I
wy
V
Clement of Alexandria
Croall lecture for 18994900
Clement of Alexandria
BY
JOHN PATRICK, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM AND BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES,
UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH
William Blackwood and Sons
Edinburgh and London
1914
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
f MMTAtM.
Co tfje JiUmorg of
WILLIAM PATRICK, D.D.,
PRINCIPAL OF MANITOBA COLLEGE,
PREFACE.
THE Lectures on which the present volume is based were
delivered in 1899-1900, and their publication is long over
due. The delay has been caused by impaired health,
which compelled me for many years to confine myself
to the work of my Chair. I have to thank the Croall
Trustees for their courtesy and forbearance.
Since the delivery of the Lectures there has appeared
the edition of the works of Clement by O. Stahlin, the
three volumes of which were published respectively in
1905, 1906, 1909. In preparing the Lectures for publica
tion I have used his text throughout. It is impossible
to exaggerate the services of Stahlin in the elucidation
of the text and sources of Clement. I have also con
sulted the relative literature that has appeared since the
Lectures were written, as well as other earlier writings
on the subject, to which I had not access at the time.
This has led to the reconsideration of some questions
touched upon in the Lectures and to the consideration
of others not then discussed. For these reasons the work
viii PREFACE
in its present form differs in many respects from the
Lectures as delivered, though the general plan and order
of treatment have been preserved.
I desire to acknowledge my obligations to the Rev. Dr
Gardiner of Kirknewton for the great care which he has
bestowed on the revision of the proofs.
CONTENTS.
LECTURE 1 AGE
I. CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS ..... I
II. THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO HELLENIC CULTURE
AND PHILOSOPHY ...... 34
III. THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD . . -65
IV. THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST . . . .97
V. THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT ..... 14!
vi. SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT . 188
APPENDIX
A. ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS .... 249
B. ANALYSIS OF THE P^EDAGOGUS . . . .256
C. ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS .... 267
D. THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT . . 30!
E. LOST WRITINGS OF CLEMENT ..... 309
F. THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT . . . 311
G. NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT . 317
H. BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . -322
INDEX
325
ERRATUM.
P. 56, 1. 22 for "Christ," read " Christianity,
Clement of Alexandria.
LECTURE I.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS.
ALEXANDRIA occupies an important place in the intel
lectual and spiritual history of the world. Founded by
Alexander the Great in 332 B.C., with the view of bind
ing the East with Greece not only in an external
political union but in the bond of a common intel
lectual culture, it amply fulfilled, under the Ptolemies,
the end for which it had been established. From its
geographical position in relation to Greece, Asia Minor,
and Syria, it was a natural centre for the commerce
of the world; and in the realm of thought in like
manner it became a centre of intellectual activity, a bridge
between East and West, Greek and barbarian, the gods
of Greece and the gods of Egypt. On the institution
of the Museum, scholars from Greece of all schools
flocked to it, some to study, some to lecture on criticism,
or history, or rhetoric, or philosophy. Its two great
libraries furnished abundant materials for work in every
department of science and scholarship for the philologi
cal criticism which sometimes degenerated into pedantic
2 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
trifling, for the laborious commentaries which took
the place of original work, for the dilettantism and end
less controversies of the cloistered literati which called forth
the gibes of the satirist. 1 Some half a century before
Clement began his activity there, the Emperor Hadrian
visited Alexandria, and in a letter of his which has been
preserved we have a vivid, if one-sided and unsympathetic,
picture of the restless life, religious and commercial, of
the community. " I have now gained full knowledge,"
he writes, "of that Egypt whose praises you were wont
to sing. I have found the people vain and fickle, shift
ing with every breath of popular opinion. Those who
worship Serapis are in fact Christians ; and those who
call themselves Christian bishops are devotees of Serapis.
There is no head of a Jewish synagogue, no Samaritan,
no Christian presbyter, who is not an astrologer, a
fortune-teller, or a conjurer. . . . The populace are sedi
tious and turbulent to a degree. The city is rich and
opulent ; in it no one lives at leisure. . . . They have but
one god money ; him Christians, him Jews, him all the
peoples adore." 2 The picture, in part, no doubt, owes its
malicious touches to the irritation felt by Hadrian at the
rejection by the Alexandrians of his minion Antinous ; but
it contains sufficient truth to point the sting, and in some
of its features it is confirmed by many details in the
writings of Clement. To an observer of a different order,
the greatness of the city seemed to contend with its
beauty, and the people to be rivals of the city. 3 To
Hadrian, the syncretism of various forms of religious thought
might well seem an amalgam of contradictory elements, a
confusion of antagonistic systems in which everything that
1 Cf. Athenaeus, i. 41 (Meineke).
2 Flavins Vopiscus-Saturninus, c. 8 Scriptores Historise Augusta, vol. ii. p.
209 (Hermann Peter). s Achil. Tat., v. i.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 3
was most distinctive of each had been toned down and
effaced. So with the material luxury. Even if all allow
ance be made for the tendency of all moralists in their
eagerness to discourage every form of vice or moral weak
ness to exaggerate its extent, and to ascribe to one city or
age the collective vices of all cities and ages, there remains
enough in Clement s allusions to show that in spite of its
intellectualism the population of Alexandria was passionately
devoted to all forms of luxury and enervating pleasure. 1
The religious syncretism was in harmony with the aim of
its founder. In the centuries that had intervened between
its foundation and the Christian era, Alexandria had become
a rendezvous of all creeds, all languages, all nationalities,
a veritable cosmopolis of intellectual and religious move
ments, a nursery of all forms of eclecticism. Like as the
founder himself had built temples to Isis as well as to the
gods of Olympus, so there had been effected there a fusion
of forms of thought and belief which elsewhere existed in
sharp antagonism to each other. Partly from an apologetic
motive, partly in harmony with the tendency to syncretism
in its environment, Jewish writers before the Christian era
sought to show that the great thinkers of Greece were
indebted to the Hebrews for their deepest speculations,
and, not out of harmony with some aspects in the literary
activity of the period, even fabricated and adulterated
writings to prove their thesis. The translation of the
Old Testament into Greek not only enabled the Jews of
Alexandria to read their sacred books in their own tongue,
but excited a measure of interest in Greek-speaking peoples of
other nationalities, though mainly an interest of antagonism
called forth by what seemed to them the preposterous claims
put forth on behalf of the religious literature of a despised
1 See Glaser, Zeitbilder aus Alexandrien nach dem Paedagogus des C. A.,
1905.
4 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
section of the community. In the early years of the Chris
tian era, Philo, while not ignoring the hypothesis of depen
dence, took a loftier view of the relation between the Greek
philosophy and Mosaism, and by means of the allegorical
method of exegesis read speculative forms and conceptions
into the Pentateuch. A like syncretistic tendency was ex
hibited in Gnosticism, which found in Alexandria its most
brilliant representatives. This intellectual and religious
ferment was at once a danger and a stimulus to the exponent
of the Christain faith. Such syncretism led to indifference
to, or toleration of, all manifestations of the religious spirit ;
but Christianity by its very constitution could not but be
intolerant of any form of polytheism. It furnished an
interested audience ; for if in Alexandria there was no great
eagerness in the attainment of truth, there was keen interest
in discussions about it. Into this soil in which so many
diverse seeds had been sown the Gospel of Christ had been
cast; it had a fierce struggle for mere existence, a still
fiercer struggle before it if it were to gain the mastery. It
was compelled to face new problems, to define its attitude
to various forces and movements with which elsewhere it
had not been brought into such immediate contact. Was
it to stand aside as if these forces were of no interest to it,
to leave its adherents in an intellectual atmosphere without
intellectual armoury ? Was it to strive to bring all that was
best in them into relation to itself, or to act as if they were
absolutely out of relation to it ? To show the method that
was adopted in the solution of such problems by the first
great Alexandrian thinker whose works have come down to
us, in what spirit he confronted Greek philosophy and cul
ture, what conceptions of God, of Christ, of the Christian
ideal, of Scripture, he presented to his students and fellow-
disciples, is the purpose of the present course of Lectures.
From an early date, according to Eusebius, there had
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 5
existed at Alexandria a school of sacred learning. 1 The
assumption of some of the older writers on the subject that
it stood in a close relation to the Museum has no validity.
That its teachers must in some measure have felt the
academic influence, that the teaching would have reference
direct and indirect to the intellectual needs and characteristics
necessarily arising from its environment, may be assumed ;
but of any official or actual relationship between it and the
Museum there is no trace. Of the origin of this Christian
School nothing definite is known. A gnostic origin has
been assigned to it. 2 This would no doubt account for the
jealousy which it created in some quarters ; but on other
grounds it is improbable. Eusebius speaks of it in varying
terms. Sometimes he speaks of it as a school of catechesis,
sometimes as a school of sacred learning. 3 From this it
may be inferred that it was a school of catechesis that had
developed into a school of sacred learning. It derived its
origin from the necessity of giving special instruction to
catechumens in the elements of the Christian faith ; but it
was compelled from its surroundings to extend the sphere of
its operations and give instruction in all branches of learn
ing. Whether from the first it was dependent on the local
bishop is doubtful. That it was so by the time of Origen
we see from a statement of Eusebius ; 4 that it may have been
so at an earlier date may be conjectured from the fact that
both Pantaenus and Clement were presbyters of the Church.
Like the Missionary Colleges in India in our own time, it
was probably attended by non-Christian students as well as
by Christians. But we must dismiss any idea of a separate
1 E dpx<*iov eQovs 5t5ao"/caA.*iou rcav lepcav \6yoov Trap avro is (rvvforrwros (Eus. ,
H. E., v. 10).
2 Loofs, Leitfaden . . . Dogmengeschichte, p. 106.
* ... TOV TT)S Ka.Trjx ho ftos . . . 5t8a<rKa\eiou (vi. 3). ... TTJS rov
Sia.Tpif3ris (ib.) . . . TTJS ruv Triffrtav , . . Siarpi^rJ! (v. IO).
4 H. E., vi. 3.
6 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
building as such an analogy would suggest. The language
of Eusebius with regard to Origen rather suggests that he
taught in his own house. 1 The picture presented by Gregory
Thaumaturgus 2 of the school under the guidance of Origen
may be regarded as exhibiting the general lines on which it
was working from the third quarter of the second century.
Christianity was set forth as the crown of all learning, and
all liberal arts were represented as its handmaids. The
scholars were carefully trained in the art of detecting
sophisms and fallacies. They were encouraged to read
everything that had been written by poets and philosophers
of old, with the exception of the works of atheists. They
were trained in natural science, especially in astronomy and
geometry, in ethics, and in the discussion of philosophical
problems ; but in all these not for their own sakes, but as a
means to an end, as aids to the interpretation and defence of
the Scriptures. In this lay the essential difference between
it and the Stoic and Platonic schools of the Imperial era,
though otherwise it ran on parallel lines. 3 In this respect,
too, it had analogies with the Missionary Colleges of to-day.
According to a statement of Philip of Side, the first head
of the Catechetical School was Athenagoras. But in view
of the notorious inaccuracy of the writer, and especially of
his reversal of the relation of Pantaenus and Clement, no
weight can be attached to the tradition. The first teacher
whose name is definitely known to us, who prescribed the
range of its work, and from whom it received the impetus
that made it famous and influential in the history of the
Church, was Pantaenus. Probably not later than the year
180 he became the head of the school. Of the ecclesias
tical traditions concerning him the one statement that may
be admitted without controversy is that, before his con-
1 H. E., vi. 3. 2 Paneg. in Orig., vi.-xiv.
8 Cf. Rheinische Museum fur Philologie, vol. Ivi. p. 56.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 7
version, he had belonged to the school of the Stoics. 1 By
his teaching he attracted many scholars, and among others
Clement. According to Jerome, 2 Pantaenus wrote com
mentaries on many books of Scripture. The accuracy
of the assertion is disputed ; 3 in any case, with the excep
tion of one or two passages or allusions, which may have
been derived from oral tradition, they have perished; but
his teaching, his methods, his principles, in all likelihood
even many of the details of his system, survive in the works
of his disciple.
Titus Flavius Clemens was born in all probability in
Athens, 4 and of heathen parentage, about the middle of
the second century. He was endowed by nature with a
deeply religious temperament and a burning thirst for
knowledge. His religious yearnings he seems to have
sought to satisfy by initiation into the mysteries ; 5 he
evinced his love of learning by the passionate pursuit of
all branches of science and philosophy. The same religious
earnestness that had created in his spirit dissatisfaction
with heathenism drove him to seek for fuller knowledge
and deeper insight into the mysteries of the Christian
religion. In many lands in Greece, Italy, Syria, Palestine
and under many teachers, he studied zealously, but found
no lasting satisfaction for his spirit till he came to Egypt.
Of the " truly blessed and memorable men " whom he was
1 Eus., H. E., v. 10. 2 De Vir. 111., c. 36.
s Cf. EC. Pr., 27 : OVK fypa(f>ov Se ot irpea-fivrfpot.
4 Epiph. Ilaer., xxxii. 6. KA.rj/xrjs re 6v <f>affi rivfs A\6ai/8pea, trfpoi Se
AOrivaiov. Greece was the starting-point of his search for truth (Str., i. I J ). In
Prot., ii. 20 , referring to the prevalence of the legend concerning Demeter, he
says : 6irov -ye AQrjvaiois Kal TTJ &\\y EAAaSi, alSov^ai Kal \eyeiv. His sen
sitiveness on the point suggests that he was a Greek and an Athenian. He is not
sensitive as to the details.
5 This is an inference from the knowledge which he displays of the details of
the mysteries. Cf. Eus., Prsep. Evang., ii. 2, p. 6l. It is not regarded as
cogent by Bratke. Die Stellung des Cl. Al. zum antiken Mysterienwesen
(St. u. Kr., 1887, p. 656). Cf. St. u. Kr., 1894.
8
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
privileged to hear, and of their " convincing and living
words," he writes as follows : " Of these, one was in Greece,
an Ionian. Others were in Magna Grsecia, one from Cosle-
Syria, the other from Egypt. There were others in the
East, one of whom was of the Assyrians, and the other in
Palestine, a Hebrew by origin. When I fell in with the last
of my teachers (he was the first in power), having hunted
him out as he lay concealed in Egypt, I came to rest. He
was in truth a Sicilian bee who culled the flowers of the
prophetic and apostolic meadow, and begot in the souls of
his hearers an unsullied store of knowledge. These men,
preserving the true tradition of the blessed teaching directly
from Peter, James, John, and Paul, the holy apostles, the
son receiving it from the father (but few are like their
fathers), came with God s blessing also to us to deposit
these ancestral and apostolic seeds." 1 That these were
Christian teachers is manifest ; they were six in number.
Who the others were is disputed or unknown : some have
identified the Ionian with Athenagoras, the Assyrian with
Tatian ; but that the last was Pantaenus there can be no
doubt. The words of Clement show his eagerness in the
search for a solution of the problems that had created un
rest and his complete satisfaction with the solution. He
became a presbyter of the Church, 2 and for a period of more
than twenty years he wrought and taught in Alexandria,
first as coadjutor of Pantaenus, and afterwards as his suc
cessor. In the year 202 the persecution of Severus broke
out, and in accordance with his own teaching on martyr
dom, as professedly based on the injunction of Christ, he
left Alexandria that he might serve the Church of Christ
elsewhere. 3 Of his subsequent career little is known. We
catch a final glimpse of his activity in the year 211, in a
1 Str -> l - 2 Pad., i. 6 37 .
3 Matt. x. 23. Cf. Str., iv. 4 14 -"; Stah., vol. iii. p. 226, fr. 56.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 9
letter of Alexander, then bishop of Cappadocia, who had
been a fellow-student of Origen in the school of Clement.
In sending a letter to the Church of Antioch by the hands
of Clement, he describes him as the blessed presbyter,
a man virtuous and approved, who had confirmed and
advanced the Church of the Lord. 1 In a later letter of
Alexander to Origen, he alludes to Pantaenus and Clement
as those blessed fathers who had trodden the way before
them, with whom after a little they would be. 2 He died
probably about 215.
Though the facts of his life are so meagre, the portrait
of the man himself stands out in his writings as that of
a singularly lovable personality. He gives the impression
of a certain intellectual naivete, combined with a moral
austerity. He has a lofty conception of the function of the
teacher, as well as of the duty of the scholar. If he
demands from the student that he shall approach the
study of the Christian faith with earnest reverence and
not in the merely curious spirit with which men go to
strange cities and buildings, and if he insists that the ears
of those who seek to become partakers of the truth must
be sanctified, he demands from himself as a teacher that
he shall keep in view the varied character and temperament
of those who are under his tuition, that he shall set aside
all ignoble impulses and motives, and have for his sole
aim the salvation of his hearers. 3 What Gregory says of
his scholar Origen may be applied to his master. " He
did not merely discuss ethical matters with his scholars, but
incited them to the practice of morals, and stimulated by
what he did even more than by what he said." 4 There can
be little doubt that in the representation of the gnostic
he sets forth the ideal which was the goal of his own
1 Eus., H. E., vi. n. 2 Ib., vi. 14.
3 Str., i. i 4 - 6 . 4 Paneg. in Orig., c. 9.
10 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
endeavour. "I do not know," says Maurice, "where we
shall look for a purer or a truer man than this Clement of
Alexandria. . . . He seems to me that one of the old
fathers whom we should all have reverenced most as a
teacher and loved most as a friend." 1
Of the writings of Clement many have perished ; many to
which he makes allusion as in contemplation were in all
probability never written. Of the writings that have sur
vived, the most important are the Protrepticus, the Paeda-
gogus, and the Stromateis. Till a few years ago it was
universally assumed by writers on the subject that the three
works were written in the order named, that though dis
tinctive in aim they were closely and progressively related
to each other and formed a series, that they were so intended
by the writer himself, and, accordingly, that they may be
regarded as one work in three sections, the general aim
of which was to transform the Greek pagan by stages into
a Christian gnostic, to initiate the reader into the ethics and
philosophy of the Christian faith by setting forth different
aspects of the activity of the one Logos. But the "dis
covery " of Wendland to use the phrase of Harnack has
produced a complete reversal of this view, and introduced
an entirely novel conception of the literary relationships
of these writings. According to Wendland, the order was,
Protrepticus; Stromateis, I. -IV. ; Paedagogus ; Stromateis,
V.-VII. The hypothesis has been supported by Heussi and
Harnack, and accepted by Duchesne and others. The
question is discussed afterwards ; 2 here it may be said
that, if not "ungrounded and improbable," as it is de
scribed by a patristic authority of the first rank, 3 the hypo-
1 Ecclesiastical History of the First and Second Centuries, p. 239. Clement
has no legal right to the official designation of "saint" sometimes ascribed
to him.
2 See Appendix D. * Bardenhewer.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS II
thesis raises difficulties not less great than the traditional
view which it seeks to supplant. It is not a purely literary
or academic question, for in some cases the order has a
direct bearing on the exposition of the teaching.
The Exhortation to the Greeks l is the earliest extant
work of Clement, and is at once a powerful exposure of the
paganism from which he sought to wean them and a power
ful appeal in favour of Christianity. He begins with an
invitation to turn aside from heathen myths and listen to
the New Song the Word of God. He then exposes with
almost superfluous fulness the corruptions of paganism, its
mysteries, the legends as to the gods, the cruelty and
impurity of its sacrifices, its worship of images made by
men s hands. From this he passes to the imperfect views
of God set forth in the works of philosophers and poets,
with which he contrasts the truth of Christianity as set
forth in the Scriptures. He then refutes the objection that
they should not abandon ancestral customs, showing its
folly and the loss which it entails. Finally, he exhibits the
beneficence of God as revealed in Christianity, and urges
them in the name of Christ to choose life, not death. 2 It
was probably written before IQ5 3 perhaps some years
earlier.
With the Paedagogus or Tutor we enter upon the second
stage of the work of the Word. Clement himself tells us
that the aim of the writing was to set forth the way of life
and training from the stage of childhood that is, the rule of
life, derived from instruction, which grows along with faith,
and prepares the virtuous soul in the case of those who
rpbs
2 For an analysis, which, however, can give no idea of its eloquence and
passionate movement, see Appendix A.
3 Bardenhewer, Patrologie, 3 about 195; Geschichte der altkirklichen Litt.,
before 199; Zahn, before 189; Harnack, in the ninth decade of the second
century.
12 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
were reaching the rank of men for the reception of gnostic
science. 1 An ethical foundation had to be laid before
introduction to the higher truths of Christianity, for moral
health was the condition of spiritual insight. The Tutor is
the Word, the Son of God Himself, who sets forth a system
of practical ethics in conformity with a Christian ideal of
life. Certain general principles are laid down. Nothing is
to be done contrary to nature. 2 We must beware of all that
is unnatural and all that is excessive. 3 Everything is to be
done in harmony with right reason. 4 Moderation should be
our aim in everything. 5 We are not to take away what is
natural to man but to impose upon it a just measure. 6 The
life of the Christian ought to be a unity. 7 It should be a
kind of organised whole of rational actions that is, an
infallible fulfilment of what is taught by the Word. 8 He
ought to live after the image of the Tutor, 9 to take on the
impression of the truly saving life of the Saviour and follow
in the footsteps of God. 10 As his aim is to set forth what a
Christian ought to be in every relation of life, 11 Clement
gives the most minute details of guidance in everything that
affects a citizen of the kingdom of God. The extraordinary
minuteness of the instruction, of which he himself at
times is conscious, 12 has brought on him the charge of petty
pedantry ; but it is in large measure due to the fact that he
has throughout the needs of the catechumens in mind; and,
it may be, in part due to the fact that he is following the
methods of some Stoic teachers, 13 possibly of Pantsenus him
self, who gave to their disciples similarly detailed prescrip
tions. The dominating ethical ideal in Alexandria was non-
Christian ; and the emphasising of a negative to it at all
1 Str., vi. i !. 2 Paed., ii. 13 129 . 3 Ib., ii. 11 114 . 4 Ib., ii. 2 29 .
6 Ib., iii. 10 ". 6 Ib., ii. s 46 . 7 Ib., in. i l . 8 Ib., i. 13 102 .
9 Ib., i. 12 "0. 10 Ib., i. 12 98 . " Ib., ii. i 1 . 12 Ib., ii. i 7.
13 Cf. Zeller, Eclecticism, p. 253 (Eng. trans.)
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 13
points was imperative ; and this involved in the circum
stances not merely the inculcation of general principles but
definite instruction by way of guidance. As they had to
adjust the new force to their intellectual environment, they
had also to adjust it to the manifold relations of everyday
life. Many of the precepts which seem to us trifling or
superfluous were no doubt called forth by antagonism to the
immorality or irreligion with which they were associated.
If any justification for his procedure is necessary, it is
justified by the consideration that the strength of paganism,
from the glamour of which the converts were only just
emancipated, lay not so much in its religious conceptions,
which could easily be overthrown by arguments, as in the
social customs which were an inseparable element in it. In
this way things in themselves morally indifferent might
acquire a moral stamp or stigma for the time. A code of
practical ethics, with suggestions, so to speak, on Christian
etiquette, was a necessary part of the equipment of the
Greek who had entered upon the career of a Christian
citizen. From the nature of the case it was inevitable that
emphasis should be placed on the restrictions imposed by
their Christian profession, rather than on its liberties.
Clement certainly did not err in insisting on the necessary
relation between the dogmatic and the ethical side of
Christianity, or in making the attainment of truth in its
highest form depend on the realisation of the moral ideal in
every relation of life as its essential prerequisite. It is
significant that the first systematic teacher of Christian
doctrine, the foremost champion of liberal culture in the
Church, should at the same time be the most eloquent
exponent in that age, and for many ages that followed, of
Christianity in common life.
The treatise was divided by the writer himself into Three
Books. In the First Book Clement explains who the Tutor
14 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
is, who His pupils are, and what has been and is His method
of education. The Tutor is the Word; babes in Christ are
His pupils ; He adopts all methods of training including
punishment, which is consistent with, nay, is a proof of,
love to secure the moral salvation of those under His
tuition. In the Second Book he enters into details. Under
the subject of the relation of the Christian to the body, he
touches on the proper use of food, of drink, of gold and
silver vessels, of music, of jesting, condemns all manner of
filthy speaking and frivolous talk, the use of floral crowns,
and indicates the limits to be placed on the use of ointments
and sleep. He sets forth the Christian view of marriage,
reprobates all manner of impurity, luxury in clothing, and
the use of precious stones in place of cultivating true beauty.
In the Third Book he continues the same subject, censures
the love of finery in women, as well as effeminacy in men and
extravagance in the number of slaves, prescribes the proper
use of the public baths, of wealth, of physical exercises,
condemns the use of false hair, all forms of gambling, the
visiting of racecourses and theatres. He exhibits the duty
of the Christian in business, gives counsel as to his conduct
on the way to church, in church, and out of it. He con
cludes with some suggestions, based on the words of
Scripture, on prayer, civil government, and kindred matters.
A prayer to the Tutor brings the work to a close. Two
hymns are adjoined to the treatise. The first may have
been written by Clement ; the second certainly is not by
him. The work was written before the Stromateis. The
date is put by Zahn about 190, and by Bardenhewer soon
after the Protrepticus ; l by Harnack, in accordance with
his hypothesis of the relative order of composition of the
great writings, in the first decade of the second century. 2
1 Patrologie *. 2 See Analysis, Appendix B.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 15
The third and highest stage of discipleship is set forth in
the Stromateis, or * Gnostic notes according to the true Phil
osophy, as he designates its contents. 1 "A * stromateus was
a long bag of striped canvas in which bedclothes were rolled
up." 2 From a statement of his own we see that it was
the custom to give fancy designations, such as Meadow,
Helicon, Honeycomb, Robe, and the like, to works of
a miscellaneous order. 3 As applied to a literary work, it
was not invented by Clement, 4 though it was afterwards so
associated with his name that he is often described as the
Stromatist. 5 The title was meant to suggest freedom of
movement and artful disorder. He speaks of it as if it
were only the reproduction of the teaching which he had
received from "blessed and truly memorable men"; and,
if this is not to be taken literally, it may contain a larger
measure of truth than is sometimes supposed. 6 He tells
us that his writing is not to be compared to trim pleasure-
grounds, but rather to a dense and umbrageous wood,
where all kinds of trees, fruit-bearing and others, are
intentionally mingled ; 7 to a meadow, in which the flowers
blossom promiscuously, where things are scattered ad
visedly without regard to order or style ; 8 to the " herbage
of all kinds," of which the Scripture speaks. 9 One
reason for this disorder is the desire to stimulate the
reader and encourage the earnest searcher after truth, by
making it more precious in his eyes when hunted out
instead of making it too easy of access ; to indicate the
path to the reader, instead of accompanying him the whole
1 Tuv /caret T^V a.\i]Qri <f>i\o<rofylav yvwriKuv virofj.vf]ij.6.r<av (TTpw/ioTeus (Str.,
2 Hort. 3 Str., vi. I 2 .
4 Cf. Aulus Gellius, Prsef., 6-8. 5 Cf. Frag. 48, Stab., vol. iii. p. 224.
6 Str., i. i 11 . 7 Ib<> vii . jgm.
8 Ib., vi. I 2 . 9 Ib., iv. 2 6 ; Job v. 25.
16 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
way. 1 Another reason adduced is the necessity of conceal
ing truth or expressing it in obscure symbol. 2 This is hard
to account for, unless it be the fruit of an unconscious
apologetic impulse, or a concession to the Greek cate
chumens whom he has in view at every stage of his work.
He has little interest in, and makes no appeal to, the Jews
in Alexandria. To his desire to confirm his hold on the
Greeks is due the display, often irrelevant, of his curious
scientific, medical, 3 philosophical, philological, and religi
ous lore, the digressions, the numerous quotations from,
and allusions to, Greek poets and thinkers, and the super
fluous fulness with which he enters into details even when
the enumeration brings him into formal antagonism to his
own standpoint. 4 The result of his method is that "readers
of the present day are often puzzled to know what he is
driving at." 5 And as with the lack of order, so with the
style. He tells us that he does not make any special effort
at writing pure Greek, as he who cares for truth will not
study phraseology. 6 As the Christian must cultivate a
simple way of living, so he must cultivate a style severely
simple and artless, with more nourishment in it than sauce.
Style is but the vesture of thought, and clothing should not
take precedence of the body. 7
Perhaps by way of reaction against the fashionable
rhetoric of the day, to write well seemed to him a mark
of frivolity. 8 As a consequence, he is sometimes at once
1 Str., i. 2 21 ; iv. 2 4 . 2 Ib., v. 8 54 ; vi. I V2 .
3 Cf. Harnack, Medizinischesaus der altesten Kirchengeschichte, T. u. U., 1892.
4 Cf., e.g., Pad., ii. 8 69 , and Str., i. i6 176 .
6 Mayor, Clement of Alexandria (Ilort and Mayor), p. xiv.
6 Str., ii. i 3 . "His language swarms with grammatical errors: he lacks dis
crimination in the use of the negatives oil and /j. f], of the pronouns 8s and Str-ny,
and the different forms of hypothetical sentences " (W. Christ., Phil. Stud, zum
C. A., p. 13).
Str., i. 10 .
8 Cf. Croiset, Histoire de la Litterature grecque, vol. v. p. 752.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 17
both obscure and diffuse, and adds analogy to analogy
and epithet to epithet without adding to the thought or
sharpening its definiteness. At times it may be that the
Stromateis may be compared to a " confused causerie " ; *
but it is improperly described as " Miscellanies," if by that
is meant a series of disconnected essays. For, while there
is a lack of order in details, there is no confusion as to the
principles which are fundamental in his thought, which are
in no way affected by disorder or irregularity of form.
In its extant form the Stromateis contains Seven
Books and a fragment of an Eighth. 2 The general aim of
the First Book is to represent Christianity as the true and!
final philosophy, and to exhibit the place of Greek philo
sophy in this connection. He condemns those who attacked
philosophy, exhibits its usefulness, and marks it off from
the sophistry which has usurped the name. He sets forth
the succession of philosophers among the Greeks, with the
aim of showing that it was inferior to the Christian truth
both in respect of antiquity and of its secondary origin.
To a like end he extols the work of Moses, defends the
principles of his legislation, and maintains that, as compared
with the Christian philosophy, the Greeks were no better
than children, and that their science had no claim to the
veneration due to age.
The Second Book begins with a statement of the plan
which he proposed to follow. It then enters on a dis
cussion as to the knowledge of God, emphasising in this
matter the function of faith. It proceeds to set aside
erroneous views as to the nature of faith, and exhibits its
true nature as the foundation of the highest knowledge
and truth. It goes on to discuss the place of fear as a
1 Croiset, ib. : " Causerie confuse, ou se melent tous les tons, ou manquent
1 ordre, la lumiere, le bon gout meme."
2 The first leaf of the MS. is lost.
B
18 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
motive to Christian duty, the relation of the virtues to one
another, and, in particular, the nature of penitence. It
touches on the anthropomorphic expressions in Scripture,
claims a Mosaic origin for the Greek conceptions of virtue,
and defends the beneficent character of the Mosaic economy.
It then exhibits the attitude of the Christian to pleasure and
the passions, discusses various theories as to the highest
good, and some aspects of the question of marriage.
The Third Book continues the discussion on marriage,
and is mainly taken up with the refutation of heretical
doctrines on the subject. In particular, the teaching of
the school of Carpocrates with its glorification of lust is
condemned, and the teaching of Marcion with its false and
impious conception of continence. The position of those
who taught that all actions were morally indifferent is
examined. The scriptural arguments, for the most part
taken from the Epistles of St Paul, are adduced in support
of his refutation of the false and his exhibition of the true
teaching as to continence and marriage in relation to the
Christian ideal of life.
In the Fourth Book, after a detailed statement of his
proposed order of treatment, he proceeds to consider the
distinctive excellence of man, the nature of true martyrdom,
its motive and end, the attitude of the Christian to perse
cution, and the grounds on which this is permitted by God
and held to be reconcilable with His power and righteous
ness. He represents the ideal of gnostic love and its reward
as equally attainable by women and men, indicates the
difference between legal and gnostic perfection, and exhibits
the pre-eminence of the knowledge of God, which was
only possible through the Son, by faith in whom our life
is unified. The true nature of the body and its relation
to the soul in the Christian economy is then set forth.
The Fifth Book opens with a discussion on the nature
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 19
of faith and its relation to knowledge, and touches on
the nature of hope and its place among the Christian
virtues. He proceeds to show that in expressing the
deepest mysteries in symbolic guise the Scriptures had
followed a method universal in religion as well as in
poetry and philosophy. He then explains the anthro
pomorphic language of the Scriptures, points out some
analogies between the grades in the mysteries, beginning
with purification and ending in contemplation, and the
Christian stages towards the knowledge of God ; shows
how logical demonstration is from the nature of the case
impossible in the case of God, and that, accordingly, He
can only be apprehended through grace by faith in the Son
as revealed in Scripture. Whatever measure of truth the
Greeks possessed had been taken from this source. Though
men everywhere had a certain knowledge of God, even
when this had reached its highest as among the Greeks, it
was imperfect in its range and saving power.
The Sixth Book opens with a renewed statement of his
plan of writing, touching on the relation of the Stromateis
to the Psedagogus in this connection. He confirms his
thesis of the theft of the Greeks from the Scriptures by
seeking to prove that they stole from each other en masse.
The Greeks had but a limited grasp of the truth ; whereas
the Jews required only the addition of faith, the Greeks
had further to abandon idolatry. He then discusses the
nature of true wisdom, and its pre-eminence as having
been derived from the Wisdom of God. The gnostic is
then delineated in his relation to philosophic culture, to
his own body, to the world and its duties, to God and
fellowship with Him, to his moral ideals and the method
of their realisation, to his fellow-men, to the Scriptures
and their interpretation. He gives an exposition of the
Decalogue as a specimen of gnostic insight. He again
20 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
touches on the divine origin of philosophy, while showing
that it lacked the divine signs that accredited Christian
ity, as well as its universality, and its power to rise above
the forces that threatened to crush it.
To show that the gnostic is truly pious is declared to be
the purpose of the Seventh Book. This piety is portrayed
in manifold aspects, alike on the divine and the human sides,
which are not to be separated. His devoutness is set forth
in relation to God, in his knowledge of the things of God, in
his worship free from superstition and all ignoble elements,
in his prayer, in his goal of unending contemplation. God
accepts service of men as service of Him. So the gnostic
is characterised by teaching, by beneficence, by self-sacrifice,
by forgiveness of wrong, by striving after Christian perfec
tion in love. In the closing section of the book Clement
examines at length the objection that the Christian faith
should not be embraced because of its divisions, and demon
strates that such a position was untenable save on grounds
which were not in harmony with the real facts as to
Christian truth and its heretical caricature. 1
The Eighth Book on the face of it does not seem to have
any close connection with the previous discussions, and
might be a fragment of a logical treatise. It touches on
such topics as the necessity of exact definition, the nature
and method of demonstrative proof, genera and species.
It is a matter of controversy whether it was originally a
part of the Stromateis. 2 It does not deal specifically with
any of the questions suggested in his various programmes.
But, on the other hand, he seems to indicate at the close
of the Seventh Book that he was about to pass to another
subject of inquiry. 3
The whole work is unfinished ; many topics which formed
1 See Appendix C. a Cf. Zahn, Supplem. Clem., p. 114 et scq.
3 Str., vii. iS 111 .
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 21
part of his plan were never touched upon : whether he
abandoned his task, as Overbeck suggests, because he
despaired of being able to finish a subject that had proved
so unwieldy, or, as others think, died before he had com
pleted his task, it is impossible to say. Zahn puts the work
at 202-203 ; Bardenhewer substantially agrees ; Harnack
puts the earlier portion at a similar period, and the later
books after his departure from Alexandria. 1
The only other work of Clement that has survived is the
tractate entitled " Who is the Rich Man that is being
Saved ? " 2 This is an exposition of the narrative in the
Gospel of the rich young man, 3 with a discussion on the
problem therein suggested the possibility of salvation in
the Christian sense for the rich. The solution of Clement
is that wealth is in itself a thing neither good nor bad, that
its moral character is determined by its use or misuse, and
that it may be so used as to be a stepping-stone towards
spiritual progress and final salvation. The question of date
turns mainly on the meaning that is to be attached to a
phrase in the Homily itself: "As to the mystery of the
Saviour, you may learn from my Exposition concerning
First Principles and Theology." 4 In the Stromateis refer
ence is made to this treatise or section as in contemplation,
but it is doubtful whether it was ever carried out. If, as is
maintained by Zahn, 5 the reference suggests a work already
written, then the " Quis Dives " must have been written
after the Stromateis ; if, as is held by others, 6 it only refers
1 All the chronological data are brought down to the death of Commodus.
Str., i. 21.
2 Tis 6 ^(f^6fj.tvos TI\ov<rios. (Quis Dives Salvetur.)
8 Mark x. 17-31; Matt. xix. 16-30; Luke xviii. 18-30.
4 "Oirep ev TIJ 7re/H ap-^uv Kai 0eo\oytas f^fjyrjffci /jLVffTrjptov TOV 2wT^pos virdp^ei
HaQf iv. Q. D., p. 26.
5 Zahn, op. cit. t p. 39. Barnard agrees with Zahn. See Q. D., p. 44, Cam
bridge Texts and Studies, 1897.
6 v. Arnim, de Faye, Harnack.
22 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
to a work contemplated, it may have been written before the
Stromateis. There is nothing distinctive in its teaching in
its bearing on the question of date, and it may be well with
Kriiger and Ehrhard l to hold that the date of composition
cannot be definitely determined. 2
In the only manuscript in which the Stromateis have been
preserved, after the fragment of the Eighth Book are found
two series of extracts. The first has the title, " Summaries
from Theodotus and the so-called Anatolic School in the
Times of Valentinus." 3 These contain quotations from a
Gnostic writer, with comments by Clement, and it is often
difficult to tell whether we are reading the commentary
or the original. Even a scholar like Zahn, who made an
exhaustive study of this, as of all other Clementine problems,
in his Supplementum Clementinum, published in 1884,
altered his opinion in regard to the apportioning of the
fragments to their separate sources in a further study of the
subject, published in 1892.* In view of this difficulty of
severing the wheat from the tares, in an exposition of the
teaching of Clement, they must be used with reserve, and
are of no value as an independent source. They can only
be used with confidence when they find complete or partial
confirmation in the undoubted writings. Even when there
is little doubt that the words are those of Clement, we have
to be on our guard, for the simple reason that they are
excerpts, and that we are ignorant of the context as well
1 Kriiger, Early Christian Literature, p. 170; Ehrhard, Die altchristliche
Litteratur, p. 303.
2 The main points in the Homily are noted in Lecture V.
* E/c Ttav fo56rov Kal TT?S a.varo\iKr\s AfaAou/te fTjj SiSaaitaXias Kara roi/y
OvaXfvrivov xp6vovs ETrtroyuat.
4 Clem. Supp., p. 126. Zahn assigned the Fragments to Clement thus: Sec
tions 8-15 with certainty ; 18-20, 27, 66-74, 81-86, with more or less definiteness ;
perhaps also 4, 5. In his Geschichte d. ntl. K., vol. ii. pp. 961-964, he regards
as Clementine 4, 5, some sentences in 7, 8-15, 17^-20, 27; and regards the whole
sections 66-86 as Valentinian.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 23
as of the methods and grounds on which the epitomist
proceeded.
The second series of Extracts bears the title " Selec
tions from the Prophets." 1 The contents are varied in
character, the most connected and complete section being
a characteristic exposition of the nineteenth psalm. They
were probably taken from the same source as the " Ex
cerpts from Theodotus." But as to what that source was
there is divergence of opinion. Westcott thinks that there
" can be no reasonable doubt " that they were taken from
the Hypotyposes. 2 Zahn holds that, like the extant
fragment, they were taken from the Eighth Book of the
Stromateis. 3 This hypothesis was accepted by Harnack
in the first volume of his * History of Early Christian
Literature, published in 1893, but rejected as " highly
improbable " in a later volume of the same work. 4 By
v. Arnim the suggestion was made that both series of
extracts were made by Clement from Gnostic writings,
with comments added by himself, as preparatory sketches
for a further treatise. 5 This conflict and fluctuation of
opinion emphasise the lesson already noted as to the
limitation to be exercised in the use of materials of such
uncertain origin.
Of the lost writings of Clement, the most important is
the Hypotyposes or Outlines. From the statements of
Eusebius and Photius, as well as from the fragments that
survive, it would seem that it contained a running com
mentary, with notes as to date and authorship, on the
1 EK TWV TrpofytiT&v EK\oyai. 2 D. C. B., vol. i. p. 564.
3 Op. cit., pp. 117-129.
4 * Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur, vol. i. p. 181. So Preuschen,
p. 315. In vol. ii. p. 1 8 (1904), he expresses approval of the hypothesis of
v. Arnim : " Ich weiss nichts gegen sie einzuwenden " (p. 18, n. 3).
5 De Octavo dementis Stromateorum Libro, 1894. Cf. Ehrhard, op. cit. y
P. 3".
24 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
books of Scripture. Eusebius and Photius give conflict
ing statements as to its extent. Eusebius says that it
embraced abridged explanations of all the Canonical
Scripture, not passing by the disputed books that is,
Jude and the rest of the Catholic Epistles, and Barnabas,
and the so - called Apocalypse of Peter. 1 Photius says
that the Outlines contained a brief explanation and in
terpretation of some passages of the Old and the New
Scripture. After condemning the impious blasphemies
with which, according to him, it abounded, he says that
the whole aim was to give interpretations, as it were, of
Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, the Epistles of the divine
Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and Ecclesiastes. 2 If the
statement of Eusebius be accurate, Photius must have had
an imperfect copy before him, as in his sweeping con
demnation of the errors of Clement he would hardly have
refrained from adding Clement s use of Apocryphal writings.
A fragment of the section of the Outlines dealing with
the First Epistle of Peter, the Epistle of Jude, the First
and Second Epistles of John, survives in a Latin version
made by Cassiodorus, or at his instance. 3 Cassiodorus so
far supports the statement of Photius as to its heretical
contents, for he says that Clement spoke some things
with rashness, and that in translating them into Latin he
had purged the teaching from the offending matters. 4 The
more weighty of the heresies charged against Clement
those touching the Person and nature of Christ will be
noted afterwards. 5 Here I only touch on the question of
his heterodoxy in its bearing on the date of the work.
1 Eus. , vi. 14 :. . . Trcurrjs rrjs tvtiiaOriKOv ypa<f>r]s firirfTfj.iifj.fvas irtiroli)Tai
5tTJ77)<reiy, /injSe TOS &VTi\fyofj.fi>as irapfXQ&v. . . .
2 Phot., cod. 109: <5 5e oA.os ffKoiros a><raj/el ip/j.rji/f?ai ruyxavovo i rf}? Yfveffecas,
rf)s E6$ov, T&V "VaXfJitaVt rov Qtiov Uav\ov TUV firurroXuv Kal TWV KaQoXiK&v Kal
TOV E/CKATJtnCKTTOU.
3 Stah., vol. iii. pp. 203-215. 4 Quoted by Zahn, p. 134. 6 See Lecture IV.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 25
According to Zahn, the * Hypotyposes was written after
his flight from Alexandria, and is to be regarded as the
latest of his important writings. 1 The same view is taken
by Westcott and Chapman. 2 On the other hand, v.
Arnim, 3 de Faye, 4 and Harnack 5 criticise adversely this
hypothesis, mainly on the ground that the incomplete
form of the Stromateis shows that it was his latest work.
On the assumption that the Outlines were more heterodox
in character than the Stromateis, Harnack makes the in
teresting suggestion that it is not probable that Clement
grew more heterodox in course of time, and that, especially
in view of the manner in which docetic and gnostic ele
ments were gradually crushed out of the Church, it is not
probable that Clement, who was a presbyter, should have
so developed. The latter consideration is, perhaps, more
weighty than the former. For, apart from the fact that
in the sphere of doctrine and criticism as in other
spheres a development from a more conservative to a
more radical standpoint is not unknown, in the case of
Clement, who was apt to be influenced by his temporary
aim and mood, an argument on a priori grounds is pre
carious. But the latter consideration is weighty. It is
altogether inconsistent with the esteem in which he was
held by Alexander, and with the services which he rendered
to the Church in his later years, to suppose that there was
an increased divergence from the ecclesiastical norm, and
not a progressive movement towards it. Harnack re
gards it as overwhelmingly probable that it was written
considerably earlier than the earliest portion of the
Stromateis. 6
1 Op. fit., p. 176. 2 Rev. Bened., vol. xxi. p. 369. Cf. Mayor, op. tit., p. xix.
8 Op. fit., pp. 14, 15. -i Clement d Alexandrie, 1898, pp. no, m.
5 Op. a t., pp. 19, 20.
6 Chapman regards the Muratorian Fragment as taken from the Hypo
typoses, and supports the date of Zahn. He finds in the criticism passed there
26 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
The writings of Clement are characterised by an ap
pearance of enormous and varied erudition. They were
so regarded by Jerome, Eusebius, Cyril of Alexandria, and
Theodoret in the early centuries. 1 They were so regarded
by his editors and historians generally till a recent date.
From this point of view one of his early editors speaks
of him as a Christian Plutarch or Athenseus, and says
that he quotes more than three hundred authors of whom
otherwise we know not the names, and adds that for
this reason he is a treasure-house not only for theologians
but for grammarians, historians, and philosophers, even
for jurists and physicians. 2 Within recent years, how
ever, from a minute study of the sources, many en
deavours have been made to reduce this erudition to very
meagre dimensions. His show of learning, it is averred,
is an illusion, if not a fraud. He belongs to the mosaic
type of writers, and understands thoroughly how to sim
ulate a profound learning while concealing the very trivial
handbooks from which it is really derived. 3 He has
borrowed many sections from Aristotle. 4 He has tran
scribed whole sections from Musonius, and though he
has inserted words and phrases to give them a Christian
on the Pastor of Hermas and the denial of its canonicity a retractation of the
earlier view implied in the Stromateis.
The Hypotyposes contained eight books. The contents, as suggested by
Zahn, were as follows: I. -III., Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, Ecclesiastes (?),
(Gospels); IV., (Romans), I and 2 Corinthians; V., Hebrews (?), Galatians,
(i and 2 Thessalonians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians) ; VI., (Gospels, see
I.-III.) ; VII., James (?), I Peter, Jude, i., ii. (iii.), John, I and 2 Timothy, (Titus,
Philemon); VIII., Barnabas (?), 2 Peter (?), Apocalypse of Peter (?), (Apocalypse
of John). There is no clear evidence that the works in brackets were commented
on in the Hypotyposes. (Zahn, op. cit., p. 156.)
1 See "Testimonia Veterum" in Dindorf, vol. i. pp. Iv-lxiv ; Harnack,
op. cit., vol. i. p. 296.
2 Sylburg in Potter, vol. ii. p. 1038. 3 Wilamowitz, Eur. Her., vol. i. p. 171.
4 Bernays, zu Aristoteles et Clemens, Symbola. Philol. . . ., 1864, vol. i. p.
301 et seq.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 27
colouring, by the elimination of the Christian interpola
tions we can reproduce the original text. 1 Much in his
writings even that dealing with the literature and
antiquities of Greece is taken from Aristobulus 2 or
from the Universal History of Favorinus. 3 He is in
debted to Philo not only for his theory of Scripture but
for the application of it to details, and often gives no
indication of his indebtedness. 4 There are clear reminis
cences of Plutarch. 5 His knowledge, especially of the
later Greek thinkers, has been derived in part, if not
wholly, from the works of the " doxographers," whose
compilations formed a store-house for many inquirers. 6
Now, that there is a large measure of truth in these
statements has been proved beyond the possibility of
doubt. His indebtedness to Musonius, or to some one
dependent on Musonius, has been proved to a demon
stration. The same may be said of his obligations to
Philo. The sources of many of the sections that seem
most erudite can be traced with confidence. But, from
such admitted facts, an entirely erroneous conception of
the genius, even of the knowledge, of Clement may be
drawn. Even if it were true to the letter, if Clement
were only a piecer together of the phrases and thoughts
of others, he would be none the less important as a witness
1 Wendland, Qusestiones Musonianae, p. 61. Cf. C. P. Parker, Harvard
Studies, vol. xii., 1901. The editor of the Reliquiae Musonii (O. Hense),
1895, attaches little value to this method of reconstructing the text of Musonius.
2 Scheck, De Fontibus Cl. Al., 1889.
3 Gabrielssen, Uber die quelle des Cl. Al., 1906, 1909. In vol. ii. pp.
441-482 he replies to his critics.
4 Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria . . ., p. 343; Wendland, Hermes, vol.
xxxi. p. 435 ; Heinisch, Die Einfluss Philos auf die alteste christliche Exegese,
1908.
5 A mistake similar to that of Plutarch in a quotation from Heraclitus shows that
Clement "had read his Plutarch" (Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, p. 139).
6 Cf. Diels, Doxographi Gr., p. 129, &c.
28 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
to the development of Christian thought ; for in that case
he would represent the detailed views of a previous genera
tion or generations, and his appropriation of ideas from
without would be an indication of the assimilative force
of Christianity. But a consideration of what he certainly
did know tends to indicate that we must be on our guard
against an exaggerated conclusion. 1 It is certain that he
knew the Septuagint and the New Testament with aston
ishing width and accuracy. With regard to Philo, it is
probable that the Philonic theory and methods of exegesis
had become the common property of the Alexandrian
School ; and in the case of the Old Testament, the accept
ance of the method involved the acceptance of much tradi
tional exposition for it was probably the results that in his
eyes justified the method; at any rate, the two were in-
dissolubly related. One thing is certain : the inexhaustible
fertility with which he can suggest possible interpretations
of passages in the New Testament shows conclusively that
when he borrowed, it was not from intellectual or imagin
ative poverty. With regard to his knowledge of Greek
philosophy one general consideration may be adduced.
Clement attached great value to erudition as a charm to
win Greek adherents to Christianity. Would a mere show
or parade of learning, a use of a learned cyclopaedia, have
served his purpose, or the use of writings to which scholar
and teacher alike had ready access ? But, waiving that, it
is certain that he had a first-hand knowledge of the works
of Plato. This is proved not only by his detailed references
to passages in various treatises, even by his erroneous
references, paradoxical though it may seem, but by sug
gestions and reminiscences, constantly recurring, of Platonic
metaphors, allusions, and individual words. " Such remin-
1 Cf. Harnack, op. cit. % vol. ii. p. 16.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 29
iscences are characteristic rather of the lover of Plato, who
has an intimate knowledge of his favourite author, than
the skimmer of florilegia." l His knowledge of Homer,
Hesiod, and the great Greek dramatists could only have
come from first-hand. It is hard to conceive of any hand
books which could have contained so many and so varied
quotations as are adduced. But his free use of other
materials is not thereby explained. No doubt it was the
fashion of his age not to be rigorous in regard to the owner
ship of intellectual toil. As Clement borrowed from his pre
decessors, so he in turn formed a quarry for his successors. 2
But by his own criticism Clement has made it difficult to
develop for him this line of defence or explanation. For
a considerable section of his work is occupied with
endeavouring to prove that the Greeks plagiarised whole
sale from the Old Testament, and he even lays it down
as a thesis that this was a universal and ingrained trait
of Greek writers ; and it is hardly consistent with the
transparent sincerity that breaks through every page of
his writings to suppose that his attack on plagiarism
was itself a conscious plagiarism. Something may be due
to the literary fashion of the age, something may be due
to the unconscious reproduction of a tenacious memory, 3
something to his method of literary work, something to
the hypothesis of theft, which might enable him to regard
the abstraction of the writing of others as a mere restor
ation of stolen materials ; but when all allowance has been
made, there remains a psychological and ethical problem,
which must be explained in a way consistent with the
1 F. S. Clark, American Philological Association, 1902, pp. xiii, xiv. See
the notes in Stahlin passim.
2 Rohricht, De Clemente Alex. Arnobii . . . Auctore, 1893.
3 E.g. , he often quotes passages of Scripture with perfect accuracy, even when
he reverses the order of the verses.
30 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
moral elevation of the man and the far-reaching concep
tions of the writer. For the greatness and originality and
richness of his central thoughts disprove the idea that he had
been " at a great feast of languages and stolen the scraps,"
that he was a mere sewer together of shreds and patches.
For if everything were eliminated that he can be proved
to have borrowed, it might reduce to small compass his
independent knowledge of some departments of Greek
literature, but it would otherwise make little difference
to his place in the history of Christian thought. After
all, the method which he adopted was less important than
his aim ; the passages which he quoted or appropriated
were not taken for the mere sake of quotation, but in
order to give weight to his general design.
The problem which Clement raised and endeavoured to
solve in his writings has been characterised by Overbeck l
in a masterly study as perhaps the most daring literary
undertaking in the history of the Church. Clement was
well aware of the novelty of the task which he had under
taken, and of the suspicion which it was certain to create,
apart altogether from the method of solution which he
adopted. That he found it necessary to defend the com
position of books at all, is a significant fact. 2 He makes
no such apology in the Protrepticus or in the Psedagogus ;
and it could hardly be the reception of these works that
inspired his defence. No one could take exception to the
former work, for it was a powerful attack upon heathen
polytheism ; few could take exception to the practical ethics
of the Paedagogus, at least on principle. Had he restricted
himself to a refutation of the teaching of the heretics, his
Christian contemporaries would have thanked him. But,
without any external stimulus, to formulate and co-ordinate
Christian truths in relation to each other as well as in
1 Hist. Zcitschrift N. F., vol. xii. (1882), pp. 417-472. 2 Str., i. I.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 31
relation to philosophy seemed to many a superfluous as
well as a dangerous task, an imperilling of the unique
dignity and claims of the Christian faith by bringing it
into the light of common day. To substitute a Christian
gnosis for a heretical gnosis might seem to some an indirect
recognition of a movement with which there could be no
compromise : the transformation of a heretical watchword,
which had become an orthodox byword, into a designation
for the highest Christian ideal, might seem a superfluous
and confusing concession to the spirit of the age. In carry
ing out his task he does not lose sight of the controversies
within the Church, but his aim in dealing with them is
not mainly polemical, but rather to bring out the truth
of which the controverted views were an exaggeration or
a caricature. It is in accordance with his early training,
as well with his desire to come into rapprochement with
Greek converts, that, like Justin Martyr, his ruling thought
is not that of a Christian theology but of a Christian
philosophy. But it is only a philosophy in the sense of
being a philosophy of life. The originality of Clement does
not lie in the details or illustrations which he unhesitatingly
borrowed, but in the formulating of the unifying conception
which bound the scattered elements together, and in the
width of outlook which enabled him to co-ordinate all the
materials. That unifying principle he found in the doctrine
of the Word by whom the universe was brought into order,
whose inspiration was the key to a true philosophy of
history, in whose Incarnation men could see the ideal of
humanity, and who, by becoming incarnate, had not only
revealed the close relation of the divine and the human,
but had made possible the deifying of all humanity. The
peculiar distinction of Clement, in a word, is not that he
gave a final solution of the problem which he raised, but
his clear recognition of the fact that there was a problem
32 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS
to be solved, that in that place and at that stage in the
development of Christianity it was imperative for the
Church to realise the relation in which it stood to the
intellectual and moral forces that had hitherto been the
most powerful factors in moulding the intellectual life of
nations and individuals, if it were to escape the certain
danger of being stranded or submerged. It was, indeed,
a proceeding not without danger ; but not to recognise
the necessity of it would have been a still greater danger ;
for it would have extinguished Christianity in Alexandria,
or reduced it to a mere official ritual, neither influencing
its environment nor being influenced by it, or would have
left the gnostic misrepresentation of Christianity in un
disputed possession of the field. Clement was the first
to see the necessity of formulating a Christian theory of
the universe, a Christian philosophy of history, a Christian
code of ethics. It was, of course, inevitable that his
attempt should be marred by the defects of his age ; that
he accepted the current critical theories and literary pre
suppositions of his time without scrutiny, and was satisfied
with seeking only to illustrate them ; that he was fettered
both in the exposition of principles and details by the
consciousness of discouragement, if not of opposition, in
his enterprise ; that from a scientific point of view his
work was hampered by the nature of the instruments
with which he had to work ; that, generally, it bears the
stamp of the pioneer who is groping in an untried and
unexplored province. His principles are not always co
ordinated, but sometimes lie side by side without any
attempt to bring them into harmony with one another,
or even without any apparent consciousness of the neces
sity of such co-ordination. The conception was greater
than the execution; "the artist fell short of the thinker; " *
1 Cf. de Faye, p. 113.
CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 33
but the greatness of the conception abides. Nothing can
take from Clement the glory of having been the first
Christian teacher to find a place in his system of thought
for all forms of truth ; of bringing Christianity into the
line of historical development without surrendering its
absolute uniqueness ; of laying down principles which,
when stripped of their temporary cerements, are not dead,
but as vital to a true Christian philosophy and apologetic
to-day as they were in the closing years of the second
century. He neither ignored the rights of the past nor
the claims of the future, but sought to assign to each its
due place and proportion. " Large portions of his field
of thought," says Hort, " remained for long ages unworked,
or even remain unworked still. But what he at once
humbly and bravely attempted under great disadvantages
at the beginning of the third century will have to be
attempted afresh with the added experience and know
ledge of seventeen centuries more, if the Christian faith
is to hold its ground among men; and when the attempt
is made, not a few of his thoughts and words will shine
out with new force, full of light for dealing with new
problems." 1
1 Ante-Nicene Lectures, pp. 90, 91.
34
LECTURE II.
THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO HELLENIC CULTURE
AND PHILOSOPHY.
EVERY advance of the kingdom of God, every victory of
the Gospel, gave rise to new problems. When men of
philosophic culture became adherents of the Christian faith,
the Church had to decide what was to be its general attitude
towards that new force with which it had hitherto for the
most part been in conflict. All men of culture, Christian
and non-Christian alike, found in philosophy a common
ground. The immediate effect of the admission of the new
ally was such as to create suspicion. It sought to be a
master, not a servant, in the house of God, to assimilate
Christianity to itself rather than to assimilate itself to
Christianity, and thus created heresies that threatened to
break up the unity of the Church. The natural consequence
was that widely antagonistic views were adopted with re
gard to the relation of the Church to philosophic culture
generally. The one view is represented by Tatian and
Tertullian ; the other by Justin Martyr and Clement.
Tatian scoffs at Hellenic culture, recounts with almost
savage glee the fables as to the life and death of the Greek
philosophers, and abjures altogether any contact with the
wisdom of the Greeks. "We have," he says, "bidden
farewell to your wisdom." 1 In like manner Tertullian
1 Orat. ad Grsec., c. I.
CHRISTIANITY & HELLENIC CULTURE & PHILOSOPHY 35
branded philosophy generally as the fountain of all heresies,
and maintained that the Church had nothing to do with it
save to disown all intercourse with it. 1 The influence which
it had exercised on the Christian faith made this a natural
attitude; and it required men of no ordinary courage and
insight to rise above the temptation to attack or belittle
a force with associations so sinister. Such were Justin
and Clement. Justin, whose intellectual and spiritual life
to a certain extent had proceeded on parallel lines to that
of Clement, takes up substantially the same attitude as
he did. In becoming a Christian, he did not cease to
be a philosopher, for he regarded Christianity as the only
true and useful philosophy. Like Clement, he supports the
hypothesis of theft as a solution of the analogies between
Christianity and the philosophy of the Greeks, reads
Christian teaching into Plato, and claims all that was akin
to Christianity in Greek philosophy as his own. 2 At the
same time that Tertullian in Carthage was abjuring all con
tact with philosophy, Clement in Alexandria was exhibit
ing and defending Greek philosophy as virtually on a level
with Judaism as a preliminary discipline for Christianity.
It was not to be regarded merely as an unconscious negative
preparation for the Gospel, testifying by its very failure to
the necessity of something higher than itself; it had played
a positive part, a divinely appointed part, in the history of
humanity. What the Law of Moses was to the Jew,
philosophy was to the Greek. It was a tutor to the Greeks,
just as the law was to the Hebrews. 3 It was as a covenant
peculiar to them, like a stepping-stone to the philosophy
which is according to Christ. 4 As God gave prophets to
1 Prsesc. adv. Haeret., c. 7.
2 ii. Apol., 13. 6aa olv irapa TTCKTI /caAws efyjTjrcu TJ/J.&V ruv ^piffnaviav eVrj.
3 Str.,i. 5 28.
4 Ib., vi. 8 67 . T-TJV 5e (f>i\offo<f>iav Kal juaAAov "EAA.Tjo-tv, olov SiaBrjKfjv olttti&v
avrols.
36 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
the Jews, so He raised up men of the highest repute among
the Greeks, their own prophets in their own tongue, so far
as they were able to receive the beneficence of God, and
thus marked them off from the great mass of men. 1 The
Mosaic Law and Greek philosophy alike had each its own
place in the divine economy ; each came like the Gospel in
its own God-appointed time ; each was designed to prepare
men for the reception of the truth of Christ. 2
Clement assigned this lofty function to philosophy on a
variety of grounds. He based it on statements in Scripture,
on the unity of truth, on the universality of inspiration, on
the nature of philosophy itself, above all, on the nature
of God, whose Providence was not to be regarded as local
or national. According to the Scriptures, men among the
Gentiles are sons in God s sight. 3 The statement of the
Psalmist that " God had not dealt so with any nation" as with
Israel, implies that though God s relation to the Gentiles
was not so intimate as that which He occupied to the Jews,
He had a certain relation. 4 The quaintness of the exegesis
is at least convincing proof of the strength of his convic
tion on the matter. When David speaks of the Gentiles
" forgetting God," he implies a former remembrance, and
that there was a dim knowledge of God among the Gen
tiles. 5 The five barley loaves in the miracle are a figure
of the law ; the two fishes are a figure of the Greek philo
sophy which was begotten and carried about in the Gentile
waves. The quotation from Aratus by St Paul shows that
he approved of what was well said among the Greeks. 6
The way of truth is one, but into it as into an ever-flowing
river various streams flow, some from this side, some from
1 Str., vi. S 42 .
2 Ib., i. 5 a8 ; vi. 6 47 ; vi. 13 106 ; vi. 17 159 ; vii. 2 .
1 Paed., i. 5 14 . 4 Str., vi. 8 63 ; Psa. 147. 20.
5 Ib., vi. 8 64 ; Psa. 9. 17. 6 Ib., i. 19 91 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 37
that. 1 The law of nature and the law of the divine educa
tion are from God, and one. 2 Injunctions of righteousness
pronounced by those who pursue the wisdom of the world
are not to be despised. Sayings such as that of Hesiod
were spoken by the God of all, even though they were
spoken by way of conjecture, not by way of apprehension. 3
All apprehension of God is due to His inspiration. 4 Clement
starts with the assumption, based on his own experience,
that philosophy in itself was a good thing. The source
from which it drew its inspiration was sufficiently proved
by its results ; it made men virtuous, and was accorded
only to the best among the Greeks. 6 To suppose that so
powerful a factor in thought and life had come into the
world without a direct divine impulse was to put a limit
and a dishonour on the omniscience, the beneficence, and
the omnipotence of God. It is really a clear image of
truth, a divine gift to the Greeks. 6 By a different pro
cess of advancement, He led both Greek and barbarian
to the perfection which is through faith. 7 If the very
hairs of our head are numbered, shall philosophy not be
taken into account? 8 If philosophy were discovered by the
Greeks by the mere exercise of human understanding, yet,
according to the Scriptures, understanding is from God. 9
Many things the fruit of human reasoning derived from
Him their primal spark. 10 He is even the source of every
artistic device. 11 If, according to Solomon, it was wisdom
as artificer that framed the ship, were it not irrational to
regard philosophy as inferior to shipbuilding? 12 To deny
that philosophy came from God was to run the risk of
saying that it was impossible for Him to know all things
1 Str., i. s 29 . 2 Ib., i. 29 182 . 3 Ib., i. 29 181 .
4 Prot., Vi. 71 . 5 Str<> yi- I7 159. 6 Ib<) i ^
7 Ib., vii. 2 11 . 8 Ib., vi. i; 153 . 9 Ib., vi. 8 62 .
10 Ib., vi. 17 1W . " Ib., i. 4 26 . 12 Ib., vi. ii 93 , 94 .
38 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
individually, and that He is not the cause of all good
things. 1 To ascribe philosophy to the devil was to forget
that evil had an evil nature, and never could be the source
of anything good ; nay, it was virtually to make the devil
more beneficent than the Providence of God. 2 If the devil
be "transformed into an angel of light," that can only be
when he prophesies that which is true. 3 Even if the devil
had stolen it, the gift was not an injurious one, and there
fore not such as to call forth the intervention of God. 4
But what necessity, it might be objected, was there for
assigning the introduction of philosophy to any divine
intervention ? Why not regard it simply as the fruit of
human reasoning ? Even so, it was from God, the source
of reason. Nothing could have existed at all unless God
had so willed. That philosophy did exist, shows that He
willed it to exist, and that it existed for the sake of those
who would not have abstained from evil save by its
means. Did the thinkers of Greece utter some truth by
accident ? It was the accident due to the administration
of God. Did they do so by mere coincidence ? The coinci
dence had been divinely foreseen. Was it by a so-called
natural conception ? God, and not man, was the creator
of that natural conception. 5
To what philosophy or philosopher did Clement specially
assign this work of preparation for Christianity ? What did
he mean by the word itself? " By philosophy," he says, " I
do not mean the Stoic, nor the Platonic, nor the Epicurean,
nor the Aristotelian, but whatsoever things have been spoken
in each of these sects well, giving thorough instruction in
righteousness along with a knowledge inspired by piety,
all this eclectic matter I call philosophy. But whatsoever
things of human reasonings they have appropriated and put
1 Str., vi. 17 lw . Ib., vi. 17 159 . Ib. f vi. 8 66 .
4 Ib., i. 17 . 6 Ib., i. 19 94 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 39
a false stamp on, that I would never call divine. " l Again,
" By philosophy we do not propose to discuss that way of life
which obtains in each sect, but that which is really philo
sophy, strictly technical wisdom, 2 which furnishes experi
ence of the things that pertain to life. And we say that
wisdom is the steadfast knowledge of things divine and
human, an apprehension firm and unalterable, embracing
the things which are, and the things which have been, and
the things which shall be. . . . Philosophy, then, would be
the uncontroverted dogmas in each of the sects philosophi
cal sects, I mean gathered into one selection, and accom
panied by a way of life correspondent." 3 Philosophy, then,
is the apprehension of truth, in particular, the truth about
God, and the attainment of a way of life correspondent to
the truth apprehended. Its goal is rectitude of reason and
purity of life. 4 This view of philosophy explains, on the
one hand, his admiration for Plato, 5 and on the other, his
detestation both of the theology and the moral teaching of
Epicurus. He explains away the teaching of Plato in the
Republic as to the community of women, and holds that
Marcion found support for his heresies only by a misuse of
the Platonic principles at once thankless and ignorant. 6 He
is in sympathy with all that is best in Stoicism, and has
transferred to his own way of thinking many of its technical
terms and formulas ; but he is so far from being blind to its
defects that he describes its conception of the Divinity per
vading all matter as a clumsy degradation of philosophy. 7
He can be fair even to Epicureanism. While he regards
1 Str., i. 7 37 . <j)i\ocro<p{a.i> Se ou r
E-jriKovpei6v re Kol AptcTTOTeAi/CTji , oAA oaa e5fp7jrat Trap fKaffrrf TWV
/caAcos, SiKuioavt>T)v ftera eucre/SoCs eTritrrTj/xTjs e/cSiSacr/coi/Ta, rovro
2 Stahlin suspects a corruption in the text here. 3 Str., vi. 7 54 , 55 .
4 Ib., vi. 7 55 . * Ib., v. 10 66 , &c. 6 Ib., iii. 2 10 ; iii. 3 21 .
7 Prot., v. ^ ; Str., i. n B1 .
40 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
St Paul s condemnation of philosophy in the Epistle to the
Colossians as a condemnation of the Epicureanism which
abolishes Providence and deifies pleasure, 1 and compares
it to tares sown in the Hellenic philosophy, 2 characteris
ing its doctrines as doctrines of darkness, 3 he quotes with
approval a letter of Epicurus himself, 4 and even does not
hesitate to say, in harmony with his eclectic principles,
that Metrodorus, Epicurean though he was, spoke some
things under inspiration. 5 He lays down the sound prin
ciple that we are not to condemn what is said because
of the speaker, but examine it to see whether it adheres
to the truth. 8 An intellectual force which, in the judg
ment of Clement, had played so important a part as
philosophy in the development of life and thought of the
past, must still have a part assigned to it by God in the
sphere of Christianity. In its past function was to be
found the key to its present function. It purges the soul,
and prepares it for the reception of the faith, on which
foundation the truth builds up the edifice of knowledge. 7
It serves as a first or second stair to one going to the upper
room, as grammar serves philosophy. 8 It is an intellectual
gymnastic, necessary for the attainment of the highest degree
of goodness. 9 As the husbandman waters the soil before
casting in the seed, so he, as a teacher, waters, so to speak,
the souls of his hearers with the discourses of the Greeks,
that they may be fitted to receive the spiritual seed when it
is cast down. 10 So far from dragging men away from the
faith, philosophy provides a conjoint discipline which serves
to demonstrate the truth of the faith. 11 It co-operates in
discussions about the truth ; it is a co-worker in the appre-
1 Str., i. ii M . 2 Ib., vi. 8 67 . 3 Ib., iv. 22 144 .
4 Ib., iv. 8 69 . 6 Ib., v. i 4 13 8. Ib., vi. 8 66 .
7 Ib., vii. 3 20 . 8 Ib., i. 19". 9 Ib., vi. 11 n- i. 3 22 .
10 Ib., i. i ". " Ib., i. 2 2.
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 41
hension of the truth. 1 With philosophy as a copestone,
wisdom is unassailable by sophists. 2 By it we may buffet
the heretical sects. 3 Hence in the Stromateis he does not
hesitate to use what is best in philosophy and other pre
liminary discipline. 4 It is plain from many allusions in his
writings that this sane and liberal attitude was received by
many of his contemporaries with suspicion and antagonism.
Some regarded philosophy as useless, some as a source of
danger, some adduced the authority of Scripture against it. 5
He speaks of the chattering of some who, in their ignorance,
were frightened at every noise, who said that we should
restrict ourselves to things which were most essential and
which contained the faith, and pass by things external
and superfluous, which contributed nothing to the main
end. 6 He alludes to the many who were frightened at the
Hellenic philosophy like children at masks, 7 to some who in
their conceit refused to touch philosophy or dialectics and
insisted on bare faith alone, 8 who asked triumphantly what
use there was in knowing the causes of the movements of
the stars, or in meditating on the theories of geometry or
other branches of learning, since such studies were of no
service in the discharge of duty, and the Hellenic philosophy
was only the fruit of human understanding, and was not
taught by the truth ? 9 Clement admits that there was a
possibility of the faith of some being submerged by the
perusal of Hellenic literature, unless the principles which he
laid down were taken as a guide, 10 and even brings it as a
charge against some that they preferred to remain ignorant
lest, after giving their ears to Hellenic instruction, they might
not be able to find their way back. 11 He denies the right
of any one to condemn the philosophy of the Greeks who
1 Str., vi. ii 91 ; i. 20 97 . 2 Ib., i. 5 28 . 3 Ib., i. 19 95 . 4 Ib., i. I 15 .
5 Ib., i. 178!. e Ib., i. i 18 . 7 Ib., vi. io 80 . 8 Ib., i. 9 43 .
9 Ib. vi. ii 93 . 10 Ib., v. I4 140 . n Ib., vi. ii 89 .
42 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
knew nothing but the bare letter, and argues that we must
philosophise even in order to decide that we should not ;
that even if philosophy were useless, it would be useful to
demonstrate its own uselessness. He defends his procedure
on the ground that the display of varied learning acts as
an art of enchantment on scholars, and serves as a letter
of commendation to the truth. 1 He claims to have in his
method the support of the example and teaching of St Paul.
It would appear that his opponents had adduced passages
to the contrary. 2 In writing to Titus, St Paul had made
a quotation from the Cretan Epimenides, and in the Epistle
to the Corinthians he had quoted a line from some Greek
poet, 3 and in that sense had become all things to all men.
All things were God s therefore, what belonged to the
Greeks was ours ; and the natural way to bring the Greeks
to faith in the truth was, in the first place, to appeal to what
was cognate, and to find a middle point of transition in
their own intellectual possessions. 4 It was possible, no
doubt, to live rightly in poverty ; but it was also possible
to do so in superfluity. Virtue was not unattainable with
out preliminary instruction, but it was attained more easily
and quickly with it. 5 To insist on bare faith alone was,
in contradiction to the teaching of the Lord, to expect at
the very outset to take clusters of grapes without having
taken any care of the vine. From every science, every
branch of culture, something might be plucked that was
helpful in making the truth unassailable. The study of
ambiguous words and synonyms in the two Covenants was
important. If the Lord by an ambiguous phrase eluded the
devil at the temptation, could the devil be the author of
philosophy and dialectic? 6 How can he be an "approved
1 Str., i. 2 19 , 20 . 2 Col. ii. 4, 8 ; i Cor. i. 19.
3 Str., i. I4 59 ; Tit. i. 12 j I Cor. xv. 33. 4 Ib., v. 3 18 ; v. 4 19 .
6 Ib.,i. 6 s5 . Ib.,i. 9 , ".
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 43
money-changer," who is not able offhand to distinguish
the pure coin from the spurious ? l Do not the so-called
orthodox apply themselves to good works not knowing
what they do ? 2 Clement had sympathy with the weak
brother in ethical and practical matters, but not so much
in intellectual matters ; though only once does a touch of
the arrogance of philosophical culture escape him. Irritated
by the charge of dangerous methods that had obviously
been brought against him, he breaks out : " But if this
faith of theirs for I cannot call it knowledge be such
that it can be dissolved by plausible speech, let it be by all
means dissolved, and let them confess that they will not
have the truth." 3 But this temporary outburst is alto
gether foreign to his usual mode of thought. In general
he seeks rather to win adherents than to refute opponents.
Along with this lofty estimate of the function of philo
sophy Clement is inspired with a keen sense of the new
ness of Christianity, and the consequent limitations of
philosophic culture. Christ is the " New Song "by which
the Greek legends have been antiquated and fulfilled.
Christians are a new people. So full is he of this idea
of the newness of Christianity that he speaks of the
manifestation of Christ as if it were a thing of
yesterday. 4 The newness of humanity in Christ he
finds revealed in unexpected phrases. 5 " I make things
new," the Word says. " With a new eye, a new ear,
a new heart, the disciples of the Lord speak, hear,
and do in spiritual wise whatsoever things are seen
and heard and apprehended through faith and under
standing." 6 "In contradiction to the older people we
are the new people, having learned the new blessings. To
1 Str., vi. IO 81 . 2 Ib., i. 9 45 : ol opdoSol-affTai Ka\ovu.fvoi.
3 Ib., vi. 10 81 . 4 Pad., i. 5 2.
6 Ib., i. s 15 . Cf. Zech. ix. 9. 6 Str., ii. 4 15 .
44 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
us belongs the rich prime of our years, this youth which
knows no age, in which we are always vigorous in thought,
always young, and always gentle, and always new; for
those who are partakers of the new Word should them
selves be new. And that which partakes of eternity is
wont to be assimilated to that which is incorruptible, so
that the age of our boyhood may be named a spring-time
of all our life, because old age never falls upon the truth
in us and our way of life, which is saturated with the truth.
For wisdom is ever-blooming, always the same and un
changing." l This conception of the newness of Christianity
shows that the function of philosophy in the Christian
economy is not absolute, but is to be restricted in a variety
of ways. In no sense does Clement admit that Christianity
depends on Greek philosophy. The teaching according to
the Saviour is self-effective and in need of nothing; and
Greek philosophy by coming over to its side does not add
to the potency of the truth, but reduces to impotence the
sophistical attacks against it. Though it were absent, no
defect would take place in the absolute Word, nor would
the truth be destroyed ; just as the senses contribute to
truth, but the intellect is the natural organ for knowing it. 2
Philosophy is a co-worker for the apprehension of the truth ;
but although a joint cause, it is not the efficient cause, as
if apart from philosophy truth did not exist ; for many with
out philosophy or any academic training, or even without
knowledge of letters, have accepted the word about God
through faith, instructed by self-working wisdom. Philo
sophy by itself is powerless to energise ; it is only a cause
when acting in unison with another. 3 Nor is it to be used
indiscriminately. No time must be occupied with the dis
cussion of useless and irrelevant matters, no heed paid to
wrangling sophisms, or to the mere pursuit of the shadow of
1 Psed.,L 5 2 . 3 Str., i. 20 10 . 3 Ib.
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 45
words. 1 All sophistical arts must be set aside, as making the
worse appear the better reason. 2 Proficiency in philosophy
and the curriculum of studies is not a principal but a second
ary end, to be used incidentally. It is of the nature of an
intellectual dessert, a relish not bread to the spirit. 3 It is
not essential to the apprehension of truth by the individual.
The Christian philosophy has no barriers save moral barriers
at the entrance ; it is open to the attainment of barbarian
and Greek, slave and aged, child and woman. 4 If any of
the Greeks, dispensing with the preliminary guidance of the
Hellenic philosophy, proceeds straight to the true teaching,
he outdistances others, though an unlettered man, by choos
ing the short cut to perfection namely, that of salvation
through faith. 5 So in his earliest writing he had held that
for him who had come to the school of Christ, academic
learning was a superfluity. " Since the Word has come to
us from heaven, we need not go to the teaching of men
in our search after learning, to Athens, or the rest of Greece,
or Ionia. For if we have as our Teacher Him who filled
the universe with His holy energies in creation, salvation,
beneficence, legislation, prophecy, teaching, we have the
Teacher from whom all instruction comes ; and the whole
world with Athens and Greece has come under the sway of
the Word." 6 When St Paul describes Hellenic philosophy
as " the rudiments of the world," he hints that it was essen
tially rudimentary, and that it was unworthy of the man
who had attained to the height of the gnostic to run back
to it. 7 Moreover, in respect of its origin, philosophy was
inferior to Christianity; nay, all that was best in it was
taken from the Hebrew Scriptures. 8 Before the advent of
Christianity, Greek philosophers took fragments of truth
1 Str., vi. 10 82 . 2 Ib., i. 8 39 . 3 Ib., i. 20 10 .
4 Ib., iv. 8 58 . 5 Ib., vii. 2". 6 Prot., xi. 112 .
7 Str., vi. S 62 . * Ib.,i. 17 8 7; i. 20 100 .
46 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
from the Hebrew prophets, but not with the insight of know
ledge, and appropriated them, falsifying some things and
ignorantly explaining others in over-subtlety. 1 Clement
endeavours to demonstrate that what he calls the philo
sophy according to the Hebrews that is, the religious and
moral conceptions in the books of Scripture, along with
philosophic ideas read into the Pentateuch by allegorical
exegesis is the most ancient of all forms of wisdom ; 2 that
Moses flourished long before the date at which, according
to Greek mythology, the race of men had sprung into being ; 3
that philosophy and other arts flourished among the bar
barians long before they appeared among the Greeks. 4 He
finds in the higher aspects of the legislation of Numa a
reflection of the teaching of Moses ; 5 in the cosmogony of
Homer, as set forth in the shield of Vulcan, an imitation
of the Mosaic cosmogony, even in minute details ; 6 thinks
that, by a happy divination, Homer seems to speak of the
Father and the Son ; 7 and that Euripides unconsciously
refers to the Saviour Himself. 8 Some of the distinctive
tenets of the Stoics 9 in some cases based on misinterpre
tations of passages in Scripture, the esoteric principles of
the Pythagoreans expressed in symbol and proverb, 10 the
doctrines of the Peripatetic philosophy generally and even
some minute points in it, 11 all the ethical commonplaces of
the Greeks, come from the same source. 12 From the
Hebrew Scriptures Greek generals, like Miltiades, derived
their military stratagem ; 13 Hellenic legends are based on
the facts of Scripture; 14 the marvels of Greek mythology
are imitations of the marvels recorded in Scripture. 15 In
particular, the Greeks imitated the symbolic and enigmatic
1 Str., i. 17 87 . 2 Ib., i. 21 101 . 3 Ib., i. 21 106 . 4 Ib., i. i6 74 .
5 Ib., i. is 71 . Ib., v. I4 101 . 7 Ib., v. 14 n6 . s Ib., v. ii 70 .
9 Ib., v. i 4 97 . 10 Ib., v. 5 30 . " Ib., v. 14 >. 12 Ib., ii. i8 78 .
18 Ib., i. 24 162 . 14 Ib., vi. a 28 . 16 Ib., i. 24 170 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 47
part of the barbarian philosophy, as that which was most
essential to the knowledge of the truth. 1 The Hellenic
philosophy is like the torch which men kindle, stealing the
light artfully from the sun. 2 The influence of the Holy
Scriptures is particularly conspicuous in Plato. 3 Clement
quotes many analogies between Plato and the Scriptures
though in some cases the resemblance may only have been a
coincidence, the happy conjecture of a great nature, 4 main
tains that Plato himself acknowledged his dependence, 5 that
his doctrine of creation was taken from Moses, 6 that he
exhibits the life of a Christian in the Thesetetus, 7 that he
seems to have divined the Lord s day, 8 that he had a per
ception of the Holy Trinity, 9 that he all but prophesied the
economy of salvation. 10 From a reference to diverse inter
pretations of a passage in the Republic, it would seem that
Christian exegesis had already been applied by several to
Plato. 11 He quotes with approval the saying of Numenius
the Pythagorean, " What is Plato but Moses atticising ? " 12
and he himself apostrophises Plato thus : " Whence, O Plato,
is that hint of thine of the truth ? I know thy teachers,
even^if thou wouldst conceal them. For your laws that are
consistent with truth, and your opinions concerning God,
you are indebted to the Hebrews." 13 Clement speaks in
wavering terms about the agency by which the Hebrew
teaching came to the knowledge of the thinkers and poets
of Greece. Sometimes it is represented as a case of pure
theft ; in one case he attributes it to the fallen angels, who
revealed the secrets to the women after whom they lusted,
instead of reserving the knowledge to the advent of Christ. 14
Elsewhere, in accordance with later Jewish thought, as
1 Str., ii. 1 1, 2 . 2 Ib., v. 5 29 . 3 Ib. , i. i 10 ; i. 25 168 .
4 Ib., ii. I9 100 . 5 Ib., i. 15 69 . 6 Ib., v. 14 w
7 Ib., v. I 4 98 . 8 Ib., v. I 4 106 . 9 Ib., v. 14 103 .
10 Ib., v. i4 5 8. n Ib., v. I4 98 ; Rep., iii. 415 A.
12 Ib., i. 22 15 . 13 Prot., vi. 70 . 14 Str., i. 17 81 ; v. 1 10 .
48 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
based on a passage in Deuteronomy, he ascribes it to the
inferior angels to whom the nations were assigned. 1 In
confirmation of his theory of theft, he adduces the alleged
fact that the Greek poets, philosophers, and historians stole
from one another, and argues that those who stole from one
another would hardly refrain from touching what belonged
to Christians. 2 Of this hypothesis, which seems to have
been started by Aristobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, in the
third century before Christ in all probability from apologetic
motives, 3 maintained by Tatian, Justin, and Theophilus,
exhibited by Clement with great ingenuity and wealth of
illustration, repeated by Eusebius in the fourth century,
almost in the matter and form of Clement, and supported
here and there by individual writers in subsequent ages,
any discussion is superfluous, for it is entirely destitute
of historical and literary foundation. From the elaborate
treatment of it by Clement, it is plain that many before his
time must have been at work in the search after analogies
between the Scriptures and the literature of Greece ; and it
was probably part of the traditional apologetic and exegesis
of the Alexandrian School. One is tempted for a moment to
suppose that Clement s defence of it was a mere tour deforce,
or that it was a concession to his opponents. But on the
latter supposition it would have been futile ; for why should
they concern themselves about what had been stolen when
they had the original treasury ? It was not at all necessary
to his argument, but rather out of harmony with his higher
view of the relation between the Christian faith and Hellenic
philosophy ; yet it occurs so frequently in an incidental
way, and is, moreover, developed so elaborately, that there
can be no doubt of his acceptance of it. From a passage
1 Str., vii. 2 6 ; Deut. xxxii. 8. 2 Ib., vi. 2 4 .
3 For a criticism of some modern views regarding Aristobuhis, see Schurer,
Geschichte des Judischen Volkes, vol. Hi. 3 p. 388.
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 49
quoted by him, it would appear that the idea was held
by heterodox and orthodox alike. 1 The only original
contribution by Clement to it is that though the truth
was stolen, it was none the less true, a real possession
however acquired. 2 He did not invent the hypothesis,
but he found in it a weapon at once to disarm the
opposition of the narrower section in the Church, and a
means of constructing a bridge between Greek thought and
Christian truth. Apart from the fantastic theories noted
above, he makes no attempt to show that direct historical
contact between the Hebrew Scriptures and Greek thought
can be demonstrated, or in what way the transition of
analogous facts or conceptions from the one sphere into the
other took place or was possible. But when we call to mind
the manner in which the hypothesis of literary dependence
has been exaggerated as a solvent for the problems of the
New Testament by the extreme Dutch school, or even how
the argument from analogy has been pushed by the more
extravagant adherents of the school of Gunkel, we shall
wonder less at the uncritical attitude of Clement in the
second century. The main difference, so far as their attitude
to Christianity is concerned, is that Clement, starting from
the conception of the absolute originality of Christianity,
regarded all other truth as secondary and derivative : the
modern representatives of the theory of analogy regard
Christian truth as derivative and secondary, without re
cognising any truth as absolute or uniquely divine.
Apart from this relation of dependence on the Hebrew
Scriptures, the philosophy of the Greeks was in some im
portant respects inferior to Christianity. Its relation was
that of Hagar to Sarah, of a maid to a mistress. 3 It
had not led to the abandonment of idolatry. 4 Many of
1 Str.,vi. 6 53 . 2 IbjL 20 ioo.
8 Ib., i. 5 32 , from Philo. 4 Ib., vi. 6".
D
50 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
its teachers had imperfect conceptions of God, and paid
honour to the elements : at best, they knew Him as
Creator, not as Father in the Christian sense. 1 Both
philosophy and Christianity come from God, the one
source of all good things ; but the former had only come
from Him in the way of natural sequence, not as a prin
cipal end, though to the Greeks before the Advent it may
have been given as a principal end. 2 Like the good land,
philosophy shares in the rain from heaven, but the result is
not the same. 3 It may be compared to nuts, the whole of
which is not eatable. 4 It is by no means to be regarded as
a substitute for Christianity. On the contrary, philosophers
are but children, unless they have become mature men
through Christ. 5 Though men have studied the Greek
philosophy, they must learn the truth of Christ in order
to be saved. 6 To act or speak without the word of truth
is as if a man tried to walk without feet. 7 Christian
piety is a kind of science, and as such has distinctive
principles of its own. As well try to become a rhetorician
by taking up the principles of medicine, or a physician
by taking up the principles of rhetoric, as try to become
a Christian by other than Christian principles. 8 The
difference between Christianity and philosophy is thorough
going and far-reaching. Philosophy at best contains but
a fragment of the truth of which Christianity contains
the whole. 9 " Like as the Bacchae tore to pieces the
limbs of Pentheus, so have the sects of philosophy, both
barbarian and Greek, done with truth, each claiming as
the whole the portion that has fallen to it." 10 The differ
ence between philosophy and Christianity is a difference
1 Str., i. ii so ; v. 14 138 . * Ib., i. 7 37 ; i. 5 . Ib., i. ; 37 .
4 Ib., i. i 7 . 5 Ib., i. ii 63 . 6 Ib., v. 13 87 .
7 Prot., vii. 75 . 8 Stah., vol. iii. p. 229, fr. 68.
9 Prot., vii. 74 ; Str., vi. I7 160 . w Str., i, I3 67 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 51
between names and things, between the probable and the
true, 1 between truth and guessing at truth, 2 between the
particular and the universal ; 3 for that which the chiefs
of philosophy only guessed at, the disciples of Christ
apprehend and proclaim.* Moreover, the truth in Greek
philosophy is not only fragmentary but elementary. It is
not concerned with such intellectual objects as are beyond
the sphere of this world. 5 Like geometry or painting, it
presents only one side of the truth which it delineates. 6
It does not embrace the majesty of the truth. 7 In the
dark night of the pre-Christian era it was as the faint
light of a wick whose light was taken from the sun. With
the proclamation of the Word it is extinguished, as the
lamp by the sun ; the whole night is illumined. 8 " While
truth is one, many things contribute to its investigation,
but the discovery is only through the Son. . . . There is
the truth of geometry and there is the truth of music,
and in right philosophy there would be Hellenic truth.
But the only authoritative truth is that in which we are
taught by the Son of God. . . . The Greek truth has the
same name as our truth, but it differs from it in respect of
the grandeur of knowledge, and more authoritative process
of demonstration, and divine grace, and the like." 9 It lacks
the spiritual and moral force which Christianity imparts.
It says that man was made for the vision of heaven,
and yet worships the things that appear in the heavens. 10
Its lack of moral force is mainly due to the fact that
while the self-control of the Greek philosopher is directed
against ministering to lust in act, the self-control of the
Christian is directed against the lusting itself. 11
The primary ground of the inferiority of philosophy is
1 Str., vi. 17 149 . a Ib., i. 7 38 . 3 Prot., xi. n3 . 4 Ib., xi. 112 .
5 Str., vi. 15 "7; vi. 8 <. 6 Ib., vi. 7 56 . 7 Ib., i. i6 80 .
8 Ib., v. s 29 . Ib., i. 20 98 . 10 Prot., iv. 63 . Str., iii. 7 57 .
52 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
found in the uniquely divine origin of Christianity. His
argument here, so far as it seeks to prove the truth of
the Christian faith, is based mainly on a series of what
he regards as necessary presuppositions. He assumes the
necessity of revelation, and seeks to support it. We
needed a Divine Teacher, because the soul was too feeble
to apprehend things that are as they really are. Hence
the Saviour was sent down. 1 Men speaking about God
are not trustworthy, in so far as they are merely men.
The feeble and mortal cannot speak worthily of Him
who is unoriginated and incorruptible, nor can the work
of Him who made it. 2 In refutation of the theory of
Valentinus, that men were saved by natural constitution,
he deems it sufficient to point to the fact that in that
case the teaching both of the Old and the New Testament
was a superfluity, and that the higher natures, apart from
the advent of Christianity, would some time or another
have come to the light. But if the Valentinians admitted
that the sojourning of the Saviour was a necessity, then
the peculiar prerogatives of nature were gone. 3 He assumes
the divine origin of the Christian Scriptures. All other
systems of thought depend on some teacher, who in turn
depended on his predecessor, and so on in like manner
in an ascending series ; but Christianity is taught by Him
who was taught of none, but is Himself the teacher of all
created beings. 4 He adduces what he calls an unanswer
able argument that it is God who speaks in detail of the
matter under investigation and presents it in writing.
" Who, then, is so atheistic as to disbelieve God, and to
demand demonstration from God as from man ? " If the
followers of Pythagoras regard his ipse dixit as a matter
of faith shall we demand from God the Saviour proof of
1 Str , v. I 7 . 2 Ib., vi. i8 165 . Cf. ib., i. 28 178 .
3 Ib., v. i 3 . 4 Ib., vi. 7 57 ,
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 53
what is said ? l Theism involves Christianity. Admit the
existence of Providence, and it would be impious to sup
pose that the whole of prophecy and the dispensation
in relation to it did not take place in accordance with
Providence. 2 A first principle must be assumed, for a
first principle which required the support of anything
else could not be regarded as a first principle. 3 The
demonstration which is based on opinion is human, the
demonstration of the Scripture is based on knowledge.
Scripture itself, being derived from the First Principle,
shares like characteristics. " With a view to the discovery
of realities we use Scripture as a criterion. . . . That
cannot be a first principle which needs to be judged. We,
embracing by faith the first principle without demonstra
tion, receive demonstration concerning the first principle
from the first principle itself, and are instructed by the
voice of the Lord with a view to the knowledge of the
truth. Human testimony needs confirmation, but by the
voice of the Lord we prove that which is under inquiry, and
this is more trustworthy than any demonstration, rather is
the only real demonstration." 4 If, in the ordinary sense
of the word, demonstration of the truth of Christianity is
unnecessary or impossible, nevertheless, in the judgment
of Clement, it has a demonstration of its own. The organ
of this demonstration is faith. " Faith is a grace which
leads up from that which cannot be demonstrated to that
which is universally simple, which is neither with matter,
nor matter, nor under matter." 6 So far from being facile
or vulgar, faith is something divine. It is the foundation of
knowledge. 6 " Unless ye believe, ye will not understand."
When the Scripture says that God is faithful, it implies
that He is worthy of faith when making any assertion. 7
1 Str., ii. 5 2 *. 2 Ib -f v j 7> C f. ib . [i 2 9. ib., vii. i6 98 .
4 Ib. 5 Ib., ii. 4 14 . 6 Ib., ii. 6 30 , &c. 7 Ib., ii. 6*.
54 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
From the person of the Teacher it follows that, in respect
of substance, our teaching is perfect. He who suffered
out of love to us would not have kept back anything with
a view to our instruction in knowledge. 1 In defence of
the Christian faith Clement presents some grounds of a
more definite character. " They say that a proof is either
the antecedent, or the coincident, or the consequent. The
discovery of what is sought concerning God is the teaching
through His Son ; and the proof of our Saviour being the
Son of God is the prophecies announcing Him which pre
ceded His coming, and the testimony regarding Him which
coincided with His birth in the world; and, in addition,
His powers proclaimed and openly shown after His ascen
sion." 2 " Undoubtedly of the coming of the Lord, who
was our teacher, to men there were myriad indicators,
proclaimers, precursors from the beginning, from the
foundation of the world, intimating beforehand by words
and deeds, prophesying that He would come, and when,
and where, and what should be the signs." 3 Thus,
apparently, the argument from prophecy is the most
weighty argument, but it must be taken along with the
evidence of the working of a living Christ. The miraculous
in the sphere of knowledge impressed him more than the
miraculous in the sphere of action. He speaks of the
latter as a concession to men in a lower stage of spiritual
development. " God spake by the burning bush, for the
men of that day needed signs and wonders." 4 He admits
it as one of the methods by which God saves men. 5 This
attitude of Clement is to be explained, on the one hand,
by his faith in the power of truth, and on the other by
his insistence on the liberty of the individual. In no case
is the freedom of the individual to be forced or touched.
1 Str., vi. 8 70 . 2 Str., vi. 15 122 . 3 Ib., vi. i8 166 .
4 Prot., i. 8 . 5 Str. , vi. 3 28 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 55
In a striking fragment he says : " I regard it as a form
of necessity to astonish and compel the faith of a man
by that which is miraculous, seeing that God wishes
a man to be saved of himself, taking only the impulse
from the commandment. God does not deal in compul
sion, nor would it be right that the self-determined soul
should, after the fashion of lifeless images, be influenced
by an external cause." 1 In view of the fact that we know
nothing of the context of this passage, it may be unwise
to push it too far or to its logical issue ; but it is in
harmony with Clement s views on human freedom, 2 as
well as with the absence in his writings of specific and
definite arguments for the truth of Christianity based on
the miraculous, and with his very scanty allusions to the
miracles of Jesus.
As a testimony to the divinity of the Christian faith,
Clement points to its universality. It is not limited as
a philosophical coterie is in the character or number of
its adherents. Neither poverty nor lack of reputation can
stand in the way of him who is eagerly intent on the
knowledge of God. 3 And as it is independent of indi
vidual limitations, so it transcends all national or racial
boundaries. " The word of our teacher remained not in
Judaea alone, as philosophy did in Greece, but was
scattered throughout the whole world, winning whole
households of Greek and barbarians at once, in nation,
village, and city, and individual hearers also, and bringing
to the truth not a few of the philosophers themselves." *
The reality of Christian faith and truth was evinced by
the fact of martyrdom. No doubt, there had been iso
lated cases of martyrdom for truth before the coming of
Christianity. " But we see the spectacle every day of innu-
1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 217. 2 Cf. Feed., i. 6 3J , &c.
3 Prot.,x. 105 . 4 Str., vi. i8 167 .
56 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
merable crowds of martyrs roasted, impaled, beheaded." 1
The whole Church was filled with those who throughout
their whole life " had made a study of death." 2 This whole
sale martyrdom had failed in its aim, and had only proved
the impossibility of crushing Christianity by force. Persecu
tion by the State would cause any system of Greek philos
ophy to disappear forthwith ; but it is futile as a check to
the progress of Christianity. " Our teaching from the very
moment of its first proclamation was prohibited by kings
and tyrants together, as well as by rulers and governors in
turn, with all their mercenaries, and in addition by count
less men warring against us, and endeavouring to the
utmost of their power to cut it down. But it flourishes
the more. For it dies not as the teaching of men, nor
fades away as a gift without strength, for no gift of God
is without strength. It remains unhindered, though it
is predicted of it that it is destined to be persecuted
to the end." 3 The rapidity of its victorious march was
all the more noteworthy. With unsurpassable celerity
the divine power had shone over the earth, and filled the
universe with the seed of salvation. 4 The divinity of
Christ had been attested by the moral and intellectual
influence which it had exercised both socially and in
dividually. It had transfigured and ennobled all social
relations. " Those who have betaken themselves to the
Father for the sake of wisdom have proved good fathers
to their children, and those who have known the Son
have proved good parents to their sons ; and those who
remember the Bridegroom good husbands to their wives ;
and those who have themselves been redeemed from the
lowest slavery good masters to their servants." 5 To the
individual it contributes the greatest of blessings, "the
1 Str., ii. 20 125 . 2 Ib., iv. 8 B8 ; Plato, Phsedo, 67 E. 5 Ib., vi. i8 167 .
4 Prot, x. 110 . 8 Ib., x. 107 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 57
origin of faith, eagerness for heavenly citizenship, the im
pulse towards truth, a spirit of inquiry, a trace of know
ledge, in brief, the means of procuring salvation. Those
who have been really nourished on the words of truth
receive a viaticum for eternal life, and are prepared for
flight heavenwards." 1 In the double role which Clement
had to discharge, on the one hand, to maintain the quasi-
divine character of Greek philosophy against those in the
Church who were jealous of any contact with it, and,
on the other hand, to maintain against the Greeks its
inferiority to Christianity, while recognising the divine
element in it, he wavers a little in his language while he
exaggerates now this, now that, side of his polemic ; but
his central principles do not vary.
This lofty claim on the part of Christianity did not pass
unchallenged. Greek and Jew alike pointed scornfully to
the divisions in the Church and said, "We ought not to
believe because of the dissonance of the sects ; truth is
strained, when some put forth one opinion and some
another." 2 The careful discussion which Clement gives
of the objection is an index of the importance which was
attached to it alike by objector and adherent. Clement
begins by showing that the application of this principle
to other departments of work or study would lead to
paralysis of action. Because there were various schools
of philosophy, should all study of philosophy be summarily
abandoned? So far from being unexpected, heresies were
predicted by the Lord Himself. The beautiful is always
followed by its caricature. Because some have let the
truth go, shall we not believe those who have kept a firm
hold of it? To stand aloof from the Christian faith on
the ground of such divisions was illogical. Because there
1 Str., i. I 4 . * Ib., vii. I5 89 .
58 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
were conflicting theories of disease in the science of
medicine, would the sick man refuse to go to a physician ?
Why, then, should the sick of soul put forth divisions as
a pretext for indifference or unbelief? If fruit ripe and
real is put before us, and fruit made of wax, shall we re
frain from both ? Because there are many byroads, some
of which may lead to a precipice, shall we hesitate to travel
by the one royal highway? 1 Because grass grows among
the garden produce, does the farmer give up gardening ?
Such divisions of opinion were the inevitable result of
endeavours to investigate the meaning of the truth, and
from that point of view were a stimulus to the search
after truth, and a tribute to Christianity. The attitude of
aloofness would only be justifiable if the truth were not
to be found anywhere, if demonstration were impossible,
and if there were no criterion of truth and error. But
truth does exist ; and he who does not seek to distinguish
the incongruous and unseemly and contrary to nature
and false from their opposites, stands self -condemned. 2
And for this there is a criterion. That criterion is the
Scripture itself; and the true, because the traditional,
interpretation of Scripture is to be found in the ancient
Catholic Church. The sophists tear away some fragments
of truth with a view to the injury of men and bury them
in human systems of their own devising, and pride them
selves on being the head of a school rather than a church. 3
They dare to use the Prophetic Scriptures ; but they do
not use them in their entirety, or mutilate what they
use, and do not deal with them in accordance with the
analogy of Scripture, as the body and tissue of Prophecy
demand. They pick out ambiguous sayings, glean a few
words here and there, and consider the bare letter, not
1 Str., vii. 15 9 , *>. 2 Ib., vii. is 91 . * Ib., vii. is 92 .
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 59
the meaning. To find the truth we must consider what
is perfectly fitting and becoming to the Lord and the
Almighty God, and must confirm each point that is
demonstrated by the analogy of Scripture. When the
heretics are proved to be in antagonism to the Scrip
tures, they either make light of the logical consistency of
their own dogmas or of prophecy itself. They disclaim
the authority of Scripture, and prefer their own concep
tions to that which was spoken by the Lord through
the prophets, and attested and confirmed by the Gospels
and also by the Apostles. They lack understanding for
the majesty of the truth. 1 As mischievous boys bar out
their tutor, they shut out the prophecies from their own
church. 2 They quibble at the things handed down by
the blessed apostles and teachers which are naturally
attached to the inspired words, and oppose human teach
ing to divine tradition. Marcion and Prodicus were not
wiser than the men before them, and might well have
been contented with learning the previous traditions. 3
The heretics have only a false key. We open the main
door and enter in through the tradition of the Lord ;
they cut down a side-door and secretly dig through the
wall of the Church. Outstepping the truth, they initiate
into the mysteries the souls of the impious. The Catholic
Church existed prior to the gatherings of the heretics ;
all heresy is innovation. The heretics try to break up
the unity of the Church ; the true, the ancient Church
is one. This oneness it shares with God. The pre
eminence of the Catholic Church, like the First Principle
of its constitution, is in accordance with the Monad, sur
passing all other things, and having nothing or like equal
to itself. 4 Even when all allowance has been made for
1 Str.,vii. I6 93 - 97 . 2 Ib., vii. 16".
3 Ib., vii. i6 103 - 105 . 4 Ib., vii. 17 10 , 107 .
60 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
the polemical note in his criticism, there remains enough
to show that while Clement claimed for himself an inde
pendent position on some matters held by some of his
contemporaries to be vital, and may be considered as a
representative of a liberal attitude in respect of doctrine,
he regarded himself as loyal to the tradition of the Church.
A traditionalist of the type of Irenseus, Clement was not ;
questions of ecclesiastical organisation or ritual had little
interest for him ; no emphasis is put on the office of the
bishop in relation to the Church or to the truth ; but in
his conflict with heresy, the main weapon in his armoury
with which he confronts his opponents is the authorita
tive standard, the ecclesiastical rule, which he regards
as of apostolic origin. At the same time, it is none the
less significant that in the Protrepticus the word Church
is not mentioned save in an allusion to a passage in the
Epistle to the Hebrews, 1 that he invites the Greeks to
enter not into the fold of the Church but into the domain
of truth, that his appeal is to the Scriptures, that often
as the word " salvation " occurs, it is nowhere associated
with the Church or its ordinances. No doubt, it may be
urged that such an appeal would not have been relevant
to his immediate aim, that he sought to bring them to
the threshold of the truth, in the assurance that they
would thereafter enter within the sanctuary ; and that in
emphasising the unity and catholicity of the Church in
conflict with heresy, he emphasises it precisely at the
point where it was most natural to do so. 2
From this survey it is plain that Clement held with great
firmness that Christianity, though divine in a unique sense,
1 Prot., ix. 82 ; Heb. xii. 23.
2 For a temperate statement of the position of the Roman Catholic Church, as
against Harnack and Bigg, see Batiffol, L Eglise Naissante et le Catholicisme,
PP- 295-315.
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 6l
was not to be regarded as an isolated fact in the history of
the world, and that with regard to other forms of truth, it
stood not in the relation of antagonism or complete inde
pendence, but rather as the absolute stands to that which is
incomplete and undeveloped. Starting from the principle
that the Providence of God had been at work in universal
history, and that all truth was from Him, he did not regard
any aspect of it with jealousy, but welcomed it so far as it
was true. To Clement a religion that appealed to the
general heart of humanity and claimed for itself universal
homage, and at the same time was unrelated to other mani
festations of the spirit of man, was an absurdity; for it
would find nothing in man to appeal to, nothing to receive
the seed. The possession of partial truth was the best
preparation for the attainment of fuller truth. Clement
transferred to the world of intellect what St Paul had
affirmed of the world of nature, that God never left Himself
without witness. 1 He represents Christianity as the true
mystery of which the Greek mysteries were only a shadow,
and calls on the Greeks to embrace Christianity in the very
language of the mysteries which he urged them to abandon; 2
but there is no evidence that he wished to modify Christian
institutions in harmony with heathen forms of worship. 3
The ascription to theft of what was cognate to Christianity
in the great thinkers of Greece was a grotesque recognition
of the unity of truth ; but it was surely wiser and more
reverent than to deny any relationship whatsoever. It has,
indeed, been averred that in seeking to bring Hellenic
thought and culture into fellowship with the Christian faith,
Clement was endeavouring to carry out an impossible, if not
a treasonable task, and that he only seemed to succeed
because he abandoned that which was most distinctive of
1 Acts xiv. 17. 2 Prot., xii. 118 , 119 .
3 Cf. Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, vol. ii. p. 109.
62 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO
primitive Christianity. It is said that in his conception of
Christianity as having for its aim the individual perfection
of man, in his presentation of the facts of salvation, in his
view of Christian life as an ascent to God, in his exaggera
tion of the human factors of salvation in relation to the
divine, Clement is more in harmony with the current of
thought in our time than in accord with the early teaching
of the Church. 1 That such a charge should have been made,
now on the conservative, now on the liberal side, in the
eighteenth century, is intelligible, 2 but it is somewhat of an
anachronism to-day. It is plain that our view of such
objections to the aim as well as to the results of his method
will depend very largely on what our view of primitive
Christianity is. Unless it be illegitimate or treasonable to
put things in a different perspective, unless it be held that
to emphasise certain truths involves disloyalty to others,
Clement is not to be blamed for bringing Christianity into
the moulds of his early life and training. What teacher, in
his discrimination of what is relatively important or un
important, is not influenced by his own intellectual or
spiritual history ? To have created a new terminology
would have divorced Christianity from all relation to the
past the very thing which Clement was determined to
avoid.
Platonic, Stoic, Aristotelian terms, definitions, and phrases
repeatedly occur. But this power to assimilate is surely a
symptom of life, the characteristic of every healthy organism.
It is only when it is a question of the introduction of a
foreign body, of something actually hostile to that which
has assimilated it, of something in the present case that is
inconsistent alike with the primitive form of the Gospel or
1 Kutter, Schvveizer Theolog. Zeit. 1899.
2 Cf. Walch, Miscell. Sacr., vol. ii. p. 516. De Erroribus C. A. eorumque
causis. Semler, Gesch. d. christ. Glaubens, vol. ii. p. 133.
HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 63
its natural inner development, that foreign influence can be
established. The elements in the theology and ethics of
Clement that may be assigned to the undue influence of
Hellenic bias or culture will be noted in the course of the
exposition. This at least is certain, that Clement was him
self unconscious of any disloyalty to the teaching of the
Church ; and while he faced the situation of the time with
intellectual courage, he did not dream of making any con
cession to the Hellenic culture around him that either trans
formed or deformed the Christian faith. On the contrary,
he maintained that his teaching derived breath and life
from the Scriptures of the Lord ; x and he believed that he
was loyal to the Church when he sought to bring all truth
under its shadow. If all truth were from God, a conflict
in truth was impossible. The problem of the Church in
Alexandria was to adjust itself to the intellectual impulse
from which philosophy in all its schools derived its being ;
and Clement held that to make the Church and its doctrine
a non-intellectual preserve was fatal to its usefulness, as well
as to its claims to master and permeate the world. It has
often been observed that he lived in an age of transition. It
was so in regard to doctrine, the authority of the Church,
and the Canon of the New Testament. In Alexandria, in
particular, it was so in regard to the relation of the Church
to intellectual culture. In such an age the attitude of a
thinker is sometimes of more importance than the results
which he achieves. And the attitude of Clement was that
of one who believed that a Christianity which could claim
for itself all that was highest in the thought of the past
could alone face the future with confidence. The problem
of the Church to-day is, in loyalty to the past, to adjust
itself to the new forces in the thought of our time. And,
1 Str., vii. i l .
64 CHRISTIANITY & HELLENIC CULTURE & PHILOSOPHY
surely, there can be little doubt that it will act wisely if it
adopts the principles that underlie the attitude of Clement.
Intellectual monasticism is as bad for the Church as moral
monasticism was for the individual, and can only end in
lopsidedness of development or impoverishment. In regard
to other forms of religion, for example, there can be no
doubt that the wise procedure is that of Clement, to re
cognise what in them is cognate to Christianity and work
from that as relatively true ; for Christianity does not call
upon us to postulate the absolute falsity of other religions,
but its own absolute truth. And of a like nature will be our
attitude to all the intellectual forces and movements of the
present. The Christian thinker who adopts the position of
Clement need not regard these with any hostile or even
unsympathetic eye ; he can recognise in each of them a
manifestation of the one Word who is " the sleepless guard
of humanity," l and will only be hostile when they claim to
represent not one but the only aspect of truth. In this way
the pre-eminence of Christianity is maintained : it is not
dishonoured, though other gifts of God are honoured; for
all science, all art, all philosophy, regarded in their ideal
function, are the inspiration of the one God who speaks
to-day as He spoke to the fathers of old, " by diverse
portions and in divers manners."
1 Paed., iii. 8 ".
LECTURE III.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD.
To have a right conception of God in Himself, and in His
relation to the universe and to man, is the essential basis
not only of Christian thought but of all thought whatsoever.
The ethical ideal of Clement was an ever-growing likeness
to God, but this was inseparably related to intellectual
cognition of Him. That this knowledge was hard to realise
Clement well knew. But the difficulty of the investigation
furnished no ground for abandoning the inquiry, as some
suggested, but rather the contrary. We must continue to
inquire in order that we may say what ought to be said, and
hear what ought to be heard, concerning Him. Only one
limitation is necessary. All inquiry must be conditioned by
the faith. 1 Here, as elsewhere, Clement remains faithful to
his eclectic principles. We find in his doctrine of God
clear evidence of the influence of Plato, still clearer of the
influence of Philo. This eclecticism leads him into paradoxes
and apparent contradictions. At times the conception of
God seems to be purely philosophical, and the Christian
element a mere graft, or even an accretion. At other times
his presentation seems to be fundamentally Christian ; and
in this case a main interest of his doctrine of God does not
1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 228, fr. 67.
E
66 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
lie in what he has appropriated or assimilated, but in his
own point of view which made that appropriation possible.
No thinker of the early Church realised with more
earnestness the necessity and the dignity of the knowledge
of God. It has even been brought as a charge against him
that to him Christianity is essentially a knowledge of God.
"The knowledge of the truly existent God," he says, " is
the immutable beginning and foundation of life : to be
ignorant of Him is death, but to have full knowledge of
Him and become like unto Him is the only life." l If it
were possible to distinguish between the knowledge of God
and eternal salvation, and such alternative choice were put
before the ideal Christian, he would without any hesitation
whatsoever choose the knowledge of God. 2 But to know
Him we must first be assured of His existence. " He that
cometh to God must believe that He is." This need not
be demonstrated. To demand demonstration of the exist
ence of God is to raise a question, the very putting of which
deserves punishment. 3 Christianity confirms the doctrine
of a Providence and presupposes it. With the abolition of
theism Christianity becomes a myth. 4 But though such
demonstration is superfluous, we may appeal to the testi
mony borne by the order of the universe, by the spirit of
man, and by the universal consciousness of mankind. The
Providence of God is manifest from the vision of all things
that are seen, the works of skill and wisdom, both of things
that come into existence in due order and of those which are
made manifest in due order. 5 The voice of God as even
the philosophers have noted may be heard by all who give
earnest contemplation to the constitution of the universe,
which owes its being and its unceasing subsistence to Him. 6
The wisest of the Greeks have ascribed the pre-eminence to
1 Q. D., 7. 2 str., iv. 22 136 . 3 ib., v. i 6 .
4 Ib., i. ii 52 . 5 Ib., v. I 6 . Ib., v. 14" ; v. I 6 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 67
" the invisible, sole, most powerful, most skilful, and princi
pal cause of all that is fairest." l God gave to the Gentiles
the stars for worship, that through the worship of the stars
they might rise to the Maker of them. 2 And to this con
viction, which is borne in upon us by the wisdom and
order manifest in the world without, the inner voice of the
spirit of man is responsive. " Into all men whatsoever a
certain divine effluence has been instilled ; wherefore, though
unwillingly, they confess that God is one, indestructible,
and unoriginated." 3 A divine power is at work in the
Providence which is exercised in relation to us. Such a
Providence is inconsistent with the hypothesis of many
gods. There is, then, only one God who truly is and
subsists. 4 This belief in the existence of God is universal,
and is essential to true life. " No race of men anywhere,
tillers of the soil, or nomads, or even dwellers in cities, can
live unless it has previously received faith in One who is
better. Every nation alike in the east and the west, the
north and the south, has one and the same conception
regarding Him who has established the hegemony." 5 In
like manner the common consciousness of mankind bears
witness by its ordinary forms of speech to the existence of
One who is Almighty. 6 If the conception of God be thus
innate and universal, how comes it that belief in Him is
not universal, that His existence is ignored or denied by
many ? Such unbelief is moral rather than intellectual in
its origin, and arises in part from the apparent victory of
unrighteousness in the world and misconception as to the
true ground of that apparent victory, and in part from the
moral disorders of men themselves. Some men looking at
the existence of injustice which passes unchastened think
1 Str., v. 14 134 . 2 Ib., vi. 14 no , m . 3 Prot., vi. . Cf. xii. 12 .
4 Ib., x. 103 ; Str., v. 13 87 . 5 Str., v. 14 133 .
6 Ib., v. 14 135 .
68 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
that there is no God. They do not observe, says Clement,
the self-determination of the soul, and that it cannot be
enslaved. Like these in opinion are those who from in
continence in pleasures fall into pains out of the common
course and unlooked-for accidents, and sinking under their
calamities say that there is no God, or that, if He exists,
He does not oversee all things. 1 This universal conviction,
however, did not carry with it oneness of conception. That
the conceptions of God varied with the moral character of
men and were determined thereby, and that this in turn
reacted on their moral life, is again and again emphasised. 2
A mere belief in God, unless accompanied by a right ap
prehension of the God in whom we ought to believe, was
accordingly of no value.
Apart from the numerous passages where his conception
of God comes out incidentally, there are at least three occa
sions on which he gives a formal definition ; and though the
second is professedly based on a saying of the Lord, and
there is a scriptural phrase in the third, they are all purely
philosophical. "In the case of God," he says, "being is
God. The Divine being is something eternal and without
beginning and which cannot be circumscribed, and is the
cause of things that exist." 3 Again "What is God? God is
spirit, as also the Lord says. Now spirit is truly essence,
bodiless, and that which cannot be circumscribed. And that
is bodiless which is not completed by means of a body, whose
existence is not in breadth, length, and depth. And that
cannot be circumscribed of which there is no place, which
is altogether in all things, and is in each whole and indepen
dently the same." 4 Again "No one can form any con
ception of God according to His worth ; but to form a
conception of Him as far as it is possible, let him conceive
1 Sir., vii. 3 15 . 2 Cf ib<> vii .,14. vil ^
3 Stiih., vol. iii. p. 219. 4 Ib., p. 220.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 69
of light inaccessible, great, incomprehensible, and most
fair of light, which has embraced within itself every power
that is good, every gracious excellence, which cares for all,
is pitiful, passionless, good, knows all things, foreknows all
things, is pure, sweet, bright, unmixed." l The first two
definitions are concerned solely with the essence the
essential nature of God ; in the third an ethical element
enters into the conception. It is important to keep the first
two definitions especially in mind, when we find descrip
tions that have caused some to claim Clement, if not as an
agnostic, at least as a precursor of Hamilton and Mansel.
Clement repeatedly emphasises the transcendence of God.
" The God of the universe," he says, " is above all speech,
all perception, all thought." 2 "The discourse concerning
God is most difficult to deal with." 3 " The subject of God
embraces not one thing but ten thousand things. There is
a difference between seeking God and seeking things about
God. In this, as in everything else, the accidents are to
be distinguished from the essence." 4 "The Governor of
the universe is a Being hard to comprehend and apprehend,
always receding and withdrawing from him who pursues.
. . . God is not in darkness or in place, but above place
and time and the property of things that have come into
being. Wherefore He is never in a part, neither containing
nor contained, either by way of definition, limitation, or ot
section." 5 A kindred thought is developed elsewhere.
" How can that be expressed," he asks, " which is neither
genus, nor species, nor individual, nor number, nay more,
is neither an accident nor that to which an accident
happens? One cannot rightly call Him whole. For on
account of His greatness He is ranked as the whole, and
1 EC. Pr., 21. Cf. Adum. in I Joan., p. 210. " Quia deus," inquit, "lumen
est : non essentiam divinam exprimit, sed declarare volens majestatem dei."
2 Str., v. 10 65 . 3 Ib., v. i2 81 . 4 Ib., vi. i; 150 . 5 Ib., ii. 2 5 , 6 .
70 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
is the Father of the universe. Nor are any parts to be
predicated of Him. For the One is indivisible, wherefore,
also, He is infinite, not so much because conceived as
impossible to be embraced, but with reference to His being
without dimensions and not having a limit. And, therefore,
He is without form and name. And if we name Him, we
do not do so, properly speaking, calling him either the
One, or the Good, or Mind, or the Absolute, or Father,
or God, or Creator, or Lord. 1 We do not speak of de
claring His name ; but by reason of our perplexity we use
good names, so that the mind may not go astray about
other names, but may be able to lean upon those. For
each name by itself does not express God ; but all collec
tively are indicative of the power of the Omnipotent. For
things may be described by their attributes or mutual
relations ; but none of these qualities can be applied
to God. Nor, again, can He be apprehended by the
science of demonstration. For demonstration depends
on what is anterior to, and better known than, that
which is demonstrated. But nothing existed prior to the
Unbegotten." 2 "Everything that falls under a name is
begotten." 3 "Human speech is by nature feeble and
incapable of declaring God. I do not mean declaring
His name, for to name Him is common not to philo
sophy only but to all poets nor declaring His essence,
for that is impossible, but declaring the power and the
works of God." 4 If this be so, how is any conception
of God, still less any knowledge of Him, possible ?
The method is that of analysis or the elimination of attri
butes that imply definition or limitation. " By analysis
we advance to Him who is the first conception. Start-
1 Ka\ovvTfs fJToi IP, if) Ta.ya.Qbv, tf vovv t fy avrb rb $v, fy irarepa, f) 8ebv, $)
StlHiovpybv, $ Kvpiov. Str., v. 12 s 2 .
2 Str., v. 12 81 , 2 . 3 Ib., v. 13 83 . 4 Ib., vi. i8 1G6 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 71
ing with things which are subordinate to it, we begin
by abstracting from body its natural properties. Then we
cut off the three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth.
That which is left is a point, a unit having position, so
to speak. Take away position, and you have the concep
tion of the unit, If, then, abstracting all that belongs to
bodies and the properties of things called incorporeal,
we cast ourselves into the greatness of Christ, and thence
go forward through holiness into immensity, we may attain
somehow to the conception of the Almighty, not knowing
what He is, but what He is not. And form, or motion, or
standing, or a throne, or place, or right hand, or left, are
not at all to be conceived as belonging to the Father of the
universe, though these things are written of Him. . . . The
First Cause is not, then, in a place, but above both place,
and time, and name, and conception." 1 " God is one, and
beyond the one, and above the monad itself." 2
All this description of the Divine Being seems absolutely
fatal to the thought to which he has given emphatic expres
sion, that the knowledge of God was life. What possible
knowledge of, or fellowship can there be with, One who can
not be scientifically known, because He cannot be logically
demonstrated, who is a mere metaphysical abstraction, of
whom we can predicate nothing but negations, who seems
only " the deification of zero," 3 and whose transcendence
seems to put Him out of all possible relation to us ? "A
God out of all relations," says Professor Flint, " is no God
at all." 4
There is a sense, however, in which these sayings of
Clement are in harmony with Scripture and express a
1 Str., v. II 71 . otiitovv ev rorrcf rb irpoorov atnov, a\A. virepdvu Kal r6irov
Kal xpfoov Kal ot>6fj.a.TOs Kal vo-fi<rews.
Psea., i. 8 71 . *v 8e 6 6fbs /cat tireiteiva rov evbs Kal virep avrfyv /uoi/aSa.
3 Mayor, p. xxxix. * Agnosticism, p. 521.
72 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
profound truth. That man cannot by searching find out
God, that no man hath seen God at any time, that
He alone hath immortality, dwelling in light inaccessible,
whom no man hath seen or can see, is but the expres
sion in simple language of what Clement sought to ex
press in the language of the schools. And if, like him,
we try to define the essence rather than the nature of
God as manifested in that which is external to Him, to
express what God is in Himself, apart from any relation
to the universe or to man, can we conceive of Him or name
Him in any other way than by denying to Him any
attributes that imply anything that is distinctive of the
finite ? This is but an amplification of the thought that God
cannot be described in terms of Deductive Logic or sub
sumed under its categories. It implies that God, the
absolutely First Principle, need not, and cannot, be de
monstrated, because He is a necessary postulate of human
thought. What God is in Himself only God Himself can
fully know. " God only knows the love of God." We can
only guess at what He is in Himself by what He is to us.
It is true that no category which implies limitation can be
ascribed to God, that no name of man can describe His
essence, and that our names are only points of support
by which we may give definiteness to our conception of
Him. The language of Clement expresses a truth which
has been recognised by the highest teachers of all ages, and
which forms an essential element in all true theism viz.,
that the essence of God must ever escape our analysis,
that we may apprehend but cannot comprehend the nature
of Deity, that He may be known to be infinite though not
known as infinite. This method of conceiving God is due
in part to the influence of Plato on his early training,
in part to the influence of Philo. But though the lan
guage is similar, Clement s motive of ascribing such
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 73
transcendence to God is different from theirs. The aim
of the transcendence in Plato was to keep the Deity from
contact with the world. The aim of Clement is rather, in
harmony with his view of a universal providence, to main
tain the unconditional freedom of God and to emphasise
the necessity of revelation. We can only understand the
Unknown by divine grace, and by the Word that came
from Him. 1 "The same One who is very far off has
come very near an unspeakable wonder. I am a God near
at hand, says the Lord. He is far off in respect of essence
for how can that which is created apprehend the Un
created but He is very near by His power in which all
things have been embraced. Yea, the power of God is
always present, laying hold of us by that power which sees,
and is beneficent and disciplinary." 2 Thus the transcend
ence of God, in the thought of Clement, is consistent with
His immanence ; rather the immanence is an essential factor
in his conception.
On the ground of a saying preserved by Maximus the
Confessor, it has been affirmed that " Clement expressly
denied to God any consciousness of the external world." 3
After having stated that Dionysius the Areopagite says that
we are called " divine volitions" by the Scripture, Maximus
quotes in confirmation or illustration a reply that had been
given by some of the adherents of Pantsenus or Clement to
a question concerning the nature of the divine knowledge.
Stahlin assigns the saying to Clement. 4 Some who were
vain of their secular culture wished to know in what way
the Christians represented God s knowledge of existent
things (the real). They supposed that He knew the things
of sense by sensation and the things of intellect by intel
lection. The answer ascribed to Clement is as follows:
" God does not know the things of sense by sensation, nor
Sir., v. 12 82 . a IK iif l5 3 > 64> 4 Stahtj vol> ^ p . 224<
74 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
the things of intellect by intellection. For it is not possible
that He who is above existent things should apprehend ex
istent things after the manner of existent things. We say
that He knows existent things as His own volitions a
reasonable argument to adduce. For if He has made the
totality of things by volition which reason will not gain
say and if it is always right and pious to say that He
knows His own volitions, and He by volition has made
each of the things that have come into being, then God
knows existent things as His own volitions, seeing that also
by volition He has made existent things."
The aim of Clement in this answer is not to deny
the divine knowledge, but rather to emphasise its nature
and method in contrast with human knowledge, and
so to deny anthropomorphism both in a grosser and
a subtler form. Man, who is himself a part of existent
things, can only know them by sense -perception, or by
a process of intellection, mediate and partial, bit by bit,
as it were. God, who is not a part of existent things
but above them, cannot know them as such, not only be
cause He is above them, but because of His immediate
relation to them as acts of His will. His argument is :
God made all things by volition. He knows His own
volition. Therefore, He knows existent things as His own
volitions. And His volition, in the thought of Clement, is
no barren volition, but a realised volition ; for His volition
is work. 1 Can that be called a denial of God s conscious
ness of the external world? If we may judge from human
analogy, there is nothing of which we have such immediate
knowledge as we have of our own volitions and their
realisation or embodiment. Does an artist not know that
which he has willed to delineate ? In a real sense does any
one else know it, or does he know anything else? If any-
1 Fsed., i. 6 27 : TO fleArj/ua avrov tpyov t<rri.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 75
thing be denied of God s relation to the external world in
this saying, would it not be more correct to say that
Clement denied to God any consciousness of an external
world, of the external world, as external ? l
The universe, according to Clement, owes its continual
subsistence as well as its origin to God. He is as essen
tial to the continuance of the universe as He was to its
creation. The husbandman who casts in the seed is only
an agent. It is God who brings about the growth and
perfection of all things, and carries forward things that
come into being to their natural end. To attribute growth
and changes to the stars as the principal cause is to
deprive the Father of the universe, so far as in them
lies, of His unwearied power. 2 Things created have no
power of themselves. " An axe does not operate with
out some one to use it. Things do not energise of
themselves, but possess certain natural qualities which
accomplish their distinctive work through the energy of
the craftsman. So by the universal Providence of God,
through the medium of proximate causes, the power to
act is transmitted in succession to individual objects." 3
From this it would seem that Clement avoided on the
one hand the danger of thinking of the transcendence of
God in such a way as to place Him entirely out of rela
tion to the universe which He had formed, and on the
other hand that of conceiving Him in pantheistic fashion
as merged and lost in His own world. The relation of
the world to God is not like that of a machine which
has been set agoing and endowed with certain qualities
that make it independent of the Creator. The axe of a
workman has no power to act of itself, and can only
realise its end when put into action by the will of man ;
so no force in the universe has an independent energy,
1 Cf. Church Quarterly Review, 1904. 2 Str., vi. i6 148 . " Ib.
76 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
but has only a potentiality of energy which would cease
to develop into actuality were it not for the continuous
operation of the Almighty. The same thought is enforced
by the illustration drawn from the tillage of the ground.
The husbandman can only use the seed with the potencies
with which God has endowed it, and take advantage of the
laws of growth which God has ordained for its development.
But every stage of that growth is not only controlled but
directed by God ; and were His energy to be withdrawn,
these laws which are not only derived from God but
administered by Him would cease to be operative. To
attribute an independent energy to anything in itself, or to
attribute it to any force external to the world, or to any
thing whatever but God Himself, is to dishonour the
untiring power of the Almighty. He Himself created,
sustains, and administers the universe. Is this conception
of the absolute sovereignty of God in the ceaseless ad
ministration of the universe reconcilable with a dualism
of original principles ? If unfettered in administration,
must He not have been unfettered in creation ? Matter
may be conceived as formless ; can it be conceived as
existing uncreated before God imparted to it the quality
of receiving form ? If it can be so conceived, must we
not ascribe to matter a certain independence of God,
and therewith a certain limitation of the divine power
in creating and administering? But that the creative
and administrative activity of God was absolutely uncon
ditioned, Clement again and again asserts. "There is
nothing which God cannot do." 1 "The universe sprang
into existence at a mere act of His will." " Nothing
at all exists unless He had willed it to exist." : If,
then, even essentially chaotic matter existed before God
fashioned it, He must have been its Creator. In itself
1 Psed., i. 3 \ Prot., iv. 6:i . 8 Paed., i. S B -.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 77
the doctrine of intermediaries might seem opposed to
the doctrine of immanence. But that would only be the
case if the underlying conception were that in no other
way could the gulf between matter and the transcendent
God be bridged. But this conception of immanence being
denied, the use of proximate causes is not inconsistent with
immanence : it is only a method by which the immanence
of God is effected. The employment of men as agents,
for example, is in accordance with the divine method. But
this does not mean that God can do some things but not
other things, nor that some things take place with His will
and some things against His will. 1 It is important to keep
in mind the unconditioned activity assigned to God, as we
turn to the controverted question as to the view of Clement
on the eternity of matter.
On this subject widely different views are, and have been,
held. In accordance with a statement of Photius, some have
maintained that he held a dualistic theory of the origin of
the universe. One of the heresies which Photius found in
the Hypotyposes was the eternity or timelessness of
matter. 2 Some maintain that Photius was right ; some
that he was in error, and in any case, that " timeless "
was not synonymous with " uncreated." Some have held
that in view of the conflicting statements no conclusion
can be drawn, and that the conceptions of Clement
remained in a fluid or chaotic form.
Take first the positive statements which he makes as to
his position. He avers that the Greek philosophers took
from Moses the doctrine that the world was created. 3 He
represents the conception of the creation of the world as
the teaching of Scripture. He adduces the " prophecy " in
Genesis 4 as evidence that " we may be taught that the
1 EC. Pr., 1 6. 2 Photius, Cod., 109.
3 Str., v. I 4 9a . * Gen. ii. 4.
78 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
world was created, and that God did not make it in time."
Still more definitely, in an altogether fantastic exegesis of
the sixth commandment which, as being read into the
commandment, all the more certainly expresses his thought
does he make his position clear. It is true that the text
of the conclusion of the passage is uncertain, but there is
no corruption in the part of the passage to be adduced.
He holds that to maintain that the world was uncreated
was a transgression of the sixth commandment, to be put
on a level with a denial of the providential administration
of the universe. Both opinions alike are the introduction of
false and pernicious views regarding God and His eternity. 2
Now when it is kept in mind, as we have seen, that the
denial of Providence was in his judgment not a matter for
discussion or argument, but rather only for the punishment
of the denier, there would seem to be little doubt as to
what his opinion was. So, elsewhere, he says that the
earth could not make itself, so that it could not be the
cause of itself. 3 It may at least be claimed that the other
evidence should be read in the light of these positive state
ments. With regard to the creation of man, he says
incidentally that God may have formed man either of that
which was absolutely non-existent or out of matter. 4 As
he expresses no preference for either opinion, all that can
be urged from the passage is that the conception so far as
man was concerned of a creation from the non-existent was
not altogether foreign to his thought. The terms applied
to God Himself are opposed to a dualistic view of original
principles. He is the absolutely First Principle, and He
alone is unbegotten. 5 Himself without beginning, He is
the perfect beginning of the universe, the maker of the
beginning. 6 Can there be more than one Unbegotten ?
1 Str., vi. i6 145 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 147 . 3 Ib., viii. Q 28 . 4 Ib., ii. i6 74 .
5 Ib., v. 12 81 ; vi. 7 08 . 6 Ib., iv. 25 162 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 79
Can there be two first principles ? If matter were a first
principle, it, too, would be unbegotten ; and the only differ
ence between it and God would be the difference between an
unconscious and a conscious first principle. But, on the
contrary, Clement maintains, in spite of the maintenance of
the opposite by some philosophers, that matter was not to be
regarded as among first principles, as this would imply that
there was more than one first principle. And he interprets
a passage in the Timaeus as implying that the truly existent
first principle was one. Even making allowance for the
polemical element, if he did not accept the hypothesis of
only one first principle, why should he thus have done
violence to the interpretation of Plato ? l
In speaking of the Marcionites, he says that they taught
that evil was derived from matter, which was evil. 2 Matter,
in the conception of Marcion, was thus a limit to the power
of the God whom he called the Creator. Clement puts off
the discussion of the question until he took up the question
of the First Principles. This proposed section he never
reached. But elsewhere he protests against the idea that
the body as such, as being formed of matter, was evil by
nature ; 3 and he nowhere indicates that he regarded matter
as being independent of God, as from its evil nature it must
have been, since God is in no way the cause of evil. It is
true that he nowhere says, in opposition to Marcion, that
matter was created by God, and therefore good in itself; but
he denies that it had anything to do with evil. It in no way
fettered the action of the Almighty; it was absolutely under
His control. This does not prove that in the opinion of
Clement matter owed its origin to God ; but it is more in
harmony with the view that matter was not eternal, and,
as far as it goes, confirms the statements already adduced.
One passage, in particular, creates a difficulty, and seems
80 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
to support the affirmation of Photius. In speaking of the
" rest " of God, he says that does not mean that God ceased
from doing, for that were to cease to be God. In the case
of God, " rest " means that He has ordained that the order
of things which have come into being should be preserved
inviolably, and that each of the things created should
" rest " from the ancient disorder. 1 He says that all things
came into being together from one essence by one Power.
And then he asks, How could creation take place in time,
seeing that time also came into being along with things that
exist ? 2 On the face of it, this might seem to reduce the
work of the Creator to the Platonic role of bringing order
out of disorder, to that of organising, not of creating, the
universe. But it is quite consistent with the narrative in
Genesis, which speaks first of a creation of the universe,
and then of its ordering. And the "rest" of God refers to
the end of the ordering. Nor does the reference to time
coming into existence along with existent things involve
dualism. No one argues more powerfully against the
eternity of matter than Augustine. And yet in the very
chapter in which he affirms that those who say that the
world was eternal were raving in their impiety, he says
almost in the language of Clement, that assuredly the world
was not made in time but simultaneously with time. 3 So,
by a timeless creation Clement did not mean that matter
was eternal, but that creation, however he conceived it, was
eternal. And his ground is that God must be conceived as
having been eternally at work. From the context it is
plain that it was not the question of the relation of matter
1 Cf. Plato, Tim. 30 A. : ets ra^iv avro tfyayev fK rrjs ara^las.
2 Str. , vi. l6 142 : TTOJS 8* av *v xP^ vc f ytvoiTO Kriffis, (Tvyyevo/utvov rols ofifft KO.L
TOV xp^"ou; Cf. vi. l6 145 .
3 De Civit., xi. 4, 6 : " Procul dubio non est mundus factus in tempore, sed
cum tempore."
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 8 1
to God, nor of God s relation to matter, that was in his
thought, but the nature of the Divine working ; and that he
declares to be eternal. The essential thing is that matter,
whether conceived as created in time or not, should not
have come into existence independently of God ; and of his
view on that point Clement leaves us in no doubt. Taking
into account, then, his own positive statements, his con
ception of God and His relation to the world, the method
of creation presented, his attitude towards the teaching of
Plato and Marcion, I am of opinion that Clement did not
hold a dualistic theory of the origin of the universe.
The transcendence ascribed to God by Clement was in
part due to his antagonism to pantheism. It is true that
in his writings there are passages which, if they stood alone,
might reasonably be held to imply a pantheistic conception
of the universe. " The same Being is just and good, the
true God, He who is Himself all things and the same in all
things, because He is Himself God, the only God." 1 But
from the context it is plain that he simply meant to
emphasise the fact that God was the one reality, that He
was at once the origin and the goal of all things, and that
nothing was unrelated to, nor independent of, Him. So the
phrases in the formal definitions already quoted 2 express
the same thought, and at most are but another way of put
ting the scriptural conception of the divine omnipresence.
Quite explicitly he says that it is not as a part of God that
the Spirit is in each of us. 3 That such is the force of the
apparently pantheistic passage is proved by his repeated
repudiation of the doctrine of the Stoics that the divine
nature permeated all matter, even the vilest. " How," he
asks, " can any one who has known God endure the saying
that we are a part of God, and the same in essence with
Him, when he has come to know his own life and the evils
1 Paed., i. 9 88 . 2 See pp> 68j 6g 3 Str>j v< ^ss.
F
82 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
by which we are defiled ? For, in that case which it is
not lawful to say, God would sin in part, if the parts are
parts of the whole ; and if they are not complementary,
they could not be parts." 1 To pantheism, then, in this
crude material form, Clement is opposed alike on meta
physical and ethical grounds.
The same applies to his criticism of anthropomorphism.
It is partly in antagonism to the gross anthropomorphism
of Greek mythology that he strips God of all attributes
that suggest His kinship by nature with man. " Most
men entertain the same opinion of the blessed and incor
ruptible God as of themselves." 2 The Greeks represent
their gods as human in passions as well as human in
form. Each nation paints the shapes of its gods after
its own likeness " the Ethiopian, as Xenophanes says,
black and snub-nosed; the Thracians, with red hair and
blue eyes." 3 But if the divine nature were human in
form, it would need like man food and covering and a
house and all things belonging to these. 4 But God is
not like any created thing in form, and does not hunger
so as to desire food. 5 The Greek satirists themselves
represent the worshippers as supposing that they could
cheat the gods whom they professed to worship, or make
them connive at their guilt. 6 To seek to localise in a
shrine the Divine Being who cannot be circumscribed by
place is an absurdity. 7 It is superfluous to set up any
statue of Him as an object of worship, 8 still more, to
offer to Him any material sacrifice. We honour God by
prayer. 9 The only recompense that we can offer is a
thankful and submissive heart as a kind of house-rent
for our dwelling here below. 10 Not only must all gross
1 Str., ii. i6 74 . 2 Ib., v. 11 68 . 8 Ib., vii. 4 s2 . 4 Ib., vii. 5 29 .
6 Ib., vii. 6 30 . 6 Ib., vii. 3 15 . 7 Ib., vii. 5 29 . 8 Ib., v. 11 74 .
9 Ib., vii. 6 31 . 10 Prot., xi. 116 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 83
anthropomorphism be set aside, but no passion or affec
tion of any kind must be ascribed to Him. " God is
passionless, and without anger, and without desire. He
is not fearless in the sense that He does not turn aside
from things terrible, nor temperate in the sense that He
rules over desire ; for the nature of God could not fall
into anything terrible ; nor does He shun timidity, just
as He will not even desire that He may rule over desire." l
To desire to rule over desire would imply the possibility
of being conquered by it, and such possibility would be
a moral imperfection in God. For a kindred reason
the forgiveness of God must not be limited by any
conception of human forgiveness. 2 In his eagerness to
avoid any appearance of anthropomorphism, Clement uses
language which on the face of it ascribes to God an
ethical transcendence parallel to the metaphysical tran
scendence. In formal antagonism to his own ideal of
ethical assimilation to God, he energetically condemns
the thesis of the Stoics, that the virtue of God and man
is identical. 3 But he nowhere denies that they were
related; on the contrary, he says that the mercy of God
alone fulfils the ideal of mercy. 4 To this conception of
a passionless God it was objected that joy and mercy are
ascribed in the Scriptures to God, and that they are passions
of the soul. 5 God, rejoins Clement, only rejoices in the
sense in which Christ could say, " I was hungry," making
the joy of men His own. But surely, we may ask, whence
came the impulse to such identification, to such oneness ?
The language of Clement is due to his desire to keep his
idea of God free from any human element in particular,
from such passions as were an essential constituent of
1 Str., iv. 23 151 : 6(6s 8e OTra^s, WvpAs re K ai a
2 Ib., iv. 24 153 .
4 Ib., ii. i6 73 . 5 Ib., ii. i6 72 .
84 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
human nature, and to represent Him as " alone in and
unto Himself, not standing in need of any creatures which
He hath made." l But do we not read in Scripture of the
hand and feet and mouth and eyes of God, of His going out
and His coming in, of His anger and threatening ? 2 Such
expressions, he answers, are to be interpreted allegorically,
or to be regarded as a concession to human weakness. It
was not possible for the Divine nature to be described as it
is, but only in so far as it was possible for men fettered
by sense to hear. 3 In brief, God spake to men as they
were able to hear it ; alike in form and substance His
revelation of Himself was affected by the material em
bodiment; the measure of His power to unveil Himself
was determined by the capacity of man to receive.
God is omniscient. He does not, like man, judge the
soul from external movement nor from the result. 4 He
hears not only the voice but the thought. He is " all
ear, all eye," if we may use such an expression. 5 He
knows all things, not merely the things which are but
those which shall be, and how they shall be. He sees
the soul naked within. As in an amphitheatre He sees
the whole and each thing at a glance. 6 The Pythagorean
saying, " Pray with the voice," did not mean that God
did not hear those who speak in silence ; but that our
prayer should be such as no one would be ashamed to
offer, though many were to hear it. 7 The power of God,
like light, instantly sees through the whole soul. 8
God is omnipotent. He is the universal King and
Almighty Father, the Creator of all things. 9 There is
nothing which God cannot do. 10 That God is "consum
ing fire" is to be interpreted of His power. As fire is
1 Westminster Confession, c. ii. 2. 2 Str., v. II 68 . 3 Ib., ii. i6 72 .
4 Ib., vi. i2 101 . 5 Ib., vii. 7 37 . 6 Ib., vi. 17 156 . 7 Ib., iv. 26 171 .
8 Ib., vii. 7 37 . 9 Ib., vii. 3 16 . Paed., i. 3 7 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 85
the most powerful of the elements, and gains mastery of
all things, so also God is all-powerful. As fire is superior
to the elements, so is the Almighty to the gods, and
powers, and principalities. He is a power strong and
irresistible, to which nothing is impossible. 1
Clement exhibits with great emphasis the absolute
goodness of God. This goodness is based by him on the
nature of God Himself, on the nature of the Good, with
which God is identified, and on the teaching of Scripture.
God does good, He does all good, and that voluntarily
and designedly. He did not begin at some period to be
Lord and good, being always what He is. His goodness
is an essential constituent of His nature. Hence He will
never cease to do good. 2 If he were to cease to do good,
He would cease to be good. 3 For what is the use of
Good that does not operate ? 4 All benefits belonging to
life in its highest sense proceed from the sovereign God.
He does good in a manner peculiarly His own. He is
occupied with unceasing acts of beneficence, and remains
unalterably in the same condition of goodness. 5 But this
goodness is not to be conceived as akin to any physical
attribute; it is no mechanical goodness, but the goodness
of a loving personality. Goodness, no doubt, is as natural
to God as warmth to fire but with an important differ
ence. Unlike the fire, He is not involuntarily good. 6 He
does not do good by necessity, but of His free choice
He benefits those who of themselves turn to Him. 7 He
is the adversary of no one, and the enemy of no one. 8
His goodness is seen in His providential care, which is
at once supreme and good, universal and individual. 9 It
is ever at work, and is like the care of a shepherd for
1 EC. Pr., 26. a Str., v. 14 ul . 3 Ib., vi. i6 141 .
4 Ib., vi. I2 104 . 5 Ib. 6 Ib., vii. 7 42 .
7 Ib. 8 Ib., vii. 12 69 , 9 Ib., i. 27 173 ; i. ii 82 .
86 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
his sheep or a king for his subjects. 1 All things are
arranged by the Lord of the universe, both generally and
particularly, with a view to the safety of the universe. 2
The goal of the ineffable Goodness is always as far as
possible to bring the nature of existing things up to that
which is better. 3 He loves everything that exists ; in
particular does He love man, the noblest of created
objects. 4 The argument from the nature of the good is
to the following effect. That which does service to
another is better than that which does not do service.
But nothing is better than the good ; therefore, the good
does service. God, therefore, as the Good, does all pos
sible service to man. Now, that which does service of
set purpose is better than that which does not do service
of set purpose. But nothing is better than God. There
fore, God does service of set purpose to man, that is,
He is concerned for him, has a care of him. He has
proved it by giving to him as Tutor the Word, the fellow-
worker of the love of God to man. 5 That the God and
Father of our Lord Jesus is good, is expressly declared
by the Word. "He is kind to the unthankful and the
evil." " Be merciful, as your Father is merciful." " None
is good but my Father in heaven." " My Father makes
His sun to shine upon all." " My Father sends rain on the
just and on the unjust." 6 In view of his conception of the
goodness of God, Clement held that no one could be con
demned for disobedience to the Gospel who had not had
an opportunity of hearing the call of the Gospel ; that, if
this were not so, the goodness of God was impugned ; and
that the will of God, which was disciplinary and opera
tive, would save all, whether they lived before the advent
or not, who turned to Him. 7 The world, then, is the
1 Str., Vi. 17 W, 1M 2 J b> viji 2 12. 3 ^ v[> , ? 1 54< 4 p
6 Ib., i. 8 62 , . e Ib<) i 872> 7 Str>) vi>
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 87
best of all possible worlds. " There could not be any
better government of man, nor one more in harmony with
the nature of God, than that which has been ordained." l
To the obstacles that stood in the way of the accept
ance of this conception of the absolute goodness of God,
Clement was not blind. Two problems were thrust upon
him. How explain the existence of evil in a world
governed by absolute goodness associated with unlimited
power, where nothing takes place without the will of the
Lord of the universe ? 2 How explain the seeming in
difference of God to the practical working of evil as
exhibited in the temptations to which Christians are
exposed, and, above all, in the apparent triumph of un
righteousness in the persecution and death of the followers
of Christ?
To begin with, in its essential nature evil has no relation
to God. It has no independent existence or reality apart
from the activity of some doer of evil ; it has no objective
basis in matter. 3 "But, by not preventing it, does He not
cause it?" No, argues Clement, that is a mistaken con
ception of the nature of causality. Causality is not a nega
tive but a positive concept it implies activity. Accord
ingly, that which prevents is a cause, but that which does
not prevent is not a cause. A cause is only a cause when
conceived in relation to an effect. Where there is no effect
there is no cause at work. That which does not prevent
produces no effect, therefore it is not a cause. To these
logical principles, laid down in the last book of the
Stromateis, 4 he has given application in an earlier dis
cussion of the relation of God to evil. To those who kept
declaring that that which does not prevent is a cause, that,
for example, he who did not quench a fire at the outset
was responsible for the subsequent conflagration, and was
1 Str., vii. 2 8 . 2 Ib., iv. 1 2 s6 . 3 Ib., iv. 13 " 8 , 94 . * Ib., viii. g" 27 , ".
88 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
punished by the law accordingly, Clement replies in accord
ance with the above principles that the notion of causality is
in doing, energising, and acting ; that that which does not
prevent is inoperative and stands in no logical relation to
that which comes into being. As well say that the wound
was not caused by the dart but by the shield which did not
prevent its entrance. To prevent is a causal relation ; not
to prevent is not a causal conception. 1 "The responsibility
lies with him who makes choice : God is not responsible."
This saying of Plato, 2 repeated more than once by Clement, 3
had already been applied by Justin in elucidation of the
same problem, and had virtually become a watchword in
early Apologetics. In a like spirit Basilides had declared,
" I will affirm anything rather than affirm that Providence
is evil." So far Clement would have agreed with him.
But his solution that individual punishment must always
be held to imply individual sin, and that men were punished
here for sins which they had committed in a previous state
of existence, is set aside by Clement as no solution. It
only pushes the question of the relation of Providence
to evil a stage backwards, and is entirely opposed to the
fact that it is wholly within our power to say whether
we shall confess by martyrdom or not ; and on such a
hypothesis there is no place for faith in God or love to
man, nor for moral praise or censure. 4 The question was
forced on Clement, not in a theoretical but in a practical
form, partly in its bearing on the inner life of the individual
Christian, partly in its bearing on the question of per
secution. When it is said in Scripture that "God tried
them," all that is meant is that, in order to test them and
to put the tempter to shame, He permitted them to be
tried. He permits temptation, because we must be saved
* Str.,i. 1 7 MM. 2 Plato, Rep.,x. 6i 7 E.
Str., i. i 4 ; iv. 23 150 , & c . 4 Ib., iv. 1 2 s2 - 85 .
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 89
of ourselves, in order to put to confusion him who has
tempted and failed, to confirm those within the Church,
and to have regard to the conscience of those who admire
our endurance. 1 " If God cares for you," was the retort
of the heathen persecutors, " why are you persecuted and
slain ? " This was a problem that was not new in a sense,
but was specially insistent, when the Christian conception
of an Almighty and All-holy God was promulgated and
maintained. Hence its recurrence in Psalmist and Prophet. 2
It was no problem to polytheism or pantheism or to a
monotheism which was not rooted in Christian ground. To
the Christian consciousness, is the virtual reply of Clement,
there is nothing arbitrary in the persecution, so far as God
is concerned. It is in accordance with the prediction of
the Lord Himself, who by such prediction trained us to
fortitude. To say that evil-doers justly undergo punish
ment is an involuntary tribute to Christians who are
punished for the sake of righteousness. Moreover, it is
no hardship for us to be set free by death and go to the
Lord, always provided that our witness by martyrdom is
grounded on love. 3 As for the injustice of the judge,
that in no way touches the Providence of God. There
must be no interference with his freedom of action. He
must not be reduced to a mere puppet, like a lifeless instru
ment, receiving impulses from an external cause. 4 In
harmony with his views on causality, Clement solves this
problem in the same way as the general question. Such
persecution takes place without the prevention of God.
For the fact of non-prevention, thus interpreted, saves both
His providence and His goodness. 5 We may not say that
the activity of God produces afflictions, but we may fitly
1 Str., iv. I2 85 . 2 Ps> 76> &c> . MaL Hi
3 Str., iv. li so . 4 Ib>j iv< Il78> 79.
6 Ib., iv. 12 86 . rovro yap /u6i>ov cr^^ei /ecu r^v irpAvoiav KO.\ rV ayaQ6rr)Ta rov deov.
pO THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
be persuaded that He does not prevent those who cause
afflictions, and that He transforms the daring deeds of His
enemies into good. 1 In brief, the force of the reply of
Clement may be put thus : Postulate freedom on the part
of man, and the possibility of the misuse of freedom, and
therefore the possibility of evil, at once emerges. Freedom
to disobey is the necessary correlate of freedom to obey ;
and the choice lies between a mechanical goodness without
freedom and freedom with the possibility of disobedience.
The latter alternative is alone worthy of God and man. By
bestowing freedom on man, God voluntarily, so far as man
is concerned, put a limit on His own omnipotence ; and He
can only show that evil is not independent of Him nor
indifferent to Him, by transforming it into good.
With this essential goodness of God all the other attri
butes and actions of God are in harmony. The controversy
raised by Marcion led Clement to touch specially on the
relation of the Divine justice to the Divine goodness.
Marcion had sought to explain the difference between the
representation of God in the Old Testament and that in
the New Testament by ascribing the origin of the Old
Testament to a subordinate God whose essential nature
was justice, and the New Testament to the Supreme God
whose essential nature was goodness. He assumed, there
fore, that justice and goodness were irreconcilable attri
butes. "The economy of God," says Clement, "is just." 2
Punishment by God does not arise from anger. Its goal
is justice. It is not expedient that justice should be ignored
for our sake. 3 The same Lord who in the Gospel speaks of
His Father as alone good, addresses Him in prayer as the
"just Father." 4 He who is truly God is just and good.
The justice of God in His censure of evil does not create
the transgression, any more than the physician is the cause
1 Sir., iv. I 2 87. 2 Ib>j iy> 62:(> 3 Pxdt L gw 4
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 91
of the fever which he points out ; it only acts like a mirror
which reveals to an ugly man the fact and the measure
of his ugliness. God is good for His own sake, and just
also for our sakes, and that because He is good. 1 The
justice of God is good, and His goodness is just 2 The
Incarnation, which is the measure of the love of God to
man, is at the same time an exhibition of His justice. 3
From the fact that Clement regards justice as indis-
solubly related to goodness, it follows that he regards all
punishment of men by God as disciplinary and remedial.
God corrects men as a teacher or parent corrects his
children. In His punishment of disobedience there is no
element of vengeance, for vengeance is retaliation for evil,
sent for the advantage of him who takes the revenge ;
but He corrects for the public and private good of those
who are corrected. 4 Nor is He eager to execute His
threatenings. He is not like a serpent which bites its prey
as soon as it fastens upon it. 5 He chastens for three
causes, all of which have a disciplinary end. He chastens
for the sake of the man who is chastened, that he may rise
superior to his former self; he chastens by way of example
to others, that by such admonition they may be driven back
from sin before sinning ; and in the case of the man who
has suffered wrong, He chastens the wrong-doer that the
wronged person may not become an object of contempt
and a fit subject for being wronged. 6 All punishment is
medicine. If a physician who removes some disease is a
benefactor, is he not more so who removes some injustice
from the soul ? If he who cuts or cauterises a diseased
part of the body is called saviour and healer, why not
the Physician of the souls of men ? Whether God em-
1 Pasd., i. 9 88 ; Str., vii. 12 73 . 2 Str., vi. 14 109 .
3 Paed., i. 8 62 ; i. 9 . 4 Str., vii. i6 loa .
5 Psed., i. 8 68 . 6 Str., iv. 24 154 .
92 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
ploys mercy or reproof, His aim is the salvation of the
reproved. 1 In God the affection of anger, if it be right
to call admonition by such a name, is inspired by love to
man. He condescends to emotion for the sake of man. 2
Herein is the legitimate function of fear and threatening.
It is but the application of spiritual medicine to the vary
ing temperament of His children. The true, the ideal,
motive of Christian life is love; but there are some who
will turn to Him from fear, while they would spurn His
love. 3
His conception of the absolute goodness of God seems
to be inconsistent, however, with the manner in which he
represents God s relation to man. In opposition to the
teaching of the Gnostics, Clement lays down that " God has
no natural relation to man, 4 as the founders of heresy will
have it. ... God, who is by nature rich in pity because
of His goodness, takes care of us who are neither parts of
Him nor by nature His children. What is more this is
the greatest index of the goodness of God, that though our
relation to Him be such, and though we are by nature
entirely estranged, He nevertheless cares for us. Animals
have a natural affection for their offspring, and persons who
are like-minded from intercourse become friends. But rich
is the mercy of God to us who are not related to Him in
anything neither in our essence, I mean, nor in nature,
nor in the specific part of our essence, but only in this that
we are the work of His will; and the man who by dis
cipline has won the knowledge of the truth He calls to the
adoption of sons, which is the greatest advance of all." 5
1 Psed., i., 8 72 .
2 Ib., i. 8 74 : dAXi Ka l rb eniraeis rfc opyrjs, t 5^ bpy^ T V vovOfffiav avrov
XPT] Ka\w, <f>i\av6pwir6v tcrriv els TrdBr} Kara&aivovTos rov 0eoG 5m rbv &v6po)iroi
3 Pad., i. 9*6.
4 & 0e6j 5* oMculav ? x "V^r fats Qva^v <TX*<TU>. Cf. Adum. in i John
(Stah., vol. iii. p. 213). Str.,ii. 16^4, 75.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 93
The apparent harshness of this passage is due in part to
its polemical tendency, in part to his desire to free his
conception of God from anything akin to pantheism, but
mainly to his purpose of emphasising the unconditional
freedom of the divine mercy. But, surely, the fact that
man is in a special sense the work of absolute goodness
creates a certain relationship. Is not he who is a son
in posse internally related in esse ? This he affirms else
where. 1 " All other things were made by the word of
command alone, but man was formed by God Himself,
and He breathed into him that which was peculiar to
Himself." 2 The creation of man, of something capable of
knowledge of God, seems to be represented in a sense as
essential to the complete goodness of the Creator. 3 If the
pity of God is unconditional, it is exhibited as the only
true pity, and in a way that softens if it does not con
tradict His own thesis. Properly speaking, the greater
pities the less ; and man, as he is by nature man, cannot
be greater than a man. But God is greater than a man
in all things. If, then, the greater pities the less, God
alone will pity us. 4 " O surpassing love to man ! " he
cries ; " not as a teacher speaking to his scholars, not as
a master to his servants, but as a gentle father, the Lord
admonishes his sons." 5 "God of His great love to man
lays hold of him to help him, as the mother -bird flies to
one of her young when it falls out of the nest. And if a
serpent open its mouth to swallow the little one, the
mother flutters around, uttering cries of grief for her
little ones ; 6 and God the Father seeks His creature, and
heals his transgression, and pursues the reptile, and takes
up again the young one and urges it to fly up to the
nest." 7 "His love to man is unspeakable, and His
1 Cf. Str., v. 13 87 . 2 Psed., i. 2 7 . 3 Ib. 4 Str., ii. i6 73 .
6 Prot., ix. 82 . 6 Homer, II., ii. 315. 7 Prot., x. 91 .
94 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
hatred of evil is immeasurable." 1 The Christian heart
in Clement gained the victory over his metaphysical
abstractions.
God is conceived as a Trinity. Clement not only uses
the word, but again and again implies the doctrine,
though it is not definitely formulated by him in a de
veloped form. Referring to a passage in the Timseus
of Plato he says, " I understand nothing other than
the Holy Trinity to be indicated." 2 " Our treasure in
an earthen vessel is guarded by the power of God the
Father, and the blood of God the Son, and the dew of
the Holy Spirit." 3 At the close of the Paedagogus he
prays "that all may praise with thanksgiving the alone
Father and Son, the Son who is Tutor and Teacher, to
gether, with the Holy Ghost also." 4 Of the work of the
Spirit in the Church and in the individual believer, as
the inspirer of Holy Scripture, as the source of the higher
life, Clement often speaks; but of the Spirit in Himself,
and in relation to the Father and the Son, he says little.
In the lost or unfinished treatises on Prophecy and the
Soul he intended to discuss the question of the method
in which the Holy Spirit was distributed and His nature.
But though the doctrine of the Trinity is in the back
ground of his thought, he nowhere, like his contemporary
Tertullian, discusses the relation of the Persons in the
Trinity to one another. Though in most cases the com
parative absence of incidental allusions to a doctrine can
not be pressed, in the case of a writer so discursive as
Clement it is a feature that cannot be treated as without
significance ; and the conclusion would seem to be that
the question in itself was of little interest to him, and
was only of importance on its speculative and practical
1 P ot.,x."4. 2 Str.,v. 14 ^ . Tim., 41 A.
8 Q. D., 34. Cf. Red., i. 6* I>*d., iii. 12 "i. C f. EC. Pr., 13, 29.
THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 95
side in its bearing on the fact and the doctrine of the
Incarnation of the Word.
What is of permanent value in this doctrine of God
presented by Clement with the view of winning over to
the Christian faith the cultivated Greeks of Alexandria ?
It contains many noble elements. In representing the
knowledge of God as the true life of man and the pos
sibility of its attainment as the goal of all lofty aspiration,
he lays down the basis that underlies all positive religious
life. At the same time, he begets a sense of reverence
within us by reminding us that, apart from the manifold
revelations of the Word, the Father of the universe is an
unknown God, and that even with His revelation we can
but touch the hem of His garment. It gives a place to
the manifestation of God in nature as well as in the uni
versal consciousness of mankind. If in setting aside all
possibility of a pantheistic conception of God, he ascribes
to Him a transcendence which seems to remove Him abso
lutely from the range of our vision, and out of all relation
to us, he at the same time represents Him as immanent,
as eternally operative in His own world. Though some
phrases in his writings may be interpreted as favouring a
dualistic origin of the universe, the general direction of
his thought is distinctly anti-dualistic ; and it is possible
to interpret such phrases in a way that is reconcilable
with his otherwise emphatically reiterated teaching that
the universe owes its existence and its continued existence
to the One, Unbegotten, Almighty God. If partly under
the influence of Plato, partly from a polemical interest in
opposition to Gnosticism, he sometimes exaggerates the
unrelatedness between the Creator and man, and seems
to make the relation an external rather than an internal
and moral relation, he establishes anew the natural re
lationship which he had seemed to disown by ascribing
96 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD
to man a unique dignity among created things as alone
" made in His image," and therefore capable of appre
hending Him. In some other aspects this theology is of
a type that we are wont to consider as primarily modern,
whereas the modern and loftier conception of the nature
and purposes of God may be said to be but a return to
an earlier position which the Church ignored, superseded,
or abandoned. In making not the sovereignty of God
but His goodness and that a goodness that had always
been at work as the central principle of his thought, in
leading us to think of the justice of One who is good
rather than of the goodness of One who is just, and
thus bringing the punishment of sin in immediate relation
to the goodness rather than to the sovereignty of God,
Clement is in harmony with a strong current of thought
in our own time. It may be that he is not free from
the imperfect grasp of the sin of man in relation to the
holiness of God that is sometimes associated with that
mode of thought ; but what his theology loses thereby in
stately symmetry it gains in warmth and life.
97
LECTURE IV.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST.
" IN the beginning was the Word, and the Word was
with God, and the Word was God. The same was
in the beginning with God. All things were made by
Him, and without Him was not anything made. 1 That
which hath been made in Him was life; and the life was
the light of men. . . . And the Word became flesh and
tabernacled among us (and we beheld His glory, glory as
of the only begotten from the Father), full of grace and
truth." "No man hath seen God at any time; the only
begotten God 2 who is in the bosom of the Father, He
hath declared Him." " Even as Thou, Father, art in me
and I in Thee." " He is the image of the invisible God,
the First-born of all creation ; for in Him were all things
created. . . . All things have been created through Him
and unto Him ; and He is before all things, and in Him
all things consist." " No man knoweth the Son but the
Father, and no one knoweth the Father save the Son,
and He to whom the Son shall have revealed Him."
" God having of old time spoken to the fathers in the
prophets by diverse portions and in divers manners, hath
at the end of these days spoken unto us in His Son, whom
1 So, like the Ante-Nicene fathers generally, Clement divides the sentence.
2 So Clement reads in John i. 18.
G
98 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
He appointed heir of all things, through Whom also He
made the worlds : Who being the effulgence of His glory
and the impress of His substance, and upholding all things
by the word of His power, when He had made purification
of sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on
high." " That which was from the beginning, that which
we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, that
which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the
Word of Life and the life was manifested, and we have
seen, and bear witness, and declare unto you the eternal
life which was with the Father, and was manifested unto
us." 1 The Christology of Clement is an endeavour to
make explicit the conceptions that underlie these state
ments. A keen and restless spirit to whom the truth was
no external possession, but a part of his very being, to
whom the injunction, "Seek and ye shall find," came with
special insistence, could not be satisfied without specula
tion on the meaning of the words and seeking to elaborate
their contents. And that that elaboration should have
been cast in the mould of his earlier teaching, and to that
extent have been modified thereby, is merely what might
have been expected. He was not called upon to discard
the positions of his pre-Christian days, unless so far as they
were inconsistent with the Christian standpoint. A change
of attitude involved no breach of intellectual continuity. The
only question is, Was the Christian teaching so modified
in the process that it became inconsistent with the primary
source or with a legitimate development of it ? To seek
to bring his thought into perfect conformity with the for
mulas of a later age, or to expect that he should have an
ticipated such formulas, would be an absurd anachronism.
Keeping in view his liberal attitude towards the pre-Christian
1 Johni. 1-4, 14, 18; xvii. 21. Col. i. 15, 16, 17. Luke x. 22. Heb. i. 1-3.
I John i. 1,2.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 99
history of mankind, the width as well as the limitations
of his individuality, all that we can expect is, that he shall
witness in general outlines to the teaching of the Church of
his time. In view, further, of the measure in which individ
ual expressions may have been determined in part by his
polemical aim, in part by his strong bias towards eclecti
cism, and in view of " the mystic and turgid rhetoric " l
to which he at times gives way, it may not be possible
to obtain a presentation of his doctrine in all respects
consistent and harmonious.
Clement has himself distinctly set forth the essential
points in the teaching of the Church with reference to
Christ and the main questions which arise in connection
with it. " The whole economy which prophesied concern
ing the Lord appears a parable to those who have not
known the truth : when one says and the rest hear, that the
Son of God, the Son of Him who made the universe, assumed
flesh and was conceived in the womb of the Virgin, in so
far as His sensible flesh was made ; and subsequently, as
was the case, suffered and rose again, being to the Jews a
stumbling-block and the Greeks foolishness." 2 " It has
escaped their notice that we must truly believe in the Son
that He is the Son, and that He came, and how, and
for what, and concerning His passion ; and we must know
who is the Son of God." 3 The points here detailed
suggest order of treatment.
Who, then, is the Son of God ? What is the teaching
of Clement as to the Pre-Incarnate Word ?
According to him, fatherhood is an inalienable attribute
of the Divine Being. The Son must therefore have been
eternally begotten, for fatherhood and sonship are correlative
conceptions. " Along with the fact that God is Father, He
1 Ritter, Geschichte der christlichen Philosophic, vol. i. p. 424.
2 Str., vi. is 127 . s Ib., v. i 1 .
BIB,
100 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
is the Father of the Son." l The one thing which is unorig-
inated is the almighty God ; and there is only one First-
begotten. 2 The beginning of generation is not separated
from the beginning of the Creator. When it is said, "That
which was from the beginning," the reference is to the genera
tion, without beginning, of the Son who co-existed with the
Father. The word " was " is indicative of His eternity
which had no beginning. So also the Word, that is the
Son, who, according to equality of substance, consists one
with the Father, is eternal and uncreate. 3 The Son is in
the Father, and the Father in the Son. 4 The creation of
the world is assigned indifferently to the Father and the
Son. 5 The essential attributes of deity are assigned to
both. As God is almighty, so is the Word. 6 As God
inspects all things, so does the Word. 7 As God is love,
that which He begat was love. 8 As the Father is perfect,
so is the Son. 9 As God is good, so of necessity the Word
must be. 10 He is a genuine Son of God. 11 Others are but
sons by adoption, and cannot be equal in point of sub
sistence to that which is by nature. 12 He is the true, only-
begotten, the express image of the glory of the universal
king and Almighty Father. 13 He is timeless and without
beginning, the beginning and first-fruits of existing things. 14
Before the foundation of the World He was the Counsellor
of the Father, the Wisdom in which the Almighty God
rejoiced. 15 This Son is the Word of the Father, nay, one
with the Father. 16 He was before the morning-star. 17 He
1 Str.,v. i 1 . Cf. Adum. in I Joan.; Stah., vol. iii. p. 210: " Patris appellatione
significat, quoniam et filius semper erat sine initio."
2 Str., vi. 7 58 . 3 Adum. in I Joan i. I ; Stah., vol. iii. pp. 209, 210.
* Pad., i. 7 53 . 5 Ib., i. 8 7J , &c. Ib., iii. 7 39 .
7 Str., iii. lo 69 ; Paed., iii. I2 101 , 8 44 . 8 Q. D., c. 37.
9 Pad., i. s 26 . 10 Str., i. iS 90 . n Ib., v. 13 **,
12 Ib., ii. I7 77 . 13 Ib., vii. 3 16 . 14 Ib., vii. ! 2 .
15 Ib., vii. 2 7 ; Prov, viii. 30. 16 Psed., i. 8 82 . 17 Prot., i. 6 .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST IOI
was in the beginning and before the beginning. 1 He is
the image of God. 2 He is the first principle of the universe,
and fashioned -all things that came into existence after
Himself. 3 He was the Creator of the world and man,
is the leader of the universe, and the guide of all man
kind. 4 He is the face of God, the Word by whom God is
manifested and made known. 5 "The best thing on earth is
the most devout man ; and the best thing in heaven is the
angel who is nearest in place to God, the partaker already
in a purer way of the eternal and blessed life. But the
nature of the Son who is nearest to Him, who alone is the
Almighty One, is the most perfect, and most holy, and most
sovereign, and most princely, and most kingly, and most
beneficent. This is the highest supremacy which orders
all things in accordance with the Father s will and holds
the helm of the universe in the best possible way, perform
ing all things with unwearied and tireless power, beholding
the secret thoughts of God through His operations. For
from His own watch-tower the Son of God never departs,
is never divided nor severed, changes not from place to
place ; existing everywhere at all times, and being circum
scribed nowhere; all mind, all eye, all light of the Father,
seeing all things, hearing all things, knowing all things, with
power scrutinising the powers." 6 His pre-incarnate activity
was universal in its range. The progressive education of
humanity was His distinctive work. It was He who gave
philosophy to the Greeks. 7 It was He who acted as
Tutor to the people of Israel, who appeared to Abraham
and Jacob. It was He who by signs and wonders in
Egypt and in the desert incited the people to salvation.
It was He who spoke by Moses and all the prophets. 8 So
1 Prot., i. 7 1 . 2 Ib.,x. 98 . * Str.,v. 6 58 .
4 Paed.,iii. I2 100 ; i. 7 55 ; i. 7 56 . 5 Ib., i. 7 57 .
6 Str., vii. 2 5 . 7 Ib>) vii> 2 n t s Pi3ed<> i. 766.68,
102 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
far, the teaching of Clement may claim to have scriptural
authority for its content and form, or to be a legitimate
deduction from it. But there are other elements that seem
irreconcilable either with Scripture or with his own funda
mental positions. In some cases he speaks of the Word
in terms that suggest an attribute of God rather than a
distinct personality. 1 There are passages in which^ the
distinction of persons in the Godhead is so minimised that
he can be charged with Sabellianism. 2 There are passages
in which the equality of the persons is so lost sight of
that he seems to favour subordinationism. 3
These apparent waverings and inconsistencies are minor
offences compared with the " altogether impious and fabu
lous statements " that Photius found in the Hypotyposes,
among which were the degradation of the Son of God
to the rank of a thing created, and the hypothesis
that it was not the Word of the Father but a subor
dinate Word that became incarnate. 4 The supposition,
suggested by Photius himself and supported by some ex
positors of the teaching of Clement, that the writings of
Clement had been interpolated in a heretical sense, may
be set aside; and there can be little doubt that Photius
found in the Hypotyposes statements which could &be
interpreted in harmony with this charge. He had no bias
against Clement, and speaks of his errors more in sorrow
than in anger. The question is, therefore, whether Photius
was right in his interpretation; and in our ignorance of
all the passages but one on which he based his charge,
that question must be determined by the extent to which
they find complete or partial confirmation in the extant
writings. The presumption that he may have erred is
strengthened by the fact that he certainly misunderstood
the meaning of the one passage which he quotes in sup-
1 Str., vii. 2 7 . 2 Paed., i. 8 71 . 3 Strj viL 2?> 4 Cod< IO9<
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 103
port of his thesis. As to the first point. Zahn, who on
this, as on the other criticisms made by Photius, supports
his accuracy, calls attention to a few passages in the
writings of Clement that may be adduced in support of
the contention of Photius. 1 Clement repeatedly identifies
the Word with the Wisdom of God, and yet he refers to
Wisdom as the first-created of God ; 2 while in one passage
he attaches the epithet " First-created," 3 and in another
"First-begotten," to the Word. 4 But this seems to be
rather a question of language than a question of doc
trine. At a later date a sharp distinction was drawn
between " first - created " and " first - born " or "first-
begotten " ; 5 but no such distinction was drawn in the
time of Clement, who with the Septuagint rendering of
a passage in Proverbs before him could have had no mis
giving as to the use of these terms. 6 "We find nothing
in Clement," says Dorner, " about the subordination or
creation of the Son." 7 That is, perhaps, putting the
matter too strongly. But it may be confidently said that
the evidence adduced in support of the statement of
Photius is far from cogent, and in no way counterbalances
the evidence of the positive statements in the writings of
Clement to the opposite effect.
As to the second point. According to Photius, Clement
taught that there were two "Words," the less of whom
appeared to men, or rather not even He. In proof he
quotes the following : " The Son is called the Word, being
of the same name with the Word of the Father, but it is not
1 Supplementum Clementinum, pp. 141-147. 2 Str., v. 14 89 .
3 Ex. Theod., c. 20. 4 Str., vi. 7 58 .
5 See Suicer s Thesaurus on Trp(i)r6Krt<j-ros.
6 Kvpios (KTto-ev (M apxV <55w> avTov. Prov. viii. 22. Cf. Ex. Theod., 20.
TO 7&p irpb ti)ff(p6pov eyfvvri<rd ffe, ovrcas e^aKovo^fv eni rov irpwroKTiffTov deov
\6yov.
7 Person of Christ, vol. i. p. 287.
104 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
this that became incarnate. Nor, indeed, is it the Word of
the Father, but a certain power of God, an emanation, as
it were, of His Word, that has become nous, and per
vaded the hearts of men." l If this be the correct way of
dividing the sentence, 2 there is no reference in the second
part to the Incarnation, but only to the indwelling of
" nous," conceived as an emanation of the Word, in the
hearts of men. Both statements seem to be in answer to
the same objection, which appears to have been urged by
some one against the Incarnation of the Word, that this
would imply that God was in that case separated from, or
without, His Word (Reason). The reply of Clement is to
the effect that a distinction must be drawn between the
reason that was immanent in God and the Word which was
a Person the Son. Zahn thinks that Photius was wrong
in supposing that Clement denied the manifestation even
of the inferior Word, but seeks to show by passages taken
from the undoubted writings that he was right in affirming
that it was not the Word of the Father, but the Son-Word,
that became incarnate. He points to the fact that Clement
makes a sharp distinction between the Son and Word who
was begotten or created before the rest of creation and the
alone Unbegotten God and Father, that he names this not
rarely a divine power, that he says that the Word who
appeared incarnate in Christ was not only the mediator of
the Old Testament Revelation but the source of all reason
and morals, the one true Teacher of all humanity. But are
such characteristics irreconcilable with the conception that
it was the one Word that became incarnate ? " The Word
of the Father of the universe," says Clement, "is not the
uttered word, 3 but the wisdom and most manifest kind
ness of God, and His power, too, which is almighty and
1 Photius, Cod. 109. 2 Zahn puts a , after "incarnate."
s, St. v. I 6 .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 105
truly divine, and His almighty will." But surely Bethune-
Baker is right when he says, " Clement seems to me to
be certainly objecting to the term \6yos Trpocjiopt/cos as
applied to the Son on the ground that it depreciates His
dignity, and not, as Harnack and Zahn take it, himself
sanctioning a distinction between the higher \6yos eVSmtfero?
and the lower \6yoi Trpofopitcoi,." 1 "There lies here a
polemic," says Dorner, " against the opinion that He is
simply the spoken, empty word, and not rather intelligence,
real, creative power." 2
Another passage has to be examined in this connec
tion. " An image of God is His Word, the genuine
Son of * nous, the divine Word, the archetypal light of
light ; and an image of the Word is the true man, the
nous which is in man, who is therefore said to have
been made in the * image and likeness of God." 3 This
means, according to Zahn, that Clement teaches that the
Word who became incarnate was not the Son of God the
Father but the Son of the "nous" of the Father, and,
therefore, clearly to be distinguished from the Word
(reason) of God Himself; that the Son- Word was only the
Son of the higher Word. But it seems to me that Clement
uses "nous" not for the reason that was eternally im
manent in God, but for God Himself. In the Stromateis
he quotes from Plato to the effect that he who contem
plates the ideas will live as a god among men, and he adds
that "nous" is the place of ideas, and God is "nous." 4
On the whole, therefore, it is much more natural to suppose
that Photius misinterpreted, not a part, but the whole of
the passage which he cited from the Hypotyposes. " The
only safe canon of criticism is that which bids us inter-
1 Bethune-Baker, History of Early Christian Doctrine, p. 129.
2 Vol. i. p. 289. s Prot., x. 98 .
4 Plato, Soph., 216 B ; Str., iv. 25 155 . Cf. Str., iv. 25 162 .
106 THE FERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
pret the less known in a sense in keeping with the more
known." 1
So far in his teaching as to the Word we move in a
Christian atmosphere. But there are passages which take
us out of the sphere of Christian thought. When we read
that the Platonic idea is a thought of God, and that
the barbarians call this the Word of God, we see the
perilous side of his eclecticism. 2 When we read that the
Son is the " circle of all the powers rolled into one and
formed into a unity," 3 we are reminded of Neo-Platonic ways
of thinking. Most important of all is the relation to Philo.
In estimating the relation of the doctrine of the Word in
Clement to that of Philo, two points have specially to be
kept in view. On the one hand, as there is no doubt as
to the dependence of Clement on Philo in some weighty
matters of doctrine and criticism, other than his doctrine of
the Word, the presumption is in favour of his dependence
here. On the other hand, there are many points of affinity
between the New Testament and Philo; and as Clement is
saturated not only with the thoughts but with the words of
the Scriptures, where Philo and the New Testament and
Clement have common expressions, it is as probable that the
New Testament was the primary source. " Image " (cixibv),
" impress" (xapa/cr^p), "high-priest" (apwepevs), are found
1 Bethune-Baker, p. 134. The passage from Photius is examined by Ziegler,
Die Logoschristologie des Cl. Al., pp. 87-90. He puts the words d\\ ot x
OVTOS tariv 6 ab.pl ytvo^vos before \eyerai, and translates : " But it is not this"
(that is, the "nous," who is in the hearts of men) " that is the Incarnate Word, nor
the Word of the Father, but a certain power of God, as it were an emanation of
is reason, became nous and pervaded the hearts of men." All, therefore,
that Clement here meant to explain was the relation of the human reason to
the primal reason of God namely, to affirm that "a certain power of God, an
emanation of His reason, became nous and pervaded the hearts of men."
2 Str., v. 3 16.
3 Ib., iv. 25 156 . Cf. Aal. Geschichte der Logosidee in der christlichen Litter-
atur, pp. 393-429.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 107
in all as designations of the Word ; but from the context it
would seem that it was the language of Scripture that floated
before the mind of Clement. 1 There are numerous expres
sions common to both which are not found in the New
Testament, such as TO opyavov rov @ov, 6 Trpwro^ovos 6eov
v /09 ; 2 and there are kindred expressions, such as o Sevrepos
#eo?, in Philo, and TO Sevrepov amoz/ in Clement, o irpeo--
PVTCLTOS deov v to? in Philo, and TO Trpeafivrepov eV yeveo-ei
in Clement. 3 In such cases the dependence is manifest, as
the expressions are not only not in Scripture but unscrip-
tural. On the other hand, there are many characteristic
designations of the Word in Philo which are not employed
by Clement, and in some cases he has substituted a New
Testament term for the Philonic word. Thus, neither
" shadow " (a-fcia) nor " divider " (To/zeu?) is found in
Clement ; and the absence of the latter is all the more
noteworthy as he loves to support his views by sayings of
Heraclitus, from whom Philo borrowed the expression.
Though he speculates much, like many others, in part in
dependence on Philo, on the mystic meaning of the number
" seven," he does not, as the latter, relate it to the Word.
When Philo employs ep/j,r)Vi><; for the interpretative function
of the Word, Clement, in accordance with New Testament
usage, prefers efyyrjrijs.* The key- word Trai&aywyos is not
found in Philo, nor is Clement s favourite designation of the
Word as HwTijp. The matter, therefore, is not so simple as
it seems, and it is surely an exaggeration to say that the
foundation is not scriptural but Philonic, as if Clement
accepted only the epithets and teaching applied in the
Scriptures to the Word, in so far as they were in harmony
with kindred epithets and teaching in Philo. The opposite
1 Str., v. 6 38 ; vii. 3 16 ; Prot. xii. 120. Cf. Col. i. 15 ; Heb. i. I, iv. 14.
2 Prot., i. 6 ; Str., vi. 7 58 . 3 Str., vii. 3 16 ; vii. i. 2 .
4 Ib., i. 26 169 . Cf. Johni. 18.
108 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
may with more reason be maintained. To the mind of
Clement there was no contradiction or irreconcilability
between the purely philosophical and the purely Christian
elements in his conception of the Word. If so, the ques
tion is, What was the primary or assimilative principle ?
That Philonic conceptions had permeated Christian circles
even in the first century, we see from the New Testament
itself; but is there any evidence that thinkers of any school
outside of Alexandria had become so imbued with the
system of Philo, apart from its infiltration into Christian
thought, that it occupied a prominent place in their teach
ing ? Or, if such teachers existed, is there any evidence
that Clement had sat at their feet? The fact that his
eager spirit had no rest until he found Pantaenus is against
the supposition. A common use of the allegorical method
of exegesis proves nothing, for such was common and
inevitable, while as yet the Old Testament was the only
authoritative collection of sacred books, if they were to
be interpreted in a Christian sense. If, then, there be no
evidence of the influence of this distinctive feature in the
teaching of Philo in any teacher with whom it is prob
able that Clement had associated before his arrival in
Alexandria, he would only learn to know the writings of
Philo after his religious thought had been moulded on a
definitely Christian basis, and he would read the works of
Philo with Christian eyes rather than read Philonic concep
tions into his Christian thought. No doubt this is largely
a matter of hypothesis, but it is a hypothesis which finds
powerful confirmation in the fact that to Clement the Incar
nation of the Word an impossible conception with Philo
was a fundamental fact and truth.
"That He came, and how." The Word who was with
God, the Word by whom all things were made, "He
who is in Him who truly is," has appeared. He, who as
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 109
Creator bestowed life upon us at first when He formed
us, has appeared as a teacher, and taught us to live well,
that as God he might afterwards bestow upon us eternal
life. 1 Though despised in outward form, He was in reality
adored. He truly is most manifest God. He was made
equal to the Lord of the universe, because He was His
son. 2 " If thou dost not believe the prophets, the Lord
Himself will speak to thee," "who being in the form of
God counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God,
but emptied Himself," He, the compassionate God, eagerly
longing to save man. 3 John, the herald of the Word, ex
horted men to be ready for the advent of God the Christ. 4
The Son of God was conceived in the womb of the virgin. 5
The Lord Christ was the fruit of the virgin. 6 By this all
generation has been sanctified. 7 The very Word has ap
peared as man. He alone is both God and man. 8 A
manifest mystery, God in man, and man God. The
Mediator accomplishes the will of the Father. For He
is the Word common to both, Son of God, but Saviour
of men, His minister, our teacher. 9 He that ate from a
homely bowl and washed the feet of the disciples was the
unpresuming God and Lord of the universe. 10 He was God
in the form of man. 11 So closely are the divine and the
human interpenetrated that Clement assigns names and
functions and attributes to the human side, that, strictly
speaking, can only be applied to the divine side, and vice
versa. He applies the epithet " eternal " to Jesus. 12 Our
Tutor is the holy God, Jesus, the Word who is the guide
of all humanity, the philanthropic God Himself. 13 The
Word poured forth His own blood for us. 14 " Believe,
1 Prot., i. 7 .
2 Ib., x. no .
3 Ib., i. 8 .
4 Ib., i. 10 .
8 Str., vi. I5 127 .
6 Psed., i. 6.
7 Str.,iii. i; 1 ^.
8 Prot., i. 7 .
9 Psed., iii. i 2 .
10 Ib.,ii. 3 38 .
11 Ib., i. 2 4 .
12 Prot., xii. 12 .
13 Pad., i. 7 55 .
14 Ib., i. 6 43 .
1 10 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
O man, Him who is man and God. Believe, O man, in
Him who suffered and is adored. Believe, ye slaves, in
the living God who was dead. Believe, all ye of human
kind, the only God of all. Believe, and receive salvation
as a reward." 1 The Word alone is sinless. 2 The Saviour
surpassed all human nature. 3 He alone who for us assumed
humanity is perfect in all things at once. 4 The relation
of this perfection to His baptism had been a matter of
controversy with the Gnostics in Alexandria. As God,
He had nothing in addition to learn ; yet, when " begotten
in baptism " He received the illumination that is given in
baptism. " If He were perfect, why was He, the Perfect
One, baptised ? It was necessary, they say, to fulfil the
condition of His assumption of humanity. Most excellent.
Coincidently, then, with His baptism by John, He became
perfect ? Manifestly. He did not, then, learn anything
from him ? Certainly not. But He is perfected by the
washing of baptism alone, and is sanctified by the descent
of the Spirit ? Such is the case." 5 Clement, therefore,
seems to solve the problem by distinguishing between the
divine consciousness in Him to which nothing was un
known, and the human consciousness which received
enlightenment in the act of baptism. 6
In consequence of his interest being limited mainly to
the teaching of the Lord, Clement takes little notice of
the events in the life other than those of His birth, death,
and resurrection. Incidents such as the crowning with
thorns 7 or the anointing in Bethany 8 are only intro
duced for the teaching which they are held to symbolise.
Though he professes to have little sympathy with such
1 Prot., X. I*. Cf. Pad., ii. 8 73. 2 Str>? iv> I2 85 . Pjjedpj i. 2 4.
J Str., ii. 5 21. 4 Ib-> iv< 21 ,30. 5 Paede) j. 6 25>
6 Cf. Gore, Dissertations on the Incarnation, p. 114.
7 Psed., ii. 8 7S .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST III
investigations, he fixes the date of the birth of the Lord
as having taken place on i8th November 2 B.C. 1 On
account of the prophetic saying, adopted by Jesus, " He
hath sent me to preach the acceptable year of the
Lord," he concluded that the ministry of Jesus lasted
only one year. 2
On the ground of the rendering in the Septuagint, 3 he
inferred that the Lord was unseemly in appearance. " He
had no form nor beauty, but His form was without honour,
defective as compared with other men." But this only
brought out by way of contrast the spiritual beauty. " For
who was better than the Lord ? But it was not the beauty
of the flesh visible to the eye that He exhibited, but the
beauty of both soul and body, the beneficence of the soul,
the immortality of the body." 4 This choice of a mean form
of body was not without a purpose. Its aim was that no
one in his admiration of the material beauty should lose
sight of the spiritual teaching. 5 Was this body a real body
or only an appearance ? Among the charges that Photius
brings against Clement is the averment that the Word did
not really assume flesh, but only seemed to do so ; 6 and in
this charge he has been followed by others. Now, Clement
himself refers to docetism as a heresy which, along with
other heresies, must be rejected as out of harmony with
the doctrine of the Church. 7 In quoting, in order to
condemn, the opinions of Cassianus, he refers to him as
the founder of the docetic heresy, and attributes his false
teaching to the slandering of generation. 8 Could Clement,
1 Str., i. 21 145 . "One hundred and ninety-four years, one month, and thirteen
days before the death of Commodus." See Herzog, R.E. 3 , vol. xxi., p. 149.
2 Str., i. 21 145 ; Isa. Ixi. 2 ; Luke iv. 19.
3 Isa. liii. 2. 4 Pasd., iii. i 3 .
5 Str., vi. 6 151 . Cf. ib., iii. I7 103 . aeiS^s Se e\7]Au0ev Kal apopfos els TO
detSes Kal dcrcc/uaTov TT}S 6fias curias airofiXstreiv T]/J.as
6 Cod. 109. 7 Str> yii> I7 108. 8 I
112 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
then, have been guilty of teaching which was thus opposed
to the rule of faith, and repugnant to him on moral
grounds ? Prima facie, it should be impossible ; and it is
certain that he could not have been so consciously. But
in Clement we must always be prepared for apparent con
tradictions. Take the positive evidence. God, he says,
proclaimed the good tidings in a body. 1 He showed His
power in a body of flesh. 2 From His exceeding love to
men the Saviour did not despise the susceptibility of the
flesh of men, but invested Himself with it, and came for
the common salvation of men. 3 For our sakes He took
upon Him our flesh which is liable to suffering. 4 Having
assumed flesh which by nature is susceptible of suffering,
He trained it to the condition of passionlessness. 5 He
assumed flesh that He might speak with the mouth of a
man. 6 He is introduced in the Gospel as weary with
toil. 7 When the prophet says, " Remember us, for we are
dust," 8 he is praying to the Lord "Sympathise with us,
for Thou hast known from Thine own experience of suffering
the weakness of the flesh." 9 The evidence in favour of the
real human nature of Christ might seem irresistible. But
there is another side. One passage on which undue stress
has been laid may be set aside. He speaks of the Word of
God taking upon Him the mask of a man, and fashioning
Himself in flesh, and acting the drama of human salvation :
for He was a true champion and fellow - champion with
the creature. 10 Does this mean that His earthly life was
only of the nature of a dramatic performance ? The second
clause is against this contention. To begin with, the word
rendered " mask " may also be rendered " person." The
word "drama" does not involve unreality, for it is used
1 Str., iv. S 66 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 140 . 3 Ib., vii. 2 8 . 4 Ib.,vii. 2 6 .
5 Ib., vii. 2 7 . Ib., vii. ii . 7 Pse d., i. 9 85 ; John iv. 6.
8 Ps. ciii. 14. a Paed., i. 8 62 . 10 Prot., x. no .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 113
elsewhere of the gnostic who plays irreproachably the
drama of life. 1 It might as well be urged because he
speaks of captivating the Father with the spell of prayers, 2
that he looked upon prayer as a magical incantation, in
spite of the singularly spiritual view of prayer that he
sets forth. 3 But there are other passages which present
greater difficulty. "In the case of the Saviour," he says,
"it were ludicrous to suppose that the body as a body de
manded the necessary aids in order to its continuance in
life. For He ate not for the sake of the body which was
held together by a holy energy, but in order that it might
not enter into the minds of those who associated with
Him to think otherwise about Him ; as, of a truth, some
afterwards supposed that He was manifested in appearance.
But He was entirely passionless, inaccessible to any move
ment of emotion, whether of pleasure or pain." 4 " It is re
ported in the Traditions, " he says elsewhere, "that John
touching the external body of Christ sent his hand into
the depths of it, and that the hardness of the flesh offered
no resistance, but gave way to the hand of His disciple." 5
Unless this be interpreted of the resurrection-body of Christ,
it is language which might well have been used by any ad
herent of docetism. As to the first passage. Little weight
can be attached to the word " passionless " as a denial of
true humanity, as to be passionless represents the ideal con
dition of the highest Christian type. On the face of it the
passage seems to mean that Christ only ate and drank to
prevent the disciples from giving way to docetic misunder
standings. Does not this indicate a humanity that was
1 Str., vii. II 65 .
2 Q. D., 41. \iraveiais crvvfiQeffi /uiaytvuv r6v irarepa. 8 Cf. vii. 7 39
4 Str., vi. 9 71 . Cf. Str., iii. 6 51 , where he quotes without disapproval a saying
of Valentinus of an undoubted docetic type.
5 Adum. in I Joan, vol. iii. p. 210 (Stah.).
H
114 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
shadowy and unreal, a humanity that transcended earthly
conditions, a manifestation akin to the theophanies of the
Old Testament rather than a true incarnation ? It has
been suggested that the solution of the apparent conflict
in the statements of Clement is to be found, not in denying
the reality of the body of Christ, but by denying that He
had a human soul, the place of which in Him was taken by
the Word, and thus regarding Clement as a precursor of
Apollinarianism. 1 But in view of his representation of the
relation of soul and body, to deny the reality of the human
soul of Christ was surely a graver form of docetism if
that be an appropriate word than to deny the reality of
His body. Moreover, Clement refers to the soul of Christ,
and assumes its identity with the soul of man. " Our Tutor
was irreproachable and passionless in soul. . . . He is to us
a spotless image : to Him we must strive with all our
strength to assimilate our soul." 2 Must not the archetype
be as the type ? " By the precious blood with which the
Lord bought us is meant the soul, pure through righteous
ness, which is offered to God." 3 Further, it is a general
principle with Clement that there is the closest possible
relation between the person and mission of Christ and the
nature of man ; that what was to be saved by Him had to
be assumed by Him and sanctified in His own person ; and
to this end He must have assumed a human soul as well as a
body. 4 The wavering language is rather due to the fact that
Clement approached the question of the person of Christ
from the divine side, from that of the Word, and was think-
1 Cf. Gieseler, Commentatio qua dementis Alexandrini et Origenis doctrinae
de corpora Christi exponuntur (1837). The passage (Psed., i. 5 w ) to which
Dahne appeals as favouring docetism, and Gieseler as proving the contrary, is
corrupt. Cf. Stah.
2 Paed., i. 2 4 . 3 Adum. in I Pet, Stah., vol. iii. p. 204.
4 Cf. Schwane, * Dogmengeschichte, p. 240. Cf. EC, Pr., 23. ri> yap
TV 6/jLolif ItmrifpcTciy Kard\\ri\ov irpbs T^V 6/j.olav
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 115
ing not so much of the influence of the human on the divine
as of the influence of the divine on the human ; and, accord
ingly, he does not ask what limitations the human em
bodiment put on the divine, but what prerogatives the
divine imparted to the human. His interest lay mainly in
securing that there should be no imperfection in the work
of Christ as a teacher of absolute truth concerning God ; to
that end the body of Christ was mainly important to Him as
a fitting instrument for carrying out the will and the mission
of the Word ; and from this point of view a tendency in the
direction of docetism was inevitable. It is true that pass
ages can be quoted from later ecclesiastical writers closely
akin to docetic passages in Clement, 1 but a statement of
a docetic cast made at a time when docetism was dead
occupies a different position from a statement made when
docetism was a dangerous force. In his doctrine of the
human nature of Christ, more plainly than anywhere else,
Clement has been wounded by the weapons which he
captured from his opponents.
"And for what? " What was the primary end of the In
carnation ? In accordance with His pre-incarnate function
and ministry, it was essentially a work of revelation and
tuition. It was a continuation of, and an advance on, that
ministry. From the Word came the gift of life ; from the
Word Incarnate came the gift of living well. Clement
takes illustrations of His method of working indifferently
from the sayings of the prophets whom He inspired and
from His own sayings on earth. The only difference is that
in the one case the Lord speaks by the mouth of others, in
the other case by His own. The revelation which He
brought was in part a revelation of God to man, in part a
revelation through a man of his highest self and of the
1 Basil, quoted by le Nourry, p. 175 (Migne, vol. ix. p. 1132).
Il6 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
method of realising it. " No man knoweth the Son but the
Father, and no one knoweth the Father save the Son, and
he to whom the Son shall have revealed Him." l If the
importance of a doctrine is to be measured by the frequency
with which it is repeated, this is vital in Clement s view of
the purpose of the Incarnation. Because the soul of man
was too feeble to apprehend things as they are, we needed
a divine teacher. Accordingly, the Saviour was sent down,
the ineffable and holy manifestation of the great Provi
dence. 2 God was inaccessible to the senses. Hence the
Son is said to be the Father s face, because by the Incarna
tion He became accessible to the senses. He is the Word,
the revealer of the distinctive nature of the Father. 3 By
the Incarnation he was seen in more immediate relation to
the world. 4 The only-begotten Son of God has taught us
the divine mysteries. 5 He who was not of the world came
as one who was of this world to men. He sought to lead
men through knowledge to sovereign truth, from this world
to another. 6 He assumed flesh in order to show what was
possible to man in the way of obedience to the command
ments. 7 From love He willingly assumed the lot of man,
that, having been brought to the measure of the weakness
of us whom He loved, He might in turn bring us to the
measure of His own power. 8 " The Word of God became
man, that, in truth, thou also mayst learn from man how
man may become God." ! He seeks to transform man the
earth-born into a holy and heavenly man. He alone has
completely realised the divine purpose in the creation of
man. " Let us listen to the Word and take on the impress
of the truly saving life of our Saviour, henceforward culti
vating the heavenly citizenship in accordance with which
we are being deified." 10 He is the creator of types of which
1 Luke x. 22. 2 Str., v. i 7 . 3 Ib., v. 6 34 . * Ib., v. 6 3a .
5 Ib., vii. i 4 . 6 Ib., vi. 15 12G . 7 Ib., vii. 2 8 . 8 Q. D., 37.
9 Prot., i. 8 . 10 Psed., i. I2 98 .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 117
He Himself is the archetype. 1 Having described the Word
as the New Song, Clement asks, " What, then, does this
instrument, the Word of God, the Lord, the New Song
will? " "To open the eyes of the blind, to unstop the ears
of the deaf, and to lead by the hand unto righteousness
those that were lame in their feet or who had wandered, to
manifest God to feeble men, to put an end to corruption,
to conquer death, to reconcile disobedient sons to their
Father. The instrument of God is a lover of men. The
Lord pities, instructs, exhorts, admonishes, saves, guards,
and abundantly promises the kingdom of heaven as a reward
for our instruction ; and the only harvest that He reaps is
that we are saved. For wickedness feeds on the destruction
of men ; but truth, like the bee, injuring nothing that exists,
delights only in the salvation of men." He showed to men
the height of salvation that they might repent and be saved,
or disobey and be judged. 3
11 And concerning His passion." If it were a mere matter
of names and general phrases, there can be no doubt that
Clement taught the doctrine of a vicarious atonement. He
applies to Christ the epithets " Mediator," " Truce-
bringer," " reconciler," " great high-priest." He applies a
saying of Plato about a "great and unprocurable sacrifice "
being offered by the seeker after God to Christ, a truly
unprocurable sacrifice, the Son of God consecrated for us. 4
In like manner he applied a saying of Euripides about " a
sacrifice without fire " to Christ, a whole burnt-offering, with
out fire, for us. 5 He uses the word " ransom " with reference
to the death of Christ, and likewise " propitiation," though
only in a quotation in the latter case ; 6 and he explains it as
meaning that Jesus heals both soul and body. Isaac was a
type of the Lord, for he was a "victim " as the Lord was.
1 Str., vii. 3 16 . 2 Prot., i. 6 . 3 Ib., xi. 136 .
4 Str., v. 10 66 ; Plato, Rep., ii. 378 A. 5 Str., v. II 70 .
6 Psed., iii. I2 98 ; I John ii. 2.
Il8 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
But he was not offered in sacrifice as the Lord ; only as the
Lord bore the wood of the cross, so he bore the wood of the
sacrifice. 1 We have been brought into kinship with Christ
through His blood by which we are ransomed. 2 Christ
willed to suffer that by His suffering we might live. 3 Our
life was hung upon the wood with a view to our faith. 4 He
drank the cup for the cleansing of those who plotted against
Him and of the unbelievers. 5 When He might have been
Lord, He willed to be a brother, and so good was He that
He died for us. 6 For the sake of each of us He laid down
His life a life that was equal in worth to the universe. 7
Still more plainly is it set forth in the appeal which he puts
into the mouth of the Saviour. " I begot thee again, when
miserably begotten by the world with a view to death. I
set thee free, I healed thee, I ransomed thee. I will pro
cure for thee life unceasing, eternal, a life above this world.
I will show to thee the face of the good Father. ... I will
lead thee into the rest and enjoyment of good things, un
speakable and untold. ... I am thy nurse, giving myself as
bread, of which no man having tasted again has experience
of death : I give thee daily to drink immortality. I am
teacher of super-celestial instruction. For thee I fought
against death, and paid in full thy penalty of death, which
thou didst owe because of the former sins and thy faithless
ness towards God." 8 "When about to be offered and giving
Himself as a ransom, He leaves a new covenant : My love
I give unto you." 9 No doubt, the most striking of these
passages are in the form of a rhetorical appeal, but the
appeal could have had no force unless based on admitted
truths. On the other hand, he puts an interpretation on
some passages of Scripture that seems to indicate an un
certain grasp of the sacrificial import of the work of Christ.
- Ib.,i. 6". 3 Str>> iv>
. 3 Ib<)iv<9 7 5i 6 p^ d> i
T Q- D -.37. 8 Ib.,2 3 . Mb., 37.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 119
He interprets the saying, " The Lord delivered Him for our
sins," as meaning that He was to be the amender and
corrector of our sins. 1 By the " lamb of God " he does not
think of the " lamb that had been slain," or "that taketh
away the sins of the world," but regards it as equivalent to
the "child of God," the Son of the Father. 2 By "the
blood of Christ that cleanseth us " he understands the
teaching of Christ, which is very powerful. 3 " He laid down
His life for us " means for the Apostles. 4 Yet these pass
ages cannot be allowed to outweigh the general force of
others, as well as the definite statements to the effect that
Christ died for our sins. In consequence of his view of sin
as that which was irrational and the fruit of ignorance, he
did not give the doctrine of the atonement any prominent
place in his teaching, nor did he find it necessary to
formulate any theory of the atonement, nor to speculate
on the meaning of ransom. He is not thinking so much
of sin from the divine standpoint as of its effect on the
nature of man. The work of Christ as mediator is not
clearly related to His death. Clement himself had passed
through no spiritual crisis; enlightenment rather than the
need of forgiveness, intellectual unrest rather than an
accusing conscience, drove him to the Christian faith.
Sin is defined as anything that is contrary to right reason.
Disobedience in relation to reason is the generator of sin.
To sin against reason is to be likened to the beasts. 5 Sin
is slavery. It is eternal death. It is the death of the soul
not the death which dissolves the union between soul and
body, but that which dissolves the union between the soul
and the truth. 6 Hence to be instructed and disciplined by
the Lord is to be set free from death. 7 All sins are due
1 Psed., i. 8 67 ; Isa. liii. 6, LXX. 2 Psed., i. 5 24 .
3 Adum. in I Joan i. 7 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 211.
4 Adum. in Jud., 16, vol. iii. p. 214. 5 Paed., i. 13 101 ; Ps. xlix. 20.
6 Prot., xi. 115 ; Str., iii. 9 64 ; ii. 7 31 . 7 Psed., i. 7 81 .
120 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
to choice and inclination. 1 The only sins which are not
" imputed " are those which are not the result of choice. 2
Though the actions of men are infinite in number, the causes
of all sin may be reduced to two ignorance and weakness. 3
One falls into a ditch, for example, either from ignorance of
its existence, or from inability to leap across it. 4 No one
chooses evil as evil, but, beguiled by the pleasures attaching
to it, he supposes it to be good, and considers it a thing to
be desired. But we are responsible for such misconceptions.
For to be set free from ignorance and to refuse assent to
deceptive phantasies rests with ourselves. 6 This emphasis
ing of individual sin seems to leave no place for inherited
sin, still less for inherited guilt. The introduction of sin
into the world is in some sense associated with the fall of
Adam, and this in turn with the victory of Christ over
death ; but of the relation of that sin to us and our sins
there are no clear indications. The first man sported in
Paradise in freedom, for he was a child of God ; but when
he fell under the power of pleasure the serpent means
pleasure he was carried away by his desires and fettered
to sins. The Lord Himself in the fetters of flesh enslaved
the tyrant death. He stooped down and man rose up. 6
Adam was not perfect in the sense that he could not trans
gress, but in the sense that he was adapted by nature to
receive virtue, 7 and that he lacked none of the distinctive
characteristics of "the idea and the form " of a man. 8 By
his deliberate choice of evil he exchanged an immortal for a
mortal life, but not for ever. 9 Man by nature has a tendency
towards giving assent to falsehood, though he possesses
helps for faith in the truth. 10 But we only lie under the sin
of Adam in respect of likeness of sin. 11 When Job said,
1 Str., i. I 7 84. 2 IK) ij ^66, 3 Ib-> vih J6101. 4 Ib>) ii. ,582.
Ib., i. 17". Cf. vii. i6". Prot., xi. m . ^ Str>> vi< 12 w
8 Ib., IV. 23 1W 9 I b<> ij. I9 98 t 10 Str>j jj. I2 B5.
11 Adum. in Jud., Stah., vol. iii. p. 208. " Sic etiam peccato Adae subjacemus
secundum peccati similitudinem." Clement, like Origen and Ambrosiaster, seems
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 121
" Naked came I out of my mother s womb, and naked shall
I return hither," he did not mean naked of possessions
that were a small and common matter but naked of
wickedness and sin. 1 If the entrance into life is to corres
pond to the return, the child must be conceived as naked of
sin. When David said, " In sin did my mother conceive
me," he referred to Eve the mother of the living ; and in
any case, if he were conceived in sin, yet he himself was not
in sin, nor was he himself sin. 2 " By sin, death has passed
to all men," that is, by a natural necessity of the divine
economy death follows on birth, and the dissolution of
soul and body necessarily follows their union. 3 But this
necessary relationship involves no participation on our part
in the sin of Adam. " There is no entailed necessity
between his sin and ours." 4
No name is more frequently given to Jesus than that of
the Saviour ; no word is employed so frequently to denote
the goal and work of Christ as salvation. His soul glows
with the fire of love to Christ as Saviour ; repeatedly in the
course of his discussions he breaks forth in prayer to Him ;
and whenever he mentions His name, he loves to shower
upon it a series of descriptive epithets, as if striving to
express the fulness of his devotion. But we must not read
into the words "Saviour" or "salvation," as used by him,
the ordinary connotation of the words. 5 For his conception
of sin determines in large measure the conception of salva
tion. If sin be slavery, salvation is freedom ; if sin be
moral disorder or disease, salvation is moral health ; if sin
be ignorance, salvation is knowledge ; if sin be death, salva
tion is life. A preliminary, but fundamental, element in
to have omitted the p.4i in Rom. v. 14. See Souter, A Study of Ambrosiaster,
p. 198.
1 Str., iv. 25 160 . 2 Ib.,iii. i6 100 .
3 Rom. v. 12 ; Str., iii. 9 64 . 4 Bigg, p. 81.
5 Cf. EC. Pr., 1 6, where he speaks of the prophets and apostles as saviours
of men.
122 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
salvation is the forgiveness of sins. "The Lord ministers
all help, both as man and God ; as God, forgiving our sins ;
as man, training us not to sin." 1 Forgiveness of sins pre
cedes the training. It is associated with Baptism, which
is a washing by which our sins are thoroughly cleansed, and
a grace by which the penalties of our sins are remitted. 2
The Lord buys us with His precious blood, setting us free
from our former harsh masters that is, the sins because of
which the " spiritual forces of wickedness " lorded it over
us. 3 Of all good things salvation is the greatest. 4 To save
men is the eternal purpose of God. For this reason the
good God sent the good Shepherd. The Word unfolded
the truth and showed to men the height of salvation. 5 The
salvation of men is His only work. 6 As sin is disease, a
moral disease due to ignorance, the work of the Saviour is
pre-eminently that of a physician, and His medicine is
tuition or discipline. Passions are diseases of the soul. 7
The Word is the all-healing physician of human infirmities
and the holy charmer of the sick soul. 8 "The Word has
been called the Saviour, as He has found out for man those
rational drugs which tend to quickness of perception and
salvation watching for the favourable opportunity, reprov
ing moral injury, laying bare the causes of passions, and
cutting out the roots of irrational desires, pointing out from
what we ought to abstain, bringing all the antidotes of
salvation to the sick; for this is the greatest and most
kingly work of God the salvation of mankind." 9 As a
good physician uses all methods fomentation, cautery,
amputationto heal the bodies of the sick, so the Saviour
has a voice of many tones and varied methods in the salva
tion of men. 10 His aim is to create true health in the soul. 11
Poed., i. 3 7. 2 Ib>> { 6 26. 3
Ib., Xi. . 6 Ib>j x 87. 7 Ib>> xi< 115.
Psed., i. 12 io. Cf. Q. D., 29 ; Poed., i. i \
10 Prot., i. 8. 11
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 123
As all are sick in respect of passions and evil desires, all
need a Saviour. " Sick, we truly stand in need of the
Saviour ; having gone astray, we need one to guide us ;
blind, we need one to lead us by His light; thirsty, we
need the fountain of life, of which those who partake shall
no longer thirst ; dead, we need life ; sheep, we need a
shepherd ; we who are children need a tutor ; nay, all
mankind stands in need of Jesus, so that we may not as in
tractable men and sinners fall at the end into condemnation,
but may be separated from the chaff and stored up in the
garner of the Father." 1 The Sun of righteousness has
changed sunset into sunrise, He has crucified death so that
life may be won. 2 Sometimes this salvation is represented
as one with knowledge of God, and only to be attained by
such knowledge. Sometimes it is represented as the
guerdon of faith. It is so precious that if it were for sale,
the whole wealth of Pactolus would not buy it, yet it can be
bought with faith and love. 3 The fundamental conception
of salvation in Clement is that of spiritual health.
The manner in which Clement exhibits the unity and
catholicity of the Church, and its authority in relation to
heretical schools and teaching, has already been noticed. 4
Here is only to be noted the relation of the Church
to those within her fold. The Church is of divine
origin, and is closely identified with salvation. " Only
to believe and to be born again is perfection in life.
For God is never weak. For as His volition is work,
and this is called the world, so also His counsel is the
salvation of men, and this has been called the Church." 5
" It is a holy temple, not the place but the congregation;
not built by mechanical art, nor adorned by the hand of
angel, but formed by the will of God into a sanctuary." 6
The Church on earth is an image of the Church in heaven. 7
1 Psed., i. 9 8 ->. 2 Prot., xi. 114 . 3 Ib., ix. 8S , 86 . 4 See Lecture II., p. 60.
5 Pad. , i. 6 27 . 6 Str. , vii. 5 . 7 Ib. , iv. 8 66 .
124 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
The grades of bishops, presbyters, and deacons are an imita
tion of the angelic glory and of different degrees of felicity
among the perfected. 1 Of the whole Church Christ is the
crown, the head. 2 She is administered by the Word. 3 She
is the mother who nurses her children with holy milk. 4 Her
sacrifice is speech rising as incense from holy souls, while
every thought is unveiled to God along with the sacrifice. 5
The Church is the " holy mountain " on which our Tutor
feeds His flock. 6 In this pasturing, what place is to be
assigned to the sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist ?
The many baptisms of Moses are embraced in the one
Baptism. Baptism is represented as the first stage in a
process that ends in immortality, and as that which gives
impulse to the process. " Being baptised, we are en
lightened ; being enlightened, we are made sons ; being
made sons, we are perfected ; being perfected, we are made
immortal. The work is variously called a gift of grace, and
enlightenment, and perfection, and washing. It is a wash
ing by which we thoroughly cleanse our sins ; grace by
which the penalty of our sins is remitted ; enlightenment
by which the holy light of salvation is beheld that is,
by which we have a keen vision of God ; and perfection
which wants nothing." 7 It is the removing a film from
the eye of the spirit, so that it may have a clear
vision of God, the Holy Spirit flowing down to us from
above. The perfection, it is true, is only a potential per
fection, for the goal is reserved for the resurrection of
believers; but the attainment is one with the promise. 8
The Gnostic phrase " filtration " may be applied to Baptism.
As filtration, as described by them, is the separation from
what is worse, derived from the reminiscence of what is
better, and as he who remembers the better must repent of
1 Str., vi. 13 w. 2 p^d., ii. 8 71 ; i. 5. 3 Str., iv. 2O 172 .
4 Pzed., i. e 42 . Cf. iii. 12". e Str., vii. 6 32 .
6 PcCd., i. 9 84. 7 Ib-f j, 6 26. 8 Ib>> i. 6 28, 28.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 125
the worse, so we who have repented of our sins are
"filtered" by Baptism. 1 The Baptism of the Word is the
one all-healing medicine by which transgressions are taken
away. The character is not the same as before our wash
ing. 2 It is a washing unto the forgiveness of sins, and by it
forgiveness for previous sins is obtained once for all. 3 We
are born again through water, which is a different kind of
sowing from that in the creation. 4 As we came naked of
sin from the womb, so from the womb water God hath
begotten us naked of sin. 5 As a spiritual bath, it has a
natural relationship to spiritual nourishment. 6 The water
of baptism receives consecration. 7 The Saviour was bap
tised, though He had no need Himself to be so, that He
might sanctify the whole water for those who are being
regenerated. 8 Though Clement does not use the word
Baptism any more than the word Eucharist in his " Ex
hortation to the Greeks," he uses language which shows
that that ordinance and its purpose and result were before
his mind. "Take the water of the Word; wash yourselves,
ye who have been defiled ; cleanse yourselves from custom
by the drops of truth." 9 Heretical baptism was the pass
ing through " alien water " ; it was not native and genuine
water. 10 Sins committed before baptism are remitted ;
those wrought afterwards are cleansed by discipline. In one
passage he speaks as if there were a gnostic baptism in
contrast with common baptism. " Ye washed yourselves "
not simply as the rest, but with knowledge ye cast off the
passions of the soul. 11 As illumination was not only an
essential constituent of baptism but synonymous with it,
this cannot mean that it was a different baptism, but is only an
illustration of his tendency to exalt knowledge which marks
1 Pad., i. 6 32 . 2 Ib., i. 6 30 . 3 Str., ii. is 58 . 4 Ib., iii. 12 88 .
5 Ib., iv. 25 16 . Cf. Psed., ii. 12 118 . 6 Psed., i. 6 50 , 51 .
7 Ex. Theod., 82 probably from Theodotus, not Clement.
8 EC. Pr., 7. 9 Prot., x. ".
10 Str., i. 19^6; Prov. ix. 18, LXX. n Str., vii. 14 s6 ; i Cor. vi. n.
126 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
especially his later writings. Even when all allowance has
been made for the rhetorical element in his phrases and
imagery, it is plain that Clement associated the working of
baptism with the forgiveness of sin, regarded it as the
implanting of the germ of a new life, and ascribed to it a
spiritual force as an essential stage in the progress towards
salvation. It is equally plain that throughout he is thinking
only of the baptism of those of riper years. 1
The uncertain character of the teaching of Clement as to
the Eucharist in itself and its place in the spiritual life is
indicated by the contradictory conclusions that have been
drawn from the same data. It has been argued that he
taught the doctrine of the Real Presence in the Roman
Catholic sense of the word ; 2 it has been maintained that
his teaching is closely akin to that of Zwingli, 3 or even
might be expressed in the language of the apologist of
Quakerism. 4 The obscurity arises in part from the fact that
most of the allusions are quite incidental, in part from the
cloudy rhetoric and symbolism that here in an unusual
degree conceal rather than illustrate the thought.
Clement refers to its institution by Christ. " The Saviour,"
he says, " took the bread and first spoke and blessed. Then
having broken the bread He set it forth, that we might eat
it according to reason." 5 He blessed the wine, saying,
"Take, drink, this is My blood." The blood of the vine,
the Word who was poured forth unto the remission of sins, He
figuratively calls a holy stream of gladness. 6 Clement desig
nates it the Eucharist. He applies the passage about the
" secret bread and stolen water " to the heretics who cele
brate the Eucharist with water contrary to the rule of the
1 See Bigg, p. 81.
2 Dollinger; Probst. Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, p. 130
ft setj. More recently, A. Struckmann, Die Gegenwart Christi nach den schrift-
lichen Quellen der vornizanischen Zeit, 1905, pp. 115 et seq.
Hofling. See Bigg, p. 106, who agrees with Hofling.
4 Ma y r > P- " , P- 383. 6 Str., i. 10 48 . * Pad ii 2 32.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 127
Church, and speaks of the whole ordinance under the name
of the " offering." 1 By way of enforcing the mutual duties of
scholar and teacher, he refers to some who in distributing the
Eucharist permit each one of the people to take the portion
himself. 2 In condemning extravagance in eating and drink
ing, he makes allusion to the abuse of the agape. To give this
name to luxurious suppers was to insult the fair and saving
work of the Lord the consecrated love-feast. Nor was the
name to be given to ordinary social gatherings, 3 still less
to the immoral suppers of the followers of Carpocrates. 4
From the comment of Clement that those who indulged in
delicate and costly feastings were mistaken in supposing
that the promise of God was to be bought with such suppers,
it would appear that in Alexandria the Eucharist was still
associated with the agape. In support of the contention
that Clement held the doctrine of the Real Presence, the
following passages are adduced. " The Word is all things
to the child, both father and mother and tutor and nurse.
Eat My flesh, He says, and drink My blood. This
appropriate nourishment the Lord provides, and holds out
flesh and pours forth blood, and nothing is awanting to the
growth of His children." 5 But elsewhere he says that the
knowledge of the divine essence is the eating and drinking
of the divine Word. 6 He bound, it is said, " the colt to
the vine." 7 This means, says Clement, that He bound the
simple and child-like people to the Word who is a vine.
For the vine produces wine as the Word produces blood,
and both produce drink to the saving health of men, the one,
wine for the body, the other, blood for the spirit. 8 The
bread and wine set forth by Melchisedek was consecrated
food a type of the Eucharist. 9 The good Samaritan is
Christ who pours the wine, the blood of the wine of David,
1 Str., i. 1 9 s6 ; Prov. ix. 17. 2 Str., i. I 5 . 3 Pad., ii. I 4 .
4 Str., iii. 2 10 . 5 Psed., i. 6 * 2 . 6 Str., v. io 66 . Cf. Psed., i. 6 38 .
7 Gen. xlix. 11. 8 P^d., i. 5 15 . 9 Str., iv. 25 161 .
128 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
upon our wounded souls. 1 " The bread and the oil are con
secrated by the power of the name of God, being in appear
ance the same as when they were received, but transformed
by the power into a spiritual power." 2 This might mean
that the bread had been altered in substance, or simply that
it had become the vehicle or medium of a spiritual power.
But it cannot be pressed into the argument, for in all
probability it belongs to Theodotus, not to Clement. In
one passage the literal and the symbolic seem intermingled.
" The blood of the Lord is twofold. The one is fleshly, by
which we have been redeemed from corruption ; the other is
spiritual, by which we have been anointed. To drink the
blood of Jesus is to share in the incorruption of the Lord.
The Spirit is the force of the Word, as the blood is of the
flesh. Analogously, therefore, the wine is mingled with
water and the Spirit with man. The mixture furnishes a
banquet for faith, the Spirit conducts to immortality. The
mixture of both of that which is drunk and the Word
is called Eucharist, a grace renowned and fair. Those who,
according to faith, participate in it are sanctified in body
and soul, the will of the Father mingling in mystical fashion
the divine mixture the man with the Spirit and the
Word." 3 So further he speaks of heavenly food, 4 of divine
and spiritual food, 5 of the eating of Christ, of the nourishment
the Lord Jesus sanctified human flesh. 6 On the strength
of these passages it has been argued that in the Eucharist
the body and blood of Christ are received, the Lord Himself
in His humanity and His Godhead, and that the effects of
this participation are union with Christ, holiness in body
and soul, the conquest of the passions and the immortality
of the body. 7 On the face of it, the contention has apparent
1 Q. D., 29. 2 Ex< Theod., 82. 3 Pxd., ii. 2 19 , a) .
4 Ib., ii. i 4 . s u, a> jj p , 9 m e ^ j. 543,
7 Struckmann, op. cit., pp. 115-139. Cf. Batiffol, L Eucharistie, 5 pp. 248-261.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 129
force ; and he who comes to the reading of Clement with
faith in this doctrine may without undue violence read it in,
and into, these and kindred passages. But other passages
show that the language of metaphor is an unsafe basis for
dogmatic superstructure. For elsewhere he speaks of love
as heavenly nourishment, a rational banquet, 1 of a righteous
meal as a Eucharist, 2 of hope as the blood of faith. 3 " It is
an admirable thing," he says, "to look up to the truth and
cling to the nourishment which is from above and divine,
and to be filled with the insatiable vision of Him who truly
exists, tasting of the pleasure which is sure and abiding and
pure." 4 It has been argued that "if we read Clement as
a whole, and reflect upon his strong antithesis of the letter,
the flesh, to the spirit, and his language on the subject of
priest and sacrifice," we shall conclude that he is nearer to
Zwingli than to the doctrine of transubstantiation. 5 But in
an eclectic like Clement the argument from logical con
sistency cannot be pressed too far, and is only valid when
there is an immediate relation between the principle and
the conclusion. The language of Clement is based through
out on the sixth chapter of the Gospel of St John more than
on the words at the institution of the ordinance : he nowhere
quotes the words, " This is My body " ; but the symbolic
language presupposes a truth and a certain conception of
that truth. It is the case that Clement was far from
narrow in his conception of the nature and sphere of
sacramental grace ; but it is certain that his teaching went
far beyond the mere symbolism usually associated with the
name of Zwingli. 6 He regarded the Eucharist as an ordin
ance instituted by Christ, whose method of administration
1 Psed., ii. i 5 . 2 Ib., ii. i 10 . 3 Ib., i. 6 38 .
4 Ib., ii. i 9 . * CL Bigg, p. 107.
6 See, however, on the teaching of Zwingli, Lambert, The Sacraments of the
New Testament, p. 292, note 2.
I
130 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
was determined by the Church, and which, when received
in faith, was a veritable means of " spiritual nourishment
and growth in grace."
With regard to the period when the full fruition of
salvation takes place, its final scope and extent, as gener
ally with regard to all eschatological matters, the language
of Clement is often obscure. This obscurity is due in part
to the fact that not only the proposed section or treatise
on the Resurrection l was not written or has been lost, but
also the sections on the Soul, 2 the Devil, 3 the Angels,* have
met with like destiny. The obscurity, further, is partly due
to the fact that he deliberately in reverent silence omits
discussion when it might naturally have been expected ; 5
and that, here as elsewhere, there are individual statements
not in harmony with his general principles or their logical
development.
The soul, according to Clement, never sleeps, and the
life of the blessed immediately after death is a self-consci
ous life. The promise as to seeing God face to face is
fulfilled after our departure hence. 6 The blessedness of a
holy life here is followed by increase of blessedness here
after. 7 To be set free by death is but an exchange of
life ; 8 to the martyr the gate of death is the beginning
of life. 9 Such an one goes with good courage to his
friend the Lord, and is greeted by the Saviour as a "dear
brother." 10 He is received with the joyous acclamations of
angels, and led by the Saviour to the bosom of the Father,
to the life eternal. 11 Of the millennium he says nothing ; of
the Parousia he says little. He alludes to it in an exposi
tion of the nineteenth Psalm, in an annotation on the First
1 Pad., i. 6 47 ; ii. io 104 . 2 Str., iii. 3"; v. 13 88 . 3 Ib., iv. II 85 .
4 Ib., vi. 2 s2 . c Ib., vii. 3 13 . 6 Peed., i. 6 7 .
7 Str., v. 14122. 8 Ibt> iv> so. 9 Ib-> iv> 7 u
10 Ib.,iv. 4 ". 11 Q.D.,42.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 131
Epistle of St John, and in his address to the Newly-
Baptised ; l but it has no prominence as a motive in the
spiritual life. His intention to write on the Resurrection,
whether carried out or not, may partly account for the
meagreness of the teaching in his extant writings.
Special difficulty arises in regard to Clement s views
concerning the extent and final scope of the salvation
wrought by Christ. One general principle is laid down
that no one shall be finally condemned without having had
an opportunity of accepting or rejecting the message of
salvation, as otherwise the condemnation would be un
just. 2 " It would have been an act of no ordinary arrogance
that those who had departed before the advent of the
Lord without having had the good news proclaimed to
them, or having of themselves given ground of approval or
condemnation in respect of their belief or unbelief, should
participate either in salvation or punishment. For it
were not right that they should be condemned without
trial, and that only those after the advent should reap
the fruit of the divine righteousness." 3 As to save is the
work of the Lord, He preached to the spirits in ward.
If He preached both to Jews and Gentiles, all who
believe will be saved when they have made confession of
their sins, since the punishments of God are saving and
disciplinary. If He preached only to the Jews in Hades,
then the Apostles in harmony with their mission must
have preached to the Gentiles there. Apparently this
offer of salvation is limited to those in Hades who before
the advent had lived righteously ; and it does not of itself
imply that even all such would accept the message or be
finally saved, but only that all may be saved; but it is
plain that the principle of equality of opportunity which
1 EC. Pr., 56. Adum. in I Joan. ii. 28; Stah., vol. iii. p. 213 ; ib., p. 223.
2 Str., vi. 6 51 . 3 Ib>> vL 648>
132 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
underlies it is one capable of indefinite expansion in the
direction of universal salvation.
With reference to the destiny of the unrighteous, three
views have been ascribed to Clement the hypothesis of
annihilation, that of eternal punishment by fire, and that of
universal salvation. In support of the first hypothesis two
passages are adduced. The law, it is said, inflicts penalties
for moderate transgressions, " but when it sees any one in
such a condition as to seem incurable, and advancing to
the lowest point of unrighteousness, then already in its
care for others, in order that they may not be corrupted
by him, as if cutting off a part of the whole body, so it
puts to death such an one in the highest interests of
health." 1 But from the context this can only mean that
the man dies lest his influence should corrupt others ; and
of what takes place after death there is no indication.
Again, " It is the highest and most perfect good when one
is able to lead back any one from evil - doing to well
doing ; and this is effected by the law. So that when any
one is overcome by unrighteousness and greed, and falls
into evil past all remedy, it would benefit him to be put
to death." This cannot mean that annihilation is better
than eternal punishment for such an one, as there is no
suggestion of such an alternative in the passage. But as
he had already said that it was for the good of others
that the incurable and unrighteous one should be put to
death, so here he says that it is for the good of the man
himself. As in the previous case, he says nothing as to
what takes place after death ; but the implication is that
"the flesh is destroyed that the spirit may be saved." 3
The hypothesis of annihilation may therefore be set aside.
1 Str., i. 27 171 . 2 Ib>j i 27 n3 t
3 I Cor. v. 5. Cf. Adum. in I P. ; Stah., iii. p. 206.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 133
The hypothesis of eternal punishment occupies a different
position.
That in a general way it will be well with the righteous
after death, and not well with the unrighteous or unbeliev
ing, Clement often affirms. More definitely, in his
" Exhortation to the Greeks " does he repeatedly insist on
the alternative between acceptance and judgment, the
choice of life or of death, of eternal life or the " fire
which the Lord hath prepared for the devil and his
angels." 1 He supports this view by the witness of Greek
poets and thinkers as well as by the authority of Scripture.
" If death were the end of all," as Plato said, " the wicked
would have had a good bargain in dying." 2 Sophocles and
Pindar alike emphasise the contrasted destiny. 3 Socrates
says that good souls depart hence with good hope, and that
the wicked live with an evil hope. Heraclitus says that
there awaits for men after death what they look not for or
dream of. 4 And this, so far as the wicked are concerned,
he explains elsewhere as meaning fire. 5 These ideas, more
over, were extracted from the barbarian philosophy. The
" fierce men of fiery aspect " in Plato are the angels who
lay hold of and chasten the righteous. For, it is said,
" He maketh His angels winds, and His ministers a flame
of fire." What the barbarians call Gehenna, Plato calls
Tartarus. 6 By over-scrupulousness in discriminating be
tween the claims of the worthy and the unworthy, we
may neglect some who are dear to God the punishment
for which is "eternal fiery punishment." 7 Clement inter
prets the saying in Zechariah, " Is this not a brand plucked
] Prot., ix. ** ; x. 95 ; xii. 123 ; viii. **. 2 Str., iv. 7 44 .
3 Prot, x. yo ; Str., iv. 26 ]67 . 4 Str., iv. 22 144 . 5 Prot., ii. &.
6 Str., v. I3 90 , ". Cf. Psed., i. ; 61 .
7 Q. D., 33. Cf. Q. D., 13, 39. Cf. Matt. xxv. 41.
134 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
from the fire," as referring to Satan, and asks, " Why have
they fled to the death-bringing brand with whom they will
be burned, when it is in their power to live well and
not according to custom ? For God bestows life, but evil
custom after our departure from the world inflicts vain
repentance together with punishment." l To the like effect
is a fragment preserved in an Armenian version. 2 So else
where he speaks of the " fire that cannot cease because of
sin." 3 From these passages it would seem to follow that
it is the teaching of Clement that eternal punishment by
fire awaits the unrighteous, and that in the case of such
repentance is profitless and vain. 4 The exact weight, how
ever, to be attached to these statements cannot be gauged
without considering what he meant by " fire," as well as
by examining other passages and principles with which
these positions are in open or implicit antagonism.
" Fire " in the Scriptures is always interpreted by
Clement figuratively, is represented not as outward and
material but inward and spiritual, and its function as
that of a force to cleanse and discipline, not to destroy. 5
There is a fire which convicts and heals superstition. 6 The
cleansing of the blood of the sons and daughters of Israel
"by the spirit of judgment and the spirit of burning" is
likened to a spiritual bath which washes away the filth of
the soul. 7 Fire is conceived as a force, good and powerful,
1 Prot., x. 90 ; Zech. iii. 2. Cf. Prot., i. 8 . 2 Stah., iii. p. 229, fr. 69.
3 Paed., iii. u 83 . From the context, however, it may be that the thought is
rather akin to that of 2 Peter ii. 14.
4 The passages in Potter, p. 1020, often quoted as decisive of the question, are
not genuine. See Stah., vol. iii. p. Ixxi. The passage in Q. D., c. 39, denying the
possibility of forgiveness for sins committed after baptism, is plainly corrupt, and
in all probability, with Dindorf, Mayor, and Barnard, we should insert a negative,
and read, " even this man is not altogether condemned by God."
8 EC. Pr., 26 ; Str., v. I4 100 . Cf. Ex. Theod., 81.
6 Prot., iv. w. 7 psed., m. 9 48 . Isa> iv< 4 .
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 135
destructive of what is worse, preservative of what is better. 1
"We say that fire sanctifies not flesh but sinful souls,
and by fire we mean not that which is all-devouring and
common, but the discerning fire which penetrates the soul
that walks through the fire." 2 As with the symbol so with
the thing signified. Cocytus, Acheron, and the like, referred
to by Plato, are places of punishment, but punishment with
a view to discipline. 3 " The gnostic pities those who are
chastened after death, and by punishments are involuntarily
made to make confession of their sins." 4 " Those who
have reached a higher degree of insensibility are forced to
repent by the necessary chastisements, by the goodness of
the great Judge." 5 In some instances it is difficult to deter
mine whether Clement is speaking of punishments here or
hereafter, but the above are quite explicit ; and in any case
the aim of punishment is represented by him as the same
in both. In view of the apparent conflict of opinions, the
determining factor must be assigned to general principles.
That, in the judgment of Clement, repentance after
death was possible, there can be no doubt. The measure
of that possibility is limited rather by the free-will of man
than by the nature of God. Even for the devil repentance
was possible, because of his possession of freedom. 6 Such
possession, it is plain, made equally possible the condition
of final impenitence. 7 The justice of God, as we have
seen, is inseparably related to His goodness. "As children
are corrected by their teacher or their father, so are we
corrected by Providence. God does not take vengeance,
for vengeance is a retaliation for evil, but He corrects with
a view to the good, both public and private, of those who
1 EC. Pr., 26. 2 Str., vii. 6 s4 . 3 Ib., v. 13 91 .
4 Ib., vii. 12 78 . 5 Ib., vii. 2 12 . 6 Ib., i. 17 M ; but cf. vol. iii. p. 214.
7 Cf. Adum. in Jud., vol. iii. p. 207.
136 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
are corrected." l Christ handed over those who judged him
unjustly to God that they might receive punishment and
be disciplined. 2 The possibility of repentance elsewhere
than here is distinctly affirmed, and that on the ground
that there is no place where the beneficent activity of God
is inoperative. 3 Moreover, the Lord is the power of God,
and His power can never lose its strength. 4 The principle
of equality of opportunity, as alone consistent with divine
righteousness, tends in the same direction, especially when
accompanied, as it is in Clement, with the hypothesis that
disembodied spirits possess clearer vision of the things of
God. 5 If that be so, and no further opportunity were to be
given to those who had heard here the call of Jesus, not
to have heard the call of the Gospel in this life at all would
have been a preferential position, which Clement in his
missionary zeal could not have admitted for a moment.
Further, the possibility of repentance after death is alone
consistent with the conception of punishment as discipline.
For, if divine punishment be disciplinary, and only dis
ciplinary, it must continue as long as, and only so long as,
the educative process has been ineffective. But is it pos
sible that Clement ascribed to God a method of discipline
that finally failed in its aim, or ascribed to the great
Physician a virtual acknowledgment of His impotence ?
Is this discipline, in the life to be, limited to the unright
eous ? Or does it extend to those who die in a state of
spiritual imperfection ? Or is it universal? No such dis
cipline can attach to the martyr, because after death he goes
straight to the highest bliss. From the circumstance that
the gnostic pities those who undergo punishment, the pre
sumption is that he himself is exempt from such discipline.
1 Str., vii. i6 8 . 2 Adum. in I Pet., vol. iii. p. 205.
3 Str., iv. 6 37 . * Ib., vi. 6 47 . 5 Ib., vi. 6 *.
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 137
But for those who are neither gnostics nor martyrs there
would seem to be discipline, especially for sins committed
after baptism. This is associated with the idea of grada
tions of status in heaven. The " mansions " vary according
to the lives of men, according to the desert of believers. 1
The three elect mansions are indicated by the thirty, the
sixty, and the hundred-fold, in the Gospel. The perfect
inheritance belongs to the perfect man. 2 " The man of faith
(the simple believer) is distressed yet further, either because
he has not yet attained, or not fully attained, what he sees
that others have shared. And, moreover, he is ashamed be
cause of the transgressions which he had committed, which
in truth are the greatest punishments to the man of faith.
And though the punishments cease, as a matter of fact, at
the completion of the full penalty and the purification of
each, those who have been deemed worthy of the other
fold have the greatest abiding sorrow, the sorrow of not
being along with those who have been glorified because of
righteousness." 3 The punishment, then, from one point
of view, is the consciousness of failure to reach an ideal ;
from another, it is the exaction of a penalty. Whether
such souls always remain in a relatively lower sphere is
not distinctly stated ; but for them, as for others, the law
is continuous progress.
The pre-eminence given to the doctrine of the Word is
the most distinctive feature in the theology of Clement.
He found in it the key to a right conception of God, of
nature, of history, and of man. As against every form of
polytheism, the unity of God is postulated not less by
philosophical thought than by the religious spirit. But the
unity which might be admitted by the speculative reason,
the conception of a solitary being in inaccessible isolation,
1 Str., iv. 6 36 . 2 Ibi> vi> I4 iu s Ib>> vi> I4 K>9.
138 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
could not satisfy the hunger of the heart which cries out
for a Father in heaven. Nor could the conception of the
Fatherhood of God find complete realisation in the thought
of His relation to the world or man, or even the highest
order of created spirits ; for neither the world, nor man, nor
angels, had existed from the beginning : there was a time
when they were not. But did God only become a Father
when the creation sprang into being at His word ? Was
the Fatherhood of God only an accident, or, irrespective of
creation, was it an inalienable characteristic of His ? To
the Alexandrian thinker the last seemed the true thought.
Fatherhood implied sonship ; the Son must, therefore, have
been eternally begotten, and thus stood in an altogether
different relation to the Father from the universe or man
which were formed by Him, not begotten of Him. As
a revelation of the Father, the Incarnation of the Son was
not regarded by Clement as an isolated act, but only as the
highest and final act in a series of manifestations of the
Word. The universe owed its existence to the Word, and
thus bears upon it the impress of rationality. It is the
result and the embodiment of a divine thought, and is,
therefore, not dead, but informed with life ; and it is our
duty to search and discover the divine thoughts that are
there operative. But there is another sphere for the work
ing of the Word of God. Thought is that in man which is
most akin to the essence of God ; and the Word wrought
in the minds of men. The progressive education of human
ity by the Word, altogether apart from its applications, was
surely a magnificent conception. In a way of which they
themselves were unconscious, the thinkers of Greece had
been illuminated by the Word ; and, if the light had been
obscured by the medium through which it shone or came
only in fitful gleams, it was none the less light from Him ;
THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 139
and the partial truth created the longing for the future
manifestation. In a more direct way and prior to this, the
Word had intervened in the history of mankind. To the
people of the Jews, alone among the nations of antiquity,
He had given a direct revelation of Himself; and the record
of that revelation had been preserved for the guidance of
men. But something more than this was needed. The
possibility of communication between God and man was an
evidence of God s relation to man and of man s kinship with
Him. But a theophany was only a transitory manifestation,
and left the relation between God and man as external as
before ; the word in man was still alienated from the Word
who was with God ; the theophany must be consummated
by an Incarnation; and so, the "Word became flesh, and
tabernacled among us." When men began to search into
the divine content of these words, new problems were
created. Two things the Church sought to maintain and
reconcile the absolute deity of Christ and His complete
humanity : it sought to show that He was not a dual per
sonality, half human, half divine, but one divinely-human
personality, in which the divine and human aspects were
alike to be acknowledged, neither aspect being exaggerated
nor minimised. The humanity of Christ had been assailed
in Alexandria; and, as has been noted, Clement was not
altogether uninfluenced by the speculations in his environ
ment. But he held so firmly by the humanity of Christ that
he regarded the Incarnation as the basis and archetype of
that which was in a measure possible for all His followers.
In the fact and in the doctrine of the Incarnation he saw
the; bridging of the gulf, hitherto impassable, between man
and God. He saw in it the consecration of nature and its
redemption from the charge of being the cause of evil and
antagonistic to God, as well as from the Epicurean charge
140 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST
that it was outside the abiding love and care of the
Almighty. He saw in it the consecration of the history
of humanity as an ever-operative sphere for the activity of
the Word. He saw in it the consecration of every son
of man by presenting to him the possibility of becoming a
son of God. Clement might have said with Browning l
" I say, the acknowledgment of God in Christ
Accepted by thy reason solves for thee
All questions in the earth and out of it."
1 Cf. Chase, Lectures on Ecclesiastical History (Norwich Cathedral), 1896,
p. 296.
LECTURE V.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT.
WITH regard to the sources of the moral ideas in the
teaching of Clement, as well as of the psychology that
underlies them, there has been much discussion and con
troversy. According to Merk, he is an adherent of the
Stoics ; 1 according to Reinkens, of Aristotle ; 2 Ritter re
gards him as fundamentally a Platonist ; 3 Dahne as a Neo-
Platonist. 4 The truth is, if we accept his own statement,
that he refused to be considered a narrow partisan of any
school; that we find in his writings terms and definitions
drawn indifferently from Plato or Aristotle; that in his
conception of virtue, and even of its detailed applications,
he has learned much from the Stoics. This need excite no
surprise. Stoicism in its highest reach had much in
common with Christianity, and even before his conversion
it must have been attractive to an earnest spirit such as his ;
and it is probable, as we have noted, that Pantasnus, in
whose teaching he found intellectual rest, was an adherent
of that system. But in delineating the Christian ideal he
professed to exhibit the gnostic according to the rule of
1 Clemens Alexandrinus in seiner Abhangigkeit von der griechischen Phil
osophic. 1879.
2 De Clements Presbytero Alexandrine, 1851, pp. 300-309.
3 Geschichte der christlichen Philosophic, p. 447 et seq.
4 De Tvdvei, 1831, pp. 1-18, 69-112.
142 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
the Church ; l his ultimate authority is Scripture ; and he
would have accepted no maxim from any quarter as
authoritative of which he did not regard Scripture as the
source, or which could not in his opinion be reasonably
deduced from it. " The Platonic and Stoic features are
mingled with an inner confidence in the power of the
spirit of Christianity." 2
Of man, his nature and destiny generally, Clement pre
sents a high conception. Man is a plant of heavenly origin. 3
It is his natural prerogative, as man, to have fellowship with
God. 4 By nature he is a lofty and majestic being, seeking
after the good, as befits the creation of Him who alone is
good. 5 All men are the work of one God, invested with
one likeness upon one nature. 6 As the image of God is
His Word, so the true man, the mind in the man, is the
image of the Word. 7 To be " after the image and likeness "
does not apply to the body but to the mind and the
reasoning faculty on which the Lord puts the seal of
likeness. 8 Man is superior to the animals in this, that by
the inbreathing of God he shares in a purer essence than
they, and that in him alone an idea of God has been
instilled at his creation. 9 As to the origin of the soul, the
doctrine of traducianism is definitely set aside. 10 Like the
centaur, man is compounded of a rational and an irrational
element soul and body. The soul is superior to the body.
But the soul is not good by nature, nor the body evil by
nature. These two are diverse, but not opposite. 11 Christ
healed the soul as well as the body. If the flesh had been
the enemy of the soul, He would not have restored it to
ICf " 41 \ ~ >/
otr. , vn. 7 . TOV Tif) ovn KOTO. TOV ^KK\t]ffia(rriKbv Kavdva 7 <vu<n info.
2 Gass, Geschichte der christlichen Ethik, vol. i. p. 78.
3 Prot., ii. 25 . * Ib., x.. e Pxdt) m 7 37. 6 Str<| viL I4 H
7 Prot., X.". 8 Str., ii. 19102. Ib., v. 1368. v ii. 2 8 . Cf. v. 14 M .
10 Ib., vi. i6 135 . n ib., iv. 3; iv. 26 164 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 143
health and fortified it in its hostility to the soul. 1 The soul
never sleeps. 2 It is immortal and indestructible. Being
formed of finer material, it suffered no injury in the flood
from water, which is of grosser material. 3 Without the
spirit the body is nothing but dust and ashes. 4 The soul is
the final cause of the body. 5 The body is the instrument,
the seat, and the possession of the soul. 6 The whole body,
and not the upper part merely, was formed by God. 7 Man
by his constitution has been formed erect for the vision of
heaven, and the mechanism of the senses tends to know
ledge. All the parts are well ordered with a view to good,
not pleasure. The body is the dwelling-place of the soul,
and shares in the sanctification wrought by the Holy
Spirit. 8 The harmony of the body contributes to the
goodly disposition of the mind. 9 Yet, because of the
passions inevitably associated with the body, it is a fetter to
the soul. 10 Natural death is the dissolution of the chains
that bind the soul to the body, and this severance is the
life-long " study " of the philosopher. 11 The little piece of
flesh tends to obscure the vision of the soul. 12 Clement
quotes with approval the saying of Plato, 13 that the soul of
the philosopher dishonours the body and seeks to be alone
by itself, 14 and without disapproval the saying that the
body is the grave of the soul. 15 A fleshly element involves
a dead element. 16 The hypothesis of transmigration of the
soul and of purification by transmigration is to be rejected.
The soul has not been sent into the world as into a prison-
house. 17 It is plain that we have here two different, if not
contradictory, conceptions of the relation of the body to the
1 Str., iii. 17 104 . 2 Psed., ii. 9 82 . 3 Str., v. 14 81 ; vi. 6 52 .
4 Ib., iii. 6 46 . 5 Ib., iii. i; 100 . 6 Ib., vi. i8 163 . 7 Ib., iii. 4 34 .
8 Ib., iv. 26 163 . Ib., iv. 4 18 . 10 Ib., vii. 7 40 . " Ib., iv. 3 12 .
12 Ib., vi. 6 46 . 1S Phsedo, 65 C. 14 Str., iii. 3 18 .
15 Ib., iii. 3 16 ; Plato, Krat., 4003.0. 16 Ib., iii. 4 25 . 17 Ib., iii. 3 ls .
144 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
soul, a conception which admits the possibility of the
transfiguration of the body and all its activities, and a
conception which involves the crushing of the body as the
seat of the passions and an obstacle to the development of
the highest life. According as the one conception or other
predominates, the ethical ideal varies, the ascetic element
gains or loses in prominence. The former conception is
chiefly emphasised in his refutation of the heretics who
vilified the body and creation generally ; the latter con
ception comes out incidentally, but may none the less
indicate a dominating principle in his ethical ideals. 1
Clement puts great emphasis on human freedom. In a
fragment of the lost treatise on Providence he defines
willing as the natural, voluntary movement of the self-
determined mind, or the mind moved of its own choice with
reference to anything. Freedom of will is the mind moved
according to nature, or it is an intellectual, independent
movement of the soul. 2 Like the words or phrase which
are employed by him to denote the conception, 3 this
definition emphasises the self-determination of the will and
its ground in the natural or divine constitution of man.
The will takes precedence of all : the rational powers are
ministers of the will. 4 That is in our power of which and
its opposites we are equally masters; as, for example, we
can philosophise or not philosophise, we can believe or
disbelieve. 5 This is a gift of God, who has bestowed upon
us free and sovereign power to live as we will, and has
left the soul unfettered in respect of rejection or refusal. 6
1 For a full discussion of the nature of the soul, and of the psychology gener
ally, see the treatise of Ziegler, Die Psychologic des T. Fl. Clemens Alex-
andrinus, 1894, especially pp. 1-16, 53-66.
2 Stah., vol. iii. p. 220.
3 rb <p Tip. iv, rb avr^ovffiov, TrpoaipeTiK^ tivvaftis, rb avQatpfrov rr/s
^VXTIS, cupetrts KCU $vy)) avTOKparopiK-f), &.C.
4 Str., ii. 17 77 . 5 Ib., iv. 24 153 . 6 Ib., ii. 4 12 ; iii. 5 41 ; vii. 3
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 145
The choice or rejection of the truth is a voluntary action. 1
Clement seeks to prove and illustrate this by the statements
of Scripture, on general moral grounds, and as being in
accordance with the relation of God to man. The very
giving of the commandments was a recognition of freedom,
for it implied that man had it in his power what to choose
and what to shun. 2 The prophet Hosea rebuked the people
inasmuch by the possession of the understanding, which
is the eye of the soul, they showed that they had sinned
voluntarily. 3 The Apostle gives the name of " men " to
those who in the enjoyment of freedom of will believed and
were saved by voluntary choice. 4 The reply of the Saviour
to the rich young man, " if thou wiliest," indicated the free
will of the soul ; the man was free to choose as God was
free to give. 5 In opposition to the natural determinism of
Basilides, Clement showed that moral freedom was essential
to responsibility. If faith were only an advantage of nature,
as Basilides maintained, there could be no room for praise
or censure in the case of belief or unbelief, for man would
be the creature of a natural, if divine, necessity. If men
were moved like lifeless puppets by natural forces, the
distinction between voluntary and involuntary is super
fluous ; and the same is true of the impulse which leads to
choice. 6 From this conception of freedom as absolute,
important conclusions in the matter of salvation are drawn.
God wishes us to be saved of ourselves. 7 Because man is
not a lifeless instrument, he must hasten to salvation
willingly and of set purpose. 8 Readiness of mind is our
contribution to salvation. 9 Faith as well as obedience
depend on freedom. 10 Choice and life are yoked together. 11
1 Str., i. i8 89 , 90 . 2 Ib., vii. 7 42 3 Pace,., i. 9 77 .
4 Ib., i.6 33 . 5 Q. D., c. 10. 6 Str., ii. 3
7 Ib., vi. I2 96 ; EC. Pr., 22. 8 Str., vii. 7 42 . 9 EC. Pr., 22.
10 Str., ii. 3 n ; ii. 6 26 ; ii. 20 113 . Cf. iv. 23 15 . n Prot., xi. 117 .
K
1 46 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
He who sins of his own will makes choice of punishment. 1
That which is involuntary is not judged. 2 God only
requires of us the things that are in our power. 3 By in
struction we are taught to will to choose what is best. 4
God Himself has respect to this freedom, and exercises no
compulsion in the matter of salvation. No one will be
saved against his will, for force is hateful to God. 6 Man
must co-operate with God. 6 Those who are foreordained
were foreordained because God knew before the founda
tion of the world that they would be righteous. 7 Even, as
has already been noted, the argument from the miraculous
must not be such as to compel the assent of the spirit
of man ; for such compulsion were out of harmony with
the nature of God and man. 8 But though God will not
compel man, there is a sense in which man may exercise
compulsion upon God. The kingdom of God is not for
the slack or the sleepers; the "violent take it by force,"
and snatch life from God ; for in such conflicts He rejoices
to be defeated. 9
The prominence thus given by Clement to the self-
determination of man seems to leave little scope for the
action of divine grace in the specifically Christian sense
of the word. True, the God-given wisdom, which is a
power of the Father, stimulates the will. 10 In a general
way, too, no progress in virtue or knowledge is possible
apart from the assistance of God. Because we wander in
the darkness of the world, we need a guide who does not
stumble nor go astray. 11 By confidence in the Lord we can
war against the principalities of darkness. 12 The thoughts of
1 Psed., i. 8 69 . 2 Str., ii. 14 60 . Cf. ii. 15 62 . 3 Ib., ii. 6 ; vii. 7 48 .
4 Ib., i. 6 35 . Cf. ii. i6 75 . 5 Q. D., c. 10.
6 Str., vi. i; 157 . 7 ib., vii. 17 107 .
8 Stah., vol. iii p 217. Cf. p. 55. 9 Q. D., c. 21.
10 Str., v. 13 83. " Pied., i. 3 9 12 Str., iv. 7 47 -
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 147
virtuous men derive their origin from the inspiration of God,
from the contact of the divine will with the souls of men. 1
Apart from the Saviour the film of ignorance cannot be re
moved that man might thus gain true knowledge of himself
or of God. 2 The unknown God can only be apprehended
by divine grace. 3 But all that refers to the grace of revela
tion rather than to grace in the usage of the New Testa
ment. When he quotes "by grace are ye saved," he adds,
"not, however, without good works." 4 More specifically,
the divine grace and the drawing of the Father are required
for the pursuit of the good without afterthought, though
this must be associated with a holy willingness to learn. 5
The highest and only true form of continence is unattain
able without the grace of God. 6 In particular, the effect of
the illumination of grace of illumination in Baptism is
emphasised. 7 Faith is a grace. 8 By faith on the part of
man and divine grace the bonds of ignorance are loos
ened. 9 The attainment of the perfect good does not depend
wholly on ourselves. 10 In spite of such sporadic expres
sions and the occasional use of the word, the function
which grace plays in the teaching of Clement is relatively
unimportant.
Virtue is defined by Clement as the harmonious disposi
tion of the soul in harmony with reason in every relation of
life. 11 It is described indifferently as a habit or a disposition.
Thus self-control is designated as a disposition, 12 purity as a
habit, simplicity as a habit, contentment as a habit, good
ness as a habit. 13 Virtue is a habit because it depends not
on others but on ourselves, and is the property of the
1 Str., vi. 17 157 . 2 Ib., i. 28 178 . 3 Ib., v. 12 s 2 ; v. 13
4 Ib., v. i 7 . 5 Ib. 6 Ib., iii. 7 57 .
7 Psed., i. 630. 8 Strj j. 7 38. 9 Pedij j. 6 29.
10 Str., v. i 7 . n Psed., i. is 101 . Cf. ib., i. 12".
12 Str., ii. iS 80 . 13 Psed., iii. II 66 ; Str., vii. 7 38 .
148 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
man who has power to exercise it. 1 We are not born
with the possession of virtue, nor does it arise in us
afterwards as by natural development, for in that case it
would not have been voluntary or praiseworthy ; nor, like
the faculty of speech, does it arise and become perfected by
family intercourse. 2 It is natural only in the sense that we
are by nature adapted for its acquisition. 3 There are, no
doubt, differences in natural aptitude ; but the advantage
which one derives from nature may be lost by neglect, and
one less gifted by nature may strengthen his gift by disci
pline; for perfection in virtue is not the prerogative of
those who have by nature the higher aptitude in the direc
tion of virtue. 4 Righteousness is an attribute independent
of race or nationality ; one righteous man as such differs
not from another righteous man. 5 Virtue is one in power ;
all the virtues are mutually related. 6 So he that has one
virtue gnostically has all the virtues. 7 Because virtue is a
habit or disposition, it reaches its ideal when habit becomes
nature. 8 Alike in definition and in detail, Clement has
much in common with the Stoics ; 9 much inevitably
followed from the emphasis which he placed on moral
freedom.
The question as to "man s chief end" is dealt with at
some length by Clement. 10 He details the opinions of the
representatives of various schools of philosophy, for the
most part without criticism or comment, though he promises
to give a refutation of some of them in due time. 11 But both
1 Str., iv. 19 124 . 2 Ib., vii. 3 ly .
3 Ib., vi. II 95 . Cf. ib., i. 6 34 , ov yap Qva-ei, fictflrjo-et 5e ol Ka\oi Ka.ya.6ol
yivovrai.
4 Ib., i. 6 34 ; vi. 12 69 . 5 Ib., vi. 6 47 .
6 Ib., i. 20 97 ; viii. 9 30 . 7 Ib., ii. iS 80 .
8 Ib., vii. 7 46 ; iv. 22 m . 9 See the parallels quoted by Stahlin.
10 Str., ii. 21, 22 127 - 136 . u Ib., ii. 21 134 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 149
by direct approval and by specific appropriation of the words,
he accepts the Platonic conception of the end as assimilation
to God. 1 This assimilation may also be described as " assim
ilation to right reason," but in this connection associated
with our restoration through the Son to perfect adoption. 2
The end, he says, is precisely described by the Apostle in
the words, " But now being made free from sin, and become
servants to God, ye have your fruit unto holiness, and the
end eternal life." 3 It is the ideal set forth in the exhortation
to "be perfect as the Father in heaven." 4 This likeness is
closely related to, if not dependent on, and one with, the
knowledge of Him. The greatest thing assuredly is the
knowledge of God. 5 To know God is to share in immor
tality. 6 The most perfect good is gnosis, for it is chosen for
its own sake. 7 The one end of good and of life is to become
a lover of God. 8 But this likeness has its limitations. We
are called upon by the Scripture to strive to know God as
far as possible. 9 It is impossible and impracticable for
any one to become perfect as God is perfect, for that were
to imply that the virtue of man and God is the same. All
that is demanded is that, living according to the obedience
of the Gospel, we should be irreproachably perfect. 10 More
over, by assimilation to God is meant assimilation to God
the Saviour, and that only as far as possible for human
nature. 11 For to this, too, there is a limit. " It is sufficient
if we be as the Master, not in respect of essence, for it is
impossible that that which is by adoption should be equal
in point of subsistence to that which is by nature." 12 Such
being the end, the question arises, Was this end a universal
1 Str., ii. 22 136 . 2 Ib., ii. 22 134 .
3 Ib.; Rom. vi. 22, ri 5e rt\os.
4 Str., vii. 14 88 . 5 Ib., vii. 7 47 . 6 Ib., iv. 6*.
7 Ib., vi. 12 y8 . 8 Ib., v. 14 96 . 9 Ib., ii. 10 47 .
10 Ib., vii. 14 88 . n Ib., ii. 9 45 ; vi. 12 104 . Ib., ii. 17 .
150 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
end, or one to be pursued by, and restricted to, a limited
spiritual aristocracy ? Was it open to, and incumbent on,
the man of faith the simple believer or the prerogative
and ideal only of the man of gnosis ?
The relation of faith to gnosis with the twofold ideal of
Christian life based thereon is one of the most distinctive
features in the ethical teaching of Clement. The fluctuating
character of his conception of faith or its application may be
illustrated by the varying interpretations which he puts on
the same passage of Scripture. He quotes four times the
saying in Isaiah, " Unless ye believe, ye shall not under
stand," 1 and on each occasion he puts a different interpre
tation on the word " believe." In one case he takes it in
the sense of belief in contrast with unbelief, and asks, con
firming his view by a saying of Heraclitus, How could a
soul admit the transcendent contemplation of the things of
God, while belief in regard to the instruction created an
inner conflict ? 2 In another passage he interprets it as
meaning that a belief in Christ, who was prophesied through
the law, was essential to the understanding of the Old
Covenant which He Himself interpreted at His coming. 3
Elsewhere he characterises faith as a reasonable standard
of judgment which gives a firm basis for the recognition of
the divine words and begets full persuasion. 4 In another
passage he finds in it a confirmation of the definition
likewise confirmed by a saying of Heraclitus that faith
is a preconception of the mind, and adds that as precon
ception is essential to understanding, no one can understand
without faith. 5
Faith is opposed on the one hand to unbelief, which is
the mere negative supposition of opposition to belief, and
on the other to hardness of belief, which is a habit that
1 Isa. vii. 9. 2 gtr., ii. 2 8 . 3 Ib., iv. 21 m .
4 Ib., i. i 8 . e Ib.,ii. 4".
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 151
is slow to admit faith. 1 Unbelief dies when faith is shed
over us. 2 To believe the truth brings life, as to disbelieve
it brings death. 3 The change from unbelief to belief is
a divine change. 4
Faith is not a vain and barbarous thing, as the Greeks
calumniate it, but it is a voluntary preconception, the assent
of piety, "the assurance of things hoped for, the proof of
things not seen." It has also been defined as the assent of
the intellect to an unseen object, as certainly the demon
stration of a thing unknown is a manifest assent. It is the
beginning of action, for it is the foundation of the intelligent
choice which is based on the demonstration given by faith ,
and choice is the beginning of action. 5 It is the rational
assent of the self-determining soul. 6 It is thus an activity of
the reason as well as of the religious spirit. From the
former point of view it is essential to the learning of any
thing ; for if faith be a preconception of the intellect, one
will never learn without faith, since one cannot learn with
out preconception. 7 As an assent, it is the basis of opinion
and judgment and of all that makes possible our intercourse
with our fellow-men. 8 It is in every relation of life univer
sally necessary. 9 The past and the future fall within its
scope. 10 It is no barren assent, for it is the doer of good
things and the foundation of doing justice. 11 So more
distinctly is it with faith on its religious side as the assent
of piety. It is a certain inward good, and without seeking
after God it both confirms His existence and glorifies Him
as existent. 12 It is no mere human acquirement, but some
thing divine. 13 It is a power of God, being the force of the
truth. 14 It is a force unto salvation and a power unto eternal
1 Str., ii. 6 28 .
2 EC. Pr., 12.
3 Str., iv. 38.
4 Ib., ii. 6 31 .
5 Ib., ii. 2 8 - 9 .
6 Ib., v. i 3 .
7 Ib., ii. 4 17 -
8 Ib., ii. I2 55 .
9 Ib., ii. 5 23 .
10 J b [^ I2 54.
11 Ib., v. 13 w .
12 Ib., vii. 10 5a
13 Ib., ii. 6 80 .
14 Str., ii. II
48 .
152 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
life. 1 The teaching of philosophy is a gift, but faith is a
grace. 2 The Holy Spirit is breathed into those who have
believed. 3 By bare faith, without demonstration, the power
of God is able to save. 4 He who believes the Scriptures as
the voice of God has a demonstration that cannot be gain
said. 5 Faith is the irrefragable criterion. 6 It is essential
to salvation, 7 but works must follow if salvation is to be
secured. 8 It justified even those who were before the law,
and made them partakers of the divine promise. 9 Yet to
those who were righteous according to law, faith was want
ing ; wherefore the Lord said, "Thy faith hath saved thee." 10
Faith is twofold, the faith of science and the faith of
opinion. 11 When the Apostle speaks of the " righteousness
of God as revealed from faith to faith," 12 he seems to pro
claim a twofold faith, or rather one faith which admits of
growth and perfecting ; for the common faith lies beneath
as a foundation. The special faith, which is built upon it,
is perfected along with the believer, and brought to com
pletion along with that which results from instruction and
fulfilling the commandments of the Lord. Such was the
faith of the apostles which could remove mountains. 13 Per
fection of faith is to be distinguished from the common
faith. 14 Faith is akin to trust, but trust is more than
faith. For when one knows that the Son of God is Teacher,
he trusts that His teaching is true. And as instruction,
according to Empedocles, will make the mind grow, so he
that trusts in the Lord will make faith grow. 15 Faith, then,
in the conception of Clement, is at once an intellectual act
and a spiritual act or attitude, a divine force, yet voluntary,
no mere theological or even religious principle, but one of
1 Str., ii. 12 ". 2 Ib., i. ; 38 . 3 Ib. f v. 13 8S . 4 Ib., v. I 9 .
5 Ib., ii. 2 9 . Ib., ii. 4 12 . 7 Ib., i. 7 38 . 8 Ib., vi. 14 108 .
9 Ib., ii. 4 12 . 10 Ib., vi. 6". n Ib., ii. ii 48 . 12 Rom. i. 17.
13 Str., v. i 2 . 14 Ib., iv. i6 100 . 15 Ib., v. 13 w . Cf. ib., ii. 6 <28 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 153
universal sweep and significance, one in its origin but varied
in its development, sometimes related to teaching rather
than to a person, unless so far as a person is behind the
words and commands assent and gives authority to that
which is believed, the faith of the Epistle to the Hebrews
rather than the justifying faith of St Paul.
As the conception of faith is fluctuating, so also is the
conception of knowledge. Of knowledge in general
apart from any Christian or religious application Clement
says that the word is used in a twofold sense. The first,
the knowledge commonly so called, is that which appears
universally in all men, in which not only the rational
powers but also the irrational powers participate, whose
nature it is to apprehend through the senses. To such
he refuses the name of knowledge. Knowledge, properly
so called, derives its impress from judgment and reason,
and thus only the rational powers form cognitions,
which are applied to things intellectual by the bare
activity of the soul. 1 From this point of view, know
ledge is the peculiar property of the rational soul. It is
the beginning and author of all rational action. For
action is based on impulse, and impulse is based on
knowledge. 2 In a narrower sense knowledge is used of
the esoteric tradition given by the Lord to the Apostles,
and transmitted by them to the few in an unwritten form. 3
This is supported by Scripture, in particular by the
authority of St Paul. He says, " We know that we all
have knowledge," that is, common knowledge in common
things, and the knowledge that there is one God. For
he was writing to believers. " But the knowledge is not
in all" that is, the knowledge which was transmitted
among the few. 4 Prophecy was full of this knowledge.
1 Str., vi. i 3 . 2 Ib., vi. 8 68 , 69 . 3 Ib., vi. 7 61 .
4 Ib., iv. 15 97 ; i Cor, viii. I, 7. Cf. Stah., vol. iii. p. 227, fr. 60.
154 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
Related to this, but not to be identified with it, is a third
form of knowledge that of gnosis in Clement s sense of
the word. It may be defined as " a kind of perfection of
man as man, being completed by the science of divine
things, in respect of character and life and speech,
harmonious and consistent with itself and the divine
word." All knowledge is wisdom ; but all wisdom is not
knowledge. 1 Knowledge is wisdom, that is, it is a sure
and firm science and apprehension of the things that are,
and will be, and have been. 2 This wisdom is to be con
trasted with the wisdom which furnishes experience of the
things relating to life. It is eternal, while the other is
useful in time ; it is one and the same, while the other
assumes many and diverse forms ; it is without any
movement of passion, while the other is accompanied
with passionate desire. 3 The pre-eminence of knowledge
is indicated by the prophet when he says, " Goodness
and instruction and knowledge teach me," thus present
ing in progressive order the guiding principle of perfection. 4
Its goal is contemplation, the immediate vision of God. 5
But it is not a barren contemplation. For the vision of
God purity is necessary, and by knowledge the purifica
tion of the ruling principle of the soul is effected. 6 A tree
is known by its fruit, not by its blossom, so knowledge
is not characterised by word and blossoms but by fruit
and way of life. For it is not a mere word but a certain
divine science, and the light which, springing up in the
soul, makes all things luminous in their origin, and pre
pares man to know himself and teaches him how to attain
to God. 7 Knowledge is perfected by word and deed. 8
Works follow knowledge as the shadow the body. 9 It
1 Str., vii. 10 55 . 2 Ib., vi. 7 61 . s Ib., vi. 7 54 .
4 Ib., vii. 736; p s . II9 w | L XX. s Str>> iL I0 4 7<
6 Ib., iv. 6 39 . 7 Ib., iii. 5". s Ib<> iv- I7 i<
9 Ib., vii. 1 3 812 . Cf. EC. Pr., 28.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 155
teaches us to discern the things that contribute to the
permanence of virtue. As the greatest of all things is
the knowledge of God, in this way virtue is so preserved
that its loss is impossible. 1 These are the more general
characteristics of knowledge, its source, its goal, its fruit :
to know more fully what it is, we must look at it more
narrowly as contrasted with, and as related to, faith, and
as embodied in the gnostic.
Two false views of the relation of faith to knowledge
must be set aside. The Valentinians, says Clement,
assign faith to us the simple and knowledge to themselves.
They hold that knowledge springs up in those who are
saved by nature in accordance with the superiority of a
germ of excellence, and that it is as widely separated from
faith as the spiritual from the psychical. But, rejoins
Clement, if that were so, if faith were not a voluntary
assent but an advantage of nature, moral responsibility
would be plainly destroyed. 2 Another error, dealing not
with the origin or nature of faith but with its object, has
also to be rejected. Clement refers to some who held that
faith was concerned with the Son but knowledge with the
Father. He replies that Fatherhood implied Sonship, and
that the two cannot in this way be separated. To believe
in the Son we must know the Father, and to know the
Father we must believe in the Son ; for it is through the
Son that the Father comes from faith to knowledge. The
knowledge of the Son and Father is the comprehension
of the Truth by the Truth. 3
The general principle is that faith and knowledge are
indissolubly related. " Neither is knowledge without faith,
nor faith without knowledge." 4 By a certain divine
sequence and reciprocity faith is an attribute of know-
1 Str., vii. ; 47 . 2 Ibijii< 3 io } 11.
8 Ib., V. I !. 4 Ib.
156 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
ledge and knowledge is an attribute of faith. 1 Between
them there is a natural relationship and adaptation. " As
to the man who has hands it is natural to grasp, and to
him who has healthy eyes to see the light, so to him
who has received faith it is the natural prerogative to par
ticipate in knowledge." 2 Faith is as essential to the gnostic
as respiration is to life. As without the four elements it
is not possible to live, so without faith it is not possible
to follow after knowledge. 3 In one sense, faith is more
authoritative than science and its criterion ; 4 in another
sense, to know is more than to believe. 5 In one sense,
faith is independent of knowledge, and has to do with a
sphere where science cannot act. For faith deals with
first principles, and first principles, being incapable of
demonstration, can only be apprehended by faith, which
leads up from that which cannot be demonstrated to that
which is universal and simple. 6 In another sense, know
ledge rests upon faith, enriching and extending its scope,
and on the ground of things which are already believed,
creates faith in things which are not yet believed, the faith
so created being, as it were, the essence of demonstration. 7
Faith is the foundation of knowledge, 8 and by knowledge
is faith made perfect. 9 " Knowledge is a kind of perfec
tion of man as man. To have no doubt in reference to
God, but to have faith in Him, is the foundation of know
ledge ; and Christ is both the foundation and the super
structure, through Whom also are the beginnings and
the ends." 10 In contradistinction to gnostic perfection, the
Apostle sometimes calls the common faith the foundation,
sometimes "milk" as opposed to gnostic food. 11 "Faith,
1 Str., ii. 4 16 . Cf. vi. 8 68 ; vi. 9. 2 Ib., vi. 17 152 . 8 Ib., ii. 6 31 .
4 Ib., ii. 4 15 . 5 Ib., vi. 14 109 . 6 Ib., ii. 4 13 , u .
7 Ib., vii. i6 98 . 8 Ib., v. i 6 ; vii. 3 20 ; ii. ii. 9 Ib., vi. i8 184 .
10 Ib., vii. 10 M . " Ib., v. 4 26 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 157
then, so to speak, is a summary knowledge of the essen
tials, but knowledge is a demonstration sure and firm of the
things received through the faith, being built on the faith
by means of the teaching of the Lord, carrying us on to
that which is irrefragable and scientifically apprehended." l
In such passages faith seems to be used for the contents
rather than for the act of faith. Faith, then, is perfect in
the sense that a foundation is perfect; it is imperfect in
the sense that a foundation is imperfect without a super
structure. The superstructure is knowledge, which, how
ever, is not to be conceived as standing in any merely
external relation to faith, but as to something with which
it is in vital union, as a natural development of it, and a
scientific demonstration of its sphere and object. 2
This is the ruling conception of the relation of faith to
knowledge, though at times, in antagonism to the heretical
depreciation of faith, he represents faith as perfect and
complete in itself. 3 It is to be noted, moreover, that in
depicting the ideal Christian under the designation of the
gnostic, he emphasises the points in which knowledge is
superior to faith, ignoring the common aspects, much more
the points of equality.
The relation of the leading virtues to one another is not
uniformly set forth. " The consideration that he is ignorant
is the first lesson given to the man who is walking accord
ing to the Word. An ignorant man has sought, and having
sought he finds, the Teacher ; and having found he believed ;
and having believed he hopes ; and having loved he is
thenceforward assimilated to Him who has been loved, eager
to be that which he first loved." 4 Thus the order is,
1 Str., vii. io 57 .
2 How strongly Clement felt the necessity of faith being supplemented by
knowledge is seen by the addition of the words " ac speculatione " to "fide"
in his Adum. in I P. i. 5 (Stah., vol. Hi. p. 203).
3 Cf. Pad., i. e 29 . 4 Str., v. 3 17 .
158 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
ignorance, faith, hope, love. And love is perfected by
knowledge. 1 So elsewhere he says that knowledge has
for its foundation the holy triad faith, hope, and love. 2
In a later book of the Stromateis he reverses this relation
of love and knowledge. " To him that hath shall be
added, to faith knowledge, and to knowledge love, and
to love the inheritance." 3 The first saving change is from
heathenism to faith, a second from faith to knowledge,
and this finding its end in love, makes that which knows
the friend of that which is known. 4 The perfection of a
man of faith is love. 5 Thus in every case faith precedes
knowledge and love ; but sometimes knowledge is repre
sented as the crown of love, sometimes love as the crown
of knowledge. The last is the dominant thought. Know
ledge can be taught ; it stands between faith and love,
which are not taught. 6
The man of faith and the man of knowledge differ widely
in their attitude towards divine truth generally, and, in
particular, in their apprehension of the Scriptures. The
man of faith only tastes the Scriptures ; the gnostic is their
true interpreter. The man of faith is as the layman to the
skilled craftsman in the matters of daily life. 7 Without
letters it is possible to be a man of faith, but not to compre
hend the things spoken of in the faith. 8 The gnostic is the
scholar of the Spirit. To him the law is not merely a
stepping-stone, but he comprehends it as delivered by the
Lord. 9 This knowledge is intrusted as a deposit to those
who show themselves worthy of the teaching. 10 The differ
ence in content and scope is indicated by the Apostle in
the Epistle to the Colossians. 11 The mysteries which were
1 Str., ii. Q 45 . 2 Ib., iv. 7 54 . 3 Ib., vii. io 55 .
4 Ib., vii. io S7 . 5 Ad. in I Joan. 4 18 , vol. iii. p. 214.
6 Str., vii. 4 55 . Ib., vii. i6 95 . 8 Ib., i. 6 35 .
9 Ib., iv. 21 13 . 10 Ib., vii. io 55 . Col. i. 9 - n ; i. 25 - 27 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 159
hidden until the time of the apostles, and were delivered by
them as they received them from the Lord, and " now mani
fested to the saints," are one thing ; and a different thing
is " the riches of the glory of the mystery in the Gentiles,"
that is, the faith and the hope in Christ, elsewhere called
the foundation. 1 This insight of the gnostic is conditioned
by righteousness ; for as one increases in righteousness, the
nearer to him is the Spirit who is the source of illumina
tion. 2 Such an one apprehends what seems to be incom
prehensible to others; for he has believed that nothing is
incomprehensible to the Son of God, and therefore, nothing
that is untaught, for He who suffered from love to us would
have kept back nothing with a view to our instruction in
knowledge. 3 The Word designed the truth to be a living
force, and not to be a pretext for intellectual indolence. 4
The difference between the man of faith and the gnostic
in regard to the truth of Scripture is thus the difference
between the pupil, who has learned and is satisfied with
the rudiments, and the advanced scholar ; between him who
merely grazes the surface and him who searches into the
deep things of God ; between him who is startled as by
a sudden light breaking in upon him in the twilight and
him whose eye has been trained for the sure vision and
apprehension of the truth ; 5 between him who has but
entered on the path that leads to life and him who has
been initiated into the mysteries of the esoteric tradition.
The difference is one not of nature but of training ; it is
not a difference of kind but of degree or status in the
spiritual life ; there is no impassable barrier between the
stages ; any man may " seek and find," and from being
a man of faith may become a man of knowledge.
While on the purely intellectual side the distinction
1 Str., v. 10 60 > 61 . 2 Ib., iv. i; 107 . 3 Ib., vi. 8 70 .
4 Ib., i. 10 . 6 Cf. EC. Pr., 35, 32.
160 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
between the man of faith and the gnostic is not absolute but
one of natural gradation, yet when we pass into the sphere
of ethical ideals the transition is not so easily bridged. No
doubt, here too they have much in common. All the
principles and their applications in questions of practical
morals, which are enforced in the Paedagogus, are incum
bent on both. The gnostic not less than the man of faith
must carry out his life in conformity with the precepts of
the Word, must direct all his affairs in accordance with
reason, must be on his guard not only against every form
of vice but every form of extravagance, must fulfil in every
detail the principle of doing nothing contrary to nature,
dare not, like the heretical gnostic, claim on the ground of
special illumination to be indifferent to or superior to the
conditions of ordinary morality, must, in a word, be faithful
to all the prescriptions necessary for securing moral health.
On the other hand, when it is a question of ethical motives
and ideals, there seems a clear antagonism of principles.
The gnostic recognises sin in itself. He condemns not
any particular sin but all sin absolutely. His is not the
repentance cgmmon to all believers, which is the result
of past transgressions, but that of him who, knowing the
nature of , sin, aims at the goal of entire abstinence from
sin, the ideal result of which is not-sinning. 1 His repent
ance has no relation to fear; it is the shame of the soul
in itself arising from conscience. 2
But this does not imply a merely negative goal for the
gnostic, but the contrary. While the virtue of the man of
faith, his absolute perfection, is purely negative, lying in the
mere abstinence from evil, that of the gnostic is positive,
1 Str., vi. I2 97 .
2 Ib., iv. 6 37 . Cf. EC. Pr., 15. " He that hath believed has obtained forgive
ness of sins from the Lord, but he that is in the condition of knowledge, as one
who sins no longer, obtains from himself the forgiveness of the rest."
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 161
having as its goal the unchangeable habit of well-doing
after the will of God. 1 The man of faith is limited in
the range of his moral activities ; he may successfully
accomplish one or two things, but not all things nor with
the highest science. 2 The righteousness of the man of
faith is not true righteousness, for it lacks the notes of
progress and perfection that mark the righteousness of the
gnostic. 3 Only the action of the gnostic can claim to be
moral in the strict sense of the word. " Every action of
the gnostic is right action, but that of the simple believer
might be called intermediate, as not yet perfected in
accordance with reason ; but every act of the heathen, on
the other hand, is sinful. For not simply to do well, but
to perform actions with a certain goal in view and to act
in accordance with reason, is exhibited in the Scriptures as
morally fitting." 4 This is in harmony with the action of
God Himself. He created all things by the Word (Reason),
and the man who becomes a gnostic performs good actions
by the reasoning faculty. 5
The higher ethical stage is marked in a very specific
manner by the purity of motive, which gives to every action
a distinctive character. While the man of faith is influ
enced by fear of punishment or hope of recompense, the
gnostic is spontaneously good, acts only under the influence
of love, and for the sake of the good itself, and not for the
sake of its results. 6 His self-control is not like that of the
dog which refrains because it fears the uplifted hand. 7 The
motive of his abstinence is not fear, but love. 8 As little does
it rest on love of honour or riches or bodily health. 9 His
courage is not the irrational courage of the child, the wild
1 Str., vi. 7 60 . Cf. EC. Pr., 12. 2 Str., vii. 14 84 .
3 Ib., vi. 12 102 . 4 Ib., vi. 14 m . 5 Ib., vi. i6 136 .
6 Ib., iv. 22 135 , 143 , 144 ; vi. 12 98 . 7 Ib., iv. 22 146 .
8 EC. Pr., 19. Cf. Adum. in I Joan. 2 3 , vol. iii. p. 212. 9 Ib., vii. u w .
L
162 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
beast, or the juggler, but the courage which is in accordance
with reason, and is inspired by the love which is the fruit
of knowledge. 1 All thought even of recompense after death
must be eliminated from the service of the gnostic. 2 He
practises piety, drawn by the love of Him who is the Be
loved. " So that, not even supposing that he were to receive
permission from God to do what is forbidden without being
punished for it, nor even if he were to receive a promise that
he would receive as reward the good things of the blessed
on these terms, nor if he were persuaded that what he
did would escape the knowledge of God which is impos
sible would he ever wish to act contrary to right reason,
having once for all made choice of that which is truly good
and to be chosen for its own sake, and on this ground
beloved." 3 Nay, even the pursuit of knowledge itself must
be freed not merely from base alloy or any consideration of
practical need, but even from the desire of salvation. " For
I would dare to affirm that he who pursues knowledge for
the sake of the divine science itself will not choose know
ledge from a wish to be saved. If, therefore, one were,
ex hypothesi, to offer to the gnostic which of the two he
would wish to choose, knowledge of God or eternal sal
vation, and if these two, which are absolutely identical,
were separable, he would without any hesitation what
soever choose the knowledge of God, having formed
the judgment that the distinctive quality of faith, which
through love has mounted to knowledge, is to be chosen
for its own sake." 4 Truly the utterance of a "bold and
joyous thinker." 5
Of all the characteristic features in the portrait of the
wise man of the Stoics which Clement has transferred to
his representation of the Christian ideal, the most distinc-
1 Str., vii. 10 M . 2 Ib., iv. 22 144 ; vii. 12 69 . Ib., iv. 22 145 , 146 .
4 Ib., iv. 22 IK . 5 Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. ii. p. 328.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 163
tive, even if the most alien to the spirit of Christianity,
is that of " apathy " passionlessness. It would be easy
to point out differences between the Stoic wise man and
the gnostic in respect of the conceptions of freedom,
wealth, beauty, kingship ; but that has little bearing on
the question of Clement s indebtedness in the matter of
apathy. He not only has borrowed the word and the
conception, but the theory of relation of other virtues to
this fundamental virtue. By apathy or the passionless
state he distinctly states that he does not mean mastery
over the passions, but their extirpation. 1 Self-control is
necessary, as man is by nature subject to passion. 2 It is
the mark of the man who restrains the impulses that are
contrary to right reason, or who restrains himself that he
has no impulse contrary to right reason. 3 But even this
absolute self-restraint is but a stage in the direction of that
complete emancipation from passion which apathy implies. 4
The gnostic is subject to the passions, such as hunger,
thirst, and the like, that exist for the continuance of the
body, 5 but otherwise every element of passion must be cut
out from the soul. 6 He who has not willed to root out the
passions of the soul kills himself. 7 As God is passionless,
it were unseemly that the friend of God should be engrossed
with the restraint of passion. 8 As his Teacher is passion
less, so by fellowship with the Beloved must the scholar
become. 9 This condition was attained by the righteous
men of old, who, while yet in the body, enjoyed passionless-
ness and imperturbability. 10 When the Lord says in the
Psalm, " Ye are gods, . . . and sons of the Highest, all of
you," he refers to the gnostics who have mastered the
passions, who reject as far as possible everything that is
1 Str., vi. 9 74 . 2 Ib., ii. i8 81 . 3 Ib., ii. i8 80 .
4 Ib., vi. 13 105 ; iv. 22 137 , 139 . 5 Ib., vi. 9 71 . 6 EC. Pr., 31.
7 Str., vii., I2 72 . 8 Ib., vi. 9 76 . Ib., vi. 9 72 . 10 Ib., iv. 7 .
164 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
human. 1 Though the word "apathy" is not applied to
the apostles, it is implied that they possessed it after the
resurrection of Christ, as they are represented as not being
subject even to such movements of feeling as seem good,
but as abiding always in one unchangeable habit of discip
line. 2 And this unity of the moral life is one with the
condition of apathy, and is to be contrasted with the
varying condition that arises from the passionate attach
ment to things material. 3 Apart from these allusions,
nowhere is the virtue of apathy supported by any reference
to the teaching of the Scriptures. In the chapter 4 in
which the apathy of the gnostic is exhibited in most detail,
there are allusions to the " tent," and to " putting to death
the desires," which suggest passages in the Epistles of St
Paul, 5 but there is no direct appeal to any passage of Scrip
ture. It has only scriptural basis so far as his distinction
of the carnal spirit from the ruling faculty may be held to
be based on the teaching of St Paul as to the enmity
between the flesh and the spirit with which he formally
connects it. 6 This complete conquest of the passions
logically involved sinlessness ; but though, indeed, he says
that the gnostic is bound to be sinless, 7 he expressly dis
claims elsewhere the possibility of sinless perfection on the
part of any man. 8 This illustrates the danger, in the case
of a writer like Clement, of putting a dogmatic construction
on an incidental phrase or phrases. Clement s conception
of apathy, however, though it represents the same attitude
to the sensuous nature of man, differs from the Stoic
conception in respect of the love which was no less an
essential attribute of the gnostic, and in respect of the goal
1 Str., ii. 20 125 . 2 Ib., vi. 9 71 . Ib., iv. 23 152 , 22 139 .
4 Ib., vi. 9. 5 2 Cor. v. I ; Col. iii. 5.
6 Str., vi. i6 131 - 136 ; Gal. v. 17. 7 Str., iv. 9 75 . Cf. vii. 3"; Col. iii. 5.
8 Str., iv. 21 13 , ii. 12 70 ; Pxd., iii. 12 93 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 165
of assimilation to God with the immediate vision of Him as
its necessary concomitant. Of one object to this union of
love with the passionless state Clement takes notice. " If
close union with that which is good is accompanied by
longing, how can he abide passionless who has a longing
for that which is good? " Clement rejoins that love is free
from longing or desire, because it is already in possession.
" Such objectors do not know the divinity of love. For
love is not a longing on the part of him who loves, but a
loving union which restores the gnostic to the * unity of the
faith, as he is independent of time and place. But he who
by the agency of love is already among the things in which
he shall be, has anticipated hope through knowledge, and
does not long for anything, as he has as far as possible the
very thing for which he longed." 1 The relation of apathy
to knowledge and likeness to God is frequently noted.
" Pure, therefore, in respect of bodily desires and of holy
thoughts he wishes them to be who arrive at the full know
ledge of God, in order that the ruling principle of the soul
may have nothing spurious to stand in the way of its power.
When he who shares in gnostic fashion in this holy quality
devotes himself to contemplation, holding pure converse
with God, he comes more immediately into the condition
of passionless identity, so as no longer to have science and
possess knowledge, but to be science and knowledge." 2
" When a man has transcended passion and desire, and
loves the creation for the sake of the God and Creator of
all, he will live gnostically. He has acquired the effortless
habit of self-control, in accordance with the assimilation
to the Saviour. He has formed into a unity knowledge,
faith, love ; he is one henceforward in judgment and truly
spiritual ; he is absolutely incapable of admitting the
1 Str,, vi. 9 73 . 2 Ib., iv. 6 40 .
1 66 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
thoughts that arise from passion and desire, being per
fected after the image of the Lord by the Artificer Him
self, a perfect man, worthy to be called brother by the
Lord, being at once friend and son." 1
The vision of God is the supreme felicity of the gnostic.
In some passages it is hard to say whether Clement is re
ferring to the present earnest or the future realisation ; but
the complete realisation is yet to be. He seeks to explain
in ordinary language what St Paul meant by "seeing God
face to face," what Jesus meant by the vision which He
promised to "the pure in heart," and when He spoke of the
" many mansions in His Father s house." It is indifferently
described as the soul s rest in God and as God s rest in the
soul. "Knowledge," it is said, "easily transplants a man
to that which is akin to the soul and divine and holy, and
by a light of its own carries him through the mystic stages
of progress until it restores him to the crowning place of
rest, having brought him who is pure in heart to behold
God face to face with science and apprehension." ! "The
gnostic souls come to places even better than those that
preceded, no longer greeting the divine vision in mirrors or
by means of mirrors, feasting with loving souls on the
vision that is never sated. This is the apprehensive pre
sentation of the pure in heart." 3 It is characteristic of
Clement that just as he employs the Stoic term "apathy"
to express the goal of the gnostic on the ethical side, so
he uses the " apprehensive presentation " of the Stoics to
express the highest end of the gnostic on the intellectual
and spiritual side. By this term is meant, according to
Professor Edward Caird, " a presentation or idea which
grasps or enables the mind to grasp the object as it really
is." 4 This well expresses the thought of Clement. His
1 Str., iii. io 69 . 2 Ib., vii. 9". 3 Ib., vii. 3 1S . Cf. vii. 3 10 .
4 Evolution of Religion in the Greek Philosophers, vol. ii. p. 132.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 167
conception of eternal life is " an end that knows no
end," 1 a goal that never reaches completion, a con
tinuous advance, a vision of God ever growing in fulness
and clearness, a fellowship with God ever growing in
nearness and intensity. Can any conception be more
ennobling and inspiring ? At every stage in that life the
soul s thirst after God will be satisfied ; but, as God
is infinite, and man though endowed with immortality
is finite, eternal life must mean eternal progress, new
revelations of God awakening ever-renewed activities, new
insight into the unfathomable depths of the love of
God in Christ, new glimpses of the beauty of Absolute
Holiness.
To what extent is this ideal of the Christian life attain
able here and now, or is it only to be attained in the
future ? Some of the features in the portrait of the gnostic
are not his prerogative or exclusive goal. That his every
thought may be a prayer, his every deed a sacrifice, his soul
a temple, that the unseen and the future may be as real
as, nay more real than, the things that lie at his feet, that
by fixing his thought on spiritual things he may become
detached from material things, is the aspiration of every
Christian spirit. 2 But there are other elements in the
delineation of which this cannot be said. The science of
the gnostic becomes indefectible, being as much an essential
attribute of him as weight in a stone. 3 By his knowledge
he has all things potentially, though not numerically. 4 By
knowledge itself he becomes a partaker of the divine will. 5
He has already become, as it were, out of the flesh and
above the world. 6 Such an one has already attained the
condition of being equal to the angels. 7 He is destined
1 Str., ii. 22 134 ; vii. IO K . 2 Cf. ib., vi. I2 loa ; vii. I2 78 ; iv. 23 143 .
3 Ib., vii. 7 ; iv. 22 139 . 4 Ib., vii. 7 47 . 5 Ib., vii. 12 78 .
6 Ib., vii. I4 86 . 7 Ib., vi. 13 105 , vii. I2 78 . Cf. EC. Pr., 37.
168 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
to be a god, and even now is being likened unto God. 1
He is divine and holy, God-bearing and God-borne. 2 He
is a god moving about in the flesh. 3 Perfection takes
place when any one hangs on the Lord by means of faith
and love and knowledge, and ascends with Him to the
place where the God and Guardian of our faith and love
is. 4 He cleaves the heavens through his science, and
passing through the spiritual essences and every prin
cipality and power, he lays hold of the highest thrones,
hastening to that alone which alone he knows. 5
On the face of it, it would seem that this angelic being,
this God in human form, utterly unfettered by the flesh,
this knowledge incarnate, can, in the intensity of his gaze
and concentration on the unapproachable heights, have
little interest in men or in human affairs. But the duty
of teaching and moulding others is an essential mark of
the gnostic faculty. 6 " These three things our philosopher
holds fast: first, contemplation; in the second place, the
fulfilment of the Commandments ; thirdly, the making of
good men. These in their union perfect the gnostic. If
any of these be wanting, the contents of the knowledge
are defective." 7 He who is likened to the Saviour is given
to saving. 8 In imitation of the divine purpose, he does
good to all who are willing to the best of his power. 9
In respect of the beneficence of his teaching, he may be
called a living image of the Lord. 10 Thanksgiving and
prayer for the conversion of his neighbours are the work of
the gnostic. 11 In such service of humanity is true devout-
ness. The best harvest of the piety of the gnostic is that
of the men who have believed through his instrumentality
1 Str., vii. i 3 . =2 Ib., vii. 13 s Ib., vii. i6 101 .
4 Ib., vii. 9 s6 . 5 Ib., vii. I3 82 . Cf. vi. 13 105 . 6 Ib., vii. I 4 .
7 Ib., ii. 10 46 . 8 Ib., vi. 9 77 . 9 Ib., vii. 3 16 .
10 Ib., vi:. 9 ra . " Ib., vii. 7 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 169
and have been brought into the way of salvation. 1 In
such an atmosphere mysticism in the narrower sense of
the word cannot live. "The mystic ideal," it has been
said, "is not a life of ethical energy among mankind; it
is the eye turned wholly inwards, the life spent in con
templation and devout communion." 2 To this type of
mystic Clement did not belong. There is a mystic ele
ment in his ideal, as in every attempt to express in words
the intercourse of the spirit of man with God, and he
uses language which any mystic could appropriate ; but
nothing could be further from his mode of thought than
any form of selfish ecstasy or the loss of self -conscious
ness in communion with God. If he "stands on earth
on tiptoe," 3 to use his own metaphor, he never loses
contact with earth and with the needs of men. If, like
Moses, he ascends the mountain to hold unbroken fellow
ship with God, he comes down transfigured indeed with
the radiance of that fellowship, but with the Command
ments in his hand. In the presence of this love for
others mysticism loses its self-centred note, and apathy,
save in the limited sense of self -conquest with a view
to the higher service of others, becomes impossible.
The moral ideal of Clement was an endeavour to har
monise elements that were discordant and antagonistic :
formally, the victory lay with Stoicism ; in reality, with
Christianity.
To questions of social ethics Clement attached great
importance. Of these the most urgent in Alexandria
were the question of marriage and the relation of the
Gospel to men of wealth.
Clement s conception of marriage was determined in
part by his view of the relation of man to woman
1 Str., vii. i 3 . 2 Prof. Pringle-Pattison, "Mysticism" (Ency. Brit.)
3 Psed., i. 5 16 .
I/O THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
generally, in part by his Hellenic birth and training, in
part by the necessity of refuting the teaching of heretics,
bat by all these elements as modified and permeated by
the teaching of Scripture, especially of Christ and the
Apostles.
Man and woman have one God and one Tutor. They
have a common life, a common grace, a common salva
tion, a common virtue and way of life. 1 Woman has the
same nature as man, and should possess the same virtue.
Virtue is not a matter of sex. Woman is to cultivate
temperance and righteousness as well as man. Woman
differs from man in the distinctive constitution of the
body and the functions relating thereto; but in respect
of the soul they are the same. 2 Women, therefore, are
to philosophise in like manner as men, but men, unless
they have become effeminate, should carry off the highest
honours. 3 The Church is full of women who, like phil
osophers, have all their life made a " study " of death. 4
As it is a noble thing for a man to die for virtue and
for freedom, so it is for a woman. For this is not an
attribute peculiar to the nature of the male, but to the
nature of the good. 5 Marriage is an equal yoke. 6 The
difference of sex may show that marriage is natural ; but
the attitude of the Christian towards marriage must be
influenced by consideration of the fact that the dis
tinction of sex is earthly and temporal, and not spiritual
and eternal. 7
In accordance with the Greek way of thinking, Clement
teaches that the primary end of marriage is the pro
creation of children as a duty that we owe to the State.
1 Psed., i. 4 10 . 2 Str., iv. 8 59 , 60 .
3 Ib., iv. 8 62 . Cf. Plato, Rep., 455 C. 4 Str., iv. 8 58 .
5 Ib., iv. 8 67 . e Psed.,1. 4 10 -
7 Poed., i. 4 10 ; Str., iii. 12 87 ; vi. I2 100 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 171
We must by all means marry for our Fatherland, for the
succession of children, and for the perfection of the
world, as far as it lies with us. He quotes with approval
the action of legislators like the Spartans and the view of
philosophers with respect to the unmarried. 1 From a
like point of view he commends marriage because of the
intense sympathy of a wife in sickness and old age. The
duty of marriage, however, is to be fulfilled in accord
ance with a fitting time and person and age, and with
discrimination. The man and the woman should be in
every respect alike, and the woman be fond of the man
who loves her, not by force or necessity. 2
In Alexandria there were two types of heretics who
from different points of view had promulgated tenets
equally subversive of Christian morals. There were those
who in the name of liberty and knowledge taught the
moral indifference of actions, and claimed that the more
they abused the lower nature the more they honoured
the higher, and that the ordinary laws of morality were
not binding on those who reached the dignity of being
"sons of the highest God" and " lords of the Sabbath,"
as they described themselves. 3 Of such Clement says that
they acted not like kings but whipped curs. 4 A much
more dangerous class were those who, partly from dog
matic motives, partly in the name of a professedly loftier
moral ideal, maintained an unconditional asceticism and said
that marriage was a sin, no better than fornication, that
it derived its origin from the devil, and that we should
not introduce into the world other unhappy beings and
furnish food for death. 5 Those who say so, rejoins
Clement, under the guise of self-control are ignorant and
godless. 6 To say that marriage is sin is to say that
1 Str., ii. 23 139 - 142 . 2 Ib., ii. 23 137 . 3 Ib., iii. 4 30 . 4 Ib.
5 Ib., iii. 12 84 ; iii. 6 49 ; iii. 6 45 . 6 Ib., iii. 6 45 , 60 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
God, who instituted marriage, commanded what is sin.
Fornication and marriage are as far apart from one
another as the devil is from God. 1 Generation is holy.
By means of it the world subsists and the whole
economy of creation and salvation. 2 To calumniate
generation is to calumniate the Lord and the virgin
who brought Him forth. 3 In vainglorious fashion such
false teachers claim that they imitate the Lord, who
never married. They forget that He had His own bride,
the Church ; that He was not a common man and needed
no helpmeet according to the flesh ; that He had no need
to beget children to succeed Him, seeing that He was
and remained for ever the only Son of God. 4 Those
who declare that marriage was permitted by the Law
but not by the New Covenant are in direct contra
diction to the authoritative teaching of Paul, who ap
proves of the marriage of bishop, presbyter, and deacon. 5
If marriage were an obstacle to salvation, neither the
just men before the advent who married, nor those after
the advent who do so, will be saved, though they be
apostles. 6 Monogamy is the true and only ideal of
marriage. The reasons for the temporary permission of
polygamy have passed away. A second marriage is per
mitted by Clement on grounds similar to those con
ceded by St Paul ; but he does not regard it as fulfilling
the ideal of the perfect way of life according to the
Gospel. 7 The conjugal relationship is to be divorced as
far as possible from all sensuous desire. It is to be
fulfilled in the spirit of one who is co-operating with
God. 8 It is to be carried out by those and after the
standard of those who are children not of desire but of
1 Str., iii. i2 84 . 2 Ib., iii. i; 103 . s Ib., iii. i; 102 .
4 Ib., iii. 6. 5 Ib., iii. I2 90 ; iii. iS 1 8 . e Ib., iii. I2 80 .
7 Ib., iii. 12 82 ; iii. 2 4 . 8 Td., ii. io 83 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 173
will. 1 We are to bear witness to the Lord in all our life
by piety in the soul, by purity in the body. 2 The wife
is to be in all things a helpmeet to her husband. In
all domestic trials she is to remember that God is her
helper in her great task, her true comrade and Saviour
both for the present and the future. She is to make Him
her leader in every action, regard temperance and right
eousness as her work, and make the love of God her
goal. 3 Like the pattern wife in the Book of Proverbs, she
should clothe both herself and her husband with finery of
her own workmanship, by which all are made glad the
children for their mother, the husband for his wife, she
for them, and all for God. 4 The happy marriage is not
to be judged by wealth or beauty, but by virtue. 5 The
married life was not to be put on a lower level than the
life of celibacy. No doubt, generally speaking, it was a
good thing " for the sake of the kingdom of heaven to
cut oneself off" from all desire; 6 but on the other hand
all desires were pure and holy in the sphere of the
Lord. 7 "We pronounce chastity blessed in the case of
those to whom God has given the gift, and we admire
the stately dignity that belongs to a single marriage." 8
Each condition of life has its own distinctive ministries
for the Lord. 9 The gnostic does not prefer children or
marriage or parents to the love of God and righteousness
in life ; but he may marry. 10 In this he has the apostles
for patterns. True, he eats and drinks and marries not as
if such things were the primary end of life, but regarding
them as necessaries. The single life is not the best sphere
for exhibiting true manhood. Such an one lacks the cares
1 Str., iii. 7 5S . Cf. Pad., ii. 10 92 . 2 Str., ii. 23 145 .
3 Ib., iv. 20 la6 , 127 , 4 Paed., iii. ii 67 . 5 Str., iv. 20 126 .
6 Ib., iii. 7 59 . 7 Ib., iii. 17 103 . 8 Ib., iii. i 4 .
9 Ib., iii. 12 79 . 10 Ib., vi. I2 100 ; vii. 12 80 .
174 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
and temptations which family life brings. He has not
to master them, and at the same time to retain a firm
hold of the love of God. So far as progress towards his
own individual salvation is concerned, the celibate may
have the advantage; but in respect of the conduct of life
he is inferior to the married man, as the latter preserves
a faint image of the true Providence. 1 In accordance
with his interpretation of the teaching of Jesus, Clement
regards the marriage tie as indissoluble save by death. 2
It is plain that the teaching of Clement agrees in all
essential points with the teaching of St Paul, but it is
modified and necessarily expanded by antagonism to the
heretical tendencies of his age.
The perennial question of the relations of wealth and
poverty occupies considerable space in the teaching of
Clement. His consideration of the general question was
called forth by the extravagance and luxury in Alexandria ;
a special problem was forced upon him by the presence of
some men of wealth in the Church.
Like all moralists, Clement points out that material wealth
is not the highest form of riches. The truly rich man is he
who possesses what is worth most. 3 Righteousness is true
riches, and the Word is more precious than all treasure,
being the gift of God. 4 True wealth is to abound in virtuous
actions. 5 Like the wise man of the Stoics, the Christian
alone is rich. He who has the Almighty God, the Word, is
in need of nothing. 6 The good man can never be in want
so long as he keeps his confession secure towards God. He
can ask and receive from the Father of the universe what
he needs. 7 In respect of things necessary no one is ever
poor, and no man is ever disregarded by God. 8 He who
has attained to the condition of being in need of nothing
1 Str., vii. 12 70 . 2 Ib., ii. 23 145 . 3 Psed., iii. 6 33 . 4 Ib., iii. S 36 .
5 Str., vi. 12". 6 Psed., iii. 7 39 . 7 Ib., iii. 7 *. 8 Ib., ii. 1 14 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 175
has no envy of riches. 1 He is pre-eminently rich who
desires nothing because by reason of his knowledge of the
good he possesses every good thing in superabundance. 2
The best wealth is poverty of desire, 3 and true poverty
is not narrowness of means but increase of desire. Mate
rial wealth when not under proper control is an acropolis
of wickedness. 4 It may be compared to a serpent which,
unless grasped firmly and kept at a distance, will twist
round the hand and bite, and which must be taken
captive by the charm of the Word, if he who owns it
is to be untouched by passion. 5 The moral danger may
be avoided by the consideration that while all things
have been made for the most part for the use of man,
it is not good to use all things nor to use them always, 6
that such use must be sanctioned by reason 7 and must
not exceed the limit of what is necessary, 8 and that
they must be possessed and used without passionate and
overmastering desire. 9 In carrying out these principles we
must keep before us our own spiritual goal and our duty
to others. Because we are journeying towards truth, we
must be as unencumbered as possible. 10 Worldly possessions
are not " our own," because we do not abide in them for
ever, but are handed down in succession to others. 11 Pro
perly used, wealth may be no barrier to, but a means of,
spiritual progress. He that would ascend to the heavens
" by violence " must carry the fair staff of beneficence. This
is in accordance with the declaration of Scripture that " his
own riches is the ransom of a man s soul " 12 that is, if
he be rich, he will be saved by distributing it. 13 It was
1 Pad., iii. 7 40 . Cf. Stah., vol. in. p. 223, fr. 46. 2 Str., vii. 3 18 .
3 Pad., ii. 3 39 . * Ibt> iit 3 w 5 Ib>> ^ 555,
6 Ib., ii. i 14 . 7 Str., vii. u 62 . 8 Ib., vi. I2 100 .
9 Ib., iv. 6 31 ; iv. 13 M Cf. EC. Pr., 47. 10 Pad., iii. 7 38 .
11 Str., iv. 13 M . " Prov. xiii. 8. 13 Pad., iii. 7 l9 .
1/6 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
in the power of God to make no one poor, but to do this
would have extinguished beneficence to others and sym
pathy. 1 Self-sufficiency apportions something from itself
to our neighbours. 2 This imparting to others must not
be done in a vulgar or braggart fashion, 3 nor must it be
indiscriminate but in accordance with justice and desert ;
for so to distribute is a form of the highest justice. 4 In
his enforcement of the duty of liberality, and in denun
ciation of the extravagant fads of the rich, Clement uses
language which suggests a Christian socialism. He refers
to what he calls the astounding apology of women absolutely
agape for jewels " What God hath provided why may we
not use ? It is in my possession, why may I not enjoy it ?
For whom have these things been made, if not for us ? "
To use such language, says Clement, is to betray absolute
ignorance of the will of God. Things which are necessary,
such as water and air, He has supplied openly to all ; things
which are not necessary, like gold and pearls, He has con
cealed in the earth and water. To say and act so is to be
out of harmony with the Scripture which calls upon us to
"seek first the kingdom of God and His righteousness."
Moreover, though it is true that " all things are in our
power," it is also true that "all things are not expedient."
Such selfish use is opposed to the divine constitution of
human society. God Himself introduced the principle of
"communion" into the race of men, when He first im
parted of what was His own, and provided His own Word
common to all men, having made all things for all. All
things, therefore, are common, and it is not for the rich to
claim a larger share. The saying, " What I have, and
what I have in superfluity, why should I not daintily enjoy,"
is alike unworthy of man in himself and as a social being.
1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 224, fr. 47. 2 Paed., ii. I 7 .
3 Ib.,iii. 6 34 . 4 Str., vii. I2 69 .
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 177
Much more is it in accordance with love to say, " I have,
why should I not impart to those who are in need ? " For
that is the true luxury, the expenditure which is " treasured
up." God has given to us the liberty of use, but only so far
as necessary, and He has willed that the use should be
common. It is monstrous that one should be in luxury,
while many are in penury. 1
These principles touching the duties attaching to wealth
in general are applied by Clement to the more pressing
question of the attitude of the Gospel to men of wealth in
the Church. As treated by him, it was not primarily an
ethical or economical question, but one with a practical
bearing, to be settled on exegetical and dogmatic grounds.
He devoted to it a special homily under the title, " Who is
the rich Man that is being saved," 2 an exposition of a
passage in the Gospel of St Mark. 3 The following is an
outline of the leading points :
Those who basely flatter the rich are at once guilty of
impiety and treacherous to the true wellbeing of the rich
themselves, by inflaming their malady instead of seeking to
heal it and helping them to the attainment of salvation. 4
The saying of the Saviour about the rich man and the eye
of the needle has caused some only to cling the more closely
to this life as if they had no hope of true life, while others
have failed to use their wealth with a view to its attain
ment. 5 Accordingly, he who loves the truth has a twofold
duty to the rich, first to expound the Word so as to drive
away their groundless despair, and then to show how the
man may secure the hope and the prize of the victor in the
conflict. 6 The sayings of the Saviour are not to be under
stood in a carnal sense, but we must seek to penetrate into
their inmost meaning. 7 It was natural for Him who was
1 Psed., ii. 12 119 , 12 . 2 Tls 6 crcptfuevos irXotorios. 3 Mark x. 17-31.
4 c., i. 5 Ib., 2. 6 Ib., 3. 7 Ib., 5.
M
1/8 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
the Life to be questioned about life. The crowning lesson
was to know God ; for only in full knowledge of Him was
life. 1 Hence the young man was exhorted to know God,
and then to understand, as one trained under the law, the
newness and the necessity of the grace and mission of the
Saviour, who alone could give the life which he lacked,
though he had fulfilled all the requirements of the law. 2
" Sell that thou hast," said the Saviour. That does not
mean that he was to cast away his property, but to banish
from his soul the excessive desire for it, the morbid ex
citement concerning it, all the things that choke the seed
of true life. To renounce wealth save for life is no great
thing. Otherwise the poorest would alone possess eternal
life. Many men of old before the coming of the Saviour
gave up their possessions, but only increased their arrogance
and vanity thereby. Though released from the load of
wealth, the desire for it remained. Moreover, he that is
in want of the necessaries of life has no leisure for higher
things. 3 Much better to be free from such anxiety, and so
be able to help others and fulfil the teaching of the Lord.
Who is to care for the hungry and the homeless if every
one is destitute ? The Lord did not command Zaccheus
and Matthew to give up their wealth, but only enforced its
just use. If He were to command us to give up our wealth,
and at the same time to assist the needy, were not that most
irrational ? 4 Wealth is like a tool which may be used skil
fully or the reverse, may be a servant of righteousness or
unrighteousness. Its nature is to serve, not to rule. In
itself it is neither good nor bad. The blame for misuse rests
with the mind of man. What is required is not the sup
pression of our possessions but of the passions which pre
vent the better use of them. 6 Better to get rid of the
1 c., 6, 7. * Ib., 8-10. 3 Ib., 11, 12. 4 Ib., 13. 6 Ib., 14.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 179
passions within the soul, by the removal of which wealth
may be of good service, than to get rid of the wealth which
is outside of the soul and leave the passions the more violent
because of the lack of means to satisfy them. External
things are not injurious in themselves. Wealth of passions
is death-bringing; their destruction is salvation. He who
uses God s gifts for the salvation of men, who does not
carry about his possessions in his soul and circumscribe his
life within them, is pronounced blessed by the Lord. He is
not the rich man who is incapable of gaining life. 1 But the
man who bears his wealth in his soul, who carries about not
a heart but a mine or land, can have no desire nor anxiety
about the kingdom of heaven. "Where the mind of a man
is, there is his treasure also." As treasure may be good or
bad, so there is a wealth of good things and a wealth of bad
things. So spiritual poverty is blessed; but wretched are
the poor who have no share in God and still less in human
possessions. 2 Salvation does not depend on external things,
but on the excellence of the soul, nor has it any relation to
beauty or strength of body. A man though destitute may
be drunken with lusts ; a rich man may be poor in sensual
indulgence. 3 To sell what we have is not to exchange one
kind of wealth for another, but to introduce into the soul
a different kind of wealth, which makes man as God and
ministers eternal life, treasure in the heavens. 4 The wealthy
man who had been trained under the law did not under
stand how the same man could be both poor and rich, and
went away downcast, himself making what was difficult a
thing impossible. For he might have withdrawn from
material wealth to that which was intellectual, and learned
to use indifferent things as one who had set out for eternal
life. The alarm of the disciples could not be due to the
1 c., 15, 16. 2 ib., 17. 3 ib., 18. 4 ib., 19.
ISO THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
scanty possessions which they had abandoned, but sprang
rather from the consciousness that they had not entirely
laid aside their passions. For it is to passionless and pure
souls that salvation belongs. 1 " That which is impossible
among men is possible with God." The man toiling in his
own strength effects nothing, but with the power of God he
succeeds. Not that God saves men against their will. For
the kingdom of God is for the men of violence who snatch
life from Him by force. 2 To leave kindred for the sake of
Christ means that if such stand in the way of our higher
life, the fleshly relationship must be broken up because of
the spiritual enmity. 3 Consider the matter as a lawsuit.
Listen first to the father who begat thee, telling thee not to
obey the law of Christ. Listen then to the Saviour who re
generated thee, who gives Himself as bread. Then give thy
vote for thine own salvation. 4 Canst thou gain the mastery
over wealth ? Christ does not drive thee away from it. Art
thou worsted by it ? Fling it away, flee from it. So is it
with the possessions of " lands and wealth and houses and
brethren, with persecutions." If wealth bring thee persecution
from without or the more maddening form of persecution of
lusts within the soul, leave it, get rid of the persecution,
choose before all the Saviour, the Prince of endless life.
Salvation is in no way fenced off from the rich, if they are
willing to submit to the yoke of the commandments of God.
What wrong does a man who by thrift before his conversion
has gathered a competency ? Or, if God, who allots for
tune to all, has placed him in a rich home, is he not still
less to be blamed ? If because of his involuntary birth in
wealth he has been banished from life, he has been wronged
by God. If wealth be the purveyor and ally of death, why
should it ever have sprung up from the earth at all ? 5 The
1 c., 20. 2 Ib., 21. 3 Ib., 22. 4 ib., 23. 5 ib., 24-26.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT l8l
well-to-do must not be negligent of their own salvation as
if they had been condemned beforehand, nor cast their
wealth into the sea, but learn how to use it and obtain life.
To this end the Teacher says that the greatest of the com
mandments is "to love the Lord thy God." With good
reason : for He is our Father, and He loved us first. The
second, but not the less, is, "to love thy neighbour as thy
self." What neighbour means, He shows in the Samaritan.
The Samaritan is no other than Christ Himself. We are to
love Him equally with God ; and He loves Christ Jesus
who does His will. What one does for a disciple the Lord
accepts as for Himself. 1 We are urged to " make friends by
means of the mammon of unrighteousness." 2 A possession
which a man regards as absolutely his own is by nature
unrighteous ; but from this unrighteousness we may effect
a righteous and saving deed. We are not to wait to be
importuned, but to seek out those who are to be benefited
and are worthy disciples of the Saviour. The reward is an
eternal tabernacle. 3 Surely a divine marketing ! With
such reward in view, supplicate the poor to receive ; be
fearful lest they treat thee as unworthy of honour. Not
that such rewards are the gift of the benefited, but are given
by the Lord because of His friendship for them. You may
err as to " the friends of God." Better to benefit the un
worthy for the sake of the worthy than by being on your
guard against the less good neglect some who are loved by
God. To all who are enrolled among the disciples of God
open your heart, paying no heed to the body, or outward
estate, or appearance. Choose with thy wealth pious old
men, orphans beloved of God, widows armed with meek
ness, men adorned with love, as guards for thy body and
soul. 4 They are for you effective soldiers, trustworthy
1 c., 27-30. 2 Luke xvi. 9. 3 c., 31. * Ib., 32-34.
182 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
guards. They minister to you, as needed, encouragement,
sympathy, teaching, warning, counsel, without hypocrisy or
flattery. 1 He who laid down His life for us demands that
we owe our lives to our brethren. Thus the rich man may
use his possessions so as to avoid the reproach of wealth
and the hindrance which it offers in the way of life. 2 The
man who is a swaggerer, powerful and rich, should set over
himself some man of God as trainer and pilot. Let him
reverence at least one man, fear at least one man, listen at
least to the bold speech of one man. Such a man will keep
sleepless vigil for the rich man, interceding for him with God. 3
Whatever may be thought of this setting up of a quasi
spiritual director or external conscience, whatever reserve
we must maintain with regard to the validity of the
quaint exegesis on which his conclusions are partly based,
the moderation of his views on wealth, its nature, its re
sponsibility, and use, commands our admiration. His bias
towards asceticism was restrained by the soundness of his
judgment. His love of allegorical exegesis did not weaken
his moral perceptions. He glorifies neither wealth as such
nor poverty as such, but recognises that poverty no less
than riches has spiritual difficulties of its own.
In the Cambridge series of * Texts and Studies, published
in 1897, Barnard published a fragment of what he suggested
might be a part of the lost treatise that bore the title, Ex
hortation to Patience to the Newly - Baptised. 4 The
suggestion is accepted by Stahlin, 5 and there can be little
doubt as to its genuineness. As it stands, it is almost
entirely taken up with practical counsels in complete har
mony with the teaching of Clement ; as it is only a frag-
1 c., 35- 2 Ib., 37-39-
8 Ib., 41-42. At the close of the Homily Clement tells the well-known story
of John the Apostle and the young robber.
4 Eus., H. E., vi. 13. 8 Vol. iii. pp. Ix. and 221.
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 183
ment, we do not know whether any specifically dogmatic
instruction preceded. It shows how simple and direct
Clement could be when the occasion demanded. Alike
because of its interest, as a specimen of an address to
catechumens in the end of the second century, of its brevity,
and of its direct bearing on the subject of this chapter, I
quote it in full.
" Cultivate restfulness in words and deeds, and likewise
in tongue and gait. Avoid headstrong vehemence. For so
will the mind continue steadfast, and, untroubled by vehem
ence, will not become enfeebled, nor shallow in perception,
nor dull in vision. Nor will it be overcome by gluttony ;
but it will be overcome if anger boils, and it will be over
come by the other passions, being exposed as a ready
prey to them. For the mind must gain mastery over the
passions, sitting aloft as on a quiet throne, with vision fixed
on God. Be not swift to wrath in respect of the passions,
nor sluggish in words, nor over-hesitating in thy movements,
to the end that thy restfulness may be adorned with a fair
symmetry, and thy bearing appear a divine and sacred
thing. But be on guard against the tokens of arrogance,
the haughty mien, the head carried high, and the stride of
the feet delicate and high-stepping. Let thy words to those
thou meetest be gentle, and thy greetings sweet, and let
there be reverence towards women, with the eye turned to
the ground. And speak all things with circumspectness,
and return a useful answer, adapting thy voice to the use
of the hearers until it shall be heard, not eluding the hear
ing of those present by reason of too great lowness, nor
deafening them by too great loudness. And take care that
thou never speakest anything which thou hast not con
sidered and thought on beforehand. Nor cast down thy
words rashly and interrupt the words of another; for it is
necessary to hear and converse in turn, apportioning a time
184 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
for speech and silence. But learn gladly and teach un
grudgingly, neither concealing wisdom from others from
envy, nor turning aside from instruction from a sense of
shame. Give way to thy elders as to thy fathers ; honour
the servants of God; lead the way in wisdom and virtue.
Do not wrangle with thy friends, nor scoff nor laugh at
them. Falsehood and fraud and insolence strenuously
avoid. Endure with fair words the haughty and the in
solent, as beseems a meek and magnanimous man. And
let all thy affairs be dependent on God, both words and
deeds; and refer all things to Christ, and often turn thy
soul to God, and lean thy thought on the power of Christ,
as though in some haven, through the divine light of the
Saviour, it were resting from all talk and action. And by
day often give a share of thine own thought to men, but
to God as often as possible, both by night and day ; for let
not much sleep deprive thee of thy prayers and praises
to God. For prolonged sleep is like to death. Become
always a partner with Christ, who caused the divine ray to
shine down from heaven ; let Christ be to thee a continuous
and unceasing joy. Relax not the tone of the soul by
feasting and indulgence in wine, but regard as sufficient
what is useful for the body. And be not the first to hasten
to meals before the time of supper arrives ; but let the
supper be bread, and let there be set forth the seeds of the
earth and the fruits of the trees. And go to thy food with
steady step, and not showing a furious gluttony. And be
not an eater of flesh nor a lover of wine, unless when some
sickness calls for this remedy. But in place of pleasure in
such things, choose thy joys in divine words and hymns
which are supplied by the wisdom of God, and let heavenly
thought^ always lead thee heavenwards. Give up anxious
cares about the body, encouraged by hopes that rest in God,
because He will provide for thee things necessary, sufficient
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 185
food for life, and covering for the body, and protection
against the winter cold. For to thy King belongs the whole
earth and all the things that spring up out of it. As the
bodies of His own servants are His members, He tends
them with surpassing care, as His holy places and sanctu
aries. Wherefore be not afraid of violent ailments, nor
shrink from the onset of age, which must be expected as
the years pass. For also the sickness will cease when with
whole-hearted resolution we keep His commandments.
Knowing these things, make thy soul strong against disease,
be of good courage like a man in the racecourse, equipped
in the best way for enduring toils with unflagging strength.
Crush not thy soul altogether with sorrow if a sickness
come upon thee and weigh thee down, or any other distress
befall thee ; but nobly oppose thy thought to the hardships,
offering thanksgivings to God even in the midst of distresses;
for He has wiser thoughts than men, and such as it is not
possible nor easy for men to find. Have pity on those who
suffer wrong, and ask assistance from God in the case of
men ; for He will grant grace to his friend who asks it, and
will provide assistance to those who have suffered wrong.
For He wills to make His own power known to men, that
having come to full knowledge they may return to God and
enjoy eternal blessedness, when the Son of God shall appear
restoring good things to His own."
The defects in Clement s representation of the Christian
ideal lie on the surface. The merits in view of the circum
stances of the time are not less conspicuous. The funda
mental defect lay in the very conception of a twofold ideal,
irrespective of the principles on which the line of demarca
tion was based. Many of the features are but half-truths
or the exaggeration of one side of truth. The truth in
the outline is, that men are unequal in spiritual apprehen
sion. The exaggeration is, that the inequality is as absolute
186 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT
as he seems sometimes to assume, even if this furnished a
critical dividing-line. In rescuing the word "gnosis" from
the degradation which had fallen upon it, he has not escaped
the exclusiveness that was all but inseparable from its use.
He has not quite got rid of the distinction of different classes
of men derived from the Gnosticism which he is combating ;
though, by enforcing individual liberty as the true ground
of distinction, he has got rid of the most pernicious element
in it, that which attributed this classification to nature, and
therefore conceived it as arbitrary. Notwithstanding the
rigour of some of his precepts and the prominence given to
the passionless state in relation to all outward and transitory
things, and the ascetic spirit which breathes in some allusions
to the body, the attitude of Clement to the world is on the
whole genial and sympathetic. So far as it was unsympa
thetic, it was determined in large measure by antagonism to
the extravagance and luxury around him, and in part by his
acceptance as authoritative of some sayings of Jesus and St
Paul without any endeavour to weaken the absoluteness of
their claims. To him the unconditional alternatives of
Jesus were no paradoxical way of enforcing a precept,
but a law to be fulfilled in the letter and the spirit.
The avoidance of all conformity with the world and its
ideals was to him a categorical imperative of universal
validity. If he treats the body at times as the enemy
of the spirit, if he protests against the devotion to games
in Alexandria as opposed to a grave view of life and its
responsibilities, if he puts the emphasis rather on the
saying, " all things are not expedient," rather than on " all
things are lawful," is he on these grounds disloyal to the
teaching of St Paul ? If on one occasion he speaks of the
world as a "wilderness," and represents the gnostic as using
this world only as a temporary stopping-place, is he alone in
this, or is there any religious literature of any age in which
THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 187
kindred thoughts do not find expression ? If, in considera
tion of the vice and luxury around him, he thinks rather of
the suppression than the transfiguration of natural desire,
shall we forget that a rigid asceticism, if not the most
effective weapon in the long-run, is the best immediate
weapon with which to combat moral corruption ? That in
his ethical fervour he condemned some things in themselves
innocent and unimportant, and showed at times a lack of
moral perspective, is in no way surprising. Much more
surprising is the general sanity of his outlook on life,
especially on the social side. He sanctioned, nay, welcomed
all forms of culture in which no irreligious or non-ethical
element was involved. He had little sympathy with Greek
art; for, historically, its growth had been coincident with
error and was its glorification, and it had been for the most
part the ally of the paganism which it was his life-work to
undermine and overthrow. But while condemning its mis
use, he praises the art itself. 1 He loved the joyousness and
beauty of outward nature. He objected to no music save
that which weakened the moral fibre. As in his attitude to
the world generally, so in his conception of the duty of the
Christian in the face of persecution, and in all questions of
social ethics, he is marked by great soberness. Like his
own gnostic, he sought to harmonise the intellectual, ethical,
and mystical elements in the Christian faith, and to assign
to each its true place, to weld into a unity elements which
God hath joined together faith, knowledge, love but
which man has often put asunder ; and to exhibit Christian
life not as a congeries of inconsistent and unrelated sections,
but as a unity in relation to self, to society, and to God.
1 Prot., iv. 57 .
188
LECTURE VI.
SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT.
IF the foundation of a true Christian theology be a right
conception of God, and that of a true Christology a right
conception of the person of Christ, our attitude towards
Scripture must determine in large measure the foundation
of both doctrines. The fundamental question is, Whether
we are to regard Scripture as primarily the record of man s
interest in God or of God s interest in man, the record of the
efforts of man s spirit "to feel after Him and find Him," or
of the Spirit of God entering into fellowship with man to
satisfy the longing which He Himself has implanted ? If
the former conception be adopted as primary, the Scriptures
are only of interest in the history of religion, and as exhibit
ing the genius of the Jewish race in this lofty province of
human inquiry; and all question of authority must be
eliminated, and the assertion of their inherent fitness for
man s nature and needs be not merely their highest but
their only prerogative and claim to our allegiance. If the
latter conception be adopted, we have a revelation of and
from God, truth manifested through human spirits and of
necessity limited by the material forms in which it has been
embodied, but none the less His truth, and as such right
fully claiming to furnish an authoritative rule for faith and
life. Clement lays down without any reservation the un
conditional authority of Scripture and of the whole of what
SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, ETC. 189
he held to be Scripture. It is true that he uses the words
" prophet," " inspiration," and " Scripture " in a wider as
well as in a more restricted sense. He designates the Sibyl
as a prophetess, 1 and quotes sayings of hers as illustrating
and confirming the teaching of a pure theism as opposed to
idolatry. He speaks of prophets of the Egyptians as well
as of the Greeks in an incidental fashion without quoting
any prophecy from them. 2 But for the latter usage may he
not claim the authority of St Paul, in connection with whose
designation he himself applies the word ? 3 He ascribes
inspiration to Plato as well as to an Epicurean. 4 But he
draws a clear line of demarcation between such prophecy
or inspiration and that exhibited in the Scriptures. For
while, in accordance with his theory of theft as well as
with his view of universal inspiration, he is ever seeking
in the philosophy and poetry of the Greeks for analogies
to the truths of Scripture, and quotes sayings which,
because of the truth expressed or because of its harmony
with the Scriptures, he regards as divinely inspired, he does
not consider such writings as authoritative as a whole, and
limits their inspiration to the particular citation which
he makes. It is otherwise with the Scriptures. These
derive their validity from the authority of the Almighty. 5
The prophets of the Almighty God were the instruments
of the divine voice. 6 Not one tittle of the Scriptures
shall pass away, because they are the utterances of
1 Prot, ii. 27 ; ib., viii. 77 . 2 Str., i. 14 62 ; i. 15 71 ; i. I4 59 .
3 Ib., i. I4 59 . Cf. Tit. i. 12.
4 Ib., v. I4 138 ; i. 8 42 . In Str., iv. I 3 he says of his own work that it shall be
written ^v 6e6s ye cfleAi; KOI oirws &v efurvfy. But to transform this natural
expression of a reverent spirit into a claim for inspiration in the scriptural sense,
or to regard it as proving a loose conception of inspiration, is surely meticulous
criticism. It is true, also, that he uses the word "7^0^" for a written compo
sition, including his own (Str., i. i 4 ; iv. i 4 . Cf. i. I 7 ); but that he uses it
constantly in the technical sense there can be no doubt.
5 Str., iv. i 2 . 6 Ib., vi. 1 8 168 . Cf. ib., i. 21 135 .
IQO SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
the mouth of the Lord the Holy Spirit. 1 If the Pla
tonic saying be true that he who declares what takes
place in his own family is to be believed, shall we not
believe what God spake by His Son in the Old and the
New Testaments ? 2 For the determination of any con
troversy between him and the adherents of heresy, the
bringing forward of a passage from Scripture is final. 3
God spake at one time by " the pillar and the bush " ;
thereafter, as flesh of man is more precious than such,
by the mouth of the prophets. Now the Lord Himself
has spoken, putting man s unbelief to shame. 4 So far as
the Old Testament is concerned, that authority belongs not
only to the Hebrew but to the Greek translation. The
translators were so guided by the Spirit of God that they
agreed in a miraculous manner in thought and expression,
and the Greek translation was such that the Hebrew
prophecy became a prophecy in the Greek tongue. 5 In
the most literal sense of the word the Scriptures were given
by inspiration of God, and to this is due their authority.
For the same reason they form a unity with entire harmony
of contents. This unity, as Clement conceived it, was the
unity of a common authorship, with one end in view, the
salvation of men. All is the work of God ; all therefore
must be worthy of Him from whom it came, and perfectly
harmonious in all its parts. A human medium was re
quired, but that in no way affected either its authority
or unity. The impossibility of conflict between the dif
ferent parts is with Clement an axiomatic presupposition ;
and he often seeks to set aside apparent contradictions,
as well as to find points of analogy and contact. One
1 Trot., ix. w . 2 Str., v. I3 84 - 5 . 3 I D>J i v . 26 170 . 4 Prot, i. 8 .
5 Str. , i. 22 14S) . That Clement was ignorant of Hebrew seems probable from
his mistakes in regard to Hebrew names. For what may be said to the contrary,
see Jewish Quarterly Review for 1893.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT. 191
God was truly proclaimed by the Law and the Prophets
and the blessed Gospel. 1 The Son will keep the things
which the Father commanded. It is the same One who
is lawgiver and evangelist, and He is never at conflict with
Himself. 2 The Covenants the Old and the New are two
in respect of time and name, but one in respect of power,
having been provided by the One God through the Son.
The Apostle declares the one salvation which has been
perfected from Prophecy to Gospel through one and the
same Lord. 3 Of this unity Clement gives a somewhat
quaint illustration, which may be interpreted either as
showing his ever-present consciousness of this unity, or
as an indication of his desire to enforce it. When the
Almighty God of the universe first gave the Law by the
Word, there appeared to Moses a godlike vision in the form
of light in a thorny plant. When the Word had brought
to a close His legislative work and His sojourning on
earth, He was again mystically crowned with thorns. By
this He summed up at the close what had been the first
stage of His ancient descent, and showed that the whole
had been the work of one Power. 4 Thus Prophecy
and Gospel agree, and the Apostle agrees with the
Gospel. 5 The Apostle is confirmed by the prophetic
word. 6 The Law given through Moses and that given
through the Apostles were both used by the Word for
the instruction of humanity. 7 Paul is recent in point
of time, as he was in his prime immediately after the
Ascension of the Lord; but his writing depends on the
Old Covenant, deriving breath and expression from it. For
faith in Christ and the knowledge of the Gospel are the
1 Str., iv. i 2 ; iv. 13 91 ; ii. 23 147 .
2 Ib., iii. 12 M . Cf. ii. 23 147 ; iii. io 70 ; iii. 11 76 .
3 Ib., ii. 6 29 (Rom. i. 17). 4 Pad., ii. 8 75 . 5 Str., vii. i6 95 ; 3 14 .
6 Str.,v. 14 **. 7 Paed., iii. I2 94 .
192 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
interpretation of the Law and its fulfilment. 1 All the
Epistles prove the logical relation of the Law to the
Gospel. 2 There cannot be even an appearance of conflict
between a metaphorical saying of St Paul and a metaphor
in the Law; and the former must be so interpreted as to
be in perfect harmony with the latter. 3 In the time of
Clement the objections to this unity mainly took the form
of an attack on the religious conceptions and the practical
ethics of the Old Testament. The attack on the former
came from the Gnostics, who denied the unity of the Tes
taments, and held, on the contrary, that the conceptions of
these as to God were so irreconcilable that they could only
be explained by the hypothesis of their having derived their
origin from different Gods, the New Testament from One
whose essential attribute was goodness, the Old Testament
from One whose essential attribute was justice. Clement,
as we have seen, denies that these attributes were antag
onistic, and in defence of the Law, as of divine authority,
appeals to its beneficent results. The greatest and most
perfect good for man is the transformation from evil-doing
to well-doing, and that is effected by the Law. 4 The fact
that it involves penalties is no argument against its perfect
goodness. Nor is the appeal to fear any ground for deny
ing the divine origin of the Law. The nature of fear as
a moral motive is determined by the persons or objects
which are feared. On this ground, as well as by its results,
the fear of the Law is justified. It is a fear of God, and
it is determined by His nature. As He is passionless, so
there is no element of passion in this fear ; it is the falling
away from God that is feared. 5 The objects of this fear
are not things such as poverty, disease, and the like, but
things truly evil, vice in all its forms, and death, not the
1 Str., iv. 21 134 . 2 Ib., iii. I2 86 . 3 Peed., i. 6 s5 .
4 Str.,i. 27 " 3 . 8 Ib., ii. 8 39 - 40 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 193
death which dissolves the union between soul and body,
but that which dissolves the union between the soul and
truth. 1 The fear, whose fruit is abstinence from evil,
cannot but be good. 2 That cannot be an irrational affec
tion which is the result of a commandment given by the
Logos. 3 If the Law were given to be " a tutor unto
Christ," can it be anything but good ? 4 Some heretics ap
pealed to the saying of St Paul, " By the Law is the know
ledge of sin," arguing that that was a condemnation of the
Law. But this only showed their misunderstanding of the
Apostle, who did not say that sin derived its existence from
the Law, but only that the Law manifested it. 5 In proof
of the humanitarian character of the Law, in close depend
ence on Philo, he adduces many details. He points to the
laws against usury, to the payment of daily wages, to the
provision for the poor, which was based on the principle
that the love of men to the Creator must manifest itself
in love to our fellow-men, to the law enforcing humanity
toward beasts, which by the inculcation of kindness
toward creatures which were not of the same genus
emphasised a fortiori the duty of kindness towards those
of the same genus ; and to the generous features in the
regulations affecting those of a different nationality. 6 On
all grounds, therefore, the Law and the Gospel are to be
regarded as the energy of the one Lord, and the same
God is demonstrated to be good from the beginning to
the end. 7
As the Scriptures form the short road to salvation, 8 we
might have expected that Clement would have taught that
the road was easily traversed and accessible to all; but,
on the contrary, in harmony with the spirit of his time, at
1 Str., ii. 7 24 . a Ib>j iie 8 39. cf< ECi Pr>j 2O 3 Str>} iie 7 JB
4 Ib., ii. 7 85 . 5 Ib., ii. 7 34 . 6 Ib., ii. i6 78 - 95 .
7 Ib., i. 27 174 . 8 Prot., viii. 77.
N
194 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
least in Alexandria, he maintains that the most distinctive
characteristic of Scripture was its symbolic and parabolic
character. This symbolic feature was in harmony with the
deepest wisdom in all religions and all philosophies. It
was a characteristic of the Egyptians, who did not intrust
their mysteries indiscriminately. 1 It was a characteristic
of the Greeks, who made extensive employment of the art
of concealment. 2 It was a characteristic of the Pytha
goreans. 3 Not only did representatives of the most
intellectual class adopt this method, but such of the
barbarians who had devoted themselves in any measure
to philosophy had prosecuted the symbolic method. 4 In
brief, all who had theologised (thought on the deep
things of God) had veiled the first principles of things,
and transmitted the truth in enigmas, and symbols, and
allegories, and metaphors. 5 That being so, it was not
unnatural that the barbarian philosophy should prophesy
in occult fashion and by means of symbols. 6 And this
may be proved from the language of Scripture itself.
That the holy word was hidden is shown by David.
" He made darkness His hiding-place, His pavilion round
about Him darkness of waters, thick clouds of the skies.
At the brightness before Him, thick clouds passed, hail
stones and coals of fire." That is, words are sent down
from God which to the gnostic are transparent and re
splendent as hail, but dark to the multitude, like extin
guished coals which, unless lighted up and kindled anew,
will not produce fire or light. 7 In like manner, the Spirit
says by Isaiah, " I will give to thee treasures, dark, secret." 8
The Lord and His disciples used parables in accordance
with the express statements of Scripture itself. 9 Nay, the
1 Str., v. 4 30 ; v. 7 41 . 2 Ib., v. 8 45 . 3 Ib., v. 8 50 .
4 Ib., v. S 44 . B Ib., v. 4 21 . 6 Ib., v. 8 51 .
7 Ib., vi. i 5 ". s Ib., v. 4 2 . * Ib., vi. 15127. v . 425.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 195
Saviour Himself put the seal on these things when He
said, "To you it is given to know the mysteries of the
kingdom of heaven " ; and by the Parable of the Leaven
He showed the like conception of concealment. 1 To the
like effect said the noble Apostle, " We speak the wisdom
of God hidden in a mystery." 2 On what grounds is this
symbolic feature of the Scriptures to be explained or de
fended ? The method of symbolic interpretation contrib
utes to a right theology, and to the display of intelligence
and the practice of brevity and the exhibition of wisdom. 3
These are mainly intellectual gains. But there are other
and higher grounds. One main reason is that we may
cultivate the spirit of investigation and always keep vigil
with a view to the discovery of the saving word. 4 The
Scriptures desire the true theology to be the property of
those who often approach them and have made proof of
them in respect of faith. Like fruits shining faintly
through water, or like figures which are invested with
new features when seen through a veil, the truth gains
in grandeur when it is veiled. 5 Clement seems to regard
it as a defect if a passage of Scripture could only be
interpreted in one way, and approves of truth in symbol
because of the great diversities of possible interpretation.
The Scriptures are not to be conceived as characterised
by a bald uniformity. 6 Because truth does not appertain
to all, it is veiled in many modes ; the light only arises
on those who are initiated unto knowledge, who seek the
truth for the sake of love. 7 To seek out the logical
coherence of the divine teaching calls for the keenest
exercise of the faculty of reasoning. 8
1 Str., v. I2 80 . 2 Ib., v. 4 s5 (i Cor. ii. 7). 3 Ib., v. S 46 .
4 Ib.,vi. I5 126 . 5 ib., v . 9 B6 .
6 Ib., i. 28 179 : ov yap 8)7 pta Mtuovos ^ iraira Trpos vorjfftv ypa<pr},
7 Ib., vi. I5 1 29 . 8 ib M i. 28 179 .
196 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
In conjunction with this symbolic conception of Scrip
ture, Clement held the theory of verbal inspiration. In
controverting the views of Tatian, he emphasises the fact
that in Genesis the reading is not simply #09, but that by
the addition of the article o the Almighty is indicated. 1
So, too, of a passage in the New Testament, " The Law
was given through (Sid) Moses, not by (VTTO) Moses, but by
the Word, and through Moses, His servant." Wherefore
also, it became temporary. But eternal " grace and
truth were through Jesus Christ." Mark the expressions
of Scripture. Of the Law it is only said, " it was given " ;
but truth, being the grace of the Father, is the eternal
work of the Word, and it is no longer said " to be given,"
but "to have come into being" through Jesus Christ,
without Whom nothing came into being. 2 The exact
grammatical sense would, therefore, seem to be the
foundation on which the symbolic structure is to be
reared. The interpretation of Scripture, however, was
subject to certain general principles which to some ex
tent defined the lines on which allegorical exegesis had
to proceed. Restrictions were based on the nature of
God from whom the Scriptures came, on the contents
of the Scriptures as a whole, on the tradition that was
the property of the Church, and the ecclesiastical norm
of teaching. Scripture being of divine origin, it must be
interpreted in a manner perfectly fitting and appropriate
to the Lord and the Almighty God. 3 It is obvious that
this principle if primarily a principle of restriction, as it
appears from the context, was capable of being developed
into a principle of expansion of the allegorical method,
and even of justifying its use. For, in the absence of
any idea of historical development, it logically led to the
elimination or the explaining away of much in the earlier
books of the Old Testament. Scripture being a whole
1 Psed.,iii. I2 81 . 2 Ib., i. 7 eo . 8 Str., vii. i6 96 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 197
and a unit, the analogy of Scriptural usage had to be
maintained in order to preserve unbroken harmony in all
its parts. 1 The tradition derived from Christ Himself
was a further restrictive factor. He who gave the Law
was also the exegete of the Law, He who interpreted
the bosom of the Father. 2 The Saviour taught the apostles,
and from them has been transmitted to us the unwritten
interpretation of the written Scriptures. 3 The teaching
of the Church limited the range of the operation of
the allegorical method by compelling the exegete to keep
in view the theological doctrines to which its applica
tion should conform. This was emphasised by Clement
specially in his refutation of heretical opinions. He ac
cuses the heretics of interpreting Scripture in accordance
with their cosmical conceptions, of doing violence to the
plain meaning of Scripture by severing passages from the
context, by attributing to God what was quoted by the
prophet as the murmuring of the people, 4 and by giving
an allegorical exposition of what was literal and a literal
exposition of what was allegorical. 5 He passes much
acute criticism on their method of procedure ; but in the
advocacy of his own position he has recourse to much
perverse interpretation of a similar kind ; and in his belief
in the symbolic theory he propounds explanations that
are purely fantastic, as, in spite of the limitations which
I have noted, they could not fail to be. In his eagerness,
for example, to prove that the highest wisdom was not
given to all, he explains Colossians i. 28, which was
directed against such limitation, in a manner contrary to
its natural meaning. By " admonishing every man, and
teaching every man in all wisdom," the divine Apostle
did not mean " every man absolutely " for in that case
no one would have been unbelieving nor did he mean
1 Str., vii. 1 6 s6 . 2 Ib., i. 26 169 . 3 Ib., vi. 7 61 ; iv. 21 1I0 .
4 IK, iii. 4 38 . 5 Ib-> ijj. ,,76. iij. ,286.
198 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
every believer perfect in Christ, but "all the man," "the
whole man," as if purified in body and soul. 1 But
exegesis like this is exceptional ; and in his discussion
of heretical tenets, for example, he adheres for the most
part to the literal sense. In illustration of his thesis
of the difference between the external meaning of Scrip
ture and the inner meaning which is the prerogative
of "men," he adduces a legend to the effect that on
the death of Moses one Moses only was seen by Caleb,
while two were visible to Joshua. In like manner some
look only to the body of the Scriptures, the expres
sions and names, corresponding to the body of Moses ;
while others look to the thoughts and what is signified
by the names, seeking earnestly for the Moses who is
with the angels. In the case of the latter, too, insight
is gradual ; we cannot all at once look the splendours of
the truth in the face. 2 So far as the Old Testament is
concerned, most of his illustrations of the allegorical
method of getting at the hidden meaning are taken from
Philo and Barnabas, and may be justified in some cases
by the usage of the writers of the New Testament them
selves. 3 The same may be said of the allusions to Isaac
as a type of Christ, and the exposition of some incidents
which may be treated as parabolical. But when every
thing is allegorised, the historical becomes a secondary
matter, facts are treated as parables, poetry is made to
masquerade as science and philosophy. The most
grotesque illustrations of his method are those in which
he has followed closely the interpretation of Philo or
some other of his predecessors. Setting these aside, I
give some illustrations which are not so borrowed.
The meaning of the Law is to be taken in three ways as
exhibiting a sign, as ratifying a precept for a right way of
1 Str., v. 10 . a Ib., vi. I5 132 .
1 Cf. Gal. iv. 24; Heb. vii. 1-3.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 199
living, and as predicting like a prophecy. To make such
distinctions is the prerogative of men. In Str. vi. 16, he
gives what he calls a specimen of gnostic exposition of the
decalogue. As the tables were written by the finger of
God, that is the power of God and His work, they are
found to exhibit the physical creation, to contain symbols
of heaven and earth. In accordance with this is the physical
decalogue of heaven and earth. 1 The Two Tables may be
a prophecy of the two covenants. They were therefore
renewed in mystic fashion, when ignorance together with
sin abounded. The commandments are written in two
fold wise for the twofold spirits the ruling spirit and that
which is subject. 2 So actions are twofold those of thought
and those of activity. 3 As there are ten commandments, so
there is a "ten " in man. 4 The first commandment teaches
that there is only one Almighty God, who conveyed the
people through the wilderness to their fatherland that they
might apprehend His power, as far as they were able,
through the divine workings, and that they should be done
with the idolatry of things created, and fix their entire
hope in the true God. 5 The second word indicated that we
should not take and give a name to the majestic power of
God (for that is His name, for this alone they were able to
learn, as even yet the multitude), nor transfer His title to
things created and vain, which have been made by human
craftsmen, in which " He that is " is not ranked. For in
uncreated identity " He that is " is by Himself alone. 6 The
third word 7 declares that the world has been made by God,
1 Str., vi. i6 133 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 134 . * Ib., vi. i6 137 .
4 Ib., vi. l6 134 . TO. Tf ai<r6r)T-/ipia irei/re Kal r)> <t>uvi)TiKbv Kal r6 ffTrep/j.aTiK&v
KOI rovro Sr, oySoov rb Kara r^v irXaffiv Trvfv/j.aTiK6v, tva-rov 5e fb Tjye/jioviKbv TTJS
Qvxrjs Kal S^Karov rb 5ia TTJS Trier e us Trpoo"yiv6/j.*vov ayiov irvfvfjLaros x a P alcr r IP lff ~
riKbv ISiu^a. 5 Ib., vi. l6 m .
6 Ib. Here follows a mystic interpretation of the number six and the number
seven. Ib. , vi. \$> et seq.
7 I give the numbers as stated by Clement.
200 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
and that He has given the seventh day as rest to us because
of the distress in life. For God is unwearied, and passion
less, and free from want. But we who bear flesh need rest. 1
The fifth word is that with reference to the honour of father
and mother. This clearly calls God Father and Lord.
Wherefore also to those who know Him is given the name
of sons and gods. The Creator of the universe is then Lord
and Father ; and the mother is not, as some hold, the
essence out of which we have come into being, nor as others
have taught, the Church, but the divine knowledge and
wisdom, as Solomon says, who calls wisdom the mother
of the just. And it is chosen for its own sake. The know
ledge of all that is good and venerable comes from God
through the Son. 2 Next follows the word about adultery.
It is adultery when one leaves the ecclesiastical and true
knowledge concerning God, and goes over to the false
opinion which is not becoming, whether by defying any
thing among things created, or by forming an "idol" of
non-existent things, with a view to stepping beyond know
ledge, or rather stepping out of it. For false opinion is
foreign to the gnostic, as true opinion is kindred and wedded
to him. 3 The word about murder follows. Murder is a
violent removal. He who wishes to remove the true word
about God and His eternity in order to give sanction to
falsehood by saying that the universe is not ordered by a
providence, or that the world is uncreated, doing violence
to that which is in harmony with true teaching, is most
destructive. 4 Then follows the word about theft. Those
who assign any influence to the stars in the matter of
growth and life deprive the Father of the universe of His
unwearied might. 5 The tenth is the word concerning all
lusts. As, then, he who desires what is not becoming is
called to account, so in the same way he is not permitted
1 Str., vi. i6 137 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 146 . * Ib. 4 Ib., vi. i6 147 .
6 Ib., vi. i6 148 . He gives no exegesis of the ninth commandment.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 2OI
to desire false things, nor to suppose that of things created,
such as are animate have power of themselves, but such as
are inanimate cannot at all save or injure.
The being "after the image and likeness" does not apply
to the body, for it is not lawful for the mortal to be likened
to the immortal, but to likeness in understanding and
reasoning. On this the Lord appropriately puts the seal
of likeness, both in respect of doing good and of ruling. 1
The eunuch is the man who is barren of truth. 2 In Isaiah
the saying, " Hear, O heaven, and give ear, O earth," 3 is to
be interpreted thus. " Heaven " is the soul of the gnostic
who has taken on himself the vision of heaven and the
things of God; "earth" represents the man who has made
choice of ignorance and hardness of heart. The "hear"
refers to the understanding; the "give ear" is the ascription
of carnal things to those devoted to things of sense. 4 " Day
utters speech to day " that which has been written without
disguise; "night unto night proclaims knowledge" that
which has been hidden mystically. 5
His interpretation of the Gospels may be illustrated
from the Sermon on the Mount, from Parables and
separate sayings, from miracles and incidents which are
recorded.
" Blessed are the poor," whether in spirit or in substance
that is, of course, for the sake of righteousness. Perhaps
it is not the poor simply, but those who have willed to
become poor for the sake of righteousness that He pro
nounces blessed, those who have despised earthly honour
with a view to the acquisition of the good. 6 " Blessed are
they that mourn, for they shall be comforted." They who
have repented of the evils of their former life shall come
to the calling, for that is to be comforted. 7 " Blessed are
1 Str., ii. 19 102 . 2 Isa. Ivi. 3-5 ; Str., iii. 15". ? Isa. i. 2.
* Str., iv. 26 169 . 6 Ib., v. 10 w . 5 Ib., iv. 6 M .
7 Ib. , iv. 6 37 : (is T^V K\r)<riv irapfO dvTai TOVTO yap tffri rd irapaK\i]97)vai.
202 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
the meek, for they shall inherit the earth." The meek are
those who have laid to rest the implacable conflict of anger
and lust in the soul. The meek referred to are those who
are meek from deliberate choice, not from necessity. 1
" Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteous
ness, for they shall be filled." They are called blessed by
Him who approves of the genuine longing which not even
famine can cut off. 2 " Blessed are the merciful, for they
shall obtain mercy." Mercy is not sorrow for the calamities
of others, but something good. By the merciful are meant
not only those who do what is merciful, but those who wish
to show mercy though they may not be able, those with whom
the actualising is present in respect of choice. 3 " Blessed
are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." Pure in
respect of bodily lusts and holy in their reasonings He
wishes them to be who come to the knowledge of God,
when the ruling faculty shall have nothing spurious in the
way of its own power. 4 "Blessed are the peacemakers."
They are such as have tamed and subdued the law which
was against the thought of the mind, as well as the threats
of anger, and the baits of lust and the rest of the passions
which fight against the reason. These having passed their
life attended by the science both of good works and true
reason, shall be restored to that adoption of sons which is
dearest. The perfect peacemaking may be that which in
every circumstance maintains unchanged a peaceful state ;
calling the dispensation of Providence holy and good, and
regarding the opposing elements in the world as the
most beautiful harmony of creation. They, too, are peace
makers, who teach those who are warring here against the
stratagems of sin to pass over to the faith and to peace. 5
" Blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness
sake." He teaches us clearly in every circumstance to seek
1 Str., iv. 6 3 . z Ib., iv. 6 s6 . Ib., iv. 6 38 . 4 Ib., iv. 6 s9 .
8 Ib., iv. 6*.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 203
out the martyr who, if he be poor for the sake of righteous
ness, bears witness that the righteousness which he loved is
a good thing. 1
The " night " in which the lamps of the wise virgins were
lit was the great darkness of ignorance. Wise souls, pure as
virgins, understand themselves to be in the ignorance that
marks the world. They kindle the light, rouse the mind,
light up the darkness, and drive out ignorance, seek the
truth, and await the manifestation of the Teacher. 2 The
faith which the apostles asked for is " as a grain of mustard,"
which bites the soul to its profit and grows to a great height
in it, so that transcendent reasonings rest upon it. 3 Or, the
mustard-tree is the Church of Christ which filled the world,
so that the birds of heaven that is, divine angels and tran
scendent souls lodged in its branches. 4 In the Parable of
the Rich Man and Lazarus, the poor man is represented by
the grass, Troa. For we who are bedewed by the grace of
God are the grass, and though cut down we shall spring up
again. The rich man is represented by the hay, ^opro?,
which is to-day in the field and to-morrow is cast into the
oven, being made partaker of the fire. 5 The " neighbour "
in the Parable of the Good Samaritan is the Saviour Him
self. When we had been all but put to death by "the world-
rulers of the darkness " with many wounds fears, lusts,
deceits, pleasures He took pity upon us. For such wounds
the only physician is Jesus, who cuts out the passions by
their roots, and not, like the Law, their effects merely. It is
He who pours wine on our wounded souls. It is He who
has brought the oil, the mercy from the heart of the Father. 6
It is He who has exhibited the indissoluble bonds 7 of health
and salvation love, faith, hope. It is He that appointed
angels and principalities and powers to minister to us for a
1 Str., iv. 6 25 . a Ib., v. 3 17 . 3 Ib., v. I 3 .
4 Stab., vol. iii. p. 226, fr. 54. 5 Psed., ii. io 104 , 105 . Cf. Luke xii. 28.
6 Playing on the words t\aiov and fAeoy. 7 Cf. Kar&Tiaw, Luke x. 34.
204 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE,
great reward, 1 because they too shall be set free from " the
vanity " of the world at the revelation of the glory of the
sons of God. 2
The fish which Peter caught at the command of the Lord
indicates food with which one is easily satisfied, God-given,
and temperate. From those who rise from the water of
baptism to the bait of righteousness we should take away
dissoluteness and love of money, like the coin from the
fish, in order to separate the vainglory, and by giving
the stater to the tax-gatherer and rendering to Csesar " the
things that are Caesar s," to preserve to God " the things
that are God s." 3
The " adversary " with whom Jesus calls us to agree is
not the body, as some suppose, but the devil and those who
are likened unto him. 4 "The foxes have holes" that is,
men of evil disposition and earth - born, engrossed with
money which is mined and dug. "The birds" flying
fowls "of the heaven have nests" that is, those who
are separated by heaven from the other birds, those really
pure, that are able to fly to the knowledge of the heavenly
word. 5 The " mother " whom we are called upon to for
sake is figuratively interpreted fatherland and sustenance ;
" fathers " are the law of the State. 6 Who are the " two or
three who are gathered together in the name of the Lord, in
the midst of whom He is " ? 7 Does He not mean the hus
band, the wife, and the child, seeing that "by God the
woman is joined to the man " ? Otherwise, the three may
1 Cf. a7ro5w<ra>, Luke x. 35.
2 Q. D., c. 29. Origen (Horn, in Luc., 35) gives as from "quidam de
presbyteris," a kindred explanation, but entering into every detail for analogies.
He regards it as explained " rationabiliter pulchreque." A like mystic inter
pretation is found in most of the Fathers.
3 Paed., ii. i 14 . Cf. Matt. xxii. 21. 4 Str., iv. I4 95 . Cf. Matt. v. 25.
5 Str., iv. 6 11 . Cf. Matt. viii. 20. 6 Str., iv. 4 15 . Cf. Mark x. 29.
7 Matt, xviii. 20.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 205
be anger, desire, and reasoning, or flesh and soul and spirit.
Perhaps it may mean the one Church, the one man, the one
race. The Law and the Prophets, together with the Gospel,
are gathered together in the name of Christ into the one
gnosis. 1
The silence of Zacharias was a type of the mystic silence
of the prophetic enigmas which was broken by Christ, the
light of truth, the Word. 2 With reference to the anointing
of the feet of the Lord, Clement identifies the incident
recorded in St Matthew with that recorded in St Luke,
or mixes them up together. The anointing may be a symbol
of the Lord s teaching and of His passion. The feet are the
Apostles, which received the fragrance of the unction of the
Holy Ghost. Of them also the Holy Spirit prophesied
through the Psalmist, " Let us adore at the place where
the feet stood" 3 that is, where the Apostles arrived, through
whom being preached He carne to the ends of the earth.
The tears are repentance, and the loosened hair proclaims
the loosening of the old vainglory for the sake of the new
faith. Moreover, mystically understood, the anointing is a
symbol of the Passion. The oil (TO eXaiov) is the Lord Him
self, from whom is the mercy (TO e Xeo?) which is towards us.
But the ointment (TO pvpov), which is adulterated oil, is the
traitor Judas. As the dead are anointed, it may be said that
the feet of the Lord were anointed by Judas. We, sinners,
who have repented and believed in Him, are the tears. The
loosened hair is mourning Jerusalem. Thus the anointed
feet were a prophecy of the treachery of Judas when the
Lord was on His way to His Passion. 4 The washing of the
feet of the disciples by the Saviour intimated their journey
ing for the benefit of the nations, making this fair and pure
by His own power. The ointment in them smelled sweetly,
1 Str., iii. io 68 , 69 . 2 Prot., i. 1 10 .
3 Ps. cxxxi. 7, LXX. 4 Pad., ii. 8 6] - 63 .
206 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
and the work of fragrance reaching to all has been pro
claimed. 1 The crowning of the Lord with thorns prophet
ically pointed at us. For we were once fruitless, but are
bound as wreaths round about Him through the Church, of
which He is the Head. But it is also a type of the faith,
of life, because of the substance of the wood ; of joy, because
of the appellation of " crown " ; of danger, because of the
thorn ; for it is not possible to draw nigh to the Word with
out shedding of blood. It is a symbol, too, of the right
action of the Master. He bore on His head, even on the
sovereign principle of the body, all our misdeeds by which
we were pierced. He by His own Passion saved us from
offences and sins and suchlike thorns. 2
A like method of exegesis is applied to the Epistles of St
Paul. To get rid of what he regards as the incongruity
between the promise in Exodus and the statement of St
Paul in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, " I have fed
you with milk, not with meat," 3 he enters into physio
logical details as to the nature of milk, with the view of
showing that the milk is not to be regarded as something
different from the meat, but the same in essence. Blood is
a kind of liquid flesh, and milk is the sweeter and finer part
of blood. The essence of the human body is blood, and
milk is a product of the blood. If food by digestion is
changed into blood, and blood is changed into milk, then
the blood is a preparation for the milk. 4 Elsewhere he
interprets the same saying in a natural sense. Dealing
with the passage " The wild olive is ingrafted into the
fatness of the olive," 5 he touches on various methods of
ingrafting. He finds in one method an analogy of the
way in which the unlearned converts from the Gentiles
are instructed, who receive the word in surface fashion.
1 Pad., ii. 8 62 . 2 Ib., ii. 8 73 , 74 . 3 i Cor. iii. 2. Cf. Ex. iii. 8, 17.
* Psed.,i. 6 14 - 62 . e Rom. xi. 17.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 207
Another method represents the way in which the truth is
acknowledged by those who have studied philosophy, and
also by the Jews. A third method is symbolic of the
way in which the uncultivated and heretics are brought
by violence to the truth. A fourth method is a symbol
of gnostic teaching. 1
These illustrations may suffice to show to what extent
Clement was dominated in his exegesis by the hypothesis
of the symbolic character of Scripture and his method of
applying it. Fantastic alike in its conception and in its
results as the allegorical exegesis was, it may be claimed for
it that in the hands of Clement it had behind it certain great
truths or principles. Like the Rabbinical exegesis of the
Old Testament, it was based on implicit belief in the divine
origin of Scripture. " Turn it over and over again," we read
in the Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, "for the all is
therein, and thy all is therein." 2 This being assumed, it
followed that analogies between it and the nature of man,
as well as the outer universe, were to be expected. This ex
plains, at least in part, the psychological, mathematical, and
physical analogies which were read into the simplest words
of Scripture. This exegesis had behind it a true conception
that the truths of Scripture, like those of nature itself, do not
lie on the surface for the careless looker or reader to gather,
but demand reverence and patient inquiry for their interpre
tation. The saying that the Scriptures are pregnant to the
gnostic but dismissed by the heretics as barren 3 to which
strong exception has been taken as a " bad feature " is but
Clement s way of saying that spiritual insight is essential to
fruitful apprehension. The allegorical theory had behind it,
though expressed in a grotesque form and almost uncon
sciously, the idea of the unity and continuity of revelation.
1 Str., vi. 15 119 . 2 < Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, v. 32.
3 Str., vii. i6 94 .
208 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
"The thought was akin to reverence, but it was also akin to
that superstition which is most fatal to reverence." 1 And
the history of exegesis shows that the latter tendency always
tended to become dominant, that the Scriptures were apt to
be degraded to the rank of a book of riddles, the interpre
tation of which was little better than a form of literary
frivolity of no higher dignity or worth than the manu
facture of anagrams. The fascination of such a hypothesis
is still powerful, even in critical circles, though the motif be
purely literary or historical or dogmatic. But though the
principle is different, the application leads to similar results.
If we take the Old Testament, for example, the physiological
exegesis of some portions of the book of Ecclesiastes and
the pathological exegesis of the Song of Solomon produce
results compared with which the Alexandrian exegesis is
comparatively sober. And the rigorous application of the
same hypothesis to the Fourth Gospel in the hands of the
school of Reville and Loisy, in their search for historical
facts veiled in its symbolism, is productive of results not less
fantastic. Does the fact that such interpretations are put
forward in the august name of modern critical science, and
not in that of an antiquated exegesis, alter their essential
character ?
We pass on to inquire to what books did Clement
ascribe the qualities which have been indicated ? What
books did he recognise as authoritative in questions of
faith or controversy? What, in other words, was the
Canon of Scripture in the Church of Alexandria, if he
be regarded as a representative man ?
With regard to the Canon of the Old Testament there is
no controversy. His Canon is that of the Septuagint, and
included books that have been recognised by the Church
of Rome as canonical, but are designated and regarded
1 Maurice, op. cit., p. 238.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 209
by the Protestant Churches as apocryphal. In particular,
he has been greatly influenced by the Wisdom of Solomon
and the book of Ecclesiasticus, especially in the ethical
sections of his writings; and in this respect differs markedly
from Philo, who never mentions them. Yet, though there
is no conflict of opinion as to his view of the canon of the
Old Testament, his attitude to that canon may throw im
portant light on the controverted question, that of the
canon of the New Testament.
The forms of citation or allusion may be thus classified.
(i) We have words or phrases which imply authority or
inspiration, as rj ypatyr), rj deia ypa^r), 1 at ypa<j>ai? al Oeiai
ypa<f>ai, 3 a I icvpia/cai, rypatyai,* al OeoirvevaTai ypa^ai, 5 ye-
ypawTai, TO Trvev/jia, TO dyiov Trvevjia, TO Trvevfjia Sid, <pr)<ri,
eiprjrcu, and kindred words. (2) We have reference to the
names of the writers with or without honorific epithets,
as 6 Mcofo-?)?, Trapa r&&gt; Mowcre?, o 7rdva-o<pos MOJUO-TJ?, 6
couo-tj? o Ao./3/S, /eara TOV Aa/3t S, o
iS, 6 7rpo(f)r)Tr)S, 6 x/raXyiiwSo?, KaTa TOV /ma/cdpiov ^f
o SoXo/u-wi , tcaTa TOV ^oXo^w^ra, o Ho-ata?, Trapa Hcrata,
o 7r/)o</>^T779 6 lepepias, 6 Trpo^iJTTj^. (3) We have a few
references to the books, as, ol tya\/jLoi, 6 ^aXyLtd?, ev rot?
>|raXyLtot9 yeypaTTTai,, yeypaTTTai, ev rca Aa^tS, al
T] TOV Irjaov aofyia, ev Trj o-otyia eiprjfjievov, ev rc5
ryeypaTTTai, ev rc3 lefe/ct^X yeypaTrTai. (4) In a very large
number of instances we have passages introduced without
any indication of their source though sometimes a com
ment implies scriptural authority, but simply incorporated
into his text. (5) In a large number of cases, also, we have
only indication by a word or phrase that some particular
passage was before the mind of the writer an evidence
1 Str., i. 3 s *. 2 Ec> Pr>> If &c>
3 Psed., iii. 2 9 , &c. < Str., vii. 1 1.
r> vii. 1 6 l "\ For illustrations of the other forms, see details that follow.
O
210 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE,
more weighty in some respects than direct citation would
be of his knowledge of Scripture and of the way into which
it had become inwoven into the texture of his thought, as
well as, it may be, of the measure of knowledge which he
expected from his readers.
The book of Genesis is mentioned by name. 1 It is
nowhere quoted in the Protrepticus as 17 rypaffrij, but it is
so quoted in the Psedagogus, and more than once in the
Stromateis. 2 It is also quoted with yeypaTrrai absolutely. 3
It is nowhere quoted with the formula TO irvev^a Bid or
kindred formulas. Some passages are introduced by the
formula o iracBayayyo^ Bia Mwucreo)?, 4 numerous passages by
(f)rjai 5 either in the sense that God says or that Scrip
ture says ; occasionally we have iprjKev, or etccivr) rj Qei^r)
Sometimes it is quoted under the designation 77
ia, 7 more frequently with 6 Mcovo-ijs \eyei, or Si&da-tcei,
or the like, 8 sometimes with a honorific epithet, as o
7raz/o-o$o9. 9 Sometimes passages are introduced into the
text without any indication that they are quotations ; 10
sometimes by a supplementary comment or allegorical
exegesis it is indicated that Scripture is implied. Very
many passages are only alluded to in connection with some
incident or suggested by the phraseology.
The book of Exodus is not mentioned by name. It is
quoted as fj ypa^, both in the sense of Scripture and in
the sense of a passage of Scripture, in the Paedagogus,
and repeatedly in the Stromateis. 11 It is nowhere quoted
with the words TO TTVCV/AO,. It is quoted in the Paedagogus
and the Stromateis under the phrase o TraiSaywybs Bid, 6
1 EC. Pr., i. a Psed., i. s 22 ; Str., iv. 2O 126 .
3 Str., ii. ii 51 . 4 Psed., i. 9 81 .
r Ib., ii. 10 94 . B Ib., i. 12 98 .
7 Str., vi. i6 146 . 8 Ib., i. 21 142 ; ii. 520, & c .
9 Ib., iv. 25 161 . 10 Psed., iii. lo 60 , &c.
11 Psed.,i. 6 4 ; Str., i. 4*, &c.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 211
710705 Sid, (j>r}a-i, and the like. 1 It is quoted as the work of
Moses, and as o i/o/io?. 2 There are passages incorporated
and suggestions of others.
The book of Leviticus is mentioned by name. 3 It is
quoted in the Stromateis, and by implication in the Paeda-
gogus, as 77 7pa(/>77. 4 It is quoted with the formula o \6yos
Sia Ma>uo-e&)5. 5 The word ^aL is not associated with any
quotation, but the kindred word \eyet, is found. 6 Sayings
are quoted as the work of Moses, and under the designa
tion 6 i/o//,o?. 7 There are allusions to particular sayings
or incidents or regulations.
The book of Numbers is mentioned by name, 8 but it is
seldom quoted, and never under the designation of rj ypatf)^
nor with the formula TO Trvevpa Bid. It is quoted with
<f)rj<rl, 9 and with the formula, o TraiSaywyos 8ia Mwucrea)?. 10
The book of Deuteronomy is not mentioned by name.
It is quoted as 77 ypa^ij in the Psedagogus. 11 It is quoted
under the designation TO Trvev^a TO ayiov, 12 or with a phrase
of like import, o \6yos Bid. 13 It is quoted as the work of
and as the work of Moses o irdvo
It is quoted with (frrjai, Xeye^, and o
Passages are incorporated with and without comment. As
in the previous books, there are allusions and suggestions.
The book of Joshua is mentioned by name. 17 A knowledge
of it is further indicated by a reference to the dividing of
the waters. 18
The book of Judges is mentioned by name, and many
historical and chronological details are taken from it. 19
1 Pd., i. II M , &c. 2 Sir., v. I 7 ; iii. 11 ". 3 Ib., i. 21 12 .
4 Psed., ii. 10 91 ; Str., ii. io 46 , 47 . 5 Psed., ii. 10 M .
6 Str., v. 6 40 . 7 Ib., ii. 15 67 ; ii. 23 147 . 8 Ib., iii. 4 32 .
9 Ib., ii. 19 97 . 10 Psed., i. 2 5 . " Ib., i. 7 ".
12 Ib. 13 Ib., iii. 3 20. 14 Prot., x. 109 .
15 Ib., viii. so. 16 Ib ., x . 95 ; Pad., i. 8 69 ; Str., vii. 3 ".
Str., i. 21 109 . 18 EC. Pr., 6. 19 Str., i. 21 10 .
212 SCRIPTURE I ITS NATURE,
Knowledge of it is only further indicated by an allusion to
Samson and his hair. 1
There is no citation from, nor allusion to, nor suggestion
of, the book of Ruth.
The First Book of Samuel is mentioned by name, and some
historical facts are taken from it. 2 It is quoted with tyai,,
and also with o \6yos &t,a rov irpofyrjrov ^apovrfk? There is,
further, a reference to an incident in the career of Samuel. 4
There is a reference to David which may be taken either
from the Second Book of Samuel or the First Book of
Chronicles. 5 The scantiness of allusion to this book is the
more noteworthy because he attributes to Plato a know
ledge of the incident referred to.
His knowledge of the First Book of Kings is attested by
the historical data which are adduced. 6 There are, further,
allusions to Elijah. 7
The same may be said of his knowledge of the Second
Book of Kings. 8 There is a reference to Elijah which may
be due to his knowledge of this book. 9
Save for the possible allusion already noted, there is no
reference to the First Book of Chronicles.
The Second Book of Chronicles or the First Book of
Kings is cited in a fragment of a lost treatise. 10
From the books of Ezra and Nehemiah historical state
ments are taken. 11
A passage is quoted from the Fourth Book of Esdras as a
saying of EcrS/ra? o
Peed., iii. II 68 ; Str., vi. 17 153 ; EC. Pr., 39.
Str.,i. 21 109 ; i. 2I 111 , n2 ; vi. 12 101 .
Pred., iii. 4^; iii. 2 12 ; Str., vi. 3 29 .
Adum. in I Joan. ; Stab., vol. iii. p. 2 1 1.
Psed., ii. i 18 . Cf. ib., ii. 8 61 , and 2 Sam. xii. 30.
Str., i. 21 " l - 116 . 7 Peed., iii. 7 38 ; Prot., x. w ; Str., iii. 6 52 .
8 Str., i. 21 118 - 122 . 9 Peed., ii. io lia ; Str., iii. 6 53 .
10 Stah., vol. iii. p. 218. " Str., i. 21 124 .
13 Str., iii. i6 100 . Cf. i. 22 14S> .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 213
The book of Psalms is quoted with greater variety of
phrase than any other book of the Old Testament. It is
quoted as 77 ypaQij or with yeypaTrrai in the Protrepticus,
the Paedagogus, and the Stromateis. 1 It is quoted in the
Paedagogus and in the Stromateis much more frequently in
the former under the designation of TO irvev^a simply, or TO
irvevjAa Std. 2 We have not only TO Trvevfia eiprjKev but even
TO Trvcv/jua -^raXXet, TO ayiov Trvev^a ex/raXXez/. 3 We have the
full formula 6 Aa/3t S, TOVTZCTTI TO Trvev/jia TO 6V CIVTOV* We
have Sid TOV ^a\/jLwSov TO irvev^af 6 TraiSaycoyos Sid Aa/3/S, 6
6 Xo709 Sid Aa^ 6\ 7 We have quotations with the designa
tion o TrpotyrjTrjs, 77 TrpocfrijTeia, 6 7rpo<f>rjTiKbs \6<yos, e/celvo TO
TTpo^rjriKov. 8 We have </>?;crt and kindred words. 9 We have
6 Aa/St S many times, o /jiafcdpios Aa/3t, /caTa TOV
ev Aa/StS, 6 ^aXyL60?, ol
We have, further, passages incorporated without any
indication of their source ; in some cases, however, with
a comment which implies that they were Scripture or
authoritative. 13
The book of Proverbs is quoted by name in the Stroma
teis. 14 It is quoted as 77 ypa^tj repeatedly in the Paedagogus
and the Stromateis. 15 It is nowhere quoted with the
designation TO Trvevfjba. It is, however, quoted with other
phrases which imply inspiration or authority, such as
6 770^6^70)709, 6 #eto9 7rat8a7o>709, 16 o Xo709, o
o a<yio<;
1 Prot., ix. 85 ; x. 105 ; Psed., i. 9 78 ; Str., iv. 25 15S .
2 Psed., ii. 8 62 . 3 Str., ii. 20 125 ; Paed., ii. 4 41 ; i. 8 73 .
4 Pad., i. 9 87 . 5 Ib., ii. 8 s2 . 6 Ib., i. 9 80 .
7 Ib., ii. 10 no . 8 Str. , vii. y 36 ; i. 27 172 ; Psed. , i. 6 51 ; Str. , vi. 8 64
9 Prot, x. 103, &c. 10 Str., vi. i6 145 , &c. " Ib., vi. 3 30 , &c.
12 Ib., vii. I3 83 ; vii. 7 4 . 13 Prot., iv. 63, &c. 14 Str., ii. 2 4 .
18 Paed., ii. i 4 ; ii. 2 s9 ; Str., ii. 7 33 , &c. 18 Psed., iii. io 49 ; iii. 2 9
17 Ib., iii. ii 67 , &c. 18 Str., ii. 7 36 ; i. 5
214 SCRIPTURE I ITS NATURE,
ol xpriff/jioi ol Oeloi, TO \6yiov e/celvo. 1 It is very frequently
quoted as the work of Solomon, sometimes as 6 TrpcxfrrjTijs, 2
sometimes as the words of rj aofaa, where aofyia is rep
resented as speaking, as well as when it is not so rep
resented. 3 It is also quoted with ^crt. 4 As in other
books, passages are incorporated without any indication
that they are quotations, save in one or two cases where
a comment implies it. 5
The book of Ecclesiastes is quoted by name, and also
with yeypairrai. 6 Ecclesiastes i. 2 is represented as having
inspired part of the teaching of Epicurus. 7 Otherwise there
is no indication of its use or influence.
The book of Job is not quoted nor referred to in the
Protrepticus or the Psedagogus, but it is quoted several
times as r) ypa(f)ij in the Stromateis. 8 It is quoted twice or
thrice with sayings of Job himself, in one case with comment. 9
One passage is quoted with the indefinite wo-Trep eZ-Tre rt?. 10
A passage of Job is erroneously described as written in
the Kings. 11 There are references to Job himself based on
incidents in the book. 12
The Wisdom of Solomon is mentioned by name. 13 There
is a possible allusion to it as rj ypacfrr) in the Paedagogus 14 and
an undoubted reference in the Stromateis. 15 Scripture is im
plied in a comment upon it. 16 It is nowhere quoted with the
designation TO irvev^a. It is quoted with <fyrj<ri, and also with
eiprjrai. 17 It is quoted with the phrase 77 ao<f)ia Aeyet, 77 Oeia
<ro(ta, 18 but more frequently with the name of its author. 19
1 Str., ii. 7 34 . 2 Ib., ii. 2 7 , &c. ; iii. 17 10 ", &c.
3 Ib., i. 19 96 ; ii. l8 83 . Cf. y iravdperos ffofla -, Str., ii. 22 136 .
4 Paed., iii. 4 30 , &c. 5 Str., ii. i8 7s> . 6 Ib., i. is 58 .
7 Ib., v. 14 9. 8 Ib., iv. 2 6 ; vi. 8*" . 9 Ib., iii. 16 m ; iv. 26 los .
10 Ib., iv. 1 2 s3 . n Ib., iv. 26 170 . 12 Ib., iv. 5 19 ; iv. 17 106 .
13 Ib., v. I 4 89 . 14 Psed., ii. 10". 15 Str., v. 14 108 ; vi. ii 93 .
16 EC. Pr., 41. 17 Poed., ii. I 7 ; Str., vi. I 4 113 .
18 Peed., ii. i 7 ; Str., iv. 16 10S . 19 Str., vi. II 93 , &c.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 215
The book of Ecclesiasticus is twice quoted by name
as 77 rov Irja-ov ao<f>ia. 1 It is very frequently quoted
as 77 ypacfrr} in the Psedagogus. 2 It is quoted with
* It is never quoted under the designation TO
It is quoted as the utterance of 6 TraiSaycoyo^. 41
It is quoted very frequently in the Psedagogus with fao-L 5
It is still more frequently quoted as the sayings of 77
o-o<f>ta. 6 In some cases it is correctly described as the
"Wisdom of Jesus"; 7 but in others its authorship, or
rather some quotations from it, are erroneously assigned
to Solomon. 8
A reference to Esther and her mission shows his know
ledge of the book of Esther. 9
There is a possible reference to the book of Judith. 10
The narrative of Judith is referred to. 11
The book of Tobit is twice quoted without name as 77
The book of Hosea is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa^ij. It
is quoted with the form o Xo^o? Sid, and o TraiSaywybs
Sid, 18 with 0^<rt, 14 and with the name of the writer, and
with o 7rpo<?7 / T779. 15 In the Protrepticus, and also in the
Stromateis, a passage in Amos is erroneously referred to
as a saying of Hosea, though forms implying inspiration
and authority are employed in both cases. 16
The book of Amos is quoted as 77 ypa^rj, 17 and also with
the forms TO ayiov irvevfia Sid, 6 \6<yo<; Sid. ls
1 Str., i. 4^; i- io 47 . 2 Psed., i. 8 62 ; ii. 2 s4 .
3 Str., i. ii 58 ; Stab., vol. Hi. p. 225. 4 Psed., ii. io", 101 , 109 .
5 Ib., ii. 2, &c. 6 Ib., i. 8 69 .
7 Str., i. 4 27 ; i. io 47 . 8 Ib., ii. S 24 ; vii. 16 105 .
9 Psed., iii. 2 12 . Cf. Str., i. 21 123 . 10 Str., ii. 7 35 .
11 Ib., iv. I 9 "8. W Ib>) H> 23 139. vi> I2 10 2< Cf> J. 2I 123.
13 Psed., i. 7 53 . 14 Ib., ii. 12 126 .
15 EC. Pr., 4 ; Str., vi. I5 115 . 16 Prot., viii. 79 ; Str., v. H 126 .
17 Str., vi. is 115 . Cf. v. 14 126 . 18 Paed., ii. 2 30 ; i. 8 9 .
216 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
The book of Micah is quoted with M^eta? o
and as one of the Twelve Prophets. 1
The book of Joel is quoted with Sia laytjX one of the
Twelve Prophets elpjra*. 2
The book of Obadiah is not named nor quoted.
The book of Jonah is quoted by name and he is called
a prophet. 3 There is a reference to his prayer. 4
The book of Nahum is quoted once, without any reference,
but with an implication that it is a saying of the Tutor. 5
The book of Habakkuk is quoted with o Trpo^rjTrjs. 6
The book of Zephaniah is quoted with Sia rov 2,o<f>oviov TO
TTvevfJia? and with 6 TrpotyiJTrjs. 8
The book of Haggai is quoted with <prjcri, and with
The book of Zechariah is quoted with 6
Za^apta?, 10 and once without reference but with a comment. 11
The book of Malachi is quoted with MaXa^ta? o irpo^T^
and with 6 MaXa^ta? </>?7crt. 12 A phrase is incorporated
without reference. 13 In the historical narrative Malachi is
designated as the "Angel in the Twelve." 14
The book of Isaiah is quoted as 77 ypa^ij in all the three
leading works of Clement. 15 The same is true of the appli
cation of TO 7Tvevfj,a f rb ayiov irvevfjia Sid. 1& We have,
further, 6 Traioaywyos Sid, 6 #609 Sid, 6 /cvptos Sid. 17 It is
also quoted with (f>r)o-i, rj Trpo^ijTeia, TO eicelvov Trpo^rjTiKov, 6
, and with the name of the writer or his book. 18
1 Str., iv. 26 169 ; iii. 6 101 . 2 Ib., v. is 88 .
3 Ib., v. 14 135 . 4 Q. D., c. 41 ; Jonah ii.
6 Psed., i. 9 81 . 6 Str., ii. 2 8 . 7 Pad., ii. I2 128 .
8 Str., iii. 1 2 s6 . But the reference is uncertain.
9 Psed., ii. 3 39 ; Str., iii. 6 . 10 Prot., x. M .
11 Paed., i. 5 16 . " Str., v. 14 136 ; iii. 4 3S> . 13 Prot., xi, ll *.
14 Str., i. 21 122 . 15 Prot., i. ; Pad., i. 5 ; Str., vi. 6 49 .
16 Prot, viii. 79 ; faed., ii. i 8 ; Str., v. 14" .
17 Paed., i. 9 76 ; Prot., viii. 93 ; Str., iii. I5 98 . 18 Psed., i. S 21 ; i. S 67 , &c.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT
Many passages are incorporated, and there are numerous
references or allusions.
The book of Jeremiah is quoted very rarely in the Paeda-
gogus and the Stromateis as rj ypatptj, 1 and in the Protrep-
ticus not at all. It is quoted in all of them with TO
and once with the elaborate formula, 6 Iepe/ua? 6
o 7raz/<ro</>09, fjia\\ov Be ev Iepe/ua TO ayiov Trvev/Aa. 2 We have
also o iraiSaycoybs Sta. 3 It is quoted with 6 TT^O^TT;?, 17
ta, 4 and very frequently with the mere name, <f>rjo-i,v
and once with yeypaTrrcu under the name of the
book. 6 There are some allusions to words or phrases.
The book of Baruch is quoted as rj Oela ypa<f>vj, 7 and with
the formula (implied from the context) o TraiSaywyos Sid
lepe/iiiov. 8
A saying from the Lamentations of Jeremiah is quoted in
like manner. 9
The book of Ezekiel is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa<f>rj, though
once with the form co? eV TQ> lefe/a^X yeypanrrai^ It is
quoted once with the form TO Tn/eO^a&a. 11 We have, further,
6 tcvpio? Bid lefe/a^X, 6 TraiSaycoyos Sta Ie%6fcnj\. 12 There
are passages quoted without reference and some suggestions.
The book of Daniel is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa^ij, nor
with the phrase TO Trvevna Bid, nor with <^7;crt. It is quoted
with the name of the writer and with o Trpo^T???. 13
Of the apocryphal additions to the book of Daniel, we
have a reference to Susanna as a heroine, 14 to the Song of
the Three Holy Children, 15 and to an incident in Bel and
the Dragon. 16
1 Psed.,i. 9 7(i ; Str., v. 5 2 l
2 Psed., ii. io 87 ; Str., iv. 26 163 ; Prot., viii. 78 .
3 Psed., i. 9 81 . 4 Prot, viii. 78 . 5 Ib., viii. w .
6 Str., i. 1 1 so. Pad., ii. s 36 . 8 Ib., i. io si.
9 Ib., i. 9 80 . 10 Str., iv. 25 158 . " Ib., ii. 23 147 .
12 Ib., ii. 15 69 ; Peed., i. 9, **. is Str ., i. 21 12S , 146 .
14 Ib., iv. I9 1 ". is Ec> Pr ; j . Str<> j 21 123 16 Str-> i 2I ia.
218 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE,
There is a reference to the books of the Maccabees. 1
It would thus appear that of the books in the Hebrew
canon Clement shows no knowledge of Ruth, the Song of
Solomon, and Obadiah, and that all the apocryphal books
are quoted or referred to except the Epistle of Jeremiah
and the Third and Fourth Books of the Maccabees.
From this survey of Clement s use of the Old Testament
in its bearing on our conclusions as to his use and appre
ciation of the books of the New Testament, the most
important points to be adduced are these. No conclusion
adverse to his knowledge of, or appreciation of, any
particular book can be drawn from the absence of reference
to any such book. Otherwise we should have to draw the
inference that the books of Ruth, the Song of Solomon,
and Obadiah were not in his copy of the Septuagint. The
same applies to the writer s more or less infrequent
reference to particular books as bearing on the measure
of authority which he attached to them. In both cases
the omission or infrequency is due to the personality of
the writer, and to the degree in which he found certain
writings more in harmony with his spiritual individuality
and better adapted for exhortation and argument. The
absence of the words fj ypatyij or yeypaTrrat,, where other
indications of authority are present, throws no doubt on
the authority of a book ; or in that case we should have
to eliminate the books of Numbers, all the historical
books from Joshua to the Second Book of Chronicles,
Daniel, and all the Minor Prophets except Amos and
Haggai. No conclusion adverse to the inspiration of a
writer can be drawn from the absence of TO irvev^a Bid.
For in that case we should have to eliminate from
Clement s list of inspired books Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus,
Numbers, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, the Wisdom of
Solomon, Ezekiel, Daniel, and all the Minor Prophets
1 Str. , i. 21 123 . The genuineness of this passage is disputed.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 219
except Amos and Zephaniah. No conclusion adverse to
the authority and inspiration of certain books can be drawn
from the omission of both 77 jpa(j>^ and TO Trvev/jia, as in that
case we should have to omit from his list of authoritative
and inspired books Numbers, Daniel, and all the Minor
Prophets except Amos, Haggai, and Zephaniah. No con
clusion as to the relative authority which he assigned to
any book of the same class or group can be drawn from
the number of phrases or epithets implying authority or
inspiration which he employs in reference to such, or the
relative frequency of such phrases or epithets. Otherwise
we should have to conclude that in his eyes Jeremiah was
unequal in authority or value to Isaiah, and Ezekiel
inferior to both. And, further, our conclusions as to the
usage of Clement in regard to the authority or inspiration
of particular books would be modified if one or other of
the great works of Clement had perished. No doubt, it
may be urged that there was no need for him to pay
attention to such matters in view of the fact that no one
disputed the authority of the books in question. But in
view of the incidental character of the phraseology and
the absence of design in the case of his references to both
Testaments, the same argument can be applied to his
usage in the case of the New Testament writings. Accord
ingly, in deciding as to the canonical status of any book
in the New Testament in the eyes of Clement, we cannot
be controlled solely by the application of a particular word
or phrase, but must also have regard to the general attitude
of the writer to such book or books and to the principles
which underlie his application of the same.
Apart from his formulas of citation, his method of
quotation throws light on the same question. His ascrip
tion of a passage in Job to the Second Book of Kings is a
slip of memory which is only interesting in view of his
otherwise almost complete ignorance of the latter book.
220 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
The ascription of a passage in Amos to Hosea in writings
separated by such an interval as the Protrepticus and the
Fifth Book of the Stromateis is an illustration of a familiar
experience the stereotyping of an error, not recognised as
an error, in the mind of a writer. Apart from such
errors, in view of his belief in the literal inspiration of
the Old Testament, he deals with it with great freedom. 1
There can be little doubt that in many cases he quoted it
from memory, and that in some cases, when he did not
wish to quote the whole of a passage, he quoted only what
was relevant to his purpose. As for his detachment of
passages from the context, and without any regard to the
context, or the transposition of clauses where the separate
clauses are correctly quoted, is it a paradox to say that
that shows his reverence for the authority of the words of
Scripture ? All were transcribed from one authority. And
as passages from different books could be quoted and put
together and treated as parts of a whole, so clauses might
be abbreviated or reversed without any sense of impro
priety. In a mass of solid gold it does not matter where
you break off a piece, or how the pieces so broken off are
welded or mixed together. In any case, if we find such
freedom of treatment in regard to the Old Testament, we
need not be surprised to find like freedom in regard to the
treatment of the New Testament, without looking on it as
an adverse testimony to the authority of the latter.
Before forming any conclusions as to whether Clement
had an official canon of New Testament writings, which he
regarded as of equal authority with the books of the Old
Testament, or whether we can speak in his case of a canon
at all, it may be well to look at the evidence for the
1 For example, in Str., i. 19 % he attributes the saying in Prov. ix. 17 to
f) crotyia instead of to yw^j &&lt;f>pui>. In Pied., i. II 96 he quotes Ex. xxxii. 6,
XopraffdfvTfs yovv a.ve<TTi\(rav iratfciv, and comments on the word xP raff ^^ T(S t
though it is not in the text of Exodus. Cf. Prov. xv. 17 with Paed. ii. i w .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 221
separate books, applying to them the same tests that we
have applied to the books of the Old Testament.
According to Eusebius, 1 Clement recorded in the Out
lines the following tradition of the earliest presbyters with
reference to the order in which the Gospels were written.
The Gospels containing the genealogies were written first.
The Gospel of Mark was held to be a reproduction of the
sayings of Peter, though Peter neither forbade nor encour
aged its production. " Last of all, John, perceiving that
the outward facts had been made plain in the Gospels, at
the instance of his friends, and under the inspiration of the
Spirit, composes a spiritual Gospel." The implication that
there were only four Gospels traditionally recognised by
the Church is confirmed by an explicit statement in the
extant writings. 2
That Clement regarded the Four Canonical Gospels as
a unit and as forming a whole in spite of difference in
expressions which in no way affected the harmony of the
thought, there can be no doubt. This he designates as
TO 6vay<y\iov. After the phrase eV TO> evayyeXia) or TO
eva<y<y\iov, we have quotations, for the most part intro
duced as sayings of the Lord, indifferently from the Gospels
of St Matthew, 3 St Mark, 4 St Luke, 5 and St John. 6 It
should be noted, however, that the passage assigned to
St Mark, as it is quoted only in part, might have been
taken from the parallel passage in St Matthew, so that
the conclusion as to St Mark in this connection is
uncertain.
The Gospel of St Matthew is mentioned by name in
the Stromateis. 7 It is quoted as 77 jpa^ in the Protrep-
1 H. E., vi. 14 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 197. 2 Str., iii. 13 9S .
3 Peed., i. S 13 ; i. 9 76 ; i. 9 79 ; i. 9 so ; i. 9 85 ; Str., iv. 4 13 ; vii. 12 72 ; EC.
Pr., 57. 4 Str., iv. 4 ln .
5 Psed., ii. 12 125 ; Str., i. 21 136 (iv TO?S tvayye\iois) ; iii. 6 50 ; EC. Pr., 50.
6 Paed., i. 5 12 ; i. 9 s5 ; Adum. in I Joan., Stah., vol. iii. p. 210.
7 Str., i. 2 1 147 .
222 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
ticus, 1 the Paedagogus, 2 and the Stromateis. 3 It is quoted
with yeypaTrrai in the Paedagogus 4 and the Stromateis. 5
Passages are quoted as sayings of o rcvpios, 6 6 Trai&aycoyosJ
The form tya-l is found in the Paedagogus. 8 In one case
we have the form TO Trpo^riKov irv^v^a? In a fragment
of the Commentary on St Jude there is a reference to a
saying in "other Gospels" than the Gospel of St Mark,
which occurs in the Gospel of St Matthew. 10 A passage
which may either refer to St Matthew or St Luke is
introduced with the phrase 97 TT^O^TLKJ] (j>a)i>rj o-vv(*>$o<;
There are few certain references to the Gospel of St
Mark. A definite allusion to it by name is found in the
" Quis Dives," 12 and in the fragment of the Commentary on
St Jude. 13 The allusions to the Lord s Prayer u and to the
Parable of the Fourfold Seed 15 are too indefinite to enable
us to determine the source of the reference. The same is
true of other sayings which may be taken from, or have as
their background any one of, the Canonical Gospels.
The Gospel of St Luke is specifically mentioned by
name in the Stromateis and in the Paedagogus. 16 It is
quoted as 97 ypcufir) in the Paedagogus 17 and the Stromateis. 18
It is implicitly referred to as such in the Paedagogus, 19
and either it or St Matthew is referred to as 77 ypa(f>r) in
various passages. 20 It is quoted as the saying of the
1 Prot., ix. ffl . 2 Psed., i. 5 14 ; i. 5"; ii. 12 118 ; ii. I2 120 ; iii. ii 70 .
3 Str., ii. S 22 ; v. 14"; vi. i8 164 . 4 Psed., ii. 6 50 .
5 Str., iv. 14 96 . 6 Prot., ix. 87 ; Psed., i. 5 12 ; Str., vii. 15 89 .
7 Paed.,ii. 6"; iii. I2*.
8 Paed., ii. 6 49 ; iii. 4 30 ; iii. 5 33 ; iii. 6 36 . 9 Ib., i. 5 w .
10 Stah., vol. iii. p. 209.. n Prot., i. 4.
12 Q. D., 5. 1S Stah., vol. iii. p. 209.
14 Psed., i. 8 73 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 205.
15 Str., iv. 6 31 . So Clement designates the Parable of the Sower.
16 Str., i. 21 145 ; Paed., ii. i 15 . 17 Psed., ii. I2 120 . But cf. note 4.
18 Str., ii. 5 s2 . But cf. note 5. 19 Paed., ii. I 6 , compared with ii. I 4 .
20 Ib., ii. i2 120 ; iii. ii 70 . Cf. note 4.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 223
Word, 1 the Lord, 2 the Saviour. 3 It is quoted with
in the Paedagogus. 4 A passage is quoted in the Protrep-
ticus as one of the \6ywi, vo^oi KOI ayioi \6yoi. 5 There
are allusions to the Parable of the Two Brothers, 6 to the
Parable of Lazarus, 7 to Zaccheus, 8 and to a saying of
the Baptist 9 which is regarded as authoritative.
The Gospel of St John is referred to by name in the
Paedagogus. 10 Sayings of John or John the Apostle taken
from the Gospel are quoted in the Protrepticus, 11 the
Stromateis, 12 and a fragment of the Tlepl TOV Tracya
It is quoted as fj ypacfrri in the Protrepticus and the
Stromateis. 14 The same passage is quoted as Scripture,
and as a heretical watchword with the words val (f>acn
<yypd(f)dai,. 15 It is quoted with sayings of the Lord, 16 the
Word, 17 the Tutor. 18 It is quoted with ^crt, 19 and once
with a OTI elvre^. 20
In all the writings of Clement there are numerous passages
from the Gospels, and many suggestions by word or phrase of
passages therein incorporated into his own text, occasionally
with a comment, but much more frequently without.
The important points that arise from this survey are
these. The word " Gospel " with the possible exception
of St Mark is applied indifferently to all. All the Gospels
are mentioned by name. The Gospel of St Matthew is
most frequently referred to as rj ypcuptf : the Gospel of
St John comes next in order. It is very infrequently
applied to St Luke, and to St Mark not at all. This
I Paed., i. S 72 . 2 Ib., ii. i 4 ; Q. D., 39. 3 EC Pr., 26.
4 Paed., i. 4 10 ; ii. 9; iii. i2 91 . 5 Prot., x. 108.
6 Str., iv. 6 30 . So Clement designates the Parable of the Prodigal Son.
7 Str., iv. 6 30 . 8 Ib., iv. 6 35 . 9 Paed., iii. I2 91 . 10 Ib., i. 6 * 3 .
II Prot., iv. 59. 12 Str., v. 12 81 . ]3 Stah., vol. iii. pp. 216, 217.
14 Prot., ix. 82; Str., i. 21 135 . 15 Str., i. 2O 100 ; i. 17 81 .
16 Paed., i. 3 8 ; i. 5 13 ; i. 6 28 , * ; i. 8 66 ; Adum. in I Pet., Stah., vol. iii.
p. 204 ; fr. 39, p. 220.
17 Pasd., i. e 46 . 18 Ib., i. 7 53 .
19 Ib., i. 6. Cf. i. 7 53 ; Prot., ii. 10 (0ij<rf TTOU.) 2 Pad., i. 8 62 .
224 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
fact is a striking illustration of the danger of drawing
conclusions from too narrow a basis. For not only is
the Gospel of St Mark referred to as a separate Gospel,
but, so far from occupying an inferior position in his
eyes, it is the text of that Gospel which he employs as
the basis of his tractate, " Quis Dives." The favourite Old
Testament phrase TO Trvzvpa is found, and in an altered
form, with reference to a saying in St Matthew only. The
word (frrjo-i is applied very rarely to St Matthew, not
frequently to St Luke, and not at all to St Mark or
St John. The sayings are ascribed to the Lord Himself
most frequently in St John, less frequently in St Matthew
and St Luke. It is difficult to account for this varying
usage ; but to whatever cause it may be due, it is not
due to any distinction in the mind of the writer as to the
relative authority and sacredness of the different Gospels,
all of which are recognised as forming a unity, in perfect
harmony with each other, and alike authoritative.
" The Acts of the Apostles," says Leipoldt, 1 " is not
regarded by Clement as canonical. His successor Origen
first takes this step." This statement is open to question.
The authorship of the Acts of the Apostles is specifically
assigned to St Luke. 2 It is quoted with the designation of
" The Acts " simply, 3 and " The Acts of the Apostles." 4 It
is quoted with reference to the education of Moses. 5 It is
quoted as giving authentic sayings of St Peter and incidents
in his life. 6 It is quoted in like manner as giving authentic
sayings of St Paul, and incidents in his career. 7 In defence
of his own exegesis of 2 Cor. xii. 5, he quotes the evidence
1 Enstehung d. ntl. Kan., p. 220.
2 Str., v. 12 ra . 3 Ib., i. 23 15 , 154 ; vi. 8 63 .
4 Poed.,ii. I 1C ; Str., i. II 50 ; i. IQ 91 ; iv. 15 OT ; v. II 75 ; vi. i8 163 .
5 Str., i. 23 15S . 6 Poed., ii. i 16 ; Str., vi. 8 6J ; i. 23 154 .
7 Str., i. ii 50 ; i. IQ 91 ; v. II 78 ; v. 12 s *; vi. 15 124 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 225
of Acts as to the missionary activity of St Paul. 1 It is
quoted with yeypaTrrcu? Reference is twice made to the
" Catholic Epistle of all the Apostles," once with mention
of the Book of Acts by name, once without such mention. 3
The statement in Acts vi. 12, with reference to the Twelve
and their action in regard to the distribution of the common
funds, is quoted without reference to Acts, as though the
source of the allusion were well known. 4 An important
clause of Acts i. 7 is incorporated without reference, but
from the context the implication is that it is a saying
of Christ. 5 "We have learned," He says, "that God is
a knower of hearts." The word irapeiX^a^ev cannot
be pressed as indicating an authoritative source of teach
ing. But the word /capSioyvatarr]^ is found nowhere else
in the Scriptures save in the Book of Acts, where it is
found twice. 6 In the literature prior to the date of
Clement it is found in the "Pastor" of Hernias, but
there it is given as an attribute of the Lord, not of
God, 7 and the most natural conclusion, in view of his
otherwise attested knowledge of the Book of Acts, is that
it is a reminiscence of that book. The use of Acts as
a historical book must be compared with his use of the
Historical Books of the Old Testament ; and, compared
with the scanty reference to them from Joshua to the
Second Book of Chronicles inclusive, the knowledge and
use of Acts are all the more noteworthy. In view of the
fact that so many spurious Acts were current at this period,
the use of the form, " The Acts " simply, implies that it
occupied a unique and distinctive place, as the one his
torical record of the apostolic age that could claim universal
recognition. A writing whose author is declared to be the
1 Str., vi. 1 8 <* * Psed., ii. 1 16 . 3 Str., iv. 15 97 ; Psed., ii. 7 56 -
4 Psed., ii. 7 56 . 5 Str., iii. 6 49 .
6 Ib., vi. 12 101 ; Acts i. 24 ; xv. 8. 7 Hermas, Mand., iv. 3.
226 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE,
writer of the Third Gospel, whose sayings can be incor
porated without specific reference to their sources, which
can be quoted as authoritative in support of his own atti
tude to Greek philosophy as well as in questions of prac
tical ethics 1 to say nothing of the term yeypaTrrcu was
certainly to the consciousness of Clement a document of
the first rank and invested with canonical authority.
"Unless all appearances be deceptive," it is averred, "it
was strictly speaking only the Four Gospels that Clement
considered and treated as completely on a level with the
Old Testament. The formula, * The Law and the Prophets
and the Gospel, is frequently used, and everything else,
even the Apostolic writings, is judged by this group. He
does not consider even the Pauline Epistles to be a court
of appeal of equal value with the Gospels, though he
occasionally quotes them as Scripture." 1 Now, if the ques
tion could be decided by the extent of his knowledge and
use of the Pauline Epistles, there could be no doubt of the
answer. But it is always possible to hold that they were
not used because recognised as authoritative, but became
authoritative because they were so used, though the ground
for their use has in this case to be explained ; and not the
use but the method of use must be the determining factor.
Clement declares the harmony of the Law, the Prophets,
and the Apostles with the Gospel. 3 He takes for granted
that a conflict between Paul and the language of the
Old Testament is impossible, and adopts altogether fan
tastic exegesis to get rid of the apparent conflict. He
speaks of the Law given through Moses and that given
through the Apostles as alike of service to the Word in
the education of mankind ; and all the illustrations that
1 Str., i. 19 91 ; Psed., ii. 1 16 .
2 Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. ii. p. 58.
3 Str., vi. II 68 ; vii. 3 14 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 22/
follow are taken from the Epistles of St Paul. 1 He says
that the Greeks must be taught by the Law and the
Prophets and then by the blessed Apostles. 2 He puts the
injunction of the Apostle on a line with the Gospel and
affirms their agreement.
The Pauline Epistles are marked by the symbolic note 3
which was the highest characteristic of religious writings,
and could be allegorised so as to bring out their hidden
meaning. For the unbelieving to reject the message of so
great an apostle could only issue in condemnation. 4 By
heretics and orthodox alike his words were adduced as a
final court of appeal. 5 The only question of controversy
betwixt Clement and the heretics was not the question of
their authority but of their interpretation. The Pauline
Epistles are al Oelai, ypa<f>aL
In the Paedagogus he gives some passages from what he
designates by these words and the numerous quotations
which follow are taken from the Epistles to the Ephesians,
Galatians, ist Thessalonians, Colossians, First Epistle to
Timothy, and Romans. 6 The First Epistle to Timothy
and the Epistle to Titus belong to the "Sacred Books." 7
Setting aside some doubtful cases where it is uncertain
whether a passage from the Old or the New Testament
was before his mind, we find that the technical term 77 ^pa^rj
or yeypaTrrai, is applied to Romans, the Epistles to the
Corinthians, Ephesians, Colossians, ist Thessalonians, ist
Timothy. A saying in 2nd Corinthians is the cry of "The
1 Peed., iii. I2 94 . 2 Str., vii. i6 95 . 3 Ib., vi. 15 119 . Cf. vi. i8 164 .
4 Peed., ix. 84 ; Str., vii. 16 104 . 5 Str., iii. 8 61 ; iii. I 2 ; ii. 7 s4 .
6 Psed., iii. 12 94 - 96 . It has been urged against the weight to be attached to
this that Clement mixes up with these passages quotations from profane writers.
It is true that he interpolates a saying from Pindar, but giving it as a quotation
from Pindar, and some lines from Menander, without stating his authority. But
that only proves that he could not resist an apposite poetical quotation.
7 Peed., iii. 12 97 . ffy^ypa^arai rats (3ip\ois rats ayiais.
228 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
Truth." We have also the phrase that most clearly indicates
inspiration, TO ev ra airocrrokto ayiov Trvev/jia. 1 In the sense
of Scripture we have fyrjo-i applied several times to passages
in the Epistles ; and we have once fce\evei in a similar
usage. One saying is quoted as a command of the Tutor,
another as an exhortation of the Word.
All the honorific epithets that are applied to Moses,
David, Solomon, and others whose writings are quoted by
the name or designation of the writer, are applied with much
greater profuseness to St Paul. He is repeatedly charac
terised as o 6elo$ aTrocrToXo?, 2 o OecrTrevios? 6 paKapiosf 6
ryevvaios, 5 less frequently o ayios, 6 /caXo?. He is the apostle
of the Lord. 6 He is further an unerring witness. 7 A saying
of his is characterised as expressed in an inspired and
prophetic manner, as most mystically and holily uttered. 8
The great majority of the quotations are simply given as
sayings of the Apostle without any epithet. In all the
writings of Clement there are numerous passages from the
Pauline Epistles incorporated into his text, for the most
part without any indication that they are quotations, some
times with a comment which implies that they are quota
tions. In many cases it is clearly shown by a word or
a phrase that he is saturated not only with the teaching
but with the vocabulary of St Paul.
From all the points indicated, from the relationship in
which they are described as standing to the Old Testament
and the Gospel, from the general notes that mark their
character and authority, from the specific phrases and
words that indicate a written authority, from the epithets
that are bestowed upon him and his teaching, and from the
extent of Clement s knowledge of them, in the light of the
method of his use, there would seem to be little doubt that
1 Pasd., i. 6 49 . a 9 times. 3 5 times. 4 6 times.
5 8 times. Prot., ix. 87 . 7 Sir., v. I 2 . 8 Ib., iv. U9 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 229
the Pauline Epistles were to Clement canonical Scriptures
in the fullest sense of the word. Let us look at the
details.
The Epistle to the Romans is repeatedly quoted by
name. 1 Quotations from it belong to the Divine Scriptures. 2
It is quoted with 17 ypa^ij in the sense of a passage of
Scripture, and also with jeypaTrrat. 2 It is quoted as a
saying of "the Apostle" 4 and of "Paul," 5 sometimes
with, sometimes without, honorific epithets. Numerous
passages are incorporated without reference. 6 Sometimes a
word or phrase suggests that the phraseology or thought
of Paul was in his mind. 7
The First Epistle to the Corinthians is quoted by name, 8
and also in the more general phrase "to the Corinthians," 9
and by the indefinite phrase " in a certain Epistle." 10 It is
quoted as rj rypa<f>rf in the technical sense of a passage of
Scripture. 11 A saying is quoted as that of TO ev TO> aTrocrroXo)
ayiov Trvevpa. 12 It is also quoted with <j>rja-L lz The form
o aTTocrroXo? u is associated with quotations, and also the
form 6 IlaOXo?, 15 sometimes with, sometimes without, hon
orific epithets. Numerous passages are incorporated without
reference. 16 There are suggestions of many others.
The Second Epistle to the Corinthians is mentioned by
name. 17 It is quoted as rj ypacfrrj, 18 and as the utterance of
the Truth, 19 and as the exhortation of the Word. 20 We have
also the forms o d-TrocrroAo?, 21 o IlaOXo?, with or without
1 Psed.,i. s 19 ; Str., ii. 6 s29 ; iii. 4 39 ; iii. n 75 ; iv. 3 9 ; v. 4 26 .
2 Ib., iii. I2 97 . 3 Str., iii. 8 61 ; iii. I2 85 . 4 42 times.
5 8 times. 6 Pad., i. 8 69 ; ii. 1 10 ; Prot., x. 59 .
7 Prot., x. w . s Pzed., i. 6 33 ; Str., ii. 22 136 ; v. 12 8; vii. 14 84 .
9 Psed., i. ; 61 ; Str., i. 14 59 , &c. 10 Str., iii. 6 53 . tv rivi tvi<TTo\rj.
11 Cf. Str., vii. I4 84 . 12 Psed., i. 6 49 .
13 Ib., ii. I 6 ; ii. 1 10 ; ii. i 13 . 14 42 times. 15 9 times.
16 Psed., ii. i 10 ; iii. ii 79 . 17 Str., iv. i6 100 .
18 Ib., vi. 8 19 Prot., xi. 116 . 20 Psed., iii. 2 ". 21 10 times.
230 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
honorific epithets. Passages are incorporated without
reference. There are suggestions of many others by a
word. 1
The Epistle to the Galatians is referred to by name. 2
Passages taken from it belong to the " Divine Scrip
ture." 3 We have the phrase o aTroo-roXo? 4 and also
6 IlaOXo?. 5 A few passages are incorporated without refer
ence; and there are suggestions of others.
The Epistle to the Ephesians is quoted by name. 6 It is
plain from the exegesis of Origen that the words ev E<ecr&&gt;
were not in his MSS. Whether they were in those used by
Clement or not, the Alexandrian tradition as represented by
him is in favour of the Ephesian destination of the letter ;
and it must have been in the superscription. The Epistle
belongs to the "Divine Scriptures." 7 It is quoted with
77 ypa<f>rf. 8 We have the forms 6 aTroo-roXo? 9 with honorific
epithets and o IlauXo?. Some passages are incorporated
without reference, sometimes with a comment. There are
suggestions by words or phrases of others. 10
The Epistle to the Philippians is referred to by name. 11
It is nowhere designated as rj ypa<f>ij. It is quoted
with the indefinite " ev T IVL eVtcrroXi}." 12 We have the
forms o aTroerToXo?, 13 o Ilai/Xo?. One or two passages are
quoted without reference ; 14 and there are suggestions of
others. 15
The Epistle to the Colossians is quoted by name. 16 It
belongs to the "Divine Scriptures." 17 77 ypa<j>r} is used in
1 Paed., iii. n 79 ; iii. I2 94 ; Prot., x. 94 , KainiXevu. Cf. 2 Cor. ii. 17.
2 Psed., i. 9 s3 ; Str., iii. 15". 3 Psed., iii. I2 97 . 4 5 times.
5 4 times. 6 Psed., i. 5 18 ; Str., iv. 8 64 .
7 Poed., iii. I2 97 . 8 Str., v. 5 . 9 16 times.
10 Prot., ii. ^ ; Psed., i. 6 W ; Prot., x. 92 .
11 Str., iv. I3 9S . Cf. Prot., i. 8 . 12 Str. iii. 6 5 ". 13 5 times.
14 Prot., i. 8 . Paed., iii. 12". Cf. Phil. iii. 20.
16 Str., i. i 15 ; iv. 8 65 , &c. 17 Pd., iii. I2 97 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 231
the sense of a passage of Scripture. 1 We have the forms
o a7ro<7To Xo9, 2 o IlaiJXo?.
The First Epistle to the Thessalonians is not quoted by
name. It belongs to the " Divine Scriptures." 3 It is quoted
as r) ypa^tj.^ We have o aTroo-roXo?. 5 One passage is quoted
without reference ; and there is a suggestion of another. 6
The Second Epistle to the Thessalonians is not quoted
by name, nor are any passages from it quoted as 77 ypa(j>r}.
One passage is quoted without reference. 7 There is a
possible suggestion of another. 8
The First Epistle to Timothy is quoted as addressed to
Timothy. 9 There is a reference to the Second Epistle by
mistake for the First. 10 It is quoted as r) ypa(f)7J n and also
with yeypctTTTai,. 12 Passages from it are quoted as belonging
to the " Divine Scriptures." 13 Precepts in it are taken from
the " Sacred Books." 14 Passages are quoted under the form
o aTrocrToXo?, o IlauXo?, with or without a honorific epithet. 1 ^
One passage is incorporated without reference. There are
suggestions of others. 16
The Second Epistle to Timothy is mentioned by name,
and as addressed to Timothy. 17 Passages are quoted with
o aTToo-roXo?, with and without honorific epithet. 18 No
passages are quoted with the name of o ITauXo? simply.
No passages are quoted without reference. Clement states
that the heretics rejected the authenticity of the Epistles to
Timothy on dogmatic grounds. 19
1 Str., iv. S 66 . 2 6 times. 3 Paed., iii. I2 97 .
4 Ib., ii. 9 80 . 5 4 times. 6 Str., vii. lo 57 .
7 Ib., v. 3 17 . 8 Prot., x. M . 9 Psed., ii. 2 19 ; Str., i. 1 4 ; ii. 2 52 .
10 Str., iii. 6 53 . " Ib., iv. 3 9 . 12 Ib., iv. i6 100 .
13 Psed., iii. I2 97 . " Ib.
15 Str., i. 10 49 ; iii. 6 51 . 16 Prot., ix. .
17 Str., iii. 6 53 ; iv. 7 49 . 18 Ib., i. io 49 ; v. i. 5 .
19 Cf. ii. II 52 . vvb TaiyTTjs i\cyx&nwoi rrjs ^wi fjs (i.e., I Tim. vi. 20) oc
WV alpe<rewv ras vpbs TipdQeov aOcrovcriv eiri<rro\<is.
TWV
232 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
The Epistle to Titus is quoted by name. 1 Precepts con
tained in it are assigned to the " Sacred Books. " A pas
sage is quoted as rj a7roo-ro\iKr) rypa<f)r}. 5 Another passage is
quoted as from the divinely-inspired apostle of the Lord. 4
The Epistle to Philemon is nowhere quoted or referred
to. That this does not necessarily imply ignorance of its
existence or doubt of its authority is plain from his apparent
ignorance of certain books of the Old Testament. The
omission was probably due to its brevity and its personal
note. The contents were of no special interest to him, as
the question of slavery was to all appearance not urgent in
the Church in Alexandria.
The Epistle to the Hebrews is quoted by name, and as
the work of Paul. 5 A passage is quoted as from the divine
apostle. 6 We have also o aTroo-roXo? simply. 7 A passage is
quoted without reference, and there are suggestions of
others. 8 In a passage from the " Hypotyposes," preserved
by Eusebius, the position of Clement with regard to the
authorship of Hebrews is given as follows : " The Epistle to
the Hebrews was the work of Paul, and was written to the
Hebrews in the Hebrew language, but Luke translated it
carefully and published it for the Greeks. Hence the simi
larity in the complexion of style between Acts and Hebrews.
The words, Paul the Apostle, were probably not prefixed,
because in sending it to the Hebrews, who were prejudiced
and suspicious of him, he did not wish to repel them at the
outset by putting his name." 9 The interest of this hypo
thesis is that Clement has observed the difference in style
between Hebrews and the Pauline Epistles and its likeness
to St Luke. 10
1 Str., i. 14 69 ; iv. 20 128 , 2 Psed., iii. 12 97 , s Prot, i. *. * Ib., i. 7 .
6 Str., v. 10 62 ; vi. 8 62 . 6 Ib., ii. 2 8 . 7 7 times.
8 Prot., ix. . 9 Eus., H. E., vi. 14.
10 Cf. Adum. in i Pet. v. 13; Stah., vol. iii. p. 206.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 233
From this record it appears that, with the exception of
Philemon, all the Epistles of St Paul were used by Clement ;
that, with the exception of ist and 2nd Thessalonians, all
the Epistles are mentioned by name ; that, with the excep
tion of the Epistles to the Philippians, 2nd Timothy, and
Hebrews, all the Epistles are quoted as Scripture, or in
phrases which imply scriptural authority ; that, apart from
cases where a honorific epithet is attached to the name of
Paul or to him as the apostle, the form o a-Troo-roXo?, most
naturally interpreted as the Apostle par excellence, occurs
more than 120 times, most frequently in ist Corinthians,
Romans, and Ephesians, least frequently in Philippians and
the Pastoral Epistles, and not at all in 2nd Thessalonians ;
that, with the exception of ist Thessalonians and Titus, we
have passages incorporated without reference or suggestions
of passages. As has been shown in the survey of references
to the Old Testament Scriptures, the absence of the word
r) ypa<t>rj cannot be pressed as showing that Philippians, 2nd
Timothy, and Hebrews occupied in his mind a lower level
than the other Epistles ; and the detailed examination leads
to the same conclusion as that drawn from the more general
principles previously considered, that the Epistles of St
Paul were normative in all questions of doctrine and ethics
for the Church of Alexandria in the time of Clement.
According to the statement of Eusebius, Clement com
mented on all the catholic Epistles. To what extent is
this confirmed by the evidence of the extant writings ?
There is no clear evidence of Clement s knowledge of the
Epistle of St James. The passage, " faith is perfected
through gnosis," 1 can hardly be regarded as an allusion
to "faith was perfected by works." The explanation of
the word "God of all grace "because He is good and
1 Str., vii. 10 65 . Sio rarfTTjs (i.e., -yvAffcws} yap re\ttovrai y irivrts.
234 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
the Giver of all good things is slender evidence of his
knowledge of St James ii. 22. 1 The references to Abraham
as the " friend of God " from the context are most naturally
referred to the Old Testament. 2 The passage in St James
iv. 6 is twice given ; but in one case it is taken from Clement
of Rome, 3 and in the other case it is impossible to say whether
it is taken from the Epistle of St James, or from the parallel
passage in the First Epistle of St Peter, or from the Book
of Proverbs. 4 As it is quoted as rj ypa^rj, which no other
passage of ist Peter is, it is most probably to be assigned
to Proverbs. The saying quoted in the Stromateis might
be taken either from St Matthew or from St James. 5 It is
nearer in form to the latter than the former ; but, as in the
first instance noted, it is quoted as a saying of the Lord, and
in the latter case it is incorporated without reference, the
probability is that he was thinking of the passage in St
Matthew. By Justin and others the passage in St Matthew
is quoted in the form employed by Clement. The strongest
case for his knowledge of St James is the reference in the
Stromateis, where, it is true, the command to love one s
neighbour is associated, not, as in James, with a " royal
law," but with " royal persons." 6 This difference in the
case of Clement, whose memory was often tenacious of
single words, does not disprove that that passage was in
his mind. But of itself the passage is hardly sufficient to
prove the thesis, as it is not clearly confirmed by other
testimony. At the most, the evidence in regard to St James
does not go beyond a " non liquet."
The First Epistle of St Peter is quoted by name. 7 No
1 Adum. in I Pet. ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 206.
2 Paed., iii. 2 12 ; iii. 8 42 ; Str., ii. 5 20 . * Str., iv. i; 106 .
4 Ib., iii. 6 49 ; i Pet. v. 5. ; Rom. iii. 34.
5 Str., v. 14"; vii. II OT . Cf. vii. 8 54 . Cf. Matt. v. 37 with James v. 12.
6 Str., vi. i8 164 . Cf., however, i Pet. 2 9 . 7 Str., iii. i8 110 ; iv. 2O 139 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 235
passage is quoted with 77 rypafyrj. A passage is quoted with
facrl, or as a saying of the Tutor. 1 One passage is quoted with
the words TO elprj^evov arylws? Peter is designated o /jLa/cdpios 3
and o Oavudcnos* Numerous passages are quoted simply
as the sayings of Peter. 5 Several passages are quoted
without reference, 6 and there are numerous suggestions. 7
The Second Epistle of St Peter is nowhere mentioned nor
quoted. The fact that he only seems to have known one
epistle because he uses the phrase ev rrj eVto-roX^ 8 does not
prove that he knew only one; for he uses a like phrase of
1st John, 9 though he knew of more than one, and also of
ist Corinthians. 10 Potter gives two references to 2nd Peter.
The first proves nothing ; the second is a mistake for ist
Peter. In Strom, i. i 2 some have found a possible reference
to 2nd Peter ii. 22 ; but on a phrase so proverbial nothing
can be built. There is a possible suggestion of 2nd Peter
i. 10 in Strom, vii. n 66 and Quis Dives, c. 36; but the pos
sibility is barely established. As in the case of St James, the
statement of Eusebius may be held to demonstrate Clement s
knowledge of 2nd Peter ; but in his extant works there is no
evidence of such knowledge. As the emphasising of know
ledge in the Epistle was in harmony with his way of think
ing, the absence of reference here is the more noteworthy.
In one case, moreover, where he accuses the heretics of
twisting the Scriptures with a view to their own pleasures,
a reference so apposite to the context as that of 2nd Peter
iii. 16 might naturally have been expected. 11
Part of his commentary on the Epistle of St Jude sur
vives in a Latin version. Elsewhere the Epistle is definitely
1 Pad., iii. ii. 2 Ib> j iie
3 Stah., vol. iii. p. 219. 4 Str., iii. II 75 .
5 Peed., i. 6 44 ; iii. n 74 ; Str., iv. 7 46 ; Ex. Theod., 12. 6 Prot., iv. 59.
7 E.g., Str., i. 28 178 ; iii. 4 31 ; vii. 7 35 8 Ib - " l8 U -
9 Ib., iii. 432. 10 Ib., v. 12 *>. n Ib., iii. 4 S9
236 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
assigned to St Jude. 1 A passage is quoted with " Jude
says," 2 and another with the words SiSao-KaXi/ccoTaTa
KTi0Tcu. s A passage is quoted without reference. 4
The First Epistle of St John is specifically mentioned. 5
A passage is quoted as having been spoken by John Oeiws
ye KOI eW7ri>oft>9, 6 another passage with <r;crt. 7 Several
sayings are quoted as sayings of John. 8 One passage is
quoted without reference. 9 Part of the commentary sur
vives in a Latin version.
Clement knew of at least two Epistles of St John, as
he refers to the " larger epistle." 10 Part of a commentary
on the Second Epistle survives in a Latin Version.
Clement regards trcke/crtf as a proper name, and says that
the letter was addressed to a certain Babylonian. 11
There is no trace of the Third Epistle in the extant
writings of Clement.
The Book of Revelation is assigned to St John. 12 It is
quoted as " The Apocalypse." 13 If this does not prove that
the Apocalypse of St John occupied a higher platform than
the other Apocalypses then current, it shows that at least
it was more widely known. A reference to the Word as
Alpha and Omega is found twice, and there is a kindred
reference to the Lord. 14 With the indefinite phrase, "we
have heard," there is a reference to the precious stones on
the walls and gates of the Jerusalem that is above. 15 A
comment implies that it is " Scripture." There is a refer-
1 Str., iii. 2". 2 Pad., iii. 8". 3 Ib., iii. 8 4 Str., vi. S 65 .
5 Ib., ii. I5 66 ; iii. 4 32 . 6 Q. D., 37. 7 Str., iii. 5 42 .
8 Psed., iii. ii 82 ; iii. I2 98 ; Str., iii. 5 44 ; iii. 6 45 ; iv. i6 100 .
9 Str., v. i 13 . 10 Ib., ii. 15 <*.
11 " Scripta vero est ad quandam Babyloniam Electam " (Stah. vol. iii
p. 215) (2 John i.)
12 Str., vi. is 106 . 13 Psed., ii. io 108 .
14 Ib., i. 6 36 ; Str., iv. 25 157 .
16 Psed., ii. 12 m . rb <rv/j.po\iKbv ra>v
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 237
ence to the contents of Rev. v. 6. 1 There are suggestions
of other passages. 2
If the positions here supported be adopted, it would
appear that in the extant works of Clement we have clear
evidence of his knowledge and recognition of all the books
that now form the canon of the New Testament, with the
exception of Philemon, 2nd Peter, and 3rd John, and that
in the case of James the evidence is inconclusive.
From the evidence it would appear that Clement was
acquainted with at least two groups of authoritative books
other than the writings of the Old Testament the one
designated TO ei>ayye\t,ov, the other o anroaroKo^. Though
the Gospels could not have been formed into one roll, 3 they
are virtually regarded as forming one book. As in the New
Testament we find the " Law " given as a denomination
for the whole of the Old Testament, 4 so it has been
suggested that Clement uses the word "Gospel" for the
whole writings which he recognised as belonging to the
New Testament. But the arguments are inconclusive ;
and it is all but certain that he used the word to
express the four canonical Gospels only.
A second group seems to be quoted under the name of
" The Apostle." In an overwhelming number of cases the
word simply means St Paul. But in some cases though
we nowhere find the phrase "in the Apostle " as a parallel
phrase to that " in the Gospel " it seems to refer to
writings. As it is nowhere applied to any quotation from
the Epistles of the other Apostles, it is probably to be
interpreted as meaning the Epistles of St Paul only. In
the plural form the phrase does not seem to be applied to
writings but to individuals, whose writings for that reason
1 Str., v. 6 35 . 2 E.g., Paed., iii. 3 25 .
3 Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the N. T., p. 31.
4 I Cor. xiv. 21.
238 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
are recognised as authoritative. In this way the term
might include both the Catholic Epistles and the Pauline
Epistles.
The manner in which " Gospel " and " Apostle " are
referred to implies their authoritative character. But it
does not follow that they were regarded as parts of an
exclusive whole, of a canon in the latter sense of the
word. Clement uses the word " canon " in various ways.
He speaks of the " canon of the truth," of the " canon of
the faith," of the " canon of the Church," of the "ecclesi
astical canon." 1 This last is defined as "the harmony
and agreement of the Law and the Prophets with the
Covenant delivered at the coming of the Lord." ; It is
therefore a canon of interpretation, not of the contents of
that to which the canon applied, though it implies a
certain relationship between the things interpreted. The
question of a canon, considered as an authoritative collec
tion of writings, turns rather on the interpretation to be
put on the word &La0rffcrj. The word is used by him in
the New Testament sense of " covenant," without any refer
ence to a written testament, sometimes in a sense that fluc
tuates between these conceptions. But in some cases the
natural interpretation suggests a written document. He
speaks of the importance of philosophy in enabling us to
distinguish synonymous expressions in the Testaments. 3
After quoting a saying of the Lord in the Gospel of St
Matthew, he asks, quoting a passage from the Book of
Proverbs, " Does He not legislate to the same effect in
the Old Testament ? " 4 Elsewhere he contrasts the saying
of the Law with a saying of the Lord Himself in the New
1 Str.,vii. i6 94 ; iv. 15 98 ; vii. 16 105 ; vii. ; 41 .
2 Ib., vi. I5 125 . 3 Ib., i. 9 U .
4 Ib., iii. 6 M . ouxl Se TO avra Kai 4v rfj ira\cua Siad^Krj vo/xofltTe? ; Prov.
xix. 17 ; Matt. xxv. 40.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 239
Testament. 1 The one was a written authority ; is it not
most natural to regard the other, the contrasted, source,
as also written ? So he speaks of the Epistles of St Paul
as depending on the Old Testament. 2 But though there
is this conception of a written Testament, and though the
conception of a New Testament was logically prior to
any collection of writings, and may have been at work
unconsciously, it is plain from Clement s treatment of
other works that the conception was not consciously
realised nor logically developed.
The extensive use of writings not regarded as canonical
is one of the most pronounced features in the works of
Clement. Of some a mere mention must suffice. The
Book of Enoch is quoted as the work of Enoch, and an
allusion to the same passage is found elsewhere. 3 In view
of the precedent in the Epistle of St Jude, this is in
no way surprising. 4 The Apocalypse of Elias is quoted
without reference as Scripture. 5 There is a probable refer
ence to " The Acts of Paul," 6 and to " The Acts of John." 7
The limited use of such as compared with the "Acts of
the Apostles" would seem to indicate that he had no
direct knowledge of them, or that he regarded them
as relatively unimportant. One passage seems to be
taken from "The Apocalypse of Zephaniah." 8 There
are two references by name to "The Traditions of
Matthias," and another passage with the name of
Matthew only. 9 Some have identified this work with
the "Gospel according to Matthew," to which Origen
makes allusion, 10 but so far as can be gathered from
1 Str., iii. io 71 . Cf. v. I 3 85 ; vii. i6 100 . 2 Ib., iv. 21 134 .
3 EC. Pr., 53 ; Str., i. 17 8 . 4 J"de v. 14.
5 Prot., x. 94 . 6 Str., vi. 5*.
7 Stab., vol. iii. p. 210. 8 Str., v. ii 77 .
9 Ib., ii. 9 45 ; vii. I s 82 ; iii. 4 26 . 10 Horn, in Luc. i.
240 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
Clement s use of it, it contained not sayings of Jesus
but of Matthew the Apostle. 1
The most important questions arise in connection with
his use of the Apocryphal Gospels, the Didache, the First
Epistle of Clement of Rome, the Epistle of Barnabas, the
Pastor of Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter, and the
Preaching of Peter.
Two Apocryphal Gospels, the Gospel according to the
Egyptians and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, are
mentioned by name. In speaking of the first-mentioned
he says: " In the first place, we have not the saying in
the Four Gospels handed down to us but in the Gospel
according to the Egyptians." Apparently, therefore,
Clement does not recognise the authority of any Gospel
other than the canonical four ; and we might have
expected that that would have ended the discussion, and
that his use of it was only to be regarded as an "archaism." 3
But the matter is not quite so simple as it seems. For on
the first occasion on which he refers to the passage, he
explains the answer of the Lord in allegorical fashion ; and
on the second occasion he accuses the heretics who had
adduced the passage of not noting the context, and
explains the addition which they had omitted allegorically.
No doubt this might be interpreted as meaning that he
was willing to discuss the matter from their standpoint, or
on the assumption of their premises. But it is much more
probable that it was to him a genuine saying of the Lord.
He distinguishes in effect between the validity to be as
cribed to the particular saying itself and the ecclesiastical
authority of the book in which the saying is recorded.
Another saying of the Lord may be taken from this Gospel. 4
The "Gospel according to the Hebrews" is mentioned
1 See Appendix G. 2 Str., iii. I3 93 ; cf. Q. D., 5.
3 Leipoldt, p. 159. 4 Str., iii. I5 97 . So Stahlin. See Appendix G.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 241
by name, and a saying is quoted with the formula, " It is
written in the Gospel according to the Hebrews." l There
it is classed as parallel to a thought in the Thesetetus
of Plato, and in the Traditions of Matthias. The same
saying is adduced without reference, 2 the context, however,
suggesting that he regarded it as authoritative. Clement
seems to have regarded the saying as a genuine saying of
the Lord, though he does not expressly say so, and does
not even clearly indicate that it is such ; but, as in the
case of the " Gospel according to the Egyptians," this
does not imply that he recognised the canonical authority
of the whole book. Individual sayings are quoted with fj
ypa^tj and \eyet, 6 acortjp^ which may have come either from
oral tradition or some non-canonical Gospel ; but so far as
they are not explained on the principle just suggested, they
may be due to a slip of memory, or may be regarded as
the survival of the influence of an earlier period, when he
had not yet definitely formulated a distinction between
what was canonical and what was not. There is no
saying quoted with the phrase " In the Gospel " that
can be definitely assigned to any non-canonical Gospel.
Though relative frequency of quotation does not furnish
an absolute criterion of relative value, it has a certain force.
While the Gospel of St Matthew is quoted or referred to
from three to four hundred times, and there are references
to some passage in every chapter of the Gospel of St
Luke, and to all but the ninth chapter in the Gospel of
St John, there is only one quotation, twice repeated from
the " Gospel according to the Hebrews," and two or
three, dealing with the same incident, from the " Gospel
according to the Egyptians." If Clement or his antag
onists had put any non - canonical Gospel in the same
1 Str., ii. 9 45 . See Appendix G. 2 Str., v. 14 y6 .
9 See Appendix G.
242 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
category as the canonical Gospels, it is inconceivable that
the references to them should have been so few. It is a
proof that the non - canonical Gospels stood in a purely
external relation to his inner development, and had con
tributed little or nothing to it. In any case, it shows that
in the non -canonical Gospels there was little that was
not found in the canonical Gospels, and that that little
was not of much value.
The " Didache " was familiar to Clement. This is proved
by the form in which he quotes the Decalogue. 1 It is
often said that the " Didache " is quoted by Clement as
rf ypa(f>ij. From the previous sentence to that in which
the term is used it is more probable that the reference
is to John x. 8. 2 The " Didache " is, however, quoted in
the next sentence with cf>r)o-L*
If we apply to the Epistles of Clement of Rome and
Barnabas the same criteria which we have applied to the
Pauline Epistles, we find the results to be as follows. The
Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians is quoted by name,
and as the work of Clement. 4 It is nowhere quoted as
77 Ypa<j)rf. It is quoted with yeypaTTTai with the Epistle to
the Corinthians by name, 5 and in one case as the " Epistle
of the Romans to the Corinthians." 6 It is quoted with
</>7?<7t, 7 though in one case the subject may be Clement of
Rome himself. 8 In the series of quotations from the
Epistle of Clement in Strom, iv., 9 he is designated as
the apostle Clement. He is not named with any such
honorific epithets as are attached to the name of Paul.
It is doubtful whether Clement could have regarded as
Scripture in the fullest sense, or as on a level with the
1 Psed., iii. I2 89 ; Str., iii. 4 s6 . ov
2 Str., i. 20 100 . 3 Ib. ; Did., iii. 5. 4 Str., i. 7 38 ; iv. 17 105 ; vi. 8 65 .
6 Ib., iv. 17". 6 Ib., v. I2 80 . 7 Ib., iv. 17 108 .
8 Ib., iv. i8 m . 9 Ib., iv. 17.
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 243
Pauline Epistles, a letter in which he conceived of the
writer as the spokesman of a church ; but it is certainly
a writing which he treats with great respect, and it was
probably regarded by him as authoritative.
The question as to the Epistle of Barnabas is more com
plicated. One passage is quoted with <j>rja-L l Barnabas is
designated as the Apostle 2 or apostolic, 3 as " one of the
Seventy and a fellow - worker with Paul," 4 as "one who
proclaimed the Gospel along with the Apostle," 5 as "one
of the Seventy who received gnosis from the Apostles." 6
Sometimes Clement quotes or appropriates the fanciful
interpretations of the Old Testament which are character
istic of Barnabas. 7 The evidence in favour of its canonicity
in his eyes seems so far cogent. But there is evidence of a
contrary kind. When quoting the exposition of the First
Psalm by Barnabas, he quotes other expositions with no
indication that that of Barnabas stood on a different plat
form from the others, and, apparently, with a preference
for another than that of Barnabas. 8 From this attitude
of his two opposite conclusions may be drawn. We may
say with Leipoldt that to the consciousness of Clement
there was no clear distinction between Scripture and valu
able historical sources, and that his attitude to a "work
which he certainly regarded as canonical " shows that his
" corpus ecclesiasticum " was not a fixed quantity. 9 Or, we
may hold that a work whose authority is not unquestionably
accepted by him cannot have had in his eyes canonical
authority. He never dreams, for example, of differing
from St Paul, or St Peter, or St John, but is satisfied with
expounding them. If that be so, the designation " the
1 Psed., iii. 12 9. 2 Str., ii. 6 31 ; ii. 7 35 . 3 Ib., ii. 20 116 .
4 Ib. 5 Ib., v. io 63 . 6 Stah., vol. iii. p. 199.
7 Peed., iii. ii 75 ; Str., v. 8 62 ; vi. ii 84 .
8 Str., ii. is 68 . fl Op. /., p. 234.
244 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
apostle " cannot of itself in that case involve authority ;
and the phrases that are attached to his name only
indicate that he was entitled to such deference as might
be awarded to a fellow - worker of Paul. The citation
with </>?7crt might, then, be regarded as a slip of memory.
This gains a measure of support in the fact that on
the only other occasion of its use the same passage is
attached to a passage in the book of Isaiah. 1 Further
doubt as to the position of Barnabas is suggested by the
circumstance that in the Paedagogus he seems to be
giving a direct contradiction to a statement of his. At
any rate, he emphatically contradicts a hypothesis which
from his knowledge of the immediate context in the
Epistle of Barnabas he could not fail to know was held
by Barnabas. 2 This seems decisive. The work of Bar
nabas, accordingly, was to him that of one who was to
be honoured as a fellow-worker of Paul, and with whom
as an exponent of the Old Testament he had himself
some intellectual sympathy, rather than an authoritative
Scripture.
No doubt attaches to his recognition of the canonical
authority of the Pastor of Hermas. It is regarded as
what it claims to be, the record of a revelation granted
to Hermas in a vision. 3 It is quoted under the name of
The Shepherd. 4 A saying of Hermas is commented on
as if it were a passage of Scripture. 5 It is quoted in
support of his dogmatic thesis that the apostles preached
the Gospel to the heathen in Hades. 6 It is quoted on
the relation of the Christian virtues to one another, 7 and
1 Str.,ii. i8 79 .
2 Poed. , ii. IO* 5 : O$KOVV oi8e r^v vaivav fjLCTafidXXtiv r^v <f>v<riv
Barn., x. : TOVTO ykp rb u>ov Trap* eviauTbv a\\dcr(rfi TJ\V (j>vffiv t
3 Str., i. 29 181 ; ii. I 3 . 4 Ib., ii. 12 65 ; iv.
6 EC. Pr., 45. 6 Str., vi. 6 16 . 7 Ib., ii. I2 55 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 245
also alongside of a saying of St Paul and a saying of the
Lord. 1 It is quoted in support of his contention as to
the difference between the letter and the inner meaning, 2
and as to the utterance of some truths by the false
prophets. 3
Clement regards as authoritative and authentic all the
literature that circulated in the name of Peter. Of these
the most important are The Apocalypse of Peter and
* The Preaching of Peter. According to Eusebius, Clement
commented on the Apocalypse of Peter in his Hypo-
typoses ; 4 and the passages in the Selections from the
Prophets support this statement. 5 The fact that the
teaching of * The Apocalypse of Peter/ in the fragmentary
form in which we now have it, is so entirely out of har
mony with Clement s own teaching on punishment for sin,
may mean that the document has undergone many inter
polations. If not, that he should have accepted a docu
ment as authoritative which was so foreign to his own
way of thinking, proves how dominant in his mind was
the conception of apostolic authority as a guarantee of
inspiration. It must have required all his allegorical
subtlety to explain away its details.
The Preaching of Peter is quoted by name, and as the
work of Peter. 6 It is quoted in support of his view that the
souls in Hades must have had an opportunity of hearing the
Gospel. 7 It is quoted with great regard for the letter of
the passage in support of his contention that the Greeks
had an imperfect knowledge and worship of the true God, 8
that Greeks, Jews, and Christians all knew God, though in a
1 Str., iv. 9 74 . 2 Ib., vi. I5 131 .
3 Ib.,i. I7 85 . 4 H. E., vi. 14.
5 EC. Pr., 41, 48, 49. From a comparison of Fragments 41 and 48 it is plain
that he regarded it as Scripture and commented on it as such.
6 Str., i. 29 182 ; ii. 15 68 ; EC. Pr., 58.
*Str.,vi. 6 "Ib.,vi. 5 .
246 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE,
different way, 1 and that God gave philosophy to the Greeks. 2
A saying from it is quoted and put alongside one assigned
to the Apostle Paul. 3 It is also quoted in support of his
view as to parabolic teaching and the interpretation of
the Old Testament. 4 Though it is not quoted with any
of the ordinary forms that imply inspiration or authority,
there can be no doubt from his method of use that he
regarded it as a canonical Scripture, simply because, as in
the case of the Apocalypse, he regarded it as the work of
the Apostle Peter.
The conception of a canon logically involved that of
a closed canon and a clear recognition of the principles on
which it should be formed ; but the use of apocryphal
books by Clement shows that in Alexandria the conception
was yet in flux, that the question of an authoritative record
had not yet been definitely settled, nor the principles of its
formation formulated. All the books of the New Testa
ment, with the exceptions already noted, were known to
Clement and used by him as authoritative ; but alongside
of these, some as equal in rank, some as lower in rank, were
placed other productions believed to belong to the apostolic
or sub-apostolic age. Clement witnesses to the importance
that was attached in the formation of the canon to apostolic
authorship or apostolic sanction, and to the part played by
the Catholic Church, as claiming to be the custodier of
apostolic tradition, in determining what was, or was not,
cognate to itself and its teaching. In estimating his posi
tion as a representative man, we have to keep in mind his
strong individualism, his belief in the universality of inspira
tion, his genial outlook on Greek literature, and the influ-
1 Str., vi. 5 41 . 3 Ib., vi. 5 ^
8 Ib., vi. 5 43 . The saying is from The Acts of Paul.
4 Str., vi. I 5 127 , 128 .
INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 247
ence which these exercised. But as a counterpoise to this
have to be placed his official position and his extensive
journeyings in pursuit of Christian truth, which entitle
him to be regarded as a representative not of Alexandria
merely, but of the Church in widely scattered districts of
the Roman Empire.
APPENDIX A.
ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS.
IN Greek song and story we read how Amphion built the walls
of Thebes by his skill in music, how Orpheus tamed the wild
beasts, how the grasshopper took the place of the broken string
on the lyre of Eunomus. But my Eunomus sings not in Phrygian
or in Lydian measure, but He sings the new song " a song to
lull all pain and error, and bring forgetfulness of every sorrow."
Orpheus and Amphion corrupted the life of man under the mask
of music ; my Singer has destroyed the bitter slavery of the
demons, and by the might of His song such as were but " stones "
and "beasts" become men. 1 This song has brought the whole
universe into harmony. The Word of God the New Song is
the philanthropic instrument of God. Our salvation is His only
harvest from us. Though designated by me the New Song, " He
was before the morning-star " ; He " was in the beginning." The
source of our being and our wellbeing, the Word, by whom all
things were created, has appeared as our teacher to bestow on us
eternal life. His pity is an eternal pity. Like those who bind
captives to the dead, the wicked serpent binds living men to dead
idols. He who now exhorts men to salvation is He who once
spoke to men through the thorn and the cloud, and by the pillar of
fire terrified men. Then He spoke by the mouth of the prophets ;
now, the Lord Himself, the compassionate God, speaks clearly to
men. The Word of God became man that thou mightst learn from
man how man may become God. Be very earnest in regard to
Christ. He is the door to a true conception of God : only through
Him is God truly discerned by the initiated. 2 Do not concern
250 APPENDIX A
yourselves with oracles and other insane forms of divination, arti
fices of unbelieving men. The mysteries are a seed of wickedness
and corruption. What you are not ashamed to worship I shall
not refrain from describing. What of Aphrodite, her origin and
rites? Are not the mysteries of Demeter an insult and a jest?
What of Zeus and his intercourse with Persephone ? What of the
inhuman mysteries of Dionysus and the savagery of the Titans?
The mysteries of the Cabiri are but murders and funerals. 1 Their
mysteries are mysteries of atheists. Are they not atheists who
do not recognise the truly existent God, and call those gods who
are nothing but a name ? Strange that men like Euhemerus, who
saw clearly the errors of men in regard to God, should have been
called atheists. The extreme points of atheism are ignorance and
superstition. By it the primal fellowship between God and man
was darkened, and man, the child of God, has been turned aside
from the heavenly way of life. Some have deified the stars and
worshipped the sun. Some have made gods of the fruits of the
earth. Some have deified retribution and calamities. Some have
made idols of the passions. Some deify incidents that befall men.
Some manufacture gods and speak of their birth. Some attribute
the beneficence of God Himself to " saviours," as Heracles and
Asclepius. 2 The things recorded of your gods really happened to
dissolute men. Their fatherland, their crafts, their way of life, their
graves, prove that they were but men. Listen to the loves of your
gods the monstrous legends of their dissoluteness, their wounds
and their battles, their laughter and tears. The games, Isthmian,
Olympian, and the like, were primarily gatherings at tombs. The
mysteries seem to have been held in honour of the dead. Your
gods ate and drank, sometimes unwittingly of the flesh of men like
Zeus. The myths about Zeus are antiquated ; he is dead and
buried in Crete. 3 Your Zeus, your Apollo, have different names
and characteristics. Better than such worship the Egyptian worship
of creatures without reason ; they at least are not unnatural in their
lusts. You scoff at the Egyptians ; but do not some of you worship
the stork, the weasel, and the ant? The impure demons are no
" guardians of articulate-speaking men." Do they guard you from
committing sin, as, of course, they have had no experience of it ?
1 ii. ", 12 . 2 ii. 23-26. s ii. 27 - 37 .
ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 25 1
Like gluttons they are enticed by the smoke, "the drink-offering
and burnt-offering which is their due." l Those gods of yours are
inhuman and enjoy human sacrifices. A place does not transform
a murder into a sacrifice. To sacrifice a man to Artemis is as
much a murder as if done in passion or from lust of gold. You
turn aside from a serpent, why not from man-hating demons ? Can
truth or profit be got from the wicked? Your temples are but
tombs. Yourselves dead, you have put your trust in the dead ;
"your heads are shrouded in night." 2
Statues are the work of men. As art flourished, error grew.
The statue of Zeus at Olympias was fashioned by Pheidias. Other
statues are the work of other sculptors, as the Egyptian Serapis
the so-called "made without hands." Well says the philosopher
Heraclitus, " and they pray to their images as if one were to talk
with houses." Statues are less worthy of honour than the meanest
living creatures ; these possess life and growth, though their senses
be undeveloped. Your image is but dead matter; we have an
intellectual image of the only true God. Men plunder idols ; birds
defile them. Fire and earthquake have no fear of images. 3 Kings
of old, even private persons, claimed for themselves divine honours.
How can phantoms and demons be gods? Why forsake heaven
and honour earth ? Matter needs art to fashion it ; God is in need
of nothing. I dare not intrust the hopes of my soul to soulless
things. You have been deceived by art though apes are not
deceived by pictures in wax or clay. You have peopled the woods,
fields, rivers, and seas with a mob of satyrs, nymphs, nereids, and
nereiads. You have made a stage of heaven. We carry about in
the living statue man the image of God, an image which is our
guest. We are " not from beneath." 4 You have pictures of wan
tonness everywhere. We are forbidden to practise an art that
deceives. The sculptor has a better claim to divine honours than
the statue which he moulded. Take heed lest you become as void
of perception as statues. What folly to worship the work of God,
sun, moon, and stars, and not God Himself. The universe sprang
into being by a mere act of His will. Do not deify the cosmos,
but seek for its Creator. In the Divine wisdom is a holy
asylum. 5
1 jj^ 38.41 > 2 {{I 42.45^ 3 j v< 46.83. 4 j y 54.59^ 5 j v 60.83^
252 APPENDIX A
Turn to philosophers. They have a dream of the truth. Think
of the divergent views of Thales, Anaximenes, and Parmenides, &c.,
with regard to the first principles. The Stoics utterly disgrace
philosophy by representing Divinity as permeating all matter.
Epicurus, utterly impious, thinks that God cares for nothing. 1
You fashion gods out of winds or air or fire or earth. I yearn
for the Lord of the fire, the Creator of the cosmos, for God Himself,
not for His works. In his conception of God Plato grazed the
surface of the truth. He speaks truth as in a riddle. For true
laws and opinions concerning God he is indebted to the Hebrews.
By the inspiration of God not Plato alone, but many philosophers
like Antisthenes and Cleanthes, have declared that God is the only
true God. 2
The witness of poetry is as that of philosophy. Take Aratus or
Hesiod or Euripides. They have glimmerings of the truth, but
only glimmerings ; for to speak of God apart from the word of
truth is to walk without feet. 3
Turn to the Prophetic Scriptures. They are a short road to
salvation. Mark how Jeremiah, Isaiah, the whole prophetic choir,
set forth God. Listen to the divine Moses, the blessed psalmist,
the holy apostle of the Lord. 4 Thousands of Scriptures might be
adduced. As a gentle Father, not as a master, God admonishes
His children. You must become little children. The church of
the first-born is formed of many good children. Be not slaves too
proud to become sons. Do not prefer bondage to freedom, death
to salvation. Scripture sets before us the threatening, the exhor
tation, the reward. The Lord exhorts all men to a full knowledge
of the truth. If eternal salvation were for sale, the whole wealth of
Pactolus would not suffice to purchase it ; but with love and faith
you can buy it. God alone can teach man and make him like to
God. 5 The apostle calls the sacred books God - inspired. No
exhortation has such force as that of the Lord Himself, whose sole
work is the salvation of men. He says, " The kingdom of heaven
is at hand " ; and the apostle interprets that divine voice. Faith
will introduce you, experience will teach you, the Scriptures will
train you. The Word shines for all men. " Let us who are many
hasten to be gathered together into the one love. Let us follow
2 67.72 3 73.76 4 77.81 5 82.86^
ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 253
after oneness, seeking out the good Monad," that we may come to
rest in the one truth, saying, " Abba, Father." l
" It is not reasonable," you say, " to subvert the customs handed
down to us from our fathers." Why not, then, use the milk of
infancy ? Why not slobber as we did when children ? Abhorrent
to piety is this insane custom. But for it you would never have
rejected God s greatest boon to the race of men. Superstition
destroys, piety saves. 2 Look to those who serve the idols their
filthy hair, their ragged raiment, their nails like wild beasts claws.
They seem to be mourning for their gods, not to be worshipping
them. Why not look up to the Lord of the universe ? Monstrous
that you, who are His absolute property, should become the slaves
of another master. Let us pass from ignorance to knowledge, from
unrighteousness to righteousness, from godlessness to God. Our
loving Father never ceases to admonish or save. Why not prefer
life to death? 3 By your obsession with ancestral customs you
keep off the truth. Let us fight in the stadium of truth, with the
Holy Word as umpire, and the Lord of the universe as presiding in
the contest. The prize is immortality. Heed not the loafers in
the market-place and their harangues. Heed not the image-makers
who have had the audacity to make gods of men. No artist, great
or mean, ever formed a living image. Only the Creator of the
universe has formed a living image man. Statues are but earthly
images of the visible and earth-born man. 4 As a man, seek out
the Creator. As a son, acknowledge thy Father. By nature man
is formed for intercourse with God. Piety is his peculiar preroga
tive a sufficient viaticum for eternity. Till the fields, if you will,
but, as you till, know God. Sail, if fond of seamanship, but invoke
the heavenly pilot. If knowledge has come to you when soldiering,
listen to the general who commands what is right. 5 Awake out of
your drunken stupor. Why love the darkness ? Neither halo, nor
iris, nor sun, nor moon, nor punishment, nor destiny, nor sleep, nor
death, is a god. Only one God truly exists. " The earth is the
Lord s." Why ignore the owner? 6 Are stones and birds sacred,
but not men ? Wretched men to suppose that God speaks through
the croaking of a raven or the chattering of a jackdaw, but not
254 APPENDIX A
through the articulate speech of men. To be deprived of spiritual
vision and to be deaf to divine instruction is of all things the most
pitiable. Yet nothing can hinder a man who is determined to
know God. Receive, then, the gentle word, and spit out deleterious
poison. " Believe, O man, Him who is man and God. Believe
Him who suffered and is adored. Believe the living God, whom to
find is to possess life." l More blessed are the wild beasts than men
in their errors. Fishes are not superstitious, birds are not idolaters.
Gain knowledge of God, if even at the end of life. Let heaven be
thy fatherland, and God thy lawgiver. Better the bitter drug of
truth than the sweet of custom. Cast aside the playthings of
childhood. 2 The Son the Word took the mask of a man and
acted the drama of human salvation. The universe has been
flooded with His benefits. 3
Regard His beneficence. Man, the child of God, fell under the
power of the serpent that is, pleasure. The Lord overcame the
serpent ; and he who lost paradise receives heaven as his due. 4
With the coming of the Word from above, recourse to the men of
Athens or Ionia is superfluous. The true wisdom, only dimly
guessed at by the highest philosophers, we have apprehended.
The Word gives clear vision to the darkened mind. Let us admit
the light, that we may admit God. Let us remove the ignorance
which like a mist obstructs the vision, and contemplate the God
who truly exists. The Sun of righteousness has changed sunset
into sunrise. By heavenly teaching He has made man as God.
Let us give to God the guerdon of a thankful heart and obedi
ence. Those who put their trust in jugglers receive amulets that
claim "saving" power; why not rather take for an amulet the
Heavenly One Himself the " Saving " Word ? Let the light shine
in the heart. 5 God sent the Good Shepherd to save the flock of
men. He proclaims good news to the obedient, judgment to the
disobedient. He blows the trumpet of the Gospel, and gathers
the soldiers of peace. With His armoury we are prepared for
battle with the evil one. Better to become at once the servant
of the best of beings, and by holy service to imitate Him. I
exhort you to be saved. Christ truly bestows life upon you. He
banishes death, and makes man the temple and dwelling-place of
1 x 104.106 2 Y 107.109 3 v 110 4 Y J 111 112 5 Y ; 113.116
ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 255
God. Offer thyself to Him, that thou mayst be not the work only,
but also the grace of God. 1
Custom is as dangerous as the Charybdis or the mythic sirens.
But if bound to the cross, thou art saved from destruction : the
Word of God will be thy pilot, the Holy Spirit will bring thee to
anchorage in heaven, where thou shalt have the vision of God and
be instructed in the holy mysteries. Come, O frenzied one, to the
true Cithseron, where no Maenades hold revel, but the daughters
of God celebrate the sacred rites of the Word. Come, O blind
Teiresias, and be led to the truth. Thou didst not see Thebes, but
thou shalt see the heavens. 2 " Hear," says Jesus, " ye men endowed
with reason, barbarians and Greeks alike. To you alone of mortals
I grant immortality. I confer on you the word, the knowledge of
God, my perfect self. I seek that ye may be like unto me." 3 Let
us run to Him, let us love Christ, the good charioteer of men. Let
us acquire the greatest of all things God and life. Let us long
for the Word of Truth Himself. Let us not value least the things
which are worth most. Not unreasonably the philosophers call
ignorance a form of madness. Can we doubt whether it is better
to be sane than insane ? All things are God s. If man be beloved
by God, all things are His. The pious alone is rich, and wise, and
of noble birth. He is the "image" of God as well as the "like
ness." He is like unto God. Choose judgment or grace. Surely
life is not to be compared to destruction. 4
1 Y ; 116 117 2 :: 118 119 3 Y ii 120 4 v jj 121.123
APPENDIX B.
ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS.
BOOK I. Corresponding to the actions, habits, and passions of men,
the Word discharges a threefold function. As Tutor, His aim
is preliminary, not scientific, to train the soul to a virtuous, not
a scientific, life. He diets our sick souls. By a series of stages
leading to salvation, the Word first exhorts, then trains, and finally
teaches. 1 Our Tutor is like God, His Father, sinless, free from
passion. We need first to be delivered from passions, and then
from proclivity to sin. Not to sin is the prerogative of God. To
be free from deliberate transgression is the mark of the wise man.
To avoid involuntary offences belongs to the well-instructed. Our
Tutor heals body and soul. Man is His child, His greatest work. 2
The Lord ministers all good to men. Man, who was made by
God, is loved by Him, and ought to return His love and live
according to His will. This applies to women as well as to men.
For men and women have a common grace and a common sal
vation, a common love and training. 3
Paedagogy is the training of children. As is proved by the Lord
in the Gospel, we are the children of the Tutor. The same is
shown by the designations, "lambs," "sucking-calves," "doves."
" chickens," and " young colts." We are " little children," not
because we are at the age of unreasoning or devoid of learning,
but because we are simple and guileless, as those who know the
only God as their Father. As infants we are easily wrought to
goodness, and, being a new people, are not perverse like the ancient
race. Because the children are the simple ones we glory in the
name. All young and feeble things meet with kindness. So God
1 i. i 1 - . 2 i. 2 1 - 6 . 3 i. V4 7 -".
ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 257
the Father of the universe treats with tenderness the children
whom He has begotten and adopted. The Spirit calls the Lord
Himself a child the great God and the perfect child. 1 We are
not, then, called children, because our education is childish or
imperfect in character. When regenerated we at once attain
perfection ; illuminated, we know God. We are already " light
in the Lord," though there is a difference between the earnest
and the attainment of the promise. Yet faith is perfect and
complete in itself. It is the one universal salvation of men, and
equality of fellowship with the righteous and loving God is the
same to all. In the same Word there are not gnostics and
psychical men. The Master calls us " babes." We are to be
as new-born babes of God. Those under the Law are children;
those under faith are men and sons. Compared with the Law,
childhood in Christ is full growth. 2 When the apostle said, " I
have fed you with milk," he did not mean that which was childish
and imperfect. For the milk is to be regarded not as something
different from the meat, but the same in essence. Blood is a kind
of liquid flesh, and milk is the sweeter and finer part of blood.
The essence of the human body is blood. Milk is a product of the
blood. The affinity of milk for water, its mixture with honey and
sweet wine, the butter made from milk, may all symbolise spiritual
truths. 3
Our Tutor, Jesus, calls Himself the good shepherd. As such
He leads the children to salvation. He has said " I am your
Teacher." Divine instruction is a right directing of truth with a
view to the vision of God, and is a possession for ever; whereas
human instruction fails to mould moral character. Once He said,
" Thou shalt fear " ; to us He says, " Thou shalt love." Moses
predicted His name and office. By Prophecy He is invested with
a rod. 4
"But can He be good who uses the rod?" To say so is to
forget that in love for us the Lord became man. From experience
of suffering He knows the weakness of the flesh. God hates noth
ing, nor does His Word. He loves, and man most of all. "If
so, how does He punish ? " Punishment cures the passions ;
reproof acts as a surgeon. Censure is a mark of goodwill, not
i j c 12 - B4 . 2 i. S 25 - 34 . 3 5. 6 35 - 52 . 4 i. 7 B3 - 61 .
R
258 APPENDIX B
of hatred. He adjusts His reproof to the distinctive habits of
each. He cuts off the impulse to sin by declaring its consequences.
He punishes, but without feeling of revenge. God is good and just.
His Son, the saving Word, may wound in a saving fashion the soul
that has grown apathetic, and may do so by manifest methods. The
affection of anger, if such a word may be used, is inspired by love
to man. The Incarnation is a proof. 1 The Tutor of humanity has
devoted Himself to the saving of the " babes." The prophetic testi
mony shows the varied manner of His loving training. He employs
all forms of admonition, reproof, and censure. His rhetorical use
of fear is a spring of salvation. He leads to self-control those who
were being carried away to dissoluteness. When He threatens more
harshly, it is to draw us back from rushing to death. The goodness
that always shows kindness is disregarded ; that which reminds us
by the loving fear of righteousness is held in reverence. There is
a fear which is associated with reverence, and a fear which is as
sociated with hatred, such as slaves feel towards a harsh master.
There is an absolute difference between voluntary and forced piety.
The physician is not the cause of the fever, he only demonstrates
its existence. So God only shows the sins which are in the man
who is sick of soul. The same love that caused God to make His
sun to shine caused Him to send down His own Son. 2 As by
fault-finding He seeks to induce repentance and dissuade us from
sinning, so He employs persuasion and praise. He appeals to the
past, the present, and the future. By all forms of cure He calls
mankind to salvation. He invites us to the possession of blessings.
He calls men of understanding to the love of knowledge. He
brings the light of truth to the erring. Praise as well as blame is
an essential medicine. Some men need to be beaten out like iron ;
others grow by praise. Such is His method of instruction. By the
Law and the Prophets He trained men who were hard to bridle.
The Law was "a tutor to bring us to Christ." Our Tutor is Jesus,
the Word of God ; to Him God has intrusted us. He is worthy of
trust, because He is adorned with three of the fairest graces know
ledge, benevolence, and boldness of utterance. 3
The Tutor delineates for us the ideal of the true life and trains
men in Christ. He formed man out of the dust, and transforms
1 i. 8 62 - 74 . 2 i. 75 - 88 . s ^ K^-ii^-w.
ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 259
him into a holy and heavenly being. From the tutorship of Christ
a noble temper springs ; and in those who have been taught the
scope of its energy the whole life is conspicuous for gravity. 1 As
everything contrary to right reason is sin, he who transgresses is
not rational. Christian action is an energy of the rational soul
which is perfected through the body, the soul s consort and
fellow-combatant, in accordance with a right judgment and desire
of the truth. 2
Book II. What should the Christian be in his whole life ? How
is he to deal with his body? We must purify the eye of the
soul and sanctify the flesh itself. We are to eat that we may live.
Food is to be simple and artless, correspondent to truth, befitting
simple and artless children, sufficient for life not for luxury. Such
food conduces to health and strength ; variety of foods is a source
of disease. Men sweep the world as with a drag-net in pursuit of
dainties. It has driven them to invent many forms of dessert.
We who seek the heavenly food must master the belly. Let the
supper be plain and economical, suitable for sleepless vigil. The
natural use of food is indifferent. But it is not in accordance with
reason for those who share in divine food to take part in the tables
of demons. We must be lords over meats, not their slaves. We
should partake of few and necessary things. 3 We are to take part
in social gatherings in a harmless and unsated way, to eat with
thanksgiving, to win our fellow-guests by self-control. But to eat
flesh or drink wine is not to sin. Only we are to partake
temperately, not greedily, and not violate decorum in eating. The
Lord fed the disciples with loaves and baked fishes a pattern of
simple food. It is lawful to partake of all things; but "all things
are not expedient." It is not good to use all things, nor always.
In the sphere of a temperate simplicity there is ample variety.
Boiled flesh is to be preferred to roasted. Dried fruits and honey
may be partaken of. The apostle Matthew and John the Baptist
ate the simplest fare, though Peter was taught that the use of food
was a thing indifferent. The Tutor by Moses enforced frugality on
the Jews by prohibiting the use of many things. 4 As for food,
so with drink. The natural drink for the thirsty man is water.
260 APPENDIX B
Such the Lord supplied to the Hebrews. Boys and girls with fire
in their blood should not have access to wine. To be heavy with
wine is not compatible with interest in the things of God. The
advanced in years may partake more freely ; they can withstand the
stormy surge of passions. But they must not drink to the point of
shaking their reason. It is well to mix the wine with much water.
Both are works of God. Reason should be a partner in the feast.
The picture of the drunkard is at once ridiculous and pitiful. The
divine wisdom despises such a life, if life it be. Christ made water
into wine at the marriage, but He does not permit drunkenness.
Wines are imported for jaded appetites. Why should not the wine
of the country satiate desire ? In drinking regard must be had
to seemliness. The Lord partook of wine, but with decorum. At
all times we must conduct ourselves in a decorous way, as in the
presence of the Lord. 1
Gold and silver vessels only deceive the vision. They provoke
envy when they go beyond what is necessary. So with furniture in
ebony and ivory. Such vulgar display is banished by the absolute
authority of the Lord. " Sell what thou hast, and give to the poor."
The Lord took His food in a homely bowl. He did not carry about
a silver foot-bath from heaven. He made use, not senseless mag
nificence, His aim. In like manner all the possessions of the
worshippers of the one God should show forth the symbols of
the one beautiful life. Cheaper things are better than costly. For
self-sufficiency only a few things are required. 2
At social gatherings musical instruments provocative of lust or
gluttony must be abandoned. The pipe and the flute are more
appropriate to beasts than men. The harp or the lyre may be
used without blame. We are to banish the liquid harmonies which
by base artifices minister to ribaldry, and leave chromatic harmonies
to bacchanalian songs. 3 Buffoons are to be banished from the
Christian polity. We must not make a mock of speech, the most
precious of all human possessions. It is lawful to be playful, but
not to play the buffoon. We are to laugh, as in all things, in
a temperate fashion. One should not be grim, but grave. We
must not smile at what is disgraceful or painful. We are not to
be always laughing, neither before our elders, nor before everybody^
1 Ji. 19.34 2 ii 86.39 3 i 40.44
ANALYSIS OF THE P^IDAGOGUS 261
nor about everything. 1 From filthy speaking we must absolutely
refrain. The divine Tutor invests us with temperate words for ear-
guards. By forbidding the utterance of what is unseemly, the
Tutor protects us in advance against licentiousness. Let jeering be
far removed from us. It is opposed to the friendly feeling which
is the end of a banquet. Young men and women are to be absent
from such festive gatherings. Unmarried women are not to be
present at a banquet of men. Men are not to indulge in any
movements or actions suggestive of levity or greed. At a rare time
elderly people may quiz children. If one has to sneeze or hiccup,
let it be done as quietly as possible. In a word, that which is dis
tinctive of the Christian is composure, tranquillity, stillness, repose. 2
For Christians the use of crowns and ointments is not necessary.
Perfumes and dyes should not stealthily slip into the city of truth.
Let women savour of Christ, the truly royal ointment. Some sweet
scents are salutary, and may be employed to stimulate sinking
strength. We are to choose what is useful. Silly men who dye
their hair only make it the grayer. Men of temperance are not
to wear a crown of flowers at home. This is neither to enjoy the
beauty nor the fragrance of flowers. For us, who have heard that
the Word was crowned with a wreath of thorns, to bind our head
with flowers would be a mockery of His passion. 3
As for sleep. Costly rugs of all sorts are to be banished. To
sleep on down, moreover, is hurtful to the digestion. Ivory which
comes from a lifeless body is not lawful on beds. Yet it indicates
vanity to make a point of sleeping "under a bull-hide," unless in an
emergency. Let the bed be unadorned, with no elaborate carvings.
Sleep is for recreation, not for enervation. We must sleep wake-
fully. We who have the wakeful Word indwelling in us should
not sleep the whole night. Still less must we sleep by day. The
soul needs no sleep, for it is " ever in motion." 4 *
We are not to seek after costly clothing. The Lord enjoined,
"Consider the lilies." If He takes away anxious care for food
and clothing, what will He say of false hair, of the use of rouge
and the like, and the base arts which deceive ? Those devoted
1 ijt 5 45.48 > 2 jj g.y 49.60. 3 ^ 3 61_76_
* Chapter io 83 - 102 is taken up with the question of marriage. The main points
are noted in Lecture V.
262 APPENDIX B
to the shadow of the beautiful, not to the beautiful itself, are to
be banished from the truth. Clothes are only required for pro
tection against cold or heat. Hence men and women should be
clothed alike. As a concession, women may be allowed softer
clothes, but not thin, nor of elaborate workmanship, nor decked
with bright colours. Dyeing of clothes is to be rejected. Those
who are white and genuine within should use white and simple
raiment. Life should not be a parade. The Lord derided those
who "lived in gorgeous apparel." Trailing garments indicate a
bragging spirit. Beauty of body in women should not be a trap
for men. .They must not make themselves the cynosure of all eyes
by using a purple veil. Why prefer what is rare and costly to what
is accessible and cheap ? Why seek with eagerness things that seem
instead of realities ? 1 In the matter of shoes women show great
stupidity. Sandals with flowers of gold are really base. The
mincing walk of many stamps the wantonness of their thoughts.
Women may wear white shoes, except on a journey, and then they
must use greased shoes with nails. As a rule, women should wear
shoes ; but a man may go barefoot. Jesus wore nothing elaborate
in the way of shoes. 2
To be astounded at green stones and things which are but the
scum of the sea is childish. Women are very anxious about a little
oyster, when it is in their power to adorn themselves with the sa
cred jewel, Jesus, who is called by Scripture a pearl. The stones in
the Jerusalem that is above are to be interpreted symbolically.
Women put forth the defence, " why may we not use what God
has provided?" 3 Better surely to gain decorous friends than
lifeless ornaments ! Women should be beautiful within. The
distinctive excellence of each plant or animal is that which marks
its beauty. Only the beautiful is good. To apply things unsuit
able to the body as if they were suitable, begets a habit of deceit.
Golden necklaces and anklets are but fetters. Women who are
tutored by Christ should adorn themselves not with gold but with
the Word. If they are beautiful, nature suffices. Let not falsehood
contend with truth. For women who serve Christ, it is fitting to
embrace simplicity. The chains wrought in gold by God are
1 ii. 10 103 - 115 . 2 ij. I0 116 j 117.
* For Clement s answer and discussion of the right use of wealth, see Lecture V.
ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 263
modesty and temperance. To pierce the ears is contrary to nature.
The best ornament for the ear is true instruction. 1
Book III. To know oneself is to know God. To know God is to
be made like unto Him, by well-doing, and by needing the fewest
things possible. The man who has the Word for indweller does
not embellish himself. He is the true beauty ; for he is also God ;
he becomes God, for so God wills it. There is another beauty of
men love. " Love does not seek what is not her own." The truth
calls that its own which is native to it, but the love of ornament
seeks that which is foreign to the true self. " The Lord had no
form or comeliness"; yet He exhibited the true beauty. 2 The soul
is to be adorned with goodness. Women who beautify the outward
appearance and leave waste that which is within are unconsciously
adorning themselves after the fashion of the temples of the
Egyptians all gorgeous with the gleam of gold and silver without,
in the inner shrine a cat or a crocodile. They destroy their own
beauty by washes and dyes. They dishonour the Creator as if the
beauty which He gave them was of no worth. Even heathen poets
condemn them, how much more shall they be cast away by the
Truth ? Love of dainties and love of wine can be satiated, but love
of finery is insatiable. Horses and birds rejoice in ornament which
is their own by nature. Is it not monstrous that women should
need a beauty, foreign, bought, and unreal? They have even
invented mirrors for this manufactured shape of theirs. Esther, it
is true, ransomed the people from massacre by her beauty. But,
on the other hand, think of the Trojan war and the desolation
which it produced, or of the transgression of the angels and their
due reward. 3
Even men pursue the disease of luxury. To dye the hair is to
oppose God who alone " can make the hair white or black." To
shave for the sake of beauty of appearance is womanly. The beard
is the mark of the man and the symbol of his superior nature.
Man should adorn his mind. The Lord wishes us to be naked of
vulgarity, separated from sin, intent only on salvation. 4
Women deserve censure for their great wealth of slaves. They
have slaves to carry them everywhere, and associate with worthless
i ii. i 2 ii8.i. iii. i 1 - 3 . Mil. 2 4 - 14 - Mii. 3 16 - 25 .
264 APPENDIX B
creatures. They nurture parrots, but neglect the orphan and even
old men with a reputation for temperance. Like sated fowls they
scratch the dung of life. 1 Their baths, too, minister to self-indul
gence, vulgarity, and immodesty. Men should be to women a noble
pattern of truth. At home, in the streets, in solitude, and every
where, they should exhibit reverence. If we are always conscious
of the presence of God, we shall keep from stumbling. 2
Wealth is to be partaken of rationally and imparted in a spirit of
love. Masters only differ from slaves in that they have been
brought up in a more sickly fashion and are feebler. The Christians
alone are rich. If God denies nothing, all things belong to the
pious man. The good man cannot be in straits so long as he keeps
fast his confession towards God. Our Tutor gives to us the true
riches. 3 Examples often turn the balance towards salvation. So
the Tutor in His love by example dissuades from evil, and builds
up others on a firm foundation with a view to endurance. Those
who have not the power to receive sonship may be preserved from
wantonness by fear. 4
To touch again on baths. They are not to be used on the
ground of pleasure. Nor must we bathe on all occasions, nor with
the aid of an attendant, nor often in the day. Let due proportion
be the standard. 5
Gymnastic exercises within limits are good both for body and
soul. Women are to exercise themselves in spinning, weaving, and
cooking. Such exercise tends to sound health. Men may join in
various games, or take a walk, or do some economic bye-work, such
as using a hoe. In this is nothing ignoble. We are not to enter
into athletic contests from a vain spirit of rivalry, but wrestle with
composed strength and in the interests of health as befits men free
in status. In everything and everywhere we are to be trained to a
way of life harmonious and temperate. To be one s own servant,
to watch by a sick-bed, to be of service to the impotent, to provide
for one in want, is an exercise of righteousness. Fishing is per
mitted, though the better catch is to be "a fisher of men." 6
Clothing should be simple and white ; like the truth, it should
be one, not varied. To men of light white is appropriate. Cloth-
1 iii. 4 26 - 30 . 2 iii. 5 31 - 33 . 3 iii. 6-7"-".
4 iii. 8 41 - 45 . 5 iii. 9 46 - 48 . 6 iii. io 49 - 52 .
ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 265
ing is an index to character. Let the raiment be in harmony with
age, person, position, nature, calling. A gold finger-ring may be
allowed, not for ornament but for use as a seal. Let the seals be a
dove, or a fish, or a lyre, or an anchor not some idol, nor a sword,
nor a goblet. 1 As for the hair. Let the head be closely cropped,
but let the chin be covered with hair. Women may dress their
locks and bind up the hair simply with a plain pin ; but there must
be no meretricious braidings. False hair must be absolutely re
jected. It is a most impious thing to put dead tresses on the skull.
For on whom will the presbyter lay his hand ? The hair of another,
and therefore the head of another. This is to deceive men, disgrace
the Lord, and dishonour the head. Nor is the hair to be dyed.
Old age is worthy of trust, and should not be veiled. Women are
not to besmear their faces with the juggling tricks of knavish art.
Natural beauty is best attained by moderation; this produces
health ; and beauty is the free flower of health. 2 As for walking,
we are to adopt a leisurely but not a loitering step. A noble man
must have no unmanly disfigurement either in movements or
habits. Men are not to waste their time in barbers shops or
taverns. Gambling with dice is to be prohibited. Nor will the
Tutor bring us to the spectacles, the race-course, or the theatres.
Such gatherings are the source of moral disorder. The cities in
which sport is seriously pursued lack wisdom. For unpitying con
tests for glory are not sports, nor is the name to be given to the
zealous pursuit of frivolities, and to the irrational ambitions and the
senseless waste of money connected with them. " But," you say,
"we do not all philosophise." Do you not then follow after life?
How dost thou love God and thy neighbour, if thou dost not
philosophise ? To carry on worldly affairs in an orderly way ac
cording to the mind of God is not forbidden. Let the buyer or
seller have only one price for his goods ; if he does not obtain his
price, he at least obtains the truth. 3 Men and women the latter
entirely veiled are to go to church in seemly fashion, delighting
in silence, pure in body, pure in heart, fit to pray to God. The
whole life of the Christian should be such as they fashion them
selves in the church. But some seem to change their manner
with the place, and leave within the church what they have heard.
266 APPENDIX B
Let the kiss in church be the kiss of true love and holy. By the well-
instructed the sight of women will be avoided. The chaste must not
only be self-controlled, but beyond the range of censure. We must
not only be trusty but appear worthy of trust. 1 Our dividing line
in all things must be the cross. Let us nail ourselves to the truth.
If some counsels seem harsh, they are designed to bring about the
salvation which is the fruit of correction. So the Tutor sets forth
bare injunctions, adapting them to the period of guidance, but
entrusting the interpretation of them to the Teacher. 2 " Hear, O
child, who art being rightly trained," says the Tutor, "the principal
heads of salvation." Clement then quotes the all-embracing precept
in the Gospel, Christ s summary of the commandments, and the
decalogue. He gives practical counsels based on the Scripture on
prayer, fasting, forbearance, love, civil government in various
aspects, faith, servants, liberality, and the like. After numerous
quotations from the teaching of the apostles, he concludes with
a prayer to the Tutor. 8
26;
APPENDIX C.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS.
BOOK I. Should books be written, and if so, by whom ? Shall we
approve the writing of books by men like Epicurus, and forbid men
who proclaim the truth to leave works that will benefit the genera
tions after them ? Words are the offspring of the soul. The
Saviour condemned the servant who returned the deposit without
increase. The writer as well as the reader must prove himself in
the light of conscience. There is an unwritten husbandry of the
Word and a written husbandry. We are to labour " for the meat
that endureth unto everlasting life." Souls have their own proper
nourishment. On him who labours in writing God will bestow
reward according to his need. But " men " should not even aim
at reward. To do so is to be in the grip of worldly custom. 1 As
for these memorials of mine they are designed to be a veritable
image of the living words of my teachers, though they are feeble
in comparison with the words of those gracious spirits. If I pass
by some things I do so in no grudging spirit, but in the interests
of my hearers. I shall not scruple to use what is best in phil
osophy and Hellenic culture, to seek out the truth in them, like
the nut in the husk. For in a real sense philosophy is a work of
the Divine Providence. 2 Its use may be defended on the ground
that, even if it were of no use, it would be useful to prove that it
was so, that admiration and persuasion are begotten by learning,
that truth is wooed and won by a comparison of different opinions.
The seeds of knowledge are artfully hidden in the Stromateis, that
like the prey of the huntsmen the truth be caught with toil and
1 i. I 1 - 10 . a i. i ia - 18 .
268 APPENDIX C
search. " Why arrange your notes so ? " Because there is a danger
in betraying the secret word of the Christian philosophy to those
who speak against everything without just reason. Such scoffers,
of whom there are many, jest at the barbaric element in the truth,
manufacture objections, and spend their life about the distinction
of names, the nature of sentences and their synthesis, more talka
tive than turtle-doves. Of such the Divine Scripture says, " I will
destroy the wisdom of the wise." l
The word "wise" is varied in application. Homer calls a crafts
man " wise." Hesiod speaks of a harper " skilled in all manner of
wisdom." The saying of the Lord to Moses 2 shows that in Scrip
ture every secular art or science is called by the common name of
wisdom. There is wisdom in excellence in mechanical arts as well
as in the higher departments of work and thought. Rightly, then,
the Apostle called the wisdom of God " manifold," which had mani
fested its own power for the wellbeing of men by art, by science, by
faith, by prophecy. 3
While before the advent of Christ philosophy was necessary to
the Greeks for righteousness, now it serves by way of a preliminary
discipline. We are warned by the Scripture " not to be much with
a strange woman," 4 that is, we are to make use of secular culture,
but not to linger over it, nor abide permanently with it. 5 Such pre
liminary training contributes readiness for the vision of duty, and
re-illumines the soul. Moral perfection is not the fruit of nature
but of instruction. To refute sophistry we must study the art of
reasoning. 6
Greek culture and philosophy came down from God, as showers
fall on different soils. The Husbandman was One ; the results
varied according to place, time, and variety of seed. All arts differ,
but all are useful to life. So by philosophy I mean no special
school. Some have fallen into well-doing by accident. But faith
is essential. The Scriptures were translated into Greek to take
away the pretext of ignorance. The paths to righteousness are
many, and lead to the authoritative way of truth. 7 Neither in
1 j ^ 19.24. J sa xx i x j 4; j Qri J B jp 2 E XO( J. xxxj. j-5.
3 i. 4 25 -27; Eph. iii. 10. 4 Prov. v. 20.
5 j ^28.32_ Here, in close dependence on Philo, follows scriptural proof of the
relation between secular culture and the true philosophy.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 269
sophistry, nor in rhetoric, nor in the logic of the schools, is truth at
all to be found. The Apostle calls the art of logic a disease. We
must not seek to please the multitude. The truth-loving Plato,
like one divinely inspired, says, " I obey only the word that seems
to me the best." 1
To disdain philosophy and insist on bare faith alone is opposed
to the teaching of the Lord in the Parable of the Vine. In all arts
he is truly learned who has learned useful things ; so he who takes
examples from Greek and barbarian alike is a much-experienced
tracker-out of truth and a man " of many devices." The prophets
and apostles were ignorant of philosophical arts ; but methodical
teaching is required for the interpretation of what they said. There
is a saving word as well as a saving work. To save those eager to
be saved is the best thing, and not the composition of ornamental
little phrases. One hearer suffices the gnostic. 2 The philosophy
discredited by the Apostle is the Epicurean or any other system
which pays high honour to the elements. Deny Providence, and
the economy of the Saviour seems a myth. Christianity extends
Providence to particular events. Those who worship the elements
or posit atoms as first principles may be philosophers in name, but
are really atheists. 3 We must sanctify ear as well as tongue if we
are to share in the truth. We are not " to cast pearls before swine."
What we hear we are to "proclaim on the house-tops" that is, to
expound them in a transcendental and pre-eminent way, and not
impart the truth to all absolutely. Truth is one. The sects both
of the barbarian and Hellenic philosophy have each a part. He
who puts together the separate pieces of truth will behold the Word
the perfect truth. 4
The form of philosophy among the " seven wise men " of the
Greeks was Hebraic and enigmatic. Plato says that the form of
brevity was zealously pursued by the Greeks of old. 5 The most of
the wise men and philosophers were barbarians by race. Plato
admits that he derived the best elements in his sysrem from the
barbarians. Zoroaster was a Persian. Numa was a Roman. Wit-
i j_ g 39_42 i 5 4>iA.a\7)07js n\druv olov Oeo^opo^fj-fvos. 2 i. Q-IO 43 - 49 .
3 i. II 50 - 54 . 4 i- I257 > 58 -
5 i. 14 59 - 65 . Clement discussed some of the sayings of the wise men. Then he
gives a summary of the succession of philosophers among the Greeks with the view
of showing the higher antiquity of the Hebrew philosophy.
2/0 APPENDIX C
ness, too, the Egyptian prophets, the Druids, the Indian gymnoso-
phists, the disciples of Buddha, regarded by them as divine. By
far the oldest of these is the Jewish race. Philo has proved it. As
with philosophy, so with almost all arts. The Egyptians introduced
astrology and invented geometry. Augury was of barbarian origin.
Cadmus was a Phoenician. In navigation, mining, dyeing, music,
rhetoric, grammar, the barbarians anticipated the Greeks. The
first woman who was a philosopher was Theano of Crotona. 1
In spite of its limitations philosophy paves the way for the truth
that is most kingly. But, is it not written, " all who were before the
advent of Christ were thieves and robbers ? " " And is it not the
case that he who does not prevent an evil is a cause of it ? " This
is an entirely wrong conception of causality. 2 As for the " all that
came," this does not mean all men, but all the false prophets, all
that were not authoritatively sent by the Word. And though they
were prophets of the liar, they told some true things. For Provi
dence overruled their daring for good. 3 The really wise among
the Greeks are not discredited by Scripture, but such as were wise
in their own conceit. God has shown their wisdom to be foolish
and not true as they supposed. In the Book of Acts Paul shows
that God was worshipped by the Greeks in a roundabout way, but
that apprehension in the way of knowledge was necessary by the
Son. We do not receive all philosophy absolutely but that of
which Socrates speaks. " Many, as they say in the mysteries, are
bearers of the thyrsus, but the mystics are few." So Plato limits
philosophers to "the lovers of the vision of the truth." Philosophy
aids in the apprehension of the truth ; but the alone authoritative
truth is that in which we are taught by the Son of God. This
teaching is self-sufficient and in need of nothing. 4
The most ancient of all forms of wisdom is incontrovertibly the
philosophy of the Hebrews. Moses was older than most of the
Greek deities. 5
1 i. 15-16 66 - 80 . 2 See Lecture III. 3 i. 1780.8?. i I 8. 2 o 88 - 100 .
5 i. 21 101 - 147 . Clement gives the times of the prophets who succeeded Moses,
beginning with the Judges, followed by the Kings. He holds that Homer and
Hesiod were later in date than Elijah ; explains the seventy weeks of Daniel ;
makes curious digressions, as, for example, on the number of dialects in the
world, the language used by irrational creatures. He discusses the date of the
birth of Christ. He brings down his chronology to the death of Commodus.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 271
The Scriptures both of the Law and the Prophets were trans
lated into Greek in the time of Ptolemy whether the son of
Lagos or Ptolemy Philadelphus. Seventy men of the highest
repute with a knowledge of the Greek tongue carried out the
task in such a manner that the translation, though separately
done, agreed both in meaning and expression. Thus the Hebrew
prophecy became a prophecy in Greek. The Scriptures tell of
the race, deeds, and life of Moses, the theologian, prophet, and
interpreter of sacred laws. 1 He is a prophet, legislator, tactician,
general, statesman, and philosopher. Generalship is a section of
kingly government. The highest form of the kingly office is that
which is according to God and His Holy Son. There are three
elements in generalship caution, daring, and their union. All
these things, and how to use them, the Greeks learned from
Moses. Plato lays down principles which seem to be interpreta
tions of the Law. Moses was a living law guided by the good
Word. He administered a good polity, seeking to train good and
noble men. The Lord is the true lawgiver : He not only gave
the Law, He is the exegete of the divine commands. Strange
that the Greeks say that the gods taught Minos and Lycurgus,
while they do not believe that God gave the Law to Moses,
and thus disown the archetypes of what is told by their own
writers. 2
The Law inflicts penalties, but it is none the less good. Punish
ment is a surgery or cautery to the soul. The Providence that
administers the world must be both sovereign and good. From
a "son of disobedience" you may become a "legal slave," then
a "faithful servant," and then a "son." Salvation is the goal of
the terror begotten by the Law. 3
The philosophy of Moses is divided into four parts the his
torical, the legislative, the sacrificial, and the theological, that is,
the initiation into the immediate vision of God. The true dialectic
professes the knowledge not of mortal affairs but of divine ; but
this is accompanied by a proper use of human affairs in word
1 i. 22 148 - 150 . Chap. 23 151 - 157 contains an account of the birth and life of
Moses down to the departure of the people from the land of Egypt. It is taken
from Philo, to whose work he once makes allusion, and includes some legendary
matter from other sources.
2 i. 24-26 168 - 170 . 8 i. 27 171 - 175 .
2/2 APPENDIX C
and deed. The true dialectic leads to the true wisdom which
knows things that exist as they exist. This needs the Saviour
who removes the film of ignorance from the soul, shows us how
we are to know ourselves, and reveals the Father of the universe
to whomsoever He wills. The apostle says that it was " by
revelation " that he knew the mystery. 1 The Egyptian priest in
Plato beautifully said that " the Greeks are always children," and
that " there is not an old man among the Greeks, nor any science
hoary with age." By this he means the barbarian truth of very
ancient date. 2
Book II. As to our plan of work note the following points. We
shall show that the Greeks are thieves, that they have plagiarised and
adulterated their most weighty opinions in matters of faith, wisdom,
the fear of God, and, in particular, the secret part of the barbarian
philosophy, the symbolic and enigmatical, which is most essential
to a knowledge of the truth. We shall then defend our opinions
from the attacks of the Greeks and give a friendly refutation of
the more noble of the philosophers not to avenge ourselves on
detractors, but to convert them and take away their vanity. 3
"In all thy ways acknowledge wisdom." 4 This shows that our
actions should be in harmony with reason, and that we should
select what is useful out of every discipline. Our philosophy is
perfect and true. It leads up to the Governor of the universe, a
being difficult to track out, ever withdrawing from him who pur
sues, but who, though far off in respect of essence, is very near
in respect of His power. To search into the deep things of God
demands faith. He who believes the Divine Scriptures receives
a demonstration that cannot be gainsaid. 5 Faith is not a gift of
nature, as Basilides avers. For if so, there is no merit either in
faith or unfaith. Faith must be voluntary. To us faith is an
irrefragable criterion. We have believed the Word, for the Word
is truth. First principles are indemonstrable. Only by faith is
it possible to know the First Principle of the universe. We need
a new eye, a new ear, and a new heart. Faith and knowledge are
indissolubly related. "Unless ye believe, ye will not understand." 6
1 I 28176.179, 2 j. 29 180.182. TimSCUS, p. 22 B. 3 U. I 1 - 3 .
4 Prov. iii. 6. 5 ii. 2 4 - 9 . 6 ii. 3-4 10 - 19 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 273
That all things belong to the wise man has come down to the
Greeks from Moses. As Abraham was called " the friend of God,"
so by way of imitation Minos was called "the friend of Zeus."
Moses was a wise man, king, lawgiver. But our Saviour surpasses
all human nature. He is a king, rich, alone the High Priest, the
king of truth, a lawgiver, of noble lineage, for God is His Father. 1
Plato proves the universal necessity of faith. Faithfulness embraces
summarily the other virtues. 2 " Faith cometh by hearing, and
hearing by the Word of God." 3 The word of God, then, is
demonstration. Teaching is trustworthy when faith co-operates.
There must be receptivity on the part of the learner. Penitence
is a work of faith. Hope, too, is constituted by faith. Hope is
the expectation of good, and expectation involves faith. "God
is faithful," that is, He is worthy to be believed when making
an assertion. We believe in Him whom we have trusted, in God
whom alone we know. Whether based on fear or love, faith is
something divine. It is the foundation of truth. 4
To attack fear is to run down the Law, and, therefore, God who
gave the Law. " But fear is an irrational affection." How so, when
the commandment was given through the Word (Reason)? The
fear of the Law is a cautious fear ; it is a turning aside from
that which is truly hurtful, disease of soul. Can the Law be any
thing but good, which is our Tutor to Christ ? 5 The Marcionites
call the Law not evil, but just. But the opposite of evil is not
just, but good. Fear is a good thing, for it takes away evil. True
fear does not fear God, but the falling away from God. " In the
fear of the Lord is the hope of strength." 6 Such fear leads to
repentance and hope. Faith rests on repentance and hope, and
fear upon faith, and endurance and practice, along with instruction,
find their goal in love, which is perfected by knowledge. An
ignorant man, so long as he is ignorant, cannot philosophise, as
he has not grasped the idea of wisdom. 7 By saying, "I am your
God," the Scripture admonishes us to seek God, and as far as
possible to strive to know Him. Righteous action is inseparable
1 ii. 5 20 - 22 . 2 ii. 5 23 , 24 . 3 Rom. x. 17. 4 ii. 6 s5 - 32 .
5 jj t j 33.35 Here follows a criticism of the views of Basilides and Valentinus
on fear, ii. 8 36 - 38 .
6 ii. 8 39 , 40 ; Prov. xiv. 26. 7 ii. 9 41 - 45 .
2/4 APPENDIX C
from such knowledge. 1 As there is a faith of knowledge and a
faith of opinion, so there is a demonstration of knowledge and a
demonstration of opinion. The demonstration of opinion is
human ; the demonstration of knowledge implants faith through
comparison and opening up the Scriptures. He who is wise in
his own conceit does not touch the truth, but is wavering and
unstable; whereas by faith and true knowledge the soul remains
the same and unchanged. 2
In regard to time there is memory in relation to what is past,
hope to what is future. We believe that the past has taken
place, that the future will take place. Fear is the beginning of
love, which by an addition becomes love, then faith. When I
fear the Father, I love when I fear. In all our intercourse with
men we require faith. As the Shepherd says, "All the virtues
are the daughters of faith." 3
In order that the foundation of faith may be laid, the soul must
be cleansed by repentance. For those who sin in the faith a second
repentance is granted, but he who continuously repents is closely
related to him who sinned wilfully at first. Frequent prayer for
pardon for frequent transgressions is but an appearance of repent
ance. All passions are irrational appetites. That which is in
voluntary is not judged. This may arise from ignorance or
necessity. The Lord shows sins to be in our power by pre
scribing forms of healing corresponding to the disorders. Pardon
does not consist in remission, but in healing. 4
To interpret the will of the passionless God as akin to our
emotions is to interpret the Scriptures carnally. The ascription
of joy or pity to Him is a concession to our weakness. Our
only relationship to God is that we are the work of His will.
Yet in His pity He cares for us. So our relationship to the Lord
is not that of essence, but in this that we have been made im
mortal, and have been called sons. In the gnostic, will, judgment,
and discipline are one. 6
The Greeks derived from Moses the elements of their ideas
of the virtues, manliness, wisdom, self-control, and the like,
above all, piety. All these virtues are related. We are to be
1 ii. 10 * 7 - 2 . ii 48 - 52 . 3 ii. I2 53 - 55 .
4 ii. 13-15 M - 71 . 6 ii. 16-17 72 - 77 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 275
assimilated to the Lord. As God needs nothing, the good man
being on the borderland between an immortal and a mortal nature,
has few needs. In all its precepts the Law encourages manliness
and humanity. 1
The Gnostic is he who is after " the image and the likeness,"
imitating God as far as possible, self-controlled, enduring, living
righteously, king over his passions, given to impart of what he has.
For God s gifts are for the common advantage of men. There is
to be a moral change in mouth, heart, hands. Plato said that the
goal is likeness to God as far as possible. So the Law says, " Walk
after the Lord your God." So to follow creates likeness. The bene
ficent man who does good by which he himself receives good is the
image of God. 2 The divine likeness is also gained by fortitude
which reaps as its fruit apathy through endurance. Such endurance
the gnostic, so far as he is a gnostic, possesses. Bearing about the
cross of the Saviour, he follows the Lord, walking in His footsteps,
" as if he were a God," having become a " Holy of Holies." To
loose the soul from pleasure is " the study of death." 3 We
must, therefore, "put on the panoply of God." Man who is
endowed with reason ought not to give way to impulse like the
animals. 4 A champion of heresy, calling himself a gnostic, used
to say that he fought with pleasure through pleasure. So the
Nicolaitanes say that we ought to wither up the attacks of the flesh
by abusing it. This were to live like beasts. The affection of
pleasure is not an absolute necessity, but only attends by way of
consequence certain natural needs. It is not an activity, nor a
disposition, nor a part of us, but has been introduced into life for
the purpose of service. Peace and freedom are only won by un
tiring conflict with our passions. Our standard, no doubt, may
seem severe to those without tone and feeble, as to the unjust that
which befalls them may seem very stringent justice. We must shun
things provocative of lust and luxury. 5
In saying that there was a happiness equal to that of a God in
not being hungry or thirsty or cold, Epicurus laid down a precept
for dung-eating swine rather than for rational creatures. To live in
2 ii I9 97.io2 f 3 phsedo, 8 1 A.
4 Here follows a criticism of the views of Basilides and Valentinus on the
passions as appendages, ii. 20 103 - 117 . 6 ii. 2O 118 - m .
2;6 APPENDIX C
accordance with virtue, to live in harmony with reason, to live in
contemplation of the truth and order of the universe, to live accord
ing to knowledge, such are philosophical definitions of the chief
end. Plato describes the most perfect good as likeness to God,
and to be like to God is to be holy, just, and wise. 1 Our aim is to
attain the end that knows no end, to live according to the com
mandments without reproach and in a scientific spirit, through
knowledge of the divine will. " Be ye followers of me, as I also of
Christ," says the Apostle. 2 Assimilation to God, then, is the aim
of faith, and the end is the restitution of the promise that rests on
faith. 3
The question of marriage falls under pleasure and desire.
Marriage is a union for the production of lawful children. Should
one marry ? And when and in what condition should he marry ?
Some philosophers rejected marriage ; some looked on it as a
thing indifferent ; some as a good. Marriage is to be a school for
the highest forms of self-restraint. In regard to marriage the
Gospel is not in conflict with the Law, for both come from the
one Lord. 4
Book III. Continence is not concerned merely with sexual desires,
but with all things which the soul lusts for in an evil way. As a
divine grace it not only teaches self-control, it creates it. 5 To say
with the followers of Carpocrates that women should be common
is entirely subversive of the Law and the Gospel. No wonder that
the agapse of such are scenes of unbridled lust. It is a misunder
standing of the teaching of Plato to say that he taught the com
munity of women. 6 The Marcionites say that nature is evil,
because derived from an inferior God the just Creator. Hence
they abstain from marriage. But though in their hatred of the
Creator they will not marry, they use His food and breathe His air.
No doubt the Greek poets and thinkers said many things about the
hardships that attend existence, and even said that it was better not
to come into existence than to be. 7
1 Theat., 176 B. 2 I Cor. xi. i. 3 ii. 2I-22 127 - 136 .
4 ii. 23 137 - 147 . See Lecture V. for the main points in Clement s views of
marriage.
5 Hi. i 1 - 4 . 6 iii. 2 5 - 11 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 277
The self-control of Marcion, if it can be so called, is due to the
Creator Himself. All that Nicolaus meant by " abusing the flesh "
was that we must master pleasures, and that we cannot serve two
masters, pleasure and God. The views of some are a disgrace not
merely to philosophy but to humanity. " Ye have not so learned
Christ." The followers of Prodicus boast of being "royal sons,"
but they act not like kings but whipped curs. They are opposed
alike to human and divine law. Are they better than men of the
world who are like the worst of such ? They oppose one precept
of the Creator. Why not be consistent and oppose all ? He said,
" Make no graven image." Why not worship images ? They pick
out expressions from some prophetic section, patch them together,
and interpret literally what was said allegorically. By transpos
ing accents and stops they wrest the Scriptures to their own
luxuries. 1
We may divide the heresies into two types those which teach the
moral indifference of actions, and those which proclaim self-control
from impiety and a spirit of contentiousness. As to the former
If any way of life can be chosen, the life of self-control can be
chosen. If all things be lawful, self-control is lawful. If the most
shameful way of life be indifferent, then we must obey desires in
every respect, or we must avoid some desires, and then indifference
ceases. But how can the man who is mastered by bodily pleasures
be likened unto God or possess the knowledge of God ? Those
who follow the divine Scriptures must not live indifferently. It is
not possible to have knowledge and not be ashamed to pay court to
the body. As well call bile sweet, as call slavery to pleasure
liberty. 2
As for the second class. Of them we say, " They went out from
us, but they were not of us." The reply of the Lord to Salome 3
only meant that genesis in every case is followed by corruption.
If they reject marriage because " they have accepted the resurrec
tion," let them give up eating and drinking also. In saying that
they imitate the Lord, they forget that they are entirely different
from Him, 4 and that He said, "What God had joined together, let
not man put asunder." Unless it spring from love to God, there
is no virtue in chastity. Paul condemns those who rejected
1 iii. 4 25 - 39 . 2 iii. 5 40 - 1 ". 3 See Appendix G. 4 See Lecture V.
2/8 APPENDIX C
marriage. Peter and Philip had children. 1 Christian self-control
aims at mastery over the very desire of lusting. This demands
the grace of God. True continence is better than that taught by
philosophers. In regard to marriage or food or the like, we should
choose only what is necessary. Self-control is not limited to sexual
passion ; there is self-control in despising money, or pleasure, or
property, or the games, in controlling the tongue, in lording it over
evil reasonings. We embrace self-restraint from love to God,
sanctifying the temple of God. 2
By supporters of the doctrine of indifference some passages of
Scripture are violently wrested, in particular, the saying, " Sin shall
not have dominion over you." 3 But the apostle himself divinely
annuls the sophistical art of pleasure. As for the saying of the
Lord to Salome, "I came to destroy the works of the female,"
that means desire and her works. The Lord only abolished love
of money, love of strife, madness in lust, dainty living and the like.
Why do they not quote the context which teaches that either self-
control or marriage is in our power ? 4
The saying, " Where two or three are gathered together in my
name, there am I in the midst of them," 5 may be interpreted in
various ways. In any case, in the number of those with whom the
Lord is, those who do not marry from hatred or who from lust
abuse the flesh are not found. The counsel of the prophet to
" come out from among them and be separate " 6 does not mean to
separate ourselves from the married but from the Gentiles and from
impure and impious heresies. And the same God spoke through
the Law and the Prophets and the Gospel. 7 Paul teaches that
both chastity and marriage have each their distinctive ministries
for the Lord. Nowhere do the Letters of the Apostle annul
marriage, but preserving the sequence of the Law with the Gospel,
regard both the married woman and the virgin as holy in the Lord
the one as a wife, the other as a virgin. 8 The saying adduced by
Cassianus is not in the Four Gospels handed down by the Church,
but in the Gospel according to the Egyptians, and, in any case,
should be interpreted allegorically. 9 The saying about the beguiling
1 iii. e 45 - 56 . 2 iii. 7 57 - 60 . 3 Rom. vi. 14. 4 iii. 8-9 * 1 -.
5 Matt, xviii. 20. 6 Isa. Iii. 11 ; 2 Cor. vi. 16. 7 iii. lo-n 67 - 78 .
8 iii. I2 79 - 90 . 9 iii. I3 M - W .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 279
of Eve 1 does not mean that generation was due to deceit, but only
that they sought pleasure greedily. The saying, " It is good for a
man not to touch a woman," 2 means that we are not to be carried
away by irrational impulses. When Paul speaks of being temperate
in all things, 3 that does not mean abstinence from all things, but
that he used in a temperate way what he judged should be used.
If generation be evil, they must draw the blasphemous conclusion
that the Lord, who shared in it, was evil. Thus they slander the
will of God and the mystery of creation. Apart from the body the
economy of salvation could not have been fulfilled ; for He who
was its Head passed His life in the flesh. And did He not cure
the body as well as the soul from disorders ? 4
A life of chastity may therefore be chosen, but those who are
joined in marriage are not to be despised. Both are to give thanks
to God in their distinctive spheres. The plain teaching of Paul is
that marriage is lawful not only according to the Law but accord
ing to the New Covenant. Such as, under the name of knowledge
" falsely so-called," have given way to pleasure contrary to the rule
of God, have entered on the path which leads to the outer
darkness. 5
Book IV. As to order of treatment. First, we shall discuss
martyrdom, who the perfect man is, and relative points such as
the universal duty to philosophise. Then we shall treat of faith,
inquiry, the debt of Greeks to the barbarian philosophy. Then
will follow an exposition of the Scriptures in opposition to Greeks
and Jews, with supplementary matter. The physiological views
of the Greeks will next be considered. After a brief sketch of
theology we shall treat of prophecy, the Scriptures and their
divine authority in relation to heretics. Then we shall treat
of the true gnostic physiology. But it shall be written as God
wills, and as He may inspire. 6 The Stromateis are designedly
discursive, and require winnowing in order to pick out the
wheat. 7
The mass of men have a disposition like the storms of winter,
unsettled and unreasoning. To disbelieve the truth brings death,
1 2 Cor. xi. 3. 2 I Cor. vii. I. 3 I Cor. ix. 25. 4 iii. 14-17 94 - 104 .
s iii. ig 105 - 110 . 6 iv. i 1 - 3 . 7 iv. 2 4 - 7 .
280 APPENDIX C
as to believe brings life. He who was " made a little lower than
the angels " is the perfect man and the gnostic. Man is compacted
of soul and body. The body tills the ground, the soul reaches
forth to God. Death is the fellowship of the soul, being sinful,
with the body ; life is the separation from sin. All his life the
gnostic makes it his study to sever in this sense the soul from
the body, and thus creates an eagerness to endure the natural
death which dissolves the chains that bind the soul to the body. 1
Hence the gnostic will not from fear of death fall away from
the teaching of the Lord. He confirms the truth of the Gospel
by his deed. By his precious blood he puts unbelievers to shame.
Martyrdom is perfection, because it exhibits the perfect work of
love. The soul that has lived in purity along with the knowledge
of God is a witness both by life and word, pouring forth faith like
blood all his life and even up to his departure. Some heretics say
that the knowledge of the only true God is true martyrdom, and
that the man who makes confession by death is a self-murderer.
We assent to the former statement ; and we also censure those who
have rushed on death from hatred of the Creator, giving themselves
up to a vain death. To live well, we must live. He who in the
body has studied the art of living well is being sent forward to im
mortality. 2 We must exercise care for the body for the sake of the
soul. By beneficence like that of the Lord, gnostic love shows
itself. Those who act for the sake of the gift promised are called
" hired servants " in the Parable of the Two Brothers. The Lord
teaches that from love to God we must gnostically despise death.
We are not to hate our persecutors, but regard every trial as an
opportunity for witnessing. 3 He who denies the Lord denies him
self; he denies life. Those who persecute the martyr do not know
that to such death is the gateway of life. The gnostic will never
put the chief end in fortune, but in being a kingly friend of God ;
and though he be subjected to dishonour, and exile, and confisca
tion, and death, he will never be torn away from his freedom and
overmastering love to God. Armed with weapons not carnal, he
says : " O Lord, grant a critical opportunity and take a demonstra
tion ; let the terror approach ; I despise dangers from love to
3 iv> 5.620.41.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 281
Thee." 1 Even barbarians have defied tyrants and faced most
cruel tortures. The whole church is full of women as well as
of men who have made " a study of death " the death that
quickens unto Christ. Young or old, slave or Greek, can philoso
phise. Both servant and wife will practise the Christian philosophy.
The free man, though menaced with death, will never abandon
piety ; nor will the wife, nor son, nor servant, where husband or
father or master is hostile, fail to cling nobly to virtue. There
can, surely, be no doubt that it is better to be a member of the
brotherhood of God than to choose the darkness of demons. In
fighting for virtue we are to think of nothing save the possibility
of its being well done. 2
Consider the sayings of the Lord as to martyrdom. With the
great part of the exegesis of Heracleon we agree. He has over
looked this point, that even if some have not by action and life
"confessed Christ before men," their confession at the tribunal
and endurance of torture even unto death show that they have
believed with the heart. Even the martyrdom of those who make
confession at the end of life is a purging away of sins with glory.
The Lord drank the cup, and in imitation of Him the Apostles, as
being truly gnostics and perfect, suffered for the churches which
they founded. So the gnostics who walk in their footsteps ought to
drink the cup, if circumstances demand it. The gnostic who bears
witness not from hope or fear, but from love, is the truly blessed
martyr, surrendering himself wholly for God, giving up as a deposit
the " man " who is demanded. 3 When He says, " When they per
secute you in one city, flee ye into another," He does not exhort us
to flee as if persecution were an evil thing, nor like men in fear of
death to turn and flee ; but He wishes us not to be a cause of evil
in the persecutor, nor to share in his evil. To expose ourselves to
capture from rashness is to be a fellow-worker in the crime of the
persecutor. We are not to keep hold of anything that belongs to
this life ; we are not to embitter by counter-claims those who take
us to law, and by our action stir them up to blaspheme the Name. 4
" If God cares for you, why are you persecuted and slain?" This
takes place in harmony with the prediction of God, the free-will of
282 APPENDIX C
the judge, and, in any case, is no real wrong to us. 1 In like conflict
with human freedom is the theory of Basilides that the soul is
punished here for sins committed previously in another life. If
martyrdom be retribution by way of punishment, then the faith
and the teaching for which martyrdom takes place are co-operators
in punishment. What place, then, is there for love to God, or
praise, or censure, or right citizenship? The Lord did not suffer
by the will of the Father, nor are those who are persecuted, per
secuted by the purpose of God. He does not prevent such things.
His Providence is to be regarded as a disciplinary act, in the case
of others for their own individual sins, in the case of the Lord and
His apostles for ours. For the sake of our sanctification the Lord
was not prohibited from suffering. 2
We are to love the sinner, not as such, but in so far as he is
a man and the handiwork of God. We are to love our enemies.
Like Paul, we must bear all things lest we should cause hindrance
to the Gospel of Christ. We must exhibit a pure example to our
disciples. 3 The perfect righteousness both in word and deed is
plainly outlined in the Epistle to the Romans. The divine apostle
sets forth the gnostic rule thus. He speaks of one salvation in
Christ for the righteous of the Old Covenant and for us. 4 " If
I give my body and do not love," says the Apostle Paul, " I
am become as sounding brass and a clanging cymbal." That is,
if I bear witness not from an elect disposition through love,
but from fear. If from a reward expected I clang my lips in
witness to the Lord, I am a common man, sounding the name
of the Lord, not knowing Him. The same work differs according
as it is done by fear, or perfected through love, and whether it
is wrought through faith or gnostically. Naturally the rewards are
different. The gnostic who looks on beauty thinks of beauty of
soul, admiring the body as a statue through the beauty of which
he transports himself in thought to the artist and to that which
is truly beautiful. 5 In this perfection man and woman can equally
share. Scripture and history prove it. The temperate wife will,
in the first place, seek to induce her husband to share with her
in the things that contribute to happiness ; and, if that be im-
1 j Vi n 78.80. 2 j v> I2 81.88. 3 iv> x 3^ 5 89.98.
4 iv. I6, 99 - 104 . 5 iv. i7-i8 105 - 116 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 283
possible, will herself press on to virtue, obeying her husband in
all things save such as have a bearing on virtue and salvation.
Without instruction, study, and discipline, advance in virtue is
not possible. The wife must remember that God is her helper,
and her true comrade and Saviour, and make Him leader and
general in every action, and the love of Him as her goal. 1
One may be perfected in one virtue and one in another. But
perfect in all things at once no man is, while he is still a man,
save Him alone who for us put on man. According to the mere
letter of the Law, perfection might be obtained by abstinence from
evil actions. But in the Gospel the gnostic advances not merely by
using the Law as a stepping-stone, but by comprehending it as the
Lord, who gave the command, delivered it to the apostles. Not till
life is ended will he have a claim to the title "perfect." The
divine apostle sets forth the differences of the perfect. Prophets,
martyrs, teachers, were prominent in their distinctive virtues, but
they shared alike in common virtues. "Each has his own gift
from God." But the apostles were complete in all. The writings
of Paul derive their breath and expression from the Old Covenant. 2
The gnostic is a man of understanding and insight. His work
is not abstinence from evil whether from fear or hope of reward
he chooses well-doing for the sake of love. He does not aim at
the knowledge of God for any special need, nor does he even make
choice of knowledge from a wish to be saved. He does good
because he judges it right to do good. He has consecrated his
body into a holy temple. He is no longer self-controlled, but has
attained the state of passionlessness, waiting to be " clothed upon "
with the divine form. Such knowledge loves the ignorant and
instructs them to honour the whole creation of the Almighty.
" Purity is to think holy thoughts." A true and steadfast repent
ance is sufficient purification to a man. Though we are not to be
righteous for the sake of reward, there is a place for hope. But he
who obeys the call neither from fear nor from the hope of pleasure,
goes on to knowledge. Drawn by the love of him who is the Lover,
he cultivates piety. 3 To turn away from things of sense does not
of necessity produce close union with intellectual (spiritual) objects,
but the reverse is true. It is possible for the gnostic now to
2 j y> 21 130.134^ 3 j v 22 135 - 146 .
284 APPENDIX C
become God. When deified into the passionless state, man becomes
a unit undented. " As, then, those at sea when they are attached
to the anchor by a tight cable, when they pull at the anchor, draw
not the anchor to themselves but themselves to the anchor, so those
who in accordance with the gnostic life are drawing God to them
selves are unconsciously bringing themselves to God. For he that
gives service to God gives service to himself." l
To philosophise or not, to believe or not, is in our power. Sins
before faith are forgiven by the Lord not merely involuntary or
ignorant sins, as Basilides would have it, as if it were a man and
not God who provided so great a gift. Punishment does not undo
the sin, but has as its aim that the sinner may sin no more, and
that no one may commit like sin. 2
As God cannot be demonstrated, He cannot be an object of
science. But the Son is Wisdom and Science and Truth, and
whatsoever things are cognate thereto. He is capable of demon
stration and explication. He is the circle of all the powers rolled
into one and formed into a unity. Hence to believe in Him is
to be monadic, and not to believe is to be divided. We are intro
duced into the mysteries by the Saviour Himself. God is the first
principle of physics, ethics, and logic. Hence the Son alone is the
teacher of men. 3
To run down the creation and vilify the body is unreasonable.
The body is the dwelling-place of the soul ; the soul of the gnostic
deals with it in a grave and austere fashion. He uses the body as
one going on a long journey uses the inns on the road. Euripides
says, " I shall go into the wide ether to hold converse with Zeus."
But I shall pray the Spirit to furnish me with wings to my
Jerusalem. 4
Book V. To limit the sphere of faith to the Son and knowledge
to the Father is opposed to the close relation between faith and
knowledge as well as the inseparable union between the Father and
the Son. The inquiry which goes along with faith, which builds
the august knowledge of the truth on the basis of faith, is the best.
Set aside inquiry into the obvious, the obscure which will always be
so, and questions on which opinions equally valid may be adduced,
i [ v 2 -- 14 7- 152 . 2 iv. 24 153 154 . 3 iv. 25 155 - 162 . 4 iv. 26 163 - 172 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 285
and faith is established. It is God who speaks in Scripture, and
it were godless to disbelieve Him. Admit a Providence and the
economy of the Saviour must be admitted. Our feebleness made
the coming of the Saviour a necessity. To inquire concerning
God has a saving influence. We must become intimately united
to God, through divine love, that we may listen to the truth without
guile. 1 Turn to hope. The man who hopes sees things to be with
the mind only. What is just or true is in like manner invisible
to the senses. So the Truth the Word of God is apprehended
by the mind. The Word of God became flesh that He might be
seen. He who seeks to walk according to the Word believes, then
hopes, then loves. 2
All the highest truth is expressed in symbol. The mysteries
were not exhibited to every one indiscriminately, but only to the
perfected and the instructed. The Egyptians had three divisions
of the symbolic that by literal imitation, that by figures of speech,
and that by allegorical enigmas. This veiling of the first principles
of things is universal. It was so with the oracles of the Greeks, the
maxims of the wise men, and the Greek poets. It is so with all our
Scripture. Sayings of the Apostle prove it. 3
There is a secret relationship between the Pythagorean symbols
and the barbarian philosophy. To all his sayings there are Scrip
ture parallels. For example, the saying, "Do not step over the
balance," is an epitome of the sayings of Moses concerning right
eousness. The sphinxes before the Egyptian temples may mean
that the discourse about God is enigmatical and obscure, perhaps
that we ought to love and fear the Divine Being, to love Him as
gracious to the pious, to fear Him as just to the unholy ; the two
fold characteristic being indicated by the union of the wild beast
and the man. 4
The oracles of Scripture are delivered in the form of enigmas.
The furniture of the tabernacle, the altar of incense, the veil into
the Holy of Holies, the four letters that mark the name of God,
the golden lamp, the table of shewbread, the ark, the Cherubim,
the bells and stones on the robe of the High Priest, all symbolise
i Ve jiw. 2 v . 2-3 14 - 19 . 3 v. 4 20 - 2 * 5 .
4 v. 5 27 - 31 . In v. 7 42 he explains the sphinx as a symbol of the union of
strength and intelligence. In v. S 48 he suggests other explanations.
286 APPENDIX C
truths. The golden lamp may be a symbol of Christ, as casting
light " in diverse portions and diverse manners " on those who
believe in Him. The 360 bells on the robe of the High Priest
represent the space of a year, " the acceptable year of the Lord,"
proclaiming and sounding the mighty manifestation of the Saviour.
The mitre indicates the most sovereign power of the Lord. 1
The Egyptians likewise concealed mysteries in enigmas. The
hawk, the crocodile, the dog, the ibis, were symbolical of various
characteristics in men and God and natural phenomena. 2 The
Scythians and the Greeks did the same. Take, for example, the
Ephesian Letters and their interpretation. Take the interpreta
tion of the words containing the letters of alphabet as given to
children. 3 Even whole books like that of Heraclitus have been
uttered in enigmatic form. Such being the case, it was fitting that
prophecy should be uttered in secret and symbolic fashion. 4 This
form is adopted by the Scriptures for the sake of memory and brevity,
and to give a stimulus to the truth. Such veiling is in the interests
of the genuine inquirer, as well as of the truth which is only partly
revealed and diversely interpreted. For writing out the views of
Pythagoras clearly, Hipparchus was expelled from the school. The
scholars of Epicurus declare that some of his writings are esoteric.
So the founders of the mysteries buried their own doctrines in myths.
It was not expedient that the ignorant should fall in with them. 5 The
divine apostle shows that the gnosis did not belong to all. Some
things were handed down unwritten in tradition to the Hebrews.
The " babe " is entrusted with the rudiments. " Day utters speech
to day " that which has been written without disguise ; " night to
night proclaims knowledge" that which has been hidden mys
tically. Paul says, " I have fed you with milk, not with meat."
The milk is catechetical instruction the first food of the soul ;
meat is the contemplation, the immediate vision of God. 6
A separation from the body and its passions is a sacrifice accept
able to God. Philosophy has naturally been called the study of
death. The true philosophy is pursued by him who leaves out the
1 v. 6 3 2 - 40 . The first part is taken from Philo. 2 v. 7 41 , &.
3 Clement gives various interpretations of fifSv, cty, x^^ y > ir\r,KTpov, tr<f>ly,
and other forms, v. 8 49 . See note in Kaye, p. 181.
4 Vt 8 43 - 55 . 5 v. a 66 - 69 . 6 v. lo 60 - 66 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 287
senses in his thinking. Hence the silence enjoined by Pythagoras.
The Greeks deify the gnostic life though they have not an intelligent
knowledge of it. In the Greek mysteries purifications come first.
This is followed by the minor mysteries with their groundwork of
instruction, and these by the great mysteries which are taken up
with the contemplation of nature and realities. To the first stage
corresponds our baptism with confession ; in the last stage analysis
takes the place of contemplation. In this way we rise to the con
cept of the Monad, and come to know not what the Almighty is,
but what He is not. God cannot be circumscribed. "What house
will ye build me, saith the Lord ? " l Plato says that it is a difficult
task to discover the Father and Maker of the universe. Kindred
thoughts are expressed in various passages of the Scripture. The
reason is that, as the absolutely First Principle, He cannot be
demonstrated, nor expressed in ordinary predicates. Only by
divine grace can we form any conception of Him. 2 All know
ledge of Him, whether due to the direct action of God Himself,
or to the exercise of free-will on the part of man, is due to grace.
If it is impossible, according to Plato, to disbelieve the children of
the gods, though they speak without probable and certain proofs, is
not that a proof that the prophets, sons of God, are true witnesses
about divine things ? It was through His Son that God proclaimed
the Scriptures. He who knows that the Son of God is Teacher
has confidence that His teaching is true ; and such confidence
makes faith grow. And this faith is the effective cause of good
things and the foundation of right conduct. 3
The Father and Maker of the universe is known innately, even
without teaching. The belief in the sovereignty of God is uni
versal. But even the Greeks with their search after knowledge
only came to know God by way of circumlocution, which was true
as far as it went. For they do not know what He is, nor how He
is Lord and Father and Maker, unless they have been taught by
the truth. When the shipmaster said to Jonah, 4 " Call on thy God
that He may save us," the expression, "thy God," suggests one
1 v. ii 67 - 77 . 2 v. i a 78 - 82 .
3 v j^ss.ss^ Chapter xiv. 89 - us is entirely devoted to illustrations of "theft"
from the barbarian philosophy by the Greeks. He has exhibited many interesting
parallels and analogies. Cf. pp. 46-49. 4 Jonah i. 6.
288 APPENDIX C
who knew by way of knowledge ; the expression, " that God may
save us," indicates the common consciousness of the Gentiles, who
had applied their mind to the thought of Almighty but had not
yet believed. The beneficence of God is eternal. Each one
shares in it according as he wills. 1
Book VI. In the Paedagogus we have set forth the way of life
that prepares the soul for the reception of gnostic science. In
the delineation of the gnostic we shall show to the Greeks that
they are impious in persecuting the man who loves God. The
Stromateis are like a variegated meadow, and such of set pur
pose. For if toil should precede food, much more should it
precede gnosis. Our spiritual garden is the Saviour Himself.
When transplanted into Him we become fruitful. He is the true
gnosis. 2
That the symbolic form was archaic and all but universal has
been proved. The theft of Hellenic thought from the Scriptures has
been demonstrated. As further proof we call to witness the Greeks
themselves, for they steal from one another, and will, therefore,
hardly refrain from what is ours. All the adherents of the various
schools in philosophy admit their debt to Socrates for their author
itative tenets. 3 They have not only filched doctrines from the
barbarians, but they have transformed the marvels in our records
into marvels of Hellenic mythology. 4 Moreover, they took doctrines
from the Egyptians, who follow a philosophy of their own, as is
shown by their ritual. 5
Peter says in his "Preaching," "Worship God not as the
Greeks, but worship Him in a new way through Christ." He
shows that the one God was known by the Greeks in a Gentile
way, by the Jews in a Judaic way, and in a new and spiritual way
by us. The same is shown by the Apostle Paul. 6 To those who
were righteous according to Law faith was wanting. But to the
righteous according to philosophy not only faith was lacking, but
1 v. 14 134 - 141 . 2 vi. i !- 3 .
3 vi. 2 4 - 37 . Clement proceeds to quote parallel passages from Homer, Musseus,
Archilochus, the tragedians, philosophers, historians, and rhetoricians. He seeks
further to show that they have been guilty of possessing stolen goods en masse.
5 35.38 6 39.43
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 289
they had to abandon idolatry. The Lord preached the Gospel
to those in Hades. He puts forth His might, because to save is
His work. If He preached to the Jews only, the apostles, there
as well as here, must have preached the Gospel to the heathen.
Both Gentile and Jew belong to the holy people. " The ox and
the bear," says the Scripture, "shall meet together." The ox is
the Jew, the Gentile is indicated by the bear. If in the flood all
sinful flesh perished, we must believe that the will of God, which
is disciplinary and operative, saves those who turn to Him. Water,
which is of gross material, could not injure the soul, which is of
finer material. 1
Wisdom is the steadfast knowledge of things divine and
human. This the Lord taught us both through His advent and
through the prophets. With us those are called philosophers who
love wisdom, that is, the knowledge of the Son of God, but
among the Greeks, those who take up discussions on virtue. Some
dogmas the Greeks have borrowed, some they have misunder
stood. Self-love is the cause of all their errors. In this way
they miss the truth. Knowledge and science are derived from
the instruction of a teacher. You name Pythagoras and others
as teachers. Who taught them? Who taught the first generation
of men ? The First-begotten, the Wisdom of God, is the teacher
who from the very beginning of the world has trained and per
fected man. As the whole family goes back to the Creator, so
the teaching which justifies goes back to the Lord. Some choked
the seeds of truth, like the Pharisees. But those who believed
in the coming of the Lord gained knowledge of the Law; just
as philosophers, when taught by the Lord, learn the true phil
osophy. Christ taught the apostles at the time of the advent ;
through this knowledge, as delivered and revealed, cometh wisdom.
The gnosis has come down through succession to a few, having
been delivered unwritten by the apostles. 2
Paul does not seem to censure philosophy, though he does not
deem it worthy of the man who has attained to the gnostic height
to run back to it. So to the Colossians he calls philosophy ele
mentary teaching. 3 The gnostic must be fond of learning. He
must be prepared to meet argument with argument. All things
1 v j 5 44.63^ 2 v j t 7 54.6^ 3 ^ g 61.65
T
290 APPENDIX C
profitable for life come from God ; but there are tares in Greek
philosophy. It, moreover, is elementary ; while truly perfect science
is conversant with intellectual and transcendent objects, and with
objects still more spiritual. The true gnostic such as James,
Peter, John, Paul, and the rest of the apostles knows all things.
He comprehends what seems to others incomprehensible ; for
nothing is incomprehensible to the Son of God, nor untaught. He
who in love suffered for us kept back nothing. Thus faith becomes
certain demonstration. 1 No doubt the gnostic is subject to hunger,
thirst, and the like, without which the body could not continue.
This did not apply to the Saviour. The apostles were not subject to
emotions apparently good courage, joy, tranquillity. The gnostic
does not need courage nor cheerfulness, is not angry, does not
envy, and loves the Creator in the creatures. He becomes passion
less like his teacher. He who feasts on the insatiable gladness of
contemplation cannot be delighted with petty things. Why should
he run back to the good things of the world who has gained the
"light inaccessible"? To him the future is no matter of con
jecture; through love it is already present. His gnosis, when
perfected, becomes infallible through love. He has apprehended
the First Cause. He has learned from the Truth the most exact
truth. He models the administration of his own affairs from the
archetypes above, as those who sail direct their ship by the
stars. He requires few necessaries for life, and these not as
primary, but because they are essential to his sojourn in life ; for
to him gnosis is the principal thing. 2 Accordingly, he devotes
himself to subjects that serve as a training for gnosis. From music,
arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, he takes what they may contribute
to the truth. From astronomy, like Abraham, he ascends to the
Creator from the creation. So he will utilise dialectics, which has
a place in the interpretation of Scripture. To him all branches
of study are only a means to an end, the transmission of the truth
to others, and a defence against hindrances to the truth. What is
craftily used by heretics he uses rightly. 3 The study of arithmetic
is illustrated by Abraham. As an example of music take David,
at once singing and prophesying. Astronomy helps to provide the
soul with a keen vision of truth. Philosophy co-operates in the
i vi. 8 66 - 70 . 2 vi. 9 71 - 79 . 8 vi. io 80 - 93 .
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 291
discussions about truth. We have been born by nature for virtue,
not so as to have it from birth, but in the sense that we are adapted
for acquiring it. 1 The same is true of Adam. He was not perfect as
created, but adapted to receive virtue. Aptitude is an impulse in
the direction of virtue, but it is not virtue. Much more is gnosis
the fruit of toil. The gnostic is pure in deeds and thought and
also in word. He does not condemn any particular sin, but all
sin absolutely. He circumscribes his desires both in respect of
possession and use. He deems it of more importance to live well
than to live. He prefers the love of God and righteousness to
children or marriage or parents. After the children are begotten
he regards his wife as a sister. To those who have repented of
their sins but not steadfastly believed, God grants their requests
when they pray for them ; but to those who live sinlessly He grants
their thoughts. The gnostic prays in thought every hour. Having
prayed for forgiveness of sin, he will then pray that he may no
longer sin, then for the power to do well and to understand the
economy of the Lord, that having become pure in heart he may
be initiated into the beatific vision. Possessed of true righteous
ness he is glorified even here, as Moses was, with something of
an intellectual effulgence like the glory of the sun. He grows in
likeness to God the Saviour, so far as it is possible for human
nature. 2 He who has cultivated apathy and grown to the
beneficence of gnostic perfection is here equal to the angels. He
hastens to the holy abode like the apostles. For those who have
lived perfectly and gnostically may be enrolled among the pres
byters. Both Greek and Jew meet in the unity of the faith, and
the election out of both is one. Of the elect some are more
elect. 3 Such will rest in the "holy mount," the church on high,
in which are gathered the philosophers of God, the true Israelites,
the pure in heart, who devote themselves to the pure vision of the
contemplation that is never sated. To be deemed worthy of the
highest honour after being saved is more than being saved. Simply
to be saved belongs to things intermediate, but to be saved rightly
and fittingly is right action. Those who do not accomplish good
things do not know what is profitable for them. Being ignorant
of what is truly good, they cannot pray so as to receive good
1 yi> Ir 84.95. 2 v j. ! 2 96-104. 3 ^ x 3 105.108.
2Q2 APPENDIX C
things from God; nor if they received it would they profit by
it, in their ignorance of the proper use of divine things. 1
The gnostic receives the impression of the more immediate image,
the mind of the Master. He teaches " on the house-tops " those
who can be taught; he teaches, as he acts, the pattern of the
Christian citizenship. It belongs to Him to know when to speak,
and how, and to whom. " The wild olive is engrafted into the
fatness of the olive." By engrafting worthless shoots are made
noble, and the barren fruitful. There are four modes of grafting,
and each symbolises a separate class of disciples. Solomon teaches
that the love of knowledge makes a man immortal ; it should, there
fore, be sought so as to be found. With discovery inquiry ends.
The discovery concerning God is the teaching given through the Son.
We aim at learning from God Himself, with whom the truth is.
From the divine oracles we claim to have been taught the truth by
the Son of God. "The Saviour spoke all things in parables."
They must, therefore, be expounded in accordance with the canon
of the Church that is, the harmony of the Law and the Prophets
with the covenant delivered at the advent of the Lord. The pro
phetic teaching, like the Incarnation itself, was a concession. The
Lord possessed all virtue ; and to lead man who had been nurtured
in the world of sense up to the things of another world, He em
ployed parables. Like all other languages, Hebrew has certain
characteristics distinctive of the national genius. But prophecy is
not marked by such features. It does not veil the truth for the
sake of beauty of phrase, but because the truth does not belong to
all. Even those to whom the science of interpretation specially
belongs must advance gradually. 2
The Greek philosophers name God, but do not know Him, for
they do not worship God as God. They ascribe to God their own
passions. They seek the probable, not the true. We are not to
investigate truths in part, but truth itself. For the subject of God
is not one thing but ten thousand things. There is a difference
between seeking God and the things about God, between things
and name, between the expression and the thing signified. Those
2 vi. i5 115 - 132 . Here follows (vi. 16 133 - 148 ) a gnostic exposition of the decalogue.
See pp. 199, 200.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 293
who lay hold of the mere expression are like ravens who imitate the
voices of men, but have no conception of what they say. Philos
ophy was given by God as a preparatory discipline. Its very exist
ence shows its origin. Light cannot produce darkness, nor can vice
do anything virtuous. As philosophy makes men virtuous, it must
be the work of God, whose only work is to do good. Every benefit
related to life proceeds in its ultimate ground from God the Father,
who is ruler over all, and it is perfected through the Son. 1
The gnostic is always engaged in the most essential matters. If
he has leisure he turns to Greek philosophy as a recreation or a
dessert, though he does not direct his energy to superfluous or
insignificant points. For true science, such as the gnostic alone
possesses, is a firm hold, leading up through true and sure reason
to the knowledge of the cause. To philosophise is absolutely
essential. The Greeks must be taught through the Law and the
Prophets to worship the only God, who is truly Almighty, then to
learn that nothing can be an image of God. From this he must
advance through righteousness to knowledge. Those who boast
their firm grasp of truth have been taught by men who cannot
worthily declare the power of God. Even those taught by God
require grace to attain such knowledge as they possess. Myriads
of heralds prophesied of the time and place and signs of the advent
of the Lord. Greek philosophers are limited to a few scholars or
adherents. Christianity is in every race and country. Instead of
being crushed by persecution, it grows and lives. 2
Book VII. Now we show to the Greeks that the gnostic alone is
truly pious. We shall use only arguments of a self-evident nature,
and give only an outline of Christianity. The gnostic worships God
in a manner worthy of God. He honours the Son from whom he
has learned to know the First Cause, the Father of the universe.
He worships God by continuous cultivation of his soul and by train
ing that which is divine in himself in the form of ceaseless love.
Service of men is partly " meliorative," partly "ministerial." The
truly devout man serves God in the affairs of men well and un-
blamably. He is a lover of God. For he who honours God
loves God. He discharges a threefold function. He knows
1 yi> ! 7 149.161. 2 v l ! g 162.168.
294 APPENDIX C
realities, he carries out the injunctions of the Word, he transmits
the secret things of truth in a manner worthy of God. 1
The first stage of faith is to know God, and then in harmony
with this knowledge, in no way to commit wrong. The most
excellent thing on earth is the most pious man ; the most perfect
and most royal is the nature of the Son. All men are His, some in
the way of knowledge, some as friends, some as faithful servants,
some as servants simply. He saves those who are willing. As
befits the Lord of all, He cares for all. He is not touched by
envy, nor ignorance, nor pleasure. In His love He clothed Him
self with flesh for the common salvation of men, and can never
neglect His own work. He governs all things from the greatest to
the least. Without interfering with freewill, He made all things
contribute to virtue, so that from age to age the Almighty was
revealed through the Son. The one end of His saving righteous
ness is the bettering of each one. 2
By fellowship with God through the great High Priest the gnostic
becomes assimilated to the Lord, and then fashions himself and
moulds those who hear him. The canons of the gnostic assimil
ation are gentleness, loving-kindness, and a splendid piety. Such
virtues are an acceptable sacrifice with God. The Gospel and the
Apostle agree as to the duty of putting ourselves to death. If we
so sacrifice ourselves we need no other sacrifice. By such con
secration we honour Him who was consecrated for us. God takes
pleasure in our salvation alone. He is in need of nothing and is
not propitiated by sacrifices. He is revealed to the virtuous alone. 3
The gnostic masters all the causes of evil, and, like God, benefits
all men, whatever his sphere be. His soul is a divine image of Him
who is the express image of the Almighty Father. Thus master of
himself, he gains a firm hold of divine science. He cultivates all
forms of manliness. He belongs to this world and yet to a higher
world. He is the true wrestler, with the universe for amphitheatre,
God as the president, the Son of God as umpire, angels and gods as
spectators. The terms are the same for all ; the issue depends on
our will and choice. For salvation through obedience we owe
thanks to God. And our best thanks is to do what is well-pleasing
to Him. He accepts our service of men as service of Himself;
3 yii> 3 .13.15.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 295
and He regards the wrongs done to His believers as a dishonour
to Himself. 1
The Greeks represent their gods as human in passions as well as
in form. Those who liken the divine nature to the worst of men
are atheists. To represent men as injuring the gods implies that the
gods are inferior. The ascription of wrath to the gods naturally
begets superstition, and their devotees see portents everywhere.
They have a dread of grains of salt, of squills, and brimstone. But
the true God regards nothing holy but the character of the just
man, and nothing accursed save what is unjust. 2
Do we not rightly refrain from confining in temples made with
hands that which contains all things ? What work of mechanical
art could be called holy ? Better, surely, with others, to regard the
whole universe as a fitting shrine for Him. Ridiculous that man, "the
plaything of God," should make God, or that He should become
the play of art. No work of art, however perfect, can be regarded
sacred and divine. To localise God is an absurdity. If we give
the epithet " holy " to the building as well as to God Himself, why
not rather to the church which is the congregation of saints ? The
soul of the gnostic is a shrine of God that is, he is one in whom
the knowledge of God is consecrated. 3
God does not need the food of sacrifice as if He hungered. We
honour Him by the sacrifice of prayer. The truly holy altar is the
righteous soul, and the incense from it is holy prayer. We are
to offer God the incense of united prayer. 4 We are commanded
to honour the Son and Word whom we recognise as Saviour and
Ruler, and through him the Father, not on select days, as feast-days
and the like, but continuously throughout our whole life and in
every way. If intercourse with a good man ennobles one, much
more will fellowship with God. Hence all our life we keep festival.
And this applies specially to the gnostic. He is the truly kingly
man, the holy priest of God. He does not approach the spectacles,
touches not costly wines or wreaths that effeminate the soul. He
enjoys all things as divine gifts. He believes that God knows all
things and hears our thought. God has not to wait for any voice
of ours. The gnostic prays for the things that are really good
the things of the soul ; and, as he prays, he works, so that these good
1 vii. 3 16 - 21 . a vii. 4 22 - 27 . 3 vii. s 28 - 29 . 4 vii. 6 80 , M .
296 APPENDIX C
things may be no external ornaments, but that he himself may be
good. To pray aright we must pray with a knowledge of God.
Prayer is converse with God. Though we open not our lips we
cry in our inmost being from the heart. This cry God ever hears.
Hence we lift up head and hands and feet at the closing prayer, as
if to separate the body from the earth as we speak. Some pray at
fixed hours, the gnostic prays all his life. As God can do all that
He wills, the gnostic receives whatsoever he may ask. Though God
gives good things without asking, the petition is not superfluous.
The faith that he will receive is a form of prayer stored up in a
gnostic fashion. The holiness of the gnostic is a responsive feeling
of loyalty on the part of a friend of God. True worship is char
acterised both by will and knowledge. 1 God answers our thoughts.
Character in relation to duty is tested by prayer. We send up our
prayers to God without a voice. As light arises out of the east,
we pray towards the east. The gnostic is united to the Spirit by
the bond of infinite love. He maintains contemplation without
ceasing by self-discipline. He possesses boldness of utterance, and
conceals nothing from fear or from a desire to please. He is
incapable alike of giving way to corruption or temptation. He is
untouched either by pleasure or pain. If reason calls, he is an
inflexible judge and walks in the paths of justice. He is persuaded
that all things are administered for the best. He has no anxiety
about the necessaries of life. He prays that he may never fall
away from virtue. His knowledge of God is a guarantee that his
virtue will not be lost. Hence the gnostic alone is pious. He
already possesses the future. As the physician co-operates with
the patient for his health, God co-operates with the gnostic for
knowledge and right action. Having done his part, like the athlete
in the story, he can claim that God should do His. The whole
world contributes to the salvation of the gnostic who has consci
entiously fulfilled his duty. His whole life is a holy festival. His
sacrifices are prayer and praise and the reading of the Scriptures
by day and by night. He is one with the divine choir. He prays
everywhere without ostentation, for his thought is a prayer. 2 Such
an one need not take an oath ; his life is a security against false
hood. By his actions he swears faithfully, so that the witness of
1 vii> 7 35.42. 2 yii> 7 43.49.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 297
his tongue is a superfluity. He will die under torture rather
than lie. 1 He thinks truly and speaks truly, though, when occasion
demands it, as a physician to the sick, he may lie, stooping to
accommodation for the sake of others. To him a lie is no idle
word, but a force for wickedness. He witnesses to the truth both
in word and deed. From this summary account of gnostic piety
it is plain that the Christian is neither an atheist nor given to
impiety. 2
Knowledge is a perfection, as it were, of man as man, and by it
truth is perfected. By faith the knowledge of God grows. This
is the foundation of knowledge. Christ is both the foundation and
the superstructure. Faith and love cannot be taught ; knowledge can
be transmitted and taught. Faith, knowledge, love, the heavenly
inheritance, are the four ascending grades. By knowledge those
fitted for it learn the nature of the life to be, and its purifications
and honours, with everlasting contemplation of the Lord and fellow
ship with Him as its crown. Faith, then, is a summary knowledge
of essentials ; but knowledge is a firm demonstration of the things
received through faith. As the gnostic has advanced from faith to
knowledge, and from knowledge to love, so after having reached
the highest stage in the flesh, he goes on advancing unto the
Father s house. 3 The gnostic has a true conception of the uni
verse. He has a unique understanding of the commandments. He
never prefers the pleasant to the expedient. He has an unshaken
conviction that whatever may befall him may be a means of salva
tion. He uses the creatures of God with thanksgiving. He does
not dwell on his wrongs, but rather pities his fellows because of
their ignorance. He looks to noble examples. above all, to that
of the Lord. Like the body of the athlete, his soul is in tiptop
condition. It is an image of the divine power, and becomes a
temple of the Holy Spirit. He fears no apparent or external danger.
He is not irrationally brave. A true martyr, he does not rush into
danger without cause, but taking care of himself in accordance with
reason, he willingly surrenders himself at the call of God. He
obeys the call of God from no low motive, but simply from love to
Him. By love he grows to the " perfect man," and takes rank as
a son of God. The vision of God face to face is his highest goal
1 vii< 51. 2 yii> 962.54. 3 yiii I0 55.59.
298 APPENDIX C
and attainment. 1 He is just in all his relations to others. He
assists his brother, not giving to all equally but according to desert.
He gives even to his enemies. As God is the enemy of no one, so
is the gnostic. He is truly continent. He is not merely master
of his passions but of what is good; for the scientific possession
of good is "the science of things divine and human." He eats and
drinks and marries, not as if such things were principal ends, but
from necessity. By his knowledge the soul is separated from
passion, so that it can say, " I live as thou wiliest." And he who
pleases God is well-pleasing to good men. Only One is free from
desire, the Lord who for us became man. We can only gain a
like stamp by training. The gnostic gains life by knowledge ;
ignorance produces atrophy in the soul. All his life is prayer and
fellowship with God. What is inexpedient he does not ask ; what
is expedient he receives at once with his thought. He prays for
the repentance of those who hate him. The future is the real to
him. He fasts always from the love of money and pleasure, from
deeds condemned by the Law and thoughts alien to the Gospel. He
honours the resurrection of the Lord in his inner life. He can look
on beauty without carnal desire. His brethren are those who choose,
learn, remember, hope for the same things as he does. Thought
spent on food is to him a robbery of higher things. As a " stranger
and pilgrim," he lives in the city as if it were a desert. His sur
roundings do not affect him. In brief, he makes up for the absence
of the apostles by upright living, by accurate knowledge, by help
of the deserving, by removing " mountains " from his neighbours.
He impoverishes himself for the sake of others, for he has a grasp
of realities. By knowledge he becomes, as it were, a partner of the
divine will. He prays with angels, as equal to angels. He prays
that he may live in the flesh as one free from flesh. In fellowship
with Christ hereafter he hopes to become all light himself, and not
luminous by sharing in fire. Day and night he rejoices exceed
ingly, speaking and doing the commandments of the Lord. He
is patient under trial. 2 He forgives those who have sinned against
him, for he regards all men as the work of One Will. His prayer
is a demand, not a request. He prays that the wants of the needy
may be supplied, and thus assists them without ostentation or vain-
1 vii. 1160-63. 2 v jj_ ! 2 69.80.
ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 299
glory, as being only an instrument of the goodness of God. He
is the temple of God, God-bearing and God-borne. So much to
the Greeks about the gnostic. 1
Of the apathy of the gnostic I mean, his progression from faith
through love to the perfect man I note but one scriptural passage,
out of many, from the divine apostle in the First Epistle to the
Corinthians. 2 From this it is evident that the gnostic should suffer
wrong rather than inflict wrong in retaliation, for that were to do
wrong himself. How could one "judge angels" that is, the
apostate angels if himself an apostate from the Gospel precept
as to the forgetfulness of wrong? "Ye defraud your brethren." 3
That is, by praying against them, ye defraud them of the goodness
of God. 4 "Wrong-doers shall not inherit the kingdom of God." 5
That is, those who seek revenge in deed or word or thought. "Ye
washed yourselves." 6 That is, with knowledge you flung aside the
passions of the soul. "Ye were sanctified," 7 as with a holiness
higher than this world. " God shall destroy them." 8 That is, those
who live as if they were born to eat. " He that is joined to a
harlot (the activity contrary to the covenant) unto one flesh (unto a
heathenish life) becomes another body," which is not holy. " He
that is joined to the Lord " is a spiritual body. 9 That is, he is
wholly a son, passionless, gnostic, being formed by the teaching of
the Lord. So much for those who have ears to hear. We are to
be perfect as the Father in heaven, perfect in forgiving sins and
forgetting wrongs, perfect as He would have us be. For it is not
possible for any one to be perfect as God is. 10
" We ought not to believe," you say, " because of the variety and
dissonance of the sects." n That is an idle pretext. It cannot be
defended on any practical grounds, and is condemned by analogy.
It regards as false or unprovable what we regard as fundamental,
that there is truth, that it has its own criterion, that the Scriptures
are from God, and as such have a demonstration of their own.
This is ignored by the heretics who have broken away from the
I v ii. I3 81.83. 2 j; C Qr- v i. 3 J^ ? yj. 3. 4 jj,., v i. 8.
5 Ib., vi. 9. 6 Ib., vi. II. 7 Ib. 8 Ib., vi. 13.
9 Ib., vi. 1 6, 17. 10 vii. I4 84 - 88 .
II For a fuller statement of Clement s discussion of the question, see Lecture II.,
pp. 57-60.
300 APPENDIX C
authoritative possessor of truth, and in their conceit and muddiness
of soul cannot see the light of truth. Ignorance is the characteristic
of the heathen, conceit of the heretics, knowledge of the Church.
In their love of glory and slothfulness they close their ears to the
truth. They ignore the antiquity and unity of the Catholic Church. 1
With some remarks on the distinctive characteristics of Jews and
heretics, and on the literary form of the Stromateis, the Seventh
Book comes to a close. 2
1 vii. i-i 89 - 108 . 2 viii. i8 109 - 11] .
APPENDIX D.
THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT.
As stated on page 10, the hypothesis that the works of Clement
were not written in the order commonly held was first started
by Wendland. It is supported by Heussi and Harnack, and ac
cepted, without discussion, by Duchesne and Stahlin. 1 It is re
jected by Bardenhewer, who accepts the view of Zahn. 2 It is
ignored by Mayor. Now, it is plain that a hypothesis so sup
ported is one which, on the face of it, it may seem presumptuous
to doubt and an impertinence to criticise. But an examination
of the reasons adduced, together with the presentation of some
grounds that may be adduced to the contrary, may tend at
least to cast doubt on the necessity of an unconditional accept
ance of it.
In his Quasstiones Musonianae, published in 1886, in which he
proved the dependence of Clement on Musonius, Wendland ex
pressed the opinion that the reference by Clement to a treatise Tlepl
eyKparelas was due to the fact that the whole was a quotation from
Musonius ; that Clement had written no work on that subject, but
that he had with extraordinary negligence transcribed the passage
from Musonius, "dormitans integrum hoc enunciatum ex Musonio
transtulit," and thus had ascribed to himself a writing which was
really a writing of Musonius. This incredible hypothesis is of
interest as showing the attitude of the critic to Clement, but does
not otherwise call for comment. In a review of the work of
1 Duchesne, Histoire ancienne de PEglise, p. 337. Stah., vol. iii. p. Ixiii.
2 I have not been able to see the article of Zahn to which Harnack makes
reference. Op. cit., p. 9, note 5.
302 APPENDIX D
de Faye l he abandoned this hypothesis, and writes as follows :
" In Paed. ii. 94, /ca06\ov fjuev ovv el rya/jLrjreov r\ ydfjiov et?
TO Travre\es /caOapevreov e^ercu jap V?T7?<7ec09 KOI rovro
ev TO) Trepl eyKpareias rjfjilv SeS^Xwrat. Dies problem findet
sich nun Strom, ii. 137, tflrovpev be el rya/jLrjreov . . . aus-
fuhrlich behandelt innerhalb einer Erorterung iiber ey/cpareia, die
von Strom, ii. 103 bis zum Ende von Buch III. reicht, aber auch
ins vierte iibergreift. Und St. iii. 22 heist es ausdriicklich o Se
Trepl eytcpareias rjfjiiv TrpofBaivero \6yos. (Auf die Auseinander-
setzung mit gnostichen Enkratiten St. iii., passt weiter die ver-
weisung Paed. ii. 52 2 ). Endlich beziehe ich auf diese Bucher der
St., besonders ii. 137-146; iv. 59-65, 125-129, die mit den
wortern ev roS <ya/j,ucq> ^Le^L^ev \6ya) schliessende Aufzahlung
Paed. iii. 41. Wer die stellen vergleicht und die antike Citir-
methode kennt, kann gar nicht an der Beziehung zweifeln. Beach-
tet man weiter die Praeterita an den beiden ersten, das Futurum
an der letzen Stelle, so ergiebt sich dass Clemens, als er den Paed.
schrieb, bereits einen theil der St. fertig hatte, deren Ausarbeitung
er durch den Paed. unterbrach. Dazu stimmt, dass sich nur in
St. vi. und vii. je eine Riickweisung auf Prot. und Paed. findet.
Man kann zweifeln, ob man den Paed. doch spater ansetzen soil
als Neumann, Der rom. Staat und die Kirche, i. 100, oder
ob die Stelle iiber die Verfolgungen, St. ii. 125, spaterer
Zusatz 1st."
Heussi puts the matter thus: "Clemens verweist namlich Paed.
ii. 94 bei der Besprechung der Ehe auf seine ausfiihrliche Er
orterung Trepl eytcpareias . . . SeS^Xwrat. Das mit diesen
Worten umschriebene Problem finden wir nun St. ii. 137,
%r)Tov/jiev . . . behandelt, innerhalb einer langer Erorterung iiber
die eyfcpareia, die von St. ii. 103 bis ins IV. Buch hinein reicht.
Ebenso bezieht sich die Verweisung Paed. ii. 52, SeiXijtya/jiev . . .
rdrrerai auf St. iii. Schliesslich finden wir Paed. iii. 41, ev
To3 ya/ju/cq) Ste^yLte^ \6yti* einen Hinweis auf die Ausfiihrungen,
St., ii. 137, 146; iv. 59-65, 125-129. Die antike Manier zu cit-
1 Theol. Lit.-Zeit., 1898.
2 8ifi\-r)<f)atJt.(v tie fiaQvTtpcp \6ycp us &pa otire tv roTs Mfunf^ofa* p.^v eV roly
<rvvov<Tia.<mK.o1s /j.opiois /cat rrj K&TO. ydfiov (Tv/j.Tr\oicf), Kad 5>v Kfirai TO oi 6/^.ara TO
srepl TT)J/ ffw-fiOeiav ov TeTpjft/xeVa, T] rov OVTOS alffxpov irpovriyopia -rd.mro.1.
THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 303
iren lasst es ausser Zweifel, dass Clemens an den gennanten Stellen
im Paed. nicht auf selbstandige Werke Trepi ey/cpareias u.s.w.,
verweist, sondern auf die betreffenden Darlegungen in den Str.
Die Praeterita an den beiden ersten Stellen, SeSfawrai, &i-
etX^ayitez/ und das Futurum an den dritten Stelle Sie^i/uev aber
beweisen dass Clemens einen Teil der Str. vor dem Paed. ge-
schrieben haben muss." T
Harnack writes as follows : " Hier ist von der Entdeckung Wend-
lands ausgehen, die Heussi bestatigt hat, dass die 4 ersten Biicher
der Stromateis vor dem Padagog geschrieben sind. Diese Ent
deckung wirft nicht nur die bisherige Chronologic des Schrift-
stellers Clemens, sonder auch die wichtigsten der bisher geltenden
Vorstellungen von seinem schriftstellerischen Absichten iiber denn
Haufen. Die Entdeckung ist zuverlassig ; denn liegt kein Grund
vor, das Zitat in Paedag. ii. 10, 94 (fca06\ov pev ovv jj
rj ya/juov et? TO 7rai>reXe9 KaOapevreov e^erai yap
/cal TOVTO ev TO) 7T6pl ey/cparcia^ r}fj,2v SeS^Xcorat), auf einen
anderen Abschnitt zu beziehen als auf die grosse Ausfiihrung, die
von Strom, ii. 20, 103, bis in das 4 Buch hineinreicht, s. bes.
ii. 23, 137. Nicht anders ist iiber das Zitat Paedag. ii. 6, 52,
SieikrityaiAev, &c., zu urteilen ; es ist das 3 Buch der Stromateis
gemeint, und endlich ist der ya/ui/cbs Xo^o? auf den Paedag. iii.
8, 41, verwiesen wird, in denselben Ausfiihrungen, namlich Strom,
ii. 23, 137, 146; iv. 8, 59-65; iv. 20, 125-129 zu suchen.
Besondere Schriften des Clemens Trepl ey/cpaTeia^ (oder iiber die
Ehe) hat nie jemand genannt ; kein Zitat findet sich aus ihnen.
Dagegen enthalten die betreffenden Abschnitte der Stromateis
das im Padagog Vorausgesetzte. Nun aber beobachtet man weiter,
dass der Protrepticus und Padagog nur in den spateren Biichern
der Stromateis zitiert werden (Strom., vi. i, i ; vii. 4, 22) Ger-
ade aber in den friiheren Biichern musste man Verweisungen auf
sie oder doch mindestens auf den Padagog erwarten, wenn sie
friiher geschrieben waren und wenn die Stromateis den Zweck
verfolgten, das im Padagog Ausgefiihrte nun in eine hohere
Sphare zu heben. In diesen friiheren Biichern der Stromateis
aber wird die Aufgabe so angefasst, dass sie in keinem sinne
als Fortsetzung erscheint, vielmehr die Aufgaben mit umfasst, die
1 Z. fur W. Th., 1902, p. 474.
304 APPENDIX D
im (Protrepticus und) Padagog behandelt sind. Als Clemens die
Stromateis i.-iv. schrieb, hatte er also jene beiden Biicher weder
schon geschrieben noch geplannt." 1
From the similarity of the reasons brought forward, it may be
assumed that no more cogent grounds can be submitted. As
for the absence of reference in the earlier books of the Stroma
teis to the Paed., that does not seem an argument of much
weight by itself. It might be asked in reply, Why no reference
in Strom, v. or in the Paed. to the earlier books of the Strom. ?
Or, why no reference in the Paed. to some of the subjects promised
in the Strom., and never discussed?
The essential points in the passages quoted by Wendland,
Heussi, and Harnack are these: (i) At the time that the Paed.
was written, Clement had already written on the subject of
tytcpareia, with special reference to marriage. (2) In that or a
cognate treatise he had discussed somewhat elaborately the specific
point noted in Paed. ii. 52. (3) When he had finished the Paed.
he had still in contemplation a special work on the subject of
marriage.
As to the last point. That Siegi/jLev is to be taken in the
ordinary future sense there can be no doubt. If this be so, how
can the allusion to the <yaiMico<s \6<yo<; in Paed. iii. 41 refer to
sections in the Stromateis, when, ex hypothesi, they had preceded
its composition ? If we are to give the natural force to BeSrjXcorai,,
must we not do the same with ^Le^L^ev ? It is plain from many
indications that the subject had a special interest for Clement,
alike on physiological, ethical, psychological, and exegetical grounds.
But is it probable, after the detailed discussion in the Stromateis
and the Paedagogus, that he should have thought of returning to
the subject? Is it not more likely that the sections in the Strom,
are the fulfilment of the proposed rya/ju,Ko<; \oyos, and that accord
ingly the Paed. preceded the Stromateis ? Harnack, it will be noted,
while adopting the other arguments, passes by the distinction of
tenses.
As to the second point. In Paed. ii. 52 he states that he had
touched at length on the points there noted. But in none of the
1 Die Chronologic des alt. Lit., vol. ii. pp. 9, 10.
THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 305
passages referred to by Heussi does he touch directly on the
specific points indicated, even where such a discussion might
naturally have taken place. 1 The points are referred to definitely
and specifically in some sections of the Paed., 2 but not in the
Strom. Does not this suggest that the matters alluded to were
discussed in another treatise of which we have no further know
ledge?
As to the first point. This is the only argument of importance,
and it is weighty. That Clement could refer to a section of
another work as a separate treatise is, of course, undoubted. That
the questions there discussed cover precisely the same ground as
that indicated in Paed. ii. 94 is equally undoubted ; so that, if no
other explanation of the phenomena were possible, and no evidence
could be adduced to the contrary, the hypothesis might be
accepted unconditionally. But some general grounds as well as
some special considerations may be adduced to the contrary. To
begin with, it is certain that Clement conceived of a threefold
and progressive activity of the Logos, and that the three works as
they stand correspond generally to that conception. 3 He had a
clear distinction in his own mind between the Paedagogic and
the Didactic function, and in the Paed. sometimes checks his
tendency to digress. Again, in Strom, vii. 27, he says that it was
his method to begin with the uprooting of evil opinions as a
preliminary to the mention of the more important principles, and
he seems to ground this on the practices of those who are initiated
into the mysteries. The analogy between the three stages repre
sented by the Prot, the Paed., and the Strom., and the three
grades of initiation into the mysteries, has often been noted. If
that was his principle, is it not probable that he adopted it in
his writings? That the Paedagogus was designed to be of the
nature of a preliminary discipline, he himself expressly states. 4
Further, at the beginning of Strom, iv. he sketches with some
detail the plan of work which he proposes to follow, and he
carries it out, or at least some stages of it, substantially as he
i Cf. Str., iii. 4 34 . 2 Cf. Psed., ii. io 92 , 93 .
3 rfj Ka\fj irvyxpyrou oiKOvo^ia. 6 irdvra tyiXavdpuiros \6yos, irporptiruv &vw6ev,
eireiTa TTcuSayw ywV) tirl iraaiv eKSiSdffKcav. Psed., i. I 3 .
4 Str., vi. I 1 .
U
306 APPENDIX D
had planned it. Is it probable that he interrupted his design by
so long an interval as the writing of the Paed. must have in
volved? Moreover, does not the reference in Paed. ii. 94 imply
on this hypothesis that Strom, i.-iv. had been published separately?
Clement repeatedly refers to works which he had in contemplation,
and which in all probability he never wrote nor published ; but
what point was there in referring to a work which had been
written but not published ? And in that case is it not improbable
that he should have delayed the plan which he had sketched for
an indefinite period, and entered upon Strom, v. without any
reference to the previous sections of the work ?
As against the hypothesis, the following points may be urged.
The manner in which the gnostic is referred to in the Psed., as
contrasted with the manner in which he is referred to in the Strom.,
is difficult to account for on the hypothesis under consideration.
In each of the first four books of the Strom, the word "gnostic"
is a technical term, introduced now as a noun, now as an adjective,
now as an adverb, without any qualification or explanation. 1 He is
delineated at length in relation to God, to his own body, and to his
ethical ideals and motives. 2 Clement draws a distinction between
simple and gnostic martyrdom, 3 between the reward promised to
the simple believer and the gnostic, 4 interprets Psalm viii. 6 of
" the perfect man and the gnostic," 5 and speaks of the apostles as
truly gnostic and perfect, 6 and represents Clement of Rome as well
as St Paul as delineating the character of the gnostic. 7 In the
Paed. there are only two allusions, but neither in letter nor in
spirit are they in harmony with these conceptions. In Paed. i. 31
he says, with reference to Valentinus, that there "are not, then,
some who are gnostics and others who are psychical, but that all
are equal and spiritual before the Lord," quoting in proof the words
of St Paul in Galatians. 8 In Paed. i. 52 he speaks of the audacity
of those who dare to call themselves " perfect and gnostic " think
ing more highly of themselves than Paul. In view of the dis-
1 Cf. Str., i. io 49 ; iii. 6 53 ; ii. iS 80 , &c.
3 Ib., iv. 22 137 ; 22 140 ; 25 16 , &c. 3 Ib., iv. 4 15 . 4 Ib., iv. i8 114 .
8 Ib., iv. 3 8 . Ib., iv. 9 75 . 7 Ib., iv. 17 10B ; i6 100 , 101 .
8 Gal. iii. 26, 27.
THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 307
cussion and the usage in the Strom., is it sufficient explanation to
say that the passage is controversial? If the allusions elsewhere
had been incidental, that had been sufficient explanation, but not
in view of their detailed character. And, moreover, should we not
have expected in that case, not a contrast with the modesty of St
Paul, but with those who possessed the true gnosis as opposed " to
the gnosis falsely so-called," such as we find more than once in the
Strom. ? In view of the prominence given to the delineation of
the gnostic in Strom, iv., it is hard to understand how such state
ments could have been made in the Paed. without some qualifica
tion such as Clement was fond of adding.
In Paed. i. 35-52, Clement gives an altogether fanciful exegesis
of i Cor. iii. 2, seeking to show with quaint lore that the " milk "
to which the apostle referred did not mark a lower stage than
" meat," but that they represented the same thing. As it is of the
nature of a digression, and its elaborate exegesis is not in harmony
with the general trend of the Paed., it may be held all the more
certainly to illustrate his thought at the time. But in Strom, i. 179,
v. 26, and v. 66, he interprets the words in their natural sense. Is
it not more probable that the former marks the earlier stage ? And
would it not be strange if, after having given the natural interpreta
tion in Strom, i. and the like in Strom, v., he should in the interval
have given the unnatural interpretation to be found in Paed. i.
33-5 2 ?
There is a difficulty, no doubt, in accounting for the disappear
ance of the treatise on ey/cpareia, on the supposition that it was
a separate work. Yet, in view of the loss of other writings of
Clement, this objection has less weight than it seems. Of the
works named by Eusebius, for example, nothing survives of the
* Discussions on Fasting ; of the * Ecclesiastical Canon, only one
passage has been preserved. Heussi asks, " Why did he not refer
to the work on ej/cpareia, instead of transcribing it ? " Plainly
that assumes the poini at issue the identity of the two. But
the question suggests a possible solution. If incorporated in a
later work, may not that account for its disappearance ? Have
not "Q" and the " Logia " disappeared as separate works, because
incorporated in the Synoptic Gospels ? Moreover, on the assump-
308 APPENDIX D
tion that Siegipev is a future, a like difficulty arises in connection
with the disappearance of the yapi/ccx; XOYO?. If, on the other
hand, the Paed. was written before the Strom., it may be regarded
as embedded in the relative sections of the Strom., ii.-iv. i. There
are difficulties on either hypothesis ; but I venture to submit that
the case for reversing the traditional view as to the relation be
tween the Paed. and the earlier books of the Strom, has not been
incontrovertibly demonstrated.
According to de Faye, the Stromateis is not to be regarded as
representing the last stage of the plan of work intended by Clement.
The crown of the work was to be a treatise designated "The
Teacher " (o St&aoveaXo?), which has hitherto been confounded
with the Stromateis. The hypothesis is approved by Mayor (pp.
xvi, xvii). It received an exhaustive and adverse criticism from
Heussi (Z. f. W. Th., 1902), and his conclusions are accepted and
regarded as decisive by Harnack (pp. 13-15).
309
APPENDIX E.
LOST WRITINGS OF CLEMENT.
I. EUSEBIUS (H. E., vi. 13, 14), in his account of the writings of
Clement, names, in addition to the Stromateis, the Protrepticus,
the Psedagogus, and the Quis Dives, the following :
(1) AT TTTorfTTcoo-efc?. See pp. 23-25. (Fragments in
Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 195-215.)
(2) Hepl TOV r jrdo~ )(a. (Fragments in Stahlin, vol. iii. pp.
216-218.
(3) AtaXee9 7Tpl vrja-reias /cal irepl Kara\a\ia<; (of this
nothing survives).
(4) ? O TIpOTpeTTTLKOS i? V7TO/jiOl>7]V Tj 7T/9O9 TOU9 VWCTT\
/3e/3a7rrto-/xeVou9. (Cambridge Texts and Studies, vol. v.
pp. 47-49 (1897). Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 221-223.) See
Lecture V.
(5) Kavau eicic\ r]cnaorTiKos rj vrpo? TOL/? lovSai&vras.
(Fragment in Stahlin, vol. iii. p. 218.) The Judaisers,
in the opinion of Harnack, were such as objected to the
allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament. c History
of Dogma, vol. i. p. 292.
II. Not mentioned by Eusebius are :
(a) Tlepl 7rpovola<$. (Fragments in Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 219-
221.)
(b) Et? TOV 7Tpo(f)rJTr)v AyLt<u9. (Stahlin, vol. iii. p. Ixiii.) It
is doubtful whether this was a separate work.
III. Writings referred to by Clement himself:
(1) Hepl ey/cpaTLa<$. See Appendix D.
(2) f O Xo709 ya/u/co?. See Appendix D.
(3) IIe/94 apx&v teal 0o\oyias. (Q. D. 26. Cf. Str., iii. 2 13 ;
v. i4 140 , &c.) From a comparison of the terms which
310 APPENDIX E
he employs in speaking of this work with those employed
in speaking of writings that were contemplated, it seems
most natural to infer that the work had been completed.
(4) Tlepl dvaa-Taa-eo)^ (Paed., i. 6 47 , ii. 10 104 .)
(5) Hepl 7T/9o</>??Teta?. (Str., iv. i 2 , v. 13 88 .)
(6) Tlepl Tfrvxf)<:> (Str., ii. 20 113 , v. 13 &.)
(7) Tlepl rr)? dvOpcoTrov yeveaetos. (Str., iii. 14 95 .)
(8) TIcpl rov Sia/36\ov. (Str., iv. 1 1 85 .)
(9) Tlepl rr)$ et%7}?. (Str., iv. 26 171 .)
(10) Tlepl <yevore(D<$ KOV/JLOV. (Str., vi. i8 168 .)
In all probability the works enumerated 4-9 were intended to be
sections of the Strom., and were never written. (Cf. Stah., vol. iii.
pp. Ixiv, Ixv.)
APPENDIX F.
THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT.
THE Canon and Text of the Septuagint represented in the works
of Clement are discussed by Stahlin in his Clemens Alexandrinus
und die Septuaginta (1901). With regard to the Text, his con
clusions are (i) That in many passages, particularly in the
Prophets, the text used by Clement agrees with the revisers,
especially with Theodotion ; (2) that throughout there is a
difference between his text and that of Codex B.
The text of Ecclesiasticus employed by Clement is shown by
Hart to be akin to that of the Old Latin. 1 This accounts for
many of the deviations from the current text.
The New Testament Text of the Gospels and Acts is the
subject of an exhaustive study by Barnard in the Cambridge
Series of Texts and Studies (vol. v., 1899). In an Introduction
by Professor Burkitt, it is held that the study confirms the con
clusion " that the earliest texts of the Gospels are fundamentally
Western."
The following note is meant to set forth some of the more
distinctive features of the text used by Clement in the Pauline
Epistles. To this end it is important to classify the quotations.
They may be divided into four classes : I. Quotations where the
name of the Epistle is mentioned. II. Quotations where "The
Apostle" or Paul is named. III. Quotations for which scriptural
authority is alleged or implied. IV. Quotations introduced without
reference. Speaking generally, for textual purposes that is the
order of merit; but sometimes the fact that a quotation is made
from memory may reduce the value of a quotation from a higher
1 J. H. A. Hart, Ecclesiasticus, 1909, pp. 321-346.
312 APPENDIX F
to a lower rank, and sometimes from the fact that it occurs in a
long passage or is quoted with a &&gt;?, a quotation in the lower
rank may be raised to a higher rank. The importance of attend
ing to such principles of classification may be seen from the
following examples, where Clement may be quoted in support of
different readings : Class I. Rom. i. 1 7 (Str., ii. 6 29 ) Sifcaiocrvvr}
yap (WH.) Class II. (Str., v. i 3 ) Si/caioavvij St. I. Rom. vi.
22 (Str., ii. 22 134 ), vwL (WH.) II. (Str., iv. 3 n ), vvv. I.
i Cor. iv. 15 (Str., iii. 15"), ev Xpurrp (WH.) II. (Str., v.
i 15 ) ev XpurTO) Ivjo-ov. I. Eph. v. 28 (Str., iv. 8 64 ) o>? ra
eavrwv aoo^ara. III. (Psed., iii. i2 94 ) &&gt;9 ra l$t,a aw/mara.
I. Col. iii. 12 (Str., iv. 8 66 ) oiKTippov (WH.) IV. (Str., iv. 7 55 )
OlKTlp/JLWV.
The general features of the text of Clement may be indicated
under the following heads : (a) The cases in which Clement sup
ports the readings of WH. as against the Textus Receptus ; (b) the
cases in which he supports the readings of the Textus Receptus
as against WH. ; (c] The cases in which he supports i? when it
differs from B ; (d) the cases in which he supports B when it
differs from * ; (*) the cases in which he supports the Neutral
Text when it differs from the Western Text; (/) The cases in
which he supports the Western Text when it differs from the
Neutral Text. Preserving the classification of readings already
suggested, I note the following :
(a) Romans: (I.) 7 23 ; (II.) i a , 2 14 , 2 17 (twice), 3 22 , 3 26 ,
3 29 , 6 15 , 8 11 , 8 15 , 8 36 , 10 3 , 10 9 , 10 15 , 10 19 , i2 2 , 13 3 , 13 9 ,
i 3 n , i5 29 ; (III.) I2 11 , i5 4 , is 14 , i Corinthians: (I.) 4 21 , 6 2 ,
f.8 T ? 11 /TT \ T 22 ,, 7 ,,10 /twirM v I 3 > 15 ? 2 t 3 i2 /i 9 >i i3
3 > I 3 ) v**v J ^iwice^, 2 ,2 >3>3>3 j4j4
5 7 (twice), 6 10 , 7 9 , 7 12 , 7 35 , 7 38 (twice), 7 39 , 8 2 (five times), 8 8 ,
8 9 , 8 11 (twice), 10 \ io 23 , io 24 , io 30 , n 11 , n 31 , u 32 , 12 9 ,
12 13 , 13 2 (twice), 13 3 , 14 10 (twice); (III.) 7 34 , 9 22 , io 3 ; (IV.)
7 3 , 7 7 (twice), n 27 (twice), 15 49 . 2 Corinthians: (I.) 3 14 ; (II.)
i 12 , 2 16 , 5 3 , 6 4 , 6 14 , 7 n (twice), 8 12 , 1 1 3 (twice) ; (III.) 4 6 .
Galatians: (II.) 4 7 , 5 19 , 5 21 . Ephesians : (I.) 5 22 , 5 23 (twice),
S 25 ; (II.) 2 n , 3 3 , 5 4 , 5 5 ; (IH.)5 14 , 6^,6 9 , 6^ 2 ; (IV.) 3 4 9 .
Philippians: (I.) 2 21 ; (II.) i 14 , i 23 , i 24 , i 30 , 2 \ 2 15 , 3 14 , 4 12 ,
4 13 . Colossians: (I.) i 10 (twice), i 26 , i 27 , i 28 , 2 2 (twice), 3 n ,
THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT 313
3 12 > 3 14 ,*3 15 , 3 18 , 3 22 , 3 25 , 4 l , (II.) 3 5 > 3 16 (twice) ; (IV.) 2 u.
i Thessalonians: (II.) 4 8 ; (HI.) 5 5 , 5 6 ; (IV.) 2 4 . Hebrews:
(I.) 5 12 ; (II.) io 34 (thrice), io 35 , io 88 , n 3 , 1 1 26 5 n 32 (thrice),
12 15 ; (III.) 8 n , 8 12 . i Timothy: (I.) 5 21 , 6 20 ; (II.) 2 9 (twice),
6 5 ; (III.)4 12 . 2 Timothy: (I.) 3 15 . Ti Atf: (I.) 2 3 ; (II.) 3 5
(twice) ; (III.) i 10 .
() Romans: (I.) 7 17 , 7 20 ; (II.) 8 2 , 8 9 , 8 u , 8 u , 8 24 , io 14
(thrice), io 17 , n 22 , 12 2 , 13 9 . i Corinthians: (I.) 6 9 ; (II.) i 20 ,
T 23 -10 ,8 ,10 .11 f. 10 ^6 M 10 * 38 Q 8 /twirf^ n 4 T ? 9
1 > 2 > 3 3 j 4 ? 5 7 j 7 j 7 > ^iwice^, 9 , 12 ,
13 3 , 15 50 ; (III.) 7 33 . 2 Corinthians: (II.) 7 n , 8 12 , 1 1 3 ; (IV.)
5 10 , 6 17 . Galatians: (I.) 4 19 ; (H.) 3 23 , 5 17 , 5 20 (twice), 5 21 ,
5 23 ; (IV.) 6W 6". Ephesians: (I.) 4 u , 5 24 ; (H.) 5 5 ; (HI.)
4 26 ; (IV.) 2 3 . Philippians: (II.) 2 2 , 3 12 . Colossians : (I.) i 10 ,
3 12 , 3 20 , 3 23 , 3 24 (twice), 3 25 ; (II.) 2 3 , *\ 3" i Tfcww-
lonians : (II.) 2 7 (twice), 4 6 , 4 8 (twice). Hebrews : (I.) 5 12 ;
(II.) io 34 (twice), io 37 , n 32 (twice), n 37 , 1 1 38 . i Timothy:
(II.) 2 9 ; (IV.) 4 2 , 4 3 . 2 Timothy: (I.) 3 16 . 7?/itf: (I.) 2 3 ,
2 5 ; (II.) 2 12 .
W 7?^^.- (I.) 3 8 , 7 2( >, 8 11 , i6 19 ; (II.) i a i 27 , 3 22 ,
6 21 , 8 28 , io 15 . i Corinthians: (I.) 13"; (II.) 6 10 , 8 3 , 8 8 ,
I2 9 , I2 10 ; (IV.) 2 9 , is 49 . 2 Corinthians: (II.) i 10 , 5 3 , 7 n ,
13 5 ; (III.) 6 15 , 6 16 . Galatians: (II.) 2 20 , 4 2 , 5 20 ; (III.) 6 2 .
Ephesians: (I.) 5 24 ; (III.) 4 32 ; (IV.) 6 12 . Philippians: (I.)
2 21 ; (II.) i 9 , i 24 (twice), 3 15 . Colossians: (I.) i 9 , 3 u , 3 22
(twice), 3 23 , 4 37 ; (II.) 3 16 , 3 17 . i Thessalonians : (II.) 4 7 , 4 8 ;
(III.) 5 19 .
(rf) Romans: (II.) 3 29 , 8 24 , io 3 , io 9 , i2 2 , i3 9 , i3 12 ;
(III.) 15 4 ; (IV.) 3 5 , i3 13 . i Corinthians: (I.) 4 21 ; (II.) 2 10 ,
6 13 (eW), 8 6 , 8 8 , 12 10 , 13 3 , 13 5 , 14 6 (twice); (IV.) n 27 .
2 Corinthians: (II.) i 12 ; (IV.) 5 10 , 8 12 (efr? 9 ). Galatians: (II.)
3 24 , 3 28 (twice), 4 3 , 4 6 , 5 17 ; (HI.) 6 2 . Ephesians: (II.) 4 24 ,
5 4 ; (III.) 4 25 , 6 1 , 6 5 ; (IV.) 2 4 . Philippians: (II.) i 10 , i 23 ,
2 2 , 3 M. Colossians: (I.) i 27 , 3 14 > 3 21 > 3 25 , 4 2 ; (H.) 2 7 , 3 5 >
3 6 , 3 16 ; (IV.) 3 i, 3 10. ! Thessalonians: (II.) 2 5 , 4 4 ; (HI.)
5 13 , 5 15 , 5 21 - Hebrews : (I.) 5 12 .
(d) Romans: (I.) 8 13 , 8 15 ; (II.) i 26 , 3 22 , 8 37 , 8 38 , 9 14 , 13 n ,
I 3 14 , 14 2 ; (III.) i2 n , I2 13 . i Corinthians: (I.) 6 1, 13 n
(twice); (II.) 2 10 , 3 2 , 3 3 (twice), 4 1B , 7 10 , 7 12 , 7 M (eW), 7 28 >
314 APPENDIX F
8 2 (twice), 8 13 , io 20 , io 31 , ii a II 82 j I2 io ? I2 n I4 io. ( in .)
7 34 ; (IV.) ii 2 8, 15 so (twice). 2 Corinthians: (I.) 3 14 ; (II.) i 12 ,
2 16 , 5 \ 5 3 ; (IV.) 6 i. /*/&* : (II.) 3 24 , 5 13 , 5 19 > 5 a , 5 ^ ;
(III.) 5 2 . Ephesians: (II.) 4 19 (twice), 4 24 , 4 29 , 5*, 5 14 ;
(III.) 6 5 ; (IV.) 2 4 , 3 14 . Philippians: (II.) i 23 , 3 12 ; (IV.)
2 11, 4 8. Colossians : (I.) i 27 , 3 n, 3 is, 3 w 3 a 4 i ; (n.) 3 6j
3 17 . i Thessalonians : (II.) 2 6 ; (III.) 5 5 .
(/) Romans: (II.) i 27 , 5 12 , 14 16 . i Corinthians: (I.) I 5 32 ;
(II.) 2 10, 2 1*, 7 3 *, 88, I2 10 I3 3 ? I4 11. (IIL) 9 22. (1V>) 3 19
Galatians: (I.) 4 19 ; (II.) 3 19 , 5 23 . Ephesians: (I.) 4 13 , 5 28 ;
(II.) 4 18 , 4 i 9 ; (III.) 4 a*, 4 3i. Colossians: (I.) i 28 ; (II.) 3 17 .
From these details it would appear that (a) The text of Clement
agrees with that of WH. where it differs from the Textus Receptus
i 1 66 times; that it agrees with the Textus Receptus as against
WH. 87 times; that it agrees with tf, where it differs from B
47 times; that it agrees with B as against N + 58 times; that
it agrees with the Neutral Text as against the Western Text +70
times ; that it agrees with the Western Text as against the Neutral
Text + 24 timej. Further, it appears that there is a majority
for WH. in each of the groups of passages ; that there is a
majority for B as against ;\ in all the groups save the first; that
there is a majority for the Neutral Text as against the Western
Text in all the groups ; that in Galatians and i Thess. the Textus
Receptus exceeds the text of WH., but the fewness of the references
impairs the weight of such a comparison ; and that the same may
be said of the evidence of 2 Tim. and Titus.
How mixed the text of Clement is may be seen from the following
illustration. The following is his text of Col. iii. i6-iv. ! (verses 16,
17 are quoted as from "the Apostle"; vv. iii. i8-iv. i are quoted
as from the Epistle to the Colossians, and from their length must
have been transcribed) :
o yap Xo^yo? o rov KVpiov evoLfceiTO) ev VJMV TrXovo-lws, eV
o<>ia StSa<r/co^Te? /ecu vovderovvres eavrovs ^aXyLtot?,
, oSScu? 7rvVjj.aTt,/cal$ ev TTJ ^dpiTi, aSovTC? ev rfj /capSla
TO) dew KOI Trav 6 TI av Troifjre 77 ev \6ycp T) ev p<yq),
Travra ev ovo^aTi /cvpiov Irjaov, ev^apiaTovvTe^ ra> 6eu> KCU Trarpt,
THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT 315
avrov (Psed., ii. 4 43 ). at yvvalKes vrrordo-o-eo-6e rot? dv$pdo-i,v,
O)9 dvrjKei ev Kvpia). ol avBpes, dyaTrare ra<? <yvval/ca<? real firj
mKpaLveo-6e 717)09 auras ra reKva vrraKovere rofc yovevcri
Kara rravra. rovro yap evdpco~rov TO> Kvpi(p> OL rrarepes,
fir) epeOL^ere ra reKva V/JLCOV wa fir] dOv/JLaxrw. ol SoOXot,
vrraKovere Kara rrdvra rot? Kara crdpKa KVplois, firj ev 6(f>6a\-
/xoSouXetat? a>9 dvOpooTrdpeaKOt,, aXX eV d r jr\orr]ri
<t>o/3ov/jLvoi rov Kvpiov. Kal rcav o eav Troirjre, IK
epyd^eo-Oe ct>9 r&) Kvpio) 8ov\vovre<; Kal OVK dvOpajirois,
on CUTTO Kvpiov diroXrj^recrde rr]v dvrairbboaiv rfjs K\r)povoaia<;.
TO) ydp KVptq) XptcTTGS SouXeuT6 o yap aSitf09 KOjiicrerai o
r)$iKr)O V Kal OVK earn irpoo~wrro\ Y} ^ia. ol Kvpiot, TO oiKaiov
Kal rr)v IcrorrjTa rols 8ouXot9 7ra/oe%er, et Sore9 on
Kvpiov ev ovpavq* (Str., iv. 8 65 ).
The following points may be noted :
(a) Clement agrees with WH. as against the Textus Receptus in
the following. He omits Kat, before V/JLVOLS and o>&at9,
and reads TO) Oeco for rco Kvpioo (v. 16). He omits
iSiois (v. 1 8), reads rov Kvptov for rov Oeov (v. 22),
o for o ri (v. 23), o 7^/3 for o Se (v. 25), ; ovpava) for
ez^ ovpavois (iv. 1 ).
((5) He agrees with the Textus Receptus as against WH. in the
following. He reads ev rrj KapSia for ev rats KapSiais
(v. 1 6), Kai rrarpi (v. 17), rco Kvpiw for ev Kvpico (v. 20),
Kai rcav (v. 23), a r rro\ri ^reo-9e for aTroX^yLt^eo-^e, inserts
7p after TO> (v. 24), and has rrpoo-wrro^^ria for
7rpoo-o)7ro\rjfi ^rta (v. 25).
(<r) He agrees with S as against B in reading rov Kvpiov for rov
~Kpio-rov (v. 1 6), av for eav (v. 17), ei/
\eiaw (K o$6a\iioovKias) for ei/ o(f)
aXX for aXXa (v. 22). Unlike B, he does not omt
/cat (v. 23).
(d) He agrees with B as against in reading ev rrj yapiri
for ev xapiri (v. 16), epe0iere for Trapopy^ere (v. 21),
KOfiicrerai for Kouieirai, (v. 25).
(^) He differs from the Western Text in the following. He puts
Kai before rrav (v. 17). He does not insert vuav (v. 18).
316 APPENDIX F
He does not insert vpwv after yvvaitca? (v. 19). He
differs from it in reading epeOi^ere (v. 21) and ev
ovpava) (iv. i).
(/) He agrees with the Western Text in putting KCLI before
Trarpt (v. 17).
He differs from all three types of text in reading avrov for Si
avrov (v. 17), in omitting ecrriv after (vapearov (v. 20), in read
ing aSt/co? for abiiccov (v. 25), and Trapeze-re for Trape^eo-Qe
(iv. i).i
1 This note is based on Tischendorf, but with alterations in accordance with the
text of Stahlin. V. Soden gives authorities for all the variants last noted, except
ofturo*.
317
APPENDIX G.
NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT.
THE following are the more important or interesting. They may
be thus classified :
I. Where the authority is cited.
(a) Gospel according to the Hebrews. 1
1. He that wonders shall reign, and he that reigns
shall rest.
2. He that seeketh shall not stop until he finds, and
when he has found he shall be astonished ; and
when he has been astonished he shall reign,
and when he has reigned he shall rest. 2
(ft) Gospel according to the Egyptians.
1. When Salome inquired as to when the matters
about which she asked should be known, the
Lord said, When ye shall tread under foot the
garment of shame, and when the two shall be
made one, and the male with the female neither
male nor female. 3
2. To the inquiry of Salome, How long shall death
reign? the Lord said, As long as ye women
bear children. 4
3. (Elsewhere this saying is quoted in the form, How
1 17 KOLV T$ /ca0 E/3patous i>ayyf\i(f, 6 Qavp.a.ffas j8acnAei;<rf j, yfypairrai, Kal &
j8a(riA.eu<ras aj/a7ra?7<reTcu (Str., ii. 9 45 ). v
2 ov TrcuWTcu 6 frruv ea>5 to cSpy- fvp^v 5e te/i^ftjrtrai, 0*fito9*ls 5
pafft\ctff*t, J8aeri\etf<r ^ toawrajffc (Str., v. 14 w ). This saying is found
in an imperfect form in the Oxyrhyncus Papyri, vol. iv. p. 4-
3 rvveavopewis rrjs ^aXu^s vArf yvuffe^raL ra irepl S>i> ^pero, tyy 6 Kvpios
-rb TTJS alffxtrns fvSvfJia irarfovTe Kal orav yevyrai ri Svo $v Kal rb &pp*r
TC Qrt \v (Str., Hi. I3 92 ).
TT?
A v^ls ai yvvaiKes ri K rr,r f (Str., iii. 6 45 . Cf. Ex. Theod., 67).
318 APPENDIX G
long shall men die? and with the addition.)
Then when she said, I did well, therefore,
in that I have not borne children, the Lord
answered, saying, Eat every herb, but that
which has bitterness, do not eat. 1
4. (The heretics say that) the Saviour Himself said, I
came to destroy the works of the female. 2
(c) The Preaching of Peter. 3
1. Wherefore Peter says that the Lord said to
His disciples, If, then, any one of Israel
wills to repent and to believe in God through
My name, his sins shall be forgiven to him.
But after twelve years go ye forth into the
world, that no one may say we have not heard. 4
2. Accordingly, in the Preaching of Peter the Lord
says to the disciples after the resurrection, I
chose you twelve, having judged you to be
disciples worthy of Me. 5
II. Where the authority is not designated.
1. Not enviously did the Lord announce in a certain
Gospel, My mystery is for Me and the sons
of My house. 6
2. Moses said, I am smoke from an earthen pot. 7
1 <pa/j.fvr)s yap avrris, KaXus ovv iroir}o-a /AT) TfKovffa, ci,uei/3eTeu \fywv 6 Ktipios
Traa-av Qdye ^oravriv, r-rjv 5e iriKplav exovffav ^ (pdyrjs (Str., iii. 9 66 ).
2 avrbs f?TTfv 6 a(ar-f]p- $\9ov Kara\v(rai TO gpya TTJS 6r)\elas (Str., iii. 9 6S ).
3 For the Preaching of Peter, see Dobschiitz, Das Kerugma Petri, (T. u. U.),
vol. xi. 1894.
4 5ia rovr6 <f>-n<nv 6 n^rpoy ei pTj/ceVat rbv ittipiov TO?S aTro(rr6\ois eav /j.ev ofiv
TLS Qe\r]O"r} rov IcrpaTjA. fJifTavorja as, Sia TOV 6v6fjLar6s fj,ov TTLffTftifiv eVl rbv 6*6v,
d0e07j<roj/TOt avT$ at afj.apriai fj-era 8e 5wSe/ca ^TT? e|eA06Te ets rbv KcJcr/toi , /j.-f)
rty tfirri OVK i)Kov(ra/j.fv (Str., vi. 6 43 ).
5 avriKa fv T(f HfTpov K npvyfj.a. n 6 Ktipi6s (priori irpbs rovs /j-aOriras /j.era TT\V
ava.aTa.tT iv et\edfj.ev v/j.as 5wSea, /xaflTjras KpLvas dLovs e/j.ov (Str., vi. 6 48 ). This
is the form in which the saying is quoted by Potter and Resch, p. 393. Dobschiitz,
pp. 22, 23, and Stahlin include some lines that follow.
6 ov yap (fiOov&v, <pt\cri, irapr)yyfi\fv 6 Kvpios ev TIVI fvayyeXiy /jLvarripiov e/ubv
3fj.ol nal TO"IS viols rov ofrcou /ULOV (Str., v. io 63 ). See Resch, Agrapha, pp. 167-169 ;
Ropes, Die Spriiche Jesu, pp. 94-96. They compare Isa. xxiv. 16 (LXX.,
Symmachus and Theodotion).
7 eyu Se el/jLi ar/mis airb x vr P a ^ (Str., iv. l6 106 ). From Clem., *I Epis., C. 17.
See note in Lightfoot.
NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN CLEMENTS WRITINGS 319
III. Passages quoted as Scripture.
1. There are those who stretch the looms and weave
nothing, says the Scripture. 1
2. Naturally, then, the Scripture exhorts us, Be ye
approved money-changers. 2
3. Ask, says the Scripture, and I will do; think,
and I will give. 3
4. She has brought forth, and she has not brought
forth, says the Scripture. 4
IV. Passages quoted as from a prophet or prophecy.
1. They are fighters, strikers with their tails,
according to the Prophet. 5
2. A certain prophecy says, For, then, affairs here
turn out ill when men put their trust in
images. 6
3. The land of Jacob was praised above the whole
land, says the Prophet. 7
V. Passages quoted with (frrjcrL
1. Thou hast seen thy brother, it is said, thou hast
seen thy God. 8
2. Ask, it is said, the great things, and the small
shall be added unto you. 9
1 OVTOI ol TO. Kardpria Karaffiruvres Kal /jUiBev ixfralvovres, (pyalv T\ ypa<p-f) (Str.,
i. 8 41 ). Resch, op. cit., pp. 226, 227 ; Ropes, op. /., pp. 31, 3 2 -
2 fiKorus apa Kal f] ypa(p)] . . . irapatvel ylveaQe 8e o6Kip.oi rpairetfrai
(Str., i. 28 177 . Cf. ii. 4 15 5 vi. 10 8i; vii. 158). Cf. Resch, pp. 233-239;
Ropes, pp. 141-143; Westcott, Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, 8
p. 458.
3 airriffai, <f)t](T\v / / ypa<f>i\, Kal -rroi-ria-w fvvo^drjri Kal 8<a<T(a (Str., vi. 12 101 . Cf.
vi. 9 78 ; vii. 7 41 ; vii. I2 73 ).
4 rtroKtv al ou rero/cev, <pr,(rli> f, ypaQ-f, (Str., vii. 16 94 ). The saying is quoted
as from Ezekiel by Tertullian, De Came Christ, c. 23. Stahlin compares
Job xxi. 10.
5 TroAe^trrai , IF^KTM rats obpats avrwv (Str., iii. l8 106 . Cf. Rev. ix. IO).
6 rdre yap 07jcn ris Trpo^reia Svffrvx^w -ra rrjSt irp6.yp.ara, 6-rav dfSpiaai
TTiffTeixraxnv (Prot., x. 98 ).
7 ^ rj yTJ rov Ioe^j8 eira^ov^vn p *affcu> r^v yyv, t^fflv & irpo^rris (Str.,
iii. 1 2 s6 ). Potter refers to Zeph. iii. 19.
8 6?Ses ydp, <p-n<ri, rbv toe\<t>6v (rov, e!5es rov Oe6v ffov (Str., i. I9 94 ; " 15 )
Resch, p. 296 ; Ropes, p. 49- Cf. Gen. xxxiii. 10.
9 aiVer<r0e ydp, ^aL, ra peydXa, Kal ra ^iKpa &f& irpo<rrt8r]<Tf
24 158 ). Resch, p. 230 ; Ropes, p. 140- Cf. Matt. vi. 33.
320 APPENDIX G
3. In whatsoever things, it is said, I may find you,
in those will I also judge you. 1
VI. Sayings of the Lord.
1. Again the Lord says, He that is married, let him
not cast away (his wife) ; and he that is not
married, let him not marry. 2
2. Wherefore the Saviour says, Be saved, thou and
thy soul. 3
VII. Of uncertain origin.
1. For those that cleave to them (the saints) shall
be sanctified. 4
2. Behold a man and his works before his face.
For behold God and his works. 5
VIII. From the Traditions of Matthias.
1. Wonder at that which is before you. 6
2. They say in the Traditions that Matthias the
Apostle used to say, as opportunity offered,
If the neighbour of an elect man sin, the
elect man sinned ; for if he had conducted
himself as the Word dictates, his neighbour
would have so revered his life that he would
not have sinned. 7
IX. Additions to the Canonical Text.
i. The Apostle of the Lord, exhorting the Mace
donians, becomes interpreter of the divine
1 e<J> ols yap &j/ evpta V/JLO.S, (pijcrLv, eVt rovrois Kal K.OIV& (Q. D. , 40). Ropes,
p. 141.
2 traXiv & Kvpids <pt]ffiv 6 yr]/u.as /*)) fK[3a\\er<i) Kal 6 /j.)] yafj."f](ras U.TI ya/J-eLrca
(Str., iii. 14"). Resch, p. 429; "perhaps from the Gospel according to the
Egyptians" (Stahlin). Cf. I Cor. vii. 21.
3 Sia rovro Aeyei <5 ffur-fjp ado^ov <rv Kal f) ^/vx~n ffov (Ex. Theod. , 2, from
Theodotus).
4 6n ol Ko\\u>fj.fi>oi. avTols ayiaffO^ffovTai (Str., v. 8 52 ). Cf. note in Lightfoot,
Clement of Rome, c. 46 ; Resch, p. 169 ; Ropes, p. 22.
5 t5oi/ &vQpa)iros Kal TO. epya avrov trpb irpoff&irov avrov I8ov yap 6 6ebs Kal
TO. epya avrov (Str., iv. 26 171 ). Resch, p. 265; Ropes, p. 45. Cf. Tert., De
Idolatria, c. 20, Rev. xxii. 12.
6 Oau/j-affov ra irap6vra (Str., ii. 9 45 ).
7 lav K\KTOU yeiruv a/xapT^(T7?, ^juaprei/ & fK\Kr6^ d yap OVTCJS
us 6 \6yos virayoptiifi, Karri^firQi] &i/ avrov r bv fiiov Kal 6 ydr<av els rb
(Str., vii. 1 3 s2 ).
NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN CLEMENT S WRITINGS 321
voice, saying, The Lord is at hand : take care
lest we should be found empty}-
2. The saints of the Lord shall inherit the glory
of the Lord and His power. What glory, O
blessed one, tell me ? That glory which eye
hath not seen, nor ear heard, and hath not
entered into the heart of man. And they shall
rejoice in the kingdom of their Lord for ever?
Amen.
1 6 Kvpios tfyyiKev, \*yti)i>, ev\afie t<T0e /ui) aTaArj00w / uei Kfvoi (Prot., ix. 87 ).
Cf. Zahn, Gesch. d. ntl. Kan., vol. i. p. 174.
2 Kcil xapTjo-ovTai eVi TTJ &a<n\eLa TOV nvplov av-r&v els roits aluvas, a/j.r)i> (Prot.,
x. 94 ). Resch, p. 166; Ropes, p. 19. Cf. I Cor. ii. 9. "From the Apocalypse
of Elias " (Stahlin).
322
APPENDIX H.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
THE fullest account known to me, in English, is that in Richardson,
Bibliographical Synopsis, Buffalo, 1887, pp. 38-42. Bardenhewer,
* Geschichte d. altkirk. Litt,/ vol. ii. pp. 15-66, gives a full list under
the various questions discussed. A critical estimate of the literature
from 1884 to 1900 is given by Ehrhard, Die altchrist. Litt. und
ihre Erforschung, vol. i. pp. 293-320. The more important works
are noted in Kriiger, Early Christian Literature/ pp. 162-173
(English translation).
Of editions of the text may be named : Potter, Oxford, 1715,
2 vols. (the standard edition before that of Stahlin) ; Dindorf,
Oxford, 1869, 4 vols. ("In every way disappointing, hastily put
together," Westcott) ; Stahlin, 1905, 1906, 1909; Hort and Mayor,
Strom., vii., 1902 (notes by Hort and Mayor, valuable introduction
and appendices by Mayor) ; Barnard, Quis Dives Salvetur, " Cam
bridge Texts and Studies," 1897.
Clement: His Writings and Teaching generally. Of the older
literature on the subject the most valuable is the * Dissertationes . . .
of Le Nourry. 1703 (of which extensive use was made by Lumper,
1784). This is reprinted in Migne, * Patrolog. Grace., vol. ix., and
in excerpts in Dindorf, vol. iv. Of the literature that appeared in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the following may be noted :
Guerike, De Schola quae floruit Alexandriae Catechetica, 1824,
1825; Kaye, Some Account of the Writings and Opinions of
Clement of Alexandria, 1835 ; Reinkens, De Clemente Presbytero
Alexandrine, 1851; Cognat, Clement d Alexandrie, sa doctrine
et sa polemique/ 1859 ; Freppel, Clement d Alexandrie/ 1865, &c. ;
Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria/ 1886; Lehmann,
Die Katechetenschule zu Alexandria/ 1896 ; E. de Faye, Clement
BIBLIOGRAPHY 323
d Alexandria, &c., 1898. The relative sections in the Histories of
Doctrine, of Harnack, Seeberg, Schwane, Tixeront, Bethune-Baker.
The articles in the Dictionary of Christian Biography (Westcott) ;
Herzog, R.E. 2 (Jacobi), R.E. 3 (Bonwetsch) ; Vacant-Dictionnaire de
Theologie Catholique (A. de la Barre) ; Pauly-Wissowa (Jiilicher) ;
Encyclopaedia Britannica (Donaldson) ; Hastings * Encyclop. of
Religion and Ethics (Inge); The Patrologies of Mohler, 1840, pp.
430-485; Bardenhewer, 1898, pp. 141-149; Kihn, 1904, pp. 290-
307 ; Presense, The Early Years of Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 540-566,
iii. pp. 256-295; Allen, The Continuity of Christian Thought, 1895,
pp. 38-70 ; Hort, Ante-Nicene Lectures, 1895, pp. 82-92 ; Chase,
Norwich Cathedral Lectures, 1896, pp. 257-290; Hitchcock }
Clement (Fathers for English Readers), 1899; Kling, Studien
und Kritiken, 1841; Bratke, Studien und Kritiken, 1894;
Overbeck. Uber die Aufange der patris. Litt., Hist. Zeitschrift,
1882; Courdaveaux, Rev. de 1 histoire des Religions, 1892;
Thomas, Revue de Theologie et Philosophic, 1899; Church
Quarterly Review, 1904. On the literary questions see the works
noted on p. 22 et seq.; Zahn, Supplementum Clementinum, 1884 :
Harnack, Die Chronologic der altchr. Litt., vol. ii. pp. 3-23.
Theology and Philosophy. Ritter, Geschichte der Christ. Phil
osophic, 1841, vol. i. pp. 421-464; Redepenning, Origenes, vol. i.
pp. 83-163; Hebert-Duperron, Essai sur le polemique et la phil
osophic de St Clem. d Al., 1855; Huber, Philosophic der Kir-
chenvater, 1859, pp. 120-149; Schiirmann, Die Hellenische
Bildung und ihr Verhaltniss zur Christlich., &c., 1859; Holler,
Geschichte der Kosmologie in der griechischen Kirche, 1860,
PP- 5 6 -535 ; Miiller, Idees dogmatiques de Cl. Al., 1861 ; Merk,
C. A. in seiner Abhangigkeit von der griech. Philosophic, 1879;
Denis, La philosophic d Origene, 1884; Pascal, La Foi et la
Raison dans Cl. d Al., 1901; Wagner, Wert und Verwertung
der griechischen Bildung im Urteil des C. v. A., 1902 ; Daskolakis,
Die eklektischen Anschauungen des C. A., 1908.
Person and Work of Christ Dorner, Doctrine of the Person
of Christ, vol. i. pp. 285-303; Vacherot, Histoire Critique de
1 Ecole d Alex., 1846, vol. i. pp. 247-260; Lammer, Cl. Al. de
Xo 7 c5 doctrina, 1855; Ziegler, Die Logoschristologie des C. A.,
1894; Aal, Gesch. der Logosidee in der Griech. Philos., 1899,
324 APPENDIX H
vol. ii. pp. 393-427; Kattenbusch, Das apostol. Symbol, 1900,
vol. ii. pp. 102-134; Windisch, Taufe und Siinde im altesten
Christentum, 1908, pp. 437-470; Caspari, Zeit f. k. W. u. K.
Leben, 1886; Zahn, Glaubensregel, Herzog, R. E. 3 ; Hofling,
* Die Lehre d. Cl. von Al. von Opfer im Leben und Cultus, 1842 ;
Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, pp.
130-141; Struckmann, Die Gegenwart Christi in d. hi. Euchar.
n. d. schriftlich. Quellen d. vornizan. Zeit, 1905, pp. 115-139;
Batiffol, L Eucharistie, 5 1913, pp. 248-261; Love, Bibliotheca
Sacra, 1888; Atzberger, Gesch. d. Christi. Eschatologie, 1896,
pp. 335-363; Anrich, Klem. und Orig. als Begriinder der Lehre
von Fegfeuer, 1902.
The Ethical Teaching. The Histories of Christian Ethics,
Luthardt, Gass, and Ziegler ; Reuter, Clem. Alex, theolog. moral/
1853; Winter, Die Ethik d. Cl. v. Alex., 1882; Basilakes,
KA??/-tez To? rov AXefaj/S/jetw? 77 e6iKr^ $i,$acrfca\ia, 1892;
Ernesti, Die Ethik d. T. F. Clem. v. Al., 1900; Capitaine, Die
Moral d. Cl. v. Al., 1903; Funk, Tub. Quar., 1871; Markgraf,
Zeit. f. Kirchengesch., 1901; Wagner, Der Christ und die
Welt nach Cl. v. Al., 1903.
Faith and Gnosis. Dahne, De ryvcoaei, 1831; Lentzen, Er-
kennen und Glauben, 1848, pp. 68-92, 136 et seq. ; Preische, De
7^&&gt;<m, 1871; Knittel, " Pistis und Gnosis," Tubing. Quartal-
schrift, 1873; Ziegler, Die Psychol. d. C. A., 1894; Scherer,
Klemens v. Al. und seine Erkentnissprincipien, 1907; Inge,
Faith and its Psychology, 1910, pp. 24-30.
Scripture : The Canon of Scripture. Stahlin, Cl. Al. und die
Septuag., 1901; Siegfried, Philo v. Alex., 1875, p. 343 et seq.;
Heinisch, Der Einfluss Philos auf die alteste Christ. Exegese,
1908; Charteris, Canonicity, 1880; Zahn, Gesch. d. ntl.
Kanon, 1888, vol. i. ; Harnack, Das neue Test, um das Jahr
200, 1889; Leipoldt, Enstehung d. ntl. Kan., 1907; Jacquier,
Le Nouveau Test, dans 1 Eglise Chretienne, 1911; Sanday,
Inspiration, 1893, p. 65 et seq.; Barnard, Clement of Alex
andria s Biblical Text, 1899; Hillen, Clem. Alex, quid de libris
sacris novi testamenti sibi persuasum habuerit, 1867 ; Eickhoff,
Cl. Al. und d. N. T., 1890; Dausch, Der ntl. Schriftcanons
und Cl. v. Al., 1894; Kutter, Cl. Al. u. das N. T., 1897.
INDEX.
Aal, 106
Acts of the Apostles, 224 f.
Acts of John, 239
Acts of Paul, 239
Adam, 120, 254, 291
Alexandria, I f.
Allegory, 194 L, 207 f.
Amos, 215, 220
Angels, 47 f., 130
Annihilation, 132
Anthropomorphism, 82 f., 274, 275
Apathy, 162 f.
Apostle, The, 237 f.
Aristobulus, 27, 48.
Aristotle, 26, 41
Arnim, v., 21, 23
Art, 187
Astronomy, 290
Atheism, 67 f., 250
Athenagoras, 6.
Augustine, 80.
Banquets, 259
Baptism, 124 f., 134
Barbarians, inventions of, 269 f.
Barclenhewer, 10, 1 1, 14, 21, 301
Barnabas, 198, 243 f.
Barnard, 21, 134, 182, 311
Baruch, 217
Basilides, 88, 272, 282, 284
Baths, 264
Batiffol, 60, 128
Beard, 263
Beatitudes, 201 f.
Beauty, 262 f.
Bel and the Dragon, 217
Believer, the simple, 158 f., 161 f.
Bernays, 26
Bethune-Baker, 105, 106
Bigg, 60, 73, 121, 126, 129
Body, 142 f., 259, 280, 284, 286
Books, writing of, 267
Bratke, 7
Burnet, 27
Caird, E., 1 66
Canon of the New Testament, 221 f.,
237 f., 246
Canon of the Old Testament, 209 f.
Carpocrates, 1 8, 127, 276
Cassianus, 278
Cassiodorus, 24
Catechetical School, 5 f.
Catholic Church, 58 f., 123
Causality, 87 f.
Chapman, 25
Chase, 140
Christianity, relation to philosophy,
35 f. ; newness of, 43 ; of divine
origin, 52 ; its proof, 54 f. ; prophecy,
54 ; miracle, 55 ; its universality,
55 ; unhindered by persecution, 56 ;
moral influence, 56 f. ; its divisions,
objections examined, 57 f. ; relation
to culture and other religions, 60 f.
Christ Jesus, The New Song, 43, 249 ;
bom of the Virgin, 99, 109; God
and man, 109; why baptised, no;
sinless, no; date of birth, ill ;
the passion of, 117 f. ; the Parousia,
130; why not married, 172. See
The Word, Son of God, Incarnation.
Christ, W., 16
Chronicles, I. and II., 212
Church, 123
Clark, 29
Clement, his birth, 7 ; teachers, 8 ; death,
9 ; character, 9 ; writings, lof. ; order
of writings, 10 f., 301 f. ; style, 16 f. ;
erudition, 26 f. ; distinctive claims,
31 f. ; attitude towards philosophy,
35 f., 60 f. ; knowledge of God,
326
INDEX
65 f., 95 f. ; his Christology, 98 f.,
137 f. ; his mysticism, 169 ; his
asceticism, 186 f. ; his love of
allegory, 207 ; use of non-canonical
writings, 246 ; defence of philosophy
and Hellenic culture, 267 f.
Clement of Rome, 242 f.
Clothing, 261 f.
Colossians, 158, 197, 230, 289
Commodus, in, 270
Corinthians, I. and II., 229 f.
Croiset, 16
Crowns, 261
Custom, 253 f.
Dahne, 114, 141
Daniel, 217
David, 36, 194
Death, 143, 193
Decalogue, 199 f.
Deuteronomy, 211
Devil, 38, 130, 134, 135
Didache, 242
Diels, 27
Dindorf, 26, 134
Dobschlitz, 318
Docetism, in f.
Dorner, 103, 105
Drink, 259 f.
Dualism, 76 f., 95
Duchesne, 10, 301
Ears, 263
Ecclesiastes, 214
Ecclesiasticus, 215
Egyptians, 194, 263, 286, 288
Egyptians, Gospel according to the,
240, 278, 317 f.
Ehrhard, 22, 23
Elias, Apocalypse of, 239, 321
Enoch, Book of, 239
Ephesians, 230
Epicurus, 39, 40, 189, 267, 275, 286
Epiphanius, 7
Eschatology, 130 f.
Esdras, 212
Esther, 215
Eternal punishment, 133 f.
Ethical ideal, 185
Eucharist, 126 f.
Euripides, 46, 117, 284
Eusebius, 4, 5, 24, 26, 221, 233, 245,
307, 309
Evil, 87 f.
Exhortation to Patience, 182 f.
Exodus, 210
Ezekiel, 217
Ezra, 212
Faith, insufficiency of bare, 42, 269 ;
the organ of demonstration, 53. 272 ;
a divine thing, 53 ; the foundation of
knowledge, 53, 157, 294; varying
conceptions of, 150 f. ; definitions of,
151 f. ; twofold, 152 ; relation to
knowledge, 155 f., 284
Faith, man of. See Simple Believer
Favorinus, 27
Faye, E. de, 21, 25, 32, 308
Fear, 192, 273
Fire, in Scripture, 134
Flint, 71
I^ood, 259 f.
Forgiveness, 83, 122
Freedom, 54, 144 f.
Gabrielssen, 27
Galatians, 230
Gambling, 265
Games, 265
Gass, 142
Genesis, 210
Gieseler, 114
Glaser, 3
Gnosis, I5of., 290. See Knowledge
Gnostic, the, 158 f., 160 f., 166, 168,
280, 283, 290 f., 293 f., 295 f.,
306
Gnosticism, 4, 186, 192
God, doctrine of, 65 f., 95 ; nature of,
66 ; Providence, 67, 270 ; innate
knowledge of, 67, 287 f. ; causes of
unbelief, 67 f . ; definitions of, 68 f. ;
transcendence, 69 f. ; immanence,
73 ; relation to the external world,
73 f. ; Creator, 75 f. ; unconditional
power, 76 ; relation to matter, 77 f. ;
The First Principle, 78 ; Pantheism,
8 1 ; anthropomorphism, 82 ; om
niscience, 84 ; omnipotence, 84 ;
goodness, 85 f. ; relation to evil, 87 f. ;
justice, 90 f. ; aim of punishment,
91 ; relation to man, 92 f. ; Trinity,
94 ; cannot be demonstrated, 284 ;
cannot be circumscribed, 287, 295
Gore, no
Gospel, 237 f.
Gospels, 221 f., 240
Gospels, non-canonical, 240 f.
Grace, 146 f.
Greeks, plagiarisms of, 45 f., 272, 287,
288
Gregory Thaumaturgus, 6, 9
Gymnastic exercises, 264
Hadrian, 2
Hair, 263, 265
INDEX
327
Harnack, 10, II, 16, 21, 23, 25, 60,
105, 226, 301 f., 309
Hart, 311
Hebrews, antiquity of the, 270
Hebrews, Epistle to the, 60, 232
Hebrews, Gospel according to the,
240 f., 317
Heracleon, 281
Heraclitus, 107, 133, 150, 286
Heretics and heresy, 57 f., 197, 231,
277
Hermas, 26, 225, 244 f.
Hesiod, 29, 37
Heussi, 10, 301 f., 307
Homer, 29, 46, 93, 288
Hort, 15, 33
Hosea, 215
Hypotyposes, 23 f., 26, 102 f., 221, 232
Incarnation, effect of, 31 ; a real In
carnation, inf.; primary end of,
U5f., 249. See Christ Jesus, Son
of God, The Word.
Inspiration, 189 f.
Interpretation of Scripture, 196 f.,
203 f. , 289
Irenoeus, 60
Isaac, 117
James, St, 233 f.
Jeremiah, 217
Jeremiah, Lamentations of, 217
Jerome, 7, 26
Jewels, 262
Job, 214
John, St, Epistles of, 236
John, St, Gospel of, 223, 241
Joshua, 211
Jude, St, 235
Judges, 2ii
Judith, 215
Justin Martyr, 31, 34, 35, 48, 88,
234
Kattenbusch, 61
Kings, I. and II., 212
Knowledge, 153 f. , 155 f., 162, 284.
See Gnosis
Kriiger, 22
Kutter, 62
Lambert, 129
Laughter, 260
Law, The, 35 f., 191 f., 196 f., 271,
292
Leipoldt, 224, 240, 243
Leviticus, 21 1
Logos. See Word
Loofs, 5
Luke, St, 222 f., 224 f., 232
Maccabees, 218
Man, 92 f., 1 1 6, 142 f., 254, 280
Marcion, 18, 59, 79, 81, 90, 273,
276 f.
Mark, St, 177, 222
Marriage, 169 f., 276, 282 f.
Martyrdom, 55 f., 136, 280 f., 297
Matter, eternity of, 77 f.
Matthew, St, 221 f., 241
Matthias, Traditions of, 239, 320
Maurice, 10, 208
Maximus the Confessor, 73 f.
Mayor, 16, 25. 71, 126, 134, 308
Merk, 141
Metrodorus, 40
Micah, 216
Milk, 206
Miracles, 54 f.
Moses, 46, 271, 273, 274. See The
Laiv
Muratorian Canon, 25
Music, 187, 260, 290
Musonius, 26, 27, 301
Mysteries, 61, 250
Mysticism, 169
Nehemiah, 212
Nicolaus, 277
Non-canonical sayings, 317 f-
Nourry, le, 115
Numbers, 211
Numenius, 47
Obadiah, 218
Ointments, 261
Origen, 5, 6, 9, 120, 204, 224, 230,
239
Overbeck, 30
Psedagogus, 10 f.
Poedagogy, 256 f.
Paganism, II, 249 f.
Pantsenus, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 73
Parables, 203
Parker, 27
Pauline Epistles, 226 f.
Paul, St, 36, 42, 45> J53, *S8, l86 >
191, 206, 270, 278, 279, 282, 286
Peripatetics, the, 46
Persecution, 89
Peter, Apocalypse of, 245
Peter, I., 234
Peter, II., 235
Peter, Preaching of, 245 f., 288, 318
Philemon, 232
328
INDEX
Philip of Side, 6
Philippians, 230
Philo, 4, 27, 28, 49, 65, 72, 106 f., 193,
198, 268, 270
Philosophy, of divine origin and aim,
35 f., 267 ; defined, 38 f., 268 ; rela
tion to Christianity, 40 f. ; function of,
41 f., 60 f., 268 ; limitations of, 44 f. ;
inferior to Christianity, 45 f., 49 f. ;
dependent on the Scriptures, 46 f.,
272 f ; fragmentary and elementary,
51, 289 f. ; lacks moral force of
Christianity, 55
Photius, 23, 24, 77, 80, 102 f.
Plato, 28, 39, 47, 65, 72, 79, 80, 88,
95, 105, 117, 133, 135, 143, 149,
189, 252, 269, 270, 272, 275, 276,
287
Plutarch, 27
Polytheism, 137, 250
Prayer, 296
Preuschen, 23
Pringle-Pattison, 169
Prophecy, 54 f.
Prophets, Selections from the, 23
Protrepticus, 10, u f., 249 f.
Proverbs, 213 f.
Psalms, 213
Punishment, 91 f., 135 f., I37> 2 57 f.
Pythagoras, 46, 52, 194, 285, 287. 289
Quis Dives Salvetur, 21 f., 177 f.
Reinkens, 141
Repentance, 135 f., 274
Resch, 318 f.
Revelation, 236
Hitter, 99, 141
Rohricht, 29
Romans, 229
Ropes, 318 f.
Ruth, 212
Salome, 277 f., 317
Salvation, 121 f., 131 f.
Samuel, I. and II., 212
Scheck, 27
Schwane, 114
Scriptures, The, divine origin of, 52 f.,
1 88 f. ; unity of, 190 f. ; symbolic
character of, 195 f., 285 ; verbal in
spiration of, 196 ; interpretation of,
196 f., 274, 278; how cited by
Clement, 209 f., 220. See Canon of
the Old Testament , Canon of the New
Testament, Interpretation
Septuaint, 3, ill, 190, 208, 268, 271
Sibyl, 189
Siegfried, 27
Sin, 119 f., 258
Sleep, 261
Son of God, eternal generation of,
99 f. ; question of subordination,
102 f. See The Word
Song of Solomon, 218
Song of the Three Holy Children,
217
Soul, 130, 142 f.
Souter, 121
Sphinx, 285
Spirit, Holy, 81, 94, 124, 190. 209,
221
Stahlin, passim
Statues, 251
Stoics, 39, 81, 83, 141, 166, 169
Stromateis, 15, 17 f., 267 f., 302 f.
Struckmann, 126, 128
Summaries from Theodotus. 22
Summum Bonum, 148 f.
Superstition, 250
Symbolism, 194 f., 285 f.
Tatian, 8, 34, 48, 196
Tertullian, 35. 319
Text, New Testament, in Clement,
311 f.
Text, Old Testament, in Clement, 311
Textus Receptus, 312 f.
Theodotus, 125, 128
Thessalonians, I. and II., 231
Timothy, I. and II., 231
Titus, 232
Tobit, 215
Trinity, 47, 94
Truth, 36, 50, 61
Valentinus, 22, 52, 113, 155, 273
Vessels, gold and silver, 260
Virtue, 147 f., 157 f.
Virtues, relation of, 148 f ., 157 f.,
273
Wealth, 174 f., 264
Wendland, 10, 27, 301 f.
Westcott, 23, 319
Westcott and Hort, 312 f.
Western Text, 312 f.
Wilamowitz, 26
Wine, 260
Wisdom, 154, 289
Wisdom, Book of, 214
Woman, 170, 262
Word, The, the perfect teacher, 45,
284 ; Scriptural teaching as to, 97 f. ;
the pre-incarnate Word, nature and
function, 99 f. ; question of the two
INDEX 329
Words, 102 f. ; assumed a real body, Zahn, II, 20, 21, 22, 23, 103 f., 301,
in f. ; why called the Saviour, 122 ; 321
importance of doctrine of, 137 f. ; Zeller, 12
man, the image of, 142; His three- Zephaniah, Apocalypse of, 239
fold function, 256 ; capable of de- Zeus, 250
monstration, 284. See Christ Jesus, Ziegler, 106
The Incarnation, Son of God Zwingli, 126, 129
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CONTENTS.
ENGLISH . . . .35
HISTORY . . . .42
LATIN AND GREEK . .42
MODERN LANGUAGES . .49
MATHEMATICS . . .52
GEOGRAPHY . . .53
CHEMISTRY AND POPULAR SCIENCE 54
GEOLOGY . .54
PAGE
PALEONTOLOGY . .54
PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY . .55
PSYCHOLOGY AND LOGIC
FORESTRY
ELEMENTARY SERIES . 56
WRITING AND COPY BOOKS . 64
UNIVERSITY CALENDARS . 64
EDUCATIONAL WORKS.
*** The Publishers will be glad to consider applications
from Teachers for Specimen Copies.
ENGLISH.
A History of English Criticism.
By GEORGE SAINTSBUBY, M.A. (Oxon.), Hon. LL.D. (Aberd.), Professor
of Khetoric and English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. Demy
8vo, 7s. 6d. net.
WORKS BY J. LOGIE ROBERTSON, M.A.
A History of English Literature.
For Secondary Schools. By J. LOQIB ROBERTSON, M.A., First English
Master, Edinburgh Ladies College. With an Introduction by Professor
MASSON, Edinburgh University. Sixth Edition, revised, 3s. ; and in 3 parts,
Is. 4d. each.
Daily Chronicle. "The exposition is fresh and independent, and high above
the level of the ordinary work of this class The book should prove a
great boon not only to secondary schools and colleges but also to private
students."
Outlines of English Literature.
For Young Scholars, with Illustrative Specimens. By the SAME AUTHOR.
Third Edition, revised. Is. 6d.
Spectator. "To sketch English literature from Beowulf down to Lord
Macaulay in a hundred and fifty pages without falling into the style of a
catalogue, is an achievement of which Mr Robertson may well be proud."
English Verse for Junior Classes.
By the SAME AUTHOR. In Two Parts. Is. 6d. net each.
PART I. Chaucer to Coleridge.
PART II. Nineteenth-Century Poets.
School Guardian. "Of the high literary quality of this selection there
can be no question. There is nothing here that is not classical in the
strictest sense of the word."
3 6 William Biackwood & Sons 1 List.
English Prose for Junior and Senior Classes.
By the SAME AUTHOR. In Two Parts. 2s. 6d. each.
PART I. Malory to Johnson. | PART II. Nineteenth Century.
Educational Times. "We do not remember to have seen a better prose
collection on the same scale, and the book should be very useful to teachers who
like to work on the lines of genuine literature."
Mr R. Blair, Education Officer. " I have to inform you that the Committee
of the London County Council concerned have decided to add the book entitled
English Exercises for Junior and Senior Classes (J. L. Robertson, Is.) to the
Council s supplementary list of books for evening schools."
English Exercises for Junior and Senior Classes.
By the SAME AUTHOR. Is.
Schoolmaster. "These exercises have the high recommendation of being
the gradual growth of a course of practical work in an English class-room
The manual cannot fail to be of service even to experienced teachers."
Headmaster, Council Central Secondary School. "As an English teacher
and lecturer of long experience, I may say unreservedly that I am delighted with
the book. I shall certainly use it in my classes. The suggestions under each
extract are extremely good, and will be valuable to teachers and students alike."
High School Headmaster. "The exercises are admirably drawn up, and are
most suitable for classes preparing for Leaving Certificate or University examina
tions. I have great pleasure in adopting the book as a class-book, and intend to
use it systematically throughout the session."
English Drama.
By the SAMK AUTHOR. 2s. 6d.
Spectator. "This capital selection Not only is it a text-book with
excellent notes, but a neat and handy collection of English dramatic
masterpieces."
The Select Chaucer.
Edited and Elucidated by the SAMB AUTHOR. Crown 8vo, 3s. ; and in Two
Parts Part I., 2s. ; Part II., Is. 6d.
Athenaeum. "A very successful attempt to enlarge the range of Chaucer
reading in schools. We wish we could believe that the book will have the
circulation it deserves."
Paraphrasing, Analysis, and Correction of Sentences.
By D. M. J. JAMES, M.A., Gordon Schools, Huntly. Is.
Also in Two Parts :
Passages for Paraphrasing. Verse and Prose. 6d.
Exercises in Analysis, Parsing, and Correction of
Sentences. 6d.
Athenaeum. "The pieces are well calculated to improve the grammar and
style of the rising generation in an age which is not distinguished for lucidity or
logic."
Educational Works.
37
Part I., Chaucer to Burns, cloth, Is. net.
Part II., Wordsworth to Newbolt, cloth, Is. net.
In One Volume complete, cloth, 2s. net.
Prize Edition, 5s.
The
School Anthology
of English Verse.
A Selection of English Verse
from Chaucer to the Present Day.
EDITED BY
J. H. LOBBAN, M.A.,
Lecturer in English Literature, Birkbeck College, London;
Editor of The Granta Shakespeare, &c.
Athenaeum. " We have here such poetry as rings morally sound and exalts
the soundest instincts and feelings of human nature."
Guardian. "The work is worthy of nothing less than absolutely unqualified
approval, and we cordially wish it the hearty welcome it deserves."
Journal of Education. " One of the best small anthologies we have seen for
some time. The selection is made with great good taste and care."
Elementary Grammar and Composition.
Based on the ANALYSIS OF SENTENCES. With a Chapter on WORD-BUILD
ING and DERIVATION, and containing numerous Exercises. Is.
Schoolmaster. "A very valuable book. It is constructive as well as
analytic, and well-planned exercises have been framed to teach the young
student how to use the elements of his mother-tongue."
A Working Handbook of the Analysis of Sentences.
With NOTES ON PARSING, PARAPHRASING, FIGURES OF SPEECH, AND
PROSODY. New Edition, Revised. Is. 6d.
Schoolmaster." The book deserves unstinted praise for the care with which
the matter has been arranged, the depth of thought brought to bear upon
the discussion of the subject....... One of the best and soundest productions on
analysis of sentences we have met with yet."
38 William Blackwood & Sons List.
STORMONTH S
ENGLISH DICTIONARIES,
PRONOUNCING, [ETYMOLOGICAL, AND EXPLANATORY.
SCHOOL AND COLLEGE EDITION.
New Edition. Crown 8vo, 1080 pp. 55. net.
BLACKWOOD S
SEVENPENNY
DICTIONARY
"At such a price nothing better could be asked: good clear
print, concise yet ample explanations, and accurate ety
mology. Just such a handy volume as schools need. Has
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record for reliability." The School Guardian.
STOBMONTH S
HANDY SCHOOL DICTIONARY
PRONOUNCING AND EXPLANATORY
Thoroughly Revised and Enlarged by
WILLIAM BAYNE
7d. net
Educational Works. 39
The George Eliot Reader.
By ELIZABETH LEE, Author of A School History of English Literature,
&c. With an Introduction and Portrait. 2s.
Academy." A fascinating little volume."
English Words and Sentences.
BOOK I. FOB THE JUNIOR DIVISION. 6d.
BOOK II. FOB THE INTERMEDIATE DIVISION. 8d.
Practical Teacher. " These books contain numerous well-graduated exer
cises in English, and should be popular with teachers of the subject."
Story of the World Readers. See p. 57.
Blackwood s Literature Readers. Seep. 56.
Specimens of Middle Scots.
WITH HISTOBICAL INTRODUCTION AND GLOSSABIAL NOTES. By G. GREGORY
SMITH, M. A., Professor of English Literature, University of Belfast. Crown
8vo, 7s. 6d. net.
English Prose Composition.
By JAMES CURRIB, LL.D. Fifty-seventh Thousand. Is. 6d.
Short Stories for Composition.
FIRST SERIES. WITH SPECIMENS OF LETTERS, AND SUBJECTS FOR LETTERS
AND ESSAYS. Seventh Impression. 112 pages. Is.
Short Stories for Composition.
SECOND SERIES. WITH LESSONS ON VOCABULARY. Third Edition.
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Short Stories, Fables, and Pupil-Teacher Exercises for
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BLACKWOODS SCHOOL SHAKESPEARE.
Edited by B. BRIMLEY JOHNSON. Each Play complet e with
Notes, and Glossary. In crown 8vo volumes. Cloth, Is. oC
Is. each.
The Merchant of Venice.
Richard II.
Julius Csesar.
The Tempest.
As You Like It.
Henry V.
Macbeth.
Twelfth Night.
Other VoUmes in preparation.
40 William Blackwood & Sons List.
BLACKWOODS ENGLISH CLASSICS.
With Portraits. In Fcap. 8vo volumes, cloth.
General Editor J. H. LOBBAN, M.A,,
Editor of The School Anthology ; Lecturer in English Literature, Birkbeck College,
London ; Editor of The Granta Shakespeare, &c.
Journal of Education. " This Series has, we believe, already
won the favourable notice of teachers. It certainly deserves to do
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English Classics."
Cowper The Task, and Minor Poems.
By ELIZABETH LEE, Author of A School History of English Literature.
2s. 6d.
Guardian. "Miss Elizabeth Lee scores a distinct success. Her introduction
is to the point and none too long; her notes are apt and adequate."
Scott Lady of the Lake.
By W. E. W. COLLINS, M.A. Is. 6d.
Saturday Review. "Like some other members of this series of English
Classics we have noticed recently, this volume is a good piece of work."
Johnson Lives of Milton and Addison.
By Professor J. WIGHT DUFF, D.Litt., Durham College of Science, New-
castle-upon-Tyne. 2s. 6d.
Educational News. "A scholarly edition. The introduction contains things
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Milton Paradise Lost, Books I.- IV.
By J. LOGIE ROBBRTSON, M.A., First English Master, Edinburgh Ladies
College. 2s. 6d.
Saturday Review. "An excellent edition."
Macaulay Life of Johnson.
By D. NICHOL SMITH, M.A., Goldsmith s Reader in English, University of
Oxford. Is. 6d.
Journal of Education. "Mr Smith s criticism is sound, simple, and clear.
Annotated with care and good sense, the edition is decidedly satisfactory."
Carlyle Essay on Burns.
By J. DOWNIF,, M.A., U.F.C. Training College, Aberdeen. 2s. 6d.
Guardian. "A highly acceptable addition to our stock of school classics.
We congratulate Mr Downie on having found a field worthy of his labours,
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BLACKWOODS ENGLISH CLASSICS continued.
Goldsmith Traveller, Deserted Village, & other Poems.
By J. H. LOBBAN, M.A., Lecturer in English Literature, Birkbeck College,
London. Is. 6d.
Literature. "If Goldsmith touched nothing that he did not adorn, Mr
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Pope Essay on Criticism, Rape of the Lock, and
other Poems.
By GEORGE SOUTAR, M.A., Litt.D., Lecturer in English Language and
Literature, University College, Dundee. 2s. 6d.
Guardian. " The selection is made with taste, and the commentary is sound,
adequate, and not overburdened with superfluous information,"
Hazlitt Essays on Poetry.
By D. NICHOL SMITH, M.A., Goldsmith s Reader in English, University of
Oxford. 2s. 6d. .
Athenaum. " The introduction is a capital piece of work."
Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Keats.
By A. D, INNES, M.A., Editor of Julius Caesar, &c., &c. 2s. 6d.
Academy. " For Mr Innes s volume we have nothing but praise."
Scott Marmion.
By ALEXANDER MAORIS, M.A., Examiner in English, University of
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Lamb Select Essays.
By AGNES WILSON, Editor of Browning s Strafford, &c. ; late Senior English
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Athenfflum. " Miss Wilson s edition is well equipped."
Milton Samson Agonistes.
By E. H. BLAKENEY, M.A., Headmaster, King s School, Ely. 2s. 6d.
School World. "Everything testifies to excellent scholarship and editorial
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Byron Selections.
By Professor J. WIGHT DUFF, D.Litt., Armstrong College, in the University
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Academy and Literature. "Nothing has been done perfunctorily; Professor
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New,.-"Mr Wight Duff has m adean
exceedingly good selection from the poems of Byron, and added to them a clear
sicheS dafu bStragen des otchters Werke in England meh r zu verbrex en
als dies bisher geschehen ist. Aber auch in Deutschland ist das .Buca allei
Freunden Byron s warm zu empfehlen.
42 William Blackwood & Sons List.
HISTORY.
A Short History of Scotland.
By ANDKEW LANG. Crown 8vo, 5s. net.
LATIN AND GREEK.
Higher Latin Prose.
With an Introduction by H. W. AUDBN, M.A., Principal, Upper Canada
College, Toronto ; formerly Assistant-Master, Fettes College, Edinburgh ;
late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge, and Bell University Scholar.
2s. 6d.
%* A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net.
Educational Times. "Those who are in need of a shjort practical guide on
the subject will find Mr Auden s little work well worth a trial The passages
chosen are well suited for translation, "
School Guardian. "This is an excellent Latin prose manual. The hints
on composition are first-rate, and should be of considerable use to the student
of style who has mastered the ordinary rules of prose writing Altogether,
this is a very valuable little book."
Lower Latin Prose.
By K. P. WILSON, M.A., Assistant-Master, Fettes College, Edinburgh.
2s. 6d.
%* A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net.
Journal of Education." A well-arranged and helpful manual. The whole
beok is well printed and clear. We can unreservedly recommend the work."
Higher Latin Unseens.
For the Use of Higher Forms and University Students. Selected, with In
troductory Hints on Translation, by H. W. AUDEN, M.A., Principal, Upper
Canada College, Toronto ; formerly Assistant-Master, Fettes College, Edin
burgh ; late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge, and Bell University
Scholar. 2s. 6U
Educational News. "The hints on translation given by Mr Auden are the
most useful and judicious we have seen in such small bulk, and they are illus
trated with skilful point and aptness."
Lower Latin Unseens.
Selected, with Introduction, by W. LOBE AN, M.A., Classical Master, High
School, Glasgow. 2s.
Athenaeum. "More interesting in substance than such things usually are."
Journal of Education. "Will be welcomed by all teachers of Latin."
School Guardian. "The introductory hints on translation should be well
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Educational Works. 43
Novr issued at Is. 6d. net to meet the requirements of the
Education Department for a Latin Translation Book suited to
pupils in the early stage of the subject. In its more expensive
form the volume has been extensively used by the greater Public
Schools, and is in its Twelfth Edition. A specimen copy will be
sent gratis to any teacher wishing to examine the book with
a view to introduction.
TWELFTH EDITION.
ADITUS FACILIORES.
AN EASY LATIN CONSTRUING BOOK,
WITH VOCABULARY.
BY
A. W. POTTS, M.A., LL.D.,
Late Head-Master of the Fettes College, Edinburgh, and sometime
Fellow of St John s College, Cambridge ;
AND THE
REY. C. DARNELL, M.A.,
Late Head-Master of Cargilfield Preparatory School, Edinburgh,
and Scholar of Pembroke and Downing
Colleges, Cambridge.
Contents.
PART I. Stories and Fables The Wolf on his Death-Bed Alex
ander and the Pirate Zeno s Teaching Ten Helpers The Swallow
and the Ants Discontent Pleasures of Country Life The Wolf and
the Lamb Simplicity of Farm Life in Ancient Italy The Conceited
Jackdaw The Ant and the Grasshopper The Hares contemplate
Suicide The Clever Parrot Simple Living The Human Hand The
Bear Value of Rivers Love of the Country Juno and the Peacock
The Camel The Swallow and the Birds The Boy and the Echo The
Stag and the Fountain The Cat s Device The Human Figure The
Silly Crow Abraham s Death-Bed The Frogs ask for a King The
Gods select severally a Favourite Tree Hear the Other Side.
PART II. -Historical Extracts THE STORY OF THE FABII : Histori
cal Introduction The Story of the Fabii. THE CONQUEST OF VEII :
Historical Introduction The Conquest of Veii. THE SACRIFICE OF
DECIUS : Historical Introduction The Sacrifice of Decius.
PART III. The First Roman Invasion of Britain Introduction
to Extracts from Caesar s Commentaries The First Roman Invasio
Britain.
PART IV. The Life of Alexander the Great -
duction Life and Campaigns of Alexander the Great.
APPENDIX. VOCABULARY. ADDENDA.
Two Maps to Illustrate the First Roman Invasion of Britain and the
Campaign* of Alexander the Great.
44 William Blackwood & Sons List.
First Latin Sentences and Prose.
By K. P. WILSON, M.A., late Scholar of Pembroke College, Cambridge ;
Assistant- Master at Fettes College. With Vocabulary. 2s. 6d. Also
issued in Two Parts, Is. 6d. each.
Saturday Review. "This is just the right sort of help the beginner wants.
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lower classes of a public school."
Educational Review. " Form masters in search of a new composition book
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A First Latin Reader.
With Notes, Exercises, and Vocabulary. By K. P. WILSON, M.A., Fettes
College. Crown 8vo, Is. 6d.
Tales of Ancient Thessaly.
An Elementary Latin Reading - Book, with Notes and Vocabulary. By
J. W. E. PEABCK, M.A., Headmaster of Merton Court Preparatory School,
Sideup ; late Assistant-Master. University College School, London. With
a Preface by J. L. PATON, M.A., late Fellow of St John s College,
Cambridge ; Headmaster of the Grammar School, Manchester. Is.
Guardian. "A striking and attractive volume. Altogether, we have here
quite a noteworthy little venture, to which we wish all success."
Latin Verse Unseens.
By G. MIDDLETON, M.A., Classical Master, Aberdeen Grammar School,
late Scholar of Emmanuel College, Cambridge ; Joint-Author of Student s
Companion to Latin Authors. Is. 6d.
Schoolmaster. "They form excellent practice in unseen work, in a great
variety of style and subject. For purposes of general study and as practice for
examinations the book is a thoroughly useful one."
Latin Historical Unseens.
For Army Classes. By L. C. VAUGHAN WILKES, M.A. 2s.
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5tonyhurst Latin Grammar.
By Rev. JOHN GBBARD. Second Edition. Pp. 199. 3s.
Aditus Faciliores Graeci.
An Easy Greek Construing Book, with Complete Vocabulary. By the late
A. W. POTTS, M.A., LL.D., and the Rev. C. DARNELL, M.A. Fifth
Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 3s.
Camersarum Flosculos in Usum Fettesianorum decerptos
Notis quibusdam illustraverunt A. GUL. POTTS, M.A., LL.D. ;
GUL. A. HEARD, M.A., LL.D. New Impression. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d.
Educational Works. 45
Greek Accidence.
For Use in Preparatory and Public Schools. By T. C. WKATHKBHEAD,
M.A., Headmaster, Choir School, King s College, Cambridge; formerly of
Trinity College, Cambridge, and Bell University Scholar. Is. 6d.
Literature. "Not the least of its merits is the clearness of the type, both
Greek and English."
Pilot. "The most useful book for beginners we have seen."
The Messenian Wars.
An Elementary Greek Header. With Exercises and Full Vocabulary. By
H. W. AUDEN, M.A., Principal, Upper Canada College, Toronto ; formerly
Assistant-Master, Fettes College, Edinburgh ; late Scholar of Christ s College,
Cambridge, and Bell University Scholar. Is. 6d.
Saturday Review. "A far more spirited narrative than the Anabasis. We
warmly commend the book."
Higher Greek Prose.
With an Introduction by H. W. AUDEN, M.A., Principal, Upper Canada
College, Toronto. 2s. 6d. *** Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net
Guardian. "The selection of passages for translation into Greek is certainly
Journal of Education. "A manual of well-graduated exercises in Greek
Prose Composition, ranging from short sentences to continuous pieces.
Lower Greek Prose.
By K. P. WILSON, M.A., Assistant-Master in Fettes College, Edinburgh.
2s. 6d. %* A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net.
School Guardian. "A well-arranged book, designed to meet the needs of
middle forms in schools."
Higher Greek Unseens.
For the Use of Higher Forms and University Students. Selected, with
Introductory Hints on Translation, by H. W. AUDEN MA Principal,
Upper Canada College, Toronto ; formerly Assistant- Master, Fettes College,
Edinburgh. 2s. 6d.
Educational Times. "It contains a good selection quite difficult enough
and tran sl atin
eminently profitable preliminary reading for the earnest and diligent worker in
the golden mine of classical scholarship."
Greek Unseens.
BEING ONE HUNDRED PASSAGES FOB TRANSLATION AT SIGHT IN JUNIOR
CLASSES. Selected and arranged. With Introduction by W. LOBBAN, M. A.,
Classical Master, The High School, Glasgow. Zs.
This little book is designed for the use of those preparing for the Leaving Cer
tificate. Scotch Preliminary, London Matriculation, and similar examinations in
Greek. The extracts are drawn irom over a score of different authors, ar
hlTb^en had in the selection to literary or historical interest, and m th
ment to progressive difficulty.
46 William Blackwood & Sons List.
Greek Verse Unseens.
By T. R. MILLS, M.A., Lecturer in Glassies, University College, Dundee,
formerly Scholar of Wadham College, Oxford ; Joint-Author of Student s
Companion to Latin Authors. Is, 6d.
School Guardian. "A capital selection made with much discretion It
is a great merit that the selections are intelligible apart from their context."
University Correspondent. "This careful and judicious selection should
be found very useful in the higher forms of schools and in preparing for less
advanced University examinations for Honours."
Greek Test Papers.
By JAMBS MOIR, Litt.D., LL.D., late co-Rector of Aberdeen Grammar School.
2s. 6d.
** A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net.
University Correspondent. "This useful book The papers are based
on the long experience of a practical teacher, and should prove extremely help
ful and suggestive to all teachers of Greek."
Greek Prose Phrase Book.
Based on Thucydides, Xenophon, Demosthenes, and Plato. Arranged accord
ing to subjects, with Indexes. By H. W. AUDEN, M.A., Editor of
Meissner s Latin Phrase Book. Interleaved, 3s. 6d.
Spectator. " A good piece of work, and likely to be useful."
Athenaeum. "A useful little volume, helpful to boys who are learning to
write Greek prose."
Journal of Education. " Of great service to schoolboys and schoolmasters
alike. The idea of interleaving is especially commendable."
Aristophanes Pax.
Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by H. SHABPLBT, M.A., late Scholar
of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. In 1 vol. 12s. 6d. net.
A Short History of the Ancient Greeks from the
Earliest Times to the Roman Conquest.
By P. GILES, Litt.D., LL.D., Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
With Maps and Illustrations. [In preparation.
Outlines of Greek History.
By the SAMB AUTHOR.! In 1 voL [In preparation.
A Manual of Classical Geography.
By JOHN L. MTRBS, M.A., Fellow of Magdalene College; Professor of
Ancient History, Oxford. [In preparation.
Educational Works. 47
BLACKWOODS
ILLUSTRATED
CLASSICAL TEXTS.
GENERAL EDITOR H. W. AUDEN, M.A.
Principal of Upper Canada College, Toronto; formerly Assistant-Master at
Fettes College ; late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge, and Bell Uni
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Literature." The best we have seen of the new type of school-
book."
Academy. "If the price of this series is considered, we know
not where to look for its equal."
Public School Magazine. " The plates and maps seem to have
been prepared regardless of cost. We wonder how it can all be done
at the price."
BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS.
Caesar Gallic War, Books I. -III.
By J. M. HABDWICH, M.A., Assistant-Master at Rugby ; late Scholar of
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Caesar Gallic War, Books IV., V.
By Eev. ST J. B. WYNNE WILLSON, M.A., Headmaster, Haileybury College ;
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Caesar Gallic War, Books VI., VII.
By C. A. A. Du PONTET, M.A., Assistant-Master at Harrow. With or with
out Vocabulary. Is. 6d.
Virgil Georgic I.
By J. SARGBAUNT, M.A., Assistant - Master at Westminster; late Scholar
of University College, Oxford. Is. 6d.
Virgil Georgic IV.
By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., Assistant-Master at Westminster ; late Scholar of
University College, Oxford. Is. 6d.
48 William Blackwood & Sons List.
BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS continued.
Virgil >neid, Books V., VI.
By Rev. ST J. B. WYNNE WILLSON, M.A.. Headmaster, Haileybury
College. Is. 6d.
Ovid Metamorphoses (Selections).
By J. H. VINCK, M.A., late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge,
Assistant-Master at Bradfield. Is. 6d.
Ovid Elegiac Extracts.
By R. B. BURNABY, M.A. Oxou. ; Classical Master, Trinity College,
Glenalmond. Is. 6d.
Arrian Anabasis, Books I., II.
By H. W, AUDEN, M.A., late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge;
Principal of Upper Canada College. Toronto ; formerly Assistant- Master
at Fettes College. 2s. 6d.
Homer Odyssey, Book VI.
By E. E. SIKKS, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of St John s College.
Cambridge. Is. 6d.
Homer Odyssey, Book VII.
By E. E. SIKES, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of St John s College,
Cambridge. [In preparation.
Demosthenes Olynthiacs, 1-3.
By H. SHARPLEY, M.A., late Scholar of Corpus College, Oxford ; Assistant-
Master at Hereford School. Is. 6d.
Horace Odes, Books I., II.
By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., late Scholar of University College, [Oxford;
Assistant-Master at Westminster. Is. 6d.
Horace Odes, Books HI., IV.
By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., Assistant-Master at Westminster. Is. 6d.
Cicero In Catilinam, I. -IV.
By H. W. AUDEN, M.A., late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge;
Principal of Upper Canada College, Toronto; formerly Assistant-Master
at Fettes College. Is. 6d.
Cicero De Senectute and De Amicitia.
By J. H. VINCE, M.A., Assistant-Master at Bradfield.
[In preparation.
Cicero Pro Lege Manilla and Pro Archia.
By K. P. WILSON, M.A., late Scholar of Pembroke College, Cambridge ;
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BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS continued.
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Historical Reader of Early French.
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from the Earliest Times to the end of the 15th Century By HERBERT A.
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French Test Papers for Civil Service and University
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Street, Edinburgh. Is.
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GERMAN.
A History of German Literature.
By JOHN G. ROBERTSON, Ph.D., Professor of German in the University
of London. 6d. net.
Times. "In such an enterprise even a tolerable approach to success is some
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Outlines of the History of German Literature.
For the Use of Schools. By the SAME AUTHOR. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. net.
Educational Works. 51
DR LUBOVIUS GERMAN SERIES.
A Practical German Grammar, Reader and Writer.
By Louis LUBOVIUS, Ph.D., German Master, Billhead High School, Glas
gow; Lecturer on German, U.P.C. Training College; Examiner for Degrees
in Arts, University ef Glasgow.
Part I. Elementary. 2s,
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Lower German.
Reading, Supplementary Grammar with Exercises, and Material for Com
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By Louis LUBOVIUS, Ph.D. 2s. 6d.
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A Compendious German Reader.
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Spartanerjunglinge. A Story of Life in a Cadet College.
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MORRISON, M.A., Master in Modern Languages, Aberdeen Grammar
School. 2s.
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SPANISH.
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With numerous Examples, Revision Tests, and Examination Papers. By
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to suggest any improvement We venture to predict that when the book
becomes known, it will command a very wide circulation in our public schools
aud elsewhere."
Practical Arithmetical Exercises.
FOR SENIOR PUPILS IN SCHOOLS. Containing upwards of 8000 Examples,
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The Complete Book, 288 pp., eloth, 2s. With Answers, 2s. 6d. Answers
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Handbook of Mental Arithmetic.
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Educational Works. 53
Modern Geometry of the Point, Straight Line, and
Circle.
An Elementary Treatise. By J. A. THIRD, D.Se., Headmaster of Spier s
School, Beith. 3s.
Schoolmaster. ! Each branch of this wide subject is treated with brevity,
it is true, and yet with amazing completeness considering the size of the volume.
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For Ex-Standard and C
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GEOGRAPHY.
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Elements of Modern Geography.
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54 William Black wood & Sons List.
A Manual of Classical Geography.
By JOHN L. MYRES, M.A., Professor of Ancient History, Oxford.
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CHEMISTRY AND POPULAR
SCIENCE.
Forty Elementary Lessons in Chemistry.
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Things of Everyday.
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GEOLOGY.
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PAL/EONTOLOGY.
A Manual of Palaeontology.
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and greatly enlarged. 2 vols. 8vo, with 1419 Engravings. 63s.
Educational Works. 55
PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.
Fifteenth Edition^ Revised.
Introductory Text- Book of Physical Geography.
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PSYCHOLOGY AND LOGIC.
An Introductory Text- Book of Logic.
With Numerous Examples and Exercises. By SYDNEY HERBERT MELLONE,
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A Short History of Logic.
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"There is no other History of Logic short or long in English, and no similar
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FORESTRY.
The Elements of British Forestry.
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By A T GILLANDERS. Wood Manager to His Grace the Duke of Northumber
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56 William Blackwood & Sons List.
ELEMENTARY SERIES.
BLACKWOODS
LITERATURE READERS.
Edited by JOHN ADAMS, M.A., LL.D.,
Professor of Education in tbe University of London.
BOOK I Pp. 228. Price Is.
BOOK II Pp. 275. Price Is. 4d.
BOOK III Pp.303. Price Is. 6d.
BOOK IV Pp. 381. Price Is. 6d.
NOTE.
This new Series would seek to do for Literature what has
already been done by many series of School Readers for
History, Geography, and Science. Many teachers feel that
their pupils should be introduced as soon as possible to the
works of the great writers, and that reading may be learnt
from these works at least as well as from compilations
specially written for the young. Because of recent changes
in Inspection, the present is a specially suitable time for
the Introduction of such a series into Elementary Schools.
In the Preparatory Departments of Secondary Schools the
need for such a series is clamant.
It is to be noted that the books are not manuals of
English literature, but merely Readers, the matter of which
is drawn entirely from authors of recognised standing. All
ng.
illu
the usual aids given in Readers are supplied ; but illustra
tions, as affording no help in dealing with Literature, are
excluded from the series.
" The volumes, which are capitally printed, consist of selected
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andf grammar are the work of a skilful, practical teacher. 1 Pall
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Educational Works.
57
" Absolutely the best set of all the history readers that have hitherto
been published." The Guardian.
THE STORY OF THE WORLD,
FOR THE; CHILDREN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE, (in Five Books,)
ByM. B. SYNOE.
With\ Coloured* \Frontlspleces and numerous] Illustrations by
^B. M. Synge, A.R.B., and. Maps.
BOOK I. ON THE SHORES OF THE GREAT SEA. Is. 4d.
Colonial Edition, Is. 6d.
THE Home of Abraham Into Africa
Joseph in Egypt The Children of Israel
The First Merchant Fleet Hiram, King of
Tyre King Solomon s Fleet The Story of
Carthage The Story of the Argonauts The
Siege of Troy The Adventures of Ulysses
The Dawn of History The Fall of Tyre
The Rise of Carthage Hanno s Adventures
The Battle of Marathon King Ahasuerus
How Leonidas kept the Pass Some
Greek Colonies Athens The Death of
Socrates The Story of Romulus and Remus
HowHoratius kept the Bridge Coriolanus
Alexander the Great King of Macedonia
The Conquest of India Alexander s
City The Roman Fleet The Adventures of
Hannibal The End of Carthage The
Triumph of Rome Julius Caesar The
Flight of Pompey The Death of Csesar.
gBOOK II. THE DISCOVERY OF NEW WORLDS. Is. 6d.
THE Roman World The Tragedy of Nero
The Great Fire in Rome The Destruction
of Pompeii Marcus Aurelius Christians to
the Lions A New Rome The Armies of
the North King Arthur and his Knights
How the Northmen conquered England
The First Crusade Frederick Barbarossa
The Third Crusade The Days of Chivalry
Queen of the Adriatic The Story of
Marco Polo Dante s Great Poem The
Maid of Orleans Prince Henry, the Sailor
The Invention of Printing Vasco da Gama s
Great Voyage Golden Goa Christopher
Columbus The Last of the Moors Dis
covery of the New World Columbus in
Chains Discovery of the Pacific Magel
lan s Straits Montezuma Siege and Fall of
Mexico Conquest of Peru A Great
Awakening.
BOOK III. THE AWAKENING OF EUROPE. Is. 6d.
Colonial Edition, is. 9d.
STORY of the Netherlands The Story of
Martin Luther The Massacre of St Bar
tholomewThe Siege of Leyden William
the Silent Drake s Voyage round the
World The Great Armada Virginia Story
of the Revenge Sir Walter Raleigh The
1 Fairy Queen First Voyage of the East
India Company Henry Hudson Captain
John Smith The Founding of Quebec
The Pilgrim Fathers Thirty Years of War
The Dutch at Sea Van Riebeek a Colony
Oliver Cromwell Two Famous Admirals
-De Ruyter The Founder of Pennsyl
vania The Pilgrim s Progress William s
Invitation The Struggle in Ireland The
Siege of Vienna by the Turks The Story of
the Huguenots The Battle of Blenheim
How Peter the Great learned Shipbuilding
--Charles XII. of Sweden The Boyhood of
Frederick the Great Alison s Voyage round
the World Maria Theresa The Story of
Scotland.
William Blackwood & Sons List.
THE STORY OF THE WORLD continued.
BOOK IV. THE STRUGGLE
THE Story of the Great Mogul Eobert
Clive The Black Hole of Calcutta The
Struggle for North America George Wash
ingtonHow Pitt saved England The Fall
of Quebec "The Great Lord Hawke"
The Declaration of Independence Captain
Cook s Story James Bruce and the Nile
The Trial of Warren Hastings Maria
Antoinette The Fall of the Bastile
Napoleon Bonaparte Horatio Nelson The
Adventures of Mungo Park The Travels of
Baron Humboldt The Battle of the Nile
FOR SEA POWER. Is. 9d.
Copenhagen Napoleon Trafalgar The
Death of Nelson The Rise of Wellington
The First Australian Colony Story of the
Slave Trade The Defence of Saragoza Sir
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Talavera The Peasant Hero of the Tyrol
The "Shannon" and the "Chesapeake"
Napoleon s Retreat from Moscow Welling
ton s Victories in Spain The Fall of the
Empire Story of the Steam Engine Water
loo The Exile of St Helena.
BOOK V. GROWTH OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. 2s.
How Spain lost South America The Greek
War Victoria, Queen of England The
Great Boer Trek The Story of Natal The
Story of Canada The Winning of the West
A Great Arctic Expedition Discoveries in
Australia The Last King of France Louis
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The Indian Mutiny King of United Italy
Civil War in America The Mexican Re
volution Founding the German Empire
The Franco-German War The Dream of
Cecil Rhodes The Dutch Republics in
South Africa Livingstone s discoveries in
Central Africa China s Long Sleep Japan,
Britain s Ally Russia The Annexation of
Burma The Story of Afghanistan The
Empire of India Gordon, the Hero of
Khartum The Redemption of Egypt The
Story of British West Africa The Story of
Uganda The Founding of Rhodesia
British South Africa The Dominion of
Canada Australia The New Nation
Freedom for Cuba Reign of Queen Victoria
Welding the Empire Citizenship.
Also in 2 volumes, at 3s. 6d. each net, suitable as prize books.
Uniform with this Series.
THE WORLD S CHILDHOOD.
With numerous Illustrations by Brinsley Le Fanu.
I. STORIES OP THE FAIRIES, tod.
CONTENTS
1. Lit-tle Red Ri-ding Hood.
2. The Three Bears.
3. The Snow -Child.
4. Tom Thumb.
5. The Ug-ly Duck-ling.
6. Puss in Boots.
7. The Lit-tle Girl and the Cats.
8. Jack and the Ban-Stalk.
9. Gol-dy.
10. Cin-der-el-la Part I.
II. STORIES OF THE
11. Cin-der-el-la Part II.
12. The Lost Bell.
13. Jack the Gi-ant Kill-er.
14. Star-bright and Bird-ie.
15. Beau-ty and the Beast.
16. Peach-Dar-ling.
17. In Search of a Night s Rest.
18. Dick Whit-ting-ton and his Cat.
19. The Sleep-ing Beau-ty.
1. A-bout the Gods.
2. The Names of the Gods.
3. Turn-ed in-to Stone.
4. The Shin-ing Char-i-ot.
5. The Laur-el Tree.
6. A Horse with Wings.
7. The Cy-press Tree.
8. The Fruits of the Earth.
9. Cu-pid s Gold-en Ar-row.
10. Pan s Pipe.
11. A Long Sleep.
12. The Re-ward of Kind
GREEK GODS AND HEROES. lod.
CONTENTS.
13. At-a-lan-ta s Race.
14. The Stor-y of Al-ces-tis.
15. The Snow-White Bull.
16. The Spi-der and his Web.
17. I-o the White Cow.
18. The Three Gold-en Ap-ples.
19. The Ol-ive Tree.
20. A Boy Her-o of Old.
21. The Thread of Ar-i-ad-ne.
22. The Boy who tried to Fly.
23. The Gold-en Harp.
Teacher s Appndix.
Educational Works. 59
"If history can be given a form likely to make it palatable to young folks, "F"
has succeded in doing so in these Stories of the English. It is no exaggeration to
say that the book represents not only a masterpiece in literature for children
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STORIES OF THE ENGLISH
FOR SCHOOLS.
By F.
FOR JUNIOR SCHOLARS.
VOL. I. FROM THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH TO THE ARMADA. 1s. 6d.
CONTENTS. The coming of the White Horse The coming of the Cross The Fi-ht
with the Raven Alfred the Great Edward the Confessor William the Conquerer The
Kings of the Golden Broom Richard Lion-HeartKing John and Magna Charta Earl
Simon the Righteous Edward the Englishman Bannockburn and Berkeley The Lions
and the Lilies A King dethroned Prince Hal King Harry The Wars of the Roses-
Henry VIII. and the Revolt from Rome Edward VI. and Mary Elizabeth, the Great
Queen : (1) English Adventurers and the Cruise of the Pelican ; (2) Mary, Queen of Scots ;
(3) Papist Plots and the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew ; (4) The Armada.
ILLUSTRATIONS. Dover Castle The Pharos, Dover Norsemen Homes of our
Ancestors Chateau Gaillard Tomb of a Crusader (Gervase Alard), Winchelsea Church
Carnarvon Castle Coronation Chair, Westminster Abbey Knights of the Fourteenth
Century Edward the Third The Battle of Cressy Tomb of Edward the Third, West
minster Abbey Tomb of the Black Prince, Canterbury Cathedral Richard II. on his
voyage to Ireland Jerusalem Chamber, Westminster Abbey Henry V. with Military
Attendants Henry V. addressing his Army Joan of Arc The Crowning of Henry VII.
on Bosworth Field Henry VIII. Wolsey Sir Thomas More taking leave of his Daughter
Calais during the Sixteenth Century Queen Elizabeth The Armada Drake Mary,
Queen of Scots Drake playing Bowls with his Captains Sir Walter Raleigh.
FOR SENIOR SCHOLARS.
VOL. II. THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER AND GREATER ENGLAND. 1s. 6d.
CONTENTS. The First of the Stuarts The Struggle for Power The Puritan Tyranny
The Second Struggle for Power : Charles II. The Revolution The Fight with France :
The Dutch King Queen Anne and Marlborough Greater England The Story of Anson
The Story of Wolfe The Story of Captain Cook The Story of Olive The War of American
Independence The great French War The Story of Nelson The Story of the Great Duke
The End of the Stories.
ILLUSTRATIONS James I. Bacon Charles I. A Cavalier Oliver Cromwell The
Great Fire of London The Seven Bishops going to the Tower Landing of William of
Orange in England Marlborough Gibraltar Chatham Fight between the Centurion and
the Manila Ship General Wolfe The Death of Captain Cook Washington Pitt-
Napoleon Bonaparte Nelson H.M.S. Victory, Portsmouth Harbour Duke of Wellington
Napoleon on board the JSellerophon.
Moira O Neill, Author of Songs of the Glen of Antrim, writing to Mr Blackwood,
says : " F. s Stories of the English was written for my little daughter Susan. The
child is quite fascinated by it, but equally so are all the grown-up friends to whom
I have shown it. I lent it once to a sailor uncle, and he sat up to all hours of that
night with it, and afterwards told me that he could hardly believe that such an
account of Nelson s great battles had been written by a woman, because it was
technically accurate. And a soldier friend and critic used almost the same words
about the account of Marlborough s campaigns. F. is the most patient and faithful
student of history that I know. She has such a strong literary sense that she simply
could not write anything except in a literary form, and combined with it she has
that rare thing, a judicial mind. Thia, I think, gives her work a quite peculiar
value."
60 William Blackwood & Sons List.
Standard Readers.
Revised Edition. With Supplementary Pages, consisting of "Spelling
Lists," "Word -Building," "Prefixes and Suffixes," &c. Profusely Illus
trated with Superior Engravings.
BOOK I. 40 Lessons 8d.
BOOK II. 40 Lessons 9d.
BOOK III. 60 Lessons . . . . Is. Od.
BOOK IV. 60 Lessons . . . .Is. 3d.
BOOK V. 60 Lessons .... Is. 4d.
BOOK VI. 60 Lessons .... Is. 6d.
Schoolmaster. "We strongly recommend these books Children will be
sure to like them; the matter is extremely suitable and interesting, the print
very distinct, and the paper a pleasure to feel."
Infant Series.
FIRST PICTURE PRIMER . . Sewed, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
SECOND PICTURE PRIMER . . Sewed, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
PICTURE READING SHEETS.
IST SERIES. | 2ND SERIES.
Each containing 16 sheets, unmounted, 3s. 6d. Mounted on 8 boards,
with cloth border, price 14s. ; varnished, 3s. 6d. per set extra.
Or the 16 sheets laid on linen, varnished, and mounted on a roller,
17s. 6d.
THE INFANT PICTURE READER. With numerous Illustrations.
Cloth, limp, 6d.
Educational News. " Teachers will find these Primers a useful introduction
to the art of reading. We consider them well adapted to their purpose."
Geographical Readers.
With numerous Maps, Diagrams, and Illustrations.
GEOGRAPHICAL PRIMER. (For Stand. I.) 96pp. 9d.
BOOK I. (For Stand. II.) 96pp. . . 9d.
BOOK II. (For Stand. III.) 156 pp. . . Is. Od.
BOOK III. (For Stand. IV.) 192 pp. . . Is. 3d.
BOOK IV. (For Stand. V.) 256 pp. . . Is. 6d.
BOOK V. (For Stand. VI.) 256 pp. . . Is. 6d.
BOOK VI. (For Stand. VII.) 256 pp. . . Is. 9d.
Schoolmaster. " This is a really excellent series of Geographical Readers.
The volumes have, in common, the attractiveness which good paper, clear type,
effective woodcuts, and durable binding can present ; whilst their contents, both
as to quality and quantity, are so graded as to be admirably adapted to the
several stages of the pupil s progress."
Educational Works, 61
Historical Readers.
With numerous Portraits, Maps, and other Illustrations.
SHORT STORIES FROM ENGLISH
HISTORY 160 pp. Is. Od.
FIRST HISTORICAL READER . . .160 pp. Is. Od.
SECOND HISTORICAL READER . . .224 pp. Is. 4d.
THIRD HISTORICAL READER . . .256 pp. Is. 6d.
Schoolmaster. "These new Historical Readers have been carefully compiled.
The facts are well selected ; the story is well told in language most likely to
impress itself in the memory of young children ; and the poetical pieces are
fitting accompaniments to the prose."
School Board Chronicle. "The treatment is unconventional, but always
in good taste. The volumes will meet with much favour generally as lively,
useful, high-toned Historical Readers."
Standard Authors.
Adapted for Schools.
HAWTHORNE S TANGLEWOOD TALES. With Not8 and Illustra
tions. 160 pp. Is. 2d.
Aytoun s Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers.
With Introduction, Notes, and Life of the Author, for Junior Classes.
EDINBURGH AFTER FLODDEN . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
THE EXECUTION OF MONTROSE . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
THE BURIAL-MARCH OF DUNDEE 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
THE ISLAND OF THE SCOTS . . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
Teachers Aid. " Capital annotated editions Beautifully clear and
painstaking; we commend them heartily to our brother and sister teachers."
Educational News. " Useful issues of well-known poems The notes
are exceedingly appropriate, and leave nothing ^in doubt. For class purposes
we can specially recommend these little books."
School Recitation Books.
BOOK I. 32 pages . . . . 2d.
BOOK II. 32 pages
BOOK III. 48 pages . . 3d.
BOOK IV. 48 pages . . 3d.
BOOK V. 64 pages . . . 4d. ^
BOOK VI. 64 pages . . . 4d.
Schoolmistress. "These six books are a valuable contribution to school
literature The poems for each standard are judiciously chosen, the explanatory
notes and questions at the end of every lesson are very suitable.
62 William Black wood & Sons List.
Grammar and Analysis.
BOOK II. 24 pages . . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d.
BOOK III. 24 pages . . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d.
BOOK IV. 48 pages . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
BOOK V. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
BOOK VI. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
BOOK VII. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
Schoolmaster. "This is a series of good practical books whose merits ought
to ensure for them a wide sale. Among their leading merits are simplicity in
definitions, judicious recapitulation, and abundance of well-selected exercises
for practice."
Teachers Aid. "For thoroughness, method, style, and high -class work,
commend us to these little text-books A practical hand has impressed
every line with individuality We are determined to use them in our own
department. "
Arithmetical Exercises.
BOOK I. ... Paper, lfcd. ; cloth, 2}d.
BOOK II. . . Paper, IJd. ; cloth, 2^d.
BOOK III. . . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
BOOK IV. . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
BOOK V. ... Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
BOOK VI. ... Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
BOOK VII. . . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
HIGHER ARITHMETIC for Ex-Standard and Continua
tion Classes. 128 pp. . . Paper, 6d. ; cloth, 8d.
** ANSWERS may be had separately , and are supplied direct
to Teachers only.
Schoolmaster. " We can speak in terms of high praise respecting this series
of Arithmetical Exercises. They have been carefully constructed. They are
well graduated, and contain a large and varied collection of examples We
can recommend the series to our readers."
Schoolmistress. " Large quantity, excellent quality, great variety, and good
arrangement are the characteristics of this set of Arithmetical Exercises."
Elementary Grammar and Composition.
Based on the ANALYSIS OF SENTENCES. With a Chapter on WORD-BUILDING
and DERIVATION, and containing numerous Exercises. New Edition. Is.
Schoolmaster. "A very valuable book. It is constructive as well as analytic,
and well-planned exercises have been framed to teach the young student how to
use the elements of his mother-tongue A junior text-book that is calculated
to yield most satisfactory results. "
Educational Times. "The plan ought to work well A decided advance
from the old-fashioned practice of teaching."
Educational Works. 63
Grammar and Analysis.
Scotch Code.
STANDARD II. 24 pages. Paper, l$d. ; cloth, 2d.
STANDARD III. 32 pages. Paper, l$d. ; cloth, 2Jd.
STANDARD IV. 56 pages. Paper, 2$d. ; cloth, 3d.
STANDARD V. 56 pages. Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
STANDARD VI. 64 pages. Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
Teachers Aid. "These are thoughtfully written and very practically con
ceived little helps They are most exhaustive, and brimming with examples."
New Arithmetical Exercises.
Scotch Code.
STANDARD I. 32 pages . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d.
STANDARD II. 32 pages . Paper, l|d. ; cloth, 2d.
STANDARD III. 56 pages . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d.
STANDARD IV. 64 pages . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d.
STANDARD V. 80 pages . Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d.
STANDARD VI. 80 pages . Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d.
HIGHER ARITHMETIC for Ex-Standard and Continua
tion Classes 128 pages . Paper, 6d. ; cloth, 8d.
%* ANSWERS may be had separately, and are supplied direct
to Teachers only.
Educational News. "The gradation of the exercises is perfect, and the
examples, which are very numerous, are of every conceivable variety. There is
ample choice for the teacher under every head. We recommend the series as
excellent School Arithmetics."
Merit Certificate Arithmetic.
96 pp. Paper cover, 6d. cloth, 8d.
Mensuration.
128 pp., cloth, Is. Also in Two Parts. Pt. I., Parallelograms and
Triangles. 64 pp. Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. Pt. II., Circles and Solids.
64 pp. Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. Answers may he had separately, price
2d. each Part.
Educational Times. "The explanations are always clear and to the point,
while the exercises are so exceptionally numerous that a wide selection is
offered to the students who make use of the book."
A First Book on Physical Geography.
For Use in Schools. 64 pp. 4d.
Journal of Education. "This is a capital little book, describing shortly
and clearly the geographical phenomena of nature."
64 William Blackwood & Sons List.
Manual Instruction Woodwork. DESIGNED TO MEET THE
REQUIREMENTS OF THE MINUTE OF THE SCIENCE AND ART DEPARTMENT
ON MANUAL INSTRUCTION. By GEORGE ST JOHN, Undenominational
School, Handsworth, Birmingham. With 100 Illustrations. Is,
Blackwoods Simplex Civil Service Copy Books.
By JOHN T. PEARCE, B.A., Leith Academy. Price 2d. each.
CONTENTS OF THE SERIES.
No. 1. Elements, Short Letters, Words.
,i 2. Long Letters, Easy Words.
3. Capitals, Half-line Words.
I. 4. Text, Double Ruling, Sentences.
H 5. Half-Text, Sentences, Figures,
ii 6. Small Hand, Double Ruling,
n 7. Intermediate, Transcription, &c.
,i 8. Small Hand, Single Ruling.
The Headlines are graduated, up-to-date, and attractive.
Blackwoods Universal Writing Books.
Have been designed to accompany the above series, and teachers will find it
advantageous to use them as Dictation Cepies, because by them the learner
is kept continually writing at the correct slope, &c. No 1. is adapted for
LOWER CLASSES, No. 2 for HIGHER CLASSES. Price 2d. each.
Practical Teacher. " Our readers would do well to write for a specimen of
this book, and of the blank exercise-books ruled on the same principle. They
are worth careful attention."
School World. "Those teachers who are anxious to train their pupils to
write in the style associated with Civil Service Competitions should find the
copy-books designed by Mr Pearce very useful. The writing is certainly simple ;
it may, in fact, be reduced to four elements, in which the pupil is rigorously
exercised in the earlier books before proceeding in later numbers to continuous
writing."
Schoolmaster. "Those of our readers in search of new books should see
these."
Journal of Education. "Aids the eye and guides the hand, and thus
checkmates any bias towards error in the slope."
UNIVERSITY CALENDARS.
St Andrews University Calendar.
Printed and Published for the Senatus Aeademicus. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. net.
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WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH AND LONDON.
10/13.