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Full text of "Clement of Alexandria"


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Clement of Alexandria 



Croall lecture for 18994900 



Clement of Alexandria 



BY 



JOHN PATRICK, D.D. 

PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM AND BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, 
UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH 



William Blackwood and Sons 

Edinburgh and London 
1914 




ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



f MMTAtM. 



Co tfje JiUmorg of 
WILLIAM PATRICK, D.D., 

PRINCIPAL OF MANITOBA COLLEGE, 



PREFACE. 



THE Lectures on which the present volume is based were 
delivered in 1899-1900, and their publication is long over 
due. The delay has been caused by impaired health, 
which compelled me for many years to confine myself 
to the work of my Chair. I have to thank the Croall 
Trustees for their courtesy and forbearance. 

Since the delivery of the Lectures there has appeared 
the edition of the works of Clement by O. Stahlin, the 
three volumes of which were published respectively in 
1905, 1906, 1909. In preparing the Lectures for publica 
tion I have used his text throughout. It is impossible 
to exaggerate the services of Stahlin in the elucidation 
of the text and sources of Clement. I have also con 
sulted the relative literature that has appeared since the 
Lectures were written, as well as other earlier writings 
on the subject, to which I had not access at the time. 
This has led to the reconsideration of some questions 
touched upon in the Lectures and to the consideration 
of others not then discussed. For these reasons the work 



viii PREFACE 

in its present form differs in many respects from the 
Lectures as delivered, though the general plan and order 
of treatment have been preserved. 

I desire to acknowledge my obligations to the Rev. Dr 
Gardiner of Kirknewton for the great care which he has 
bestowed on the revision of the proofs. 



CONTENTS. 



LECTURE 1 AGE 

I. CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS ..... I 

II. THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO HELLENIC CULTURE 

AND PHILOSOPHY ...... 34 

III. THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD . . -65 

IV. THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST . . . .97 
V. THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT ..... 14! 

vi. SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT . 188 



APPENDIX 

A. ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS .... 249 

B. ANALYSIS OF THE P^EDAGOGUS . . . .256 

C. ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS .... 267 

D. THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT . . 30! 

E. LOST WRITINGS OF CLEMENT ..... 309 

F. THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT . . . 311 

G. NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT . 317 
H. BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . -322 



INDEX 



325 



ERRATUM. 



P. 56, 1. 22 for "Christ," read " Christianity, 



Clement of Alexandria. 



LECTURE I. 

CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS. 

ALEXANDRIA occupies an important place in the intel 
lectual and spiritual history of the world. Founded by 
Alexander the Great in 332 B.C., with the view of bind 
ing the East with Greece not only in an external 
political union but in the bond of a common intel 
lectual culture, it amply fulfilled, under the Ptolemies, 
the end for which it had been established. From its 
geographical position in relation to Greece, Asia Minor, 
and Syria, it was a natural centre for the commerce 
of the world; and in the realm of thought in like 
manner it became a centre of intellectual activity, a bridge 
between East and West, Greek and barbarian, the gods 
of Greece and the gods of Egypt. On the institution 
of the Museum, scholars from Greece of all schools 
flocked to it, some to study, some to lecture on criticism, 
or history, or rhetoric, or philosophy. Its two great 
libraries furnished abundant materials for work in every 
department of science and scholarship for the philologi 
cal criticism which sometimes degenerated into pedantic 



2 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

trifling, for the laborious commentaries which took 
the place of original work, for the dilettantism and end 
less controversies of the cloistered literati which called forth 
the gibes of the satirist. 1 Some half a century before 
Clement began his activity there, the Emperor Hadrian 
visited Alexandria, and in a letter of his which has been 
preserved we have a vivid, if one-sided and unsympathetic, 
picture of the restless life, religious and commercial, of 
the community. " I have now gained full knowledge," 
he writes, "of that Egypt whose praises you were wont 
to sing. I have found the people vain and fickle, shift 
ing with every breath of popular opinion. Those who 
worship Serapis are in fact Christians ; and those who 
call themselves Christian bishops are devotees of Serapis. 
There is no head of a Jewish synagogue, no Samaritan, 
no Christian presbyter, who is not an astrologer, a 
fortune-teller, or a conjurer. . . . The populace are sedi 
tious and turbulent to a degree. The city is rich and 
opulent ; in it no one lives at leisure. . . . They have but 
one god money ; him Christians, him Jews, him all the 
peoples adore." 2 The picture, in part, no doubt, owes its 
malicious touches to the irritation felt by Hadrian at the 
rejection by the Alexandrians of his minion Antinous ; but 
it contains sufficient truth to point the sting, and in some 
of its features it is confirmed by many details in the 
writings of Clement. To an observer of a different order, 
the greatness of the city seemed to contend with its 
beauty, and the people to be rivals of the city. 3 To 
Hadrian, the syncretism of various forms of religious thought 
might well seem an amalgam of contradictory elements, a 
confusion of antagonistic systems in which everything that 

1 Cf. Athenaeus, i. 41 (Meineke). 

2 Flavins Vopiscus-Saturninus, c. 8 Scriptores Historise Augusta, vol. ii. p. 
209 (Hermann Peter). s Achil. Tat., v. i. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 3 

was most distinctive of each had been toned down and 
effaced. So with the material luxury. Even if all allow 
ance be made for the tendency of all moralists in their 
eagerness to discourage every form of vice or moral weak 
ness to exaggerate its extent, and to ascribe to one city or 
age the collective vices of all cities and ages, there remains 
enough in Clement s allusions to show that in spite of its 
intellectualism the population of Alexandria was passionately 
devoted to all forms of luxury and enervating pleasure. 1 
The religious syncretism was in harmony with the aim of 
its founder. In the centuries that had intervened between 
its foundation and the Christian era, Alexandria had become 
a rendezvous of all creeds, all languages, all nationalities, 
a veritable cosmopolis of intellectual and religious move 
ments, a nursery of all forms of eclecticism. Like as the 
founder himself had built temples to Isis as well as to the 
gods of Olympus, so there had been effected there a fusion 
of forms of thought and belief which elsewhere existed in 
sharp antagonism to each other. Partly from an apologetic 
motive, partly in harmony with the tendency to syncretism 
in its environment, Jewish writers before the Christian era 
sought to show that the great thinkers of Greece were 
indebted to the Hebrews for their deepest speculations, 
and, not out of harmony with some aspects in the literary 
activity of the period, even fabricated and adulterated 
writings to prove their thesis. The translation of the 
Old Testament into Greek not only enabled the Jews of 
Alexandria to read their sacred books in their own tongue, 
but excited a measure of interest in Greek-speaking peoples of 
other nationalities, though mainly an interest of antagonism 
called forth by what seemed to them the preposterous claims 
put forth on behalf of the religious literature of a despised 

1 See Glaser, Zeitbilder aus Alexandrien nach dem Paedagogus des C. A., 
1905. 



4 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

section of the community. In the early years of the Chris 
tian era, Philo, while not ignoring the hypothesis of depen 
dence, took a loftier view of the relation between the Greek 
philosophy and Mosaism, and by means of the allegorical 
method of exegesis read speculative forms and conceptions 
into the Pentateuch. A like syncretistic tendency was ex 
hibited in Gnosticism, which found in Alexandria its most 
brilliant representatives. This intellectual and religious 
ferment was at once a danger and a stimulus to the exponent 
of the Christain faith. Such syncretism led to indifference 
to, or toleration of, all manifestations of the religious spirit ; 
but Christianity by its very constitution could not but be 
intolerant of any form of polytheism. It furnished an 
interested audience ; for if in Alexandria there was no great 
eagerness in the attainment of truth, there was keen interest 
in discussions about it. Into this soil in which so many 
diverse seeds had been sown the Gospel of Christ had been 
cast; it had a fierce struggle for mere existence, a still 
fiercer struggle before it if it were to gain the mastery. It 
was compelled to face new problems, to define its attitude 
to various forces and movements with which elsewhere it 
had not been brought into such immediate contact. Was 
it to stand aside as if these forces were of no interest to it, 
to leave its adherents in an intellectual atmosphere without 
intellectual armoury ? Was it to strive to bring all that was 
best in them into relation to itself, or to act as if they were 
absolutely out of relation to it ? To show the method that 
was adopted in the solution of such problems by the first 
great Alexandrian thinker whose works have come down to 
us, in what spirit he confronted Greek philosophy and cul 
ture, what conceptions of God, of Christ, of the Christian 
ideal, of Scripture, he presented to his students and fellow- 
disciples, is the purpose of the present course of Lectures. 
From an early date, according to Eusebius, there had 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 5 

existed at Alexandria a school of sacred learning. 1 The 
assumption of some of the older writers on the subject that 
it stood in a close relation to the Museum has no validity. 
That its teachers must in some measure have felt the 
academic influence, that the teaching would have reference 
direct and indirect to the intellectual needs and characteristics 
necessarily arising from its environment, may be assumed ; 
but of any official or actual relationship between it and the 
Museum there is no trace. Of the origin of this Christian 
School nothing definite is known. A gnostic origin has 
been assigned to it. 2 This would no doubt account for the 
jealousy which it created in some quarters ; but on other 
grounds it is improbable. Eusebius speaks of it in varying 
terms. Sometimes he speaks of it as a school of catechesis, 
sometimes as a school of sacred learning. 3 From this it 
may be inferred that it was a school of catechesis that had 
developed into a school of sacred learning. It derived its 
origin from the necessity of giving special instruction to 
catechumens in the elements of the Christian faith ; but it 
was compelled from its surroundings to extend the sphere of 
its operations and give instruction in all branches of learn 
ing. Whether from the first it was dependent on the local 
bishop is doubtful. That it was so by the time of Origen 
we see from a statement of Eusebius ; 4 that it may have been 
so at an earlier date may be conjectured from the fact that 
both Pantaenus and Clement were presbyters of the Church. 
Like the Missionary Colleges in India in our own time, it 
was probably attended by non-Christian students as well as 
by Christians. But we must dismiss any idea of a separate 

1 E dpx<*iov eQovs 5t5ao"/caA.*iou rcav lepcav \6yoov Trap avro is (rvvforrwros (Eus. , 
H. E., v. 10). 

2 Loofs, Leitfaden . . . Dogmengeschichte, p. 106. 

* ... TOV TT)S Ka.Trjx ho ftos . . . 5t8a<rKa\eiou (vi. 3). ... TTJS rov 
Sia.Tpif3ris (ib.) . . . TTJS ruv Triffrtav , . . Siarpi^rJ! (v. IO). 
4 H. E., vi. 3. 



6 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

building as such an analogy would suggest. The language 
of Eusebius with regard to Origen rather suggests that he 
taught in his own house. 1 The picture presented by Gregory 
Thaumaturgus 2 of the school under the guidance of Origen 
may be regarded as exhibiting the general lines on which it 
was working from the third quarter of the second century. 
Christianity was set forth as the crown of all learning, and 
all liberal arts were represented as its handmaids. The 
scholars were carefully trained in the art of detecting 
sophisms and fallacies. They were encouraged to read 
everything that had been written by poets and philosophers 
of old, with the exception of the works of atheists. They 
were trained in natural science, especially in astronomy and 
geometry, in ethics, and in the discussion of philosophical 
problems ; but in all these not for their own sakes, but as a 
means to an end, as aids to the interpretation and defence of 
the Scriptures. In this lay the essential difference between 
it and the Stoic and Platonic schools of the Imperial era, 
though otherwise it ran on parallel lines. 3 In this respect, 
too, it had analogies with the Missionary Colleges of to-day. 
According to a statement of Philip of Side, the first head 
of the Catechetical School was Athenagoras. But in view 
of the notorious inaccuracy of the writer, and especially of 
his reversal of the relation of Pantaenus and Clement, no 
weight can be attached to the tradition. The first teacher 
whose name is definitely known to us, who prescribed the 
range of its work, and from whom it received the impetus 
that made it famous and influential in the history of the 
Church, was Pantaenus. Probably not later than the year 
180 he became the head of the school. Of the ecclesias 
tical traditions concerning him the one statement that may 
be admitted without controversy is that, before his con- 

1 H. E., vi. 3. 2 Paneg. in Orig., vi.-xiv. 

8 Cf. Rheinische Museum fur Philologie, vol. Ivi. p. 56. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 7 

version, he had belonged to the school of the Stoics. 1 By 
his teaching he attracted many scholars, and among others 
Clement. According to Jerome, 2 Pantaenus wrote com 
mentaries on many books of Scripture. The accuracy 
of the assertion is disputed ; 3 in any case, with the excep 
tion of one or two passages or allusions, which may have 
been derived from oral tradition, they have perished; but 
his teaching, his methods, his principles, in all likelihood 
even many of the details of his system, survive in the works 
of his disciple. 

Titus Flavius Clemens was born in all probability in 
Athens, 4 and of heathen parentage, about the middle of 
the second century. He was endowed by nature with a 
deeply religious temperament and a burning thirst for 
knowledge. His religious yearnings he seems to have 
sought to satisfy by initiation into the mysteries ; 5 he 
evinced his love of learning by the passionate pursuit of 
all branches of science and philosophy. The same religious 
earnestness that had created in his spirit dissatisfaction 
with heathenism drove him to seek for fuller knowledge 
and deeper insight into the mysteries of the Christian 
religion. In many lands in Greece, Italy, Syria, Palestine 
and under many teachers, he studied zealously, but found 
no lasting satisfaction for his spirit till he came to Egypt. 
Of the " truly blessed and memorable men " whom he was 

1 Eus., H. E., v. 10. 2 De Vir. 111., c. 36. 

s Cf. EC. Pr., 27 : OVK fypa(f>ov Se ot irpea-fivrfpot. 

4 Epiph. Ilaer., xxxii. 6. KA.rj/xrjs re 6v <f>affi rivfs A\6ai/8pea, trfpoi Se 
AOrivaiov. Greece was the starting-point of his search for truth (Str., i. I J ). In 
Prot., ii. 20 , referring to the prevalence of the legend concerning Demeter, he 
says : 6irov -ye AQrjvaiois Kal TTJ &\\y EAAaSi, alSov^ai Kal \eyeiv. His sen 
sitiveness on the point suggests that he was a Greek and an Athenian. He is not 
sensitive as to the details. 

5 This is an inference from the knowledge which he displays of the details of 
the mysteries. Cf. Eus., Prsep. Evang., ii. 2, p. 6l. It is not regarded as 
cogent by Bratke. Die Stellung des Cl. Al. zum antiken Mysterienwesen 
(St. u. Kr., 1887, p. 656). Cf. St. u. Kr., 1894. 



8 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 



privileged to hear, and of their " convincing and living 
words," he writes as follows : " Of these, one was in Greece, 
an Ionian. Others were in Magna Grsecia, one from Cosle- 
Syria, the other from Egypt. There were others in the 
East, one of whom was of the Assyrians, and the other in 
Palestine, a Hebrew by origin. When I fell in with the last 
of my teachers (he was the first in power), having hunted 
him out as he lay concealed in Egypt, I came to rest. He 
was in truth a Sicilian bee who culled the flowers of the 
prophetic and apostolic meadow, and begot in the souls of 
his hearers an unsullied store of knowledge. These men, 
preserving the true tradition of the blessed teaching directly 
from Peter, James, John, and Paul, the holy apostles, the 
son receiving it from the father (but few are like their 
fathers), came with God s blessing also to us to deposit 
these ancestral and apostolic seeds." 1 That these were 
Christian teachers is manifest ; they were six in number. 
Who the others were is disputed or unknown : some have 
identified the Ionian with Athenagoras, the Assyrian with 
Tatian ; but that the last was Pantaenus there can be no 
doubt. The words of Clement show his eagerness in the 
search for a solution of the problems that had created un 
rest and his complete satisfaction with the solution. He 
became a presbyter of the Church, 2 and for a period of more 
than twenty years he wrought and taught in Alexandria, 
first as coadjutor of Pantaenus, and afterwards as his suc 
cessor. In the year 202 the persecution of Severus broke 
out, and in accordance with his own teaching on martyr 
dom, as professedly based on the injunction of Christ, he 
left Alexandria that he might serve the Church of Christ 
elsewhere. 3 Of his subsequent career little is known. We 
catch a final glimpse of his activity in the year 211, in a 

1 Str -> l - 2 Pad., i. 6 37 . 

3 Matt. x. 23. Cf. Str., iv. 4 14 -"; Stah., vol. iii. p. 226, fr. 56. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 9 

letter of Alexander, then bishop of Cappadocia, who had 
been a fellow-student of Origen in the school of Clement. 
In sending a letter to the Church of Antioch by the hands 
of Clement, he describes him as the blessed presbyter, 
a man virtuous and approved, who had confirmed and 
advanced the Church of the Lord. 1 In a later letter of 
Alexander to Origen, he alludes to Pantaenus and Clement 
as those blessed fathers who had trodden the way before 
them, with whom after a little they would be. 2 He died 
probably about 215. 

Though the facts of his life are so meagre, the portrait 
of the man himself stands out in his writings as that of 
a singularly lovable personality. He gives the impression 
of a certain intellectual naivete, combined with a moral 
austerity. He has a lofty conception of the function of the 
teacher, as well as of the duty of the scholar. If he 
demands from the student that he shall approach the 
study of the Christian faith with earnest reverence and 
not in the merely curious spirit with which men go to 
strange cities and buildings, and if he insists that the ears 
of those who seek to become partakers of the truth must 
be sanctified, he demands from himself as a teacher that 
he shall keep in view the varied character and temperament 
of those who are under his tuition, that he shall set aside 
all ignoble impulses and motives, and have for his sole 
aim the salvation of his hearers. 3 What Gregory says of 
his scholar Origen may be applied to his master. " He 
did not merely discuss ethical matters with his scholars, but 
incited them to the practice of morals, and stimulated by 
what he did even more than by what he said." 4 There can 
be little doubt that in the representation of the gnostic 
he sets forth the ideal which was the goal of his own 

1 Eus., H. E., vi. n. 2 Ib., vi. 14. 

3 Str., i. i 4 - 6 . 4 Paneg. in Orig., c. 9. 



10 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

endeavour. "I do not know," says Maurice, "where we 
shall look for a purer or a truer man than this Clement of 
Alexandria. . . . He seems to me that one of the old 
fathers whom we should all have reverenced most as a 
teacher and loved most as a friend." 1 

Of the writings of Clement many have perished ; many to 
which he makes allusion as in contemplation were in all 
probability never written. Of the writings that have sur 
vived, the most important are the Protrepticus, the Paeda- 
gogus, and the Stromateis. Till a few years ago it was 
universally assumed by writers on the subject that the three 
works were written in the order named, that though dis 
tinctive in aim they were closely and progressively related 
to each other and formed a series, that they were so intended 
by the writer himself, and, accordingly, that they may be 
regarded as one work in three sections, the general aim 
of which was to transform the Greek pagan by stages into 
a Christian gnostic, to initiate the reader into the ethics and 
philosophy of the Christian faith by setting forth different 
aspects of the activity of the one Logos. But the "dis 
covery " of Wendland to use the phrase of Harnack has 
produced a complete reversal of this view, and introduced 
an entirely novel conception of the literary relationships 
of these writings. According to Wendland, the order was, 
Protrepticus; Stromateis, I. -IV. ; Paedagogus ; Stromateis, 
V.-VII. The hypothesis has been supported by Heussi and 
Harnack, and accepted by Duchesne and others. The 
question is discussed afterwards ; 2 here it may be said 
that, if not "ungrounded and improbable," as it is de 
scribed by a patristic authority of the first rank, 3 the hypo- 

1 Ecclesiastical History of the First and Second Centuries, p. 239. Clement 
has no legal right to the official designation of "saint" sometimes ascribed 
to him. 

2 See Appendix D. * Bardenhewer. 






CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS II 

thesis raises difficulties not less great than the traditional 
view which it seeks to supplant. It is not a purely literary 
or academic question, for in some cases the order has a 
direct bearing on the exposition of the teaching. 

The Exhortation to the Greeks l is the earliest extant 
work of Clement, and is at once a powerful exposure of the 
paganism from which he sought to wean them and a power 
ful appeal in favour of Christianity. He begins with an 
invitation to turn aside from heathen myths and listen to 
the New Song the Word of God. He then exposes with 
almost superfluous fulness the corruptions of paganism, its 
mysteries, the legends as to the gods, the cruelty and 
impurity of its sacrifices, its worship of images made by 
men s hands. From this he passes to the imperfect views 
of God set forth in the works of philosophers and poets, 
with which he contrasts the truth of Christianity as set 
forth in the Scriptures. He then refutes the objection that 
they should not abandon ancestral customs, showing its 
folly and the loss which it entails. Finally, he exhibits the 
beneficence of God as revealed in Christianity, and urges 
them in the name of Christ to choose life, not death. 2 It 
was probably written before IQ5 3 perhaps some years 
earlier. 

With the Paedagogus or Tutor we enter upon the second 
stage of the work of the Word. Clement himself tells us 
that the aim of the writing was to set forth the way of life 
and training from the stage of childhood that is, the rule of 
life, derived from instruction, which grows along with faith, 
and prepares the virtuous soul in the case of those who 



rpbs 

2 For an analysis, which, however, can give no idea of its eloquence and 
passionate movement, see Appendix A. 

3 Bardenhewer, Patrologie, 3 about 195; Geschichte der altkirklichen Litt., 
before 199; Zahn, before 189; Harnack, in the ninth decade of the second 
century. 



12 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

were reaching the rank of men for the reception of gnostic 
science. 1 An ethical foundation had to be laid before 
introduction to the higher truths of Christianity, for moral 
health was the condition of spiritual insight. The Tutor is 
the Word, the Son of God Himself, who sets forth a system 
of practical ethics in conformity with a Christian ideal of 
life. Certain general principles are laid down. Nothing is 
to be done contrary to nature. 2 We must beware of all that 
is unnatural and all that is excessive. 3 Everything is to be 
done in harmony with right reason. 4 Moderation should be 
our aim in everything. 5 We are not to take away what is 
natural to man but to impose upon it a just measure. 6 The 
life of the Christian ought to be a unity. 7 It should be a 
kind of organised whole of rational actions that is, an 
infallible fulfilment of what is taught by the Word. 8 He 
ought to live after the image of the Tutor, 9 to take on the 
impression of the truly saving life of the Saviour and follow 
in the footsteps of God. 10 As his aim is to set forth what a 
Christian ought to be in every relation of life, 11 Clement 
gives the most minute details of guidance in everything that 
affects a citizen of the kingdom of God. The extraordinary 
minuteness of the instruction, of which he himself at 
times is conscious, 12 has brought on him the charge of petty 
pedantry ; but it is in large measure due to the fact that he 
has throughout the needs of the catechumens in mind; and, 
it may be, in part due to the fact that he is following the 
methods of some Stoic teachers, 13 possibly of Pantsenus him 
self, who gave to their disciples similarly detailed prescrip 
tions. The dominating ethical ideal in Alexandria was non- 
Christian ; and the emphasising of a negative to it at all 

1 Str., vi. i !. 2 Paed., ii. 13 129 . 3 Ib., ii. 11 114 . 4 Ib., ii. 2 29 . 

6 Ib., iii. 10 ". 6 Ib., ii. s 46 . 7 Ib., in. i l . 8 Ib., i. 13 102 . 

9 Ib., i. 12 "0. 10 Ib., i. 12 98 . " Ib., ii. i 1 . 12 Ib., ii. i 7. 

13 Cf. Zeller, Eclecticism, p. 253 (Eng. trans.) 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 13 

points was imperative ; and this involved in the circum 
stances not merely the inculcation of general principles but 
definite instruction by way of guidance. As they had to 
adjust the new force to their intellectual environment, they 
had also to adjust it to the manifold relations of everyday 
life. Many of the precepts which seem to us trifling or 
superfluous were no doubt called forth by antagonism to the 
immorality or irreligion with which they were associated. 
If any justification for his procedure is necessary, it is 
justified by the consideration that the strength of paganism, 
from the glamour of which the converts were only just 
emancipated, lay not so much in its religious conceptions, 
which could easily be overthrown by arguments, as in the 
social customs which were an inseparable element in it. In 
this way things in themselves morally indifferent might 
acquire a moral stamp or stigma for the time. A code of 
practical ethics, with suggestions, so to speak, on Christian 
etiquette, was a necessary part of the equipment of the 
Greek who had entered upon the career of a Christian 
citizen. From the nature of the case it was inevitable that 
emphasis should be placed on the restrictions imposed by 
their Christian profession, rather than on its liberties. 
Clement certainly did not err in insisting on the necessary 
relation between the dogmatic and the ethical side of 
Christianity, or in making the attainment of truth in its 
highest form depend on the realisation of the moral ideal in 
every relation of life as its essential prerequisite. It is 
significant that the first systematic teacher of Christian 
doctrine, the foremost champion of liberal culture in the 
Church, should at the same time be the most eloquent 
exponent in that age, and for many ages that followed, of 
Christianity in common life. 

The treatise was divided by the writer himself into Three 
Books. In the First Book Clement explains who the Tutor 



14 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

is, who His pupils are, and what has been and is His method 
of education. The Tutor is the Word; babes in Christ are 
His pupils ; He adopts all methods of training including 
punishment, which is consistent with, nay, is a proof of, 
love to secure the moral salvation of those under His 
tuition. In the Second Book he enters into details. Under 
the subject of the relation of the Christian to the body, he 
touches on the proper use of food, of drink, of gold and 
silver vessels, of music, of jesting, condemns all manner of 
filthy speaking and frivolous talk, the use of floral crowns, 
and indicates the limits to be placed on the use of ointments 
and sleep. He sets forth the Christian view of marriage, 
reprobates all manner of impurity, luxury in clothing, and 
the use of precious stones in place of cultivating true beauty. 
In the Third Book he continues the same subject, censures 
the love of finery in women, as well as effeminacy in men and 
extravagance in the number of slaves, prescribes the proper 
use of the public baths, of wealth, of physical exercises, 
condemns the use of false hair, all forms of gambling, the 
visiting of racecourses and theatres. He exhibits the duty 
of the Christian in business, gives counsel as to his conduct 
on the way to church, in church, and out of it. He con 
cludes with some suggestions, based on the words of 
Scripture, on prayer, civil government, and kindred matters. 
A prayer to the Tutor brings the work to a close. Two 
hymns are adjoined to the treatise. The first may have 
been written by Clement ; the second certainly is not by 
him. The work was written before the Stromateis. The 
date is put by Zahn about 190, and by Bardenhewer soon 
after the Protrepticus ; l by Harnack, in accordance with 
his hypothesis of the relative order of composition of the 
great writings, in the first decade of the second century. 2 

1 Patrologie *. 2 See Analysis, Appendix B. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 15 

The third and highest stage of discipleship is set forth in 
the Stromateis, or * Gnostic notes according to the true Phil 
osophy, as he designates its contents. 1 "A * stromateus was 
a long bag of striped canvas in which bedclothes were rolled 
up." 2 From a statement of his own we see that it was 
the custom to give fancy designations, such as Meadow, 
Helicon, Honeycomb, Robe, and the like, to works of 
a miscellaneous order. 3 As applied to a literary work, it 
was not invented by Clement, 4 though it was afterwards so 
associated with his name that he is often described as the 
Stromatist. 5 The title was meant to suggest freedom of 
movement and artful disorder. He speaks of it as if it 
were only the reproduction of the teaching which he had 
received from "blessed and truly memorable men"; and, 
if this is not to be taken literally, it may contain a larger 
measure of truth than is sometimes supposed. 6 He tells 
us that his writing is not to be compared to trim pleasure- 
grounds, but rather to a dense and umbrageous wood, 
where all kinds of trees, fruit-bearing and others, are 
intentionally mingled ; 7 to a meadow, in which the flowers 
blossom promiscuously, where things are scattered ad 
visedly without regard to order or style ; 8 to the " herbage 
of all kinds," of which the Scripture speaks. 9 One 
reason for this disorder is the desire to stimulate the 
reader and encourage the earnest searcher after truth, by 
making it more precious in his eyes when hunted out 
instead of making it too easy of access ; to indicate the 
path to the reader, instead of accompanying him the whole 

1 Tuv /caret T^V a.\i]Qri <f>i\o<rofylav yvwriKuv virofj.vf]ij.6.r<av (TTpw/ioTeus (Str., 



2 Hort. 3 Str., vi. I 2 . 

4 Cf. Aulus Gellius, Prsef., 6-8. 5 Cf. Frag. 48, Stab., vol. iii. p. 224. 

6 Str., i. i 11 . 7 Ib<> vii . jgm. 

8 Ib., vi. I 2 . 9 Ib., iv. 2 6 ; Job v. 25. 



16 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

way. 1 Another reason adduced is the necessity of conceal 
ing truth or expressing it in obscure symbol. 2 This is hard 
to account for, unless it be the fruit of an unconscious 
apologetic impulse, or a concession to the Greek cate 
chumens whom he has in view at every stage of his work. 
He has little interest in, and makes no appeal to, the Jews 
in Alexandria. To his desire to confirm his hold on the 
Greeks is due the display, often irrelevant, of his curious 
scientific, medical, 3 philosophical, philological, and religi 
ous lore, the digressions, the numerous quotations from, 
and allusions to, Greek poets and thinkers, and the super 
fluous fulness with which he enters into details even when 
the enumeration brings him into formal antagonism to his 
own standpoint. 4 The result of his method is that "readers 
of the present day are often puzzled to know what he is 
driving at." 5 And as with the lack of order, so with the 
style. He tells us that he does not make any special effort 
at writing pure Greek, as he who cares for truth will not 
study phraseology. 6 As the Christian must cultivate a 
simple way of living, so he must cultivate a style severely 
simple and artless, with more nourishment in it than sauce. 
Style is but the vesture of thought, and clothing should not 
take precedence of the body. 7 

Perhaps by way of reaction against the fashionable 
rhetoric of the day, to write well seemed to him a mark 
of frivolity. 8 As a consequence, he is sometimes at once 

1 Str., i. 2 21 ; iv. 2 4 . 2 Ib., v. 8 54 ; vi. I V2 . 

3 Cf. Harnack, Medizinischesaus der altesten Kirchengeschichte, T. u. U., 1892. 

4 Cf., e.g., Pad., ii. 8 69 , and Str., i. i6 176 . 

6 Mayor, Clement of Alexandria (Ilort and Mayor), p. xiv. 

6 Str., ii. i 3 . "His language swarms with grammatical errors: he lacks dis 
crimination in the use of the negatives oil and /j. f], of the pronouns 8s and Str-ny, 
and the different forms of hypothetical sentences " (W. Christ., Phil. Stud, zum 
C. A., p. 13). 

Str., i. 10 . 

8 Cf. Croiset, Histoire de la Litterature grecque, vol. v. p. 752. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 17 

both obscure and diffuse, and adds analogy to analogy 
and epithet to epithet without adding to the thought or 
sharpening its definiteness. At times it may be that the 
Stromateis may be compared to a " confused causerie " ; * 
but it is improperly described as " Miscellanies," if by that 
is meant a series of disconnected essays. For, while there 
is a lack of order in details, there is no confusion as to the 
principles which are fundamental in his thought, which are 
in no way affected by disorder or irregularity of form. 

In its extant form the Stromateis contains Seven 
Books and a fragment of an Eighth. 2 The general aim of 
the First Book is to represent Christianity as the true and! 
final philosophy, and to exhibit the place of Greek philo 
sophy in this connection. He condemns those who attacked 
philosophy, exhibits its usefulness, and marks it off from 
the sophistry which has usurped the name. He sets forth 
the succession of philosophers among the Greeks, with the 
aim of showing that it was inferior to the Christian truth 
both in respect of antiquity and of its secondary origin. 
To a like end he extols the work of Moses, defends the 
principles of his legislation, and maintains that, as compared 
with the Christian philosophy, the Greeks were no better 
than children, and that their science had no claim to the 
veneration due to age. 

The Second Book begins with a statement of the plan 
which he proposed to follow. It then enters on a dis 
cussion as to the knowledge of God, emphasising in this 
matter the function of faith. It proceeds to set aside 
erroneous views as to the nature of faith, and exhibits its 
true nature as the foundation of the highest knowledge 
and truth. It goes on to discuss the place of fear as a 

1 Croiset, ib. : " Causerie confuse, ou se melent tous les tons, ou manquent 
1 ordre, la lumiere, le bon gout meme." 

2 The first leaf of the MS. is lost. 

B 



18 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

motive to Christian duty, the relation of the virtues to one 
another, and, in particular, the nature of penitence. It 
touches on the anthropomorphic expressions in Scripture, 
claims a Mosaic origin for the Greek conceptions of virtue, 
and defends the beneficent character of the Mosaic economy. 
It then exhibits the attitude of the Christian to pleasure and 
the passions, discusses various theories as to the highest 
good, and some aspects of the question of marriage. 

The Third Book continues the discussion on marriage, 
and is mainly taken up with the refutation of heretical 
doctrines on the subject. In particular, the teaching of 
the school of Carpocrates with its glorification of lust is 
condemned, and the teaching of Marcion with its false and 
impious conception of continence. The position of those 
who taught that all actions were morally indifferent is 
examined. The scriptural arguments, for the most part 
taken from the Epistles of St Paul, are adduced in support 
of his refutation of the false and his exhibition of the true 
teaching as to continence and marriage in relation to the 
Christian ideal of life. 

In the Fourth Book, after a detailed statement of his 
proposed order of treatment, he proceeds to consider the 
distinctive excellence of man, the nature of true martyrdom, 
its motive and end, the attitude of the Christian to perse 
cution, and the grounds on which this is permitted by God 
and held to be reconcilable with His power and righteous 
ness. He represents the ideal of gnostic love and its reward 
as equally attainable by women and men, indicates the 
difference between legal and gnostic perfection, and exhibits 
the pre-eminence of the knowledge of God, which was 
only possible through the Son, by faith in whom our life 
is unified. The true nature of the body and its relation 
to the soul in the Christian economy is then set forth. 

The Fifth Book opens with a discussion on the nature 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 19 

of faith and its relation to knowledge, and touches on 
the nature of hope and its place among the Christian 
virtues. He proceeds to show that in expressing the 
deepest mysteries in symbolic guise the Scriptures had 
followed a method universal in religion as well as in 
poetry and philosophy. He then explains the anthro 
pomorphic language of the Scriptures, points out some 
analogies between the grades in the mysteries, beginning 
with purification and ending in contemplation, and the 
Christian stages towards the knowledge of God ; shows 
how logical demonstration is from the nature of the case 
impossible in the case of God, and that, accordingly, He 
can only be apprehended through grace by faith in the Son 
as revealed in Scripture. Whatever measure of truth the 
Greeks possessed had been taken from this source. Though 
men everywhere had a certain knowledge of God, even 
when this had reached its highest as among the Greeks, it 
was imperfect in its range and saving power. 

The Sixth Book opens with a renewed statement of his 
plan of writing, touching on the relation of the Stromateis 
to the Psedagogus in this connection. He confirms his 
thesis of the theft of the Greeks from the Scriptures by 
seeking to prove that they stole from each other en masse. 
The Greeks had but a limited grasp of the truth ; whereas 
the Jews required only the addition of faith, the Greeks 
had further to abandon idolatry. He then discusses the 
nature of true wisdom, and its pre-eminence as having 
been derived from the Wisdom of God. The gnostic is 
then delineated in his relation to philosophic culture, to 
his own body, to the world and its duties, to God and 
fellowship with Him, to his moral ideals and the method 
of their realisation, to his fellow-men, to the Scriptures 
and their interpretation. He gives an exposition of the 
Decalogue as a specimen of gnostic insight. He again 



20 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

touches on the divine origin of philosophy, while showing 
that it lacked the divine signs that accredited Christian 
ity, as well as its universality, and its power to rise above 
the forces that threatened to crush it. 

To show that the gnostic is truly pious is declared to be 
the purpose of the Seventh Book. This piety is portrayed 
in manifold aspects, alike on the divine and the human sides, 
which are not to be separated. His devoutness is set forth 
in relation to God, in his knowledge of the things of God, in 
his worship free from superstition and all ignoble elements, 
in his prayer, in his goal of unending contemplation. God 
accepts service of men as service of Him. So the gnostic 
is characterised by teaching, by beneficence, by self-sacrifice, 
by forgiveness of wrong, by striving after Christian perfec 
tion in love. In the closing section of the book Clement 
examines at length the objection that the Christian faith 
should not be embraced because of its divisions, and demon 
strates that such a position was untenable save on grounds 
which were not in harmony with the real facts as to 
Christian truth and its heretical caricature. 1 

The Eighth Book on the face of it does not seem to have 
any close connection with the previous discussions, and 
might be a fragment of a logical treatise. It touches on 
such topics as the necessity of exact definition, the nature 
and method of demonstrative proof, genera and species. 
It is a matter of controversy whether it was originally a 
part of the Stromateis. 2 It does not deal specifically with 
any of the questions suggested in his various programmes. 
But, on the other hand, he seems to indicate at the close 
of the Seventh Book that he was about to pass to another 
subject of inquiry. 3 

The whole work is unfinished ; many topics which formed 

1 See Appendix C. a Cf. Zahn, Supplem. Clem., p. 114 et scq. 

3 Str., vii. iS 111 . 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 21 

part of his plan were never touched upon : whether he 
abandoned his task, as Overbeck suggests, because he 
despaired of being able to finish a subject that had proved 
so unwieldy, or, as others think, died before he had com 
pleted his task, it is impossible to say. Zahn puts the work 
at 202-203 ; Bardenhewer substantially agrees ; Harnack 
puts the earlier portion at a similar period, and the later 
books after his departure from Alexandria. 1 

The only other work of Clement that has survived is the 
tractate entitled " Who is the Rich Man that is being 
Saved ? " 2 This is an exposition of the narrative in the 
Gospel of the rich young man, 3 with a discussion on the 
problem therein suggested the possibility of salvation in 
the Christian sense for the rich. The solution of Clement 
is that wealth is in itself a thing neither good nor bad, that 
its moral character is determined by its use or misuse, and 
that it may be so used as to be a stepping-stone towards 
spiritual progress and final salvation. The question of date 
turns mainly on the meaning that is to be attached to a 
phrase in the Homily itself: "As to the mystery of the 
Saviour, you may learn from my Exposition concerning 
First Principles and Theology." 4 In the Stromateis refer 
ence is made to this treatise or section as in contemplation, 
but it is doubtful whether it was ever carried out. If, as is 
maintained by Zahn, 5 the reference suggests a work already 
written, then the " Quis Dives " must have been written 
after the Stromateis ; if, as is held by others, 6 it only refers 

1 All the chronological data are brought down to the death of Commodus. 
Str., i. 21. 

2 Tis 6 ^(f^6fj.tvos TI\ov<rios. (Quis Dives Salvetur.) 

8 Mark x. 17-31; Matt. xix. 16-30; Luke xviii. 18-30. 

4 "Oirep ev TIJ 7re/H ap-^uv Kai 0eo\oytas f^fjyrjffci /jLVffTrjptov TOV 2wT^pos virdp^ei 
HaQf iv. Q. D., p. 26. 

5 Zahn, op. cit. t p. 39. Barnard agrees with Zahn. See Q. D., p. 44, Cam 
bridge Texts and Studies, 1897. 

6 v. Arnim, de Faye, Harnack. 



22 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

to a work contemplated, it may have been written before the 
Stromateis. There is nothing distinctive in its teaching in 
its bearing on the question of date, and it may be well with 
Kriiger and Ehrhard l to hold that the date of composition 
cannot be definitely determined. 2 

In the only manuscript in which the Stromateis have been 
preserved, after the fragment of the Eighth Book are found 
two series of extracts. The first has the title, " Summaries 
from Theodotus and the so-called Anatolic School in the 
Times of Valentinus." 3 These contain quotations from a 
Gnostic writer, with comments by Clement, and it is often 
difficult to tell whether we are reading the commentary 
or the original. Even a scholar like Zahn, who made an 
exhaustive study of this, as of all other Clementine problems, 
in his Supplementum Clementinum, published in 1884, 
altered his opinion in regard to the apportioning of the 
fragments to their separate sources in a further study of the 
subject, published in 1892.* In view of this difficulty of 
severing the wheat from the tares, in an exposition of the 
teaching of Clement, they must be used with reserve, and 
are of no value as an independent source. They can only 
be used with confidence when they find complete or partial 
confirmation in the undoubted writings. Even when there 
is little doubt that the words are those of Clement, we have 
to be on our guard, for the simple reason that they are 
excerpts, and that we are ignorant of the context as well 

1 Kriiger, Early Christian Literature, p. 170; Ehrhard, Die altchristliche 
Litteratur, p. 303. 

2 The main points in the Homily are noted in Lecture V. 

* E/c Ttav fo56rov Kal TT?S a.varo\iKr\s AfaAou/te fTjj SiSaaitaXias Kara roi/y 
OvaXfvrivov xp6vovs ETrtroyuat. 

4 Clem. Supp., p. 126. Zahn assigned the Fragments to Clement thus: Sec 
tions 8-15 with certainty ; 18-20, 27, 66-74, 81-86, with more or less definiteness ; 
perhaps also 4, 5. In his Geschichte d. ntl. K., vol. ii. pp. 961-964, he regards 
as Clementine 4, 5, some sentences in 7, 8-15, 17^-20, 27; and regards the whole 
sections 66-86 as Valentinian. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 23 

as of the methods and grounds on which the epitomist 
proceeded. 

The second series of Extracts bears the title " Selec 
tions from the Prophets." 1 The contents are varied in 
character, the most connected and complete section being 
a characteristic exposition of the nineteenth psalm. They 
were probably taken from the same source as the " Ex 
cerpts from Theodotus." But as to what that source was 
there is divergence of opinion. Westcott thinks that there 
" can be no reasonable doubt " that they were taken from 
the Hypotyposes. 2 Zahn holds that, like the extant 
fragment, they were taken from the Eighth Book of the 
Stromateis. 3 This hypothesis was accepted by Harnack 
in the first volume of his * History of Early Christian 
Literature, published in 1893, but rejected as " highly 
improbable " in a later volume of the same work. 4 By 
v. Arnim the suggestion was made that both series of 
extracts were made by Clement from Gnostic writings, 
with comments added by himself, as preparatory sketches 
for a further treatise. 5 This conflict and fluctuation of 
opinion emphasise the lesson already noted as to the 
limitation to be exercised in the use of materials of such 
uncertain origin. 

Of the lost writings of Clement, the most important is 
the Hypotyposes or Outlines. From the statements of 
Eusebius and Photius, as well as from the fragments that 
survive, it would seem that it contained a running com 
mentary, with notes as to date and authorship, on the 



1 EK TWV TrpofytiT&v EK\oyai. 2 D. C. B., vol. i. p. 564. 

3 Op. cit., pp. 117-129. 

4 * Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur, vol. i. p. 181. So Preuschen, 
p. 315. In vol. ii. p. 1 8 (1904), he expresses approval of the hypothesis of 
v. Arnim : " Ich weiss nichts gegen sie einzuwenden " (p. 18, n. 3). 

5 De Octavo dementis Stromateorum Libro, 1894. Cf. Ehrhard, op. cit. y 
P. 3". 



24 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

books of Scripture. Eusebius and Photius give conflict 
ing statements as to its extent. Eusebius says that it 
embraced abridged explanations of all the Canonical 
Scripture, not passing by the disputed books that is, 
Jude and the rest of the Catholic Epistles, and Barnabas, 
and the so - called Apocalypse of Peter. 1 Photius says 
that the Outlines contained a brief explanation and in 
terpretation of some passages of the Old and the New 
Scripture. After condemning the impious blasphemies 
with which, according to him, it abounded, he says that 
the whole aim was to give interpretations, as it were, of 
Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, the Epistles of the divine 
Paul, the Catholic Epistles, and Ecclesiastes. 2 If the 
statement of Eusebius be accurate, Photius must have had 
an imperfect copy before him, as in his sweeping con 
demnation of the errors of Clement he would hardly have 
refrained from adding Clement s use of Apocryphal writings. 
A fragment of the section of the Outlines dealing with 
the First Epistle of Peter, the Epistle of Jude, the First 
and Second Epistles of John, survives in a Latin version 
made by Cassiodorus, or at his instance. 3 Cassiodorus so 
far supports the statement of Photius as to its heretical 
contents, for he says that Clement spoke some things 
with rashness, and that in translating them into Latin he 
had purged the teaching from the offending matters. 4 The 
more weighty of the heresies charged against Clement 
those touching the Person and nature of Christ will be 
noted afterwards. 5 Here I only touch on the question of 
his heterodoxy in its bearing on the date of the work. 

1 Eus. , vi. 14 :. . . Trcurrjs rrjs tvtiiaOriKOv ypa<f>r]s firirfTfj.iifj.fvas irtiroli)Tai 
5tTJ77)<reiy, /injSe TOS &VTi\fyofj.fi>as irapfXQ&v. . . . 

2 Phot., cod. 109: <5 5e oA.os ffKoiros a><raj/el ip/j.rji/f?ai ruyxavovo i rf}? Yfveffecas, 
rf)s E6$ov, T&V "VaXfJitaVt rov Qtiov Uav\ov TUV firurroXuv Kal TWV KaQoXiK&v Kal 

TOV E/CKATJtnCKTTOU. 

3 Stah., vol. iii. pp. 203-215. 4 Quoted by Zahn, p. 134. 6 See Lecture IV. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 25 

According to Zahn, the * Hypotyposes was written after 
his flight from Alexandria, and is to be regarded as the 
latest of his important writings. 1 The same view is taken 
by Westcott and Chapman. 2 On the other hand, v. 
Arnim, 3 de Faye, 4 and Harnack 5 criticise adversely this 
hypothesis, mainly on the ground that the incomplete 
form of the Stromateis shows that it was his latest work. 
On the assumption that the Outlines were more heterodox 
in character than the Stromateis, Harnack makes the in 
teresting suggestion that it is not probable that Clement 
grew more heterodox in course of time, and that, especially 
in view of the manner in which docetic and gnostic ele 
ments were gradually crushed out of the Church, it is not 
probable that Clement, who was a presbyter, should have 
so developed. The latter consideration is, perhaps, more 
weighty than the former. For, apart from the fact that 
in the sphere of doctrine and criticism as in other 
spheres a development from a more conservative to a 
more radical standpoint is not unknown, in the case of 
Clement, who was apt to be influenced by his temporary 
aim and mood, an argument on a priori grounds is pre 
carious. But the latter consideration is weighty. It is 
altogether inconsistent with the esteem in which he was 
held by Alexander, and with the services which he rendered 
to the Church in his later years, to suppose that there was 
an increased divergence from the ecclesiastical norm, and 
not a progressive movement towards it. Harnack re 
gards it as overwhelmingly probable that it was written 
considerably earlier than the earliest portion of the 
Stromateis. 6 

1 Op. fit., p. 176. 2 Rev. Bened., vol. xxi. p. 369. Cf. Mayor, op. tit., p. xix. 
8 Op. fit., pp. 14, 15. -i Clement d Alexandrie, 1898, pp. no, m. 

5 Op. a t., pp. 19, 20. 

6 Chapman regards the Muratorian Fragment as taken from the Hypo 
typoses, and supports the date of Zahn. He finds in the criticism passed there 



26 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

The writings of Clement are characterised by an ap 
pearance of enormous and varied erudition. They were 
so regarded by Jerome, Eusebius, Cyril of Alexandria, and 
Theodoret in the early centuries. 1 They were so regarded 
by his editors and historians generally till a recent date. 
From this point of view one of his early editors speaks 
of him as a Christian Plutarch or Athenseus, and says 
that he quotes more than three hundred authors of whom 
otherwise we know not the names, and adds that for 
this reason he is a treasure-house not only for theologians 
but for grammarians, historians, and philosophers, even 
for jurists and physicians. 2 Within recent years, how 
ever, from a minute study of the sources, many en 
deavours have been made to reduce this erudition to very 
meagre dimensions. His show of learning, it is averred, 
is an illusion, if not a fraud. He belongs to the mosaic 
type of writers, and understands thoroughly how to sim 
ulate a profound learning while concealing the very trivial 
handbooks from which it is really derived. 3 He has 
borrowed many sections from Aristotle. 4 He has tran 
scribed whole sections from Musonius, and though he 
has inserted words and phrases to give them a Christian 



on the Pastor of Hermas and the denial of its canonicity a retractation of the 
earlier view implied in the Stromateis. 

The Hypotyposes contained eight books. The contents, as suggested by 
Zahn, were as follows: I. -III., Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, Ecclesiastes (?), 
(Gospels); IV., (Romans), I and 2 Corinthians; V., Hebrews (?), Galatians, 
(i and 2 Thessalonians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians) ; VI., (Gospels, see 
I.-III.) ; VII., James (?), I Peter, Jude, i., ii. (iii.), John, I and 2 Timothy, (Titus, 
Philemon); VIII., Barnabas (?), 2 Peter (?), Apocalypse of Peter (?), (Apocalypse 
of John). There is no clear evidence that the works in brackets were commented 
on in the Hypotyposes. (Zahn, op. cit., p. 156.) 

1 See "Testimonia Veterum" in Dindorf, vol. i. pp. Iv-lxiv ; Harnack, 
op. cit., vol. i. p. 296. 

2 Sylburg in Potter, vol. ii. p. 1038. 3 Wilamowitz, Eur. Her., vol. i. p. 171. 
4 Bernays, zu Aristoteles et Clemens, Symbola. Philol. . . ., 1864, vol. i. p. 

301 et seq. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 27 

colouring, by the elimination of the Christian interpola 
tions we can reproduce the original text. 1 Much in his 
writings even that dealing with the literature and 
antiquities of Greece is taken from Aristobulus 2 or 
from the Universal History of Favorinus. 3 He is in 
debted to Philo not only for his theory of Scripture but 
for the application of it to details, and often gives no 
indication of his indebtedness. 4 There are clear reminis 
cences of Plutarch. 5 His knowledge, especially of the 
later Greek thinkers, has been derived in part, if not 
wholly, from the works of the " doxographers," whose 
compilations formed a store-house for many inquirers. 6 
Now, that there is a large measure of truth in these 
statements has been proved beyond the possibility of 
doubt. His indebtedness to Musonius, or to some one 
dependent on Musonius, has been proved to a demon 
stration. The same may be said of his obligations to 
Philo. The sources of many of the sections that seem 
most erudite can be traced with confidence. But, from 
such admitted facts, an entirely erroneous conception of 
the genius, even of the knowledge, of Clement may be 
drawn. Even if it were true to the letter, if Clement 
were only a piecer together of the phrases and thoughts 
of others, he would be none the less important as a witness 



1 Wendland, Qusestiones Musonianae, p. 61. Cf. C. P. Parker, Harvard 
Studies, vol. xii., 1901. The editor of the Reliquiae Musonii (O. Hense), 
1895, attaches little value to this method of reconstructing the text of Musonius. 

2 Scheck, De Fontibus Cl. Al., 1889. 

3 Gabrielssen, Uber die quelle des Cl. Al., 1906, 1909. In vol. ii. pp. 
441-482 he replies to his critics. 

4 Siegfried, Philo von Alexandria . . ., p. 343; Wendland, Hermes, vol. 
xxxi. p. 435 ; Heinisch, Die Einfluss Philos auf die alteste christliche Exegese, 
1908. 

5 A mistake similar to that of Plutarch in a quotation from Heraclitus shows that 
Clement "had read his Plutarch" (Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, p. 139). 

6 Cf. Diels, Doxographi Gr., p. 129, &c. 



28 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

to the development of Christian thought ; for in that case 
he would represent the detailed views of a previous genera 
tion or generations, and his appropriation of ideas from 
without would be an indication of the assimilative force 
of Christianity. But a consideration of what he certainly 
did know tends to indicate that we must be on our guard 
against an exaggerated conclusion. 1 It is certain that he 
knew the Septuagint and the New Testament with aston 
ishing width and accuracy. With regard to Philo, it is 
probable that the Philonic theory and methods of exegesis 
had become the common property of the Alexandrian 
School ; and in the case of the Old Testament, the accept 
ance of the method involved the acceptance of much tradi 
tional exposition for it was probably the results that in his 
eyes justified the method; at any rate, the two were in- 
dissolubly related. One thing is certain : the inexhaustible 
fertility with which he can suggest possible interpretations 
of passages in the New Testament shows conclusively that 
when he borrowed, it was not from intellectual or imagin 
ative poverty. With regard to his knowledge of Greek 
philosophy one general consideration may be adduced. 
Clement attached great value to erudition as a charm to 
win Greek adherents to Christianity. Would a mere show 
or parade of learning, a use of a learned cyclopaedia, have 
served his purpose, or the use of writings to which scholar 
and teacher alike had ready access ? But, waiving that, it 
is certain that he had a first-hand knowledge of the works 
of Plato. This is proved not only by his detailed references 
to passages in various treatises, even by his erroneous 
references, paradoxical though it may seem, but by sug 
gestions and reminiscences, constantly recurring, of Platonic 
metaphors, allusions, and individual words. " Such remin- 

1 Cf. Harnack, op. cit. % vol. ii. p. 16. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 29 

iscences are characteristic rather of the lover of Plato, who 
has an intimate knowledge of his favourite author, than 
the skimmer of florilegia." l His knowledge of Homer, 
Hesiod, and the great Greek dramatists could only have 
come from first-hand. It is hard to conceive of any hand 
books which could have contained so many and so varied 
quotations as are adduced. But his free use of other 
materials is not thereby explained. No doubt it was the 
fashion of his age not to be rigorous in regard to the owner 
ship of intellectual toil. As Clement borrowed from his pre 
decessors, so he in turn formed a quarry for his successors. 2 
But by his own criticism Clement has made it difficult to 
develop for him this line of defence or explanation. For 
a considerable section of his work is occupied with 
endeavouring to prove that the Greeks plagiarised whole 
sale from the Old Testament, and he even lays it down 
as a thesis that this was a universal and ingrained trait 
of Greek writers ; and it is hardly consistent with the 
transparent sincerity that breaks through every page of 
his writings to suppose that his attack on plagiarism 
was itself a conscious plagiarism. Something may be due 
to the literary fashion of the age, something may be due 
to the unconscious reproduction of a tenacious memory, 3 
something to his method of literary work, something to 
the hypothesis of theft, which might enable him to regard 
the abstraction of the writing of others as a mere restor 
ation of stolen materials ; but when all allowance has been 
made, there remains a psychological and ethical problem, 
which must be explained in a way consistent with the 



1 F. S. Clark, American Philological Association, 1902, pp. xiii, xiv. See 
the notes in Stahlin passim. 

2 Rohricht, De Clemente Alex. Arnobii . . . Auctore, 1893. 

3 E.g. , he often quotes passages of Scripture with perfect accuracy, even when 
he reverses the order of the verses. 



30 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

moral elevation of the man and the far-reaching concep 
tions of the writer. For the greatness and originality and 
richness of his central thoughts disprove the idea that he had 
been " at a great feast of languages and stolen the scraps," 
that he was a mere sewer together of shreds and patches. 
For if everything were eliminated that he can be proved 
to have borrowed, it might reduce to small compass his 
independent knowledge of some departments of Greek 
literature, but it would otherwise make little difference 
to his place in the history of Christian thought. After 
all, the method which he adopted was less important than 
his aim ; the passages which he quoted or appropriated 
were not taken for the mere sake of quotation, but in 
order to give weight to his general design. 

The problem which Clement raised and endeavoured to 
solve in his writings has been characterised by Overbeck l 
in a masterly study as perhaps the most daring literary 
undertaking in the history of the Church. Clement was 
well aware of the novelty of the task which he had under 
taken, and of the suspicion which it was certain to create, 
apart altogether from the method of solution which he 
adopted. That he found it necessary to defend the com 
position of books at all, is a significant fact. 2 He makes 
no such apology in the Protrepticus or in the Psedagogus ; 
and it could hardly be the reception of these works that 
inspired his defence. No one could take exception to the 
former work, for it was a powerful attack upon heathen 
polytheism ; few could take exception to the practical ethics 
of the Paedagogus, at least on principle. Had he restricted 
himself to a refutation of the teaching of the heretics, his 
Christian contemporaries would have thanked him. But, 
without any external stimulus, to formulate and co-ordinate 
Christian truths in relation to each other as well as in 

1 Hist. Zcitschrift N. F., vol. xii. (1882), pp. 417-472. 2 Str., i. I. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 31 

relation to philosophy seemed to many a superfluous as 
well as a dangerous task, an imperilling of the unique 
dignity and claims of the Christian faith by bringing it 
into the light of common day. To substitute a Christian 
gnosis for a heretical gnosis might seem to some an indirect 
recognition of a movement with which there could be no 
compromise : the transformation of a heretical watchword, 
which had become an orthodox byword, into a designation 
for the highest Christian ideal, might seem a superfluous 
and confusing concession to the spirit of the age. In carry 
ing out his task he does not lose sight of the controversies 
within the Church, but his aim in dealing with them is 
not mainly polemical, but rather to bring out the truth 
of which the controverted views were an exaggeration or 
a caricature. It is in accordance with his early training, 
as well with his desire to come into rapprochement with 
Greek converts, that, like Justin Martyr, his ruling thought 
is not that of a Christian theology but of a Christian 
philosophy. But it is only a philosophy in the sense of 
being a philosophy of life. The originality of Clement does 
not lie in the details or illustrations which he unhesitatingly 
borrowed, but in the formulating of the unifying conception 
which bound the scattered elements together, and in the 
width of outlook which enabled him to co-ordinate all the 
materials. That unifying principle he found in the doctrine 
of the Word by whom the universe was brought into order, 
whose inspiration was the key to a true philosophy of 
history, in whose Incarnation men could see the ideal of 
humanity, and who, by becoming incarnate, had not only 
revealed the close relation of the divine and the human, 
but had made possible the deifying of all humanity. The 
peculiar distinction of Clement, in a word, is not that he 
gave a final solution of the problem which he raised, but 
his clear recognition of the fact that there was a problem 



32 CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 

to be solved, that in that place and at that stage in the 
development of Christianity it was imperative for the 
Church to realise the relation in which it stood to the 
intellectual and moral forces that had hitherto been the 
most powerful factors in moulding the intellectual life of 
nations and individuals, if it were to escape the certain 
danger of being stranded or submerged. It was, indeed, 
a proceeding not without danger ; but not to recognise 
the necessity of it would have been a still greater danger ; 
for it would have extinguished Christianity in Alexandria, 
or reduced it to a mere official ritual, neither influencing 
its environment nor being influenced by it, or would have 
left the gnostic misrepresentation of Christianity in un 
disputed possession of the field. Clement was the first 
to see the necessity of formulating a Christian theory of 
the universe, a Christian philosophy of history, a Christian 
code of ethics. It was, of course, inevitable that his 
attempt should be marred by the defects of his age ; that 
he accepted the current critical theories and literary pre 
suppositions of his time without scrutiny, and was satisfied 
with seeking only to illustrate them ; that he was fettered 
both in the exposition of principles and details by the 
consciousness of discouragement, if not of opposition, in 
his enterprise ; that from a scientific point of view his 
work was hampered by the nature of the instruments 
with which he had to work ; that, generally, it bears the 
stamp of the pioneer who is groping in an untried and 
unexplored province. His principles are not always co 
ordinated, but sometimes lie side by side without any 
attempt to bring them into harmony with one another, 
or even without any apparent consciousness of the neces 
sity of such co-ordination. The conception was greater 
than the execution; "the artist fell short of the thinker; " * 

1 Cf. de Faye, p. 113. 



CLEMENT AND HIS WRITINGS 33 

but the greatness of the conception abides. Nothing can 
take from Clement the glory of having been the first 
Christian teacher to find a place in his system of thought 
for all forms of truth ; of bringing Christianity into the 
line of historical development without surrendering its 
absolute uniqueness ; of laying down principles which, 
when stripped of their temporary cerements, are not dead, 
but as vital to a true Christian philosophy and apologetic 
to-day as they were in the closing years of the second 
century. He neither ignored the rights of the past nor 
the claims of the future, but sought to assign to each its 
due place and proportion. " Large portions of his field 
of thought," says Hort, " remained for long ages unworked, 
or even remain unworked still. But what he at once 
humbly and bravely attempted under great disadvantages 
at the beginning of the third century will have to be 
attempted afresh with the added experience and know 
ledge of seventeen centuries more, if the Christian faith 
is to hold its ground among men; and when the attempt 
is made, not a few of his thoughts and words will shine 
out with new force, full of light for dealing with new 
problems." 1 

1 Ante-Nicene Lectures, pp. 90, 91. 



34 



LECTURE II. 

THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO HELLENIC CULTURE 
AND PHILOSOPHY. 

EVERY advance of the kingdom of God, every victory of 
the Gospel, gave rise to new problems. When men of 
philosophic culture became adherents of the Christian faith, 
the Church had to decide what was to be its general attitude 
towards that new force with which it had hitherto for the 
most part been in conflict. All men of culture, Christian 
and non-Christian alike, found in philosophy a common 
ground. The immediate effect of the admission of the new 
ally was such as to create suspicion. It sought to be a 
master, not a servant, in the house of God, to assimilate 
Christianity to itself rather than to assimilate itself to 
Christianity, and thus created heresies that threatened to 
break up the unity of the Church. The natural consequence 
was that widely antagonistic views were adopted with re 
gard to the relation of the Church to philosophic culture 
generally. The one view is represented by Tatian and 
Tertullian ; the other by Justin Martyr and Clement. 
Tatian scoffs at Hellenic culture, recounts with almost 
savage glee the fables as to the life and death of the Greek 
philosophers, and abjures altogether any contact with the 
wisdom of the Greeks. "We have," he says, "bidden 
farewell to your wisdom." 1 In like manner Tertullian 

1 Orat. ad Grsec., c. I. 



CHRISTIANITY & HELLENIC CULTURE & PHILOSOPHY 35 

branded philosophy generally as the fountain of all heresies, 
and maintained that the Church had nothing to do with it 
save to disown all intercourse with it. 1 The influence which 
it had exercised on the Christian faith made this a natural 
attitude; and it required men of no ordinary courage and 
insight to rise above the temptation to attack or belittle 
a force with associations so sinister. Such were Justin 
and Clement. Justin, whose intellectual and spiritual life 
to a certain extent had proceeded on parallel lines to that 
of Clement, takes up substantially the same attitude as 
he did. In becoming a Christian, he did not cease to 
be a philosopher, for he regarded Christianity as the only 
true and useful philosophy. Like Clement, he supports the 
hypothesis of theft as a solution of the analogies between 
Christianity and the philosophy of the Greeks, reads 
Christian teaching into Plato, and claims all that was akin 
to Christianity in Greek philosophy as his own. 2 At the 
same time that Tertullian in Carthage was abjuring all con 
tact with philosophy, Clement in Alexandria was exhibit 
ing and defending Greek philosophy as virtually on a level 
with Judaism as a preliminary discipline for Christianity. 
It was not to be regarded merely as an unconscious negative 
preparation for the Gospel, testifying by its very failure to 
the necessity of something higher than itself; it had played 
a positive part, a divinely appointed part, in the history of 
humanity. What the Law of Moses was to the Jew, 
philosophy was to the Greek. It was a tutor to the Greeks, 
just as the law was to the Hebrews. 3 It was as a covenant 
peculiar to them, like a stepping-stone to the philosophy 
which is according to Christ. 4 As God gave prophets to 

1 Prsesc. adv. Haeret., c. 7. 

2 ii. Apol., 13. 6aa olv irapa TTCKTI /caAws efyjTjrcu TJ/J.&V ruv ^piffnaviav eVrj. 
3 Str.,i. 5 28. 

4 Ib., vi. 8 67 . T-TJV 5e (f>i\offo<f>iav Kal juaAAov "EAA.Tjo-tv, olov SiaBrjKfjv olttti&v 
avrols. 



36 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

the Jews, so He raised up men of the highest repute among 
the Greeks, their own prophets in their own tongue, so far 
as they were able to receive the beneficence of God, and 
thus marked them off from the great mass of men. 1 The 
Mosaic Law and Greek philosophy alike had each its own 
place in the divine economy ; each came like the Gospel in 
its own God-appointed time ; each was designed to prepare 
men for the reception of the truth of Christ. 2 

Clement assigned this lofty function to philosophy on a 
variety of grounds. He based it on statements in Scripture, 
on the unity of truth, on the universality of inspiration, on 
the nature of philosophy itself, above all, on the nature 
of God, whose Providence was not to be regarded as local 
or national. According to the Scriptures, men among the 
Gentiles are sons in God s sight. 3 The statement of the 
Psalmist that " God had not dealt so with any nation" as with 
Israel, implies that though God s relation to the Gentiles 
was not so intimate as that which He occupied to the Jews, 
He had a certain relation. 4 The quaintness of the exegesis 
is at least convincing proof of the strength of his convic 
tion on the matter. When David speaks of the Gentiles 
" forgetting God," he implies a former remembrance, and 
that there was a dim knowledge of God among the Gen 
tiles. 5 The five barley loaves in the miracle are a figure 
of the law ; the two fishes are a figure of the Greek philo 
sophy which was begotten and carried about in the Gentile 
waves. The quotation from Aratus by St Paul shows that 
he approved of what was well said among the Greeks. 6 
The way of truth is one, but into it as into an ever-flowing 
river various streams flow, some from this side, some from 

1 Str., vi. S 42 . 

2 Ib., i. 5 a8 ; vi. 6 47 ; vi. 13 106 ; vi. 17 159 ; vii. 2 . 

1 Paed., i. 5 14 . 4 Str., vi. 8 63 ; Psa. 147. 20. 

5 Ib., vi. 8 64 ; Psa. 9. 17. 6 Ib., i. 19 91 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 37 

that. 1 The law of nature and the law of the divine educa 
tion are from God, and one. 2 Injunctions of righteousness 
pronounced by those who pursue the wisdom of the world 
are not to be despised. Sayings such as that of Hesiod 
were spoken by the God of all, even though they were 
spoken by way of conjecture, not by way of apprehension. 3 
All apprehension of God is due to His inspiration. 4 Clement 
starts with the assumption, based on his own experience, 
that philosophy in itself was a good thing. The source 
from which it drew its inspiration was sufficiently proved 
by its results ; it made men virtuous, and was accorded 
only to the best among the Greeks. 6 To suppose that so 
powerful a factor in thought and life had come into the 
world without a direct divine impulse was to put a limit 
and a dishonour on the omniscience, the beneficence, and 
the omnipotence of God. It is really a clear image of 
truth, a divine gift to the Greeks. 6 By a different pro 
cess of advancement, He led both Greek and barbarian 
to the perfection which is through faith. 7 If the very 
hairs of our head are numbered, shall philosophy not be 
taken into account? 8 If philosophy were discovered by the 
Greeks by the mere exercise of human understanding, yet, 
according to the Scriptures, understanding is from God. 9 
Many things the fruit of human reasoning derived from 
Him their primal spark. 10 He is even the source of every 
artistic device. 11 If, according to Solomon, it was wisdom 
as artificer that framed the ship, were it not irrational to 
regard philosophy as inferior to shipbuilding? 12 To deny 
that philosophy came from God was to run the risk of 
saying that it was impossible for Him to know all things 

1 Str., i. s 29 . 2 Ib., i. 29 182 . 3 Ib., i. 29 181 . 

4 Prot., Vi. 71 . 5 Str<> yi- I7 159. 6 Ib<) i ^ 

7 Ib., vii. 2 11 . 8 Ib., vi. i; 153 . 9 Ib., vi. 8 62 . 

10 Ib., vi. 17 1W . " Ib., i. 4 26 . 12 Ib., vi. ii 93 , 94 . 



38 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

individually, and that He is not the cause of all good 
things. 1 To ascribe philosophy to the devil was to forget 
that evil had an evil nature, and never could be the source 
of anything good ; nay, it was virtually to make the devil 
more beneficent than the Providence of God. 2 If the devil 
be "transformed into an angel of light," that can only be 
when he prophesies that which is true. 3 Even if the devil 
had stolen it, the gift was not an injurious one, and there 
fore not such as to call forth the intervention of God. 4 
But what necessity, it might be objected, was there for 
assigning the introduction of philosophy to any divine 
intervention ? Why not regard it simply as the fruit of 
human reasoning ? Even so, it was from God, the source 
of reason. Nothing could have existed at all unless God 
had so willed. That philosophy did exist, shows that He 
willed it to exist, and that it existed for the sake of those 
who would not have abstained from evil save by its 
means. Did the thinkers of Greece utter some truth by 
accident ? It was the accident due to the administration 
of God. Did they do so by mere coincidence ? The coinci 
dence had been divinely foreseen. Was it by a so-called 
natural conception ? God, and not man, was the creator 
of that natural conception. 5 

To what philosophy or philosopher did Clement specially 
assign this work of preparation for Christianity ? What did 
he mean by the word itself? " By philosophy," he says, " I 
do not mean the Stoic, nor the Platonic, nor the Epicurean, 
nor the Aristotelian, but whatsoever things have been spoken 
in each of these sects well, giving thorough instruction in 
righteousness along with a knowledge inspired by piety, 
all this eclectic matter I call philosophy. But whatsoever 
things of human reasonings they have appropriated and put 

1 Str., vi. 17 lw . Ib., vi. 17 159 . Ib. f vi. 8 66 . 

4 Ib., i. 17 . 6 Ib., i. 19 94 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 39 

a false stamp on, that I would never call divine. " l Again, 
" By philosophy we do not propose to discuss that way of life 
which obtains in each sect, but that which is really philo 
sophy, strictly technical wisdom, 2 which furnishes experi 
ence of the things that pertain to life. And we say that 
wisdom is the steadfast knowledge of things divine and 
human, an apprehension firm and unalterable, embracing 
the things which are, and the things which have been, and 
the things which shall be. . . . Philosophy, then, would be 
the uncontroverted dogmas in each of the sects philosophi 
cal sects, I mean gathered into one selection, and accom 
panied by a way of life correspondent." 3 Philosophy, then, 
is the apprehension of truth, in particular, the truth about 
God, and the attainment of a way of life correspondent to 
the truth apprehended. Its goal is rectitude of reason and 
purity of life. 4 This view of philosophy explains, on the 
one hand, his admiration for Plato, 5 and on the other, his 
detestation both of the theology and the moral teaching of 
Epicurus. He explains away the teaching of Plato in the 
Republic as to the community of women, and holds that 
Marcion found support for his heresies only by a misuse of 
the Platonic principles at once thankless and ignorant. 6 He 
is in sympathy with all that is best in Stoicism, and has 
transferred to his own way of thinking many of its technical 
terms and formulas ; but he is so far from being blind to its 
defects that he describes its conception of the Divinity per 
vading all matter as a clumsy degradation of philosophy. 7 
He can be fair even to Epicureanism. While he regards 



1 Str., i. 7 37 . <j)i\ocro<p{a.i> Se ou r 
E-jriKovpei6v re Kol AptcTTOTeAi/CTji , oAA oaa e5fp7jrat Trap fKaffrrf TWV 
/caAcos, SiKuioavt>T)v ftera eucre/SoCs eTritrrTj/xTjs e/cSiSacr/coi/Ta, rovro 



2 Stahlin suspects a corruption in the text here. 3 Str., vi. 7 54 , 55 . 

4 Ib., vi. 7 55 . * Ib., v. 10 66 , &c. 6 Ib., iii. 2 10 ; iii. 3 21 . 

7 Prot., v. ^ ; Str., i. n B1 . 



40 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

St Paul s condemnation of philosophy in the Epistle to the 
Colossians as a condemnation of the Epicureanism which 
abolishes Providence and deifies pleasure, 1 and compares 
it to tares sown in the Hellenic philosophy, 2 characteris 
ing its doctrines as doctrines of darkness, 3 he quotes with 
approval a letter of Epicurus himself, 4 and even does not 
hesitate to say, in harmony with his eclectic principles, 
that Metrodorus, Epicurean though he was, spoke some 
things under inspiration. 5 He lays down the sound prin 
ciple that we are not to condemn what is said because 
of the speaker, but examine it to see whether it adheres 
to the truth. 8 An intellectual force which, in the judg 
ment of Clement, had played so important a part as 
philosophy in the development of life and thought of the 
past, must still have a part assigned to it by God in the 
sphere of Christianity. In its past function was to be 
found the key to its present function. It purges the soul, 
and prepares it for the reception of the faith, on which 
foundation the truth builds up the edifice of knowledge. 7 
It serves as a first or second stair to one going to the upper 
room, as grammar serves philosophy. 8 It is an intellectual 
gymnastic, necessary for the attainment of the highest degree 
of goodness. 9 As the husbandman waters the soil before 
casting in the seed, so he, as a teacher, waters, so to speak, 
the souls of his hearers with the discourses of the Greeks, 
that they may be fitted to receive the spiritual seed when it 
is cast down. 10 So far from dragging men away from the 
faith, philosophy provides a conjoint discipline which serves 
to demonstrate the truth of the faith. 11 It co-operates in 
discussions about the truth ; it is a co-worker in the appre- 

1 Str., i. ii M . 2 Ib., vi. 8 67 . 3 Ib., iv. 22 144 . 

4 Ib., iv. 8 69 . 6 Ib., v. i 4 13 8. Ib., vi. 8 66 . 

7 Ib., vii. 3 20 . 8 Ib., i. 19". 9 Ib., vi. 11 n- i. 3 22 . 

10 Ib., i. i ". " Ib., i. 2 2. 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 41 

hension of the truth. 1 With philosophy as a copestone, 
wisdom is unassailable by sophists. 2 By it we may buffet 
the heretical sects. 3 Hence in the Stromateis he does not 
hesitate to use what is best in philosophy and other pre 
liminary discipline. 4 It is plain from many allusions in his 
writings that this sane and liberal attitude was received by 
many of his contemporaries with suspicion and antagonism. 
Some regarded philosophy as useless, some as a source of 
danger, some adduced the authority of Scripture against it. 5 
He speaks of the chattering of some who, in their ignorance, 
were frightened at every noise, who said that we should 
restrict ourselves to things which were most essential and 
which contained the faith, and pass by things external 
and superfluous, which contributed nothing to the main 
end. 6 He alludes to the many who were frightened at the 
Hellenic philosophy like children at masks, 7 to some who in 
their conceit refused to touch philosophy or dialectics and 
insisted on bare faith alone, 8 who asked triumphantly what 
use there was in knowing the causes of the movements of 
the stars, or in meditating on the theories of geometry or 
other branches of learning, since such studies were of no 
service in the discharge of duty, and the Hellenic philosophy 
was only the fruit of human understanding, and was not 
taught by the truth ? 9 Clement admits that there was a 
possibility of the faith of some being submerged by the 
perusal of Hellenic literature, unless the principles which he 
laid down were taken as a guide, 10 and even brings it as a 
charge against some that they preferred to remain ignorant 
lest, after giving their ears to Hellenic instruction, they might 
not be able to find their way back. 11 He denies the right 
of any one to condemn the philosophy of the Greeks who 

1 Str., vi. ii 91 ; i. 20 97 . 2 Ib., i. 5 28 . 3 Ib., i. 19 95 . 4 Ib., i. I 15 . 

5 Ib., i. 178!. e Ib., i. i 18 . 7 Ib., vi. io 80 . 8 Ib., i. 9 43 . 

9 Ib. vi. ii 93 . 10 Ib., v. I4 140 . n Ib., vi. ii 89 . 



42 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

knew nothing but the bare letter, and argues that we must 
philosophise even in order to decide that we should not ; 
that even if philosophy were useless, it would be useful to 
demonstrate its own uselessness. He defends his procedure 
on the ground that the display of varied learning acts as 
an art of enchantment on scholars, and serves as a letter 
of commendation to the truth. 1 He claims to have in his 
method the support of the example and teaching of St Paul. 
It would appear that his opponents had adduced passages 
to the contrary. 2 In writing to Titus, St Paul had made 
a quotation from the Cretan Epimenides, and in the Epistle 
to the Corinthians he had quoted a line from some Greek 
poet, 3 and in that sense had become all things to all men. 
All things were God s therefore, what belonged to the 
Greeks was ours ; and the natural way to bring the Greeks 
to faith in the truth was, in the first place, to appeal to what 
was cognate, and to find a middle point of transition in 
their own intellectual possessions. 4 It was possible, no 
doubt, to live rightly in poverty ; but it was also possible 
to do so in superfluity. Virtue was not unattainable with 
out preliminary instruction, but it was attained more easily 
and quickly with it. 5 To insist on bare faith alone was, 
in contradiction to the teaching of the Lord, to expect at 
the very outset to take clusters of grapes without having 
taken any care of the vine. From every science, every 
branch of culture, something might be plucked that was 
helpful in making the truth unassailable. The study of 
ambiguous words and synonyms in the two Covenants was 
important. If the Lord by an ambiguous phrase eluded the 
devil at the temptation, could the devil be the author of 
philosophy and dialectic? 6 How can he be an "approved 

1 Str., i. 2 19 , 20 . 2 Col. ii. 4, 8 ; i Cor. i. 19. 

3 Str., i. I4 59 ; Tit. i. 12 j I Cor. xv. 33. 4 Ib., v. 3 18 ; v. 4 19 . 

6 Ib.,i. 6 s5 . Ib.,i. 9 , ". 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 43 

money-changer," who is not able offhand to distinguish 
the pure coin from the spurious ? l Do not the so-called 
orthodox apply themselves to good works not knowing 
what they do ? 2 Clement had sympathy with the weak 
brother in ethical and practical matters, but not so much 
in intellectual matters ; though only once does a touch of 
the arrogance of philosophical culture escape him. Irritated 
by the charge of dangerous methods that had obviously 
been brought against him, he breaks out : " But if this 
faith of theirs for I cannot call it knowledge be such 
that it can be dissolved by plausible speech, let it be by all 
means dissolved, and let them confess that they will not 
have the truth." 3 But this temporary outburst is alto 
gether foreign to his usual mode of thought. In general 
he seeks rather to win adherents than to refute opponents. 

Along with this lofty estimate of the function of philo 
sophy Clement is inspired with a keen sense of the new 
ness of Christianity, and the consequent limitations of 
philosophic culture. Christ is the " New Song "by which 
the Greek legends have been antiquated and fulfilled. 
Christians are a new people. So full is he of this idea 
of the newness of Christianity that he speaks of the 
manifestation of Christ as if it were a thing of 
yesterday. 4 The newness of humanity in Christ he 
finds revealed in unexpected phrases. 5 " I make things 
new," the Word says. " With a new eye, a new ear, 
a new heart, the disciples of the Lord speak, hear, 
and do in spiritual wise whatsoever things are seen 
and heard and apprehended through faith and under 
standing." 6 "In contradiction to the older people we 
are the new people, having learned the new blessings. To 

1 Str., vi. IO 81 . 2 Ib., i. 9 45 : ol opdoSol-affTai Ka\ovu.fvoi. 

3 Ib., vi. 10 81 . 4 Pad., i. 5 2. 

6 Ib., i. s 15 . Cf. Zech. ix. 9. 6 Str., ii. 4 15 . 



44 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

us belongs the rich prime of our years, this youth which 
knows no age, in which we are always vigorous in thought, 
always young, and always gentle, and always new; for 
those who are partakers of the new Word should them 
selves be new. And that which partakes of eternity is 
wont to be assimilated to that which is incorruptible, so 
that the age of our boyhood may be named a spring-time 
of all our life, because old age never falls upon the truth 
in us and our way of life, which is saturated with the truth. 
For wisdom is ever-blooming, always the same and un 
changing." l This conception of the newness of Christianity 
shows that the function of philosophy in the Christian 
economy is not absolute, but is to be restricted in a variety 
of ways. In no sense does Clement admit that Christianity 
depends on Greek philosophy. The teaching according to 
the Saviour is self-effective and in need of nothing; and 
Greek philosophy by coming over to its side does not add 
to the potency of the truth, but reduces to impotence the 
sophistical attacks against it. Though it were absent, no 
defect would take place in the absolute Word, nor would 
the truth be destroyed ; just as the senses contribute to 
truth, but the intellect is the natural organ for knowing it. 2 
Philosophy is a co-worker for the apprehension of the truth ; 
but although a joint cause, it is not the efficient cause, as 
if apart from philosophy truth did not exist ; for many with 
out philosophy or any academic training, or even without 
knowledge of letters, have accepted the word about God 
through faith, instructed by self-working wisdom. Philo 
sophy by itself is powerless to energise ; it is only a cause 
when acting in unison with another. 3 Nor is it to be used 
indiscriminately. No time must be occupied with the dis 
cussion of useless and irrelevant matters, no heed paid to 
wrangling sophisms, or to the mere pursuit of the shadow of 
1 Psed.,L 5 2 . 3 Str., i. 20 10 . 3 Ib. 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 45 

words. 1 All sophistical arts must be set aside, as making the 
worse appear the better reason. 2 Proficiency in philosophy 
and the curriculum of studies is not a principal but a second 
ary end, to be used incidentally. It is of the nature of an 
intellectual dessert, a relish not bread to the spirit. 3 It is 
not essential to the apprehension of truth by the individual. 
The Christian philosophy has no barriers save moral barriers 
at the entrance ; it is open to the attainment of barbarian 
and Greek, slave and aged, child and woman. 4 If any of 
the Greeks, dispensing with the preliminary guidance of the 
Hellenic philosophy, proceeds straight to the true teaching, 
he outdistances others, though an unlettered man, by choos 
ing the short cut to perfection namely, that of salvation 
through faith. 5 So in his earliest writing he had held that 
for him who had come to the school of Christ, academic 
learning was a superfluity. " Since the Word has come to 
us from heaven, we need not go to the teaching of men 
in our search after learning, to Athens, or the rest of Greece, 
or Ionia. For if we have as our Teacher Him who filled 
the universe with His holy energies in creation, salvation, 
beneficence, legislation, prophecy, teaching, we have the 
Teacher from whom all instruction comes ; and the whole 
world with Athens and Greece has come under the sway of 
the Word." 6 When St Paul describes Hellenic philosophy 
as " the rudiments of the world," he hints that it was essen 
tially rudimentary, and that it was unworthy of the man 
who had attained to the height of the gnostic to run back 
to it. 7 Moreover, in respect of its origin, philosophy was 
inferior to Christianity; nay, all that was best in it was 
taken from the Hebrew Scriptures. 8 Before the advent of 
Christianity, Greek philosophers took fragments of truth 

1 Str., vi. 10 82 . 2 Ib., i. 8 39 . 3 Ib., i. 20 10 . 

4 Ib., iv. 8 58 . 5 Ib., vii. 2". 6 Prot., xi. 112 . 

7 Str., vi. S 62 . * Ib.,i. 17 8 7; i. 20 100 . 



46 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

from the Hebrew prophets, but not with the insight of know 
ledge, and appropriated them, falsifying some things and 
ignorantly explaining others in over-subtlety. 1 Clement 
endeavours to demonstrate that what he calls the philo 
sophy according to the Hebrews that is, the religious and 
moral conceptions in the books of Scripture, along with 
philosophic ideas read into the Pentateuch by allegorical 
exegesis is the most ancient of all forms of wisdom ; 2 that 
Moses flourished long before the date at which, according 
to Greek mythology, the race of men had sprung into being ; 3 
that philosophy and other arts flourished among the bar 
barians long before they appeared among the Greeks. 4 He 
finds in the higher aspects of the legislation of Numa a 
reflection of the teaching of Moses ; 5 in the cosmogony of 
Homer, as set forth in the shield of Vulcan, an imitation 
of the Mosaic cosmogony, even in minute details ; 6 thinks 
that, by a happy divination, Homer seems to speak of the 
Father and the Son ; 7 and that Euripides unconsciously 
refers to the Saviour Himself. 8 Some of the distinctive 
tenets of the Stoics 9 in some cases based on misinterpre 
tations of passages in Scripture, the esoteric principles of 
the Pythagoreans expressed in symbol and proverb, 10 the 
doctrines of the Peripatetic philosophy generally and even 
some minute points in it, 11 all the ethical commonplaces of 
the Greeks, come from the same source. 12 From the 
Hebrew Scriptures Greek generals, like Miltiades, derived 
their military stratagem ; 13 Hellenic legends are based on 
the facts of Scripture; 14 the marvels of Greek mythology 
are imitations of the marvels recorded in Scripture. 15 In 
particular, the Greeks imitated the symbolic and enigmatic 

1 Str., i. 17 87 . 2 Ib., i. 21 101 . 3 Ib., i. 21 106 . 4 Ib., i. i6 74 . 

5 Ib., i. is 71 . Ib., v. I4 101 . 7 Ib., v. 14 n6 . s Ib., v. ii 70 . 

9 Ib., v. i 4 97 . 10 Ib., v. 5 30 . " Ib., v. 14 >. 12 Ib., ii. i8 78 . 

18 Ib., i. 24 162 . 14 Ib., vi. a 28 . 16 Ib., i. 24 170 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 47 

part of the barbarian philosophy, as that which was most 
essential to the knowledge of the truth. 1 The Hellenic 
philosophy is like the torch which men kindle, stealing the 
light artfully from the sun. 2 The influence of the Holy 
Scriptures is particularly conspicuous in Plato. 3 Clement 
quotes many analogies between Plato and the Scriptures 
though in some cases the resemblance may only have been a 
coincidence, the happy conjecture of a great nature, 4 main 
tains that Plato himself acknowledged his dependence, 5 that 
his doctrine of creation was taken from Moses, 6 that he 
exhibits the life of a Christian in the Thesetetus, 7 that he 
seems to have divined the Lord s day, 8 that he had a per 
ception of the Holy Trinity, 9 that he all but prophesied the 
economy of salvation. 10 From a reference to diverse inter 
pretations of a passage in the Republic, it would seem that 
Christian exegesis had already been applied by several to 
Plato. 11 He quotes with approval the saying of Numenius 
the Pythagorean, " What is Plato but Moses atticising ? " 12 
and he himself apostrophises Plato thus : " Whence, O Plato, 
is that hint of thine of the truth ? I know thy teachers, 
even^if thou wouldst conceal them. For your laws that are 
consistent with truth, and your opinions concerning God, 
you are indebted to the Hebrews." 13 Clement speaks in 
wavering terms about the agency by which the Hebrew 
teaching came to the knowledge of the thinkers and poets 
of Greece. Sometimes it is represented as a case of pure 
theft ; in one case he attributes it to the fallen angels, who 
revealed the secrets to the women after whom they lusted, 
instead of reserving the knowledge to the advent of Christ. 14 
Elsewhere, in accordance with later Jewish thought, as 

1 Str., ii. 1 1, 2 . 2 Ib., v. 5 29 . 3 Ib. , i. i 10 ; i. 25 168 . 

4 Ib., ii. I9 100 . 5 Ib., i. 15 69 . 6 Ib., v. 14 w 

7 Ib., v. I 4 98 . 8 Ib., v. I 4 106 . 9 Ib., v. 14 103 . 

10 Ib., v. i4 5 8. n Ib., v. I4 98 ; Rep., iii. 415 A. 

12 Ib., i. 22 15 . 13 Prot., vi. 70 . 14 Str., i. 17 81 ; v. 1 10 . 



48 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

based on a passage in Deuteronomy, he ascribes it to the 
inferior angels to whom the nations were assigned. 1 In 
confirmation of his theory of theft, he adduces the alleged 
fact that the Greek poets, philosophers, and historians stole 
from one another, and argues that those who stole from one 
another would hardly refrain from touching what belonged 
to Christians. 2 Of this hypothesis, which seems to have 
been started by Aristobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, in the 
third century before Christ in all probability from apologetic 
motives, 3 maintained by Tatian, Justin, and Theophilus, 
exhibited by Clement with great ingenuity and wealth of 
illustration, repeated by Eusebius in the fourth century, 
almost in the matter and form of Clement, and supported 
here and there by individual writers in subsequent ages, 
any discussion is superfluous, for it is entirely destitute 
of historical and literary foundation. From the elaborate 
treatment of it by Clement, it is plain that many before his 
time must have been at work in the search after analogies 
between the Scriptures and the literature of Greece ; and it 
was probably part of the traditional apologetic and exegesis 
of the Alexandrian School. One is tempted for a moment to 
suppose that Clement s defence of it was a mere tour deforce, 
or that it was a concession to his opponents. But on the 
latter supposition it would have been futile ; for why should 
they concern themselves about what had been stolen when 
they had the original treasury ? It was not at all necessary 
to his argument, but rather out of harmony with his higher 
view of the relation between the Christian faith and Hellenic 
philosophy ; yet it occurs so frequently in an incidental 
way, and is, moreover, developed so elaborately, that there 
can be no doubt of his acceptance of it. From a passage 

1 Str., vii. 2 6 ; Deut. xxxii. 8. 2 Ib., vi. 2 4 . 

3 For a criticism of some modern views regarding Aristobuhis, see Schurer, 
Geschichte des Judischen Volkes, vol. Hi. 3 p. 388. 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 49 

quoted by him, it would appear that the idea was held 
by heterodox and orthodox alike. 1 The only original 
contribution by Clement to it is that though the truth 
was stolen, it was none the less true, a real possession 
however acquired. 2 He did not invent the hypothesis, 
but he found in it a weapon at once to disarm the 
opposition of the narrower section in the Church, and a 
means of constructing a bridge between Greek thought and 
Christian truth. Apart from the fantastic theories noted 
above, he makes no attempt to show that direct historical 
contact between the Hebrew Scriptures and Greek thought 
can be demonstrated, or in what way the transition of 
analogous facts or conceptions from the one sphere into the 
other took place or was possible. But when we call to mind 
the manner in which the hypothesis of literary dependence 
has been exaggerated as a solvent for the problems of the 
New Testament by the extreme Dutch school, or even how 
the argument from analogy has been pushed by the more 
extravagant adherents of the school of Gunkel, we shall 
wonder less at the uncritical attitude of Clement in the 
second century. The main difference, so far as their attitude 
to Christianity is concerned, is that Clement, starting from 
the conception of the absolute originality of Christianity, 
regarded all other truth as secondary and derivative : the 
modern representatives of the theory of analogy regard 
Christian truth as derivative and secondary, without re 
cognising any truth as absolute or uniquely divine. 

Apart from this relation of dependence on the Hebrew 
Scriptures, the philosophy of the Greeks was in some im 
portant respects inferior to Christianity. Its relation was 
that of Hagar to Sarah, of a maid to a mistress. 3 It 
had not led to the abandonment of idolatry. 4 Many of 

1 Str.,vi. 6 53 . 2 IbjL 20 ioo. 

8 Ib., i. 5 32 , from Philo. 4 Ib., vi. 6". 

D 



50 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

its teachers had imperfect conceptions of God, and paid 
honour to the elements : at best, they knew Him as 
Creator, not as Father in the Christian sense. 1 Both 
philosophy and Christianity come from God, the one 
source of all good things ; but the former had only come 
from Him in the way of natural sequence, not as a prin 
cipal end, though to the Greeks before the Advent it may 
have been given as a principal end. 2 Like the good land, 
philosophy shares in the rain from heaven, but the result is 
not the same. 3 It may be compared to nuts, the whole of 
which is not eatable. 4 It is by no means to be regarded as 
a substitute for Christianity. On the contrary, philosophers 
are but children, unless they have become mature men 
through Christ. 5 Though men have studied the Greek 
philosophy, they must learn the truth of Christ in order 
to be saved. 6 To act or speak without the word of truth 
is as if a man tried to walk without feet. 7 Christian 
piety is a kind of science, and as such has distinctive 
principles of its own. As well try to become a rhetorician 
by taking up the principles of medicine, or a physician 
by taking up the principles of rhetoric, as try to become 
a Christian by other than Christian principles. 8 The 
difference between Christianity and philosophy is thorough 
going and far-reaching. Philosophy at best contains but 
a fragment of the truth of which Christianity contains 
the whole. 9 " Like as the Bacchae tore to pieces the 
limbs of Pentheus, so have the sects of philosophy, both 
barbarian and Greek, done with truth, each claiming as 
the whole the portion that has fallen to it." 10 The differ 
ence between philosophy and Christianity is a difference 

1 Str., i. ii so ; v. 14 138 . * Ib., i. 7 37 ; i. 5 . Ib., i. ; 37 . 

4 Ib., i. i 7 . 5 Ib., i. ii 63 . 6 Ib., v. 13 87 . 

7 Prot., vii. 75 . 8 Stah., vol. iii. p. 229, fr. 68. 

9 Prot., vii. 74 ; Str., vi. I7 160 . w Str., i, I3 67 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 51 

between names and things, between the probable and the 
true, 1 between truth and guessing at truth, 2 between the 
particular and the universal ; 3 for that which the chiefs 
of philosophy only guessed at, the disciples of Christ 
apprehend and proclaim.* Moreover, the truth in Greek 
philosophy is not only fragmentary but elementary. It is 
not concerned with such intellectual objects as are beyond 
the sphere of this world. 5 Like geometry or painting, it 
presents only one side of the truth which it delineates. 6 
It does not embrace the majesty of the truth. 7 In the 
dark night of the pre-Christian era it was as the faint 
light of a wick whose light was taken from the sun. With 
the proclamation of the Word it is extinguished, as the 
lamp by the sun ; the whole night is illumined. 8 " While 
truth is one, many things contribute to its investigation, 
but the discovery is only through the Son. . . . There is 
the truth of geometry and there is the truth of music, 
and in right philosophy there would be Hellenic truth. 
But the only authoritative truth is that in which we are 
taught by the Son of God. . . . The Greek truth has the 
same name as our truth, but it differs from it in respect of 
the grandeur of knowledge, and more authoritative process 
of demonstration, and divine grace, and the like." 9 It lacks 
the spiritual and moral force which Christianity imparts. 
It says that man was made for the vision of heaven, 
and yet worships the things that appear in the heavens. 10 
Its lack of moral force is mainly due to the fact that 
while the self-control of the Greek philosopher is directed 
against ministering to lust in act, the self-control of the 
Christian is directed against the lusting itself. 11 

The primary ground of the inferiority of philosophy is 

1 Str., vi. 17 149 . a Ib., i. 7 38 . 3 Prot., xi. n3 . 4 Ib., xi. 112 . 

5 Str., vi. 15 "7; vi. 8 <. 6 Ib., vi. 7 56 . 7 Ib., i. i6 80 . 

8 Ib., v. s 29 . Ib., i. 20 98 . 10 Prot., iv. 63 . Str., iii. 7 57 . 



52 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

found in the uniquely divine origin of Christianity. His 
argument here, so far as it seeks to prove the truth of 
the Christian faith, is based mainly on a series of what 
he regards as necessary presuppositions. He assumes the 
necessity of revelation, and seeks to support it. We 
needed a Divine Teacher, because the soul was too feeble 
to apprehend things that are as they really are. Hence 
the Saviour was sent down. 1 Men speaking about God 
are not trustworthy, in so far as they are merely men. 
The feeble and mortal cannot speak worthily of Him 
who is unoriginated and incorruptible, nor can the work 
of Him who made it. 2 In refutation of the theory of 
Valentinus, that men were saved by natural constitution, 
he deems it sufficient to point to the fact that in that 
case the teaching both of the Old and the New Testament 
was a superfluity, and that the higher natures, apart from 
the advent of Christianity, would some time or another 
have come to the light. But if the Valentinians admitted 
that the sojourning of the Saviour was a necessity, then 
the peculiar prerogatives of nature were gone. 3 He assumes 
the divine origin of the Christian Scriptures. All other 
systems of thought depend on some teacher, who in turn 
depended on his predecessor, and so on in like manner 
in an ascending series ; but Christianity is taught by Him 
who was taught of none, but is Himself the teacher of all 
created beings. 4 He adduces what he calls an unanswer 
able argument that it is God who speaks in detail of the 
matter under investigation and presents it in writing. 
" Who, then, is so atheistic as to disbelieve God, and to 
demand demonstration from God as from man ? " If the 
followers of Pythagoras regard his ipse dixit as a matter 
of faith shall we demand from God the Saviour proof of 

1 Str , v. I 7 . 2 Ib., vi. i8 165 . Cf. ib., i. 28 178 . 

3 Ib., v. i 3 . 4 Ib., vi. 7 57 , 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 53 

what is said ? l Theism involves Christianity. Admit the 
existence of Providence, and it would be impious to sup 
pose that the whole of prophecy and the dispensation 
in relation to it did not take place in accordance with 
Providence. 2 A first principle must be assumed, for a 
first principle which required the support of anything 
else could not be regarded as a first principle. 3 The 
demonstration which is based on opinion is human, the 
demonstration of the Scripture is based on knowledge. 
Scripture itself, being derived from the First Principle, 
shares like characteristics. " With a view to the discovery 
of realities we use Scripture as a criterion. . . . That 
cannot be a first principle which needs to be judged. We, 
embracing by faith the first principle without demonstra 
tion, receive demonstration concerning the first principle 
from the first principle itself, and are instructed by the 
voice of the Lord with a view to the knowledge of the 
truth. Human testimony needs confirmation, but by the 
voice of the Lord we prove that which is under inquiry, and 
this is more trustworthy than any demonstration, rather is 
the only real demonstration." 4 If, in the ordinary sense 
of the word, demonstration of the truth of Christianity is 
unnecessary or impossible, nevertheless, in the judgment 
of Clement, it has a demonstration of its own. The organ 
of this demonstration is faith. " Faith is a grace which 
leads up from that which cannot be demonstrated to that 
which is universally simple, which is neither with matter, 
nor matter, nor under matter." 6 So far from being facile 
or vulgar, faith is something divine. It is the foundation of 
knowledge. 6 " Unless ye believe, ye will not understand." 
When the Scripture says that God is faithful, it implies 
that He is worthy of faith when making any assertion. 7 
1 Str., ii. 5 2 *. 2 Ib -f v j 7> C f. ib . [i 2 9. ib., vii. i6 98 . 

4 Ib. 5 Ib., ii. 4 14 . 6 Ib., ii. 6 30 , &c. 7 Ib., ii. 6*. 



54 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

From the person of the Teacher it follows that, in respect 
of substance, our teaching is perfect. He who suffered 
out of love to us would not have kept back anything with 
a view to our instruction in knowledge. 1 In defence of 
the Christian faith Clement presents some grounds of a 
more definite character. " They say that a proof is either 
the antecedent, or the coincident, or the consequent. The 
discovery of what is sought concerning God is the teaching 
through His Son ; and the proof of our Saviour being the 
Son of God is the prophecies announcing Him which pre 
ceded His coming, and the testimony regarding Him which 
coincided with His birth in the world; and, in addition, 
His powers proclaimed and openly shown after His ascen 
sion." 2 " Undoubtedly of the coming of the Lord, who 
was our teacher, to men there were myriad indicators, 
proclaimers, precursors from the beginning, from the 
foundation of the world, intimating beforehand by words 
and deeds, prophesying that He would come, and when, 
and where, and what should be the signs." 3 Thus, 
apparently, the argument from prophecy is the most 
weighty argument, but it must be taken along with the 
evidence of the working of a living Christ. The miraculous 
in the sphere of knowledge impressed him more than the 
miraculous in the sphere of action. He speaks of the 
latter as a concession to men in a lower stage of spiritual 
development. " God spake by the burning bush, for the 
men of that day needed signs and wonders." 4 He admits 
it as one of the methods by which God saves men. 5 This 
attitude of Clement is to be explained, on the one hand, 
by his faith in the power of truth, and on the other by 
his insistence on the liberty of the individual. In no case 
is the freedom of the individual to be forced or touched. 

1 Str., vi. 8 70 . 2 Str., vi. 15 122 . 3 Ib., vi. i8 166 . 

4 Prot., i. 8 . 5 Str. , vi. 3 28 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 55 

In a striking fragment he says : " I regard it as a form 
of necessity to astonish and compel the faith of a man 
by that which is miraculous, seeing that God wishes 
a man to be saved of himself, taking only the impulse 
from the commandment. God does not deal in compul 
sion, nor would it be right that the self-determined soul 
should, after the fashion of lifeless images, be influenced 
by an external cause." 1 In view of the fact that we know 
nothing of the context of this passage, it may be unwise 
to push it too far or to its logical issue ; but it is in 
harmony with Clement s views on human freedom, 2 as 
well as with the absence in his writings of specific and 
definite arguments for the truth of Christianity based on 
the miraculous, and with his very scanty allusions to the 
miracles of Jesus. 

As a testimony to the divinity of the Christian faith, 
Clement points to its universality. It is not limited as 
a philosophical coterie is in the character or number of 
its adherents. Neither poverty nor lack of reputation can 
stand in the way of him who is eagerly intent on the 
knowledge of God. 3 And as it is independent of indi 
vidual limitations, so it transcends all national or racial 
boundaries. " The word of our teacher remained not in 
Judaea alone, as philosophy did in Greece, but was 
scattered throughout the whole world, winning whole 
households of Greek and barbarians at once, in nation, 
village, and city, and individual hearers also, and bringing 
to the truth not a few of the philosophers themselves." * 
The reality of Christian faith and truth was evinced by 
the fact of martyrdom. No doubt, there had been iso 
lated cases of martyrdom for truth before the coming of 
Christianity. " But we see the spectacle every day of innu- 

1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 217. 2 Cf. Feed., i. 6 3J , &c. 

3 Prot.,x. 105 . 4 Str., vi. i8 167 . 



56 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

merable crowds of martyrs roasted, impaled, beheaded." 1 
The whole Church was filled with those who throughout 
their whole life " had made a study of death." 2 This whole 
sale martyrdom had failed in its aim, and had only proved 
the impossibility of crushing Christianity by force. Persecu 
tion by the State would cause any system of Greek philos 
ophy to disappear forthwith ; but it is futile as a check to 
the progress of Christianity. " Our teaching from the very 
moment of its first proclamation was prohibited by kings 
and tyrants together, as well as by rulers and governors in 
turn, with all their mercenaries, and in addition by count 
less men warring against us, and endeavouring to the 
utmost of their power to cut it down. But it flourishes 
the more. For it dies not as the teaching of men, nor 
fades away as a gift without strength, for no gift of God 
is without strength. It remains unhindered, though it 
is predicted of it that it is destined to be persecuted 
to the end." 3 The rapidity of its victorious march was 
all the more noteworthy. With unsurpassable celerity 
the divine power had shone over the earth, and filled the 
universe with the seed of salvation. 4 The divinity of 
Christ had been attested by the moral and intellectual 
influence which it had exercised both socially and in 
dividually. It had transfigured and ennobled all social 
relations. " Those who have betaken themselves to the 
Father for the sake of wisdom have proved good fathers 
to their children, and those who have known the Son 
have proved good parents to their sons ; and those who 
remember the Bridegroom good husbands to their wives ; 
and those who have themselves been redeemed from the 
lowest slavery good masters to their servants." 5 To the 
individual it contributes the greatest of blessings, "the 

1 Str., ii. 20 125 . 2 Ib., iv. 8 B8 ; Plato, Phsedo, 67 E. 5 Ib., vi. i8 167 . 
4 Prot, x. 110 . 8 Ib., x. 107 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 57 

origin of faith, eagerness for heavenly citizenship, the im 
pulse towards truth, a spirit of inquiry, a trace of know 
ledge, in brief, the means of procuring salvation. Those 
who have been really nourished on the words of truth 
receive a viaticum for eternal life, and are prepared for 
flight heavenwards." 1 In the double role which Clement 
had to discharge, on the one hand, to maintain the quasi- 
divine character of Greek philosophy against those in the 
Church who were jealous of any contact with it, and, 
on the other hand, to maintain against the Greeks its 
inferiority to Christianity, while recognising the divine 
element in it, he wavers a little in his language while he 
exaggerates now this, now that, side of his polemic ; but 
his central principles do not vary. 

This lofty claim on the part of Christianity did not pass 
unchallenged. Greek and Jew alike pointed scornfully to 
the divisions in the Church and said, "We ought not to 
believe because of the dissonance of the sects ; truth is 
strained, when some put forth one opinion and some 
another." 2 The careful discussion which Clement gives 
of the objection is an index of the importance which was 
attached to it alike by objector and adherent. Clement 
begins by showing that the application of this principle 
to other departments of work or study would lead to 
paralysis of action. Because there were various schools 
of philosophy, should all study of philosophy be summarily 
abandoned? So far from being unexpected, heresies were 
predicted by the Lord Himself. The beautiful is always 
followed by its caricature. Because some have let the 
truth go, shall we not believe those who have kept a firm 
hold of it? To stand aloof from the Christian faith on 
the ground of such divisions was illogical. Because there 

1 Str., i. I 4 . * Ib., vii. I5 89 . 



58 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

were conflicting theories of disease in the science of 
medicine, would the sick man refuse to go to a physician ? 
Why, then, should the sick of soul put forth divisions as 
a pretext for indifference or unbelief? If fruit ripe and 
real is put before us, and fruit made of wax, shall we re 
frain from both ? Because there are many byroads, some 
of which may lead to a precipice, shall we hesitate to travel 
by the one royal highway? 1 Because grass grows among 
the garden produce, does the farmer give up gardening ? 
Such divisions of opinion were the inevitable result of 
endeavours to investigate the meaning of the truth, and 
from that point of view were a stimulus to the search 
after truth, and a tribute to Christianity. The attitude of 
aloofness would only be justifiable if the truth were not 
to be found anywhere, if demonstration were impossible, 
and if there were no criterion of truth and error. But 
truth does exist ; and he who does not seek to distinguish 
the incongruous and unseemly and contrary to nature 
and false from their opposites, stands self -condemned. 2 
And for this there is a criterion. That criterion is the 
Scripture itself; and the true, because the traditional, 
interpretation of Scripture is to be found in the ancient 
Catholic Church. The sophists tear away some fragments 
of truth with a view to the injury of men and bury them 
in human systems of their own devising, and pride them 
selves on being the head of a school rather than a church. 3 
They dare to use the Prophetic Scriptures ; but they do 
not use them in their entirety, or mutilate what they 
use, and do not deal with them in accordance with the 
analogy of Scripture, as the body and tissue of Prophecy 
demand. They pick out ambiguous sayings, glean a few 
words here and there, and consider the bare letter, not 

1 Str., vii. 15 9 , *>. 2 Ib., vii. is 91 . * Ib., vii. is 92 . 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 59 

the meaning. To find the truth we must consider what 
is perfectly fitting and becoming to the Lord and the 
Almighty God, and must confirm each point that is 
demonstrated by the analogy of Scripture. When the 
heretics are proved to be in antagonism to the Scrip 
tures, they either make light of the logical consistency of 
their own dogmas or of prophecy itself. They disclaim 
the authority of Scripture, and prefer their own concep 
tions to that which was spoken by the Lord through 
the prophets, and attested and confirmed by the Gospels 
and also by the Apostles. They lack understanding for 
the majesty of the truth. 1 As mischievous boys bar out 
their tutor, they shut out the prophecies from their own 
church. 2 They quibble at the things handed down by 
the blessed apostles and teachers which are naturally 
attached to the inspired words, and oppose human teach 
ing to divine tradition. Marcion and Prodicus were not 
wiser than the men before them, and might well have 
been contented with learning the previous traditions. 3 
The heretics have only a false key. We open the main 
door and enter in through the tradition of the Lord ; 
they cut down a side-door and secretly dig through the 
wall of the Church. Outstepping the truth, they initiate 
into the mysteries the souls of the impious. The Catholic 
Church existed prior to the gatherings of the heretics ; 
all heresy is innovation. The heretics try to break up 
the unity of the Church ; the true, the ancient Church 
is one. This oneness it shares with God. The pre 
eminence of the Catholic Church, like the First Principle 
of its constitution, is in accordance with the Monad, sur 
passing all other things, and having nothing or like equal 
to itself. 4 Even when all allowance has been made for 

1 Str.,vii. I6 93 - 97 . 2 Ib., vii. 16". 

3 Ib., vii. i6 103 - 105 . 4 Ib., vii. 17 10 , 107 . 



60 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

the polemical note in his criticism, there remains enough 
to show that while Clement claimed for himself an inde 
pendent position on some matters held by some of his 
contemporaries to be vital, and may be considered as a 
representative of a liberal attitude in respect of doctrine, 
he regarded himself as loyal to the tradition of the Church. 
A traditionalist of the type of Irenseus, Clement was not ; 
questions of ecclesiastical organisation or ritual had little 
interest for him ; no emphasis is put on the office of the 
bishop in relation to the Church or to the truth ; but in 
his conflict with heresy, the main weapon in his armoury 
with which he confronts his opponents is the authorita 
tive standard, the ecclesiastical rule, which he regards 
as of apostolic origin. At the same time, it is none the 
less significant that in the Protrepticus the word Church 
is not mentioned save in an allusion to a passage in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews, 1 that he invites the Greeks to 
enter not into the fold of the Church but into the domain 
of truth, that his appeal is to the Scriptures, that often 
as the word " salvation " occurs, it is nowhere associated 
with the Church or its ordinances. No doubt, it may be 
urged that such an appeal would not have been relevant 
to his immediate aim, that he sought to bring them to 
the threshold of the truth, in the assurance that they 
would thereafter enter within the sanctuary ; and that in 
emphasising the unity and catholicity of the Church in 
conflict with heresy, he emphasises it precisely at the 
point where it was most natural to do so. 2 

From this survey it is plain that Clement held with great 
firmness that Christianity, though divine in a unique sense, 

1 Prot., ix. 82 ; Heb. xii. 23. 

2 For a temperate statement of the position of the Roman Catholic Church, as 
against Harnack and Bigg, see Batiffol, L Eglise Naissante et le Catholicisme, 
PP- 295-315. 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 6l 

was not to be regarded as an isolated fact in the history of 
the world, and that with regard to other forms of truth, it 
stood not in the relation of antagonism or complete inde 
pendence, but rather as the absolute stands to that which is 
incomplete and undeveloped. Starting from the principle 
that the Providence of God had been at work in universal 
history, and that all truth was from Him, he did not regard 
any aspect of it with jealousy, but welcomed it so far as it 
was true. To Clement a religion that appealed to the 
general heart of humanity and claimed for itself universal 
homage, and at the same time was unrelated to other mani 
festations of the spirit of man, was an absurdity; for it 
would find nothing in man to appeal to, nothing to receive 
the seed. The possession of partial truth was the best 
preparation for the attainment of fuller truth. Clement 
transferred to the world of intellect what St Paul had 
affirmed of the world of nature, that God never left Himself 
without witness. 1 He represents Christianity as the true 
mystery of which the Greek mysteries were only a shadow, 
and calls on the Greeks to embrace Christianity in the very 
language of the mysteries which he urged them to abandon; 2 
but there is no evidence that he wished to modify Christian 
institutions in harmony with heathen forms of worship. 3 
The ascription to theft of what was cognate to Christianity 
in the great thinkers of Greece was a grotesque recognition 
of the unity of truth ; but it was surely wiser and more 
reverent than to deny any relationship whatsoever. It has, 
indeed, been averred that in seeking to bring Hellenic 
thought and culture into fellowship with the Christian faith, 
Clement was endeavouring to carry out an impossible, if not 
a treasonable task, and that he only seemed to succeed 
because he abandoned that which was most distinctive of 

1 Acts xiv. 17. 2 Prot., xii. 118 , 119 . 

3 Cf. Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, vol. ii. p. 109. 



62 THE RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO 

primitive Christianity. It is said that in his conception of 
Christianity as having for its aim the individual perfection 
of man, in his presentation of the facts of salvation, in his 
view of Christian life as an ascent to God, in his exaggera 
tion of the human factors of salvation in relation to the 
divine, Clement is more in harmony with the current of 
thought in our time than in accord with the early teaching 
of the Church. 1 That such a charge should have been made, 
now on the conservative, now on the liberal side, in the 
eighteenth century, is intelligible, 2 but it is somewhat of an 
anachronism to-day. It is plain that our view of such 
objections to the aim as well as to the results of his method 
will depend very largely on what our view of primitive 
Christianity is. Unless it be illegitimate or treasonable to 
put things in a different perspective, unless it be held that 
to emphasise certain truths involves disloyalty to others, 
Clement is not to be blamed for bringing Christianity into 
the moulds of his early life and training. What teacher, in 
his discrimination of what is relatively important or un 
important, is not influenced by his own intellectual or 
spiritual history ? To have created a new terminology 
would have divorced Christianity from all relation to the 
past the very thing which Clement was determined to 
avoid. 

Platonic, Stoic, Aristotelian terms, definitions, and phrases 
repeatedly occur. But this power to assimilate is surely a 
symptom of life, the characteristic of every healthy organism. 
It is only when it is a question of the introduction of a 
foreign body, of something actually hostile to that which 
has assimilated it, of something in the present case that is 
inconsistent alike with the primitive form of the Gospel or 

1 Kutter, Schvveizer Theolog. Zeit. 1899. 

2 Cf. Walch, Miscell. Sacr., vol. ii. p. 516. De Erroribus C. A. eorumque 
causis. Semler, Gesch. d. christ. Glaubens, vol. ii. p. 133. 



HELLENIC CULTURE AND PHILOSOPHY 63 

its natural inner development, that foreign influence can be 
established. The elements in the theology and ethics of 
Clement that may be assigned to the undue influence of 
Hellenic bias or culture will be noted in the course of the 
exposition. This at least is certain, that Clement was him 
self unconscious of any disloyalty to the teaching of the 
Church ; and while he faced the situation of the time with 
intellectual courage, he did not dream of making any con 
cession to the Hellenic culture around him that either trans 
formed or deformed the Christian faith. On the contrary, 
he maintained that his teaching derived breath and life 
from the Scriptures of the Lord ; x and he believed that he 
was loyal to the Church when he sought to bring all truth 
under its shadow. If all truth were from God, a conflict 
in truth was impossible. The problem of the Church in 
Alexandria was to adjust itself to the intellectual impulse 
from which philosophy in all its schools derived its being ; 
and Clement held that to make the Church and its doctrine 
a non-intellectual preserve was fatal to its usefulness, as well 
as to its claims to master and permeate the world. It has 
often been observed that he lived in an age of transition. It 
was so in regard to doctrine, the authority of the Church, 
and the Canon of the New Testament. In Alexandria, in 
particular, it was so in regard to the relation of the Church 
to intellectual culture. In such an age the attitude of a 
thinker is sometimes of more importance than the results 
which he achieves. And the attitude of Clement was that 
of one who believed that a Christianity which could claim 
for itself all that was highest in the thought of the past 
could alone face the future with confidence. The problem 
of the Church to-day is, in loyalty to the past, to adjust 
itself to the new forces in the thought of our time. And, 

1 Str., vii. i l . 



64 CHRISTIANITY & HELLENIC CULTURE & PHILOSOPHY 

surely, there can be little doubt that it will act wisely if it 
adopts the principles that underlie the attitude of Clement. 
Intellectual monasticism is as bad for the Church as moral 
monasticism was for the individual, and can only end in 
lopsidedness of development or impoverishment. In regard 
to other forms of religion, for example, there can be no 
doubt that the wise procedure is that of Clement, to re 
cognise what in them is cognate to Christianity and work 
from that as relatively true ; for Christianity does not call 
upon us to postulate the absolute falsity of other religions, 
but its own absolute truth. And of a like nature will be our 
attitude to all the intellectual forces and movements of the 
present. The Christian thinker who adopts the position of 
Clement need not regard these with any hostile or even 
unsympathetic eye ; he can recognise in each of them a 
manifestation of the one Word who is " the sleepless guard 
of humanity," l and will only be hostile when they claim to 
represent not one but the only aspect of truth. In this way 
the pre-eminence of Christianity is maintained : it is not 
dishonoured, though other gifts of God are honoured; for 
all science, all art, all philosophy, regarded in their ideal 
function, are the inspiration of the one God who speaks 
to-day as He spoke to the fathers of old, " by diverse 
portions and in divers manners." 

1 Paed., iii. 8 ". 



LECTURE III. 

THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD. 

To have a right conception of God in Himself, and in His 
relation to the universe and to man, is the essential basis 
not only of Christian thought but of all thought whatsoever. 
The ethical ideal of Clement was an ever-growing likeness 
to God, but this was inseparably related to intellectual 
cognition of Him. That this knowledge was hard to realise 
Clement well knew. But the difficulty of the investigation 
furnished no ground for abandoning the inquiry, as some 
suggested, but rather the contrary. We must continue to 
inquire in order that we may say what ought to be said, and 
hear what ought to be heard, concerning Him. Only one 
limitation is necessary. All inquiry must be conditioned by 
the faith. 1 Here, as elsewhere, Clement remains faithful to 
his eclectic principles. We find in his doctrine of God 
clear evidence of the influence of Plato, still clearer of the 
influence of Philo. This eclecticism leads him into paradoxes 
and apparent contradictions. At times the conception of 
God seems to be purely philosophical, and the Christian 
element a mere graft, or even an accretion. At other times 
his presentation seems to be fundamentally Christian ; and 
in this case a main interest of his doctrine of God does not 

1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 228, fr. 67. 
E 



66 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

lie in what he has appropriated or assimilated, but in his 
own point of view which made that appropriation possible. 

No thinker of the early Church realised with more 
earnestness the necessity and the dignity of the knowledge 
of God. It has even been brought as a charge against him 
that to him Christianity is essentially a knowledge of God. 
"The knowledge of the truly existent God," he says, " is 
the immutable beginning and foundation of life : to be 
ignorant of Him is death, but to have full knowledge of 
Him and become like unto Him is the only life." l If it 
were possible to distinguish between the knowledge of God 
and eternal salvation, and such alternative choice were put 
before the ideal Christian, he would without any hesitation 
whatsoever choose the knowledge of God. 2 But to know 
Him we must first be assured of His existence. " He that 
cometh to God must believe that He is." This need not 
be demonstrated. To demand demonstration of the exist 
ence of God is to raise a question, the very putting of which 
deserves punishment. 3 Christianity confirms the doctrine 
of a Providence and presupposes it. With the abolition of 
theism Christianity becomes a myth. 4 But though such 
demonstration is superfluous, we may appeal to the testi 
mony borne by the order of the universe, by the spirit of 
man, and by the universal consciousness of mankind. The 
Providence of God is manifest from the vision of all things 
that are seen, the works of skill and wisdom, both of things 
that come into existence in due order and of those which are 
made manifest in due order. 5 The voice of God as even 
the philosophers have noted may be heard by all who give 
earnest contemplation to the constitution of the universe, 
which owes its being and its unceasing subsistence to Him. 6 
The wisest of the Greeks have ascribed the pre-eminence to 

1 Q. D., 7. 2 str., iv. 22 136 . 3 ib., v. i 6 . 

4 Ib., i. ii 52 . 5 Ib., v. I 6 . Ib., v. 14" ; v. I 6 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 67 

" the invisible, sole, most powerful, most skilful, and princi 
pal cause of all that is fairest." l God gave to the Gentiles 
the stars for worship, that through the worship of the stars 
they might rise to the Maker of them. 2 And to this con 
viction, which is borne in upon us by the wisdom and 
order manifest in the world without, the inner voice of the 
spirit of man is responsive. " Into all men whatsoever a 
certain divine effluence has been instilled ; wherefore, though 
unwillingly, they confess that God is one, indestructible, 
and unoriginated." 3 A divine power is at work in the 
Providence which is exercised in relation to us. Such a 
Providence is inconsistent with the hypothesis of many 
gods. There is, then, only one God who truly is and 
subsists. 4 This belief in the existence of God is universal, 
and is essential to true life. " No race of men anywhere, 
tillers of the soil, or nomads, or even dwellers in cities, can 
live unless it has previously received faith in One who is 
better. Every nation alike in the east and the west, the 
north and the south, has one and the same conception 
regarding Him who has established the hegemony." 5 In 
like manner the common consciousness of mankind bears 
witness by its ordinary forms of speech to the existence of 
One who is Almighty. 6 If the conception of God be thus 
innate and universal, how comes it that belief in Him is 
not universal, that His existence is ignored or denied by 
many ? Such unbelief is moral rather than intellectual in 
its origin, and arises in part from the apparent victory of 
unrighteousness in the world and misconception as to the 
true ground of that apparent victory, and in part from the 
moral disorders of men themselves. Some men looking at 
the existence of injustice which passes unchastened think 

1 Str., v. 14 134 . 2 Ib., vi. 14 no , m . 3 Prot., vi. . Cf. xii. 12 . 

4 Ib., x. 103 ; Str., v. 13 87 . 5 Str., v. 14 133 . 

6 Ib., v. 14 135 . 



68 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

that there is no God. They do not observe, says Clement, 
the self-determination of the soul, and that it cannot be 
enslaved. Like these in opinion are those who from in 
continence in pleasures fall into pains out of the common 
course and unlooked-for accidents, and sinking under their 
calamities say that there is no God, or that, if He exists, 
He does not oversee all things. 1 This universal conviction, 
however, did not carry with it oneness of conception. That 
the conceptions of God varied with the moral character of 
men and were determined thereby, and that this in turn 
reacted on their moral life, is again and again emphasised. 2 
A mere belief in God, unless accompanied by a right ap 
prehension of the God in whom we ought to believe, was 
accordingly of no value. 

Apart from the numerous passages where his conception 
of God comes out incidentally, there are at least three occa 
sions on which he gives a formal definition ; and though the 
second is professedly based on a saying of the Lord, and 
there is a scriptural phrase in the third, they are all purely 
philosophical. "In the case of God," he says, "being is 
God. The Divine being is something eternal and without 
beginning and which cannot be circumscribed, and is the 
cause of things that exist." 3 Again "What is God? God is 
spirit, as also the Lord says. Now spirit is truly essence, 
bodiless, and that which cannot be circumscribed. And that 
is bodiless which is not completed by means of a body, whose 
existence is not in breadth, length, and depth. And that 
cannot be circumscribed of which there is no place, which 
is altogether in all things, and is in each whole and indepen 
dently the same." 4 Again "No one can form any con 
ception of God according to His worth ; but to form a 
conception of Him as far as it is possible, let him conceive 

1 Sir., vii. 3 15 . 2 Cf ib<> vii .,14. vil ^ 

3 Stiih., vol. iii. p. 219. 4 Ib., p. 220. 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 69 

of light inaccessible, great, incomprehensible, and most 
fair of light, which has embraced within itself every power 
that is good, every gracious excellence, which cares for all, 
is pitiful, passionless, good, knows all things, foreknows all 
things, is pure, sweet, bright, unmixed." l The first two 
definitions are concerned solely with the essence the 
essential nature of God ; in the third an ethical element 
enters into the conception. It is important to keep the first 
two definitions especially in mind, when we find descrip 
tions that have caused some to claim Clement, if not as an 
agnostic, at least as a precursor of Hamilton and Mansel. 

Clement repeatedly emphasises the transcendence of God. 
" The God of the universe," he says, " is above all speech, 
all perception, all thought." 2 "The discourse concerning 
God is most difficult to deal with." 3 " The subject of God 
embraces not one thing but ten thousand things. There is 
a difference between seeking God and seeking things about 
God. In this, as in everything else, the accidents are to 
be distinguished from the essence." 4 "The Governor of 
the universe is a Being hard to comprehend and apprehend, 
always receding and withdrawing from him who pursues. 
. . . God is not in darkness or in place, but above place 
and time and the property of things that have come into 
being. Wherefore He is never in a part, neither containing 
nor contained, either by way of definition, limitation, or ot 
section." 5 A kindred thought is developed elsewhere. 
" How can that be expressed," he asks, " which is neither 
genus, nor species, nor individual, nor number, nay more, 
is neither an accident nor that to which an accident 
happens? One cannot rightly call Him whole. For on 
account of His greatness He is ranked as the whole, and 

1 EC. Pr., 21. Cf. Adum. in I Joan., p. 210. " Quia deus," inquit, "lumen 
est : non essentiam divinam exprimit, sed declarare volens majestatem dei." 

2 Str., v. 10 65 . 3 Ib., v. i2 81 . 4 Ib., vi. i; 150 . 5 Ib., ii. 2 5 , 6 . 



70 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

is the Father of the universe. Nor are any parts to be 
predicated of Him. For the One is indivisible, wherefore, 
also, He is infinite, not so much because conceived as 
impossible to be embraced, but with reference to His being 
without dimensions and not having a limit. And, therefore, 
He is without form and name. And if we name Him, we 
do not do so, properly speaking, calling him either the 
One, or the Good, or Mind, or the Absolute, or Father, 
or God, or Creator, or Lord. 1 We do not speak of de 
claring His name ; but by reason of our perplexity we use 
good names, so that the mind may not go astray about 
other names, but may be able to lean upon those. For 
each name by itself does not express God ; but all collec 
tively are indicative of the power of the Omnipotent. For 
things may be described by their attributes or mutual 
relations ; but none of these qualities can be applied 
to God. Nor, again, can He be apprehended by the 
science of demonstration. For demonstration depends 
on what is anterior to, and better known than, that 
which is demonstrated. But nothing existed prior to the 
Unbegotten." 2 "Everything that falls under a name is 
begotten." 3 "Human speech is by nature feeble and 
incapable of declaring God. I do not mean declaring 
His name, for to name Him is common not to philo 
sophy only but to all poets nor declaring His essence, 
for that is impossible, but declaring the power and the 
works of God." 4 If this be so, how is any conception 
of God, still less any knowledge of Him, possible ? 
The method is that of analysis or the elimination of attri 
butes that imply definition or limitation. " By analysis 
we advance to Him who is the first conception. Start- 

1 Ka\ovvTfs fJToi IP, if) Ta.ya.Qbv, tf vovv t fy avrb rb $v, fy irarepa, f) 8ebv, $) 
StlHiovpybv, $ Kvpiov. Str., v. 12 s 2 . 

2 Str., v. 12 81 , 2 . 3 Ib., v. 13 83 . 4 Ib., vi. i8 1G6 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 71 

ing with things which are subordinate to it, we begin 
by abstracting from body its natural properties. Then we 
cut off the three dimensions, length, breadth, and depth. 
That which is left is a point, a unit having position, so 
to speak. Take away position, and you have the concep 
tion of the unit, If, then, abstracting all that belongs to 
bodies and the properties of things called incorporeal, 
we cast ourselves into the greatness of Christ, and thence 
go forward through holiness into immensity, we may attain 
somehow to the conception of the Almighty, not knowing 
what He is, but what He is not. And form, or motion, or 
standing, or a throne, or place, or right hand, or left, are 
not at all to be conceived as belonging to the Father of the 
universe, though these things are written of Him. . . . The 
First Cause is not, then, in a place, but above both place, 
and time, and name, and conception." 1 " God is one, and 
beyond the one, and above the monad itself." 2 

All this description of the Divine Being seems absolutely 
fatal to the thought to which he has given emphatic expres 
sion, that the knowledge of God was life. What possible 
knowledge of, or fellowship can there be with, One who can 
not be scientifically known, because He cannot be logically 
demonstrated, who is a mere metaphysical abstraction, of 
whom we can predicate nothing but negations, who seems 
only " the deification of zero," 3 and whose transcendence 
seems to put Him out of all possible relation to us ? "A 
God out of all relations," says Professor Flint, " is no God 
at all." 4 

There is a sense, however, in which these sayings of 
Clement are in harmony with Scripture and express a 

1 Str., v. II 71 . otiitovv ev rorrcf rb irpoorov atnov, a\A. virepdvu Kal r6irov 
Kal xpfoov Kal ot>6fj.a.TOs Kal vo-fi<rews. 

Psea., i. 8 71 . *v 8e 6 6fbs /cat tireiteiva rov evbs Kal virep avrfyv /uoi/aSa. 
3 Mayor, p. xxxix. * Agnosticism, p. 521. 



72 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

profound truth. That man cannot by searching find out 
God, that no man hath seen God at any time, that 
He alone hath immortality, dwelling in light inaccessible, 
whom no man hath seen or can see, is but the expres 
sion in simple language of what Clement sought to ex 
press in the language of the schools. And if, like him, 
we try to define the essence rather than the nature of 
God as manifested in that which is external to Him, to 
express what God is in Himself, apart from any relation 
to the universe or to man, can we conceive of Him or name 
Him in any other way than by denying to Him any 
attributes that imply anything that is distinctive of the 
finite ? This is but an amplification of the thought that God 
cannot be described in terms of Deductive Logic or sub 
sumed under its categories. It implies that God, the 
absolutely First Principle, need not, and cannot, be de 
monstrated, because He is a necessary postulate of human 
thought. What God is in Himself only God Himself can 
fully know. " God only knows the love of God." We can 
only guess at what He is in Himself by what He is to us. 
It is true that no category which implies limitation can be 
ascribed to God, that no name of man can describe His 
essence, and that our names are only points of support 
by which we may give definiteness to our conception of 
Him. The language of Clement expresses a truth which 
has been recognised by the highest teachers of all ages, and 
which forms an essential element in all true theism viz., 
that the essence of God must ever escape our analysis, 
that we may apprehend but cannot comprehend the nature 
of Deity, that He may be known to be infinite though not 
known as infinite. This method of conceiving God is due 
in part to the influence of Plato on his early training, 
in part to the influence of Philo. But though the lan 
guage is similar, Clement s motive of ascribing such 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 73 

transcendence to God is different from theirs. The aim 
of the transcendence in Plato was to keep the Deity from 
contact with the world. The aim of Clement is rather, in 
harmony with his view of a universal providence, to main 
tain the unconditional freedom of God and to emphasise 
the necessity of revelation. We can only understand the 
Unknown by divine grace, and by the Word that came 
from Him. 1 "The same One who is very far off has 
come very near an unspeakable wonder. I am a God near 
at hand, says the Lord. He is far off in respect of essence 
for how can that which is created apprehend the Un 
created but He is very near by His power in which all 
things have been embraced. Yea, the power of God is 
always present, laying hold of us by that power which sees, 
and is beneficent and disciplinary." 2 Thus the transcend 
ence of God, in the thought of Clement, is consistent with 
His immanence ; rather the immanence is an essential factor 
in his conception. 

On the ground of a saying preserved by Maximus the 
Confessor, it has been affirmed that " Clement expressly 
denied to God any consciousness of the external world." 3 
After having stated that Dionysius the Areopagite says that 
we are called " divine volitions" by the Scripture, Maximus 
quotes in confirmation or illustration a reply that had been 
given by some of the adherents of Pantsenus or Clement to 
a question concerning the nature of the divine knowledge. 
Stahlin assigns the saying to Clement. 4 Some who were 
vain of their secular culture wished to know in what way 
the Christians represented God s knowledge of existent 
things (the real). They supposed that He knew the things 
of sense by sensation and the things of intellect by intel 
lection. The answer ascribed to Clement is as follows: 
" God does not know the things of sense by sensation, nor 

Sir., v. 12 82 . a IK iif l5 3 > 64> 4 Stahtj vol> ^ p . 224< 



74 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

the things of intellect by intellection. For it is not possible 
that He who is above existent things should apprehend ex 
istent things after the manner of existent things. We say 
that He knows existent things as His own volitions a 
reasonable argument to adduce. For if He has made the 
totality of things by volition which reason will not gain 
say and if it is always right and pious to say that He 
knows His own volitions, and He by volition has made 
each of the things that have come into being, then God 
knows existent things as His own volitions, seeing that also 
by volition He has made existent things." 

The aim of Clement in this answer is not to deny 
the divine knowledge, but rather to emphasise its nature 
and method in contrast with human knowledge, and 
so to deny anthropomorphism both in a grosser and 
a subtler form. Man, who is himself a part of existent 
things, can only know them by sense -perception, or by 
a process of intellection, mediate and partial, bit by bit, 
as it were. God, who is not a part of existent things 
but above them, cannot know them as such, not only be 
cause He is above them, but because of His immediate 
relation to them as acts of His will. His argument is : 
God made all things by volition. He knows His own 
volition. Therefore, He knows existent things as His own 
volitions. And His volition, in the thought of Clement, is 
no barren volition, but a realised volition ; for His volition 
is work. 1 Can that be called a denial of God s conscious 
ness of the external world? If we may judge from human 
analogy, there is nothing of which we have such immediate 
knowledge as we have of our own volitions and their 
realisation or embodiment. Does an artist not know that 
which he has willed to delineate ? In a real sense does any 
one else know it, or does he know anything else? If any- 

1 Fsed., i. 6 27 : TO fleArj/ua avrov tpyov t<rri. 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 75 

thing be denied of God s relation to the external world in 
this saying, would it not be more correct to say that 
Clement denied to God any consciousness of an external 
world, of the external world, as external ? l 

The universe, according to Clement, owes its continual 
subsistence as well as its origin to God. He is as essen 
tial to the continuance of the universe as He was to its 
creation. The husbandman who casts in the seed is only 
an agent. It is God who brings about the growth and 
perfection of all things, and carries forward things that 
come into being to their natural end. To attribute growth 
and changes to the stars as the principal cause is to 
deprive the Father of the universe, so far as in them 
lies, of His unwearied power. 2 Things created have no 
power of themselves. " An axe does not operate with 
out some one to use it. Things do not energise of 
themselves, but possess certain natural qualities which 
accomplish their distinctive work through the energy of 
the craftsman. So by the universal Providence of God, 
through the medium of proximate causes, the power to 
act is transmitted in succession to individual objects." 3 

From this it would seem that Clement avoided on the 
one hand the danger of thinking of the transcendence of 
God in such a way as to place Him entirely out of rela 
tion to the universe which He had formed, and on the 
other hand that of conceiving Him in pantheistic fashion 
as merged and lost in His own world. The relation of 
the world to God is not like that of a machine which 
has been set agoing and endowed with certain qualities 
that make it independent of the Creator. The axe of a 
workman has no power to act of itself, and can only 
realise its end when put into action by the will of man ; 
so no force in the universe has an independent energy, 

1 Cf. Church Quarterly Review, 1904. 2 Str., vi. i6 148 . " Ib. 



76 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

but has only a potentiality of energy which would cease 
to develop into actuality were it not for the continuous 
operation of the Almighty. The same thought is enforced 
by the illustration drawn from the tillage of the ground. 
The husbandman can only use the seed with the potencies 
with which God has endowed it, and take advantage of the 
laws of growth which God has ordained for its development. 
But every stage of that growth is not only controlled but 
directed by God ; and were His energy to be withdrawn, 
these laws which are not only derived from God but 
administered by Him would cease to be operative. To 
attribute an independent energy to anything in itself, or to 
attribute it to any force external to the world, or to any 
thing whatever but God Himself, is to dishonour the 
untiring power of the Almighty. He Himself created, 
sustains, and administers the universe. Is this conception 
of the absolute sovereignty of God in the ceaseless ad 
ministration of the universe reconcilable with a dualism 
of original principles ? If unfettered in administration, 
must He not have been unfettered in creation ? Matter 
may be conceived as formless ; can it be conceived as 
existing uncreated before God imparted to it the quality 
of receiving form ? If it can be so conceived, must we 
not ascribe to matter a certain independence of God, 
and therewith a certain limitation of the divine power 
in creating and administering? But that the creative 
and administrative activity of God was absolutely uncon 
ditioned, Clement again and again asserts. "There is 
nothing which God cannot do." 1 "The universe sprang 
into existence at a mere act of His will." " Nothing 
at all exists unless He had willed it to exist." : If, 
then, even essentially chaotic matter existed before God 
fashioned it, He must have been its Creator. In itself 

1 Psed., i. 3 \ Prot., iv. 6:i . 8 Paed., i. S B -. 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 77 

the doctrine of intermediaries might seem opposed to 
the doctrine of immanence. But that would only be the 
case if the underlying conception were that in no other 
way could the gulf between matter and the transcendent 
God be bridged. But this conception of immanence being 
denied, the use of proximate causes is not inconsistent with 
immanence : it is only a method by which the immanence 
of God is effected. The employment of men as agents, 
for example, is in accordance with the divine method. But 
this does not mean that God can do some things but not 
other things, nor that some things take place with His will 
and some things against His will. 1 It is important to keep 
in mind the unconditioned activity assigned to God, as we 
turn to the controverted question as to the view of Clement 
on the eternity of matter. 

On this subject widely different views are, and have been, 
held. In accordance with a statement of Photius, some have 
maintained that he held a dualistic theory of the origin of 
the universe. One of the heresies which Photius found in 
the Hypotyposes was the eternity or timelessness of 
matter. 2 Some maintain that Photius was right ; some 
that he was in error, and in any case, that " timeless " 
was not synonymous with " uncreated." Some have held 
that in view of the conflicting statements no conclusion 
can be drawn, and that the conceptions of Clement 
remained in a fluid or chaotic form. 

Take first the positive statements which he makes as to 
his position. He avers that the Greek philosophers took 
from Moses the doctrine that the world was created. 3 He 
represents the conception of the creation of the world as 
the teaching of Scripture. He adduces the " prophecy " in 
Genesis 4 as evidence that " we may be taught that the 

1 EC. Pr., 1 6. 2 Photius, Cod., 109. 

3 Str., v. I 4 9a . * Gen. ii. 4. 



78 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

world was created, and that God did not make it in time." 
Still more definitely, in an altogether fantastic exegesis of 
the sixth commandment which, as being read into the 
commandment, all the more certainly expresses his thought 
does he make his position clear. It is true that the text 
of the conclusion of the passage is uncertain, but there is 
no corruption in the part of the passage to be adduced. 
He holds that to maintain that the world was uncreated 
was a transgression of the sixth commandment, to be put 
on a level with a denial of the providential administration 
of the universe. Both opinions alike are the introduction of 
false and pernicious views regarding God and His eternity. 2 
Now when it is kept in mind, as we have seen, that the 
denial of Providence was in his judgment not a matter for 
discussion or argument, but rather only for the punishment 
of the denier, there would seem to be little doubt as to 
what his opinion was. So, elsewhere, he says that the 
earth could not make itself, so that it could not be the 
cause of itself. 3 It may at least be claimed that the other 
evidence should be read in the light of these positive state 
ments. With regard to the creation of man, he says 
incidentally that God may have formed man either of that 
which was absolutely non-existent or out of matter. 4 As 
he expresses no preference for either opinion, all that can 
be urged from the passage is that the conception so far as 
man was concerned of a creation from the non-existent was 
not altogether foreign to his thought. The terms applied 
to God Himself are opposed to a dualistic view of original 
principles. He is the absolutely First Principle, and He 
alone is unbegotten. 5 Himself without beginning, He is 
the perfect beginning of the universe, the maker of the 
beginning. 6 Can there be more than one Unbegotten ? 

1 Str., vi. i6 145 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 147 . 3 Ib., viii. Q 28 . 4 Ib., ii. i6 74 . 
5 Ib., v. 12 81 ; vi. 7 08 . 6 Ib., iv. 25 162 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 79 

Can there be two first principles ? If matter were a first 
principle, it, too, would be unbegotten ; and the only differ 
ence between it and God would be the difference between an 
unconscious and a conscious first principle. But, on the 
contrary, Clement maintains, in spite of the maintenance of 
the opposite by some philosophers, that matter was not to be 
regarded as among first principles, as this would imply that 
there was more than one first principle. And he interprets 
a passage in the Timaeus as implying that the truly existent 
first principle was one. Even making allowance for the 
polemical element, if he did not accept the hypothesis of 
only one first principle, why should he thus have done 
violence to the interpretation of Plato ? l 

In speaking of the Marcionites, he says that they taught 
that evil was derived from matter, which was evil. 2 Matter, 
in the conception of Marcion, was thus a limit to the power 
of the God whom he called the Creator. Clement puts off 
the discussion of the question until he took up the question 
of the First Principles. This proposed section he never 
reached. But elsewhere he protests against the idea that 
the body as such, as being formed of matter, was evil by 
nature ; 3 and he nowhere indicates that he regarded matter 
as being independent of God, as from its evil nature it must 
have been, since God is in no way the cause of evil. It is 
true that he nowhere says, in opposition to Marcion, that 
matter was created by God, and therefore good in itself; but 
he denies that it had anything to do with evil. It in no way 
fettered the action of the Almighty; it was absolutely under 
His control. This does not prove that in the opinion of 
Clement matter owed its origin to God ; but it is more in 
harmony with the view that matter was not eternal, and, 
as far as it goes, confirms the statements already adduced. 

One passage, in particular, creates a difficulty, and seems 



80 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

to support the affirmation of Photius. In speaking of the 
" rest " of God, he says that does not mean that God ceased 
from doing, for that were to cease to be God. In the case 
of God, " rest " means that He has ordained that the order 
of things which have come into being should be preserved 
inviolably, and that each of the things created should 
" rest " from the ancient disorder. 1 He says that all things 
came into being together from one essence by one Power. 
And then he asks, How could creation take place in time, 
seeing that time also came into being along with things that 
exist ? 2 On the face of it, this might seem to reduce the 
work of the Creator to the Platonic role of bringing order 
out of disorder, to that of organising, not of creating, the 
universe. But it is quite consistent with the narrative in 
Genesis, which speaks first of a creation of the universe, 
and then of its ordering. And the "rest" of God refers to 
the end of the ordering. Nor does the reference to time 
coming into existence along with existent things involve 
dualism. No one argues more powerfully against the 
eternity of matter than Augustine. And yet in the very 
chapter in which he affirms that those who say that the 
world was eternal were raving in their impiety, he says 
almost in the language of Clement, that assuredly the world 
was not made in time but simultaneously with time. 3 So, 
by a timeless creation Clement did not mean that matter 
was eternal, but that creation, however he conceived it, was 
eternal. And his ground is that God must be conceived as 
having been eternally at work. From the context it is 
plain that it was not the question of the relation of matter 



1 Cf. Plato, Tim. 30 A. : ets ra^iv avro tfyayev fK rrjs ara^las. 

2 Str. , vi. l6 142 : TTOJS 8* av *v xP^ vc f ytvoiTO Kriffis, (Tvyyevo/utvov rols ofifft KO.L 
TOV xp^"ou; Cf. vi. l6 145 . 

3 De Civit., xi. 4, 6 : " Procul dubio non est mundus factus in tempore, sed 
cum tempore." 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 8 1 

to God, nor of God s relation to matter, that was in his 
thought, but the nature of the Divine working ; and that he 
declares to be eternal. The essential thing is that matter, 
whether conceived as created in time or not, should not 
have come into existence independently of God ; and of his 
view on that point Clement leaves us in no doubt. Taking 
into account, then, his own positive statements, his con 
ception of God and His relation to the world, the method 
of creation presented, his attitude towards the teaching of 
Plato and Marcion, I am of opinion that Clement did not 
hold a dualistic theory of the origin of the universe. 

The transcendence ascribed to God by Clement was in 
part due to his antagonism to pantheism. It is true that 
in his writings there are passages which, if they stood alone, 
might reasonably be held to imply a pantheistic conception 
of the universe. " The same Being is just and good, the 
true God, He who is Himself all things and the same in all 
things, because He is Himself God, the only God." 1 But 
from the context it is plain that he simply meant to 
emphasise the fact that God was the one reality, that He 
was at once the origin and the goal of all things, and that 
nothing was unrelated to, nor independent of, Him. So the 
phrases in the formal definitions already quoted 2 express 
the same thought, and at most are but another way of put 
ting the scriptural conception of the divine omnipresence. 
Quite explicitly he says that it is not as a part of God that 
the Spirit is in each of us. 3 That such is the force of the 
apparently pantheistic passage is proved by his repeated 
repudiation of the doctrine of the Stoics that the divine 
nature permeated all matter, even the vilest. " How," he 
asks, " can any one who has known God endure the saying 
that we are a part of God, and the same in essence with 
Him, when he has come to know his own life and the evils 

1 Paed., i. 9 88 . 2 See pp> 68j 6g 3 Str>j v< ^ss. 

F 






82 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

by which we are defiled ? For, in that case which it is 
not lawful to say, God would sin in part, if the parts are 
parts of the whole ; and if they are not complementary, 
they could not be parts." 1 To pantheism, then, in this 
crude material form, Clement is opposed alike on meta 
physical and ethical grounds. 

The same applies to his criticism of anthropomorphism. 
It is partly in antagonism to the gross anthropomorphism 
of Greek mythology that he strips God of all attributes 
that suggest His kinship by nature with man. " Most 
men entertain the same opinion of the blessed and incor 
ruptible God as of themselves." 2 The Greeks represent 
their gods as human in passions as well as human in 
form. Each nation paints the shapes of its gods after 
its own likeness " the Ethiopian, as Xenophanes says, 
black and snub-nosed; the Thracians, with red hair and 
blue eyes." 3 But if the divine nature were human in 
form, it would need like man food and covering and a 
house and all things belonging to these. 4 But God is 
not like any created thing in form, and does not hunger 
so as to desire food. 5 The Greek satirists themselves 
represent the worshippers as supposing that they could 
cheat the gods whom they professed to worship, or make 
them connive at their guilt. 6 To seek to localise in a 
shrine the Divine Being who cannot be circumscribed by 
place is an absurdity. 7 It is superfluous to set up any 
statue of Him as an object of worship, 8 still more, to 
offer to Him any material sacrifice. We honour God by 
prayer. 9 The only recompense that we can offer is a 
thankful and submissive heart as a kind of house-rent 
for our dwelling here below. 10 Not only must all gross 

1 Str., ii. i6 74 . 2 Ib., v. 11 68 . 8 Ib., vii. 4 s2 . 4 Ib., vii. 5 29 . 

6 Ib., vii. 6 30 . 6 Ib., vii. 3 15 . 7 Ib., vii. 5 29 . 8 Ib., v. 11 74 . 

9 Ib., vii. 6 31 . 10 Prot., xi. 116 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 83 

anthropomorphism be set aside, but no passion or affec 
tion of any kind must be ascribed to Him. " God is 
passionless, and without anger, and without desire. He 
is not fearless in the sense that He does not turn aside 
from things terrible, nor temperate in the sense that He 
rules over desire ; for the nature of God could not fall 
into anything terrible ; nor does He shun timidity, just 
as He will not even desire that He may rule over desire." l 
To desire to rule over desire would imply the possibility 
of being conquered by it, and such possibility would be 
a moral imperfection in God. For a kindred reason 
the forgiveness of God must not be limited by any 
conception of human forgiveness. 2 In his eagerness to 
avoid any appearance of anthropomorphism, Clement uses 
language which on the face of it ascribes to God an 
ethical transcendence parallel to the metaphysical tran 
scendence. In formal antagonism to his own ideal of 
ethical assimilation to God, he energetically condemns 
the thesis of the Stoics, that the virtue of God and man 
is identical. 3 But he nowhere denies that they were 
related; on the contrary, he says that the mercy of God 
alone fulfils the ideal of mercy. 4 To this conception of 
a passionless God it was objected that joy and mercy are 
ascribed in the Scriptures to God, and that they are passions 
of the soul. 5 God, rejoins Clement, only rejoices in the 
sense in which Christ could say, " I was hungry," making 
the joy of men His own. But surely, we may ask, whence 
came the impulse to such identification, to such oneness ? 
The language of Clement is due to his desire to keep his 
idea of God free from any human element in particular, 
from such passions as were an essential constituent of 

1 Str., iv. 23 151 : 6(6s 8e OTra^s, WvpAs re K ai a 

2 Ib., iv. 24 153 . 

4 Ib., ii. i6 73 . 5 Ib., ii. i6 72 . 



84 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

human nature, and to represent Him as " alone in and 
unto Himself, not standing in need of any creatures which 
He hath made." l But do we not read in Scripture of the 
hand and feet and mouth and eyes of God, of His going out 
and His coming in, of His anger and threatening ? 2 Such 
expressions, he answers, are to be interpreted allegorically, 
or to be regarded as a concession to human weakness. It 
was not possible for the Divine nature to be described as it 
is, but only in so far as it was possible for men fettered 
by sense to hear. 3 In brief, God spake to men as they 
were able to hear it ; alike in form and substance His 
revelation of Himself was affected by the material em 
bodiment; the measure of His power to unveil Himself 
was determined by the capacity of man to receive. 

God is omniscient. He does not, like man, judge the 
soul from external movement nor from the result. 4 He 
hears not only the voice but the thought. He is " all 
ear, all eye," if we may use such an expression. 5 He 
knows all things, not merely the things which are but 
those which shall be, and how they shall be. He sees 
the soul naked within. As in an amphitheatre He sees 
the whole and each thing at a glance. 6 The Pythagorean 
saying, " Pray with the voice," did not mean that God 
did not hear those who speak in silence ; but that our 
prayer should be such as no one would be ashamed to 
offer, though many were to hear it. 7 The power of God, 
like light, instantly sees through the whole soul. 8 

God is omnipotent. He is the universal King and 
Almighty Father, the Creator of all things. 9 There is 
nothing which God cannot do. 10 That God is "consum 
ing fire" is to be interpreted of His power. As fire is 

1 Westminster Confession, c. ii. 2. 2 Str., v. II 68 . 3 Ib., ii. i6 72 . 

4 Ib., vi. i2 101 . 5 Ib., vii. 7 37 . 6 Ib., vi. 17 156 . 7 Ib., iv. 26 171 . 

8 Ib., vii. 7 37 . 9 Ib., vii. 3 16 . Paed., i. 3 7 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 85 

the most powerful of the elements, and gains mastery of 
all things, so also God is all-powerful. As fire is superior 
to the elements, so is the Almighty to the gods, and 
powers, and principalities. He is a power strong and 
irresistible, to which nothing is impossible. 1 

Clement exhibits with great emphasis the absolute 
goodness of God. This goodness is based by him on the 
nature of God Himself, on the nature of the Good, with 
which God is identified, and on the teaching of Scripture. 
God does good, He does all good, and that voluntarily 
and designedly. He did not begin at some period to be 
Lord and good, being always what He is. His goodness 
is an essential constituent of His nature. Hence He will 
never cease to do good. 2 If he were to cease to do good, 
He would cease to be good. 3 For what is the use of 
Good that does not operate ? 4 All benefits belonging to 
life in its highest sense proceed from the sovereign God. 
He does good in a manner peculiarly His own. He is 
occupied with unceasing acts of beneficence, and remains 
unalterably in the same condition of goodness. 5 But this 
goodness is not to be conceived as akin to any physical 
attribute; it is no mechanical goodness, but the goodness 
of a loving personality. Goodness, no doubt, is as natural 
to God as warmth to fire but with an important differ 
ence. Unlike the fire, He is not involuntarily good. 6 He 
does not do good by necessity, but of His free choice 
He benefits those who of themselves turn to Him. 7 He 
is the adversary of no one, and the enemy of no one. 8 
His goodness is seen in His providential care, which is 
at once supreme and good, universal and individual. 9 It 
is ever at work, and is like the care of a shepherd for 

1 EC. Pr., 26. a Str., v. 14 ul . 3 Ib., vi. i6 141 . 

4 Ib., vi. I2 104 . 5 Ib. 6 Ib., vii. 7 42 . 

7 Ib. 8 Ib., vii. 12 69 , 9 Ib., i. 27 173 ; i. ii 82 . 



86 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

his sheep or a king for his subjects. 1 All things are 
arranged by the Lord of the universe, both generally and 
particularly, with a view to the safety of the universe. 2 
The goal of the ineffable Goodness is always as far as 
possible to bring the nature of existing things up to that 
which is better. 3 He loves everything that exists ; in 
particular does He love man, the noblest of created 
objects. 4 The argument from the nature of the good is 
to the following effect. That which does service to 
another is better than that which does not do service. 
But nothing is better than the good ; therefore, the good 
does service. God, therefore, as the Good, does all pos 
sible service to man. Now, that which does service of 
set purpose is better than that which does not do service 
of set purpose. But nothing is better than God. There 
fore, God does service of set purpose to man, that is, 
He is concerned for him, has a care of him. He has 
proved it by giving to him as Tutor the Word, the fellow- 
worker of the love of God to man. 5 That the God and 
Father of our Lord Jesus is good, is expressly declared 
by the Word. "He is kind to the unthankful and the 
evil." " Be merciful, as your Father is merciful." " None 
is good but my Father in heaven." " My Father makes 
His sun to shine upon all." " My Father sends rain on the 
just and on the unjust." 6 In view of his conception of the 
goodness of God, Clement held that no one could be con 
demned for disobedience to the Gospel who had not had 
an opportunity of hearing the call of the Gospel ; that, if 
this were not so, the goodness of God was impugned ; and 
that the will of God, which was disciplinary and opera 
tive, would save all, whether they lived before the advent 
or not, who turned to Him. 7 The world, then, is the 

1 Str., Vi. 17 W, 1M 2 J b> viji 2 12. 3 ^ v[> , ? 1 54< 4 p 

6 Ib., i. 8 62 , . e Ib<) i 872> 7 Str>) vi> 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 87 

best of all possible worlds. " There could not be any 
better government of man, nor one more in harmony with 
the nature of God, than that which has been ordained." l 
To the obstacles that stood in the way of the accept 
ance of this conception of the absolute goodness of God, 
Clement was not blind. Two problems were thrust upon 
him. How explain the existence of evil in a world 
governed by absolute goodness associated with unlimited 
power, where nothing takes place without the will of the 
Lord of the universe ? 2 How explain the seeming in 
difference of God to the practical working of evil as 
exhibited in the temptations to which Christians are 
exposed, and, above all, in the apparent triumph of un 
righteousness in the persecution and death of the followers 
of Christ? 

To begin with, in its essential nature evil has no relation 
to God. It has no independent existence or reality apart 
from the activity of some doer of evil ; it has no objective 
basis in matter. 3 "But, by not preventing it, does He not 
cause it?" No, argues Clement, that is a mistaken con 
ception of the nature of causality. Causality is not a nega 
tive but a positive concept it implies activity. Accord 
ingly, that which prevents is a cause, but that which does 
not prevent is not a cause. A cause is only a cause when 
conceived in relation to an effect. Where there is no effect 
there is no cause at work. That which does not prevent 
produces no effect, therefore it is not a cause. To these 
logical principles, laid down in the last book of the 
Stromateis, 4 he has given application in an earlier dis 
cussion of the relation of God to evil. To those who kept 
declaring that that which does not prevent is a cause, that, 
for example, he who did not quench a fire at the outset 
was responsible for the subsequent conflagration, and was 

1 Str., vii. 2 8 . 2 Ib., iv. 1 2 s6 . 3 Ib., iv. 13 " 8 , 94 . * Ib., viii. g" 27 , ". 



88 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

punished by the law accordingly, Clement replies in accord 
ance with the above principles that the notion of causality is 
in doing, energising, and acting ; that that which does not 
prevent is inoperative and stands in no logical relation to 
that which comes into being. As well say that the wound 
was not caused by the dart but by the shield which did not 
prevent its entrance. To prevent is a causal relation ; not 
to prevent is not a causal conception. 1 "The responsibility 
lies with him who makes choice : God is not responsible." 
This saying of Plato, 2 repeated more than once by Clement, 3 
had already been applied by Justin in elucidation of the 
same problem, and had virtually become a watchword in 
early Apologetics. In a like spirit Basilides had declared, 
" I will affirm anything rather than affirm that Providence 
is evil." So far Clement would have agreed with him. 
But his solution that individual punishment must always 
be held to imply individual sin, and that men were punished 
here for sins which they had committed in a previous state 
of existence, is set aside by Clement as no solution. It 
only pushes the question of the relation of Providence 
to evil a stage backwards, and is entirely opposed to the 
fact that it is wholly within our power to say whether 
we shall confess by martyrdom or not ; and on such a 
hypothesis there is no place for faith in God or love to 
man, nor for moral praise or censure. 4 The question was 
forced on Clement, not in a theoretical but in a practical 
form, partly in its bearing on the inner life of the individual 
Christian, partly in its bearing on the question of per 
secution. When it is said in Scripture that "God tried 
them," all that is meant is that, in order to test them and 
to put the tempter to shame, He permitted them to be 
tried. He permits temptation, because we must be saved 

* Str.,i. 1 7 MM. 2 Plato, Rep.,x. 6i 7 E. 

Str., i. i 4 ; iv. 23 150 , & c . 4 Ib., iv. 1 2 s2 - 85 . 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 89 

of ourselves, in order to put to confusion him who has 
tempted and failed, to confirm those within the Church, 
and to have regard to the conscience of those who admire 
our endurance. 1 " If God cares for you," was the retort 
of the heathen persecutors, " why are you persecuted and 
slain ? " This was a problem that was not new in a sense, 
but was specially insistent, when the Christian conception 
of an Almighty and All-holy God was promulgated and 
maintained. Hence its recurrence in Psalmist and Prophet. 2 
It was no problem to polytheism or pantheism or to a 
monotheism which was not rooted in Christian ground. To 
the Christian consciousness, is the virtual reply of Clement, 
there is nothing arbitrary in the persecution, so far as God 
is concerned. It is in accordance with the prediction of 
the Lord Himself, who by such prediction trained us to 
fortitude. To say that evil-doers justly undergo punish 
ment is an involuntary tribute to Christians who are 
punished for the sake of righteousness. Moreover, it is 
no hardship for us to be set free by death and go to the 
Lord, always provided that our witness by martyrdom is 
grounded on love. 3 As for the injustice of the judge, 
that in no way touches the Providence of God. There 
must be no interference with his freedom of action. He 
must not be reduced to a mere puppet, like a lifeless instru 
ment, receiving impulses from an external cause. 4 In 
harmony with his views on causality, Clement solves this 
problem in the same way as the general question. Such 
persecution takes place without the prevention of God. 
For the fact of non-prevention, thus interpreted, saves both 
His providence and His goodness. 5 We may not say that 
the activity of God produces afflictions, but we may fitly 

1 Str., iv. I2 85 . 2 Ps> 76> &c> . MaL Hi 

3 Str., iv. li so . 4 Ib>j iv< Il78> 79. 

6 Ib., iv. 12 86 . rovro yap /u6i>ov cr^^ei /ecu r^v irpAvoiav KO.\ rV ayaQ6rr)Ta rov deov. 



pO THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

be persuaded that He does not prevent those who cause 
afflictions, and that He transforms the daring deeds of His 
enemies into good. 1 In brief, the force of the reply of 
Clement may be put thus : Postulate freedom on the part 
of man, and the possibility of the misuse of freedom, and 
therefore the possibility of evil, at once emerges. Freedom 
to disobey is the necessary correlate of freedom to obey ; 
and the choice lies between a mechanical goodness without 
freedom and freedom with the possibility of disobedience. 
The latter alternative is alone worthy of God and man. By 
bestowing freedom on man, God voluntarily, so far as man 
is concerned, put a limit on His own omnipotence ; and He 
can only show that evil is not independent of Him nor 
indifferent to Him, by transforming it into good. 

With this essential goodness of God all the other attri 
butes and actions of God are in harmony. The controversy 
raised by Marcion led Clement to touch specially on the 
relation of the Divine justice to the Divine goodness. 
Marcion had sought to explain the difference between the 
representation of God in the Old Testament and that in 
the New Testament by ascribing the origin of the Old 
Testament to a subordinate God whose essential nature 
was justice, and the New Testament to the Supreme God 
whose essential nature was goodness. He assumed, there 
fore, that justice and goodness were irreconcilable attri 
butes. "The economy of God," says Clement, "is just." 2 
Punishment by God does not arise from anger. Its goal 
is justice. It is not expedient that justice should be ignored 
for our sake. 3 The same Lord who in the Gospel speaks of 
His Father as alone good, addresses Him in prayer as the 
"just Father." 4 He who is truly God is just and good. 
The justice of God in His censure of evil does not create 
the transgression, any more than the physician is the cause 

1 Sir., iv. I 2 87. 2 Ib>j iy> 62:(> 3 Pxdt L gw 4 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 91 

of the fever which he points out ; it only acts like a mirror 
which reveals to an ugly man the fact and the measure 
of his ugliness. God is good for His own sake, and just 
also for our sakes, and that because He is good. 1 The 
justice of God is good, and His goodness is just 2 The 
Incarnation, which is the measure of the love of God to 
man, is at the same time an exhibition of His justice. 3 

From the fact that Clement regards justice as indis- 
solubly related to goodness, it follows that he regards all 
punishment of men by God as disciplinary and remedial. 
God corrects men as a teacher or parent corrects his 
children. In His punishment of disobedience there is no 
element of vengeance, for vengeance is retaliation for evil, 
sent for the advantage of him who takes the revenge ; 
but He corrects for the public and private good of those 
who are corrected. 4 Nor is He eager to execute His 
threatenings. He is not like a serpent which bites its prey 
as soon as it fastens upon it. 5 He chastens for three 
causes, all of which have a disciplinary end. He chastens 
for the sake of the man who is chastened, that he may rise 
superior to his former self; he chastens by way of example 
to others, that by such admonition they may be driven back 
from sin before sinning ; and in the case of the man who 
has suffered wrong, He chastens the wrong-doer that the 
wronged person may not become an object of contempt 
and a fit subject for being wronged. 6 All punishment is 
medicine. If a physician who removes some disease is a 
benefactor, is he not more so who removes some injustice 
from the soul ? If he who cuts or cauterises a diseased 
part of the body is called saviour and healer, why not 
the Physician of the souls of men ? Whether God em- 

1 Pasd., i. 9 88 ; Str., vii. 12 73 . 2 Str., vi. 14 109 . 

3 Paed., i. 8 62 ; i. 9 . 4 Str., vii. i6 loa . 

5 Psed., i. 8 68 . 6 Str., iv. 24 154 . 



92 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

ploys mercy or reproof, His aim is the salvation of the 
reproved. 1 In God the affection of anger, if it be right 
to call admonition by such a name, is inspired by love to 
man. He condescends to emotion for the sake of man. 2 
Herein is the legitimate function of fear and threatening. 
It is but the application of spiritual medicine to the vary 
ing temperament of His children. The true, the ideal, 
motive of Christian life is love; but there are some who 
will turn to Him from fear, while they would spurn His 
love. 3 

His conception of the absolute goodness of God seems 
to be inconsistent, however, with the manner in which he 
represents God s relation to man. In opposition to the 
teaching of the Gnostics, Clement lays down that " God has 
no natural relation to man, 4 as the founders of heresy will 
have it. ... God, who is by nature rich in pity because 
of His goodness, takes care of us who are neither parts of 
Him nor by nature His children. What is more this is 
the greatest index of the goodness of God, that though our 
relation to Him be such, and though we are by nature 
entirely estranged, He nevertheless cares for us. Animals 
have a natural affection for their offspring, and persons who 
are like-minded from intercourse become friends. But rich 
is the mercy of God to us who are not related to Him in 
anything neither in our essence, I mean, nor in nature, 
nor in the specific part of our essence, but only in this that 
we are the work of His will; and the man who by dis 
cipline has won the knowledge of the truth He calls to the 
adoption of sons, which is the greatest advance of all." 5 

1 Psed., i., 8 72 . 

2 Ib., i. 8 74 : dAXi Ka l rb eniraeis rfc opyrjs, t 5^ bpy^ T V vovOfffiav avrov 
XPT] Ka\w, <f>i\av6pwir6v tcrriv els TrdBr} Kara&aivovTos rov 0eoG 5m rbv &v6po)iroi 

3 Pad., i. 9*6. 

4 & 0e6j 5* oMculav ? x "V^r fats Qva^v <TX*<TU>. Cf. Adum. in i John 
(Stah., vol. iii. p. 213). Str.,ii. 16^4, 75. 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 93 

The apparent harshness of this passage is due in part to 
its polemical tendency, in part to his desire to free his 
conception of God from anything akin to pantheism, but 
mainly to his purpose of emphasising the unconditional 
freedom of the divine mercy. But, surely, the fact that 
man is in a special sense the work of absolute goodness 
creates a certain relationship. Is not he who is a son 
in posse internally related in esse ? This he affirms else 
where. 1 " All other things were made by the word of 
command alone, but man was formed by God Himself, 
and He breathed into him that which was peculiar to 
Himself." 2 The creation of man, of something capable of 
knowledge of God, seems to be represented in a sense as 
essential to the complete goodness of the Creator. 3 If the 
pity of God is unconditional, it is exhibited as the only 
true pity, and in a way that softens if it does not con 
tradict His own thesis. Properly speaking, the greater 
pities the less ; and man, as he is by nature man, cannot 
be greater than a man. But God is greater than a man 
in all things. If, then, the greater pities the less, God 
alone will pity us. 4 " O surpassing love to man ! " he 
cries ; " not as a teacher speaking to his scholars, not as 
a master to his servants, but as a gentle father, the Lord 
admonishes his sons." 5 "God of His great love to man 
lays hold of him to help him, as the mother -bird flies to 
one of her young when it falls out of the nest. And if a 
serpent open its mouth to swallow the little one, the 
mother flutters around, uttering cries of grief for her 
little ones ; 6 and God the Father seeks His creature, and 
heals his transgression, and pursues the reptile, and takes 
up again the young one and urges it to fly up to the 
nest." 7 "His love to man is unspeakable, and His 

1 Cf. Str., v. 13 87 . 2 Psed., i. 2 7 . 3 Ib. 4 Str., ii. i6 73 . 

6 Prot., ix. 82 . 6 Homer, II., ii. 315. 7 Prot., x. 91 . 



94 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

hatred of evil is immeasurable." 1 The Christian heart 
in Clement gained the victory over his metaphysical 
abstractions. 

God is conceived as a Trinity. Clement not only uses 
the word, but again and again implies the doctrine, 
though it is not definitely formulated by him in a de 
veloped form. Referring to a passage in the Timseus 
of Plato he says, " I understand nothing other than 
the Holy Trinity to be indicated." 2 " Our treasure in 
an earthen vessel is guarded by the power of God the 
Father, and the blood of God the Son, and the dew of 
the Holy Spirit." 3 At the close of the Paedagogus he 
prays "that all may praise with thanksgiving the alone 
Father and Son, the Son who is Tutor and Teacher, to 
gether, with the Holy Ghost also." 4 Of the work of the 
Spirit in the Church and in the individual believer, as 
the inspirer of Holy Scripture, as the source of the higher 
life, Clement often speaks; but of the Spirit in Himself, 
and in relation to the Father and the Son, he says little. 
In the lost or unfinished treatises on Prophecy and the 
Soul he intended to discuss the question of the method 
in which the Holy Spirit was distributed and His nature. 
But though the doctrine of the Trinity is in the back 
ground of his thought, he nowhere, like his contemporary 
Tertullian, discusses the relation of the Persons in the 
Trinity to one another. Though in most cases the com 
parative absence of incidental allusions to a doctrine can 
not be pressed, in the case of a writer so discursive as 
Clement it is a feature that cannot be treated as without 
significance ; and the conclusion would seem to be that 
the question in itself was of little interest to him, and 
was only of importance on its speculative and practical 

1 P ot.,x."4. 2 Str.,v. 14 ^ . Tim., 41 A. 

8 Q. D., 34. Cf. Red., i. 6* I>*d., iii. 12 "i. C f. EC. Pr., 13, 29. 



THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 95 

side in its bearing on the fact and the doctrine of the 
Incarnation of the Word. 

What is of permanent value in this doctrine of God 
presented by Clement with the view of winning over to 
the Christian faith the cultivated Greeks of Alexandria ? 
It contains many noble elements. In representing the 
knowledge of God as the true life of man and the pos 
sibility of its attainment as the goal of all lofty aspiration, 
he lays down the basis that underlies all positive religious 
life. At the same time, he begets a sense of reverence 
within us by reminding us that, apart from the manifold 
revelations of the Word, the Father of the universe is an 
unknown God, and that even with His revelation we can 
but touch the hem of His garment. It gives a place to 
the manifestation of God in nature as well as in the uni 
versal consciousness of mankind. If in setting aside all 
possibility of a pantheistic conception of God, he ascribes 
to Him a transcendence which seems to remove Him abso 
lutely from the range of our vision, and out of all relation 
to us, he at the same time represents Him as immanent, 
as eternally operative in His own world. Though some 
phrases in his writings may be interpreted as favouring a 
dualistic origin of the universe, the general direction of 
his thought is distinctly anti-dualistic ; and it is possible 
to interpret such phrases in a way that is reconcilable 
with his otherwise emphatically reiterated teaching that 
the universe owes its existence and its continued existence 
to the One, Unbegotten, Almighty God. If partly under 
the influence of Plato, partly from a polemical interest in 
opposition to Gnosticism, he sometimes exaggerates the 
unrelatedness between the Creator and man, and seems 
to make the relation an external rather than an internal 
and moral relation, he establishes anew the natural re 
lationship which he had seemed to disown by ascribing 



96 THE NATURE AND ATTRIBUTES OF GOD 

to man a unique dignity among created things as alone 
" made in His image," and therefore capable of appre 
hending Him. In some other aspects this theology is of 
a type that we are wont to consider as primarily modern, 
whereas the modern and loftier conception of the nature 
and purposes of God may be said to be but a return to 
an earlier position which the Church ignored, superseded, 
or abandoned. In making not the sovereignty of God 
but His goodness and that a goodness that had always 
been at work as the central principle of his thought, in 
leading us to think of the justice of One who is good 
rather than of the goodness of One who is just, and 
thus bringing the punishment of sin in immediate relation 
to the goodness rather than to the sovereignty of God, 
Clement is in harmony with a strong current of thought 
in our own time. It may be that he is not free from 
the imperfect grasp of the sin of man in relation to the 
holiness of God that is sometimes associated with that 
mode of thought ; but what his theology loses thereby in 
stately symmetry it gains in warmth and life. 



97 



LECTURE IV. 

THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST. 

" IN the beginning was the Word, and the Word was 
with God, and the Word was God. The same was 
in the beginning with God. All things were made by 
Him, and without Him was not anything made. 1 That 
which hath been made in Him was life; and the life was 
the light of men. . . . And the Word became flesh and 
tabernacled among us (and we beheld His glory, glory as 
of the only begotten from the Father), full of grace and 
truth." "No man hath seen God at any time; the only 
begotten God 2 who is in the bosom of the Father, He 
hath declared Him." " Even as Thou, Father, art in me 
and I in Thee." " He is the image of the invisible God, 
the First-born of all creation ; for in Him were all things 
created. . . . All things have been created through Him 
and unto Him ; and He is before all things, and in Him 
all things consist." " No man knoweth the Son but the 
Father, and no one knoweth the Father save the Son, 
and He to whom the Son shall have revealed Him." 
" God having of old time spoken to the fathers in the 
prophets by diverse portions and in divers manners, hath 
at the end of these days spoken unto us in His Son, whom 

1 So, like the Ante-Nicene fathers generally, Clement divides the sentence. 

2 So Clement reads in John i. 18. 

G 



98 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

He appointed heir of all things, through Whom also He 
made the worlds : Who being the effulgence of His glory 
and the impress of His substance, and upholding all things 
by the word of His power, when He had made purification 
of sins, sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on 
high." " That which was from the beginning, that which 
we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, that 
which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the 
Word of Life and the life was manifested, and we have 
seen, and bear witness, and declare unto you the eternal 
life which was with the Father, and was manifested unto 
us." 1 The Christology of Clement is an endeavour to 
make explicit the conceptions that underlie these state 
ments. A keen and restless spirit to whom the truth was 
no external possession, but a part of his very being, to 
whom the injunction, "Seek and ye shall find," came with 
special insistence, could not be satisfied without specula 
tion on the meaning of the words and seeking to elaborate 
their contents. And that that elaboration should have 
been cast in the mould of his earlier teaching, and to that 
extent have been modified thereby, is merely what might 
have been expected. He was not called upon to discard 
the positions of his pre-Christian days, unless so far as they 
were inconsistent with the Christian standpoint. A change 
of attitude involved no breach of intellectual continuity. The 
only question is, Was the Christian teaching so modified 
in the process that it became inconsistent with the primary 
source or with a legitimate development of it ? To seek 
to bring his thought into perfect conformity with the for 
mulas of a later age, or to expect that he should have an 
ticipated such formulas, would be an absurd anachronism. 
Keeping in view his liberal attitude towards the pre-Christian 

1 Johni. 1-4, 14, 18; xvii. 21. Col. i. 15, 16, 17. Luke x. 22. Heb. i. 1-3. 
I John i. 1,2. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 99 

history of mankind, the width as well as the limitations 
of his individuality, all that we can expect is, that he shall 
witness in general outlines to the teaching of the Church of 
his time. In view, further, of the measure in which individ 
ual expressions may have been determined in part by his 
polemical aim, in part by his strong bias towards eclecti 
cism, and in view of " the mystic and turgid rhetoric " l 
to which he at times gives way, it may not be possible 
to obtain a presentation of his doctrine in all respects 
consistent and harmonious. 

Clement has himself distinctly set forth the essential 
points in the teaching of the Church with reference to 
Christ and the main questions which arise in connection 
with it. " The whole economy which prophesied concern 
ing the Lord appears a parable to those who have not 
known the truth : when one says and the rest hear, that the 
Son of God, the Son of Him who made the universe, assumed 
flesh and was conceived in the womb of the Virgin, in so 
far as His sensible flesh was made ; and subsequently, as 
was the case, suffered and rose again, being to the Jews a 
stumbling-block and the Greeks foolishness." 2 " It has 
escaped their notice that we must truly believe in the Son 
that He is the Son, and that He came, and how, and 
for what, and concerning His passion ; and we must know 
who is the Son of God." 3 The points here detailed 
suggest order of treatment. 

Who, then, is the Son of God ? What is the teaching 
of Clement as to the Pre-Incarnate Word ? 

According to him, fatherhood is an inalienable attribute 
of the Divine Being. The Son must therefore have been 
eternally begotten, for fatherhood and sonship are correlative 
conceptions. " Along with the fact that God is Father, He 

1 Ritter, Geschichte der christlichen Philosophic, vol. i. p. 424. 

2 Str., vi. is 127 . s Ib., v. i 1 . 



BIB, 



100 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

is the Father of the Son." l The one thing which is unorig- 
inated is the almighty God ; and there is only one First- 
begotten. 2 The beginning of generation is not separated 
from the beginning of the Creator. When it is said, "That 
which was from the beginning," the reference is to the genera 
tion, without beginning, of the Son who co-existed with the 
Father. The word " was " is indicative of His eternity 
which had no beginning. So also the Word, that is the 
Son, who, according to equality of substance, consists one 
with the Father, is eternal and uncreate. 3 The Son is in 
the Father, and the Father in the Son. 4 The creation of 
the world is assigned indifferently to the Father and the 
Son. 5 The essential attributes of deity are assigned to 
both. As God is almighty, so is the Word. 6 As God 
inspects all things, so does the Word. 7 As God is love, 
that which He begat was love. 8 As the Father is perfect, 
so is the Son. 9 As God is good, so of necessity the Word 
must be. 10 He is a genuine Son of God. 11 Others are but 
sons by adoption, and cannot be equal in point of sub 
sistence to that which is by nature. 12 He is the true, only- 
begotten, the express image of the glory of the universal 
king and Almighty Father. 13 He is timeless and without 
beginning, the beginning and first-fruits of existing things. 14 
Before the foundation of the World He was the Counsellor 
of the Father, the Wisdom in which the Almighty God 
rejoiced. 15 This Son is the Word of the Father, nay, one 
with the Father. 16 He was before the morning-star. 17 He 



1 Str.,v. i 1 . Cf. Adum. in I Joan.; Stah., vol. iii. p. 210: " Patris appellatione 
significat, quoniam et filius semper erat sine initio." 

2 Str., vi. 7 58 . 3 Adum. in I Joan i. I ; Stah., vol. iii. pp. 209, 210. 
* Pad., i. 7 53 . 5 Ib., i. 8 7J , &c. Ib., iii. 7 39 . 

7 Str., iii. lo 69 ; Paed., iii. I2 101 , 8 44 . 8 Q. D., c. 37. 

9 Pad., i. s 26 . 10 Str., i. iS 90 . n Ib., v. 13 **, 

12 Ib., ii. I7 77 . 13 Ib., vii. 3 16 . 14 Ib., vii. ! 2 . 

15 Ib., vii. 2 7 ; Prov, viii. 30. 16 Psed., i. 8 82 . 17 Prot., i. 6 . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST IOI 

was in the beginning and before the beginning. 1 He is 
the image of God. 2 He is the first principle of the universe, 
and fashioned -all things that came into existence after 
Himself. 3 He was the Creator of the world and man, 
is the leader of the universe, and the guide of all man 
kind. 4 He is the face of God, the Word by whom God is 
manifested and made known. 5 "The best thing on earth is 
the most devout man ; and the best thing in heaven is the 
angel who is nearest in place to God, the partaker already 
in a purer way of the eternal and blessed life. But the 
nature of the Son who is nearest to Him, who alone is the 
Almighty One, is the most perfect, and most holy, and most 
sovereign, and most princely, and most kingly, and most 
beneficent. This is the highest supremacy which orders 
all things in accordance with the Father s will and holds 
the helm of the universe in the best possible way, perform 
ing all things with unwearied and tireless power, beholding 
the secret thoughts of God through His operations. For 
from His own watch-tower the Son of God never departs, 
is never divided nor severed, changes not from place to 
place ; existing everywhere at all times, and being circum 
scribed nowhere; all mind, all eye, all light of the Father, 
seeing all things, hearing all things, knowing all things, with 
power scrutinising the powers." 6 His pre-incarnate activity 
was universal in its range. The progressive education of 
humanity was His distinctive work. It was He who gave 
philosophy to the Greeks. 7 It was He who acted as 
Tutor to the people of Israel, who appeared to Abraham 
and Jacob. It was He who by signs and wonders in 
Egypt and in the desert incited the people to salvation. 
It was He who spoke by Moses and all the prophets. 8 So 

1 Prot., i. 7 1 . 2 Ib.,x. 98 . * Str.,v. 6 58 . 

4 Paed.,iii. I2 100 ; i. 7 55 ; i. 7 56 . 5 Ib., i. 7 57 . 

6 Str., vii. 2 5 . 7 Ib>) vii> 2 n t s Pi3ed<> i. 766.68, 



102 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

far, the teaching of Clement may claim to have scriptural 
authority for its content and form, or to be a legitimate 
deduction from it. But there are other elements that seem 
irreconcilable either with Scripture or with his own funda 
mental positions. In some cases he speaks of the Word 
in terms that suggest an attribute of God rather than a 
distinct personality. 1 There are passages in which^ the 
distinction of persons in the Godhead is so minimised that 
he can be charged with Sabellianism. 2 There are passages 
in which the equality of the persons is so lost sight of 
that he seems to favour subordinationism. 3 

These apparent waverings and inconsistencies are minor 
offences compared with the " altogether impious and fabu 
lous statements " that Photius found in the Hypotyposes, 
among which were the degradation of the Son of God 
to the rank of a thing created, and the hypothesis 
that it was not the Word of the Father but a subor 
dinate Word that became incarnate. 4 The supposition, 
suggested by Photius himself and supported by some ex 
positors of the teaching of Clement, that the writings of 
Clement had been interpolated in a heretical sense, may 
be set aside; and there can be little doubt that Photius 
found in the Hypotyposes statements which could &be 
interpreted in harmony with this charge. He had no bias 
against Clement, and speaks of his errors more in sorrow 
than in anger. The question is, therefore, whether Photius 
was right in his interpretation; and in our ignorance of 
all the passages but one on which he based his charge, 
that question must be determined by the extent to which 
they find complete or partial confirmation in the extant 
writings. The presumption that he may have erred is 
strengthened by the fact that he certainly misunderstood 
the meaning of the one passage which he quotes in sup- 

1 Str., vii. 2 7 . 2 Paed., i. 8 71 . 3 Strj viL 2?> 4 Cod< IO9< 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 103 

port of his thesis. As to the first point. Zahn, who on 
this, as on the other criticisms made by Photius, supports 
his accuracy, calls attention to a few passages in the 
writings of Clement that may be adduced in support of 
the contention of Photius. 1 Clement repeatedly identifies 
the Word with the Wisdom of God, and yet he refers to 
Wisdom as the first-created of God ; 2 while in one passage 
he attaches the epithet " First-created," 3 and in another 
"First-begotten," to the Word. 4 But this seems to be 
rather a question of language than a question of doc 
trine. At a later date a sharp distinction was drawn 
between " first - created " and " first - born " or "first- 
begotten " ; 5 but no such distinction was drawn in the 
time of Clement, who with the Septuagint rendering of 
a passage in Proverbs before him could have had no mis 
giving as to the use of these terms. 6 "We find nothing 
in Clement," says Dorner, " about the subordination or 
creation of the Son." 7 That is, perhaps, putting the 
matter too strongly. But it may be confidently said that 
the evidence adduced in support of the statement of 
Photius is far from cogent, and in no way counterbalances 
the evidence of the positive statements in the writings of 
Clement to the opposite effect. 

As to the second point. According to Photius, Clement 
taught that there were two "Words," the less of whom 
appeared to men, or rather not even He. In proof he 
quotes the following : " The Son is called the Word, being 
of the same name with the Word of the Father, but it is not 

1 Supplementum Clementinum, pp. 141-147. 2 Str., v. 14 89 . 

3 Ex. Theod., c. 20. 4 Str., vi. 7 58 . 

5 See Suicer s Thesaurus on Trp(i)r6Krt<j-ros. 

6 Kvpios (KTto-ev (M apxV <55w> avTov. Prov. viii. 22. Cf. Ex. Theod., 20. 
TO 7&p irpb ti)ff(p6pov eyfvvri<rd ffe, ovrcas e^aKovo^fv eni rov irpwroKTiffTov deov 
\6yov. 

7 Person of Christ, vol. i. p. 287. 



104 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

this that became incarnate. Nor, indeed, is it the Word of 
the Father, but a certain power of God, an emanation, as 
it were, of His Word, that has become nous, and per 
vaded the hearts of men." l If this be the correct way of 
dividing the sentence, 2 there is no reference in the second 
part to the Incarnation, but only to the indwelling of 
" nous," conceived as an emanation of the Word, in the 
hearts of men. Both statements seem to be in answer to 
the same objection, which appears to have been urged by 
some one against the Incarnation of the Word, that this 
would imply that God was in that case separated from, or 
without, His Word (Reason). The reply of Clement is to 
the effect that a distinction must be drawn between the 
reason that was immanent in God and the Word which was 
a Person the Son. Zahn thinks that Photius was wrong 
in supposing that Clement denied the manifestation even 
of the inferior Word, but seeks to show by passages taken 
from the undoubted writings that he was right in affirming 
that it was not the Word of the Father, but the Son-Word, 
that became incarnate. He points to the fact that Clement 
makes a sharp distinction between the Son and Word who 
was begotten or created before the rest of creation and the 
alone Unbegotten God and Father, that he names this not 
rarely a divine power, that he says that the Word who 
appeared incarnate in Christ was not only the mediator of 
the Old Testament Revelation but the source of all reason 
and morals, the one true Teacher of all humanity. But are 
such characteristics irreconcilable with the conception that 
it was the one Word that became incarnate ? " The Word 
of the Father of the universe," says Clement, "is not the 
uttered word, 3 but the wisdom and most manifest kind 
ness of God, and His power, too, which is almighty and 

1 Photius, Cod. 109. 2 Zahn puts a , after "incarnate." 

s, St. v. I 6 . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 105 

truly divine, and His almighty will." But surely Bethune- 
Baker is right when he says, " Clement seems to me to 
be certainly objecting to the term \6yos Trpocjiopt/cos as 
applied to the Son on the ground that it depreciates His 
dignity, and not, as Harnack and Zahn take it, himself 
sanctioning a distinction between the higher \6yos eVSmtfero? 
and the lower \6yoi Trpofopitcoi,." 1 "There lies here a 
polemic," says Dorner, " against the opinion that He is 
simply the spoken, empty word, and not rather intelligence, 
real, creative power." 2 

Another passage has to be examined in this connec 
tion. " An image of God is His Word, the genuine 
Son of * nous, the divine Word, the archetypal light of 
light ; and an image of the Word is the true man, the 
nous which is in man, who is therefore said to have 
been made in the * image and likeness of God." 3 This 
means, according to Zahn, that Clement teaches that the 
Word who became incarnate was not the Son of God the 
Father but the Son of the "nous" of the Father, and, 
therefore, clearly to be distinguished from the Word 
(reason) of God Himself; that the Son- Word was only the 
Son of the higher Word. But it seems to me that Clement 
uses "nous" not for the reason that was eternally im 
manent in God, but for God Himself. In the Stromateis 
he quotes from Plato to the effect that he who contem 
plates the ideas will live as a god among men, and he adds 
that "nous" is the place of ideas, and God is "nous." 4 
On the whole, therefore, it is much more natural to suppose 
that Photius misinterpreted, not a part, but the whole of 
the passage which he cited from the Hypotyposes. " The 
only safe canon of criticism is that which bids us inter- 

1 Bethune-Baker, History of Early Christian Doctrine, p. 129. 

2 Vol. i. p. 289. s Prot., x. 98 . 
4 Plato, Soph., 216 B ; Str., iv. 25 155 . Cf. Str., iv. 25 162 . 



106 THE FERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

pret the less known in a sense in keeping with the more 
known." 1 

So far in his teaching as to the Word we move in a 
Christian atmosphere. But there are passages which take 
us out of the sphere of Christian thought. When we read 
that the Platonic idea is a thought of God, and that 
the barbarians call this the Word of God, we see the 
perilous side of his eclecticism. 2 When we read that the 
Son is the " circle of all the powers rolled into one and 
formed into a unity," 3 we are reminded of Neo-Platonic ways 
of thinking. Most important of all is the relation to Philo. 
In estimating the relation of the doctrine of the Word in 
Clement to that of Philo, two points have specially to be 
kept in view. On the one hand, as there is no doubt as 
to the dependence of Clement on Philo in some weighty 
matters of doctrine and criticism, other than his doctrine of 
the Word, the presumption is in favour of his dependence 
here. On the other hand, there are many points of affinity 
between the New Testament and Philo; and as Clement is 
saturated not only with the thoughts but with the words of 
the Scriptures, where Philo and the New Testament and 
Clement have common expressions, it is as probable that the 
New Testament was the primary source. " Image " (cixibv), 
" impress" (xapa/cr^p), "high-priest" (apwepevs), are found 



1 Bethune-Baker, p. 134. The passage from Photius is examined by Ziegler, 
Die Logoschristologie des Cl. Al., pp. 87-90. He puts the words d\\ ot x 

OVTOS tariv 6 ab.pl ytvo^vos before \eyerai, and translates : " But it is not this" 
(that is, the "nous," who is in the hearts of men) " that is the Incarnate Word, nor 
the Word of the Father, but a certain power of God, as it were an emanation of 
is reason, became nous and pervaded the hearts of men." All, therefore, 
that Clement here meant to explain was the relation of the human reason to 
the primal reason of God namely, to affirm that "a certain power of God, an 
emanation of His reason, became nous and pervaded the hearts of men." 

2 Str., v. 3 16. 

3 Ib., iv. 25 156 . Cf. Aal. Geschichte der Logosidee in der christlichen Litter- 
atur, pp. 393-429. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 107 

in all as designations of the Word ; but from the context it 
would seem that it was the language of Scripture that floated 
before the mind of Clement. 1 There are numerous expres 
sions common to both which are not found in the New 
Testament, such as TO opyavov rov @ov, 6 Trpwro^ovos 6eov 
v /09 ; 2 and there are kindred expressions, such as o Sevrepos 
#eo?, in Philo, and TO Sevrepov amoz/ in Clement, o irpeo-- 
PVTCLTOS deov v to? in Philo, and TO Trpeafivrepov eV yeveo-ei 
in Clement. 3 In such cases the dependence is manifest, as 
the expressions are not only not in Scripture but unscrip- 
tural. On the other hand, there are many characteristic 
designations of the Word in Philo which are not employed 
by Clement, and in some cases he has substituted a New 
Testament term for the Philonic word. Thus, neither 
" shadow " (a-fcia) nor " divider " (To/zeu?) is found in 
Clement ; and the absence of the latter is all the more 
noteworthy as he loves to support his views by sayings of 
Heraclitus, from whom Philo borrowed the expression. 
Though he speculates much, like many others, in part in 
dependence on Philo, on the mystic meaning of the number 
" seven," he does not, as the latter, relate it to the Word. 
When Philo employs ep/j,r)Vi><; for the interpretative function 
of the Word, Clement, in accordance with New Testament 
usage, prefers efyyrjrijs.* The key- word Trai&aywyos is not 
found in Philo, nor is Clement s favourite designation of the 
Word as HwTijp. The matter, therefore, is not so simple as 
it seems, and it is surely an exaggeration to say that the 
foundation is not scriptural but Philonic, as if Clement 
accepted only the epithets and teaching applied in the 
Scriptures to the Word, in so far as they were in harmony 
with kindred epithets and teaching in Philo. The opposite 

1 Str., v. 6 38 ; vii. 3 16 ; Prot. xii. 120. Cf. Col. i. 15 ; Heb. i. I, iv. 14. 

2 Prot., i. 6 ; Str., vi. 7 58 . 3 Str., vii. 3 16 ; vii. i. 2 . 

4 Ib., i. 26 169 . Cf. Johni. 18. 



108 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

may with more reason be maintained. To the mind of 
Clement there was no contradiction or irreconcilability 
between the purely philosophical and the purely Christian 
elements in his conception of the Word. If so, the ques 
tion is, What was the primary or assimilative principle ? 
That Philonic conceptions had permeated Christian circles 
even in the first century, we see from the New Testament 
itself; but is there any evidence that thinkers of any school 
outside of Alexandria had become so imbued with the 
system of Philo, apart from its infiltration into Christian 
thought, that it occupied a prominent place in their teach 
ing ? Or, if such teachers existed, is there any evidence 
that Clement had sat at their feet? The fact that his 
eager spirit had no rest until he found Pantaenus is against 
the supposition. A common use of the allegorical method 
of exegesis proves nothing, for such was common and 
inevitable, while as yet the Old Testament was the only 
authoritative collection of sacred books, if they were to 
be interpreted in a Christian sense. If, then, there be no 
evidence of the influence of this distinctive feature in the 
teaching of Philo in any teacher with whom it is prob 
able that Clement had associated before his arrival in 
Alexandria, he would only learn to know the writings of 
Philo after his religious thought had been moulded on a 
definitely Christian basis, and he would read the works of 
Philo with Christian eyes rather than read Philonic concep 
tions into his Christian thought. No doubt this is largely 
a matter of hypothesis, but it is a hypothesis which finds 
powerful confirmation in the fact that to Clement the Incar 
nation of the Word an impossible conception with Philo 
was a fundamental fact and truth. 

"That He came, and how." The Word who was with 
God, the Word by whom all things were made, "He 
who is in Him who truly is," has appeared. He, who as 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 109 

Creator bestowed life upon us at first when He formed 
us, has appeared as a teacher, and taught us to live well, 
that as God he might afterwards bestow upon us eternal 
life. 1 Though despised in outward form, He was in reality 
adored. He truly is most manifest God. He was made 
equal to the Lord of the universe, because He was His 
son. 2 " If thou dost not believe the prophets, the Lord 
Himself will speak to thee," "who being in the form of 
God counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God, 
but emptied Himself," He, the compassionate God, eagerly 
longing to save man. 3 John, the herald of the Word, ex 
horted men to be ready for the advent of God the Christ. 4 
The Son of God was conceived in the womb of the virgin. 5 
The Lord Christ was the fruit of the virgin. 6 By this all 
generation has been sanctified. 7 The very Word has ap 
peared as man. He alone is both God and man. 8 A 
manifest mystery, God in man, and man God. The 
Mediator accomplishes the will of the Father. For He 
is the Word common to both, Son of God, but Saviour 
of men, His minister, our teacher. 9 He that ate from a 
homely bowl and washed the feet of the disciples was the 
unpresuming God and Lord of the universe. 10 He was God 
in the form of man. 11 So closely are the divine and the 
human interpenetrated that Clement assigns names and 
functions and attributes to the human side, that, strictly 
speaking, can only be applied to the divine side, and vice 
versa. He applies the epithet " eternal " to Jesus. 12 Our 
Tutor is the holy God, Jesus, the Word who is the guide 
of all humanity, the philanthropic God Himself. 13 The 
Word poured forth His own blood for us. 14 " Believe, 



1 Prot., i. 7 . 


2 Ib., x. no . 


3 Ib., i. 8 . 


4 Ib., i. 10 . 


8 Str., vi. I5 127 . 


6 Psed., i. 6. 


7 Str.,iii. i; 1 ^. 


8 Prot., i. 7 . 


9 Psed., iii. i 2 . 


10 Ib.,ii. 3 38 . 


11 Ib., i. 2 4 . 


12 Prot., xii. 12 . 


13 Pad., i. 7 55 . 


14 Ib., i. 6 43 . 





1 10 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

O man, Him who is man and God. Believe, O man, in 
Him who suffered and is adored. Believe, ye slaves, in 
the living God who was dead. Believe, all ye of human 
kind, the only God of all. Believe, and receive salvation 
as a reward." 1 The Word alone is sinless. 2 The Saviour 
surpassed all human nature. 3 He alone who for us assumed 
humanity is perfect in all things at once. 4 The relation 
of this perfection to His baptism had been a matter of 
controversy with the Gnostics in Alexandria. As God, 
He had nothing in addition to learn ; yet, when " begotten 
in baptism " He received the illumination that is given in 
baptism. " If He were perfect, why was He, the Perfect 
One, baptised ? It was necessary, they say, to fulfil the 
condition of His assumption of humanity. Most excellent. 
Coincidently, then, with His baptism by John, He became 
perfect ? Manifestly. He did not, then, learn anything 
from him ? Certainly not. But He is perfected by the 
washing of baptism alone, and is sanctified by the descent 
of the Spirit ? Such is the case." 5 Clement, therefore, 
seems to solve the problem by distinguishing between the 
divine consciousness in Him to which nothing was un 
known, and the human consciousness which received 
enlightenment in the act of baptism. 6 

In consequence of his interest being limited mainly to 
the teaching of the Lord, Clement takes little notice of 
the events in the life other than those of His birth, death, 
and resurrection. Incidents such as the crowning with 
thorns 7 or the anointing in Bethany 8 are only intro 
duced for the teaching which they are held to symbolise. 
Though he professes to have little sympathy with such 

1 Prot., X. I*. Cf. Pad., ii. 8 73. 2 Str>? iv> I2 85 . Pjjedpj i. 2 4. 

J Str., ii. 5 21. 4 Ib-> iv< 21 ,30. 5 Paede) j. 6 25> 

6 Cf. Gore, Dissertations on the Incarnation, p. 114. 

7 Psed., ii. 8 7S . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST III 

investigations, he fixes the date of the birth of the Lord 
as having taken place on i8th November 2 B.C. 1 On 
account of the prophetic saying, adopted by Jesus, " He 
hath sent me to preach the acceptable year of the 
Lord," he concluded that the ministry of Jesus lasted 
only one year. 2 

On the ground of the rendering in the Septuagint, 3 he 
inferred that the Lord was unseemly in appearance. " He 
had no form nor beauty, but His form was without honour, 
defective as compared with other men." But this only 
brought out by way of contrast the spiritual beauty. " For 
who was better than the Lord ? But it was not the beauty 
of the flesh visible to the eye that He exhibited, but the 
beauty of both soul and body, the beneficence of the soul, 
the immortality of the body." 4 This choice of a mean form 
of body was not without a purpose. Its aim was that no 
one in his admiration of the material beauty should lose 
sight of the spiritual teaching. 5 Was this body a real body 
or only an appearance ? Among the charges that Photius 
brings against Clement is the averment that the Word did 
not really assume flesh, but only seemed to do so ; 6 and in 
this charge he has been followed by others. Now, Clement 
himself refers to docetism as a heresy which, along with 
other heresies, must be rejected as out of harmony with 
the doctrine of the Church. 7 In quoting, in order to 
condemn, the opinions of Cassianus, he refers to him as 
the founder of the docetic heresy, and attributes his false 
teaching to the slandering of generation. 8 Could Clement, 

1 Str., i. 21 145 . "One hundred and ninety-four years, one month, and thirteen 
days before the death of Commodus." See Herzog, R.E. 3 , vol. xxi., p. 149. 

2 Str., i. 21 145 ; Isa. Ixi. 2 ; Luke iv. 19. 

3 Isa. liii. 2. 4 Pasd., iii. i 3 . 

5 Str., vi. 6 151 . Cf. ib., iii. I7 103 . aeiS^s Se e\7]Au0ev Kal apopfos els TO 
detSes Kal dcrcc/uaTov TT}S 6fias curias airofiXstreiv T]/J.as 

6 Cod. 109. 7 Str> yii> I7 108. 8 I 



112 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

then, have been guilty of teaching which was thus opposed 
to the rule of faith, and repugnant to him on moral 
grounds ? Prima facie, it should be impossible ; and it is 
certain that he could not have been so consciously. But 
in Clement we must always be prepared for apparent con 
tradictions. Take the positive evidence. God, he says, 
proclaimed the good tidings in a body. 1 He showed His 
power in a body of flesh. 2 From His exceeding love to 
men the Saviour did not despise the susceptibility of the 
flesh of men, but invested Himself with it, and came for 
the common salvation of men. 3 For our sakes He took 
upon Him our flesh which is liable to suffering. 4 Having 
assumed flesh which by nature is susceptible of suffering, 
He trained it to the condition of passionlessness. 5 He 
assumed flesh that He might speak with the mouth of a 
man. 6 He is introduced in the Gospel as weary with 
toil. 7 When the prophet says, " Remember us, for we are 
dust," 8 he is praying to the Lord "Sympathise with us, 
for Thou hast known from Thine own experience of suffering 
the weakness of the flesh." 9 The evidence in favour of the 
real human nature of Christ might seem irresistible. But 
there is another side. One passage on which undue stress 
has been laid may be set aside. He speaks of the Word of 
God taking upon Him the mask of a man, and fashioning 
Himself in flesh, and acting the drama of human salvation : 
for He was a true champion and fellow - champion with 
the creature. 10 Does this mean that His earthly life was 
only of the nature of a dramatic performance ? The second 
clause is against this contention. To begin with, the word 
rendered " mask " may also be rendered " person." The 
word "drama" does not involve unreality, for it is used 

1 Str., iv. S 66 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 140 . 3 Ib., vii. 2 8 . 4 Ib.,vii. 2 6 . 

5 Ib., vii. 2 7 . Ib., vii. ii . 7 Pse d., i. 9 85 ; John iv. 6. 

8 Ps. ciii. 14. a Paed., i. 8 62 . 10 Prot., x. no . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 113 

elsewhere of the gnostic who plays irreproachably the 
drama of life. 1 It might as well be urged because he 
speaks of captivating the Father with the spell of prayers, 2 
that he looked upon prayer as a magical incantation, in 
spite of the singularly spiritual view of prayer that he 
sets forth. 3 But there are other passages which present 
greater difficulty. "In the case of the Saviour," he says, 
"it were ludicrous to suppose that the body as a body de 
manded the necessary aids in order to its continuance in 
life. For He ate not for the sake of the body which was 
held together by a holy energy, but in order that it might 
not enter into the minds of those who associated with 
Him to think otherwise about Him ; as, of a truth, some 
afterwards supposed that He was manifested in appearance. 
But He was entirely passionless, inaccessible to any move 
ment of emotion, whether of pleasure or pain." 4 " It is re 
ported in the Traditions, " he says elsewhere, "that John 
touching the external body of Christ sent his hand into 
the depths of it, and that the hardness of the flesh offered 
no resistance, but gave way to the hand of His disciple." 5 
Unless this be interpreted of the resurrection-body of Christ, 
it is language which might well have been used by any ad 
herent of docetism. As to the first passage. Little weight 
can be attached to the word " passionless " as a denial of 
true humanity, as to be passionless represents the ideal con 
dition of the highest Christian type. On the face of it the 
passage seems to mean that Christ only ate and drank to 
prevent the disciples from giving way to docetic misunder 
standings. Does not this indicate a humanity that was 

1 Str., vii. II 65 . 

2 Q. D., 41. \iraveiais crvvfiQeffi /uiaytvuv r6v irarepa. 8 Cf. vii. 7 39 

4 Str., vi. 9 71 . Cf. Str., iii. 6 51 , where he quotes without disapproval a saying 
of Valentinus of an undoubted docetic type. 

5 Adum. in I Joan, vol. iii. p. 210 (Stah.). 

H 



114 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

shadowy and unreal, a humanity that transcended earthly 
conditions, a manifestation akin to the theophanies of the 
Old Testament rather than a true incarnation ? It has 
been suggested that the solution of the apparent conflict 
in the statements of Clement is to be found, not in denying 
the reality of the body of Christ, but by denying that He 
had a human soul, the place of which in Him was taken by 
the Word, and thus regarding Clement as a precursor of 
Apollinarianism. 1 But in view of his representation of the 
relation of soul and body, to deny the reality of the human 
soul of Christ was surely a graver form of docetism if 
that be an appropriate word than to deny the reality of 
His body. Moreover, Clement refers to the soul of Christ, 
and assumes its identity with the soul of man. " Our Tutor 
was irreproachable and passionless in soul. . . . He is to us 
a spotless image : to Him we must strive with all our 
strength to assimilate our soul." 2 Must not the archetype 
be as the type ? " By the precious blood with which the 
Lord bought us is meant the soul, pure through righteous 
ness, which is offered to God." 3 Further, it is a general 
principle with Clement that there is the closest possible 
relation between the person and mission of Christ and the 
nature of man ; that what was to be saved by Him had to 
be assumed by Him and sanctified in His own person ; and 
to this end He must have assumed a human soul as well as a 
body. 4 The wavering language is rather due to the fact that 
Clement approached the question of the person of Christ 
from the divine side, from that of the Word, and was think- 

1 Cf. Gieseler, Commentatio qua dementis Alexandrini et Origenis doctrinae 
de corpora Christi exponuntur (1837). The passage (Psed., i. 5 w ) to which 
Dahne appeals as favouring docetism, and Gieseler as proving the contrary, is 
corrupt. Cf. Stah. 

2 Paed., i. 2 4 . 3 Adum. in I Pet, Stah., vol. iii. p. 204. 
4 Cf. Schwane, * Dogmengeschichte, p. 240. Cf. EC, Pr., 23. ri> yap 

TV 6/jLolif ItmrifpcTciy Kard\\ri\ov irpbs T^V 6/j.olav 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 115 

ing not so much of the influence of the human on the divine 
as of the influence of the divine on the human ; and, accord 
ingly, he does not ask what limitations the human em 
bodiment put on the divine, but what prerogatives the 
divine imparted to the human. His interest lay mainly in 
securing that there should be no imperfection in the work 
of Christ as a teacher of absolute truth concerning God ; to 
that end the body of Christ was mainly important to Him as 
a fitting instrument for carrying out the will and the mission 
of the Word ; and from this point of view a tendency in the 
direction of docetism was inevitable. It is true that pass 
ages can be quoted from later ecclesiastical writers closely 
akin to docetic passages in Clement, 1 but a statement of 
a docetic cast made at a time when docetism was dead 
occupies a different position from a statement made when 
docetism was a dangerous force. In his doctrine of the 
human nature of Christ, more plainly than anywhere else, 
Clement has been wounded by the weapons which he 
captured from his opponents. 

"And for what? " What was the primary end of the In 
carnation ? In accordance with His pre-incarnate function 
and ministry, it was essentially a work of revelation and 
tuition. It was a continuation of, and an advance on, that 
ministry. From the Word came the gift of life ; from the 
Word Incarnate came the gift of living well. Clement 
takes illustrations of His method of working indifferently 
from the sayings of the prophets whom He inspired and 
from His own sayings on earth. The only difference is that 
in the one case the Lord speaks by the mouth of others, in 
the other case by His own. The revelation which He 
brought was in part a revelation of God to man, in part a 
revelation through a man of his highest self and of the 

1 Basil, quoted by le Nourry, p. 175 (Migne, vol. ix. p. 1132). 



Il6 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

method of realising it. " No man knoweth the Son but the 
Father, and no one knoweth the Father save the Son, and 
he to whom the Son shall have revealed Him." l If the 
importance of a doctrine is to be measured by the frequency 
with which it is repeated, this is vital in Clement s view of 
the purpose of the Incarnation. Because the soul of man 
was too feeble to apprehend things as they are, we needed 
a divine teacher. Accordingly, the Saviour was sent down, 
the ineffable and holy manifestation of the great Provi 
dence. 2 God was inaccessible to the senses. Hence the 
Son is said to be the Father s face, because by the Incarna 
tion He became accessible to the senses. He is the Word, 
the revealer of the distinctive nature of the Father. 3 By 
the Incarnation he was seen in more immediate relation to 
the world. 4 The only-begotten Son of God has taught us 
the divine mysteries. 5 He who was not of the world came 
as one who was of this world to men. He sought to lead 
men through knowledge to sovereign truth, from this world 
to another. 6 He assumed flesh in order to show what was 
possible to man in the way of obedience to the command 
ments. 7 From love He willingly assumed the lot of man, 
that, having been brought to the measure of the weakness 
of us whom He loved, He might in turn bring us to the 
measure of His own power. 8 " The Word of God became 
man, that, in truth, thou also mayst learn from man how 
man may become God." ! He seeks to transform man the 
earth-born into a holy and heavenly man. He alone has 
completely realised the divine purpose in the creation of 
man. " Let us listen to the Word and take on the impress 
of the truly saving life of our Saviour, henceforward culti 
vating the heavenly citizenship in accordance with which 
we are being deified." 10 He is the creator of types of which 

1 Luke x. 22. 2 Str., v. i 7 . 3 Ib., v. 6 34 . * Ib., v. 6 3a . 

5 Ib., vii. i 4 . 6 Ib., vi. 15 12G . 7 Ib., vii. 2 8 . 8 Q. D., 37. 

9 Prot., i. 8 . 10 Psed., i. I2 98 . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 117 

He Himself is the archetype. 1 Having described the Word 
as the New Song, Clement asks, " What, then, does this 
instrument, the Word of God, the Lord, the New Song 
will? " "To open the eyes of the blind, to unstop the ears 
of the deaf, and to lead by the hand unto righteousness 
those that were lame in their feet or who had wandered, to 
manifest God to feeble men, to put an end to corruption, 
to conquer death, to reconcile disobedient sons to their 
Father. The instrument of God is a lover of men. The 
Lord pities, instructs, exhorts, admonishes, saves, guards, 
and abundantly promises the kingdom of heaven as a reward 
for our instruction ; and the only harvest that He reaps is 
that we are saved. For wickedness feeds on the destruction 
of men ; but truth, like the bee, injuring nothing that exists, 
delights only in the salvation of men." He showed to men 
the height of salvation that they might repent and be saved, 
or disobey and be judged. 3 

11 And concerning His passion." If it were a mere matter 
of names and general phrases, there can be no doubt that 
Clement taught the doctrine of a vicarious atonement. He 
applies to Christ the epithets " Mediator," " Truce- 
bringer," " reconciler," " great high-priest." He applies a 
saying of Plato about a "great and unprocurable sacrifice " 
being offered by the seeker after God to Christ, a truly 
unprocurable sacrifice, the Son of God consecrated for us. 4 
In like manner he applied a saying of Euripides about " a 
sacrifice without fire " to Christ, a whole burnt-offering, with 
out fire, for us. 5 He uses the word " ransom " with reference 
to the death of Christ, and likewise " propitiation," though 
only in a quotation in the latter case ; 6 and he explains it as 
meaning that Jesus heals both soul and body. Isaac was a 
type of the Lord, for he was a "victim " as the Lord was. 

1 Str., vii. 3 16 . 2 Prot., i. 6 . 3 Ib., xi. 136 . 

4 Str., v. 10 66 ; Plato, Rep., ii. 378 A. 5 Str., v. II 70 . 

6 Psed., iii. I2 98 ; I John ii. 2. 



Il8 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

But he was not offered in sacrifice as the Lord ; only as the 
Lord bore the wood of the cross, so he bore the wood of the 
sacrifice. 1 We have been brought into kinship with Christ 
through His blood by which we are ransomed. 2 Christ 
willed to suffer that by His suffering we might live. 3 Our 
life was hung upon the wood with a view to our faith. 4 He 
drank the cup for the cleansing of those who plotted against 
Him and of the unbelievers. 5 When He might have been 
Lord, He willed to be a brother, and so good was He that 
He died for us. 6 For the sake of each of us He laid down 
His life a life that was equal in worth to the universe. 7 
Still more plainly is it set forth in the appeal which he puts 
into the mouth of the Saviour. " I begot thee again, when 
miserably begotten by the world with a view to death. I 
set thee free, I healed thee, I ransomed thee. I will pro 
cure for thee life unceasing, eternal, a life above this world. 
I will show to thee the face of the good Father. ... I will 
lead thee into the rest and enjoyment of good things, un 
speakable and untold. ... I am thy nurse, giving myself as 
bread, of which no man having tasted again has experience 
of death : I give thee daily to drink immortality. I am 
teacher of super-celestial instruction. For thee I fought 
against death, and paid in full thy penalty of death, which 
thou didst owe because of the former sins and thy faithless 
ness towards God." 8 "When about to be offered and giving 
Himself as a ransom, He leaves a new covenant : My love 
I give unto you." 9 No doubt, the most striking of these 
passages are in the form of a rhetorical appeal, but the 
appeal could have had no force unless based on admitted 
truths. On the other hand, he puts an interpretation on 
some passages of Scripture that seems to indicate an un 
certain grasp of the sacrificial import of the work of Christ. 



- Ib.,i. 6". 3 Str>> iv> 

. 3 Ib<)iv<9 7 5i 6 p^ d> i 

T Q- D -.37. 8 Ib.,2 3 . Mb., 37. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 119 

He interprets the saying, " The Lord delivered Him for our 
sins," as meaning that He was to be the amender and 
corrector of our sins. 1 By the " lamb of God " he does not 
think of the " lamb that had been slain," or "that taketh 
away the sins of the world," but regards it as equivalent to 
the "child of God," the Son of the Father. 2 By "the 
blood of Christ that cleanseth us " he understands the 
teaching of Christ, which is very powerful. 3 " He laid down 
His life for us " means for the Apostles. 4 Yet these pass 
ages cannot be allowed to outweigh the general force of 
others, as well as the definite statements to the effect that 
Christ died for our sins. In consequence of his view of sin 
as that which was irrational and the fruit of ignorance, he 
did not give the doctrine of the atonement any prominent 
place in his teaching, nor did he find it necessary to 
formulate any theory of the atonement, nor to speculate 
on the meaning of ransom. He is not thinking so much 
of sin from the divine standpoint as of its effect on the 
nature of man. The work of Christ as mediator is not 
clearly related to His death. Clement himself had passed 
through no spiritual crisis; enlightenment rather than the 
need of forgiveness, intellectual unrest rather than an 
accusing conscience, drove him to the Christian faith. 

Sin is defined as anything that is contrary to right reason. 
Disobedience in relation to reason is the generator of sin. 
To sin against reason is to be likened to the beasts. 5 Sin 
is slavery. It is eternal death. It is the death of the soul 
not the death which dissolves the union between soul and 
body, but that which dissolves the union between the soul 
and the truth. 6 Hence to be instructed and disciplined by 
the Lord is to be set free from death. 7 All sins are due 



1 Psed., i. 8 67 ; Isa. liii. 6, LXX. 2 Psed., i. 5 24 . 

3 Adum. in I Joan i. 7 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 211. 

4 Adum. in Jud., 16, vol. iii. p. 214. 5 Paed., i. 13 101 ; Ps. xlix. 20. 
6 Prot., xi. 115 ; Str., iii. 9 64 ; ii. 7 31 . 7 Psed., i. 7 81 . 



120 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

to choice and inclination. 1 The only sins which are not 
" imputed " are those which are not the result of choice. 2 
Though the actions of men are infinite in number, the causes 
of all sin may be reduced to two ignorance and weakness. 3 
One falls into a ditch, for example, either from ignorance of 
its existence, or from inability to leap across it. 4 No one 
chooses evil as evil, but, beguiled by the pleasures attaching 
to it, he supposes it to be good, and considers it a thing to 
be desired. But we are responsible for such misconceptions. 
For to be set free from ignorance and to refuse assent to 
deceptive phantasies rests with ourselves. 6 This emphasis 
ing of individual sin seems to leave no place for inherited 
sin, still less for inherited guilt. The introduction of sin 
into the world is in some sense associated with the fall of 
Adam, and this in turn with the victory of Christ over 
death ; but of the relation of that sin to us and our sins 
there are no clear indications. The first man sported in 
Paradise in freedom, for he was a child of God ; but when 
he fell under the power of pleasure the serpent means 
pleasure he was carried away by his desires and fettered 
to sins. The Lord Himself in the fetters of flesh enslaved 
the tyrant death. He stooped down and man rose up. 6 
Adam was not perfect in the sense that he could not trans 
gress, but in the sense that he was adapted by nature to 
receive virtue, 7 and that he lacked none of the distinctive 
characteristics of "the idea and the form " of a man. 8 By 
his deliberate choice of evil he exchanged an immortal for a 
mortal life, but not for ever. 9 Man by nature has a tendency 
towards giving assent to falsehood, though he possesses 
helps for faith in the truth. 10 But we only lie under the sin 
of Adam in respect of likeness of sin. 11 When Job said, 

1 Str., i. I 7 84. 2 IK) ij ^66, 3 Ib-> vih J6101. 4 Ib>) ii. ,582. 

Ib., i. 17". Cf. vii. i6". Prot., xi. m . ^ Str>> vi< 12 w 

8 Ib., IV. 23 1W 9 I b<> ij. I9 98 t 10 Str>j jj. I2 B5. 

11 Adum. in Jud., Stah., vol. iii. p. 208. " Sic etiam peccato Adae subjacemus 
secundum peccati similitudinem." Clement, like Origen and Ambrosiaster, seems 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 121 

" Naked came I out of my mother s womb, and naked shall 
I return hither," he did not mean naked of possessions 
that were a small and common matter but naked of 
wickedness and sin. 1 If the entrance into life is to corres 
pond to the return, the child must be conceived as naked of 
sin. When David said, " In sin did my mother conceive 
me," he referred to Eve the mother of the living ; and in 
any case, if he were conceived in sin, yet he himself was not 
in sin, nor was he himself sin. 2 " By sin, death has passed 
to all men," that is, by a natural necessity of the divine 
economy death follows on birth, and the dissolution of 
soul and body necessarily follows their union. 3 But this 
necessary relationship involves no participation on our part 
in the sin of Adam. " There is no entailed necessity 
between his sin and ours." 4 

No name is more frequently given to Jesus than that of 
the Saviour ; no word is employed so frequently to denote 
the goal and work of Christ as salvation. His soul glows 
with the fire of love to Christ as Saviour ; repeatedly in the 
course of his discussions he breaks forth in prayer to Him ; 
and whenever he mentions His name, he loves to shower 
upon it a series of descriptive epithets, as if striving to 
express the fulness of his devotion. But we must not read 
into the words "Saviour" or "salvation," as used by him, 
the ordinary connotation of the words. 5 For his conception 
of sin determines in large measure the conception of salva 
tion. If sin be slavery, salvation is freedom ; if sin be 
moral disorder or disease, salvation is moral health ; if sin 
be ignorance, salvation is knowledge ; if sin be death, salva 
tion is life. A preliminary, but fundamental, element in 

to have omitted the p.4i in Rom. v. 14. See Souter, A Study of Ambrosiaster, 
p. 198. 

1 Str., iv. 25 160 . 2 Ib.,iii. i6 100 . 

3 Rom. v. 12 ; Str., iii. 9 64 . 4 Bigg, p. 81. 

5 Cf. EC. Pr., 1 6, where he speaks of the prophets and apostles as saviours 
of men. 



122 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

salvation is the forgiveness of sins. "The Lord ministers 
all help, both as man and God ; as God, forgiving our sins ; 
as man, training us not to sin." 1 Forgiveness of sins pre 
cedes the training. It is associated with Baptism, which 
is a washing by which our sins are thoroughly cleansed, and 
a grace by which the penalties of our sins are remitted. 2 
The Lord buys us with His precious blood, setting us free 
from our former harsh masters that is, the sins because of 
which the " spiritual forces of wickedness " lorded it over 
us. 3 Of all good things salvation is the greatest. 4 To save 
men is the eternal purpose of God. For this reason the 
good God sent the good Shepherd. The Word unfolded 
the truth and showed to men the height of salvation. 5 The 
salvation of men is His only work. 6 As sin is disease, a 
moral disease due to ignorance, the work of the Saviour is 
pre-eminently that of a physician, and His medicine is 
tuition or discipline. Passions are diseases of the soul. 7 
The Word is the all-healing physician of human infirmities 
and the holy charmer of the sick soul. 8 "The Word has 
been called the Saviour, as He has found out for man those 
rational drugs which tend to quickness of perception and 
salvation watching for the favourable opportunity, reprov 
ing moral injury, laying bare the causes of passions, and 
cutting out the roots of irrational desires, pointing out from 
what we ought to abstain, bringing all the antidotes of 
salvation to the sick; for this is the greatest and most 
kingly work of God the salvation of mankind." 9 As a 
good physician uses all methods fomentation, cautery, 
amputationto heal the bodies of the sick, so the Saviour 
has a voice of many tones and varied methods in the salva 
tion of men. 10 His aim is to create true health in the soul. 11 



Poed., i. 3 7. 2 Ib>> { 6 26. 3 

Ib., Xi. . 6 Ib>j x 87. 7 Ib>> xi< 115. 

Psed., i. 12 io. Cf. Q. D., 29 ; Poed., i. i \ 
10 Prot., i. 8. 11 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 123 

As all are sick in respect of passions and evil desires, all 
need a Saviour. " Sick, we truly stand in need of the 
Saviour ; having gone astray, we need one to guide us ; 
blind, we need one to lead us by His light; thirsty, we 
need the fountain of life, of which those who partake shall 
no longer thirst ; dead, we need life ; sheep, we need a 
shepherd ; we who are children need a tutor ; nay, all 
mankind stands in need of Jesus, so that we may not as in 
tractable men and sinners fall at the end into condemnation, 
but may be separated from the chaff and stored up in the 
garner of the Father." 1 The Sun of righteousness has 
changed sunset into sunrise, He has crucified death so that 
life may be won. 2 Sometimes this salvation is represented 
as one with knowledge of God, and only to be attained by 
such knowledge. Sometimes it is represented as the 
guerdon of faith. It is so precious that if it were for sale, 
the whole wealth of Pactolus would not buy it, yet it can be 
bought with faith and love. 3 The fundamental conception 
of salvation in Clement is that of spiritual health. 

The manner in which Clement exhibits the unity and 
catholicity of the Church, and its authority in relation to 
heretical schools and teaching, has already been noticed. 4 
Here is only to be noted the relation of the Church 
to those within her fold. The Church is of divine 
origin, and is closely identified with salvation. " Only 
to believe and to be born again is perfection in life. 
For God is never weak. For as His volition is work, 
and this is called the world, so also His counsel is the 
salvation of men, and this has been called the Church." 5 
" It is a holy temple, not the place but the congregation; 
not built by mechanical art, nor adorned by the hand of 
angel, but formed by the will of God into a sanctuary." 6 
The Church on earth is an image of the Church in heaven. 7 

1 Psed., i. 9 8 ->. 2 Prot., xi. 114 . 3 Ib., ix. 8S , 86 . 4 See Lecture II., p. 60. 
5 Pad. , i. 6 27 . 6 Str. , vii. 5 . 7 Ib. , iv. 8 66 . 



124 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

The grades of bishops, presbyters, and deacons are an imita 
tion of the angelic glory and of different degrees of felicity 
among the perfected. 1 Of the whole Church Christ is the 
crown, the head. 2 She is administered by the Word. 3 She 
is the mother who nurses her children with holy milk. 4 Her 
sacrifice is speech rising as incense from holy souls, while 
every thought is unveiled to God along with the sacrifice. 5 
The Church is the " holy mountain " on which our Tutor 
feeds His flock. 6 In this pasturing, what place is to be 
assigned to the sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist ? 

The many baptisms of Moses are embraced in the one 
Baptism. Baptism is represented as the first stage in a 
process that ends in immortality, and as that which gives 
impulse to the process. " Being baptised, we are en 
lightened ; being enlightened, we are made sons ; being 
made sons, we are perfected ; being perfected, we are made 
immortal. The work is variously called a gift of grace, and 
enlightenment, and perfection, and washing. It is a wash 
ing by which we thoroughly cleanse our sins ; grace by 
which the penalty of our sins is remitted ; enlightenment 
by which the holy light of salvation is beheld that is, 
by which we have a keen vision of God ; and perfection 
which wants nothing." 7 It is the removing a film from 
the eye of the spirit, so that it may have a clear 
vision of God, the Holy Spirit flowing down to us from 
above. The perfection, it is true, is only a potential per 
fection, for the goal is reserved for the resurrection of 
believers; but the attainment is one with the promise. 8 
The Gnostic phrase " filtration " may be applied to Baptism. 
As filtration, as described by them, is the separation from 
what is worse, derived from the reminiscence of what is 
better, and as he who remembers the better must repent of 

1 Str., vi. 13 w. 2 p^d., ii. 8 71 ; i. 5. 3 Str., iv. 2O 172 . 

4 Pzed., i. e 42 . Cf. iii. 12". e Str., vii. 6 32 . 

6 PcCd., i. 9 84. 7 Ib-f j, 6 26. 8 Ib>> i. 6 28, 28. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 125 

the worse, so we who have repented of our sins are 
"filtered" by Baptism. 1 The Baptism of the Word is the 
one all-healing medicine by which transgressions are taken 
away. The character is not the same as before our wash 
ing. 2 It is a washing unto the forgiveness of sins, and by it 
forgiveness for previous sins is obtained once for all. 3 We 
are born again through water, which is a different kind of 
sowing from that in the creation. 4 As we came naked of 
sin from the womb, so from the womb water God hath 
begotten us naked of sin. 5 As a spiritual bath, it has a 
natural relationship to spiritual nourishment. 6 The water 
of baptism receives consecration. 7 The Saviour was bap 
tised, though He had no need Himself to be so, that He 
might sanctify the whole water for those who are being 
regenerated. 8 Though Clement does not use the word 
Baptism any more than the word Eucharist in his " Ex 
hortation to the Greeks," he uses language which shows 
that that ordinance and its purpose and result were before 
his mind. "Take the water of the Word; wash yourselves, 
ye who have been defiled ; cleanse yourselves from custom 
by the drops of truth." 9 Heretical baptism was the pass 
ing through " alien water " ; it was not native and genuine 
water. 10 Sins committed before baptism are remitted ; 
those wrought afterwards are cleansed by discipline. In one 
passage he speaks as if there were a gnostic baptism in 
contrast with common baptism. " Ye washed yourselves " 
not simply as the rest, but with knowledge ye cast off the 
passions of the soul. 11 As illumination was not only an 
essential constituent of baptism but synonymous with it, 
this cannot mean that it was a different baptism, but is only an 
illustration of his tendency to exalt knowledge which marks 

1 Pad., i. 6 32 . 2 Ib., i. 6 30 . 3 Str., ii. is 58 . 4 Ib., iii. 12 88 . 

5 Ib., iv. 25 16 . Cf. Psed., ii. 12 118 . 6 Psed., i. 6 50 , 51 . 

7 Ex. Theod., 82 probably from Theodotus, not Clement. 

8 EC. Pr., 7. 9 Prot., x. ". 

10 Str., i. 19^6; Prov. ix. 18, LXX. n Str., vii. 14 s6 ; i Cor. vi. n. 



126 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

especially his later writings. Even when all allowance has 
been made for the rhetorical element in his phrases and 
imagery, it is plain that Clement associated the working of 
baptism with the forgiveness of sin, regarded it as the 
implanting of the germ of a new life, and ascribed to it a 
spiritual force as an essential stage in the progress towards 
salvation. It is equally plain that throughout he is thinking 
only of the baptism of those of riper years. 1 

The uncertain character of the teaching of Clement as to 
the Eucharist in itself and its place in the spiritual life is 
indicated by the contradictory conclusions that have been 
drawn from the same data. It has been argued that he 
taught the doctrine of the Real Presence in the Roman 
Catholic sense of the word ; 2 it has been maintained that 
his teaching is closely akin to that of Zwingli, 3 or even 
might be expressed in the language of the apologist of 
Quakerism. 4 The obscurity arises in part from the fact that 
most of the allusions are quite incidental, in part from the 
cloudy rhetoric and symbolism that here in an unusual 
degree conceal rather than illustrate the thought. 

Clement refers to its institution by Christ. " The Saviour," 
he says, " took the bread and first spoke and blessed. Then 
having broken the bread He set it forth, that we might eat 
it according to reason." 5 He blessed the wine, saying, 
"Take, drink, this is My blood." The blood of the vine, 
the Word who was poured forth unto the remission of sins, He 
figuratively calls a holy stream of gladness. 6 Clement desig 
nates it the Eucharist. He applies the passage about the 
" secret bread and stolen water " to the heretics who cele 
brate the Eucharist with water contrary to the rule of the 

1 See Bigg, p. 81. 

2 Dollinger; Probst. Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, p. 130 
ft setj. More recently, A. Struckmann, Die Gegenwart Christi nach den schrift- 
lichen Quellen der vornizanischen Zeit, 1905, pp. 115 et seq. 

Hofling. See Bigg, p. 106, who agrees with Hofling. 
4 Ma y r > P- " , P- 383. 6 Str., i. 10 48 . * Pad ii 2 32. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 127 

Church, and speaks of the whole ordinance under the name 
of the " offering." 1 By way of enforcing the mutual duties of 
scholar and teacher, he refers to some who in distributing the 
Eucharist permit each one of the people to take the portion 
himself. 2 In condemning extravagance in eating and drink 
ing, he makes allusion to the abuse of the agape. To give this 
name to luxurious suppers was to insult the fair and saving 
work of the Lord the consecrated love-feast. Nor was the 
name to be given to ordinary social gatherings, 3 still less 
to the immoral suppers of the followers of Carpocrates. 4 
From the comment of Clement that those who indulged in 
delicate and costly feastings were mistaken in supposing 
that the promise of God was to be bought with such suppers, 
it would appear that in Alexandria the Eucharist was still 
associated with the agape. In support of the contention 
that Clement held the doctrine of the Real Presence, the 
following passages are adduced. " The Word is all things 
to the child, both father and mother and tutor and nurse. 
Eat My flesh, He says, and drink My blood. This 
appropriate nourishment the Lord provides, and holds out 
flesh and pours forth blood, and nothing is awanting to the 
growth of His children." 5 But elsewhere he says that the 
knowledge of the divine essence is the eating and drinking 
of the divine Word. 6 He bound, it is said, " the colt to 
the vine." 7 This means, says Clement, that He bound the 
simple and child-like people to the Word who is a vine. 
For the vine produces wine as the Word produces blood, 
and both produce drink to the saving health of men, the one, 
wine for the body, the other, blood for the spirit. 8 The 
bread and wine set forth by Melchisedek was consecrated 
food a type of the Eucharist. 9 The good Samaritan is 
Christ who pours the wine, the blood of the wine of David, 

1 Str., i. 1 9 s6 ; Prov. ix. 17. 2 Str., i. I 5 . 3 Pad., ii. I 4 . 

4 Str., iii. 2 10 . 5 Psed., i. 6 * 2 . 6 Str., v. io 66 . Cf. Psed., i. 6 38 . 
7 Gen. xlix. 11. 8 P^d., i. 5 15 . 9 Str., iv. 25 161 . 



128 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

upon our wounded souls. 1 " The bread and the oil are con 
secrated by the power of the name of God, being in appear 
ance the same as when they were received, but transformed 
by the power into a spiritual power." 2 This might mean 
that the bread had been altered in substance, or simply that 
it had become the vehicle or medium of a spiritual power. 
But it cannot be pressed into the argument, for in all 
probability it belongs to Theodotus, not to Clement. In 
one passage the literal and the symbolic seem intermingled. 
" The blood of the Lord is twofold. The one is fleshly, by 
which we have been redeemed from corruption ; the other is 
spiritual, by which we have been anointed. To drink the 
blood of Jesus is to share in the incorruption of the Lord. 
The Spirit is the force of the Word, as the blood is of the 
flesh. Analogously, therefore, the wine is mingled with 
water and the Spirit with man. The mixture furnishes a 
banquet for faith, the Spirit conducts to immortality. The 
mixture of both of that which is drunk and the Word 
is called Eucharist, a grace renowned and fair. Those who, 
according to faith, participate in it are sanctified in body 
and soul, the will of the Father mingling in mystical fashion 
the divine mixture the man with the Spirit and the 
Word." 3 So further he speaks of heavenly food, 4 of divine 
and spiritual food, 5 of the eating of Christ, of the nourishment 
the Lord Jesus sanctified human flesh. 6 On the strength 
of these passages it has been argued that in the Eucharist 
the body and blood of Christ are received, the Lord Himself 
in His humanity and His Godhead, and that the effects of 
this participation are union with Christ, holiness in body 
and soul, the conquest of the passions and the immortality 
of the body. 7 On the face of it, the contention has apparent 

1 Q. D., 29. 2 Ex< Theod., 82. 3 Pxd., ii. 2 19 , a) . 

4 Ib., ii. i 4 . s u, a> jj p , 9 m e ^ j. 543, 

7 Struckmann, op. cit., pp. 115-139. Cf. Batiffol, L Eucharistie, 5 pp. 248-261. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 129 

force ; and he who comes to the reading of Clement with 
faith in this doctrine may without undue violence read it in, 
and into, these and kindred passages. But other passages 
show that the language of metaphor is an unsafe basis for 
dogmatic superstructure. For elsewhere he speaks of love 
as heavenly nourishment, a rational banquet, 1 of a righteous 
meal as a Eucharist, 2 of hope as the blood of faith. 3 " It is 
an admirable thing," he says, "to look up to the truth and 
cling to the nourishment which is from above and divine, 
and to be filled with the insatiable vision of Him who truly 
exists, tasting of the pleasure which is sure and abiding and 
pure." 4 It has been argued that "if we read Clement as 
a whole, and reflect upon his strong antithesis of the letter, 
the flesh, to the spirit, and his language on the subject of 
priest and sacrifice," we shall conclude that he is nearer to 
Zwingli than to the doctrine of transubstantiation. 5 But in 
an eclectic like Clement the argument from logical con 
sistency cannot be pressed too far, and is only valid when 
there is an immediate relation between the principle and 
the conclusion. The language of Clement is based through 
out on the sixth chapter of the Gospel of St John more than 
on the words at the institution of the ordinance : he nowhere 
quotes the words, " This is My body " ; but the symbolic 
language presupposes a truth and a certain conception of 
that truth. It is the case that Clement was far from 
narrow in his conception of the nature and sphere of 
sacramental grace ; but it is certain that his teaching went 
far beyond the mere symbolism usually associated with the 
name of Zwingli. 6 He regarded the Eucharist as an ordin 
ance instituted by Christ, whose method of administration 

1 Psed., ii. i 5 . 2 Ib., ii. i 10 . 3 Ib., i. 6 38 . 

4 Ib., ii. i 9 . * CL Bigg, p. 107. 

6 See, however, on the teaching of Zwingli, Lambert, The Sacraments of the 
New Testament, p. 292, note 2. 

I 



130 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

was determined by the Church, and which, when received 
in faith, was a veritable means of " spiritual nourishment 
and growth in grace." 

With regard to the period when the full fruition of 
salvation takes place, its final scope and extent, as gener 
ally with regard to all eschatological matters, the language 
of Clement is often obscure. This obscurity is due in part 
to the fact that not only the proposed section or treatise 
on the Resurrection l was not written or has been lost, but 
also the sections on the Soul, 2 the Devil, 3 the Angels,* have 
met with like destiny. The obscurity, further, is partly due 
to the fact that he deliberately in reverent silence omits 
discussion when it might naturally have been expected ; 5 
and that, here as elsewhere, there are individual statements 
not in harmony with his general principles or their logical 
development. 

The soul, according to Clement, never sleeps, and the 
life of the blessed immediately after death is a self-consci 
ous life. The promise as to seeing God face to face is 
fulfilled after our departure hence. 6 The blessedness of a 
holy life here is followed by increase of blessedness here 
after. 7 To be set free by death is but an exchange of 
life ; 8 to the martyr the gate of death is the beginning 
of life. 9 Such an one goes with good courage to his 
friend the Lord, and is greeted by the Saviour as a "dear 
brother." 10 He is received with the joyous acclamations of 
angels, and led by the Saviour to the bosom of the Father, 
to the life eternal. 11 Of the millennium he says nothing ; of 
the Parousia he says little. He alludes to it in an exposi 
tion of the nineteenth Psalm, in an annotation on the First 

1 Pad., i. 6 47 ; ii. io 104 . 2 Str., iii. 3"; v. 13 88 . 3 Ib., iv. II 85 . 

4 Ib., vi. 2 s2 . c Ib., vii. 3 13 . 6 Peed., i. 6 7 . 

7 Str., v. 14122. 8 Ibt> iv> so. 9 Ib-> iv> 7 u 

10 Ib.,iv. 4 ". 11 Q.D.,42. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 131 

Epistle of St John, and in his address to the Newly- 
Baptised ; l but it has no prominence as a motive in the 
spiritual life. His intention to write on the Resurrection, 
whether carried out or not, may partly account for the 
meagreness of the teaching in his extant writings. 

Special difficulty arises in regard to Clement s views 
concerning the extent and final scope of the salvation 
wrought by Christ. One general principle is laid down 
that no one shall be finally condemned without having had 
an opportunity of accepting or rejecting the message of 
salvation, as otherwise the condemnation would be un 
just. 2 " It would have been an act of no ordinary arrogance 
that those who had departed before the advent of the 
Lord without having had the good news proclaimed to 
them, or having of themselves given ground of approval or 
condemnation in respect of their belief or unbelief, should 
participate either in salvation or punishment. For it 
were not right that they should be condemned without 
trial, and that only those after the advent should reap 
the fruit of the divine righteousness." 3 As to save is the 
work of the Lord, He preached to the spirits in ward. 
If He preached both to Jews and Gentiles, all who 
believe will be saved when they have made confession of 
their sins, since the punishments of God are saving and 
disciplinary. If He preached only to the Jews in Hades, 
then the Apostles in harmony with their mission must 
have preached to the Gentiles there. Apparently this 
offer of salvation is limited to those in Hades who before 
the advent had lived righteously ; and it does not of itself 
imply that even all such would accept the message or be 
finally saved, but only that all may be saved; but it is 
plain that the principle of equality of opportunity which 

1 EC. Pr., 56. Adum. in I Joan. ii. 28; Stah., vol. iii. p. 213 ; ib., p. 223. 

2 Str., vi. 6 51 . 3 Ib>> vL 648> 



132 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

underlies it is one capable of indefinite expansion in the 
direction of universal salvation. 

With reference to the destiny of the unrighteous, three 
views have been ascribed to Clement the hypothesis of 
annihilation, that of eternal punishment by fire, and that of 
universal salvation. In support of the first hypothesis two 
passages are adduced. The law, it is said, inflicts penalties 
for moderate transgressions, " but when it sees any one in 
such a condition as to seem incurable, and advancing to 
the lowest point of unrighteousness, then already in its 
care for others, in order that they may not be corrupted 
by him, as if cutting off a part of the whole body, so it 
puts to death such an one in the highest interests of 
health." 1 But from the context this can only mean that 
the man dies lest his influence should corrupt others ; and 
of what takes place after death there is no indication. 
Again, " It is the highest and most perfect good when one 
is able to lead back any one from evil - doing to well 
doing ; and this is effected by the law. So that when any 
one is overcome by unrighteousness and greed, and falls 
into evil past all remedy, it would benefit him to be put 
to death." This cannot mean that annihilation is better 
than eternal punishment for such an one, as there is no 
suggestion of such an alternative in the passage. But as 
he had already said that it was for the good of others 
that the incurable and unrighteous one should be put to 
death, so here he says that it is for the good of the man 
himself. As in the previous case, he says nothing as to 
what takes place after death ; but the implication is that 
"the flesh is destroyed that the spirit may be saved." 3 
The hypothesis of annihilation may therefore be set aside. 

1 Str., i. 27 171 . 2 Ib>j i 27 n3 t 

3 I Cor. v. 5. Cf. Adum. in I P. ; Stah., iii. p. 206. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 133 

The hypothesis of eternal punishment occupies a different 
position. 

That in a general way it will be well with the righteous 
after death, and not well with the unrighteous or unbeliev 
ing, Clement often affirms. More definitely, in his 
" Exhortation to the Greeks " does he repeatedly insist on 
the alternative between acceptance and judgment, the 
choice of life or of death, of eternal life or the " fire 
which the Lord hath prepared for the devil and his 
angels." 1 He supports this view by the witness of Greek 
poets and thinkers as well as by the authority of Scripture. 
" If death were the end of all," as Plato said, " the wicked 
would have had a good bargain in dying." 2 Sophocles and 
Pindar alike emphasise the contrasted destiny. 3 Socrates 
says that good souls depart hence with good hope, and that 
the wicked live with an evil hope. Heraclitus says that 
there awaits for men after death what they look not for or 
dream of. 4 And this, so far as the wicked are concerned, 
he explains elsewhere as meaning fire. 5 These ideas, more 
over, were extracted from the barbarian philosophy. The 
" fierce men of fiery aspect " in Plato are the angels who 
lay hold of and chasten the righteous. For, it is said, 
" He maketh His angels winds, and His ministers a flame 
of fire." What the barbarians call Gehenna, Plato calls 
Tartarus. 6 By over-scrupulousness in discriminating be 
tween the claims of the worthy and the unworthy, we 
may neglect some who are dear to God the punishment 
for which is "eternal fiery punishment." 7 Clement inter 
prets the saying in Zechariah, " Is this not a brand plucked 

] Prot., ix. ** ; x. 95 ; xii. 123 ; viii. **. 2 Str., iv. 7 44 . 

3 Prot, x. yo ; Str., iv. 26 ]67 . 4 Str., iv. 22 144 . 5 Prot., ii. &. 

6 Str., v. I3 90 , ". Cf. Psed., i. ; 61 . 

7 Q. D., 33. Cf. Q. D., 13, 39. Cf. Matt. xxv. 41. 



134 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

from the fire," as referring to Satan, and asks, " Why have 
they fled to the death-bringing brand with whom they will 
be burned, when it is in their power to live well and 
not according to custom ? For God bestows life, but evil 
custom after our departure from the world inflicts vain 
repentance together with punishment." l To the like effect 
is a fragment preserved in an Armenian version. 2 So else 
where he speaks of the " fire that cannot cease because of 
sin." 3 From these passages it would seem to follow that 
it is the teaching of Clement that eternal punishment by 
fire awaits the unrighteous, and that in the case of such 
repentance is profitless and vain. 4 The exact weight, how 
ever, to be attached to these statements cannot be gauged 
without considering what he meant by " fire," as well as 
by examining other passages and principles with which 
these positions are in open or implicit antagonism. 

" Fire " in the Scriptures is always interpreted by 
Clement figuratively, is represented not as outward and 
material but inward and spiritual, and its function as 
that of a force to cleanse and discipline, not to destroy. 5 
There is a fire which convicts and heals superstition. 6 The 
cleansing of the blood of the sons and daughters of Israel 
"by the spirit of judgment and the spirit of burning" is 
likened to a spiritual bath which washes away the filth of 
the soul. 7 Fire is conceived as a force, good and powerful, 

1 Prot., x. 90 ; Zech. iii. 2. Cf. Prot., i. 8 . 2 Stah., iii. p. 229, fr. 69. 

3 Paed., iii. u 83 . From the context, however, it may be that the thought is 
rather akin to that of 2 Peter ii. 14. 

4 The passages in Potter, p. 1020, often quoted as decisive of the question, are 
not genuine. See Stah., vol. iii. p. Ixxi. The passage in Q. D., c. 39, denying the 
possibility of forgiveness for sins committed after baptism, is plainly corrupt, and 
in all probability, with Dindorf, Mayor, and Barnard, we should insert a negative, 
and read, " even this man is not altogether condemned by God." 

8 EC. Pr., 26 ; Str., v. I4 100 . Cf. Ex. Theod., 81. 

6 Prot., iv. w. 7 psed., m. 9 48 . Isa> iv< 4 . 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 135 

destructive of what is worse, preservative of what is better. 1 
"We say that fire sanctifies not flesh but sinful souls, 
and by fire we mean not that which is all-devouring and 
common, but the discerning fire which penetrates the soul 
that walks through the fire." 2 As with the symbol so with 
the thing signified. Cocytus, Acheron, and the like, referred 
to by Plato, are places of punishment, but punishment with 
a view to discipline. 3 " The gnostic pities those who are 
chastened after death, and by punishments are involuntarily 
made to make confession of their sins." 4 " Those who 
have reached a higher degree of insensibility are forced to 
repent by the necessary chastisements, by the goodness of 
the great Judge." 5 In some instances it is difficult to deter 
mine whether Clement is speaking of punishments here or 
hereafter, but the above are quite explicit ; and in any case 
the aim of punishment is represented by him as the same 
in both. In view of the apparent conflict of opinions, the 
determining factor must be assigned to general principles. 

That, in the judgment of Clement, repentance after 
death was possible, there can be no doubt. The measure 
of that possibility is limited rather by the free-will of man 
than by the nature of God. Even for the devil repentance 
was possible, because of his possession of freedom. 6 Such 
possession, it is plain, made equally possible the condition 
of final impenitence. 7 The justice of God, as we have 
seen, is inseparably related to His goodness. "As children 
are corrected by their teacher or their father, so are we 
corrected by Providence. God does not take vengeance, 
for vengeance is a retaliation for evil, but He corrects with 
a view to the good, both public and private, of those who 

1 EC. Pr., 26. 2 Str., vii. 6 s4 . 3 Ib., v. 13 91 . 

4 Ib., vii. 12 78 . 5 Ib., vii. 2 12 . 6 Ib., i. 17 M ; but cf. vol. iii. p. 214. 

7 Cf. Adum. in Jud., vol. iii. p. 207. 



136 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

are corrected." l Christ handed over those who judged him 
unjustly to God that they might receive punishment and 
be disciplined. 2 The possibility of repentance elsewhere 
than here is distinctly affirmed, and that on the ground 
that there is no place where the beneficent activity of God 
is inoperative. 3 Moreover, the Lord is the power of God, 
and His power can never lose its strength. 4 The principle 
of equality of opportunity, as alone consistent with divine 
righteousness, tends in the same direction, especially when 
accompanied, as it is in Clement, with the hypothesis that 
disembodied spirits possess clearer vision of the things of 
God. 5 If that be so, and no further opportunity were to be 
given to those who had heard here the call of Jesus, not 
to have heard the call of the Gospel in this life at all would 
have been a preferential position, which Clement in his 
missionary zeal could not have admitted for a moment. 
Further, the possibility of repentance after death is alone 
consistent with the conception of punishment as discipline. 
For, if divine punishment be disciplinary, and only dis 
ciplinary, it must continue as long as, and only so long as, 
the educative process has been ineffective. But is it pos 
sible that Clement ascribed to God a method of discipline 
that finally failed in its aim, or ascribed to the great 
Physician a virtual acknowledgment of His impotence ? 

Is this discipline, in the life to be, limited to the unright 
eous ? Or does it extend to those who die in a state of 
spiritual imperfection ? Or is it universal? No such dis 
cipline can attach to the martyr, because after death he goes 
straight to the highest bliss. From the circumstance that 
the gnostic pities those who undergo punishment, the pre 
sumption is that he himself is exempt from such discipline. 

1 Str., vii. i6 8 . 2 Adum. in I Pet., vol. iii. p. 205. 

3 Str., iv. 6 37 . * Ib., vi. 6 47 . 5 Ib., vi. 6 *. 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 137 

But for those who are neither gnostics nor martyrs there 
would seem to be discipline, especially for sins committed 
after baptism. This is associated with the idea of grada 
tions of status in heaven. The " mansions " vary according 
to the lives of men, according to the desert of believers. 1 
The three elect mansions are indicated by the thirty, the 
sixty, and the hundred-fold, in the Gospel. The perfect 
inheritance belongs to the perfect man. 2 " The man of faith 
(the simple believer) is distressed yet further, either because 
he has not yet attained, or not fully attained, what he sees 
that others have shared. And, moreover, he is ashamed be 
cause of the transgressions which he had committed, which 
in truth are the greatest punishments to the man of faith. 
And though the punishments cease, as a matter of fact, at 
the completion of the full penalty and the purification of 
each, those who have been deemed worthy of the other 
fold have the greatest abiding sorrow, the sorrow of not 
being along with those who have been glorified because of 
righteousness." 3 The punishment, then, from one point 
of view, is the consciousness of failure to reach an ideal ; 
from another, it is the exaction of a penalty. Whether 
such souls always remain in a relatively lower sphere is 
not distinctly stated ; but for them, as for others, the law 
is continuous progress. 

The pre-eminence given to the doctrine of the Word is 
the most distinctive feature in the theology of Clement. 
He found in it the key to a right conception of God, of 
nature, of history, and of man. As against every form of 
polytheism, the unity of God is postulated not less by 
philosophical thought than by the religious spirit. But the 
unity which might be admitted by the speculative reason, 
the conception of a solitary being in inaccessible isolation, 

1 Str., iv. 6 36 . 2 Ibi> vi> I4 iu s Ib>> vi> I4 K>9. 



138 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

could not satisfy the hunger of the heart which cries out 
for a Father in heaven. Nor could the conception of the 
Fatherhood of God find complete realisation in the thought 
of His relation to the world or man, or even the highest 
order of created spirits ; for neither the world, nor man, nor 
angels, had existed from the beginning : there was a time 
when they were not. But did God only become a Father 
when the creation sprang into being at His word ? Was 
the Fatherhood of God only an accident, or, irrespective of 
creation, was it an inalienable characteristic of His ? To 
the Alexandrian thinker the last seemed the true thought. 
Fatherhood implied sonship ; the Son must, therefore, have 
been eternally begotten, and thus stood in an altogether 
different relation to the Father from the universe or man 
which were formed by Him, not begotten of Him. As 
a revelation of the Father, the Incarnation of the Son was 
not regarded by Clement as an isolated act, but only as the 
highest and final act in a series of manifestations of the 
Word. The universe owed its existence to the Word, and 
thus bears upon it the impress of rationality. It is the 
result and the embodiment of a divine thought, and is, 
therefore, not dead, but informed with life ; and it is our 
duty to search and discover the divine thoughts that are 
there operative. But there is another sphere for the work 
ing of the Word of God. Thought is that in man which is 
most akin to the essence of God ; and the Word wrought 
in the minds of men. The progressive education of human 
ity by the Word, altogether apart from its applications, was 
surely a magnificent conception. In a way of which they 
themselves were unconscious, the thinkers of Greece had 
been illuminated by the Word ; and, if the light had been 
obscured by the medium through which it shone or came 
only in fitful gleams, it was none the less light from Him ; 



THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 139 

and the partial truth created the longing for the future 
manifestation. In a more direct way and prior to this, the 
Word had intervened in the history of mankind. To the 
people of the Jews, alone among the nations of antiquity, 
He had given a direct revelation of Himself; and the record 
of that revelation had been preserved for the guidance of 
men. But something more than this was needed. The 
possibility of communication between God and man was an 
evidence of God s relation to man and of man s kinship with 
Him. But a theophany was only a transitory manifestation, 
and left the relation between God and man as external as 
before ; the word in man was still alienated from the Word 
who was with God ; the theophany must be consummated 
by an Incarnation; and so, the "Word became flesh, and 
tabernacled among us." When men began to search into 
the divine content of these words, new problems were 
created. Two things the Church sought to maintain and 
reconcile the absolute deity of Christ and His complete 
humanity : it sought to show that He was not a dual per 
sonality, half human, half divine, but one divinely-human 
personality, in which the divine and human aspects were 
alike to be acknowledged, neither aspect being exaggerated 
nor minimised. The humanity of Christ had been assailed 
in Alexandria; and, as has been noted, Clement was not 
altogether uninfluenced by the speculations in his environ 
ment. But he held so firmly by the humanity of Christ that 
he regarded the Incarnation as the basis and archetype of 
that which was in a measure possible for all His followers. 
In the fact and in the doctrine of the Incarnation he saw 
the; bridging of the gulf, hitherto impassable, between man 
and God. He saw in it the consecration of nature and its 
redemption from the charge of being the cause of evil and 
antagonistic to God, as well as from the Epicurean charge 



140 THE PERSON AND WORK OF CHRIST 

that it was outside the abiding love and care of the 
Almighty. He saw in it the consecration of the history 
of humanity as an ever-operative sphere for the activity of 
the Word. He saw in it the consecration of every son 
of man by presenting to him the possibility of becoming a 
son of God. Clement might have said with Browning l 

" I say, the acknowledgment of God in Christ 
Accepted by thy reason solves for thee 
All questions in the earth and out of it." 



1 Cf. Chase, Lectures on Ecclesiastical History (Norwich Cathedral), 1896, 
p. 296. 



LECTURE V. 

THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT. 

WITH regard to the sources of the moral ideas in the 
teaching of Clement, as well as of the psychology that 
underlies them, there has been much discussion and con 
troversy. According to Merk, he is an adherent of the 
Stoics ; 1 according to Reinkens, of Aristotle ; 2 Ritter re 
gards him as fundamentally a Platonist ; 3 Dahne as a Neo- 
Platonist. 4 The truth is, if we accept his own statement, 
that he refused to be considered a narrow partisan of any 
school; that we find in his writings terms and definitions 
drawn indifferently from Plato or Aristotle; that in his 
conception of virtue, and even of its detailed applications, 
he has learned much from the Stoics. This need excite no 
surprise. Stoicism in its highest reach had much in 
common with Christianity, and even before his conversion 
it must have been attractive to an earnest spirit such as his ; 
and it is probable, as we have noted, that Pantasnus, in 
whose teaching he found intellectual rest, was an adherent 
of that system. But in delineating the Christian ideal he 
professed to exhibit the gnostic according to the rule of 

1 Clemens Alexandrinus in seiner Abhangigkeit von der griechischen Phil 
osophic. 1879. 

2 De Clements Presbytero Alexandrine, 1851, pp. 300-309. 

3 Geschichte der christlichen Philosophic, p. 447 et seq. 

4 De Tvdvei, 1831, pp. 1-18, 69-112. 



142 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

the Church ; l his ultimate authority is Scripture ; and he 
would have accepted no maxim from any quarter as 
authoritative of which he did not regard Scripture as the 
source, or which could not in his opinion be reasonably 
deduced from it. " The Platonic and Stoic features are 
mingled with an inner confidence in the power of the 
spirit of Christianity." 2 

Of man, his nature and destiny generally, Clement pre 
sents a high conception. Man is a plant of heavenly origin. 3 
It is his natural prerogative, as man, to have fellowship with 
God. 4 By nature he is a lofty and majestic being, seeking 
after the good, as befits the creation of Him who alone is 
good. 5 All men are the work of one God, invested with 
one likeness upon one nature. 6 As the image of God is 
His Word, so the true man, the mind in the man, is the 
image of the Word. 7 To be " after the image and likeness " 
does not apply to the body but to the mind and the 
reasoning faculty on which the Lord puts the seal of 
likeness. 8 Man is superior to the animals in this, that by 
the inbreathing of God he shares in a purer essence than 
they, and that in him alone an idea of God has been 
instilled at his creation. 9 As to the origin of the soul, the 
doctrine of traducianism is definitely set aside. 10 Like the 
centaur, man is compounded of a rational and an irrational 
element soul and body. The soul is superior to the body. 
But the soul is not good by nature, nor the body evil by 
nature. These two are diverse, but not opposite. 11 Christ 
healed the soul as well as the body. If the flesh had been 
the enemy of the soul, He would not have restored it to 



ICf " 41 \ ~ >/ 

otr. , vn. 7 . TOV Tif) ovn KOTO. TOV ^KK\t]ffia(rriKbv Kavdva 7 <vu<n info. 

2 Gass, Geschichte der christlichen Ethik, vol. i. p. 78. 

3 Prot., ii. 25 . * Ib., x.. e Pxdt) m 7 37. 6 Str<| viL I4 H 
7 Prot., X.". 8 Str., ii. 19102. Ib., v. 1368. v ii. 2 8 . Cf. v. 14 M . 
10 Ib., vi. i6 135 . n ib., iv. 3; iv. 26 164 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 143 

health and fortified it in its hostility to the soul. 1 The soul 
never sleeps. 2 It is immortal and indestructible. Being 
formed of finer material, it suffered no injury in the flood 
from water, which is of grosser material. 3 Without the 
spirit the body is nothing but dust and ashes. 4 The soul is 
the final cause of the body. 5 The body is the instrument, 
the seat, and the possession of the soul. 6 The whole body, 
and not the upper part merely, was formed by God. 7 Man 
by his constitution has been formed erect for the vision of 
heaven, and the mechanism of the senses tends to know 
ledge. All the parts are well ordered with a view to good, 
not pleasure. The body is the dwelling-place of the soul, 
and shares in the sanctification wrought by the Holy 
Spirit. 8 The harmony of the body contributes to the 
goodly disposition of the mind. 9 Yet, because of the 
passions inevitably associated with the body, it is a fetter to 
the soul. 10 Natural death is the dissolution of the chains 
that bind the soul to the body, and this severance is the 
life-long " study " of the philosopher. 11 The little piece of 
flesh tends to obscure the vision of the soul. 12 Clement 
quotes with approval the saying of Plato, 13 that the soul of 
the philosopher dishonours the body and seeks to be alone 
by itself, 14 and without disapproval the saying that the 
body is the grave of the soul. 15 A fleshly element involves 
a dead element. 16 The hypothesis of transmigration of the 
soul and of purification by transmigration is to be rejected. 
The soul has not been sent into the world as into a prison- 
house. 17 It is plain that we have here two different, if not 
contradictory, conceptions of the relation of the body to the 



1 Str., iii. 17 104 . 2 Psed., ii. 9 82 . 3 Str., v. 14 81 ; vi. 6 52 . 

4 Ib., iii. 6 46 . 5 Ib., iii. i; 100 . 6 Ib., vi. i8 163 . 7 Ib., iii. 4 34 . 

8 Ib., iv. 26 163 . Ib., iv. 4 18 . 10 Ib., vii. 7 40 . " Ib., iv. 3 12 . 

12 Ib., vi. 6 46 . 1S Phsedo, 65 C. 14 Str., iii. 3 18 . 

15 Ib., iii. 3 16 ; Plato, Krat., 4003.0. 16 Ib., iii. 4 25 . 17 Ib., iii. 3 ls . 



144 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

soul, a conception which admits the possibility of the 
transfiguration of the body and all its activities, and a 
conception which involves the crushing of the body as the 
seat of the passions and an obstacle to the development of 
the highest life. According as the one conception or other 
predominates, the ethical ideal varies, the ascetic element 
gains or loses in prominence. The former conception is 
chiefly emphasised in his refutation of the heretics who 
vilified the body and creation generally ; the latter con 
ception comes out incidentally, but may none the less 
indicate a dominating principle in his ethical ideals. 1 

Clement puts great emphasis on human freedom. In a 
fragment of the lost treatise on Providence he defines 
willing as the natural, voluntary movement of the self- 
determined mind, or the mind moved of its own choice with 
reference to anything. Freedom of will is the mind moved 
according to nature, or it is an intellectual, independent 
movement of the soul. 2 Like the words or phrase which 
are employed by him to denote the conception, 3 this 
definition emphasises the self-determination of the will and 
its ground in the natural or divine constitution of man. 
The will takes precedence of all : the rational powers are 
ministers of the will. 4 That is in our power of which and 
its opposites we are equally masters; as, for example, we 
can philosophise or not philosophise, we can believe or 
disbelieve. 5 This is a gift of God, who has bestowed upon 
us free and sovereign power to live as we will, and has 
left the soul unfettered in respect of rejection or refusal. 6 

1 For a full discussion of the nature of the soul, and of the psychology gener 
ally, see the treatise of Ziegler, Die Psychologic des T. Fl. Clemens Alex- 
andrinus, 1894, especially pp. 1-16, 53-66. 

2 Stah., vol. iii. p. 220. 

3 rb <p Tip. iv, rb avr^ovffiov, TrpoaipeTiK^ tivvaftis, rb avQatpfrov rr/s 
^VXTIS, cupetrts KCU $vy)) avTOKparopiK-f), &.C. 

4 Str., ii. 17 77 . 5 Ib., iv. 24 153 . 6 Ib., ii. 4 12 ; iii. 5 41 ; vii. 3 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 145 

The choice or rejection of the truth is a voluntary action. 1 
Clement seeks to prove and illustrate this by the statements 
of Scripture, on general moral grounds, and as being in 
accordance with the relation of God to man. The very 
giving of the commandments was a recognition of freedom, 
for it implied that man had it in his power what to choose 
and what to shun. 2 The prophet Hosea rebuked the people 
inasmuch by the possession of the understanding, which 
is the eye of the soul, they showed that they had sinned 
voluntarily. 3 The Apostle gives the name of " men " to 
those who in the enjoyment of freedom of will believed and 
were saved by voluntary choice. 4 The reply of the Saviour 
to the rich young man, " if thou wiliest," indicated the free 
will of the soul ; the man was free to choose as God was 
free to give. 5 In opposition to the natural determinism of 
Basilides, Clement showed that moral freedom was essential 
to responsibility. If faith were only an advantage of nature, 
as Basilides maintained, there could be no room for praise 
or censure in the case of belief or unbelief, for man would 
be the creature of a natural, if divine, necessity. If men 
were moved like lifeless puppets by natural forces, the 
distinction between voluntary and involuntary is super 
fluous ; and the same is true of the impulse which leads to 
choice. 6 From this conception of freedom as absolute, 
important conclusions in the matter of salvation are drawn. 
God wishes us to be saved of ourselves. 7 Because man is 
not a lifeless instrument, he must hasten to salvation 
willingly and of set purpose. 8 Readiness of mind is our 
contribution to salvation. 9 Faith as well as obedience 
depend on freedom. 10 Choice and life are yoked together. 11 

1 Str., i. i8 89 , 90 . 2 Ib., vii. 7 42 3 Pace,., i. 9 77 . 

4 Ib., i.6 33 . 5 Q. D., c. 10. 6 Str., ii. 3 

7 Ib., vi. I2 96 ; EC. Pr., 22. 8 Str., vii. 7 42 . 9 EC. Pr., 22. 

10 Str., ii. 3 n ; ii. 6 26 ; ii. 20 113 . Cf. iv. 23 15 . n Prot., xi. 117 . 

K 



1 46 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

He who sins of his own will makes choice of punishment. 1 
That which is involuntary is not judged. 2 God only 
requires of us the things that are in our power. 3 By in 
struction we are taught to will to choose what is best. 4 
God Himself has respect to this freedom, and exercises no 
compulsion in the matter of salvation. No one will be 
saved against his will, for force is hateful to God. 6 Man 
must co-operate with God. 6 Those who are foreordained 
were foreordained because God knew before the founda 
tion of the world that they would be righteous. 7 Even, as 
has already been noted, the argument from the miraculous 
must not be such as to compel the assent of the spirit 
of man ; for such compulsion were out of harmony with 
the nature of God and man. 8 But though God will not 
compel man, there is a sense in which man may exercise 
compulsion upon God. The kingdom of God is not for 
the slack or the sleepers; the "violent take it by force," 
and snatch life from God ; for in such conflicts He rejoices 
to be defeated. 9 

The prominence thus given by Clement to the self- 
determination of man seems to leave little scope for the 
action of divine grace in the specifically Christian sense 
of the word. True, the God-given wisdom, which is a 
power of the Father, stimulates the will. 10 In a general 
way, too, no progress in virtue or knowledge is possible 
apart from the assistance of God. Because we wander in 
the darkness of the world, we need a guide who does not 
stumble nor go astray. 11 By confidence in the Lord we can 
war against the principalities of darkness. 12 The thoughts of 



1 Psed., i. 8 69 . 2 Str., ii. 14 60 . Cf. ii. 15 62 . 3 Ib., ii. 6 ; vii. 7 48 . 
4 Ib., i. 6 35 . Cf. ii. i6 75 . 5 Q. D., c. 10. 

6 Str., vi. i; 157 . 7 ib., vii. 17 107 . 

8 Stah., vol. iii p 217. Cf. p. 55. 9 Q. D., c. 21. 

10 Str., v. 13 83. " Pied., i. 3 9 12 Str., iv. 7 47 - 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 147 

virtuous men derive their origin from the inspiration of God, 
from the contact of the divine will with the souls of men. 1 
Apart from the Saviour the film of ignorance cannot be re 
moved that man might thus gain true knowledge of himself 
or of God. 2 The unknown God can only be apprehended 
by divine grace. 3 But all that refers to the grace of revela 
tion rather than to grace in the usage of the New Testa 
ment. When he quotes "by grace are ye saved," he adds, 
"not, however, without good works." 4 More specifically, 
the divine grace and the drawing of the Father are required 
for the pursuit of the good without afterthought, though 
this must be associated with a holy willingness to learn. 5 
The highest and only true form of continence is unattain 
able without the grace of God. 6 In particular, the effect of 
the illumination of grace of illumination in Baptism is 
emphasised. 7 Faith is a grace. 8 By faith on the part of 
man and divine grace the bonds of ignorance are loos 
ened. 9 The attainment of the perfect good does not depend 
wholly on ourselves. 10 In spite of such sporadic expres 
sions and the occasional use of the word, the function 
which grace plays in the teaching of Clement is relatively 
unimportant. 

Virtue is defined by Clement as the harmonious disposi 
tion of the soul in harmony with reason in every relation of 
life. 11 It is described indifferently as a habit or a disposition. 
Thus self-control is designated as a disposition, 12 purity as a 
habit, simplicity as a habit, contentment as a habit, good 
ness as a habit. 13 Virtue is a habit because it depends not 
on others but on ourselves, and is the property of the 



1 Str., vi. 17 157 . 2 Ib., i. 28 178 . 3 Ib., v. 12 s 2 ; v. 13 

4 Ib., v. i 7 . 5 Ib. 6 Ib., iii. 7 57 . 

7 Psed., i. 630. 8 Strj j. 7 38. 9 Pedij j. 6 29. 

10 Str., v. i 7 . n Psed., i. is 101 . Cf. ib., i. 12". 

12 Str., ii. iS 80 . 13 Psed., iii. II 66 ; Str., vii. 7 38 . 



148 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

man who has power to exercise it. 1 We are not born 
with the possession of virtue, nor does it arise in us 
afterwards as by natural development, for in that case it 
would not have been voluntary or praiseworthy ; nor, like 
the faculty of speech, does it arise and become perfected by 
family intercourse. 2 It is natural only in the sense that we 
are by nature adapted for its acquisition. 3 There are, no 
doubt, differences in natural aptitude ; but the advantage 
which one derives from nature may be lost by neglect, and 
one less gifted by nature may strengthen his gift by disci 
pline; for perfection in virtue is not the prerogative of 
those who have by nature the higher aptitude in the direc 
tion of virtue. 4 Righteousness is an attribute independent 
of race or nationality ; one righteous man as such differs 
not from another righteous man. 5 Virtue is one in power ; 
all the virtues are mutually related. 6 So he that has one 
virtue gnostically has all the virtues. 7 Because virtue is a 
habit or disposition, it reaches its ideal when habit becomes 
nature. 8 Alike in definition and in detail, Clement has 
much in common with the Stoics ; 9 much inevitably 
followed from the emphasis which he placed on moral 
freedom. 

The question as to "man s chief end" is dealt with at 
some length by Clement. 10 He details the opinions of the 
representatives of various schools of philosophy, for the 
most part without criticism or comment, though he promises 
to give a refutation of some of them in due time. 11 But both 



1 Str., iv. 19 124 . 2 Ib., vii. 3 ly . 

3 Ib., vi. II 95 . Cf. ib., i. 6 34 , ov yap Qva-ei, fictflrjo-et 5e ol Ka\oi Ka.ya.6ol 
yivovrai. 

4 Ib., i. 6 34 ; vi. 12 69 . 5 Ib., vi. 6 47 . 
6 Ib., i. 20 97 ; viii. 9 30 . 7 Ib., ii. iS 80 . 

8 Ib., vii. 7 46 ; iv. 22 m . 9 See the parallels quoted by Stahlin. 

10 Str., ii. 21, 22 127 - 136 . u Ib., ii. 21 134 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 149 

by direct approval and by specific appropriation of the words, 
he accepts the Platonic conception of the end as assimilation 
to God. 1 This assimilation may also be described as " assim 
ilation to right reason," but in this connection associated 
with our restoration through the Son to perfect adoption. 2 
The end, he says, is precisely described by the Apostle in 
the words, " But now being made free from sin, and become 
servants to God, ye have your fruit unto holiness, and the 
end eternal life." 3 It is the ideal set forth in the exhortation 
to "be perfect as the Father in heaven." 4 This likeness is 
closely related to, if not dependent on, and one with, the 
knowledge of Him. The greatest thing assuredly is the 
knowledge of God. 5 To know God is to share in immor 
tality. 6 The most perfect good is gnosis, for it is chosen for 
its own sake. 7 The one end of good and of life is to become 
a lover of God. 8 But this likeness has its limitations. We 
are called upon by the Scripture to strive to know God as 
far as possible. 9 It is impossible and impracticable for 
any one to become perfect as God is perfect, for that were 
to imply that the virtue of man and God is the same. All 
that is demanded is that, living according to the obedience 
of the Gospel, we should be irreproachably perfect. 10 More 
over, by assimilation to God is meant assimilation to God 
the Saviour, and that only as far as possible for human 
nature. 11 For to this, too, there is a limit. " It is sufficient 
if we be as the Master, not in respect of essence, for it is 
impossible that that which is by adoption should be equal 
in point of subsistence to that which is by nature." 12 Such 
being the end, the question arises, Was this end a universal 



1 Str., ii. 22 136 . 2 Ib., ii. 22 134 . 

3 Ib.; Rom. vi. 22, ri 5e rt\os. 

4 Str., vii. 14 88 . 5 Ib., vii. 7 47 . 6 Ib., iv. 6*. 
7 Ib., vi. 12 y8 . 8 Ib., v. 14 96 . 9 Ib., ii. 10 47 . 

10 Ib., vii. 14 88 . n Ib., ii. 9 45 ; vi. 12 104 . Ib., ii. 17 . 



150 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

end, or one to be pursued by, and restricted to, a limited 
spiritual aristocracy ? Was it open to, and incumbent on, 
the man of faith the simple believer or the prerogative 
and ideal only of the man of gnosis ? 

The relation of faith to gnosis with the twofold ideal of 
Christian life based thereon is one of the most distinctive 
features in the ethical teaching of Clement. The fluctuating 
character of his conception of faith or its application may be 
illustrated by the varying interpretations which he puts on 
the same passage of Scripture. He quotes four times the 
saying in Isaiah, " Unless ye believe, ye shall not under 
stand," 1 and on each occasion he puts a different interpre 
tation on the word " believe." In one case he takes it in 
the sense of belief in contrast with unbelief, and asks, con 
firming his view by a saying of Heraclitus, How could a 
soul admit the transcendent contemplation of the things of 
God, while belief in regard to the instruction created an 
inner conflict ? 2 In another passage he interprets it as 
meaning that a belief in Christ, who was prophesied through 
the law, was essential to the understanding of the Old 
Covenant which He Himself interpreted at His coming. 3 
Elsewhere he characterises faith as a reasonable standard 
of judgment which gives a firm basis for the recognition of 
the divine words and begets full persuasion. 4 In another 
passage he finds in it a confirmation of the definition 
likewise confirmed by a saying of Heraclitus that faith 
is a preconception of the mind, and adds that as precon 
ception is essential to understanding, no one can understand 
without faith. 5 

Faith is opposed on the one hand to unbelief, which is 
the mere negative supposition of opposition to belief, and 
on the other to hardness of belief, which is a habit that 

1 Isa. vii. 9. 2 gtr., ii. 2 8 . 3 Ib., iv. 21 m . 

4 Ib., i. i 8 . e Ib.,ii. 4". 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 151 

is slow to admit faith. 1 Unbelief dies when faith is shed 
over us. 2 To believe the truth brings life, as to disbelieve 
it brings death. 3 The change from unbelief to belief is 
a divine change. 4 

Faith is not a vain and barbarous thing, as the Greeks 
calumniate it, but it is a voluntary preconception, the assent 
of piety, "the assurance of things hoped for, the proof of 
things not seen." It has also been defined as the assent of 
the intellect to an unseen object, as certainly the demon 
stration of a thing unknown is a manifest assent. It is the 
beginning of action, for it is the foundation of the intelligent 
choice which is based on the demonstration given by faith , 
and choice is the beginning of action. 5 It is the rational 
assent of the self-determining soul. 6 It is thus an activity of 
the reason as well as of the religious spirit. From the 
former point of view it is essential to the learning of any 
thing ; for if faith be a preconception of the intellect, one 
will never learn without faith, since one cannot learn with 
out preconception. 7 As an assent, it is the basis of opinion 
and judgment and of all that makes possible our intercourse 
with our fellow-men. 8 It is in every relation of life univer 
sally necessary. 9 The past and the future fall within its 
scope. 10 It is no barren assent, for it is the doer of good 
things and the foundation of doing justice. 11 So more 
distinctly is it with faith on its religious side as the assent 
of piety. It is a certain inward good, and without seeking 
after God it both confirms His existence and glorifies Him 
as existent. 12 It is no mere human acquirement, but some 
thing divine. 13 It is a power of God, being the force of the 
truth. 14 It is a force unto salvation and a power unto eternal 



1 Str., ii. 6 28 . 


2 EC. Pr., 12. 


3 Str., iv. 38. 


4 Ib., ii. 6 31 . 


5 Ib., ii. 2 8 - 9 . 


6 Ib., v. i 3 . 


7 Ib., ii. 4 17 - 


8 Ib., ii. I2 55 . 


9 Ib., ii. 5 23 . 


10 J b [^ I2 54. 


11 Ib., v. 13 w . 


12 Ib., vii. 10 5a 




13 Ib., ii. 6 80 . 


14 Str., ii. II 


48 . 



152 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

life. 1 The teaching of philosophy is a gift, but faith is a 
grace. 2 The Holy Spirit is breathed into those who have 
believed. 3 By bare faith, without demonstration, the power 
of God is able to save. 4 He who believes the Scriptures as 
the voice of God has a demonstration that cannot be gain 
said. 5 Faith is the irrefragable criterion. 6 It is essential 
to salvation, 7 but works must follow if salvation is to be 
secured. 8 It justified even those who were before the law, 
and made them partakers of the divine promise. 9 Yet to 
those who were righteous according to law, faith was want 
ing ; wherefore the Lord said, "Thy faith hath saved thee." 10 
Faith is twofold, the faith of science and the faith of 
opinion. 11 When the Apostle speaks of the " righteousness 
of God as revealed from faith to faith," 12 he seems to pro 
claim a twofold faith, or rather one faith which admits of 
growth and perfecting ; for the common faith lies beneath 
as a foundation. The special faith, which is built upon it, 
is perfected along with the believer, and brought to com 
pletion along with that which results from instruction and 
fulfilling the commandments of the Lord. Such was the 
faith of the apostles which could remove mountains. 13 Per 
fection of faith is to be distinguished from the common 
faith. 14 Faith is akin to trust, but trust is more than 
faith. For when one knows that the Son of God is Teacher, 
he trusts that His teaching is true. And as instruction, 
according to Empedocles, will make the mind grow, so he 
that trusts in the Lord will make faith grow. 15 Faith, then, 
in the conception of Clement, is at once an intellectual act 
and a spiritual act or attitude, a divine force, yet voluntary, 
no mere theological or even religious principle, but one of 

1 Str., ii. 12 ". 2 Ib., i. ; 38 . 3 Ib. f v. 13 8S . 4 Ib., v. I 9 . 

5 Ib., ii. 2 9 . Ib., ii. 4 12 . 7 Ib., i. 7 38 . 8 Ib., vi. 14 108 . 

9 Ib., ii. 4 12 . 10 Ib., vi. 6". n Ib., ii. ii 48 . 12 Rom. i. 17. 

13 Str., v. i 2 . 14 Ib., iv. i6 100 . 15 Ib., v. 13 w . Cf. ib., ii. 6 <28 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 153 

universal sweep and significance, one in its origin but varied 
in its development, sometimes related to teaching rather 
than to a person, unless so far as a person is behind the 
words and commands assent and gives authority to that 
which is believed, the faith of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
rather than the justifying faith of St Paul. 

As the conception of faith is fluctuating, so also is the 
conception of knowledge. Of knowledge in general 
apart from any Christian or religious application Clement 
says that the word is used in a twofold sense. The first, 
the knowledge commonly so called, is that which appears 
universally in all men, in which not only the rational 
powers but also the irrational powers participate, whose 
nature it is to apprehend through the senses. To such 
he refuses the name of knowledge. Knowledge, properly 
so called, derives its impress from judgment and reason, 
and thus only the rational powers form cognitions, 
which are applied to things intellectual by the bare 
activity of the soul. 1 From this point of view, know 
ledge is the peculiar property of the rational soul. It is 
the beginning and author of all rational action. For 
action is based on impulse, and impulse is based on 
knowledge. 2 In a narrower sense knowledge is used of 
the esoteric tradition given by the Lord to the Apostles, 
and transmitted by them to the few in an unwritten form. 3 
This is supported by Scripture, in particular by the 
authority of St Paul. He says, " We know that we all 
have knowledge," that is, common knowledge in common 
things, and the knowledge that there is one God. For 
he was writing to believers. " But the knowledge is not 
in all" that is, the knowledge which was transmitted 
among the few. 4 Prophecy was full of this knowledge. 

1 Str., vi. i 3 . 2 Ib., vi. 8 68 , 69 . 3 Ib., vi. 7 61 . 

4 Ib., iv. 15 97 ; i Cor, viii. I, 7. Cf. Stah., vol. iii. p. 227, fr. 60. 



154 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

Related to this, but not to be identified with it, is a third 
form of knowledge that of gnosis in Clement s sense of 
the word. It may be defined as " a kind of perfection of 
man as man, being completed by the science of divine 
things, in respect of character and life and speech, 
harmonious and consistent with itself and the divine 
word." All knowledge is wisdom ; but all wisdom is not 
knowledge. 1 Knowledge is wisdom, that is, it is a sure 
and firm science and apprehension of the things that are, 
and will be, and have been. 2 This wisdom is to be con 
trasted with the wisdom which furnishes experience of the 
things relating to life. It is eternal, while the other is 
useful in time ; it is one and the same, while the other 
assumes many and diverse forms ; it is without any 
movement of passion, while the other is accompanied 
with passionate desire. 3 The pre-eminence of knowledge 
is indicated by the prophet when he says, " Goodness 
and instruction and knowledge teach me," thus present 
ing in progressive order the guiding principle of perfection. 4 
Its goal is contemplation, the immediate vision of God. 5 
But it is not a barren contemplation. For the vision of 
God purity is necessary, and by knowledge the purifica 
tion of the ruling principle of the soul is effected. 6 A tree 
is known by its fruit, not by its blossom, so knowledge 
is not characterised by word and blossoms but by fruit 
and way of life. For it is not a mere word but a certain 
divine science, and the light which, springing up in the 
soul, makes all things luminous in their origin, and pre 
pares man to know himself and teaches him how to attain 
to God. 7 Knowledge is perfected by word and deed. 8 
Works follow knowledge as the shadow the body. 9 It 

1 Str., vii. 10 55 . 2 Ib., vi. 7 61 . s Ib., vi. 7 54 . 

4 Ib., vii. 736; p s . II9 w | L XX. s Str>> iL I0 4 7< 

6 Ib., iv. 6 39 . 7 Ib., iii. 5". s Ib<> iv- I7 i< 

9 Ib., vii. 1 3 812 . Cf. EC. Pr., 28. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 155 

teaches us to discern the things that contribute to the 
permanence of virtue. As the greatest of all things is 
the knowledge of God, in this way virtue is so preserved 
that its loss is impossible. 1 These are the more general 
characteristics of knowledge, its source, its goal, its fruit : 
to know more fully what it is, we must look at it more 
narrowly as contrasted with, and as related to, faith, and 
as embodied in the gnostic. 

Two false views of the relation of faith to knowledge 
must be set aside. The Valentinians, says Clement, 
assign faith to us the simple and knowledge to themselves. 
They hold that knowledge springs up in those who are 
saved by nature in accordance with the superiority of a 
germ of excellence, and that it is as widely separated from 
faith as the spiritual from the psychical. But, rejoins 
Clement, if that were so, if faith were not a voluntary 
assent but an advantage of nature, moral responsibility 
would be plainly destroyed. 2 Another error, dealing not 
with the origin or nature of faith but with its object, has 
also to be rejected. Clement refers to some who held that 
faith was concerned with the Son but knowledge with the 
Father. He replies that Fatherhood implied Sonship, and 
that the two cannot in this way be separated. To believe 
in the Son we must know the Father, and to know the 
Father we must believe in the Son ; for it is through the 
Son that the Father comes from faith to knowledge. The 
knowledge of the Son and Father is the comprehension 
of the Truth by the Truth. 3 

The general principle is that faith and knowledge are 
indissolubly related. " Neither is knowledge without faith, 
nor faith without knowledge." 4 By a certain divine 
sequence and reciprocity faith is an attribute of know- 

1 Str., vii. ; 47 . 2 Ibijii< 3 io } 11. 

8 Ib., V. I !. 4 Ib. 



156 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

ledge and knowledge is an attribute of faith. 1 Between 
them there is a natural relationship and adaptation. " As 
to the man who has hands it is natural to grasp, and to 
him who has healthy eyes to see the light, so to him 
who has received faith it is the natural prerogative to par 
ticipate in knowledge." 2 Faith is as essential to the gnostic 
as respiration is to life. As without the four elements it 
is not possible to live, so without faith it is not possible 
to follow after knowledge. 3 In one sense, faith is more 
authoritative than science and its criterion ; 4 in another 
sense, to know is more than to believe. 5 In one sense, 
faith is independent of knowledge, and has to do with a 
sphere where science cannot act. For faith deals with 
first principles, and first principles, being incapable of 
demonstration, can only be apprehended by faith, which 
leads up from that which cannot be demonstrated to that 
which is universal and simple. 6 In another sense, know 
ledge rests upon faith, enriching and extending its scope, 
and on the ground of things which are already believed, 
creates faith in things which are not yet believed, the faith 
so created being, as it were, the essence of demonstration. 7 
Faith is the foundation of knowledge, 8 and by knowledge 
is faith made perfect. 9 " Knowledge is a kind of perfec 
tion of man as man. To have no doubt in reference to 
God, but to have faith in Him, is the foundation of know 
ledge ; and Christ is both the foundation and the super 
structure, through Whom also are the beginnings and 
the ends." 10 In contradistinction to gnostic perfection, the 
Apostle sometimes calls the common faith the foundation, 
sometimes "milk" as opposed to gnostic food. 11 "Faith, 

1 Str., ii. 4 16 . Cf. vi. 8 68 ; vi. 9. 2 Ib., vi. 17 152 . 8 Ib., ii. 6 31 . 
4 Ib., ii. 4 15 . 5 Ib., vi. 14 109 . 6 Ib., ii. 4 13 , u . 

7 Ib., vii. i6 98 . 8 Ib., v. i 6 ; vii. 3 20 ; ii. ii. 9 Ib., vi. i8 184 . 

10 Ib., vii. 10 M . " Ib., v. 4 26 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 157 

then, so to speak, is a summary knowledge of the essen 
tials, but knowledge is a demonstration sure and firm of the 
things received through the faith, being built on the faith 
by means of the teaching of the Lord, carrying us on to 
that which is irrefragable and scientifically apprehended." l 
In such passages faith seems to be used for the contents 
rather than for the act of faith. Faith, then, is perfect in 
the sense that a foundation is perfect; it is imperfect in 
the sense that a foundation is imperfect without a super 
structure. The superstructure is knowledge, which, how 
ever, is not to be conceived as standing in any merely 
external relation to faith, but as to something with which 
it is in vital union, as a natural development of it, and a 
scientific demonstration of its sphere and object. 2 

This is the ruling conception of the relation of faith to 
knowledge, though at times, in antagonism to the heretical 
depreciation of faith, he represents faith as perfect and 
complete in itself. 3 It is to be noted, moreover, that in 
depicting the ideal Christian under the designation of the 
gnostic, he emphasises the points in which knowledge is 
superior to faith, ignoring the common aspects, much more 
the points of equality. 

The relation of the leading virtues to one another is not 
uniformly set forth. " The consideration that he is ignorant 
is the first lesson given to the man who is walking accord 
ing to the Word. An ignorant man has sought, and having 
sought he finds, the Teacher ; and having found he believed ; 
and having believed he hopes ; and having loved he is 
thenceforward assimilated to Him who has been loved, eager 
to be that which he first loved." 4 Thus the order is, 

1 Str., vii. io 57 . 

2 How strongly Clement felt the necessity of faith being supplemented by 
knowledge is seen by the addition of the words " ac speculatione " to "fide" 
in his Adum. in I P. i. 5 (Stah., vol. Hi. p. 203). 

3 Cf. Pad., i. e 29 . 4 Str., v. 3 17 . 



158 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

ignorance, faith, hope, love. And love is perfected by 
knowledge. 1 So elsewhere he says that knowledge has 
for its foundation the holy triad faith, hope, and love. 2 
In a later book of the Stromateis he reverses this relation 
of love and knowledge. " To him that hath shall be 
added, to faith knowledge, and to knowledge love, and 
to love the inheritance." 3 The first saving change is from 
heathenism to faith, a second from faith to knowledge, 
and this finding its end in love, makes that which knows 
the friend of that which is known. 4 The perfection of a 
man of faith is love. 5 Thus in every case faith precedes 
knowledge and love ; but sometimes knowledge is repre 
sented as the crown of love, sometimes love as the crown 
of knowledge. The last is the dominant thought. Know 
ledge can be taught ; it stands between faith and love, 
which are not taught. 6 

The man of faith and the man of knowledge differ widely 
in their attitude towards divine truth generally, and, in 
particular, in their apprehension of the Scriptures. The 
man of faith only tastes the Scriptures ; the gnostic is their 
true interpreter. The man of faith is as the layman to the 
skilled craftsman in the matters of daily life. 7 Without 
letters it is possible to be a man of faith, but not to compre 
hend the things spoken of in the faith. 8 The gnostic is the 
scholar of the Spirit. To him the law is not merely a 
stepping-stone, but he comprehends it as delivered by the 
Lord. 9 This knowledge is intrusted as a deposit to those 
who show themselves worthy of the teaching. 10 The differ 
ence in content and scope is indicated by the Apostle in 
the Epistle to the Colossians. 11 The mysteries which were 

1 Str., ii. Q 45 . 2 Ib., iv. 7 54 . 3 Ib., vii. io 55 . 

4 Ib., vii. io S7 . 5 Ad. in I Joan. 4 18 , vol. iii. p. 214. 

6 Str., vii. 4 55 . Ib., vii. i6 95 . 8 Ib., i. 6 35 . 

9 Ib., iv. 21 13 . 10 Ib., vii. io 55 . Col. i. 9 - n ; i. 25 - 27 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 159 

hidden until the time of the apostles, and were delivered by 
them as they received them from the Lord, and " now mani 
fested to the saints," are one thing ; and a different thing 
is " the riches of the glory of the mystery in the Gentiles," 
that is, the faith and the hope in Christ, elsewhere called 
the foundation. 1 This insight of the gnostic is conditioned 
by righteousness ; for as one increases in righteousness, the 
nearer to him is the Spirit who is the source of illumina 
tion. 2 Such an one apprehends what seems to be incom 
prehensible to others; for he has believed that nothing is 
incomprehensible to the Son of God, and therefore, nothing 
that is untaught, for He who suffered from love to us would 
have kept back nothing with a view to our instruction in 
knowledge. 3 The Word designed the truth to be a living 
force, and not to be a pretext for intellectual indolence. 4 
The difference between the man of faith and the gnostic 
in regard to the truth of Scripture is thus the difference 
between the pupil, who has learned and is satisfied with 
the rudiments, and the advanced scholar ; between him who 
merely grazes the surface and him who searches into the 
deep things of God ; between him who is startled as by 
a sudden light breaking in upon him in the twilight and 
him whose eye has been trained for the sure vision and 
apprehension of the truth ; 5 between him who has but 
entered on the path that leads to life and him who has 
been initiated into the mysteries of the esoteric tradition. 
The difference is one not of nature but of training ; it is 
not a difference of kind but of degree or status in the 
spiritual life ; there is no impassable barrier between the 
stages ; any man may " seek and find," and from being 
a man of faith may become a man of knowledge. 

While on the purely intellectual side the distinction 

1 Str., v. 10 60 > 61 . 2 Ib., iv. i; 107 . 3 Ib., vi. 8 70 . 

4 Ib., i. 10 . 6 Cf. EC. Pr., 35, 32. 



160 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

between the man of faith and the gnostic is not absolute but 
one of natural gradation, yet when we pass into the sphere 
of ethical ideals the transition is not so easily bridged. No 
doubt, here too they have much in common. All the 
principles and their applications in questions of practical 
morals, which are enforced in the Paedagogus, are incum 
bent on both. The gnostic not less than the man of faith 
must carry out his life in conformity with the precepts of 
the Word, must direct all his affairs in accordance with 
reason, must be on his guard not only against every form 
of vice but every form of extravagance, must fulfil in every 
detail the principle of doing nothing contrary to nature, 
dare not, like the heretical gnostic, claim on the ground of 
special illumination to be indifferent to or superior to the 
conditions of ordinary morality, must, in a word, be faithful 
to all the prescriptions necessary for securing moral health. 
On the other hand, when it is a question of ethical motives 
and ideals, there seems a clear antagonism of principles. 

The gnostic recognises sin in itself. He condemns not 
any particular sin but all sin absolutely. His is not the 
repentance cgmmon to all believers, which is the result 
of past transgressions, but that of him who, knowing the 
nature of , sin, aims at the goal of entire abstinence from 
sin, the ideal result of which is not-sinning. 1 His repent 
ance has no relation to fear; it is the shame of the soul 
in itself arising from conscience. 2 

But this does not imply a merely negative goal for the 
gnostic, but the contrary. While the virtue of the man of 
faith, his absolute perfection, is purely negative, lying in the 
mere abstinence from evil, that of the gnostic is positive, 

1 Str., vi. I2 97 . 

2 Ib., iv. 6 37 . Cf. EC. Pr., 15. " He that hath believed has obtained forgive 
ness of sins from the Lord, but he that is in the condition of knowledge, as one 
who sins no longer, obtains from himself the forgiveness of the rest." 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 161 

having as its goal the unchangeable habit of well-doing 
after the will of God. 1 The man of faith is limited in 
the range of his moral activities ; he may successfully 
accomplish one or two things, but not all things nor with 
the highest science. 2 The righteousness of the man of 
faith is not true righteousness, for it lacks the notes of 
progress and perfection that mark the righteousness of the 
gnostic. 3 Only the action of the gnostic can claim to be 
moral in the strict sense of the word. " Every action of 
the gnostic is right action, but that of the simple believer 
might be called intermediate, as not yet perfected in 
accordance with reason ; but every act of the heathen, on 
the other hand, is sinful. For not simply to do well, but 
to perform actions with a certain goal in view and to act 
in accordance with reason, is exhibited in the Scriptures as 
morally fitting." 4 This is in harmony with the action of 
God Himself. He created all things by the Word (Reason), 
and the man who becomes a gnostic performs good actions 
by the reasoning faculty. 5 

The higher ethical stage is marked in a very specific 
manner by the purity of motive, which gives to every action 
a distinctive character. While the man of faith is influ 
enced by fear of punishment or hope of recompense, the 
gnostic is spontaneously good, acts only under the influence 
of love, and for the sake of the good itself, and not for the 
sake of its results. 6 His self-control is not like that of the 
dog which refrains because it fears the uplifted hand. 7 The 
motive of his abstinence is not fear, but love. 8 As little does 
it rest on love of honour or riches or bodily health. 9 His 
courage is not the irrational courage of the child, the wild 

1 Str., vi. 7 60 . Cf. EC. Pr., 12. 2 Str., vii. 14 84 . 

3 Ib., vi. 12 102 . 4 Ib., vi. 14 m . 5 Ib., vi. i6 136 . 

6 Ib., iv. 22 135 , 143 , 144 ; vi. 12 98 . 7 Ib., iv. 22 146 . 

8 EC. Pr., 19. Cf. Adum. in I Joan. 2 3 , vol. iii. p. 212. 9 Ib., vii. u w . 

L 



162 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

beast, or the juggler, but the courage which is in accordance 
with reason, and is inspired by the love which is the fruit 
of knowledge. 1 All thought even of recompense after death 
must be eliminated from the service of the gnostic. 2 He 
practises piety, drawn by the love of Him who is the Be 
loved. " So that, not even supposing that he were to receive 
permission from God to do what is forbidden without being 
punished for it, nor even if he were to receive a promise that 
he would receive as reward the good things of the blessed 
on these terms, nor if he were persuaded that what he 
did would escape the knowledge of God which is impos 
sible would he ever wish to act contrary to right reason, 
having once for all made choice of that which is truly good 
and to be chosen for its own sake, and on this ground 
beloved." 3 Nay, even the pursuit of knowledge itself must 
be freed not merely from base alloy or any consideration of 
practical need, but even from the desire of salvation. " For 
I would dare to affirm that he who pursues knowledge for 
the sake of the divine science itself will not choose know 
ledge from a wish to be saved. If, therefore, one were, 
ex hypothesi, to offer to the gnostic which of the two he 
would wish to choose, knowledge of God or eternal sal 
vation, and if these two, which are absolutely identical, 
were separable, he would without any hesitation what 
soever choose the knowledge of God, having formed 
the judgment that the distinctive quality of faith, which 
through love has mounted to knowledge, is to be chosen 
for its own sake." 4 Truly the utterance of a "bold and 
joyous thinker." 5 

Of all the characteristic features in the portrait of the 
wise man of the Stoics which Clement has transferred to 
his representation of the Christian ideal, the most distinc- 

1 Str., vii. 10 M . 2 Ib., iv. 22 144 ; vii. 12 69 . Ib., iv. 22 145 , 146 . 

4 Ib., iv. 22 IK . 5 Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. ii. p. 328. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 163 

tive, even if the most alien to the spirit of Christianity, 
is that of " apathy " passionlessness. It would be easy 
to point out differences between the Stoic wise man and 
the gnostic in respect of the conceptions of freedom, 
wealth, beauty, kingship ; but that has little bearing on 
the question of Clement s indebtedness in the matter of 
apathy. He not only has borrowed the word and the 
conception, but the theory of relation of other virtues to 
this fundamental virtue. By apathy or the passionless 
state he distinctly states that he does not mean mastery 
over the passions, but their extirpation. 1 Self-control is 
necessary, as man is by nature subject to passion. 2 It is 
the mark of the man who restrains the impulses that are 
contrary to right reason, or who restrains himself that he 
has no impulse contrary to right reason. 3 But even this 
absolute self-restraint is but a stage in the direction of that 
complete emancipation from passion which apathy implies. 4 
The gnostic is subject to the passions, such as hunger, 
thirst, and the like, that exist for the continuance of the 
body, 5 but otherwise every element of passion must be cut 
out from the soul. 6 He who has not willed to root out the 
passions of the soul kills himself. 7 As God is passionless, 
it were unseemly that the friend of God should be engrossed 
with the restraint of passion. 8 As his Teacher is passion 
less, so by fellowship with the Beloved must the scholar 
become. 9 This condition was attained by the righteous 
men of old, who, while yet in the body, enjoyed passionless- 
ness and imperturbability. 10 When the Lord says in the 
Psalm, " Ye are gods, . . . and sons of the Highest, all of 
you," he refers to the gnostics who have mastered the 
passions, who reject as far as possible everything that is 

1 Str., vi. 9 74 . 2 Ib., ii. i8 81 . 3 Ib., ii. i8 80 . 

4 Ib., vi. 13 105 ; iv. 22 137 , 139 . 5 Ib., vi. 9 71 . 6 EC. Pr., 31. 

7 Str., vii., I2 72 . 8 Ib., vi. 9 76 . Ib., vi. 9 72 . 10 Ib., iv. 7 . 



164 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

human. 1 Though the word "apathy" is not applied to 
the apostles, it is implied that they possessed it after the 
resurrection of Christ, as they are represented as not being 
subject even to such movements of feeling as seem good, 
but as abiding always in one unchangeable habit of discip 
line. 2 And this unity of the moral life is one with the 
condition of apathy, and is to be contrasted with the 
varying condition that arises from the passionate attach 
ment to things material. 3 Apart from these allusions, 
nowhere is the virtue of apathy supported by any reference 
to the teaching of the Scriptures. In the chapter 4 in 
which the apathy of the gnostic is exhibited in most detail, 
there are allusions to the " tent," and to " putting to death 
the desires," which suggest passages in the Epistles of St 
Paul, 5 but there is no direct appeal to any passage of Scrip 
ture. It has only scriptural basis so far as his distinction 
of the carnal spirit from the ruling faculty may be held to 
be based on the teaching of St Paul as to the enmity 
between the flesh and the spirit with which he formally 
connects it. 6 This complete conquest of the passions 
logically involved sinlessness ; but though, indeed, he says 
that the gnostic is bound to be sinless, 7 he expressly dis 
claims elsewhere the possibility of sinless perfection on the 
part of any man. 8 This illustrates the danger, in the case 
of a writer like Clement, of putting a dogmatic construction 
on an incidental phrase or phrases. Clement s conception 
of apathy, however, though it represents the same attitude 
to the sensuous nature of man, differs from the Stoic 
conception in respect of the love which was no less an 
essential attribute of the gnostic, and in respect of the goal 

1 Str., ii. 20 125 . 2 Ib., vi. 9 71 . Ib., iv. 23 152 , 22 139 . 

4 Ib., vi. 9. 5 2 Cor. v. I ; Col. iii. 5. 

6 Str., vi. i6 131 - 136 ; Gal. v. 17. 7 Str., iv. 9 75 . Cf. vii. 3"; Col. iii. 5. 

8 Str., iv. 21 13 , ii. 12 70 ; Pxd., iii. 12 93 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 165 

of assimilation to God with the immediate vision of Him as 
its necessary concomitant. Of one object to this union of 
love with the passionless state Clement takes notice. " If 
close union with that which is good is accompanied by 
longing, how can he abide passionless who has a longing 
for that which is good? " Clement rejoins that love is free 
from longing or desire, because it is already in possession. 
" Such objectors do not know the divinity of love. For 
love is not a longing on the part of him who loves, but a 
loving union which restores the gnostic to the * unity of the 
faith, as he is independent of time and place. But he who 
by the agency of love is already among the things in which 
he shall be, has anticipated hope through knowledge, and 
does not long for anything, as he has as far as possible the 
very thing for which he longed." 1 The relation of apathy 
to knowledge and likeness to God is frequently noted. 
" Pure, therefore, in respect of bodily desires and of holy 
thoughts he wishes them to be who arrive at the full know 
ledge of God, in order that the ruling principle of the soul 
may have nothing spurious to stand in the way of its power. 
When he who shares in gnostic fashion in this holy quality 
devotes himself to contemplation, holding pure converse 
with God, he comes more immediately into the condition 
of passionless identity, so as no longer to have science and 
possess knowledge, but to be science and knowledge." 2 
" When a man has transcended passion and desire, and 
loves the creation for the sake of the God and Creator of 
all, he will live gnostically. He has acquired the effortless 
habit of self-control, in accordance with the assimilation 
to the Saviour. He has formed into a unity knowledge, 
faith, love ; he is one henceforward in judgment and truly 
spiritual ; he is absolutely incapable of admitting the 

1 Str,, vi. 9 73 . 2 Ib., iv. 6 40 . 



1 66 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

thoughts that arise from passion and desire, being per 
fected after the image of the Lord by the Artificer Him 
self, a perfect man, worthy to be called brother by the 
Lord, being at once friend and son." 1 

The vision of God is the supreme felicity of the gnostic. 
In some passages it is hard to say whether Clement is re 
ferring to the present earnest or the future realisation ; but 
the complete realisation is yet to be. He seeks to explain 
in ordinary language what St Paul meant by "seeing God 
face to face," what Jesus meant by the vision which He 
promised to "the pure in heart," and when He spoke of the 
" many mansions in His Father s house." It is indifferently 
described as the soul s rest in God and as God s rest in the 
soul. "Knowledge," it is said, "easily transplants a man 
to that which is akin to the soul and divine and holy, and 
by a light of its own carries him through the mystic stages 
of progress until it restores him to the crowning place of 
rest, having brought him who is pure in heart to behold 
God face to face with science and apprehension." ! "The 
gnostic souls come to places even better than those that 
preceded, no longer greeting the divine vision in mirrors or 
by means of mirrors, feasting with loving souls on the 
vision that is never sated. This is the apprehensive pre 
sentation of the pure in heart." 3 It is characteristic of 
Clement that just as he employs the Stoic term "apathy" 
to express the goal of the gnostic on the ethical side, so 
he uses the " apprehensive presentation " of the Stoics to 
express the highest end of the gnostic on the intellectual 
and spiritual side. By this term is meant, according to 
Professor Edward Caird, " a presentation or idea which 
grasps or enables the mind to grasp the object as it really 
is." 4 This well expresses the thought of Clement. His 

1 Str., iii. io 69 . 2 Ib., vii. 9". 3 Ib., vii. 3 1S . Cf. vii. 3 10 . 

4 Evolution of Religion in the Greek Philosophers, vol. ii. p. 132. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 167 

conception of eternal life is " an end that knows no 
end," 1 a goal that never reaches completion, a con 
tinuous advance, a vision of God ever growing in fulness 
and clearness, a fellowship with God ever growing in 
nearness and intensity. Can any conception be more 
ennobling and inspiring ? At every stage in that life the 
soul s thirst after God will be satisfied ; but, as God 
is infinite, and man though endowed with immortality 
is finite, eternal life must mean eternal progress, new 
revelations of God awakening ever-renewed activities, new 
insight into the unfathomable depths of the love of 
God in Christ, new glimpses of the beauty of Absolute 
Holiness. 

To what extent is this ideal of the Christian life attain 
able here and now, or is it only to be attained in the 
future ? Some of the features in the portrait of the gnostic 
are not his prerogative or exclusive goal. That his every 
thought may be a prayer, his every deed a sacrifice, his soul 
a temple, that the unseen and the future may be as real 
as, nay more real than, the things that lie at his feet, that 
by fixing his thought on spiritual things he may become 
detached from material things, is the aspiration of every 
Christian spirit. 2 But there are other elements in the 
delineation of which this cannot be said. The science of 
the gnostic becomes indefectible, being as much an essential 
attribute of him as weight in a stone. 3 By his knowledge 
he has all things potentially, though not numerically. 4 By 
knowledge itself he becomes a partaker of the divine will. 5 
He has already become, as it were, out of the flesh and 
above the world. 6 Such an one has already attained the 
condition of being equal to the angels. 7 He is destined 

1 Str., ii. 22 134 ; vii. IO K . 2 Cf. ib., vi. I2 loa ; vii. I2 78 ; iv. 23 143 . 

3 Ib., vii. 7 ; iv. 22 139 . 4 Ib., vii. 7 47 . 5 Ib., vii. 12 78 . 

6 Ib., vii. I4 86 . 7 Ib., vi. 13 105 , vii. I2 78 . Cf. EC. Pr., 37. 



168 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

to be a god, and even now is being likened unto God. 1 
He is divine and holy, God-bearing and God-borne. 2 He 
is a god moving about in the flesh. 3 Perfection takes 
place when any one hangs on the Lord by means of faith 
and love and knowledge, and ascends with Him to the 
place where the God and Guardian of our faith and love 
is. 4 He cleaves the heavens through his science, and 
passing through the spiritual essences and every prin 
cipality and power, he lays hold of the highest thrones, 
hastening to that alone which alone he knows. 5 

On the face of it, it would seem that this angelic being, 
this God in human form, utterly unfettered by the flesh, 
this knowledge incarnate, can, in the intensity of his gaze 
and concentration on the unapproachable heights, have 
little interest in men or in human affairs. But the duty 
of teaching and moulding others is an essential mark of 
the gnostic faculty. 6 " These three things our philosopher 
holds fast: first, contemplation; in the second place, the 
fulfilment of the Commandments ; thirdly, the making of 
good men. These in their union perfect the gnostic. If 
any of these be wanting, the contents of the knowledge 
are defective." 7 He who is likened to the Saviour is given 
to saving. 8 In imitation of the divine purpose, he does 
good to all who are willing to the best of his power. 9 
In respect of the beneficence of his teaching, he may be 
called a living image of the Lord. 10 Thanksgiving and 
prayer for the conversion of his neighbours are the work of 
the gnostic. 11 In such service of humanity is true devout- 
ness. The best harvest of the piety of the gnostic is that 
of the men who have believed through his instrumentality 

1 Str., vii. i 3 . =2 Ib., vii. 13 s Ib., vii. i6 101 . 

4 Ib., vii. 9 s6 . 5 Ib., vii. I3 82 . Cf. vi. 13 105 . 6 Ib., vii. I 4 . 

7 Ib., ii. 10 46 . 8 Ib., vi. 9 77 . 9 Ib., vii. 3 16 . 

10 Ib., vi:. 9 ra . " Ib., vii. 7 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 169 

and have been brought into the way of salvation. 1 In 
such an atmosphere mysticism in the narrower sense of 
the word cannot live. "The mystic ideal," it has been 
said, "is not a life of ethical energy among mankind; it 
is the eye turned wholly inwards, the life spent in con 
templation and devout communion." 2 To this type of 
mystic Clement did not belong. There is a mystic ele 
ment in his ideal, as in every attempt to express in words 
the intercourse of the spirit of man with God, and he 
uses language which any mystic could appropriate ; but 
nothing could be further from his mode of thought than 
any form of selfish ecstasy or the loss of self -conscious 
ness in communion with God. If he "stands on earth 
on tiptoe," 3 to use his own metaphor, he never loses 
contact with earth and with the needs of men. If, like 
Moses, he ascends the mountain to hold unbroken fellow 
ship with God, he comes down transfigured indeed with 
the radiance of that fellowship, but with the Command 
ments in his hand. In the presence of this love for 
others mysticism loses its self-centred note, and apathy, 
save in the limited sense of self -conquest with a view 
to the higher service of others, becomes impossible. 
The moral ideal of Clement was an endeavour to har 
monise elements that were discordant and antagonistic : 
formally, the victory lay with Stoicism ; in reality, with 
Christianity. 

To questions of social ethics Clement attached great 
importance. Of these the most urgent in Alexandria 
were the question of marriage and the relation of the 
Gospel to men of wealth. 

Clement s conception of marriage was determined in 
part by his view of the relation of man to woman 

1 Str., vii. i 3 . 2 Prof. Pringle-Pattison, "Mysticism" (Ency. Brit.) 

3 Psed., i. 5 16 . 



I/O THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

generally, in part by his Hellenic birth and training, in 
part by the necessity of refuting the teaching of heretics, 
bat by all these elements as modified and permeated by 
the teaching of Scripture, especially of Christ and the 
Apostles. 

Man and woman have one God and one Tutor. They 
have a common life, a common grace, a common salva 
tion, a common virtue and way of life. 1 Woman has the 
same nature as man, and should possess the same virtue. 
Virtue is not a matter of sex. Woman is to cultivate 
temperance and righteousness as well as man. Woman 
differs from man in the distinctive constitution of the 
body and the functions relating thereto; but in respect 
of the soul they are the same. 2 Women, therefore, are 
to philosophise in like manner as men, but men, unless 
they have become effeminate, should carry off the highest 
honours. 3 The Church is full of women who, like phil 
osophers, have all their life made a " study " of death. 4 
As it is a noble thing for a man to die for virtue and 
for freedom, so it is for a woman. For this is not an 
attribute peculiar to the nature of the male, but to the 
nature of the good. 5 Marriage is an equal yoke. 6 The 
difference of sex may show that marriage is natural ; but 
the attitude of the Christian towards marriage must be 
influenced by consideration of the fact that the dis 
tinction of sex is earthly and temporal, and not spiritual 
and eternal. 7 

In accordance with the Greek way of thinking, Clement 
teaches that the primary end of marriage is the pro 
creation of children as a duty that we owe to the State. 



1 Psed., i. 4 10 . 2 Str., iv. 8 59 , 60 . 

3 Ib., iv. 8 62 . Cf. Plato, Rep., 455 C. 4 Str., iv. 8 58 . 

5 Ib., iv. 8 67 . e Psed.,1. 4 10 - 

7 Poed., i. 4 10 ; Str., iii. 12 87 ; vi. I2 100 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 171 

We must by all means marry for our Fatherland, for the 
succession of children, and for the perfection of the 
world, as far as it lies with us. He quotes with approval 
the action of legislators like the Spartans and the view of 
philosophers with respect to the unmarried. 1 From a 
like point of view he commends marriage because of the 
intense sympathy of a wife in sickness and old age. The 
duty of marriage, however, is to be fulfilled in accord 
ance with a fitting time and person and age, and with 
discrimination. The man and the woman should be in 
every respect alike, and the woman be fond of the man 
who loves her, not by force or necessity. 2 

In Alexandria there were two types of heretics who 
from different points of view had promulgated tenets 
equally subversive of Christian morals. There were those 
who in the name of liberty and knowledge taught the 
moral indifference of actions, and claimed that the more 
they abused the lower nature the more they honoured 
the higher, and that the ordinary laws of morality were 
not binding on those who reached the dignity of being 
"sons of the highest God" and " lords of the Sabbath," 
as they described themselves. 3 Of such Clement says that 
they acted not like kings but whipped curs. 4 A much 
more dangerous class were those who, partly from dog 
matic motives, partly in the name of a professedly loftier 
moral ideal, maintained an unconditional asceticism and said 
that marriage was a sin, no better than fornication, that 
it derived its origin from the devil, and that we should 
not introduce into the world other unhappy beings and 
furnish food for death. 5 Those who say so, rejoins 
Clement, under the guise of self-control are ignorant and 
godless. 6 To say that marriage is sin is to say that 

1 Str., ii. 23 139 - 142 . 2 Ib., ii. 23 137 . 3 Ib., iii. 4 30 . 4 Ib. 

5 Ib., iii. 12 84 ; iii. 6 49 ; iii. 6 45 . 6 Ib., iii. 6 45 , 60 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

God, who instituted marriage, commanded what is sin. 
Fornication and marriage are as far apart from one 
another as the devil is from God. 1 Generation is holy. 
By means of it the world subsists and the whole 
economy of creation and salvation. 2 To calumniate 
generation is to calumniate the Lord and the virgin 
who brought Him forth. 3 In vainglorious fashion such 
false teachers claim that they imitate the Lord, who 
never married. They forget that He had His own bride, 
the Church ; that He was not a common man and needed 
no helpmeet according to the flesh ; that He had no need 
to beget children to succeed Him, seeing that He was 
and remained for ever the only Son of God. 4 Those 
who declare that marriage was permitted by the Law 
but not by the New Covenant are in direct contra 
diction to the authoritative teaching of Paul, who ap 
proves of the marriage of bishop, presbyter, and deacon. 5 
If marriage were an obstacle to salvation, neither the 
just men before the advent who married, nor those after 
the advent who do so, will be saved, though they be 
apostles. 6 Monogamy is the true and only ideal of 
marriage. The reasons for the temporary permission of 
polygamy have passed away. A second marriage is per 
mitted by Clement on grounds similar to those con 
ceded by St Paul ; but he does not regard it as fulfilling 
the ideal of the perfect way of life according to the 
Gospel. 7 The conjugal relationship is to be divorced as 
far as possible from all sensuous desire. It is to be 
fulfilled in the spirit of one who is co-operating with 
God. 8 It is to be carried out by those and after the 
standard of those who are children not of desire but of 

1 Str., iii. i2 84 . 2 Ib., iii. i; 103 . s Ib., iii. i; 102 . 

4 Ib., iii. 6. 5 Ib., iii. I2 90 ; iii. iS 1 8 . e Ib., iii. I2 80 . 

7 Ib., iii. 12 82 ; iii. 2 4 . 8 Td., ii. io 83 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 173 

will. 1 We are to bear witness to the Lord in all our life 
by piety in the soul, by purity in the body. 2 The wife 
is to be in all things a helpmeet to her husband. In 
all domestic trials she is to remember that God is her 
helper in her great task, her true comrade and Saviour 
both for the present and the future. She is to make Him 
her leader in every action, regard temperance and right 
eousness as her work, and make the love of God her 
goal. 3 Like the pattern wife in the Book of Proverbs, she 
should clothe both herself and her husband with finery of 
her own workmanship, by which all are made glad the 
children for their mother, the husband for his wife, she 
for them, and all for God. 4 The happy marriage is not 
to be judged by wealth or beauty, but by virtue. 5 The 
married life was not to be put on a lower level than the 
life of celibacy. No doubt, generally speaking, it was a 
good thing " for the sake of the kingdom of heaven to 
cut oneself off" from all desire; 6 but on the other hand 
all desires were pure and holy in the sphere of the 
Lord. 7 "We pronounce chastity blessed in the case of 
those to whom God has given the gift, and we admire 
the stately dignity that belongs to a single marriage." 8 
Each condition of life has its own distinctive ministries 
for the Lord. 9 The gnostic does not prefer children or 
marriage or parents to the love of God and righteousness 
in life ; but he may marry. 10 In this he has the apostles 
for patterns. True, he eats and drinks and marries not as 
if such things were the primary end of life, but regarding 
them as necessaries. The single life is not the best sphere 
for exhibiting true manhood. Such an one lacks the cares 

1 Str., iii. 7 5S . Cf. Pad., ii. 10 92 . 2 Str., ii. 23 145 . 

3 Ib., iv. 20 la6 , 127 , 4 Paed., iii. ii 67 . 5 Str., iv. 20 126 . 

6 Ib., iii. 7 59 . 7 Ib., iii. 17 103 . 8 Ib., iii. i 4 . 

9 Ib., iii. 12 79 . 10 Ib., vi. I2 100 ; vii. 12 80 . 



174 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

and temptations which family life brings. He has not 
to master them, and at the same time to retain a firm 
hold of the love of God. So far as progress towards his 
own individual salvation is concerned, the celibate may 
have the advantage; but in respect of the conduct of life 
he is inferior to the married man, as the latter preserves 
a faint image of the true Providence. 1 In accordance 
with his interpretation of the teaching of Jesus, Clement 
regards the marriage tie as indissoluble save by death. 2 
It is plain that the teaching of Clement agrees in all 
essential points with the teaching of St Paul, but it is 
modified and necessarily expanded by antagonism to the 
heretical tendencies of his age. 

The perennial question of the relations of wealth and 
poverty occupies considerable space in the teaching of 
Clement. His consideration of the general question was 
called forth by the extravagance and luxury in Alexandria ; 
a special problem was forced upon him by the presence of 
some men of wealth in the Church. 

Like all moralists, Clement points out that material wealth 
is not the highest form of riches. The truly rich man is he 
who possesses what is worth most. 3 Righteousness is true 
riches, and the Word is more precious than all treasure, 
being the gift of God. 4 True wealth is to abound in virtuous 
actions. 5 Like the wise man of the Stoics, the Christian 
alone is rich. He who has the Almighty God, the Word, is 
in need of nothing. 6 The good man can never be in want 
so long as he keeps his confession secure towards God. He 
can ask and receive from the Father of the universe what 
he needs. 7 In respect of things necessary no one is ever 
poor, and no man is ever disregarded by God. 8 He who 
has attained to the condition of being in need of nothing 

1 Str., vii. 12 70 . 2 Ib., ii. 23 145 . 3 Psed., iii. 6 33 . 4 Ib., iii. S 36 . 

5 Str., vi. 12". 6 Psed., iii. 7 39 . 7 Ib., iii. 7 *. 8 Ib., ii. 1 14 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 175 

has no envy of riches. 1 He is pre-eminently rich who 
desires nothing because by reason of his knowledge of the 
good he possesses every good thing in superabundance. 2 
The best wealth is poverty of desire, 3 and true poverty 
is not narrowness of means but increase of desire. Mate 
rial wealth when not under proper control is an acropolis 
of wickedness. 4 It may be compared to a serpent which, 
unless grasped firmly and kept at a distance, will twist 
round the hand and bite, and which must be taken 
captive by the charm of the Word, if he who owns it 
is to be untouched by passion. 5 The moral danger may 
be avoided by the consideration that while all things 
have been made for the most part for the use of man, 
it is not good to use all things nor to use them always, 6 
that such use must be sanctioned by reason 7 and must 
not exceed the limit of what is necessary, 8 and that 
they must be possessed and used without passionate and 
overmastering desire. 9 In carrying out these principles we 
must keep before us our own spiritual goal and our duty 
to others. Because we are journeying towards truth, we 
must be as unencumbered as possible. 10 Worldly possessions 
are not " our own," because we do not abide in them for 
ever, but are handed down in succession to others. 11 Pro 
perly used, wealth may be no barrier to, but a means of, 
spiritual progress. He that would ascend to the heavens 
" by violence " must carry the fair staff of beneficence. This 
is in accordance with the declaration of Scripture that " his 
own riches is the ransom of a man s soul " 12 that is, if 
he be rich, he will be saved by distributing it. 13 It was 



1 Pad., iii. 7 40 . Cf. Stah., vol. in. p. 223, fr. 46. 2 Str., vii. 3 18 . 

3 Pad., ii. 3 39 . * Ibt> iit 3 w 5 Ib>> ^ 555, 

6 Ib., ii. i 14 . 7 Str., vii. u 62 . 8 Ib., vi. I2 100 . 

9 Ib., iv. 6 31 ; iv. 13 M Cf. EC. Pr., 47. 10 Pad., iii. 7 38 . 

11 Str., iv. 13 M . " Prov. xiii. 8. 13 Pad., iii. 7 l9 . 



1/6 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

in the power of God to make no one poor, but to do this 
would have extinguished beneficence to others and sym 
pathy. 1 Self-sufficiency apportions something from itself 
to our neighbours. 2 This imparting to others must not 
be done in a vulgar or braggart fashion, 3 nor must it be 
indiscriminate but in accordance with justice and desert ; 
for so to distribute is a form of the highest justice. 4 In 
his enforcement of the duty of liberality, and in denun 
ciation of the extravagant fads of the rich, Clement uses 
language which suggests a Christian socialism. He refers 
to what he calls the astounding apology of women absolutely 
agape for jewels " What God hath provided why may we 
not use ? It is in my possession, why may I not enjoy it ? 
For whom have these things been made, if not for us ? " 
To use such language, says Clement, is to betray absolute 
ignorance of the will of God. Things which are necessary, 
such as water and air, He has supplied openly to all ; things 
which are not necessary, like gold and pearls, He has con 
cealed in the earth and water. To say and act so is to be 
out of harmony with the Scripture which calls upon us to 
"seek first the kingdom of God and His righteousness." 
Moreover, though it is true that " all things are in our 
power," it is also true that "all things are not expedient." 
Such selfish use is opposed to the divine constitution of 
human society. God Himself introduced the principle of 
"communion" into the race of men, when He first im 
parted of what was His own, and provided His own Word 
common to all men, having made all things for all. All 
things, therefore, are common, and it is not for the rich to 
claim a larger share. The saying, " What I have, and 
what I have in superfluity, why should I not daintily enjoy," 
is alike unworthy of man in himself and as a social being. 

1 Stah., vol. iii. p. 224, fr. 47. 2 Paed., ii. I 7 . 

3 Ib.,iii. 6 34 . 4 Str., vii. I2 69 . 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 177 

Much more is it in accordance with love to say, " I have, 
why should I not impart to those who are in need ? " For 
that is the true luxury, the expenditure which is " treasured 
up." God has given to us the liberty of use, but only so far 
as necessary, and He has willed that the use should be 
common. It is monstrous that one should be in luxury, 
while many are in penury. 1 

These principles touching the duties attaching to wealth 
in general are applied by Clement to the more pressing 
question of the attitude of the Gospel to men of wealth in 
the Church. As treated by him, it was not primarily an 
ethical or economical question, but one with a practical 
bearing, to be settled on exegetical and dogmatic grounds. 
He devoted to it a special homily under the title, " Who is 
the rich Man that is being saved," 2 an exposition of a 
passage in the Gospel of St Mark. 3 The following is an 
outline of the leading points : 

Those who basely flatter the rich are at once guilty of 
impiety and treacherous to the true wellbeing of the rich 
themselves, by inflaming their malady instead of seeking to 
heal it and helping them to the attainment of salvation. 4 
The saying of the Saviour about the rich man and the eye 
of the needle has caused some only to cling the more closely 
to this life as if they had no hope of true life, while others 
have failed to use their wealth with a view to its attain 
ment. 5 Accordingly, he who loves the truth has a twofold 
duty to the rich, first to expound the Word so as to drive 
away their groundless despair, and then to show how the 
man may secure the hope and the prize of the victor in the 
conflict. 6 The sayings of the Saviour are not to be under 
stood in a carnal sense, but we must seek to penetrate into 
their inmost meaning. 7 It was natural for Him who was 

1 Psed., ii. 12 119 , 12 . 2 Tls 6 crcptfuevos irXotorios. 3 Mark x. 17-31. 

4 c., i. 5 Ib., 2. 6 Ib., 3. 7 Ib., 5. 

M 



1/8 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

the Life to be questioned about life. The crowning lesson 
was to know God ; for only in full knowledge of Him was 
life. 1 Hence the young man was exhorted to know God, 
and then to understand, as one trained under the law, the 
newness and the necessity of the grace and mission of the 
Saviour, who alone could give the life which he lacked, 
though he had fulfilled all the requirements of the law. 2 
" Sell that thou hast," said the Saviour. That does not 
mean that he was to cast away his property, but to banish 
from his soul the excessive desire for it, the morbid ex 
citement concerning it, all the things that choke the seed 
of true life. To renounce wealth save for life is no great 
thing. Otherwise the poorest would alone possess eternal 
life. Many men of old before the coming of the Saviour 
gave up their possessions, but only increased their arrogance 
and vanity thereby. Though released from the load of 
wealth, the desire for it remained. Moreover, he that is 
in want of the necessaries of life has no leisure for higher 
things. 3 Much better to be free from such anxiety, and so 
be able to help others and fulfil the teaching of the Lord. 
Who is to care for the hungry and the homeless if every 
one is destitute ? The Lord did not command Zaccheus 
and Matthew to give up their wealth, but only enforced its 
just use. If He were to command us to give up our wealth, 
and at the same time to assist the needy, were not that most 
irrational ? 4 Wealth is like a tool which may be used skil 
fully or the reverse, may be a servant of righteousness or 
unrighteousness. Its nature is to serve, not to rule. In 
itself it is neither good nor bad. The blame for misuse rests 
with the mind of man. What is required is not the sup 
pression of our possessions but of the passions which pre 
vent the better use of them. 6 Better to get rid of the 

1 c., 6, 7. * Ib., 8-10. 3 Ib., 11, 12. 4 Ib., 13. 6 Ib., 14. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 179 

passions within the soul, by the removal of which wealth 
may be of good service, than to get rid of the wealth which 
is outside of the soul and leave the passions the more violent 
because of the lack of means to satisfy them. External 
things are not injurious in themselves. Wealth of passions 
is death-bringing; their destruction is salvation. He who 
uses God s gifts for the salvation of men, who does not 
carry about his possessions in his soul and circumscribe his 
life within them, is pronounced blessed by the Lord. He is 
not the rich man who is incapable of gaining life. 1 But the 
man who bears his wealth in his soul, who carries about not 
a heart but a mine or land, can have no desire nor anxiety 
about the kingdom of heaven. "Where the mind of a man 
is, there is his treasure also." As treasure may be good or 
bad, so there is a wealth of good things and a wealth of bad 
things. So spiritual poverty is blessed; but wretched are 
the poor who have no share in God and still less in human 
possessions. 2 Salvation does not depend on external things, 
but on the excellence of the soul, nor has it any relation to 
beauty or strength of body. A man though destitute may 
be drunken with lusts ; a rich man may be poor in sensual 
indulgence. 3 To sell what we have is not to exchange one 
kind of wealth for another, but to introduce into the soul 
a different kind of wealth, which makes man as God and 
ministers eternal life, treasure in the heavens. 4 The wealthy 
man who had been trained under the law did not under 
stand how the same man could be both poor and rich, and 
went away downcast, himself making what was difficult a 
thing impossible. For he might have withdrawn from 
material wealth to that which was intellectual, and learned 
to use indifferent things as one who had set out for eternal 
life. The alarm of the disciples could not be due to the 

1 c., 15, 16. 2 ib., 17. 3 ib., 18. 4 ib., 19. 



ISO THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

scanty possessions which they had abandoned, but sprang 
rather from the consciousness that they had not entirely 
laid aside their passions. For it is to passionless and pure 
souls that salvation belongs. 1 " That which is impossible 
among men is possible with God." The man toiling in his 
own strength effects nothing, but with the power of God he 
succeeds. Not that God saves men against their will. For 
the kingdom of God is for the men of violence who snatch 
life from Him by force. 2 To leave kindred for the sake of 
Christ means that if such stand in the way of our higher 
life, the fleshly relationship must be broken up because of 
the spiritual enmity. 3 Consider the matter as a lawsuit. 
Listen first to the father who begat thee, telling thee not to 
obey the law of Christ. Listen then to the Saviour who re 
generated thee, who gives Himself as bread. Then give thy 
vote for thine own salvation. 4 Canst thou gain the mastery 
over wealth ? Christ does not drive thee away from it. Art 
thou worsted by it ? Fling it away, flee from it. So is it 
with the possessions of " lands and wealth and houses and 
brethren, with persecutions." If wealth bring thee persecution 
from without or the more maddening form of persecution of 
lusts within the soul, leave it, get rid of the persecution, 
choose before all the Saviour, the Prince of endless life. 
Salvation is in no way fenced off from the rich, if they are 
willing to submit to the yoke of the commandments of God. 
What wrong does a man who by thrift before his conversion 
has gathered a competency ? Or, if God, who allots for 
tune to all, has placed him in a rich home, is he not still 
less to be blamed ? If because of his involuntary birth in 
wealth he has been banished from life, he has been wronged 
by God. If wealth be the purveyor and ally of death, why 
should it ever have sprung up from the earth at all ? 5 The 

1 c., 20. 2 Ib., 21. 3 Ib., 22. 4 ib., 23. 5 ib., 24-26. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT l8l 

well-to-do must not be negligent of their own salvation as 
if they had been condemned beforehand, nor cast their 
wealth into the sea, but learn how to use it and obtain life. 
To this end the Teacher says that the greatest of the com 
mandments is "to love the Lord thy God." With good 
reason : for He is our Father, and He loved us first. The 
second, but not the less, is, "to love thy neighbour as thy 
self." What neighbour means, He shows in the Samaritan. 
The Samaritan is no other than Christ Himself. We are to 
love Him equally with God ; and He loves Christ Jesus 
who does His will. What one does for a disciple the Lord 
accepts as for Himself. 1 We are urged to " make friends by 
means of the mammon of unrighteousness." 2 A possession 
which a man regards as absolutely his own is by nature 
unrighteous ; but from this unrighteousness we may effect 
a righteous and saving deed. We are not to wait to be 
importuned, but to seek out those who are to be benefited 
and are worthy disciples of the Saviour. The reward is an 
eternal tabernacle. 3 Surely a divine marketing ! With 
such reward in view, supplicate the poor to receive ; be 
fearful lest they treat thee as unworthy of honour. Not 
that such rewards are the gift of the benefited, but are given 
by the Lord because of His friendship for them. You may 
err as to " the friends of God." Better to benefit the un 
worthy for the sake of the worthy than by being on your 
guard against the less good neglect some who are loved by 
God. To all who are enrolled among the disciples of God 
open your heart, paying no heed to the body, or outward 
estate, or appearance. Choose with thy wealth pious old 
men, orphans beloved of God, widows armed with meek 
ness, men adorned with love, as guards for thy body and 
soul. 4 They are for you effective soldiers, trustworthy 

1 c., 27-30. 2 Luke xvi. 9. 3 c., 31. * Ib., 32-34. 



182 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

guards. They minister to you, as needed, encouragement, 
sympathy, teaching, warning, counsel, without hypocrisy or 
flattery. 1 He who laid down His life for us demands that 
we owe our lives to our brethren. Thus the rich man may 
use his possessions so as to avoid the reproach of wealth 
and the hindrance which it offers in the way of life. 2 The 
man who is a swaggerer, powerful and rich, should set over 
himself some man of God as trainer and pilot. Let him 
reverence at least one man, fear at least one man, listen at 
least to the bold speech of one man. Such a man will keep 
sleepless vigil for the rich man, interceding for him with God. 3 

Whatever may be thought of this setting up of a quasi 
spiritual director or external conscience, whatever reserve 
we must maintain with regard to the validity of the 
quaint exegesis on which his conclusions are partly based, 
the moderation of his views on wealth, its nature, its re 
sponsibility, and use, commands our admiration. His bias 
towards asceticism was restrained by the soundness of his 
judgment. His love of allegorical exegesis did not weaken 
his moral perceptions. He glorifies neither wealth as such 
nor poverty as such, but recognises that poverty no less 
than riches has spiritual difficulties of its own. 

In the Cambridge series of * Texts and Studies, published 
in 1897, Barnard published a fragment of what he suggested 
might be a part of the lost treatise that bore the title, Ex 
hortation to Patience to the Newly - Baptised. 4 The 
suggestion is accepted by Stahlin, 5 and there can be little 
doubt as to its genuineness. As it stands, it is almost 
entirely taken up with practical counsels in complete har 
mony with the teaching of Clement ; as it is only a frag- 

1 c., 35- 2 Ib., 37-39- 

8 Ib., 41-42. At the close of the Homily Clement tells the well-known story 
of John the Apostle and the young robber. 

4 Eus., H. E., vi. 13. 8 Vol. iii. pp. Ix. and 221. 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 183 

ment, we do not know whether any specifically dogmatic 
instruction preceded. It shows how simple and direct 
Clement could be when the occasion demanded. Alike 
because of its interest, as a specimen of an address to 
catechumens in the end of the second century, of its brevity, 
and of its direct bearing on the subject of this chapter, I 
quote it in full. 

" Cultivate restfulness in words and deeds, and likewise 
in tongue and gait. Avoid headstrong vehemence. For so 
will the mind continue steadfast, and, untroubled by vehem 
ence, will not become enfeebled, nor shallow in perception, 
nor dull in vision. Nor will it be overcome by gluttony ; 
but it will be overcome if anger boils, and it will be over 
come by the other passions, being exposed as a ready 
prey to them. For the mind must gain mastery over the 
passions, sitting aloft as on a quiet throne, with vision fixed 
on God. Be not swift to wrath in respect of the passions, 
nor sluggish in words, nor over-hesitating in thy movements, 
to the end that thy restfulness may be adorned with a fair 
symmetry, and thy bearing appear a divine and sacred 
thing. But be on guard against the tokens of arrogance, 
the haughty mien, the head carried high, and the stride of 
the feet delicate and high-stepping. Let thy words to those 
thou meetest be gentle, and thy greetings sweet, and let 
there be reverence towards women, with the eye turned to 
the ground. And speak all things with circumspectness, 
and return a useful answer, adapting thy voice to the use 
of the hearers until it shall be heard, not eluding the hear 
ing of those present by reason of too great lowness, nor 
deafening them by too great loudness. And take care that 
thou never speakest anything which thou hast not con 
sidered and thought on beforehand. Nor cast down thy 
words rashly and interrupt the words of another; for it is 
necessary to hear and converse in turn, apportioning a time 



184 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

for speech and silence. But learn gladly and teach un 
grudgingly, neither concealing wisdom from others from 
envy, nor turning aside from instruction from a sense of 
shame. Give way to thy elders as to thy fathers ; honour 
the servants of God; lead the way in wisdom and virtue. 
Do not wrangle with thy friends, nor scoff nor laugh at 
them. Falsehood and fraud and insolence strenuously 
avoid. Endure with fair words the haughty and the in 
solent, as beseems a meek and magnanimous man. And 
let all thy affairs be dependent on God, both words and 
deeds; and refer all things to Christ, and often turn thy 
soul to God, and lean thy thought on the power of Christ, 
as though in some haven, through the divine light of the 
Saviour, it were resting from all talk and action. And by 
day often give a share of thine own thought to men, but 
to God as often as possible, both by night and day ; for let 
not much sleep deprive thee of thy prayers and praises 
to God. For prolonged sleep is like to death. Become 
always a partner with Christ, who caused the divine ray to 
shine down from heaven ; let Christ be to thee a continuous 
and unceasing joy. Relax not the tone of the soul by 
feasting and indulgence in wine, but regard as sufficient 
what is useful for the body. And be not the first to hasten 
to meals before the time of supper arrives ; but let the 
supper be bread, and let there be set forth the seeds of the 
earth and the fruits of the trees. And go to thy food with 
steady step, and not showing a furious gluttony. And be 
not an eater of flesh nor a lover of wine, unless when some 
sickness calls for this remedy. But in place of pleasure in 
such things, choose thy joys in divine words and hymns 
which are supplied by the wisdom of God, and let heavenly 
thought^ always lead thee heavenwards. Give up anxious 
cares about the body, encouraged by hopes that rest in God, 
because He will provide for thee things necessary, sufficient 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 185 

food for life, and covering for the body, and protection 
against the winter cold. For to thy King belongs the whole 
earth and all the things that spring up out of it. As the 
bodies of His own servants are His members, He tends 
them with surpassing care, as His holy places and sanctu 
aries. Wherefore be not afraid of violent ailments, nor 
shrink from the onset of age, which must be expected as 
the years pass. For also the sickness will cease when with 
whole-hearted resolution we keep His commandments. 
Knowing these things, make thy soul strong against disease, 
be of good courage like a man in the racecourse, equipped 
in the best way for enduring toils with unflagging strength. 
Crush not thy soul altogether with sorrow if a sickness 
come upon thee and weigh thee down, or any other distress 
befall thee ; but nobly oppose thy thought to the hardships, 
offering thanksgivings to God even in the midst of distresses; 
for He has wiser thoughts than men, and such as it is not 
possible nor easy for men to find. Have pity on those who 
suffer wrong, and ask assistance from God in the case of 
men ; for He will grant grace to his friend who asks it, and 
will provide assistance to those who have suffered wrong. 
For He wills to make His own power known to men, that 
having come to full knowledge they may return to God and 
enjoy eternal blessedness, when the Son of God shall appear 
restoring good things to His own." 

The defects in Clement s representation of the Christian 
ideal lie on the surface. The merits in view of the circum 
stances of the time are not less conspicuous. The funda 
mental defect lay in the very conception of a twofold ideal, 
irrespective of the principles on which the line of demarca 
tion was based. Many of the features are but half-truths 
or the exaggeration of one side of truth. The truth in 
the outline is, that men are unequal in spiritual apprehen 
sion. The exaggeration is, that the inequality is as absolute 



186 THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 

as he seems sometimes to assume, even if this furnished a 
critical dividing-line. In rescuing the word "gnosis" from 
the degradation which had fallen upon it, he has not escaped 
the exclusiveness that was all but inseparable from its use. 
He has not quite got rid of the distinction of different classes 
of men derived from the Gnosticism which he is combating ; 
though, by enforcing individual liberty as the true ground 
of distinction, he has got rid of the most pernicious element 
in it, that which attributed this classification to nature, and 
therefore conceived it as arbitrary. Notwithstanding the 
rigour of some of his precepts and the prominence given to 
the passionless state in relation to all outward and transitory 
things, and the ascetic spirit which breathes in some allusions 
to the body, the attitude of Clement to the world is on the 
whole genial and sympathetic. So far as it was unsympa 
thetic, it was determined in large measure by antagonism to 
the extravagance and luxury around him, and in part by his 
acceptance as authoritative of some sayings of Jesus and St 
Paul without any endeavour to weaken the absoluteness of 
their claims. To him the unconditional alternatives of 
Jesus were no paradoxical way of enforcing a precept, 
but a law to be fulfilled in the letter and the spirit. 
The avoidance of all conformity with the world and its 
ideals was to him a categorical imperative of universal 
validity. If he treats the body at times as the enemy 
of the spirit, if he protests against the devotion to games 
in Alexandria as opposed to a grave view of life and its 
responsibilities, if he puts the emphasis rather on the 
saying, " all things are not expedient," rather than on " all 
things are lawful," is he on these grounds disloyal to the 
teaching of St Paul ? If on one occasion he speaks of the 
world as a "wilderness," and represents the gnostic as using 
this world only as a temporary stopping-place, is he alone in 
this, or is there any religious literature of any age in which 



THE ETHICS OF CLEMENT 187 

kindred thoughts do not find expression ? If, in considera 
tion of the vice and luxury around him, he thinks rather of 
the suppression than the transfiguration of natural desire, 
shall we forget that a rigid asceticism, if not the most 
effective weapon in the long-run, is the best immediate 
weapon with which to combat moral corruption ? That in 
his ethical fervour he condemned some things in themselves 
innocent and unimportant, and showed at times a lack of 
moral perspective, is in no way surprising. Much more 
surprising is the general sanity of his outlook on life, 
especially on the social side. He sanctioned, nay, welcomed 
all forms of culture in which no irreligious or non-ethical 
element was involved. He had little sympathy with Greek 
art; for, historically, its growth had been coincident with 
error and was its glorification, and it had been for the most 
part the ally of the paganism which it was his life-work to 
undermine and overthrow. But while condemning its mis 
use, he praises the art itself. 1 He loved the joyousness and 
beauty of outward nature. He objected to no music save 
that which weakened the moral fibre. As in his attitude to 
the world generally, so in his conception of the duty of the 
Christian in the face of persecution, and in all questions of 
social ethics, he is marked by great soberness. Like his 
own gnostic, he sought to harmonise the intellectual, ethical, 
and mystical elements in the Christian faith, and to assign 
to each its true place, to weld into a unity elements which 
God hath joined together faith, knowledge, love but 
which man has often put asunder ; and to exhibit Christian 
life not as a congeries of inconsistent and unrelated sections, 
but as a unity in relation to self, to society, and to God. 

1 Prot., iv. 57 . 



188 



LECTURE VI. 

SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT. 

IF the foundation of a true Christian theology be a right 
conception of God, and that of a true Christology a right 
conception of the person of Christ, our attitude towards 
Scripture must determine in large measure the foundation 
of both doctrines. The fundamental question is, Whether 
we are to regard Scripture as primarily the record of man s 
interest in God or of God s interest in man, the record of the 
efforts of man s spirit "to feel after Him and find Him," or 
of the Spirit of God entering into fellowship with man to 
satisfy the longing which He Himself has implanted ? If 
the former conception be adopted as primary, the Scriptures 
are only of interest in the history of religion, and as exhibit 
ing the genius of the Jewish race in this lofty province of 
human inquiry; and all question of authority must be 
eliminated, and the assertion of their inherent fitness for 
man s nature and needs be not merely their highest but 
their only prerogative and claim to our allegiance. If the 
latter conception be adopted, we have a revelation of and 
from God, truth manifested through human spirits and of 
necessity limited by the material forms in which it has been 
embodied, but none the less His truth, and as such right 
fully claiming to furnish an authoritative rule for faith and 
life. Clement lays down without any reservation the un 
conditional authority of Scripture and of the whole of what 



SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, INTERPRETATION, ETC. 189 

he held to be Scripture. It is true that he uses the words 
" prophet," " inspiration," and " Scripture " in a wider as 
well as in a more restricted sense. He designates the Sibyl 
as a prophetess, 1 and quotes sayings of hers as illustrating 
and confirming the teaching of a pure theism as opposed to 
idolatry. He speaks of prophets of the Egyptians as well 
as of the Greeks in an incidental fashion without quoting 
any prophecy from them. 2 But for the latter usage may he 
not claim the authority of St Paul, in connection with whose 
designation he himself applies the word ? 3 He ascribes 
inspiration to Plato as well as to an Epicurean. 4 But he 
draws a clear line of demarcation between such prophecy 
or inspiration and that exhibited in the Scriptures. For 
while, in accordance with his theory of theft as well as 
with his view of universal inspiration, he is ever seeking 
in the philosophy and poetry of the Greeks for analogies 
to the truths of Scripture, and quotes sayings which, 
because of the truth expressed or because of its harmony 
with the Scriptures, he regards as divinely inspired, he does 
not consider such writings as authoritative as a whole, and 
limits their inspiration to the particular citation which 
he makes. It is otherwise with the Scriptures. These 
derive their validity from the authority of the Almighty. 5 
The prophets of the Almighty God were the instruments 
of the divine voice. 6 Not one tittle of the Scriptures 
shall pass away, because they are the utterances of 

1 Prot, ii. 27 ; ib., viii. 77 . 2 Str., i. 14 62 ; i. 15 71 ; i. I4 59 . 

3 Ib., i. I4 59 . Cf. Tit. i. 12. 

4 Ib., v. I4 138 ; i. 8 42 . In Str., iv. I 3 he says of his own work that it shall be 
written ^v 6e6s ye cfleAi; KOI oirws &v efurvfy. But to transform this natural 
expression of a reverent spirit into a claim for inspiration in the scriptural sense, 
or to regard it as proving a loose conception of inspiration, is surely meticulous 
criticism. It is true, also, that he uses the word "7^0^" for a written compo 
sition, including his own (Str., i. i 4 ; iv. i 4 . Cf. i. I 7 ); but that he uses it 
constantly in the technical sense there can be no doubt. 

5 Str., iv. i 2 . 6 Ib., vi. 1 8 168 . Cf. ib., i. 21 135 . 



IQO SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

the mouth of the Lord the Holy Spirit. 1 If the Pla 
tonic saying be true that he who declares what takes 
place in his own family is to be believed, shall we not 
believe what God spake by His Son in the Old and the 
New Testaments ? 2 For the determination of any con 
troversy between him and the adherents of heresy, the 
bringing forward of a passage from Scripture is final. 3 
God spake at one time by " the pillar and the bush " ; 
thereafter, as flesh of man is more precious than such, 
by the mouth of the prophets. Now the Lord Himself 
has spoken, putting man s unbelief to shame. 4 So far as 
the Old Testament is concerned, that authority belongs not 
only to the Hebrew but to the Greek translation. The 
translators were so guided by the Spirit of God that they 
agreed in a miraculous manner in thought and expression, 
and the Greek translation was such that the Hebrew 
prophecy became a prophecy in the Greek tongue. 5 In 
the most literal sense of the word the Scriptures were given 
by inspiration of God, and to this is due their authority. 
For the same reason they form a unity with entire harmony 
of contents. This unity, as Clement conceived it, was the 
unity of a common authorship, with one end in view, the 
salvation of men. All is the work of God ; all therefore 
must be worthy of Him from whom it came, and perfectly 
harmonious in all its parts. A human medium was re 
quired, but that in no way affected either its authority 
or unity. The impossibility of conflict between the dif 
ferent parts is with Clement an axiomatic presupposition ; 
and he often seeks to set aside apparent contradictions, 
as well as to find points of analogy and contact. One 

1 Trot., ix. w . 2 Str., v. I3 84 - 5 . 3 I D>J i v . 26 170 . 4 Prot, i. 8 . 

5 Str. , i. 22 14S) . That Clement was ignorant of Hebrew seems probable from 
his mistakes in regard to Hebrew names. For what may be said to the contrary, 
see Jewish Quarterly Review for 1893. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT. 191 

God was truly proclaimed by the Law and the Prophets 
and the blessed Gospel. 1 The Son will keep the things 
which the Father commanded. It is the same One who 
is lawgiver and evangelist, and He is never at conflict with 
Himself. 2 The Covenants the Old and the New are two 
in respect of time and name, but one in respect of power, 
having been provided by the One God through the Son. 
The Apostle declares the one salvation which has been 
perfected from Prophecy to Gospel through one and the 
same Lord. 3 Of this unity Clement gives a somewhat 
quaint illustration, which may be interpreted either as 
showing his ever-present consciousness of this unity, or 
as an indication of his desire to enforce it. When the 
Almighty God of the universe first gave the Law by the 
Word, there appeared to Moses a godlike vision in the form 
of light in a thorny plant. When the Word had brought 
to a close His legislative work and His sojourning on 
earth, He was again mystically crowned with thorns. By 
this He summed up at the close what had been the first 
stage of His ancient descent, and showed that the whole 
had been the work of one Power. 4 Thus Prophecy 
and Gospel agree, and the Apostle agrees with the 
Gospel. 5 The Apostle is confirmed by the prophetic 
word. 6 The Law given through Moses and that given 
through the Apostles were both used by the Word for 
the instruction of humanity. 7 Paul is recent in point 
of time, as he was in his prime immediately after the 
Ascension of the Lord; but his writing depends on the 
Old Covenant, deriving breath and expression from it. For 
faith in Christ and the knowledge of the Gospel are the 

1 Str., iv. i 2 ; iv. 13 91 ; ii. 23 147 . 

2 Ib., iii. 12 M . Cf. ii. 23 147 ; iii. io 70 ; iii. 11 76 . 

3 Ib., ii. 6 29 (Rom. i. 17). 4 Pad., ii. 8 75 . 5 Str., vii. i6 95 ; 3 14 . 
6 Str.,v. 14 **. 7 Paed., iii. I2 94 . 



192 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

interpretation of the Law and its fulfilment. 1 All the 
Epistles prove the logical relation of the Law to the 
Gospel. 2 There cannot be even an appearance of conflict 
between a metaphorical saying of St Paul and a metaphor 
in the Law; and the former must be so interpreted as to 
be in perfect harmony with the latter. 3 In the time of 
Clement the objections to this unity mainly took the form 
of an attack on the religious conceptions and the practical 
ethics of the Old Testament. The attack on the former 
came from the Gnostics, who denied the unity of the Tes 
taments, and held, on the contrary, that the conceptions of 
these as to God were so irreconcilable that they could only 
be explained by the hypothesis of their having derived their 
origin from different Gods, the New Testament from One 
whose essential attribute was goodness, the Old Testament 
from One whose essential attribute was justice. Clement, 
as we have seen, denies that these attributes were antag 
onistic, and in defence of the Law, as of divine authority, 
appeals to its beneficent results. The greatest and most 
perfect good for man is the transformation from evil-doing 
to well-doing, and that is effected by the Law. 4 The fact 
that it involves penalties is no argument against its perfect 
goodness. Nor is the appeal to fear any ground for deny 
ing the divine origin of the Law. The nature of fear as 
a moral motive is determined by the persons or objects 
which are feared. On this ground, as well as by its results, 
the fear of the Law is justified. It is a fear of God, and 
it is determined by His nature. As He is passionless, so 
there is no element of passion in this fear ; it is the falling 
away from God that is feared. 5 The objects of this fear 
are not things such as poverty, disease, and the like, but 
things truly evil, vice in all its forms, and death, not the 

1 Str., iv. 21 134 . 2 Ib., iii. I2 86 . 3 Peed., i. 6 s5 . 

4 Str.,i. 27 " 3 . 8 Ib., ii. 8 39 - 40 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 193 

death which dissolves the union between soul and body, 
but that which dissolves the union between the soul and 
truth. 1 The fear, whose fruit is abstinence from evil, 
cannot but be good. 2 That cannot be an irrational affec 
tion which is the result of a commandment given by the 
Logos. 3 If the Law were given to be " a tutor unto 
Christ," can it be anything but good ? 4 Some heretics ap 
pealed to the saying of St Paul, " By the Law is the know 
ledge of sin," arguing that that was a condemnation of the 
Law. But this only showed their misunderstanding of the 
Apostle, who did not say that sin derived its existence from 
the Law, but only that the Law manifested it. 5 In proof 
of the humanitarian character of the Law, in close depend 
ence on Philo, he adduces many details. He points to the 
laws against usury, to the payment of daily wages, to the 
provision for the poor, which was based on the principle 
that the love of men to the Creator must manifest itself 
in love to our fellow-men, to the law enforcing humanity 
toward beasts, which by the inculcation of kindness 
toward creatures which were not of the same genus 
emphasised a fortiori the duty of kindness towards those 
of the same genus ; and to the generous features in the 
regulations affecting those of a different nationality. 6 On 
all grounds, therefore, the Law and the Gospel are to be 
regarded as the energy of the one Lord, and the same 
God is demonstrated to be good from the beginning to 
the end. 7 

As the Scriptures form the short road to salvation, 8 we 
might have expected that Clement would have taught that 
the road was easily traversed and accessible to all; but, 
on the contrary, in harmony with the spirit of his time, at 

1 Str., ii. 7 24 . a Ib>j iie 8 39. cf< ECi Pr>j 2O 3 Str>} iie 7 JB 

4 Ib., ii. 7 85 . 5 Ib., ii. 7 34 . 6 Ib., ii. i6 78 - 95 . 

7 Ib., i. 27 174 . 8 Prot., viii. 77. 

N 



194 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

least in Alexandria, he maintains that the most distinctive 
characteristic of Scripture was its symbolic and parabolic 
character. This symbolic feature was in harmony with the 
deepest wisdom in all religions and all philosophies. It 
was a characteristic of the Egyptians, who did not intrust 
their mysteries indiscriminately. 1 It was a characteristic 
of the Greeks, who made extensive employment of the art 
of concealment. 2 It was a characteristic of the Pytha 
goreans. 3 Not only did representatives of the most 
intellectual class adopt this method, but such of the 
barbarians who had devoted themselves in any measure 
to philosophy had prosecuted the symbolic method. 4 In 
brief, all who had theologised (thought on the deep 
things of God) had veiled the first principles of things, 
and transmitted the truth in enigmas, and symbols, and 
allegories, and metaphors. 5 That being so, it was not 
unnatural that the barbarian philosophy should prophesy 
in occult fashion and by means of symbols. 6 And this 
may be proved from the language of Scripture itself. 
That the holy word was hidden is shown by David. 
" He made darkness His hiding-place, His pavilion round 
about Him darkness of waters, thick clouds of the skies. 
At the brightness before Him, thick clouds passed, hail 
stones and coals of fire." That is, words are sent down 
from God which to the gnostic are transparent and re 
splendent as hail, but dark to the multitude, like extin 
guished coals which, unless lighted up and kindled anew, 
will not produce fire or light. 7 In like manner, the Spirit 
says by Isaiah, " I will give to thee treasures, dark, secret." 8 
The Lord and His disciples used parables in accordance 
with the express statements of Scripture itself. 9 Nay, the 

1 Str., v. 4 30 ; v. 7 41 . 2 Ib., v. 8 45 . 3 Ib., v. 8 50 . 

4 Ib., v. S 44 . B Ib., v. 4 21 . 6 Ib., v. 8 51 . 

7 Ib., vi. i 5 ". s Ib., v. 4 2 . * Ib., vi. 15127. v . 425. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 195 

Saviour Himself put the seal on these things when He 
said, "To you it is given to know the mysteries of the 
kingdom of heaven " ; and by the Parable of the Leaven 
He showed the like conception of concealment. 1 To the 
like effect said the noble Apostle, " We speak the wisdom 
of God hidden in a mystery." 2 On what grounds is this 
symbolic feature of the Scriptures to be explained or de 
fended ? The method of symbolic interpretation contrib 
utes to a right theology, and to the display of intelligence 
and the practice of brevity and the exhibition of wisdom. 3 
These are mainly intellectual gains. But there are other 
and higher grounds. One main reason is that we may 
cultivate the spirit of investigation and always keep vigil 
with a view to the discovery of the saving word. 4 The 
Scriptures desire the true theology to be the property of 
those who often approach them and have made proof of 
them in respect of faith. Like fruits shining faintly 
through water, or like figures which are invested with 
new features when seen through a veil, the truth gains 
in grandeur when it is veiled. 5 Clement seems to regard 
it as a defect if a passage of Scripture could only be 
interpreted in one way, and approves of truth in symbol 
because of the great diversities of possible interpretation. 
The Scriptures are not to be conceived as characterised 
by a bald uniformity. 6 Because truth does not appertain 
to all, it is veiled in many modes ; the light only arises 
on those who are initiated unto knowledge, who seek the 
truth for the sake of love. 7 To seek out the logical 
coherence of the divine teaching calls for the keenest 
exercise of the faculty of reasoning. 8 

1 Str., v. I2 80 . 2 Ib., v. 4 s5 (i Cor. ii. 7). 3 Ib., v. S 46 . 

4 Ib.,vi. I5 126 . 5 ib., v . 9 B6 . 

6 Ib., i. 28 179 : ov yap 8)7 pta Mtuovos ^ iraira Trpos vorjfftv ypa<pr}, 

7 Ib., vi. I5 1 29 . 8 ib M i. 28 179 . 



196 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

In conjunction with this symbolic conception of Scrip 
ture, Clement held the theory of verbal inspiration. In 
controverting the views of Tatian, he emphasises the fact 
that in Genesis the reading is not simply #09, but that by 
the addition of the article o the Almighty is indicated. 1 
So, too, of a passage in the New Testament, " The Law 
was given through (Sid) Moses, not by (VTTO) Moses, but by 
the Word, and through Moses, His servant." Wherefore 
also, it became temporary. But eternal " grace and 
truth were through Jesus Christ." Mark the expressions 
of Scripture. Of the Law it is only said, " it was given " ; 
but truth, being the grace of the Father, is the eternal 
work of the Word, and it is no longer said " to be given," 
but "to have come into being" through Jesus Christ, 
without Whom nothing came into being. 2 The exact 
grammatical sense would, therefore, seem to be the 
foundation on which the symbolic structure is to be 
reared. The interpretation of Scripture, however, was 
subject to certain general principles which to some ex 
tent defined the lines on which allegorical exegesis had 
to proceed. Restrictions were based on the nature of 
God from whom the Scriptures came, on the contents 
of the Scriptures as a whole, on the tradition that was 
the property of the Church, and the ecclesiastical norm 
of teaching. Scripture being of divine origin, it must be 
interpreted in a manner perfectly fitting and appropriate 
to the Lord and the Almighty God. 3 It is obvious that 
this principle if primarily a principle of restriction, as it 
appears from the context, was capable of being developed 
into a principle of expansion of the allegorical method, 
and even of justifying its use. For, in the absence of 
any idea of historical development, it logically led to the 
elimination or the explaining away of much in the earlier 
books of the Old Testament. Scripture being a whole 

1 Psed.,iii. I2 81 . 2 Ib., i. 7 eo . 8 Str., vii. i6 96 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 197 

and a unit, the analogy of Scriptural usage had to be 
maintained in order to preserve unbroken harmony in all 
its parts. 1 The tradition derived from Christ Himself 
was a further restrictive factor. He who gave the Law 
was also the exegete of the Law, He who interpreted 
the bosom of the Father. 2 The Saviour taught the apostles, 
and from them has been transmitted to us the unwritten 
interpretation of the written Scriptures. 3 The teaching 
of the Church limited the range of the operation of 
the allegorical method by compelling the exegete to keep 
in view the theological doctrines to which its applica 
tion should conform. This was emphasised by Clement 
specially in his refutation of heretical opinions. He ac 
cuses the heretics of interpreting Scripture in accordance 
with their cosmical conceptions, of doing violence to the 
plain meaning of Scripture by severing passages from the 
context, by attributing to God what was quoted by the 
prophet as the murmuring of the people, 4 and by giving 
an allegorical exposition of what was literal and a literal 
exposition of what was allegorical. 5 He passes much 
acute criticism on their method of procedure ; but in the 
advocacy of his own position he has recourse to much 
perverse interpretation of a similar kind ; and in his belief 
in the symbolic theory he propounds explanations that 
are purely fantastic, as, in spite of the limitations which 
I have noted, they could not fail to be. In his eagerness, 
for example, to prove that the highest wisdom was not 
given to all, he explains Colossians i. 28, which was 
directed against such limitation, in a manner contrary to 
its natural meaning. By " admonishing every man, and 
teaching every man in all wisdom," the divine Apostle 
did not mean " every man absolutely " for in that case 
no one would have been unbelieving nor did he mean 

1 Str., vii. 1 6 s6 . 2 Ib., i. 26 169 . 3 Ib., vi. 7 61 ; iv. 21 1I0 . 

4 IK, iii. 4 38 . 5 Ib-> ijj. ,,76. iij. ,286. 



198 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

every believer perfect in Christ, but "all the man," "the 
whole man," as if purified in body and soul. 1 But 
exegesis like this is exceptional ; and in his discussion 
of heretical tenets, for example, he adheres for the most 
part to the literal sense. In illustration of his thesis 
of the difference between the external meaning of Scrip 
ture and the inner meaning which is the prerogative 
of "men," he adduces a legend to the effect that on 
the death of Moses one Moses only was seen by Caleb, 
while two were visible to Joshua. In like manner some 
look only to the body of the Scriptures, the expres 
sions and names, corresponding to the body of Moses ; 
while others look to the thoughts and what is signified 
by the names, seeking earnestly for the Moses who is 
with the angels. In the case of the latter, too, insight 
is gradual ; we cannot all at once look the splendours of 
the truth in the face. 2 So far as the Old Testament is 
concerned, most of his illustrations of the allegorical 
method of getting at the hidden meaning are taken from 
Philo and Barnabas, and may be justified in some cases 
by the usage of the writers of the New Testament them 
selves. 3 The same may be said of the allusions to Isaac 
as a type of Christ, and the exposition of some incidents 
which may be treated as parabolical. But when every 
thing is allegorised, the historical becomes a secondary 
matter, facts are treated as parables, poetry is made to 
masquerade as science and philosophy. The most 
grotesque illustrations of his method are those in which 
he has followed closely the interpretation of Philo or 
some other of his predecessors. Setting these aside, I 
give some illustrations which are not so borrowed. 

The meaning of the Law is to be taken in three ways as 
exhibiting a sign, as ratifying a precept for a right way of 

1 Str., v. 10 . a Ib., vi. I5 132 . 

1 Cf. Gal. iv. 24; Heb. vii. 1-3. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 199 

living, and as predicting like a prophecy. To make such 
distinctions is the prerogative of men. In Str. vi. 16, he 
gives what he calls a specimen of gnostic exposition of the 
decalogue. As the tables were written by the finger of 
God, that is the power of God and His work, they are 
found to exhibit the physical creation, to contain symbols 
of heaven and earth. In accordance with this is the physical 
decalogue of heaven and earth. 1 The Two Tables may be 
a prophecy of the two covenants. They were therefore 
renewed in mystic fashion, when ignorance together with 
sin abounded. The commandments are written in two 
fold wise for the twofold spirits the ruling spirit and that 
which is subject. 2 So actions are twofold those of thought 
and those of activity. 3 As there are ten commandments, so 
there is a "ten " in man. 4 The first commandment teaches 
that there is only one Almighty God, who conveyed the 
people through the wilderness to their fatherland that they 
might apprehend His power, as far as they were able, 
through the divine workings, and that they should be done 
with the idolatry of things created, and fix their entire 
hope in the true God. 5 The second word indicated that we 
should not take and give a name to the majestic power of 
God (for that is His name, for this alone they were able to 
learn, as even yet the multitude), nor transfer His title to 
things created and vain, which have been made by human 
craftsmen, in which " He that is " is not ranked. For in 
uncreated identity " He that is " is by Himself alone. 6 The 
third word 7 declares that the world has been made by God, 

1 Str., vi. i6 133 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 134 . * Ib., vi. i6 137 . 

4 Ib., vi. l6 134 . TO. Tf ai<r6r)T-/ipia irei/re Kal r)> <t>uvi)TiKbv Kal r6 ffTrep/j.aTiK&v 
KOI rovro Sr, oySoov rb Kara r^v irXaffiv Trvfv/j.aTiK6v, tva-rov 5e fb Tjye/jioviKbv TTJS 
Qvxrjs Kal S^Karov rb 5ia TTJS Trier e us Trpoo"yiv6/j.*vov ayiov irvfvfjLaros x a P alcr r IP lff ~ 
riKbv ISiu^a. 5 Ib., vi. l6 m . 

6 Ib. Here follows a mystic interpretation of the number six and the number 
seven. Ib. , vi. \$> et seq. 

7 I give the numbers as stated by Clement. 



200 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

and that He has given the seventh day as rest to us because 
of the distress in life. For God is unwearied, and passion 
less, and free from want. But we who bear flesh need rest. 1 
The fifth word is that with reference to the honour of father 
and mother. This clearly calls God Father and Lord. 
Wherefore also to those who know Him is given the name 
of sons and gods. The Creator of the universe is then Lord 
and Father ; and the mother is not, as some hold, the 
essence out of which we have come into being, nor as others 
have taught, the Church, but the divine knowledge and 
wisdom, as Solomon says, who calls wisdom the mother 
of the just. And it is chosen for its own sake. The know 
ledge of all that is good and venerable comes from God 
through the Son. 2 Next follows the word about adultery. 
It is adultery when one leaves the ecclesiastical and true 
knowledge concerning God, and goes over to the false 
opinion which is not becoming, whether by defying any 
thing among things created, or by forming an "idol" of 
non-existent things, with a view to stepping beyond know 
ledge, or rather stepping out of it. For false opinion is 
foreign to the gnostic, as true opinion is kindred and wedded 
to him. 3 The word about murder follows. Murder is a 
violent removal. He who wishes to remove the true word 
about God and His eternity in order to give sanction to 
falsehood by saying that the universe is not ordered by a 
providence, or that the world is uncreated, doing violence 
to that which is in harmony with true teaching, is most 
destructive. 4 Then follows the word about theft. Those 
who assign any influence to the stars in the matter of 
growth and life deprive the Father of the universe of His 
unwearied might. 5 The tenth is the word concerning all 
lusts. As, then, he who desires what is not becoming is 
called to account, so in the same way he is not permitted 

1 Str., vi. i6 137 . 2 Ib., vi. i6 146 . * Ib. 4 Ib., vi. i6 147 . 

6 Ib., vi. i6 148 . He gives no exegesis of the ninth commandment. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 2OI 

to desire false things, nor to suppose that of things created, 
such as are animate have power of themselves, but such as 
are inanimate cannot at all save or injure. 

The being "after the image and likeness" does not apply 
to the body, for it is not lawful for the mortal to be likened 
to the immortal, but to likeness in understanding and 
reasoning. On this the Lord appropriately puts the seal 
of likeness, both in respect of doing good and of ruling. 1 
The eunuch is the man who is barren of truth. 2 In Isaiah 
the saying, " Hear, O heaven, and give ear, O earth," 3 is to 
be interpreted thus. " Heaven " is the soul of the gnostic 
who has taken on himself the vision of heaven and the 
things of God; "earth" represents the man who has made 
choice of ignorance and hardness of heart. The "hear" 
refers to the understanding; the "give ear" is the ascription 
of carnal things to those devoted to things of sense. 4 " Day 
utters speech to day " that which has been written without 
disguise; "night unto night proclaims knowledge" that 
which has been hidden mystically. 5 

His interpretation of the Gospels may be illustrated 
from the Sermon on the Mount, from Parables and 
separate sayings, from miracles and incidents which are 
recorded. 

" Blessed are the poor," whether in spirit or in substance 
that is, of course, for the sake of righteousness. Perhaps 
it is not the poor simply, but those who have willed to 
become poor for the sake of righteousness that He pro 
nounces blessed, those who have despised earthly honour 
with a view to the acquisition of the good. 6 " Blessed are 
they that mourn, for they shall be comforted." They who 
have repented of the evils of their former life shall come 
to the calling, for that is to be comforted. 7 " Blessed are 

1 Str., ii. 19 102 . 2 Isa. Ivi. 3-5 ; Str., iii. 15". ? Isa. i. 2. 

* Str., iv. 26 169 . 6 Ib., v. 10 w . 5 Ib., iv. 6 M . 

7 Ib. , iv. 6 37 : (is T^V K\r)<riv irapfO dvTai TOVTO yap tffri rd irapaK\i]97)vai. 



202 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

the meek, for they shall inherit the earth." The meek are 
those who have laid to rest the implacable conflict of anger 
and lust in the soul. The meek referred to are those who 
are meek from deliberate choice, not from necessity. 1 
" Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteous 
ness, for they shall be filled." They are called blessed by 
Him who approves of the genuine longing which not even 
famine can cut off. 2 " Blessed are the merciful, for they 
shall obtain mercy." Mercy is not sorrow for the calamities 
of others, but something good. By the merciful are meant 
not only those who do what is merciful, but those who wish 
to show mercy though they may not be able, those with whom 
the actualising is present in respect of choice. 3 " Blessed 
are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." Pure in 
respect of bodily lusts and holy in their reasonings He 
wishes them to be who come to the knowledge of God, 
when the ruling faculty shall have nothing spurious in the 
way of its own power. 4 "Blessed are the peacemakers." 
They are such as have tamed and subdued the law which 
was against the thought of the mind, as well as the threats 
of anger, and the baits of lust and the rest of the passions 
which fight against the reason. These having passed their 
life attended by the science both of good works and true 
reason, shall be restored to that adoption of sons which is 
dearest. The perfect peacemaking may be that which in 
every circumstance maintains unchanged a peaceful state ; 
calling the dispensation of Providence holy and good, and 
regarding the opposing elements in the world as the 
most beautiful harmony of creation. They, too, are peace 
makers, who teach those who are warring here against the 
stratagems of sin to pass over to the faith and to peace. 5 
" Blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness 
sake." He teaches us clearly in every circumstance to seek 

1 Str., iv. 6 3 . z Ib., iv. 6 s6 . Ib., iv. 6 38 . 4 Ib., iv. 6 s9 . 

8 Ib., iv. 6*. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 203 

out the martyr who, if he be poor for the sake of righteous 
ness, bears witness that the righteousness which he loved is 
a good thing. 1 

The " night " in which the lamps of the wise virgins were 
lit was the great darkness of ignorance. Wise souls, pure as 
virgins, understand themselves to be in the ignorance that 
marks the world. They kindle the light, rouse the mind, 
light up the darkness, and drive out ignorance, seek the 
truth, and await the manifestation of the Teacher. 2 The 
faith which the apostles asked for is " as a grain of mustard," 
which bites the soul to its profit and grows to a great height 
in it, so that transcendent reasonings rest upon it. 3 Or, the 
mustard-tree is the Church of Christ which filled the world, 
so that the birds of heaven that is, divine angels and tran 
scendent souls lodged in its branches. 4 In the Parable of 
the Rich Man and Lazarus, the poor man is represented by 
the grass, Troa. For we who are bedewed by the grace of 
God are the grass, and though cut down we shall spring up 
again. The rich man is represented by the hay, ^opro?, 
which is to-day in the field and to-morrow is cast into the 
oven, being made partaker of the fire. 5 The " neighbour " 
in the Parable of the Good Samaritan is the Saviour Him 
self. When we had been all but put to death by "the world- 
rulers of the darkness " with many wounds fears, lusts, 
deceits, pleasures He took pity upon us. For such wounds 
the only physician is Jesus, who cuts out the passions by 
their roots, and not, like the Law, their effects merely. It is 
He who pours wine on our wounded souls. It is He who 
has brought the oil, the mercy from the heart of the Father. 6 
It is He who has exhibited the indissoluble bonds 7 of health 
and salvation love, faith, hope. It is He that appointed 
angels and principalities and powers to minister to us for a 

1 Str., iv. 6 25 . a Ib., v. 3 17 . 3 Ib., v. I 3 . 

4 Stab., vol. iii. p. 226, fr. 54. 5 Psed., ii. io 104 , 105 . Cf. Luke xii. 28. 

6 Playing on the words t\aiov and fAeoy. 7 Cf. Kar&Tiaw, Luke x. 34. 



204 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, 

great reward, 1 because they too shall be set free from " the 
vanity " of the world at the revelation of the glory of the 
sons of God. 2 

The fish which Peter caught at the command of the Lord 
indicates food with which one is easily satisfied, God-given, 
and temperate. From those who rise from the water of 
baptism to the bait of righteousness we should take away 
dissoluteness and love of money, like the coin from the 
fish, in order to separate the vainglory, and by giving 
the stater to the tax-gatherer and rendering to Csesar " the 
things that are Caesar s," to preserve to God " the things 
that are God s." 3 

The " adversary " with whom Jesus calls us to agree is 
not the body, as some suppose, but the devil and those who 
are likened unto him. 4 "The foxes have holes" that is, 
men of evil disposition and earth - born, engrossed with 
money which is mined and dug. "The birds" flying 
fowls "of the heaven have nests" that is, those who 
are separated by heaven from the other birds, those really 
pure, that are able to fly to the knowledge of the heavenly 
word. 5 The " mother " whom we are called upon to for 
sake is figuratively interpreted fatherland and sustenance ; 
" fathers " are the law of the State. 6 Who are the " two or 
three who are gathered together in the name of the Lord, in 
the midst of whom He is " ? 7 Does He not mean the hus 
band, the wife, and the child, seeing that "by God the 
woman is joined to the man " ? Otherwise, the three may 



1 Cf. a7ro5w<ra>, Luke x. 35. 

2 Q. D., c. 29. Origen (Horn, in Luc., 35) gives as from "quidam de 
presbyteris," a kindred explanation, but entering into every detail for analogies. 
He regards it as explained " rationabiliter pulchreque." A like mystic inter 
pretation is found in most of the Fathers. 

3 Paed., ii. i 14 . Cf. Matt. xxii. 21. 4 Str., iv. I4 95 . Cf. Matt. v. 25. 
5 Str., iv. 6 11 . Cf. Matt. viii. 20. 6 Str., iv. 4 15 . Cf. Mark x. 29. 
7 Matt, xviii. 20. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 205 

be anger, desire, and reasoning, or flesh and soul and spirit. 
Perhaps it may mean the one Church, the one man, the one 
race. The Law and the Prophets, together with the Gospel, 
are gathered together in the name of Christ into the one 
gnosis. 1 

The silence of Zacharias was a type of the mystic silence 
of the prophetic enigmas which was broken by Christ, the 
light of truth, the Word. 2 With reference to the anointing 
of the feet of the Lord, Clement identifies the incident 
recorded in St Matthew with that recorded in St Luke, 
or mixes them up together. The anointing may be a symbol 
of the Lord s teaching and of His passion. The feet are the 
Apostles, which received the fragrance of the unction of the 
Holy Ghost. Of them also the Holy Spirit prophesied 
through the Psalmist, " Let us adore at the place where 
the feet stood" 3 that is, where the Apostles arrived, through 
whom being preached He carne to the ends of the earth. 
The tears are repentance, and the loosened hair proclaims 
the loosening of the old vainglory for the sake of the new 
faith. Moreover, mystically understood, the anointing is a 
symbol of the Passion. The oil (TO eXaiov) is the Lord Him 
self, from whom is the mercy (TO e Xeo?) which is towards us. 
But the ointment (TO pvpov), which is adulterated oil, is the 
traitor Judas. As the dead are anointed, it may be said that 
the feet of the Lord were anointed by Judas. We, sinners, 
who have repented and believed in Him, are the tears. The 
loosened hair is mourning Jerusalem. Thus the anointed 
feet were a prophecy of the treachery of Judas when the 
Lord was on His way to His Passion. 4 The washing of the 
feet of the disciples by the Saviour intimated their journey 
ing for the benefit of the nations, making this fair and pure 
by His own power. The ointment in them smelled sweetly, 

1 Str., iii. io 68 , 69 . 2 Prot., i. 1 10 . 

3 Ps. cxxxi. 7, LXX. 4 Pad., ii. 8 6] - 63 . 



206 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

and the work of fragrance reaching to all has been pro 
claimed. 1 The crowning of the Lord with thorns prophet 
ically pointed at us. For we were once fruitless, but are 
bound as wreaths round about Him through the Church, of 
which He is the Head. But it is also a type of the faith, 
of life, because of the substance of the wood ; of joy, because 
of the appellation of " crown " ; of danger, because of the 
thorn ; for it is not possible to draw nigh to the Word with 
out shedding of blood. It is a symbol, too, of the right 
action of the Master. He bore on His head, even on the 
sovereign principle of the body, all our misdeeds by which 
we were pierced. He by His own Passion saved us from 
offences and sins and suchlike thorns. 2 

A like method of exegesis is applied to the Epistles of St 
Paul. To get rid of what he regards as the incongruity 
between the promise in Exodus and the statement of St 
Paul in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, " I have fed 
you with milk, not with meat," 3 he enters into physio 
logical details as to the nature of milk, with the view of 
showing that the milk is not to be regarded as something 
different from the meat, but the same in essence. Blood is 
a kind of liquid flesh, and milk is the sweeter and finer part 
of blood. The essence of the human body is blood, and 
milk is a product of the blood. If food by digestion is 
changed into blood, and blood is changed into milk, then 
the blood is a preparation for the milk. 4 Elsewhere he 
interprets the same saying in a natural sense. Dealing 
with the passage " The wild olive is ingrafted into the 
fatness of the olive," 5 he touches on various methods of 
ingrafting. He finds in one method an analogy of the 
way in which the unlearned converts from the Gentiles 
are instructed, who receive the word in surface fashion. 

1 Pad., ii. 8 62 . 2 Ib., ii. 8 73 , 74 . 3 i Cor. iii. 2. Cf. Ex. iii. 8, 17. 

* Psed.,i. 6 14 - 62 . e Rom. xi. 17. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 207 

Another method represents the way in which the truth is 
acknowledged by those who have studied philosophy, and 
also by the Jews. A third method is symbolic of the 
way in which the uncultivated and heretics are brought 
by violence to the truth. A fourth method is a symbol 
of gnostic teaching. 1 

These illustrations may suffice to show to what extent 
Clement was dominated in his exegesis by the hypothesis 
of the symbolic character of Scripture and his method of 
applying it. Fantastic alike in its conception and in its 
results as the allegorical exegesis was, it may be claimed for 
it that in the hands of Clement it had behind it certain great 
truths or principles. Like the Rabbinical exegesis of the 
Old Testament, it was based on implicit belief in the divine 
origin of Scripture. " Turn it over and over again," we read 
in the Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, "for the all is 
therein, and thy all is therein." 2 This being assumed, it 
followed that analogies between it and the nature of man, 
as well as the outer universe, were to be expected. This ex 
plains, at least in part, the psychological, mathematical, and 
physical analogies which were read into the simplest words 
of Scripture. This exegesis had behind it a true conception 
that the truths of Scripture, like those of nature itself, do not 
lie on the surface for the careless looker or reader to gather, 
but demand reverence and patient inquiry for their interpre 
tation. The saying that the Scriptures are pregnant to the 
gnostic but dismissed by the heretics as barren 3 to which 
strong exception has been taken as a " bad feature " is but 
Clement s way of saying that spiritual insight is essential to 
fruitful apprehension. The allegorical theory had behind it, 
though expressed in a grotesque form and almost uncon 
sciously, the idea of the unity and continuity of revelation. 

1 Str., vi. 15 119 . 2 < Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, v. 32. 

3 Str., vii. i6 94 . 



208 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

"The thought was akin to reverence, but it was also akin to 
that superstition which is most fatal to reverence." 1 And 
the history of exegesis shows that the latter tendency always 
tended to become dominant, that the Scriptures were apt to 
be degraded to the rank of a book of riddles, the interpre 
tation of which was little better than a form of literary 
frivolity of no higher dignity or worth than the manu 
facture of anagrams. The fascination of such a hypothesis 
is still powerful, even in critical circles, though the motif be 
purely literary or historical or dogmatic. But though the 
principle is different, the application leads to similar results. 
If we take the Old Testament, for example, the physiological 
exegesis of some portions of the book of Ecclesiastes and 
the pathological exegesis of the Song of Solomon produce 
results compared with which the Alexandrian exegesis is 
comparatively sober. And the rigorous application of the 
same hypothesis to the Fourth Gospel in the hands of the 
school of Reville and Loisy, in their search for historical 
facts veiled in its symbolism, is productive of results not less 
fantastic. Does the fact that such interpretations are put 
forward in the august name of modern critical science, and 
not in that of an antiquated exegesis, alter their essential 
character ? 

We pass on to inquire to what books did Clement 
ascribe the qualities which have been indicated ? What 
books did he recognise as authoritative in questions of 
faith or controversy? What, in other words, was the 
Canon of Scripture in the Church of Alexandria, if he 
be regarded as a representative man ? 

With regard to the Canon of the Old Testament there is 
no controversy. His Canon is that of the Septuagint, and 
included books that have been recognised by the Church 
of Rome as canonical, but are designated and regarded 

1 Maurice, op. cit., p. 238. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 209 

by the Protestant Churches as apocryphal. In particular, 
he has been greatly influenced by the Wisdom of Solomon 
and the book of Ecclesiasticus, especially in the ethical 
sections of his writings; and in this respect differs markedly 
from Philo, who never mentions them. Yet, though there 
is no conflict of opinion as to his view of the canon of the 
Old Testament, his attitude to that canon may throw im 
portant light on the controverted question, that of the 
canon of the New Testament. 

The forms of citation or allusion may be thus classified. 
(i) We have words or phrases which imply authority or 
inspiration, as rj ypatyr), rj deia ypa^r), 1 at ypa<j>ai? al Oeiai 
ypa<f>ai, 3 a I icvpia/cai, rypatyai,* al OeoirvevaTai ypa^ai, 5 ye- 
ypawTai, TO Trvev/jia, TO dyiov Trvevjia, TO Trvevfjia Sid, <pr)<ri, 
eiprjrcu, and kindred words. (2) We have reference to the 
names of the writers with or without honorific epithets, 
as 6 Mcofo-?)?, Trapa r&> Mowcre?, o 7rdva-o<pos MOJUO-TJ?, 6 

couo-tj? o Ao./3/S, /eara TOV Aa/3t S, o 
iS, 6 7rpo(f)r)Tr)S, 6 x/raXyiiwSo?, KaTa TOV /ma/cdpiov ^f 
o SoXo/u-wi , tcaTa TOV ^oXo^w^ra, o Ho-ata?, Trapa Hcrata, 
o 7r/)o</>^T779 6 lepepias, 6 Trpo^iJTTj^. (3) We have a few 
references to the books, as, ol tya\/jLoi, 6 ^aXyLtd?, ev rot? 
>|raXyLtot9 yeypaTTTai,, yeypaTTTai, ev rca Aa^tS, al 
T] TOV Irjaov aofyia, ev Trj o-otyia eiprjfjievov, ev rc5 
ryeypaTTTai, ev rc3 lefe/ct^X yeypaTrTai. (4) In a very large 
number of instances we have passages introduced without 
any indication of their source though sometimes a com 
ment implies scriptural authority, but simply incorporated 
into his text. (5) In a large number of cases, also, we have 
only indication by a word or phrase that some particular 
passage was before the mind of the writer an evidence 

1 Str., i. 3 s *. 2 Ec> Pr>> If &c> 

3 Psed., iii. 2 9 , &c. < Str., vii. 1 1. 

r> vii. 1 6 l "\ For illustrations of the other forms, see details that follow. 

O 



210 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, 

more weighty in some respects than direct citation would 
be of his knowledge of Scripture and of the way into which 
it had become inwoven into the texture of his thought, as 
well as, it may be, of the measure of knowledge which he 
expected from his readers. 

The book of Genesis is mentioned by name. 1 It is 
nowhere quoted in the Protrepticus as 17 rypaffrij, but it is 
so quoted in the Psedagogus, and more than once in the 
Stromateis. 2 It is also quoted with yeypaTrrai absolutely. 3 
It is nowhere quoted with the formula TO irvev^a Bid or 
kindred formulas. Some passages are introduced by the 
formula o iracBayayyo^ Bia Mwucreo)?, 4 numerous passages by 
(f)rjai 5 either in the sense that God says or that Scrip 
ture says ; occasionally we have iprjKev, or etccivr) rj Qei^r) 
Sometimes it is quoted under the designation 77 
ia, 7 more frequently with 6 Mcovo-ijs \eyei, or Si&da-tcei, 
or the like, 8 sometimes with a honorific epithet, as o 
7raz/o-o$o9. 9 Sometimes passages are introduced into the 
text without any indication that they are quotations ; 10 
sometimes by a supplementary comment or allegorical 
exegesis it is indicated that Scripture is implied. Very 
many passages are only alluded to in connection with some 
incident or suggested by the phraseology. 

The book of Exodus is not mentioned by name. It is 
quoted as fj ypa^, both in the sense of Scripture and in 
the sense of a passage of Scripture, in the Paedagogus, 
and repeatedly in the Stromateis. 11 It is nowhere quoted 
with the words TO TTVCV/AO,. It is quoted in the Paedagogus 
and the Stromateis under the phrase o TraiSaywybs Bid, 6 



1 EC. Pr., i. a Psed., i. s 22 ; Str., iv. 2O 126 . 

3 Str., ii. ii 51 . 4 Psed., i. 9 81 . 

r Ib., ii. 10 94 . B Ib., i. 12 98 . 

7 Str., vi. i6 146 . 8 Ib., i. 21 142 ; ii. 520, & c . 

9 Ib., iv. 25 161 . 10 Psed., iii. lo 60 , &c. 

11 Psed.,i. 6 4 ; Str., i. 4*, &c. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 211 

710705 Sid, (j>r}a-i, and the like. 1 It is quoted as the work of 
Moses, and as o i/o/io?. 2 There are passages incorporated 
and suggestions of others. 

The book of Leviticus is mentioned by name. 3 It is 
quoted in the Stromateis, and by implication in the Paeda- 
gogus, as 77 7pa(/>77. 4 It is quoted with the formula o \6yos 
Sia Ma>uo-e&)5. 5 The word ^aL is not associated with any 
quotation, but the kindred word \eyet, is found. 6 Sayings 
are quoted as the work of Moses, and under the designa 
tion 6 i/o//,o?. 7 There are allusions to particular sayings 
or incidents or regulations. 

The book of Numbers is mentioned by name, 8 but it is 
seldom quoted, and never under the designation of rj ypatf)^ 
nor with the formula TO Trvevpa Bid. It is quoted with 
<f)rj<rl, 9 and with the formula, o TraiSaywyos 8ia Mwucrea)?. 10 

The book of Deuteronomy is not mentioned by name. 
It is quoted as 77 ypa^ij in the Psedagogus. 11 It is quoted 
under the designation TO Trvev^a TO ayiov, 12 or with a phrase 
of like import, o \6yos Bid. 13 It is quoted as the work of 
and as the work of Moses o irdvo 
It is quoted with (frrjai, Xeye^, and o 
Passages are incorporated with and without comment. As 
in the previous books, there are allusions and suggestions. 

The book of Joshua is mentioned by name. 17 A knowledge 
of it is further indicated by a reference to the dividing of 
the waters. 18 

The book of Judges is mentioned by name, and many 
historical and chronological details are taken from it. 19 

1 Pd., i. II M , &c. 2 Sir., v. I 7 ; iii. 11 ". 3 Ib., i. 21 12 . 

4 Psed., ii. 10 91 ; Str., ii. io 46 , 47 . 5 Psed., ii. 10 M . 

6 Str., v. 6 40 . 7 Ib., ii. 15 67 ; ii. 23 147 . 8 Ib., iii. 4 32 . 

9 Ib., ii. 19 97 . 10 Psed., i. 2 5 . " Ib., i. 7 ". 

12 Ib. 13 Ib., iii. 3 20. 14 Prot., x. 109 . 

15 Ib., viii. so. 16 Ib ., x . 95 ; Pad., i. 8 69 ; Str., vii. 3 ". 

Str., i. 21 109 . 18 EC. Pr., 6. 19 Str., i. 21 10 . 



212 SCRIPTURE I ITS NATURE, 

Knowledge of it is only further indicated by an allusion to 
Samson and his hair. 1 

There is no citation from, nor allusion to, nor suggestion 
of, the book of Ruth. 

The First Book of Samuel is mentioned by name, and some 
historical facts are taken from it. 2 It is quoted with tyai,, 
and also with o \6yos &t,a rov irpofyrjrov ^apovrfk? There is, 
further, a reference to an incident in the career of Samuel. 4 

There is a reference to David which may be taken either 
from the Second Book of Samuel or the First Book of 
Chronicles. 5 The scantiness of allusion to this book is the 
more noteworthy because he attributes to Plato a know 
ledge of the incident referred to. 

His knowledge of the First Book of Kings is attested by 
the historical data which are adduced. 6 There are, further, 
allusions to Elijah. 7 

The same may be said of his knowledge of the Second 
Book of Kings. 8 There is a reference to Elijah which may 
be due to his knowledge of this book. 9 

Save for the possible allusion already noted, there is no 
reference to the First Book of Chronicles. 

The Second Book of Chronicles or the First Book of 
Kings is cited in a fragment of a lost treatise. 10 

From the books of Ezra and Nehemiah historical state 
ments are taken. 11 

A passage is quoted from the Fourth Book of Esdras as a 
saying of EcrS/ra? o 



Peed., iii. II 68 ; Str., vi. 17 153 ; EC. Pr., 39. 

Str.,i. 21 109 ; i. 2I 111 , n2 ; vi. 12 101 . 

Pred., iii. 4^; iii. 2 12 ; Str., vi. 3 29 . 

Adum. in I Joan. ; Stab., vol. iii. p. 2 1 1. 

Psed., ii. i 18 . Cf. ib., ii. 8 61 , and 2 Sam. xii. 30. 

Str., i. 21 " l - 116 . 7 Peed., iii. 7 38 ; Prot., x. w ; Str., iii. 6 52 . 

8 Str., i. 21 118 - 122 . 9 Peed., ii. io lia ; Str., iii. 6 53 . 

10 Stah., vol. iii. p. 218. " Str., i. 21 124 . 

13 Str., iii. i6 100 . Cf. i. 22 14S> . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 213 

The book of Psalms is quoted with greater variety of 
phrase than any other book of the Old Testament. It is 
quoted as 77 ypaQij or with yeypaTrrai in the Protrepticus, 
the Paedagogus, and the Stromateis. 1 It is quoted in the 
Paedagogus and in the Stromateis much more frequently in 
the former under the designation of TO irvev^a simply, or TO 
irvevjAa Std. 2 We have not only TO Trvevfia eiprjKev but even 
TO Trvcv/jua -^raXXet, TO ayiov Trvev^a ex/raXXez/. 3 We have the 
full formula 6 Aa/3t S, TOVTZCTTI TO Trvev/jia TO 6V CIVTOV* We 
have Sid TOV ^a\/jLwSov TO irvev^af 6 TraiSaycoyos Sid Aa/3/S, 6 
6 Xo709 Sid Aa^ 6\ 7 We have quotations with the designa 
tion o TrpotyrjTrjs, 77 TrpocfrijTeia, 6 7rpo<f>rjTiKbs \6<yos, e/celvo TO 
TTpo^rjriKov. 8 We have </>?;crt and kindred words. 9 We have 
6 Aa/St S many times, o /jiafcdpios Aa/3t, /caTa TOV 



ev Aa/StS, 6 ^aXyL60?, ol 

We have, further, passages incorporated without any 
indication of their source ; in some cases, however, with 
a comment which implies that they were Scripture or 
authoritative. 13 

The book of Proverbs is quoted by name in the Stroma 
teis. 14 It is quoted as 77 ypa^tj repeatedly in the Paedagogus 
and the Stromateis. 15 It is nowhere quoted with the 
designation TO Trvevfjba. It is, however, quoted with other 
phrases which imply inspiration or authority, such as 
6 770^6^70)709, 6 #eto9 7rat8a7o>709, 16 o Xo709, o 
o a<yio<; 



1 Prot., ix. 85 ; x. 105 ; Psed., i. 9 78 ; Str., iv. 25 15S . 

2 Psed., ii. 8 62 . 3 Str., ii. 20 125 ; Paed., ii. 4 41 ; i. 8 73 . 

4 Pad., i. 9 87 . 5 Ib., ii. 8 s2 . 6 Ib., i. 9 80 . 

7 Ib., ii. 10 no . 8 Str. , vii. y 36 ; i. 27 172 ; Psed. , i. 6 51 ; Str. , vi. 8 64 

9 Prot, x. 103, &c. 10 Str., vi. i6 145 , &c. " Ib., vi. 3 30 , &c. 

12 Ib., vii. I3 83 ; vii. 7 4 . 13 Prot., iv. 63, &c. 14 Str., ii. 2 4 . 

18 Paed., ii. i 4 ; ii. 2 s9 ; Str., ii. 7 33 , &c. 18 Psed., iii. io 49 ; iii. 2 9 

17 Ib., iii. ii 67 , &c. 18 Str., ii. 7 36 ; i. 5 



214 SCRIPTURE I ITS NATURE, 

ol xpriff/jioi ol Oeloi, TO \6yiov e/celvo. 1 It is very frequently 
quoted as the work of Solomon, sometimes as 6 TrpcxfrrjTijs, 2 
sometimes as the words of rj aofaa, where aofyia is rep 
resented as speaking, as well as when it is not so rep 
resented. 3 It is also quoted with ^crt. 4 As in other 
books, passages are incorporated without any indication 
that they are quotations, save in one or two cases where 
a comment implies it. 5 

The book of Ecclesiastes is quoted by name, and also 
with yeypairrai. 6 Ecclesiastes i. 2 is represented as having 
inspired part of the teaching of Epicurus. 7 Otherwise there 
is no indication of its use or influence. 

The book of Job is not quoted nor referred to in the 
Protrepticus or the Psedagogus, but it is quoted several 
times as r) ypa(f)ij in the Stromateis. 8 It is quoted twice or 
thrice with sayings of Job himself, in one case with comment. 9 
One passage is quoted with the indefinite wo-Trep eZ-Tre rt?. 10 
A passage of Job is erroneously described as written in 
the Kings. 11 There are references to Job himself based on 
incidents in the book. 12 

The Wisdom of Solomon is mentioned by name. 13 There 
is a possible allusion to it as rj ypacfrr) in the Paedagogus 14 and 
an undoubted reference in the Stromateis. 15 Scripture is im 
plied in a comment upon it. 16 It is nowhere quoted with the 
designation TO irvev^a. It is quoted with <fyrj<ri, and also with 
eiprjrai. 17 It is quoted with the phrase 77 ao<f)ia Aeyet, 77 Oeia 
<ro(ta, 18 but more frequently with the name of its author. 19 

1 Str., ii. 7 34 . 2 Ib., ii. 2 7 , &c. ; iii. 17 10 ", &c. 

3 Ib., i. 19 96 ; ii. l8 83 . Cf. y iravdperos ffofla -, Str., ii. 22 136 . 

4 Paed., iii. 4 30 , &c. 5 Str., ii. i8 7s> . 6 Ib., i. is 58 . 

7 Ib., v. 14 9. 8 Ib., iv. 2 6 ; vi. 8*" . 9 Ib., iii. 16 m ; iv. 26 los . 

10 Ib., iv. 1 2 s3 . n Ib., iv. 26 170 . 12 Ib., iv. 5 19 ; iv. 17 106 . 

13 Ib., v. I 4 89 . 14 Psed., ii. 10". 15 Str., v. 14 108 ; vi. ii 93 . 

16 EC. Pr., 41. 17 Poed., ii. I 7 ; Str., vi. I 4 113 . 

18 Peed., ii. i 7 ; Str., iv. 16 10S . 19 Str., vi. II 93 , &c. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 215 

The book of Ecclesiasticus is twice quoted by name 
as 77 rov Irja-ov ao<f>ia. 1 It is very frequently quoted 
as 77 ypacfrr} in the Psedagogus. 2 It is quoted with 
* It is never quoted under the designation TO 
It is quoted as the utterance of 6 TraiSaycoyo^. 41 
It is quoted very frequently in the Psedagogus with fao-L 5 
It is still more frequently quoted as the sayings of 77 
o-o<f>ta. 6 In some cases it is correctly described as the 
"Wisdom of Jesus"; 7 but in others its authorship, or 
rather some quotations from it, are erroneously assigned 
to Solomon. 8 

A reference to Esther and her mission shows his know 
ledge of the book of Esther. 9 

There is a possible reference to the book of Judith. 10 
The narrative of Judith is referred to. 11 

The book of Tobit is twice quoted without name as 77 



The book of Hosea is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa^ij. It 
is quoted with the form o Xo^o? Sid, and o TraiSaywybs 
Sid, 18 with 0^<rt, 14 and with the name of the writer, and 
with o 7rpo<?7 / T779. 15 In the Protrepticus, and also in the 
Stromateis, a passage in Amos is erroneously referred to 
as a saying of Hosea, though forms implying inspiration 
and authority are employed in both cases. 16 

The book of Amos is quoted as 77 ypa^rj, 17 and also with 
the forms TO ayiov irvevfia Sid, 6 \6<yo<; Sid. ls 

1 Str., i. 4^; i- io 47 . 2 Psed., i. 8 62 ; ii. 2 s4 . 

3 Str., i. ii 58 ; Stab., vol. Hi. p. 225. 4 Psed., ii. io", 101 , 109 . 

5 Ib., ii. 2, &c. 6 Ib., i. 8 69 . 

7 Str., i. 4 27 ; i. io 47 . 8 Ib., ii. S 24 ; vii. 16 105 . 

9 Psed., iii. 2 12 . Cf. Str., i. 21 123 . 10 Str., ii. 7 35 . 

11 Ib., iv. I 9 "8. W Ib>) H> 23 139. vi> I2 10 2< Cf> J. 2I 123. 

13 Psed., i. 7 53 . 14 Ib., ii. 12 126 . 

15 EC. Pr., 4 ; Str., vi. I5 115 . 16 Prot., viii. 79 ; Str., v. H 126 . 

17 Str., vi. is 115 . Cf. v. 14 126 . 18 Paed., ii. 2 30 ; i. 8 9 . 



216 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

The book of Micah is quoted with M^eta? o 
and as one of the Twelve Prophets. 1 

The book of Joel is quoted with Sia laytjX one of the 
Twelve Prophets elpjra*. 2 

The book of Obadiah is not named nor quoted. 

The book of Jonah is quoted by name and he is called 
a prophet. 3 There is a reference to his prayer. 4 

The book of Nahum is quoted once, without any reference, 
but with an implication that it is a saying of the Tutor. 5 

The book of Habakkuk is quoted with o Trpo^rjTrjs. 6 

The book of Zephaniah is quoted with Sia rov 2,o<f>oviov TO 
TTvevfJia? and with 6 TrpotyiJTrjs. 8 

The book of Haggai is quoted with <prjcri, and with 



The book of Zechariah is quoted with 6 
Za^apta?, 10 and once without reference but with a comment. 11 

The book of Malachi is quoted with MaXa^ta? o irpo^T^ 
and with 6 MaXa^ta? </>?7crt. 12 A phrase is incorporated 
without reference. 13 In the historical narrative Malachi is 
designated as the "Angel in the Twelve." 14 

The book of Isaiah is quoted as 77 ypa^ij in all the three 
leading works of Clement. 15 The same is true of the appli 
cation of TO 7Tvevfj,a f rb ayiov irvevfjia Sid. 1& We have, 
further, 6 Traioaywyos Sid, 6 #609 Sid, 6 /cvptos Sid. 17 It is 
also quoted with (f>r)o-i, rj Trpo^ijTeia, TO eicelvov Trpo^rjTiKov, 6 
, and with the name of the writer or his book. 18 



1 Str., iv. 26 169 ; iii. 6 101 . 2 Ib., v. is 88 . 

3 Ib., v. 14 135 . 4 Q. D., c. 41 ; Jonah ii. 

6 Psed., i. 9 81 . 6 Str., ii. 2 8 . 7 Pad., ii. I2 128 . 

8 Str., iii. 1 2 s6 . But the reference is uncertain. 

9 Psed., ii. 3 39 ; Str., iii. 6 . 10 Prot., x. M . 
11 Paed., i. 5 16 . " Str., v. 14 136 ; iii. 4 3S> . 13 Prot., xi, ll *. 
14 Str., i. 21 122 . 15 Prot., i. ; Pad., i. 5 ; Str., vi. 6 49 . 

16 Prot, viii. 79 ; faed., ii. i 8 ; Str., v. 14" . 

17 Paed., i. 9 76 ; Prot., viii. 93 ; Str., iii. I5 98 . 18 Psed., i. S 21 ; i. S 67 , &c. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 

Many passages are incorporated, and there are numerous 
references or allusions. 

The book of Jeremiah is quoted very rarely in the Paeda- 
gogus and the Stromateis as rj ypatptj, 1 and in the Protrep- 
ticus not at all. It is quoted in all of them with TO 
and once with the elaborate formula, 6 Iepe/ua? 6 
o 7raz/<ro</>09, fjia\\ov Be ev Iepe/ua TO ayiov Trvev/Aa. 2 We have 
also o iraiSaycoybs Sta. 3 It is quoted with 6 TT^O^TT;?, 17 
ta, 4 and very frequently with the mere name, <f>rjo-i,v 
and once with yeypaTrrcu under the name of the 
book. 6 There are some allusions to words or phrases. 

The book of Baruch is quoted as rj Oela ypa<f>vj, 7 and with 
the formula (implied from the context) o TraiSaywyos Sid 
lepe/iiiov. 8 

A saying from the Lamentations of Jeremiah is quoted in 
like manner. 9 

The book of Ezekiel is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa<f>rj, though 
once with the form co? eV TQ> lefe/a^X yeypanrrai^ It is 
quoted once with the form TO Tn/eO^a&a. 11 We have, further, 
6 tcvpio? Bid lefe/a^X, 6 TraiSaycoyos Sta Ie%6fcnj\. 12 There 
are passages quoted without reference and some suggestions. 

The book of Daniel is nowhere quoted as 77 ypa^ij, nor 
with the phrase TO Trvevna Bid, nor with <^7;crt. It is quoted 
with the name of the writer and with o Trpo^T???. 13 

Of the apocryphal additions to the book of Daniel, we 
have a reference to Susanna as a heroine, 14 to the Song of 
the Three Holy Children, 15 and to an incident in Bel and 
the Dragon. 16 



1 Psed.,i. 9 7(i ; Str., v. 5 2 l 

2 Psed., ii. io 87 ; Str., iv. 26 163 ; Prot., viii. 78 . 

3 Psed., i. 9 81 . 4 Prot, viii. 78 . 5 Ib., viii. w . 
6 Str., i. 1 1 so. Pad., ii. s 36 . 8 Ib., i. io si. 

9 Ib., i. 9 80 . 10 Str., iv. 25 158 . " Ib., ii. 23 147 . 

12 Ib., ii. 15 69 ; Peed., i. 9, **. is Str ., i. 21 12S , 146 . 

14 Ib., iv. I9 1 ". is Ec> Pr ; j . Str<> j 21 123 16 Str-> i 2I ia. 



218 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, 

There is a reference to the books of the Maccabees. 1 
It would thus appear that of the books in the Hebrew 
canon Clement shows no knowledge of Ruth, the Song of 
Solomon, and Obadiah, and that all the apocryphal books 
are quoted or referred to except the Epistle of Jeremiah 
and the Third and Fourth Books of the Maccabees. 

From this survey of Clement s use of the Old Testament 
in its bearing on our conclusions as to his use and appre 
ciation of the books of the New Testament, the most 
important points to be adduced are these. No conclusion 
adverse to his knowledge of, or appreciation of, any 
particular book can be drawn from the absence of reference 
to any such book. Otherwise we should have to draw the 
inference that the books of Ruth, the Song of Solomon, 
and Obadiah were not in his copy of the Septuagint. The 
same applies to the writer s more or less infrequent 
reference to particular books as bearing on the measure 
of authority which he attached to them. In both cases 
the omission or infrequency is due to the personality of 
the writer, and to the degree in which he found certain 
writings more in harmony with his spiritual individuality 
and better adapted for exhortation and argument. The 
absence of the words fj ypatyij or yeypaTrrat,, where other 
indications of authority are present, throws no doubt on 
the authority of a book ; or in that case we should have 
to eliminate the books of Numbers, all the historical 
books from Joshua to the Second Book of Chronicles, 
Daniel, and all the Minor Prophets except Amos and 
Haggai. No conclusion adverse to the inspiration of a 
writer can be drawn from the absence of TO irvev^a Bid. 
For in that case we should have to eliminate from 
Clement s list of inspired books Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, 
Numbers, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, the Wisdom of 
Solomon, Ezekiel, Daniel, and all the Minor Prophets 

1 Str. , i. 21 123 . The genuineness of this passage is disputed. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 219 

except Amos and Zephaniah. No conclusion adverse to 
the authority and inspiration of certain books can be drawn 
from the omission of both 77 jpa(j>^ and TO Trvev/jia, as in that 
case we should have to omit from his list of authoritative 
and inspired books Numbers, Daniel, and all the Minor 
Prophets except Amos, Haggai, and Zephaniah. No con 
clusion as to the relative authority which he assigned to 
any book of the same class or group can be drawn from 
the number of phrases or epithets implying authority or 
inspiration which he employs in reference to such, or the 
relative frequency of such phrases or epithets. Otherwise 
we should have to conclude that in his eyes Jeremiah was 
unequal in authority or value to Isaiah, and Ezekiel 
inferior to both. And, further, our conclusions as to the 
usage of Clement in regard to the authority or inspiration 
of particular books would be modified if one or other of 
the great works of Clement had perished. No doubt, it 
may be urged that there was no need for him to pay 
attention to such matters in view of the fact that no one 
disputed the authority of the books in question. But in 
view of the incidental character of the phraseology and 
the absence of design in the case of his references to both 
Testaments, the same argument can be applied to his 
usage in the case of the New Testament writings. Accord 
ingly, in deciding as to the canonical status of any book 
in the New Testament in the eyes of Clement, we cannot 
be controlled solely by the application of a particular word 
or phrase, but must also have regard to the general attitude 
of the writer to such book or books and to the principles 
which underlie his application of the same. 

Apart from his formulas of citation, his method of 
quotation throws light on the same question. His ascrip 
tion of a passage in Job to the Second Book of Kings is a 
slip of memory which is only interesting in view of his 
otherwise almost complete ignorance of the latter book. 



220 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

The ascription of a passage in Amos to Hosea in writings 
separated by such an interval as the Protrepticus and the 
Fifth Book of the Stromateis is an illustration of a familiar 
experience the stereotyping of an error, not recognised as 
an error, in the mind of a writer. Apart from such 
errors, in view of his belief in the literal inspiration of 
the Old Testament, he deals with it with great freedom. 1 
There can be little doubt that in many cases he quoted it 
from memory, and that in some cases, when he did not 
wish to quote the whole of a passage, he quoted only what 
was relevant to his purpose. As for his detachment of 
passages from the context, and without any regard to the 
context, or the transposition of clauses where the separate 
clauses are correctly quoted, is it a paradox to say that 
that shows his reverence for the authority of the words of 
Scripture ? All were transcribed from one authority. And 
as passages from different books could be quoted and put 
together and treated as parts of a whole, so clauses might 
be abbreviated or reversed without any sense of impro 
priety. In a mass of solid gold it does not matter where 
you break off a piece, or how the pieces so broken off are 
welded or mixed together. In any case, if we find such 
freedom of treatment in regard to the Old Testament, we 
need not be surprised to find like freedom in regard to the 
treatment of the New Testament, without looking on it as 
an adverse testimony to the authority of the latter. 

Before forming any conclusions as to whether Clement 
had an official canon of New Testament writings, which he 
regarded as of equal authority with the books of the Old 
Testament, or whether we can speak in his case of a canon 
at all, it may be well to look at the evidence for the 

1 For example, in Str., i. 19 % he attributes the saying in Prov. ix. 17 to 
f) crotyia instead of to yw^j &<f>pui>. In Pied., i. II 96 he quotes Ex. xxxii. 6, 
XopraffdfvTfs yovv a.ve<TTi\(rav iratfciv, and comments on the word xP raff ^^ T(S t 
though it is not in the text of Exodus. Cf. Prov. xv. 17 with Paed. ii. i w . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 221 

separate books, applying to them the same tests that we 
have applied to the books of the Old Testament. 

According to Eusebius, 1 Clement recorded in the Out 
lines the following tradition of the earliest presbyters with 
reference to the order in which the Gospels were written. 
The Gospels containing the genealogies were written first. 
The Gospel of Mark was held to be a reproduction of the 
sayings of Peter, though Peter neither forbade nor encour 
aged its production. " Last of all, John, perceiving that 
the outward facts had been made plain in the Gospels, at 
the instance of his friends, and under the inspiration of the 
Spirit, composes a spiritual Gospel." The implication that 
there were only four Gospels traditionally recognised by 
the Church is confirmed by an explicit statement in the 
extant writings. 2 

That Clement regarded the Four Canonical Gospels as 
a unit and as forming a whole in spite of difference in 
expressions which in no way affected the harmony of the 
thought, there can be no doubt. This he designates as 
TO 6vay<y\iov. After the phrase eV TO> evayyeXia) or TO 
eva<y<y\iov, we have quotations, for the most part intro 
duced as sayings of the Lord, indifferently from the Gospels 
of St Matthew, 3 St Mark, 4 St Luke, 5 and St John. 6 It 
should be noted, however, that the passage assigned to 
St Mark, as it is quoted only in part, might have been 
taken from the parallel passage in St Matthew, so that 
the conclusion as to St Mark in this connection is 
uncertain. 

The Gospel of St Matthew is mentioned by name in 
the Stromateis. 7 It is quoted as 77 jpa^ in the Protrep- 



1 H. E., vi. 14 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 197. 2 Str., iii. 13 9S . 

3 Peed., i. S 13 ; i. 9 76 ; i. 9 79 ; i. 9 so ; i. 9 85 ; Str., iv. 4 13 ; vii. 12 72 ; EC. 
Pr., 57. 4 Str., iv. 4 ln . 

5 Psed., ii. 12 125 ; Str., i. 21 136 (iv TO?S tvayye\iois) ; iii. 6 50 ; EC. Pr., 50. 

6 Paed., i. 5 12 ; i. 9 s5 ; Adum. in I Joan., Stah., vol. iii. p. 210. 

7 Str., i. 2 1 147 . 



222 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

ticus, 1 the Paedagogus, 2 and the Stromateis. 3 It is quoted 
with yeypaTrrai in the Paedagogus 4 and the Stromateis. 5 
Passages are quoted as sayings of o rcvpios, 6 6 Trai&aycoyosJ 
The form tya-l is found in the Paedagogus. 8 In one case 
we have the form TO Trpo^riKov irv^v^a? In a fragment 
of the Commentary on St Jude there is a reference to a 
saying in "other Gospels" than the Gospel of St Mark, 
which occurs in the Gospel of St Matthew. 10 A passage 
which may either refer to St Matthew or St Luke is 
introduced with the phrase 97 TT^O^TLKJ] (j>a)i>rj o-vv(*>$o<; 



There are few certain references to the Gospel of St 
Mark. A definite allusion to it by name is found in the 
" Quis Dives," 12 and in the fragment of the Commentary on 
St Jude. 13 The allusions to the Lord s Prayer u and to the 
Parable of the Fourfold Seed 15 are too indefinite to enable 
us to determine the source of the reference. The same is 
true of other sayings which may be taken from, or have as 
their background any one of, the Canonical Gospels. 

The Gospel of St Luke is specifically mentioned by 
name in the Stromateis and in the Paedagogus. 16 It is 
quoted as 97 ypcufir) in the Paedagogus 17 and the Stromateis. 18 
It is implicitly referred to as such in the Paedagogus, 19 
and either it or St Matthew is referred to as 77 ypa(f>r) in 
various passages. 20 It is quoted as the saying of the 

1 Prot., ix. ffl . 2 Psed., i. 5 14 ; i. 5"; ii. 12 118 ; ii. I2 120 ; iii. ii 70 . 

3 Str., ii. S 22 ; v. 14"; vi. i8 164 . 4 Psed., ii. 6 50 . 

5 Str., iv. 14 96 . 6 Prot., ix. 87 ; Psed., i. 5 12 ; Str., vii. 15 89 . 

7 Paed.,ii. 6"; iii. I2*. 

8 Paed., ii. 6 49 ; iii. 4 30 ; iii. 5 33 ; iii. 6 36 . 9 Ib., i. 5 w . 
10 Stah., vol. iii. p. 209.. n Prot., i. 4. 
12 Q. D., 5. 1S Stah., vol. iii. p. 209. 

14 Psed., i. 8 73 ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 205. 

15 Str., iv. 6 31 . So Clement designates the Parable of the Sower. 

16 Str., i. 21 145 ; Paed., ii. i 15 . 17 Psed., ii. I2 120 . But cf. note 4. 

18 Str., ii. 5 s2 . But cf. note 5. 19 Paed., ii. I 6 , compared with ii. I 4 . 

20 Ib., ii. i2 120 ; iii. ii 70 . Cf. note 4. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 223 



Word, 1 the Lord, 2 the Saviour. 3 It is quoted with 
in the Paedagogus. 4 A passage is quoted in the Protrep- 
ticus as one of the \6ywi, vo^oi KOI ayioi \6yoi. 5 There 
are allusions to the Parable of the Two Brothers, 6 to the 
Parable of Lazarus, 7 to Zaccheus, 8 and to a saying of 
the Baptist 9 which is regarded as authoritative. 

The Gospel of St John is referred to by name in the 
Paedagogus. 10 Sayings of John or John the Apostle taken 
from the Gospel are quoted in the Protrepticus, 11 the 
Stromateis, 12 and a fragment of the Tlepl TOV Tracya 
It is quoted as fj ypacfrri in the Protrepticus and the 
Stromateis. 14 The same passage is quoted as Scripture, 
and as a heretical watchword with the words val (f>acn 
<yypd(f)dai,. 15 It is quoted with sayings of the Lord, 16 the 
Word, 17 the Tutor. 18 It is quoted with ^crt, 19 and once 
with a OTI elvre^. 20 

In all the writings of Clement there are numerous passages 
from the Gospels, and many suggestions by word or phrase of 
passages therein incorporated into his own text, occasionally 
with a comment, but much more frequently without. 

The important points that arise from this survey are 
these. The word " Gospel " with the possible exception 
of St Mark is applied indifferently to all. All the Gospels 
are mentioned by name. The Gospel of St Matthew is 
most frequently referred to as rj ypcuptf : the Gospel of 
St John comes next in order. It is very infrequently 
applied to St Luke, and to St Mark not at all. This 

I Paed., i. S 72 . 2 Ib., ii. i 4 ; Q. D., 39. 3 EC Pr., 26. 

4 Paed., i. 4 10 ; ii. 9; iii. i2 91 . 5 Prot., x. 108. 

6 Str., iv. 6 30 . So Clement designates the Parable of the Prodigal Son. 

7 Str., iv. 6 30 . 8 Ib., iv. 6 35 . 9 Paed., iii. I2 91 . 10 Ib., i. 6 * 3 . 

II Prot., iv. 59. 12 Str., v. 12 81 . ]3 Stah., vol. iii. pp. 216, 217. 
14 Prot., ix. 82; Str., i. 21 135 . 15 Str., i. 2O 100 ; i. 17 81 . 

16 Paed., i. 3 8 ; i. 5 13 ; i. 6 28 , * ; i. 8 66 ; Adum. in I Pet., Stah., vol. iii. 
p. 204 ; fr. 39, p. 220. 

17 Pasd., i. e 46 . 18 Ib., i. 7 53 . 

19 Ib., i. 6. Cf. i. 7 53 ; Prot., ii. 10 (0ij<rf TTOU.) 2 Pad., i. 8 62 . 



224 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

fact is a striking illustration of the danger of drawing 
conclusions from too narrow a basis. For not only is 
the Gospel of St Mark referred to as a separate Gospel, 
but, so far from occupying an inferior position in his 
eyes, it is the text of that Gospel which he employs as 
the basis of his tractate, " Quis Dives." The favourite Old 
Testament phrase TO Trvzvpa is found, and in an altered 
form, with reference to a saying in St Matthew only. The 
word (frrjo-i is applied very rarely to St Matthew, not 
frequently to St Luke, and not at all to St Mark or 
St John. The sayings are ascribed to the Lord Himself 
most frequently in St John, less frequently in St Matthew 
and St Luke. It is difficult to account for this varying 
usage ; but to whatever cause it may be due, it is not 
due to any distinction in the mind of the writer as to the 
relative authority and sacredness of the different Gospels, 
all of which are recognised as forming a unity, in perfect 
harmony with each other, and alike authoritative. 

" The Acts of the Apostles," says Leipoldt, 1 " is not 
regarded by Clement as canonical. His successor Origen 
first takes this step." This statement is open to question. 
The authorship of the Acts of the Apostles is specifically 
assigned to St Luke. 2 It is quoted with the designation of 
" The Acts " simply, 3 and " The Acts of the Apostles." 4 It 
is quoted with reference to the education of Moses. 5 It is 
quoted as giving authentic sayings of St Peter and incidents 
in his life. 6 It is quoted in like manner as giving authentic 
sayings of St Paul, and incidents in his career. 7 In defence 
of his own exegesis of 2 Cor. xii. 5, he quotes the evidence 



1 Enstehung d. ntl. Kan., p. 220. 

2 Str., v. 12 ra . 3 Ib., i. 23 15 , 154 ; vi. 8 63 . 

4 Poed.,ii. I 1C ; Str., i. II 50 ; i. IQ 91 ; iv. 15 OT ; v. II 75 ; vi. i8 163 . 

5 Str., i. 23 15S . 6 Poed., ii. i 16 ; Str., vi. 8 6J ; i. 23 154 . 
7 Str., i. ii 50 ; i. IQ 91 ; v. II 78 ; v. 12 s *; vi. 15 124 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 225 

of Acts as to the missionary activity of St Paul. 1 It is 
quoted with yeypaTrrcu? Reference is twice made to the 
" Catholic Epistle of all the Apostles," once with mention 
of the Book of Acts by name, once without such mention. 3 
The statement in Acts vi. 12, with reference to the Twelve 
and their action in regard to the distribution of the common 
funds, is quoted without reference to Acts, as though the 
source of the allusion were well known. 4 An important 
clause of Acts i. 7 is incorporated without reference, but 
from the context the implication is that it is a saying 
of Christ. 5 "We have learned," He says, "that God is 
a knower of hearts." The word irapeiX^a^ev cannot 
be pressed as indicating an authoritative source of teach 
ing. But the word /capSioyvatarr]^ is found nowhere else 
in the Scriptures save in the Book of Acts, where it is 
found twice. 6 In the literature prior to the date of 
Clement it is found in the "Pastor" of Hernias, but 
there it is given as an attribute of the Lord, not of 
God, 7 and the most natural conclusion, in view of his 
otherwise attested knowledge of the Book of Acts, is that 
it is a reminiscence of that book. The use of Acts as 
a historical book must be compared with his use of the 
Historical Books of the Old Testament ; and, compared 
with the scanty reference to them from Joshua to the 
Second Book of Chronicles inclusive, the knowledge and 
use of Acts are all the more noteworthy. In view of the 
fact that so many spurious Acts were current at this period, 
the use of the form, " The Acts " simply, implies that it 
occupied a unique and distinctive place, as the one his 
torical record of the apostolic age that could claim universal 
recognition. A writing whose author is declared to be the 

1 Str., vi. 1 8 <* * Psed., ii. 1 16 . 3 Str., iv. 15 97 ; Psed., ii. 7 56 - 

4 Psed., ii. 7 56 . 5 Str., iii. 6 49 . 

6 Ib., vi. 12 101 ; Acts i. 24 ; xv. 8. 7 Hermas, Mand., iv. 3. 



226 SCRIPTURE: ITS NATURE, 

writer of the Third Gospel, whose sayings can be incor 
porated without specific reference to their sources, which 
can be quoted as authoritative in support of his own atti 
tude to Greek philosophy as well as in questions of prac 
tical ethics 1 to say nothing of the term yeypaTrrcu was 
certainly to the consciousness of Clement a document of 
the first rank and invested with canonical authority. 

"Unless all appearances be deceptive," it is averred, "it 
was strictly speaking only the Four Gospels that Clement 
considered and treated as completely on a level with the 
Old Testament. The formula, * The Law and the Prophets 
and the Gospel, is frequently used, and everything else, 
even the Apostolic writings, is judged by this group. He 
does not consider even the Pauline Epistles to be a court 
of appeal of equal value with the Gospels, though he 
occasionally quotes them as Scripture." 1 Now, if the ques 
tion could be decided by the extent of his knowledge and 
use of the Pauline Epistles, there could be no doubt of the 
answer. But it is always possible to hold that they were 
not used because recognised as authoritative, but became 
authoritative because they were so used, though the ground 
for their use has in this case to be explained ; and not the 
use but the method of use must be the determining factor. 

Clement declares the harmony of the Law, the Prophets, 
and the Apostles with the Gospel. 3 He takes for granted 
that a conflict between Paul and the language of the 
Old Testament is impossible, and adopts altogether fan 
tastic exegesis to get rid of the apparent conflict. He 
speaks of the Law given through Moses and that given 
through the Apostles as alike of service to the Word in 
the education of mankind ; and all the illustrations that 

1 Str., i. 19 91 ; Psed., ii. 1 16 . 

2 Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. ii. p. 58. 

3 Str., vi. II 68 ; vii. 3 14 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 22/ 

follow are taken from the Epistles of St Paul. 1 He says 
that the Greeks must be taught by the Law and the 
Prophets and then by the blessed Apostles. 2 He puts the 
injunction of the Apostle on a line with the Gospel and 
affirms their agreement. 

The Pauline Epistles are marked by the symbolic note 3 
which was the highest characteristic of religious writings, 
and could be allegorised so as to bring out their hidden 
meaning. For the unbelieving to reject the message of so 
great an apostle could only issue in condemnation. 4 By 
heretics and orthodox alike his words were adduced as a 
final court of appeal. 5 The only question of controversy 
betwixt Clement and the heretics was not the question of 
their authority but of their interpretation. The Pauline 
Epistles are al Oelai, ypa<f>aL 

In the Paedagogus he gives some passages from what he 
designates by these words and the numerous quotations 
which follow are taken from the Epistles to the Ephesians, 
Galatians, ist Thessalonians, Colossians, First Epistle to 
Timothy, and Romans. 6 The First Epistle to Timothy 
and the Epistle to Titus belong to the "Sacred Books." 7 
Setting aside some doubtful cases where it is uncertain 
whether a passage from the Old or the New Testament 
was before his mind, we find that the technical term 77 ^pa^rj 
or yeypaTrrai, is applied to Romans, the Epistles to the 
Corinthians, Ephesians, Colossians, ist Thessalonians, ist 
Timothy. A saying in 2nd Corinthians is the cry of "The 



1 Peed., iii. I2 94 . 2 Str., vii. i6 95 . 3 Ib., vi. 15 119 . Cf. vi. i8 164 . 

4 Peed., ix. 84 ; Str., vii. 16 104 . 5 Str., iii. 8 61 ; iii. I 2 ; ii. 7 s4 . 

6 Psed., iii. 12 94 - 96 . It has been urged against the weight to be attached to 
this that Clement mixes up with these passages quotations from profane writers. 
It is true that he interpolates a saying from Pindar, but giving it as a quotation 
from Pindar, and some lines from Menander, without stating his authority. But 
that only proves that he could not resist an apposite poetical quotation. 

7 Peed., iii. 12 97 . ffy^ypa^arai rats (3ip\ois rats ayiais. 



228 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

Truth." We have also the phrase that most clearly indicates 
inspiration, TO ev ra airocrrokto ayiov Trvev/jia. 1 In the sense 
of Scripture we have fyrjo-i applied several times to passages 
in the Epistles ; and we have once fce\evei in a similar 
usage. One saying is quoted as a command of the Tutor, 
another as an exhortation of the Word. 

All the honorific epithets that are applied to Moses, 
David, Solomon, and others whose writings are quoted by 
the name or designation of the writer, are applied with much 
greater profuseness to St Paul. He is repeatedly charac 
terised as o 6elo$ aTrocrToXo?, 2 o OecrTrevios? 6 paKapiosf 6 
ryevvaios, 5 less frequently o ayios, 6 /caXo?. He is the apostle 
of the Lord. 6 He is further an unerring witness. 7 A saying 
of his is characterised as expressed in an inspired and 
prophetic manner, as most mystically and holily uttered. 8 
The great majority of the quotations are simply given as 
sayings of the Apostle without any epithet. In all the 
writings of Clement there are numerous passages from the 
Pauline Epistles incorporated into his text, for the most 
part without any indication that they are quotations, some 
times with a comment which implies that they are quota 
tions. In many cases it is clearly shown by a word or 
a phrase that he is saturated not only with the teaching 
but with the vocabulary of St Paul. 

From all the points indicated, from the relationship in 
which they are described as standing to the Old Testament 
and the Gospel, from the general notes that mark their 
character and authority, from the specific phrases and 
words that indicate a written authority, from the epithets 
that are bestowed upon him and his teaching, and from the 
extent of Clement s knowledge of them, in the light of the 
method of his use, there would seem to be little doubt that 

1 Pasd., i. 6 49 . a 9 times. 3 5 times. 4 6 times. 

5 8 times. Prot., ix. 87 . 7 Sir., v. I 2 . 8 Ib., iv. U9 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 229 

the Pauline Epistles were to Clement canonical Scriptures 
in the fullest sense of the word. Let us look at the 
details. 

The Epistle to the Romans is repeatedly quoted by 
name. 1 Quotations from it belong to the Divine Scriptures. 2 
It is quoted with 17 ypa^ij in the sense of a passage of 
Scripture, and also with jeypaTrrat. 2 It is quoted as a 
saying of "the Apostle" 4 and of "Paul," 5 sometimes 
with, sometimes without, honorific epithets. Numerous 
passages are incorporated without reference. 6 Sometimes a 
word or phrase suggests that the phraseology or thought 
of Paul was in his mind. 7 

The First Epistle to the Corinthians is quoted by name, 8 
and also in the more general phrase "to the Corinthians," 9 
and by the indefinite phrase " in a certain Epistle." 10 It is 
quoted as rj rypa<f>rf in the technical sense of a passage of 
Scripture. 11 A saying is quoted as that of TO ev TO> aTrocrroXo) 
ayiov Trvevpa. 12 It is also quoted with <j>rja-L lz The form 
o aTTocrroXo? u is associated with quotations, and also the 
form 6 IlaOXo?, 15 sometimes with, sometimes without, hon 
orific epithets. Numerous passages are incorporated without 
reference. 16 There are suggestions of many others. 

The Second Epistle to the Corinthians is mentioned by 
name. 17 It is quoted as rj ypacfrrj, 18 and as the utterance of 
the Truth, 19 and as the exhortation of the Word. 20 We have 
also the forms o d-TrocrroAo?, 21 o IlaOXo?, with or without 

1 Psed.,i. s 19 ; Str., ii. 6 s29 ; iii. 4 39 ; iii. n 75 ; iv. 3 9 ; v. 4 26 . 

2 Ib., iii. I2 97 . 3 Str., iii. 8 61 ; iii. I2 85 . 4 42 times. 
5 8 times. 6 Pad., i. 8 69 ; ii. 1 10 ; Prot., x. 59 . 

7 Prot., x. w . s Pzed., i. 6 33 ; Str., ii. 22 136 ; v. 12 8; vii. 14 84 . 

9 Psed., i. ; 61 ; Str., i. 14 59 , &c. 10 Str., iii. 6 53 . tv rivi tvi<TTo\rj. 

11 Cf. Str., vii. I4 84 . 12 Psed., i. 6 49 . 

13 Ib., ii. I 6 ; ii. 1 10 ; ii. i 13 . 14 42 times. 15 9 times. 

16 Psed., ii. i 10 ; iii. ii 79 . 17 Str., iv. i6 100 . 

18 Ib., vi. 8 19 Prot., xi. 116 . 20 Psed., iii. 2 ". 21 10 times. 



230 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

honorific epithets. Passages are incorporated without 
reference. There are suggestions of many others by a 
word. 1 

The Epistle to the Galatians is referred to by name. 2 
Passages taken from it belong to the " Divine Scrip 
ture." 3 We have the phrase o aTroo-roXo? 4 and also 
6 IlaOXo?. 5 A few passages are incorporated without refer 
ence; and there are suggestions of others. 

The Epistle to the Ephesians is quoted by name. 6 It is 
plain from the exegesis of Origen that the words ev E<ecr&> 
were not in his MSS. Whether they were in those used by 
Clement or not, the Alexandrian tradition as represented by 
him is in favour of the Ephesian destination of the letter ; 
and it must have been in the superscription. The Epistle 
belongs to the "Divine Scriptures." 7 It is quoted with 
77 ypa<f>rf. 8 We have the forms 6 aTroo-roXo? 9 with honorific 
epithets and o IlauXo?. Some passages are incorporated 
without reference, sometimes with a comment. There are 
suggestions by words or phrases of others. 10 

The Epistle to the Philippians is referred to by name. 11 
It is nowhere designated as rj ypa<f>ij. It is quoted 
with the indefinite " ev T IVL eVtcrroXi}." 12 We have the 
forms o aTroerToXo?, 13 o Ilai/Xo?. One or two passages are 
quoted without reference ; 14 and there are suggestions of 
others. 15 

The Epistle to the Colossians is quoted by name. 16 It 
belongs to the "Divine Scriptures." 17 77 ypa<j>r} is used in 



1 Paed., iii. n 79 ; iii. I2 94 ; Prot., x. 94 , KainiXevu. Cf. 2 Cor. ii. 17. 

2 Psed., i. 9 s3 ; Str., iii. 15". 3 Psed., iii. I2 97 . 4 5 times. 
5 4 times. 6 Psed., i. 5 18 ; Str., iv. 8 64 . 

7 Poed., iii. I2 97 . 8 Str., v. 5 . 9 16 times. 

10 Prot., ii. ^ ; Psed., i. 6 W ; Prot., x. 92 . 

11 Str., iv. I3 9S . Cf. Prot., i. 8 . 12 Str. iii. 6 5 ". 13 5 times. 
14 Prot., i. 8 . Paed., iii. 12". Cf. Phil. iii. 20. 

16 Str., i. i 15 ; iv. 8 65 , &c. 17 Pd., iii. I2 97 . 






INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 231 

the sense of a passage of Scripture. 1 We have the forms 
o a7ro<7To Xo9, 2 o IlaiJXo?. 

The First Epistle to the Thessalonians is not quoted by 
name. It belongs to the " Divine Scriptures." 3 It is quoted 
as r) ypa^tj.^ We have o aTroo-roXo?. 5 One passage is quoted 
without reference ; and there is a suggestion of another. 6 

The Second Epistle to the Thessalonians is not quoted 
by name, nor are any passages from it quoted as 77 ypa(j>r}. 
One passage is quoted without reference. 7 There is a 
possible suggestion of another. 8 

The First Epistle to Timothy is quoted as addressed to 
Timothy. 9 There is a reference to the Second Epistle by 
mistake for the First. 10 It is quoted as r) ypa(f)7J n and also 
with yeypctTTTai,. 12 Passages from it are quoted as belonging 
to the " Divine Scriptures." 13 Precepts in it are taken from 
the " Sacred Books." 14 Passages are quoted under the form 
o aTrocrToXo?, o IlauXo?, with or without a honorific epithet. 1 ^ 
One passage is incorporated without reference. There are 
suggestions of others. 16 

The Second Epistle to Timothy is mentioned by name, 
and as addressed to Timothy. 17 Passages are quoted with 
o aTToo-roXo?, with and without honorific epithet. 18 No 
passages are quoted with the name of o ITauXo? simply. 
No passages are quoted without reference. Clement states 
that the heretics rejected the authenticity of the Epistles to 
Timothy on dogmatic grounds. 19 

1 Str., iv. S 66 . 2 6 times. 3 Paed., iii. I2 97 . 

4 Ib., ii. 9 80 . 5 4 times. 6 Str., vii. lo 57 . 

7 Ib., v. 3 17 . 8 Prot., x. M . 9 Psed., ii. 2 19 ; Str., i. 1 4 ; ii. 2 52 . 

10 Str., iii. 6 53 . " Ib., iv. 3 9 . 12 Ib., iv. i6 100 . 

13 Psed., iii. I2 97 . " Ib. 

15 Str., i. 10 49 ; iii. 6 51 . 16 Prot., ix. . 

17 Str., iii. 6 53 ; iv. 7 49 . 18 Ib., i. io 49 ; v. i. 5 . 

19 Cf. ii. II 52 . vvb TaiyTTjs i\cyx&nwoi rrjs ^wi fjs (i.e., I Tim. vi. 20) oc 
WV alpe<rewv ras vpbs TipdQeov aOcrovcriv eiri<rro\<is. 



TWV 



232 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

The Epistle to Titus is quoted by name. 1 Precepts con 
tained in it are assigned to the " Sacred Books. " A pas 
sage is quoted as rj a7roo-ro\iKr) rypa<f)r}. 5 Another passage is 
quoted as from the divinely-inspired apostle of the Lord. 4 

The Epistle to Philemon is nowhere quoted or referred 
to. That this does not necessarily imply ignorance of its 
existence or doubt of its authority is plain from his apparent 
ignorance of certain books of the Old Testament. The 
omission was probably due to its brevity and its personal 
note. The contents were of no special interest to him, as 
the question of slavery was to all appearance not urgent in 
the Church in Alexandria. 

The Epistle to the Hebrews is quoted by name, and as 
the work of Paul. 5 A passage is quoted as from the divine 
apostle. 6 We have also o aTroo-roXo? simply. 7 A passage is 
quoted without reference, and there are suggestions of 
others. 8 In a passage from the " Hypotyposes," preserved 
by Eusebius, the position of Clement with regard to the 
authorship of Hebrews is given as follows : " The Epistle to 
the Hebrews was the work of Paul, and was written to the 
Hebrews in the Hebrew language, but Luke translated it 
carefully and published it for the Greeks. Hence the simi 
larity in the complexion of style between Acts and Hebrews. 
The words, Paul the Apostle, were probably not prefixed, 
because in sending it to the Hebrews, who were prejudiced 
and suspicious of him, he did not wish to repel them at the 
outset by putting his name." 9 The interest of this hypo 
thesis is that Clement has observed the difference in style 
between Hebrews and the Pauline Epistles and its likeness 
to St Luke. 10 

1 Str., i. 14 69 ; iv. 20 128 , 2 Psed., iii. 12 97 , s Prot, i. *. * Ib., i. 7 . 
6 Str., v. 10 62 ; vi. 8 62 . 6 Ib., ii. 2 8 . 7 7 times. 

8 Prot., ix. . 9 Eus., H. E., vi. 14. 

10 Cf. Adum. in i Pet. v. 13; Stah., vol. iii. p. 206. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 233 

From this record it appears that, with the exception of 
Philemon, all the Epistles of St Paul were used by Clement ; 
that, with the exception of ist and 2nd Thessalonians, all 
the Epistles are mentioned by name ; that, with the excep 
tion of the Epistles to the Philippians, 2nd Timothy, and 
Hebrews, all the Epistles are quoted as Scripture, or in 
phrases which imply scriptural authority ; that, apart from 
cases where a honorific epithet is attached to the name of 
Paul or to him as the apostle, the form o a-Troo-roXo?, most 
naturally interpreted as the Apostle par excellence, occurs 
more than 120 times, most frequently in ist Corinthians, 
Romans, and Ephesians, least frequently in Philippians and 
the Pastoral Epistles, and not at all in 2nd Thessalonians ; 
that, with the exception of ist Thessalonians and Titus, we 
have passages incorporated without reference or suggestions 
of passages. As has been shown in the survey of references 
to the Old Testament Scriptures, the absence of the word 
r) ypa<t>rj cannot be pressed as showing that Philippians, 2nd 
Timothy, and Hebrews occupied in his mind a lower level 
than the other Epistles ; and the detailed examination leads 
to the same conclusion as that drawn from the more general 
principles previously considered, that the Epistles of St 
Paul were normative in all questions of doctrine and ethics 
for the Church of Alexandria in the time of Clement. 

According to the statement of Eusebius, Clement com 
mented on all the catholic Epistles. To what extent is 
this confirmed by the evidence of the extant writings ? 

There is no clear evidence of Clement s knowledge of the 
Epistle of St James. The passage, " faith is perfected 
through gnosis," 1 can hardly be regarded as an allusion 
to "faith was perfected by works." The explanation of 
the word "God of all grace "because He is good and 

1 Str., vii. 10 65 . Sio rarfTTjs (i.e., -yvAffcws} yap re\ttovrai y irivrts. 



234 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

the Giver of all good things is slender evidence of his 
knowledge of St James ii. 22. 1 The references to Abraham 
as the " friend of God " from the context are most naturally 
referred to the Old Testament. 2 The passage in St James 
iv. 6 is twice given ; but in one case it is taken from Clement 
of Rome, 3 and in the other case it is impossible to say whether 
it is taken from the Epistle of St James, or from the parallel 
passage in the First Epistle of St Peter, or from the Book 
of Proverbs. 4 As it is quoted as rj ypa^rj, which no other 
passage of ist Peter is, it is most probably to be assigned 
to Proverbs. The saying quoted in the Stromateis might 
be taken either from St Matthew or from St James. 5 It is 
nearer in form to the latter than the former ; but, as in the 
first instance noted, it is quoted as a saying of the Lord, and 
in the latter case it is incorporated without reference, the 
probability is that he was thinking of the passage in St 
Matthew. By Justin and others the passage in St Matthew 
is quoted in the form employed by Clement. The strongest 
case for his knowledge of St James is the reference in the 
Stromateis, where, it is true, the command to love one s 
neighbour is associated, not, as in James, with a " royal 
law," but with " royal persons." 6 This difference in the 
case of Clement, whose memory was often tenacious of 
single words, does not disprove that that passage was in 
his mind. But of itself the passage is hardly sufficient to 
prove the thesis, as it is not clearly confirmed by other 
testimony. At the most, the evidence in regard to St James 
does not go beyond a " non liquet." 

The First Epistle of St Peter is quoted by name. 7 No 



1 Adum. in I Pet. ; Stah., vol. iii. p. 206. 

2 Paed., iii. 2 12 ; iii. 8 42 ; Str., ii. 5 20 . * Str., iv. i; 106 . 

4 Ib., iii. 6 49 ; i Pet. v. 5. ; Rom. iii. 34. 

5 Str., v. 14"; vii. II OT . Cf. vii. 8 54 . Cf. Matt. v. 37 with James v. 12. 

6 Str., vi. i8 164 . Cf., however, i Pet. 2 9 . 7 Str., iii. i8 110 ; iv. 2O 139 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 235 



passage is quoted with 77 rypafyrj. A passage is quoted with 
facrl, or as a saying of the Tutor. 1 One passage is quoted with 
the words TO elprj^evov arylws? Peter is designated o /jLa/cdpios 3 
and o Oavudcnos* Numerous passages are quoted simply 
as the sayings of Peter. 5 Several passages are quoted 
without reference, 6 and there are numerous suggestions. 7 

The Second Epistle of St Peter is nowhere mentioned nor 
quoted. The fact that he only seems to have known one 
epistle because he uses the phrase ev rrj eVto-roX^ 8 does not 
prove that he knew only one; for he uses a like phrase of 
1st John, 9 though he knew of more than one, and also of 
ist Corinthians. 10 Potter gives two references to 2nd Peter. 
The first proves nothing ; the second is a mistake for ist 
Peter. In Strom, i. i 2 some have found a possible reference 
to 2nd Peter ii. 22 ; but on a phrase so proverbial nothing 
can be built. There is a possible suggestion of 2nd Peter 
i. 10 in Strom, vii. n 66 and Quis Dives, c. 36; but the pos 
sibility is barely established. As in the case of St James, the 
statement of Eusebius may be held to demonstrate Clement s 
knowledge of 2nd Peter ; but in his extant works there is no 
evidence of such knowledge. As the emphasising of know 
ledge in the Epistle was in harmony with his way of think 
ing, the absence of reference here is the more noteworthy. 
In one case, moreover, where he accuses the heretics of 
twisting the Scriptures with a view to their own pleasures, 
a reference so apposite to the context as that of 2nd Peter 
iii. 16 might naturally have been expected. 11 

Part of his commentary on the Epistle of St Jude sur 
vives in a Latin version. Elsewhere the Epistle is definitely 



1 Pad., iii. ii. 2 Ib> j iie 

3 Stah., vol. iii. p. 219. 4 Str., iii. II 75 . 

5 Peed., i. 6 44 ; iii. n 74 ; Str., iv. 7 46 ; Ex. Theod., 12. 6 Prot., iv. 59. 

7 E.g., Str., i. 28 178 ; iii. 4 31 ; vii. 7 35 8 Ib - " l8 U - 

9 Ib., iii. 432. 10 Ib., v. 12 *>. n Ib., iii. 4 S9 



236 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

assigned to St Jude. 1 A passage is quoted with " Jude 
says," 2 and another with the words SiSao-KaXi/ccoTaTa 
KTi0Tcu. s A passage is quoted without reference. 4 

The First Epistle of St John is specifically mentioned. 5 
A passage is quoted as having been spoken by John Oeiws 
ye KOI eW7ri>oft>9, 6 another passage with <r;crt. 7 Several 
sayings are quoted as sayings of John. 8 One passage is 
quoted without reference. 9 Part of the commentary sur 
vives in a Latin version. 

Clement knew of at least two Epistles of St John, as 
he refers to the " larger epistle." 10 Part of a commentary 
on the Second Epistle survives in a Latin Version. 
Clement regards trcke/crtf as a proper name, and says that 
the letter was addressed to a certain Babylonian. 11 

There is no trace of the Third Epistle in the extant 
writings of Clement. 

The Book of Revelation is assigned to St John. 12 It is 
quoted as " The Apocalypse." 13 If this does not prove that 
the Apocalypse of St John occupied a higher platform than 
the other Apocalypses then current, it shows that at least 
it was more widely known. A reference to the Word as 
Alpha and Omega is found twice, and there is a kindred 
reference to the Lord. 14 With the indefinite phrase, "we 
have heard," there is a reference to the precious stones on 
the walls and gates of the Jerusalem that is above. 15 A 
comment implies that it is " Scripture." There is a refer- 



1 Str., iii. 2". 2 Pad., iii. 8". 3 Ib., iii. 8 4 Str., vi. S 65 . 

5 Ib., ii. I5 66 ; iii. 4 32 . 6 Q. D., 37. 7 Str., iii. 5 42 . 

8 Psed., iii. ii 82 ; iii. I2 98 ; Str., iii. 5 44 ; iii. 6 45 ; iv. i6 100 . 

9 Str., v. i 13 . 10 Ib., ii. 15 <*. 

11 " Scripta vero est ad quandam Babyloniam Electam " (Stah. vol. iii 
p. 215) (2 John i.) 

12 Str., vi. is 106 . 13 Psed., ii. io 108 . 
14 Ib., i. 6 36 ; Str., iv. 25 157 . 

16 Psed., ii. 12 m . rb <rv/j.po\iKbv ra>v 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 237 

ence to the contents of Rev. v. 6. 1 There are suggestions 
of other passages. 2 

If the positions here supported be adopted, it would 
appear that in the extant works of Clement we have clear 
evidence of his knowledge and recognition of all the books 
that now form the canon of the New Testament, with the 
exception of Philemon, 2nd Peter, and 3rd John, and that 
in the case of James the evidence is inconclusive. 

From the evidence it would appear that Clement was 
acquainted with at least two groups of authoritative books 
other than the writings of the Old Testament the one 
designated TO ei>ayye\t,ov, the other o anroaroKo^. Though 
the Gospels could not have been formed into one roll, 3 they 
are virtually regarded as forming one book. As in the New 
Testament we find the " Law " given as a denomination 
for the whole of the Old Testament, 4 so it has been 
suggested that Clement uses the word "Gospel" for the 
whole writings which he recognised as belonging to the 
New Testament. But the arguments are inconclusive ; 
and it is all but certain that he used the word to 
express the four canonical Gospels only. 

A second group seems to be quoted under the name of 
" The Apostle." In an overwhelming number of cases the 
word simply means St Paul. But in some cases though 
we nowhere find the phrase "in the Apostle " as a parallel 
phrase to that " in the Gospel " it seems to refer to 
writings. As it is nowhere applied to any quotation from 
the Epistles of the other Apostles, it is probably to be 
interpreted as meaning the Epistles of St Paul only. In 
the plural form the phrase does not seem to be applied to 
writings but to individuals, whose writings for that reason 

1 Str., v. 6 35 . 2 E.g., Paed., iii. 3 25 . 

3 Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the N. T., p. 31. 

4 I Cor. xiv. 21. 



238 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

are recognised as authoritative. In this way the term 
might include both the Catholic Epistles and the Pauline 
Epistles. 

The manner in which " Gospel " and " Apostle " are 
referred to implies their authoritative character. But it 
does not follow that they were regarded as parts of an 
exclusive whole, of a canon in the latter sense of the 
word. Clement uses the word " canon " in various ways. 
He speaks of the " canon of the truth," of the " canon of 
the faith," of the " canon of the Church," of the "ecclesi 
astical canon." 1 This last is defined as "the harmony 
and agreement of the Law and the Prophets with the 
Covenant delivered at the coming of the Lord." ; It is 
therefore a canon of interpretation, not of the contents of 
that to which the canon applied, though it implies a 
certain relationship between the things interpreted. The 
question of a canon, considered as an authoritative collec 
tion of writings, turns rather on the interpretation to be 
put on the word &La0rffcrj. The word is used by him in 
the New Testament sense of " covenant," without any refer 
ence to a written testament, sometimes in a sense that fluc 
tuates between these conceptions. But in some cases the 
natural interpretation suggests a written document. He 
speaks of the importance of philosophy in enabling us to 
distinguish synonymous expressions in the Testaments. 3 
After quoting a saying of the Lord in the Gospel of St 
Matthew, he asks, quoting a passage from the Book of 
Proverbs, " Does He not legislate to the same effect in 
the Old Testament ? " 4 Elsewhere he contrasts the saying 
of the Law with a saying of the Lord Himself in the New 



1 Str.,vii. i6 94 ; iv. 15 98 ; vii. 16 105 ; vii. ; 41 . 

2 Ib., vi. I5 125 . 3 Ib., i. 9 U . 

4 Ib., iii. 6 M . ouxl Se TO avra Kai 4v rfj ira\cua Siad^Krj vo/xofltTe? ; Prov. 
xix. 17 ; Matt. xxv. 40. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 239 

Testament. 1 The one was a written authority ; is it not 
most natural to regard the other, the contrasted, source, 
as also written ? So he speaks of the Epistles of St Paul 
as depending on the Old Testament. 2 But though there 
is this conception of a written Testament, and though the 
conception of a New Testament was logically prior to 
any collection of writings, and may have been at work 
unconsciously, it is plain from Clement s treatment of 
other works that the conception was not consciously 
realised nor logically developed. 

The extensive use of writings not regarded as canonical 
is one of the most pronounced features in the works of 
Clement. Of some a mere mention must suffice. The 
Book of Enoch is quoted as the work of Enoch, and an 
allusion to the same passage is found elsewhere. 3 In view 
of the precedent in the Epistle of St Jude, this is in 
no way surprising. 4 The Apocalypse of Elias is quoted 
without reference as Scripture. 5 There is a probable refer 
ence to " The Acts of Paul," 6 and to " The Acts of John." 7 
The limited use of such as compared with the "Acts of 
the Apostles" would seem to indicate that he had no 
direct knowledge of them, or that he regarded them 
as relatively unimportant. One passage seems to be 
taken from "The Apocalypse of Zephaniah." 8 There 
are two references by name to "The Traditions of 
Matthias," and another passage with the name of 
Matthew only. 9 Some have identified this work with 
the "Gospel according to Matthew," to which Origen 
makes allusion, 10 but so far as can be gathered from 

1 Str., iii. io 71 . Cf. v. I 3 85 ; vii. i6 100 . 2 Ib., iv. 21 134 . 

3 EC. Pr., 53 ; Str., i. 17 8 . 4 J"de v. 14. 

5 Prot., x. 94 . 6 Str., vi. 5*. 

7 Stab., vol. iii. p. 210. 8 Str., v. ii 77 . 

9 Ib., ii. 9 45 ; vii. I s 82 ; iii. 4 26 . 10 Horn, in Luc. i. 



240 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

Clement s use of it, it contained not sayings of Jesus 
but of Matthew the Apostle. 1 

The most important questions arise in connection with 
his use of the Apocryphal Gospels, the Didache, the First 
Epistle of Clement of Rome, the Epistle of Barnabas, the 
Pastor of Hermas, the Apocalypse of Peter, and the 
Preaching of Peter. 

Two Apocryphal Gospels, the Gospel according to the 
Egyptians and the Gospel according to the Hebrews, are 
mentioned by name. In speaking of the first-mentioned 
he says: " In the first place, we have not the saying in 
the Four Gospels handed down to us but in the Gospel 
according to the Egyptians." Apparently, therefore, 
Clement does not recognise the authority of any Gospel 
other than the canonical four ; and we might have 
expected that that would have ended the discussion, and 
that his use of it was only to be regarded as an "archaism." 3 
But the matter is not quite so simple as it seems. For on 
the first occasion on which he refers to the passage, he 
explains the answer of the Lord in allegorical fashion ; and 
on the second occasion he accuses the heretics who had 
adduced the passage of not noting the context, and 
explains the addition which they had omitted allegorically. 
No doubt this might be interpreted as meaning that he 
was willing to discuss the matter from their standpoint, or 
on the assumption of their premises. But it is much more 
probable that it was to him a genuine saying of the Lord. 
He distinguishes in effect between the validity to be as 
cribed to the particular saying itself and the ecclesiastical 
authority of the book in which the saying is recorded. 
Another saying of the Lord may be taken from this Gospel. 4 

The "Gospel according to the Hebrews" is mentioned 

1 See Appendix G. 2 Str., iii. I3 93 ; cf. Q. D., 5. 

3 Leipoldt, p. 159. 4 Str., iii. I5 97 . So Stahlin. See Appendix G. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 241 

by name, and a saying is quoted with the formula, " It is 
written in the Gospel according to the Hebrews." l There 
it is classed as parallel to a thought in the Thesetetus 
of Plato, and in the Traditions of Matthias. The same 
saying is adduced without reference, 2 the context, however, 
suggesting that he regarded it as authoritative. Clement 
seems to have regarded the saying as a genuine saying of 
the Lord, though he does not expressly say so, and does 
not even clearly indicate that it is such ; but, as in the 
case of the " Gospel according to the Egyptians," this 
does not imply that he recognised the canonical authority 
of the whole book. Individual sayings are quoted with fj 
ypa^tj and \eyet, 6 acortjp^ which may have come either from 
oral tradition or some non-canonical Gospel ; but so far as 
they are not explained on the principle just suggested, they 
may be due to a slip of memory, or may be regarded as 
the survival of the influence of an earlier period, when he 
had not yet definitely formulated a distinction between 
what was canonical and what was not. There is no 
saying quoted with the phrase " In the Gospel " that 
can be definitely assigned to any non-canonical Gospel. 

Though relative frequency of quotation does not furnish 
an absolute criterion of relative value, it has a certain force. 
While the Gospel of St Matthew is quoted or referred to 
from three to four hundred times, and there are references 
to some passage in every chapter of the Gospel of St 
Luke, and to all but the ninth chapter in the Gospel of 
St John, there is only one quotation, twice repeated from 
the " Gospel according to the Hebrews," and two or 
three, dealing with the same incident, from the " Gospel 
according to the Egyptians." If Clement or his antag 
onists had put any non - canonical Gospel in the same 

1 Str., ii. 9 45 . See Appendix G. 2 Str., v. 14 y6 . 

9 See Appendix G. 



242 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

category as the canonical Gospels, it is inconceivable that 
the references to them should have been so few. It is a 
proof that the non - canonical Gospels stood in a purely 
external relation to his inner development, and had con 
tributed little or nothing to it. In any case, it shows that 
in the non -canonical Gospels there was little that was 
not found in the canonical Gospels, and that that little 
was not of much value. 

The " Didache " was familiar to Clement. This is proved 
by the form in which he quotes the Decalogue. 1 It is 
often said that the " Didache " is quoted by Clement as 
rf ypa(f>ij. From the previous sentence to that in which 
the term is used it is more probable that the reference 
is to John x. 8. 2 The " Didache " is, however, quoted in 
the next sentence with cf>r)o-L* 

If we apply to the Epistles of Clement of Rome and 
Barnabas the same criteria which we have applied to the 
Pauline Epistles, we find the results to be as follows. The 
Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians is quoted by name, 
and as the work of Clement. 4 It is nowhere quoted as 
77 Ypa<j)rf. It is quoted with yeypaTTTai with the Epistle to 
the Corinthians by name, 5 and in one case as the " Epistle 
of the Romans to the Corinthians." 6 It is quoted with 
</>7?<7t, 7 though in one case the subject may be Clement of 
Rome himself. 8 In the series of quotations from the 
Epistle of Clement in Strom, iv., 9 he is designated as 
the apostle Clement. He is not named with any such 
honorific epithets as are attached to the name of Paul. 
It is doubtful whether Clement could have regarded as 
Scripture in the fullest sense, or as on a level with the 



1 Psed., iii. I2 89 ; Str., iii. 4 s6 . ov 

2 Str., i. 20 100 . 3 Ib. ; Did., iii. 5. 4 Str., i. 7 38 ; iv. 17 105 ; vi. 8 65 . 
6 Ib., iv. 17". 6 Ib., v. I2 80 . 7 Ib., iv. 17 108 . 

8 Ib., iv. i8 m . 9 Ib., iv. 17. 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 243 

Pauline Epistles, a letter in which he conceived of the 
writer as the spokesman of a church ; but it is certainly 
a writing which he treats with great respect, and it was 
probably regarded by him as authoritative. 

The question as to the Epistle of Barnabas is more com 
plicated. One passage is quoted with <j>rja-L l Barnabas is 
designated as the Apostle 2 or apostolic, 3 as " one of the 
Seventy and a fellow - worker with Paul," 4 as "one who 
proclaimed the Gospel along with the Apostle," 5 as "one 
of the Seventy who received gnosis from the Apostles." 6 
Sometimes Clement quotes or appropriates the fanciful 
interpretations of the Old Testament which are character 
istic of Barnabas. 7 The evidence in favour of its canonicity 
in his eyes seems so far cogent. But there is evidence of a 
contrary kind. When quoting the exposition of the First 
Psalm by Barnabas, he quotes other expositions with no 
indication that that of Barnabas stood on a different plat 
form from the others, and, apparently, with a preference 
for another than that of Barnabas. 8 From this attitude 
of his two opposite conclusions may be drawn. We may 
say with Leipoldt that to the consciousness of Clement 
there was no clear distinction between Scripture and valu 
able historical sources, and that his attitude to a "work 
which he certainly regarded as canonical " shows that his 
" corpus ecclesiasticum " was not a fixed quantity. 9 Or, we 
may hold that a work whose authority is not unquestionably 
accepted by him cannot have had in his eyes canonical 
authority. He never dreams, for example, of differing 
from St Paul, or St Peter, or St John, but is satisfied with 
expounding them. If that be so, the designation " the 

1 Psed., iii. 12 9. 2 Str., ii. 6 31 ; ii. 7 35 . 3 Ib., ii. 20 116 . 

4 Ib. 5 Ib., v. io 63 . 6 Stah., vol. iii. p. 199. 

7 Peed., iii. ii 75 ; Str., v. 8 62 ; vi. ii 84 . 

8 Str., ii. is 68 . fl Op. /., p. 234. 



244 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

apostle " cannot of itself in that case involve authority ; 
and the phrases that are attached to his name only 
indicate that he was entitled to such deference as might 
be awarded to a fellow - worker of Paul. The citation 
with </>?7crt might, then, be regarded as a slip of memory. 
This gains a measure of support in the fact that on 
the only other occasion of its use the same passage is 
attached to a passage in the book of Isaiah. 1 Further 
doubt as to the position of Barnabas is suggested by the 
circumstance that in the Paedagogus he seems to be 
giving a direct contradiction to a statement of his. At 
any rate, he emphatically contradicts a hypothesis which 
from his knowledge of the immediate context in the 
Epistle of Barnabas he could not fail to know was held 
by Barnabas. 2 This seems decisive. The work of Bar 
nabas, accordingly, was to him that of one who was to 
be honoured as a fellow-worker of Paul, and with whom 
as an exponent of the Old Testament he had himself 
some intellectual sympathy, rather than an authoritative 
Scripture. 

No doubt attaches to his recognition of the canonical 
authority of the Pastor of Hermas. It is regarded as 
what it claims to be, the record of a revelation granted 
to Hermas in a vision. 3 It is quoted under the name of 
The Shepherd. 4 A saying of Hermas is commented on 
as if it were a passage of Scripture. 5 It is quoted in 
support of his dogmatic thesis that the apostles preached 
the Gospel to the heathen in Hades. 6 It is quoted on 
the relation of the Christian virtues to one another, 7 and 



1 Str.,ii. i8 79 . 

2 Poed. , ii. IO* 5 : O$KOVV oi8e r^v vaivav fjLCTafidXXtiv r^v <f>v<riv 
Barn., x. : TOVTO ykp rb u>ov Trap* eviauTbv a\\dcr(rfi TJ\V (j>vffiv t 

3 Str., i. 29 181 ; ii. I 3 . 4 Ib., ii. 12 65 ; iv. 
6 EC. Pr., 45. 6 Str., vi. 6 16 . 7 Ib., ii. I2 55 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 245 

also alongside of a saying of St Paul and a saying of the 
Lord. 1 It is quoted in support of his contention as to 
the difference between the letter and the inner meaning, 2 
and as to the utterance of some truths by the false 
prophets. 3 

Clement regards as authoritative and authentic all the 
literature that circulated in the name of Peter. Of these 
the most important are The Apocalypse of Peter and 
* The Preaching of Peter. According to Eusebius, Clement 
commented on the Apocalypse of Peter in his Hypo- 
typoses ; 4 and the passages in the Selections from the 
Prophets support this statement. 5 The fact that the 
teaching of * The Apocalypse of Peter/ in the fragmentary 
form in which we now have it, is so entirely out of har 
mony with Clement s own teaching on punishment for sin, 
may mean that the document has undergone many inter 
polations. If not, that he should have accepted a docu 
ment as authoritative which was so foreign to his own 
way of thinking, proves how dominant in his mind was 
the conception of apostolic authority as a guarantee of 
inspiration. It must have required all his allegorical 
subtlety to explain away its details. 

The Preaching of Peter is quoted by name, and as the 
work of Peter. 6 It is quoted in support of his view that the 
souls in Hades must have had an opportunity of hearing the 
Gospel. 7 It is quoted with great regard for the letter of 
the passage in support of his contention that the Greeks 
had an imperfect knowledge and worship of the true God, 8 
that Greeks, Jews, and Christians all knew God, though in a 

1 Str., iv. 9 74 . 2 Ib., vi. I5 131 . 

3 Ib.,i. I7 85 . 4 H. E., vi. 14. 

5 EC. Pr., 41, 48, 49. From a comparison of Fragments 41 and 48 it is plain 
that he regarded it as Scripture and commented on it as such. 

6 Str., i. 29 182 ; ii. 15 68 ; EC. Pr., 58. 

*Str.,vi. 6 "Ib.,vi. 5 . 



246 SCRIPTURE : ITS NATURE, 

different way, 1 and that God gave philosophy to the Greeks. 2 
A saying from it is quoted and put alongside one assigned 
to the Apostle Paul. 3 It is also quoted in support of his 
view as to parabolic teaching and the interpretation of 
the Old Testament. 4 Though it is not quoted with any 
of the ordinary forms that imply inspiration or authority, 
there can be no doubt from his method of use that he 
regarded it as a canonical Scripture, simply because, as in 
the case of the Apocalypse, he regarded it as the work of 
the Apostle Peter. 

The conception of a canon logically involved that of 
a closed canon and a clear recognition of the principles on 
which it should be formed ; but the use of apocryphal 
books by Clement shows that in Alexandria the conception 
was yet in flux, that the question of an authoritative record 
had not yet been definitely settled, nor the principles of its 
formation formulated. All the books of the New Testa 
ment, with the exceptions already noted, were known to 
Clement and used by him as authoritative ; but alongside 
of these, some as equal in rank, some as lower in rank, were 
placed other productions believed to belong to the apostolic 
or sub-apostolic age. Clement witnesses to the importance 
that was attached in the formation of the canon to apostolic 
authorship or apostolic sanction, and to the part played by 
the Catholic Church, as claiming to be the custodier of 
apostolic tradition, in determining what was, or was not, 
cognate to itself and its teaching. In estimating his posi 
tion as a representative man, we have to keep in mind his 
strong individualism, his belief in the universality of inspira 
tion, his genial outlook on Greek literature, and the influ- 

1 Str., vi. 5 41 . 3 Ib., vi. 5 ^ 

8 Ib., vi. 5 43 . The saying is from The Acts of Paul. 
4 Str., vi. I 5 127 , 128 . 



INTERPRETATION, AND EXTENT 247 

ence which these exercised. But as a counterpoise to this 
have to be placed his official position and his extensive 
journeyings in pursuit of Christian truth, which entitle 
him to be regarded as a representative not of Alexandria 
merely, but of the Church in widely scattered districts of 
the Roman Empire. 



APPENDIX A. 

ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS. 

IN Greek song and story we read how Amphion built the walls 
of Thebes by his skill in music, how Orpheus tamed the wild 
beasts, how the grasshopper took the place of the broken string 
on the lyre of Eunomus. But my Eunomus sings not in Phrygian 
or in Lydian measure, but He sings the new song " a song to 
lull all pain and error, and bring forgetfulness of every sorrow." 
Orpheus and Amphion corrupted the life of man under the mask 
of music ; my Singer has destroyed the bitter slavery of the 
demons, and by the might of His song such as were but " stones " 
and "beasts" become men. 1 This song has brought the whole 
universe into harmony. The Word of God the New Song is 
the philanthropic instrument of God. Our salvation is His only 
harvest from us. Though designated by me the New Song, " He 
was before the morning-star " ; He " was in the beginning." The 
source of our being and our wellbeing, the Word, by whom all 
things were created, has appeared as our teacher to bestow on us 
eternal life. His pity is an eternal pity. Like those who bind 
captives to the dead, the wicked serpent binds living men to dead 
idols. He who now exhorts men to salvation is He who once 
spoke to men through the thorn and the cloud, and by the pillar of 
fire terrified men. Then He spoke by the mouth of the prophets ; 
now, the Lord Himself, the compassionate God, speaks clearly to 
men. The Word of God became man that thou mightst learn from 
man how man may become God. Be very earnest in regard to 
Christ. He is the door to a true conception of God : only through 
Him is God truly discerned by the initiated. 2 Do not concern 



250 APPENDIX A 

yourselves with oracles and other insane forms of divination, arti 
fices of unbelieving men. The mysteries are a seed of wickedness 
and corruption. What you are not ashamed to worship I shall 
not refrain from describing. What of Aphrodite, her origin and 
rites? Are not the mysteries of Demeter an insult and a jest? 
What of Zeus and his intercourse with Persephone ? What of the 
inhuman mysteries of Dionysus and the savagery of the Titans? 
The mysteries of the Cabiri are but murders and funerals. 1 Their 
mysteries are mysteries of atheists. Are they not atheists who 
do not recognise the truly existent God, and call those gods who 
are nothing but a name ? Strange that men like Euhemerus, who 
saw clearly the errors of men in regard to God, should have been 
called atheists. The extreme points of atheism are ignorance and 
superstition. By it the primal fellowship between God and man 
was darkened, and man, the child of God, has been turned aside 
from the heavenly way of life. Some have deified the stars and 
worshipped the sun. Some have made gods of the fruits of the 
earth. Some have deified retribution and calamities. Some have 
made idols of the passions. Some deify incidents that befall men. 
Some manufacture gods and speak of their birth. Some attribute 
the beneficence of God Himself to " saviours," as Heracles and 
Asclepius. 2 The things recorded of your gods really happened to 
dissolute men. Their fatherland, their crafts, their way of life, their 
graves, prove that they were but men. Listen to the loves of your 
gods the monstrous legends of their dissoluteness, their wounds 
and their battles, their laughter and tears. The games, Isthmian, 
Olympian, and the like, were primarily gatherings at tombs. The 
mysteries seem to have been held in honour of the dead. Your 
gods ate and drank, sometimes unwittingly of the flesh of men like 
Zeus. The myths about Zeus are antiquated ; he is dead and 
buried in Crete. 3 Your Zeus, your Apollo, have different names 
and characteristics. Better than such worship the Egyptian worship 
of creatures without reason ; they at least are not unnatural in their 
lusts. You scoff at the Egyptians ; but do not some of you worship 
the stork, the weasel, and the ant? The impure demons are no 
" guardians of articulate-speaking men." Do they guard you from 
committing sin, as, of course, they have had no experience of it ? 
1 ii. ", 12 . 2 ii. 23-26. s ii. 27 - 37 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 25 1 

Like gluttons they are enticed by the smoke, "the drink-offering 
and burnt-offering which is their due." l Those gods of yours are 
inhuman and enjoy human sacrifices. A place does not transform 
a murder into a sacrifice. To sacrifice a man to Artemis is as 
much a murder as if done in passion or from lust of gold. You 
turn aside from a serpent, why not from man-hating demons ? Can 
truth or profit be got from the wicked? Your temples are but 
tombs. Yourselves dead, you have put your trust in the dead ; 
"your heads are shrouded in night." 2 

Statues are the work of men. As art flourished, error grew. 
The statue of Zeus at Olympias was fashioned by Pheidias. Other 
statues are the work of other sculptors, as the Egyptian Serapis 
the so-called "made without hands." Well says the philosopher 
Heraclitus, " and they pray to their images as if one were to talk 
with houses." Statues are less worthy of honour than the meanest 
living creatures ; these possess life and growth, though their senses 
be undeveloped. Your image is but dead matter; we have an 
intellectual image of the only true God. Men plunder idols ; birds 
defile them. Fire and earthquake have no fear of images. 3 Kings 
of old, even private persons, claimed for themselves divine honours. 
How can phantoms and demons be gods? Why forsake heaven 
and honour earth ? Matter needs art to fashion it ; God is in need 
of nothing. I dare not intrust the hopes of my soul to soulless 
things. You have been deceived by art though apes are not 
deceived by pictures in wax or clay. You have peopled the woods, 
fields, rivers, and seas with a mob of satyrs, nymphs, nereids, and 
nereiads. You have made a stage of heaven. We carry about in 
the living statue man the image of God, an image which is our 
guest. We are " not from beneath." 4 You have pictures of wan 
tonness everywhere. We are forbidden to practise an art that 
deceives. The sculptor has a better claim to divine honours than 
the statue which he moulded. Take heed lest you become as void 
of perception as statues. What folly to worship the work of God, 
sun, moon, and stars, and not God Himself. The universe sprang 
into being by a mere act of His will. Do not deify the cosmos, 
but seek for its Creator. In the Divine wisdom is a holy 
asylum. 5 

1 jj^ 38.41 > 2 {{I 42.45^ 3 j v< 46.83. 4 j y 54.59^ 5 j v 60.83^ 



252 APPENDIX A 

Turn to philosophers. They have a dream of the truth. Think 
of the divergent views of Thales, Anaximenes, and Parmenides, &c., 
with regard to the first principles. The Stoics utterly disgrace 
philosophy by representing Divinity as permeating all matter. 
Epicurus, utterly impious, thinks that God cares for nothing. 1 

You fashion gods out of winds or air or fire or earth. I yearn 
for the Lord of the fire, the Creator of the cosmos, for God Himself, 
not for His works. In his conception of God Plato grazed the 
surface of the truth. He speaks truth as in a riddle. For true 
laws and opinions concerning God he is indebted to the Hebrews. 
By the inspiration of God not Plato alone, but many philosophers 
like Antisthenes and Cleanthes, have declared that God is the only 
true God. 2 

The witness of poetry is as that of philosophy. Take Aratus or 
Hesiod or Euripides. They have glimmerings of the truth, but 
only glimmerings ; for to speak of God apart from the word of 
truth is to walk without feet. 3 

Turn to the Prophetic Scriptures. They are a short road to 
salvation. Mark how Jeremiah, Isaiah, the whole prophetic choir, 
set forth God. Listen to the divine Moses, the blessed psalmist, 
the holy apostle of the Lord. 4 Thousands of Scriptures might be 
adduced. As a gentle Father, not as a master, God admonishes 
His children. You must become little children. The church of 
the first-born is formed of many good children. Be not slaves too 
proud to become sons. Do not prefer bondage to freedom, death 
to salvation. Scripture sets before us the threatening, the exhor 
tation, the reward. The Lord exhorts all men to a full knowledge 
of the truth. If eternal salvation were for sale, the whole wealth of 
Pactolus would not suffice to purchase it ; but with love and faith 
you can buy it. God alone can teach man and make him like to 
God. 5 The apostle calls the sacred books God - inspired. No 
exhortation has such force as that of the Lord Himself, whose sole 
work is the salvation of men. He says, " The kingdom of heaven 
is at hand " ; and the apostle interprets that divine voice. Faith 
will introduce you, experience will teach you, the Scriptures will 
train you. The Word shines for all men. " Let us who are many 
hasten to be gathered together into the one love. Let us follow 

2 67.72 3 73.76 4 77.81 5 82.86^ 



ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 253 

after oneness, seeking out the good Monad," that we may come to 
rest in the one truth, saying, " Abba, Father." l 

" It is not reasonable," you say, " to subvert the customs handed 
down to us from our fathers." Why not, then, use the milk of 
infancy ? Why not slobber as we did when children ? Abhorrent 
to piety is this insane custom. But for it you would never have 
rejected God s greatest boon to the race of men. Superstition 
destroys, piety saves. 2 Look to those who serve the idols their 
filthy hair, their ragged raiment, their nails like wild beasts claws. 
They seem to be mourning for their gods, not to be worshipping 
them. Why not look up to the Lord of the universe ? Monstrous 
that you, who are His absolute property, should become the slaves 
of another master. Let us pass from ignorance to knowledge, from 
unrighteousness to righteousness, from godlessness to God. Our 
loving Father never ceases to admonish or save. Why not prefer 
life to death? 3 By your obsession with ancestral customs you 
keep off the truth. Let us fight in the stadium of truth, with the 
Holy Word as umpire, and the Lord of the universe as presiding in 
the contest. The prize is immortality. Heed not the loafers in 
the market-place and their harangues. Heed not the image-makers 
who have had the audacity to make gods of men. No artist, great 
or mean, ever formed a living image. Only the Creator of the 
universe has formed a living image man. Statues are but earthly 
images of the visible and earth-born man. 4 As a man, seek out 
the Creator. As a son, acknowledge thy Father. By nature man 
is formed for intercourse with God. Piety is his peculiar preroga 
tive a sufficient viaticum for eternity. Till the fields, if you will, 
but, as you till, know God. Sail, if fond of seamanship, but invoke 
the heavenly pilot. If knowledge has come to you when soldiering, 
listen to the general who commands what is right. 5 Awake out of 
your drunken stupor. Why love the darkness ? Neither halo, nor 
iris, nor sun, nor moon, nor punishment, nor destiny, nor sleep, nor 
death, is a god. Only one God truly exists. " The earth is the 
Lord s." Why ignore the owner? 6 Are stones and birds sacred, 
but not men ? Wretched men to suppose that God speaks through 
the croaking of a raven or the chattering of a jackdaw, but not 



254 APPENDIX A 

through the articulate speech of men. To be deprived of spiritual 
vision and to be deaf to divine instruction is of all things the most 
pitiable. Yet nothing can hinder a man who is determined to 
know God. Receive, then, the gentle word, and spit out deleterious 
poison. " Believe, O man, Him who is man and God. Believe 
Him who suffered and is adored. Believe the living God, whom to 
find is to possess life." l More blessed are the wild beasts than men 
in their errors. Fishes are not superstitious, birds are not idolaters. 
Gain knowledge of God, if even at the end of life. Let heaven be 
thy fatherland, and God thy lawgiver. Better the bitter drug of 
truth than the sweet of custom. Cast aside the playthings of 
childhood. 2 The Son the Word took the mask of a man and 
acted the drama of human salvation. The universe has been 
flooded with His benefits. 3 

Regard His beneficence. Man, the child of God, fell under the 
power of the serpent that is, pleasure. The Lord overcame the 
serpent ; and he who lost paradise receives heaven as his due. 4 
With the coming of the Word from above, recourse to the men of 
Athens or Ionia is superfluous. The true wisdom, only dimly 
guessed at by the highest philosophers, we have apprehended. 
The Word gives clear vision to the darkened mind. Let us admit 
the light, that we may admit God. Let us remove the ignorance 
which like a mist obstructs the vision, and contemplate the God 
who truly exists. The Sun of righteousness has changed sunset 
into sunrise. By heavenly teaching He has made man as God. 

Let us give to God the guerdon of a thankful heart and obedi 
ence. Those who put their trust in jugglers receive amulets that 
claim "saving" power; why not rather take for an amulet the 
Heavenly One Himself the " Saving " Word ? Let the light shine 
in the heart. 5 God sent the Good Shepherd to save the flock of 
men. He proclaims good news to the obedient, judgment to the 
disobedient. He blows the trumpet of the Gospel, and gathers 
the soldiers of peace. With His armoury we are prepared for 
battle with the evil one. Better to become at once the servant 
of the best of beings, and by holy service to imitate Him. I 
exhort you to be saved. Christ truly bestows life upon you. He 
banishes death, and makes man the temple and dwelling-place of 

1 x 104.106 2 Y 107.109 3 v 110 4 Y J 111 112 5 Y ; 113.116 



ANALYSIS OF THE PROTREPTICUS 255 

God. Offer thyself to Him, that thou mayst be not the work only, 
but also the grace of God. 1 

Custom is as dangerous as the Charybdis or the mythic sirens. 
But if bound to the cross, thou art saved from destruction : the 
Word of God will be thy pilot, the Holy Spirit will bring thee to 
anchorage in heaven, where thou shalt have the vision of God and 
be instructed in the holy mysteries. Come, O frenzied one, to the 
true Cithseron, where no Maenades hold revel, but the daughters 
of God celebrate the sacred rites of the Word. Come, O blind 
Teiresias, and be led to the truth. Thou didst not see Thebes, but 
thou shalt see the heavens. 2 " Hear," says Jesus, " ye men endowed 
with reason, barbarians and Greeks alike. To you alone of mortals 
I grant immortality. I confer on you the word, the knowledge of 
God, my perfect self. I seek that ye may be like unto me." 3 Let 
us run to Him, let us love Christ, the good charioteer of men. Let 
us acquire the greatest of all things God and life. Let us long 
for the Word of Truth Himself. Let us not value least the things 
which are worth most. Not unreasonably the philosophers call 
ignorance a form of madness. Can we doubt whether it is better 
to be sane than insane ? All things are God s. If man be beloved 
by God, all things are His. The pious alone is rich, and wise, and 
of noble birth. He is the "image" of God as well as the "like 
ness." He is like unto God. Choose judgment or grace. Surely 
life is not to be compared to destruction. 4 

1 Y ; 116 117 2 :: 118 119 3 Y ii 120 4 v jj 121.123 



APPENDIX B. 

ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS. 

BOOK I. Corresponding to the actions, habits, and passions of men, 
the Word discharges a threefold function. As Tutor, His aim 
is preliminary, not scientific, to train the soul to a virtuous, not 
a scientific, life. He diets our sick souls. By a series of stages 
leading to salvation, the Word first exhorts, then trains, and finally 
teaches. 1 Our Tutor is like God, His Father, sinless, free from 
passion. We need first to be delivered from passions, and then 
from proclivity to sin. Not to sin is the prerogative of God. To 
be free from deliberate transgression is the mark of the wise man. 
To avoid involuntary offences belongs to the well-instructed. Our 
Tutor heals body and soul. Man is His child, His greatest work. 2 
The Lord ministers all good to men. Man, who was made by 
God, is loved by Him, and ought to return His love and live 
according to His will. This applies to women as well as to men. 
For men and women have a common grace and a common sal 
vation, a common love and training. 3 

Paedagogy is the training of children. As is proved by the Lord 
in the Gospel, we are the children of the Tutor. The same is 
shown by the designations, "lambs," "sucking-calves," "doves." 
" chickens," and " young colts." We are " little children," not 
because we are at the age of unreasoning or devoid of learning, 
but because we are simple and guileless, as those who know the 
only God as their Father. As infants we are easily wrought to 
goodness, and, being a new people, are not perverse like the ancient 
race. Because the children are the simple ones we glory in the 
name. All young and feeble things meet with kindness. So God 

1 i. i 1 - . 2 i. 2 1 - 6 . 3 i. V4 7 -". 



ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 257 

the Father of the universe treats with tenderness the children 
whom He has begotten and adopted. The Spirit calls the Lord 
Himself a child the great God and the perfect child. 1 We are 
not, then, called children, because our education is childish or 
imperfect in character. When regenerated we at once attain 
perfection ; illuminated, we know God. We are already " light 
in the Lord," though there is a difference between the earnest 
and the attainment of the promise. Yet faith is perfect and 
complete in itself. It is the one universal salvation of men, and 
equality of fellowship with the righteous and loving God is the 
same to all. In the same Word there are not gnostics and 
psychical men. The Master calls us " babes." We are to be 
as new-born babes of God. Those under the Law are children; 
those under faith are men and sons. Compared with the Law, 
childhood in Christ is full growth. 2 When the apostle said, " I 
have fed you with milk," he did not mean that which was childish 
and imperfect. For the milk is to be regarded not as something 
different from the meat, but the same in essence. Blood is a kind 
of liquid flesh, and milk is the sweeter and finer part of blood. 
The essence of the human body is blood. Milk is a product of the 
blood. The affinity of milk for water, its mixture with honey and 
sweet wine, the butter made from milk, may all symbolise spiritual 
truths. 3 

Our Tutor, Jesus, calls Himself the good shepherd. As such 
He leads the children to salvation. He has said " I am your 
Teacher." Divine instruction is a right directing of truth with a 
view to the vision of God, and is a possession for ever; whereas 
human instruction fails to mould moral character. Once He said, 
" Thou shalt fear " ; to us He says, " Thou shalt love." Moses 
predicted His name and office. By Prophecy He is invested with 
a rod. 4 

"But can He be good who uses the rod?" To say so is to 
forget that in love for us the Lord became man. From experience 
of suffering He knows the weakness of the flesh. God hates noth 
ing, nor does His Word. He loves, and man most of all. "If 
so, how does He punish ? " Punishment cures the passions ; 
reproof acts as a surgeon. Censure is a mark of goodwill, not 

i j c 12 - B4 . 2 i. S 25 - 34 . 3 5. 6 35 - 52 . 4 i. 7 B3 - 61 . 

R 



258 APPENDIX B 

of hatred. He adjusts His reproof to the distinctive habits of 
each. He cuts off the impulse to sin by declaring its consequences. 
He punishes, but without feeling of revenge. God is good and just. 
His Son, the saving Word, may wound in a saving fashion the soul 
that has grown apathetic, and may do so by manifest methods. The 
affection of anger, if such a word may be used, is inspired by love 
to man. The Incarnation is a proof. 1 The Tutor of humanity has 
devoted Himself to the saving of the " babes." The prophetic testi 
mony shows the varied manner of His loving training. He employs 
all forms of admonition, reproof, and censure. His rhetorical use 
of fear is a spring of salvation. He leads to self-control those who 
were being carried away to dissoluteness. When He threatens more 
harshly, it is to draw us back from rushing to death. The goodness 
that always shows kindness is disregarded ; that which reminds us 
by the loving fear of righteousness is held in reverence. There is 
a fear which is associated with reverence, and a fear which is as 
sociated with hatred, such as slaves feel towards a harsh master. 
There is an absolute difference between voluntary and forced piety. 
The physician is not the cause of the fever, he only demonstrates 
its existence. So God only shows the sins which are in the man 
who is sick of soul. The same love that caused God to make His 
sun to shine caused Him to send down His own Son. 2 As by 
fault-finding He seeks to induce repentance and dissuade us from 
sinning, so He employs persuasion and praise. He appeals to the 
past, the present, and the future. By all forms of cure He calls 
mankind to salvation. He invites us to the possession of blessings. 
He calls men of understanding to the love of knowledge. He 
brings the light of truth to the erring. Praise as well as blame is 
an essential medicine. Some men need to be beaten out like iron ; 
others grow by praise. Such is His method of instruction. By the 
Law and the Prophets He trained men who were hard to bridle. 
The Law was "a tutor to bring us to Christ." Our Tutor is Jesus, 
the Word of God ; to Him God has intrusted us. He is worthy of 
trust, because He is adorned with three of the fairest graces know 
ledge, benevolence, and boldness of utterance. 3 

The Tutor delineates for us the ideal of the true life and trains 
men in Christ. He formed man out of the dust, and transforms 
1 i. 8 62 - 74 . 2 i. 75 - 88 . s ^ K^-ii^-w. 



ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 259 

him into a holy and heavenly being. From the tutorship of Christ 
a noble temper springs ; and in those who have been taught the 
scope of its energy the whole life is conspicuous for gravity. 1 As 
everything contrary to right reason is sin, he who transgresses is 
not rational. Christian action is an energy of the rational soul 
which is perfected through the body, the soul s consort and 
fellow-combatant, in accordance with a right judgment and desire 
of the truth. 2 

Book II. What should the Christian be in his whole life ? How 
is he to deal with his body? We must purify the eye of the 
soul and sanctify the flesh itself. We are to eat that we may live. 
Food is to be simple and artless, correspondent to truth, befitting 
simple and artless children, sufficient for life not for luxury. Such 
food conduces to health and strength ; variety of foods is a source 
of disease. Men sweep the world as with a drag-net in pursuit of 
dainties. It has driven them to invent many forms of dessert. 
We who seek the heavenly food must master the belly. Let the 
supper be plain and economical, suitable for sleepless vigil. The 
natural use of food is indifferent. But it is not in accordance with 
reason for those who share in divine food to take part in the tables 
of demons. We must be lords over meats, not their slaves. We 
should partake of few and necessary things. 3 We are to take part 
in social gatherings in a harmless and unsated way, to eat with 
thanksgiving, to win our fellow-guests by self-control. But to eat 
flesh or drink wine is not to sin. Only we are to partake 
temperately, not greedily, and not violate decorum in eating. The 
Lord fed the disciples with loaves and baked fishes a pattern of 
simple food. It is lawful to partake of all things; but "all things 
are not expedient." It is not good to use all things, nor always. 
In the sphere of a temperate simplicity there is ample variety. 
Boiled flesh is to be preferred to roasted. Dried fruits and honey 
may be partaken of. The apostle Matthew and John the Baptist 
ate the simplest fare, though Peter was taught that the use of food 
was a thing indifferent. The Tutor by Moses enforced frugality on 
the Jews by prohibiting the use of many things. 4 As for food, 
so with drink. The natural drink for the thirsty man is water. 



260 APPENDIX B 

Such the Lord supplied to the Hebrews. Boys and girls with fire 
in their blood should not have access to wine. To be heavy with 
wine is not compatible with interest in the things of God. The 
advanced in years may partake more freely ; they can withstand the 
stormy surge of passions. But they must not drink to the point of 
shaking their reason. It is well to mix the wine with much water. 
Both are works of God. Reason should be a partner in the feast. 
The picture of the drunkard is at once ridiculous and pitiful. The 
divine wisdom despises such a life, if life it be. Christ made water 
into wine at the marriage, but He does not permit drunkenness. 
Wines are imported for jaded appetites. Why should not the wine 
of the country satiate desire ? In drinking regard must be had 
to seemliness. The Lord partook of wine, but with decorum. At 
all times we must conduct ourselves in a decorous way, as in the 
presence of the Lord. 1 

Gold and silver vessels only deceive the vision. They provoke 
envy when they go beyond what is necessary. So with furniture in 
ebony and ivory. Such vulgar display is banished by the absolute 
authority of the Lord. " Sell what thou hast, and give to the poor." 
The Lord took His food in a homely bowl. He did not carry about 
a silver foot-bath from heaven. He made use, not senseless mag 
nificence, His aim. In like manner all the possessions of the 
worshippers of the one God should show forth the symbols of 
the one beautiful life. Cheaper things are better than costly. For 
self-sufficiency only a few things are required. 2 

At social gatherings musical instruments provocative of lust or 
gluttony must be abandoned. The pipe and the flute are more 
appropriate to beasts than men. The harp or the lyre may be 
used without blame. We are to banish the liquid harmonies which 
by base artifices minister to ribaldry, and leave chromatic harmonies 
to bacchanalian songs. 3 Buffoons are to be banished from the 
Christian polity. We must not make a mock of speech, the most 
precious of all human possessions. It is lawful to be playful, but 
not to play the buffoon. We are to laugh, as in all things, in 
a temperate fashion. One should not be grim, but grave. We 
must not smile at what is disgraceful or painful. We are not to 
be always laughing, neither before our elders, nor before everybody^ 

1 Ji. 19.34 2 ii 86.39 3 i 40.44 



ANALYSIS OF THE P^IDAGOGUS 261 

nor about everything. 1 From filthy speaking we must absolutely 
refrain. The divine Tutor invests us with temperate words for ear- 
guards. By forbidding the utterance of what is unseemly, the 
Tutor protects us in advance against licentiousness. Let jeering be 
far removed from us. It is opposed to the friendly feeling which 
is the end of a banquet. Young men and women are to be absent 
from such festive gatherings. Unmarried women are not to be 
present at a banquet of men. Men are not to indulge in any 
movements or actions suggestive of levity or greed. At a rare time 
elderly people may quiz children. If one has to sneeze or hiccup, 
let it be done as quietly as possible. In a word, that which is dis 
tinctive of the Christian is composure, tranquillity, stillness, repose. 2 

For Christians the use of crowns and ointments is not necessary. 
Perfumes and dyes should not stealthily slip into the city of truth. 
Let women savour of Christ, the truly royal ointment. Some sweet 
scents are salutary, and may be employed to stimulate sinking 
strength. We are to choose what is useful. Silly men who dye 
their hair only make it the grayer. Men of temperance are not 
to wear a crown of flowers at home. This is neither to enjoy the 
beauty nor the fragrance of flowers. For us, who have heard that 
the Word was crowned with a wreath of thorns, to bind our head 
with flowers would be a mockery of His passion. 3 

As for sleep. Costly rugs of all sorts are to be banished. To 
sleep on down, moreover, is hurtful to the digestion. Ivory which 
comes from a lifeless body is not lawful on beds. Yet it indicates 
vanity to make a point of sleeping "under a bull-hide," unless in an 
emergency. Let the bed be unadorned, with no elaborate carvings. 
Sleep is for recreation, not for enervation. We must sleep wake- 
fully. We who have the wakeful Word indwelling in us should 
not sleep the whole night. Still less must we sleep by day. The 
soul needs no sleep, for it is " ever in motion." 4 * 

We are not to seek after costly clothing. The Lord enjoined, 
"Consider the lilies." If He takes away anxious care for food 
and clothing, what will He say of false hair, of the use of rouge 
and the like, and the base arts which deceive ? Those devoted 



1 ijt 5 45.48 > 2 jj g.y 49.60. 3 ^ 3 61_76_ 

* Chapter io 83 - 102 is taken up with the question of marriage. The main points 
are noted in Lecture V. 



262 APPENDIX B 

to the shadow of the beautiful, not to the beautiful itself, are to 
be banished from the truth. Clothes are only required for pro 
tection against cold or heat. Hence men and women should be 
clothed alike. As a concession, women may be allowed softer 
clothes, but not thin, nor of elaborate workmanship, nor decked 
with bright colours. Dyeing of clothes is to be rejected. Those 
who are white and genuine within should use white and simple 
raiment. Life should not be a parade. The Lord derided those 
who "lived in gorgeous apparel." Trailing garments indicate a 
bragging spirit. Beauty of body in women should not be a trap 
for men. .They must not make themselves the cynosure of all eyes 
by using a purple veil. Why prefer what is rare and costly to what 
is accessible and cheap ? Why seek with eagerness things that seem 
instead of realities ? 1 In the matter of shoes women show great 
stupidity. Sandals with flowers of gold are really base. The 
mincing walk of many stamps the wantonness of their thoughts. 
Women may wear white shoes, except on a journey, and then they 
must use greased shoes with nails. As a rule, women should wear 
shoes ; but a man may go barefoot. Jesus wore nothing elaborate 
in the way of shoes. 2 

To be astounded at green stones and things which are but the 
scum of the sea is childish. Women are very anxious about a little 
oyster, when it is in their power to adorn themselves with the sa 
cred jewel, Jesus, who is called by Scripture a pearl. The stones in 
the Jerusalem that is above are to be interpreted symbolically. 
Women put forth the defence, " why may we not use what God 
has provided?" 3 Better surely to gain decorous friends than 
lifeless ornaments ! Women should be beautiful within. The 
distinctive excellence of each plant or animal is that which marks 
its beauty. Only the beautiful is good. To apply things unsuit 
able to the body as if they were suitable, begets a habit of deceit. 
Golden necklaces and anklets are but fetters. Women who are 
tutored by Christ should adorn themselves not with gold but with 
the Word. If they are beautiful, nature suffices. Let not falsehood 
contend with truth. For women who serve Christ, it is fitting to 
embrace simplicity. The chains wrought in gold by God are 

1 ii. 10 103 - 115 . 2 ij. I0 116 j 117. 

* For Clement s answer and discussion of the right use of wealth, see Lecture V. 



ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 263 

modesty and temperance. To pierce the ears is contrary to nature. 
The best ornament for the ear is true instruction. 1 

Book III. To know oneself is to know God. To know God is to 
be made like unto Him, by well-doing, and by needing the fewest 
things possible. The man who has the Word for indweller does 
not embellish himself. He is the true beauty ; for he is also God ; 
he becomes God, for so God wills it. There is another beauty of 
men love. " Love does not seek what is not her own." The truth 
calls that its own which is native to it, but the love of ornament 
seeks that which is foreign to the true self. " The Lord had no 
form or comeliness"; yet He exhibited the true beauty. 2 The soul 
is to be adorned with goodness. Women who beautify the outward 
appearance and leave waste that which is within are unconsciously 
adorning themselves after the fashion of the temples of the 
Egyptians all gorgeous with the gleam of gold and silver without, 
in the inner shrine a cat or a crocodile. They destroy their own 
beauty by washes and dyes. They dishonour the Creator as if the 
beauty which He gave them was of no worth. Even heathen poets 
condemn them, how much more shall they be cast away by the 
Truth ? Love of dainties and love of wine can be satiated, but love 
of finery is insatiable. Horses and birds rejoice in ornament which 
is their own by nature. Is it not monstrous that women should 
need a beauty, foreign, bought, and unreal? They have even 
invented mirrors for this manufactured shape of theirs. Esther, it 
is true, ransomed the people from massacre by her beauty. But, 
on the other hand, think of the Trojan war and the desolation 
which it produced, or of the transgression of the angels and their 
due reward. 3 

Even men pursue the disease of luxury. To dye the hair is to 
oppose God who alone " can make the hair white or black." To 
shave for the sake of beauty of appearance is womanly. The beard 
is the mark of the man and the symbol of his superior nature. 
Man should adorn his mind. The Lord wishes us to be naked of 
vulgarity, separated from sin, intent only on salvation. 4 

Women deserve censure for their great wealth of slaves. They 
have slaves to carry them everywhere, and associate with worthless 

i ii. i 2 ii8.i. iii. i 1 - 3 . Mil. 2 4 - 14 - Mii. 3 16 - 25 . 



264 APPENDIX B 

creatures. They nurture parrots, but neglect the orphan and even 
old men with a reputation for temperance. Like sated fowls they 
scratch the dung of life. 1 Their baths, too, minister to self-indul 
gence, vulgarity, and immodesty. Men should be to women a noble 
pattern of truth. At home, in the streets, in solitude, and every 
where, they should exhibit reverence. If we are always conscious 
of the presence of God, we shall keep from stumbling. 2 

Wealth is to be partaken of rationally and imparted in a spirit of 
love. Masters only differ from slaves in that they have been 
brought up in a more sickly fashion and are feebler. The Christians 
alone are rich. If God denies nothing, all things belong to the 
pious man. The good man cannot be in straits so long as he keeps 
fast his confession towards God. Our Tutor gives to us the true 
riches. 3 Examples often turn the balance towards salvation. So 
the Tutor in His love by example dissuades from evil, and builds 
up others on a firm foundation with a view to endurance. Those 
who have not the power to receive sonship may be preserved from 
wantonness by fear. 4 

To touch again on baths. They are not to be used on the 
ground of pleasure. Nor must we bathe on all occasions, nor with 
the aid of an attendant, nor often in the day. Let due proportion 
be the standard. 5 

Gymnastic exercises within limits are good both for body and 
soul. Women are to exercise themselves in spinning, weaving, and 
cooking. Such exercise tends to sound health. Men may join in 
various games, or take a walk, or do some economic bye-work, such 
as using a hoe. In this is nothing ignoble. We are not to enter 
into athletic contests from a vain spirit of rivalry, but wrestle with 
composed strength and in the interests of health as befits men free 
in status. In everything and everywhere we are to be trained to a 
way of life harmonious and temperate. To be one s own servant, 
to watch by a sick-bed, to be of service to the impotent, to provide 
for one in want, is an exercise of righteousness. Fishing is per 
mitted, though the better catch is to be "a fisher of men." 6 

Clothing should be simple and white ; like the truth, it should 
be one, not varied. To men of light white is appropriate. Cloth- 

1 iii. 4 26 - 30 . 2 iii. 5 31 - 33 . 3 iii. 6-7"-". 

4 iii. 8 41 - 45 . 5 iii. 9 46 - 48 . 6 iii. io 49 - 52 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE P^DAGOGUS 265 

ing is an index to character. Let the raiment be in harmony with 
age, person, position, nature, calling. A gold finger-ring may be 
allowed, not for ornament but for use as a seal. Let the seals be a 
dove, or a fish, or a lyre, or an anchor not some idol, nor a sword, 
nor a goblet. 1 As for the hair. Let the head be closely cropped, 
but let the chin be covered with hair. Women may dress their 
locks and bind up the hair simply with a plain pin ; but there must 
be no meretricious braidings. False hair must be absolutely re 
jected. It is a most impious thing to put dead tresses on the skull. 
For on whom will the presbyter lay his hand ? The hair of another, 
and therefore the head of another. This is to deceive men, disgrace 
the Lord, and dishonour the head. Nor is the hair to be dyed. 
Old age is worthy of trust, and should not be veiled. Women are 
not to besmear their faces with the juggling tricks of knavish art. 
Natural beauty is best attained by moderation; this produces 
health ; and beauty is the free flower of health. 2 As for walking, 
we are to adopt a leisurely but not a loitering step. A noble man 
must have no unmanly disfigurement either in movements or 
habits. Men are not to waste their time in barbers shops or 
taverns. Gambling with dice is to be prohibited. Nor will the 
Tutor bring us to the spectacles, the race-course, or the theatres. 
Such gatherings are the source of moral disorder. The cities in 
which sport is seriously pursued lack wisdom. For unpitying con 
tests for glory are not sports, nor is the name to be given to the 
zealous pursuit of frivolities, and to the irrational ambitions and the 
senseless waste of money connected with them. " But," you say, 
"we do not all philosophise." Do you not then follow after life? 
How dost thou love God and thy neighbour, if thou dost not 
philosophise ? To carry on worldly affairs in an orderly way ac 
cording to the mind of God is not forbidden. Let the buyer or 
seller have only one price for his goods ; if he does not obtain his 
price, he at least obtains the truth. 3 Men and women the latter 
entirely veiled are to go to church in seemly fashion, delighting 
in silence, pure in body, pure in heart, fit to pray to God. The 
whole life of the Christian should be such as they fashion them 
selves in the church. But some seem to change their manner 
with the place, and leave within the church what they have heard. 



266 APPENDIX B 

Let the kiss in church be the kiss of true love and holy. By the well- 
instructed the sight of women will be avoided. The chaste must not 
only be self-controlled, but beyond the range of censure. We must 
not only be trusty but appear worthy of trust. 1 Our dividing line 
in all things must be the cross. Let us nail ourselves to the truth. 
If some counsels seem harsh, they are designed to bring about the 
salvation which is the fruit of correction. So the Tutor sets forth 
bare injunctions, adapting them to the period of guidance, but 
entrusting the interpretation of them to the Teacher. 2 " Hear, O 
child, who art being rightly trained," says the Tutor, "the principal 
heads of salvation." Clement then quotes the all-embracing precept 
in the Gospel, Christ s summary of the commandments, and the 
decalogue. He gives practical counsels based on the Scripture on 
prayer, fasting, forbearance, love, civil government in various 
aspects, faith, servants, liberality, and the like. After numerous 
quotations from the teaching of the apostles, he concludes with 
a prayer to the Tutor. 8 



26; 



APPENDIX C. 

ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS. 

BOOK I. Should books be written, and if so, by whom ? Shall we 
approve the writing of books by men like Epicurus, and forbid men 
who proclaim the truth to leave works that will benefit the genera 
tions after them ? Words are the offspring of the soul. The 
Saviour condemned the servant who returned the deposit without 
increase. The writer as well as the reader must prove himself in 
the light of conscience. There is an unwritten husbandry of the 
Word and a written husbandry. We are to labour " for the meat 
that endureth unto everlasting life." Souls have their own proper 
nourishment. On him who labours in writing God will bestow 
reward according to his need. But " men " should not even aim 
at reward. To do so is to be in the grip of worldly custom. 1 As 
for these memorials of mine they are designed to be a veritable 
image of the living words of my teachers, though they are feeble 
in comparison with the words of those gracious spirits. If I pass 
by some things I do so in no grudging spirit, but in the interests 
of my hearers. I shall not scruple to use what is best in phil 
osophy and Hellenic culture, to seek out the truth in them, like 
the nut in the husk. For in a real sense philosophy is a work of 
the Divine Providence. 2 Its use may be defended on the ground 
that, even if it were of no use, it would be useful to prove that it 
was so, that admiration and persuasion are begotten by learning, 
that truth is wooed and won by a comparison of different opinions. 
The seeds of knowledge are artfully hidden in the Stromateis, that 
like the prey of the huntsmen the truth be caught with toil and 

1 i. I 1 - 10 . a i. i ia - 18 . 



268 APPENDIX C 

search. " Why arrange your notes so ? " Because there is a danger 
in betraying the secret word of the Christian philosophy to those 
who speak against everything without just reason. Such scoffers, 
of whom there are many, jest at the barbaric element in the truth, 
manufacture objections, and spend their life about the distinction 
of names, the nature of sentences and their synthesis, more talka 
tive than turtle-doves. Of such the Divine Scripture says, " I will 
destroy the wisdom of the wise." l 

The word "wise" is varied in application. Homer calls a crafts 
man " wise." Hesiod speaks of a harper " skilled in all manner of 
wisdom." The saying of the Lord to Moses 2 shows that in Scrip 
ture every secular art or science is called by the common name of 
wisdom. There is wisdom in excellence in mechanical arts as well 
as in the higher departments of work and thought. Rightly, then, 
the Apostle called the wisdom of God " manifold," which had mani 
fested its own power for the wellbeing of men by art, by science, by 
faith, by prophecy. 3 

While before the advent of Christ philosophy was necessary to 
the Greeks for righteousness, now it serves by way of a preliminary 
discipline. We are warned by the Scripture " not to be much with 
a strange woman," 4 that is, we are to make use of secular culture, 
but not to linger over it, nor abide permanently with it. 5 Such pre 
liminary training contributes readiness for the vision of duty, and 
re-illumines the soul. Moral perfection is not the fruit of nature 
but of instruction. To refute sophistry we must study the art of 
reasoning. 6 

Greek culture and philosophy came down from God, as showers 
fall on different soils. The Husbandman was One ; the results 
varied according to place, time, and variety of seed. All arts differ, 
but all are useful to life. So by philosophy I mean no special 
school. Some have fallen into well-doing by accident. But faith 
is essential. The Scriptures were translated into Greek to take 
away the pretext of ignorance. The paths to righteousness are 
many, and lead to the authoritative way of truth. 7 Neither in 

1 j ^ 19.24. J sa xx i x j 4; j Qri J B jp 2 E XO( J. xxxj. j-5. 

3 i. 4 25 -27; Eph. iii. 10. 4 Prov. v. 20. 

5 j ^28.32_ Here, in close dependence on Philo, follows scriptural proof of the 
relation between secular culture and the true philosophy. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 269 

sophistry, nor in rhetoric, nor in the logic of the schools, is truth at 
all to be found. The Apostle calls the art of logic a disease. We 
must not seek to please the multitude. The truth-loving Plato, 
like one divinely inspired, says, " I obey only the word that seems 
to me the best." 1 

To disdain philosophy and insist on bare faith alone is opposed 
to the teaching of the Lord in the Parable of the Vine. In all arts 
he is truly learned who has learned useful things ; so he who takes 
examples from Greek and barbarian alike is a much-experienced 
tracker-out of truth and a man " of many devices." The prophets 
and apostles were ignorant of philosophical arts ; but methodical 
teaching is required for the interpretation of what they said. There 
is a saving word as well as a saving work. To save those eager to 
be saved is the best thing, and not the composition of ornamental 
little phrases. One hearer suffices the gnostic. 2 The philosophy 
discredited by the Apostle is the Epicurean or any other system 
which pays high honour to the elements. Deny Providence, and 
the economy of the Saviour seems a myth. Christianity extends 
Providence to particular events. Those who worship the elements 
or posit atoms as first principles may be philosophers in name, but 
are really atheists. 3 We must sanctify ear as well as tongue if we 
are to share in the truth. We are not " to cast pearls before swine." 
What we hear we are to "proclaim on the house-tops" that is, to 
expound them in a transcendental and pre-eminent way, and not 
impart the truth to all absolutely. Truth is one. The sects both 
of the barbarian and Hellenic philosophy have each a part. He 
who puts together the separate pieces of truth will behold the Word 
the perfect truth. 4 

The form of philosophy among the " seven wise men " of the 
Greeks was Hebraic and enigmatic. Plato says that the form of 
brevity was zealously pursued by the Greeks of old. 5 The most of 
the wise men and philosophers were barbarians by race. Plato 
admits that he derived the best elements in his sysrem from the 
barbarians. Zoroaster was a Persian. Numa was a Roman. Wit- 

i j_ g 39_42 i 5 4>iA.a\7)07js n\druv olov Oeo^opo^fj-fvos. 2 i. Q-IO 43 - 49 . 

3 i. II 50 - 54 . 4 i- I257 > 58 - 

5 i. 14 59 - 65 . Clement discussed some of the sayings of the wise men. Then he 

gives a summary of the succession of philosophers among the Greeks with the view 

of showing the higher antiquity of the Hebrew philosophy. 



2/0 APPENDIX C 

ness, too, the Egyptian prophets, the Druids, the Indian gymnoso- 
phists, the disciples of Buddha, regarded by them as divine. By 
far the oldest of these is the Jewish race. Philo has proved it. As 
with philosophy, so with almost all arts. The Egyptians introduced 
astrology and invented geometry. Augury was of barbarian origin. 
Cadmus was a Phoenician. In navigation, mining, dyeing, music, 
rhetoric, grammar, the barbarians anticipated the Greeks. The 
first woman who was a philosopher was Theano of Crotona. 1 

In spite of its limitations philosophy paves the way for the truth 
that is most kingly. But, is it not written, " all who were before the 
advent of Christ were thieves and robbers ? " " And is it not the 
case that he who does not prevent an evil is a cause of it ? " This 
is an entirely wrong conception of causality. 2 As for the " all that 
came," this does not mean all men, but all the false prophets, all 
that were not authoritatively sent by the Word. And though they 
were prophets of the liar, they told some true things. For Provi 
dence overruled their daring for good. 3 The really wise among 
the Greeks are not discredited by Scripture, but such as were wise 
in their own conceit. God has shown their wisdom to be foolish 
and not true as they supposed. In the Book of Acts Paul shows 
that God was worshipped by the Greeks in a roundabout way, but 
that apprehension in the way of knowledge was necessary by the 
Son. We do not receive all philosophy absolutely but that of 
which Socrates speaks. " Many, as they say in the mysteries, are 
bearers of the thyrsus, but the mystics are few." So Plato limits 
philosophers to "the lovers of the vision of the truth." Philosophy 
aids in the apprehension of the truth ; but the alone authoritative 
truth is that in which we are taught by the Son of God. This 
teaching is self-sufficient and in need of nothing. 4 

The most ancient of all forms of wisdom is incontrovertibly the 
philosophy of the Hebrews. Moses was older than most of the 
Greek deities. 5 

1 i. 15-16 66 - 80 . 2 See Lecture III. 3 i. 1780.8?. i I 8. 2 o 88 - 100 . 

5 i. 21 101 - 147 . Clement gives the times of the prophets who succeeded Moses, 
beginning with the Judges, followed by the Kings. He holds that Homer and 
Hesiod were later in date than Elijah ; explains the seventy weeks of Daniel ; 
makes curious digressions, as, for example, on the number of dialects in the 
world, the language used by irrational creatures. He discusses the date of the 
birth of Christ. He brings down his chronology to the death of Commodus. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 271 

The Scriptures both of the Law and the Prophets were trans 
lated into Greek in the time of Ptolemy whether the son of 
Lagos or Ptolemy Philadelphus. Seventy men of the highest 
repute with a knowledge of the Greek tongue carried out the 
task in such a manner that the translation, though separately 
done, agreed both in meaning and expression. Thus the Hebrew 
prophecy became a prophecy in Greek. The Scriptures tell of 
the race, deeds, and life of Moses, the theologian, prophet, and 
interpreter of sacred laws. 1 He is a prophet, legislator, tactician, 
general, statesman, and philosopher. Generalship is a section of 
kingly government. The highest form of the kingly office is that 
which is according to God and His Holy Son. There are three 
elements in generalship caution, daring, and their union. All 
these things, and how to use them, the Greeks learned from 
Moses. Plato lays down principles which seem to be interpreta 
tions of the Law. Moses was a living law guided by the good 
Word. He administered a good polity, seeking to train good and 
noble men. The Lord is the true lawgiver : He not only gave 
the Law, He is the exegete of the divine commands. Strange 
that the Greeks say that the gods taught Minos and Lycurgus, 
while they do not believe that God gave the Law to Moses, 
and thus disown the archetypes of what is told by their own 
writers. 2 

The Law inflicts penalties, but it is none the less good. Punish 
ment is a surgery or cautery to the soul. The Providence that 
administers the world must be both sovereign and good. From 
a "son of disobedience" you may become a "legal slave," then 
a "faithful servant," and then a "son." Salvation is the goal of 
the terror begotten by the Law. 3 

The philosophy of Moses is divided into four parts the his 
torical, the legislative, the sacrificial, and the theological, that is, 
the initiation into the immediate vision of God. The true dialectic 
professes the knowledge not of mortal affairs but of divine ; but 
this is accompanied by a proper use of human affairs in word 

1 i. 22 148 - 150 . Chap. 23 151 - 157 contains an account of the birth and life of 
Moses down to the departure of the people from the land of Egypt. It is taken 
from Philo, to whose work he once makes allusion, and includes some legendary 
matter from other sources. 

2 i. 24-26 168 - 170 . 8 i. 27 171 - 175 . 



2/2 APPENDIX C 

and deed. The true dialectic leads to the true wisdom which 
knows things that exist as they exist. This needs the Saviour 
who removes the film of ignorance from the soul, shows us how 
we are to know ourselves, and reveals the Father of the universe 
to whomsoever He wills. The apostle says that it was " by 
revelation " that he knew the mystery. 1 The Egyptian priest in 
Plato beautifully said that " the Greeks are always children," and 
that " there is not an old man among the Greeks, nor any science 
hoary with age." By this he means the barbarian truth of very 
ancient date. 2 

Book II. As to our plan of work note the following points. We 
shall show that the Greeks are thieves, that they have plagiarised and 
adulterated their most weighty opinions in matters of faith, wisdom, 
the fear of God, and, in particular, the secret part of the barbarian 
philosophy, the symbolic and enigmatical, which is most essential 
to a knowledge of the truth. We shall then defend our opinions 
from the attacks of the Greeks and give a friendly refutation of 
the more noble of the philosophers not to avenge ourselves on 
detractors, but to convert them and take away their vanity. 3 

"In all thy ways acknowledge wisdom." 4 This shows that our 
actions should be in harmony with reason, and that we should 
select what is useful out of every discipline. Our philosophy is 
perfect and true. It leads up to the Governor of the universe, a 
being difficult to track out, ever withdrawing from him who pur 
sues, but who, though far off in respect of essence, is very near 
in respect of His power. To search into the deep things of God 
demands faith. He who believes the Divine Scriptures receives 
a demonstration that cannot be gainsaid. 5 Faith is not a gift of 
nature, as Basilides avers. For if so, there is no merit either in 
faith or unfaith. Faith must be voluntary. To us faith is an 
irrefragable criterion. We have believed the Word, for the Word 
is truth. First principles are indemonstrable. Only by faith is 
it possible to know the First Principle of the universe. We need 
a new eye, a new ear, and a new heart. Faith and knowledge are 
indissolubly related. "Unless ye believe, ye will not understand." 6 

1 I 28176.179, 2 j. 29 180.182. TimSCUS, p. 22 B. 3 U. I 1 - 3 . 

4 Prov. iii. 6. 5 ii. 2 4 - 9 . 6 ii. 3-4 10 - 19 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 273 

That all things belong to the wise man has come down to the 
Greeks from Moses. As Abraham was called " the friend of God," 
so by way of imitation Minos was called "the friend of Zeus." 
Moses was a wise man, king, lawgiver. But our Saviour surpasses 
all human nature. He is a king, rich, alone the High Priest, the 
king of truth, a lawgiver, of noble lineage, for God is His Father. 1 
Plato proves the universal necessity of faith. Faithfulness embraces 
summarily the other virtues. 2 " Faith cometh by hearing, and 
hearing by the Word of God." 3 The word of God, then, is 
demonstration. Teaching is trustworthy when faith co-operates. 
There must be receptivity on the part of the learner. Penitence 
is a work of faith. Hope, too, is constituted by faith. Hope is 
the expectation of good, and expectation involves faith. "God 
is faithful," that is, He is worthy to be believed when making 
an assertion. We believe in Him whom we have trusted, in God 
whom alone we know. Whether based on fear or love, faith is 
something divine. It is the foundation of truth. 4 

To attack fear is to run down the Law, and, therefore, God who 
gave the Law. " But fear is an irrational affection." How so, when 
the commandment was given through the Word (Reason)? The 
fear of the Law is a cautious fear ; it is a turning aside from 
that which is truly hurtful, disease of soul. Can the Law be any 
thing but good, which is our Tutor to Christ ? 5 The Marcionites 
call the Law not evil, but just. But the opposite of evil is not 
just, but good. Fear is a good thing, for it takes away evil. True 
fear does not fear God, but the falling away from God. " In the 
fear of the Lord is the hope of strength." 6 Such fear leads to 
repentance and hope. Faith rests on repentance and hope, and 
fear upon faith, and endurance and practice, along with instruction, 
find their goal in love, which is perfected by knowledge. An 
ignorant man, so long as he is ignorant, cannot philosophise, as 
he has not grasped the idea of wisdom. 7 By saying, "I am your 
God," the Scripture admonishes us to seek God, and as far as 
possible to strive to know Him. Righteous action is inseparable 

1 ii. 5 20 - 22 . 2 ii. 5 23 , 24 . 3 Rom. x. 17. 4 ii. 6 s5 - 32 . 

5 jj t j 33.35 Here follows a criticism of the views of Basilides and Valentinus 
on fear, ii. 8 36 - 38 . 

6 ii. 8 39 , 40 ; Prov. xiv. 26. 7 ii. 9 41 - 45 . 



2/4 APPENDIX C 

from such knowledge. 1 As there is a faith of knowledge and a 
faith of opinion, so there is a demonstration of knowledge and a 
demonstration of opinion. The demonstration of opinion is 
human ; the demonstration of knowledge implants faith through 
comparison and opening up the Scriptures. He who is wise in 
his own conceit does not touch the truth, but is wavering and 
unstable; whereas by faith and true knowledge the soul remains 
the same and unchanged. 2 

In regard to time there is memory in relation to what is past, 
hope to what is future. We believe that the past has taken 
place, that the future will take place. Fear is the beginning of 
love, which by an addition becomes love, then faith. When I 
fear the Father, I love when I fear. In all our intercourse with 
men we require faith. As the Shepherd says, "All the virtues 
are the daughters of faith." 3 

In order that the foundation of faith may be laid, the soul must 
be cleansed by repentance. For those who sin in the faith a second 
repentance is granted, but he who continuously repents is closely 
related to him who sinned wilfully at first. Frequent prayer for 
pardon for frequent transgressions is but an appearance of repent 
ance. All passions are irrational appetites. That which is in 
voluntary is not judged. This may arise from ignorance or 
necessity. The Lord shows sins to be in our power by pre 
scribing forms of healing corresponding to the disorders. Pardon 
does not consist in remission, but in healing. 4 

To interpret the will of the passionless God as akin to our 
emotions is to interpret the Scriptures carnally. The ascription 
of joy or pity to Him is a concession to our weakness. Our 
only relationship to God is that we are the work of His will. 
Yet in His pity He cares for us. So our relationship to the Lord 
is not that of essence, but in this that we have been made im 
mortal, and have been called sons. In the gnostic, will, judgment, 
and discipline are one. 6 

The Greeks derived from Moses the elements of their ideas 
of the virtues, manliness, wisdom, self-control, and the like, 
above all, piety. All these virtues are related. We are to be 

1 ii. 10 * 7 - 2 . ii 48 - 52 . 3 ii. I2 53 - 55 . 

4 ii. 13-15 M - 71 . 6 ii. 16-17 72 - 77 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 275 

assimilated to the Lord. As God needs nothing, the good man 
being on the borderland between an immortal and a mortal nature, 
has few needs. In all its precepts the Law encourages manliness 
and humanity. 1 

The Gnostic is he who is after " the image and the likeness," 
imitating God as far as possible, self-controlled, enduring, living 
righteously, king over his passions, given to impart of what he has. 
For God s gifts are for the common advantage of men. There is 
to be a moral change in mouth, heart, hands. Plato said that the 
goal is likeness to God as far as possible. So the Law says, " Walk 
after the Lord your God." So to follow creates likeness. The bene 
ficent man who does good by which he himself receives good is the 
image of God. 2 The divine likeness is also gained by fortitude 
which reaps as its fruit apathy through endurance. Such endurance 
the gnostic, so far as he is a gnostic, possesses. Bearing about the 
cross of the Saviour, he follows the Lord, walking in His footsteps, 
" as if he were a God," having become a " Holy of Holies." To 
loose the soul from pleasure is " the study of death." 3 We 
must, therefore, "put on the panoply of God." Man who is 
endowed with reason ought not to give way to impulse like the 
animals. 4 A champion of heresy, calling himself a gnostic, used 
to say that he fought with pleasure through pleasure. So the 
Nicolaitanes say that we ought to wither up the attacks of the flesh 
by abusing it. This were to live like beasts. The affection of 
pleasure is not an absolute necessity, but only attends by way of 
consequence certain natural needs. It is not an activity, nor a 
disposition, nor a part of us, but has been introduced into life for 
the purpose of service. Peace and freedom are only won by un 
tiring conflict with our passions. Our standard, no doubt, may 
seem severe to those without tone and feeble, as to the unjust that 
which befalls them may seem very stringent justice. We must shun 
things provocative of lust and luxury. 5 

In saying that there was a happiness equal to that of a God in 
not being hungry or thirsty or cold, Epicurus laid down a precept 
for dung-eating swine rather than for rational creatures. To live in 



2 ii I9 97.io2 f 3 phsedo, 8 1 A. 

4 Here follows a criticism of the views of Basilides and Valentinus on the 
passions as appendages, ii. 20 103 - 117 . 6 ii. 2O 118 - m . 



2;6 APPENDIX C 

accordance with virtue, to live in harmony with reason, to live in 
contemplation of the truth and order of the universe, to live accord 
ing to knowledge, such are philosophical definitions of the chief 
end. Plato describes the most perfect good as likeness to God, 
and to be like to God is to be holy, just, and wise. 1 Our aim is to 
attain the end that knows no end, to live according to the com 
mandments without reproach and in a scientific spirit, through 
knowledge of the divine will. " Be ye followers of me, as I also of 
Christ," says the Apostle. 2 Assimilation to God, then, is the aim 
of faith, and the end is the restitution of the promise that rests on 
faith. 3 

The question of marriage falls under pleasure and desire. 
Marriage is a union for the production of lawful children. Should 
one marry ? And when and in what condition should he marry ? 
Some philosophers rejected marriage ; some looked on it as a 
thing indifferent ; some as a good. Marriage is to be a school for 
the highest forms of self-restraint. In regard to marriage the 
Gospel is not in conflict with the Law, for both come from the 
one Lord. 4 

Book III. Continence is not concerned merely with sexual desires, 
but with all things which the soul lusts for in an evil way. As a 
divine grace it not only teaches self-control, it creates it. 5 To say 
with the followers of Carpocrates that women should be common 
is entirely subversive of the Law and the Gospel. No wonder that 
the agapse of such are scenes of unbridled lust. It is a misunder 
standing of the teaching of Plato to say that he taught the com 
munity of women. 6 The Marcionites say that nature is evil, 
because derived from an inferior God the just Creator. Hence 
they abstain from marriage. But though in their hatred of the 
Creator they will not marry, they use His food and breathe His air. 
No doubt the Greek poets and thinkers said many things about the 
hardships that attend existence, and even said that it was better not 
to come into existence than to be. 7 

1 Theat., 176 B. 2 I Cor. xi. i. 3 ii. 2I-22 127 - 136 . 

4 ii. 23 137 - 147 . See Lecture V. for the main points in Clement s views of 
marriage. 

5 Hi. i 1 - 4 . 6 iii. 2 5 - 11 . 






ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 277 

The self-control of Marcion, if it can be so called, is due to the 
Creator Himself. All that Nicolaus meant by " abusing the flesh " 
was that we must master pleasures, and that we cannot serve two 
masters, pleasure and God. The views of some are a disgrace not 
merely to philosophy but to humanity. " Ye have not so learned 
Christ." The followers of Prodicus boast of being "royal sons," 
but they act not like kings but whipped curs. They are opposed 
alike to human and divine law. Are they better than men of the 
world who are like the worst of such ? They oppose one precept 
of the Creator. Why not be consistent and oppose all ? He said, 
" Make no graven image." Why not worship images ? They pick 
out expressions from some prophetic section, patch them together, 
and interpret literally what was said allegorically. By transpos 
ing accents and stops they wrest the Scriptures to their own 
luxuries. 1 

We may divide the heresies into two types those which teach the 
moral indifference of actions, and those which proclaim self-control 
from impiety and a spirit of contentiousness. As to the former 
If any way of life can be chosen, the life of self-control can be 
chosen. If all things be lawful, self-control is lawful. If the most 
shameful way of life be indifferent, then we must obey desires in 
every respect, or we must avoid some desires, and then indifference 
ceases. But how can the man who is mastered by bodily pleasures 
be likened unto God or possess the knowledge of God ? Those 
who follow the divine Scriptures must not live indifferently. It is 
not possible to have knowledge and not be ashamed to pay court to 
the body. As well call bile sweet, as call slavery to pleasure 
liberty. 2 

As for the second class. Of them we say, " They went out from 
us, but they were not of us." The reply of the Lord to Salome 3 
only meant that genesis in every case is followed by corruption. 
If they reject marriage because " they have accepted the resurrec 
tion," let them give up eating and drinking also. In saying that 
they imitate the Lord, they forget that they are entirely different 
from Him, 4 and that He said, "What God had joined together, let 
not man put asunder." Unless it spring from love to God, there 
is no virtue in chastity. Paul condemns those who rejected 

1 iii. 4 25 - 39 . 2 iii. 5 40 - 1 ". 3 See Appendix G. 4 See Lecture V. 



2/8 APPENDIX C 

marriage. Peter and Philip had children. 1 Christian self-control 
aims at mastery over the very desire of lusting. This demands 
the grace of God. True continence is better than that taught by 
philosophers. In regard to marriage or food or the like, we should 
choose only what is necessary. Self-control is not limited to sexual 
passion ; there is self-control in despising money, or pleasure, or 
property, or the games, in controlling the tongue, in lording it over 
evil reasonings. We embrace self-restraint from love to God, 
sanctifying the temple of God. 2 

By supporters of the doctrine of indifference some passages of 
Scripture are violently wrested, in particular, the saying, " Sin shall 
not have dominion over you." 3 But the apostle himself divinely 
annuls the sophistical art of pleasure. As for the saying of the 
Lord to Salome, "I came to destroy the works of the female," 
that means desire and her works. The Lord only abolished love 
of money, love of strife, madness in lust, dainty living and the like. 
Why do they not quote the context which teaches that either self- 
control or marriage is in our power ? 4 

The saying, " Where two or three are gathered together in my 
name, there am I in the midst of them," 5 may be interpreted in 
various ways. In any case, in the number of those with whom the 
Lord is, those who do not marry from hatred or who from lust 
abuse the flesh are not found. The counsel of the prophet to 
" come out from among them and be separate " 6 does not mean to 
separate ourselves from the married but from the Gentiles and from 
impure and impious heresies. And the same God spoke through 
the Law and the Prophets and the Gospel. 7 Paul teaches that 
both chastity and marriage have each their distinctive ministries 
for the Lord. Nowhere do the Letters of the Apostle annul 
marriage, but preserving the sequence of the Law with the Gospel, 
regard both the married woman and the virgin as holy in the Lord 
the one as a wife, the other as a virgin. 8 The saying adduced by 
Cassianus is not in the Four Gospels handed down by the Church, 
but in the Gospel according to the Egyptians, and, in any case, 
should be interpreted allegorically. 9 The saying about the beguiling 

1 iii. e 45 - 56 . 2 iii. 7 57 - 60 . 3 Rom. vi. 14. 4 iii. 8-9 * 1 -. 

5 Matt, xviii. 20. 6 Isa. Iii. 11 ; 2 Cor. vi. 16. 7 iii. lo-n 67 - 78 . 

8 iii. I2 79 - 90 . 9 iii. I3 M - W . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 279 

of Eve 1 does not mean that generation was due to deceit, but only 
that they sought pleasure greedily. The saying, " It is good for a 
man not to touch a woman," 2 means that we are not to be carried 
away by irrational impulses. When Paul speaks of being temperate 
in all things, 3 that does not mean abstinence from all things, but 
that he used in a temperate way what he judged should be used. 
If generation be evil, they must draw the blasphemous conclusion 
that the Lord, who shared in it, was evil. Thus they slander the 
will of God and the mystery of creation. Apart from the body the 
economy of salvation could not have been fulfilled ; for He who 
was its Head passed His life in the flesh. And did He not cure 
the body as well as the soul from disorders ? 4 

A life of chastity may therefore be chosen, but those who are 
joined in marriage are not to be despised. Both are to give thanks 
to God in their distinctive spheres. The plain teaching of Paul is 
that marriage is lawful not only according to the Law but accord 
ing to the New Covenant. Such as, under the name of knowledge 
" falsely so-called," have given way to pleasure contrary to the rule 
of God, have entered on the path which leads to the outer 
darkness. 5 

Book IV. As to order of treatment. First, we shall discuss 
martyrdom, who the perfect man is, and relative points such as 
the universal duty to philosophise. Then we shall treat of faith, 
inquiry, the debt of Greeks to the barbarian philosophy. Then 
will follow an exposition of the Scriptures in opposition to Greeks 
and Jews, with supplementary matter. The physiological views 
of the Greeks will next be considered. After a brief sketch of 
theology we shall treat of prophecy, the Scriptures and their 
divine authority in relation to heretics. Then we shall treat 
of the true gnostic physiology. But it shall be written as God 
wills, and as He may inspire. 6 The Stromateis are designedly 
discursive, and require winnowing in order to pick out the 
wheat. 7 

The mass of men have a disposition like the storms of winter, 
unsettled and unreasoning. To disbelieve the truth brings death, 

1 2 Cor. xi. 3. 2 I Cor. vii. I. 3 I Cor. ix. 25. 4 iii. 14-17 94 - 104 . 

s iii. ig 105 - 110 . 6 iv. i 1 - 3 . 7 iv. 2 4 - 7 . 



280 APPENDIX C 

as to believe brings life. He who was " made a little lower than 
the angels " is the perfect man and the gnostic. Man is compacted 
of soul and body. The body tills the ground, the soul reaches 
forth to God. Death is the fellowship of the soul, being sinful, 
with the body ; life is the separation from sin. All his life the 
gnostic makes it his study to sever in this sense the soul from 
the body, and thus creates an eagerness to endure the natural 
death which dissolves the chains that bind the soul to the body. 1 
Hence the gnostic will not from fear of death fall away from 
the teaching of the Lord. He confirms the truth of the Gospel 
by his deed. By his precious blood he puts unbelievers to shame. 
Martyrdom is perfection, because it exhibits the perfect work of 
love. The soul that has lived in purity along with the knowledge 
of God is a witness both by life and word, pouring forth faith like 
blood all his life and even up to his departure. Some heretics say 
that the knowledge of the only true God is true martyrdom, and 
that the man who makes confession by death is a self-murderer. 
We assent to the former statement ; and we also censure those who 
have rushed on death from hatred of the Creator, giving themselves 
up to a vain death. To live well, we must live. He who in the 
body has studied the art of living well is being sent forward to im 
mortality. 2 We must exercise care for the body for the sake of the 
soul. By beneficence like that of the Lord, gnostic love shows 
itself. Those who act for the sake of the gift promised are called 
" hired servants " in the Parable of the Two Brothers. The Lord 
teaches that from love to God we must gnostically despise death. 
We are not to hate our persecutors, but regard every trial as an 
opportunity for witnessing. 3 He who denies the Lord denies him 
self; he denies life. Those who persecute the martyr do not know 
that to such death is the gateway of life. The gnostic will never 
put the chief end in fortune, but in being a kingly friend of God ; 
and though he be subjected to dishonour, and exile, and confisca 
tion, and death, he will never be torn away from his freedom and 
overmastering love to God. Armed with weapons not carnal, he 
says : " O Lord, grant a critical opportunity and take a demonstra 
tion ; let the terror approach ; I despise dangers from love to 

3 iv> 5.620.41. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 281 

Thee." 1 Even barbarians have defied tyrants and faced most 
cruel tortures. The whole church is full of women as well as 
of men who have made " a study of death " the death that 
quickens unto Christ. Young or old, slave or Greek, can philoso 
phise. Both servant and wife will practise the Christian philosophy. 
The free man, though menaced with death, will never abandon 
piety ; nor will the wife, nor son, nor servant, where husband or 
father or master is hostile, fail to cling nobly to virtue. There 
can, surely, be no doubt that it is better to be a member of the 
brotherhood of God than to choose the darkness of demons. In 
fighting for virtue we are to think of nothing save the possibility 
of its being well done. 2 

Consider the sayings of the Lord as to martyrdom. With the 
great part of the exegesis of Heracleon we agree. He has over 
looked this point, that even if some have not by action and life 
"confessed Christ before men," their confession at the tribunal 
and endurance of torture even unto death show that they have 
believed with the heart. Even the martyrdom of those who make 
confession at the end of life is a purging away of sins with glory. 
The Lord drank the cup, and in imitation of Him the Apostles, as 
being truly gnostics and perfect, suffered for the churches which 
they founded. So the gnostics who walk in their footsteps ought to 
drink the cup, if circumstances demand it. The gnostic who bears 
witness not from hope or fear, but from love, is the truly blessed 
martyr, surrendering himself wholly for God, giving up as a deposit 
the " man " who is demanded. 3 When He says, " When they per 
secute you in one city, flee ye into another," He does not exhort us 
to flee as if persecution were an evil thing, nor like men in fear of 
death to turn and flee ; but He wishes us not to be a cause of evil 
in the persecutor, nor to share in his evil. To expose ourselves to 
capture from rashness is to be a fellow-worker in the crime of the 
persecutor. We are not to keep hold of anything that belongs to 
this life ; we are not to embitter by counter-claims those who take 
us to law, and by our action stir them up to blaspheme the Name. 4 
" If God cares for you, why are you persecuted and slain?" This 
takes place in harmony with the prediction of God, the free-will of 



282 APPENDIX C 

the judge, and, in any case, is no real wrong to us. 1 In like conflict 
with human freedom is the theory of Basilides that the soul is 
punished here for sins committed previously in another life. If 
martyrdom be retribution by way of punishment, then the faith 
and the teaching for which martyrdom takes place are co-operators 
in punishment. What place, then, is there for love to God, or 
praise, or censure, or right citizenship? The Lord did not suffer 
by the will of the Father, nor are those who are persecuted, per 
secuted by the purpose of God. He does not prevent such things. 
His Providence is to be regarded as a disciplinary act, in the case 
of others for their own individual sins, in the case of the Lord and 
His apostles for ours. For the sake of our sanctification the Lord 
was not prohibited from suffering. 2 

We are to love the sinner, not as such, but in so far as he is 
a man and the handiwork of God. We are to love our enemies. 
Like Paul, we must bear all things lest we should cause hindrance 
to the Gospel of Christ. We must exhibit a pure example to our 
disciples. 3 The perfect righteousness both in word and deed is 
plainly outlined in the Epistle to the Romans. The divine apostle 
sets forth the gnostic rule thus. He speaks of one salvation in 
Christ for the righteous of the Old Covenant and for us. 4 " If 
I give my body and do not love," says the Apostle Paul, " I 
am become as sounding brass and a clanging cymbal." That is, 
if I bear witness not from an elect disposition through love, 
but from fear. If from a reward expected I clang my lips in 
witness to the Lord, I am a common man, sounding the name 
of the Lord, not knowing Him. The same work differs according 
as it is done by fear, or perfected through love, and whether it 
is wrought through faith or gnostically. Naturally the rewards are 
different. The gnostic who looks on beauty thinks of beauty of 
soul, admiring the body as a statue through the beauty of which 
he transports himself in thought to the artist and to that which 
is truly beautiful. 5 In this perfection man and woman can equally 
share. Scripture and history prove it. The temperate wife will, 
in the first place, seek to induce her husband to share with her 
in the things that contribute to happiness ; and, if that be im- 

1 j Vi n 78.80. 2 j v> I2 81.88. 3 iv> x 3^ 5 89.98. 

4 iv. I6, 99 - 104 . 5 iv. i7-i8 105 - 116 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 283 

possible, will herself press on to virtue, obeying her husband in 
all things save such as have a bearing on virtue and salvation. 
Without instruction, study, and discipline, advance in virtue is 
not possible. The wife must remember that God is her helper, 
and her true comrade and Saviour, and make Him leader and 
general in every action, and the love of Him as her goal. 1 

One may be perfected in one virtue and one in another. But 
perfect in all things at once no man is, while he is still a man, 
save Him alone who for us put on man. According to the mere 
letter of the Law, perfection might be obtained by abstinence from 
evil actions. But in the Gospel the gnostic advances not merely by 
using the Law as a stepping-stone, but by comprehending it as the 
Lord, who gave the command, delivered it to the apostles. Not till 
life is ended will he have a claim to the title "perfect." The 
divine apostle sets forth the differences of the perfect. Prophets, 
martyrs, teachers, were prominent in their distinctive virtues, but 
they shared alike in common virtues. "Each has his own gift 
from God." But the apostles were complete in all. The writings 
of Paul derive their breath and expression from the Old Covenant. 2 

The gnostic is a man of understanding and insight. His work 
is not abstinence from evil whether from fear or hope of reward 
he chooses well-doing for the sake of love. He does not aim at 
the knowledge of God for any special need, nor does he even make 
choice of knowledge from a wish to be saved. He does good 
because he judges it right to do good. He has consecrated his 
body into a holy temple. He is no longer self-controlled, but has 
attained the state of passionlessness, waiting to be " clothed upon " 
with the divine form. Such knowledge loves the ignorant and 
instructs them to honour the whole creation of the Almighty. 
" Purity is to think holy thoughts." A true and steadfast repent 
ance is sufficient purification to a man. Though we are not to be 
righteous for the sake of reward, there is a place for hope. But he 
who obeys the call neither from fear nor from the hope of pleasure, 
goes on to knowledge. Drawn by the love of him who is the Lover, 
he cultivates piety. 3 To turn away from things of sense does not 
of necessity produce close union with intellectual (spiritual) objects, 
but the reverse is true. It is possible for the gnostic now to 

2 j y> 21 130.134^ 3 j v 22 135 - 146 . 



284 APPENDIX C 

become God. When deified into the passionless state, man becomes 
a unit undented. " As, then, those at sea when they are attached 
to the anchor by a tight cable, when they pull at the anchor, draw 
not the anchor to themselves but themselves to the anchor, so those 
who in accordance with the gnostic life are drawing God to them 
selves are unconsciously bringing themselves to God. For he that 
gives service to God gives service to himself." l 

To philosophise or not, to believe or not, is in our power. Sins 
before faith are forgiven by the Lord not merely involuntary or 
ignorant sins, as Basilides would have it, as if it were a man and 
not God who provided so great a gift. Punishment does not undo 
the sin, but has as its aim that the sinner may sin no more, and 
that no one may commit like sin. 2 

As God cannot be demonstrated, He cannot be an object of 
science. But the Son is Wisdom and Science and Truth, and 
whatsoever things are cognate thereto. He is capable of demon 
stration and explication. He is the circle of all the powers rolled 
into one and formed into a unity. Hence to believe in Him is 
to be monadic, and not to believe is to be divided. We are intro 
duced into the mysteries by the Saviour Himself. God is the first 
principle of physics, ethics, and logic. Hence the Son alone is the 
teacher of men. 3 

To run down the creation and vilify the body is unreasonable. 
The body is the dwelling-place of the soul ; the soul of the gnostic 
deals with it in a grave and austere fashion. He uses the body as 
one going on a long journey uses the inns on the road. Euripides 
says, " I shall go into the wide ether to hold converse with Zeus." 
But I shall pray the Spirit to furnish me with wings to my 
Jerusalem. 4 

Book V. To limit the sphere of faith to the Son and knowledge 
to the Father is opposed to the close relation between faith and 
knowledge as well as the inseparable union between the Father and 
the Son. The inquiry which goes along with faith, which builds 
the august knowledge of the truth on the basis of faith, is the best. 
Set aside inquiry into the obvious, the obscure which will always be 
so, and questions on which opinions equally valid may be adduced, 

i [ v 2 -- 14 7- 152 . 2 iv. 24 153 154 . 3 iv. 25 155 - 162 . 4 iv. 26 163 - 172 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 285 

and faith is established. It is God who speaks in Scripture, and 
it were godless to disbelieve Him. Admit a Providence and the 
economy of the Saviour must be admitted. Our feebleness made 
the coming of the Saviour a necessity. To inquire concerning 
God has a saving influence. We must become intimately united 
to God, through divine love, that we may listen to the truth without 
guile. 1 Turn to hope. The man who hopes sees things to be with 
the mind only. What is just or true is in like manner invisible 
to the senses. So the Truth the Word of God is apprehended 
by the mind. The Word of God became flesh that He might be 
seen. He who seeks to walk according to the Word believes, then 
hopes, then loves. 2 

All the highest truth is expressed in symbol. The mysteries 
were not exhibited to every one indiscriminately, but only to the 
perfected and the instructed. The Egyptians had three divisions 
of the symbolic that by literal imitation, that by figures of speech, 
and that by allegorical enigmas. This veiling of the first principles 
of things is universal. It was so with the oracles of the Greeks, the 
maxims of the wise men, and the Greek poets. It is so with all our 
Scripture. Sayings of the Apostle prove it. 3 

There is a secret relationship between the Pythagorean symbols 
and the barbarian philosophy. To all his sayings there are Scrip 
ture parallels. For example, the saying, "Do not step over the 
balance," is an epitome of the sayings of Moses concerning right 
eousness. The sphinxes before the Egyptian temples may mean 
that the discourse about God is enigmatical and obscure, perhaps 
that we ought to love and fear the Divine Being, to love Him as 
gracious to the pious, to fear Him as just to the unholy ; the two 
fold characteristic being indicated by the union of the wild beast 
and the man. 4 

The oracles of Scripture are delivered in the form of enigmas. 
The furniture of the tabernacle, the altar of incense, the veil into 
the Holy of Holies, the four letters that mark the name of God, 
the golden lamp, the table of shewbread, the ark, the Cherubim, 
the bells and stones on the robe of the High Priest, all symbolise 

i Ve jiw. 2 v . 2-3 14 - 19 . 3 v. 4 20 - 2 * 5 . 

4 v. 5 27 - 31 . In v. 7 42 he explains the sphinx as a symbol of the union of 
strength and intelligence. In v. S 48 he suggests other explanations. 



286 APPENDIX C 

truths. The golden lamp may be a symbol of Christ, as casting 
light " in diverse portions and diverse manners " on those who 
believe in Him. The 360 bells on the robe of the High Priest 
represent the space of a year, " the acceptable year of the Lord," 
proclaiming and sounding the mighty manifestation of the Saviour. 
The mitre indicates the most sovereign power of the Lord. 1 

The Egyptians likewise concealed mysteries in enigmas. The 
hawk, the crocodile, the dog, the ibis, were symbolical of various 
characteristics in men and God and natural phenomena. 2 The 
Scythians and the Greeks did the same. Take, for example, the 
Ephesian Letters and their interpretation. Take the interpreta 
tion of the words containing the letters of alphabet as given to 
children. 3 Even whole books like that of Heraclitus have been 
uttered in enigmatic form. Such being the case, it was fitting that 
prophecy should be uttered in secret and symbolic fashion. 4 This 
form is adopted by the Scriptures for the sake of memory and brevity, 
and to give a stimulus to the truth. Such veiling is in the interests 
of the genuine inquirer, as well as of the truth which is only partly 
revealed and diversely interpreted. For writing out the views of 
Pythagoras clearly, Hipparchus was expelled from the school. The 
scholars of Epicurus declare that some of his writings are esoteric. 
So the founders of the mysteries buried their own doctrines in myths. 
It was not expedient that the ignorant should fall in with them. 5 The 
divine apostle shows that the gnosis did not belong to all. Some 
things were handed down unwritten in tradition to the Hebrews. 
The " babe " is entrusted with the rudiments. " Day utters speech 
to day " that which has been written without disguise ; " night to 
night proclaims knowledge" that which has been hidden mys 
tically. Paul says, " I have fed you with milk, not with meat." 
The milk is catechetical instruction the first food of the soul ; 
meat is the contemplation, the immediate vision of God. 6 

A separation from the body and its passions is a sacrifice accept 
able to God. Philosophy has naturally been called the study of 
death. The true philosophy is pursued by him who leaves out the 

1 v. 6 3 2 - 40 . The first part is taken from Philo. 2 v. 7 41 , &. 

3 Clement gives various interpretations of fifSv, cty, x^^ y > ir\r,KTpov, tr<f>ly, 
and other forms, v. 8 49 . See note in Kaye, p. 181. 

4 Vt 8 43 - 55 . 5 v. a 66 - 69 . 6 v. lo 60 - 66 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 287 

senses in his thinking. Hence the silence enjoined by Pythagoras. 
The Greeks deify the gnostic life though they have not an intelligent 
knowledge of it. In the Greek mysteries purifications come first. 
This is followed by the minor mysteries with their groundwork of 
instruction, and these by the great mysteries which are taken up 
with the contemplation of nature and realities. To the first stage 
corresponds our baptism with confession ; in the last stage analysis 
takes the place of contemplation. In this way we rise to the con 
cept of the Monad, and come to know not what the Almighty is, 
but what He is not. God cannot be circumscribed. "What house 
will ye build me, saith the Lord ? " l Plato says that it is a difficult 
task to discover the Father and Maker of the universe. Kindred 
thoughts are expressed in various passages of the Scripture. The 
reason is that, as the absolutely First Principle, He cannot be 
demonstrated, nor expressed in ordinary predicates. Only by 
divine grace can we form any conception of Him. 2 All know 
ledge of Him, whether due to the direct action of God Himself, 
or to the exercise of free-will on the part of man, is due to grace. 
If it is impossible, according to Plato, to disbelieve the children of 
the gods, though they speak without probable and certain proofs, is 
not that a proof that the prophets, sons of God, are true witnesses 
about divine things ? It was through His Son that God proclaimed 
the Scriptures. He who knows that the Son of God is Teacher 
has confidence that His teaching is true ; and such confidence 
makes faith grow. And this faith is the effective cause of good 
things and the foundation of right conduct. 3 

The Father and Maker of the universe is known innately, even 
without teaching. The belief in the sovereignty of God is uni 
versal. But even the Greeks with their search after knowledge 
only came to know God by way of circumlocution, which was true 
as far as it went. For they do not know what He is, nor how He 
is Lord and Father and Maker, unless they have been taught by 
the truth. When the shipmaster said to Jonah, 4 " Call on thy God 
that He may save us," the expression, "thy God," suggests one 

1 v. ii 67 - 77 . 2 v. i a 78 - 82 . 

3 v j^ss.ss^ Chapter xiv. 89 - us is entirely devoted to illustrations of "theft" 
from the barbarian philosophy by the Greeks. He has exhibited many interesting 
parallels and analogies. Cf. pp. 46-49. 4 Jonah i. 6. 



288 APPENDIX C 

who knew by way of knowledge ; the expression, " that God may 
save us," indicates the common consciousness of the Gentiles, who 
had applied their mind to the thought of Almighty but had not 
yet believed. The beneficence of God is eternal. Each one 
shares in it according as he wills. 1 

Book VI. In the Paedagogus we have set forth the way of life 
that prepares the soul for the reception of gnostic science. In 
the delineation of the gnostic we shall show to the Greeks that 
they are impious in persecuting the man who loves God. The 
Stromateis are like a variegated meadow, and such of set pur 
pose. For if toil should precede food, much more should it 
precede gnosis. Our spiritual garden is the Saviour Himself. 
When transplanted into Him we become fruitful. He is the true 
gnosis. 2 

That the symbolic form was archaic and all but universal has 
been proved. The theft of Hellenic thought from the Scriptures has 
been demonstrated. As further proof we call to witness the Greeks 
themselves, for they steal from one another, and will, therefore, 
hardly refrain from what is ours. All the adherents of the various 
schools in philosophy admit their debt to Socrates for their author 
itative tenets. 3 They have not only filched doctrines from the 
barbarians, but they have transformed the marvels in our records 
into marvels of Hellenic mythology. 4 Moreover, they took doctrines 
from the Egyptians, who follow a philosophy of their own, as is 
shown by their ritual. 5 

Peter says in his "Preaching," "Worship God not as the 
Greeks, but worship Him in a new way through Christ." He 
shows that the one God was known by the Greeks in a Gentile 
way, by the Jews in a Judaic way, and in a new and spiritual way 
by us. The same is shown by the Apostle Paul. 6 To those who 
were righteous according to Law faith was wanting. But to the 
righteous according to philosophy not only faith was lacking, but 



1 v. 14 134 - 141 . 2 vi. i !- 3 . 

3 vi. 2 4 - 37 . Clement proceeds to quote parallel passages from Homer, Musseus, 
Archilochus, the tragedians, philosophers, historians, and rhetoricians. He seeks 
further to show that they have been guilty of possessing stolen goods en masse. 

5 35.38 6 39.43 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 289 

they had to abandon idolatry. The Lord preached the Gospel 
to those in Hades. He puts forth His might, because to save is 
His work. If He preached to the Jews only, the apostles, there 
as well as here, must have preached the Gospel to the heathen. 
Both Gentile and Jew belong to the holy people. " The ox and 
the bear," says the Scripture, "shall meet together." The ox is 
the Jew, the Gentile is indicated by the bear. If in the flood all 
sinful flesh perished, we must believe that the will of God, which 
is disciplinary and operative, saves those who turn to Him. Water, 
which is of gross material, could not injure the soul, which is of 
finer material. 1 

Wisdom is the steadfast knowledge of things divine and 
human. This the Lord taught us both through His advent and 
through the prophets. With us those are called philosophers who 
love wisdom, that is, the knowledge of the Son of God, but 
among the Greeks, those who take up discussions on virtue. Some 
dogmas the Greeks have borrowed, some they have misunder 
stood. Self-love is the cause of all their errors. In this way 
they miss the truth. Knowledge and science are derived from 
the instruction of a teacher. You name Pythagoras and others 
as teachers. Who taught them? Who taught the first generation 
of men ? The First-begotten, the Wisdom of God, is the teacher 
who from the very beginning of the world has trained and per 
fected man. As the whole family goes back to the Creator, so 
the teaching which justifies goes back to the Lord. Some choked 
the seeds of truth, like the Pharisees. But those who believed 
in the coming of the Lord gained knowledge of the Law; just 
as philosophers, when taught by the Lord, learn the true phil 
osophy. Christ taught the apostles at the time of the advent ; 
through this knowledge, as delivered and revealed, cometh wisdom. 
The gnosis has come down through succession to a few, having 
been delivered unwritten by the apostles. 2 

Paul does not seem to censure philosophy, though he does not 
deem it worthy of the man who has attained to the gnostic height 
to run back to it. So to the Colossians he calls philosophy ele 
mentary teaching. 3 The gnostic must be fond of learning. He 
must be prepared to meet argument with argument. All things 

1 v j 5 44.63^ 2 v j t 7 54.6^ 3 ^ g 61.65 

T 



290 APPENDIX C 

profitable for life come from God ; but there are tares in Greek 
philosophy. It, moreover, is elementary ; while truly perfect science 
is conversant with intellectual and transcendent objects, and with 
objects still more spiritual. The true gnostic such as James, 
Peter, John, Paul, and the rest of the apostles knows all things. 
He comprehends what seems to others incomprehensible ; for 
nothing is incomprehensible to the Son of God, nor untaught. He 
who in love suffered for us kept back nothing. Thus faith becomes 
certain demonstration. 1 No doubt the gnostic is subject to hunger, 
thirst, and the like, without which the body could not continue. 
This did not apply to the Saviour. The apostles were not subject to 
emotions apparently good courage, joy, tranquillity. The gnostic 
does not need courage nor cheerfulness, is not angry, does not 
envy, and loves the Creator in the creatures. He becomes passion 
less like his teacher. He who feasts on the insatiable gladness of 
contemplation cannot be delighted with petty things. Why should 
he run back to the good things of the world who has gained the 
"light inaccessible"? To him the future is no matter of con 
jecture; through love it is already present. His gnosis, when 
perfected, becomes infallible through love. He has apprehended 
the First Cause. He has learned from the Truth the most exact 
truth. He models the administration of his own affairs from the 
archetypes above, as those who sail direct their ship by the 
stars. He requires few necessaries for life, and these not as 
primary, but because they are essential to his sojourn in life ; for 
to him gnosis is the principal thing. 2 Accordingly, he devotes 
himself to subjects that serve as a training for gnosis. From music, 
arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, he takes what they may contribute 
to the truth. From astronomy, like Abraham, he ascends to the 
Creator from the creation. So he will utilise dialectics, which has 
a place in the interpretation of Scripture. To him all branches 
of study are only a means to an end, the transmission of the truth 
to others, and a defence against hindrances to the truth. What is 
craftily used by heretics he uses rightly. 3 The study of arithmetic 
is illustrated by Abraham. As an example of music take David, 
at once singing and prophesying. Astronomy helps to provide the 
soul with a keen vision of truth. Philosophy co-operates in the 
i vi. 8 66 - 70 . 2 vi. 9 71 - 79 . 8 vi. io 80 - 93 . 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 291 

discussions about truth. We have been born by nature for virtue, 
not so as to have it from birth, but in the sense that we are adapted 
for acquiring it. 1 The same is true of Adam. He was not perfect as 
created, but adapted to receive virtue. Aptitude is an impulse in 
the direction of virtue, but it is not virtue. Much more is gnosis 
the fruit of toil. The gnostic is pure in deeds and thought and 
also in word. He does not condemn any particular sin, but all 
sin absolutely. He circumscribes his desires both in respect of 
possession and use. He deems it of more importance to live well 
than to live. He prefers the love of God and righteousness to 
children or marriage or parents. After the children are begotten 
he regards his wife as a sister. To those who have repented of 
their sins but not steadfastly believed, God grants their requests 
when they pray for them ; but to those who live sinlessly He grants 
their thoughts. The gnostic prays in thought every hour. Having 
prayed for forgiveness of sin, he will then pray that he may no 
longer sin, then for the power to do well and to understand the 
economy of the Lord, that having become pure in heart he may 
be initiated into the beatific vision. Possessed of true righteous 
ness he is glorified even here, as Moses was, with something of 
an intellectual effulgence like the glory of the sun. He grows in 
likeness to God the Saviour, so far as it is possible for human 
nature. 2 He who has cultivated apathy and grown to the 
beneficence of gnostic perfection is here equal to the angels. He 
hastens to the holy abode like the apostles. For those who have 
lived perfectly and gnostically may be enrolled among the pres 
byters. Both Greek and Jew meet in the unity of the faith, and 
the election out of both is one. Of the elect some are more 
elect. 3 Such will rest in the "holy mount," the church on high, 
in which are gathered the philosophers of God, the true Israelites, 
the pure in heart, who devote themselves to the pure vision of the 
contemplation that is never sated. To be deemed worthy of the 
highest honour after being saved is more than being saved. Simply 
to be saved belongs to things intermediate, but to be saved rightly 
and fittingly is right action. Those who do not accomplish good 
things do not know what is profitable for them. Being ignorant 
of what is truly good, they cannot pray so as to receive good 

1 yi> Ir 84.95. 2 v j. ! 2 96-104. 3 ^ x 3 105.108. 



2Q2 APPENDIX C 

things from God; nor if they received it would they profit by 
it, in their ignorance of the proper use of divine things. 1 

The gnostic receives the impression of the more immediate image, 
the mind of the Master. He teaches " on the house-tops " those 
who can be taught; he teaches, as he acts, the pattern of the 
Christian citizenship. It belongs to Him to know when to speak, 
and how, and to whom. " The wild olive is engrafted into the 
fatness of the olive." By engrafting worthless shoots are made 
noble, and the barren fruitful. There are four modes of grafting, 
and each symbolises a separate class of disciples. Solomon teaches 
that the love of knowledge makes a man immortal ; it should, there 
fore, be sought so as to be found. With discovery inquiry ends. 
The discovery concerning God is the teaching given through the Son. 
We aim at learning from God Himself, with whom the truth is. 
From the divine oracles we claim to have been taught the truth by 
the Son of God. "The Saviour spoke all things in parables." 
They must, therefore, be expounded in accordance with the canon 
of the Church that is, the harmony of the Law and the Prophets 
with the covenant delivered at the advent of the Lord. The pro 
phetic teaching, like the Incarnation itself, was a concession. The 
Lord possessed all virtue ; and to lead man who had been nurtured 
in the world of sense up to the things of another world, He em 
ployed parables. Like all other languages, Hebrew has certain 
characteristics distinctive of the national genius. But prophecy is 
not marked by such features. It does not veil the truth for the 
sake of beauty of phrase, but because the truth does not belong to 
all. Even those to whom the science of interpretation specially 
belongs must advance gradually. 2 

The Greek philosophers name God, but do not know Him, for 
they do not worship God as God. They ascribe to God their own 
passions. They seek the probable, not the true. We are not to 
investigate truths in part, but truth itself. For the subject of God 
is not one thing but ten thousand things. There is a difference 
between seeking God and the things about God, between things 
and name, between the expression and the thing signified. Those 



2 vi. i5 115 - 132 . Here follows (vi. 16 133 - 148 ) a gnostic exposition of the decalogue. 
See pp. 199, 200. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 293 

who lay hold of the mere expression are like ravens who imitate the 
voices of men, but have no conception of what they say. Philos 
ophy was given by God as a preparatory discipline. Its very exist 
ence shows its origin. Light cannot produce darkness, nor can vice 
do anything virtuous. As philosophy makes men virtuous, it must 
be the work of God, whose only work is to do good. Every benefit 
related to life proceeds in its ultimate ground from God the Father, 
who is ruler over all, and it is perfected through the Son. 1 

The gnostic is always engaged in the most essential matters. If 
he has leisure he turns to Greek philosophy as a recreation or a 
dessert, though he does not direct his energy to superfluous or 
insignificant points. For true science, such as the gnostic alone 
possesses, is a firm hold, leading up through true and sure reason 
to the knowledge of the cause. To philosophise is absolutely 
essential. The Greeks must be taught through the Law and the 
Prophets to worship the only God, who is truly Almighty, then to 
learn that nothing can be an image of God. From this he must 
advance through righteousness to knowledge. Those who boast 
their firm grasp of truth have been taught by men who cannot 
worthily declare the power of God. Even those taught by God 
require grace to attain such knowledge as they possess. Myriads 
of heralds prophesied of the time and place and signs of the advent 
of the Lord. Greek philosophers are limited to a few scholars or 
adherents. Christianity is in every race and country. Instead of 
being crushed by persecution, it grows and lives. 2 

Book VII. Now we show to the Greeks that the gnostic alone is 
truly pious. We shall use only arguments of a self-evident nature, 
and give only an outline of Christianity. The gnostic worships God 
in a manner worthy of God. He honours the Son from whom he 
has learned to know the First Cause, the Father of the universe. 
He worships God by continuous cultivation of his soul and by train 
ing that which is divine in himself in the form of ceaseless love. 
Service of men is partly " meliorative," partly "ministerial." The 
truly devout man serves God in the affairs of men well and un- 
blamably. He is a lover of God. For he who honours God 
loves God. He discharges a threefold function. He knows 

1 yi> ! 7 149.161. 2 v l ! g 162.168. 



294 APPENDIX C 

realities, he carries out the injunctions of the Word, he transmits 
the secret things of truth in a manner worthy of God. 1 

The first stage of faith is to know God, and then in harmony 
with this knowledge, in no way to commit wrong. The most 
excellent thing on earth is the most pious man ; the most perfect 
and most royal is the nature of the Son. All men are His, some in 
the way of knowledge, some as friends, some as faithful servants, 
some as servants simply. He saves those who are willing. As 
befits the Lord of all, He cares for all. He is not touched by 
envy, nor ignorance, nor pleasure. In His love He clothed Him 
self with flesh for the common salvation of men, and can never 
neglect His own work. He governs all things from the greatest to 
the least. Without interfering with freewill, He made all things 
contribute to virtue, so that from age to age the Almighty was 
revealed through the Son. The one end of His saving righteous 
ness is the bettering of each one. 2 

By fellowship with God through the great High Priest the gnostic 
becomes assimilated to the Lord, and then fashions himself and 
moulds those who hear him. The canons of the gnostic assimil 
ation are gentleness, loving-kindness, and a splendid piety. Such 
virtues are an acceptable sacrifice with God. The Gospel and the 
Apostle agree as to the duty of putting ourselves to death. If we 
so sacrifice ourselves we need no other sacrifice. By such con 
secration we honour Him who was consecrated for us. God takes 
pleasure in our salvation alone. He is in need of nothing and is 
not propitiated by sacrifices. He is revealed to the virtuous alone. 3 
The gnostic masters all the causes of evil, and, like God, benefits 
all men, whatever his sphere be. His soul is a divine image of Him 
who is the express image of the Almighty Father. Thus master of 
himself, he gains a firm hold of divine science. He cultivates all 
forms of manliness. He belongs to this world and yet to a higher 
world. He is the true wrestler, with the universe for amphitheatre, 
God as the president, the Son of God as umpire, angels and gods as 
spectators. The terms are the same for all ; the issue depends on 
our will and choice. For salvation through obedience we owe 
thanks to God. And our best thanks is to do what is well-pleasing 
to Him. He accepts our service of men as service of Himself; 

3 yii> 3 .13.15. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 295 

and He regards the wrongs done to His believers as a dishonour 
to Himself. 1 

The Greeks represent their gods as human in passions as well as 
in form. Those who liken the divine nature to the worst of men 
are atheists. To represent men as injuring the gods implies that the 
gods are inferior. The ascription of wrath to the gods naturally 
begets superstition, and their devotees see portents everywhere. 
They have a dread of grains of salt, of squills, and brimstone. But 
the true God regards nothing holy but the character of the just 
man, and nothing accursed save what is unjust. 2 

Do we not rightly refrain from confining in temples made with 
hands that which contains all things ? What work of mechanical 
art could be called holy ? Better, surely, with others, to regard the 
whole universe as a fitting shrine for Him. Ridiculous that man, "the 
plaything of God," should make God, or that He should become 
the play of art. No work of art, however perfect, can be regarded 
sacred and divine. To localise God is an absurdity. If we give 
the epithet " holy " to the building as well as to God Himself, why 
not rather to the church which is the congregation of saints ? The 
soul of the gnostic is a shrine of God that is, he is one in whom 
the knowledge of God is consecrated. 3 

God does not need the food of sacrifice as if He hungered. We 
honour Him by the sacrifice of prayer. The truly holy altar is the 
righteous soul, and the incense from it is holy prayer. We are 
to offer God the incense of united prayer. 4 We are commanded 
to honour the Son and Word whom we recognise as Saviour and 
Ruler, and through him the Father, not on select days, as feast-days 
and the like, but continuously throughout our whole life and in 
every way. If intercourse with a good man ennobles one, much 
more will fellowship with God. Hence all our life we keep festival. 
And this applies specially to the gnostic. He is the truly kingly 
man, the holy priest of God. He does not approach the spectacles, 
touches not costly wines or wreaths that effeminate the soul. He 
enjoys all things as divine gifts. He believes that God knows all 
things and hears our thought. God has not to wait for any voice 
of ours. The gnostic prays for the things that are really good 
the things of the soul ; and, as he prays, he works, so that these good 

1 vii. 3 16 - 21 . a vii. 4 22 - 27 . 3 vii. s 28 - 29 . 4 vii. 6 80 , M . 



296 APPENDIX C 

things may be no external ornaments, but that he himself may be 
good. To pray aright we must pray with a knowledge of God. 
Prayer is converse with God. Though we open not our lips we 
cry in our inmost being from the heart. This cry God ever hears. 
Hence we lift up head and hands and feet at the closing prayer, as 
if to separate the body from the earth as we speak. Some pray at 
fixed hours, the gnostic prays all his life. As God can do all that 
He wills, the gnostic receives whatsoever he may ask. Though God 
gives good things without asking, the petition is not superfluous. 
The faith that he will receive is a form of prayer stored up in a 
gnostic fashion. The holiness of the gnostic is a responsive feeling 
of loyalty on the part of a friend of God. True worship is char 
acterised both by will and knowledge. 1 God answers our thoughts. 
Character in relation to duty is tested by prayer. We send up our 
prayers to God without a voice. As light arises out of the east, 
we pray towards the east. The gnostic is united to the Spirit by 
the bond of infinite love. He maintains contemplation without 
ceasing by self-discipline. He possesses boldness of utterance, and 
conceals nothing from fear or from a desire to please. He is 
incapable alike of giving way to corruption or temptation. He is 
untouched either by pleasure or pain. If reason calls, he is an 
inflexible judge and walks in the paths of justice. He is persuaded 
that all things are administered for the best. He has no anxiety 
about the necessaries of life. He prays that he may never fall 
away from virtue. His knowledge of God is a guarantee that his 
virtue will not be lost. Hence the gnostic alone is pious. He 
already possesses the future. As the physician co-operates with 
the patient for his health, God co-operates with the gnostic for 
knowledge and right action. Having done his part, like the athlete 
in the story, he can claim that God should do His. The whole 
world contributes to the salvation of the gnostic who has consci 
entiously fulfilled his duty. His whole life is a holy festival. His 
sacrifices are prayer and praise and the reading of the Scriptures 
by day and by night. He is one with the divine choir. He prays 
everywhere without ostentation, for his thought is a prayer. 2 Such 
an one need not take an oath ; his life is a security against false 
hood. By his actions he swears faithfully, so that the witness of 

1 vii> 7 35.42. 2 yii> 7 43.49. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 297 

his tongue is a superfluity. He will die under torture rather 
than lie. 1 He thinks truly and speaks truly, though, when occasion 
demands it, as a physician to the sick, he may lie, stooping to 
accommodation for the sake of others. To him a lie is no idle 
word, but a force for wickedness. He witnesses to the truth both 
in word and deed. From this summary account of gnostic piety 
it is plain that the Christian is neither an atheist nor given to 
impiety. 2 

Knowledge is a perfection, as it were, of man as man, and by it 
truth is perfected. By faith the knowledge of God grows. This 
is the foundation of knowledge. Christ is both the foundation and 
the superstructure. Faith and love cannot be taught ; knowledge can 
be transmitted and taught. Faith, knowledge, love, the heavenly 
inheritance, are the four ascending grades. By knowledge those 
fitted for it learn the nature of the life to be, and its purifications 
and honours, with everlasting contemplation of the Lord and fellow 
ship with Him as its crown. Faith, then, is a summary knowledge 
of essentials ; but knowledge is a firm demonstration of the things 
received through faith. As the gnostic has advanced from faith to 
knowledge, and from knowledge to love, so after having reached 
the highest stage in the flesh, he goes on advancing unto the 
Father s house. 3 The gnostic has a true conception of the uni 
verse. He has a unique understanding of the commandments. He 
never prefers the pleasant to the expedient. He has an unshaken 
conviction that whatever may befall him may be a means of salva 
tion. He uses the creatures of God with thanksgiving. He does 
not dwell on his wrongs, but rather pities his fellows because of 
their ignorance. He looks to noble examples. above all, to that 
of the Lord. Like the body of the athlete, his soul is in tiptop 
condition. It is an image of the divine power, and becomes a 
temple of the Holy Spirit. He fears no apparent or external danger. 
He is not irrationally brave. A true martyr, he does not rush into 
danger without cause, but taking care of himself in accordance with 
reason, he willingly surrenders himself at the call of God. He 
obeys the call of God from no low motive, but simply from love to 
Him. By love he grows to the " perfect man," and takes rank as 
a son of God. The vision of God face to face is his highest goal 

1 vii< 51. 2 yii> 962.54. 3 yiii I0 55.59. 



298 APPENDIX C 

and attainment. 1 He is just in all his relations to others. He 
assists his brother, not giving to all equally but according to desert. 
He gives even to his enemies. As God is the enemy of no one, so 
is the gnostic. He is truly continent. He is not merely master 
of his passions but of what is good; for the scientific possession 
of good is "the science of things divine and human." He eats and 
drinks and marries, not as if such things were principal ends, but 
from necessity. By his knowledge the soul is separated from 
passion, so that it can say, " I live as thou wiliest." And he who 
pleases God is well-pleasing to good men. Only One is free from 
desire, the Lord who for us became man. We can only gain a 
like stamp by training. The gnostic gains life by knowledge ; 
ignorance produces atrophy in the soul. All his life is prayer and 
fellowship with God. What is inexpedient he does not ask ; what 
is expedient he receives at once with his thought. He prays for 
the repentance of those who hate him. The future is the real to 
him. He fasts always from the love of money and pleasure, from 
deeds condemned by the Law and thoughts alien to the Gospel. He 
honours the resurrection of the Lord in his inner life. He can look 
on beauty without carnal desire. His brethren are those who choose, 
learn, remember, hope for the same things as he does. Thought 
spent on food is to him a robbery of higher things. As a " stranger 
and pilgrim," he lives in the city as if it were a desert. His sur 
roundings do not affect him. In brief, he makes up for the absence 
of the apostles by upright living, by accurate knowledge, by help 
of the deserving, by removing " mountains " from his neighbours. 
He impoverishes himself for the sake of others, for he has a grasp 
of realities. By knowledge he becomes, as it were, a partner of the 
divine will. He prays with angels, as equal to angels. He prays 
that he may live in the flesh as one free from flesh. In fellowship 
with Christ hereafter he hopes to become all light himself, and not 
luminous by sharing in fire. Day and night he rejoices exceed 
ingly, speaking and doing the commandments of the Lord. He 
is patient under trial. 2 He forgives those who have sinned against 
him, for he regards all men as the work of One Will. His prayer 
is a demand, not a request. He prays that the wants of the needy 
may be supplied, and thus assists them without ostentation or vain- 

1 vii. 1160-63. 2 v jj_ ! 2 69.80. 



ANALYSIS OF THE STROMATEIS 299 

glory, as being only an instrument of the goodness of God. He 
is the temple of God, God-bearing and God-borne. So much to 
the Greeks about the gnostic. 1 

Of the apathy of the gnostic I mean, his progression from faith 
through love to the perfect man I note but one scriptural passage, 
out of many, from the divine apostle in the First Epistle to the 
Corinthians. 2 From this it is evident that the gnostic should suffer 
wrong rather than inflict wrong in retaliation, for that were to do 
wrong himself. How could one "judge angels" that is, the 
apostate angels if himself an apostate from the Gospel precept 
as to the forgetfulness of wrong? "Ye defraud your brethren." 3 
That is, by praying against them, ye defraud them of the goodness 
of God. 4 "Wrong-doers shall not inherit the kingdom of God." 5 
That is, those who seek revenge in deed or word or thought. "Ye 
washed yourselves." 6 That is, with knowledge you flung aside the 
passions of the soul. "Ye were sanctified," 7 as with a holiness 
higher than this world. " God shall destroy them." 8 That is, those 
who live as if they were born to eat. " He that is joined to a 
harlot (the activity contrary to the covenant) unto one flesh (unto a 
heathenish life) becomes another body," which is not holy. " He 
that is joined to the Lord " is a spiritual body. 9 That is, he is 
wholly a son, passionless, gnostic, being formed by the teaching of 
the Lord. So much for those who have ears to hear. We are to 
be perfect as the Father in heaven, perfect in forgiving sins and 
forgetting wrongs, perfect as He would have us be. For it is not 
possible for any one to be perfect as God is. 10 

" We ought not to believe," you say, " because of the variety and 
dissonance of the sects." n That is an idle pretext. It cannot be 
defended on any practical grounds, and is condemned by analogy. 
It regards as false or unprovable what we regard as fundamental, 
that there is truth, that it has its own criterion, that the Scriptures 
are from God, and as such have a demonstration of their own. 
This is ignored by the heretics who have broken away from the 

I v ii. I3 81.83. 2 j; C Qr- v i. 3 J^ ? yj. 3. 4 jj,., v i. 8. 

5 Ib., vi. 9. 6 Ib., vi. II. 7 Ib. 8 Ib., vi. 13. 

9 Ib., vi. 1 6, 17. 10 vii. I4 84 - 88 . 

II For a fuller statement of Clement s discussion of the question, see Lecture II., 
pp. 57-60. 



300 APPENDIX C 

authoritative possessor of truth, and in their conceit and muddiness 
of soul cannot see the light of truth. Ignorance is the characteristic 
of the heathen, conceit of the heretics, knowledge of the Church. 
In their love of glory and slothfulness they close their ears to the 
truth. They ignore the antiquity and unity of the Catholic Church. 1 
With some remarks on the distinctive characteristics of Jews and 
heretics, and on the literary form of the Stromateis, the Seventh 
Book comes to a close. 2 

1 vii. i-i 89 - 108 . 2 viii. i8 109 - 11] . 



APPENDIX D. 

THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT. 

As stated on page 10, the hypothesis that the works of Clement 
were not written in the order commonly held was first started 
by Wendland. It is supported by Heussi and Harnack, and ac 
cepted, without discussion, by Duchesne and Stahlin. 1 It is re 
jected by Bardenhewer, who accepts the view of Zahn. 2 It is 
ignored by Mayor. Now, it is plain that a hypothesis so sup 
ported is one which, on the face of it, it may seem presumptuous 
to doubt and an impertinence to criticise. But an examination 
of the reasons adduced, together with the presentation of some 
grounds that may be adduced to the contrary, may tend at 
least to cast doubt on the necessity of an unconditional accept 
ance of it. 

In his Quasstiones Musonianae, published in 1886, in which he 
proved the dependence of Clement on Musonius, Wendland ex 
pressed the opinion that the reference by Clement to a treatise Tlepl 
eyKparelas was due to the fact that the whole was a quotation from 
Musonius ; that Clement had written no work on that subject, but 
that he had with extraordinary negligence transcribed the passage 
from Musonius, "dormitans integrum hoc enunciatum ex Musonio 
transtulit," and thus had ascribed to himself a writing which was 
really a writing of Musonius. This incredible hypothesis is of 
interest as showing the attitude of the critic to Clement, but does 
not otherwise call for comment. In a review of the work of 

1 Duchesne, Histoire ancienne de PEglise, p. 337. Stah., vol. iii. p. Ixiii. 

2 I have not been able to see the article of Zahn to which Harnack makes 
reference. Op. cit., p. 9, note 5. 



302 APPENDIX D 

de Faye l he abandoned this hypothesis, and writes as follows : 
" In Paed. ii. 94, /ca06\ov fjuev ovv el rya/jLrjreov r\ ydfjiov et? 
TO Travre\es /caOapevreov e^ercu jap V?T7?<7ec09 KOI rovro 
ev TO) Trepl eyKpareias rjfjilv SeS^Xwrat. Dies problem findet 
sich nun Strom, ii. 137, tflrovpev be el rya/jLrjreov . . . aus- 
fuhrlich behandelt innerhalb einer Erorterung iiber ey/cpareia, die 
von Strom, ii. 103 bis zum Ende von Buch III. reicht, aber auch 
ins vierte iibergreift. Und St. iii. 22 heist es ausdriicklich o Se 
Trepl eytcpareias rjfjiiv TrpofBaivero \6yos. (Auf die Auseinander- 
setzung mit gnostichen Enkratiten St. iii., passt weiter die ver- 
weisung Paed. ii. 52 2 ). Endlich beziehe ich auf diese Bucher der 
St., besonders ii. 137-146; iv. 59-65, 125-129, die mit den 
wortern ev roS <ya/j,ucq> ^Le^L^ev \6ya) schliessende Aufzahlung 
Paed. iii. 41. Wer die stellen vergleicht und die antike Citir- 
methode kennt, kann gar nicht an der Beziehung zweifeln. Beach- 
tet man weiter die Praeterita an den beiden ersten, das Futurum 
an der letzen Stelle, so ergiebt sich dass Clemens, als er den Paed. 
schrieb, bereits einen theil der St. fertig hatte, deren Ausarbeitung 
er durch den Paed. unterbrach. Dazu stimmt, dass sich nur in 
St. vi. und vii. je eine Riickweisung auf Prot. und Paed. findet. 
Man kann zweifeln, ob man den Paed. doch spater ansetzen soil 
als Neumann, Der rom. Staat und die Kirche, i. 100, oder 
ob die Stelle iiber die Verfolgungen, St. ii. 125, spaterer 
Zusatz 1st." 

Heussi puts the matter thus: "Clemens verweist namlich Paed. 
ii. 94 bei der Besprechung der Ehe auf seine ausfiihrliche Er 
orterung Trepl eytcpareias . . . SeS^Xwrat. Das mit diesen 
Worten umschriebene Problem finden wir nun St. ii. 137, 
%r)Tov/jiev . . . behandelt, innerhalb einer langer Erorterung iiber 
die eyfcpareia, die von St. ii. 103 bis ins IV. Buch hinein reicht. 
Ebenso bezieht sich die Verweisung Paed. ii. 52, SeiXijtya/jiev . . . 
rdrrerai auf St. iii. Schliesslich finden wir Paed. iii. 41, ev 
To3 ya/ju/cq) Ste^yLte^ \6yti* einen Hinweis auf die Ausfiihrungen, 
St., ii. 137, 146; iv. 59-65, 125-129. Die antike Manier zu cit- 



1 Theol. Lit.-Zeit., 1898. 

2 8ifi\-r)<f)atJt.(v tie fiaQvTtpcp \6ycp us &pa otire tv roTs Mfunf^ofa* p.^v eV roly 
<rvvov<Tia.<mK.o1s /j.opiois /cat rrj K&TO. ydfiov (Tv/j.Tr\oicf), Kad 5>v Kfirai TO oi 6/^.ara TO 
srepl TT)J/ ffw-fiOeiav ov TeTpjft/xeVa, T] rov OVTOS alffxpov irpovriyopia -rd.mro.1. 



THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 303 

iren lasst es ausser Zweifel, dass Clemens an den gennanten Stellen 
im Paed. nicht auf selbstandige Werke Trepi ey/cpareias u.s.w., 
verweist, sondern auf die betreffenden Darlegungen in den Str. 
Die Praeterita an den beiden ersten Stellen, SeSfawrai, &i- 
etX^ayitez/ und das Futurum an den dritten Stelle Sie^i/uev aber 
beweisen dass Clemens einen Teil der Str. vor dem Paed. ge- 
schrieben haben muss." T 

Harnack writes as follows : " Hier ist von der Entdeckung Wend- 
lands ausgehen, die Heussi bestatigt hat, dass die 4 ersten Biicher 
der Stromateis vor dem Padagog geschrieben sind. Diese Ent 
deckung wirft nicht nur die bisherige Chronologic des Schrift- 
stellers Clemens, sonder auch die wichtigsten der bisher geltenden 
Vorstellungen von seinem schriftstellerischen Absichten iiber denn 
Haufen. Die Entdeckung ist zuverlassig ; denn liegt kein Grund 
vor, das Zitat in Paedag. ii. 10, 94 (fca06\ov pev ovv jj 
rj ya/juov et? TO 7rai>reXe9 KaOapevreov e^erai yap 
/cal TOVTO ev TO) 7T6pl ey/cparcia^ r}fj,2v SeS^Xcorat), auf einen 
anderen Abschnitt zu beziehen als auf die grosse Ausfiihrung, die 
von Strom, ii. 20, 103, bis in das 4 Buch hineinreicht, s. bes. 
ii. 23, 137. Nicht anders ist iiber das Zitat Paedag. ii. 6, 52, 
SieikrityaiAev, &c., zu urteilen ; es ist das 3 Buch der Stromateis 
gemeint, und endlich ist der ya/ui/cbs Xo^o? auf den Paedag. iii. 
8, 41, verwiesen wird, in denselben Ausfiihrungen, namlich Strom, 
ii. 23, 137, 146; iv. 8, 59-65; iv. 20, 125-129 zu suchen. 
Besondere Schriften des Clemens Trepl ey/cpaTeia^ (oder iiber die 
Ehe) hat nie jemand genannt ; kein Zitat findet sich aus ihnen. 
Dagegen enthalten die betreffenden Abschnitte der Stromateis 
das im Padagog Vorausgesetzte. Nun aber beobachtet man weiter, 
dass der Protrepticus und Padagog nur in den spateren Biichern 
der Stromateis zitiert werden (Strom., vi. i, i ; vii. 4, 22) Ger- 
ade aber in den friiheren Biichern musste man Verweisungen auf 
sie oder doch mindestens auf den Padagog erwarten, wenn sie 
friiher geschrieben waren und wenn die Stromateis den Zweck 
verfolgten, das im Padagog Ausgefiihrte nun in eine hohere 
Sphare zu heben. In diesen friiheren Biichern der Stromateis 
aber wird die Aufgabe so angefasst, dass sie in keinem sinne 
als Fortsetzung erscheint, vielmehr die Aufgaben mit umfasst, die 

1 Z. fur W. Th., 1902, p. 474. 



304 APPENDIX D 

im (Protrepticus und) Padagog behandelt sind. Als Clemens die 
Stromateis i.-iv. schrieb, hatte er also jene beiden Biicher weder 
schon geschrieben noch geplannt." 1 

From the similarity of the reasons brought forward, it may be 
assumed that no more cogent grounds can be submitted. As 
for the absence of reference in the earlier books of the Stroma 
teis to the Paed., that does not seem an argument of much 
weight by itself. It might be asked in reply, Why no reference 
in Strom, v. or in the Paed. to the earlier books of the Strom. ? 
Or, why no reference in the Paed. to some of the subjects promised 
in the Strom., and never discussed? 

The essential points in the passages quoted by Wendland, 
Heussi, and Harnack are these: (i) At the time that the Paed. 
was written, Clement had already written on the subject of 
tytcpareia, with special reference to marriage. (2) In that or a 
cognate treatise he had discussed somewhat elaborately the specific 
point noted in Paed. ii. 52. (3) When he had finished the Paed. 
he had still in contemplation a special work on the subject of 
marriage. 

As to the last point. That Siegi/jLev is to be taken in the 
ordinary future sense there can be no doubt. If this be so, how 
can the allusion to the <yaiMico<s \6<yo<; in Paed. iii. 41 refer to 
sections in the Stromateis, when, ex hypothesi, they had preceded 
its composition ? If we are to give the natural force to BeSrjXcorai,, 
must we not do the same with ^Le^L^ev ? It is plain from many 
indications that the subject had a special interest for Clement, 
alike on physiological, ethical, psychological, and exegetical grounds. 
But is it probable, after the detailed discussion in the Stromateis 
and the Paedagogus, that he should have thought of returning to 
the subject? Is it not more likely that the sections in the Strom, 
are the fulfilment of the proposed rya/ju,Ko<; \oyos, and that accord 
ingly the Paed. preceded the Stromateis ? Harnack, it will be noted, 
while adopting the other arguments, passes by the distinction of 
tenses. 

As to the second point. In Paed. ii. 52 he states that he had 
touched at length on the points there noted. But in none of the 

1 Die Chronologic des alt. Lit., vol. ii. pp. 9, 10. 



THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 305 

passages referred to by Heussi does he touch directly on the 
specific points indicated, even where such a discussion might 
naturally have taken place. 1 The points are referred to definitely 
and specifically in some sections of the Paed., 2 but not in the 
Strom. Does not this suggest that the matters alluded to were 
discussed in another treatise of which we have no further know 
ledge? 

As to the first point. This is the only argument of importance, 
and it is weighty. That Clement could refer to a section of 
another work as a separate treatise is, of course, undoubted. That 
the questions there discussed cover precisely the same ground as 
that indicated in Paed. ii. 94 is equally undoubted ; so that, if no 
other explanation of the phenomena were possible, and no evidence 
could be adduced to the contrary, the hypothesis might be 
accepted unconditionally. But some general grounds as well as 
some special considerations may be adduced to the contrary. To 
begin with, it is certain that Clement conceived of a threefold 
and progressive activity of the Logos, and that the three works as 
they stand correspond generally to that conception. 3 He had a 
clear distinction in his own mind between the Paedagogic and 
the Didactic function, and in the Paed. sometimes checks his 
tendency to digress. Again, in Strom, vii. 27, he says that it was 
his method to begin with the uprooting of evil opinions as a 
preliminary to the mention of the more important principles, and 
he seems to ground this on the practices of those who are initiated 
into the mysteries. The analogy between the three stages repre 
sented by the Prot, the Paed., and the Strom., and the three 
grades of initiation into the mysteries, has often been noted. If 
that was his principle, is it not probable that he adopted it in 
his writings? That the Paedagogus was designed to be of the 
nature of a preliminary discipline, he himself expressly states. 4 
Further, at the beginning of Strom, iv. he sketches with some 
detail the plan of work which he proposes to follow, and he 
carries it out, or at least some stages of it, substantially as he 

i Cf. Str., iii. 4 34 . 2 Cf. Psed., ii. io 92 , 93 . 

3 rfj Ka\fj irvyxpyrou oiKOvo^ia. 6 irdvra tyiXavdpuiros \6yos, irporptiruv &vw6ev, 
eireiTa TTcuSayw ywV) tirl iraaiv eKSiSdffKcav. Psed., i. I 3 . 

4 Str., vi. I 1 . 

U 



306 APPENDIX D 

had planned it. Is it probable that he interrupted his design by 
so long an interval as the writing of the Paed. must have in 
volved? Moreover, does not the reference in Paed. ii. 94 imply 
on this hypothesis that Strom, i.-iv. had been published separately? 
Clement repeatedly refers to works which he had in contemplation, 
and which in all probability he never wrote nor published ; but 
what point was there in referring to a work which had been 
written but not published ? And in that case is it not improbable 
that he should have delayed the plan which he had sketched for 
an indefinite period, and entered upon Strom, v. without any 
reference to the previous sections of the work ? 

As against the hypothesis, the following points may be urged. 
The manner in which the gnostic is referred to in the Psed., as 
contrasted with the manner in which he is referred to in the Strom., 
is difficult to account for on the hypothesis under consideration. 
In each of the first four books of the Strom, the word "gnostic" 
is a technical term, introduced now as a noun, now as an adjective, 
now as an adverb, without any qualification or explanation. 1 He is 
delineated at length in relation to God, to his own body, and to his 
ethical ideals and motives. 2 Clement draws a distinction between 
simple and gnostic martyrdom, 3 between the reward promised to 
the simple believer and the gnostic, 4 interprets Psalm viii. 6 of 
" the perfect man and the gnostic," 5 and speaks of the apostles as 
truly gnostic and perfect, 6 and represents Clement of Rome as well 
as St Paul as delineating the character of the gnostic. 7 In the 
Paed. there are only two allusions, but neither in letter nor in 
spirit are they in harmony with these conceptions. In Paed. i. 31 
he says, with reference to Valentinus, that there "are not, then, 
some who are gnostics and others who are psychical, but that all 
are equal and spiritual before the Lord," quoting in proof the words 
of St Paul in Galatians. 8 In Paed. i. 52 he speaks of the audacity 
of those who dare to call themselves " perfect and gnostic " think 
ing more highly of themselves than Paul. In view of the dis- 

1 Cf. Str., i. io 49 ; iii. 6 53 ; ii. iS 80 , &c. 

3 Ib., iv. 22 137 ; 22 140 ; 25 16 , &c. 3 Ib., iv. 4 15 . 4 Ib., iv. i8 114 . 

8 Ib., iv. 3 8 . Ib., iv. 9 75 . 7 Ib., iv. 17 10B ; i6 100 , 101 . 

8 Gal. iii. 26, 27. 



THE ORDER OF THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT 307 

cussion and the usage in the Strom., is it sufficient explanation to 
say that the passage is controversial? If the allusions elsewhere 
had been incidental, that had been sufficient explanation, but not 
in view of their detailed character. And, moreover, should we not 
have expected in that case, not a contrast with the modesty of St 
Paul, but with those who possessed the true gnosis as opposed " to 
the gnosis falsely so-called," such as we find more than once in the 
Strom. ? In view of the prominence given to the delineation of 
the gnostic in Strom, iv., it is hard to understand how such state 
ments could have been made in the Paed. without some qualifica 
tion such as Clement was fond of adding. 

In Paed. i. 35-52, Clement gives an altogether fanciful exegesis 
of i Cor. iii. 2, seeking to show with quaint lore that the " milk " 
to which the apostle referred did not mark a lower stage than 
" meat," but that they represented the same thing. As it is of the 
nature of a digression, and its elaborate exegesis is not in harmony 
with the general trend of the Paed., it may be held all the more 
certainly to illustrate his thought at the time. But in Strom, i. 179, 
v. 26, and v. 66, he interprets the words in their natural sense. Is 
it not more probable that the former marks the earlier stage ? And 
would it not be strange if, after having given the natural interpreta 
tion in Strom, i. and the like in Strom, v., he should in the interval 
have given the unnatural interpretation to be found in Paed. i. 

33-5 2 ? 

There is a difficulty, no doubt, in accounting for the disappear 
ance of the treatise on ey/cpareia, on the supposition that it was 
a separate work. Yet, in view of the loss of other writings of 
Clement, this objection has less weight than it seems. Of the 
works named by Eusebius, for example, nothing survives of the 
* Discussions on Fasting ; of the * Ecclesiastical Canon, only one 
passage has been preserved. Heussi asks, " Why did he not refer 
to the work on ej/cpareia, instead of transcribing it ? " Plainly 
that assumes the poini at issue the identity of the two. But 
the question suggests a possible solution. If incorporated in a 
later work, may not that account for its disappearance ? Have 
not "Q" and the " Logia " disappeared as separate works, because 
incorporated in the Synoptic Gospels ? Moreover, on the assump- 



308 APPENDIX D 

tion that Siegipev is a future, a like difficulty arises in connection 
with the disappearance of the yapi/ccx; XOYO?. If, on the other 
hand, the Paed. was written before the Strom., it may be regarded 
as embedded in the relative sections of the Strom., ii.-iv. i. There 
are difficulties on either hypothesis ; but I venture to submit that 
the case for reversing the traditional view as to the relation be 
tween the Paed. and the earlier books of the Strom, has not been 
incontrovertibly demonstrated. 

According to de Faye, the Stromateis is not to be regarded as 
representing the last stage of the plan of work intended by Clement. 
The crown of the work was to be a treatise designated "The 
Teacher " (o St&aoveaXo?), which has hitherto been confounded 
with the Stromateis. The hypothesis is approved by Mayor (pp. 
xvi, xvii). It received an exhaustive and adverse criticism from 
Heussi (Z. f. W. Th., 1902), and his conclusions are accepted and 
regarded as decisive by Harnack (pp. 13-15). 



309 



APPENDIX E. 

LOST WRITINGS OF CLEMENT. 

I. EUSEBIUS (H. E., vi. 13, 14), in his account of the writings of 
Clement, names, in addition to the Stromateis, the Protrepticus, 
the Psedagogus, and the Quis Dives, the following : 

(1) AT TTTorfTTcoo-efc?. See pp. 23-25. (Fragments in 

Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 195-215.) 

(2) Hepl TOV r jrdo~ )(a. (Fragments in Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 

216-218. 

(3) AtaXee9 7Tpl vrja-reias /cal irepl Kara\a\ia<; (of this 

nothing survives). 

(4) ? O TIpOTpeTTTLKOS i? V7TO/jiOl>7]V Tj 7T/9O9 TOU9 VWCTT\ 

/3e/3a7rrto-/xeVou9. (Cambridge Texts and Studies, vol. v. 
pp. 47-49 (1897). Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 221-223.) See 
Lecture V. 

(5) Kavau eicic\ r]cnaorTiKos rj vrpo? TOL/? lovSai&vras. 

(Fragment in Stahlin, vol. iii. p. 218.) The Judaisers, 
in the opinion of Harnack, were such as objected to the 
allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament. c History 
of Dogma, vol. i. p. 292. 

II. Not mentioned by Eusebius are : 

(a) Tlepl 7rpovola<$. (Fragments in Stahlin, vol. iii. pp. 219- 

221.) 

(b) Et? TOV 7Tpo(f)rJTr)v AyLt<u9. (Stahlin, vol. iii. p. Ixiii.) It 

is doubtful whether this was a separate work. 

III. Writings referred to by Clement himself: 

(1) Hepl ey/cpaTLa<$. See Appendix D. 

(2) f O Xo709 ya/u/co?. See Appendix D. 

(3) IIe/94 apx&v teal 0o\oyias. (Q. D. 26. Cf. Str., iii. 2 13 ; 

v. i4 140 , &c.) From a comparison of the terms which 



310 APPENDIX E 

he employs in speaking of this work with those employed 
in speaking of writings that were contemplated, it seems 
most natural to infer that the work had been completed. 

(4) Tlepl dvaa-Taa-eo)^ (Paed., i. 6 47 , ii. 10 104 .) 

(5) Hepl 7T/9o</>??Teta?. (Str., iv. i 2 , v. 13 88 .) 

(6) Tlepl Tfrvxf)<:> (Str., ii. 20 113 , v. 13 &.) 

(7) Tlepl rr)? dvOpcoTrov yeveaetos. (Str., iii. 14 95 .) 

(8) TIcpl rov Sia/36\ov. (Str., iv. 1 1 85 .) 

(9) Tlepl rr)$ et%7}?. (Str., iv. 26 171 .) 

(10) Tlepl <yevore(D<$ KOV/JLOV. (Str., vi. i8 168 .) 
In all probability the works enumerated 4-9 were intended to be 
sections of the Strom., and were never written. (Cf. Stah., vol. iii. 
pp. Ixiv, Ixv.) 



APPENDIX F. 

THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT. 

THE Canon and Text of the Septuagint represented in the works 
of Clement are discussed by Stahlin in his Clemens Alexandrinus 
und die Septuaginta (1901). With regard to the Text, his con 
clusions are (i) That in many passages, particularly in the 
Prophets, the text used by Clement agrees with the revisers, 
especially with Theodotion ; (2) that throughout there is a 
difference between his text and that of Codex B. 

The text of Ecclesiasticus employed by Clement is shown by 
Hart to be akin to that of the Old Latin. 1 This accounts for 
many of the deviations from the current text. 

The New Testament Text of the Gospels and Acts is the 
subject of an exhaustive study by Barnard in the Cambridge 
Series of Texts and Studies (vol. v., 1899). In an Introduction 
by Professor Burkitt, it is held that the study confirms the con 
clusion " that the earliest texts of the Gospels are fundamentally 
Western." 

The following note is meant to set forth some of the more 
distinctive features of the text used by Clement in the Pauline 
Epistles. To this end it is important to classify the quotations. 
They may be divided into four classes : I. Quotations where the 
name of the Epistle is mentioned. II. Quotations where "The 
Apostle" or Paul is named. III. Quotations for which scriptural 
authority is alleged or implied. IV. Quotations introduced without 
reference. Speaking generally, for textual purposes that is the 
order of merit; but sometimes the fact that a quotation is made 
from memory may reduce the value of a quotation from a higher 
1 J. H. A. Hart, Ecclesiasticus, 1909, pp. 321-346. 



312 APPENDIX F 

to a lower rank, and sometimes from the fact that it occurs in a 
long passage or is quoted with a &>?, a quotation in the lower 
rank may be raised to a higher rank. The importance of attend 
ing to such principles of classification may be seen from the 
following examples, where Clement may be quoted in support of 
different readings : Class I. Rom. i. 1 7 (Str., ii. 6 29 ) Sifcaiocrvvr} 
yap (WH.) Class II. (Str., v. i 3 ) Si/caioavvij St. I. Rom. vi. 
22 (Str., ii. 22 134 ), vwL (WH.) II. (Str., iv. 3 n ), vvv. I. 
i Cor. iv. 15 (Str., iii. 15"), ev Xpurrp (WH.) II. (Str., v. 
i 15 ) ev XpurTO) Ivjo-ov. I. Eph. v. 28 (Str., iv. 8 64 ) o>? ra 
eavrwv aoo^ara. III. (Psed., iii. i2 94 ) &>9 ra l$t,a aw/mara. 
I. Col. iii. 12 (Str., iv. 8 66 ) oiKTippov (WH.) IV. (Str., iv. 7 55 ) 

OlKTlp/JLWV. 

The general features of the text of Clement may be indicated 
under the following heads : (a) The cases in which Clement sup 
ports the readings of WH. as against the Textus Receptus ; (b) the 
cases in which he supports the readings of the Textus Receptus 
as against WH. ; (c] The cases in which he supports i? when it 
differs from B ; (d) the cases in which he supports B when it 
differs from * ; (*) the cases in which he supports the Neutral 
Text when it differs from the Western Text; (/) The cases in 
which he supports the Western Text when it differs from the 
Neutral Text. Preserving the classification of readings already 
suggested, I note the following : 

(a) Romans: (I.) 7 23 ; (II.) i a , 2 14 , 2 17 (twice), 3 22 , 3 26 , 
3 29 , 6 15 , 8 11 , 8 15 , 8 36 , 10 3 , 10 9 , 10 15 , 10 19 , i2 2 , 13 3 , 13 9 , 
i 3 n , i5 29 ; (III.) I2 11 , i5 4 , is 14 , i Corinthians: (I.) 4 21 , 6 2 , 

f.8 T ? 11 /TT \ T 22 ,, 7 ,,10 /twirM v I 3 > 15 ? 2 t 3 i2 /i 9 >i i3 

3 > I 3 ) v**v J ^iwice^, 2 ,2 >3>3>3 j4j4 
5 7 (twice), 6 10 , 7 9 , 7 12 , 7 35 , 7 38 (twice), 7 39 , 8 2 (five times), 8 8 , 
8 9 , 8 11 (twice), 10 \ io 23 , io 24 , io 30 , n 11 , n 31 , u 32 , 12 9 , 
12 13 , 13 2 (twice), 13 3 , 14 10 (twice); (III.) 7 34 , 9 22 , io 3 ; (IV.) 
7 3 , 7 7 (twice), n 27 (twice), 15 49 . 2 Corinthians: (I.) 3 14 ; (II.) 
i 12 , 2 16 , 5 3 , 6 4 , 6 14 , 7 n (twice), 8 12 , 1 1 3 (twice) ; (III.) 4 6 . 
Galatians: (II.) 4 7 , 5 19 , 5 21 . Ephesians : (I.) 5 22 , 5 23 (twice), 
S 25 ; (II.) 2 n , 3 3 , 5 4 , 5 5 ; (IH.)5 14 , 6^,6 9 , 6^ 2 ; (IV.) 3 4 9 . 
Philippians: (I.) 2 21 ; (II.) i 14 , i 23 , i 24 , i 30 , 2 \ 2 15 , 3 14 , 4 12 , 

4 13 . Colossians: (I.) i 10 (twice), i 26 , i 27 , i 28 , 2 2 (twice), 3 n , 



THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT 313 

3 12 > 3 14 ,*3 15 , 3 18 , 3 22 , 3 25 , 4 l , (II.) 3 5 > 3 16 (twice) ; (IV.) 2 u. 
i Thessalonians: (II.) 4 8 ; (HI.) 5 5 , 5 6 ; (IV.) 2 4 . Hebrews: 
(I.) 5 12 ; (II.) io 34 (thrice), io 35 , io 88 , n 3 , 1 1 26 5 n 32 (thrice), 

12 15 ; (III.) 8 n , 8 12 . i Timothy: (I.) 5 21 , 6 20 ; (II.) 2 9 (twice), 
6 5 ; (III.)4 12 . 2 Timothy: (I.) 3 15 . Ti Atf: (I.) 2 3 ; (II.) 3 5 
(twice) ; (III.) i 10 . 

() Romans: (I.) 7 17 , 7 20 ; (II.) 8 2 , 8 9 , 8 u , 8 u , 8 24 , io 14 
(thrice), io 17 , n 22 , 12 2 , 13 9 . i Corinthians: (I.) 6 9 ; (II.) i 20 , 

T 23 -10 ,8 ,10 .11 f. 10 ^6 M 10 * 38 Q 8 /twirf^ n 4 T ? 9 

1 > 2 > 3 3 j 4 ? 5 7 j 7 j 7 > ^iwice^, 9 , 12 , 

13 3 , 15 50 ; (III.) 7 33 . 2 Corinthians: (II.) 7 n , 8 12 , 1 1 3 ; (IV.) 
5 10 , 6 17 . Galatians: (I.) 4 19 ; (H.) 3 23 , 5 17 , 5 20 (twice), 5 21 , 
5 23 ; (IV.) 6W 6". Ephesians: (I.) 4 u , 5 24 ; (H.) 5 5 ; (HI.) 

4 26 ; (IV.) 2 3 . Philippians: (II.) 2 2 , 3 12 . Colossians : (I.) i 10 , 
3 12 , 3 20 , 3 23 , 3 24 (twice), 3 25 ; (II.) 2 3 , *\ 3" i Tfcww- 
lonians : (II.) 2 7 (twice), 4 6 , 4 8 (twice). Hebrews : (I.) 5 12 ; 
(II.) io 34 (twice), io 37 , n 32 (twice), n 37 , 1 1 38 . i Timothy: 
(II.) 2 9 ; (IV.) 4 2 , 4 3 . 2 Timothy: (I.) 3 16 . 7?/itf: (I.) 2 3 , 
2 5 ; (II.) 2 12 . 

W 7?^^.- (I.) 3 8 , 7 2( >, 8 11 , i6 19 ; (II.) i a i 27 , 3 22 , 
6 21 , 8 28 , io 15 . i Corinthians: (I.) 13"; (II.) 6 10 , 8 3 , 8 8 , 
I2 9 , I2 10 ; (IV.) 2 9 , is 49 . 2 Corinthians: (II.) i 10 , 5 3 , 7 n , 
13 5 ; (III.) 6 15 , 6 16 . Galatians: (II.) 2 20 , 4 2 , 5 20 ; (III.) 6 2 . 
Ephesians: (I.) 5 24 ; (III.) 4 32 ; (IV.) 6 12 . Philippians: (I.) 
2 21 ; (II.) i 9 , i 24 (twice), 3 15 . Colossians: (I.) i 9 , 3 u , 3 22 
(twice), 3 23 , 4 37 ; (II.) 3 16 , 3 17 . i Thessalonians : (II.) 4 7 , 4 8 ; 
(III.) 5 19 . 

(rf) Romans: (II.) 3 29 , 8 24 , io 3 , io 9 , i2 2 , i3 9 , i3 12 ; 
(III.) 15 4 ; (IV.) 3 5 , i3 13 . i Corinthians: (I.) 4 21 ; (II.) 2 10 , 
6 13 (eW), 8 6 , 8 8 , 12 10 , 13 3 , 13 5 , 14 6 (twice); (IV.) n 27 . 

2 Corinthians: (II.) i 12 ; (IV.) 5 10 , 8 12 (efr? 9 ). Galatians: (II.) 
3 24 , 3 28 (twice), 4 3 , 4 6 , 5 17 ; (HI.) 6 2 . Ephesians: (II.) 4 24 , 
5 4 ; (III.) 4 25 , 6 1 , 6 5 ; (IV.) 2 4 . Philippians: (II.) i 10 , i 23 , 
2 2 , 3 M. Colossians: (I.) i 27 , 3 14 > 3 21 > 3 25 , 4 2 ; (H.) 2 7 , 3 5 > 
3 6 , 3 16 ; (IV.) 3 i, 3 10. ! Thessalonians: (II.) 2 5 , 4 4 ; (HI.) 

5 13 , 5 15 , 5 21 - Hebrews : (I.) 5 12 . 

(d) Romans: (I.) 8 13 , 8 15 ; (II.) i 26 , 3 22 , 8 37 , 8 38 , 9 14 , 13 n , 
I 3 14 , 14 2 ; (III.) i2 n , I2 13 . i Corinthians: (I.) 6 1, 13 n 
(twice); (II.) 2 10 , 3 2 , 3 3 (twice), 4 1B , 7 10 , 7 12 , 7 M (eW), 7 28 > 



314 APPENDIX F 

8 2 (twice), 8 13 , io 20 , io 31 , ii a II 82 j I2 io ? I2 n I4 io. ( in .) 
7 34 ; (IV.) ii 2 8, 15 so (twice). 2 Corinthians: (I.) 3 14 ; (II.) i 12 , 
2 16 , 5 \ 5 3 ; (IV.) 6 i. /*/&* : (II.) 3 24 , 5 13 , 5 19 > 5 a , 5 ^ ; 
(III.) 5 2 . Ephesians: (II.) 4 19 (twice), 4 24 , 4 29 , 5*, 5 14 ; 
(III.) 6 5 ; (IV.) 2 4 , 3 14 . Philippians: (II.) i 23 , 3 12 ; (IV.) 

2 11, 4 8. Colossians : (I.) i 27 , 3 n, 3 is, 3 w 3 a 4 i ; (n.) 3 6j 

3 17 . i Thessalonians : (II.) 2 6 ; (III.) 5 5 . 

(/) Romans: (II.) i 27 , 5 12 , 14 16 . i Corinthians: (I.) I 5 32 ; 

(II.) 2 10, 2 1*, 7 3 *, 88, I2 10 I3 3 ? I4 11. (IIL) 9 22. (1V>) 3 19 

Galatians: (I.) 4 19 ; (II.) 3 19 , 5 23 . Ephesians: (I.) 4 13 , 5 28 ; 
(II.) 4 18 , 4 i 9 ; (III.) 4 a*, 4 3i. Colossians: (I.) i 28 ; (II.) 3 17 . 

From these details it would appear that (a) The text of Clement 
agrees with that of WH. where it differs from the Textus Receptus 
i 1 66 times; that it agrees with the Textus Receptus as against 
WH. 87 times; that it agrees with tf, where it differs from B 
47 times; that it agrees with B as against N + 58 times; that 
it agrees with the Neutral Text as against the Western Text +70 
times ; that it agrees with the Western Text as against the Neutral 
Text + 24 timej. Further, it appears that there is a majority 
for WH. in each of the groups of passages ; that there is a 
majority for B as against ;\ in all the groups save the first; that 
there is a majority for the Neutral Text as against the Western 
Text in all the groups ; that in Galatians and i Thess. the Textus 
Receptus exceeds the text of WH., but the fewness of the references 
impairs the weight of such a comparison ; and that the same may 
be said of the evidence of 2 Tim. and Titus. 

How mixed the text of Clement is may be seen from the following 
illustration. The following is his text of Col. iii. i6-iv. ! (verses 16, 
17 are quoted as from "the Apostle"; vv. iii. i8-iv. i are quoted 
as from the Epistle to the Colossians, and from their length must 
have been transcribed) : 



o yap Xo^yo? o rov KVpiov evoLfceiTO) ev VJMV TrXovo-lws, eV 
o<>ia StSa<r/co^Te? /ecu vovderovvres eavrovs ^aXyLtot?, 
, oSScu? 7rvVjj.aTt,/cal$ ev TTJ ^dpiTi, aSovTC? ev rfj /capSla 
TO) dew KOI Trav 6 TI av Troifjre 77 ev \6ycp T) ev p<yq), 
Travra ev ovo^aTi /cvpiov Irjaov, ev^apiaTovvTe^ ra> 6eu> KCU Trarpt, 



THE BIBLICAL TEXT IN CLEMENT 315 

avrov (Psed., ii. 4 43 ). at yvvalKes vrrordo-o-eo-6e rot? dv$pdo-i,v, 
O)9 dvrjKei ev Kvpia). ol avBpes, dyaTrare ra<? <yvval/ca<? real firj 
mKpaLveo-6e 717)09 auras ra reKva vrraKovere rofc yovevcri 
Kara rravra. rovro yap evdpco~rov TO> Kvpi(p> OL rrarepes, 
fir) epeOL^ere ra reKva V/JLCOV wa fir] dOv/JLaxrw. ol SoOXot, 
vrraKovere Kara rrdvra rot? Kara crdpKa KVplois, firj ev 6(f>6a\- 
/xoSouXetat? a>9 dvOpooTrdpeaKOt,, aXX eV d r jr\orr]ri 
<t>o/3ov/jLvoi rov Kvpiov. Kal rcav o eav Troirjre, IK 
epyd^eo-Oe ct>9 r&) Kvpio) 8ov\vovre<; Kal OVK dvOpajirois, 
on CUTTO Kvpiov diroXrj^recrde rr]v dvrairbboaiv rfjs K\r)povoaia<;. 
TO) ydp KVptq) XptcTTGS SouXeuT6 o yap aSitf09 KOjiicrerai o 
r)$iKr)O V Kal OVK earn irpoo~wrro\ Y} ^ia. ol Kvpiot, TO oiKaiov 
Kal rr)v IcrorrjTa rols 8ouXot9 7ra/oe%er, et Sore9 on 
Kvpiov ev ovpavq* (Str., iv. 8 65 ). 



The following points may be noted : 

(a) Clement agrees with WH. as against the Textus Receptus in 
the following. He omits Kat, before V/JLVOLS and o>&at9, 
and reads TO) Oeco for rco Kvpioo (v. 16). He omits 
iSiois (v. 1 8), reads rov Kvptov for rov Oeov (v. 22), 
o for o ri (v. 23), o 7^/3 for o Se (v. 25), ; ovpava) for 
ez^ ovpavois (iv. 1 ). 

((5) He agrees with the Textus Receptus as against WH. in the 
following. He reads ev rrj KapSia for ev rats KapSiais 
(v. 1 6), Kai rrarpi (v. 17), rco Kvpiw for ev Kvpico (v. 20), 
Kai rcav (v. 23), a r rro\ri ^reo-9e for aTroX^yLt^eo-^e, inserts 
7p after TO> (v. 24), and has rrpoo-wrro^^ria for 
7rpoo-o)7ro\rjfi ^rta (v. 25). 

(<r) He agrees with S as against B in reading rov Kvpiov for rov 
~Kpio-rov (v. 1 6), av for eav (v. 17), ei/ 
\eiaw (K o$6a\iioovKias) for ei/ o(f) 
aXX for aXXa (v. 22). Unlike B, he does not omt 
/cat (v. 23). 

(d) He agrees with B as against in reading ev rrj yapiri 
for ev xapiri (v. 16), epe0iere for Trapopy^ere (v. 21), 
KOfiicrerai for Kouieirai, (v. 25). 

(^) He differs from the Western Text in the following. He puts 
Kai before rrav (v. 17). He does not insert vuav (v. 18). 



316 APPENDIX F 

He does not insert vpwv after yvvaitca? (v. 19). He 
differs from it in reading epeOi^ere (v. 21) and ev 
ovpava) (iv. i). 
(/) He agrees with the Western Text in putting KCLI before 

Trarpt (v. 17). 

He differs from all three types of text in reading avrov for Si 
avrov (v. 17), in omitting ecrriv after (vapearov (v. 20), in read 
ing aSt/co? for abiiccov (v. 25), and Trapeze-re for Trape^eo-Qe 
(iv. i).i 

1 This note is based on Tischendorf, but with alterations in accordance with the 
text of Stahlin. V. Soden gives authorities for all the variants last noted, except 
ofturo*. 






317 



APPENDIX G. 

NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN THE WRITINGS OF CLEMENT. 

THE following are the more important or interesting. They may 
be thus classified : 

I. Where the authority is cited. 

(a) Gospel according to the Hebrews. 1 

1. He that wonders shall reign, and he that reigns 

shall rest. 

2. He that seeketh shall not stop until he finds, and 

when he has found he shall be astonished ; and 
when he has been astonished he shall reign, 
and when he has reigned he shall rest. 2 
(ft) Gospel according to the Egyptians. 

1. When Salome inquired as to when the matters 

about which she asked should be known, the 
Lord said, When ye shall tread under foot the 
garment of shame, and when the two shall be 
made one, and the male with the female neither 
male nor female. 3 

2. To the inquiry of Salome, How long shall death 

reign? the Lord said, As long as ye women 
bear children. 4 

3. (Elsewhere this saying is quoted in the form, How 

1 17 KOLV T$ /ca0 E/3patous i>ayyf\i(f, 6 Qavp.a.ffas j8acnAei;<rf j, yfypairrai, Kal & 
j8a(riA.eu<ras aj/a7ra?7<reTcu (Str., ii. 9 45 ). v 

2 ov TrcuWTcu 6 frruv ea>5 to cSpy- fvp^v 5e te/i^ftjrtrai, 0*fito9*ls 5 
pafft\ctff*t, J8aeri\etf<r ^ toawrajffc (Str., v. 14 w ). This saying is found 
in an imperfect form in the Oxyrhyncus Papyri, vol. iv. p. 4- 

3 rvveavopewis rrjs ^aXu^s vArf yvuffe^raL ra irepl S>i> ^pero, tyy 6 Kvpios 

-rb TTJS alffxtrns fvSvfJia irarfovTe Kal orav yevyrai ri Svo $v Kal rb &pp*r 
TC Qrt \v (Str., Hi. I3 92 ). 



TT? 

A v^ls ai yvvaiKes ri K rr,r f (Str., iii. 6 45 . Cf. Ex. Theod., 67). 



318 APPENDIX G 

long shall men die? and with the addition.) 
Then when she said, I did well, therefore, 
in that I have not borne children, the Lord 
answered, saying, Eat every herb, but that 
which has bitterness, do not eat. 1 
4. (The heretics say that) the Saviour Himself said, I 

came to destroy the works of the female. 2 
(c) The Preaching of Peter. 3 

1. Wherefore Peter says that the Lord said to 

His disciples, If, then, any one of Israel 
wills to repent and to believe in God through 
My name, his sins shall be forgiven to him. 
But after twelve years go ye forth into the 
world, that no one may say we have not heard. 4 

2. Accordingly, in the Preaching of Peter the Lord 

says to the disciples after the resurrection, I 
chose you twelve, having judged you to be 
disciples worthy of Me. 5 
II. Where the authority is not designated. 

1. Not enviously did the Lord announce in a certain 

Gospel, My mystery is for Me and the sons 
of My house. 6 

2. Moses said, I am smoke from an earthen pot. 7 

1 <pa/j.fvr)s yap avrris, KaXus ovv iroir}o-a /AT) TfKovffa, ci,uei/3eTeu \fywv 6 Ktipios 
Traa-av Qdye ^oravriv, r-rjv 5e iriKplav exovffav ^ (pdyrjs (Str., iii. 9 66 ). 

2 avrbs f?TTfv 6 a(ar-f]p- $\9ov Kara\v(rai TO gpya TTJS 6r)\elas (Str., iii. 9 6S ). 

3 For the Preaching of Peter, see Dobschiitz, Das Kerugma Petri, (T. u. U.), 
vol. xi. 1894. 

4 5ia rovr6 <f>-n<nv 6 n^rpoy ei pTj/ceVat rbv ittipiov TO?S aTro(rr6\ois eav /j.ev ofiv 
TLS Qe\r]O"r} rov IcrpaTjA. fJifTavorja as, Sia TOV 6v6fjLar6s fj,ov TTLffTftifiv eVl rbv 6*6v, 
d0e07j<roj/TOt avT$ at afj.apriai fj-era 8e 5wSe/ca ^TT? e|eA06Te ets rbv KcJcr/toi , /j.-f) 
rty tfirri OVK i)Kov(ra/j.fv (Str., vi. 6 43 ). 

5 avriKa fv T(f HfTpov K npvyfj.a. n 6 Ktipi6s (priori irpbs rovs /j-aOriras /j.era TT\V 
ava.aTa.tT iv et\edfj.ev v/j.as 5wSea, /xaflTjras KpLvas dLovs e/j.ov (Str., vi. 6 48 ). This 
is the form in which the saying is quoted by Potter and Resch, p. 393. Dobschiitz, 
pp. 22, 23, and Stahlin include some lines that follow. 

6 ov yap (fiOov&v, <pt\cri, irapr)yyfi\fv 6 Kvpios ev TIVI fvayyeXiy /jLvarripiov e/ubv 
3fj.ol nal TO"IS viols rov ofrcou /ULOV (Str., v. io 63 ). See Resch, Agrapha, pp. 167-169 ; 
Ropes, Die Spriiche Jesu, pp. 94-96. They compare Isa. xxiv. 16 (LXX., 
Symmachus and Theodotion). 

7 eyu Se el/jLi ar/mis airb x vr P a ^ (Str., iv. l6 106 ). From Clem., *I Epis., C. 17. 
See note in Lightfoot. 



NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN CLEMENTS WRITINGS 319 

III. Passages quoted as Scripture. 

1. There are those who stretch the looms and weave 

nothing, says the Scripture. 1 

2. Naturally, then, the Scripture exhorts us, Be ye 

approved money-changers. 2 

3. Ask, says the Scripture, and I will do; think, 

and I will give. 3 

4. She has brought forth, and she has not brought 

forth, says the Scripture. 4 

IV. Passages quoted as from a prophet or prophecy. 

1. They are fighters, strikers with their tails, 

according to the Prophet. 5 

2. A certain prophecy says, For, then, affairs here 

turn out ill when men put their trust in 
images. 6 

3. The land of Jacob was praised above the whole 

land, says the Prophet. 7 

V. Passages quoted with (frrjcrL 

1. Thou hast seen thy brother, it is said, thou hast 

seen thy God. 8 

2. Ask, it is said, the great things, and the small 

shall be added unto you. 9 

1 OVTOI ol TO. Kardpria Karaffiruvres Kal /jUiBev ixfralvovres, (pyalv T\ ypa<p-f) (Str., 
i. 8 41 ). Resch, op. cit., pp. 226, 227 ; Ropes, op. /., pp. 31, 3 2 - 

2 fiKorus apa Kal f] ypa(p)] . . . irapatvel ylveaQe 8e o6Kip.oi rpairetfrai 
(Str., i. 28 177 . Cf. ii. 4 15 5 vi. 10 8i; vii. 158). Cf. Resch, pp. 233-239; 
Ropes, pp. 141-143; Westcott, Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, 8 
p. 458. 

3 airriffai, <f)t](T\v / / ypa<f>i\, Kal -rroi-ria-w fvvo^drjri Kal 8<a<T(a (Str., vi. 12 101 . Cf. 
vi. 9 78 ; vii. 7 41 ; vii. I2 73 ). 

4 rtroKtv al ou rero/cev, <pr,(rli> f, ypaQ-f, (Str., vii. 16 94 ). The saying is quoted 
as from Ezekiel by Tertullian, De Came Christ, c. 23. Stahlin compares 
Job xxi. 10. 

5 TroAe^trrai , IF^KTM rats obpats avrwv (Str., iii. l8 106 . Cf. Rev. ix. IO). 

6 rdre yap 07jcn ris Trpo^reia Svffrvx^w -ra rrjSt irp6.yp.ara, 6-rav dfSpiaai 
TTiffTeixraxnv (Prot., x. 98 ). 

7 ^ rj yTJ rov Ioe^j8 eira^ov^vn p *affcu> r^v yyv, t^fflv & irpo^rris (Str., 
iii. 1 2 s6 ). Potter refers to Zeph. iii. 19. 

8 6?Ses ydp, <p-n<ri, rbv toe\<t>6v (rov, e!5es rov Oe6v ffov (Str., i. I9 94 ; " 15 ) 
Resch, p. 296 ; Ropes, p. 49- Cf. Gen. xxxiii. 10. 

9 aiVer<r0e ydp, ^aL, ra peydXa, Kal ra ^iKpa &f& irpo<rrt8r]<Tf 
24 158 ). Resch, p. 230 ; Ropes, p. 140- Cf. Matt. vi. 33. 



320 APPENDIX G 

3. In whatsoever things, it is said, I may find you, 
in those will I also judge you. 1 

VI. Sayings of the Lord. 

1. Again the Lord says, He that is married, let him 

not cast away (his wife) ; and he that is not 
married, let him not marry. 2 

2. Wherefore the Saviour says, Be saved, thou and 

thy soul. 3 

VII. Of uncertain origin. 

1. For those that cleave to them (the saints) shall 

be sanctified. 4 

2. Behold a man and his works before his face. 

For behold God and his works. 5 

VIII. From the Traditions of Matthias. 

1. Wonder at that which is before you. 6 

2. They say in the Traditions that Matthias the 

Apostle used to say, as opportunity offered, 
If the neighbour of an elect man sin, the 
elect man sinned ; for if he had conducted 
himself as the Word dictates, his neighbour 
would have so revered his life that he would 
not have sinned. 7 

IX. Additions to the Canonical Text. 

i. The Apostle of the Lord, exhorting the Mace 
donians, becomes interpreter of the divine 

1 e<J> ols yap &j/ evpta V/JLO.S, (pijcrLv, eVt rovrois Kal K.OIV& (Q. D. , 40). Ropes, 
p. 141. 

2 traXiv & Kvpids <pt]ffiv 6 yr]/u.as /*)) fK[3a\\er<i) Kal 6 /j.)] yafj."f](ras U.TI ya/J-eLrca 
(Str., iii. 14"). Resch, p. 429; "perhaps from the Gospel according to the 
Egyptians" (Stahlin). Cf. I Cor. vii. 21. 

3 Sia rovro Aeyei <5 ffur-fjp ado^ov <rv Kal f) ^/vx~n ffov (Ex. Theod. , 2, from 
Theodotus). 

4 6n ol Ko\\u>fj.fi>oi. avTols ayiaffO^ffovTai (Str., v. 8 52 ). Cf. note in Lightfoot, 
Clement of Rome, c. 46 ; Resch, p. 169 ; Ropes, p. 22. 

5 t5oi/ &vQpa)iros Kal TO. epya avrov trpb irpoff&irov avrov I8ov yap 6 6ebs Kal 
TO. epya avrov (Str., iv. 26 171 ). Resch, p. 265; Ropes, p. 45. Cf. Tert., De 
Idolatria, c. 20, Rev. xxii. 12. 

6 Oau/j-affov ra irap6vra (Str., ii. 9 45 ). 

7 lav K\KTOU yeiruv a/xapT^(T7?, ^juaprei/ & fK\Kr6^ d yap OVTCJS 
us 6 \6yos virayoptiifi, Karri^firQi] &i/ avrov r bv fiiov Kal 6 ydr<av els rb 
(Str., vii. 1 3 s2 ). 



NON-CANONICAL SAYINGS IN CLEMENT S WRITINGS 321 

voice, saying, The Lord is at hand : take care 
lest we should be found empty}- 

2. The saints of the Lord shall inherit the glory 
of the Lord and His power. What glory, O 
blessed one, tell me ? That glory which eye 
hath not seen, nor ear heard, and hath not 
entered into the heart of man. And they shall 
rejoice in the kingdom of their Lord for ever? 
Amen. 



1 6 Kvpios tfyyiKev, \*yti)i>, ev\afie t<T0e /ui) aTaArj00w / uei Kfvoi (Prot., ix. 87 ). 
Cf. Zahn, Gesch. d. ntl. Kan., vol. i. p. 174. 

2 Kcil xapTjo-ovTai eVi TTJ &a<n\eLa TOV nvplov av-r&v els roits aluvas, a/j.r)i> (Prot., 
x. 94 ). Resch, p. 166; Ropes, p. 19. Cf. I Cor. ii. 9. "From the Apocalypse 
of Elias " (Stahlin). 






322 



APPENDIX H. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

THE fullest account known to me, in English, is that in Richardson, 
Bibliographical Synopsis, Buffalo, 1887, pp. 38-42. Bardenhewer, 
* Geschichte d. altkirk. Litt,/ vol. ii. pp. 15-66, gives a full list under 
the various questions discussed. A critical estimate of the literature 
from 1884 to 1900 is given by Ehrhard, Die altchrist. Litt. und 
ihre Erforschung, vol. i. pp. 293-320. The more important works 
are noted in Kriiger, Early Christian Literature/ pp. 162-173 
(English translation). 

Of editions of the text may be named : Potter, Oxford, 1715, 
2 vols. (the standard edition before that of Stahlin) ; Dindorf, 
Oxford, 1869, 4 vols. ("In every way disappointing, hastily put 
together," Westcott) ; Stahlin, 1905, 1906, 1909; Hort and Mayor, 
Strom., vii., 1902 (notes by Hort and Mayor, valuable introduction 
and appendices by Mayor) ; Barnard, Quis Dives Salvetur, " Cam 
bridge Texts and Studies," 1897. 

Clement: His Writings and Teaching generally. Of the older 
literature on the subject the most valuable is the * Dissertationes . . . 
of Le Nourry. 1703 (of which extensive use was made by Lumper, 
1784). This is reprinted in Migne, * Patrolog. Grace., vol. ix., and 
in excerpts in Dindorf, vol. iv. Of the literature that appeared in 
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the following may be noted : 
Guerike, De Schola quae floruit Alexandriae Catechetica, 1824, 
1825; Kaye, Some Account of the Writings and Opinions of 
Clement of Alexandria, 1835 ; Reinkens, De Clemente Presbytero 
Alexandrine, 1851; Cognat, Clement d Alexandrie, sa doctrine 
et sa polemique/ 1859 ; Freppel, Clement d Alexandrie/ 1865, &c. ; 
Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria/ 1886; Lehmann, 
Die Katechetenschule zu Alexandria/ 1896 ; E. de Faye, Clement 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 323 

d Alexandria, &c., 1898. The relative sections in the Histories of 
Doctrine, of Harnack, Seeberg, Schwane, Tixeront, Bethune-Baker. 
The articles in the Dictionary of Christian Biography (Westcott) ; 
Herzog, R.E. 2 (Jacobi), R.E. 3 (Bonwetsch) ; Vacant-Dictionnaire de 
Theologie Catholique (A. de la Barre) ; Pauly-Wissowa (Jiilicher) ; 
Encyclopaedia Britannica (Donaldson) ; Hastings * Encyclop. of 
Religion and Ethics (Inge); The Patrologies of Mohler, 1840, pp. 
430-485; Bardenhewer, 1898, pp. 141-149; Kihn, 1904, pp. 290- 
307 ; Presense, The Early Years of Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 540-566, 
iii. pp. 256-295; Allen, The Continuity of Christian Thought, 1895, 
pp. 38-70 ; Hort, Ante-Nicene Lectures, 1895, pp. 82-92 ; Chase, 
Norwich Cathedral Lectures, 1896, pp. 257-290; Hitchcock } 
Clement (Fathers for English Readers), 1899; Kling, Studien 
und Kritiken, 1841; Bratke, Studien und Kritiken, 1894; 
Overbeck. Uber die Aufange der patris. Litt., Hist. Zeitschrift, 
1882; Courdaveaux, Rev. de 1 histoire des Religions, 1892; 
Thomas, Revue de Theologie et Philosophic, 1899; Church 
Quarterly Review, 1904. On the literary questions see the works 
noted on p. 22 et seq.; Zahn, Supplementum Clementinum, 1884 : 
Harnack, Die Chronologic der altchr. Litt., vol. ii. pp. 3-23. 

Theology and Philosophy. Ritter, Geschichte der Christ. Phil 
osophic, 1841, vol. i. pp. 421-464; Redepenning, Origenes, vol. i. 
pp. 83-163; Hebert-Duperron, Essai sur le polemique et la phil 
osophic de St Clem. d Al., 1855; Huber, Philosophic der Kir- 
chenvater, 1859, pp. 120-149; Schiirmann, Die Hellenische 
Bildung und ihr Verhaltniss zur Christlich., &c., 1859; Holler, 
Geschichte der Kosmologie in der griechischen Kirche, 1860, 
PP- 5 6 -535 ; Miiller, Idees dogmatiques de Cl. Al., 1861 ; Merk, 
C. A. in seiner Abhangigkeit von der griech. Philosophic, 1879; 
Denis, La philosophic d Origene, 1884; Pascal, La Foi et la 
Raison dans Cl. d Al., 1901; Wagner, Wert und Verwertung 
der griechischen Bildung im Urteil des C. v. A., 1902 ; Daskolakis, 
Die eklektischen Anschauungen des C. A., 1908. 

Person and Work of Christ Dorner, Doctrine of the Person 
of Christ, vol. i. pp. 285-303; Vacherot, Histoire Critique de 
1 Ecole d Alex., 1846, vol. i. pp. 247-260; Lammer, Cl. Al. de 
Xo 7 c5 doctrina, 1855; Ziegler, Die Logoschristologie des C. A., 
1894; Aal, Gesch. der Logosidee in der Griech. Philos., 1899, 



324 APPENDIX H 

vol. ii. pp. 393-427; Kattenbusch, Das apostol. Symbol, 1900, 
vol. ii. pp. 102-134; Windisch, Taufe und Siinde im altesten 
Christentum, 1908, pp. 437-470; Caspari, Zeit f. k. W. u. K. 
Leben, 1886; Zahn, Glaubensregel, Herzog, R. E. 3 ; Hofling, 
* Die Lehre d. Cl. von Al. von Opfer im Leben und Cultus, 1842 ; 
Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, pp. 
130-141; Struckmann, Die Gegenwart Christi in d. hi. Euchar. 
n. d. schriftlich. Quellen d. vornizan. Zeit, 1905, pp. 115-139; 
Batiffol, L Eucharistie, 5 1913, pp. 248-261; Love, Bibliotheca 
Sacra, 1888; Atzberger, Gesch. d. Christi. Eschatologie, 1896, 
pp. 335-363; Anrich, Klem. und Orig. als Begriinder der Lehre 
von Fegfeuer, 1902. 

The Ethical Teaching. The Histories of Christian Ethics, 
Luthardt, Gass, and Ziegler ; Reuter, Clem. Alex, theolog. moral/ 
1853; Winter, Die Ethik d. Cl. v. Alex., 1882; Basilakes, 
KA??/-tez To? rov AXefaj/S/jetw? 77 e6iKr^ $i,$acrfca\ia, 1892; 
Ernesti, Die Ethik d. T. F. Clem. v. Al., 1900; Capitaine, Die 
Moral d. Cl. v. Al., 1903; Funk, Tub. Quar., 1871; Markgraf, 
Zeit. f. Kirchengesch., 1901; Wagner, Der Christ und die 
Welt nach Cl. v. Al., 1903. 

Faith and Gnosis. Dahne, De ryvcoaei, 1831; Lentzen, Er- 
kennen und Glauben, 1848, pp. 68-92, 136 et seq. ; Preische, De 
7^&><m, 1871; Knittel, " Pistis und Gnosis," Tubing. Quartal- 
schrift, 1873; Ziegler, Die Psychol. d. C. A., 1894; Scherer, 
Klemens v. Al. und seine Erkentnissprincipien, 1907; Inge, 
Faith and its Psychology, 1910, pp. 24-30. 

Scripture : The Canon of Scripture. Stahlin, Cl. Al. und die 
Septuag., 1901; Siegfried, Philo v. Alex., 1875, p. 343 et seq.; 
Heinisch, Der Einfluss Philos auf die alteste Christ. Exegese, 
1908; Charteris, Canonicity, 1880; Zahn, Gesch. d. ntl. 
Kanon, 1888, vol. i. ; Harnack, Das neue Test, um das Jahr 
200, 1889; Leipoldt, Enstehung d. ntl. Kan., 1907; Jacquier, 
Le Nouveau Test, dans 1 Eglise Chretienne, 1911; Sanday, 
Inspiration, 1893, p. 65 et seq.; Barnard, Clement of Alex 
andria s Biblical Text, 1899; Hillen, Clem. Alex, quid de libris 
sacris novi testamenti sibi persuasum habuerit, 1867 ; Eickhoff, 
Cl. Al. und d. N. T., 1890; Dausch, Der ntl. Schriftcanons 
und Cl. v. Al., 1894; Kutter, Cl. Al. u. das N. T., 1897. 



INDEX. 



Aal, 106 

Acts of the Apostles, 224 f. 

Acts of John, 239 

Acts of Paul, 239 

Adam, 120, 254, 291 

Alexandria, I f. 

Allegory, 194 L, 207 f. 

Amos, 215, 220 

Angels, 47 f., 130 

Annihilation, 132 

Anthropomorphism, 82 f., 274, 275 

Apathy, 162 f. 

Apostle, The, 237 f. 

Aristobulus, 27, 48. 

Aristotle, 26, 41 

Arnim, v., 21, 23 

Art, 187 

Astronomy, 290 

Atheism, 67 f., 250 

Athenagoras, 6. 

Augustine, 80. 

Banquets, 259 

Baptism, 124 f., 134 

Barbarians, inventions of, 269 f. 

Barclenhewer, 10, 1 1, 14, 21, 301 

Barnabas, 198, 243 f. 

Barnard, 21, 134, 182, 311 

Baruch, 217 

Basilides, 88, 272, 282, 284 

Baths, 264 

Batiffol, 60, 128 

Beard, 263 

Beatitudes, 201 f. 

Beauty, 262 f. 

Bel and the Dragon, 217 

Believer, the simple, 158 f., 161 f. 

Bernays, 26 

Bethune-Baker, 105, 106 

Bigg, 60, 73, 121, 126, 129 

Body, 142 f., 259, 280, 284, 286 



Books, writing of, 267 
Bratke, 7 
Burnet, 27 

Caird, E., 1 66 

Canon of the New Testament, 221 f., 
237 f., 246 

Canon of the Old Testament, 209 f. 

Carpocrates, 1 8, 127, 276 

Cassianus, 278 

Cassiodorus, 24 

Catechetical School, 5 f. 

Catholic Church, 58 f., 123 

Causality, 87 f. 

Chapman, 25 

Chase, 140 

Christianity, relation to philosophy, 
35 f. ; newness of, 43 ; of divine 
origin, 52 ; its proof, 54 f. ; prophecy, 
54 ; miracle, 55 ; its universality, 
55 ; unhindered by persecution, 56 ; 
moral influence, 56 f. ; its divisions, 
objections examined, 57 f. ; relation 
to culture and other religions, 60 f. 

Christ Jesus, The New Song, 43, 249 ; 
bom of the Virgin, 99, 109; God 
and man, 109; why baptised, no; 
sinless, no; date of birth, ill ; 
the passion of, 117 f. ; the Parousia, 
130; why not married, 172. See 
The Word, Son of God, Incarnation. 

Christ, W., 16 

Chronicles, I. and II., 212 

Church, 123 

Clark, 29 

Clement, his birth, 7 ; teachers, 8 ; death, 
9 ; character, 9 ; writings, lof. ; order 
of writings, 10 f., 301 f. ; style, 16 f. ; 
erudition, 26 f. ; distinctive claims, 
31 f. ; attitude towards philosophy, 
35 f., 60 f. ; knowledge of God, 



326 



INDEX 



65 f., 95 f. ; his Christology, 98 f., 
137 f. ; his mysticism, 169 ; his 
asceticism, 186 f. ; his love of 
allegory, 207 ; use of non-canonical 
writings, 246 ; defence of philosophy 
and Hellenic culture, 267 f. 

Clement of Rome, 242 f. 

Clothing, 261 f. 

Colossians, 158, 197, 230, 289 

Commodus, in, 270 

Corinthians, I. and II., 229 f. 

Croiset, 16 

Crowns, 261 

Custom, 253 f. 

Dahne, 114, 141 
Daniel, 217 
David, 36, 194 
Death, 143, 193 
Decalogue, 199 f. 
Deuteronomy, 211 
Devil, 38, 130, 134, 135 
Didache, 242 
Diels, 27 
Dindorf, 26, 134 
Dobschlitz, 318 
Docetism, in f. 
Dorner, 103, 105 
Drink, 259 f. 
Dualism, 76 f., 95 
Duchesne, 10, 301 

Ears, 263 
Ecclesiastes, 214 
Ecclesiasticus, 215 
Egyptians, 194, 263, 286, 288 
Egyptians, Gospel according to the, 

240, 278, 317 f. 
Ehrhard, 22, 23 
Elias, Apocalypse of, 239, 321 
Enoch, Book of, 239 
Ephesians, 230 

Epicurus, 39, 40, 189, 267, 275, 286 
Epiphanius, 7 
Eschatology, 130 f. 
Esdras, 212 
Esther, 215 

Eternal punishment, 133 f. 
Ethical ideal, 185 
Eucharist, 126 f. 
Euripides, 46, 117, 284 
Eusebius, 4, 5, 24, 26, 221, 233, 245, 

307, 309 
Evil, 87 f. 

Exhortation to Patience, 182 f. 
Exodus, 210 
Ezekiel, 217 
Ezra, 212 



Faith, insufficiency of bare, 42, 269 ; 
the organ of demonstration, 53. 272 ; 
a divine thing, 53 ; the foundation of 
knowledge, 53, 157, 294; varying 
conceptions of, 150 f. ; definitions of, 
151 f. ; twofold, 152 ; relation to 
knowledge, 155 f., 284 

Faith, man of. See Simple Believer 

Favorinus, 27 

Faye, E. de, 21, 25, 32, 308 

Fear, 192, 273 

Fire, in Scripture, 134 

Flint, 71 

I^ood, 259 f. 

Forgiveness, 83, 122 

Freedom, 54, 144 f. 

Gabrielssen, 27 

Galatians, 230 

Gambling, 265 

Games, 265 

Gass, 142 

Genesis, 210 

Gieseler, 114 

Glaser, 3 

Gnosis, I5of., 290. See Knowledge 

Gnostic, the, 158 f., 160 f., 166, 168, 
280, 283, 290 f., 293 f., 295 f., 
306 

Gnosticism, 4, 186, 192 

God, doctrine of, 65 f., 95 ; nature of, 
66 ; Providence, 67, 270 ; innate 
knowledge of, 67, 287 f. ; causes of 
unbelief, 67 f . ; definitions of, 68 f. ; 
transcendence, 69 f. ; immanence, 
73 ; relation to the external world, 
73 f. ; Creator, 75 f. ; unconditional 
power, 76 ; relation to matter, 77 f. ; 
The First Principle, 78 ; Pantheism, 
8 1 ; anthropomorphism, 82 ; om 
niscience, 84 ; omnipotence, 84 ; 
goodness, 85 f. ; relation to evil, 87 f. ; 
justice, 90 f. ; aim of punishment, 
91 ; relation to man, 92 f. ; Trinity, 
94 ; cannot be demonstrated, 284 ; 
cannot be circumscribed, 287, 295 

Gore, no 

Gospel, 237 f. 

Gospels, 221 f., 240 

Gospels, non-canonical, 240 f. 

Grace, 146 f. 

Greeks, plagiarisms of, 45 f., 272, 287, 
288 

Gregory Thaumaturgus, 6, 9 

Gymnastic exercises, 264 

Hadrian, 2 
Hair, 263, 265 



INDEX 



327 



Harnack, 10, II, 16, 21, 23, 25, 60, 

105, 226, 301 f., 309 
Hart, 311 

Hebrews, antiquity of the, 270 
Hebrews, Epistle to the, 60, 232 
Hebrews, Gospel according to the, 

240 f., 317 
Heracleon, 281 

Heraclitus, 107, 133, 150, 286 
Heretics and heresy, 57 f., 197, 231, 

277 

Hermas, 26, 225, 244 f. 
Hesiod, 29, 37 
Heussi, 10, 301 f., 307 
Homer, 29, 46, 93, 288 
Hort, 15, 33 
Hosea, 215 
Hypotyposes, 23 f., 26, 102 f., 221, 232 

Incarnation, effect of, 31 ; a real In 
carnation, inf.; primary end of, 
U5f., 249. See Christ Jesus, Son 
of God, The Word. 

Inspiration, 189 f. 

Interpretation of Scripture, 196 f., 
203 f. , 289 

Irenoeus, 60 

Isaac, 117 

James, St, 233 f. 
Jeremiah, 217 

Jeremiah, Lamentations of, 217 
Jerome, 7, 26 
Jewels, 262 
Job, 214 

John, St, Epistles of, 236 
John, St, Gospel of, 223, 241 
Joshua, 211 
Jude, St, 235 
Judges, 2ii 
Judith, 215 

Justin Martyr, 31, 34, 35, 48, 88, 
234 

Kattenbusch, 61 

Kings, I. and II., 212 

Knowledge, 153 f. , 155 f., 162, 284. 

See Gnosis 
Kriiger, 22 
Kutter, 62 

Lambert, 129 
Laughter, 260 
Law, The, 35 f., 191 f., 196 f., 271, 

292 

Leipoldt, 224, 240, 243 
Leviticus, 21 1 
Logos. See Word 



Loofs, 5 

Luke, St, 222 f., 224 f., 232 

Maccabees, 218 

Man, 92 f., 1 1 6, 142 f., 254, 280 

Marcion, 18, 59, 79, 81, 90, 273, 

276 f. 

Mark, St, 177, 222 
Marriage, 169 f., 276, 282 f. 
Martyrdom, 55 f., 136, 280 f., 297 
Matter, eternity of, 77 f. 
Matthew, St, 221 f., 241 
Matthias, Traditions of, 239, 320 
Maurice, 10, 208 
Maximus the Confessor, 73 f. 
Mayor, 16, 25. 71, 126, 134, 308 
Merk, 141 
Metrodorus, 40 
Micah, 216 
Milk, 206 
Miracles, 54 f. 
Moses, 46, 271, 273, 274. See The 

Laiv 

Muratorian Canon, 25 
Music, 187, 260, 290 
Musonius, 26, 27, 301 
Mysteries, 61, 250 
Mysticism, 169 

Nehemiah, 212 
Nicolaus, 277 

Non-canonical sayings, 317 f- 
Nourry, le, 115 
Numbers, 211 
Numenius, 47 

Obadiah, 218 

Ointments, 261 

Origen, 5, 6, 9, 120, 204, 224, 230, 

239 

Overbeck, 30 

Psedagogus, 10 f. 

Poedagogy, 256 f. 

Paganism, II, 249 f. 

Pantsenus, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 73 

Parables, 203 

Parker, 27 

Pauline Epistles, 226 f. 

Paul, St, 36, 42, 45> J53, *S8, l86 > 

191, 206, 270, 278, 279, 282, 286 
Peripatetics, the, 46 
Persecution, 89 
Peter, Apocalypse of, 245 
Peter, I., 234 
Peter, II., 235 

Peter, Preaching of, 245 f., 288, 318 
Philemon, 232 



328 



INDEX 



Philip of Side, 6 

Philippians, 230 

Philo, 4, 27, 28, 49, 65, 72, 106 f., 193, 
198, 268, 270 

Philosophy, of divine origin and aim, 
35 f., 267 ; defined, 38 f., 268 ; rela 
tion to Christianity, 40 f. ; function of, 
41 f., 60 f., 268 ; limitations of, 44 f. ; 
inferior to Christianity, 45 f., 49 f. ; 
dependent on the Scriptures, 46 f., 
272 f ; fragmentary and elementary, 
51, 289 f. ; lacks moral force of 
Christianity, 55 

Photius, 23, 24, 77, 80, 102 f. 

Plato, 28, 39, 47, 65, 72, 79, 80, 88, 
95, 105, 117, 133, 135, 143, 149, 
189, 252, 269, 270, 272, 275, 276, 
287 

Plutarch, 27 

Polytheism, 137, 250 

Prayer, 296 

Preuschen, 23 

Pringle-Pattison, 169 

Prophecy, 54 f. 

Prophets, Selections from the, 23 

Protrepticus, 10, u f., 249 f. 

Proverbs, 213 f. 

Psalms, 213 

Punishment, 91 f., 135 f., I37> 2 57 f. 

Pythagoras, 46, 52, 194, 285, 287. 289 

Quis Dives Salvetur, 21 f., 177 f. 

Reinkens, 141 
Repentance, 135 f., 274 
Resch, 318 f. 
Revelation, 236 
Hitter, 99, 141 
Rohricht, 29 
Romans, 229 
Ropes, 318 f. 
Ruth, 212 

Salome, 277 f., 317 

Salvation, 121 f., 131 f. 

Samuel, I. and II., 212 

Scheck, 27 

Schwane, 114 

Scriptures, The, divine origin of, 52 f., 
1 88 f. ; unity of, 190 f. ; symbolic 
character of, 195 f., 285 ; verbal in 
spiration of, 196 ; interpretation of, 
196 f., 274, 278; how cited by 
Clement, 209 f., 220. See Canon of 
the Old Testament , Canon of the New 
Testament, Interpretation 

Septuaint, 3, ill, 190, 208, 268, 271 

Sibyl, 189 



Siegfried, 27 

Sin, 119 f., 258 

Sleep, 261 

Son of God, eternal generation of, 

99 f. ; question of subordination, 

102 f. See The Word 
Song of Solomon, 218 
Song of the Three Holy Children, 

217 

Soul, 130, 142 f. 
Souter, 121 
Sphinx, 285 
Spirit, Holy, 81, 94, 124, 190. 209, 

221 

Stahlin, passim 
Statues, 251 

Stoics, 39, 81, 83, 141, 166, 169 
Stromateis, 15, 17 f., 267 f., 302 f. 
Struckmann, 126, 128 
Summaries from Theodotus. 22 
Summum Bonum, 148 f. 
Superstition, 250 
Symbolism, 194 f., 285 f. 

Tatian, 8, 34, 48, 196 

Tertullian, 35. 319 

Text, New Testament, in Clement, 

311 f. 

Text, Old Testament, in Clement, 311 
Textus Receptus, 312 f. 
Theodotus, 125, 128 
Thessalonians, I. and II., 231 
Timothy, I. and II., 231 
Titus, 232 
Tobit, 215 
Trinity, 47, 94 
Truth, 36, 50, 61 

Valentinus, 22, 52, 113, 155, 273 
Vessels, gold and silver, 260 
Virtue, 147 f., 157 f. 
Virtues, relation of, 148 f ., 157 f., 
273 

Wealth, 174 f., 264 

Wendland, 10, 27, 301 f. 

Westcott, 23, 319 

Westcott and Hort, 312 f. 

Western Text, 312 f. 

Wilamowitz, 26 

Wine, 260 

Wisdom, 154, 289 

Wisdom, Book of, 214 

Woman, 170, 262 

Word, The, the perfect teacher, 45, 
284 ; Scriptural teaching as to, 97 f. ; 
the pre-incarnate Word, nature and 
function, 99 f. ; question of the two 



INDEX 329 

Words, 102 f. ; assumed a real body, Zahn, II, 20, 21, 22, 23, 103 f., 301, 

in f. ; why called the Saviour, 122 ; 321 

importance of doctrine of, 137 f. ; Zeller, 12 

man, the image of, 142; His three- Zephaniah, Apocalypse of, 239 

fold function, 256 ; capable of de- Zeus, 250 

monstration, 284. See Christ Jesus, Ziegler, 106 

The Incarnation, Son of God Zwingli, 126, 129 



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CALDERON 

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LA FONTAINE AND OTHER \ Rev. W. Lucas 
FRENCH FABULISTS . f Collins, M.A. 
SCHILLER . . . James Sime, M.A. 

TASSO E. J. Hasell. 

ROUSSEAU . . Henry Grey Graham. 
ALFRED DE MUSSET . C. F. Oliphant. 



ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. Edited by 

the REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. CHEAP RE-ISSUE. In limp cloth, 
fcap. 8vo, price Is. each net. Contents of the Series 



HOMER: ILIAD 


. Rev. W. Lucas Collins. 


HOMER: ODYSSEY 


. Rev. W. Lucas Collins. 


HERODOTUS 


G. C. Swayne. 


C^SAR . 


. Anthony Trollope. 


VIRGIL 


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Sir Theodore Martin. 


.aSSCHYLUS 


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XENOPHON 


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SOPHOCLES 


C. W. Collins. 


PLIHY 


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\ W. J. Brodribb. 


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PLAUTUS AND TERENCE Rev. W. L. Collins. 

TACITUS W. B. Donne. 

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PLATO C. W. Collins. 

GREEK ANTHOLOGY . . Lord Neaves. 
LIVY ". . . Rev. W. Lucas Collins. 
OVID . .. . Rev. A. Church 
CATULLUS, TIBULLUS, AND\ 
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ARISTOTLE . Sir Alex. Grant. 

THUCYDIDES . . Rev. W. Lucas Collins. 
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WM. BLACKWOOD & SONS 
EDUCATIONAL WORKS 



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HISTORY . . . .42 

LATIN AND GREEK . .42 

MODERN LANGUAGES . .49 

MATHEMATICS . . .52 

GEOGRAPHY . . .53 
CHEMISTRY AND POPULAR SCIENCE 54 

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PAGE 

PALEONTOLOGY . .54 

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY . .55 

PSYCHOLOGY AND LOGIC 

FORESTRY 

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WRITING AND COPY BOOKS . 64 

UNIVERSITY CALENDARS . 64 



EDUCATIONAL WORKS. 



*** The Publishers will be glad to consider applications 
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ENGLISH. 

A History of English Criticism. 

By GEORGE SAINTSBUBY, M.A. (Oxon.), Hon. LL.D. (Aberd.), Professor 
of Khetoric and English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. Demy 
8vo, 7s. 6d. net. 

WORKS BY J. LOGIE ROBERTSON, M.A. 
A History of English Literature. 

For Secondary Schools. By J. LOQIB ROBERTSON, M.A., First English 
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MASSON, Edinburgh University. Sixth Edition, revised, 3s. ; and in 3 parts, 
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Outlines of English Literature. 

For Young Scholars, with Illustrative Specimens. By the SAME AUTHOR. 

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English Verse for Junior Classes. 

By the SAME AUTHOR. In Two Parts. Is. 6d. net each. 
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PART II. Nineteenth-Century Poets. 

School Guardian. "Of the high literary quality of this selection there 
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3 6 William Biackwood & Sons 1 List. 

English Prose for Junior and Senior Classes. 

By the SAME AUTHOR. In Two Parts. 2s. 6d. each. 
PART I. Malory to Johnson. | PART II. Nineteenth Century. 

Educational Times. "We do not remember to have seen a better prose 
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Mr R. Blair, Education Officer. " I have to inform you that the Committee 
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English Exercises for Junior and Senior Classes. 

By the SAME AUTHOR. Is. 

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English Drama. 

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The Select Chaucer. 

Edited and Elucidated by the SAMB AUTHOR. Crown 8vo, 3s. ; and in Two 
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Paraphrasing, Analysis, and Correction of Sentences. 

By D. M. J. JAMES, M.A., Gordon Schools, Huntly. Is. 

Also in Two Parts : 
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Athenaeum. "The pieces are well calculated to improve the grammar and 
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Educational Works. 



37 



Part I., Chaucer to Burns, cloth, Is. net. 
Part II., Wordsworth to Newbolt, cloth, Is. net. 
In One Volume complete, cloth, 2s. net. 
Prize Edition, 5s. 

The 

School Anthology 
of English Verse. 

A Selection of English Verse 
from Chaucer to the Present Day. 

EDITED BY 

J. H. LOBBAN, M.A., 

Lecturer in English Literature, Birkbeck College, London; 
Editor of The Granta Shakespeare, &c. 

Athenaeum. " We have here such poetry as rings morally sound and exalts 
the soundest instincts and feelings of human nature." 

Guardian. "The work is worthy of nothing less than absolutely unqualified 
approval, and we cordially wish it the hearty welcome it deserves." 

Journal of Education. " One of the best small anthologies we have seen for 
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Elementary Grammar and Composition. 

Based on the ANALYSIS OF SENTENCES. With a Chapter on WORD-BUILD 
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student how to use the elements of his mother-tongue." 

A Working Handbook of the Analysis of Sentences. 

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PROSODY. New Edition, Revised. Is. 6d. 

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38 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

STORMONTH S 
ENGLISH DICTIONARIES, 

PRONOUNCING, [ETYMOLOGICAL, AND EXPLANATORY. 

SCHOOL AND COLLEGE EDITION. 

New Edition. Crown 8vo, 1080 pp. 55. net. 

BLACKWOOD S 

SEVENPENNY 
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STOBMONTH S 

HANDY SCHOOL DICTIONARY 

PRONOUNCING AND EXPLANATORY 

Thoroughly Revised and Enlarged by 
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Educational Works. 39 



The George Eliot Reader. 

By ELIZABETH LEE, Author of A School History of English Literature, 
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English Words and Sentences. 

BOOK I. FOB THE JUNIOR DIVISION. 6d. 
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Story of the World Readers. See p. 57. 
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Short Stories for Composition. 

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BLACKWOODS SCHOOL SHAKESPEARE. 

Edited by B. BRIMLEY JOHNSON. Each Play complet e with 
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The Merchant of Venice. 
Richard II. 
Julius Csesar. 



The Tempest. 



As You Like It. 
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Other VoUmes in preparation. 



40 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

BLACKWOODS ENGLISH CLASSICS. 

With Portraits. In Fcap. 8vo volumes, cloth. 

General Editor J. H. LOBBAN, M.A,, 

Editor of The School Anthology ; Lecturer in English Literature, Birkbeck College, 
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Carlyle Essay on Burns. 

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Educational Works. 41 



BLACKWOODS ENGLISH CLASSICS continued. 



Goldsmith Traveller, Deserted Village, & other Poems. 

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sicheS dafu bStragen des otchters Werke in England meh r zu verbrex en 
als dies bisher geschehen ist. Aber auch in Deutschland ist das .Buca allei 
Freunden Byron s warm zu empfehlen. 



42 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

HISTORY. 

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LATIN AND GREEK. 

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With an Introduction by H. W. AUDBN, M.A., Principal, Upper Canada 
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For the Use of Higher Forms and University Students. Selected, with In 
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Educational Works. 43 



Novr issued at Is. 6d. net to meet the requirements of the 
Education Department for a Latin Translation Book suited to 
pupils in the early stage of the subject. In its more expensive 
form the volume has been extensively used by the greater Public 
Schools, and is in its Twelfth Edition. A specimen copy will be 
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a view to introduction. 

TWELFTH EDITION. 

ADITUS FACILIORES. 

AN EASY LATIN CONSTRUING BOOK, 

WITH VOCABULARY. 

BY 

A. W. POTTS, M.A., LL.D., 

Late Head-Master of the Fettes College, Edinburgh, and sometime 
Fellow of St John s College, Cambridge ; 

AND THE 

REY. C. DARNELL, M.A., 

Late Head-Master of Cargilfield Preparatory School, Edinburgh, 

and Scholar of Pembroke and Downing 

Colleges, Cambridge. 



Contents. 

PART I. Stories and Fables The Wolf on his Death-Bed Alex 
ander and the Pirate Zeno s Teaching Ten Helpers The Swallow 
and the Ants Discontent Pleasures of Country Life The Wolf and 
the Lamb Simplicity of Farm Life in Ancient Italy The Conceited 
Jackdaw The Ant and the Grasshopper The Hares contemplate 
Suicide The Clever Parrot Simple Living The Human Hand The 

Bear Value of Rivers Love of the Country Juno and the Peacock 

The Camel The Swallow and the Birds The Boy and the Echo The 
Stag and the Fountain The Cat s Device The Human Figure The 
Silly Crow Abraham s Death-Bed The Frogs ask for a King The 
Gods select severally a Favourite Tree Hear the Other Side. 

PART II. -Historical Extracts THE STORY OF THE FABII : Histori 
cal Introduction The Story of the Fabii. THE CONQUEST OF VEII : 
Historical Introduction The Conquest of Veii. THE SACRIFICE OF 
DECIUS : Historical Introduction The Sacrifice of Decius. 

PART III. The First Roman Invasion of Britain Introduction 
to Extracts from Caesar s Commentaries The First Roman Invasio 
Britain. 

PART IV. The Life of Alexander the Great - 

duction Life and Campaigns of Alexander the Great. 

APPENDIX. VOCABULARY. ADDENDA. 

Two Maps to Illustrate the First Roman Invasion of Britain and the 

Campaign* of Alexander the Great. 



44 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

First Latin Sentences and Prose. 

By K. P. WILSON, M.A., late Scholar of Pembroke College, Cambridge ; 
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A First Latin Reader. 

With Notes, Exercises, and Vocabulary. By K. P. WILSON, M.A., Fettes 
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Tales of Ancient Thessaly. 

An Elementary Latin Reading - Book, with Notes and Vocabulary. By 
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Latin Verse Unseens. 

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Latin Historical Unseens. 

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5tonyhurst Latin Grammar. 

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Aditus Faciliores Graeci. 

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Camersarum Flosculos in Usum Fettesianorum decerptos 
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Educational Works. 45 

Greek Accidence. 

For Use in Preparatory and Public Schools. By T. C. WKATHKBHEAD, 
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Literature. "Not the least of its merits is the clearness of the type, both 
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The Messenian Wars. 

An Elementary Greek Header. With Exercises and Full Vocabulary. By 
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Saturday Review. "A far more spirited narrative than the Anabasis. We 
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Higher Greek Prose. 

With an Introduction by H. W. AUDEN, M.A., Principal, Upper Canada 
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Guardian. "The selection of passages for translation into Greek is certainly 

Journal of Education. "A manual of well-graduated exercises in Greek 
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Lower Greek Prose. 

By K. P. WILSON, M.A., Assistant-Master in Fettes College, Edinburgh. 
2s. 6d. %* A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net. 

School Guardian. "A well-arranged book, designed to meet the needs of 
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Higher Greek Unseens. 

For the Use of Higher Forms and University Students. Selected, with 
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and tran sl atin 



eminently profitable preliminary reading for the earnest and diligent worker in 

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Greek Unseens. 

BEING ONE HUNDRED PASSAGES FOB TRANSLATION AT SIGHT IN JUNIOR 
CLASSES. Selected and arranged. With Introduction by W. LOBBAN, M. A., 
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This little book is designed for the use of those preparing for the Leaving Cer 
tificate. Scotch Preliminary, London Matriculation, and similar examinations in 
Greek. The extracts are drawn irom over a score of different authors, ar 
hlTb^en had in the selection to literary or historical interest, and m th 
ment to progressive difficulty. 



46 William Blackwood & Sons List. 



Greek Verse Unseens. 

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School Guardian. "A capital selection made with much discretion It 

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Greek Prose Phrase Book. 

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Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by H. SHABPLBT, M.A., late Scholar 
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A Short History of the Ancient Greeks from the 
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By P. GILES, Litt.D., LL.D., Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 
With Maps and Illustrations. [In preparation. 

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By the SAMB AUTHOR.! In 1 voL [In preparation. 

A Manual of Classical Geography. 

By JOHN L. MTRBS, M.A., Fellow of Magdalene College; Professor of 
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Educational Works. 47 

BLACKWOODS 

ILLUSTRATED 

CLASSICAL TEXTS. 

GENERAL EDITOR H. W. AUDEN, M.A. 

Principal of Upper Canada College, Toronto; formerly Assistant-Master at 
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BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS. 
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Caesar Gallic War, Books IV., V. 

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late Scholar of St John s College, Cambridge. With or without Vocabulary, 
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Caesar Gallic War, Books VI., VII. 

By C. A. A. Du PONTET, M.A., Assistant-Master at Harrow. With or with 
out Vocabulary. Is. 6d. 

Virgil Georgic I. 

By J. SARGBAUNT, M.A., Assistant - Master at Westminster; late Scholar 
of University College, Oxford. Is. 6d. 

Virgil Georgic IV. 

By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., Assistant-Master at Westminster ; late Scholar of 
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48 William Blackwood & Sons List. 



BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS continued. 



Virgil >neid, Books V., VI. 

By Rev. ST J. B. WYNNE WILLSON, M.A.. Headmaster, Haileybury 
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Ovid Metamorphoses (Selections). 

By J. H. VINCK, M.A., late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge, 
Assistant-Master at Bradfield. Is. 6d. 

Ovid Elegiac Extracts. 

By R. B. BURNABY, M.A. Oxou. ; Classical Master, Trinity College, 
Glenalmond. Is. 6d. 

Arrian Anabasis, Books I., II. 

By H. W, AUDEN, M.A., late Scholar of Christ s College, Cambridge; 
Principal of Upper Canada College. Toronto ; formerly Assistant- Master 
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Homer Odyssey, Book VI. 

By E. E. SIKKS, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of St John s College. 
Cambridge. Is. 6d. 

Homer Odyssey, Book VII. 

By E. E. SIKES, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of St John s College, 
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Demosthenes Olynthiacs, 1-3. 

By H. SHARPLEY, M.A., late Scholar of Corpus College, Oxford ; Assistant- 
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Horace Odes, Books I., II. 

By J. SARGEAUNT, M.A., late Scholar of University College, [Oxford; 
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Horace Odes, Books HI., IV. 

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Cicero In Catilinam, I. -IV. 

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Cicero De Senectute and De Amicitia. 

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[In preparation. 

Cicero Pro Lege Manilla and Pro Archia. 

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Educational Works. 49 



BLACKWOODS CLASSICAL TEXTS continued. 



Cicero Select Letters. 

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Tacitus Agricola. 

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Xenophon Anabasis, Books L, II. 

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Euripides Hercules Furens. 

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Livy _Book XXVIII. 

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Nepos Select Lives. 

By Rev. E. J. W. HOUGHTON, D.D., Headmaster of Rossall School. 

[In the press, 

MODERN LANGUAGES. 
FRENCH. 

Historical Reader of Early French. 

Containing Passages Illustrative of the Growth of the French Language 
from the Earliest Times to the end of the 15th Century By HERBERT A. 
STRONG, LL.D., Officier de 1 Instruction Pubhque Professor of Latin, 
University College, Liverpool; and L. D. BARNETT, M.A., Litt.D. , 
Guardian. "A most valuable companion to the modern handbooks < 
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So William Black wood & Sons List. 



The Tutorial Handbook of French Composition. 

By ALFRKD MERCIER, L.-es-L., Lecturer on French Language and Literature 

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French Historical Unseens. 

For Army Classes. By N. E. TOKK, B.A. 2s. 6d. 

Journal of Education. "A distinctly good book May be unreservedly 

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By J. EDMOND MANSION, B.-es-L., Senior Modern Language Master, George 
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School World. "We recommend it warmly to all teachers of French, and 
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French Test Papers for Civil Service and University 
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All French Verbs in Twelve Hours (except Defective 
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By ALFRED J. WYATT, M.A. Is. 

Weekly Register. "Altogether unique among French grammatical helps, 
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The Children s Guide to the French Language. 

By ANNIB G. FERRIER, Teacher of French in the Ladies College, Queen 
Street, Edinburgh. Is. 

Schoolmaster. "The method is good, and the book will be found helpful 
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GERMAN. 

A History of German Literature. 

By JOHN G. ROBERTSON, Ph.D., Professor of German in the University 

of London. 6d. net. 

Times. "In such an enterprise even a tolerable approach to success is some 
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Outlines of the History of German Literature. 

For the Use of Schools. By the SAME AUTHOR. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. net. 



Educational Works. 51 

DR LUBOVIUS GERMAN SERIES. 
A Practical German Grammar, Reader and Writer. 

By Louis LUBOVIUS, Ph.D., German Master, Billhead High School, Glas 
gow; Lecturer on German, U.P.C. Training College; Examiner for Degrees 
in Arts, University ef Glasgow. 

Part I. Elementary. 2s, 

Part II. 3s. 

Lower German. 

Reading, Supplementary Grammar with Exercises, and Material for Com 
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By Louis LUBOVIUS, Ph.D. 2s. 6d. 

Athexueum. "The volume is well designed." 

Preparatory Schools Review. "A capital reading-book for middle forms." 

Progressive German Composition. 

With copious Notes and Idioms, and FIRST INTRODUCTION TO GERMAN 
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Also in Two Parts : 
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** A Key (for Teachers only), 5s. net. 
First Introduction to German Philology. Is. 6d. 

Journal of Education. "The passages for translation are well selected, 
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real assistance The part of the book dealing with German philology deserves 

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A Compendious German Reader. 

Consisting of Historical Extracts, Specimens of German Literature, Lives 
of German Authors, an Outline of German History (1640-1890), Biographical and 
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Guardian. "This method of compilation is certainly an improvement on the 
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Spartanerjunglinge. A Story of Life in a Cadet College. 

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MORRISON, M.A., Master in Modern Languages, Aberdeen Grammar 
School. 2s. 

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A German Reader for Technical Schools. 

By EWALD F. SECKLER, Senior Language Master at the Birmingham Muni 
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52 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

SPANISH. 

A Spanish Grammar. 

With Copious Exercises in Translation and Composition ; Easy reading 
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MATHEMATICS. 

Arithmetic. 

With numerous Examples, Revision Tests, and Examination Papers. By 
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aud elsewhere." 

Practical Arithmetical Exercises. 

FOR SENIOR PUPILS IN SCHOOLS. Containing upwards of 8000 Examples, 

consisting in great part of Problems, and 750 Extracts from Examination 

Papers. Second Edition, Revised. 364 pages, 3s. With Answers, 3s. 6d. 

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The Complete Book, 288 pp., eloth, 2s. With Answers, 2s. 6d. Answers 

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III., 70pp., 6d. Pt. IV., 96 pp., 9d. Answers to Pts. I., II., III., each 

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Handbook of Mental Arithmetic. 

With 7200 Examples and Answers. 264 pp. 2s. 6d. Also in Six Parts, 
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handy book. It is an absolute storehouse of exercises in mental computations. 
There are most valuable practical hints to teachers." 



Educational Works. 53 

Modern Geometry of the Point, Straight Line, and 
Circle. 

An Elementary Treatise. By J. A. THIRD, D.Se., Headmaster of Spier s 
School, Beith. 3s. 

Schoolmaster. ! Each branch of this wide subject is treated with brevity, 
it is true, and yet with amazing completeness considering the size of the volume. 
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Educational News. "A book which will easily take rank among the best of 
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Mensuration. 

128 pp., cloth, Is. Also in Two Parts. Pt. I., Parallelograms and Tri 
angles. 64 pp. Paper, 4d.; cloth, 6d. Pt. II., Circles and Solids. 
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each Part. 
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Higher Arithmetic. 

For Ex-Standard and C 

With Answers, cloth, lid. Answers may be had separately, price 3d. 



For Ex-Standard and Continuation Classes. 128 pp. Paper, 6d. ; cloth, 8d. 

ely, 



GEOGRAPHY. 



Fifty-Fifth Thousand. 

Elements of Modern Geography. 

By the Rev. ALEXANDER MACKAY, LL.D., F.R.G.S. Revised to the 

present time. Pp. 300. 3s. 
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These Outlines in many respects an epitome of the Elements are care 
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One Hundred and Fifth Thousand,. 

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By the SAME AUTHOR. 18mo, pp. 56. Sewed 4d. ; in cloth, 6d. 



54 William Black wood & Sons List. 



A Manual of Classical Geography. 

By JOHN L. MYRES, M.A., Professor of Ancient History, Oxford. 

[In preparation. 

CHEMISTRY AND POPULAR 
SCIENCE. 

Forty Elementary Lessons in Chemistry. 

By W. L. SARGANT, M.A., Headmaster, Oakham School. Illustrated. 

Is. 6d. 

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Inorganic Tables, with Notes and Equations. 

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Things of Everyday. 

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GEOLOGY. 

An Intermediate Text- Book of Geology. 

By Professor CHARLES LAPWOBTH, LL.D., University, Birmingham. 
Founded on Dr PAGE S Introductory Text-Book of Geology. With Illus 
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PAL/EONTOLOGY. 

A Manual of Palaeontology. 

For the Use of Students. With a General Introduction on the Principles of 
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RICHARD LYDKKKKR, B. A., F.G.S. &e. Third Edition. Entirely rewritten 
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Educational Works. 55 

PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. 

Fifteenth Edition^ Revised. 

Introductory Text- Book of Physical Geography. 

With Sketch-Maps and Illustrations. By DAVID PAGE, LL.D., &c., Pro 
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by Professor CHARLES LAPWORTH. 2s. 6d. 

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PSYCHOLOGY AND LOGIC. 

An Introductory Text- Book of Logic. 

With Numerous Examples and Exercises. By SYDNEY HERBERT MELLONE, 
M.A. (Lond.), D.Sc. (Edin.); Examiner in Philosophy in the University of 
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in modern logic The book, in fine, is an excellent working text-book of its 

subject, likely to prove useful both to students and to teachers." 

Elements of Psychology. 

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Education. " The authors of this volume have made satisfactory use of 
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A Short History of Logic. 

By ROBERT ADAMSON, LL.D., Late Professor of Logic in the University of 
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Academy, Professor of Moral Philosophy, University of Cambridge. Crown 
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"There is no other History of Logic short or long in English, and no similar 
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FORESTRY. 

The Elements of British Forestry. 

A Handbook for Forest Apprentices and Students of Forestry. By JOHN 
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Forest Entomology. 

By A T GILLANDERS. Wood Manager to His Grace the Duke of Northumber 
land, K.G. Second Edition, Revised. With 351 Illustrations. Demy 8vo, 
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56 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

ELEMENTARY SERIES. 

BLACKWOODS 

LITERATURE READERS. 

Edited by JOHN ADAMS, M.A., LL.D., 

Professor of Education in tbe University of London. 

BOOK I Pp. 228. Price Is. 

BOOK II Pp. 275. Price Is. 4d. 

BOOK III Pp.303. Price Is. 6d. 

BOOK IV Pp. 381. Price Is. 6d. 



NOTE. 

This new Series would seek to do for Literature what has 
already been done by many series of School Readers for 
History, Geography, and Science. Many teachers feel that 
their pupils should be introduced as soon as possible to the 
works of the great writers, and that reading may be learnt 
from these works at least as well as from compilations 
specially written for the young. Because of recent changes 
in Inspection, the present is a specially suitable time for 
the Introduction of such a series into Elementary Schools. 
In the Preparatory Departments of Secondary Schools the 
need for such a series is clamant. 

It is to be noted that the books are not manuals of 
English literature, but merely Readers, the matter of which 
is drawn entirely from authors of recognised standing. All 



ng. 
illu 



the usual aids given in Readers are supplied ; but illustra 
tions, as affording no help in dealing with Literature, are 
excluded from the series. 

" The volumes, which are capitally printed, consist of selected 
readings of increasing difficulty, to -which notes and exercises are 
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and wide appreciation of the stores of good English verse and 
prose." A theaasum. 

"The selected readings ...... are interesting, and possessed of real 

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and the unusual boldness and clear spacing of the type go far to 
compensate for the entire absence of pictorial illustrations. "Guardian. 
A very excellent gradus to the more accessible heights of the 
English Parnassus ...... The appendices on spelling, word-building, 

andf grammar are the work of a skilful, practical teacher. 1 Pall 
Mall Gazette. 

"If we had the making of the English Educational Code for 
Elementary Schools, we should insert a regulation that all boys and 
girls should spend two whole years on these four books, and on 
nothing else." Bradford Observer. 

"The books are graded with remarkable skill." Glasgow Herald. 



Educational Works. 



57 



" Absolutely the best set of all the history readers that have hitherto 
been published." The Guardian. 

THE STORY OF THE WORLD, 

FOR THE; CHILDREN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE, (in Five Books,) 
ByM. B. SYNOE. 

With\ Coloured* \Frontlspleces and numerous] Illustrations by 
^B. M. Synge, A.R.B., and. Maps. 



BOOK I. ON THE SHORES OF THE GREAT SEA. Is. 4d. 
Colonial Edition, Is. 6d. 



THE Home of Abraham Into Africa 
Joseph in Egypt The Children of Israel 
The First Merchant Fleet Hiram, King of 
Tyre King Solomon s Fleet The Story of 
Carthage The Story of the Argonauts The 
Siege of Troy The Adventures of Ulysses 
The Dawn of History The Fall of Tyre 
The Rise of Carthage Hanno s Adventures 
The Battle of Marathon King Ahasuerus 
How Leonidas kept the Pass Some 



Greek Colonies Athens The Death of 
Socrates The Story of Romulus and Remus 
HowHoratius kept the Bridge Coriolanus 
Alexander the Great King of Macedonia 
The Conquest of India Alexander s 
City The Roman Fleet The Adventures of 
Hannibal The End of Carthage The 
Triumph of Rome Julius Caesar The 
Flight of Pompey The Death of Csesar. 



gBOOK II. THE DISCOVERY OF NEW WORLDS. Is. 6d. 



THE Roman World The Tragedy of Nero 
The Great Fire in Rome The Destruction 
of Pompeii Marcus Aurelius Christians to 
the Lions A New Rome The Armies of 
the North King Arthur and his Knights 
How the Northmen conquered England 
The First Crusade Frederick Barbarossa 
The Third Crusade The Days of Chivalry 
Queen of the Adriatic The Story of 
Marco Polo Dante s Great Poem The 



Maid of Orleans Prince Henry, the Sailor 
The Invention of Printing Vasco da Gama s 
Great Voyage Golden Goa Christopher 
Columbus The Last of the Moors Dis 
covery of the New World Columbus in 
Chains Discovery of the Pacific Magel 
lan s Straits Montezuma Siege and Fall of 
Mexico Conquest of Peru A Great 
Awakening. 



BOOK III. THE AWAKENING OF EUROPE. Is. 6d. 
Colonial Edition, is. 9d. 



STORY of the Netherlands The Story of 
Martin Luther The Massacre of St Bar 
tholomewThe Siege of Leyden William 
the Silent Drake s Voyage round the 
World The Great Armada Virginia Story 
of the Revenge Sir Walter Raleigh The 
1 Fairy Queen First Voyage of the East 
India Company Henry Hudson Captain 
John Smith The Founding of Quebec 
The Pilgrim Fathers Thirty Years of War 
The Dutch at Sea Van Riebeek a Colony 



Oliver Cromwell Two Famous Admirals 
-De Ruyter The Founder of Pennsyl 
vania The Pilgrim s Progress William s 
Invitation The Struggle in Ireland The 
Siege of Vienna by the Turks The Story of 
the Huguenots The Battle of Blenheim 
How Peter the Great learned Shipbuilding 
--Charles XII. of Sweden The Boyhood of 
Frederick the Great Alison s Voyage round 
the World Maria Theresa The Story of 
Scotland. 



William Blackwood & Sons List. 



THE STORY OF THE WORLD continued. 



BOOK IV. THE STRUGGLE 

THE Story of the Great Mogul Eobert 
Clive The Black Hole of Calcutta The 
Struggle for North America George Wash 
ingtonHow Pitt saved England The Fall 
of Quebec "The Great Lord Hawke" 
The Declaration of Independence Captain 
Cook s Story James Bruce and the Nile 
The Trial of Warren Hastings Maria 
Antoinette The Fall of the Bastile 
Napoleon Bonaparte Horatio Nelson The 
Adventures of Mungo Park The Travels of 
Baron Humboldt The Battle of the Nile 



FOR SEA POWER. Is. 9d. 

Copenhagen Napoleon Trafalgar The 
Death of Nelson The Rise of Wellington 
The First Australian Colony Story of the 
Slave Trade The Defence of Saragoza Sir 
John Moore at Corunna The Victory of 
Talavera The Peasant Hero of the Tyrol 
The "Shannon" and the "Chesapeake" 
Napoleon s Retreat from Moscow Welling 
ton s Victories in Spain The Fall of the 
Empire Story of the Steam Engine Water 
loo The Exile of St Helena. 



BOOK V. GROWTH OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. 2s. 



How Spain lost South America The Greek 
War Victoria, Queen of England The 
Great Boer Trek The Story of Natal The 
Story of Canada The Winning of the West 
A Great Arctic Expedition Discoveries in 
Australia The Last King of France Louis 
Kossuth and Hungary The Crimean War 
The Indian Mutiny King of United Italy 
Civil War in America The Mexican Re 
volution Founding the German Empire 
The Franco-German War The Dream of 
Cecil Rhodes The Dutch Republics in 



South Africa Livingstone s discoveries in 
Central Africa China s Long Sleep Japan, 
Britain s Ally Russia The Annexation of 
Burma The Story of Afghanistan The 
Empire of India Gordon, the Hero of 
Khartum The Redemption of Egypt The 
Story of British West Africa The Story of 
Uganda The Founding of Rhodesia 
British South Africa The Dominion of 
Canada Australia The New Nation 
Freedom for Cuba Reign of Queen Victoria 
Welding the Empire Citizenship. 



Also in 2 volumes, at 3s. 6d. each net, suitable as prize books. 



Uniform with this Series. 



THE WORLD S CHILDHOOD. 

With numerous Illustrations by Brinsley Le Fanu. 
I. STORIES OP THE FAIRIES, tod. 

CONTENTS 



1. Lit-tle Red Ri-ding Hood. 

2. The Three Bears. 

3. The Snow -Child. 

4. Tom Thumb. 

5. The Ug-ly Duck-ling. 

6. Puss in Boots. 

7. The Lit-tle Girl and the Cats. 

8. Jack and the Ban-Stalk. 

9. Gol-dy. 

10. Cin-der-el-la Part I. 

II. STORIES OF THE 



11. Cin-der-el-la Part II. 

12. The Lost Bell. 

13. Jack the Gi-ant Kill-er. 

14. Star-bright and Bird-ie. 

15. Beau-ty and the Beast. 

16. Peach-Dar-ling. 

17. In Search of a Night s Rest. 

18. Dick Whit-ting-ton and his Cat. 

19. The Sleep-ing Beau-ty. 



1. A-bout the Gods. 

2. The Names of the Gods. 

3. Turn-ed in-to Stone. 

4. The Shin-ing Char-i-ot. 

5. The Laur-el Tree. 

6. A Horse with Wings. 

7. The Cy-press Tree. 

8. The Fruits of the Earth. 

9. Cu-pid s Gold-en Ar-row. 

10. Pan s Pipe. 

11. A Long Sleep. 

12. The Re-ward of Kind 



GREEK GODS AND HEROES. lod. 

CONTENTS. 

13. At-a-lan-ta s Race. 

14. The Stor-y of Al-ces-tis. 

15. The Snow-White Bull. 

16. The Spi-der and his Web. 

17. I-o the White Cow. 

18. The Three Gold-en Ap-ples. 

19. The Ol-ive Tree. 

20. A Boy Her-o of Old. 

21. The Thread of Ar-i-ad-ne. 

22. The Boy who tried to Fly. 

23. The Gold-en Harp. 
Teacher s Appndix. 



Educational Works. 59 

"If history can be given a form likely to make it palatable to young folks, "F" 
has succeded in doing so in these Stories of the English. It is no exaggeration to 
say that the book represents not only a masterpiece in literature for children 
but a work of no slight value for the national good." Scotsman. 

STORIES OF THE ENGLISH 
FOR SCHOOLS. 

By F. 

FOR JUNIOR SCHOLARS. 
VOL. I. FROM THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH TO THE ARMADA. 1s. 6d. 

CONTENTS. The coming of the White Horse The coming of the Cross The Fi-ht 
with the Raven Alfred the Great Edward the Confessor William the Conquerer The 
Kings of the Golden Broom Richard Lion-HeartKing John and Magna Charta Earl 
Simon the Righteous Edward the Englishman Bannockburn and Berkeley The Lions 
and the Lilies A King dethroned Prince Hal King Harry The Wars of the Roses- 
Henry VIII. and the Revolt from Rome Edward VI. and Mary Elizabeth, the Great 
Queen : (1) English Adventurers and the Cruise of the Pelican ; (2) Mary, Queen of Scots ; 
(3) Papist Plots and the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew ; (4) The Armada. 

ILLUSTRATIONS. Dover Castle The Pharos, Dover Norsemen Homes of our 

Ancestors Chateau Gaillard Tomb of a Crusader (Gervase Alard), Winchelsea Church 

Carnarvon Castle Coronation Chair, Westminster Abbey Knights of the Fourteenth 
Century Edward the Third The Battle of Cressy Tomb of Edward the Third, West 
minster Abbey Tomb of the Black Prince, Canterbury Cathedral Richard II. on his 
voyage to Ireland Jerusalem Chamber, Westminster Abbey Henry V. with Military 
Attendants Henry V. addressing his Army Joan of Arc The Crowning of Henry VII. 
on Bosworth Field Henry VIII. Wolsey Sir Thomas More taking leave of his Daughter 
Calais during the Sixteenth Century Queen Elizabeth The Armada Drake Mary, 
Queen of Scots Drake playing Bowls with his Captains Sir Walter Raleigh. 

FOR SENIOR SCHOLARS. 
VOL. II. THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER AND GREATER ENGLAND. 1s. 6d. 

CONTENTS. The First of the Stuarts The Struggle for Power The Puritan Tyranny 
The Second Struggle for Power : Charles II. The Revolution The Fight with France : 
The Dutch King Queen Anne and Marlborough Greater England The Story of Anson 
The Story of Wolfe The Story of Captain Cook The Story of Olive The War of American 
Independence The great French War The Story of Nelson The Story of the Great Duke 
The End of the Stories. 

ILLUSTRATIONS James I. Bacon Charles I. A Cavalier Oliver Cromwell The 
Great Fire of London The Seven Bishops going to the Tower Landing of William of 
Orange in England Marlborough Gibraltar Chatham Fight between the Centurion and 
the Manila Ship General Wolfe The Death of Captain Cook Washington Pitt- 
Napoleon Bonaparte Nelson H.M.S. Victory, Portsmouth Harbour Duke of Wellington 
Napoleon on board the JSellerophon. 

Moira O Neill, Author of Songs of the Glen of Antrim, writing to Mr Blackwood, 
says : " F. s Stories of the English was written for my little daughter Susan. The 
child is quite fascinated by it, but equally so are all the grown-up friends to whom 
I have shown it. I lent it once to a sailor uncle, and he sat up to all hours of that 
night with it, and afterwards told me that he could hardly believe that such an 
account of Nelson s great battles had been written by a woman, because it was 
technically accurate. And a soldier friend and critic used almost the same words 
about the account of Marlborough s campaigns. F. is the most patient and faithful 
student of history that I know. She has such a strong literary sense that she simply 
could not write anything except in a literary form, and combined with it she has 
that rare thing, a judicial mind. Thia, I think, gives her work a quite peculiar 
value." 



60 William Blackwood & Sons List. 



Standard Readers. 

Revised Edition. With Supplementary Pages, consisting of "Spelling 
Lists," "Word -Building," "Prefixes and Suffixes," &c. Profusely Illus 
trated with Superior Engravings. 

BOOK I. 40 Lessons 8d. 

BOOK II. 40 Lessons 9d. 

BOOK III. 60 Lessons . . . . Is. Od. 

BOOK IV. 60 Lessons . . . .Is. 3d. 

BOOK V. 60 Lessons .... Is. 4d. 

BOOK VI. 60 Lessons .... Is. 6d. 

Schoolmaster. "We strongly recommend these books Children will be 

sure to like them; the matter is extremely suitable and interesting, the print 
very distinct, and the paper a pleasure to feel." 

Infant Series. 

FIRST PICTURE PRIMER . . Sewed, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
SECOND PICTURE PRIMER . . Sewed, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
PICTURE READING SHEETS. 

IST SERIES. | 2ND SERIES. 

Each containing 16 sheets, unmounted, 3s. 6d. Mounted on 8 boards, 
with cloth border, price 14s. ; varnished, 3s. 6d. per set extra. 

Or the 16 sheets laid on linen, varnished, and mounted on a roller, 
17s. 6d. 

THE INFANT PICTURE READER. With numerous Illustrations. 
Cloth, limp, 6d. 

Educational News. " Teachers will find these Primers a useful introduction 
to the art of reading. We consider them well adapted to their purpose." 

Geographical Readers. 

With numerous Maps, Diagrams, and Illustrations. 

GEOGRAPHICAL PRIMER. (For Stand. I.) 96pp. 9d. 

BOOK I. (For Stand. II.) 96pp. . . 9d. 

BOOK II. (For Stand. III.) 156 pp. . . Is. Od. 

BOOK III. (For Stand. IV.) 192 pp. . . Is. 3d. 

BOOK IV. (For Stand. V.) 256 pp. . . Is. 6d. 

BOOK V. (For Stand. VI.) 256 pp. . . Is. 6d. 

BOOK VI. (For Stand. VII.) 256 pp. . . Is. 9d. 

Schoolmaster. " This is a really excellent series of Geographical Readers. 
The volumes have, in common, the attractiveness which good paper, clear type, 
effective woodcuts, and durable binding can present ; whilst their contents, both 
as to quality and quantity, are so graded as to be admirably adapted to the 
several stages of the pupil s progress." 



Educational Works, 61 

Historical Readers. 

With numerous Portraits, Maps, and other Illustrations. 

SHORT STORIES FROM ENGLISH 

HISTORY 160 pp. Is. Od. 

FIRST HISTORICAL READER . . .160 pp. Is. Od. 

SECOND HISTORICAL READER . . .224 pp. Is. 4d. 

THIRD HISTORICAL READER . . .256 pp. Is. 6d. 

Schoolmaster. "These new Historical Readers have been carefully compiled. 
The facts are well selected ; the story is well told in language most likely to 
impress itself in the memory of young children ; and the poetical pieces are 
fitting accompaniments to the prose." 

School Board Chronicle. "The treatment is unconventional, but always 
in good taste. The volumes will meet with much favour generally as lively, 
useful, high-toned Historical Readers." 

Standard Authors. 

Adapted for Schools. 

HAWTHORNE S TANGLEWOOD TALES. With Not8 and Illustra 
tions. 160 pp. Is. 2d. 

Aytoun s Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers. 

With Introduction, Notes, and Life of the Author, for Junior Classes. 

EDINBURGH AFTER FLODDEN . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

THE EXECUTION OF MONTROSE . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

THE BURIAL-MARCH OF DUNDEE 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

THE ISLAND OF THE SCOTS . . 32 pages, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

Teachers Aid. " Capital annotated editions Beautifully clear and 

painstaking; we commend them heartily to our brother and sister teachers." 

Educational News. " Useful issues of well-known poems The notes 

are exceedingly appropriate, and leave nothing ^in doubt. For class purposes 
we can specially recommend these little books." 

School Recitation Books. 

BOOK I. 32 pages . . . . 2d. 

BOOK II. 32 pages 

BOOK III. 48 pages . . 3d. 

BOOK IV. 48 pages . . 3d. 

BOOK V. 64 pages . . . 4d. ^ 

BOOK VI. 64 pages . . . 4d. 

Schoolmistress. "These six books are a valuable contribution to school 
literature The poems for each standard are judiciously chosen, the explanatory 
notes and questions at the end of every lesson are very suitable. 



62 William Black wood & Sons List. 

Grammar and Analysis. 

BOOK II. 24 pages . . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d. 

BOOK III. 24 pages . . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d. 

BOOK IV. 48 pages . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

BOOK V. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 

BOOK VI. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 

BOOK VII. 64 pages . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 

Schoolmaster. "This is a series of good practical books whose merits ought 
to ensure for them a wide sale. Among their leading merits are simplicity in 
definitions, judicious recapitulation, and abundance of well-selected exercises 
for practice." 

Teachers Aid. "For thoroughness, method, style, and high -class work, 

commend us to these little text-books A practical hand has impressed 

every line with individuality We are determined to use them in our own 

department. " 

Arithmetical Exercises. 

BOOK I. ... Paper, lfcd. ; cloth, 2}d. 
BOOK II. . . Paper, IJd. ; cloth, 2^d. 
BOOK III. . . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
BOOK IV. . . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
BOOK V. ... Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
BOOK VI. ... Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
BOOK VII. . . . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 
HIGHER ARITHMETIC for Ex-Standard and Continua 
tion Classes. 128 pp. . . Paper, 6d. ; cloth, 8d. 

** ANSWERS may be had separately , and are supplied direct 
to Teachers only. 

Schoolmaster. " We can speak in terms of high praise respecting this series 
of Arithmetical Exercises. They have been carefully constructed. They are 

well graduated, and contain a large and varied collection of examples We 

can recommend the series to our readers." 

Schoolmistress. " Large quantity, excellent quality, great variety, and good 
arrangement are the characteristics of this set of Arithmetical Exercises." 

Elementary Grammar and Composition. 

Based on the ANALYSIS OF SENTENCES. With a Chapter on WORD-BUILDING 
and DERIVATION, and containing numerous Exercises. New Edition. Is. 

Schoolmaster. "A very valuable book. It is constructive as well as analytic, 
and well-planned exercises have been framed to teach the young student how to 

use the elements of his mother-tongue A junior text-book that is calculated 

to yield most satisfactory results. " 

Educational Times. "The plan ought to work well A decided advance 

from the old-fashioned practice of teaching." 



Educational Works. 63 

Grammar and Analysis. 

Scotch Code. 

STANDARD II. 24 pages. Paper, l$d. ; cloth, 2d. 

STANDARD III. 32 pages. Paper, l$d. ; cloth, 2Jd. 

STANDARD IV. 56 pages. Paper, 2$d. ; cloth, 3d. 

STANDARD V. 56 pages. Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 

STANDARD VI. 64 pages. Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 

Teachers Aid. "These are thoughtfully written and very practically con 
ceived little helps They are most exhaustive, and brimming with examples." 

New Arithmetical Exercises. 

Scotch Code. 

STANDARD I. 32 pages . Paper, ld. ; cloth, 2d. 
STANDARD II. 32 pages . Paper, l|d. ; cloth, 2d. 
STANDARD III. 56 pages . Paper, 2d. ; cloth, 3d. 
STANDARD IV. 64 pages . Paper, 3d. ; cloth, 4d. 
STANDARD V. 80 pages . Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. 
STANDARD VI. 80 pages . Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. 
HIGHER ARITHMETIC for Ex-Standard and Continua 
tion Classes 128 pages . Paper, 6d. ; cloth, 8d. 

%* ANSWERS may be had separately, and are supplied direct 
to Teachers only. 

Educational News. "The gradation of the exercises is perfect, and the 
examples, which are very numerous, are of every conceivable variety. There is 
ample choice for the teacher under every head. We recommend the series as 
excellent School Arithmetics." 

Merit Certificate Arithmetic. 

96 pp. Paper cover, 6d. cloth, 8d. 

Mensuration. 

128 pp., cloth, Is. Also in Two Parts. Pt. I., Parallelograms and 
Triangles. 64 pp. Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. Pt. II., Circles and Solids. 
64 pp. Paper, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. Answers may he had separately, price 
2d. each Part. 

Educational Times. "The explanations are always clear and to the point, 
while the exercises are so exceptionally numerous that a wide selection is 
offered to the students who make use of the book." 

A First Book on Physical Geography. 

For Use in Schools. 64 pp. 4d. 

Journal of Education. "This is a capital little book, describing shortly 
and clearly the geographical phenomena of nature." 



64 William Blackwood & Sons List. 

Manual Instruction Woodwork. DESIGNED TO MEET THE 
REQUIREMENTS OF THE MINUTE OF THE SCIENCE AND ART DEPARTMENT 
ON MANUAL INSTRUCTION. By GEORGE ST JOHN, Undenominational 
School, Handsworth, Birmingham. With 100 Illustrations. Is, 

Blackwoods Simplex Civil Service Copy Books. 

By JOHN T. PEARCE, B.A., Leith Academy. Price 2d. each. 

CONTENTS OF THE SERIES. 
No. 1. Elements, Short Letters, Words. 
,i 2. Long Letters, Easy Words. 
3. Capitals, Half-line Words. 
I. 4. Text, Double Ruling, Sentences. 
H 5. Half-Text, Sentences, Figures, 
ii 6. Small Hand, Double Ruling, 
n 7. Intermediate, Transcription, &c. 
,i 8. Small Hand, Single Ruling. 
The Headlines are graduated, up-to-date, and attractive. 

Blackwoods Universal Writing Books. 

Have been designed to accompany the above series, and teachers will find it 
advantageous to use them as Dictation Cepies, because by them the learner 
is kept continually writing at the correct slope, &c. No 1. is adapted for 
LOWER CLASSES, No. 2 for HIGHER CLASSES. Price 2d. each. 

Practical Teacher. " Our readers would do well to write for a specimen of 
this book, and of the blank exercise-books ruled on the same principle. They 
are worth careful attention." 

School World. "Those teachers who are anxious to train their pupils to 
write in the style associated with Civil Service Competitions should find the 
copy-books designed by Mr Pearce very useful. The writing is certainly simple ; 
it may, in fact, be reduced to four elements, in which the pupil is rigorously 
exercised in the earlier books before proceeding in later numbers to continuous 
writing." 

Schoolmaster. "Those of our readers in search of new books should see 
these." 

Journal of Education. "Aids the eye and guides the hand, and thus 
checkmates any bias towards error in the slope." 



UNIVERSITY CALENDARS. 

St Andrews University Calendar. 

Printed and Published for the Senatus Aeademicus. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. net. 

St Andrews University L.L.A. Calendar. 

Printed and Published for the Senatus Aeademicus. Crown 8vo, Is. 



WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH AND LONDON. 

10/13.