studies, scarcely 
a month, causes such a difference to the unlearned and the poor,, for 
whom the word of God b intended, as to render the version which 
has it perspicuous, while one without it wiH be scarcely intelligible, 
and be therefore laid aside. As this version is printed in the Naguree 
Character, it is already in the press, and a few chapters of St. Matthew 
printed off. 

8. Oodyapcre.* — South-west of Agra, and toward Bombay, lies the 
district of Oodyapore, governed by its own prince, which differs in 
certain instances both from the Hindee, and from the other dialects 
spoken around. The character, however, is the same. The Go^)el 
of St. Matthew in this version is also in the press. There are several 
other dialects of the Hindee, for which preparations of the same kind 
are making, as that of Bekaneer, west of Joypore, and of Marwar, stiU 
jBirther west, which will almost complete the Scriptures in the mriaiu 
dialects of Hindee. Having thus mentioned the dialects iti die* 


• Finktrton, « Oodypour:^ 

JJierary Inielligehci: Hi 

tiiddkpait of India in whicli we are engaged, we tnim to those in Ae' 

9. The TeUuga. — ^The languages on the southern side of India in 
which we tote engaged ar^ two, the Teiinga atid the Kuraata; In the 
Telingaj a very lurge fount of types is now prepared, and the printing 
«f the New Testament advanced as far as St. Luke's Go^peL The 
whole of the New Testament is transkted ; and a considerable pro- 
fress made in the Pentateuch. 

10. Tiie' KUrnaia.—ln this hinguage, which begins to the south 
where the Mahratta ends, and is current through the whole of the 
Mysote Country, the alteration requisite in the types has caused somt 
dday; but we have at length been enabled to complete a suitable 
fount of types, and to put the Gospel by St. Matthew to press. The 
tnmsbtion of the New Testament is finished, and the Pentateuch 

11. The Kanhma,— The Kmkona Is the first to ^ west of India 

in which we are engaged. This language begins where the Mahrattal 
ends to the* west, and is spoken from Bombay to Goa. In this dialect 
the New Testament is nearly translated, and the Gospel by Si: 
Matthew is in the press. The type is the Deva-Naguree. 

12. The Wutch. — Still more to the nrath-west, on this side the 
Indus, the Wutch dialect is spoken, which also has a character of its 
•wn. Learned natives of this province too have been found in 
Caleatta ; a transhition lias commenced, and a fount of types has 
been cut. In this dialect, the Gospel of St Matthew is in the ^ress'* 
The famguane c^ the province of Sindh, the capital of which stands tel 
the Delta^ formed by the riv^ Indus, differs somewhat ftfom this; but 
the ckuaeter is neaiiy the samei In this too a version of the Neiir 
Testament is begun. 

13. The BuUochee.-^On the west bank of the Indus is the BnU 
lochee country, of which an account was given in our last report. In 
thb laoguage, the progress in prhiting has been slow; but the Gospel 
by St. Ma&ew is printed off, and St. Mark is ih the press, 

14. The Ptuhtoo, — The Pushtoo Language follows, or that of the 
Afghans, possibly descended lirbm the Ten Tribes. In this language the 
Mew Teilnment is translated^ and the three first books of the Pei^- 
«aieu<h. The Gospel of St. Matthew is printed off, and St. Mark 

kegwi. We praceed to the north-west. 
15- ^ 

[5. The Plfii/tfto.-r-Ndrthward, w^hin the Indus, we coitfe to tfie 
Pnttjabee kngui^, or that of the Shikhs. In this language it is with 
pleasure we add, that the New Testament is print^ off withili a 
chapter or two; which version makes the stViA, in which we have 
been eHkUed to eomplele the New Testament. The Pemateuch is 
naaity translated. 

l& The Katbme^. — ^To the nortb of the SUkhB^ lies the province 
of Kashmeer, in the language of which the translation of the New 
Testament, is now finished ; but the progress made in pnniing luur 
been small : the Gospel by St. Matthew is, however, nearly printed 

232 tdterary IrdeUtgertce!* 

off. It has been already said, that this language has a beantifiil th»* 
racter of its own. 

17. The NepauL — ^Proceeding eastward from the Punjab, we come 
to the kingdom of Nepaul, on the north-east of ilindoostan. In the 
language of this kingdom a translation has been begun neariy two' 
years. The four Gospels are nearly finished, and that of St. MattheW 
in the pr^ss. It has a very close affinity with the Hindee ; and the 
character is the Deva-Naguree. 

18. The Assam. — ^To the north-east of Nepaul we have the kingdom 
of Assam, in the language of which a translation has beern going for^ v 
ward for «ome years. The whole of the New Testament is translated, 
and the Pentateuch nearly finished. ^Fhe Gospeb of St. Matthew and 
Mark are printed off, and that of St. Luke is in the press. 

19. The Kasstii. — Still more eastward, and within a hundred leagues 
of China, is the Kassai Nation, a race of whose honesty and fair deal* 
ing English gentlemen who have resided near them give a ' pleasant 
account. These mountaineers, who have a constant intercourse with 
the people of Sylhet, have no character of their *own ; nor, strictly 
speaking, a written language. The few among them who can write, 
use the Bengalee character. The language has a much greater affinity 
with the Chinese, however, than with the Bengalee, which may he in- 
ferred even from their personal pronouns.^ In the language of these 
mountaineer^ a translation has been begun, which is advanced to the 
.Gospel of St. John ; and St. Matthew is in the press, m the Bengalee 

. 20. The Burman. — ^To the south-east of tlie Kassai mountains we 
come to the Burman empire i from which country, since we have sent 
a press thither^ we have not particularly heard respecting the progress 
of the translation. The press has, we believe, been ordered up to 
. Ave, the seat of government, together with Mr. F. Carey. 

21. The Chinese.— This language terminates our work of translation 
eastward, respecting which the various leadings of Divine Providence 
in furnishing and continuing to us the means, till the translation of the 
New Testament is finished,, together with that of the Old as.&r as the > 
middle of the Book, of Psalms, and founts of types prepared to print 
. them both, seems proportioned to the importauee of the object. We 
have put the Pentateuch to press in a new fbunt of Chinese types, in 
which we shall be able to carry it forward, while we are completing 
that of the New Testament in the former types, as thr^ or four of the 
epistles are already through the press. In printing Chinese with 
moveable types, an edition proceeds slowly at the beginning, as the 
number required for the first few forms is very greats particdarly in 
such a work as the Old Testament. The ■- first twenty chapters of Ge-» 
nesis contain most of the names which bccur in the Pentateuch : hence 

« I, Thou, He. ALEE, Amme^ ToomeCf Tinnce, 

Chinese, Ngo, Nee^ . Tha, 

Kassal, Nga, Fee, Ta. 

Literal^ Intelligence. 233 

these chapters have occupied the better part of the year in preparing 
the requbite types. This delay in the beginning is, however^ amply 
c<Mnpensated by the ease and speed with which the latter part of the 
version, and indeed successive and improved editions, can be completed 
with the same types. In proceeding with these types, we have ascer- 
tained, that the use of a press, and the cheapness of labor in Bengal^ 
which has enabled us to furnish the Hindee New Testament of more 
than six hundred pages octavo for a rupee, will enable us to print 
editions of the Chinese Scripture, containing any number of copies, at 
less than half the expense of printing in China. This will not be matter 
of wonder to those who consider that provisions, which regulate the 
price of manual labor, can be obtained in Bengal for little more than 
a third of the price they bear in China. 

On reviewing these languages, we shall perceive that of those which 
have been more recently entered upon, the Oodyapore, the Joypore, 
and indeed the Nepaul, are varieties of the Hindee ; that the Kankona 
is a variety of the Mahratta ; and that the Ka8$ai has a strong affinity 
with the Chinese. Nearly all the languages in which we are engaged, 
ma^ therefore be traced to two great sources, the Sanskrit and the 
Chinese, to which they approximate in various degrees. To the cul- 
tivation of these two, our attention is directed. 

Histoire Abr6g^e de la Litterature Romaine^ par F. Schoell, 
coDseiller de cour de S. M. le Roi de Prusse, Sec 4 vol. 8vo. 
Paris, 1815. 

Essai 8ur les Mystdres d'Eleusis. 2d. ed. St. Petersbourgy 1815. 
(par M. Ouvaroff.) 


Mr. Dyer, the audior of the ' History of the University and 
Colleges of Cambridge/ has in the Press, a work entitled '' The 
Privileges of the University of Cambridge," containing a chrono- 
logical table of all its charters, with their titles, from the earliest 
to more modern times, arranged in exact order, according to the 
Christian era, and the kings of England ; together with a series of 
the principal charters themselves, and the statutes of Queen Eliza- 
beth. It will be also accompanied with other public instruments 
and documents ; being intended to serve as Fasti to the History of 
Cambridge. To the end will be subjoined various additions and 
emendations to Mr. Dyer's own History of the University and 
Collages. The greater part of the work will be in Latin : to the 
Latin part will be prefixed a Latin Dissertation, addressed ' Viris 
Academicis ;' to the English, will be subjoined an English Disser- 
tation on the contents of the whole volume. The work, we un- 
derstand, is nearly all printed, but not to be published till the 
winter. It will be published by Subscription. 

M. Thiebant de Bernbaud intends to publish an edition of 
all the works of Theophrastus, including all the fragments of his 


2S4 Literary Intelligence. 

author, cbsperfed in the whole circuit oJF classic literature, it 
' iivill be preceded by an iutrodttctioo, contaiaiog the Life of llieo- 
phrastusy and a critical estimate of his works, besides an account 
of all the extant MSS. of his works, and ao enumeration of all 
the editions and translations of Theophrastus, since the fifteenth 

We understand that a son of a very celebrated engraf er is at- 
tempting to unfold, under the directiqns of the Rev. John 
Hayter, F. a. S. one of the six Herculaneum MSS. presented 
by his Sicilian Majesty to the Prince Regent. We believe this 
MS. to have been previously attempted by Dr. Young. 

A Selection of Msop^s Fables, with English Notes and Ques* 
tions, for Schools. 

Ovidii' Metamorphoses Selectae, et in usura Scholarum expurga- 
tet ; cum Notis Anglicis. By the Rev. C. Bradley. 

A New Edition of Mr. Jones's Latin Grammar. 


A Neat Edition of the Greek Testament. The text is taken 
from the edition now publishing by the Rev. £. Valpy- It is print- 
ed in duodecimo^ for the use of Schools. 

M. Tullii Cicerduis de Officiis, Libri Tres ; juxta editionem J. 
M. et J. Frid. Heusingerorum. Accedunt^ in gratiam juventutis, 
notae qusedam Anglice scriptse. Pr. 6s» boards. 

Diatessarony sen Integra Historia Domini nostri J. C. Latine 
ex quatuor Evangeliis inter se coUatis ; ipsisque Ev&ngelistarum 
verbis apte et ordinate dispositis confecta. E Versione prvcipue 
Castellionis castigata et emendata. Cui prsefiguntur Tabula Pa- 
laestinae Geographica, necnon Ordo Rerum. Opera et studio T. 
Thirlwall, A.M. Edit. sec. Pr. 4s. 6d. 

An Introduction to the Greek Language ; containing the most 
useful rules of Syntax, and a new set of Exercises^ on an improved 
plan. By the Rev. Mr. Picquot. Pr. 3s. 

Elements of Latin Prosody, with Exercises and Questions, de- 
signed as an Introduction to the scanning and making Latin Verses. 
By the Rev. C. Bradley. 4s. bound. A Key may be had by pn^ 
vate application. Pr. £s. 6d. 



The Dissertation on the Origin of the Abyssiniam has not 
yet been received by us. We hope the author will make further 
inquiries on the subject. 

Remarks on 1 Tim, iii. 16. will shortly appear. 

Ijoci quidam Luciani emendati, 8cc. will be continued in our 

A Notice of Rich's Memoir on the Ruins of Babylon in our 

Professor Brown's Latin Prize Essays will appear in our 
future Nos. 

M.'s valuable articles will shortly appear. 

Abb6 Morso's Chart of Arabic Grammar will certainly appear 
in No. XXIV. We are sorry to disappoint Tyeo, but if he 
would call on the Printer, a satisfactory reason for the delay 
would be offered to him. 

A French writer of the 17th century seriously advises authors 
not to send well-written copies to the printer ; for he nays that 
in that case the work will be given to a young apprentice, and be 
full of errors ; but if the copy be badly written, it will be put in 
the hands of a correct compositor. We presume that T. P. has 
had this advice in view. 

A Friend to Consistency informs us that '^ a critic who sar- 
castically reproved us for once printing Mytilene for Mitylene, has 
since adopted the former spelling." We had observed the re^ 
proof, but not the recantation ; we hope that the latter was as can- 
did, as the former was severe. 

The critical notice of Smith's Greek Translation of Jewelts 
Apologia Ecclesia Anglicana, lately republished by Mr. Campbell^ 
oj Pontefracty was too late for our present number. It shall be 
inserted m our next. 

We are much obliged for the loan of Burton's tract Pers. 
Ling, Hist* S^c, of which we shall make use in a future No. 

236 Notes to Correspondents, ^c. 

We are sorry that an accident has deprived our readers of No. 
III. 0/1 Greek and Latin AcceiUs in this Number. It shall cer- 
tainly appear in the next. 

The same observation applies to the Notes on Plato » 

1. Ave. 

2. Do — mus. 

3. S — omnia. 

4. Maro. Roma. 

5. N — omen. 

6. Mus — ca — turn. 

7. Silex— ilex—lex— ex — x— sile. 






Respectfully informs Biblical Students, School- masters, Oriental 
Scholars, and the Literary World in general, that he has just im- 
ported a number of HEBREW BIBLES, edited by Reinec 
cius, lJoERDERLEiN,and Mbisner, with very extensive Read- 
ings, Collations, and Masoretic Notes, 8cc. byKENNicoTTand 
I^eKossi, forming Two Volumes, 8vo. with Points, Accents, 
&c. on very good Paper, and at the moderate Price of l6s. ; a price 
«) reasonable, it is to be hoped, will meet the attention of Oriental 
Scholars, &c. who have been prevented from purchasing by the ex- 
orbitant prices they are charged in England. 

% ^ 




Archbishop of const ANTi^oPlEi 




^ PiiktedbyibtRriiUhtMForeigiiBihUSecUty. 

V Mrithh Palace^ Constantinople, Jan. 1% 1815v 

' I ^NqLOSE ffir, tie Society s^Pftper irom tjie Greisk Putijarlch * 

^.^kit Con»Ciintuiople. Wkat gave occasion to it was this: Upoi» « 
making llb((t|iry. relative Jto distributing,, either gnitis, or by pur- ' 

' chase, the Mo4ern Gree): Testaments, which the Society had en* ' 
ti'usted to fliy oaiie, I w^s generally given to understand, that'th^: 
' Greek Priests would do ^ in their powftr to thwart and render^ 
Ineffectual any such distribution; I determined, therefore, to go^ 
lit once to the.Pati'iarch'^ and, if possible, procure kis sanction^ 
Accordingly . I got translated a large Extract from die *' SunHhary' 
Account'' of the Society, whiclr I left with him, together with ii 
Copy of the Modern Greek Testament; When I next saw him; 
he told me, that he considered the object of the Society highly 
laodable, and presented m«^with the inclosed Declaration, 

As the present Patriarch is considered a person of great literary 
attainments, the opinion -of so competent a: judge respecting the 
Version adopted by the Sooiety, ipaay be fought in itself satkfkc* 
'tory ; tmt I conceive -the Declaration may be also extensively use* 
lul, if the Society should tCink -proper to print and prefix it to 
atch Copy of the Romaic Tesfcsiment wthj^ch may hereafter be 
issued. I have been ci^i^iUy iifyibiedf that many Greeks have 
scrupled to purch^ae op. exen rec«ve/the> Scriptures, without 
iome silch authority ; and* I* undeiiBtand,'^hat the persons acting 
for the Society at Zante, are of 4>pinion, that the sale of the Tes« 
laments, transmitted there, has* tieen matetialfy retarded by those 
•ccuple9% ^ .. « 

•^ ' 

V- e* «-A. .^^ N. "^ 
'^ ^ «A '5' <^ "S 





^?!!^ =? %: y j^ -^N 



Our Lowliness notifies by this present l^CKriarchal Declaration, 
that having exanunejd^ accurately, ' and witt the nefcessary atten« 
lion, the l^dition of the New Testament in two languages, Hel- 
lenic and Romaic, published in England by the Society tli^e 
established,^ of British Typography, by John Tilling, at Chda^, 
in the yefur one thousand eight hundred and ten of the incamiii<m 
of Christ our Saviour, we have found m it nothing, fidse, or 'erro- 
neous ;, wlv^rctore we have judge^ nght to give peifkit^aion fot' it 
to beiised/andr^ad by all pious, united, andorthodokChriadam;. 
to be sold in . the Booksellers' sho|y§ ; and to be bought fredy fcy 
all who' wish it, without any one malting 1]ie least (ilniitatioaj for 
the manifestation of which, this out present Patriarchal De^m- 
tion has been issued. 

• • ^» 


#' -> 


Iti thk ikhUenth day of the nMjnlA of JDeeMifcr^;i814# 


. ) 




• . • • • 

Biblical Criticism • 237 

Notice of Utriusque Leonidae Carmina, Ed. Alb. Christ. Meioeke. 

Lips. ••• 239 

Notice of Hamiltoa'h General lutroductioo to the Study of the 

Hebrew Scriptures, &c» * . . . . ^40 

Oretio Habita Cautabrigiae : octavo Kalendas Junii MDCCLV. 

Perorante Gul. Maskelyne, A.M. • • 241 

Remarks on 1 Tim. iii. l6. •• • • 247 

Remarks on the Meaning of the Hebrew word y^{3 •••••••• 2M 

Remarks on' the Defence of Gabriel Sionita • 254 

Remarks on some Statements of the Rt. Hon. Sir W. Drammond 256 

Arabian Tales, originally Persian •..•«........ »^ • . 259 

Momi Miscellanea Subseciva, No. iii. ••....• 261 

Inquiry into the Causes of the Diversity of Human Character 114 
various Ages, Nations^ and Individuals, by Peofessor 

Scott, No« vii. i ... .^« ....... . 263 

Prometheus. An English Prize Poem: Spoken at the Apposi- 
tion, St. Paul's School. April, 1815 273 

Remarks on the Cambridge MS. of the Four Gospels and the 

Acts of the Apostles . • • • • ••.... 276 

Notice of Rich*s Memoir on the Ruins of Babylon •• 287 

BiUicM Criticism : Hebrew Descent of the Abyssinians 293 

On the Greek and Latin Accents. No. lit. • ..••••• 504 

De Lectione KripoTrkdtrrcLs in Archilochi Fragm. ap. Plutarchum 325 
An Inquiry into the Nature and Efficacy of Imitative Versifica- 
tion, Ancient, and Modem • 329 

D. Heinsii Oratio De Utilitate, quae e lectione Tragcediarum per- 

cipitur • .....••• •••.•• • 340 


In Carmina Epoclica Aschylea Commentarius. Anctore G. B. • • 344 
Bentleii Emendationes ineditse in Aristophanem : in Equites • • • • 352 

Classical Criticism ^67 

An Answer to a late Book written against the learned and Rev. 
Dr. Bentley, relating to some MS. Notes en CalUmachus, 
together with an Examination of Mr. Bennef s Appendix to 

the said Book. Concluded .••••....• •• 370 

Notice of Frey's Hebrew, Latin, and English Dictionary •••••• 381 

Notice of Dr. H. Marsh's Horn Pelasgictt • •••••• 383 

E. H. Barkeri Epbtoia ad G. H. Schieferum De quibusdam He- 

sychii et Etymologici Giossis 395 

Notice of Poetn Minores Graeci. Edidit Th. Gaisford 410 

Notulse Qusedam in Piatonis Menexenum •.*«••••• • 41 J 

Notice of a Grammar of the Persian Language. By M. Lums- 

den,LL.D. •••• 429 

Notice of the Megha Duta, by Calidasa ; translated from the 

Sanscrit by H. H. Wilson • 432 

Biblical Criticism 43$ 

Bentleii Epistolse duae ad Ti. Hemsterhusium, No. U. 438 

Adversaria Literaria, No. VIIL • • 450 

•AnQAOi lA THJ TON-'ArrAnN EKKAHXIAI, sive Apologia 
Ecclesiae Anglicanse, auctore Jo. Juello, olim Episcopo Sa- 
risb. Greece quidem reddita a Jo. Smithy A. B. Nuper recen* 

suit et notas addidit A. C. Campbell^ A. M. • 456 

Mots ou omis par H. Etienne, ou inexactement expliqu^s. Par 

J. B. Gail, No. n. 463 

Euripides Emendatus ••.••••••• ••..... 467 

Virgil explained •••• • • 470 

Prices of some of the Principal Books of the celebrated Library 

of Ralph Willett, Esq. • 473^ 

Literary Intelligence .......•..••... 4f 9 

Notes to Correbpondents •• .......t 485 




DECEMBER, 1815. 

R ' 


Your correspondent M. in Vol. x. p, 268. has noticed, what ht 
thinks, an error, in my article. Vol. viii. p. 377. viz. " In the 
ninth century — Jerome began to mend the first Latin trandatioii 
by the Hebrew,'^ and he asks, *' are we to believe him right when 
he tells us that Jerome did not live until the ninth century ?" 
Were I disposed to cavil, I might ask what ninth century weg 
this gentleman mean ? it was certainly in a ninth centwy that Jerome 
beg^n to correct the first Latin translation. If your correspondent 
wUl read, after the words^ ^in the ninth c?^yi/«ry^'— the words> 
^qfier the captivity y which were accidentally omitted in the second 
MS. for the press, he will find I was right \ viz. In the ninth 
century after the captivity Jerome began, &c. Jerome was bom 
A. D. 329, and the Hebrews returned from the captivity 536 yeai9 
before Christ, which was in the ninth century etfter the captivity. 
Tour learned correspondent R. M. C. also makes. a remark VoL 
X. p. 335. concerning the word £l6him in my History of all 
MeUgisnSf second edition j he is also pleased to give this work a 
tery hieh character ; he says — ^* a work which undoubtedly does 
die autnor the highest credit, equally as the Gentleman^ the Bib- 
lical Scholar, the Orthodox Theologist, and the Genuine Chris- 
tian/* I have not the pleasure of being personally known to thitS 
writer. With regard to my orthodoxy, I was brought up in the 
established church* I believe her doctrines to be perfectly consis- 
tent with the sacred scriptures ; and if I have any claim to dui 
character of « genuine Christian^" I believe with die churdh ^Itaf 
it if Bot^ on the giound of my own merit. 


238 Biblical Criticism. 

If this gentleman be not already satisfied with what has hem 
said in proof that D^H^M is a tunm singular f comprehendii^ die 
Divine TVinihf in UniH/^ perfectly conformable to that admirable 
definition of the belief of the apostolic churdies^ which we odl 
the Athanasian Creed : I hope he will be, when he reads the 
note on Gen. i. 1* which will appear in my new translation of the 
book of Genesisi as soon as a suflicient number of subscribers 
(who are already of the most respectable and learned class) enable 
me to go to press. 

He expresses surprise, « that UTh^ should be still concdyed 
of the singular number^ by Mr. Bellamy, contrary to the now 
generally received opinion of every biblical student.'* To assume 
me point in dispute is an easy way of settling it, and therefore he 
adds, « as this can therefore be no longer considered as a contrO" 
verted pointy to attempt to go over the ground again, with* the 
abundant proofs that may be deduced from the sacred volume, and 
which is already done by the many able writers of the present, day, 
particularly by ike author of the Commentaries and critical Notes 
en the Holy Scriptures^ could manifestly add no farther weight to 
the now decided argument respecting the plurality of the word 
Slqhim^" The proofs adduced by ** the author,^* to whom he 
aHudes, Dr. A. Clarke, have been laid before your readers, and 
have been objected to in your pages ; nor have the objections been 
yet answered. They may also be further seen at large in the 
Ophion, a work I lately published. V 

. R. M. C. having begged the question, would have done well, 
hF he had abstained from all farther remark ; but he. enters die 
field of controversy with an ai^ument highly injurious to the cause 
which he attempts to advocate. «No classical reader,'* he ob- 
serves, « needs to be reminded, that nothing is more frequendy 
to be met with, than grammatical anomalies respecting the agree- 
ment and the government of words. The Arabic, die Hebrew, 
with all their dependent tongues, abound with them. Hence we 
find singular nouns connected with plural verbs, and plural nouns . 
vrith singular verbs." If so, what becomes of the argument drawn 
by Hutchinson, Parkhurst, Hadles, and Dr. A. Clarke, frtmi a 
few passages, which diey have supposed so connected, when, in 
every other instance throughout the scriptures, that word is found 
joined with nouns, aJ^ectives, and verbs f singular ? As to his quc^ 
tations from common Hebrew Grammars, they may prove satis- 
factory to some, but thev are not consistmt vritn the genius, phrase- 
ology and grammar of tne sacred language. By the word anomaJ^p 
as applied by your learned correspondent, I cannot allow that it 
^^RciUniuthorise him to consider , that a noun plural may be connected 
widi a veih singular, or vice vosa; in such case, the wcMfl- 
::** grammatic4*' would be very impropsr; for thoughout t)ie 

Notice of Vtnusque Leonida Carmina. 289 

scriptnfe, and in all languages, such kind of << anomaly," as this 
wiiter means, cannot be understood. By anomaly^ I understand 
a deviaUonfrom rtde; but there is no rule to be found in Scrip- 
ture, that will authorise us to deviate from ff)od sense: which 
would necessarily be the case, if such kind of anomaly were ad- 

North Place, Grmfs Inn Lane. 




Utriusque L£ONiDiE Carmina. Cum Argumentis^ 
varietate kctionisy scholiis^ et commentario^ edidit et in-^' 
dice ornavit Albert, Christ. Meineke, apud Susos 
tenses Rector. Lips, in libr. Weidmannia. small 8vfX 

This is a tery useful edition of two very middling writers,. 
Leonidas Tarentinus, and Leonidas Alexandrinus. Meineke, a 
scholar of some reputation in Germany, undertook the edition for 
a double reason : to collect into one volume the principal researches* 
which different critics had made on his authors ; and to assist _such 
young men as might be inclined to form an acquaintance with 
them. The^text is that of Brunck, with a few difiFerences, some 
readings, which he afterwards proposed, havine in this edition been 
received into the text. Some of the notes exhibit various readings^ 
collected from different editions : others are explanatory, in wh^ 
parallel passages from other writers are adduced^ and the senses 
of unusual words investigated. For this reason it may be of some 
use to the editors of the new edition of Stephens' Thesaurus.-^ 
Upon the whole, to such as turn their thoughts towards the illus^ 
tmtion of the writers of the Anthology, the book will be of e9U-' 
siderable use : as it is frequently necessary, in order to luides-j 
stand the best writers of Epigrams, to read with attentim tibie 
worst. We do not indeed rank either of our authors in thf hitter 
class : to those who wish to read pretty conceits on love and wine; 
or to learn all the various^/S^rmt^ by which superannusited heroes, 
or decayed rakes, in days of yore dedicated themselves to the innu* 
merable inhabitants of the celestial Billingsgate, Olympus, tluy 
volume may be a very agreeable companion. In reading it, thev 
wiU be much better employed than in perunng similar jVi^jt d'esprit 
of the present day. 



' A General lNtRoi>ucTioN to the Study of the He- 
BRKW Scriptures, with a Critical Histmy qf tht, 
Greek ahd Latin Versions^ of' the Samaritan P««te- 
teuch^ and of* the Chaldee Paraphrases. By the Rev. 
<jr. liAMiL'voNy Rector of Killermogh.'' Dublin, 8?o. 
pp. 197. 1813. 

Wht will not these Historix Critics Scriptores first read the . 
latest and best' writers on the subject of which they treat ? and if 
the proper books are either inaqcessible to them, or unintelligible^, 
because written in languages which they do not understand, why 
will they write at all ? These questions have been suggested to us by 
the perusal of Mr. Hamilton's work. We have not, indeed, much 
reason to complain of faults of commission : for what he has dotie, , 
he has done well : but we must be permitted to say, that he has 
omitted a great deal, of which he ought to have betn particidar 
in treating. The audior has, it ' is true, acted up to what he pro^ 
mised in his Title Page ; but there he did not take in a sii£» 
liciently wide range. Of the Peshito, or Syriac Yenion, he has 
jDpt 82^d a word : yet this version is decidedly one of the most 
valuable, and he nas promised (Preface, p. vL) tx> << give in » 
form, calculated for general circulation, satisfactory imormadoii. 
on some subjects connected with the study of die Hebrew Bible^. 
and of the best known of its ancient versions.** This defect 
is more inexcusable because much information respecting^ it is, 
dontained in books written in Latin, namely in Walton's rrobi* 
^mena in Biblia Polyglotta, in Asseman's Bibliotheca Orientafis,. 
aind'lti Dathe's Preface to his edition of the Syriac Psalter (9ve. 
Hake^^x. 1768). In the same manner he has omitted the Arabic 
'Version, though it has been treated of in Latin- works innumera- 
ble : neither has he even so much as hinted the existence of sUi 
^thiopic or Egyptian version, though Ludolf has treated of tb» 
first in his Historia ^thiopiea, Francf. 1699. and Woide has 
cb^celiently described the latter in his Dissertatio de BiUiomm veiu 
sione -£gyptiaca, Oxon. 1799. 

Another great defect is, his aj^Kirent ignorance of idhe Gef« 
man language, which to a Biblical Critic is abnost essentisd^ oa 
account of the numerous discoveriefs which have lately beea ande 
m Germany,, and which ar$ ieeovded in die Orientalisehe lindr 
Exegetische Bibiiothek of Michaelis, in EichhoRi'4 R^MV^orihun; 
fitr Biblischen und Morgenlandischen Literatlir, and his Allge* 

j»&tn6 Bibliothek cter BiUischen Literatur, and other periodical 
works of the $aixie description ; not to mention the innumerable 
valuable commentaries and other works of the German critics : 
tiQm not having read thesej Mr. H. is nearly a century behind 
Jbttind) in his information. 

. From £jichhorn's £inleitung in die Schriften des Alten Testa- 
taeats, most important information might have been given ; but 
Mr- H« does not appear to know that such a book even exists. 
His work, therefore,, is decidedly inferior, even to a small octav^ 
volume published many years ago by Dr. Bauer, as a guide tO 
hia Acaifemical Lectures.' Mr. Hamilton, however, if he wiH 
^end to German Literature, may raise a very useftd superstruc- 
Jture upon the foundation he has laid in his present work : we 
lave sdready said, that what he has done, he appears to have done 
well, and we have complained, not of his prolixity, but of his 
leonciseness. But imperfect and unsatisfactory as his book is, we 
Jiail it with considerable pleasure, as afibrding some beginning of 
~Kidcal literature in a country, which has been hitherto^ oi ;d| 
Ctthers, Spain and Portugal excepted, the most unprolific. 


ff^bUa Cantabrigia in SaceUo CoUegioque & S. et Indi^ 
vi^ia TrinUaUs Solenni Jestoque die Fundat07is menuh 
rice SQcro. octavo kulendas Junii MDCCLV. Ex Te^ 
tamento optinii nuper viri Joh. Wilsont, S. T. P. 
Pcrorante Gul. Maskelyne, A.M. EjusdemCoi- 
legii Socio. 

Lastitiaque concursusque vester. Academic!, atque hujusce diei 
^lennitas, ipsius insuper loci religio, cujus celebiandi gratia hue 
convenimus, maxima inter mortales benencia recenaenti mihi sxaok^ 
xnnm in hac re studium vestrum et benevolentiam cum silentxo 
pollicentur. Quanquam autem perspectum habeam pro vtrtute ac 
nominis eorum gloria, qui a principio has Musarum acdes con& 
derunt, vel deinceps aliquo omamento adauxerunt, dignam satis 
orationem vix inveniri quidem posse, qualibus tameh cu&que riri- 

bus aggrediendum est : ne. parum honestum sit nobis eos, quorum 


• EntMrurf einer Einleitung in die Schriften dcs Alten Testaments. 
^ttch <fen Introduction to ike Scriptures qft^p 014 Tesltmentf) 8vd.SHim* 
hog und .dhiiorf. 1794. 

24& Latin Oration tpoken 

opera docti atque edocti sumus probe^ quia perfecta erant tpri j^e* 
tatei ideo ne minores quidem consecutos esse laudes. i» 

Quis autem melius optimorum virorum laudes concinet, qttam 
qui facta eiiarraverit? cujus item hominis majus unquam in nos 
^neficium extitit, aut prius adtiquiusve, quam Henrici Stantony 
oufiblciensis? qui jam inde ab Edvardi secundi regis temporibtts 
privatis opibus vere magnificum ausus opus sanctam Michaeli8» id 
nomen erat, domum ex adverso in latere australi Musis feliciter 
posuit. Sic deinde ex mente ipsius positam^ nequid tanto numeri 
cleesset, iis annuis reditibus iirmavit ac locupletayit, quibus vel ad- 
hue fi^loriari nobis jure maximo licet. Is turn ibi vir bonus put 
chemmo facto suo gaudebat intuens, nescius sane quanta mox ifr- 
crementa secum esset allatura dies; cui tum urbi, ut ita dicam) 
lapidem angularem ipse manu sua fundassety ac primas tantum 
lineas designasset. 

Nee longo deinde annorum intervallo censimiU flaCgrans literanxm 
bonarum atque artium amore Edvardus tertius rex aulam hie rt* 
giam, ab ipsius fundatore sic vocitatam, turre ilia sua observabilem^ 
faustis magis dicam auspiciis, an secundo rerum exitu, an pio 
magis consilio construebat? Jam tum inimica ^ens Gallia regis 
illiusy illius inquam nostri sapientiam, atque animi magnitudinem 
perspicientes superbiam suam melius deposuissent : cum jamdu* 
dum non dubiis signis, nisi eorum mentes obccecasset Deus> pne- 
sagire poterant qui motus animorum, quae ipsorum fuga, qu« 
strages, siquando in Pictayinum campum descenderet, ^sent fii- 
turx. Quinimo plane furere, quando in lubitum fuerit, iis hosdbus 
8U0 semper cum periculo sinimus: nos vero ad propositum institu- 
turn revertamur. 

,. Hie tamen, quantumvis arctati simus temporis angustiis, pium^ 
,probum virum, atque huic loco et his studiis benevolentissimum 
Henricum sextum regem praeterire esset nefas. Qui cum istis 
fundamentis, quae rex iUe dudum hostium victor, proavus autem 
suus Edvardus jeceratj impensius faveret, aquam aliam fistulis 
subter alveum fluminis salubriorem ex longinquo deducebat. Quas 
res, quanto sit omamento, videtis: quam ad multa sit perutilis^ ci- 
tius ex aliorum inqpia, quam ex vestra maxima ilta cogia coUigetis. 

Proximus deinde Edvardus quartus rerum omnium, parta vic- 
toria, potens nihil horum permutari, nihil sua sede moveri, per eas 
denique literas, quae patentes vocantur, nihil non ratum confirma^ 
tumque esse voluit. Ita dissidentes inter se Eboracensis domus et 
Lsincastriae principes hie saltem onmes honeste certavenmt, uter 
•utri benefaciendo sit prior. 

Hue addamus, minorum quamvis gentium munera, non asper« 
nanda vicina ilia quidem hospitia Margaretana, Fesviciana, Qne- 
thana, Jaretana. Quae cum nullis essent opibus, nuUia legibna^ 
iiondum certo aliquo doctrinae investigandae duce> monim itidem 

at Cambridge^ 1755. 24Si 

• -% 

nuUo ceosore ueerentur, hoc tantum prae se ferebantt huic unico 
commodo insemebant, studiosis omnibus tectum, larem, perfu- 
gium interim dando, commune quoddam seie quasi asylum litera- 
rum aperuisse. 

Jamque pro ea, qua semper fuit, ammi majestate Henricus octa^- 
TU8 rex, fundator, pater nostrum omnium, rem magnam ausus 
novo prorsus consilio has senas xdes omnea conjun'gendi, dein 
sub uno eodemque magistro in perpetuum aevum stabiliendi^ ne sit 
alicubi in terris florentior Musarum sedes; (absit tantis dictit in* 
vidia, dum vera tota mente proferam, quodque alienis meritis tes- 
timonium redderem, in eo cives non defraudem meos), hoc, inquato 
praeclaro consilio usus, ut ex immenso illo Chao ordinem quendam, 
usum, lucem, gratiam ac dignitatem explicaret, intermedia omnia 
xdificia disjecit; qux minus decora omciebant oculis, aut huic 
formae, quam pulcherrimam intuemini, inservire uUo modo nega- 
bant, sustulit; reliqua haec mira arte ac diligentia consarciebati 
monachorum, pessimae gregis hominum, quos ille suis sedibus ex- 
ules egerat, praeda atque opimis spoliis ditabat } magistrum deinde 
praeposuit. Sic demum universa ilia materia in unum quodam- 
modo corpus redacta, ita ut nihil truncum atque informe, aut etiam 
quovis loco deficere videretur, nihil rursus abundaret, una identidem 
anima, unus sensus, eadem cogitatio prorsus tnesse omnibtts vide- 
batur. Quod quidem opus omnibus suis numeris absolutum, per* 
fectumque videns ille ipse qui condiderat artifex, neqjuid religionit 
aut ominis boni deesse yideretur, bona, felicia, faustaque omnia 
precatus banc aedem suam Deo propriam fieri, ejus numine semper 
atque imperio regi, sacrosanctae et individuxTrinitati sacram essel 
voluiti^inde ei nomen dedit. Cujus autem beneficii gratiam et 
commiHie commodum ad vos omnes, Academici, pertinere saepiu$ 
intellexisK^ Henricus noster, quod bono esset publico, tres illos 
lectores constituit, qui de Deo rebusq^e divinis, qui Graece, q^ 
Hebraice optimorum ac juratorum insuper septemvirorum judicio 
plurimum callerent. Qua tamen ratione dignitatis exinde aliquid 
nuic collegio suo accederet, hie locum, tectum dedit ; mensam iis 
iixis apposuit } societatem, siquando velint, addidit $ ex hoc potis- 
simum tot florentium virorum numero deligi voluit. 

Quid ?* ipsius postea conditoris filius Edvardua sextus rex quo 
erga nos animo in diem futurus videbatur, cum vel in ipso brevis- 
simae vitae cursu patris ea benefacta rata nobis fecerit, et certissima 
manu sua confirmaverit ? Quid ? altera deinde soboles Maria re*^ 
gina, cum inter alia munera hujusce saceQi fundamenta poneiret^ 
cujtts tandem pietatis esse videbatur ? quod fenestras jam tenuS 
eductum, ne sola eadem ad sunmium fastigium perduceret, mors 
fuit impedimento. 

Quid ? ilia etiam altera, Henrice, stirpis tux gloria, filia Elisa 
vegina qualis «iat nutris fautrizque horum onmiuoii cohdita autem 

^44 Latin Oration spoken 

sdiola Westinosasteriensi, mater mea alnia^ pia^ . feliz, Qiunqoid 
£oc sennone meo attigisse satis sit ? nuixij festinante me quidem 
ad t^s iterum laudes repetendas, hoc tantillulum sibi habeat pr^e- 
conium ? numquid hanc nomine tantum salutatam sic dimittamus? 
idque audire modo tibi, pater^ tuoque huic pppulo in praesens suf- 
ficiat? an omni potius contentione virium hoc loco sapientem prin-? 
cipem celebramus? Quae cum patriis virtutibus olim res publican 
administraret, ac forti supra foeminas animo teterrimam illam 
tempestatem Hispanicam his oris avertisset^ colonias Americanas 
commercii causa, et in his unicam praecipuam earn, quam nunc 
Galli suis injuriis ereptum eunt, Virginiam condidisset, hoste$ 
ubique terra marique perdomuissetj pacis perinde artibus idonea 
Aequaquam minorem laborantis turn religionis ac doctrinae rationem 
secum interim instituerat* Cujus tam doctae olim patronae desi- 
derio pios multos literatosque viros etiamnum teneri censeo. Qua^ 
singulari quodam consillo ab utriiisque Academiap C^ncellariia 
^ciscitabatur, increpationibus interdum 'minisque flagitabat, << qui- 
nam in his aedibus cum singulis tum universis, quanam in re, quan-; 
tumque eminerent : id certiorem earn facerent, planeque e^oce* 
^ent :'' hac mente scilicet, ne cujuspiam latere ingenium posset 
regiis negotiis suo mox tempore praeficiendum. Quod ad nos at* 
finet maxime pro ea, qua singulari fuit, prudentia annuos ^uju^e 
Collegii reditus, cum vilior indies fieret pecunia, pra^fjuiti^ .frumen?; 
torum modiis solvi statuto publico jussit. Ad haec collegium, 4ivi 
Petri api;d Westmonasterienses scholamque celeberrimam Ulam. 
quidem, et totius Britannias longe maximam, quam rem praeteriena 
acu modo quasi tetigeram, in usum literarum elegaptiorum Elisa^ 
regina condidit : unde discipuli quotannis in utramque pariter Aca« 
4emiam eligantur, et in hanc aedem nostram, quasi fonte quodam. 
perenni, feliciter deducantur. Prima - quoque legibus ac statutis 
hanc domum fundavit, quibus deinceps oraculo tanquam Pythio 

Jomprobatis obtemperandiim esc. Hanccine vero tantam, ita me 
)ei filius amet, tam divitem hodie patriam, haberemus, tam om- 
nibus copiis navalibus instructam, literis excultam, vera atque unica 
religione gaudentem, nisi ea omnia in ipsis paene primordiis. iqt&r 
rltura hacc Dese proprior quam foeminis regina conseirvasset, atque 
ipsupe^ a tantae calamitatis metu in pcsterum vindicasset. 
^ VQS quoque piae animae, qui aliquam domus hujusce nostn& 
partem opibus vestris illustrastis, universos simul jubeo salvere^i. 
valere; cum omnes sane longo ordine commemorare esset infini-, 
turn. Vestra, vestra mquam pietate, quod hos omnes licet atte&« 
^;ri, ^t ea tot beneficiorum copia, velut rore matutinoj non singu^^ 
&m tantum artem scieutiamve irrigastis, sed totum quantus est 
<iisciplinarum campum recreastis atque refecistis. 
^ Atque ecc^ bibliotbecam} quanta sit, nostram! qualis autem 
^ou^iapb usu plerique peniOTistis : quod insigne pietatis . et mu.- 

at Cambridge^ 175d. 945 

monut^eatiii^ ex privatorum dow conflatum e9t - Hie 
coemtos undique nobiles libros conaulere est : hie poetarum cho* 
rum optimum, hie mathematicorum universam supelleetilem^ hiq 
Socraticam domun(i> hie omnigenx aeientix monumental quae vt\ 
antiquissima manu scripta inveniaiiturj vel arte feliciore quotidie 
imprimuntur. Hinc siqua olim veteribus scriptla exciderunt xninua 
Indies desiderantur : quorum tantis nos ipsi naufiragiis ditamur^ 
quants^ stante adhuc et florente Gr^cia, atque incolume urbe Romay 
ne per }onga quidem sspcula in terrarum orbis ultimam turn banc 
ipsulam fors ulla devexisset : nunc autem toto aequore jactatos nec; 
ppinantibus nobis Deu$> ille adeo» qui tempestatem eam certe exci* 
ta^eratji his oris atque his maxime hospitiia appulit Deus* Hinc 
solida veritate pascitur mens humana, adomatur^ locupletatur : ut. 
uicredibile nobis prorsus videatur tantum malorum omnium dilu« 
yium aliquando extitiase, quantum represserit> atque revera hiip 
quoque doctrina quotidie reprimat. Quare nequis in os mihi dpc-i 
trinam inter privatos cujusque parietes invenieudam laudare am^ 
pliu^ a^deat : n^u sobrius vitam fere totam ibi actam traductamqi^e 
lieniter narrel : multo minua alienas longe pe^endas esse disciplinaft 
su^deat : aut iosanas et nimium diu jam deridiculas hasce pueron 
rnm nostrorum peregrinationes alicui in animum inducat. Cuxa 
iidem perfodere mantes, sistere fiumuE^um cursus^ et in hcgtulum 
SH^um derivare maguo mebercle coo^miqe, sed infeUqe Ijlermnqu^, 
exitu moliri prorsus videantur* QuautQ satius est xi^bia in ipsa, 
XiffSL fluminis sedem posuisse,, labores^ studia» more.^ tot hominum 
perspexiasei literarum quoddam inter noa quasi commercium insK^ 

Quae enim urbs, quae gens ant^a unquam in terris^ quae, dicam 
natiO| cum rudes adhuc artium essent homines, et dextro Mercurio 
maxime indigerent, totidem literarum miracula vaticina^ estj sua 
(}einde tempore protulit, patefecit> perfecit, quot et quanta ex aede 
unica hac nostra provenerunt in commune commodumt atque hu«i 
mani generis decus ? Quid vero, Academici, dignum vestris a'u« 
ribusj aut iis operibus immortalibus, aut eorum virtuti sempitensuc 
par ullo x^odo protuli, aut fortasse prolaturus videor ? contentpu 
poene tantummodo nominasse hos yiros, cum adaequandae laudum 
eorum majestatis spes omnes abjecissem. Baconos scilicet,| Neur 
tonosj Cotesio^i Smithios ; Drydenos insuper, Couleios, Barovios ; 
sacerdotes castosy^ pios vates, philosophos autem poene divinosi quos 
ipse aliquando con^ortio suo pro^iore dignabitur Deus* 

Natura sine disciplina coeca est» et vi ruit sua: ilia contra, si a 
natura destituatur, xv^ca est et deficit : utraque ubi|, dante ac va« 
l^nte Deo, convenerijnt^ exercitatione tamen opus est et certaQU- 
num studio. Ne ipsa quidem Graecia, mihi credite, artibus a Deo 
armisque abundasset, nisi Lycsea, porticus, sy hras Academiae sepo- 
suissent : nisi gymnicos praeterea ludos, pabestras, circus, theatra 

S4$ Latin Oration^ 4^c. 

ticbili quoctam studio firequentassent : agone demum iDo tSi!fmpici& 
prxmia omnibus, justos simul juratos sanctosque judices propo^ 

Vos tamen fortunatos I si Testra satis nostis ea bona, quos Mnsar 
severiores secemunt populo r quibus doctarum illae indies praemia 
frontium novas aliquas palmas decernunt: quorum gravissimis 
^ictis ac factis Pythagoreae disciplinae ritu cum silentio stupemus. 
Utque Cereris ailiquando olim arcanis initiati beati dehinc crede« 
bantur, vos perinde qutetis his ordinibus adscript! de vitae exitu, et 
uniyerso aevo spem habetis conceptam meliorem : tantoque rectius 
doctrinse illiusi quam Neutonus noster toto terrarum orbe disseim* 
navit, fruges ac primitias vos auferetis, qualia Athentensibus quon- 
dam perscuivebantur, quanto mentem humanam coluisse pluris esti 
quam terram inventis plaustris renovasse* Vile solum est Attica : 
Tibridis arenis prope occlusum est ostium : ipsaque ^gypti Alex- 
aUidria tot quondam scientiis librisque suis superba, iis omnibus ex* 
hausta penitus, incensaque hostiliter, jam inter cineres illas sedens 
tacita quodammodo vestram opem reposcere videatur : sicut, Nilo 
jampridem alveo suo egredt nolente, aut aquas illas debitas solitO 
llaBsitantius ac pedetentim quidem educente, ilia ipsa supplex haec 
vestra ^gjrptus sole usta tum atque arida Trajanum imperatorem 
fruges suas reposcebat : Grallia suam sero palmam tradidit : Car* 
tesianum illud somnium evanuit: et in hoc perventum est fas* 
tigium, ut' lion nisi cum mundo interiturus sit Neutonus. 
' Quern vero finem jam faciam ? aut quis astantium, ut Graccbo 
dBm Romano, ita mese nunc voci in his rebus statuet modum ? quis 
aliquem mihi suggeret exitum ? Bene itaque suo praeteritum loco^ 
quo pia sit ac perpetua beneficiorum memoria, et mentibus vestris 
inhaereat, atque exemplo prosit, Henrici pracconium repetatur* 
Quid simile, quid secundum huic tanto, tarn pulcre pieque collocato 
beneficio inveniemus? aut quemnam mortalium Henrico nostro vel 
sapientia, vel fortitudine, vel munificentia nisi ex longo intervalla 
pToximum reperiemus ? Unicum post hominum memoriam, magni 
scilicet sapientisque viri Thesei consilium vel ipsius rei nobilitate^ 
vel utilitate cum hoc nostro conferri quodammodo videatur. Qui^ 
<ondnuli olim ratione ioita, civitatem Atticam, qui prius sparsim et 
vicatim Jiabitabant, compulit in unum locum, et congregavit. 

Suid vero i cum adunatis totius gends opibus, viribus, consiliis 
iirimum quidem patriam suam amplific^set, ipsius quomodo ca^ 
ptti et fortunis consultum est ? Cum Athenarum arcem celeber* 
nmarn peregre inde in exilium abiens, et supeiba ilia moenia sua 
opera constructa, et ingratam civitatem brevique niituram respi« 
ciens predbus^ et dins, exsecrationibusque in perpetuum devo ve tet> 

^ Non niu cum toto debuit orbe inori. fiMf • Orat. dc Emumo. £fi* 

Remarks «m 1 Tim. iii. 1&. 247 

A^te veto ad Isetiora ilia nostra Tevertainiir, gratiasi et gratufai«» 
tiotie8> et pias beneficionim commemoradonesi et festos dies insdi^ 
tutosy et coetus hominum celeberrimos, et commune omnium gaii« 
dium. Quum stare hanc domum prxclaram, tot linguis» artiDtts» 
scientiisque omatam, opibus deinde amplificatami fama auctam, et 
novo jam quasi fundamine cceptam iterum strui videant; cum pro- 
bam docilemque juventutem esse audiant, sapientes senes, et, quod 
huic tanto populo est instar omnium, magistrum certe in quolibet 
laudum genere praestantissimum, quidni mazimam. olim in terns 
huic sedi diuturnitatem non vanis auguriis, minimeque dulnis tot 
signorum interpretationibus polliceantur ? 

Neu quis humanis ojHbus provenire tot ac tanta haec arbitretur* 
Dei, Dei inquam ductu atque auspiciis jacta sunt fundamental 
aucta, perfectaque onmia. Hinc omne principium, hue prospen 
referendi sunt exitus/ Unus igitur qui ab initio condidit lumc 
sedem, qui sacrosanctse et individuac Trinitatis ei nomen impertivi^ 
conditam imperio suo semper regat Deus. 


On 1 Tim. in. 16. 

>As I live in a remote comer of the country, and hare not an of^ 
portunity of seeing many new books, I had not till lately the pka^ 
sure of perusine some volumes of the Classical JournaL I ain 
greatly pleased both with the general plan, and with many parti* 
cular papers in that work; and it would give me much satisfaction 
if I could, in any way, add to its value. With this hope, I send 
you the following remarks on 1 Tim. iii. 16, Stl% (or, according to 
6thers o^ or o^) l^avf^cetfi} ev caqxt. 

This passage (with the exception of the three heavenly witnesses^ 
1 John V. 7) has been the subject of more discussion than any 
other in the New Testament; nor can it, like this latter, be, re- 
garded as fully settled to the convfction of Biblical critics. Of the 
two great editors, Wetstein and Griesbach (both pf whom agree in 
rejecting the common readine Selg) the one wishes to substitute tfy 
the other o, the first of which appears to have been the reading ci 
the Alexandrian, the other of the Western Recension. That U 
is the most probable of all the readings, is evident from the marrin 
of Griesbach's edition, where it appears that it is supported (1) ny 

fhe most ancient manuscripts, (2) by the most ancient versions^ 

^ » 

■ Hinc omne principiuio; hue refer exitum. — Hor. £d. 

* Is not the doubtfiu rsading, fit or fi, som^ proof in &vor>of Qedi ? Edit* 

$48 Remarks on 1 Tim. in. 16, 

(9) that die tncient Fathers icould not We re^ Ss^, as iheUt iea- 
stming, and even their very silence (in those controrersies concam^ 
ing the divinity of Christy where the covamon reading would hsKwe 
)>^n expressly to Itheir purpose) strongly militates against such » 
notion* But, though S^ is, beyond all doubt, the best suppoited of 
the three readings, it appears, according to the usual way in which 
the verse is read, to inake something very like nonsense; and Gries* 
bach himself says, Lectio Zg difficiUor est et insdentior ceteris*^ 
* Accordinj^Iy, the exponents of the reading Oso^ (Erasmus, Gvotm$9 
and Sir l^aac Newton) have, as appears from Wetsteiut anbraoed 
the reading or quod^ in which they have been joined by that great; 
critic himself. This they have been probably induced to do fsom 
the difficulty of making sense of oc, which they ought, in consi&a 
tency with th^ canons of criticism, to. have adopted, and which bsm 
accordingly been adopted into his text by Gri^sbach^ 
. In a perusal of this epistle some time ago, without any particular- 
view to this discussion, and in a Greek Testament without nqt^ 
or various readings, it occurred to me that the difficulty of this 
whole passage consists in the word oftoXoyotiftfvo)^ at the beginning 
of the verse. This (as the ancient MSS. were written without dis^ 
tinction of words) has been read as one word, OMOAOFOTMENflXf^ 
whereas, it ought, according to my conjecture, to be reserved into 
four, OMOTy and AOrOTt and MEN, and OSf which would re- 
move the whole difficulty. Upon turning to the place ift Wet- 
stein and Griesbapb, I became convinced from the passage of jPa- 
tiers there quoted, that this is the true reading; and I shaU $hortlyr 
^tate to you m)/ grounds for this supposition, after a few general tj^ 
marks on the Epistle itself^ . 

The fflrst Epistle of Timothy appears to have been principally dl* 
rected against the Therapeut^p, a Jewish sect, concerning whicli 
volumes have been written. Since the time of Phijo, who givei^ 
an account of them at considerable length, they have been sup^ 
posed to have been so named from the Greek word di^wsutiVf ta 
heal (viz* the soul), nor does it appear that this absurd etymolc^ 
has ever been disputed. They seem, however, to have been sa 
named, not/ from healing or pretending to heal either soul or body^ 
but from n^ljl and nJ19, TAure and %Patah, two Hebrew word^^ 
which literally signify to open or expound the Iavw. In short| ihei 
ITherapetitce were no other than Expositors of the LdiiDf and were 
literally the A'oftoS^S^xirxaXof of Scripture. They are described by 
Philo as spending the whole time, from morning to evening, in tM 
meditataon and expounding of the Scriptures, wh^re they pretended 
(0 discover a vast number of symbolical and allegorical meanings.' 

' See Philo irepX /3tov OeitffMirf rov, or £u8eb. HUi» EceUs, lib. ii. cap. 17. 
** All the mter\Til of time," says Philo, <* from sun-hse to evening they- exercise 

Remarks an 1 Tim. in. id. 249 

' St* PauFs diief object, iti thi^ Eprstle, seems to have been to 
caution Tiikiothy against this class of people^ who seem to have got 
footing at Ephesus ; and in4eecl^ as Philo tells us, were spread over 
the \i4iole world, and communicated their instructions hoth to 
Greeks and Barbarians. The Apostle begins by ridiculing their 
absurd allegories, and states;. Chap. i. 7, that they had turned aside 
to vain janglingSf desiring to be NofAoMoKrxoLXot teachers of the 
Law (or Therapeuke) understanding neither what they say^ nor 
%K^ereqf they affirm. It appears, that of these Therapeutay or* 
^xp^tors of the Law, some were females ; and, accordingly,* the 
Apostle enjoins Timothy not to permit women to expound or teach, < 
€h^. II. * 10 — 15. The Therapeutce were adversaries of mar* 
riage, and, accordingly, the Apostle mentions that the Bishop 
siMHild be a married man, in. 2. They gave up all care of their 
JamilieSy and he insists on the necessity of the Bishop's rtding 
well his own house, and having his children in subjection wi^ ofL 
graivity. III. 4, 5. Similar injunctions are given to the deacohs 
and deaconesses; and then follows the celebrated passage, TAe'^^ 
things write I unto thee, hoping to come unto Thee shortly t but if I 
tarry long that thou mayest hiow, &c. And the Aposde, after 
this passage, subjoins a reason for his anxiety, and the particul^ty 
of his injunctions : For the spiHt,{%vfs he) speaketh expressly, that 
in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, gixnng heed to 
seducing Spirits, and doctrines ^devils, speaking lies in Mfpocris^f 
honing their conscience seared ipith a hot iron, forbidding to marry, 
and to abstain from meats which God hath treated to be received 
with thank^iving. Against all this the Apostle cautions Timothy, 
and (with a itianifest reference to the Therapeutic old women) he 
tells him to re/iise profane and old mve^ fables, chap. it. 7 ; and 
states^ that so far from there being any merit in giving up the 
world, and dedicating one's self wholly to a contemplative life, 
tfany prcnAde not for his or her own, and specially Jbr those of his 
or her awn kindred, that person hath denied the faith, and is wors'e 
than an infidel, chap. v. 8. 

Such is the Apostle's train of reasoning j and it is evident to the 
most careless reader, that, as it stands at present, the famous pas- 
sage. And without controversy great is the mystery of Godliness, is 
totdly devoid of connexion, eidier with what goes before or comes 
after it. Nor is it less evident, from the above remailcs, Aint the 


thetDSSlves in the study of the Scriptures^ which they philosophize and ex- 
pound allegorically. They consider the words as merely notes and marks 
of hidden mysteries, which, are to be explained fgumtlvely. They have ahtt^ 
the commentaries of ancient persons who had been leaders of their sect, and 
who have left them many monuments of allegorical learning, lyhich ^ey- 
use as archetypes, and endeavour to imitate.'^ The therMeuta rejecied 
m»saa»gPf kut there were ancient fedud^s amotis them, a$ iveU a# ii|«des. 

960 tUmark$ on 1 jTtm. in. l6. 

Apoade, in vAaX goes before, was speakbg net cf the coniitd df 
7|mo% himselft but of the general conduct of the nuifet and fi-^' 
-males of the christian community. The passage, accordingly, 1 
would thus read and translate : Teuivi o-oi ygi^, fXirf^oDy h}JUtv w^' 
vi Tfl^iov* hei¥ 8f j3^a$uyflD, Iva flSJK m; 8ei, tv o7xa» AmD, otfetffTQipfvieUf 
^$S fcrrlv fxxXi}<r^ 6eoD ^ovvrof, o"ruXof koA ^faltOfjM 1% *ylXi}Je/«^y x«i 
ifMv ii^you ftfy, 0; fttytf ivr) to r^; wvefiilag fwarfigm, 0$ t ^flryt^tfi} 
ty ^ttf x), X. r. X. These things Inmite unto thee, hoping to come to 
thee speedibfs but if I tarry long, that thou maifest knam whatf in 
the house of Godf ought to be the conduct of one who is^z church of 
the living God, a pillar and support of the Truth, and also' of the 
word \pr L(^os'\, which is the great mystery of godliness which was ' 
nun^ested in thejlesh, S^c. 

Tnat this was the reading of the early Fathers, I shall now pvo-' 
ceed to show, after a very few previous observations. And, nrst, 
it is to be remarked, that the whole passage is highly figurative, 
but is in the usual metaphorical style of St. Paul. In Ephesians, 
chap. II. 22, he speaks, also, of the Christian as a church ofGodj 
and the same figure is employed in 1 Pet. 11. 5. It is remarkaUe, 
abo, that in this, and the second Epistle to Timothy, the Aposde 
frequently uses die word\rl»yo; in a very ambiguous sense, so that 
it is. sometimes difiicuit to know whether he employs it personally 
QK impersonally. Thus, for example, talking of his own fetters, he 
says, 2 Tim. cnap. 11. 9, But the Logps of God is not bounds and 
in the phrase which he so frequently repeats in this Episde, Utvri^ 
( Aiy^i, it is occasionally not easy to know whether he takes Logos 
in a personal sense, or not. The Aposde also uses *AkfiMoL$ in the 
same ambiguous sense, making it sometimes personal, as it were, 
(as St. John does, when he says, 1 John, chap. v. 6, hi ro mwfii 
Irriv fi *A\yfitta), and at odier times coupling it with the Logos, 
2 Tim* II. 15, rov Acyov ttj^ *AXifiieUs. Finally, it is not unusual 
with the Apostle to connect two phrases together (as in the above 
text) which are in some respects synonymous, as when he calls him- 
self in this very Episde, chap. 11. 7, a teacher of the Gentiles, h 
v/mi xtt) ak/fitia. I may add, diat in the passage which Is the sub- 
ject of discussion, the Aposde, perhaps, was led to a tmofM me- 
thod of expressing. himseUF from his having given a twofold injunc- 
tiCHii— that is, both with regard to the conduct of males and the 
conduct oi females in the church ; and it is probable that the mean- 
ing of the text is, BmI if I tarry long, that thou mayest know what 
ought to be the conduct of k female wko is a church of the Ueing 
God^.^ri; corly voCKi^Iol OfoO (dDvro^, and of k MALE *aiio is a pillar 
and stgfport qf the Truth; and from this twofold view of the sub- 
ject might arise, perhaps, the reduplication ^AXrfiila^ and Aiyort. 

These things bei^ premised, I shall now proceed to show that 
die eaily Fathers seem to have read o/aov Airfw jxer 0^ in the above 

Ee$mfrks on 1 Tim. iii« 16. .251 

pa$8a^; and shftll confine myself to the examples in Wetetda 
andGriesbaclu. I before stated, that the interpretadon whidi I 
have given occurred to me without any previous notice of these 
passages ; and, when I saw them, I could not help wondering tifiit 
when so many great minds have been occupied with this verse, the 
simple enunciation which I have given should never have occi^red^ 
I. <« Ad Christum referri potuit,'' says Griesbach in loc* <*hoc dic- 
tum aPatribus, siye o^ legerent sive o ut a Latinis factum hoc esac^ 
jam notavimus. Hinc Christum ipsum nonnuUi juuuor^^iov nominaise 
solebant, et^scribere potuit, v. c. Justinus ad Diognet. : cewhrtrki 
Aiyw %vcL xitTfjaa ^avr,, o^ hot, earwrrokoov xifffo^sig uro edywy nrMmofi^? 
The same passage is given by Wetstein, who continues thus,^- 
«< Addit /. MilltuSf ex guSms manifestum estf a B. Mariyre ledum 
(foV. Mihi aliter videtur. Si enim lectio recepta loci istius tunc ob^ 
versata fuisset animo Justini, quod putat BengeliuSf non utique scrip* 
sisset &irimiX8¥, cum Isi^ emetrraXfuvos nusquam in scriptura sacra 
legatur, et viz recte, ut puto, dici possit/* Wetstein argues (it is 
observable) on mere theological grounds, but neither he nor Gries* 
bach seem to have had the smallest idea of Ay/o^ which must have 
been read (and, as in the text, widiout the article) by Justin. 
n. Cyril of Alexandria (as quoted by Griesbach) de recta Jide ad 
Tieodosiumf thus Mrrites : rd fi^iyet rrig gwrtfinlag p/ori^^iov, rovrhn 

CEuri^ iifiAv 6 sx rou Beou irarpig Aiyo^ 3; i^«yf^ti), &C. et ad S^n* 
t. rig 6 h cagxi ^aȤpcott{g ; % S^Xoy 2ri venrrj ts xeA itanrtos 6 hx 9fo5 
iccwfog Aiyog. ovrco ycif Sotm fuiya to 'nig fvo'f^ff/a; [SAxrrijQtov* III. 
Gregor. Nyssen. m Antirrhet. adv. Apollinar. quoted also by 
Griesbach, writes thus, to [w^r^ptov h tragx) l^avf^Ai}* xakmg touto 
Xt/otfy* oSro^ 6 riiUrtfig Aoyog* IV. Origen (says Griesbach) thus 
writes in Rom. i>2^ interprete Rufino, Is qui Verbum caro factus 
apparuit positis in came, sicut Apostolus dicit, Qtita (/. quiy says 
Wetstein ; fortasse qui, says Griesbach) manifestatus est in came, 
jttstificatus, &c« It is not unlikely that Origen, or his interpreter, 
might read Hfuov Aoyov fi§¥ mg, and hence Qtda instead of Qut.' 

From all these passages, quoted from no less than four Greek 
Fatkers, it appears that the idea of the Aiy^g was constantly sug* 
gested to them by this text ; and that it must therefore probably, I 
might almost say necessarily, have been read by them in the manner 
that I have proposed. Tne same circumstance will account for 
the Western reading of o, instead of !g. Among the' Latins the 
word Verbum or A^g was neuter, and therefore mey would natu^ 

' ** Cetenim notatu dignum est,^ says Griesbach Si/mbola Critictt, torn. i. 
xuvy Hals, 17a5, ''m omi^ibus operibus Origenis Grscis oracutuni 
ocJPauUnum nunquam laudari, si iinicum locum excipias, ubi legitur, 
h'f^fiiii bf tijff iyaJ^fidui^im }Jr^ai. 


2^ Remarks on the Mtming 

fdlf rettl QvoD mamfkOnmn ea. HenciSj wliil^ 3^ Was the pri- 
mial Oxeciant 8 was conndeted as die ottideiUsd readings becMi^ 
tixt Latin Fathers oontmualiy wtote QttO0 mkhMOaifdn ett 3 not 
diat 8 was in their Gteek ci^ieS, (though this indeed is the t«adifig 
«f the Caie^ Beete^) but diat it Was necessatf to make the relative 
HiMir^ as both the antecedents i)erblM and fm/stefium Were neuteir, 
I have thusi with all the shortness in ihy po^tt^ giveti you my 
raaspns for th« resolution of the Word *D/ttoAovoi/ftffyoo^ Serena 
otfitr arguments might be adduced, but those wnich I have gireh 
are of the most importance $ nor} perhaps, cotild what I hare fuf- 
dier to say essentially add to the eridence already produced. If I 
am not deceived, I have had the good fortune to elucidate this very 
difficult text, as well as t6 throw HeW light on the subject of the 
'I%erapeukt'''^^ subject which has been equally controverted with 
the other, and which, as far as I know, has been hitherto equally 
obscure. I am, &c* 

OojfUon Manse, Ayrihite, 24ftk July, 1815. J. SROWN. 



On the Meaning of the Hebrew TVord y^.' 

Ij)^ the Classicaljoumalf (vol. v>u. p. 162,) Sir W. Drummon4» 
in answering t&e objections of your correspondent S. of Norwich 
to his plulological creed respecting the ancient dialects of Pales^ 
tlh^ and Egypt, has found it convenient to explain away the 
Scripture, as S. has somewhere since observed : and he has accord** 
ingly endeavoured to show, that the word V^D, translated in our 
version ^^ interpreter^ means merely an ^^ interlocutor*^ On the 
meaning of the word. Sir W. D.'s argument Very materially d«^ 

Sends; and it may therefore, perhaps, not be uninteresting to en- 
eavour to ascertain with precision die trUe meaning of the word. 
In- the Hebrew text. Gen. XLii. 23, is worded in the followii^ 
manner: Dnyi f)on O «jDVi;b\J? ^D JjyT vb pm, diese word% 

have been translated in our common version, ^^and diey knew 
not that Joseph understood them $ for he spake unto diem by an 
interpreter :" but Sir W. D. contends that it should be rendeied 
<< and they knew not that Joseph heard, because the interlocutor 
(TvDn) was between them." 
The word Y^O i& derived from the toot yp, accordii% to Si* 

of the Hebrew Word y^D. 263 

monis, (Lexicon Heb. Chald. Edit. Eichhorn Halae Saxon. 1798, Tol. 
I. p. 864, 8vo.) and we learn from him that Weller in his Treatise on 
Biblical VYiSLoXogj^AbAandlungen ails derBiHisekenPkilplogieff.SO, 
explains the word to mean verba infUctere^ inverterey convertere^ 
tnutare : now an interpreter certainly does change the words he 
interprets ; and, as Simonis remarks, a mocker {Sot ludere^ iUudeve% 
is the primary meaning of p^) changes the words he intends ta 
burlesque ; the meanings therefore are RKHre nearly connected th^o 
appears at first sight. What grounds WeUer may hjive to go upoa» 
I cannot pretend to say, never having seen his work; but I do not 
kKiow any unanswerable objections to his hypothesis. 

In 2 Chron. xxxii. SI, we read of V^D, << ambassadors," teat 
from the princes of Babylon to Hezekiah; now here I think we 
have rather the idea of interpreting^ since the Jews, at that periodp 
would hardly, immediately, have understood Babylonish. But h^re 
I will allow the sense to be dubious. 

The best proof, however, is the use of the derivative word rwV^S 

we read, in Prov. i. 6. A man-— shall attain-^-to understand a 
proverb {bWD)y and the interpretation (JWfe): here 7X^1^ cannot 
signify an ** interlocution:*' it sometimes also signifies a speech 
needing interpretation: e. g. Hab. ii. 6. << Shall not all these take 
tip a parable (Vtt^D) against him, and a taunting proverb (nST^) 
against him ?" Every one, at all acquainted with the nature of 
Hebrew poetry, will perceive, that nSK^^D has nearly the same force 
with b^, unless he prefer to translate « a parable, and a taunting 
interpretation against him." Sir W. D. perhaps, will contend for 
<< a taunting interlocution ;" to which I shall not object, provided 
He can make it intelligible. 

If the Y^0» who wzs present (I will not, for obvious reasons, say 
interpreted) at the conference of Joseph and his brethren, mereN 
repeated the words uttered by the parties, Reuben was very bold ta 
make the speech he did, because there was a chance that Joseph 
himself might hear it: but if this Y^^D was really an interpreter ^ 
and they had reason to believe that Joseph was ignorant of Hebrew, 
die risk must to him have appeared much less. 

If the meaning I have contended for be the right one, yDK^ will 
here have the sense of « understand" which, for obvious reasons, 
I shall not spend time in vindicating. 

Jufy 19iA, 1815. M. 




In the Classical Journal, vol. xi. p. 70. a Correspondent has very ' 
kindly undertaken a defence of Gabriel Sionita, the editor of the 
Syriac and Arabic versions printed in the Paris Polyglott. How- 
ever greatly vtre may be disposed to respect the motive vtrhich has 
induced the writer to endeavour to shield his client, it may be 
prudent to pause, until we have examined the justice of the cen- 
sures which have been passed on Sionita, before we acquit him ; 
and in consequence condemn the late learned Michaelis as a severe 
and unjust judge. It shall therefore be my endeavour to lay before 
the reader a few instances of Sionita's deficiencies : from which» 
I conceive, it will be made plain, even to I. T., that no censure ha» 
been passed upon him, which is not amply justified by his errors. 

It will be conceded without difficulty to I. T., that Gabriel had . 
a very difficult task to perform : but the errors of which he has 
been guilty, are of such a nature, that they are by no means excused 
by this task : we complain not of casual error : but we maintain 
that he has systematically done wrong, and committed faults un- 
pardonable in a critic living in the seventeenth century. I quote 
Michaelis as my authority, partly because I^have not the Polyglott 
at hand, and therefore am unable to collect instances : and also> 
because he has not been either accused or convicted of having 
falsely accused Sionita. 

Speaking of the Arabic version of the N. T. Michaelis says ^' 
<< Gabriel Sionita has taken very unnecessary pains in correcting 
what appeared to him to be bad Arabic in this version, before it 
was printed in the Paris Polyglott. A translation of this kind is 
recommended, not by modern ornaments, but by its genuine anti- 

To alter the text of Scripture, particularly of ancient versions, 
is certainly a very unpardonable fault in a critic : because this com- 
pletely destroys, or at least very greatly diminishes the authority of 
the version, as a source of various readings : yet of this fault has 
Sionita been repeatedly guilty. The value of the Polyglott Arabia 
is scarcely worth mentioning in a list of various readings : since in 
consequence of Sionita's alterations, we never can be sure whether 
we are quoting a various reading of the version, or a various read- 
ing made by its editor. 

With respect to the Syriac version, Michaelis * has ** a strong 

1 lotroduction to the N. T. vol. ii. pt. i. p. B8, tdit 1802* 
^ Introd. to N. T. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 15. 

Remarks on. the Defence ^ ^c. . 255 

8US3>icion that the text of this edition/' (namely, that printed in 
the Paris Polyglott) **has been altered from mere conjecture, at 
least many passages in the book of Revelation differ from the first 
edition, without any reason being assigned for the alteration : and 
Gabriel Sionita — ^was not a man on whom we can rely." V I do 
not proceed to cite the censure passed by Michaelis on his Latin 
version ; because I consider it as an unpardonable act in a collector 
of various readings to take them from the Latiti translations of the 
Oriental versions, and therefore am not inclined particularly to 
blame Sionita. 

In transcribing or in correcting the Syriac versions, Gabriel cer- 
t^mly has not always paid proper attention to the Hebrew text : if 
Jhe had he would never have permitted ]<^\^^ to pass in Job, 
xiii. 16. instead of \q3u,» when the Hebrew * has c^H, and the 

Arabic version which was made from the Syriac, reads .^j^ : * not 
in Job, xviii. !?• would he have suffered ]A^^ to stand as the 
translation of yin ; but he would have printed the word )A«;.o in 

conformity with the Arabic, which has ^v^).^ — ^I might notice .hi3 

pointing {alo^ as a singular, when the Hebrew has D^tt^, and seve- 
ral similar things : but they are trifling in comparison of what Mi- 
chaelis has remarked. 

If such, then, be the case, I do not perceive how Michaelis can 
justly be said, to have << treated him with merciless severity j" nor 
can I see any thing in his language deserving of such a censure. 
He o;ily states undoubted facts *, and he closes his remarks by 
observing,^ that « the more he considers him as a critic, the less 
reason he finds to value him ;" and he therefore has omitted in 
the third and fourth editiohs of his Introduction, what he "had 
written in the two first editions to the disparagement of Gutbier, 
who had, in his edition of the Syriac Testament, followed a diffe- 
rent system of pointing. To this judgment of Michaelis, every 
unprejudiced reader will probably assent : nor. does it much sig- 
nify, whether his edition has failed from his ignorance, his care- 
lessness, or his involuntary haste : the critical value of his labors 
will in any case be precisely the same : but after what Michaelis 

' On these words. Dr. Marsh (Notes on Michaelis, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 544.) 
has a note: he simply refers us to Walchii Bibliotheca Theologica, torn, iv, 
p. 170. and Waltoni Prolegom. p. 89. I believe he appeals to th^m in sup- 
port of what Michaelis has said ; because where he corrects Michaelis, be 
dl>as so at length in a note, and does not content himself with barely refer- 
ring to other writers. 

* Michaelis Grammat. Syr. p. 6. 4to. Halse, 1784. 
3 Michbuelis Gram. Syr. p. 25. 

♦ Introduct to the N. T. vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 15. 

256 Remarks on some Statements of 

his saidi I cahnot esfsity doubt, that att the three cati^M Utrtrti eat^ 

The « milder sentiments of our Walton," do not much coritf i*' 
Bute to make the reader condemn the judgment of the Germiii 
critic : but in the short paragraph I. T. has qooted, enough haff 
been said, to set Sionita's pretensions to the character of a ^iitid 
critic for ever at rest. 

The hint respecting candor is Inapplicable to MichaSlis; yffha 
eertainly possessed a greater share of it, than often falls to the lot 
of critics : and that he was not in general unwilling to defend tbe 
reputation of scholars who have been unjustly condemned b^ their 
lirethren, must be evident to every one, who has read his Introduc- 
tion to the N. T: j particularly that part v(^here he defends Wilkin^ 
from the censures of Jablonski and La Croze,* and Emser* front 
those of die Lutherans in general. 

Upon the whole, therefore, it is not possible for me to agree 
entirely with L T. in his defence of Gabriel Sionit^ : and I maik 
it may be doubted whether he has not in some measure, though 
unintentionally, committed the same fank, which he has censured 
in Michaelis. 

Ji^ 24, 1815. M 



On some Statements of the Right Honorable 

Sir W. Drummond. 

1 RE<iOEST permission to make a few observations on sonie 
jpapers written by your learned correspondent Sir W*. Brummohd : 
ind t make them, not with the desire of provoking a controversy, 
but merely from a wish to defend and maintain, what I conceive to 
be truth. 

In an examination of a work of Mr. Bryant,' we find the follow- 
ing words : " Now the Coptic word for an ass's colt is CHX 
(see the Lexicon of La Croze) and it appears from Woide's 

Grammar, that the !^ is often sounded like th : consequently the 
Egyptian word may be written Seth, an ass's colt.'* If I be not, 
iiowever, very much mistaken, the words of Woide bear a meani 
ing exactly opposite to that given them by Sir W. D. : they are as 


■ Introduct. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 78. ^ Intruduct. vol. ii. fi. i. p. ifO. 

3 Class. Jouni. vol. vii. p. 994. (^o. xiv.) 

the 'Rigl4 If0n^ Sir W. Drummond. 257 

£oUpw.8 4 << 2C p^ro g ponitur in yoce TQjS.1, Tegius. Bonjour 

Exerc. in Mon. Copt. p. 4. et Apoc. xviii. 10. tl3[XP2CC)!X- 

PITHC pro /tapyag/nif : G^n. ylvii. 10, 27. 2CeC6U 

pro yecrs/x, Peut. xxiv. 6. 2CCJXI pro yal, nomen oppi4i* Hanc 
literam G^aeci accurate exprimere Tion ppssunij mode per y, .modo 
per i, modo per «•, modo per p^, modo per t indicant. Vide Ji^,- 

blonski J)48sert..vii. deTei;r^ Gosen, p. 31 — 83. e. g, G2CIIIP& 
ai4$o; et 9LT^f {hxc derivario videtur dubia W.) 2C.GUH0YT' 
Sebennythus' nomen urbis: 3ClU2C6Uj yuxrefjL, i. e. terra 
Herciilis ; UG/^^CICG AGR saepius in MS. Fidelis Sapien- 
tiae Sahidico, pro Melchisedek* — Hebraei eum per S exprimunt." * 
It is scarcely possible to have more distinct and 46terminate evt* 

dence, that th is not the proper power of 2C : «< Graeci accurate 
exprimere non possunt /' and among the various vnrong powers 
they have given ^t^ S is one. The passage that seems to have mis- 
led Sir W. D. appears to be the following, which occui;s in 
Woide's Explication of the Coptic Alphabet (Grammat. p, 2.) : 

*' ^.Genga !2C3[XH!XII^ ^ Arabicum, vel g Gallorum in 
Oique : vel G/ ; vel uti th bUesum Anglorum .-" here, however, 
« th blaesum" cannot be 0, because Woide would then contradict 
himself in page 8. : the proper power, therefore, in this case, 
would approach, in some degree, to that given by some gramma- 
rians to the Arabic w namely ths : but the right force appears to 

be that of J or G soft, Arab. ^ Jim. — ^In this event, then. Sir 
W. D. loses a great part of his argument, which is to prove that 

the Hebrew IW and Coptic CH!2C mean the same; and that 
when Balaam predicted, that " a Sceptre should rise out of Israel^ 
—and destroy nith^^2"^D," ^ he merely meant to say «« that the 
worshippers of Typhon" should be destroyed, «« who was sym- 
bolized under the form of an ass." 

The next particular on which I shall remark, occurs in Sir W. 
Dfummond's Essay « concerning Egyptian Idols :'' ^ he there says ; 
^ ^iSoTov, in Greek, comes from ai^oioc, venerabtUsJ' All the 
lexicographers, however, whose writings I have seen, derive it 
from M^ci$9 " pudor," with one meaning of which it is synonymous. 
In Scapula's Lexicon, alhwg is put first, as the primary root : and 
in CoQstantine, to whieh, however, I have not at present access, if 

■ La Croze (Lexicon ^gypt. p. 164.) calls this city Semanqtha; 

" ^XGUHOY*!* ^y^ Semanutha, urbs ^gypiL Kirchor. p. ?08." 
* Woide Grammat. -ff^gypt. p. 8. 4to, Oxon. 1778. 
' Num. xxiv. 17. 
^ Class. Journ. vol. ix. p. 579. (Supplement to No. xviii.) 

258 Remarks on some Statements^ ^c. 

I remember right/ the note on the word al^oiovf is closed with an 
etymology from Clemens AlexandrinuS) who clearly derives it from 
ulhoig : and Hederic, who' i3 generally reckoned good authority, 
says, " ab alSw;/' — Sir W. D. then, would have done better had 
he given the same explication of it that he has done of the Lat;in 
*« veretrum,** which, as he says truly, is " equivalent to pars 


Sir W, D. asserts, that «« the Greeks expressed the Hebrew am 
by their own gamma^ and the consequence has been, that they 
l^ve written the names wrong, in wiiich the ain occurs." * If I 
remember right, in some foriper Essay, he asserted that this was 
<< always " uie case : but as I am unable to find the passage, I 
Cannot be positive. The following collation, however, will suffi-* 
ciently show, th^t the substitution of F for y seldom occurs ; I 
have not studiously selected my instances, as the occurrence of 
two or three exceptions from wh^t generally is the case will show ; 
the Greek Words are taken from the text adopted by Dr, HolmeS| 
in his valuable edition of the Septuagint ; 













on^ nnp 






pur -)K3 




We see, then, that out of eleven instances, (not peculiarly 
selected) in two only is Jf expressed by- Gamma. Sir W. D.'s 
argument, that Peor, not Phegor, is the right reading, remains 
indeed the same ; and if the state of the question be at sdl alteredf 
it is clearly in Sir W.'s favor : at the same time, it was proper to 
notice the inaccuracy, which might, perhaps, at some future time, 
or by some other writer, be employed where a mistake would be 
more important. 

Nov. 5, 1814. M' 


^ Perfectly correct. £(/. * Class. Joutn, vol. ix. p. 581, 




In a little volume bearing the title of Les Voyages de SindMd le 
MariUf which issued from the royal press at Paris^ durine the year 
1814^ Mons. Langlesy an Orientalist of very high celebrity, has given 

us the Arabic text of ^^aII «xLi JsJUJ) x»cS Kissek al Sindrbdd al 

iahriy or Story of SiiMad the Sailor (so well known through M. 
Galland's French Milk et une Nuits, and our common, English 
editions of the << Arabian Nights' Entertainments,") with a new literal 
translation, and many excellent notes : besides a preface of thirty 
pages. In this M. Langl^s states his opinion conceniing the true 
origin of these Arabian tales $ and would trace them to a Persian 
source* It has been remarked, he informs us, by several writers, that 
Sittd^df Hindb&di and even the names of principal personages in the 
^ Thousand and one Nijjhts," belong to the Persian language, a 
circumstance which confirms the assertion of a -most learned and 
judicious Arabian author, who declares that those tales were borrowed 
from the Persians. This author is Masudi the historian, and we shall 
here quote his words-»-*< I have already mentioned,'' says he, <*the 
books broueht to us, and those translated for our use from the Persian, 
Indian, and Greek languages, and the manner of their composition. 
Such, for instance, as the work entitled in Persian Hezar qfisaneh 

(ajI^JI J\A) or the^** Thousand Tales," of which the Arabic para- 

phiase is called Ak/ Khirqfet (SUI^ cJU)) ^ name wherein Kkirqfet 
is synonymous with the Persian word qfzaneh, and this work is 
generaUy designated under the title of Alef leilet ioe kilet 
(jUUI ^ iXfi Uai) "* Th« Thousand and one Nights."— It contanns the 
history of a king, h^ vizier, and two daughters, one named Shh'Zad, 
(^hjA;^) the other Din-azad (j^UUj^.) Such also is the book of 

Tse^ (or Tseqiled jJLJL£) and of Shimds ((jmUam^) and the anec« 
dotes it relates concerning a king of India, and his vizier. We may 
add likewise the Book of SindJuadf ^^bJuJI wUi^ and other com- 
positions of the same kind^" 

This formal testimony of Masaoudi renders it unnecessary for me, 
says M. Langles, to offer any further argument against the conjec- 
tures of some learned men, who have considered the ^ Thousand and 

260 Arabian Tales. 

one Nights," as a work originally Arabian, and perhaps even Eu^. 
peaxL He believes that the names of Arabians, and many pictures of 
their manners, are interpolations of the translators or imitators ; and 
the conspicuous figure which Harun al Rashld makes in these stories 
may arise from his cekbrity among the writers of Eastern Romance j 
equal to that which Charlemagne enjoyed among the old Frenck 

^ Under the auspices of Hqrun al Raskid^ and of the Khalifs who 

immediately succeeded him, -his softs Al Amin and Al Mamun, (that is, 

dunng the last years of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth 

^^tniy df 'our'«ra) i!he Arabs enriched their litertftm« by the translit- 

*<ms of Ck>pti5, ©i^k, Syriac, Persian, and Indian works. But amidst 

^ ^^% and dther calamities that desolated Asia, after the KhaWat of 

Baghdad had ceased (in 1258). the Gabrs or Fireworshippers of Persia, 

^dnven by religious persecution from their unhappy country, wiere 

Marfcely able 'to preserve some mutilated fragments of dieir Zenth^ 

t?ffWBi «the code of their great legislator 'Zer/^ii;?^^ or Zorc^ster, «cA 

^^ti^j suppose that but few volumes, written in the fMa^ or 

^ient dialect of Persia Escaped the general destruction:: although 

ym most interesting ox popular works may be still known, how««r 

'^"Pf^ctly, through tht medium of translations made by the Arabs. 

^Momieur iLangi^ •could not discover that any copy of the ThfH^ 

"^^mand'Ont Nigkts^ nor »veti of Sindkad"^ story, exists in modem 

*«ttttan, fthoseJimthe more ancient dialect having perished, it is to be 

^feared, many centuries ago. Me has consulted m transcribing the 

Awbic text of SifHibady and in translating it into ^French, two Manu- 

'tei^tis <tf ihut noble collection, the Biblioth^que du •Roi--an estab-' 

^ttaettt wh»rein'(ias tv« understand from several who hove ktcfy visited 

«imi):bBifills'the 'important office df « Conservateur des Manuscripts,* 

-in such a maimer us to affbrd'the most geneml satisfection. He also 

^collated others procured for him by M. Caussih de P^rseval, and by 

his colleague Don Raphael, Professor of Arabic, and by M. -Marcel, 

director of the royal press, who brought three copies frdm ^gypt, 

After Sinbad, M. 'Langl^s has added the Keidalnesa (UoIIj^aT) 
*** Stratagems ; iFrauds, or Cunning Devices of 'W'omen,'* a title much 
*m6re happily expressed in French by « Ruse des Femmes." 'Of this 
-^tertaining little -itory which o^ccupies but nine pages, we shall 
offer an account in some future Number of the Classical Journal, 
remarking here that of both works, the Arabic text is, as might well 
be 'expected ^roih the iuperintendance of -so able anorieritaKst^s M. 
1-angl^s, printed with considerable accuracy and neatness. 


No. nr. 

!• Although Portus was a useful pioneer in literature, he seem^, 
notwithstanding, to have been but a raw adept in metre, ffis note 
on the word fjMievoftivtfv, in Suidas, shows this clearly enough. 

Maievofiivffy, avrl tov vecrrorpcf^verav, Eltpot^ yvFttiica tpytBas fiOf 
eifOfMirjfy, Suidas, 

iJtpov yi/vaiica] senarius erit, si legas» ut legendum suspicor, ISipov 
yv¥aiKCLs opvidas ftatevajjikvas. In sext^ •erit antypaestus. In quarts 
spondaeus, looo iambi, quod et alibi [q^. 1 where] factum :mcinuiiaU0, 
vei TO VI jam corripietur, ut sit iambus. Portus. 

The following is the true metrical order of the Pari^an senarius 

I I ^ — I ^ — I — vy I I ^^ — I ; which bang pre- 

loised, I shall leave it to others to descry the number of blunders 
contained in it. This reminds one of Markland's, and, after him^ 
Brunck's way of marking off the fifteen-hundred-and-eighty-second 
line of Euripides's Phoenissae. See Porson's note. 

2. Quis mult^ gracilis te puer in ros& 
Perfusus liquidis urget odoribus 

Grato, Pyrrha, sub antrol 
Cut Jlavam religaa comam. 
Simplex munditiis? — Hor. Odd. i. 5. 

In therfourth line 'it is not improbable that .Horace had in his eye 
'0 line from a Greek Epigram quoted by Suidas under the woljd 

£iW riyinXi^eis iri Botnptrxp*^ '» I have not seen this adduced asia 
•]»8rallel before. 

3. The family of the Didymi seems, if we are to believe wfa^t 
Suidas says^ to have engrossed a degree of literary talent, or literary 
industry, unprecedented in the annals of book-reading. One of 
these, the epee gregis of a salt-seller, or hacon-facturer, or something 
of the kind, and surnamed moreover Chalcenterus or Brass-gut, 
appositely enough, is said to have left behind him the enormous 
number of three thousand Jive hundred volumes. Hibv/xos, iiihiifiov 
Tapi')(owui\ov, y(>afJifJiaTtK6i *Apiin6ipX€ios, *Ake^avhp€^s, Teytayits [yeyoi^c] 
eiri ^Avnayivov ^Ayrtaviov] Koi KiKipuros, Kol lors A^yoi^orov. XaXic^vrep09 
Kkridcls Sea n}v irepi ra /3(/3\/a kirifuivviv, ^trl yap aMv avyyeypafivui 
tnr^p ra rpto\l\ia TcyraKdtna (iifiXia, 

4. 'EAtdXrris' h els rriv KedxiKr^y kvarpky^ovtra iLvaBu/ilaffu c£ oAif^ylas, 
Kol Aire^lcu, wapa iarpdis '£^cdXrj}s X^erac. *0 Xeydfievof irapa iroXXoZ^ 
hajiovrSiKdpios, Suidas in '£0i<iXn}s. 

This distemper is neither more nor less than the Nightmm^,i ctflcd 
by the later Latin writers Incubus. No poet has perhaps described tiiii 

262 Momi Miscellanea Subseciva. 

better th«ii Virgil {Sji, xii. 9O8), as any one will confess, who has 
felt its inflaence. 

Ac velut ID somnis, oculos ubi languida pressit 
Nocte quies, nequidquam avidos extendere cursus 
Velle videmur, et in mediis conatibus aegri 
8iiccidimus ; non lingua valet, non corpore notae 
SufHciunt vires ; nee vox, nee verba sequuntur. 

The idea was perhaps borrowed from Homer. (Iliad X. 1990 

OifT ap* o roy bAyarai viro^vyetv, oliff 6 hifStKetv, 

Hoiy much Virgil has improved upon it even the blind may dts* 

5. One would imagine that, when Bartolozzi engraved his Venus, 
be had either seen the following Greek Epigram from the fourth 
book of the Anthologia, or a translation of it. 

Tecffopc* eltriv lipiores* 6 fiev <rr€<j>os SLfujuKaX^irrei 
Mijrpos efjs' 6 h^ y^eiXos ^et Trori irihaKi fiaiov' 
01 be hvbt traiiovm wap* "f^^yetriy' elfia hk icpi/Trrct^ yetToya \Cl>poy okr\s yvfiyfis ^Ax^pobirris. 

6. We remark for the sake of such of our readers as may not have 
observed it, that the Greek Scholia in Barnes's Euripides abound 
with interpolations even more than those in his Homer. What 
wonder indeed, when we see that this foolish Greek Professor has 
repeatedly stuffed in even Scholia of his own, and affixed his 
signature to them in mongrel Greek, forsooth ! Let the reader only 
refer to Alcest. 549. and 581. In his note on the Iph. Aul. 775. 
tie refers us with all the gravity jma^nable to his Franciad^ an 
heroic poem we suspect by the title, but which we never heard of 
elsewhere, and certainly have never seen. It appears also fro|n 
Hippol. 525. that this astonishing genius wrote a poem, amatory 
or otherwise, ycleped Esther. He wrote it probably when the widow 
fell in love with him. 

7. Piscis in disco 
Mihi datur 
Ab Archiepisco- 
po sed non ponatur. 
Quia nou mibi bibere datur. 


They sent me fish 
In a dish, 

From the Archbish- 
op is omitted here, 
' Because there is no beer. 

f Who wrote these lines t Who translated them 1 






By the late Professor Scott, King's College, Aberdeen. 

No. VIL— Continued Jrom No, XXIII. p. 66. 

Sect. iv. 

Of the Opinions of various Writers concerning the Effects 

of Climate. 

J uus, then, it results from the preceding investigations, that climate 
produces very remarkable and permanent e£Fects upon the humalh cha- 
racter and constitution. It invigorates or enfeebles the corporeal 
frame ; it braces or relaxes the tone of the fibres; it prompts to ac- 
tivity, or encourages indolence ; and thus inspires courage or timidity, 
and promotes or retards the spirit of enterprise and improvement. It 
has, besides, a very considerable efiPect on the headstrong appetite which 
unites the sexes, which it, in many cases, stimulates to an unwarrant- 
able excess, or chills into apathy. 

Such are the effects which proceed, as it were immediately, from the 
influence of climate, and which seem as certainly to be due to an ar- 
dent or frieid atmosphere, as the luxuriancy of the Egyptian palm, or 
the stunted growth of the Norwegian oak. There are other effects of 
equal importance, which, though not so obviously dependent upon 
climate, yet appear, upon investigation, to be fairly ascribable to that 
source. These are the permanent condition of the female sex, which, 
by the influence of climate, arises to more dignity in one region of the 
world than in another. Sy the same influence also the ordinary occu- 
pations, manners, and amusements of a people are much controlled, 
and become either innocent and rational, or groveUing and vicious. 
In the last place, the influence of climate is to be detected in the im« 
portant concern of laws and government, which in some regions have 
a natural tendency to perfection, while in others they seem doomed to 
a perpetual debasement. 

In ascribing so many important effects to the influence of climate, I 
may spem to nave fallen into the error of which many of the ancient 
writers, and some of the moderns, have been justly accused, who have 
been inclined to derive the diversities of human character and dispo- 
sition from this cause alone. The authors, indeed, who have supported 
this opinion, are of high respectability, and their names carry with 
them the weieht of authority ; but I am by no means disposed impli* 
citly to subscribe to their doctrine, for reasons whick will immediatdf 

264 Inquiry into the Causes of 

Among these authors, one of the earliest, and no doubt most respect- 
able, is Aristotle, who states, m the ;Bfio^t unequivocal terms, the all- 
powerful control of climate, and ascribes to this cause alone the proud 
^^O^^^oviXj which his .couxurjmen enjoyed oyer the surrounding nations 
in arms, in arts, and in literature. They were, he supposes, placed in 
that happy temperature which was most favorable to the perfection 
of the human faculties, and l>y vAivCh. they were naturally fitted to hold 
in subjection the less happily constituted nations around them. 

The same superiority which Aristotle ascribes to the climate of 
Greece is as^untted by Yttttuyius -to the peculiar atniQsphere of his 
countrymen, the Romans. " As,*' says he, « the planet Jupiter lies 
between the fervid heat of Mars and the piercing cold of Saturn ; so 
Italy, in the centre of the temperate zone, enjoys every thing that is 
favorable in the opposite climates. thus that by conduct in war 
ibjs 'BtOtmans overcome the impetuous force of Northern barbarians, 
and by the vigor of their arms confound the politic schemes of their 
Southern neighbours. Divine Providence appears to have placed the 
^oQ]ians in .this happy sitvLa^ciQi), in order .that ^hey xi^i^ht become mas- 
tens of the .would. 

This writer has entered into the investigation of the ejects of climate 
with peculiar copiousness ; and the whole of the first chapter of his 
6th boojc 15 occupied in describing the influence of the atmosphere pa 
.^e human constitution and temper. " The sun," says he, " where be 
^^W5 out a. moderate degree of moisture, preserves the .body in a. tem- 
perate state ; but where his rays are .more intense, he drains the bodj 
of its moisture. , In very cold regions, where the moisture is not de- 
fCfpyed-by heat, the body, irpbibing the dewy air, rises to a great size, 
8|nd the voice acquirers a deep tone. Northern nations, accordingly, by 
.^leans qf cold and moisture, have If^rge bodies, a white ^kin, red hair, 
^ey. eyes, and much blood. Tho^e, on the contrary, who are near the 
equator, are of small stature, tawny complexion, curled hair, black 
eyes, slender legs, and little blood. From want qf blood they arc 
cowardly, but can. bear feverish disorders well, their constitutions being 
accustomed to heat. The people of the North, on the contrary, sink 
under ,a fever ; but, from abundance of blood, they are bold in war.** 
In .another part of the chapter, he adds, " From the thinness of the 
%ir and enlivenii^g heat, Southern nations are quick in thought an^ 
;|cuterin reasoning* Those in the North, on the contrary, who breathe 
a thick and cold atmosphere, are dull and stupid." This position he 
illustrates from the history of serpents, which, in the heats of summer, 
are active and vigorous ; but during tlie winter become tqrpid and im- 
fnoveable. He then goes on to add : "It is not, therefore, at all sur- 
pf isinij that heat should sharpen the understanding, and cold blunt it ; 
that the Southern nations should be ready in counsel, and acute in 
thought ; but make no figure in war, their courage being exhausted by 
the heat of the sun ; while the inhabitants of cold climates are proi^e 
to war, and rji§h on vehemently. without any fear, but are slow of un- 

yegetjus aqeouQt&for the different characters of men upon principles 
peciicly similar. <* Nations," says he, *' near the sun, being dried. up 

the Dhersitj/ of Human Charadier. ^St 

by excessive heat, are said to have a greater atifteftest of Mderstaad* 

ing, but a deficiencx of blood $ on which account they are destitwit 
/(» firmness and resointion in waf , and dread a wouiidi as if eellsdieus 
of their wsCnt of blood. The Northern people^ on the contrary re« 
inoved from the ardor of the sun^ are less remarkable for the po#eiis 
of the mind ; but, abounding in blood» they are prone to war." ' 

Iri a similar strain of reasoning, Servius says^ in his Comm^ttty 
upon Virgil's .£neid, ** The Africans are crafty, the Greeks fieklei aad 
the Gaids of dull understanding ; all which arises from the influence 
of climate."* 

The limited knowledge and want of experiel^ce of the ancients £Brni 
an apology for their ascribing more to the influence of climate than 
was justly its due. They were acquainted with but a small poHion 
of the habitable world, and from the imperfect state of their navigalioii 
and comhierce had penetrated but a little way into the countries of 
barbaious nations. They were, therefore, unable to contrast the man* 
tiers of these rude tribes one with another, and to observe those minuter 
diversities of manner and disposition, which could scarcely be ascribed 
-to the mere influence of their atmosphere. In the ancient world tht 
number of polished nations was inconsiderable, and they had not ex» 
perienced those vicissitudes of condition, those alternate elevations and 
depressions, that sudden succession of grandeur and declendOni which 
demonstrate the instability of all sublunary establishments! and the 6gs 
tility of ascribing to permanent causes the temporary superiority of 
iHiy particular race of men. 

But the moderns are placed in a situation which enables them to ap- 
pmeiate more accurately the permanent advantages of any particular 
region or climate. The page of history informs them that the boasted 
pre-eminence of the inhabitants of Greete in arts and arms has passed 
awayt and left scarcely a vestige of its existence. The empire of the 
Romans, too, has long ceased ; although Italy, more fortunate than 
the soil of Alliens and of Sparta^ has continued for many ages to be 
d^e nursery of art and emporium of taste. The moderns, tlierefore^ 
ought to be aware that there are other causes which aftect the pre- 
eminence of the human character, besides mere physical situation. 
They ought to be convinced, that even in the most favorable soil the 
* seeds of genius may be choked, and the blossoms of talent withiered|u|r 
they are not sheltered from storms that gather from without. 

Notwithstanding the apparent obviousness of this truth, seven^ 
writer;: of great name among the modems have been strenuous advo- 
cates for the sole and paramount influence of climate in determining 
the human character $ while others have been guilty of the opposite ^ 


■ *' Omnes natlones quae vicinte sunt soli, nimio calore siccatas, aropliiis 
ouidein sapere, sed minus habere sanguinis dicunt; ac pRipterea con&tan- 
tiam ac fiduciam cominns non habere pugnaodi, quia metuunt vulnera, qiii 
•e exijguum sanguinem habere noverunt. Contra, septentrionales popuJi, 
remoti h soils ardoribus, inronsultiores quidem, sed tamen largo sanguine fe- 
dundunies, sunt ad bella promtissimi." — (TJe re miiitari, lib. l.rap. 2.) 

' " Alri versipelies, Grxeci leves, Galli pigrioris ingeuii| quod naturacUr 
niatuni iacit.''— (Lib. 0, v. 724.J 

i66 Inqmry into the Causa of 

ftrcft^ aadliare denied that climate unaided by moral causet^poisesse^ 
any control whatever upon the dispositions of men. 

Mallety in the Introduction to his History of Denmark, adopts the 
reasoning of Vitrurius and Vegetius, and strenuously endeavours to 
derive the couraee and ferocity of the Scandinavians from the physical 
influence of their climate alone. *<A great abundance of blood,'' 
says he, *^ fibres strong and rigid, vigor' inexhaustible, formed the 
temperament of the CTermans, the Scandinavians, and of all other 
people who live under the same climate. Robust by the climate, and 
nardened with exercise, confidence in bodily strength formed their cha* 
racter^ A man who relies on his own force, cannot bear restraint, nor 
submission to the arbitrary will of another. As he has no occasion for 
artifice, he is altogether a stranger to fraud or dissimulation. As he 
is always ready to repel force by force, he is not suspicious nor dis<> 
trust&l. His courage ptt>mpts him to be faithful in- fnendship, gene* 
reus, and even magnanimous. He is averse to occupations that re* 
qiiire more assiduity than action, because moderate exercise affords not 
to his blood and fibres that degree of agitation which suits them. 
Hence his disgust at arts and manufactures ; and, as passion labors 
to justify itself, hence his opinion, that war only and hunting are ho* 
norable professions." 

Had Mr. Mallet carefully examined the dispositions of the various 
tribes whom he includes under the title of Germans and Scandinavians, 
he would have. found evidence that some of them are not altogether 
averse to contemplative occupations, or addicted solely to war and 
hunting. He would have found the inhabitants of Iceland, for e\i 
ample, from the most remote periods, a pacific and industrious people; 
affectionate and friendly in their intercourse with other nations, and 
considerably advanced in the knowledge oi letters. According to the 
best evidence which we possess, the study of history has been a favorite 
pursuit with the Icelanders irom the most remote ages; and they have 
long beeA possessed of historical chronicles of great curiosity, the pe- 
rusal of which forms one of their principal amusements during the te- 
dious nights to which the winter of their climate is exposed. 

Even Tacitus, in his account of the German tribes, affords evidence, 
that ferocity and the love of war, though generally prevalent, yet did 
Tiot universally obtain among the people whose manners he has so pht^ 
losophlcally illustrated. The Chauci, who inhabited an extensive dis- 
trict in the North of Germany, he describes as ** a race of people, the 
noblest among the Germans, who choose to maintain their grandeur 
by justice rather than by violence. Without the desire of plunder, and 
free from the apprehension of weakness, they live in quiet and security; 
^ tJiey provoke no wars^ and are enriched by no rapine. It is (he adds) 
a remarkable proof both of their power and of their virtue, that vrith:- 
out oppressing any, they have attained a superiority over all. Yet, if 
occasion requires, they are ready to take the field, and their troops apr 
speedily raiseni.'' ' 


' '' Tarn immensum terrarum spatium non tenent tantum Chauci, sed eC 
ifflplent: populus inter Germanos nobilissinius, quique ipagnitudihem suam 

the Diversity* of Hurnan Character^ 267 

The most respectable of all the modern writers who have ascribai 
to the sole influence of climate the principal diversities of human cha^ 
racter, is the President Montesquieu, to whose opinions a more than 
ordinary degree of deference is certainly due; as there are few authors 
who have illustrated in so truly philosophical a manner the causes 
which affect the various institutions and progressive improvements of 
civil society. 

In the second chapter of the fourteenth book of the Spirit of Laws^ 
Montesquieu has entered into a minute and even anatomical discussion 
<^ the direct effects of climate upon the human body, from which he 
deduces its influence upon the mind. Cold, he observes, shuts up the 
extremities of the external fibres of the body, by which their elasticity 
is increased, and the return of the blood from the extremities towards 
the heart is promoted. It likewise diminishes the length of these fibres, 
and thus also increases their force. Heat, on the contrary, relaxes the 
extremities of the fibres, and prolongs them ; it therefore diminishes 
dieir tone and elasticity. 

On this account, says Montesquieu, the people of^cold climates have 
most vigor. The action of the heart, and the re-action of the extre^ 
mities, are better performed, the juices are in a juster equilibrium, the 
blood is better determined towards the heart, and reciprocally the 
heart has a greater degree of power. This superior force ought to 
produce important effects: for example, more confidence and courage;, 
a greater assurance of superiority, that is to say, a less desire of ven* 
geance ; more opinion of security, that is to say, a greater degree of 
Srankness, less of suspicion, of policy, and of stratagem. Place a man» 
says our author, in a close and heated place; he will suffer, from the 
reasons here assigned, a great depression of spirit. If, in this situation^ 
we were to propose to him a bold action, we should probably find him 
little disposed to execute it ; his present feebleness will effectually dis- 
courage him. He will fear every thing, because he feels that he can 
accomplish nothing.- The people of hot countries are timid like old 
men ; those of cold climates are courageous like the young. 

Montesquieu next carries his anatomical investigations into the effects 
of heat and cold upon the nervous system, and corroborates his opi- 
nions by experiments upon the papillx of a sheep's tongue. The result 
is that the people of warm climates, though timid, are of exquisite sen- 
sibility, prone to the pleasures of love, and easily transported into the 
excess of joy or grief. But the people of the North, though cou- 
rageous and of great bodily strength, are destitute of vivacity and sen- 
timent. **J'ai vu," says this lively author, ** les opera d'Angleterre 
et d'ltalie; ce sont les m^mes pi^es 8c les m^mes acteurs; mais la 
meme musique produit des effets si differens sur les deux nations, I'une 
est St calme, Sc Tautre si transport^, que cela paroit inconcevable." 

maltt justitia tueri. Sine cupiditate, sine impotentia, quieti, secretique, 
nulU provocant bella, nullis raptibus aut latrociniis populantur. Idque pr^e* 
oipuum viitutis ac yiriiini argumcntum est, quod, ut superiores agunt, non 
per injurias assequuntur. Promta tamen omnibus arniu^ ac, si res poscat, 
exercitus."— (De mor. Germ.) 

S68 Inquiry into the Causes of 

TheieiAiyBical cames, aceoridmg to our author, are amply sciflktfttt 
te account for the permanent characters of the inhabitants of the dif* 
|ierent regions of the earth ; for the spirit of enterprise and improve- 
ment which has produced such beneficial efiects in the temperatt 
climes of Europe ; and for the want of that spirit which has so long 
characterised the tropical regions. *^ If," says he, ^ with that delicacy 
of organs, which renders the people of the East sensible to every im- 
pression, you join an extreme indolence of spirit naturally accompany- 
mg that of the body, and which renders the spirit incapable of any 
action, of any effort, or any struggle ; yon will comprehend that the 
mind, when once it has received impressions, is unable to change them. 
It is this that occasions the laws, the manners, and the customs, eved 
those which appear most indifferent, as the fashion of dress, to be 
the same in the East at this day, as they were a thousand years ago." 
— (Liv. 14, ch. 4.) 

It is sufficiently apparent from the reasonings of the preceding sec- 
tions, that I am by no means inclined to refuse to clim'ate the most im- 
portant influence in regulating the natural propensities and dispositions 
of men. From the examination of facts, the only evidence: that is en- 
titled to much weight in an investigation of this sort, I have been led 
to maintain that the inhabitants of temperate climates are naturally 
possessed of many important advantages over those either of the tro- 
pical or polar regions ; that they are, as is maintained by Montes* 
quieu and the other authors just quoted, naturally of greater strength^ 
of more activity, and less addicted to sensual indulgence ; nay, that 
these physical advantages are calculated to produce yet more important 
moral effects ; that they elevate the rank and estimation of the fe* 
male sex, give dignity and usefulness to the ordinary manners and pur* 
suits of the people of temperate regions, and promote the establisb- 
ment of good government and equitable laws. 

But in deriving these important effects from the influence of climate^ 
I am by no means disposed to consider this as the sole cause of the 
natural diversity of the dispositions of the various tribes of men. Th^ 
influence of climate is indeed powerful, but it may be counteracted ; 
its efiects are very important ; but there are other causes of not less 
efficacy, which, if they be fairly brought into action, may either pre- 
vent the baneful influence, or oppose the beneficial operation of this 
purely physical principle. It is for overlooking the power of these 
moral causes that the writers, whose opinions I have been quoting, are 
censurable. They, perhaps, have ascribed no more to climate than it 
is really qualified to efiect ; but they have not considered the important 
principles by which its operation may be checked, promoted, or alto- 
gether counteracted. 

- Were it true that certain climates are calculated always to produce 
men of certain talents and dispositions, we should find some favored 
regions of the earth assuming a permanent superiority, and constantly 
giving law to the rest. We should invariably find eminence in arts or 
prowess in aims confined to a certain longitude and latitude. We 
should have only to consult the map to discover where the sciences are 
doomed to arrive at maturity ; where legislation will be perfected j or 

ihe t)voeri^ity of Human Chatacier. ^^^ 

the waiiikie spirit will iinallf produce the imst ibrmid&ble efitets. 
We shoald have to arrange the nations and countries of die worlds lefts 
hj geographical divisions, than hy a scale of tei)aperature suited to ex- 
press the gradations of permanent eieellence. 

But the history of nations completely refutes this principle of calcu- 
lation. It shows diat pre-eminence, both in arts and arms, has sue- 
cessively belonged to people the most remote from each other, aild 
who have lived under every variety of climate and atmosphere. We 
find the sceptre of extensive dominion first assumed by the natioiis df 
the East, and passing sucdessivelv from the Assyrians to the Mede^, 
and from the Medes to the Persians. We then behold the genius of 
the Western nations expanding itself, and the Greeks cartying on a. 
successful contest with the formidable power of the Persian monarch^ 
In Greece it was that intellectual pursuits attained the highest emi- 
tience to which they arose in the ancient world. But even the phi- 
losophy and literature of Greece were not exclusively her own ; by h€t 
own avowal they were borrowed ftom Egypt and India ; and thuil^ 
like the spirit of conquest, first ^sprung up in the torrid regions of the 

The gradual developement of the genius of Greece, and her ad* 
rancement from an inconsiderable beginning to the sway of the thost 
powerful nations of the ancient world, forms one of the most intei*- 
•lestine objects of contemplation that history affords. But her po- 
liticau reign was short. The conquering progress of Alexander over 
the Eastern nations, as it resembled in its splendor the dazzling 
of the meteor, resembled it no less in its fleeting duration. Jit soon 
faded away ; and the glory of the Grecian name faded with it to re- 
vive no more. 

The heroic achievements of Greece are succeeded, on the theatre of 
ancient history, by those of Rome.' The conquests of the Romans 
were more permanent, and more completely combined with the parent 
itate than those of the Greeks. The history of this people exhibits the 
remarkable phenomenon of a dominion gradually extended from the 
most trifling commencement over the fairest and most fertile portion of 
the known world ; and at length swallowing up, like a growing tor- 
rent, almost every nation and every state in one immense empire. But 
it was by moral, not less than by physical causes, that victory Was so 
long attached to the Roman arms. While frugality, activity, and 
pu^ic spirit, prevailed at Rome, the commonwealth florished and m- 
creased its power ; but when luxury and vice were introduced with 
die spoils of conquered nations ; and corruption took place of patriot- 
ism ; the Roman glory was extinguished, and the mighty empire was 
tbm to pieces with much greater rapidity than it had been at ^rst con- 

How rain then was the boast of Aristotle, that his countrymen Wer6 
placed in a climate most favorable to the perfection of human talefts ; 
and bow unfounded the assertion of Vitruvius, that the Romans, by 
Aeir peculiar situlition, seemed intended by Providence to become 
yemuunent masters of the world! The soil of Athens and of Sparta^ 
tile birth-place -of Soc0^ of Fbto, of Enripides, of Sophocles, and . 


970 Inquiry into the Causes of 

I^etnostfaenes; the scene of the martial achieTeiDeiits of BGltiadety'ef 
Leomdas, of Themistoclesy and Agesilaus, has fot- many revoht^ 
ages bowed under the yoke of the most oppressive despotism. It has 
continued subject to a conqueror equally regardless of its lettersy ks 
.sciencei and its laws, and who has effaced almost th^ very ruins of iu 
ancient grandeur, and obliterated even the titles by which the memory 
of its former fame might be preserved. 

If Rome has suffered a less degrading fate, it has at least long 
c«ued to give laws to the surrounding nations ; it has been reduced 
within its ancient limits, anc^ obliged to compensate by the cultivation 
of the arts of peace for tlie loss of military fame* Those Northern 
tribes, who were • stigmatized by the ancient Romans as rude Bar- 
.1>arians, unqualified to excel either in arts or arms, have, in their turn, 
assumed the sway. They have overthrown the mighty fabric of the 
Roman power, and erected on its ruins many independent empires, 
which new vie in celebrity with the fatoe of ancient Italy and Greece; 
they have transplanted the sciences and arts of the ancient world into 
a colder, though not less genial, soil; and have proved that mental 
superiority is not confined to those regions where the pride of former 
^philosophers had fixed its limits. . The prowess in arms^. the wisdcHn 
m counsel, the philos<^hy and literature of the ancient world, have 
travelled even into the Hyperborean regions, and have taken up their 
abode among a people said by the Romans to be severed from the ci- 
vilized part of the globe $ they are now found to florish even among 

■ ■ penitus toto diyisos orbe Britannos. 

Thus there is a period of infancy, maturity, and decay in the history 
of nations and progress of civilization. Where the situation is favor* 
able for the developement of human talents, there we may expect that 
improvement in arts or in arms will first naturally arise. By the con- 
currence o£ fortunate circumstances, a superiority may be gained over 
the surrounding nations. The spirit of conquest will then predomi- 
nate, and if not checked by the dictates of reason and prudence, will 
jdraw after it die love of pomp, of luxurious indulgence, and at length 
corrttption and complete effeminacy. A hardier and poorer people 
will uen be tempted to attack the tottering fal^ric of a corrupt empire^ 
They will find its spoils an easy conquest ; but they will be exposed 
In their turn to the degeneracy which so commonly attends the easy 
acquisition of wealth or power, and to the decay of valor and public 
spirit which luxury introduces, and by which they become ready to 
, &11 a prey to the &:st hardy invader. 

Sucn are the revolutions to which states and kingdonos are natn* 
rally liable ; and such have been the principal causes of the declension 
of the great empires which have in succession figured upon the theatre 
of history. The contemplation of this fact has given rise to the doc* 
trine, th^t as in the human body there is a period of infancy and man* 
hood which are necessarily succeeded by decrepitude and decay, so ill 
the political constitution of states, the period of maturity necessaxilj 
carries along with it the Meds of future comiptioo i and ^ attaiiw 

the Diversity of Human Char deter. 27 1 

ment of grandeur and power is certainly followed by feebleness and 
final dissolution. It must be acknowledged that the history of the 
world gives plausibility to this opinion, and serves rather to pmve. that 
such is the natural progress of all human institutions. But it is yet 
lea^onable to hope that the body politic may be so constituted as' ef- ^ 
fectually to resist, not only attacks from without, but also the sources 
of corruption which it carries within itself^ That an equilibrium may 
be established among the different jarring interests of the state j and a^ 
principle of reform and salutary correction be introduced, by which th0 
tendency to dissolution may be counteracted, and fresh vigor instilled 
into the decaying members of the constitution. 

If, then, there is a succession of eminence and inferiority, of glory 
and ignominy, in the annals of nations which have long occupied cer- 
tain regions of the worid, it is in vain to pretend that any climate is 
qualified to give a permanent superiority to the people, who enjoy it» 
or that the beiieficisd or injurious effects of the soil and atmosphere 
may not be counteracted by other causes which are not less poweifuL 
It will scarcely be pretended that the climates of nations have changed^ 
as they themselves have risen into eminence or become degenerate; 
or that their political revolutions have been accompanied by corres- 
ponding^ changes in the state of their atmosphere. 

But even this assertion, unfounded as it would appear to-be, would 
not serve to vindicate the doctrine of those who assert the paramount 
influence of climate. For it were easy to prbve, that in climates, alto^ 

f ether similar, nations have existed who at the same period of time 
ave exhibited very different degrees of improvement; and have in 
their contemporary history, the one attained to eminence in arts and 
anns> while the other showed no tendency to emerge from barbarism. 
In the history of the Carthaginian^ we have a striking example of a 
people counteracting, &y the spirit of enterprize, the natural^isadvan- 
tages of climate and situation. Though placed amid thebuming de- 
serts of Africa, and exposed to the debilitating action of a tropical 
sun, they were eminent for their industry and activity. They built 
spacious and highly ornamented cities ; they cultivated and improved 
all the useful and elegant arts of life; they possessed the most exten- 
sive navy of the ancient world, and carried the adventurous spirit of 
commerce to an extent that has scarcely been rivalled by modem en- 
terprizCi They also gave proofs of skill in legislation, and furnished 
a remarkable example of a republican government situated in a tro- 
pical climate. With respect to their valor in arms, the history of 
their wars with the Sicilians and Romans proves, that in this, as in 
other'accomplishments, they had attained a more than ordinary emi- 
nence. The memorable invasion of Italy by Hannibal sufficientl]p 
establishes, that if at length the fortune of the Roman arms prevailed» 
it was not Without an arduous struggle that the Carthaginians resigned 
their liberties, and that they alone of all the contemporary nations werfe 
able to wage a contest with the predominating genius of Rome, which 
for a long period continued doubtful^ 

While the Carthaginians had thus carried the arts and embellish- 
ments of life to a hign degree of perfection, the neighbouring nations 

$73 ' Inqmry into the Causes^ ^t. 

• * 

on the African coast were sunk in ignonuice and bazbarism. Nor 
haTC thej at any succeeding period emerged from the insignificance to 
which the want of all intellectual improTement condeoins them. The 
6nlT nations o^ Africa who have risen into any conaderable degree of 
eminence for poUttcal wisdom, the cultiTation of the arts, or military 
enterprize* are the Egyptians and Carthaginians ; and we may, per* 
haps, add the modem Abysunians. The celebrity of the two former 
has long ceased to exist but in tradition, an^ that of the latter is at 
best but dubious* It is, therefore, plain, that the climate of Africa is 
not naturally adapted to the perfection of human talents ; yet even 
in this unfavorable soil, by the concttrrence of peculiar citcumstancesy 
arose the mighty rival of Rome, and the emporium of the chief com^ 
mercial enterprize of the ancient world. 

The modem Moors of Africa, who are descended from the enters 
prising followers of Mahomet, have, under the most scorching sun, 
detained a great share of activity and acuteness of intellect, and form 
a striking contrast to the indolent and peaceable negroes with whom 
ihey are mtermingled. Shaw says of this people, that the small pro* 
fl;ress they have made in the arts and sciences is not the efiect o£ any 
mcapacity or natural stupidity. The Moors, he says, possess quick* 
ness and even genius ; and if they do not apply themselves to study, it 
is because, deprived of every motive to emulation, and continually 
karassed by their government, they have neither the leisure nor indi^ 
nation for such a pursuit. The Moors, born slaves, like the greater 
part of the Orientals, are naturally enemies to every kind of trouble, 
which has not their personal interest for its immediate object. 

The Chinese nation may likewise be quoted as an example of a 
people who in a sultry climate have, from the remotest ages, been re« 
markable for their industry and activity ; who have earned many of 
the arts of life to an uncommon degree of perfection ; and who have 
likewise displayed no inconsiderable degree of genius in some of the 
pursuits of science and literature. This extraordinary people seem to 
furnish an exception to the political maxim of which we have so lately 
taken notice, and which pronounces the instability of all establish- 
ments of power, or systems of government. From the remotest re« 
cords of history, their policy, their manners, and their laws, have un- 
dergone little change; and though revolutions have taken phtce in the 
dynasties which occupy the throne, the integrity of the empire has 
withstood the shock, and the nation may be said to have remained 
nearly the same in power, in influence, and in celebrity, from the first 
details of its history to the present day. To inquire into the causes of 
diis remarkable phenomenon,* which affords so strong a proof of the 
|k>s8ibilit^ of giving permanency to political establishments, would be 
entirely foreign from omr present purpose. 

JSngUsh Prize Poem, S73 


Spoken at the Apposition, St. PauVs Schoolf April ISth, ldl.5. 


His Present Misery — Former Happiness — 


O HOLY light ! new kin(}ling into morn, 
Whose orieftt beams a gladdened world a^om ! 
Onward thou ridest in thy gay career, 
To clothe w^th parple spring the golden year : 
But ah ! thy joy-attempered rays impart 
No kindred feeling to my mournful heart ; 
O'er all the world thy radiant glories shine, 
Cheer every clieek, but cannot brighten mine. 
Soft Sleep, who pours his balm o'er every eye, 
' Who lulls each bosom and arrests each sigh, 
From my sad brow and aching heart is fled ; 
These chains afTright him, and this rocky bed ! 
Unhappy v^retch ! in charity to man, 
Thy crime, thy punishment, thy woe began : 
Here must thou lie vv'liile thunders roar arouikd. 
Rend the scathed' oak, and rock the upheaving gro^ind; 
And as around its head the tempest sails. 
This 8i!tmmit scowls o'er the deep blackening vales.* 
Here in primeval ruggedness of form. 

Stern Nattire forges the relentless storm,- '. 

Unchains the cataract, directs its course, 
To crush the valley with resistless force. 
And, hoarsely howling, midnight horror flings, 
And pours a saddening gloom^^and waves her raven win^s! 

O ! say, is Justice b'anished from above. 
Where once she sitiiled encircling Peace attd L6v(i ; 
When Mercy beaming ^ith unclouded ray 
Blesserf Saturn's kingdom and paternal sway ? 
Yes ! she is fled, she leaves the accursed place, 
The hateful Tyrant, and H'eaven's recreant race. 
So when the thunders mat* ind Hghthings fly, 
And i dread dduge whelms the angi^ sky, 
Perchance the tempest folises from the grove. 
Mid myrtld-bowers, 1' silver-winged dove. 
Far from her nest, 'ihid Ether launched, she sails. 
And in sad dotes hef druel flite bewails. 

When youthful Hope her gay' per^^eii^ dW^, 
Of ev^ry form^ and every rain^bow hue ; 

374 English Prize Foem^ 

My mind ambitious soon the task b^ao . 

To mould Creation's Lord, and fashion Man | 

To watch the features, glowing from the clay^ 

Rise to my view and my behest obey ! 

Yet is. this man ? while ail bedimmed he lies, 

Unflushed his cheek apd uniliumed his eyes ! 

Oh! for one beam of pure ethereal fire. 

The clay to warm^ to animate, inspire. 

No more ! but swift as flits the viewless breezCi 

And skims the bosom of the rippling s^as, 

1 gain the throne of Heaven's immortal Sire^ 

Where flows the fountain of ethereal fire. 

Pure^ vivid Light ! that woke primeval day^ 

.And over Chaos shed its genial ray ; 

Pure, vivid Light ! that bathisd pacfi twinkling staf 

With golden beams^ apd pallid Cynthia's c^r 

With choicest silver graced, and bade her reign 

Supreme, the glory of the starry plain. 

In earth-born Man that ray divinely bright 

To Reason gave her pure unclouded light. 

Methinks 1 view the fire within him glow. 
Thaw the chilled vein and bid the spirit iloWj| 
'His eyes that stagger \vitb unwonted light, 

'^ And reel with sudden drunkenness of sights 
He viewed around him all creation shine, 
" The earth," he cries, " the seas, the sky is mine^ 
All, all, are mine !*' be clasped his hands and said^ 
^^ For me alone the universe is made." 

^ Ho more he uttered — bliss congealed his tongue, 
And from his eyps the tears of gladness sprung ; 
Sublime he reared his forehead to the skies. 
As Reason cried, f* thy soul must upxyard rise j*' 
Thy soul ^till burning with a Yond desire. 
To mix with Heaven, and join her kindred fire ! 
As wh^ a mother on her iqfapt's face. 
Twined with her charnis beholds the father's grace ^ 
How mixed with smiles the te^rs of pleasure start J 
IVhat soft sensations thrill her panting heart | 
Thus my fixed eye surveyed the blaze of light, 
' That graced the brilliant dafrn of humap sight; 
(Sazed on the blpsh where the soul's beauty shonCi 
And hailed the mighty wopder as my own ! 

I saw iair NaturCji gladdening at the view, 
Robe all her beauties with a ridier hue ; 
When Man first spake, the birds around him bung 
^o borrf;^ notes from his inelodioiis tongue : 

English Prize Pdeni. 275 

His feet to lave, a gui^ling fountain flowed ; 
His touch to greet, anew-born blossom glowed : 
Gales swept of harps unseen the treoibling chord, 
And Echo chaunted — ^' Haii Creation's Lord '/' 

But sorrow soon overwhelmed this gay serene, 
And joy was banished from the gorgeous scene ! 
As when a cloud whose purpled tints display 
The warm effulgence of retiring day, 
Charms every eye — transports die wondering gaze 
With all the hues that in its radiance blaze ; 
But ah ! each tint by darkness is suppressed. 
When Phoebus sinks on Ocean's liquid breast. 

Arise, ye rocks ; ye oceans, intervene ! 
Divide my heart from the alluring scene) 
Rape, rage, yestorms ; ye tempests, howl around 
This rugged rock, and shake the accursed ground! 
From your abyss ye phrensied Furies start ! 
My anger nerve, and blaze within my heart ! 

Arise ! and bear me to your dread abodes. 
Where every pang the tortured soul corrodes ! 
Where Grief and Misery stalk with steely hands 
To execute fierce Pluto's dire commands ; 
Where Disappointment counts her tears, that flow 
In unison with agonizing woe. 

Shall I adore the Tyrant of the skies, 
Bow my proud neck, and sue with downcast eyes f 
No ! sooner should fair Cynthia's pallid light 
In Heaven dissolve amid the shades of night: 
Sooner should Darkness close the eye of day. 
And Discord over all extend her sway. 

E'en if the Tyrant should himself descend. 
And 'neath his feet the firmament should bend. 
While round his brow the storms and meteors fly,^ 
And o'er him blaze the terrors of the sky ; 
Though from his chariot- wheel the thunders roll. 
That rock the deep and agitate the Pole ; 
Though forests crash beneath his ponderous feet. 
And seas retiring court a safe retreat ; 
Though underneath him mountains crumbling fall. 
And dreadful treniors shake the astonished Ball; 
Though all the storms of maddening Heaven be sped. 
To crush these limbs, and blast this aching head ; 
JB'en should this globe 'mid chaos dark he nurled. 
My mind shall reign unquelled amidst the bursting world ! 



On the CAMBRII^GE MS. o//Ae/oj^rGosPBL8, a»4 
the Acts o/fAe Apaail-ES, m»tlted D Inf WETSTEIN 
and GRIJESBACH, ts their Editkaif of the N. T, and. 

' commonly termed the Codex Bezje. 

The Reader of the following pages is supposed to b,e well ac- 
quainted with the history of the Codex Bezce^ as given by Mich^e- 
lis in his Introduction to the N. T. " and by I)r. Marsh in his 
Notes on that work :* and therefore I have not thought it neces- 
sary to delays him by repeating what has beeu already so ably per- 
forn^ed. He is also, of course, supposed to be aware, that it has 
been accused, in company with F (the Cod. Augiensls^) G (the 
Cod. Boernerianus) and the Claromontamus. (noted P in the 2n(i 
part of Wetstein's N. T« and in Griesbach's 2nd Vol.) and seve- 
ral other Greek MSS., of repiesenting a text corrupted from the 
Latin, or, as it is .termed by critics, of t4cUinizing: and he is/ 
believed to know that this cprruption has been deniedi by Adler^' 
Griesbach,* Dr. Kipling,' Dr. Marsh,'' Michaelis,? Dr. S^mler,'" 
and Woide.^ The charge has been admitted by M^tthai, and Dr. 
Middjetpn,*** and perhaps by a few other modern critics ; the early 
editors ^f the N. T« Mill, Bengel, ao4 Wetatein*'* w^eiunani- 
pious in condemning the Cod,.Bez(^- 


« Vol. II. Pt. i. pp. 228—242. 

* Vol. II. Pt. ii. pp. 6r9— 721. I make use pf the seoond Edit*. 4 Vols, 
8vo. London and C^nibndge 180tt. The dcst waa printied in 17d^^ and is 
not so complete. 

2 Verss. Syriaps denuo examinatap. 4to. Havnise, 1789. p. 91. 

* Symbolie Criticje Halae. 1785. vol. i. p. c^r. apd Prolegonu ad N. T. 
vol. i. p. Ixix. edit. 17J96. 

5 In the Preface to bia editicoi of the.€od«]L Bezse. 

^ Notes to Michaelis.ut supra. 

7 Ut supra. (In the 4th editiQU of his Einleitungin die GottlicheSchriften 
des Neuen Bundes, Gottingen, 1788. [The wprk translated by Dr. Marsh J 
fpr in the editions of 1750, 1765, and 177T, he agreed with Wetstein.) 

* Hermei^eutische Vorbereitufig 12inp. HaUe, 1764. voK iii. pp. 126-^ 

5 Notitia Cod. Alexandrini. Sect. vi. pji- 150 — 166.' ed, Spchn. 8vo. 
I^ipsiae, 1788. He defends here, from the charge of Latinizing, not so 
much the Cod. Beza, as the Codd. Graco-^tini, in general: 

'^ Appendix to The BoetrtDe of the Greek Article appiied'to the Criticism 
and lUustration of the I^. X. 8wt iafl& 

** Wetstei^ was the chief opponent of the Codd, Graco-Latiniy and the 
person^ through whose means they lost, for a }ong time, their credit. 

Remarks on the Cambridge M9^ ^c. SPTt 

It 18 f^ object of the fellcMfig teffiorks, to A(^ that the Cod, • ^ 
fieza has been in sonie pfoce» corrupted Arom the Latin ; thoagh 
fiot to deny that it contains many valuabte readings ; to demon* 
$trate, that the truth fes between the extremes of Wetstein's 
opinion on the One hand, and Dr, Semler's on the other : iu shovt' 
in this, as in most other similar cases> the Crttic medio tuiis^ 
simus ibit. 

It may be right to acknowledge, that some apology shouUI be 
made, for differing from so many critics of the first rank : but I 
tvust that the examples to be brought forward will bear me oot y 
2nd I shall not, I hope, be found obstinate in retainiiig any ervo-- 
neous opinion which may be show?) to be such : I most also seek 
refuge in the remark of a distinguished critit of ou» own country | 
that " the duty, which we owe to truth, i^ supervdr to* that .whidt 
can be claimed by the greatest namts, or the mo«t exalted: chaM . 
racters.*' ' To make apologies, indeect^ for appearing on sttdv 
occasions, is generally of little availj' beeause they ate seldom be* 
iieyed to be sincere : and if w«re far bette/ ingenuou^ to com/^ 
ft«rward wirfli^ the words of Pi!ate — 3 y«y$«$«, yiy^a<^^ 

It ia generally conten^k^d by the apolbgists of' the Cod. Be2f^ 
A2,t \t does not Latinize, because it agrees with' several ancient 
irersions, in characteristic teadin^, and! also^ i» many, which a9 
far as respects Greek MSS. are teetionei singutares^ This fact I 
most willingly grant : but stM in my view of the subject, it will 
not prove that: the MS*, does not Latinise. I do not regard at 
jLatinisms, all- the readings in which, though it agrees with few 
Greek MSS. it coincides with miany Latin authoi4ties: noi^ would 
I rank in tfte same class those, in which the Greek text, Aff^rmg 
from all the MSS; agrees aibne with the Latin version anneited to . 
the Greek text, and which Griesbach has denoted by the aU^re-' 
Tiation, Canty because in rnant/ instances, perhaps in niogty t 
single Latin copy may have been altered from its Greek text. The 
femous readihg ftfetfh. iik 16. eTOer rh fty^iuct tow ©»0 iioirrot^y'^vra^ 
which has befeh termed' ah unhappy transktSon of the Statin^ 
spiriium Dei dkfseendentenij has been well explained by a< cotijeci* 
ture of the learned Knittel, ♦ which, supposing' it true, would 
^rescue the passage from the charge of Latinizing : but* the gre^t 

I——*— ——I I I III f I tmm^^m^m^mmm 

' Dr. Marsh*s Preface to his Translation of Michaelis, p. it. 

* I should remark, that the readings I have selected are given on the 
authority of Griesbach 's edition of the N. T. the only collection of various 
readings to which I at present have access. The references given to the 
Symbol. CHt. and Sem]er*6 Hermeneutische VoHsereitung, I make on the 
authority of Adler and Dr. Bforsh. 

3 See Marsh's Michaelis. Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. 2S0. 

^ Ulphila^ Vers. Gothica nonnuUor* cap. epistolte ad Romimos, p. 289: 
Upsalia:, 1793; *or Dr. Marsh's Notes oo Michaelis^ Vol. ji. Ft, ih p..08d. 

27$ Uemarks on the Cambridge MS^ 

ejection is, that m die verjr same verse the Cod« Bezae hafi a 
reading which appears very suspicious : namely, after Keerafioivwra, 
it adds, ex Tw ovpuvou; an addition found only in Cani* ' verc. 
xxron. germ. 1. 2. clar. gat. Mm, Hilar. AncU depromiss. In the 
very next verse too, we have, ^^^ aurov, <ru el in D. ad eum $ tu . 
e(, Cant. verc. ad eum: hie est. veron. germ, clar., for oSro; lo^tv. 
Were these readings singk, they would not perhaps prove much^ 
but occurring altogether in the space of two verses, the conclusion 
is infinitely stronger. * Michaelis objects, ' diat «« a transcriber^ 
who designedly made this alteration, must have been sufficiently 
acquainted with the Greek Grammar to know the difference be- 
tween the masculine xTXTofialvovrot, and the neuter xaTufi^hov, and 
^ the same time so ignorant as not to know that 9rv€Uju.(9c was si- 
neuter." It cannot be denied that this objection is of great impor* 

^ tance : but the ignorance of the writer of the Cod. D. has led him 
into declining, at Matt. ii. 1., 'Hom^g like Jtjjuuxrdev)); ; and at ix. 
S6. he has formed the Preterite of plTrroo like that of rCrrfcJ* Of 
such a man, it i^ not very difficult to believe the rest* 

That the Cod. D. agrees in very many headings urith th^ Pesh-* 
ito or old Syriac version, and wim the readings ii^ (he margin of 
the Philoxenian or Heraclean Syriac, as well as with the Uoptio 
printed by Wilkins, and the Sahidic published by Woide, is ^ 
isiot very consistent with our hypothesis. Being a very ancients 

, MS. and* containing a text much older than itself, it will, of 
course, contain a great number of valuable readings, or at leas( 
many which are found in those authorities. But still, die Cod. 
BezsB has a great number of readings which are peculiar to itselfy 
and to the old Latin versions, or which are found only in them 
and in the Armenian version, v^hich, i% i^ notorious, h^s been 
once, if not twice, corrected or corri|pted from the Latin,' It has 
indeed been denied by Dr. Grieshach,'^ that the iV^^^^nian idoea 
Latinize, because it often agrees with th^ quotations of Orii 
gen : Michaelis, however, Ireplies,^ that, << not to mention that 

. the Latin version itself coincides with Origen in many impor^ 
t^t readings, it cannot be inferred from the coincidence eyen of s^ 

* I use the abbreviations employed by Griesbach. 

* Middleton, p. 691. ^ introd. Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. 230. 

^ Fpr these ipst^nces I am indebted to Dr. Middleton, p. 086: Gries* 
bach, who generally quotes only the readings which mal^e some ajteratioi^ 
i|i the sense, has not noticed them. 

' Marsh*s Michaelis, Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. ^02. This correction undoub^ 
^ly took place about the year 1250, in the time of IJaitho, or rather He^ 
thom : the second is supposed tp have, been made by Uscan, Bisbpp of 
Srivan, when he printed the version at Amsterdam in 1666. 

^ Syml?. Crit. J. i, p. 7T, ^ Introd. Vol. ii, Pt. i, p. lOflU 

of the four GoBpekj ^e. 279 

gveat number of examples that Hethom made no alterations i* t9 
this it may be added, that probably the readings it has in comiiioi| 
with Origen existed before the (ime of Haitho. That he left many 
(ancient readings in the Armenian text, is highly probable, from 
the circumstance, that it still has Jesus Barabbas in Matth. xxvii. 
16, 17. an addition fpund in three MSS. and the Jerusalem Syriac^ 
and some few copies of Origen (Horn, xxxv. in Matt.) besides the 
scholia attached to many MSS^ and which is countenanced by an 
gncienjt tradition of the Syrian church.' This reading is found ii| 
no hMn MS. On the other hand^ he had the imprudence to 
interpolate 1 John v. 7., which, whether i^ be genuine or noty 
certainly never formed a part, either of the Armenian or any other 
oriental version. — At the same time, it should be confessed, that 
the Arm. seldom agrees with D, where its reading is supported 
only by the Latin authorities. 

Dr. Middleton in his Appendix has given a very useful collation 
of the Cod. Bezae in Matt, v — xii. and as a supplement to what he 
has done I offer to the reader jthe following collation of the re- 
mainder of the book. I have confined myself to instances, in 
•which D agrees with Latin iauchorities only ^ to instances of agree* 
xnent between D, the Latin versions, and the Armenian ; to read* 
ings found only in D. Cant. ; and lectiones singulares of D.— I 
have omitted several readings, which, according to Griesbach, 
belong to the above classes, because I have jcaref ully compared my 
whole collation, with the Coptic and Sahidic versions, and found 
several instances in which they supported the Latin readings, though 
Griesbach has omitted to note their evidence : and I have made it 
a rule to produce none which do not fall strictly ufider the fore^ 
going heads«*-Griesbach's notation of ih^ authorities has been 
followed : the mark -f denotes the addition of a word or sen* 
tence ; and = the omission. 

Matthe)y xiii. 1. aTPo ty^s oIx/o^] z= D. Cant. verc. veron. corb. I- 
2. germ. X. 2. || xiii. J 3. auro«; XaXi] XaXsi avrois D* i>Ji\8i avroif 
D** H xiii. 14. kiyou<roi] + to^8u9i}ti, iui tiir§ rm Aoaii rourtt}. D^ 
cant. verc. veron. corb. 1. ^. colb. germ. 1. alii. | xiii. 17. elSov] 
^hyri6vj(ray ISeTv. D. cant. || xiii. 2S. og 5^] tot«. D. cant. verc. veron. 
colb. clar. H xfii. 49. aiwvoi] xiij-fMu D. || xiv. 2, aurov] + /uuijTi D. 
(St. /3.) ^ cant, veron. brix. clar. germ. 2. Mm. gat. || xiv. 3. 
^lA/^nrou] = D. Vulg. cant. verc. corb. germ. 1. cc3b. for. I xir. 
8. lir) 9riWxi] = p. canjt. || xiv. 14. avTo7$] irtqi aurtov. D. | 


' See Adler. Verss. Syr. p. 179, or the Class. Journal, Vol. ix. p. 8S5. 
NcXVII. ' '' ^ 

* The Cod. Stephani fi. is no other than the Cod. Be«9, ^9^ JVIarsh's 
Micha^ VoL i;. Ft. i. p. SS6. £t. ii, p. 088, sqq. 

28d Remarks m the Cambridge MS. 

Stv. 11. xo7vdi] nonfos^et 0.^' torimunicat Cant* colb. (semel.) Tertu 
Mien Atig. 5/<? bis ei vs. l8, 20* |f xr. 14. atJrducJroi^ Tu4)Xot/^ D. 
eant. y xv. 2^. air^] Mtroo Aurdo. D. cant. U xr. 24. ftpifiottot} -f 
VauTix. D. cant. |[ xri. 2. a^^roTf] = D. cant. verc. eerily, germ. 1. | 
xvi. 4. Hai fto/x^A*^] = I>. cant. retc. corb. 1. 2; germ. 1. Prosper. 

cant. J xvii. 12. (jStco xa) 6 ylo? ro5 Mgaotroa liiKKei ^Aa^enf xm et&* 
taj>3 Inflnen cammat. Id. rejidtmt D. cant. rerc. verbn-. coA* !• 
«. cottr. germ. 1.' J xVii.* 25. oVs f»(r?Xtev] t;trfXfldyT* D. | xviM. Ift, 

^ Could this error have arneir m tbe Greek ? The folk>iving ccmjecturt 
appears to account for it Koivoo; sometimes means communicOf e. g. #f^f, 
HMvwd'Qy iJLubtiv is "if^ £ur. Iph. in Aul. 44. but in this place it signi&e9 
tnguind, polluo. The old Latin translators rendered it here, improperly. 
hy communico : the transcriber, or rafher thi dohipiler of the Cod. Beidty colli 
suhed the Latin vers, and'^ without dny f«Hrlher coAsideratfon^ filtered 
xoiVoi l>o xoiKwv^ ^bich iieVer means ptflfao. 

• ^ JP«r. the Cod, Fopqfuliermfy an aneient Ln^in MS. printed bv Blakicbiiii 
in hi$ £vangeliarium Q^adruplei^ Ilora«, 1749, confaina met'ely the cor- 
|ected> text of Jerome,. and doe§ not belong to the old Latin version \ syiysto, 
i» therefore the reading of all the MSS. of what is termed the Ualic version^ 
Mrith the exception of the Cott, Btisfientis% See Marsh's Micbaeli^ VdK it. 
Pt. i. p. nog. and Dobrowsky, FM^eiitt B|ag«*se Etangfel; Maici; Prag. 

^ How can this tfansposition be accounted for ? I have not access to any 
of the old verss, published by Blanchini; but from the reading of the Vulg, 
t am induced' fo offer the following conjecture: The passage in that vera. 
Is fhus wordbd : Sic tffilhtf hrni^i^pasnms ent ab eii^ and «he iinal clauft 
«if tbe IM) v^rse,ii<09) *lomifvoiy^m'Bi atuVoTrvisreddcred';- ^ JoAaftno— rfii^ 
itaeH eitu New tlie tj^sciiber' of the LaU MS. from M^hich the others w«re 
transcribed after be had written to voluerunt^ b> which "^s^r^ffay is reiy< 
dered, cast his eye on the l'$th verse and wrote as far as dixissft eis ; on 
examining his transcript he perceived his mistake, and* added in the margin 
the words he had omitted*- in v. Id: subsequent transcribeFs ailmittted&iB 
ihargiiial addidvn imo the text^ but in^ the wfoilg pleice. From .one of these 
eoptes.the Cod: Be»f vfdk .corrected. — ^If it should be objected, that the 
Wnsposition makes absolute and incorrigible nonsense of the passage, and 
tnat therefore the Cod, Beza would hardly have been so corrected; it may 
T5e* replied, that the correction might as well be made there, aii the ^abstH^ 
ijttion occur ikl llie Lat ]VfiBS^,tHe traklsct^b^rtfof whieh' seem'to bayeunaet- 
atood what they wrofe,. and would therefore, it might be thought, ecjually 
perceive the absurdity. Besides we have sufficient proof,- that the writer 
of the Cod. D. was, as Wetstein says, " iiakXr/^a(ptas, gu^ vel Gracevel 
i&tinm kngtuB perifier/* Indeed,, the coiyecture. of Knitt^l to explain the 
reading of Matt. iii. 16. svppose» a great want, both of accuracy and of 
kn<)Wledgeu-*-~The transposition could not have ansenfrom an- k&aurioi^iemton 
in the Greek; because there we have avrujy and aJro7/. Tlie qu^slioii 
'^ight have been exaihined with greater certainty,. HadlhadiheHiee of the 
!fvangeliarium of Blai^bikii: but if the eimjectuxe be grounded^ it i6» I 

of thefoitir Goipekj ^c. 28 1 

jtueprv^v] =: D* Cant. Aug. semeL In aliis locum niutaL J xviii* 
S5. 6 xuqios auTotj] avrou =: D. Cant. vecc. for. germ. 2. harL em^ 
men Hier. Lucifer. H xviii. 26. (td)] =: D. Cant, veron. corb. 1. 2.| 
xviii. 38. ovx ^e<] + oSv D. Arm. Vulg. It. {exc. for.) Aug. || xix. 
1. kriXMijrsv] 8Xakti<r8v D. It. (exc. brix. germ. 2. clar. Mm. for.) 
Hilar. H xix. 10. rou MoaiytfQo] rou u%Sqhg ' D. Arm. (id videtWi) 
¥iRt, It. (exc. brix. for. germ. 2.) Amb. Op. imp. Ambrosia«t. | 
xix. 25. tfsorXiJo-o-oirro] -f xa> s^ofir,iri(rȴ D. Cant. verc. veron. colbu 
germ. 2. Mm. corb. 2. Hilar. H xix. 29. (9 vrarc^] = D. Cant; 
vercm. corb. 1. 2. Hilar. Paulin. H xx. 10. xXe/ova] ^Ae/o) D. || xx^ 
fiS. »oXX»y.] + -* ufiiis ^i I^tmIts ex /xix^ou auf ij«-«i, xal Ix /(te/^^irof 

/ should conceive, an iri^efragable proofs that the Cod. Be»e does latinize^' at 
least in some instances. • 

' The difference between the two readings is greater than may appear at 

the first view: avAfcMrof* signifying a man generally, like the Latin homo^ 
while i>ri^ means « husband^ as the Latin vir. 

^ This is a very long interpolation, though not, as will be shown, a sii^ 
ffular one, in the Cod. Beza3. It does not seem likely to have taken its rise 
in the Greek. L The Italic version, (in all the MSS. of which it is found, 
with little variation,) certainly existed at a period considerably prior to the 
Cod, Beza, even allowing to that MS. the greatest antiquity for which its 
advocates contend. II. The Latin versions made before the titne of Jerome 
fell into great confusion, on account of the liberties taken with them by 
transcribers, who, as we are told by St. Jerome, (us quoted by Michaejis, 
Introd. Vol. ir. Pt. i. p. 119.) made, rather Aarwiowics of the Gospels, than 
iraiucriptt of them : nence, this passage was probably interpolated from 
Lulee xiv. 8. sqq. though evidently in the wrong- place. From hence I 
conceive it to nave been admitted into the Cod, Jieza: the transcriber of 
which, being a member of the western church, probably thought he really 
improved the text by so doing. If wfe consider the attachment Which Au- 
sustine (a man of more intbrmation probably, and who therefore was more 
ukely to entertain moderate opinions, than the writtr, or rather the cofli» 
piler of the Cod, Beza^ showed to the old Italic version, by entertaining |t 
great jealousy of Jerome's endeavours to amend it; we can hardly be sur- 
prised, that the writer of our Codex should think the version paramount to 
tl^e text, and should now and then correct the latter by the former. III. If 
we translate closely, the old Lat. vers, into Greek, we shall have exactly 
the reading of the Cod, Cantabrimensis : and we have seen already in Matt. 
XV. 11. a*hd xvii. V2, some readings which look very like retranslations. 
IV. This reading seems to have extendt-d very widely into the old Lat. vers, 
because we find it in the Anglo-SHxon vers, which according to JVlichaelis 
(Introd'. Vol. 11. Pt. i. p. 158.) was made from the old Lat. and not from the 
Vulg. V. Had this addition arisen in the Greek, we should have expected' to 
find it in some other Gr, MSS. at least in some one of those which harmonize 
with the Cod. 1).; but it is foimd in the Cod. Beza alone. VI. It is true 
that the same addition is found in the margin of one MS. of the Philoxenian 
version ; (see the Syriac text in Adler's Versn. 5^r. p. 90,) and that it is 

tliere said to have been found in extmplis GracU. (|^a» }ma#,o) There is, 

however, reason to think that the Cod, D. was one of the MSS. used by 
Tliomas of Uarkcl, the Editor of the vers, when he collated it with Greek 

282 Remurks on the Cambrtdge M3. 


.lAomiy Svar tWi^xJ^fitvoi hsy xai TrugetxXifiivrsi hii'^o'ou, fivi ianoOcA' 

eXtfwy 6 $fi9rvoxAijT60^ 6Mi^ (TOI, In xdrrco ;^eo^fr xeA TtarMff^vySii^^ 
ii¥ ii ivuisBo-^ §U rov r^rrova rimw^ xa) e^rfXSi; c^u ^rrwv, l^fT (TqV h 
8«7rvoxX^Ta>^' (Ttivays fri ivco* xal {oral <rol touto yj^riifr%\i^it. D. f^J^' 
ntf^^m quaritis de minimO {pusilloyretc. veron. corb. 1. ^.^erm. 1^ 
colb. clar. Leo M. tnodico emmer.) cr^scere, et de fM^no {nuunmo 
emmer.) mnui^ {et de muff ore mifioresjieri s. esse verc* corb. 1. 2» 
colb. clar. Leo M. Juv. ef de minore fnajares Jleri 8. esse veron. 
gerhi. I, et de nuignis niqjores eHe cod. S. Andres secus Avenio- 
nem. Leo M. alicubi) Introeuntes {intrantes vere. veron. aHi) 
aui^ et rogati *ccenare {ad ccenam verc. veron. alii) ne disctdmeri" 
tis {nolite recumbere) in eminentibiis {superioribu/)' hcisy ne forte 
dignior {clarior) te superveniat et accedes ccefue imoitator (qui ad 
cosnatn vocavit te) dicat tiln : adkuc deorsum {inferius) accede ; et 
cotyvndaris (et erit tibi confusio.) Si autem discubueris in min^ 
ittum locum, {in loco inferiori) et superoeniat minor {humilior) te^ 
dicet tibi invitator eoeme {qui ad ccenam vocavit te)l collige adJiuc 
superiuSf {accede adhuc sufsumf s. superius) et erit tibi hoc utile 
'{utilius). Cant.' verc. veron« corb. 1. 2. germ. 1; 2. colb. clan 
emmer. Alii Codd. latt. 5. apud Wetst. Vers* Sax. Cod. 
Syrse. p. AsseManni 1. in marg. {kac addita nota : « hec quidem 
in exemplis antiquis [sc. Syriacis} in Luca tanttm leguntur cap. 
/5S«; inv&niuntur autem in exemplis gracis hoc loco, quamobrem 
nos ea hie apposuimus.) Hilar. Leo M. Juv. H germ. 1. non habet 
partem posteriorem : Introeuntes j contra rero germ. 2. et 
Hilar, omittunt partem additamenti priorem. || xxi. 7. inivto atrroov] 
W auiiv. D. Cant. verc. veron. brix. corb. 1. 2. clar. vulg. m& 
Origen ms. semel. Op. imp. Juv. H mxidi<rav\ ixalijro D. || xxi. IB-.* 
firavoiyoov] voigayoovJ] D. Cant. verc. veron. corb. 1. 2. colb. 
clar. Hilar. || xxi. 24. ov] =: D.** cant. corb. colb. clar. |.xxi. S2. 

MSS. in the library of Alexandria: (see Adler Verst, St/r. p. ISO. and bis 
remarks p. 133.) and this is not a little corroborated by the circumstance, 
that the Cod, Cant, and the margin of the Philox. Syr. contain the readings 
of the Alexandrine edition. But after all, it is not certain that Thomas of 
Harkel found it in exemplis cRiEciSy or that he meant to express the plural; 
since the Syriac words being written without vowel points, will express in 
^ zxfiMPLo GRiECo if the Ribbui be discarded, and they be read Ljq^ Lwia^ ^ : 

this Adler himself remarks, (p. 91. note 39.) The testimony of the Philox. 
vers, therefore, will not prove the Cod. D. not to have been interpolated 
from the Latin. VII. Matth'ai thinks it arose from a scholion in some 
Greek copy: but to this it may be objected, that the practice of writing 
scholia in Or. MSS. hardly commenced so very early, as this reading must 
have existed, which obtained a most complete possession of all the MSS. of 
the old Lat. vers. If all this be considered^ we shall hardly think that this 
reading arose in the Greek. 

ofthefoufGospetsy^d. 283 

ou] :=: D. Cant. (colb. videnies hac, pceflit. Sed videnies, iwk 
pcmit. ceteri latt.) || xxi. 39« l^f^oOiov i^m tou aiAKiXoovo^j xa) airix^ 
retvavl uirixreiveiv, xai l^g/SaXov efco tou ctfi/jr. D. Cant, veron. verc. 
•clar. corb. 2. colb. Mm. Sax. Lucif. Jur. || xxii. 5. 6 jub?v*-«o ^] ol, 
tt postea fltuTfiuy D. Cant, veron. colbi corb. 2. clar. Iren.* Lucif. J 
xxii. 7. 'AKo6(roig 85 6 /Sao-iXeuc} exsivo^, 6 jSaoriAsu; axoi!<ra^ D. Cant. 
Teron. Lucifer, item (addito au^^m) verc. colb. corb. 2. || xxii. IS, 
iY,(ruvTBg oLurotJ vo5a^ xolI xeT^af upoLre auTOv] a^arf ouniv tto^cuv x«X 
^eipwv x«l /SiXere awrov (omisso Sijo-avrec) D. Cant. verc. vero^ 
colb. corb. 2. clar. Iren. Hilar, semel. Lucif. Donat. in collat. car« 
thag. Tollite eum ligatis pedibus et manibus et mittite eum^ corb. 
\u Ambrosiast. Hier. Victor, tun. H xxii. 15. oireof] ««)$ D. Cant, 
brix. II xxii. 17. EItts oSv ^jutlv] =: D. Cant. verc. veron. corb. 1. 2. 1 
arxii. S7. 7i)<rouj] post auT« ponit D. Vulg. It. || xxiii. 34. irgoj wjxaj] 
== D. Cant. H xxiv. 17. auroD] =: D. Cant. verc. veron. corb. 2. 
Cypr. Iren. Hilar. Op. imp. || xxiv. 24. irXov^o-a*] '7cXaYtfir,voLi D. 
Vulg. for. veron. germ. 1. Cypr. seducantur • • • • electosj Cant. | 
xxiv. 30. h Tto ouqetvwl rou h oif^volg D. Cant. || xxv. 20. ixig^no'et] 
f7rfX0f8i|(r« D. Vulg. It. || xxv. 21. h7r\prius] hve) Iv (etiam v^ 28.^) 
D. Arm. Vulg. It, Patr. latt. || xxv. 28. Uxa] ttsvts D. Cant, qui^ 
quinqve duplicavit Hilar. H xxvi. 55» h^jiXisTe] ijXdare D. It. exc* 
corb. 1. germ. 1. brix. || xxvi. 60. ^roXXouv ^iudofji^^vgrn wfoo-aKiiv* 
XMv ovp^ eigori] to i^rj^* xa) 9roX\o) trpotrT^Xiov ^st)^oiJLapTvgsgy xa) 06^ 
eZp^v, TO k^Yi;^ D. sequefUia. Et muUi accesserunf jaki testes^ et 
non invenerunt rei sequentia (f. 1. retmij sequentia) Cant. H t^ 
«3^6v prius] non invenerunt exitum, corb. 2. non inv, exitwn rej, 
clar. II oux eS^ov posterius] non invenerunt ctdpam brix. non 
inven* quicqttam in eo s. in ^m. colb* corb. 2. clar. non inv, exi» 
turn rein verc. || xxvi. 71. aXXij] -j- wai^/crxij. D. Vulg. veron. 
rerc. colb. corhL 2» clar. Mm. gat. + yuvij tIj Arm. || xxvi. 73. 
.S^Xov <re TTOisT] o/xoia^^t. D. veron. verc. clar. colb. corb. 2. || xxvii. 

1. eXft)3ov] ff7ro<)](rav. D. Verc. brix. colb. gat. || xxvii. 32. xygi^vstiov] 
-f 64J «nravTi]T«v at5rou. D. Sax. cant, veron. verc. colb. clar. corb. 

2. gat. Mm. germ. 2. luxov. harl. || xxvii. 6Q. rij^ xouareoS/dt;] ^uXa* 
aca^eCrouy ^uXaxcov. D.^ cant, veron. verc. brix. colb. germ. 1. 
corb. 2. foroj. Aug. H xxviii. 7. dm Tm vsxpwv] = D. Arm. Vulg. 
It. (exc. brix. foroj. colb. corb. 2. germ. 2. gat.) 

The above collation contains the^ chief readings in which the 
Cod* Beza differs from the received text, either alone, or accom-* 
panied with other Latin authorities. It would be too much to 
assert, that all the readings above quoted, or even the major paxt 
of them, owe their origin to the influence of the Latin \ nor has 
this been assumed : but that some do, cannot, I think, easily be 

The Cod. BezcSy sometimes, though not frequently, departs 

284 Remarks (m the Cambridge MS. 

from the received text, in companf with the Persic version ^iiiitoi^ 
an the Londoii Polygiott, either singly, or in company with the 
Latim At the fir^t view, it may appear extremely improbable 
that the Persic should have been dtered from the Latin, paftici»- 
larly when Michaelis,' with some other learned critics, have coo^ 
tended that it was translated from the Syriac. If we had no other 
extracts from this version but such as have been given by Gries- 
bach, it might, perhaps, be difficult to bring home the charge : 
but Dr. Adam Clarke, a Mrriter distinguished by his knowledge of 
die Persian language, has given in the General Introduction to the 
N. T. prefixed to his edition of the Bible with notes,^ a very am-* 
pie account of this version, from which I am able to give the fol- 
lowing instances. It will be clearly seen that it was made by a 
Soman CcUhdic^ who has even falsified the text to suppoit 
his' doctrines. E. g» mitigation of punishment is promised to Tyre 
and Sidon in the day of judgment : Matt. xi« 22. << Now I say unto 
you, that in the day of judgment, to Tyre and Sidon, there shall be 
&BP0SE, which shall not be to you :" there is a Catholic sayiatf 
about Hell : Mark ix. 46. the words, " where their worm dietk 
aot^ and the fire is not quenched," in the Persic is translated^ 
by, << because from thence liberation is impossible:** Prayer for the 
dead is noticed in Luke, vii. 12. « he saw a dead man, whom 
they were carrying out with prater and lamentation ;" the merit 
of good works, for the purchase of the remission of sins is tauglit 
Luke vii. 47. and xvi. 9. << as a recompense Jbr wkat she hoi 
doney her sins which are many, are forgiven, for that very cause 
that she vxis vsorthy of much, or, has much merit : but little shalt 
iejotgiven to him who has little merit :** the doctrine of superero*^ 
gation is glanced at, Luke xix. 9. « Jesus said, — to«day^ — there is 
a great salvation to this house, because this man is of the sons of 
Abraham '** and the merit of martyrdom is spoken of Matt^^ xlvii. 
52. <( the bodies of many saints who had suffered martyrdom 
rose.'' That a translator of this kind employed the Latin version, 
is almost a thing of course : and Dr. C. after attentively reading 
die version tmice, is of opinion that it was made directly from the 
Vulgate : but this will not agree with a phaenomenon mentioned 
by Michaelis,^ that Syriac words are retained and a Persic inter* 
pretation added. However, allowing that it was made from the 
Syriac, still it might have been corrected in some measure froni 
die Vulgate : for we read that Hebedjesu Bishop of Sigara, who 
fived in the year 1295, went to Rome to abjure Nestorianism :^ and 

, ■ Introduction Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. 105. * Page 17. 

' Introd. Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. 105. 

^ See £cchellensb Pnenit. ad Hebedjesu Catalog. Lib. Chiddi^onim, pi 
14* Rooiae. 1653. or the Class. Journal, Vol. ix. p, 189. 

of thffour Gospek^ ^c. 385 

it was about this time, that the Persian version pjrobably yir^s^ 
2nade» or a little before it : Dr« C places it in 19^1. This su$t 
C^ently establishes ^e fact, that an eccleMajstical interco.urse be-r 
tF^^n the members of the Roman and Arabian Churches of that: 
period subsisted. These premises being established, the infer? 
^ce follows of course. 

The object of the present essay, however, is not so much tq 
prove the corruption o( the Cod. D. from the Latin in particular^ 
as jits actual corruption from some source or other. That the 
MS. contains many readings peculiar to itself, and also abounds 
yriih additions, is a fact well-known .and admitted, even by its 
warmest advocates;' thus for example, besides the remarkable 
addition noticed above in the collation on Matt, xx* 28., it contains 
several iQore, equally remarkable : it would take ,up too muc)) tiiaef 
9S well as paper, to cite them at full length; and I shall therefore 
content myself with referring the reader to Griesbach's eclition c^ 
thi^t. Greek Testament under the following passages : Luke ii. S$ ; 
iv. 3.1 ; ^i. 2, 30; xxiii. 54^; ^xiv. I. John vi. 56-; xii. 28; 
xyii. II. Aqt. Apost. vi. 11; xv. 29; xvii. 15. Thirae exam^ 
pJies I have collected by merely turning over the leaves of Gneit 
bach : I have observed many more at different tisues ; but, asl 
negl^ted to note the passages, I cannot give more instances : these» 
how^ver, will be quite sufficient for any reader who will take the 
^uble attentively to consider them. 

The true opinion respecting this MS., therefore, seems to be 
zfk follows : the original MS. which formed the basis of our Codex» 
was of the Alexandrine edition ; and contained the valuable read^ 
ings which we find in that edition : this fell into the hands of some 
member of the Western Church, who, entertaining a high (q)inioa 
of the Latin version, noted in the margin^ in Greek, many of k» 
readings : it was afterwards transcribed by some one, who added- 
9 Latin version, and received into the Greek the various readings 
noted by his former possessor ; to these he added a few scholia^ 
which he found in the margin of that or some other MS. ; and 
being, as Wetstein says, more skilled in calligraphy than in Greek* 
be Added some blunders of his own. This is probably at true 
9k^tch of the history of this MS. ; and will account for its frequent 
coincidence with the three Egyptian versions, ¥rith the margin of 
|he Philoxenian Syriac, and widi the MSS. of the Alexandrine 

' " Notissitnura est," says Dr. Kipling, the l^earned editor of the MS.j 
^ BezsB Codicis Texlum non mudu sckoliit hie iliic fccdariy verum etiam 
•pwriu quibusdmm anipUfieari pericopis/' Preefat. p. 5. See also Michaelrs, 
latiod. Vol. II. Pc. L p. 835* though he does not admit that it Latinixat. 


286 Remarks on the Cambridge MS. ^c. 

edition. Michaelis himself ineidts, ' that it is a Codex eclecticuit 
tfnd diat « the transcriber/' (he should have said the possessor^ 
for the writer could not easily have made, himself, the variations 
found in the MS., being too igijiorant,)— ->< acted like a critic, and 
corrected the text from the best helps which he could procure, 
And derived assistance from many ancient MSS., some of which 
hid adnditted scholia into the text, and at times to have ventured 
a critical conjecture." This being the case, if the corrector was 
a member of the Western Church, he might, and probably would, 
ttsp the Italic version as an assistance. Dr. Marsh, indeed, thinks,* 
that « if so eminent a critic as Wetstein had not advanced the 

2 pinion, it would seem absurd, where the Greek occupies the 
rst page, the Latin the second, and the latter is annexed to the 
former, as a mean of understanding it, to imagine that the read- 
ings of the original were adapted to those of the translation." But 
vhy may Mt uie Latin have been used also as a critical subsidkan ? 
If, as Dr. M. believes,' the reason, why the Cod. D. so frequently 
agrees with the Latin, be, that the MSS. from which the Latin 
rersions were made, come nearer to it in point of rime, than to 
those Greek MSS. from which the Codex Bezse difi^s : if die 
authors of these Latin versions found in the Greek MSS. from 
which they translated, the readings which are common to them, 
aad to the Cod. Bezss : if this veiy agreement, instead of showing 
thes^ readings to be spurious, is a strong argument that they are 
ancient and genuine : then must we without hesitation receive 
into our Greek text, the addition at Matt. xx. 28., though evi« 
dently in the wrong place, because it is supported by a great ma- 
prity of the Latin authorities. But Jerome assures us that the 
italic version was much corrupted j and therefore it is more rea- 
sonable to think that it did not exist in the Latin version when 
first made, but was afterwards admitted into it, and got admit- 
tance into the Cod. Bezx, in the manner I conjectured in the 
notes to that part of the collation. 

Dr. Middleton confined his extracts to the first 12 chapters of 
3t. Matthew ; the mo^ unprolific chapters kA the most unprolific 
book ; for the Cod. Bezae has, in the Gospel of St# Matthew, fipwer 
readings in proportion, tiian in any other of .the books which it 
- contains : and even in the short portion which he collated, there 
b a chasm of nearly dunee chapters. Had he selected the other part 
of the Evangelist, namely, that which I have here examined, he 
would have made the strength of his cause much more apparent. 
To a reader, however, who is disposed to examine more minutely 

■ Introd. Vol. ii. Pt. i. p. 235. 
• * Notes to Michaeln, Vol. ii. Ft. ii. p; 089* ^ Ut supra. 

Rich 071 the Ruins of Bahyloh. 387 

the readings of this MS., I would recommend the Acts of the 
Apostles, where he will find abundant materials for his consider- 

What has been said does not much affect the oth^r MSS.> 
which have been generally accused of Latinizing ; because the 
passages of that nature in them are but few ; nor do they so 
abound with interpolations. In these respects the Cocl. Bezx difiers 
from all other MSS. ; nor is it easy, if the Cod. Bezse be absolved 
from the charge, and its readings be esteemed valuable, to defend 
the others. In proportion as we extol the Cambridge MS. wtt 
diminish the authority of the multitude which dissent from it. 

August 18, 1815. M. 




By Claudius James Rich, Esq. Resident for the 
Honorable East India Company at the Court of the 
Pasha of Bagdad. With three plates. 8vo. London, 
1815. Longman and Co. 

Po the ingenious author of this work we acknowledge ourseives con« 
siderably indebted for information on a subject, which, although inter- 
esting in the highest degree, seems, amidst the various pursuits of an- 
tiquarian travellers, to have been most unaccountably neglected* 
Perhaps the dangers attending any researches among ruins in the East 
have induced unprotected visitors to leave the Babylonian remains in 
full possession of barbarian tribes ; but Mr. Rich's official character, 
as the East India Company's Resident at Baghdad, enabled him during 
the month of May, 1812, to explore with ease and safety those mo« 
numents of remote ages, in company with Mr. Lockett, to whom 
(p. 3.) he expresses his obligations for the measurements on which 
was constructed a map or sketch of the Babylonian territory, illus- 
trating this memoir/ " From the accounts of modem travellers,'' 
aays Mr. Rich, ** 1 had expected to have found on the site of Babylon 


■ Captain Lockett's elaborate work on Arabic Grammar, in a cjuarto vo- 
lume, issued from the Calcutta press during last vear: and this gentle- 
nan is now, we understand, in England, preparing for publication the ac- 
count of bis travels and pabylonian Researches, whicti was announced in a 
former number of this Joumtd. See Vol. viii. No. xv. p. S21 • ^ . 

9SB Rich an the Ruini of hahylm. 


more, and less, than I actually did : less, because I could have formed 
no conception of the prodigious extent of the whole ruins, or of the 
use, solidity, and perfect state of some of the parts of them : and more, 
because I thougitt riiat I should have distinguished some traces, how- 
ever imperfect, of many of the principal structures of Babylon. I 
imagined 1 should have said, ' Here were the walls ; and snch must 
te?e l>een 4ihe>extent of the area. There stood the palace ; and thi» 
iBOst assuredly ivus the tower of Belus/ 1 was completely deceived : 
instead of a few insulated mounds, I found the whole face of the 
country covered with yest^es of buildings ; in some places consisting 
of bricK .walls, surprisingly fresh —in others merely of a vast succession 
of mounds of rubbish of such indeterminate figures, variety, and 
^i^lflpt, as to involve the person who should have formed any theory 
in inextricable confusion/— (p. 2«) Mr. Rich considers the site of 
Babylon (p. 4.) ^ sutficientlv established in the environs of Hellah, 
According to Major Rennell's excellent *' Geography of Herodotus/' 
a work which he notices with due praise. 

The general durection of the road between Baghdad land Hellah, (a 
meanly-built town, containing six or seven thousand inhabitants) is 
North and South ; jthe dbtance about forty-eight miles — and the whole 
intermediate country (with the exception of some few spots) a per- 
fectly flat and uncultivated waste. — (pp. 4-8.) But the traces of former 
population are still numerous ; — tlie plain, is intersected by various 
canals, now neglected ; and exhibits many piles of earth containing 
fragments of brick and tiles. Through this plain once ran the fiimous 
Naher Malcha, oi JIuvius regius, a work attributed to Nebuchad- 
nezzar; it is now dry, like other streams that once flowed here, and 
served for the purposes of irrigation. Not far from the Naher Malckm 
Is a ruined bridge over a small canal : — *' Some time ago/' says Mr. R., 
'* A large lion came regularly every evening from the banks of the 
Euphrates, and took his stand on this bridge, to the terror of the tra- 
.veller ; he was at last shot by a Zobeide Arab." — (p. 5.) The ruimt oi 
.Babylon may be said to commence at Mohawil; about ninemile» 
.-from Heilah ; the interjacent space exhibiting vestiges of buildings, 
-faunit and mibumt bricks, and bitumen ; also three mounds, of which. 
4he magnitude attracts particular attention. Mr. R. found the £u- 
l^irates to be four hundred and fifty feet in breadth at the bridge of 
Hellah, and in depth two fathoms and a half. When it rises to its full 
height the adjoining country is inundated, and many parts of tite Ba- 
bylonian ruins are rendered inaccessible. — (p. 13.) The woods and 
' coppices, mentioned by some travellers, no longer appear ; avd our au* 
:thor, not having seen the Frendi work of M. Otter, is inclined tp be- 
lieve, ** that the word coppice must exist only in the translation, as it is 
an improper term, the only wood being the date gardens of Hellah, t» 
^hich ceiTaiuiv the word coppice will not apply. ~(p. l6.) We tind, 
4i9iiVBver, on reierruig to the original (Voyage en Turquie, &c, tome ii. 
-p. 211.) that M. Otter's expression sufliciently authorises this transit 
tihn: his words are, *' LeGeographe TUrc place Babil aupr^ de Uilla^ 
k la gaueke du chemin en allant d« 14 i Bagdad-^aujourdboi on n'y 


Rich on the Ruins of Babylon* S^8^ 

toil ^'ifii hoU taillis," Mr. Rich asspres us^ that, among the ruins of 
Babylon, there remains but one tree ; that, however, is of venerable 
antiquity, and was ouce of considerable sise. " It is an ever-greerf, 
something resembling the lignum vita, and of a kind, ( believe, not 
common in this part of the country, though I am told there is a tree of 
the same description at Bassora." — (p. 2?.) 

Without the engraved plan or map it would be almost useless, in thtff 
brief notice, to mention the particular directions or dimensions of all the 
canals, the mounds or masses of ruined buildings^ the embankment 
skirting the river on its eastern side, the boundary Kne, and others sub* 
dividing the whole area, of which our author traces the extent. "The 
ruins," he observes in p« 20., '* consist of mounds of earth, formed by the 
decomposition of building, channelled and furrowed by the weather : 
and the surface of them strewed with pieces of brick, bitumen, and 
pottery." Not far from the place called Jun^uma^ is the first grand 
mass of ruins ; in length eleven hundred ys^rds, and in greatest breadth 
eight hundred ; it^ height above the general level oftheplliin being 
fifty or sixty feet.— (p. 21.) Another heap of ruins (p. 22.) is nearly 
seven hundred yards in length and breadth, and appears to have been 
composed of buildings far superior to all the rest, which have left 
traces in the eastern quarter. Both these heaps are magazines of 
bricks, whence the neighbouring uihabitants derive inexhaustible sup^ 
plies. In excavations made for the purpose of extracthig bricks, an- 
cient walls have been discovered, with fragments of alabaster vessels, 
fine pottery, marble, and glazed tiles. Mr. R, found a sepulchral unr 
of earthen ware, and some human bones; (p. 23.) and not far from 
this, the figure which M. Beauchamp (as quoted by Major Rennell) 
had imperfectly seen, and understood from the Arabs to be an idol. 
** It was a lion of colossal dimensions, standing on a pedestal, of er 
coarse kind of grey granite, and of rude workmanship ; in the mouth 
was a circular aperture, into which a man might introduce his fist.'* 
(p. 25.) The next remarkable object k the Knsr, or palace ; iti 
walls are formed of such well burnt brick, laid in lime cement so tena- 
cious, that the workmen employed to extract bricks have ceased their 
. labor on account of the extreme dithculty. (p. 28.) The embank<* 
luent on the river's side is abrupt and f>erpendicular ; at the foot of 
it are found urns filled with human bones.— (p. 28.) One mile north 
of the Kasr (and five miles distant from Hcllah) is the ruin which Pietro 
delta Valle supposed to have been the Tower ofBelus; an opinion 

adopteil by Major RennclI. This the Arabs call MukafUht, (aaIm j 
or, according to the vulgar pronunciation, Mvjelibc; a name which sig« 
nifies overturned, (p. 28.) Its elevation at the highest angle is one 
hundred and forty-one feet, and its longest side extends two hundred 
yards. I'hose who dig into this heap find whole bricks with inscrip- 
tions, and innumerable fragments of pottery, " bitumen, pebbles^ vi- 
trified brick or scoria, and even shells, bits of glass, and mother of 
pearl; on asking a Turk how he imagined these latter substances 
were brought there, he replied, without the least hesitation^ * By th# 
deluge."'-<-(p, ^.) Here also are the dens of wild beasts ; and bere| 

290 Rich on the Ruins of Babylon. 

by a curions coincidence, Mr. Ricli first heard the orieutaf account of 
Satyrs: for in this desert it is said that the Arabs find an animal re* 
sembliDg a man from the head to the waist, but havin<; the thighs and 
legs of a sheep or goat ; and that they hunt this creature with dogs, 
and eat the lower parts, abstaining from the upper, in which consists 
the resemblance to the human species. Mr. Rich here appositely 

quotes from Isaiah (ch. xiii. v. 21.) the prophetic passage "But 

wild beasts of the desert shall lie there ; and their houses shall be fall 
of doleful creatures; and owls shall dwell there, and Satyrs shall dance 
there."— (p. 30i) He offers also (in the same page) scime remarks on 
the Hebrew word On^^ttfi here translated Satyrs. The limits of this 
notice will not allow ui to communicate, at present, some thoughts 
suggested by this word. In a future number of the Classical Journal 
we shall perhaps recal the attention of our readers to Mr. Rich's ob-v 
servations : and proceed meanwhile in the account of his entertaining 
work. Having heard that some marble, and a colbn of mulberry wood; 
i^ith a human body, had been discovered in the Mujelibe, Mr. R« 
employed twelve men to dig there, and found a shaft or hollow pier,, 
sixty feet square, in which were a bra^s spike, some earthen vessels, 
and a beam of date tree wood ; tliey found in another part burnt 
bricks with inscriptions, and a wooden cotiin, containing a well-pre^ 
served skeleton. " Under the head of the coHiii was a round pebble ; 
attached to the coffin, on the outside, a brass bird, and inside an orna- 
ment of the same material." Near the coffiu lay tlie skeleton of a 
child.— (p. 33.) 

Such are the principal rqins on the easteni side. The western af* 
fords only two small mounds of earth, at n place called Anana, — (p. 
34.) But six miles south-west of Hellah, stands the most stupendous 
Yemqant of ancient Babylon ; entitled liy the Arabs, Sirs Nemrond^ 
and by the Jews, Aebuchednezzar's Prison* Mr. Rich has so well 
described his first view of this interes>tiug ruin, that we shall gratify 
our readers by quoting bis own words* " I visited the Birs under 
circumstances peculiarly favorable to the grandeur of its efiect. Tlie 
morning was at first stormy and threatened a severe fall of rain;, but^ 
9S we approached the object of our journey, the heavy clouds sepa-« 
rating, discovered the Birs frowning over the plain, and presenting the 
appearance of a circular hill, crowned by a tower, with a high ridge 
extending along the foot of it. Its being entirely concealed from our 
view daring the first part of our ride, prevented our acquiring the 
gradual idea, in general so prejudicial to effect, and so particularly 
lamented by those who visit the Pyramids. Just us we were within 
the proper distance, it burst at once upon our sight, in the midst of 
rolling masses of thick black clouds, partially obscured by that kind 
of haze, whose indistinctness is one great cause of sublimity ; whilst a. 
few strong catches of stormy light, thrown upon the desert in the 
back ground, served to give some idea of the immense extent and 
dreary solitude of the wastes, in which this venerable ruin stiinds.*' — r 
(p. S6,) 

The Bur^ of Nimrod is aq oblong i^ound^ in circumference s^v^ 

Rich on the Ruins of Babylon. 291 

hundred and sixty-two yards, and it rises on the western side to an 
elevation of one hundred and ninety-eight feet. On the summit is a 
solid pile, thirty-seven feet hijjh, of fine burnt bricks; «xhihitiiig in- 
scriptions. Other immense fragments of brick work are found also 
in this mound, which is itself a ruin, standing within a quadrangular 
inclosure. Near the Birs is another mound, and vestiges of ruins may 
be traced to a considerable extent. 

Iq the vicinity of Hellah are several remains, which bear some re* 
lation to the ruins of Babylon.— (p. 39.) A tomb attributed to the 
prophet Job — the large canal of ./iisma^-rtwo large. masses called Eb^ 
mokhatat and El-adou^r—^dixd others near the village of Jerhouhfa^ 
" The governor of Hellah," says Mr. R. " informed me of a mound 
m large as the Mujelib^, situated thirty-five hours to the southward of 
Hellah ; and that a few years ago, a cap or diadem of puve gold, and 
some other articles of the same metal, were found there, which the 
Khezail Arabs refused to give up to the Pasha/'— (p. 390 There axe 
other mounds of considerable antiquity in various directions ; and ^v^ 
or six miles east of Hellah, a ruin which resembles on a smaller scale 
the Birs Neniroud ; it is called a/ Hheimar. — (p. 4<0.) A mass, which 
the Arabs denominate aker k&uf, and ascribe, like most of the remaini 
in this country, to Nimrod, appears also of Babylonian origin. Jt 
staqds ten miles N. W. of Baghoad, and rises to the height of on^ 
hundred and twenty-six feet.— (p, 41,) 

Having offered some cursory remarks on the accounts- left uh by the 
ancients, our author declares his opinion, that, whatever may have 
been the size of Babylon, *' its population bore no proportion to it ; 
and that it would convey to a^modern the idea of an inclosed district 
rather than that of a regular city." — (p. 43.) The tower, (temple, py- 
ramid, or sepulchre,) of Belus, corresponds, he thinks, in measurement 
** as nearly as possible, considering our ignorance of the exact propor- 
tion of the stadium,'' with the ruin called Mujelib^.— (p. 49.) ''The 
only building," adds he, '* which can dispute the palm with the Mn.}e« 
lib^, is the Birs Nemroud s previous to visiting which, 1 had i^ot the 
slightest idea of tj)e possibility of its. being the tower of Belqs : indeed 
its situation was a strong argument against such a supposition : but 
the moment I bad examin^ it, I could not help exclaiming, ' Had 
this been on the other side of the river, and nea^r the great mass of 
mips, no one could doubt of its being the remains of the tower." — • 
(p. 52.) After an examination of the argumei^ts against and for \b\s 
opinion, Mr. R. leaves to learned men the decision of this pointy He 
believes that the number of buihlings in Babylon bore no proportion to 
the great space inclosed by the wall ; that the houses were small, and 
mosdy consisted of merrily a ground floor, of ba$ie cour t that the 
public edifices were more vast than beautifuly and that the tower of 
BeluH was astonishing only from its size. ^* All the sculptures which 
aie found among the ruins, though some of them are executed witl| 
the greatest apparent care, speak a barbarous people." — (p* 58.) And 
\% would appear that the Babylonians were unacquainted with the arch. 
Piltwithstan^ing M. Dutens' assertion to the cbntra^y. The piits qf 

292 Rich on the Brn^is of Babylon. 

Babylou* furnish bricks of biro iotts : sohie barnt in a kiln, others 
simply dried in the sun ; and the cement used appears to be bitumen, 
mortar and clay, or rtnd. ** At the Mujelib^, layers of reeds are found 
on the top of every layer of mud-cement, between it and the layer of 
brick."— (p. 66.) 

Thus have we epitomized, however inadequately, this interesting 
memoir, which was originally published at Vienna* in the " Mines de 
l-Orient;" a work conducted by the learned orientalist, Mr. Hammer. 
*f In it 1 have given," says Mr. Rich, " a faithful accmmt of my obser- 
vations at Babylon, and oftier it merely as a prelude to fiirtlier re- 
searches, which repeated visits to the same spot may enable me to 
iAake."~(p. 66.) 

. The pi^esent volume does not extend beyolid sixty-seven octavo 
plages; and serves rather to excite than to satisfy curiosity. Besides 
the plan above mentioned, it is illustrated with two plates containing 
sketches of the Birs Neniroud, the Kasr, the M^julibe, and the em-* 
bankment mi the river Euphrates ; wlrieh, though very small, seem to 
bfi accurate, and as no oUier authentic delineations of the Babylonian 
remains Imve ever been engraved, (at least to our knowledge,) these 
mttst be considered as valuable, until larger, handsomer^ or better, shall 
bdve appewed. 

After the perusal of this little memoir, we look forward with impa- 
tience for more ample inform ation. Suck may reasonably* be ex** 
pected from the result of Mr. Rich's future researches among the roios, 
or fr6m Captain Locketfs work wiih the views and plans announced 
two years ago in the Classical Journal, and at present, as we believe, 
nearly ready for piiblicatton. Meanwhile we would direct the notice 
of our readers toiuein]^ passages scattered through the- pa^es of Mr. 
Aieh's i memoir, especially the critical and etymological reuiarks of this 
iuganious writer on the Bebrew word Q^">^^ (to which we before 
alluded,) signifying, as differently traosiated, " satyrs, hairy-ones, devils, 
evil spirits^ &€:' (pv SO.) on ^V^^ly ot, Chaldaic^, ^SKl^ 'TX perhai>s 

the modern Boursa *^>» and •* probably,'* says Mr. R. "the Boro- 
sippa of Strabo and Barsita of Ptolemy." — (p. 39.) On the expression 
of Herodotus trrabtov Kalro fifjKos Kal to €vpos,-r'(f. 4>5.) On Genesis 
xi. 4. 0^12^2 IIC^KTI. Also on Genesis xi. 3. relative to the bricks aiid 
mortar or cement used in the construction of Babel, (p. 60) Con- 
cerning all these passages we shall venture to offer our own opinions 
in another place, and close this article by suggesting, on the authority 

of a friend (who has travelled in the east) that Birs {j^j^ applied to 
the mound or tower of Nimrod, and apparently not Arabic, (as Mr« 
R. observes p. 34.) may possibly be a corruption from some other 
word, like MukalHbe, vnl^ly pronounced Mujdihk (p. 28.) where we 
find both letters and accents altered : thus our friend thinks it not 

improbable that the P/{5 which form the word Birs u^j^. ^re nothing 

.more than the BRJ 6( ^j^ Butj or Burge, signifying " a tpteer," 
itc. and comprising, the radicals of Trupyos, according to the change 
usually made by Arabs, who, not having in their alphabet either |i or ^> 

Hebrew Descent of the Abyssinians. 293^ 

(Kke ourtf ki gold, or tke Greek gamma,) substitute for' these lettecs 

tfaeir ^ B, and g J. Castell is inclined to derive the Arabic Bnrge 

g^ from 7rvpyos,[ and we shnll here remark, as a coincidence favor- 
able to the conjecture above-mentioned, that Fierodotus, in his first 
book, applies wiupyos to the tower of Belus, and that from Mr. Rich's 
description (p. 51,, 52, <fec.) there are strong reasons for supposing that 
ornament of ancient Babylon to be the very ruin now denominated tiie 
Bin of Nimrod. 




To THE Editor of the Classical Journal. 

In reading the xxxvth chapter of Jeremiah, and meeting with the 
name Habaziniah as the chief of the house of the Rechabites, and 
reflecting on the commands given by Jonadab their father to . his 
sons (which they had faithfully observed), and comparing tl^em 
^ith the name, language, and customs of the Abyssinians, as men- 
tioned by Ludolf, Bruce, and others ; and more panicularly from 
observing the evident analogy t otweeii the name of this son of 
Jonadab, and that of the country of Abyssinia ; I was strongly 
impressed with .the idea, that the Abyssinians might be originally 
of this family, and that the house of Jonadab, the son of Rechab-, 
who was never to want a man to stand before the Lord, tnight 
probably be found in Abyssinia at this day. I now trouble yo^t- 
with a few thoughts on this subject, and shall feel obliged by the 
opinion of any of your learned correspondents, and further infor- 
mation concerning it. 

In 1 Chr. ii. 5S, we are informed that Hemath was the father 
of the Kenites, and of the house of Rechab ; and these Kenites are 
here reckoned among the families of Judah : and in 2 Kings, x. 15. 
Jonadab the son of Rechab is mentioned 5 being in the Hebrew in 
this place, 2"T31IT Jehonadab^ though it is sometimes found in 

Jeremiah with and without the 11 \ and this Jehonadab is, in this 
Xth chapter, found living in the days of Jehu, King of Israel. 

In the xxxvth cb* of Jeremiah, or in the days of Jehoiakim, son 
of Josi^h, King of Judali, and of Jeremiah the Prophet^ we read of 

^j^ &c. fo. k Gr. Ttvgyos^ burgus, arcit turris, propugnaculum, &<:;« 
Lexicon, Heptaglott. in voce. p. 427. 

294 Hebrew Descent of 

his house as then existing ; and mention is made of the heads of 
three generations from him, namely of Jaazaniah, the son of Jere* 
miah, the son of Habaziniah ; and of the sotis of the third, viz.' of 
Jaaziniah, making tlie fourtli generation, ver. 1> 1& ^ and of these 
three chiefs of the house of their fathers, Habaziniah seems to bQ 
the first in descent from Jonadab, and to be the person to whom 
the commandments were given. He wa4 therefore the head of the 
house of Jonadab, and having obeyed the commands of his father^ 
he transmitted them to his posterity to be kept in like manner : and 
as these commands (which were accompanied with a proposed ad- 
vantage from the observance of them) were first given by Jonadab 
to his son Habaziniah, the latter became the beginning or head of 
all following generations, who should continue to obey their father 
Jonadab. Is it not probable that his name might be retained by 
his posterity as the patronymic nanie of the house of Rechab ? Can 
they be found, at this day, under this name, in any nation, tribe, or 
people ? Is not the country of Abyssinia named from this house f 
May I be permitted to state a few circumstances, which may pro* 
bably assist in this inquiry ; and first, concerning the name of this 
people and country ? 

Johns Ludolfifs, in his Hist. j£thiopica, lib. i* ch. i. <^De variis 
Habessinorum nominibus ct gentis origine," inquires fully into 
this matter. He says they are generally called Habessini, or Abis- 
sini^ or Abasseni ; from the Arabian word Habesh s which signi- 
fies a colluvies or mixture of nations, or a number of men of differ 
rent tribes or nations \ and he thinks (note h,) that the Habessini 
may therefore be called coJiverue : both signifying, according to 
Bruce, a number, of distinct people meeting accidentally in one 
place, 2d edit. vol. i). p« 3^3, Ludolf further informs us, that 
they long despised this appellation, ' as being opprobrious to them ; 
and that they did not even acknowledge it in their books in his 
time, choosing rather that their kingdom should be called the kingv 
dom of Ethiopia, and themselves jEthiopians } a word received 
from the Greeks, but too general, and common to all men of an 
adust color, and formerly even ip Asia : that, if you ask for a 
particular name, they call their kingdom Geezy also the region 
jlg-^zt, or the land of Ag-azjan^ that is, of free men, liberorum / 
which he thus explains, «< a libertate, sive a transitu, et profec- 
tione, quia verbum radicale Geeza utramque significationem ad« 
mittit -y and he thinks, that probably from passing in the most 
ancient times from Arabia into Africa, to seek other settlements^ 
they took this name as a sign of Kberty, as the Germans having 
passed the Rhine took that of Franks s and he thinks that the 


' Qjjam appellationem tanquam sibi probros^ip dia spreverunt, nee a^buc. 

in libris buib aguobcimt. 

the A bj/ssiniam. 2^5 

Abysshiians dwelt formerly in Arabia, and were reckoned with the 
^abxans, or HomeriteSi &c. His words are ; « Indigent enim 
non sunt ; sed venerunt ex ea Arabiae parte, quae Felix vocatur, et 
mari rubro adjacet ; unde facile in Africam transfretare potuerunt. 
Afoassenos enim in Arabia olim habitasse, atque Sabaeis, sive (quod 
idem est) Homeritis accensitos fuisse, et veteres geographi testan- 
tur, et multa alia convincunt argumenta. Nam lingua illorum 
vetus, quahi ^thiopicam vocamus, Arabicae maxime affinis est : 
mores nonnuUos, veluti circumcisionem, cum Arabibus communes 
habent : ingenium et forma corporis, atque vultus, ad Arabes magis 
quam ad ^thiopas Africanos accedit* ; quin et Severus Imperator 
inter gentes Arabiae devictas nummis kuis etiam Abassenos (note o, 
'^/3a<rf}va>., Scalig.) inscribi curavit." And he concludes this first 
chapter thus ; '< Romae cum primum Ubri ^thiopici typis ederen-* 
tur, lingua eorum Chaldaica, illi vero erronee modo Chaldaiy 
Qiodo Indi dicti fuerunt. Nos Habessinus vel Abassue nomen, 
jam universo orbi notum, interdum et iEthiopiae retinebimus," &c* 
In his Commentary, lib. i. c. i. No. 14*. Ludolf enlarges upon 
the etymology of the names Habessini and Habesh, thus ; <^ /fo- 
bessini: nomen hoc in toto oriente, et nunc quoque in Europa 
iEthiopes nostri obtinent ; variaiite parumper pronunciatione. 
Alii enim Abassenij Abaisini^ vel Abissini, Abessinij vel Ebessinty* 
(justly, observing) << multi mzle Abyssini scribunt, quia hasc vox 
cum Abysso nihil habet commune. Nos Abessinorum appella- 
tionem praetulimus, pronunciationem Orientalimn imprimis Arabum 
secuti." « Eteninci in historia nostra docuimus, originem hujus ap*- 
pellationis Arabicam esse, radicis Habeschay vel Habaschay* &c. 
" et hinc Habesch vel Habeschiy Habessinus," &c. &c. vide. And in 
No. 15. he thinks that it well agrees with the history of the trans* 
migration of the Abyssinians from Arabia ^Felix into Africa ; 
'^ Quippe migrationes gentium plerumque fiunt cum confluxu onw 
nis generis egenorum hominum," &c. adding, « Id Habessiniis 
contigisse credibile est, hominum multitudine patriam gravante ^ 
Sabaei enim, ex quibus originem trahunt, numerosissimi erant : 
and he thinks it probable, that, though the name might be adopted' 
at the time of the emigration, it might also be given to those who 
remained, <<Nisi forfassis gentes e variis tribubus mixtae hoc 
nomen an tea in Arabia Felice gesserint, ad quorum exemplum 
novis colonis nomen istud impositum fuit ; id enim apud veteres 
in Arabia reperitur ;" showing, by a quotation from Stephanus, 
that a nation of this name formerly lived in Arabia \ « Stephanus 
de urbibus : '/i;3«(r)jvG* Iflvoj 'Agafiix^y Abaseni populus Arabice : 
addit ex Uranio atra touj Safioimg Xo^potftMrai x«t *^/3«(n)yo«, post 
Sabceos Chadramotitte et Abaseniy K%i iruKtv, ^ X'^pst- tmv 'AS-xiiivctiVf 
Jtegio Abassenorun}^ Here I may remark that the Greek nanic 
'/l/3aa)jvo« would be as near to the rendering of the Hebrew word, 

29© Heirew Descent of 

0^i^2n Hiabatmjm, or short Hbbttisiiiifikj Afi^aning xh^ cWLdtdlk 
or descendants of iTX^irt) as might be expected according to th6 
Greek manner of rendering Hebrew proper nafoes ; as irf the Sep- 
tuagint, &c. 

» Ludolfy being about to speak of the conversion of the Abyssi- 
nians, by FrnmentiuSi their first Bishop, lib. iii. c. 2. and having 
shown the improbability of its having happe^ned before, observes ; 
"c^Id demuni certum est, quod et Habessinorum, et Grafccorum 
Latinorumque scriptores, cumprimis Ruffinus et qui eum sequun<* 
tur, consensu tradunt, tempore S. Athanasii, Patriarchae Alexan- 
driniy sub Constantino Magno, circa annum Christi 330, (ut qui- 
idem Tellezius compuiat) vel non ita muho post, conversionem 
^^thiopiae hoc pacto contigxsse ;'' &c. &c. proceeding to show tlie 
manner in which it was produced. See Scailig^r de Emend. Temp* 
p. 681, where he seems erroneously to conclude that the Abyssi- 
nian nation had not passed from Arabia into Ethiopia in the be- 
ginning of the 6th century ; which error seems fully pointed out 
by Ludolf, in his Com. Kb. i. c. 1 # and clearly refuted by the quo- 
tation just given. 

Joseph Sealiger (ib. p« 680), speaking of the Abyssifiians, ob- 
serves : <( Isti igitur j£thiopes, de quibus sermo est, Arabice di- 
cuntur EUiabaschi. Unde vulgo Habassi, et Habasseni vocantun 
Quod est argumentum eos non esse Alilowoic whix^ov^cy sed ex 
Arabia illuc traductos. Nam '^|S«<Tt)vo) collocantur in Arabia turi- 
fera a vetere scriptore Urario apud Stephanum. In Seven autem 
Imperatoris numismate sculptum est 'A^ourrivwv. Atqui Severus 
Imperator dictus est Arabicus, non autem iEthiopicus. Quare 
sine dubio ex Arabia oriundi sunt, et prius*0](tf)^7r<xf dicebantur, 
quamdiu in Arabia fuerunt, Postea Axumitas, a regia, sive me- 
tropoli urbe« Non igitvr mirum, si qui apud Plinium et Ptole- 
mssum vocantur *0]ctt}j&7rai in Arabia Felici, ii Procopio Axumitas 
cognominantur. Axuma enim sunt in Ethiopia, non in Arabia 
Felici. Hue accedit lingua, qua sacros libros scriptos habent, qusc 
a vera ^thiopica tantum discrepat, quantum Italica et lUyrica \ 
Germanica et Kungarica. Hxc autem lingua, qua in sacris 
utuntur, elegantissima est si modo cultura adbibeatur. Vocatur 
autem Tj^!l, id est iibcvtas, quod nimirum ea sola uterentur Arabesi 

ilU victores, qui -/Ethiopiam insiderunt. Hoc scio, non concedent 
jEthiopes ipsi, qui regum suorum seriem hactenus a diluvio usque 
in Chronicis suis ordine descriptam habent, Sed quia ilia Chro-. 
nologia nobis tenebrarum plena visa est, non sine dilectu illi fidem 
adhibendam censemus. Nobis constat hanc linguam adventitlan^ 
esse. Testes enim ipsos iEthiopas advoco, qui eam Chaldaicam 
vocant. Tametsi enim propius abest ab Hebraea, quam a Chal? 
daica : tamen hoc argumento ipsimet fidem faci\int non e$9e SA 

th^ Abyssmians. S97 

mtzm, ubi nunc 4:olitur, et ex soils libris a $oiis sacerdotibus disr 


Mr. Brtice says, « The people assert themselves at this day to 
be agaazif that is^ a race of shepherds inhabiting the mountjiins of 
the Habab ;'' that they were Sabaeans ; that these shepherds were 
in most respects different from the negro yroolly-headed Cushite, 
<< as they had long hair, European features, very dusky and dark 
complexions, but nothing like the blacknioor or negro ; tliat they 
lived in plains, had n^oveable huts or habitations, while attending 
their numerous cattle, and wandered from the necessities and P^^** 
ticular circumstances of their country : that they were generally 
called shepherds, are still existing living by the same occupation^ 
P0vex had another and therefore cannot be mistaken : that «< the 
jmountains which the Agaazi inhabit are called Habab, from which 
it comes that they themselves have got that name :" that the 
noblest aod most warlike of all the shepherds were those that in- 
Jiabited the mountains of the Habab, and that they still dwelt 
there : that Habab, in their language and in the Arabic, signifies a 
Serpent ; and his editor, in a note, observes, that, according to the 
book of Axum, Arwe is the first king of Axum, and reigned 4<X> 
years ; that before their conversion to Christianity, the J^thiopiat 
historiaQS say that their nation worshipped Arwe, the serpent, and 
part wjere Jews, people of the law, &c. Bruce's Travels f voh iu' 

Bruce also reports that << in Abyssinia, besides the Cushites and 
the shepherds, there are various nations which agree with this de- 
acriptiou, who have each a particular name, and who are all knows 
by that of Habesh, in Latin, Convena, signifying," as above men- 
tioned, << a number of distinct people meeting accidentally in one 
place ;" and thinks that the word has been misunderstood and 
misapplied by Scaliger, Ludolf, and others. He speaks of Abys- 
sinia having been inhabited, according to the Chronicle of Axuni, 
mbout 1808 years before Christ, &c. ^ that about the 1400th year 
before Christ, it was taken possession of by a variety of people 
ipeaking different languages, who sat down in a friendly manner 
beside the Agaazi, or shepherds, then possessing the high country 
oi Tigre, which finished the peopling of Abyssinia, and that tradi- 
tion declared they came from Palestine ; from which .he conjee* 
tures that these new settlers were the nations of Canaan, who had 
ii<d from before Joshua ; which his editor thinks is neither prob^ 
ble nor authentic. lb. vol. ii. p. 32£, 323, 324. 

Respecting the conversion of the Abyssinians to Christianity, 
Bruce (ib. p. 431.) thinks it happened about the time mentipiied 
by Ludolf, and by means of Frumentius. He observes^ << We 
iojow certainly, that the first Bishop, ordained for the conversipja pf 
Abyssinia, was sent from Alexandria by St. Athanasius^ who w^ 

298 Hebrew Descent of 

himself orfeined to that see about the year 326. Therefiore anf 
account prior to this ordination and conversion must be false ; and 
this conversion and ordination must therefore have happened about 
thd year 9S0, or possibly some few years loiter,** &c. ; referring to 
iMolf, vol. ii. lib. iii. cap. 2. viz. Hist. JSthiap. 

From considering Bruce's account of the above Chronicle, and 
of Arwe, and comparing it with the Editor's note, may we not 
conjecture, that, by the worshipping of the Serpent (meaning the 
Old Serpent), for the period or four hundred years, and that he 
was their first king, being called Arwe^ (which, by a very natural 

etymology from the Hebrew, might signify the King, rtlTVn, ha* 

roghe, or roe, or 4he shepherd), a parabolic history of the nation, 
from the time of its emigration from Arabia to its conversion to 
Christianity, is given ? Or, that the nation, emigrating about 
seventy years before the birth of our Lord, did, as it were, con- 
tinue in certain errors, under the dominion of the Old Serpent, 
until A. D. S30, and were then converted to Christianity, making 
a period of four hundred years ? And as, in order to avoid the 
opprobrious name, they called themselves by the name of the ori- 
ginal inhabitants of Ethiopia, or Ethiopians; may not their 
claims to a more remote antiquity of residence, as found in the 
same Chronicle, be thus accounted for ? This application of Arwe 
to the Old Serpent seems fully warranted by the following extract 
from Ludolf ; in which the Ppet, celebrating the praises of nine 
pious monks,' who zealously endeavoured to promote the know- 
ledge of that Gospel which Frumentius had introduced, most evi- 
dently refers to the kingdom of Satan, as is explained by Ludolf ; 

" Salulem Sanctis! qui concordil er vixerunt concordiam ; 
Ut per preces desiruerent regnum Artot (Serpent is). 

Per vocem Arwe, quae Serpentem significat, vel regnum Satance in 
genere intelligit, quod propagatione Christianismi fuit destruc- 
tum; vel Edmicismum Ethiopicum in specie." LauL Hist. 
lib. ii. c. S. 

I shall now make a few cursory remarks on the opinions of 
Scaliger, Ludolf, and Bruce, as hints for further inquiry. I have 
above shown that Scaliger considers the name of this people. Ha*- 
haschi, vulgo Abassi, et Abasseni, as derived from the Arabic, and 
diat they undoubtedly came from Arabia, and were called, in Ara-^ 
bia, 'Ofti}^7rai ; and afterwards (when in Africa) Axumitae : and 
that he thinks their language, in which their sacred books are 
written, which is called JJ^^, is a dialect of the true i£thioptc, but * 

the most elegant; and that it is an adventitious language, as 
allowed by themselves who call it Chaldee, although it is nearer 
to the Heorew th^n to the Chaldee : and that Ludou also derives 

the Abyssinian^. 299 . 

the name Habessini, &c. from the same Arabian source,' from the 
word Habesk, &c. ; but whetlier it might be adopted at the tim^ 
of the emigration, as expressive of the conflux of different kinds o£ 
people which generally happens on these occasions, and might b« 
believed to happen to the Abyssinians, and was then appHed to 
those about to emigrate and to those who were left behind ; or 
whether there might have before existed nations in Arabia Felir 
consisting of various tribes called by this name, which after their 
example was given to the new colonists, he leaves undetermined. 
Therefore this etymology and explanation of Ludolf are unsatis** 
factory, and seem to be wholly conjectural. But it appears by his 
quotation from Stephanus,' which includes that of Uranius, that 
the Abyssinian people did certainly exist in Arabia, at a very early 
period, under the name of '.^/Sacnjvoi, and that the region which 
they there inhabited was called ^ x^P°^ "^'^^ *A0»TrivcoVy the region of 
the Abyssinians. And although they, afterwards, had the general 
Dame of 'Ofiyiftraif because they then dwelt, and were numbered, 
among that people, it is manifest from the coin of Severn s, that 
they had also the distinct name of '.^/Sarijvoi, or Abyssinians. 

Had the name Habeschiy or Habeshy been their original name, 
they would most probably have been called by the Greeks 'i^/Satro), 
instead of *A^oL(nivoL Is it not more probable that the Arabic 
name Habeschi was a kind of nick-name given to them by the 
Arabians, perhaps from considering them as a different people^ 
and probably made up of different tribes, particularly as the Abys« 
sinians considered it as opprobrious ? This might very naturally 
be the case ; as, supposing them to be the sons of Habatsiniahy 
the son of Jonadab, they were a different people, whose customs 
might in various respects differ from those of the Arabians, who 
might therefore give them the name of Habesft, by way of con- 
tempt ; which might readily occur to them from the similarity of 
tlieir patronynjic name. And this similarity, and the contemp- 
tuous meaning being generally ur.derstood, might even determine 
the Abyssinians to lay aside their original name, and adopt that of 
the country where they dwelt. If so, it is the more probable that 
this people, who had probably sojourned some considerable time 
in Arabia, were really a nation different from the Arabian. 

Ludolf further informs us, as already noticed, that they call 
their kingdom Geez, also the region Ag«azi, or land Ag-azjan % 
which he renders of freemen, liberorum, and considers it as having 
been adopted by them as a sign of liberty at some time of their 
passage from Arabia into Africa. 

Mr. Bruce, who shows that they are a very different people 
from the Ethiopians, says that they call themselves Agaazi, or a 
race of shepherds, as he interprets it, who inhabit the mountains 
of Uabab \ that| in Abyssinia there are various oth^r nationsj who 

300 Hebrew Descent of 

with them are generally known bjr the name of Habedif or Mh 
vauCi which he explains as above. 

But these and all the other etymologies proceed from the con<? 
sideration of the Abyssinians beine Arabians^ and their language 
the Arabic. But from the idea of their being the sons of HalM- 
ziniah of the house of Rechab^ and their language the Hebrew^ 
and that their original name was a patronymic name from their 
father Habaziniah, we are naturally led to the Hebrew in trac'mg 
the etymology of their name) and that of their language and coun-* 
try. Considering the subject in this lighti I proceed with my 
remarks, and shall begin with the account given by the Prophet 
Jeremiah of this family or nation. 

In the S5th chapterof Jeremiah it is reported, that in the day9 
of Jehoiakim, son of Josiah, King of Judah> Jeremiah was commisi- 
•ioned to go to the house of the Rechabites, and to bring theni 
into a chamber of the house of the Lord, and to give thent 
wine to drink. The Prophet having offered them pots full of 
wine, they answered, "We will drink no wine, for Jonadab, the 
son of Rechab, our father, commanded us saying, < Ye shall drinl; 
no wine, neither ye, nor your sons for ever ; neither shall ye build 
house, nor sow seed, i>or plant vineyard, nor have any : but all 
jour days ye shall dwell in tents, that ye may live many days in 
the land, where ye be strangers.' Thus have we obeyed the voici^ 
of Jonadab, the son of Rechab, our father, in all that he hath 
charged us, to drink no wine all our days, we, our wives, our sonSy 
nor our daughters; nor to build houses for us to dwell in; 
neither have we field, nor vineyard, nor see.d ; but we have dwelt 
in tents, and have obeyed and done according to all that Jonadal) 
(Uir father commanded us. But it came to pass when Nebuchad* 
ne2zar. King of Babylon, came up into the land, that we saxd^ 
VCome, let us go to Jerusalem for fear of the army of the Chal* 
jileans, and for fear of the army of tlxe Syrians :' so we dwell at 

How good and how pleasant is this account of filial veneration, 
affection, and obedience ! The children of Jonadab, even to thie 
fpurtli generatipn, are found walking in tlie commandments of 
dieir father. 

God, wishing to instruct the Jews, having contrasted the obe- 
dience of the sons of Jonadab with their disobedience, is pleased 
to bestow a gracious promise upon the house of Jonadab, the sqin 
of Rechab, as the reward of their obedience ; while punishment U 
denounced against Judah and Jerusalem, for their contempt of the 
divine commands. The promise runs thus, << Because ye have 
pbeyed the commandment of Jonadab your father, and kept all his 
precepts, and done according to all that he hath cpnmianded you i 
ifei^efore thus saith the I^rd of Host^^ Ae God of Israel ; Jomi^b, 


Uie son et iitch^h% shall iiot want a mail, to dtmid befctfe me fo^ 
ever ;*' 1 8th and 19th verses. 

Are we not warranted, in faith of this promise, to look for the 
family of Jonadab at this day ? Do they not now live in Abys-^ 
sinia ? Is not this worthy of inquiry i 

In proceeding with the few hints I now ofier, I shall first notice 
the text of Jeremiah, and then endeavour to show, that the words^ 
according to the same easy and natural etymology before-men* 
tioned, are more referable to a Hebrew, than to an Arabic origin | 
and lastly, aUempt to point out, that above an eighth part of a 
vocabulary of Abyssinian words, given by Bruce, are chiefly He* 
brew words : thus paving the way for further inquiry. 

Jen XXXV. 3. « Then I took Jaa2aliiah, the son of Jeremiah, tbr 
son of Habaziniah, and his brethren, and all his sons, and the 
whole house of the Rechabites i"—* 

Here are four generations from Jonadab, who was alive, and 
probably a yoUog man, in the reign of Jehu, a period of about twd 
hundred and seventy eight years. So that the generations of 
Jonadab and his sons, being to the fifth generation inclusive^ 
amounted to above two hundred and seventy years ; making, 
according to this number, 54 years to each generation ; wKich^ 
though more than usually reckoned to a generation, would only 
confirm the prophetic intimation given by the father, when he 
comnunded his sons to abstain from wine. 

The part of this terse which requires our particular observation, 
is the word Habaztniah, the father of all the succeeding children c^ 
Jonadab* In Hebrew it is iT^^^, Hkabatstshgah, according td 

tiie Masoretic punctuation ; or, without the poipts, Hhabatsiniah :' 
and how verv near is this to Abyssinia, 'or rather to Abassiniah. 
It is indeed formed by simply leaving out the aspiration of the first 
Hebrew letter, and reserving the vowel with which it is here natu* 
ftdly connected, and changing the t of tsadzy the double Hebrew 
letter, for s ; and thus instead of tSy giving ss ; a change which is 
very common in rendering Hebrew proper names, as the readet 
will soon perceive. But before I proceed further, I beg leave to 
call the reader's attention to the very proper remark of Ludolf, in 
lib. i.'ch. i. No. xiv. of his Commentary alteadv quoted ; where 
ke points out the impropriety of the term Abyssini, as having 
nothing in common with that of Abyss, If, dierefore, the im-> 
proper pronunciation of Abyssinians was omitted, and that of 
Abammam substituted in its place, it might more agree with the 
etymology given by Ludolf ; and would fiilly agree with that from 
the HebrevC^, according to the usual rendering of proper names. 

Various readings of this name in its passage through different 
translations :—Heb« rTOOl, Hhabatsiniah: — Sept. X»^a<rmi^ 


SOS Hebrew Descent of 

Chabasintts t — ^Vulg. Habsania : — et ita Ca«telUo, Mont, et PagL 
Chabassiniah : — Jun. et Tremel. Chabatzinja : — Schmid. Cka^ 
bazinja .* — ^Joan. Cleric. ChabaUzinja : — Eng. Habaziniah. 

Now you will perceive that, according to the different powers 
assigned to the double Hebrew letters of the original word, and to 
the usual mode of rendering proper names, all these various read- 
ings may be easily accounted for and explained : and the change in 
producing the proper name of the Abyssinians, which, according 
to our derivation from Habazinia, and making it as short and har- 
monious as possible^ seems to be AbassinianSi is easy and natural. 

I shall now endeavour to show that there is so great a resem- 
blance between the language of Abyssinia and the Hebrew, that, 
notwithstanding the great changes which might be expected to 
happen, and which have happened, in their manner of speech, 
from their intercourse with diffei^ent tribes and nations, during the 
long period of above two thousand years, the reader will agree with 
me in opinion, that their language was originally the Hebrew ; 
and, from this and other circumstances he may finally conclude, 
that they themselves are the sons of Jonadab, and probably the 
chief part of the family of the house of Rechab. 
. A portion t)f the Lord's Prayer in the Ethiopia j or Abyssinian 
languagey compared with Ihat of the Hebrew, Arabic and Syriac, 
chie/ly from Fr^s Pantogrdphia ; with some remarks. 

r. 82. Mr. Fry gives the Lord's Prayer, first in Ethiopic cha- 
racters, Jrom Orat, Dom. p. 14, and calls it the Ediiopic; or 
Amharic, from Amhara the chief city of Abyssinia : 2dly, p. 8S. 
a literal reading of the same, Jrom WiUc. Ess. p. 435, 

From this last, I now give the preface and first petition, as a 
specimen of the reading of the Abyssinian language } and at the 
same time tjie readings of the Hebrew, Arabic, and Syriac ; by 
which the reader may judge concerning the Abyssinian. 

P. 148. This preface and petition are taken from the Hebrew 
edition of Munster ; and read thus, TDK^ ttHp^ : D'^tt^aiC^ V^'OH j or, 
according to the concise maimer of reading, thus, Abinu shebasha^ 

^ajim jikiadesh shemtpQ* 

Heb. readings Abinu shebashamajim i jikkadesh shemeca, 

P. 83. EtL or Abyss. Abuna xabashamajath. Ythkadsish 

P. 282. Syriac. Abhoun dbhaschm2yo. Nethkadash shmoch. 
Orc^. Dom. p. 12. 

P. 8. Araiic. Ya abanalladi phissamawatL Yatakaddasu 
smoca. TVilk. Ess. p. 435. 

In considering these four various readings, it seems evident that 
the Ethiopic, or Abyssinian, is nearest to the Hebrew i and that 
the Ethiopic preface is more like the Syriac than the Arabic, to 
which last it seems to have little resemblance. Is not this a con-; 

ing argument that thej were not originally And>ians i 

ihe Ahtfssiniarts, 


In fuirtlier proof of the similarity of the Abyssinian language to 
the Hebrew, I shall now give a short extract from Bruce, of 1 
vocabulary of the five languages spoken in Abyssinia when he wat 
there ; omitting, in the different columns, those words which seena 
to .have no affinity to the Hebrew ;. and adiding the Hebrew* 

Agow. TchcreU. B/^brtn* Ijotin* Ef^lith. 

,...'.. ...... 2^2 Kokab, Stella, sidus, 

' atar, 
••• ••• ^£) pm or p&n, fnictns, 

-EnglithM Amharic* Falanhaiu Gafat, 

A itar kokeb kokeb 

Fniit fre 
Father abat 
Thehead ras ~ 
Hair tsegtir 
A hone feres 


•.*•• ... 



tschegar ••• 

ferza ferdesh 6rsi 


Camel femele gembiia gemli gemia . gemla 





Mouth tS 


Ear ^ ••••.. 

Heart leb 

To kill mwata 

Die mota 

•••••■• sena 



Bleu baraka barket barkuwabarkn 

K<;ar kerbe 

Far arak 

A son ledj 


Abii4 af 
To hide tafina 

• ••••• ••••••• 


3M «&9 pater, fiaKer. 

ttf>i^ ro«& or rm^ caput, 

^Q^MS'Aar, piVaa^ capil* 

^thlQ jfharashy eqacs, a 
""■ horseman* 

bO^ff^'^^h camelns, co- 

»» met. 

Xy ghmny octtlas, the 
•" eye, 
^^t^ aphaph, circuire, to 

" "^ go roimd. 

n9 phe, 08, mouth. 

^K aphf nasus, faciei. 

T(ff ehen, deiu, tooth. 

Tlti^ ozen or uzar, aaris, 
*, ear, 

lebedje • • • 3Il7 Ubab, cor, and di- 

^^ fed. yplehy heart. 

• Jl^DH Aetni/A, mori facere, 

' " interficere, to kilL 

/WD mii/A, mori, to die, 

^2 barak, benedixit, to 
'"^ bless, 
tly^^ beracahf benedictio, 
"^ "^ • a blessing, 
yUp kar^j propinqunS| 

**'' near, 
yOp karob, propioqamn, 

* prope, near, 
^*1^^ araky deferre in Ion* 
"^ gam, to earry to a 
*P^^ orek or arek, longi- 
* tudo. 

yy* y€led, pner, natus, « 
*' son, 
XWytk *i»Maha or oiuAa, ma* 
rr^, Met^aweman, 



•-• yafe 
«•• uafini 

*Ry g'*«i/i volare, tofifm 

mv IsapAon, abscoucTerel 

^^ tihide. ^ • 

d04 On th* Greek 

I may here remark) Aat» in the Tocabulary from which the 
above id taken» about one hundred and eighty two words are given \ 
and that, in the above extract, there are about twenty two^ bdng 
more than an eighth part of the whole^ which teem evidently to 
be derived from the Hebrew ; yea, frequentlvi to be Hebrew itaelf* 
Ifi then, the <c^simi]arity of language is the oest proof of the com- 
mon origin of nations, and such a proof as will iUodtrate, above 
any other monument, the history of mankind, even admitting that 
no other relic existed/' Bruce: I beg leave to offer the above as a 
strong presumptive proof of the Hebrew descent of the Abys^ 

Another circumstance may be mentioned, which may assist in 
this inquiry ; it is, that Bochart, in Hieroz. vol. i. lib. ii. c. 48, in 
speaking of tfle sons of Nebaioih, the son of Ishmael, the Nabatael^ 
an Arabian nation^ observes, that Diodorus speaks of them as hav* 
ing customs like unto those of the Rechabites. *< Quod de Naba- 
taeis Diodorus disert^ scribit libro decimo nono, p. 722. NofM^f ftc. 
^ Imp ^psis esty ut neque Jructus serant, neque fructiferam uUam 
arborem inserant, neque vino utantur, neque domos cedificent! 
Quse sunt ipsissima Rechabitarum instituta.'' Jer. xxxv. 6. 7. 
But were they not rather some of the descendants of Jonadab, then 
sojourning among the children of Nebaioth, the son of Ishmael I 



No. ni. 

Thb Hebrew language, like the Greek, was written originall; 
as if the text were but one word, without distinction of words 
or senjtences. ^ Juxta sententiapi GabbaUstarum tc^a 1^ ut inftae. 
unius versicttli, quin et secundum quosdam unius vocis (sive vo- 
cabuli). Arcanum Punctationis Revelatum. p. 19. By what 
means, besides the introduction of the five final letters above 
mentioned, the Jews contrived to divide words in context one 
from another, t do not know ; but it is generally known, tbait 
the division of sentencei in Hebrew is effected by some of the 
Hebrew Accents, such as, Silluk, Adinac, Segol, and* Zakejdi 
Katon. These answer the purposes of our full slop, colon, semi- 
Cok>n, and comma. The Hebrews are supposed to have intn>« 
duced points and accents, about the fifth century^ and there caii 
be little doubt that they have been copied from the Greek Model. 
But those who adopt the mvention of othen|> are very apt tn 
flatter themselves, tkit they can improve oa it Accofdingly the 

and Latin Accents. 305 

Masoretic school of Tiberias have ao overloaded the Hebrew 
letters witb adscititious marks, as to make them an annoyance 
rather than an assistance to the reader. The text is almost 
obscured by the quantity of clothing given to it. Pars minima 
-est ipsa PueOa sui. The greatest enemies however to Punctuation 
ftdmit {he utility of those points, whose office it is to distinguish 
I>eriod8y and their members. It is enough for my purpose to 
^tate, diat there exists this striking analogy between the Greek 
«nd Hebrew accents, that they are both subservient not to pro- 
nunciation merely, but to distinction, the Hebrew to the dis- 
tiaction of sentences^ die Greek to the distinction of words. 

The consideration of the preceding doctrine relative to the 
Inidal Spirits, and the Final Acute may suffice to let in a full 
light upon matters, which hitherto have been enveloped in an 
impenetrable cloud. It would be both tedious and invidious to 
expose the strained conceits, and unsatisfactory dreams rather 
than arguments and proofs of modem Grammarians as to the 
bse of the lene spirit, and Ae grave on Oxytons. I flatter 
myself, that the principles, which I have unfoldea, are capable of 
^ffisrding a clear and general insight into these two peculiarities of 
Creek Orthography, and that it may now be said confidently, 

Scindit se nubes, et in xthera purgat apertum. 
~ To remove however all doubt upon the subject, as far as I aih 
^le, I will enter into a more detailed examination of the systen^ 
and pursue the application of it to seme other particulars. Il 
may be considered as a part of this system and as a confirmation 
of the truth of it, that the acute resumes its ordinary ch .racter, 
whenever Oxytons are followed by an Enclitic. An Oxyton so 
circumstanced is not a Jitial quality, but becomes incorporated 
with die Enclitic, and therefore in such case the position of a 
final acute would be wrong, and a contradiction and misdirec- 

An Oxyton likewise has no occasion for a final acute, and 
does not positively require it, ^whenever it concludes a sentence, 
and I may add, on the strong ground of Analogy, whenever 
it terminates a colon, or a comma, or is so placed in the context 
7S to have its final syllable demonstrated by a parenthesis, or any 
other equivalent distinction. Thus if I say, « that the noun (av^p) 
is an oxyton,'' as the termination of the word is in this case 
Sufficiendy desi^ated by the parenthesis, it were actum agere, 
and a work of supererogation, tp designate also its termination by 
iSxt Jinal acute. But Herman is mistaken, when he says that 
the oxyton '^p^iXXeuj in the following expression ought to have an 
acute accen^ ri '^iXXev^ (de* epiendanda etc. p. 67) i for 

806 On the Greek 

here as there is no 8top» nor aiiy thing in the nature of a stop^ 
after the oxyton, ^Ax^^^^h to denote the final syllable, the fixuJ 
acute according to my Canon of Orthography is required. I wiU 
help Herman to a better, and the only, way of justifying the 
omission of the final acute in the foregoing expression, which 
is, that, as the oxyton is followed by a word having an initial 
spirit SvofiUy the final syllable of the oxyton may be thought to be 
indirectly indicated by this initial, and under such circumstancei 
the omission of the final acute is certainly consistent with reasoi^ 
if not with usage. For a similar reason perhaps Lascaris givea 
TTOLvri T avipwTFMv instcad of TFuvrir Mqwicm. Medea, v. 13. 21. ed. 

Herman being entirely in the dark as tp the true and sjmple 
cause of omitting the final acute on these occasions does not 
.hesitate to supply from his own invention a reason for it, and 
gives us very gravely this amusing and highly metaphysical 
account of the matter. « Quam pronunciandi rationem uti ^onte 
sequitur vox, ita etiam ipsa rei Natura veram esse docet. Nam 
orationis perpetuitate sublata, quse unice in constructionis con- 
tinuatione posita est, erigi etiam accentum, quem constructio 
consopiveratf necesse est." What is all this, but Nodum in scirpo 
quaerere ? 

Unfortunately for Herman's hypothesis these grave accents of 
oxytons in the middle of a sentence, or accents set asleq) (coif* 
9opiti accentus), as he terms them, are frequently found not to 
be in motion {erigi) at the end of a sentence, but to remain even 
there in a dormant and quiescent state, notwithstanding the phy- 
sical necessity that they should do otherwise. The ignorant 
transcribers of manuscripts, having as little knowledge of this 
physical necessity, as of the difference between Dr. Foster's apex 
of tone, and that of time above mentioned, have paid no sort of 
attention to it ; for in Montfaucon's Falsographia we find many 
txytons still retaining ^^ final acute, although at the end of a 
sentence. See Palaeographia, p. 217 at the word iyia(rf/,iv twice, 
p. 212. at the word ^rveujttarixov, p* 271* at the word ^^t^a^, and 
p* 274. at the word a-c^o). Thus too Lascaris has printed at the 
end of a sentence aurov for aurov. See Porson's Medea in 
Addenda et Corrigenda, p. 2. 1. S. 

I mention this circumstance as no otherwise material tlian 
to show the fallacy of those, who, like Herman and most others, 
would make us believe that there is a real essential difference, of 
some subtle property, but what they do not well know, between 
the very same oxytons in the middle, and at the end of a sentences 
and that it is in the latter situation alone, that oxytons are genuine, 
and have the full force of acutes. The authors of this doctrine 
might as well pretend^ that there is a difference in power betweeu 

and Latin AccifHts. 507 

the common and the final $igma, and puzzle th^msehses and 
others m endless researches after the quality of the supposed dis« 
tinction. Heyne is the only critic, as far as I know> who i9 
heretical enough to deny this article of what may be called the 
catholic faith of grammarians, and he has declared simply and 
boldly. Qui acutus est in prioribus syllabis, idem est quoque acutua- 
in ultima, sivei'sive' pingatur. Homer, v. 5. p. 179. 

The plain truth is, that though it would be a breach of a most- 
useful law of orthography not to mark the concluding syllabk: 
of oxytons in* the middle of a sentence with a final acute» it is no 
error, or at most an error on the safe side, to preserve the final acute 
even at the end of a sentence, and after a full stop, although the 
final syllableof the word in such a situation issufiiciently determined, 
independently of the accentual character, by punctuation alonie. The 
retention therefore of the final acute in the preceding examples from- 
Montfaucen and Lascaris may be considered as unnecessary, and su- 
perfluous, but is not faulty. In the same way, in our printed books, 
we not only put a full stop, where it is absolutely required, at the 
end of every sentence in close connexion and on the sam^ line with 
a succeeding one, but, what is surprising} at the end of detached 
paragraphs, and of the book itself, and even after the . declaratory, 
finis, a mode pi punctuation, that is innocent indeed, and jnay be 
allowed to custom, although not denianded by reasout In all. 
diese cases there is not a misdirectiout but a double direction. 

Whenever in short the end of a word is ascertainable by any other 
means than the final acute, the introduction of this character is 
unnecessary^ and the oxytons may be marked with the common 
acute. Accordingly, oxytons are found so marked not only at 
the end of sentences, but at (he end of verses, as in th?se liaei 
of Theocritus: . , 

Ma fuSi^ vdAXo) HtnToi xtdfAotKog ifj^^t>rip&)V Ji^ 
Tolxooy avdf§g f/Saivov 'Jijo'oyiv}; ino vi}oV. 

See Herman, De emendanda etc. p. 66« 
Of a piece with the preceding principle is the omission, fjequent 
fai many manuscripts, and even in many printed books, of the 
iiutial lene, at the beginning oi hooks, chapters, sentences, and 
verses. Now the reason of this omission is evident, for, if the 
use of the lene is only to mark the beginning of words, it may be 
well spared, wherever their beginning is as strongly marked by 
their position— »For instance to set an initial' sign before the first 
line of the Odysseyi 

"Ai^pa jxoi mcTf, etCt 
is a very unnecessary trouble. But to omit the aspirate M the 
beginning of a word is never justifiable, although sometimes done ; 
as the aspimtie bas adouble oiHce, and is always useful a^ the sign 

SOS On ihe Greek 

if a letter, where it may ihoe be wanted as an inUid 8igii.--«So tht 
aspirate ^ould be retained both as an initial sign, and as a letter, 
whenerev rho or ho, or as it is commonly called, upsUon, occur 
ai the beginntng of words placed in context, tb^t is in the middk 
0i a sentence, not only to mark the beginning of the word, but 
also to distinguish die initial rho and hu from the medial and final 
to and upsilon \ for there is the same difference between rho and 
lt>, and htt and upsilon, as there is between phi,, and pi ; except 
tittt in hu the aspirate is a prefix, and in riio and phi, an affix m 
the pri'iicipal letter. 'But whenever rho and hu occur not in 
coBCeKt, and are jdao^ at the head of a verse or senteaee, the 
nibbil aspirate is betteip omitted, as it is not wanted as an initial 
aijg^a, and its force as a spirit is included in the letters themaelreSji 
d^:;inanding unifonnly and invariably an aspirate at the beginning of 
'#ords. It is as ridiculous to write 

^l^^io^ «Tv8x« fiffah etc. and 'Pi^a irtiig Twaym% eic« 
with an initial aspirate, as it would be to write, 

'Oo^cr^cTA^ fMLhm fflire, etc, 
#ilji an aspirate to the theta. It is an abuse of the inUial spiritSu 
and a iat contradiction to their design, ever to place theiui in the midn 
0e bf worJs. By what authority dierefore, and to what advantage 
ihip^; and |x»pp/yii are decorated widi an initial lene, and an ini^ 
aspirate, in the middle, I leave to the learned tp determine. It 
appears to me that the peculiar force of the doable rho is as 
intelligible from the iise of two rhos, as that 'of the double 
gamma is from the use of two gammas, a^ that no greater indea^ 
ihan what the letters themselves afibrd, is required to iftform ua, 
either \hat mi^fi^ flavus is to be pronounced as p3rnhus, or that 
ifyyeXo; is to be pronounced as angelus^ expressed in btiiicharaOf 

An attention to the preceding observations may account for the 
absence of the common acute and acute final and of the spirits 
also, in the curious manuscript of the psaltery, written by Sedulius 
Scottus, A specimen of it is given in Montfaucon's Pateographia 
|i. 287. In this manuscript every word is disti^guidied fay a dot 
or full stop at the end of it. The ordinary accentual ' marks 
aend spiffs not being therefore wanted for ^s office of distinguish** 
kig words in context, they are altogether omitted, and the seat of 
itie accent is denoted unifortnly by a simple dot over the accented 
liyllable. As in this mpde of accentual notation no difler^ce is 
made between the circ\imflex and the acute, it is probable that 
|ii the age of Sedulius Scottus no diArence in pronunciation ex- 
isted, ahd that the peculiar power of the circumfles had become 
losjt to the Greeks of his time, as it is to the modem Greeks. ^I 
|>eliete| it may be generally asserted, that wherever words an 

and Latin Accents. 309 

flietiflguUhati by dots, or other devices at the end of them, diert 
tbe regular accents are never introduced. On the contrary, hi die 
example above cited, p. 25, where accents are placed on eoefy 
word, without regard to tone, and merely to mark the termination^ 
there a dot or stop after each word is not necessary, and is aoC 
therefore to be found, except after a few words, as a mark of 
abbreviation. There cannot, I think, exist a more clear relation 
of cause and effect, than what is exhibited by these two modes of 
nolsation, both never occurring together, but the one always officiate 
ipg as a substitute for the other, and the whole amounts to demoni* 
stratipn, that a primary object of both dots, and accents, has been 
to assist the reader in the right division of words in context, by 
enabling him to discern quickly and at a glance their beginning 
and ending. 

It may be thought by some, that the modem mode of &s^axk* 
guishing one word from ano&er, by a space between them, is 
much more convenient, and that the mode of arriving at the eaune 
end by the apparatus of Spirits and Accents is comparatively very 
con^lex and cumbersome. I certainly do not mean to weigh, for 
a moment, together the comparative advantages of the two mo* 
thods, but if we wish to form a fair estimate of the merit of the 
Greek method, we must not measure it by the present standard 
of Orthography, but should transport ourselves to the age, when 
it was invented, and have regard to the state and circumstasieM 
of literature at that period. 

In diis kind of criticism, more than in any other, we shall do 
the greatest injustice to our Predecessors, and expose the hasdaess 
of our own judgment, unless we constantly bear in mind the sage 
maxim of Ovid, 

Indicis officium est, ut res, ita tempora rerum 
I have stated before, that it was one merit of the accentual marks, 
that ihey served at the same time the double purpose of oaarking 
die Tone and the Division of words. But they had another and 
even superior merit in being as applicable to old manuscripts as to 
new* The introduction of any method, howevar excellent in all 
other respects, if it had superseded and rendered obsolete and in a 
manner useless all pre«existing manuscripts, would on this ac» 
count alone have been impertect and exceptionable. It was a 
peculiar advantage belonging to the apparatus of Accents and 
Spirits, that it disturbed nothing, which it found established, and 
was a sort of n\&w machinery, that could be affixed to the old, 
vithout displacing or effacing a single particle of the or^[inal. 

There can be Uttle doubt that many old manuscripts were soon 
furnished with it| and were rendered by this means much more 

310 On ihe Greek * 

legible and. valuable. H may readily be conceived too, that t(^ 
apply this machinery, as it ought to be applied, that is, to divide 
each word rightly by it, so as to produce the best and true sense, 
(the context of ancient writers presenting till this period nothing 
but a confused mass of letters) was a task of immense labor, and one 
also that required much sagacityt taste, knowledge, and judgment. 
No wonder therefore, that the greatest scholars of antiquity did not 
think it beneath them to exercise their talents in this species of 
criticism. In this pursuit, Aristarchus, the Worthy pupil of the 
fether of the invention, we are tolU,^ was indefatigable, and spent 
a* long life of meritorious industry, (the fruits of which we to thir 
day experience) in the correction of Homer, and no less than eight- 
hmdred. other authors.' Among the Latins Valerius Probus de* 
dicated himself to the like studies. According to Suetonius, (De* 
illustr. Grammi b. 24.) multa eiemplaria ctmtracta (that is, as 
I apprehend, not abbreviated, but procured by purchase, or other*^ 
wise) emendare, ac dtstinguerej et adnotare curavit, soU huic nee 
nlli praeterea Grammaticis parti deditus. At a later period the 
same practice continued, and Montfaucon suspects, that to many of 
^e most ancient manuscripts in capitals the Accents, Spirits, and 
Stops have been added by a later hand. Palaeogr. p. 196, and S17.' 
If this ingenious invention of Marks for the division of words' 
had been founded on principles merely arbitrary^ it would l^ve 
taken notfaiilg from its utility. It is however a further topic o£ 
recommendation, that it seems founded on die viery nature of 
speech, as it is by Accent chiefly that one word in pronmiciation 
is distinguishable from another. Orthography therefore in this 
instance is in strict unison with Pronunciation, and the criterion, 
adopted to distinguish words to the eye of the reader, is the very 
one, which existed, previously to the invention of any character, 
in the mouth of the speaker. On this subject the observations of 
our English Grammarian, Lindley Murray, appear to. ine very 
judicious, and as they are apposite to the present point I will cite 
them; "As words may be formed," he says, "of a different 
number of syllables, from one to eight or nine, it was necessary 
to have some peculiar mark to distinguish words from mere sylla- 
bles ; otherwise speech would be only a continued succession of 
syllables, rwithout conveying ideas : for as words are the marks of 
ideas, any confusion in the marks must cause the same in the 
ideas, for which they stand. It was therefore necessary that the 
mind. should at once perceive what number of syllables belongs to 
each word, in utterance. The English tongue has, for this pur- 
pose, adopted a mark of the easiest and simplest kind, which is 

• « • • • 

' See Lempriere's Classical Dictionary, 

and Latin Accents. 311 

oaUed Acoent> and which effectually answers the end !" ' Of the 
justice of these observations any one may be convinced who 
attends to the difference of pronunciation between the single word^ 
kolj/daySi and the two divided words, holi/ daj/s, and between the 
country, Newfoundland, and the three divided words, new found 
land. The same distinction holds good in Latin and in Greek. 
Thus crucifigo, ususcaptio, or plebiscitum with one Accent is one 
word, but divided into cruci figo, usus captio, etc. they become 
two words, and each requires a separate Accent. In Greek too 
we find many compounds written indifferently sometimes with one 
Accent as one word, and sometimes resolved into their constituent 
parts, with a separate accent to each part, as ^aj; aur/xa, or isaLq' 
aiirlxoty finronoXvy 6r sti to iroXby cryvjuo, or <rhv Swo, (ruuLiravTsCf at 
cvv TravTf f , etc. The curious may see a large collection of such 
words in Duker's Preface to Thucydides. Some imagine that 
in the French Language there are no accents, but this is a mistake^ 
The pronunciation of French is certainly more even, and les$ 
strongly accented, than our own, and this quality renders it pecu-f 
liarly favorable to double meanings. The Parisians are therefore 
great punsters, and a great deal of their wit turns upon a sleight 
of pronunciation. Of this nature is the pun mentioned by Lord 
Blayney, and applied by the wits of Paris to Buonaparte, Le char 
I'attend, or Le charlatan. Narrative etc. Vol. 2. p. 101. In 
English too, as well as in Iiatin and Greek, there are many weak 
unemphatic words, chiefly monosyllables, more rarely dissyllables, 
that coalesce with others into one word, and receive together 
with their principal but one Accent. We have therefore in effect, 
though not in name, both Enclitics and Proclitics. What is meant 
by Proclitics, a word coined, I believe, by Herman, and not unhap- 
pily, will best be explained by Herman himself. Praeter Encliticaa 
aliud genus dictionum extat accentum suum deponentium, quas 
Procliticas nominare placet, quia accentum non in praecedente, sed 
in sequente vocabulo deponunt. De emendanda etc. p. 96, This 
analogy of many English words to Enclitics has been well observed 
by Dr. Valpy, who has giveiwin his Greek Grammar the following 
familiar example of it: "When we say, give me that book, W5 
pronounce me as part of the word gtve,*^"^ There is no douht, 
but that give me is in this instance as much one word to the ear^ 

« Vol. 1. P. 329. 
* P. 166. Third ed. I think I may say witiiout partiality, that tfiis Gram- 
mar contains more useful informaiion for its size, than any othe- Oraminaf 
extant. It gives a coinpendioiis view of the frHJis of modern research toge- 
ther with much original and ingenious matter. At the sam^ tjjnp, and 
with all due deference to the great authorities both at home and abroad 
from whom I dilfer, lean never give iny entir* apj»robatiuii to this, or to 


313 On the Greek 

as prithee f or methinks, although the latter are not only pronounced^ 
but always written as 6ne word. In the following phrase, o»- 
vAtck-^iccounty we use always three words in writing, but pro- 
pqunce them, I think, frequently as one word, like qtmmobrem in 
Latin, giving an accent to the middle word whichy while both the 
first and last words lose their Accent, the one as a Proclitic, the 
other as an Enclitic. The tendency to multiply Enclitics, and to 
make small words coalesce into one in pronunciation by the substrac- 
tipn of Accent, is very observable among common people, and chil- 
dren. These, if desired to repeat the Lord's Prayer, generally begin 
in this manner : ^^ Our Father, ivkick-art in Heaven,'* making art 
as the Greeks do ea-Tivy an Enclitic. In the familiar expression, 
thinks — I, says — I, etc. the verb becomes a Proclitic, and the pro- 
tioun takes the accent. This habit of dropping Accents is a most 
fruitful source of contractions and abbreviations in most languages. 
To this we owe our anight and asleep, for at night and at sleep, the 
Hebrews their Affixes and Prefixes, the Latins and Greeks &e 
terminations of their cases and tenses, which are probably latent 
prepositions and pronouns, the Germans their zum for zu aem, the 
French their au iox ale, and the Italians their colla and neUa, io% 
con eUay and in eUa.^ To conclude, the general principle, upoi^ 

any other Grammar^ which ()fevi^tes from the established numher q£ D&* 
clensions and Conjugations, as taught and referred to by the Greek Gram-» 
snarians themselves. There can be but one reason for this deviation, and 
thsU; is, to assist the Scholar. It is worth while thereforeto ascertain how 
I9uch his labor is abridged by the consolidation of DcsclensioBS and Coajtif* 
Rations.. If we compare the Accidents in Dr. Valpy's Grammar, with thos^ 
m the Eton Grammar, and leave out of consideration the notes in both, it 
raay be asserted, that there are not ten pages of text to be learned less in 
•oe Grammar, than in the other. This therefore is the j«ist amount of 
lahlHr saved to the pupil. Now let me ask, what is the value of this savine 
io ^ boy, whose time is not very precious, and whose memory is fresh ana 
active, and cannot well be too much exercised? But are we sure, that evea 
this saving is a real and clear gain ? On the contrary, when he is an adultj^ 
and comes to the reading of the Greek Scholiasts, Commentators, and 
Grammarians, will he net find them perfectly unintelligihle in all their 
grammatical allusions upon the principles of the New Grammar ? The old 
Qrammar must be got by heart at last, by those who would understand the 
old Grammarians, and surely it is much better to learn their Grammar at 
frst, and once for all, at little or no waste of time and trouble, than after-* 
wards at a very great one. It is making two scaffoldings necessary, where 
one alone mignt be sufBcient. At all events, the Grammars that adopt the 
new method, should contain short notices of the old system of conjugaUons 
a»d declensions. Dr. V. would leave little to desire, if he attended to thi) 
suggestion in a future edition. 

* Antonini in his dictionaiy calls Ne, preposiaione, in vice di ia, evi^ 
dently taking la, and not ella, to be the.. article. To clear this doubt, I 
take the articles il, lo and la to be corruptions of the Latin illo, and ilia, il 
suffering an apocope, and k> and la an aphsresis. It is only ^fter the pre- 
position in, that the extended forms, illo, and ilia^ p«5»io|; into ello and 

and Latin Accents. 319 

which I have expatiated so widely, that words are deikied by 
Accei!t8> 16 confirmed by QuindUaUi and is neatly delivered in 
this short sentence. Est autem in amni voce utique jtcuia,' sed 
numquam plus und Lib. 1. 65. Donatus too speaks to the same 
effect. Frsepositio separatim adverbiis non applicabitur, quamvie * 
legerimus deswsumf desubito^ derepentei et ejcinde, et abusque, et 
dehinc / sed hsec tanquam unam partem orationis sub uno accentu 
pronunciabimus. InPutschio, 1761. 

The Latins in imitation of the Greeks introduced the grave ac- 
cent or final acute on the few oxytons which occur in their lan- 
guage, as I have noticed before. But there is no reason to believet 
cither from Manuscripts or Inscriptions, that the Greek accentual 
mtem was ever generally received into the Latin language. Oa 
£be contrary the Latin scribes neglected Spirits altogetilier, and ap- 
plied frequently the Greek accentual characters to other pur- 
poses, than that of accent. Sometimes, as we have noticed already^ 
th^y applied the common acute to the purpose of denoting quanti* 
ty, and sometimes as a mere final character to denote the end o£ 
each word, without any relation either to quantity or tone. With 
equal consistency and propriety, (as it will not, I apprehend, be con- 
tended, that there is' any thing inviolable in these oblique strokes, and 
which in the nature of things can make them fit signs of one quality 
in language, more than of another,) the Latin scribes at other times, 
and on some occasions, seem to make use of the grave or final acute 
as a mere sign of termination to certain words. We have at least a 
peculiar instance of the Latin usage of these'strokes, in opposition 
to the Greek usage of them, in the Latin ablatives and genitives^ 
Famd and Luct&s* Here the common acute* seems placed to show 
that the syllable is long hf nature^ and the grave or final acute is 
added to it, to shew that it i^JlnaL Those only^ who will give a 
Greek accentual power to these oblique strokes, wherever they find 
them, whether in Greek or out of Greek, and, because they re- 
present accents in Greek, will not allow them to represent any 
other quality and perform a different office in any other language, 
can be offended at this Latin mode of Notation. It is in this man- 
ner, that the circumflex, which takes place in fama, and luctus, 
has been a stumbling«'block to many modern grammarians, who mis- 
apprehending the Latin use of the character, and supposing it to be 
necessarily characteristic of t(xie, and identified in power with the 

<BUay like iiffpius and indcx^ into etnpio^ and endice> are still prsserved, and 
in this sinelie instance they may be considered as articles. £Uo is now 

Suite obsoTcte, but £lla is still used as a Nominative Pronoun, and even in 
lie oblique cases bv the Toeltf as in Tasso^ 

Matilda il volse, e nutnceUo, e iDStrusM 
NeU'arti regie^^ seiiiple ei fu conella. Git. Lib. Cant. 1. st 59. 
I write therefore putposelyneU' artipandnot ne Tarti^ as some Editions have it. 

S14 On the Greek 

Greek circumflex, have objected to what they did not understand, 
and have busied themselves with combating a phantom of their 
o:wn creation. To those who love to see Latin and Greek mea- 
iiured by one standard, it must doubtless be a sort of consolation to 
reflect, that if in Famd and LucHis the circumflex is a barbarous 
notation, yet, when the same words ate followed by An enclitic, 
as in Famdque and Luctusque, the circumflex becomes an accen-* 
tual notation, in strict conformity to the canons of Prosody. 
* Having developed my general doctrine respecting the subserviency 
' of Accents aiid Spirits to the purpose of reading, and having endea** 
voured to explain by it some usages peculiar to Greek Orthogra^ 
|>hy, I do not know how I can give a still more forcible impres* 
sion of the truth of it, than by one short practical illustration*' 
For this end I will set down an inscription without accents, stops, 
or spirits, taken at random from Dr. Clarke's Travels, V. 8, p^ 
774, exactly as it is found there, except that, to save trouble, I 
shall express it in small characters instead of capitals. It was dii^ 
covered at Eleusis on a marble Pedestal, and is as follows* 


lahv^ricruyTOs$vyocT€ ' * 


yovovouXTTpa^aryopovct ['' 

voyovovapeTT^S&vexiv, \ \ ■*.^. 

That IS, 

Of Areopagus '' 

the council, iand the council 
of 500, and the people * , ^ 

of the Athenians to Claudr- /^ 

a Menandra, of Clau- 
^ dius Philippus the 

torch-bearer daugh- * 
ter, of Claudius Emostratus grand- 
daughter, of ^ius Praxagoras great* 
granddaughter, for virtue's sake— 
I will now put the stops to it, which will immediately thivw 
tMie light upon the mass, but still leave it not perfectly discecil* 
jble in all its parts. 

i^s^oigeKnrayov ooihiyoneoVf x>xivh 

and Ludti Accents. 315 

The effect of the stops^ it is evident, is only to. show the meni- 
jbers and divisions of the sentence ; they still leave in a state of 
confusion all the intermediate words. I will now write the ia- 
'scription over again, and in addition to the stops will add^the accents 
and spirits. The stops may be said to illuminate the general out>- 
iioe, and principal members, but it is only the accents and 
spirits, that malce the minuter parts 'discernible, and discover each 
Separate feature and lineament. 


yuTsgot, KhoLuhliJLOfrTqaTOmy 
yovoV, dtXiTQci^uyopovei 
woyovcvy dperrigsvexev. 
In this short inscription there are no less than thirteen initial^ 
and four final characters. Who does not immediately perceive 
fhe great facility afforded to reading by this simple invention, and 
that the sentence is not only broken into its component members 
by stops, but that by the help of accents and spirits every word 
almost is divided, and distinguished from its companions. If we 
do not read the lines by the help of accents and spirits quite so 
well as if they were written in the modem manner with a space 
between each werd, a good deal of this difficulty is imputable to 
•want of use, and would become less, and almost vanish entirely by 
repeated trials, and continued application to ancient manuscripts. 
Still, however unaccustomed we are to read by accents, if two 
persons, one conversant with the doctrine of accents, and the other 
not, attempt to read the three following verses of Euripides, 
written without spaces between the words, bat properly accented, 
I have no doubt which will arrive at the end sooner, as every 
word in them is separated and distinguished by accents and 



^v^rjVKpoLTYjireiVTOVTe^ovTotrifjLaaroL^. Hippolytus, 1041. 

I have just shown the light, that is thrown into all inscriptions 

«nd manuscripts by the application of accents and spirits. As 

a sort of reverse to this, and as nothing tends more to strengthen 

a position, than the support derived from xontrast, I will homt 

Sl6 On the Greek 

show a few of the many mistakes that may arisei or have atfiseHf 
from the want or neglect of these orthographical instruments. I 
will begin with a dimculty, that occurs in the preceding inscrip* 
tioA. I have considered the letters xKsnjitfjk/oarparov as composing 
two words, namely, xAau), an abbreviation for xXcbuHIov, and iii/xF'' 
Tfarou. But I am by no means sure, that I ha?e divided the 
letters rightly, as nhav might stand for xXmpUw, and then the last 
word would be 8i]fto<rrp«rov, a name more common, than efMorpa'* 
ro^* The substitution of the epsilon for an eta might be the mis* 
take of the transcriber, as Dr, Clarke has committed a similaf 
error in writing Barewg for Syia-toog. vol. S. p. 351. On the other 
hand xAau, I believe, is an unusual abbreviation for xXavhog. 
Whichever may be the right reading, it is clear that, had accents and 
spirits been used in this inscription, the dilemma, whether the 
word in question be h^iiovrgarou or BfMTr^arWf that is, whether 
it begin with a vowel, or a consonant, could not have existed. The 
presence or absence of the initial spirit would have decided llus 

I l^ow that Dawes treats all these orthographical distinctions 
with great levity. In his Miscellanea Critica, p. 76, he breaks 
out in this manner. Suavissimi Argutatores I verbi notionem 
accentus sedes, accentus autem sedem verbi notio vicissim detet« 
minat! Ni hoc sit in circulo, quod aiunt, disputare, quid tandem 
esse poterit i This is a sophism unworthy so f[reat a Critic* 
Beyond all doubt, the sense, to be collected from the context, and 
from a knowledge of the subject, is the best and only interpreter 
of equivocal passages, but, occurring as these do frequently, and 
almost in every page, is it wcfrth while to let them remain, and 
occasion, as we proceed, doubt and discussion at every step, 
when by a stroke of the pen they can be removed ? If an Aristar** 
chus has been able to extract from letters a better reading, than 
what has been commotily adopted, is it not a great advantage to 
be able to communicate this reading, to register, as it were, die 
amendment, and to prevent a relapse into error by the expedi> 
tious and simple means of notation ? Does he mean to say, that 
while all other arts are brought to perfection by adopting from 
time to time such aids as experience suggests, Orthography is a 
thing to be let alone, and incapable of receiving any improvement i 
Was it commendable in the old Greeks not to trust to the sense 
only to know, whether AOFOI be a dative singular, or a nonunative 
plural, but to deteritiine this matter by the invention of a new 
character, omega, and could it be wrong in the later Gredt^^ to 
put an end to difficulties attending other words bj the inventfoA 
of 6ther characters equally decisive ? I will not deny diat thest 
distinctions have been multiplied .somttimet bejcwd the dtt^ 0€9^ 

and Latin Acdents. dl7 

aion for them, so as to breed disgust in men of taste, Intent on 
more important matters, and that it is to be regretted that gram- 
marians hare not always imposed on themselves the caution incul- 
cated to Poets, 

. Nee Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus. 
I will now proceed to the notice of a singular mistake, that 
occurs in the psaltery, from a wrong division of the letters. In * 
the first psalm, at the 4th verse, there is the following line. 

I conceive that there may be two errors in it, occasioned by a 
misarrangement of the letters, as they are exhibited in the copy 
of the psaltery by Sedulius Scottus before referred to. In SeduHus 
Scottus the line is thus written, and divided, 

aXAi). eog, iJX^ou^. ov. fxoi^n}. (sic) o. avtfioag (sic). 
The first blunder is in Sedulius, who has wrongly divided the 
three letters «<n), and made out of one word two, namely out of w^^ 
fiof 1). The right ^ord indeed is coo-t), corrupdy written alter the 
fashion of the middle ages waij, of which corruption another in- 
stance occurs in the very same line, hxgifmi beine put in like 
manner for fxp/Tr«. Montfaucon (Pabeogr. p. 288) has improved 
upon this blunder, and supposing the ij to be a false concord, has 
substituted 6 the masculine article before ^vot;;, ip his explanation of 
the text. It is however, I think, impossible to suppose, that any person 
could be so negligent, as to write ^ xvo5^ Sy ixgimsi, with the 
feminine article immediately before the noun, and with a masculine 
relative pronoun immediately succeeding it. Thi^ amendment, 
however, of Montfaucon's is as old as the Alexandrine Manuscript 
of the Psaltery, now, fortunately for the literary world, made pub- 
lic by the care of Mr. Baber, where o^yovs in capitals appears dis- 
tinctly enough. 

Again the Alexandrine Manuscript has oXXij, which may be 
f ither one word, or two words, either akXvi, or akx* ^, for the iota 
subscript is neither expressed in this manuscript, nor in that of 
Sedulius. But Sedulius, who puts a dot at the end of every word 
to distinguish it from its companions, gives us plainly oXAi} as one 
word, and this I submit is the true reading, and makes the best 

Upon the whole the reading in the manuscript of Sedulius,' 
liwt) x^^s ^^ J^^ ^ tP^ as eo; 6 x^ou^, which is in the Alexandrine 
md conunon copies, .and the puer reading of oXXj) for oXX' ti 
seems preferable. 

In the manuscript of Sedulius the letters are all right,' but a dot. 
has been misplaced after ws, which ought to have been placed after 
ti^i. If we read it in this manner, 

aXkfi. 0)01). X'^9vs* ov. cxfMm).o.atf^(bUD; 


818 On the Greek 

that isi alia rations ($celestl luat) tictit gluma^ quam ptojicit f#i»- 
tusy there is not only no error) and no need of any conracMny Imt 
perhaps too the best aense is afibrded, and the true text restored. 

There can b^ little doubt also that the mistake of ly^lo^f^v 
jf8i) for ri Sfi, which Boyle fell into in his edition of Phalaris, and 
which the sagacious Bentley preys upon with triumphant humoTy* 
originated in a wrong division of letters. In some old manuscripCf 
written in capitals without accents, now perhaps no longer estantt 
but the parent of more modem manuscripts, die characters w;ere 
these HJ//, the final i) being substituted, as usual, for the diphthong 
•i. These characters some copyists understood properly, and, when 
they transcribed the capitals into small characters, with all the appa* 
ratus of accents, spirits, and stops, divided the three letters into two 
words j^ hit while other copyists, more attentive to the letters, 
than the sense, wrote it as one word ^hv}. If this conjecture as to 
the origin of the mistake is true, and the foundation of it wsis 
laid in the otd manner of writing in capitals without accents, it is 
a circumstance, that furnishes an additional argument in con- 
firmation of the antiquity of these forged Epistles of Phalaris, 
since there is no example, I believe, of any Greek manuscript in 
capit^ of a date posterior to the eishth century. 

It is so difEcult to read and divide always rightly letter% when 
totally destitute of auxiliary characters, that the accunit# and 
experienced Montfaucon has himself sometimes fallen into an 
.error. In an Inscripticm in his Diarium Ifeaiicum, p. 5S^ he givea 
the following line according to his explanation of the original 

h i TO '/FVB^iud Twr' iywri ir»gi6wf 
and renders it thus : 

in quo spiritum tuum Jiabenti ipsum commendasti } 
But ii^ bis Palaeographia he divides the letters reorsp^ovri more proper- 
ly, and to the great improvement of the sense^ into these words, tf 
TfxoyTf, and th^s translates it, 

in quo spiritum tuum Pairi commendastL 

Having just seen that the greatest scholars, and those nfiet 
convsersant with manuscripts, are not always on their guard agamst 
mistakes, I shall not, I trust, be thought censorious, if I take die 
libeirty of pointing out an error in a late publication by Mr* Gaus- 
ford^ entitled, Notitia Manuscriptorum, especially as due error 
may not attach to the leajrned Editor, but is probably that of dM 
manuscript itself. 

1[ wiU tssmsci^ die whole disrich, as it exhSiits in a small 
compass three observable qualities ; a wrong division of kttersiste 

Bentkii opyscula, lipsias, ITBly p. 89. 

and Latin Accents. 319 

words, an ahno&t indiseiiminate sidxtitution of i^jf 1 1^ and if one 
for the other^ and sjUabic metre, or rather verse, (for metre it is 
none) without regard to quantity. 
The lines, as printed, p. 9, are these. 

That is, according to present orthc^gpraphy. 

If there can be any doubt whether this be the right reading, it 
must disappear on reference to Montfaucon's Palaeoer. p. 292, 
where the first line occurs nearly in the same words, out so ar- 
ranged as to make metre, while the second line is spun out into 
a politic or vulgar virse^ resembling that of the modem Greeks, 
consisting of fifteen syllables, divided into Hemistichs, one of eight 
and the other of seven syllables. 


' Lye in his Grammatica Gothica prefixed to the Gothic gospels of BeiH 

aelius p. 39, obsenres justly, i initialis est vocis ant syllabic : at I adhocret 
precedent! liters. Sic in Alexandrino N. T. codice MS. memiui olim rae 

legis^e, lATPOT. lOTAAC. lAONTEC. ESlCTANTO. UFQ,!. I wtll 

add, that as the initial | safikiently distinguishes the beginning of words, 
the initial Une is therefore in many nianuscriptft omitted, v. Greg, de 

Dialectis, LipstXy 18 11, p: 500; In like manner T or u serves not only the 

aame purposes as I, but sometimes also a third purpose, namely that of 
distineuishins the consonant u or Beta, pronounced by the modern Greeks, and 
probably by those of the middle ages like our v, from the vowel Upsilon. Thus 
la Montfkucon's Palsographia p. 983, eXauofji^sv occurs for e?MPofjt,sv, and 
in the Aleundnne MS. p. 555 paranoia, for parabola. This equivalent, 
and conseauent commutation ot the Upsilon and Beta has been a fruitful 
source of doubt, especially as to the right pronunciation of proper names, 
and to this day ivhether we ought to write ^avijfAaviS, etc. or 2ap^, ^afilt, 
tee, ** Grammatici certant, et ad hue sub judice lis est." 

Mj tmn conjecture is, that the ancient Greeks, and even those under the 
Ptolemies acknowledged no other power in the Upsilon than that of the 
vowel sound; but that subsequently it became hardened, when placed 
between two vowels, into the consonant V, and finally was converted into 
the letter B, to prevent equivocation. The modem Greeks, it is well 
known, pronounce Upsilon as a consonant, in many cases, as in j^owiXsvi 
»d avrof, <^d it is probable that from ettfrof , pronounced like aftus or 
s(|MiiS» is'derived the Latin ipsiis, or ipse, and from iocvrodf suslpteand suopte. 
On the conMry the Latins in other words have preserved the vowel sound, 
ee in d<»nui| necui, monui, posui, contracted from domovi, necavi, monevi, 

jMltvi, ete. and in the poetic words dissolutt and silus. Porson in his Ad- 
denda to the Medea of Euripides, v. 1106, takes notice of this custom of 
pJacing two points over the letters I and T, but has net explained the use 


S20 On the Greeks 


. 7;«jP>} ('••7g0(^^) iff* fkffvi) (l./^evsi) Tji; XP^^^^ TroKKob^, U^a tiv 

But to no purpose is the application of spirits and accents more 
valuable than to the illustration of ancient inscriptions. The 
following Epigram, taken from Dr. Clarke's Greek Marbles (P.5) 
which me learned Editor seems to despair of translating, will 
lose much of its supposed difficulty, if not all, by the simple 
method of clothing the text with accents, and spirits. 


According to the orthography of the middle ages, reifufSeo^ occurs 
for Tiiioieog, rfis for rgeis, and ^exaras for hxa^a$. By alike change 
of letter the Italians have made their Torso.from Dorsum. 

The Epigram may be thus translated into Latin. 
TimoUieus, patriae sacra lux, Dasiique prc^ago, 

Triginta annorum tempora mensus, obis. 
Te, miser, ad tumulum miseror sine fine dolendum ; 
Mortuus Heroum sed loca pulchra colas. 

Enough has been said by this time, and perhaps more than 
enough, to prove tlie value of accents and spirits as auxiliaries to 
the art of reading, and as a mode of verbal punctuation, if I may 
so call it, in opposition to common punctuation, which is only sen* 
tential. Never had there been a greater obligation conferred on 
the literary world, than by the invention of accents, at the time of 
their introduction ; and although the subsequent invention of print* 
ing has superseded the old method of reading by accentSf anA 
has by spaces between words, and other devices, rendered the 
process of reading still more unembarrassed and rapid, still we, 
who enjoy these superior advantages, oueht not to be unmindful 
>of our 'Grammatical Precursors, and of the great Founder and 
Father of orthography, Aristophanes of Byzantium.— All anti- 
quity concurred in paying him just honor; but modem Grammarians, 
not understanding the full scope of his design, have holden 
both him and his invention cheap, and in Chalmers' Universal 
Biography, a repository, where every son of fame might ex- 
pect to find admission, not a niche is allowed to his memory* 
A single friend, however, and one iroAXo»v avrafio; OXhmv, Dr. Foster 
of Eton, with a zeal worthy of hia learning, and characteiistic 
of a true scholavi has vindicated the character of Aristophanes' 
and expatiated on his merit. He. has concluded a long and 
animkted defence of him, and his labors, by declaring << that 
Posterity hath been more truly and essentially benefited by 

and Latin Accents. 32 1 

the ingenuity of this learned Greek, than by the writings of any 
tme profane author of antiquity/' ' When the learned writer passed 
this encomium, he was himself only imperfectly acquainted with 
the extent of the utility of Aristophanes^inventions. He considers 
him chiefly as the inventor of common punctuationi of those 
marks, that indicate the division of sentences into colons and 
commas. But I have shown in a preceding part of this paper, 
that a species of punctuation was practised in Aristotle's time, and 
that this art therefore is not an invention of Aristophanes, aldiough 
it is probable that it received from his skill and ingenuity very 
great improvement. The principal ground of Aristophanes' title 
to the gratitude of posterity is his invention of the accentual tnarkSf 
and his happy adaptation of them to the double purpose of denqting 
tone, and the division of words. This division of words is infi* 
nitely more useful, because of more frequent occurrence, and 
therefore more wanted, than the division of sentences. Those, 
who are conversant vrith inscriptions, and ancient unaccented 
manuscripts, and who know by experience the great fatigue and 
die great difficulty of reading, or rather of decyphering and un- 
riddling a long line of letters, -arrayed without any discrimination 
of words, or periods^ are alone capable fully to represent to their 
imagination what must have been the condition of readers before 
the mvention of stops, spirits, and accents, and can alone appreci- 
ate the immense saving of time and trouble gained principally by 
the improvements and inventions of Aristophanes. To him there- 
licMre, to the revered name of Aristophanes, who may be said to 
have brought to light not only Philosophy, but Poetry, and 
History, and all that is valuable in every department of literature, 
I do not hesitate to apply this afie<;tionate apostrophe of Lucre- 

£ tenebris tantis tarn claram extollere lucem 
|ui primus potuisti, illustrans conmioda vitas, 
e sequor, O Graix gentis decus, inque tuis nunc 

Fixa pedum pono pressis vestigia signis. 
I had writtenthe whole of this essay, and prepared almost die 
whole of it for the press, when, in a friend's library, I met with 
Jtdbeius de Prosodix Grxcae Accentus Inclinations On looking 
into the work, p. S, I find two reasons assigned by him for the 
deposition of the acute accent in oxytons, and for the representa^ 
.don of it by a grave. One is, that the reader should be remind- 
ed by this mark, that the acute has not been omitted by mistake, 
and that the introduction of the grave should operate as a caution 
jofot to give an acute to any preceding syllable. Another reason 

^ ' Ob accent, p. 101^ 


52^ On the Greek 

i$i (l^t if 00 Mccent whatever were prm to an oxytob, it wooli 
$e&m to form ps^rt of the ensoing word» and to coalesce Widi it. 
To prevent thi3 efiect» the grave i« introduced, not as a tone^ 
either elevating or depressing the voices but as a direction, that 
the £na} syllable is to be pronounced siore strongly and fully 
than the rest. He explains his meaning by the fdilowing illus- 

Un^m clarissimnm in particula cof exemplum habemus. Ea 
carens accentu gravis est per se, atque adeo pronunciatur ut pars 
yoqib^li quod proxime sequitur. Eadem acuta, e3f, pro ^vtws, 
quum in appositione acutum in gravem conveitit, nisi pronun- 
ciatur et sine ulla tenoris elevaticme, et sono tamen impulso vali- 
dius^ oratio fit obscura* Nam si quis hane particuiam in fais aut 
similibus verbis, &$ ifx ^oDvv^ug eac^^^ixfkj cum tenoris elevadone 
pronunciat, is.videbitur verba disjunxisse^ atqiie hoc dicere vo^(usse, 
JBa .- ergo locutus abiit. Sin gravat quidem illam, sed non pro* 
nunciat sono magis intento, periit,.quod erat inter <0^ i^ et «)$ Agx 
iliscrimeq. Futabimus hoc dici, Ui igitur locutus abtit, et mein* 
brum consequens expectabimus : frustrati, sero intelli^mus noil 
)xoc fU^^i, sed illud» Sic igitur locutus abiit. Ergo et particula haec, 
ft ejus exemplo ultima quasque syllaba, gravis ex acuta fiicta, eo 
proiiu^cianda spno est, qui aures paulio plus impleat, quam is quo 
ceteris isyllab^s graves pronunciantur. p. 4. 

Thev0 is something in this hypothesis very ingenious, and ei^ea 
specip^s, but I shall not stop to examine into me truth tf it, as 
dbe learned author himself abandons it, and adopts another hypo- 
thesis more agreeable to my awn. 

p. 62, He has the foBowing observation. Pagina 9* quae 
duas causas attuli, cur syllaba ultima tenore acuto, in constructione 
amisso, nota insigniretur gravis tenoris, eas quum non satis idoneaa 

{'udicarem, qu^erenti mihi amplius, videbatur ejus rei veiior causa 
IXC esse, quod olim ita scribebant, ut omnia vocabul% inter se 
nexa cob^re^ent, nee uib intervallo posterms a priore distaret. 
Quum ergo semelintroducta esset consuetudo scribendi accentus, 
quoniam videbant earn rem etiam c^ singuia vocmbkla dirimenda 
opportune inseryire, ideo in syllaba ukim^ qua^ acutum dttposuisset, 
gravem utique notandum putaverunt. baque hodie, quum in 
scribendo vQcabuloruai interstitia fieri soleant, accentus gravis 
omitti sane posset, ut ettam spirhiis lenis. 

When I came to this passage, I could not help exdaiming to 
myself^ Euge, dexter, scopiun attigisti i not without feeling at the 
moment a little chagrin, and the fiorce of the sentiment. Maid ek 
illis qui ante ftos nostra dixerunt. But as truth only is mj objde^ 
it is always welcome, whence$oever it miay proceed* and I cheer- 
fully yield the merit of the discovery, oq which I had plumed 

and Latin Accents. 323 

myself t little» to dus feamed German^ It is iadeed a satisfaction 
to me to find my own opinion confirmed by that of so eminent a 
$cholat| yUrhQ has paid the greatest attention to all that concerns pro^ 
sody and metre. My only surprise is, that afterwards, p. 66, he 
^eems disposed to telapse into his ^first opinion, and to consider the 
introduction of the grave as a mere caution to young scholars, that 
they are to abstain from giving to the words marked with it an acute. 
His words are, Itaque consultum veteres arbitrabantur, ut animi 
labor tironi minueretur> oculis ejus objicere signum consopiendi 
acUti. Videbant enim, si omisso eo signo tironem ipsum ratiocinart 
oporteret, dictionem gravandam esse^ aut animum ejus hie occupa^ 
turn aliquid aliud posse, negligere } siut animo ejus alibi occupato) 
fieri posse, ut consuctudine abreptus dictionem acueret* 

Now, with submission to Reisius and many other Grammariaiizsj 
I contend on the contrary, that there is no such thing a§ deposition, 
or consopition of the acute, ^ and that the grave affixed to ozy- 
tons is not a negative quality, implying a prohibition of the acute, 
but a positive quality, and a direction, that it is to be pronounced as 
an acute, and as an oxyton xut* I^ov^v. Upon any other basis, how 
many difficulties, perplexities, and contradictions occur, which 
refuse tp admit of ^ny solution, but what is most refined and far^ 
fetched. If eS; for ourco^ is an oxyton only at the end of a sen» 
tence, but in the middle of a sentence a baryton, then how is it dis* 
tinguishable, in the name of common sense, from eo; without accent 
to the earP Reizius found himself oppressed by the weight 
of this consideration, and has endeavoured, as we havfi 
seen, to extricate himself from the embarrassment, by suppo^ 
sing that, although li; and ms are similar in tone, and bot^ 
grave alike, and equally diffisrent from the tone of cSc, yet As 
IS to be distinguished from e^^, by a greater volume of voice, 
and that the ktter is to be pronounced piano, and the former 
forte. But is not this attributing to Greek accents a power wholly 
unsupported by any authority, and in contradiction to their quality 
of tone, which alone they are acknowledged to indicate ? In another 
place, p. 2. Reizius condescends to countenance and adopt, what 
may be called the common cant of grammarians, who, instead of 
candidly confessing their ignorallce, have invented the most absurd 
reasons for the expression of a final acute by a grave, but still, it 
should seem, from the currency, which these reasons have obtained^ 
not too absurd| but good enough, for the generality of their readers. 
In this strain Keizius gravely asserts. Propter continuum structurse 
ordinem cursus pronunciationis debet perpetuus esse, quern inter* 
rumperet ultima syllaba dictionis mediae acuendo elata. Herman^ 
who, when he does blunder, seldom does it by halves, plunges much 
deeper into the mire, ^and asuming the same principle decides, that 
an Oxytot) in the middle of a sentence requires a grave accent, oa 

3S4 On the Greek and Latin Accents. 

:the tyrant's plea of necessity. He says ^De Emendanda Ratknui^ 
etc. p. 65.) *< Grammatici quum animadverterent, vocabula oxy* 
tona in media oratione toinus posse^ quam in fine orationis acuij 
quia vehementius acuendis numerumi quo uniyersa oratio contine- 
tur, interrumpi necesse esset, ea vocabula gravi, quern vocant, ac- 
centu notanda existimarunt/' 'AvayxriiAsyaXriiiog, and Herman 
thinks so, for he seldom has a dtfficultyj without apjrfying to her 
for assistance. But let me ask what becomes of this necessity^ 
when oxytons not only can, but do receive an acute even in the 
middle of a sentence, in two cases of very frequent occurrence $ that 
is, whenever an oxyton is followed by an Enclitic, and whenever an 
ozyton declinable sufiers an apocope ? In the phrase ripirv kaiov, is 
not Tf^' so placed an oxyton? Do not many barytons also become 
oxy tbns by apocope, in effect, although not in name, as in this line 

Now if in the preceding words rigirv*, and ireivr\ thus apostro- 
phized, the common or proper acute, instead of the final acute, is 
ipreserved, it is not because these words are not oxytons in efiect as 
much as repTivoi and xoi), but becatlse the final syllable of these 
words being demonstrated,^r5/ by the apostrophus, and secondfy 
by the initial lene immediately succeeding ; a third mark of the 
same tendency, or the introduction of me final acute, has been 
thought superfluous. In the Medea by Lascaris a double sign 
does occur, whether by design or accident I know not, for he 
gives ttuvt) t avtpiireov, with a Jlfud acute before the enclytic r 
apostrophized, and not ttavrt r' kvipwxm. Vide Porsom Ad- 
denda, &c. p. 2. 1. S. 

The simple truth is, that the acute has two characters, one com- 
mon or proper, and the other final, and that its power is precisely 
the same under all circumstances, whether represented by the 
acute proper, or the grave. The grave, or as I call it, the final 
acute, is the characteristic of oxytons, and is uniformly applied to 
them, except either when their last syllable ceases to be a final 
quality, as being incorporated with some enclitic, or when its final 
quality is otherwise sufficiently demonstrated, by a full stop, com- 
ma, close of a verse, apostrophus, or some otner equivalent sign 
of separation. In the former case the use of the final acute is im- 
proper, in the latter superfluous. When an oxyton becomes a real 
grave, and loses its power, it is then very properly destitute of 
accentual marks, as in ifetp av6pwKw. In this case tne preposition 
becomes a proclitic^ and forms with its principil but one word. 




£. H. Bark£ri Epistola adTh. Gaisfordium, Gr. 

Ling. Profess. Reg. 0:von. . 

j\bunde laborum meorum fmctum percepero, si tibi^ doctissime 
Gabfordij quicquid est hujus laborb, probare possim. Vellem 
equidem te meliore aut grandiore dono 'prosequi! Quae a nobis 
infdiciter tentata, ea tibi explicanda relioquimus. Tu quantiun ab 
eruditione potes in illis animadvertendis, tantum ab aequanimitate 
poteris in excusandis. ^' Tria^ quae in scriptore requiruntur^ in 
tuis operibus animadverto, doctrinam^ diligentiam^ candorem; 
paucos invenias, in quibus haec tiia concumint: duo priora in 
paucissimis : terdum tanto laudabilius^ quanto in hoc aevo farius."* 

Theifordia Hon. Octobr. mdcccxv. 

'* J. Pollux II. 31. Kei KOfji^iMorgMi at ywaixtg' ol Si xa) KipojrXArrUf 
^girobs hxiXiO'av, 2n xipug j| xofti} : inepte Pollux ; scribendum enim 
mgeiroirXaaroig. KtfVKXourrai tamen agnoscit Hesych. (^tuptnrKotffVf^ 
Knrovfyis, ^ Tfty(oxo<rfMifr^i). Sed vera lectio est xiipowX&rra^x 
quippe xvipos estfiicus muliebris: hinc x^fheuy famina^ quafacieni 
XKHpip illinuttt Quare xofji^fMiTpim et xt^^KxTteu eadem sunt. 
Hesych. K^plofur iiulXafiiMi: leg. xi^glmiMr [ji^lkrcoiMt : nam fdkrof 
est cerussoy qua utuntur mulieres : vd pro xii^pt»[tM fortasse leg. 
^/«fi«." Toupii Emendd. in Suid. T. iv. p. 363. ed. 1790. 

326 De Lectiane Ssf^wTjurroLs 

Fallkur Tonpius, cum dicit J. PoUuc^m scribere debuuse xtpA- 
rovXaoToc; pro Xf^ovXaortt; : 0\ Se yuti xipovXaora; oufou; ixaAforay, 
on xtpM^ 4 x^c*)}* Nam xf^aron-Xaora; fit per coutractionem xep»- 
irX^cora;* HeBych. Ktpofiarfis* i IJoof' i^roi ori xipuTa rp^irr ^ oiove} 
Kipcerofi&niSf t^v /Sao'iy l^cov Xffpar/vijy. Iterum Hesych. MeX/^uAXoy* 
^0T«yi| ri(, • x«} jAlfXia-o-Zt^uAAoy, xoi Ilfi^m* '^ Melisiophyllon » 
Plinio dicitur, unde melisphyUum videtur per syncopen a Virgilio 
dictum/' Fgrcellinus iu ▼• E voce iir$whroifw, per coutractionem 
Yenit farixooroy : '' *£xixoVayoV^ an hlxoTcov dicas, nullum interest dis- 
crimen/' T. Hemsterb. ad Luciani Dial. Mort. T. i. p. 371- Sic 
xoXo/3i^ est per coutractionem xoXo;^ unde fit^ ut unum per alterum 
expooatur : Hesych. KoXo^* xoAo/3«V* 

Fallitur quoque Toupius^ cum pro xepoirXao-ra^ ap. Polhice™ 
scribat xijpoTXaoTQi^ : J. Pollux 1. c. Kot) xofiiiayrpiai ai yuvaixif ol 
Iff. xai 7C8p<nr?JiCT»$ a^rohg hxakna'af, iti xipa^ ^ xifin : hie locus sanis* 
simuB est. Hesydi. Ki^XMT^^ rptx^xoa-iuyirfig. Plutarch, de 
Solert. Animal, p. 976. "Enuru rijy •pjtt/fliy 96 toiovo-i ToKwrXjoxov, ro7$ 
ffUj^tfMuri Twy ^pix^h ^^^^ TpM;^sT«v* e^rel xcii rouro roS SoXov yhersii 
rexftifpioy tdroi^' xeH rtmf rpip^wv ra xat^xovroe irpo^ r3 t/xirrpov, dg 
|yi fMXMT« Xevxdl f Aiyffa4ai.|xi};^«ywyT«r fuiKkov yotp oirrco; fv rji ioLXarry 
ti' 6ftoi^ra r^^ XP^^ X«yi«youn* ro Si 6jro roD irotifroO Keyifjieyov* 
*H hi ftoXujSSa/vj IxfXij «^ fivcirw opwasr ''H re xeer^ ay^ttuAoio (5»if 
xcptt^ ly^^oma, ''£p;^rr«i wftij^r^iy l?r* 1;^0t;o'i xijpdt ^ipovcor wetpot" 
xQvorres Ivioi fioelon$ ipi^v olovrai frpo$ Tois ogiMoig p^p^o'tai roi^ voiXaiovs' 
xtpas yoLq rr^v Tplya Xeyetrdai xa) to xsipuviai hoL rouro, xai riji' x$vpiv 
xoA tiv voLp *Apx}kofy(jA /iijpoirXacmjv, fiXoxocp^ov sTvai Trep) xojxijv xa) 
xaXXcoTTiOT^v gOTi 8e ovx aXr^Sif ixire/aij yap ipijl ^peovrai, Tciff Tooy 
ip^ivm Xa/x^avovrf^* a2 y^^p i^Xciai t^ oSgcp ry^v 'rp/^^ /SsjSpiyftEvr^y 
aEpay^ 9roioD(riv. Cf. Gfaisfordii Poef. m/n. V. i. p. 3I6., ubi mirum 
4»t doctissimmn et accuratissimum virum retinere corruptam vocem 
xyipo%>JumiVf pnesertim cum de ea Wyttenbachius scripsisset: 
^ Immo xepo^rXaffnjy, ut notaTit Salmas. et jam antea Jun. T. v." 
Hesych. Kipaf xepaXfj, igl^. J. Pollux f. c. xa) xofjLiitirpMt al 
ymaixtSf ol ii xoA xepoftXatrrAs aurou^ IxoM^olv^ Sri xipu^ ^ x^/xij' xa) 
"Ojxijpoy ftjXoDy nvf^ ipacuv, ihorru rif ttupiVy Kip aykoLor SBey- xal 
mpdi So^oxXmT/ Offiixip(io$ fplxvi, dtfv 6pMpif, xoA xipots fioo$f r^v rplx^* 
Hesych. ipttxipa>$' ip^i^pi^: cf. Phot. Lex. Ms. Uesychius : Kipttr 

in Archilochi Fragm. op. Flutarehtm. 327 

Schol. Venet. ad //. A^ 385. xigct ayXeti' ^ 8iwA?, iri xlg^, ou rj Tpi;^i 
^<Xo)^, aAX* IjxirAox^j ti yevoj* eij xegaros Tfintav uveTrXixorro oj df^mai. 
Cf. Suid. in v. Iterum, Schol. Vcuct. B. Sfroiviov lanv iw MfOTrnnis 
^vcrsco'g Trapoi tm iToiijT^ ro xipot§ Itt) Tgi^i$ raKr<rsc6ar Tco/xi^y Si Xeyit 
X0(1 T§lj(us xai irXoKafi.ov^ xai eieigug. Apollon. Lex. Homer, p. 394. 
ed. Toll. 01 ftsv yXooarg-oypoL^oif rais ipi^v dyukXipLevt' nipoi yoLp, 
T^y Tgt^a kiy6(r6Ar 5 is *Agi<rTa§^os xvpltos axouei to tou /3oo; ^if^t 
otov TO xepotuov, cvplyyiov to ycig vaXaiov, irgoj to /x^ airvrpo^M tov 
'X^^^> toJ dyxlarpcp 'jrepnliea'ioLt touto* tov Se "Of^vipov f/i,rfiiirori (i^i)Xfy«i 
xipus, T^v rplx,0L' oiiv W tou xep* ayXai^ ri^cp ayeikKofMVB. Iterum 
p. 196. Boo$ xigxs {IL H. 81.). ^toi Trepjxs/jttfvoy t^ oppt^tu xspa$ xnA 
TO ayxiOTi^v, hot fjiij dirvrp&yy^ i ^X^ii' tfyioi Se» i^v T^ty^oi, xipa^, ubi 
Villois, '^ Revera ap. Hesycb. t^/;^- xtpoe^: Plutarch, de Solert. 
Animal, post ^ristotelem contendit, xtp «; significare cornu quod 
bamo praefigebatur : et Anna Daceria inde quoque factum opinatur, 
ut xipi^s vocaverint pilum bovinum, quod post cornu deinde adhi^ 
bitus fuerit pilus." Mirum est Villoisoovun non yicLisse, Plutat^ 
^hum I. c. ipsimma utristareki 'verba murpare, ideoque in Plutarcho 
pro Ariskotde legendum esse Aristarchum. Judicet lector. Apollo- 
nius habet: h ii 'Aglo'rapx^s xvgta)$ ixoCei to tou /3oo; xigus ^^^^ ^i 
X eg aT I oy, cujiyyioy to yoif naXmilv, wjoj to |xi) avorpaa^on tov «xflwy, 
rtp ayxia-Tpto ^Mpirlieo-i^i touto. Plutarchus iisdan fere verbis 
p. 977v: ^ApiQ-ToriXm H (^qcn f*i|t«if iv VQUTotg Aeyvrtoti ^o^v % 
«fpiTroy> «AA^ Ttp Syrt x§pir$ov %§piTi6tirdHt vpi tov ayxto'Tgorf 
fcep\ riff ipi^teiv, tipurotirgis aKKo hpxopi'SV9$ hea-ttouo'tv. Schol. Venet. 
ad //. /2. 81 . (loc. a Plutarcho supra adductum) : fioo^ x/ga^* ig imX^^ 
Tri «u Xiyu poo^ xigot$, /3oS; Tgfp^a, hot to Tgix^yilv dvM r^v ipiMiu* 
?Jifais yoip IxpcoVTQ, *£x 7oWoiO flup^2^c X/vfip sv) oTkot* ;^aAxw* •! fie vuy 
ovSi /Sofidd^ yjpSiMTmf iXXk iinrsiou;* Atyoi jy oSv jSoo; xffpoe^ twplwi* 
XAtTKrxfvocj^otf y«0 <nSgiyyi» In xtg^ro; /Soc/oVy ^y TnLperiii^a-otv Tjf jgjxi« 
Mp TO d^Kio'Tpov^ oireo^ jx^ ol Ixfiieg dirvrpiyeo<r^ tov AiVoy. Iterum 
Schol. Venet. B. Kigoi^ o Trpoo'dftrowri tj| ippi4^ vgoi to /bt^ ftri/f o^mi 
xo) iiio^poov bIvm t$ daXdtr^j* o{ 8g veoiTepfn, tupob^ rr^v m^ff'Aoxiyy 9i«y 
Tp>x«v. Cf. Plutarcbi verba. * 

' Lectio wpovJ^orriif CobUo Rhodigino quoque placuit. ** Scribunt nonnuUi 
ex grtmmaticts Grscis, comva item pro eapilUt posits inveniri, quoniam 

S38 De Le^aimej ^c. 

lAtini eodem modo cornua usurpant ". Juvenalis de Genuano, 
Madido torqumtis cornua cirro. Cornua vocat longas crinium 
lertas, que torquentur, ut in nodum mitd possint : Graeci et *ipcerm 
appellant : inde et cornua et crines in fluminibus, to »oAu<rxi8ef, et 
rami." Salmas. in Solin. p. 535, E. : vide et p. 704, C. " In 
galeis cornua sunt orriamenta in modum corau, vel com* in corau 
assurgentes, quae cristam apicemque exoraant, que a Gracis quoque 
xif «r« dicuntiir : proprife autem sunt cincinni. Ita Serv. ad £n. 
xii. 89. Ensemque clypeumque, et rubra cornua crista. Liv. xxviL 
33. In arborem Hiatus impelu equi, ad eminentem ramum coma 
alterum galea perfregit." Forcellinus. 

utraque enascaatur motjo eodem. Credo, quia ungues, nmtia, pUi, cornua, 
plectra, sive calcana, et si quid ejusmodi aliud est, ex cibo giguuntur adven- 
dUo et augendi potestatem habente, quem turn a femina, turn forinsecu. 
«bi acquwunt. Ossa ven> in prima partium eonstitutione gignuntur ex 
•emma^,. excremento, quumque animal augetur. h«c incr«ientum ex 
;alimento capiunt naturah, quo partes augentur principales. Adest etymon 
qpoque, cur cerata pro capUH, autument inveniri; inde enim duci videtur 
•omen, ?r. ,„^Sf „/,,,,«, j. ^ ^^ pMcidantur assidue. Ceraxoa, et 
mratoglypkoi appellant Gneci, gui cornua expoliunt aceotuniaue ortifid inr 
*«.«., ac Kulpunt! sicuti concinnandas come periti, plurimum euidem 
tomot* dicuntur, i. e. «v-»<J, et/«„.W comatrue. Sed et urophst<e vocantur. 
^oniam (ut pnesteuximus) comas etizm cerata vocabant, unde de PaHde ap 
flwTl"^' '■ "^ *^ "'«*'^ vemutumque inte,p«tantur. Et aj. 
^t bubub*.' Lectt. anfiq. xxx. 1. Hadrianus Junius in Comment de 

aensu «.e «y>.)> Pandcm noramat, sed con vicio, Homerus. auod ad ii«.«in J.. 
•t«is.uprum solicitandas virgines coma lasl^iviretr^e^ Se^Z^S 
App«,n grammatid in istum Homeri locum amiotant. esse q«S 12^ 

ermium genus, mstar coniu effigiati,unde ilU nomen /variislSdZ ™^ 
ornare capiUos satagebant m^oles. quemadmodl pl^J £r p^" 
.hoqm«,^d.xisse illos simpliciter, ostendunt y,>^S^[ ^ 

^l^^^y^"^ " SophoclehHu.«ifid«„Ze, 

>*• » ' 



Into the Nature and Efficacy of Imitative Versification^ 

Ancient and Modem. 

*^ The best in tliis kind are but shadows, and the bad are no worse if ima- 
ginatioa amend them.^ 


No. 11. 

{Continued from No.XXL p. 12S.) 

Jx GOOD poet or orator shouild take care to imitate his subject not 
only by the choice of lus words, but by the arrangement of them. 
This is usually done by the divine Homer, who, although he. 
us^s but one' metre, and few feet, is yet so abundant in novelty, 
and so skilful, that it matters not whether we behold or read of 
the events. Ulvsses, in telling his adventures to the Phaeacians^ 
and speaking ot his descent into hell, affords us a view of its 
evils and among these relates^ the sufferings of Sisyphus. It is 
worth while to see how he represents the attending circumstances 
by imitation and the very arrangement of the words. 

KaX |tt^y JT/otif ov iiirffTSoy, xgarip* oiXytt txpvroL, 

"Hroi, 6 /MV cxiigiirTOfuvos Xff o'/i? Tf wou'h n 
AcM¥ aM0 aU9iFK9 mri ki^ov. Od«X« 592. 

S30 An, Inquiry into Imitative 

I tum'd my eyei and^ as I tum'd, tunrey'd 
A mournful vision, the Sisyphian shade ; 
With many a weary step, and many a groan. 
Up the high hill he heaves a huge round stone. 

In these lines the heaviness of the stone, and the labor of mov« 
ing it, are placed before our eyes by the disposition of the words. 
We see, also, Sisyphus exerting himself in all his limbs, ascendbg 
the hill, and rolling the stone forward with difficulty. The two 
verses which describe the onward motion of the stone are, with the 
exception of two words, composed of dissyllables or monosyllables^ 
and the long exceed the short syllables by one half^ The fiowj 
also, is sensibly retarded by the collision of the vowels, and the 
conjunction of the mutes and semi-vowels \ and the passage is 
composed of dactyls and spondees, having the greatest length and 
most frequent transit. 

The tediousness of the work is exhibited by monosyllables and 
dissyllables, separated by long intervals from each other; difficulty 
and heaviness by the long syllables; and the interruption arising 
from the obstacles, and from the greatness of the labor, by the in- 
tervals of the words and combination of the harshest letters ; the 
feet considered as to length represent the extension of his limbs, 
and resistance of the stone. 

This is not the spontaneous effect of nature, but arises from art, 
aa appears from the description of the stone's revolution, 

cofretponds wkh what precedes, but is followed by 

AMis nreira ir^ovie xvKIvSsto 7<aa$ uvuili^^. 

Here the coUocation of the wwds roUs down together with the 
weig^ oi the stone, or rather their swiftness overtafa^ its desceoU 
The cause of this is» that the verse descriptive of the stoae'e revo* 
lution. contains no monosyllable, and omy two dissyllables, by 
which the quantity is not allowed to be prolonged, but is accele- 
rated. Besides,,out of seventeen sylfad)les, ten ate short, and even 
the other seven are not perfectly long.' 

' The passage which I have omitted is as follows in the originals 

VersificaHaHf Ancient and Modem. SSI 

There is no hiatus, but all the woxds $t&n to be home aloof 
with one common motion. But what is most admirable is» that 
none of the long feet which may be used in the hexameter^ neaAet 
spondee, m»r bacchius occurs except at the end ; for the othere tiie 
all dactyls, and are so aUied to those which are called undefijiabk^ 
that some do not difier much from trochees. There is nothing to 
hinder a diction composed of such feet from being swifti and 
rounded, and jQowing. 

Such are the observations of Dtonyslus, in commenting on whieir, 
the character of the author must be considered no less than the 
nature of his evidence. 

If we trace the Grecian history, from the poet downward to the 
Critic, we shall find that the intervening period is not more remark- 
able for its length than for the importance of the events and the 
beauty of the writings which ennobled it. 

The battles of Marathon, Sahmis, and Fhtasa ; tiie succesmv 
:iScendaacy of Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Macedoar ; the coa* 
' quests of Alexander) the dissensions! of his generals> and the puiv 
but transient lustre of the Achseaa feagoe, will remind us that the 
military genius of Greece had adhiered its highest honors, and 
wa» vefgiag taextinction ; while the nameft of the pocts^ hislorian^ 
and philosophers) who iorished duriiig^ that period, will suffieir to 
prove that the powers of the human miad were never more sue* 
cessfuUy or gloriously exerted. If such were the events, Ikeiaxy 
and miiitary, of this period, its length was equally remarkable; 


Tufy crvWafiuiv i<pE\xoi/.iyTi}v, 

•urs yaq fwifrjevn ^w>^s¥^ ours yjiAi^oivui -^i/^upujyov -^ d(pwiiw, ot rga^iy*^ 

Koiet. — KatB(nt£a'iou, nota hie dissimilitudinem temporum in xai'srifdcr' 
lect xti 0vmXX£0-feu. S^l^rgiut, Erit quidcm eadem temporum dissi- 
■^litudo, sed verior fortasse lectio, siqiiis admittendum censeat xarearrtvoSoui 
to sane utttur Longinus Sect. 39> 'rtS rrjv dgfji^ovlav (i*yj xaftsavrffariaui 
CO quod numerus non pnecipitetur. Upton, 

"Afwvov y'tifSTeu, Forsan, verbo ylvefeu in sequentem periodum trans- 
late, sic legendus locus: OUTS TJiufoivw T^fM^twoy i; i^uyov, d r^a^vsip* 
mipvKs kol) h'urrifeiv rdf XfiMvlas, wj^iv icri iragaxEifjt^voif* otS S'ij Biaim^ 
9ii euffii^ ylvetou fi.^ Sn/igrtjiiJyt/nt tuy Ai^cwv. Sylburgius, 

Hanc vocem ymrrcu e contextu sustuli, plane otiosam, monente etiajn 
Hudsoao; cum nee kn r«g. 1. oodict, net Colb. appireat. l^n. 

SSi ^n Inquihf into Imitative 

for no ehronblogist wiU deny that eight hundred years must haTe 
daj^sed between the birth of Homeri and that of Dionysius/ 

In other languages, such an interval would have blended, if not 
identified, the antiquary with the critic ; but the language of Homer 
Was unequalled in duration as in excellence, and when Gteece fi« 
naBy sunk beneath the arms and policy of Rome, she might sdll 
find some consolation in reflecting that her literature survived the 
ruin of her freedom, and that she retained that superiority in science 
which, she had once possessed in war. 

The lapse, therefore, of eight centuries does in no degree dis- 
qualify Dionysius for appreciating and illustradng the beauries of 
his author, although it naturally leads us to inquire if none among 
the various and unrivalled writers, whom that period comprehended, 
can be quoted in confirmation of bis remarks. We are fully au- 
thorized to assert that they could not have been unacquainted with 
the merits of their national poet ; and as we are taught by history 
and philosophy, that the times which fomi the soldier and the 
statesman are more favorable to literature than the enervating 
quiet of unresisting slavery,* the dweller at Rome can on no ac- 
count be preferred to the citizens of independent Greece; nor can 
their silence be compensated by his evidence. Dionysius, how- 
ever, (unless I am much mistaken) refers to none of uie Grecian 
authors; and though his commentator, Upton, mentions Aristotle 
and Demetrius Phsdereus, we shall derive no assistance from his 
reference. ' 

The former author certainly says, in his Poetics, that if we sub- 
stitute xqifyw^y for /So^oKriv, the effect will be destroyed ; but there 
seems no reason to conclude, from the context, that ne means the 
imitative effect. 

The passage referred to by Upton is as follows : 

<< Undoubtedly, when these licences appear to be thus purposely 
used, the thing beconies ridiculous. In the employment of all the 
species of untisual words, moderation is necessary; for metaphors, 
foreign words, or any of the others, improperly used, and with a 

. ' According to Blair, and the Arundelian marbles. Homer florisbed 907, 
A. C. according to Newton, 870. Dionysius went into Italy, by his own 
account, in the middle of the 187th Olympiad, A. C. SO. 

* Postquam bellatum apud Actium, atque omnem potestatem ad unum 
eonferre pacis interfuit,maena i41a ingeniacessere. — ^Tacitus, Hist. L. 1. C. 1. 
Gibbon somewhere remarks, that the a^e of science has generally been the 
age of miJitary virtue. In our own history, whether the reign of Qaeen 
Anne, or, with greater justice, that of Elizabeth, be accounted our Augustan 
Me, we shall find the same union of literary and militarjr talents ; nor hat 
the fact been less strikingly exemplified in the present period. 

Versificatiofi^ Ancient iznd Modern. 333 

design to be ridiculous, would produce the same effect. But hQw 
great a difference is made by a proper and temperate use of such 
^^!ords, may be seen in heroic verse. Let any one only substitute 
comrAim words in the place of the metaphorical, the foreign, and 
others. of the same kind, and he will be convinced of the truth qf 
what I say% For example : the same Iambic verse occurs in ^schy- 
lus ^d in Euripides; but by means of a single alteration— ^ the suo- 
stitution of a foreign for a common and usual word — one of these 
verses appears beautiful, the other ordinary. 
For uSschylus, in his Philoctetes, says, 

The cankerous wound that eats my flesh. 

But Euripides, instead of sa-iUt [eats], uses BOINATAL 
The same difference will appear if, in this verse, 

Nvvii fjJ laov 'OAirOS re xa\ 'OTTUANOS xa) AKlKTHy 

we substitute common words, and say 

/ A'Dv 83 jUr' edv fnxfog re xoii aa-ievixos xa) asiSijf. 

So, again, should we for the following— 

j/<^gov usixiXiov xairoLie)§, oXtyviv re r^a^re^ay, 

Substitute this, 

Ai^gov f('0;^$i]^oy xaraSeis, fjuxp iv re rqatfetflLV : 

or change 'HVove^ fiooata-iv — the cliffs rebellow — to ^ffiovts xjpa- 
^pycriv— the cliffs resound,'^ 

I have only to add, that Twining, whose translation I have used^ 
asserts in his first dissertation, that << of the other two senses in 
which poetry may be, and by modern writers has been, considered 
as imit^ion-^ resemblance of soimd and description — Aristotle 
says nothing." 

The other passage referred to by Upton occurs in the treatise 
vgg) kpfuYpftleiCf and is as follows : 

• 'jEv 8s tc3 [LsyotKovosTtsi xagaxr^gi a-vyxpovirig TfstgaXafxPaiyoir* af 
'^fBTOixra, ^Toi hot ftaxg»v, wg to, Aauv ivw Mscxf xa* yoig 6 arlx^s 
ff,rix6g Vi fo;p^ev*lx t^j o-vyxpowfEwg, xa) fAtfilfiriTon tow A/feu, t^v ava- 
^ogav xsi) filav. 

It cannot, therefore, be denied, that the passage is perfectly ap* 
posite ; although the authenticity' of the treatise may well be 
doubted. Fetrus Vic tonus attributes it to the celebrated Demetrius 
P-halereus, on the authority of Theophylactus, who lived ISOO years 
later. Valesius ascribes it to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the 
authority of the scholiast upon Aristophanes ; and dissents from 

V If the BAhofif of liandaiSPg distinction (Letters to Tom Paine) is oomct, 
I should say genwneness. 


354 Anln^iry info Imitative 

VktoriiMi because Anemo (who made an index to Arietede's 
Eptstles, and lived long after the celebrated Demetrius Nicias, the 
painter, who was contemporary with King Attains) and Demetrius 
him^lf, are mentioned in it. Gerard Vossius says, that the Epistle 
of Theophylactus, as Victorius himself confesses, is not to be 
found in the Florentine manuscript, and thinks that the authority 
of the Scholiast is not to be preferred to that of Ammonius, who 
mentions the writer of the treatise by the single name of I)eme- 
trius. He concludes, therefore, that it was written by a Deme- 
trius ; not by him, however, who was sumamed Phalereus, but by 
the Alexandrian rhetorician. Gale is of the same opinion, and 
adds, that, if his own positions are correct, the writer's age cannot 
be unknown^ as the- Alexandrian Demetrius was contemporary wkb 
Galen and Herodes Atticus \ but as Vossius ' has not fixed his 
age, he hiixlself does not speak confidently. 

Of the two authors, therefore, whom Upton quotes, Aristotle 
is rather for us than against us'; and Demetrius, as in all probability 
he lived long after Dionysius, will weigh but lightly in the balance. 

It is not my business to search for authorities against myself, 
ndiich have not been noticed by my opponents ; and when I say 
that Demetrius, Eustathius, and Dion Chrysostom,^ who florished , 
under Trajan,^ or about one hundred years after Dionysius, are 
the only Greek writers who countenance Dionysius, I make the 
assertion not from my own knowledge, but from a conviction that 
they would not have been quoted by Clarke and others, if bet- 
ter testimony could have been procured. Eustathius florished, 
according to Blair, in the twelfth century, and consequently more 
than two thousand years after Homer. It is not my intention to 
extenuate the merits of him or Demetrius, nor indeed to offer any 
remark upon their criticisms ; for the authority of Dionysius is so 
superior to theirs, that they can neithei' invaliaate nor substantiate 

■ De Rbet. Nat. Cap. ix. 

* Clarke, in his note upon Iliad A, 455, refers to " Dio, Orat XUI." 
Unless the orations are differently arranged in different editions, XIII is an ^ 
error of the press, for I at last found the quotation in the Xllth. £d. Reiske. 
The whole passage is too long for insertion, but the following part cannot 
well be omitted. 

" Oihvos (pioyyov owrgyoju^gvo^, dXXoi iv jBpap^gT tforoifMiy re iiA[ii,<iiiU' 


fious xai KtiirQv, kol) huirov, xa) d(fa/3ov tr^wros i^eufwvf xai oVofx.a0tif 

%aAgira/yflyraf dvifiovs^" Pp. 409, 410. 
9 Pfaotius, Cap. cciz ** rinfMun Si nata toig XS^^^S ^^^ ficm>iiH 

Versification, Ancient and Modern. 335 

his assertions by their own, nor can any inference be drawn 
from their admiration of representative metre as to the opinion of 
Aristotle or Plato.* Should this inquiry attract any notice, I may 
be enabled to add other names to this meagre list;* but if in the 
vast range which Grecian literature afibrds (for we are told that 
the language was spoken and written with elegance and purity until 
the downial of the Eastern empire ; and, indeed, it may still, 
with little impropriety, be called a living language) no witnesses 
less objectionable can be found, I shall derive no slight encourage- 
ment from the circumstance.^ 

Dionysius is positive and expHcit, and has always been held in 
high estimation. His accuracy^ however, as an historian, has been 
questioned by Hooke;' and in some passages of his treatise on conw 
position, he attributes effects so wonderful to causes so incongru- 
ous, that we are authorized to suspect his discrimination. Th^ 
principles of the art, as was mentioned before, are to be sought in 
me power of single words, and the joint eiBFect of many, in the ca- 
dence of verse, and the properties of its feet ; and, however skil-' 
fully these may be varied and adapted, sound itself can "imitate no- 
thing but sound. "Dionysius himself," says Johnson, "tells us, that 
the s«und of Homer's verses sometimes exhibits the idea of cor- 
poreal bulk. Is not this a discovery nearly approaching to that of 
the blind man, who, after long inquiry into the nature of the scar- 
kt color, found that it represented nothing so much as the clangor 
of a trumpet ?"+ And again, " Many other instances Dionysius pro- 
duces ; but these will sufficiently show, that either he was fancifuli; 

I ■ ' i 1 1 ————— 

' Dionysius refers to Plato only as an etymologist. 
^ The allowing epigram iswrittea byCerealius,of whom little or nothing 
is known. 

OOro \syeiy iex^aarffji.a, tcou *Arrotoi pyi\La.ra, 'ffiyrsy 

Evl^rjkws iorrty xa) ffOyifJLco^ jt^^Xerav 
Oifh' yof el xdfxai^e, xou «I, xovaj3c7, ri rf, (fiK^'^f 

Nwv oaroxETrSai Ssl toI; y^aix^f/^aari xai tp^icriv avroSy 

^Jyou xoivori^fl^y wrre yoelv d yJkyekg. Vide Iliad, ^. 309* 

Trypho (vide Museum Criticum, No. 1) in his Remarks ll^\ 'Ovouoro- 
'XOitas, says, itenoiyifiiByoy, ws ri Tsr^iyiro^ xcu ^zKa^i^ei* xai AeL» 

' It is not unusual^ upon any deficiency of evidence, to refer to the Alex- 
andrian grammarians, and to assert that much must have been written, be-. 
cause nothing is extant* With regard to the burning of the Alexandrian 
library, Gibbon says, " For my own part, I am strongly tempted to deny' 
botbHhe fact and the coniequences ; the tact is, indeed, marvellous.^ WhaU 
ever these grammarians may have written, it appears that their fame vvas 
eonfiDed to Alexandria, and that no copy of their works was to be obtained 

^ RamUer, M. 


336 An Inquiry into Imitative 

or we have lost the genuine pronunciation, for I know not whetfier 

in any one of these instances' such similitude can be discoYered/' 
. Lord Kaimes also observes, that, << except in the single case 
where sound is described, all the examples given by critics of sense 
being imitated in sound, resolve into resemblance of effects — 
Emotions raised by sound and signification may have a resemblance ) 
but sound itself cannot have a - resemblance to any thing but 

If, then, the authorities adduced are insufficient to prove the pre- 
valence of this opinion, the reasoning of Dionysiu& will hardly re- 
move our scruples, or convince us that tJie means which versifica- 
tion afibrds are competent to the alleged effects. In candor, I 
must add, that Johnson*s sentiments are not so favorable as they 
may seem from the foregoing extracts ; for in the 92d number of 
the Rambler, he says, ** It is not, however, to be doubted^ that 
Virgil, who wrote amidst the light of criticism, and who owed 
much of his success to art and labor, endeavoured among other 
excellences to exhibit this similitude, nor has he been less* happy 
in this than in the other graces of versification." The nicety and 
minuteness apparently requisite for imitative harmony countenance 
the preference which is here given to Virgil ^ and if we assume^ 
that he did endeavour to exhibit this similitude, and was furnished 
with adequate means, we cannot doubt of his success. His art 
and labor are evident and unquestionable ; but the source of that 
light of criticism, which directed them in this instance, is not easily 
to be ascertained. 

I have attempted to show that Dionysius is the earliest writer on 
this subject, and shall now attempt to show, with still less hopes of 
succeeding, that Virgil was not enlightened by his criticisms. We 
know that Dionysius came into Italy on the conclusion of the 
civil war, in the middle of the 187th Olympiad, or about 7SS4 U. C 
. 30 A. C. i and that when he had lived at Rome twenty-two years, 
and made himself master of the Latin language and antiquities, he 
began his work upon the latter.^ Servius tells us that Virgil wrote 
the Bucolics when he was twenty-eight years old ; and Donatus 
s»ys, that the Bucolics were written in three, the Georgics in seven^ 
and the JEneid in twelve, years ; but as their authority has been 
thought insufficient to establish these dates, I shall only assume as 
certam, what, I believe, has not been qi^estioned, that he died in his 
fifty-second year, A. C. 19. U. C. 735. Now, if it could be 
proved that the Antiquities were written prior to the treatise on 
composition, it must folbw that Virgil never read thef latter workf 

' Polyphemus, AchiileSy M%is, 

* Sect. III. Chap. xvm. Elements of Criticism* 

' Antiq. Eom. 1st book, 6th page, Sylb. ^d. Photius, 83d Cbap. 

Versification^ Ancient and Modern. 357 

as he died about eleyen years before Dionysius began the former. 
But, unfortunately, I have not been able to ascertain the date of 
this treatise/ and must consequently confine myself to conjecture. 
The fact of Dionysius deroting twenty-two years to the study of 
a foreign language, and to the collection of materials for a long and 
laborious work, allows us to infer with much probability that hfe 
left Greece before his fortieth, and perhaps soon after his thirtieth 
year. Now there ate some passages in this treatise which savour 
of age rather than of youth, for he addresses the Rufus, to whom it 
is inscribed, and whom Lindenbrogius calls his son, in the language 
of Homer, as his dear son, 

A5>piv Toi xeii eya, rlxvov ^/X*, rouro BfScojui, 

a quotation which presupposes a considerable difference of years 
between the two persons: Rufus, moreover, had arrived at man- 
hood;^ Dionysius promises him another treatise if the Gods should 
preserve his life \ and it appears that he was then teaching rhetoric 
at Rome.' There is, therefore, presumptive evidence for conclud- 
ing that this treatise was written in that city, and that the writer 
was advanced in years. 

Since, then, Virgil, as was mentioned before, died A* C* 19, or 
about eleven years after the arrival of Pionysius, he could not have 
profited by his criticisms, if these conclusions are valid. There 
IS, however, one reason* for supposing that they were written at art 
earlier period, which nvust not be omitted. 

' It was written before De ad. vi die* Deiii.,as it is twice referred to in tha^ 
work. Mr. Mitfbrd says, in his note upon the funeral oration of Demos- 
thenes, vol. 8. p. 464.: ''Dionysius himself, and all other Greeks, and their 
fathers and grandfathers, h«td been livin<^ under Uonian despotism. Possiv 
bly his youth might see the last convulsions of the Homan Republic, wheq 
it most despotically commanded ihc civilized world; but nu free government 
was ever within the scope of his conversaiion." If the extensive reading of 
Mr. Mitford has not enabled him to speak with confidence upon the ngc of 
Dionysius, it is not probable that other authors will succeed in their inqui« 
rics,— ^ — ^The following extract from i he Quarterly Review (No. 21, Art. 1) 
will suffice to show the slow circulation of the l)e:»t works before ihe invention 
of printing: ** Yet more to extenuate his faults, and exalt bis beauties, it is 
right to remember that Petrarch's genius was as strictly urit^tinal as that of 
Dante. In that early age of literature the inulti|4icai ion of copies was }»low 
and uncertain, and we have the authority of Petrarch hini^icir, that the ^it<xi 
work of his immortal predecessor was, to a considerabb? decree ai least, un- 
known to him until a late period of his poetical career." 

* *A^* o5 ifoL^OLyiy^^oLi eij ar^^oj TjAixiav. 4th line. 

' Upton's note upon gV ralj xaS* r,uti^av, P. 170, T»^^y,a xa. 

^ Henry Stephens opinion, as far as t can judge from the following extract, 
which I found in Hudson's edition, is not decisive : 

*' £ot igitur, qui Dionysii opera cntica et rhetorica ante Antiquitatum 
libros scripta fuisse contendunt, (quae et mea est sententia) hisce argiunentis 
uiti oportets uno, quod multae mis in illis sunt reprehensiones- queudara ju- 
venilia ingemi favorem pr«e so teruut : altero^ quod si historiam prius scr>p-> 

338 An Inquiry into Inritaii\)b 

Dionysius not only does not quote any parallel passage froai Vift* 
gil, but makes no allusion whatever to that poet \ which sems to 
prove that he was then unacquainted with the Latin language, and 
consequently that this treatise was prior to the Antiquities* To this 
I answer, that his sjlence was in unison with the conduct of later 
authors ; for Gibbon tells us,' << There is not, I believe, from Dio* 

Ssius to Libanius, a single Greek critic who mentions Virgil or 
>race; they seem ignorant that the Romans had any good 
writers." That they, who called all other nations barbarians, nei- 
ther loved their conquerors nor prized their literature, may safely 
be assumed; nor should it excite surprise if the Greeks had known^ 
alnd yet declined to notice, the merits of Virgil and Horace. 

In reading the parallels of Plutarch, we easily discern and pardon 
the national prejudice of the writer ; and few will refuse to allow, 
that, while the painful consciousness of present humiliation was 
heightened by the bitter remembrance of past glory, the critics of 
Greece were unlikely to celebrate the poets of Italy. But with 
Dionysius the case was widely different, for he devoted a large por- 
tion of his life to the illustration of Roman antiquities; and as the 
Georgics* are said to have been finished the very year of his arrival, 
it is all but impossible that Virgirs fame should be unkno^Am to our 
critic, and very improbable that he, who was paying his court at 
Rome, would have purposely neglected to notice the representative 
metre of that poet, if the Romans were familiar with its beauties, 
and deemed him in this, as in other respects, the rival of Homer. 
I, however, who have ventured to deny not only the notoriety, but 
the existence of representative metre in Homer and Virgil, cannot 
allow that Dionysius was bound to notice what the countrymen 
of Virgil overlooked; and shall leave the reader to decide the date 
of the treatise, while I attempt to invalidate its contents. 

As Homer was copied, in a greater or less degree, by all succeed- 
ing poets, their practice should afford as clear a demonstration of 
this art as the criticisms of our author ; and if we find correspond- 
ing instances in their works, the prevalency of this opinion among 
them ought not to be disputed. Dionysius says, that poets and 
historians concur in this practice; but as his quotations are taken 
from Homer alone, his assertion will not facilitate our inquiries. 
Upton, indeed, quotes two passages in Apollonius Rfaodius, which 
seem analogous to 

sisset, non verisiraile qiium Thiicydidca qiiaedam in eft imitptur, ex lis etiain 
quse imitatos esset, nonnulla postea in ipso Thucydide reprehensurum. Ne- 
que taxnen interim neguvrrim fieri et hoc posse, ut ex variis illis riietoricia 
commentariisy aliquem aiit etiam aliquos et post impositum historis fineni 

> Sdchap. 1st vol Decline and Fall. 

* V. Virgilii vitam per annus digestaui^ U. C. 724* 

Versification^ Ancient and Modem. 339 

and are as follows : 

iljoTgojSia^o/tevor tj o ea-irno Ilv^Xiois 'Apyi. 

Argon, lib. i. v. 385. 

ngofrgoxaratyhiv xolkfis oi>J§, Lib. ii. v. 596. 

But he adds, <<nullus tamen excitatur aflPectus," an opinion ia 
which, I believe, all will agree, as the trifling similarity of sound can- 
not so countervail the striking difference of meaning, as to make the 
three passages productive of one effect, and referrible to one cause. 

The Grecian authors, taken collectively, will doubtless fur- 
nish many instances, in which a faint, or perhaps a strong, re-* 
semblance may be discoverable; but this will hardly be sufficient, 
for, as the imitation of Hoitier is evident and undeniable in other 
cases, so are we entitled to expect, that the adaptation of the sound 
to. the sense shall be clearly visible ; and that the hicety and artifice 
of that adaptation shall evince the skill as well as the intention of 
the artist. In short, there must be here, as in other imitations of 
Homer, not only the use, but the abuse of art; success and failure^ 
propriety and impropriety, moderation and extravagance, must be 
found in all their various forms before it can be justly asserted^ 
diat the practice of Greece was in harmony with the declarations 
of Dionysius. 

The tragedians' and lyrists enjoyed a license which was denied 
to the epic poet. Let us seek, therefore, in their pages for the ne- 
cessary proofs, and if our search is unsuccessful, let us not conclude 
that they were unable to bend the bow of Homer, but rather that 
our critic was not warranted in his assertions. We learn, also, 
from a note of Twining, that Homer was the great and inexhaust- 
ible resource of the parodists ; let us, then, enquire whether there 
18 any reason for believing that they availed themselves of means, 
the agency of which is said to be so powerful, and which are cer- 
tainly capable of general application. If our search is again fruit- 
less, let us turn to the Latin authors, and examine the practice of 
Virgil, and the opinions of his countrymen. K. 

* I believe no one attributes the repetition of ^ in 

to a ^ consulta verborum juiKOfujviaV 

KaKO^wvix, according tic the Scholiast on Hephaestion, (p. 184.) by no 
ijuans implies harshness. 

^V oi9Ti^\ot\oiyoy i^Biy d^i (fou^ly^w etH/xo;. (Od. A, 197.) 

* The ** Non,iln*e$t rien gue Nanine n'honorg" of Voltaire is well known. 
See Clou. Joum. VoL ix. p. 580. 

340 > 


DK IJtilitate, qvm b lectione Tragosdiarum 


' In our 17^b No. p. 9. we, by tbc advice of a friendhy correspondent, 
republished " Boxhornii Oratib de Constitutioue Tragcediarum, ct 
Sapientia clvili, atque Eloquent ia ex eanim Lectiotie haurienda ;'' andl 
by the advice of the same writer, we preseat to our readers 011 Oration 
of D. Hcinsius, talceti from " D. Heinsii Orationum Editio nova," pub- 
lished at Amsterdam, l6'57. ICrao. 

Orntio de Ulilitatft qtue r l^cHone Tragesdiflrum percipiiur, tJatita, 
. attk Ehctram Sopkoclis iutinrpretaturua esset^ 

VXOR6IA8 ille Leontinus, Auditores, cui vires suas et rdtunditatem 
quandam in dicendo antiqui oratores se debere fatentur, Tragoediani 
definiebat, FaUadam, qua qui deciperet, Just tor eo qui non deciperet, 
quideciperfiur, sapientior tea qui non deciperetur, esset, Videtis breve 
yiud et argutum, quo tantopere delectabatur, dissereindi genus. Oia- 
culum autem verius, nee ille, nee Apollo DelphicuB, pronuntiavit uti- 
quam. Nam cum aspera minusque amoena sit virtutis yia, ^ui inu^i- 
tata quadam ac insolita docendi ratione et apparatu, ita jQectere, et 
quasi incantare, humanos possunt animos, ut inviti, et cum voluptate 
tamen (juadam, sapientiam sequantur, quemadmoidum prudcnter, ita 
juste infelicitati humanae imponunt, neque minus necessaria quam sa- 
lutari quadam fraude utuntur. Ceterum a tantis viris posse decipi^ , 
paucorum est : et iUorum fere tantum, qui prsestantiatn corom, si nori ' 
assequi re ipsa, mente ac intellectu sestimare ac complecfi possunt,^ 
qui cum aliquo judicio decipiuntur. Profecto equidem, quoties the- 
»tri veteris ornatum, quoties stupendam illnm opulentiam ac appara-' 
tum, iilos modos, gestus, cantus et saltaiiohes, quae extrinsecus adhi- 
bebantur, (quae spectaculorum instrumenta Aristoteles prseclare dixit) 
recte considero ; vcneficium quoddam et doctissimas pnesligia^ fnisse , 
Tragcediam judico: quibus mullo efiicacius quam legibus Soloni's max, 
ad repraesentationes Tragicas pertraberentur isti. Contra autem ipsUm 
Sophoclem in manus quotidie cum sumo, cum severam illam, graVem, 
sobriam, prudentem, castigatam, splendidam, semperque sui similem 
orationis formam, vere Atticam, sententiarum autem vel inprimis 
densitatem aestimare incipio ac pond us ; non tani liominem profecto, 
quam coelestem aliquem virtutis genium, audire videor : qui inferiora 
baecy in quibus volutamur, nunquani pede, his sordibus contamintitusv 
presserit, se<l in alto aliquo et publico theatro, vitae nostras chides ^'ac 
cahmitates observarit ac despexerit. ibi natus, ibi educatus, uni hili6 
* rei semper fuerit intentus. Cujus spectatores, uon Athenienses, sed 
bumanum genus esse oporteat: quique linguae suae gnaros, Occidenteni 
pariter atque Orientem habiiisse mereatur. Neque enim, quae ad uiM** 

D. Heinsii Oratio de iitilitate Tragcediarum. ^% 

▼erBam vftan, que ad universos spectant homines, qnwque tam divirisi 
ac severe gravitate^ ctstitate ac prudentia, de omnibus dicuntur, tam 
aogustis contiRert debuisse finibus existimo. quae ut penitus exami- 
nar«, neque nostri nunc est otii ncque instituti, ut qui linguae venus- 
tatem, mores ac antiquitates explicandas obiter atque illustrandas nunc 
suscepimus, ita nefas duco, in minutis sic hserere, ut ad ilia quae ma- 
jora sunt 9 neque animum nee oculos subinde attollamus. Nam ut 
uiagnam ac praestantem regiani, pluren si videant, ut singuli sententiam 
<le ea ferant, tabulas in ea pictor; mnros, lacunaria, ac topiaria, perittts 
faoram aestimabit, caetera geometrae, qui de proportionejudicare sc- 
lent, melius videbunt : ita cum in Sepliocle, Grammaticus, Poeta, ate 
Rhetor, singuli virtutes suas inveneruut, plus Philosophis relittquunt. 
Non de Dialecticis jam loquor: qui acute disputare quam prudenter 
mainnt vivere. Neque Physicos intelligo : inprimis eos qui in aere, in 
terrae superficie aut penetralibus cum vivant, domi et in terris pere- 
gritii sunt, non cives. Sed de parte hac, quae reliquarum imperatriic 
dicitur ab Aristotele/quie et singulos, ut homines, et omnes, tanquaili 
civeM, quid sit ^i muneris in urbe, docet. et quod longe est prsci- 
puum, sortem ac conditioneni liominum vere ac concinne ob oculos 
lectori ponit. Quid est homol umbrae somniuni, si quaeres, rcspon- 
debit Pindanis. Quid est homo ] simulacrum quoddam, dicet Sopho- 
cles. Quid est homo? ipsa calamitas, ut loquitur Herodotus. Quid 
est homol occasio miseriarum, ut Philemon loquitur. Quid est homo t 
folium caducum, ut Homerus loquitur. Quid est liomo 1 exemplute 
imbecillitatis, temporis spolium, lusus fortunae, mntationis imago, iit- 
vidiaeet calamitatis trutina ; praeteriUa,' nihil, nisi pituit8e aliquaintulum 
et bills, dicet, et jam olim dixit Aristoteles. Hoc sive animal, sieu 
-monstrum potius, cujus orbis quantus quantos est ambitionem ac lucn 
atudium non capit, fletu spectatoreni in lucem edilus salutat, neque 
oretione, sed lacrymis ao fletu primas. partes agit. quam in spem ac 
felicilatem k nature porro educatur. Prologum videtis:' mutum her- 
cules omnino, nbi quatenus vagire solet. unde et infantem baud im- 
merito Latini, nyircov dixeruot Graeci. Donee tandem • fari sensim, et 
intcrpretatione linguae, miseram conditioqem suam, nondum quideili 
expUcare (nam quis satis earn novit ?) sed fsiteri tanien incipit. Ita ad 
magistros ablegatur, quorum ferulis ac virgis patientiam indulget: 
-aaepe truculentis, saepe barbaris. nam et hie Ajaces sunt qui fiagra 
gestant, non in scena tantum. Ipterim rem agi credas. Literarum 
mrxus atque syllabarum, mox verboi:uro, discunt. Addo et, ut magno 
postea kbore disciplinas discant, prius cum majore in Unguis dih ver- 
saufeur. atque hie sane Protasis, quae prima pars Tragoediae, ponatHr. 
Sequitur secunda, plane ut in Tragoedia videmus : in qua turbae alilc 
ex aliisnascuntur. Plerique enim, simul atque ad pubertatem est 
deventam, quasi, non virorum sit ubique satis quibus otium ac liber- 
latem suam niancipare possint, insenrire foeminis iucipiunt : quae his 
Boribus ac corrupt^la, ab aetatis aimo decimo et quarto, donunae vo- 
cantur. plane id ^uod sunt, ac optimo cum jure ; non iroperiosae modo, 
acd procacei quoque nostxo vitio ac insolentes. Ibi jam ; dasidioae 
;rtM agitor ac misere. Obsidendip fores, aajutandi : molti, fduret m^ 

Q4& D. RidjamOraHo 

tiielidi : aaciHttrtuii qubque mitiis ac senFohun, diHgenter obaervaBdi 
, lis q«i ad dominas affectant viam. Adde, quod pknioqae quae amaii 
uoatro witio se didicit ac tntelleutt non miaores k- calMittate wmtm, 
quam ab opibas aut fonna sua sphritus assuaut. 

At lackrymani exclusus amatory Hmina smdc 
Floribus et urtis operit : postisque superbos 
Ungit amaracinoy eiforibus miser osculafigit, 

quodque nagis admireris, ex his vere €oBUcis ioeptiis miseriisqne, 
optima Ttagosdiarum uascuutur arguoicnta« Defuuctos isto nuilo, 
domi malum saepe gravius, foris iouumefa exciphmt. Quippe hit: nii- 
litis, iste mercatoris, alius agricolae, alius causidioi personam agit. 
quisque ita 8uaio> ut feliceni alienam existimet : fiistidiosi InsttumeB, 
et cum aliis molesti, tum sibi. Porro si quis altiora struity et amU- 
tioni pedem laxat, inter spes et vota rem cum cura geiit : id est> vigi- 
kado somniat. vd dum non consequitur quse optat, vel quod ooose- 
cutus magna, ideo oHyora jam sperare audet. •Ilk filii obitum deplo- 
rat : isle, sed cum lachrymis, moleste optat. Huic'domi est Medea, 
BOO ad faomm, ut in scena, Bed ad vitam comes. Ilium fortuna nun- 
quam melior respexit : ilium diu, sed hac lege» ut subito reliuquat ; 
interdum et ludibrio exponat. nam cum aliqui se semper miseros 
fiiisse .olameiit, louge tamen est misernmus qui samper felix fuit. 
Hiac suspiria, hinc lacbrymm, bine luctns, bine Tragfedise infelix illnd 
confliraeatumy heu heu ! quod in rita paginam utramque facit. Jam 
11 ad Ajaoe» nostros et CEdipodas eamos; propria eorum ut in soena, 
ita et in vita est calamitas. qui quot satellitibus, tot coris, tot molestib 
6tq>aiitury neque cadunt ut resurgant, sed ut semper jaceant ac depri- 
mantur. Sicut enim minima animalcula ^ loco vel altissimo, impune 
cadunt, BMyora casus quiiibet commiaait et firangit : ita sc^tia ac 
fiisoes, opes ac potentiae, et inania ista renun, ut stantibus dignitatem 
addunt, ita lapsos pondere ipso premunt et comminuunt. Partem ol- 
timam, ut in Tragoedia, ita raro invenias in vita. Quotusquisque enim 
seqectutem attingit ? quae et hie Catastrc^he vocari meietur. ultiratt 
quippe aetas, officina luctus, portus vitae nmul et calamitatam ma« 
est quam ut ornnes optant, ita nemo coasecatus, ea gaudet : optiaaa 
cum expectatur, cum advenit, oneroaa sibi, aliis moJesta. Instat enim 
diu viventibus natura. qua?, ut creditor immitis, aut danista importa- 
uus, jus suum sibi flagitat. Itaque, si nimium cuncteris, huic oculuai, 
illi dentem, illi sensum aliquem, aut omnes simul, tanqoam pignoa, 
erq)it ac toUit. ut qui modo omnia excelsa apirat, jam imago suiaut 
cadaver vivum inter homines oberret. Quanqaam fabulam u^urimom 
mors ipsa, rerum linea ac finis ultimus, absohrit : cajus macfainae> ut 
olim histriones loquebantur, plurimae/ Quosdam enim femim, quoa- 
dam mare, alios lubido propria absumit : plerosque nihil tale cogitan- 
tas» quasi h postscenio, invadit, iit non vitam modo, sed et spes in aw- 
dio abrumpat. Plenam suis pardbus Tragtadiam habetb : cujus Deaa 
eat choragus; argumentum, luctus ac calamitas; histriones, miaeri 
mprtales; chorus, foeminae et viri; apparatus, aurum et ai^gentum, 
veitisvariaB et.migao piecto condiictae : aliena oania aa aaataala. 

De utilitate Tr&gcddiarum^ ^. 343 

sttpe aiitem sublto reddenda. Theatrum est hio orbis, in quo 
homioem natura cellocavit. qui, si nos respicias, diffiisus; si iianc ter- 
rain, quaqua paifditar, angustus; si immeusam illud ^ coeluniy quod 
hanc ambit undique et invoivit, puacti iustar est. quern cum magnua 
Alexander integrum vicisset, paulo post sex pedes occupavit. Reliqua 
discordiis ac iexto haeredes divisere. cum ex iis nemo esset, qui tani 
amplum possidere patrimodium ex asse posset, quod si aliquis despi- 
oeret h coelo, forte quaereret, nee inveniret. Ite nunc, 6 histriones nos- 
triy ite, et personam suam quisque agat, ut videtur. Tu qui purpo- 
fara et sceptrura geris, qnem cum mnlti ctngant, plures timent, nemo 
non extinctum vellet, orbem animo invade : spes tuas et insanisu^ 
votorum, quantum lubet ac videtur, ertge aut extende : aliquid hn- 
mana sorte majus concipe animo ac yolve : hostem magno animo in- 
vade : militem conscribe : aciem dispone : montes maximos complana : 
latifundia et turres praestina ac cole, sed, 6 noster, finis instat, et jam 
vela sceme complicantur. Tu, cui opes contigerunt, speciosum iliud^ 
si videtur, lutum, quod choragi munere ad tempns accepisti, oculis et 
mente, quantum potes, contemf^e: hujus gratia, dum vivis^ curre^ 
rape, suda, ara, naviga, ac vigila : causas in judicio ac foro, quantum 
voce vales et lateribus, declama : orbos ac pupillos circumscribe, vi- 
duas emunge : huic denigue inservi, et divinam animse ccelestis partem, 
ipsam, inquani, rationem, rei quae nee sentit nee intelligit, submitte, 
buic penitus inhtere. aut, ne tange quidem, si boc placet : (et quis 
multis hoe placere neget 7) sed in terra alibi depone, secuturus ipse. 
Finis quippe instat fabulse, quam agis : et jam omamenta flagitat qui 
dedit. Dedit, dico ? imo mutuavit. Brevem, ut novistis, ambitum 
Tragoediae, ac strictum. Rex philosophorum ponit. noster, si aetemita- 
tem spectes, nuUus dici potest, nullum enim spatinm aut intervallum 
habet. omnia momento hie geruntur. Quod infantiam ac senectutem 
vulgo vocant, et hoc ipsum quo haec dividuntur spatinm, aut potins 
momentum, anni Platonici vix bora est. £x quo ipso somnus, tan- 
quam publicanus quidam, maximum vectigal sibi petit ; mortis fide- 
jussor quidam, et quasi auteambulo. qui quotidie nos docet id, quod 
aliquando semper est fiiturum. Haec inculcant Tragici, haec monent: 
haec cxempHs, haec sententiis confirmant. Haec in Academia eadem 
tempestate Socrates, qua in theatro publice Euripides, docebat. sed 
sublimius utroque Sophocles, plerumque et efficadns. ut qui in Re- 
publica personam egit, dux Athentensium et praetor. Vere ubique 
magnus : domi imperator pariter et foris. Haec doctnna primam ani- 
mis cum cura infigenda est : reliqua deinde et secundo loco. Quod 
in posterum fiaicturi sumus. Multum enim didicit, qui sortem suam 
ac conditionem intellexit, qui personam bene, et ut brevi aliud acturus, 
bic sustinnit : qui ex deeoro gemuit ac luxit. nisi quod hie vero ge- 
kntttt ac ejulatu opus est. Nam ut omnium PhiloBophorum scripta 
erolvatis, neminem prudlentius scripsisse judicabitis quam Heraclitus 

.■..• 344 ■■•••. - 



N©. ir. [Vid. No, XXII. p. 242.] 

Jl jERGO ad Agamemnana, nobllem illam tragoedianiy et simul tot et 
tantis mendis depravatam, ut Viri Doctifisuni vix decern versus conti- 
•guos intelligere queant. Minime igitur mirari debet lector, st qui^ 
metra et sententiam prospiciens, paulo liberius se gerat, in vulgata 
'scriptura pro libitu mutanda. Nonnunquam tamcn ilia audacia non 
modo non veniam sibl poscit, sed potius laudi^m arrogate dum locis 
plane desperatis remedium affert. Exemplum babe ex Eppdo ad fi- 
bulas initiuzn. Sic enim lego v. 140 et sqq. 

To(rov TTsg evfrcoy EvkXIoc 
•^gwii i^piKuXoi^y a-jgoviooy Aurgoy j^TraiTsi* 

SaiTOV^ VMlxioOV T6XT0v\ diTUy^VTOV 

OSS' eu^vopa' /x/jxv6f yotp ^o^sgoi 7aX/vcp<ray 
elxovofMs SoXta fjLvaiJi^uiV ft^vt^ rexvonoivog* 
Tolot^e Kak^as m /xcyccXoi^ dyoiioig aifixKciy^ev 
jUrO^ijUr' > dif 6pvi6aiV mooVy oTxoi^ ^ouriXf/oi^. 

V. 1. Aid. »^^etf x»xu. Victor.* fv^^ivv « ttmxi^ : ubi mendam alteram 
sustulity alteram pr^termisit. Dedi EmXiW. S«pe etenim permntantur 
« et tv. In Troas. 977. Aid. iv^vmf. MSS. 'A^f««. In Choeph. SOS. 
Aid. tvicltt Rob. aiilif, Dianae nomen EvxXU senratur a SchoL in 
Soph. CEd. T. 161. probante Elmsleio, et, post Brunckium, allegante 
Plutarch. Arisdd. p. 331. £. unde corrigunt VV. JDD. gl. Hesychii 
EvXaKU/^A^rtftt^. V. 4. Vulgo ifi^uuiXitr^ rt^THt rtinmii mox p06t 
^dcTfMTet sequebatur rr^dvl^y : e qua voce in sedem propriain reposita 
patet r^vrttf nasci e corrupta gL Mfrttti etenim Scholiastes habet 
;Sr^«tf^«v» «ir«v. Deinde e n^iu^ erui Xvt^m mt. Nempe Diana ab 
aquilis (f, e. Atridts) pcenam reposcit. Vox avt^m in xiy^M corrumpi* 

In Carmina Epodkoy ^c. 345 

tur in Choeph. 46. ut monnit Gahterus; qui rectms legere potent 
T/ yi^( xto'imq AvT^oy.«e4f««Td$ ff4}f • V. 5. Post i^M fttf subaudi ifuf ec 
tmV ixl^^^k post xurecfMfc^a, V. ?• £k 'itf/dy ^f )taiA«> Tretuivtt erui 'IifTtfMe- 
ttkxS TfjFXieiu Cf. (£d. T. 154. 'Iis7f AifXii 9r«<«y. Perpetuum est ver- 
bum «v«»«A^ /TTf cor. Vid. Indie. Beck. V. 12. Redde iYv{i),/2R;ia^ x 
moz Ti( excidit ob rr. £t sane in sententiis ambiguis opdnie locunl 
habet illud r<? : cf. supr. T<yflc$ : et Iph. T. 522. 548. Ion. 1311. Antig. 
7^2. Aj. 1128. S. C. Th. 408. De tij corrupto vel omisso vide 
Porson Hec. 1169. V. 13. Ita Aid. pro a^nvhfcivu, Mbx tulgo Iv- 
rJWv fTe^«» AffMf rti SUttirtit : unde erui iurit^f anc^rof &^»nou gl. est 
MTfl^v. Ezstat mA»^69 in Eurip. Electr. 310. ubi MS. tin^tf. Sixni- 
lii fere error hie peperit «Ti^«». V. 14. Vulgo rvtrcM evft^vfu Hac 
nemo intellexit, neque intelligere potuit. £z Hesychio hausi iavyxM* 
r«y« quod ezponit Lexicon ufimr»f iytv* ftn 9vyKi^ftifn»w. Nempe ludit 
^schjlus in voce »ovyx,vm : quae de vino dicta sonat non miscendOf 
de inimicitia vero non placanda : eandem scilicet metaphoram usur- 
pant Grzci in phrasi «0*Tf(a7ri$ vel «rsr«y)e; txH'^' ^^ ^^^ locutione 
adisis loca congesta Schxfero ad Dionys. de Composit. Verb. p. 38. et 
Lobeck ad Sopn. Aj. 801. qui legendo in Agam. 1244. elriftiit r '^A^y 
^/x«(f mcvrxjf conjecturam Butlero praeripuit, et inihi locum satis ap- 
turn indicavity quo mea quoque emendatio defendi possit : ibi enim 
Clytaemnestra die i tur ^mZmi aTzr^fhf m^uv plxttiy hie vero Iphigeniac 
mors dicttur esse futura origo MMtan irvy^^vrm i. e. Anr^f^in, rotuit 
quoque JEschylus, usurpata voce cervy^ortf, respicere ad metaphoram^ 
quam in v. infr. 522. adhibuit de oleo et aceto non facile miscendb. 

Offiat fioHf »^<xT«y If ff*»Ai« TT^vjrHf" 0|d^ r* etXu^d t tyxutg rmvTf xvru 
Atj^^TTttvvfT «v dtJ ^iXatf '^^wvtnirtiu V. 15. Aid. du^ cMy«^»9 vero 
proxime. Reposui •v^* tCny^cc. Noster enim de sacrificio locutus ad 
Homericum itiivo^« »inv respiciebat: ita tamen yocis etymologiam, 
scilicet ti bene et M^ maritus^ in animo habebat, ut oraculi sensum 
ambiguum servaret. 

Ibid. 477. et sqq. 

iriXiv hr\y,ii iooi yvvonKOs avv- 

/Sfljf'r ^* ^ hrriTVfiof, rig a rrginu Trgo tow ^avevT- 

o?$fv, fj T» ^6^os t<rr, ^ 4 o; y«P*v f wvaivscrai" 

xotK 6ioiJ' rig ooh irai^vog %i6avog »yav 15 

ig vflj^ayyeXttflKTiv vi- . 6 S^\vg oag^g 

oig TrrsfcoiiVTOL xao5i- rap^wTro^o^, aXXa 

fltv fyfiT .Ta;^u/tAO|Ov yvvouKOKtip' 

m>JKaya, 10 uxfov eXAurai xAso;. 

V. 6. Vice xtKfiuim reposui «f«Xf^/t«ir«f. Eadem vox restituenda. 
est Theognidi v. 223. %.%hit y «^(«^y iairt vUv KUcXtfCfiif^ iaixtv, vulgo 
(hfiXoftfASf^. V. 8. xn^nSifra est conjectura probabilis Blomfieldi in 
EtUnb, Rev. No. 38. p^ 498. qui tamcn Icctionem suam exempli» 
non munivit. At conferre poterat Orest. 874. . ofyyOft' inrri^ttwt-^ 

S^ In Cormma Epodka 

Soppl. 89. fi0H ^* imwn^7. Antig. 1907* «&Hirr«y f^ ArubpL 
At. 145S. 'AiMm^f^i ««« «infii9l«# f«^ f (imk. At longe a|>tismnM 
esset A^m. 1 5S1 • ^Aftn^xi^tS ^^mrUm mMi modo probata fuisset con- 
joctara Wakefieldi legentis wtt^mkk in Silv* Crit. I. s. xxy. p. 47. obi 
plura in banc rem reperiet lector studiosus* V. 12. Vice tuxf^ repo- 
sui «xif • qna voce significatur quicquid est ponderis nnllias nempe 
wUea^ *9p%ma nuiris, JwuuSf sdniiUof litdjhs {Aaglieejiew vel Jkg^ 
Hie yero de mulierum levitate potest intelligi. V. l^* "O^ non satis 
capio. Restitui ?«#«$• Hesych. '^O«^0<— /mi^^m, ?Jyu 

Accedo ad tres Epodicos cantus^ qaam maxiine depravatos. Bur* 
neins qaidem in Tentamine de Metris .fiscbyleis eos inter systemata 
Antispastiea recenset. At» ni fallor» a vero aberravit, duin metii 
caiisa'^ unumquodqae systezna post sinciilain Stropbam et singalam 
Antistropbam iteratam esse vcduit. Alut mibi carminis esse ratio vi- 
d^tur. Quod quum nemo intellexerity neque potuerit intelltgere nisi 
versibus trajectis et verbis aliquantisper mutatis, totum cantum ad 
meam mentem emendatum exscribere libct. 

Ibid 14^7. &c. 

'Emv» fjJa rig itiw xoAAoi 
^v^ais i>J<rour wo T^lf' 

oTjo^ «'. ivrtirrp. et, 

MMfX. ot. ♦fS rU iv 8V raxu HMIX. ^. itzlp^v, ts if*w/wjj 8w- 

[Aij TffgiflSSuvo^ fuonrt xol) Si^ti- 

fMfie StfjUrVior^-^ 6 fTo-i ToLVTotXliuicr" 

gf^g (M\oi TOY ae) ^ipouar* f^fuv ly^ Kifdrog ywaixiov \(ri^in}^$v SO 

luiip areXsoToy Srvov, Sa/xevr- Kotphoh^xrov fjxo) KpetrW' 

0$ ^vKaxog eu/x«yso'Tarou ok* M ^b (r&fui riSf S/x«y 

xa) iroAX«^ rAavro; ywMKO$ hot, roD- xipaxog, l;^0goy aTetitig ixvo^ 

itgog Ywaixo$ ^ diri^Krev. 1 1 u/u.yjy ujxveiy liret^irai. 

KA* fji^rfiiv ioLvarov fMlgcof krev^ou, KA. wv 8* opiicag ffripMr^s. 

yXcoo'a-aVf 25 

TQurie fiapwttfi' rov Tc^/Aip^yoy 

ft^S' «lj *EA^yi|y x^Toy fXTp€\Joj^, ^oiifi^a ytwoii T^<r8f xixXV***''- 

i»; iv^poKirttf* eof fJi^la ff-oXXoiy 15 Ix tou y^p a^a^ ai/McroXeip^o; 

Tpcpojy 4^^; J«»««y t 6xi(roi(r ftolj* hxTpiferar irgh xareKii^ev 

apxwrraTw ofXyo; hqe^e. to iroXaioy ct^o^^ yiof !pC^?* ^ 

JCO. ySy Si nkda 9okifs;ih' nrfS)f «'v 

arrof ainyydi<re Si' ol/yi* 
ivttrrw, fn; igy 

IpiS oiafMcro; 55 

JEtckyka Commentarim. 


BMtX, a'. ^H fgiycaf oTxoi^ rotarh 

¥€l$, ^eu, ^eSy X0txoy ahw an}- 
pctf twaj eexopBOTou* 40 

io) iw dual ^to$ 

Jfo^ reXelTfti ; rl ra^ 

«u hoxpavTov hativ ; 45 

Kil. a2%ii T tlvM ToSf roZpyov 

'Ayafs^s^jLvovioiv xrtivou r^' aXt^ov* 
favTott^ifievog Zi ywMx) vtxgou 
roOS* TToiXonig ^piu,v$ i>Ji(rTcog 50 
*^Tgg»j yoXwrou doivar^joj 

TSA£0¥ y (t^v mg tTuVwrotg, 

JFO. /8a<nXeu ficurtXimv w&g at ^oatpwrm 
^^fvo; fx ^fXfa; ; rl tot' sTtm (TOI ; 

ov^otfjL iXtvtipov oifnoi OavaroVy 

/3ioy ^xTVSfloy 

diTt^l iroTftxp, 

oTjfcoi xoiTflty 

rayS* aygXeute^wy^ 

jUbJOf ^ SoA/tt Safu}( 8x 

flc/uu|p^ayo0j ^^ovr/SoJy 
ina/saiMg [/Lep^^fiv, %ra rp avoo- 

HMIX. fi. dg fOv Aifmli^ ^ 

ro98ff ^tfyov, t(; 6 fMtgftVf^ 56 

<roov ; 9rw^ tcov fraTgit9¥ yt cruXX^* 

rcD^ yevotr av iXaortap ; 

Xiaj^rrai $* h^ofrnropohg 

mppoaia'i¥ alfuirwv 

fi^iXag ''Apfis' 6 Toiig 60 

(Tfr yap, vpofiouvcov Xa^Vf, 

xiip\ fiooav Ttapi^ir 

KA. £oe yoLp q3to; $oX/ay flKnjy 

oTxoio'iy l$i}x'* 

aXX', Ijttoy Ix rouS* epyo; a^icy^ Ci5 

T^y ToXuxXauroy dva^tm. igdcrag 

i^iA mitr/wtj [MfiapJ ey "^ijo^ 

p^eyaXav^slTfsr ^i^oStjXijTip 

TwSf yfy«<r9» 

iavaTcp Tia-Uif^tairep l/?$fir. . 70 



/yivfix *' 

fSMifTtlTvonog oTxou* Se3oix« 8* OjXjSp- 

ou XTCiiroy 

^ui^o'^aXij roy ai/uuK- 85 

n^ov* 4^fxa( xfxXiiyf. 

Six])y 8* fir' afXXo wfSr/[Ui 

tqyfff /3Xaj3i}f vpo; aXXoi; 

A}yayai<ri ftoi^a. 

JTO. £ ya?, 17$* ?/ui' itii^flo, irpiy 
S8«y 90 

ifyvpfyrol^ov tfolrag 

dvrtarp* */» 
HMIX. ff. imtag ?xfi rS^ dm* 

iicfidya 8* fori xplveu' " ^f ff « 
(ffcpoyr', ^^ ^ JOO 

ixrfyci S* 6 xalvoov" /Myii l«/4i; 

XS^^ ^iO( iTfldffiy roy 

Sg^Mfra' iio-ftiov yip 

t/; dv ywdv j^v 8^ 105 

tt»ylxj3aXoi; xfx^AXi^ 

Tdci y^yQ^ ir^; xr^og. 

KA' otf o-e vpoo^xfi re ^hji^ 

TouTO* vpo^ i^/Awy xJvirfO'* 

348" In Cwnma ISfddika 

jy <r4 To8* Ipj^oi TXijtrei xrtWwr' aXX* 7<J)iyf wia viv mhtwIw^ 

ivB^ Toy auTij^, 95 iuyin^q, cis x§^> 

«voxdoxu<rai xpyx^v, axotpti^ varig* oivrui(rctaa irjoj eiKuxopov 

X^piv art i&yoav flro^djxewft* a;^8C0y 

{uyoiKm eiilxoo$ mx§avou ; ir«p) %§ »gf ^ot^iowra <f>iXiJ(r€i, 

JCO. waj y eiriTWft/3ioy i yx'^Jj y': 

alvoy 1^' av^^) 9ei- 

aXXwv Iv aXijdc/- l^O 

V. 3. Vulgo fM« rtif ^•Ji^Xekf r*i fFAtv «-4AX«f. Voces repetitas reject. 
V. 7. h iiM. Bumetas delet ». V. 8. «TtAfvT«y analogic oppugnat. 
Emendavi iTiXfarov in Append. Troad. p. 135. A. V. 11. /S/m delen- 
dum jassit H^rmannus. ^litat est verbum mtransitivum. In Soph. 
Trach. 1043. corrige iclMo'tfy ixvinrn fu^m tov i*kxtw ^Unif, vice ip^ivms, 
V. 16. Vice #f}(wi> quod abandat post «y}^«Afrfi^» reposui T^fMrr. 
Cf« VirgiL ^n. ii. 51^. Trapce et pairice communis Erinnys. SciL 
Helena. Cf. et Eurip. Helen. 38% r« Tt v«o' )^ i^xivi A^^iirN' i}^ 
f§v( r* 'A;^Mvs. V. 1 7. Vulgo «(^<n:«r«9. ^uod nemo tntellexiL Dedi 
Ai»vTTmT$9 : cf. supr. 1S77. yrnft^mit u^KvcrtLrtu V. 22. Non bene 
Graecum Url rmfULXH — rt»hU, L^gi potuit 4br«: Vid. Musgrav. ad 
Trbad. 527. Sed lingua postulat nominativum ; neque suum r<$^ 
yecte dictum, -Eschylus rejiclet. V- 25. Vulgo yf&fuif. De permu- 
tatis yytfjKHf et y>i£(r(rat9f vide Marklandum et Porsonum ad Eurip* 
Suppl. 547. V. 26. Vulgo rh r^ivax^tffr' Scriptura manifeste prava * 
est. Reposui 9n^«Ai;^y«». Cognatam vocem vifXtx^^cg agnoscit H- 
Stephanus : de qua plura prsebet Porsonus ad HippoL 917. V. 27. 
Vu^p ii^$tfrM9 n, u LMaiun* Verba nescio quis mutavit ienaxxis scili- 
cet constructionis probatae, qua nominativus cum infinitivo,.]^ im- 
perativoy conjungi solet. Vid. Koen ad Gregor. p. 198. Elmsleium 
Edinhu^h Rev. No. 34. Feb. 1811. p. 493. V. 28. '£» r»v yi^ i^ 
t^futrl>4t%H Nf/(fi v^i^trm w^tf x€tr»?^tit. Hxc mazime depravata 
alii aliter corrigere sunt conati. AlfiArlxuxfii debetur Stanleio, qui ci- 
tat T. supr. 837* ''A^dv sXi<|fv atfiaroi rv^ttmtov, De fui^at ad versus 
initium eliso vide Porson. ad Phcen. 1622. Loco ibi citato adde frag- 
mentum Incerti apud Stob. R. N. p. 12. Gesn. et Soph.C£d. C. 1219 
ut aKbi fotasse ostendam. 1546. et V. 32. <«9niy|«rf Sunlesus» vice ' — 

4 jvw.^ V. 35. Vulgo %^ti i^dfutros «9^(«f • Literas i^« male omissas ss^ 
plevi et^ iftmrof effinxi «^«^«r«f : mox le^^i^^pro «f)^'f. Idem er- 
ratum correzit Piersonus ad Moer. p. 275. et ipse in Append. Troad. p. 
160. De fraude ovis aureo vellete et malis inde in Atridas illatis 
perlegas omnino Eurip. Orest. 989 et sqq. " V.4I. Vulgo imi. Ipse 
iim Toctm JEschyfeam reposui. Vicl. Blbmfield. ad Prom. 166. ia 

Mschylta Commentarim. 349 

dossario. qui tamen in v. 5S4. non bene tuetor Aim9vt Jknak xmi 
hcfvYYdw : cum exhibeat Robortellus scr^turam vero prozimam »»} 
/SMtf : lege xmx ^Ui i. e. juei i» : even in spite of Jove : de phrasi Ik /9/«c 
cf. Phlloct. 563. 94sS. et 985. in quibus omnibus l» fiietq idem sonant 
atque fit* ; et saepe dicitur fiU rtihi aliquo invito. V. 46. Vulgo tiv^uu 
Repdsui ttlij^u r • ut in sententia copulis juncta paiticula negativa, quam 
posterius membrum exhibet, in priori quoque subaudiretur. Cf. Troad. 
485. et Aristoph. Av. 694. a Musgravio citatum. V. 48. Vice iImi 
rosttiifesto legendum KTunti. V. 53. £ rihuf put^Mf erui nXiUt y H^i H^ : 
ad historiam supra dictam de ove respicit Clytxmnestra. V. 55. Vul- 
go u syllaba deficieiite. Atticum iHtt sspe librarii corrumpunt. In 
V. supr. 520. *'A>iii Tru^ti SM^«ir^^oy ix$i{ am^a-$69 nescio quis in Q,uarterly 
jRev» No. VI. p. 393. restituit iH' : et sic leeitur in marg. Ask. teste 
Butlero. Adi quoque Lobeckum ad Soph. Aj. 611. V. 56. 7r£y ^S. 
in marg. Ask. ezstat trJ;, «-«(. Dedi 9r«( t«v. V. 58. Vice fiiJi^wm 
reposui Xtd^trM. Hesych. Ai«^i<« nt^tuvtt. Cf. supr. 1436. tfrsn^ & 
0w7iifiu y* Mx,9£ ^(jfy hetfuUnrat. sic enim lego vice «vy-«rv;g«. V. 60. 
Vulgo •x«i )c xMt—^d^im »«v^oj8o^«. Ipse dedi • v«% ot y<^#— Ai^;^9«i 
««#» ^«^r. Quam facile mutentur «• et d patet e notis Marklandi adl 
Ipn. AI 140. quod ad %m} et ya^ vid. Porson ad Phoen. 1495. Moz tr^o- 
/StffMvp Atf^Mt redde provectior habendus propter barbam crescejUenu 
Deinde m^i fi^^t exponit ipse ^schylus in Eumen. 302. 'Afttifutrf, 
/Binei^Mi imftiuny (mtet necnon Suppl. 628. fiUtaiftti vnfurK. V. 66. Gl. 
'l^fyfWMif expuli. V. 69. H«c basis Anapxstica olim sedem habuit 
^te •vK ytk^ •Sr^f. V. 70. Vulgo rW «^ nAf* At non sibi invicem 
opponimtur riwut et a^i^t verum rintt et Muf. Cf. infr. 103. «-«Mf 
i^fw et qu« Stanleius ibi attulit. V. 72. Deest syllaba. Supplevi 
#M. V. 74. Hie versus vulgo sequitur /hXtfint sic mutatus •H' anxA^ 
4uw. Reposui .£schyleum nidf*,* *%Mv^ — : adisis Bruncki\im ad Pers. 
429. et Blomfielduth in Prom. 535. V. 76. Dedi irir^ vice 4«Mr«« 
Eandem var. lect. ediibet X. IL 334. in Troas. 778. V. 82. Pro ivt«. 
XtifAUf metrum et sensus postulant mireixttfMf' V. S6, Male reposui 
4iMK »s»Aiiyf vice 4^«m; }i Xiiyfi. Redde gtUta cessavit, Etenim ^»f 
est gutta cujusltbet liquoris : hie pro sanguinis scil. Agamemnonis 
exsanguis. V. 100. Vulgo ^i^ti ^i^trr : qux nemo expedivit V. 
J 01. fimt ^t( iin^ erui e ^i/kmi i* fiifinrr^i. Cf. ^schyl. SuppL 443. 
MtPf « xh} '^*^^ 'OfMiu $if*if. Mox iitTf — Ami est idem fere ac Qwp 
iMrrm in Hipp. 1432. necnon Li^t ^?i9fTcs S. C. Th. 617. V. 107. Jn 
ir^oml^tfi hasreo. Reposui tpW v^^i, V. 119. Vulgo iamr^v i sed 
amat^schylus U/Jm mitto* V. 121. Inserui ^^«mv quod facile omitti 
poterat propter ^^tvati. 

Ad Choephoras accedo. Cujus fabulse duo carmina Antistrophica 
olim feliciter suis numeris restitui in Class, Joum. No. IX. p. 22. 
Verum male Epodum distribui, dum voces fiikri 'inirmxxm resecui ; sic 

rif X«^n^ W- 
kivTOv Sfoya 

950 . In Camwia Epodica 

Melius vero rem gessi m ejusdem Diarii No. XIII. p. 168. ubi &S8II8 
sum me nihil aut parum in Epodis emendandis proficere posse. Nunc 
autem metro reperto sensus quoque se prodit. Lege igitor y. 79S 

'Evsl viv luyeof f^ag hr(fSo$ » . 

voiv ajMi\p6i;. 
Vulgo »m rjfiir)A vmxif^ifivd H>Mf. Quoties «J post xJb<m exddere 
soleat, exemplis monet Porsonus ad I^. T. 1396. De pcrmularis 
^iA«y et (p/x*»» ipse dixi ad PiDmethei Epodsm I. Vide Ciamcul Joum. 
N0.XXIL p. 243. 
V, 830 et sqq. 

Jle^eoDg r opyag o-Toyijf- 

gy ip^h oig evvoV 

rciis f imo x'h^^S tjS«1j, riv oSrm t iO 

isM; sr^euro'ooy x^pnaig ig f/Jgou. 

V. 5. Vulgo Afmhf ^^^mmrttf. Dedi S^tv Mt ir^Ji^wm* Stimliter ifi 
Hec. 7B5. super Hm Mosq. i. habet $i«v^ : unde orta e«t imh^ lectSe 
quam Aug. i. exhibet. Mox rectius dicitur v^vtm ;^«(<nc; qum 
5rg«jr^«<rrti» : cf. Eurip. Ion. 36. et 896. V. 7. Pfo Xtnr^ii reposui otim 
y«(«$. Excidit 0- ob literam prsecedentem in voce h^^ et rvyn^ 
rix distat a Xvmi^atq : quod Codices fortasse exhibebant. De pennu- 
tatis r et A, et y et or trita sunt omnia. V. 8^ £x iti^hf olim erui 
iy^M f^^i : nunc malini fi>»Mi^i. 

In Eumenidibus sicut in Agamemnone Bumeius Antispastica tria 
syvtemata repetenda esse jussit ; qui rectius disponere potiiit v. 3S8b 
et seqq. 

Carmen iUud iteratum exstat ad finem strophas et Antistm- 
phx : cujus rei nullum aliud exemplum nunc temporis reperiet 
lector studiosus; qui bene reponet breve carmen ad finem prseonlis 
sjstematis Anapaestorum, »c legendum. 

*Em\ Se ru; rehfjiivco roSe (jAkog 
vetgeiKO'jra iroiqoi^opoi ^pevHaKig 
vfLvog ^<r 'Egivvuatv 
dicTfutog ^fe¥&v d^op^ 

rig fipoToiirvi. 

Vulgo Ug : restitui ^r' : tteaim verbmn desidcratur : mox t$Mk nemo 
intellexit. ^schylea' est vox ctmtis : Vide annotfUa ad Fers. CI. JL 
No. XXII. p. 246. 

^schglea Commtnttmus. 








[Ji^s^ela-OL Kap' 


^(ot$ araXoif/^ 

ov p^flovl 





rl psfctt ; ysvof/x' av 


WcoiO'TOf w-oX/raij* 

e7roL$ov CO 

ft,iyoL\i Toi 

VVKT0$ aTijxoTrsySe?^ 


'/» ICO $eoi 

vsaoregoi 'jrotXeU' . 

•u; vofMvs xoiinnrourBwi§ 

xax X*?*" elkt^f' hyw ^ A- 

TifM^ alavri ^oLp- 

vxoTO^ sv ya yah e- 

ffx Se ToO Af- 

drsKVos, CO S/xa, 
^l5oy siTKrvfji^ivog 
'fiporo^fipovg Xii?Cl9otg h 

V. 4. Vulgo uxta-^ (uv. At literae i^v, hlc metro incommpdse 
in ifM inutatx reponuntur post rfSf, vice ^(v. V. 5. Vulgo i^ ima^im : 
qux scriptura, nisi vehementer erro, nascitur e gl. cum veteti lectioae 
iBommixta. Ipse ^schfleum nittni restitcri: restituendum quoqiie ▼• 
S33. m^i^jfuatfi iticuin fi^criSf vice «ve»« : quam vocem per it^vyn inDer* 
pretatur Brunckius ad Simonid. Fragm. i. 20. ubi lege mMi* t' ij^* 
V. 6. Deleto ^%vy dedi \(ui m Uf, Libri i)y i«w. Nostram scripturam 
i^xponit illud Terentianum omnem iram evomam. V. 12. Lribri U^t^49f 
MSS. forusse ivV«(«v. i. e. Ivtr^^^u In Troas. 616. Aid. ^p^/uvuu^*, 
.MSS. }Mrf^««r«. V. 18. Pro 
bon ; nisi quis h delenckun malit. 

835 et sqq. 

'EjXff icaAuv Ta5e y*, . 

Ifui TTotXaiS^goV' 

a xaru yoiv olxslvy 

ar/erov (jlIo'os 4 

^vEco TOV fiivov; aTrxvra xirov 

V. 4. ^v0^ contra mcti'um. Rcposui ^7(nf. Res pro persona. 
Cf. Heracl. 52. v. 5. Vulgo t«« jiaiW ««rwfT« « . V. 6. Vice vAwj^f dedi 
9rAi5/ : idi Porson, ad Hcc. 820. V. 8i «f i iteraii. Vide Seidlenun 
de Vers. Dochm. p. 278. 

Tandem est ventum ad Stxpp!ke$. E dumetis loci maxime per- 
plexi mihi viam tali fere ratione expediam. 

£ V. 832. usque ad 842. nihil nisi lacunas et mendas video : idem 
dictmn puta de v. 855, 6 ; et 865 et sqq. leliquos sic dispono. 

843. rrf. a . iyryrrp. rf. 

KHPra. SotJ<r6' hA snQtrtk XOPOS. i iroXualfUsv 

Ddevi fnm gL W)cii wXtmiftm. 

metrum postulat quadrisjUa- 

V.~2S. Vulgo >«0Tv;^f. 

dv eut. 

itrtrx£Xxff,oi: irag* ou$ey ^pav SoXoi. 

352 Bentim Emendatianes Inedita 

S$0. <rrf. fi>. 86 1 . amarf. ft. 

hTtroavfcus riv* oij3;«y a-' v£fta jSporoio-i rsfa- 

moz moz 

JKH. Tt iflrir'* «VflwroAo5cr« /Sijpt # # • # # 

Arte' ISottvov* x/ff S* s; Uqv. TroXkot. tgotig H jxar«i** Itr 

# « * * * 

i}^fMveug TroLXetfueus, 

Hec prozima non axnbitiose persequar. Lector ipse, si ydit» nos- 
tram scripturam cum vulgata eonferre poterit. Id unum moneo qaod 
J/9(«y reddi debet per ir«XA«»i}y. Vid. Suid. V. Quod ad tvimfuu^m^ 
cif* Troad. 27S. £vMi/t««yi^f ^m7i» a-iv. 

V. 874^ et sqq. Hos versus omnes in Antistrophica carmina dispo* 
^ui in Class. Joum, No. VI. p. 416. 

Mirum fortasse nonnuUis esse videbitur, -quod JEschylus et Etui- 
pides se tot et tantis vinculis obstringi vellent, quse Sophocles sibiim- 
poni indignatus fuit. Inter hujus enim carmina Epodica viz tmum 
itque alterum reperies ad' eandem regulam exigendum. Profecto 
cquidem me nescire fateor quare Tragici inter se tantopere dissenti- 
ant. Scio tamen ab Aristophane legem esse, quam detezi, servatam> 
iEschylum fortasse et Euripidem irridendi causa. Venun alio for- 
tasse tempore de Comici carminibus anquiram. 

JEtons Dabam^ 

Kalend. Jun. A. S. mdcccxv. 


No. IV. [Continued from No. XXIIL p. 111.} 

In Equites. 
4. Lege tVe^jpijcnr e Schol. At vid. Suid. in El^^^w «t "'ffp^ 

0. wtMfT»ii9f \OkifMrot> vi^tf Suid. in Swttf})dei». 

18. Suid. Kofji,^wgimx»g optime. 

^. dele reov. 

J8. Aid, iroffiy [Vid. T. Kidd. ad Porsoni Miscell. Crit. p. 37 1.] 

in Aristophanefk. — Equites. 353 

. 4d. leg* irvvxlri^^ [aic MSS. 3. et SchoL] 
49« Suid. in Koo-xvAjWrflrr/oi^ [habet] Koa-KvXfjLetrloig rurl : lege Ar* 
TOiff'i ab irru ut Sraio-i in v. 755. [Vid. P. P. Do^Ri£UM in Porso- 
ui Miscell. Crit. p. 390] 
. 55. Suid. in M&t^a [hapet] ix IliXov — irapaSfeiikdv'^'aiT^if. 
.59. Hesych. Bug <r/yijf , /tojo-/inj j : vid. v. 447. 
62. voielreu Suid. in MpfULKMwiiTX. 
7 1 . lege avuo-avre. 
. S6. Scaliger fiovXiii<rotlfji>eda [sic Br. tacite.] 
89* "AKviies ; oiros K^ovv^urgoXrigouov el. Sic pungendum. male 
Scaliger "AKntig ovrws' forte MXij Jsj ; ouTanr) xpovoj^urpoX^goiov •!, 
ut Plutarch. [De Liber. Educand. ii. p. 13.];^povrfXi}j^j [ubiH. 
Stepfa. voluit xpov6Xviqo(] vel ''Akndeg ; outoctV xfiovoxwTj«X>jftaiov fl ; ut 
X^;m$ XijjtAaiv [idem sit atque] KgoviKols ^i^eus Xij/xavrej in Pint. 
581. vel "AXf^ies oStoj c5 xpovo;^uTpoxV*»J' ^ vid. Achat. 556. Ran. 
864. Vesp. 1403. Av. 174. ib. 1048. 
93. Kplvova-r Etymol. in Olvog. 
103. Xf/;(a}y Etymol. in 'ETriWo-ra. male. 
* 107. fX/ eXxi. Aid. 6X8 X ^^xf : vel leg. JSpfi x J^* • ^i^- 
U84. S^ff m) melv. Vesp. 1 130. "Exe—^u) f*^ XaXiT. 
lai, ♦ijo-jy lege ^ii<r [sic 195.] 
124. SifXP^To Athenaeus xi. p. 460. 

134. uviip : lege ui [sed melius DoBRiEUs in Monthly lUv. 
Append.V.lii.p.522. avay^gfTfgajcollatov.infr. 328.] 

136. fo. 6 Ha^Xfltyooy. semper enim hie primam corripit. [Sic 


164. In Schol. ^a) yoig eip^us tou Xaou : leg. fXtow : cf. 152. et 
1®. et Hesych. V. 'Apxi^S--^,^^ «^»«' ^cg. iXioS. 

165. lege nvtfxii. [sic Kust. in Not. et MSS, 3.] 

167. In Schol. AouKavng^(riTii(ritg—iii¥ xei XsuxwrrpM ^ xtfpyij* 
adscripsit Bend, [ex Hesychio] Aaltrmg xwy«i8«j, Wpyi). quod pro- 
pius accedit ad o-ir^o-ti^ 

174. Seal. Xai^rfiiva : Vide Palmer, et ad 1300. 

175. Cf. Av. 178. [Vid. ad 1 160.] 

187. Mdior altera lectio apud Schol. 31roy. Vid. 1215, 6. Av. 
1616. Pac. 888. [Plura habes apud Porfcon. ad Androm. 651. 
Advers. p. 225.] 

Ibid. leg. XsXoyyfit^y sed cf. Pac. 591- 

103. lege 8^. [Causam non video.] 

208. lege tirff I 'f [sic, ni fallor, Elmslbiits.] 

209. leg.TOu/3yf)<r«irrou''H8nxp«T^wy. ^ 

419. fias. airayra tA vplg iroXiTi/flty : dele to. [Sic MSS. S.J 

238. leg. h^ hem [sic MS. Rav.] 

242. leg. ir«p«yiyf<r0f [sic Bruock.] 

245. 4|«.o3 ir;xof»fMVwy. leg. ifw5 ViKtifUyoy vid. p* 17. [noniilf 

Bentkii Hmendaiitmes iHkditdt 

telligo quid Bentleius vept.] et v* 266. awmwlrt : M 1^. ir^- 

-«69.Jpse SchoLlegebat ^yxvkifrar. mate. FVid. VV. DD. ad 

Iph.T. 1408.] . \ 

263. ly«oXii^iH^ Sutd^ in 'Ayx^f^rfMi, et '£>e•Aii31Je^«^ lege 
iveKoK^fioia-as ex Hesychio. Vid. et #CoA>j|3«fffy et KoXoijSi^eiv. Ego 
malim evexoXd^gia-ets. Vid. Heiych. Kiykafiplfyi¥. Sed xoAij/So^rftv 
ut xugij^atwy V. 272. [Brunckius quoque hexoktfieureig.] 

Ibid. In Schol. ^xoXof] lege xrfAa^•^ « fj^u^g ^eaito^ StiJ*. sed 
vmL lltfsjch. ill 'EyMMX^/SflKre. 

Ibid. Sibpi. ^t;g/5erai.] leg. ayxuo/ferai. 
. ^70. (U(r«n^i Sui,d. in 'IVigp^erati. Sed forte vcwnrfoe/. 

27i. «l y Sxaa/y^ yt Suid, in Rvfy^^iirn. [MS. Rar. Ijy r i^- 


• s;?. Cf. Tbeam. 100. 

287. lege 0-6 [sic Brunck. e Prisciano. p. 234. fol. vers. cd. Ald.' 
=1187. Putsch.] ^ . 

292. lege vel h ifC vel ^% |tt' [et sic MS. Bav.l Etymol. V. 
Xnotplu^AMTCBiy habet *l^ Ijice [necnon Suid. V. '^(rxrte««ftuxr/ ] 

300. fo. <f)ay«» 'yiS. vjd. Achar. 827. vel o-e yt fj«y«. vid. Ath; 
914. xaf (re ye <fam: immo <^«/yeo: cf. ibid. Ql?. fereirfle 4)«/yeif. 
Athen. ui. p. 94. D. '^p*(rro$ayijj h 'Iinta<n, xat in 4)ifro iStiutteu' 

303. cTTf.a'. 881. (iyrierrp. «'. 322. erp. /S'. 396. iyTicrfp./T. 
[»ic Hermann, de Metr. p. 189.] '^ 

304. dele xa) xixgaxru toO. 

- 312. leg. ^y iiio» Suid. 'Avotxexi^y^Hoi. 

319. Bas if«l yj j/« ^i^^ To5r'»p«r,. Aid. x«) delet. Scribe 
xj^e ijy J/a [et «c Kuster.] vel x^i' ilpour,, y* Af [sic Porsbn. 
rtm: Hec. p. xlv.] * ' *■ 

S?5. deleTf»y [sic Hermann. 1. c] 

327. •/wo'Sa/toj Suid. in Aitfierai. [monuit idem Kuster.l ! 

330. Tape<rT« l?A«^] lege ^«pe'A«»y JJjXo^ Vid. Schol. [MSS. reo- 
tius TTctpeig-tJ] *- 

l^'qf^ ^ ^^^^^^^P^^ versa TTMfovpyU deleto fc^. [sic 

338. oi5 pi jr : dele otJ [sic Hermann, de Metr. p. 163.] 

339. jyo, <r od : lege <r' iyiJ o6 [sic Brunck.] 

340. eg. vipes Trioeg irp^s : [sic-MSS. 4. et Junt.] 

NEius MorUhly Rev Sej^^^^ p. 253. A^ye^ ^a^/oy aot;.] 

?57, x«) ]\rm7«jf T«pif«. Cur hoc i cum Nicias et Demosienes 
hic ab ejus partibus stent, for x«J <r<Hx/«y t«j««, : nt Vf^sp. 229. 

2rr T'^- A l^ ^^ ^*^** eiolescenti Bhetore rid^^Ek^cl. 
4«8*%pi«j IVii^fl,, Athenwa jk 94. in utroque loco agnoseit Mx£«y. 


m Aristopfumem. — Bquitei. 355 

[nfeeaoB Piutofdi. in Nick p. 525. citatus a Kuatero.} 
359* lege fM¥ov. At jxovo; Suid. in U^/frai. 

365. lege xafji^i y eXxf toStov i{wrc^ cXxjj^ vel x«/i« y «Xx' ?w«p. 
369. In Schol. o-miJLaTos] leg. UffjMTos, 

366. €^q» 469* ^vrirr^. 
373. leg. wftffiifmtt. 

384. leg. o^x if ^v. Vid. Schol. [sic MSS. 4.] 
388. leg. loLv [sic Briinck.] > 

39s. S«id. in 'AfM^w^h habet xfywui : an leg. yAfex«T«i : sed 

Po6?iiTM idem in 'A^eajsi. 

399. In Schol. legft Bend.'ilXX' ifPfltv«Tpi4/«i ^wA.op»/y^il^ tov 
X^ov Uqmqor exeivo$ %po$ higUv Y^vaix' tp^av T4v wo» xftx«( tWn 

400. MogirtfM) Suid. in K«8wv. at Mogo-.'/tMf in Mojcifwr- 

405. Schol. Trmioici'ntfif. At w^^lwjf Suid. in'il «p5 Taw«e. 

406. xa) miojya S^. Suid. Hir4Ma»Arflt« in '12 wtpl irivr* e SUioL 

yg. T«iav/<rai ^ ija-JlvT* i^ vouoov itrou [ut duo MSS.] 

Ibid. Antiphanes apud Atben. p. 508. "EnrMu ff^lh 
ianipYMtofuvvoy Torircov irsf«v*jj tov TtkufMim fM^ tJv Ilcumifa f^y/t 

410. (jM^oiigtioDV Pollux X. 104. 

41$, 3. Suid. 'i49rojXflty8«Xia^ 

417. 6f«T «p« Suid. in Nimx^^^' 

419. to. delend. (og : vid. 455. [sic Porson. Pmf. p. xli-J 

420. In Schol. &vi«fA y' [Vide Porson. Adtcrs. p.^ S3, ct ajq.] 
422. lege Ko;^coya dualis numeri. Mesych. Kc^ma. ri Irvia. 

Sed vid. 482. [unde patet Bcntl. voluisse rit$ wi%f9m quod MSS. 
3. habent.] 

Ibid. leg. Airwftvwv [et sic Brunck.] 

426. leg. mwpxus [sic Brunck.] 

428. Cf. 757. , . ^ , - - 

433. In Schol. fo. Ei oW ixtrng [atqui vera lectio est lfM9 C. 

Vid. Archiloch. Fragm. xxviii.] 
435. yff deest in Frob. 

Ibid, lege xoixUg [quasi voluisset Bcntl. xa) atlxi«j.] 
Ibid. In Sdlol. ad iV(frov scripsit. *' Stulte interpretatur IVorof. 
nam Caecias a Solstitio sestivo flat. Hinc autem, quod x«x»a^ w«- 
pcoSf I poeta, Salmasii error arguitur qui xmxUs scribit rvrpturuXXa- 
B&< in Notis ad Solinum.*' , t^ 

Ibid. Ad fincm Scbol. Kix' I?* cOriv JfXx«y »5 6 K«mt«f fi*of • 
443. fo. &XiTriga>v Soph. [CEd. C. 368.] 6t Sujd. m AJar^fm* 
463. leg. »f ami [sic Brunck.] 

469. fo. aSi* : vid. 499- 

470. leg. fuvco/AVUTi [sic MSS. 2.] 
501, leg. wpi<rxfTt{nd. ad Nnb.] 

S56 Bentleii Bmendationes Inedka 

505. In Argumento Nubium sic habetur *HvayKeil^ Xt^^rra^ k% 
w^$ri SeotTpov [sic Porsonus in Maty's iier.^MisceU. Crit.{K 
«8, et Prsef. p. Iv.J 

510. (og, fo. TTcoS' 

5ig. In Schol. Barp»xis: leg. fietrgct^ls. [sic Kuster. in Not] 

524. 7reifOL(r6p<iav Suid. in Sruvig, At ireipwrupag Etjmol. in 

526. ^vf/.Toa-hii Suid. in 'A^iP^ia. 

53], In Schol. yix^o-p. Suid. ^e ^^^^^ in Kotrng fUioa'Of, 

535 » viiJiMs Suid. in Srvf€\i<r[Mvs. 

541. leg. Tour»y oSv [Itai MS. Rav. Kustenis youv probaate 

543. Suidas 'AiroirifjLi^ar^ if' t^xot : an leg. iretfoariii^'ifen'i f Mf- 
x« : at Suid. '£4^' li^exa. 

549* 7ffira>v : leg. ^Xwv [iiri£tf/a;ti97i ; vid. Schol.] 

559. In Schol. fjL&pov : Ala. fwdov. 

561. Seal. 7Fap§(rrog. 

566. leg. KoiiTis [sic Porson. Maty's Rev.zzMisc. Crit. p. 34.3 

567. '^ leg. 'HgifM^^iv ut Suid. MStus. ubi codd. vulgati 4p%^ 
o-ffv." Lud. Kuster. 

569. rolr exhibet Suid. in * Aw^'^fr&iMiv et S^mHicrmiML. lege 

577. In Schol. Suid. in SThrfyii habet (MS* iorly tfur^- 

580. fo. leg. toXj— T«if . 

597. x^l ante o-x^^Sa deest in Athen. xi. p. 483. D. 
. 602. leg. jxrr^ay [sic MSS. 2.] 

605. leg. 1^ [tic ed. Junt. et MSS. 2.] et similiter in Schol. 

607. leg. jx^Tf yg [sic Brunck.] 

615. leg. ffipyao-fttv' [sic MSS. 2.] vel l^ptffifm [sic HeB- 
MAN N. de Metris. p. 367.] 

616. fo. ahrftv. 

626. leg. xtitivolyrcf ^ ^uX^ S* [sic Membr.} 

627. Suid. ^mjioTpai^&^uos. 

630. leg. Toij [sic MSS. 2.] 

631. Suid. SKtrakM re xei ^w. Sed 2xir«Xoi ut Ko^aXnr Sttrmr 
Xoi etiam Hesjch. sed foite S^fuiXoi, earo rou aTUfuOiU^uv. Vid. 
Ach. 443. 

^ 632. Bf^fa;p^f(oi. Suidas quoque agnoscit et in HxbraKu : sed 
nihil addit unde dictum. Equidem mendosum putaTerim et scrip- 
serim '£f frpi^f Aoi : quod dictum onro rotlf tpfa-;^eXf ly senau aptissimo. 
- Ibid. fo. ftoSow [sic Kuster.] 

634. leg. yXmrcLv [sic MSS.] 

641. leg. lUfu^u [sic Brunck.] 

645. leg. ix^pptjfrh Toni^eifihfois Tn/u. . 

659/ Athcn. VII. p. 328. ytvoiyr': fo. yrMiyr' «». Sed et A^ 
tici sic ut alibi. 7/ %« v^if if tAx if tl^woWo. [Av. 1 14?.] 

in Aristophanem. — Equites. 35? 

663. Seal, hrvxirss. at recte irnixanS' surrexerunt sciL abituri. 

670. Suid. i^(>ir(o. Vid. Lys. 129. 

677. Suid. 'Tfep «rwnratow« : fo. y^ umf — 

680. leg. %iiFpayoi^ [sic MSS. 4.] 

683. fo. l6Xoii et j^fioo-iv f [sic MSS. 2.] 

690. lege jLte (lopiMiv : sed Eustath. [IX. X=]204. £m. 
necnon Suid. V. Mo^fMo] [Mqitm rou dpeurovs i* c* ^ ^ou [vel ^tii 
rod] 9|f . 

^4. fo. wmtxixxi<ra. At @uid. — xt/ra in 'ilvnruSopM'a. 

697. leg. ffyeo U y V f^^ <^' ^^f^if^* 

713. leg. x^tf* ooo-^ep [sic Dawes, et MS.] 

718. Suid. in n^ooxrof habet rouroyf. voluit, credo, rouroy) [MS. 
Ilav«ro»ro T«. undeELMSLBTDs ad Achar. Auctar.rotfrQy/.] 

723. leg. Si||ctaxi$ioy : vid. 820. ubi tamen ^ijftaxf^foy 2dain produ- 
cit. an legend. 00 ^IXtotov Sij/xi^iov. 

739. leg. VTToipafuw rovg ex iruAou. Vid. Nub. 186. Eq. 119Q. 
[sed melius Br. uiro^gafioov rou; tv "ruXeo e Scholiastae verbis.] 

748. fo. ws TO vp^de: vid. Nub. 593. Ach. 241. [sic Brunck. 
tacite post Casaubonum.] 

753. <rrj. 832. avTiarp. 

Ibid. In SchoL epigramma est Crin9gor8e. 

754. f^ftlv xou Xo;p(ouf Suid. in iVuv. 

756. fo. tifiviYawg iroMeiv cf. Eccl. 236. . vo j/(f ly . eu^ra^wrorroy 
[sic Brunck. coilato JEscti. Prom. 59* $«vo; yap evpeiv.] 

757. fe-si. leg. pmi(ru : ut voX^» ^tovri [cetera legere nequeo. At 
cf. PoUuc. IV. 21. voAA» ^6a>y.] 

Ibid. Cf. 428. 

758. Suid. in JeX^]y habet vgotrixMcu crov [et sic Rav.] 

Ibid. In Schol. fo. 'O h itkpl^' rt: mox pro xi^o$ Siilmaf. 
[Plinian. Exerc. p. 402.] xegovxos Si«x^fi: vel pptius og: ut 
Aristophanei Anapaesti sint : mox fo. to o-xa^oc [at roSSo^o; agnos- 
cit Schol. Thucyd. vii. 41.] 

760. leg. rg ^ffovoiyi} fw 'Ai^valji* 

773. lege ;^apia'oijpii}y. [ita Brunck.] 

778. dele ly: vid. 1331. Ach. 697. Thesm. 813. Epigram- 
lOa apud Suid. in I7oix/Ai9 oroa. [sic quoque Brunck. coUato 
Critise versu apud Athen. p. 28. C] 

780. leg. riis wrgag vid. 751. 

784. leg. tis tout' fOTiy roipyov. 

789* leg- T«<; w$iaxifMiri [sic Dawes, et MSS.] 

790. yuT0tp/o*$. Etsi praeter Scholiast^m Hesych. et Suid. banc 
lectionem agnoscant, tamen eas interpretationes ex solo hoc loco 
profluxiase credo, et lego KcH yufyatlots ^ irufyMoii : certe cum 
iritaxjfcus convenit. an leg. Kai xctAu/Sivf /a«^. K«Xi//3«( in ilia parte 
memotat Tbucydides. 

790. 1^. eXui/^i. 

358 Benileii Efneiidatumes Inedif^ 

704. 'PottrnvYlim Suid. et Scliol. Haqrch. ftSmmyUim. 

799. leg. «|t4?]jj [sic MS.] 

800. xatopareu Suid. in 'Oful^kifi, 

803. oTffib^vXcov. fo. ora^uAotfy vel xoA T^/MrlXu; ut Pac. 5^. Cf. 
et infr. 1297. oAA^Aflti^ ^WiXSfiv r^ rpi^jti; «i$ Xoyoy. 

806. leg'ccujTov [ita Brunck.] 

818. iraff odro^l. lege IMS' « o3r«(: vid. Veiip. 1355. ^elovrisv^; 
[sic Kuster.] an waAov o3to( vel worn iretv oSro^ Vid. 915. Vesp. S7« 

[820. Oiim voluit Bend. ^/MuctSftov c$y. sed poslea sententsaaft 
mutavit ob dicta ad v. 723.J 

823. leg. ;(ffi^iy [ita Brunck.] 

840. Suid. ^Efto) Sff roiovrw. 

851. xwoffwitravTis Suid. in BfififJi(rm; [et sic MS. RaT.} 

86l. irmf : fo. of y' ofv : 

863. Etymol. in JByveXu; et Attien. vii. p. 299. «lfwn [sie 

865. dele yt [sic Brunck.] 

869. IC^* MTAW y . 

871. leg. Too-ourof: [quod comprobatuniB est fortasse Elms*- 


, 873. r^uTov Suid. in rpdrrov* 

874. jSivouftevou; Suid. in Bwlv et r^vrro^ : sed vid. Nub. 1099-^ 

877* leg. nyXixoOfroy [sic Brunck.] 

880. Suid. TofouroW. 

887* leg. frv V o7/ta»^ «I irA«o» iroyiypsi. 

888. ill|3o7* Oux f ^ xipaxa^ : ut ai/SoT nt extra versum, ut ftv et 
similia: sic Av. 1342. , De woveo wovnipB vid. Vesp. 464. Lys. 
350. et Hesych. 

903. fo. xai Twri 7/ fvinjSs^ [et sic Elmslbivs EdMmrgh 
Rev. No. 37. p. 87.] 

891. leg. rov<riX^/ov. 

895. leg. TOUT sItc KiwfiOi eanip. Suid. Koirpiof ian^p: ^ dele 
xa2 [voluit quoque Bentl. ifortasse tcai deleto] wpi^ Ijm Twr' JM^f 
JTovpfftiof sIto. 

905. fo. i<plotXfi.i». ' 

917. An leg. Smy a Ser«I, X^^aSi; ^o^. Suid. in 'T^cXxTMt 
habet Tcoy ZaBaov xo) earafwrriov r«uy XM»y. fo. row tflitW vel SmXlwif* 
Vid. Suid. m JaXioy et Pac. 959* L^bi Bentl. rqiosoit tiXtw e 
Snida in V.] 

965. Suid. SfMiHlitiv [et Kuster.] 

971* leg. Toif ^i^ojuiffyoio'iy e — fl^y xX- vel tokti Snip' ^iicytuftiyoi; 
[sic Hermann, de Metr. p. 2S2.] 

977- yimf Suid. in ^oftv0. Seal, 'yiytl^ [et sic Hbrmaitk. Lc] 

979. lege Svo cum Suid. [nc MSS.] 

980. In Schol. Suidas m Topwmi legit iryoMcov: mi-ni^im^ 

m Aristophanem^r-^EquiUs* 359 

ii¥9¥ [etepw AJkL h^^Sii^v] iari Toct &<yuy : qiiippe est to xt¥f^6m 
rou fhvovs. Lego etiam Topvw^v rico^ is ^ ii<Pos u?r6^<r/bkeyof . Male 
Kusterus [Verba inter Scholia suo auctori vindicat Kuster. ad 
Kvri<rn$ et Toup. ad Suid. V. Tavop^oXxo^. nempe Leonids Taren- 
tioiEp. xiVr] 

9S7p M/Ss<v Suid* in Jcv^irr/. 

P99t l^e 8f9^o$oxi<rr2 ut Suid. in ^co^Mrf : sed --hci)«t} in 7^y 
J«o$i(rr} [et sic MSS. 3.] 
996. Vid.Ran. 1211. 
Ibid. 7f.TfioBT6s: vid. Vesp. 1051. 

1006. [Forta