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The Sarsfield Publishing Company 
145 High St., Boston, Mass. 

Library of Coriprreaa' 

Two Copies Reci 
JAN 14 1901 

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copyrighted a. d. 1900 

By The Sarsfield Pubushing Company 

Boston, Mass. 




It ss with feelings of regret and pleasure that the writer of this 
pamphlet has undertaken it ; regret that he has to admit and prove 
that the Irish revolutionary movement cannot be carried on witli- 
out the surveillance of the British government, and pleasure be- 
cause he hopes it may aid in the baffling of the English agents 
whose business in the revolutionary movement in this country, 
as well as elsewhere, is to render ineffective the efforts of sincere 
men, either in the secret or open societies in the true interest of 
Ireland. Such British agents live and grow fat on the strength 
©f the Irish revolutionary sentiment. They get fat salaries from 
Scotland Yard — the head detective bureau of England — and 
needless to say, when they have a chance to bleed the revolution- 
ary treasury, it doesn't take long to cause the funds to disappear. 
They organize such movements, because they live on them, and 
they keep Englishmen in terror of the dark and bloody plots (?) 
hatched for the wholesale destruction of human lives (?). In Ire- 
land not alone has a perfect system of espionage been in.vogue, 
during, and since, the '98 movement, but the government agents 
have been organizers, so that when they desired they could ar- 
rest at a moment's noti e e every man in the country who was a 
menace to British authority. 

The writer would not condemn physical force for the freedom 
of Ireland, were there any prospect of success. To him that suc- 
cess seems impossible for many reasons, and the reasons will ap- 
pear in the following pages. Criticisms by English agents and 
by persons hypnotized by British spies is expected, but criticism 
from the honest Irish-American press will be welcomed. The 
writer will be glad to be set aright in any mistake he may possiblv 
have fallen into, and he assures the reader that he writes this 
pamphlet in an honest spirit in the aid of a good cause, that of 


It always seems strange that such a naturally honest and hon- 
orable people as the Irish should have such a record for "inform- 
ers," but to the casual observer it must be evident that such "in- 
formers" always have been English agents from the start. This 
alone explains the apparemt contradiction. It wasn't decided to 
write this pamphlet until the writer found it impossible to pub- 
lish a synopsis of the facts in any newspaper or magazine, though 
their space was open to him for any other subject. 

One magazine manager claimed that his office would be blown 
tip by British agents did he publish it, and while others admitted 
the truths contained therein, they didn't think it expedient to 
publish them. What, then was to be done, when more than one 
sterling Irish Nationalist — erstwhile revolutionists — have de- 
clared that it is a duty to publish the facts? Nothing but the pub- 
lication as it appears before you. He has been warned that the 
enemy he has attacked is powerful, resourceful and vindictive : 
thatthere are good grounds for believing that the assassinations of 
P'Arcy McGee, Major McWilliams, Dr. Cronin, and the "disap- 
pearance" of MacKay Lomasney, could be traced to agents of 
the British government primarily, but fear has no right to enter 
the domain of duty. The writer claims that the Clan-na-Gael is 
being used as an engine of destruction to the Irish cause in every 
possible way ; that ali the necessary evidence is at hand to show 
that its policy, as outlined by the secret executives, has been 
always deadly opposed to the Irish national cause ; that Fenian- 
ism was victimized by the betrayers ; that the Clan was and is, 
and that the history of Le Caron (Thomas Beach) proves that, 
and how easily it can be done. The Clan's policy as shown in this 
book has always been in line with the bitter Tory party of Eng- 
land, the Orangemen and the Irish landlords, so far as the secret 
executive could make it. 

Caustic and wilful misinterpretation of the wrker's motives 
may be urged. This is to be expected. He thoroughly appre- 
ciates the gravity of the charge made against the controlling 
powers of the Clan-na-Gael, and it is for the reader to judge of 


bis correctness in asserting that the harmless dynamite out- 
rages (?) were the result of Tory politicai intrigue, and an evi- 
dente of Scotland Yard's control of the Clan executives. 
Let the reader judge from the facts. 



Evidence of English Control of the Clan-na-Gael. 

The writer is induced to pen the following facts for the reasoit 
that he knows there are many earnest Irishmen, who, despairing 
of the potency of parliamentary methods to meet the demands of 
the Irish people in their efforts to obtain self-government for their 
native land, have entered the ranks of any revolutionary body 
which aimed at the physical overthrow of English mie in Ireland, 
but have not counted the cost in so doing. So long as England 
depends upon her bayonets to inflict her rule on Ireland, just so 
long will the most sincere, the most unselfish, and the most de- 
voted Irishmen look upon such organizations as a relief from 
what they consider a begging policy pursued by Ireland towards 
a nation, whose hatred of Ireland is implacable, whose determina- 
tion to humiliate that country increases or decreases with her 
power or her inability to do so. Hence the physical force party 
will always remain a factor in Irish affairs, while the present con- 
dition of things remains as it is. It needs no demonstration to 
convince any one that England is well aware of this fìerce senti- 
ment against her, and the history of ali such movements, in Ire- 
land especially, proves that England not alone had her spies by 
the hundreds in such secret organizations, but that they actually 
invaded peaceable localities and organized the unsuspecting 
young men of those dis'tricts, only to bring them to the gallows, 
or the jail for life. 

Such were Corrydon, Massey, McDermott, Talbot et al. ; and 
when we consider how numerous such men were, whose dark 
deeds have come to the surface, it takes little thought to come to 
the conclusion that many, aye, many, there were who lived and 
died in the odor of Irish national sanctity, who were in reality 


nothing more nor less than paid agents of the British govern- 
ine nt. 

The British goverment has always aimed, not alone to be en- 
lightened as to every detail of such movements, but to aotually 
control their destinies. Such has been shown as a positive fact in 
ali secret Irish revolutionary bodies, and is admitted by ali candid 
thinkers on the subject. Indeed when we come to consider the 
ìmportance such steps would be to England, her immense outlay 
of secret service funds and the ease with which she could send her 
paid emissaries into the Irish ranks, it seems strange that the 
honest men of the rank and file could not perceive the futility of 
keeping any of their doings secret from England, and the danger 
of their movement being steered antagonistic to the real welfare 
of Ireland. The open movements alone were what England 
dreaded. While her laws banned the secret organizations, she 
encouraged them to the extent of her power, in the belief that she 
gathered into her net the crystalized hatred of England that ex- 
isted among the Irish race and kept the body representing it 
under her thumb, to be treated how and when she pleased. But 
England's spy system was not confined to Ireland. It encircled 
and encircles the globe ; especially where the radicai Irish senti- 
ment is found. Nothing would pi ease England better than that 
Irishmen should be unaware of the presence of her spies and paid 
agents among them, for then the hirelings' work can be effec- 
tively done, and therefore when the boast is widely sounded that 
no British spies are in this movement or that, it is the part of 
prudence to be cautious, to even doubt the discretion of those 
who are so anxious to make such statements. 

The Fenian Brotherhood as it existed in the United States was 
not a secret or oath-bound society and was therefore not as liable 
to be controlied by English agents as an oath-bound body whose 
power and policy were directed by a few in the dark, and yet it 
was victimized by them, its military organizer being the British 
spy, Le Caron (Thomas Beach), who, though at times suspected 
bv watchful meri in the movement, always succeeded in making 


himself a martyr, and in getting the "suspicious" persons thor- 
oughly disliked. Le Caron drew a revolver on one of the most 
itroublesome of these men — Major McWilliams — at one time in 
New York, who eventually was shot dead in the south. (Le 
Caron's Autobiography, page 88.) Was it a coincidence? 

After the disruption of the Fenian organization the Clan-na- 
Gael became the one great revolutionary Mecca of honest Irish 


A peculiar feature of the Clan-na-Gael is admitted by Le Caron. 
and though coming from him, is true nevertheless. On page 81 
of his "Autobiography" he says : "The ritual and forms of initia- 
tion (of the Clan-na-Gael) were framed entirely upon the Masonic 
precedent, and >to the vast majority of the members of the Clan 
the statement will come, no doubt as a great surprise, that the 
much vaunted secret forms of the Masonic order need be secret 
to them no longer, inasmuch as that when being admitted to a 
Clan-na-Gael club, they are going through the same forms and 
ceremonies as attached themselves to that great source of mys- 
tery and wonderment in the eyes of the non-elect, the Masonic 
Brotherhood. I have often laughed to myself at the surprise 
shown by some Masons on the occasion of their initiation to 
Clan-na-Gael clubs — for there are Masons in the Clan — at being 
brought once more into contact with the familiar procedure. 
* * In one case, that of the Mason, nothing very strange 
happens or is committed to his secrecy, while in the other the 
poor confiding Irishman is simply intended to play the part of 
dupe, to move and subscribe to order, but to be trusted in no sin- 
gle regard, until by jobbery or manipulation he works his way to 
the higher ranks of the organization." To ali who are aware of 
England's untiring efTorts to organize and control the Irish revo- 
lutionists at home and abroad, it will pay to study thoughtfully 
the fact that Le Caron onlv admits a well known fact in the above 


assertion regarding the Masonic Rittial in the Clan, and therefore 
it may well be asked : "Were the originators of the Clan com- 
posed of that class of Irishmen who in later days were the only 
physical force party among them, viz., Irish Catholics?" 

Patriotic Protestants were hardly in evidence in sudi bodies, 
and we may well reason that the Masons of Scotland Yard were 
the real ones to introduce 'their forms of ritual of whose power 
they knew so much. It can hardly be said that genuine Irish 
patriotic Masons started the Clan, but that Masonic influence was 
at work at the start is pretty evident, and in the reasonable belief 
that other than patriotic Irish impulses were at work at the incep- 
tion of the Clan, we can easily place a construction on Le Caron's 
words other than he intended, and probably the true one, when 
he says, "The poor confiding Irishman is simply intended to play 
the part of a dupe to move and subscribe to order." 

That they have "moved" and "subscribed" to order has been 
evident in the cases of Dr. Gallagher, Whitehead, Featherstone 
and others. These were just the men that England wanted on 
the other side, and as they could not be extradited the feasible 
way of getting them into the lion's jaw was to send them over. 
Surely they "moved to order." (Le Caron admits that he made 
Alexander Sullivan his dupe for years.) 

It may be asked if England's agents were so many as would 
naturally be surmised, why is her work not more in evidence? 
And to the query may be answered that Scotland Yard people 
know their business well, and it will take the closest perception 
to see the cloven foot. A little historical retrospection may 
help us. 

The open Land League was a terror to England and 
the Orange party in Ireland. Had the Land League only affili- 
ateci with the Clan it would have become at once the easy prey of 
English power. Such affiliation would have at once placed under 
arrest, and hung or jailed for life, every valuable man in Ireland, 
and completely broken up that great movement started by Mi- 
chael Davitt. It is well known that durinq- the victorious riavs 


of the Land League the most untiring energy was displayed by 
the Clan-na-Gael leaders on this side of the water to form ari 
amalgamation of the two bodies. What possible advantage this 
policy would be to the Irish cause no sane honest man can say ; 
but the aggressiveness of the Clan-na-Gael leaders was so great, 
and the leaders in Ireland were so wary, that feeling seemed to 
run pretty high. Davi'tt publicly declared that he was . 


by the Clan, and Clan leaders in New York heaped 
abuse on Parnell. Ali this has been published in the 
American press and it doesn't require a perusal of Le Caron's 
book to know it. One of the New York Clan leaders was an es- 
pecial enemy of Parnell and Davitt and showed himself so in pub- 
lic and private. It is a peculiar fact that at the time Parnell sued 
the London Times the especial confidant of this man was Le 
Caron, who during the trial went over to testify against Pam eli, 
in the effort to prove the Clan-na-Gael and the Land League 
were one and the same organization virtually, thereby attempting 
to prove the charges of the Times. 

So powerful was the energy of the Clan directed towards the 
amalgamation of the two bodies — the Clan-na-Gael and the Land 
League — that it was an open secret on this side that ali locai 
oamps of the Clan were requested from headquarters to become 
Land League branches and send delegates to the National Con- 
ventions in the United States. The keen perceptions of the Irish 
leaders at home ma de them careful, and having avoided the dan- 
ger of amalgamation, the next best thing was done by the Clan 
leaders in the attempt to control the Land League. Le Caron 
admits it, but to that sinister monster it was a sore disappoinit- 
ment that the unification of the two bodies never took place. 
But, if by the "obstinacy" of the men in Ireland no incriminating 
evidence could be had, the controlling power of the Clan was evi- 



and so we find among other evidence that in 1886 the 
secret convention of the Clan passed the following: 
"Resolved, That we maintain the same relations in the 
future to open societies working for the same purpose as 
ourselves that we have in the past." This was the best evidence 
Le Caron could offer to sustain the charge of amalgamation, but 
his own hook proves that resolve a He. The relations between 
the Clan and the open societies was always of a bitter kind on 
the Clan's side, on account of the refusai of the Constitutional 
leaders to abide the Clan leaders' demands. And so the last des- 
perate card was played in the virtual assertion that the Clan and 
the Land League were allied and working for the same object. 
What a morsel this was for Le Caron, and how he speaks of its 
importance (page 83) ! What extreme kindness to volunteer the 
statement that as they always had been working so harmoniously 
for the same object, so they should in future ! Here was ali the 
chance that could be had to manufacture evidence against the 
constitutional leader, and 


In support of the belief that the directors of the Clan had an- 
other end in view than the advancement of Ireland's cause, I will 
show the grounds taken from Le Caron's own writing, and turn 
his own weapon on his accomplices and on himself. I will draw 
attention to the untiring and desperate efforts of the Clan leaders, 
some no doubt under the influence of the Le Carons, to get con- 
trol of the constitutional movement on this side of the water, a 
movement allied to the Land League of Ireland. Had they been 
anxious solely for the promotion of the movement that was caus- 
ing so much embarrassment to the English government, they 
should have approved of a policy that had enlisted in the fight 
rhe vast numbers that had entered the ranks of the constitutional 


army, and who would never join a secret society. They should 
have encouraged a policy which had caugbt up in its enthusiasm 
the larger numbers of the Irish race, who believed in the efficacy 
of a milder policy and who were generously pouring into the 
treasury the "sinews of war." More especially should this have 
been the course of the Clan-na-Gael directors, as the constitu- 
tional methods were baffling Ireland's enemies until they were 
almost in despair; but the Clan schemed to get control of the 
movement and drive out of the fìght the conservative wing of the 
great army that should have been fostered and encouraged. 
When this last happened the whole Home Rule movement on 
this side melted away, and there remained only the physical force 
party represented by the Clan-na-Gael. Could the enemies of 
Ireland have desired anything better? The writer has expressed 
his belief in the sincerity of the great bulk of the Clan-na-Gael. 
and does not desire to be understood as in any way casting dis- 
credit on the vast majority of the men in it. He asserts that every 
incident goes to show that 


from the start, and through the betrayers' work good men's lives 
— and probably souls — have been wrecked and O'thers will again. 
if they are not more discerning. 

Since the commencement of this book the writer has inter- 
viewed ali the old-time Irish Nationalists of his acquaintance and 
has found an unanimity of opinion on his side of the question. 
Facts and statements made by those men have borne out the jus- 
tice of his position, and among the statements made was one 
coming from an ex-official of the Clan-na-Gael — a Senior Guar- 
dian — which needs no elucidation, as follows : A cali carne to his 
"camp" from the executive for men who would be ready at a 
moment's notice for war duty. It was specified that the name. 
age, employment and personal description, etc, etc, should be 
given of each volunteer. A large number immediately volun- 


teered and sent on the required names and descriptions. No 
"war cali" carne and the officiai, when later in New York he men- 
tioned i't to a prominent Irishman, was surprised to hear this ex- 
dlamation coming from his friend : "Didn't you have sense 
enough to know that this list was not needed by honest clansmen, 
but by 


Soon after, this man left the Clan. The above statement comes 
from the lips of an honest man. Scotland Yard wanted to know 
àie men in the Clan who meant business. Now for an interesting 
statement : 


In the year 1876 the world was startled by the announcement 
that six Irish politicai prisoners had escaped from Western Aus- 
tralia, and dose on the heels of the news carne the announcement 
from New York that the Clan-na-Gael did it. For some years 
previously the Clan had been the one great Irish revolutionary 
body in the country, and the escape of these men was heralded 
as a proof that there was 


#f the Clan-na-Gael, for the plans to rescue were known to ali the 
members a full year before the undertaking, as subscriptions were 
asked for. In reading over the speeches made by the Clan lead- 
ers of the time, on the occasion of celebrating the escape (?) one 
cannot help being struck with the emphasis laid on their asser- 
lions that not an English spy was in the ranks of the Clan from 
New York to California. This news seemed to have been the 
principal fruit of escape (?). It was dinned into the ears of the 
audiences and was the one great important fact to be gathered 
from the story of the rescue (?). 


Let us examine into the facts of the case. They can be found 
in Roche's "Life of O'Reilly," commencing page 156. 

For a whole year every member of this Irish revolutionary 
body containing 5000 men, was made aware of the coming at- 
tempi to rescue six Fenian prisoners from the English penai 
colony of Western Australia. As it was never known that any 
such Irish organization was neglected by the British government, 
this open avowal seems strange at the start off, and to any think- 
ing man such broadcast avowal would seem sheer madness, un- 
less the promoters of the scheme, whose names were probably 
never publicly mentioned in the connection, had some knowledge 
that the British government would not prevent it. 
- Speaking bolder, we might say the rash announcement would 
not have been made unless it was hatched by the paid agents of 
the British government. On that ground alone can we admi't that 
such publicity was not insanity. Even outside the ranks of the 
Clan the coming exploit was heralded, and many can come for- 
ward and testify to the fact. 


where there never was security, and certainly something ex- 
traordinary was the cause of this unusual proceeding. The 
writer is now commenting on facts, most of which can be found 
in the "Life of O'Reilly." The inceptors of the rescue (?) con- 
sulted the lamented John Boyle O'Reilly, but such interview 
would not throw any discredit on his judgment or good name. 
They then engaged a Yankee . whaler from New Bedford, 
commanded by Capt. Anthony, to do the work. The leader of 
the expedition passed as a wool merchant in Australia. He got 
in touch with the governor and did it with the intention of "pull- 
ing the wool over the governor's eyes," as he put it. 

He is also recorded as being a passenger on the Georgette (the 
government steamer in the vicinity) with Capt. Anthony, and to- 
gether they got the soundings of the coast, etc, etc, from the cap- 


tain of the steamer. It is a most singular circumstance that when 
the Georgette afterwards steamed towards the Catalpa on the oc- 
casion of the flight of the prisoners and rescuers, this steamer 
actually intercepted and made a complete circuit of the pursued 
without once taking notice of them till they were within safe dis- 
tance of the Catalpa, ali in broad daylight. THE GEORGETTE 

The writer has no disposition to cast suspicion on the men who 
undertook this rescue. There were honest men engaged in it. 
Recorder Goff is undoubtedly an honest man and he was inter- 
ested in it. We know that the leader himself could have been vic- 
timized, as the cleverest men are liable to be. The plot could 
have been a British one even without his knowledge. He ex- 
plained the circumstance of their being intercepted and not cap- 
tured by saying that the crew of the Georgette were so intently 
watching the Catalpa that they never perceived the small boat, 
and the writer is willing to accept his statement as being honest. 


There were other circumstances, however, that would go far to 
prove the Catalpa affair a "fake," but the most important of ali 
was a something that happened thirteen years later. 

The excitement and world-wide interest that attended that cir- 
cumstance helped, no doubt, to cause a forgetfulness of its im- 
portant hearing on the Catalpa rescue (?). It was this : 

ParnelFs suit against the London Times brought out the fact 
that for 23 years before this year (1889), Le Caron, the spy, was 
in the very thick of the centre of energy of the Irish revolutionary 
movement in this country. He was even at the lime he testified 
against Parnell president or senior guardian of the Clan-na-Gael 
camp at Braidwood, 111., and according to his testimony before 
the Parnell Commission had been a member ever since the second 


Fenian invasion of Canada, 1870, when the Clan seems to bave 
been started (see press dispatches, Feb. 9, 1889). 

For years before the Catalpa rescue (?) he was one of the rad- 
icai Irish leaders in ali such movements, receiving a large salary 
from the British and Canadian governments. He therefore knew 
of the contemplated escape, and if he was not aware that the Brit- 
ish government started or sanctioned the plot, 'twas his business 
to inforni them of what he knew. But although so many thott- 
sands of Irishmen in the rank and file knew ali about this plot a 
full year before its accomplishment, innocent LE CARON, THE 
IT ! ! ! 

It is interesting to note that in the cross-examination of this 
man he was made to admit that there were others like himself in 
the Clan for when Sir Charles Russell demanded the incriminat- 
ing letters from the Americans to be made public, Le Caron said : 


So the betrayers who were stili on this side were never exposed. 
(Feb. 9, 1889). Their names would not be divulged. Had the 
British government not sanctioned the plot a single spy in the 
entire body of the Clan-na-Gael could have frustrated it and 
placed each one of the would-be rescuers under arrest in Aus- 
tralia. This is evident and is the admitted deduction from the one 
important claim so often harped upon by the originators that 
"there was not a single spy in the Clan-na-Gael." We see now 
that at least one spy was there, a spy that knew ali and kept him- 
self posted on the most minute details. 


The question will undoubtedly at once be asked what was 
England's motive in hatching this scheme? In the first place 


140 members of the English Parliament had petitioned for the re- 
lease of those men, for ali the arrested leaders had been released 
(see Pilot, May 27, 1876), and while the government denied the 
petition, the prisoners were stili an eye-sore to them. But the 
most important point to be gained by England would be to place 
her agents — the originators of the plot, whoever they were, — in 
the entire confidence of the honest rank and file so that the agents 
could continue to control the destinies of the Clan. This was the 
one vital point for England. Le Caron admits in several places 
in his autobiography and with a chuckle, how he did charitable, 
patriotic and radicai things to gain control in the Clan and he 
succeeded. It remains to be seen who were his accomplices ; but 
it cannot be reasonably assumed that he knew how many of those 
with whom he carne in contact were actually working on the same 
lines as himself (in fact he admits that no secret service agent 
knew of his detective work but Mr. Anderson, Scotland Yard 
chief,), and tells how necessary such a system was to him. Scot- 
land Yard uses more discretion than to allow ali of its agents to 
know each other's business. England could have learned many 
a lesson from the rash indiscretion of honest Irishmen who pur- 
sued a happy-go-lucky policy in their poor attempts to conspire. 
John Boyle O'Reilly admitted at the time that 


that was done by the revolutionists for 25 years previous to the 
time of his testifying against Parnell. (Boston Herald, Feb. 9, 
1889.) But if Le Caron were not aware of the co-operation of 
other Irish leaders in the United States, his book bears eloquent 
testimony to the fact that the controlling power of the Clan 
"moved" the honest Irishmen in it on lines dear to England's in- 

The fierce fight between the constitutional leaders in Ireland 
and the Clan leaders in the United States on the question of 
amalgamation, the well know attempts of the Clan to control the 


constitutional movement in the States, when the attempts at com- 
bination failed, and the treacherous resolutions and circulars 
prove that. 

What a lesson for ali sincere Irishmen there is, pondering over 
the facts as here produced ; facts published before, but not placed 
in a thoughtful manner for the analytical mind. 

The writer wishes to caution enthusiastic Irishmen to be watch- 
fuì, and impress on their minds that no secret Irish revolutionary 
organization escapes the watchful eyes of scores of British agents, 
that there are times when a good many lives are jeopardized by 
those monsters, and to draw attention to the lessons to be learned 
from those who have been jailed by England in recent years on 
account of the information supplied through the Irish-English 
spies. By seriously considering these things many lives may yet 
be saved and great good may accrue to the Irish cause. 

Another lesson to be learned from the statements herein con- 
tained, the bulk of which have already been published in the 
American press of the times, is that 


011 the part of England to get her agents initiated into and in 
control of the Clan-na-Gael. Money is one great lever for ad- 
vancement in such organization, and a record for radicai profes- 
sions another. 

The reader of Le Caron's Autobiography will perceive how he 
used these two influences to secure a leading position in the Clan 
and the Fenian movement. 

It would be interesting could the writer but name Le Caron's 
confederates in the Clan. Sir Charles Russell's crass-examina- 
tion was important in eliciting that suggestive statement concern- 
ingtheir existence. Was it necessary for Le Caron to make such 
admission? Would he be liable to leave the organization without 
confederates behind worthy to look after England's interests? 
Have they since been discovered? Have the honest men in the 


Clan — and the bulk are honest — forgotten that they are under the 
watchful eyes of the British agents at ali times? Do they know 
that every member of the Clan is known as soon as he sets foot 
on British territory? Why seek such instances as Gallagher et al. 
at one time, Ivory, years later, even on the fourth of January, 
1899, a young man was to be hung in Tipperary for what would 
be at worst but manslaughter, and in reality would be considered 
a case of self-defense in any civilized community, but no doubt 
his friends at Woodbury, Corni., from which place he hailed, were 
right when they claimed that his real crime was membership in 
the Clan-na-Gael. He was known as soon as he landed. Eng- 
land thoroughly appreciates the position of controlling every 
secret Irish revolutionary body, and with the men and money at 
her command she can easily succeed. After years of experience, 
the wisdom of the Catholic Church has been evident in prohibit- 
ing her people from joining such bodies. Had she not con- 
demned the Fenian organization in Ireland, the country would 
be simply drenched in the blood of her most patriotic sons. His- 
tory tells us that a great part of the organizing of that movement 
there was done by England, when she employed Talbot & Co. to 
do that work. 

And now we will go into details, and show from Le Caron's 
own book that what he desired done by the Can-na-Gael was 
done. The reader can find between the lines that Le Caron & 
Co. were evidently working up the fight against the constitutional 
movement and that the honest men among the leaders of the 
Clan fell into line on the question of 


On page 132 he says, speaking of his meeting with Michael 
Boynton in jail in Ireland : "This meeting with Boynton was 
full of interest to me. * * * From him in the secrecy of con- 
versation, undisturbed by the presence of a warder or fellow- 


prisoner, I learnt that the Land League had placed the Fenian or 
iMational cause in a far stronger position than ever in Ireland. 
Could the Clan-na-Gael only see the national spirit which had 
been developed ali over Ireland, they would never oppose it, he 

Here is mentioned the Clan's opposition, which the world 
knows of already: On leaving Ireland he says, page 133: "I 
had to see D — and others to report the Irish leader's views to 
them, and having acquitted myself of ali I had to do as a revolu- 
tionary envoy, to find out as much as possible of the result, in 
order that I might utilize the- information in my capacity as an 
agent of the English secret service." This shows that Scotland 
Yard was "keeping tabs" on the proposed amalgamation and 
working it up. And yet, as may be guessed, the Irish Republican 
Brotherhood in Ireland were showing the same opposition to the 
Land League as the Clan-na-Gael of the United States, as gath- 
ered from the result of Le Caron's remarks on pages 126-7, 
where he says in his interview with J. J. O'Kelly, M. P. : — 

"While we talked in this way O'Kelly complained bitterly of 
the opposition which the open or constitutional movement known 
as the Land League was stili receiving from the Irish Republican 
Brotherhood or secret organization in Ireland, and he stoutly 
advocated coercion on the part of the directors of the American 
branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish malcontenta 
into line. ***** When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the 
same line of complaint. * * * I W as told detectives were 
watching us and that spies held a place in every corner (Lobby 
of the House of Commons). As I afterwards learnt, the state- 
ment was not without foundation, for every movement of myself 
and my companion, with details as regards time, was noted and 
duly reported to government officials within twemty-four hours. 
* * * He expressed a belief that D — could do more than 
any one else to bring about a clear understanding and alliance." 

This is a lie ; Parnell never wanted the alliance ; it was on the 
alliance proposition the bitter fight was made, Parnell and Davitt 


being denounced by the Clan leaders for not agreeing to the Clan 
leaders' proposition in that respect. 

A letter sent him (Le Caron) by a Clan leader after returning 
from Ireland, whither he had gone, evidently, as inferred from 
himself, as a revolutionary envoy on a' mission to the Irish con- 
stitutional leaders, to cement the "alliance," contains the follow- 
ing suggestive passage, and again shows the Clan opposition, 
page 134: 

"They (the constitutional leaders) seem to misunderstand our 
dissatisfaction here. It is not their action in Ireland, but the ac- 
tion they allow their friends to take in their name here. There 
is little diff erence of opinion about the essential point, but we can- 
not tolerate the kind of thing begun in Buffalo. Please drop me 
a line. — Yours, &c, in haste." 

Then he tells us how he interviewed severa) prominent Irish- 
Àmerican leaders of the Clan, and he seems to have carried out 
some plot of alliance, for he says, page 135 : 'They appeared 
fully to realize the importance of the situation and determined in 
the end that one of them should go (to Ireland.) 

"I had now completed my part of the work and so, content with 
my labors, I returned home and wrote a full account of my pro- 
ceedings to Mr. Anderson. * * * * I knew that 
I would learn everything in time, and I was quite content to wait. 
As I had anticipated,I did hear the result, and on no less authority 

than that of S himself. He informed me sometime later 

that the sanction of the executive body of the Clan-na-Gael, or 
V. C, 


Let the reader note that this was what Le Caron worked for and 

informed Scotland Yard of, from his own testimony. S 

seemed to scent danger in the 'alliance' pian, for he (Le CJ) 
makes him say, pages 136-7 : 


"I feel morally certain that the propositions I will make wfll 
be approved of . I for one am opposed to bringing up this matter 
openly at the coming convention. I shall most certainly object 
to Parnell or any of his friends compromising themselves by al- 
lowing such a course. The whole matter must be left to the Rev- 
olutionary Directory and the F. C. (Executive Body.) (As it 
will be seen later, this is exactly what happened. There was no 
public discussion of the proposai in open convention, but matters 
were satisfactorily arranged in the quiet caucuses of the respon- 
sive commi'btees.) S , continuing said, They (that is, the 

Parnellites) seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. Our 
quarrel is not with their action in Ireland, but with the action they 
allow their friends here to take in their name. I know there is but 
little difference about essential points, but we cannot tolerate the 
kind of thing begun in Buffalo.' 

"This reference to Buffalo dealt with some proceedings in con- 
nection with the first American Land League Convention of a few 
weeks previously, which had attracted a good deal of attention 
and comment at the time. The whole thing was nothing more or 
less than an attempt on the part of the clerical element to gain 
the controlling power in the League Councils to the exclusion of 
the Clan-na-Gael influence. Certain speeches had been made and 
action taken with this view, and although the result had not 

See how he makes S admit the "disaffection," and as it 

were giving the idea, there was so very little difference in essen- 
tials between the Clan and the Land League. See how he says 
ali was arranged in a nice secret session of the Executive Com- 
mittee — that is one party to the alliance did ali the "alliance" by 
itself ; and so we gather from the above that the Clan didn't want 
any clerical influence in the Land League councils of the United 
States. Very good (?) grounds for "disaffection" indeed. Note 
the "bitter feeling." 

And now the reader can judge of the honesty of the great mass 


of the Clan, for Le Caron gives us in page 139 a resolution passed 
in a Clan convention of 1881. It has the true ring of honest men, 
who, conscientiously believing in physical force, sought no "en- 
tangling alliances" and didn't want to oppose the Land League, 
nor be bulldozed into opposing it : 

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that both 
branches of the S. E. (i. e., the Irish and American members 1 of 
the Revolutionary Directory), in so far as they can give their 
time and energies to it, should devote themselves to the work of 
revolution ; and if sUch bodies cannot give their approvai to pub- 
lic movements that are intended to promote the politicai and so- 
cial regeneration of Jsfmboe (Ireland) when they are supported 
by a large proportion of the Jsjti (Irish) people, THEY WILL 

In the path of treachery which the Clan leaders seemed to have 
adopted, Le Caron being eviden'tly a party to it, it is refreshing to 
fìnd such a manly and healthy resolve coming from the conven- 
tion of the general body. 


We will now see what was done on the quiet by the Clan Ex- 
ecutive when the "alliance" could not be secured. They deter- 
mined to capture the Land League Convention of 1881, and so 
prior to its assembling each Senior Guardian of the various 
"camps" ali over the States received the following circular, page 
150, and in that page, as in pages 15 1-2, Le Caron's comments are 
in evidence to show that things were running on the lines he had 
been working on : 



"For S. G. alone. 

"Headquarters, K., 
"November 21, 1881. 
"S. G. of D. 

"Dear Sir and Brother, — It is the desire of the F. C. that as 
many members of the V. C. as can possibly attend the Irish Na- 
tional Convention at Chicago, November 30, 1881, will do so 
without entailing expense on the organization. 

"You will therefore make every effort to get the members of 
the V. C. elected as delegates from any Irish society that may 
have an existence in your neighborhood, whether it be as repre- 
sentative of the Land League Club, the A. O. H., or any other 

"The F. C. particularly desires your presence as a delegate, if 
possible for you to attend as such. 

"Fraternally yours, 

"K. G. N. of the V. C." 

"I thoroughly knew what this meant. Under the new regime 
there was to be no more of the "Buffalo business," and to prevent 
it things were to be done in a thoroughly practically manner. 
The members of the secret revolutionary organization were to 
capture the representation at the coming Land League Conven- 
tion, to act united in the development of a policy of harmony with 
the Clan-na-Gael and to officer the future Executive in such a 
way as to prevent further misunderstanding. In order to do ali 
this, the Clan-na-Gael men were to obtain election as League, or 
Ancient Order of Hibernian, delegates, the latter organization be- 
ing a purely benevolent body, whose branches had largely affili- 
ated with the League or open movement from the start. This 
was accordingly done ; and thus it carne about that, when I met 
my fellow delegates to the open Land League Convention of 
1881, I found almost every second man a brother from the camps 
of the Clan-na-Gael. 

"The whole scheme worked in the most perfeot manner. On 


arrivai in Chicago each Clan-na-Gael man reported himself to the 
chief officer of the district to whom credentials were presented. 
Officiai intimation was then given as to what would happen, and 
each conspirator learned that, prior to the sessions of the con- 
vention, caucuses of the Brotherhood would be held in the hall 
of Camp 16, Twenty-second Street, Chicago. The usuai precau- 
tions were taken, and admission only gained by passwords ex- 
changed on each occasion. As the chairman at the first gather- 
ing humorously put it, "our object was to make things easy for 
the Land Leaguers, and to save them as much trouble as possi- 
ble." At each meeting the pian of procedure at the coming ses- 
sion was decided upon." 

Mark how the circular carne to the S. G. (or President of each 
camp) and marked "private" — "for S. G. alone." The hearts of 
the Clans' members would not brook the conspiracy, and so the 
vile action was done cautionsly. With ali Le Caron's supposed 
cunning he shows himself a dullard in this book, for to the most 
obtuse it is a clear exposition of the wretched system that Eng- 
land has adopted in trappping Irish patriots. How an ass of this 
kind could deceive brainy Irishmen can only be explained by their 

On page 154 the conspirator says : 

"Eighteen hundred and eighty-three proved a verv busy time 
with me. There was another Land League Convention, and 
altogether my time was pretty well occupied in obtaining infor- 
mation and passing it on to my chief. The year opened amidst 
rumors in the public press of the secret movement having cap- 
tured the open organization of the League. Mr. Parnell himself 
had taken action previously, and in ways which were not under- 
stood or appreciated, and, as a consequence, 


So s'trained were matters becoming that in February it 
was announced that both Mr. Parneil and Egan would come to 


America in Aprii for the purpose of discussing the whole situa- 
tion and fixing up some new mode of operations for the future, 
which, while equally effective as regards joint working, vvould not 
impair Mr. Parnell's usefulness. Many weeks, however, had 
not passed ere the fight between the clerical and revolutionary 
elements in the States BEGAN TO WAX EXCEEDINGLY 

The fight was simply between the constitutional leaders and 
the Clan-na-Gael, because the "alliance" had not taken place. But 
the Clan leaders were not without resource, for vve find the fol- 
lowing passage in page 155 : 

"The public convention of the Land League henceforth to be 
known as the National Land League of America, took place at 
Philadelphia on the 2Óth of Aprii, 1883, and following days. The 
same pian of campaign as had been developed in 1881 was put in 
force by the Clan-na-Gael. A secret circular was issued instruct- 
ing the camps to send delegates, and these delegates when as- 
sembled in Philadelphia pursued the same policy in their caucus 
gatherings. The whole thing worked like an exquisite piece of 
mechanism, and produced the most satisfactory results for the 
Clan leaders. Of course I was a delegate, and of course I at- 
tended ali the secret caucuses." 

At this convention the Land League was dissolved by the Clan 
majority of delegates, and a new organization (with the Clan 
again in full control of the convention) declared. Le Caron 
gives this report to his "Camp of the Clans." Analyze it well. — 

pages 157-8-9: 

"The various reports were read and routine business trans- 
acted. These developed that the Land League had not increased 
in members, but, on the contrary, had decreased during the past 
year; that a majority of the patriots of America had become tired 
©f giving their earnings for 'Simon Pure agitation ;' of the 900 
feranches existing a year ago, 105 had disbanded, and 298 had 
iailed to report. The total receipts for the past year irom ali 
s®urces were 79,138 dollars, 40 cents, and the disbursements 74.- 


1.23 dollars, 40 cents, leaving on hand a balance of 4,915 dollars. 

"There was an evident desire upon the part of clerical dele- 
gates and lady Land Leaguers (who evidenced a fear of amalga- 
mating with dynamiters and secret society Revolutionists) to re- 
tain the organization intact, dropping the word land, adopting the 
plaitform of the Dublin Convention of last October, electing their 
ofncers for the ensuing year calling themselves the National 
League, and adjourning sine die. The policy received an able 
but unscrupulous supporter in Miles O'Brien of New York, a 
renegade member of the V. C, who exhibited the last circular 
of instructions from the F. C. to a number of priests to show them 
how they were to be manipulated by the terrible Clan-na-Gaels. 
Had this source been successful it would have prevented union, 
it would have continued the various factions, and the formidable 
front presented today of ali the societies of the country pledged 
upon one platform to work united with one object in view would 
never have been achieved. 

"Brother Brown of St. Louis moved a substitute for ali reso- 
lutions to declare the Land League dissolved after adjournment 
of this Convention, and the delegates to attend the National Con- 
vention the next day. This eventually was practically carried 
by a large majority. 

"Again the V. C. showed the work of its second conference of 
Wednesday night, the proceedings being opened by Brother Sul- 
livan, and Brother Dorney being unanimously elected temporary 
presiding officer, the temporary secretaries being Brothers Roach 
of Troy, Brown of St. Louis, Hines of Buffalo, and Gleason of 
Cleveland. The appointment of the Committee on Credentials, 
after the opening speeches, constituted the first work on hand, 
and here again the perfect organization of the V. C. developed 
itself; and the first breeze created by the Rossa-Dunne faction, 
who moved an amendment that each society have a member upon 
the Committee on Credentials, was promptly voted down. Rossa 


presented his credentials as a member of the National Party of 
New York, but was admitted only upon a press ticket. 

"A permanent organization was effected in the afternoon by 
the unanimous election of Brother Foran of Cleveland as presid- 
ine officer. The various committees being appointed, the Con- 
vention adjourned till Friday morning, the result of the day's 
work showing that the V. C. were in the majority everywhere; 
that by every action it was desired to follow out the instructions 
of Mr. Parnell as cabled to the Convention on that day ; and at 
least, so far as the public policy was concerned, to drop ali nitro- 
glycerine methods of procedure, and to perfect the union of the 
united societies of the country and Canada upon one platform, 
for the purpose of harmoniously and unitedly giving to those, 
and their number is legon, who believe in force alone, the 
supreme satisfaction of knowing that the machinery of the cause 
is now under the control and direction of their comrades, who 
believe, as they do, that dynamite, or any other species of war- 
fare that can be devised is perfectly legitimate, so long as it can 
be made effective, and accomplish results permanent and tangi- 

Mark the vile epithets he flings at Miles O'Brien for fìghting 
against Le Caron's dynamite conspiracy and treachery. Now 
bear in mind that this is Le Caron's report to his Clan-na-Gael 
Camp after attending a Land League Convention. See how the 
League fell off when it became palsied throngh the Clan con- 
spiracy. See how he calls the constitutionalists "Clericals and 
Lady Leaguers. His own report of the decay of the Land 
League shows how it fell sadly apart, yet he gloats over the sup- 
posed "formidable front." See how he makes believe that Par- 
nell and the Clan are working in harmony (despite the proof of 
friction) ; how the arch-conspirator manufactures evidence that he 
has been after; how he conveys the idea that Parnell is a dyna- 
miter, and how the spy encourages dynamite.. 

This report is exactly in line with the incriminaiting, but other- 
wise meaningless, and false circulars printed by the Clan execu- 


live proving the collusion between Scotland Yard and the execu- 
tive beyond a doubt. 

To show how important it was for Scotland Yard to know that 
there was a connection between the constitutional movement and 
the Clan, he speaks of poor, unfortunate Dr. Cronin as follows. 
page 164: 

"It was at this time that the policy of dynamite had been de- 
cided upon, and the campaign against English government build- 
ings and persons was being iaugurated. Cronin was an ardent 
advocate of the policy ; and, owing to his sdentine attainments, 
he was appointed as chief instructor in the use and handling of 
explo<sives, acting ali the time, be it marked, as the President of 
the Banner League (or Chicago branch of the Land League) as 
well. In fact, he held the position of President of the Land 
League branch down to the year 1888." 

So the dynamite policy had been decided upon at the very time 
when it was most dangerous for the Irish constitutional leaders 
to have any connection with it — useful for the British intrigue. 

On pages 166-7 he emphasizes the connection between the 
secret element and the constitutional movement. Hear him : 

"The next matter of public importance in which I was inter- 
ested was the Boston Convention of the Irish National League 
of America, which took place in the Faneuil Hall, Boston, on the 
I3th and following days of August. Of course I went in my 
dual capacity as League delegate and Revolutionary officiai. 
The same pian of campaign was practiced with the same success- 
ful results. Alexander Sullivan was named for re-election as 
President. He, however, declined, and made way for Patrick 
Egan. Egan, after some refusai on the ground that the British 
government probably knew of his connection with the secret 
movement, and that 


eventually agreed, and so he took the ch'air vacated by Sullivan." 


Here we find Egan saw danger to Parnell in the simple faot of 
his (Egan's) being president of the open movement, when there 
was probability that England knew of his connction with the 
secret movement. Whether the spy speaks truth or not, he illus- 
trates the treachery of the "alliance" by this sentence alone. 

Speaking of the Convention of the open movement in 1885, ne 
says (page 173) : 

"Mr. Parnell appeared to have a distinct claim upon Irish- 
American indulgence, and particular pains were taken to pre- 
vent anything happening which might unfairly affect his position 
in any way. So complaisant were "the men beyond the sea" in 
America, that the open convention called for January, 1886, was 
postponed in order that Mr. Parnell might be present. The 
gathering eventually took place in the month of August, 1886, 
but there was no Parnell, his place being taken by no less than 
four of the leading Parnellites from the English side — Messrs. 
Michael Davitt, John E. Redmond, M. P., John Deasy, M. P., 
and William O'Brien, M. P. I was myself a delegate, attended 
the secret caucuses and 


in the interests of the conspirators. 


"By a circular issued on the ève of the convention, it was or- 
dered that each Senior Guardian should secure proxies for ali 
branches of the National League in his vicinity unable to send 
delegates to the open convention, and immediately forward such 
proxies to Patrick Egan. Here was a clear confession of the 
dose connection between the two movements — open and secret — 
existing in the person of the present United States minister to 
Chili ; the then President of the Irish National League of Amer- 

Admitting that Egan might have belonged to the Clan at the 
lime, "here is a clear confession" by Le Caron that his (Le Car- 


on's) work had borne fruit. See how the idiot spy condemns, as 
it were, the fruits of his own efforts, self-confessed as we have 
seen. And that ass was never found ouit by "confiding Irish- 

Evidence that the Clan and the open organization were affili - 
ated was not however forthcoming, and so it will be interesting 
to note the manufactured evidence sent out by the secret execu- 
tive whoever they were. Hear him in page 180 : 

"The dose of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr. 
Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the 
Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the politicai situ- 
ation was viewed at this period can best be represented by the 
following extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or 
United Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas : 

" 'The operations so far conducted, have compelled the enemy 
to recognize the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair 
way to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the 
members of the U. S. (United Brotherhood). . . . We ex- 
pect to resumé active operations after the present exigencies of 
the Constitutional party are passed. We bave purposely and ad- 
visedly abstained from doing anything likely to embarass them 
during the crisis of the elections. It is to be hoped that during 
these operations, members will abstain from making inquiries or 
discussing the subject in any manner, for we cannot say when 
we undertake to answer members, but that at the same time we 
are answering the inquiries of our enemy, furnishing important 
information, and giving important clews to detect and suppress 
our work. The mystery of an unknown power striking in the 
dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more terrible than the 
damage afflicted. We caution you, therefore, above ali things, 
to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow ali knowlectge, 
or better stili, mislead ali inquiries. In the mean time we wish to 
impress on you the necessity of mutuai FORBEARANCE AND 
FAITH.' " 

Faith as a virtue would seem to be a very necessary principle 


to the treasury's weal and the effective working of the Clan ex- 
ecutive's plans. 

Stùdy Uiat circular well and in it you will see the cloven foot 
of Scotland Yard Dictation. Truly was Le Caron's policy suc- 
ceeding. The work he boasted he set himself to do (page 135) 
was being don e as nearly as the secret executive of the Clan could 
do it. No alliance being stili in view we find Le Caron produce 
more evidence from the secret gents, page 181 : 

"The secret convention of the Revolutionary organization met 
in due course, in August, 18S6, but as I was not a delegate, I had 
no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the 
time, however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued 
prior to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts : 

" 'The indications ali point to the conclusion that the measure 
of Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in 
such a way as to make it unacceptable 


We are now preparing for those contingencies, and the 
estimates for the cost of making a rigorous campaign with 
"delusion" (dynamite) will absorb mo<re funds than are at present 
available from the prescribed percentage. The Executive, there- 
fore, in o>rder to meet the great outlay necessary at this crisis, 
take this occasion to request that, in addition to the usuai per- 
centage, each camp at once, by a vote of the camp, send on such 
addi'tional funds as they may deem proper. It is sug- 

gested that in voting this fund it be credited in forwarding it en- 
tirely to "delusion" (dynamite.) In the meantime, in the next 
few months, important operations are likely to take place; you 
are cautioned to use every device to mislead those engaged in 
tracing our operations.' " 

This is ali that a band of Orangemen masquerading as Irish 
revolutionists could do to connect their bluff dynamite policy 
with the Irish party, a party they foughit bitterly and whose aux- 
iliary movement on this side of the water they destroyed. 


"We have some members who are opposed 'to the active opera- 
tions of the last few years, and who, therefore, favor a more en- 
larged representation. It would seem to us that the operations 
objected to are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby 
from England. 

"The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It 
would be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your 
wishes on those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your 
delegates which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details 
will not be difricult. It would be well, therefore, to put your in- 
structions to your delegates in one of the following general terms, 
with such alterations as you deem proper : 

"Viz., 'Our delegate is instructed to favor an active secret 
policy, similar to recent operations ;' or, in the alternative of favor- 
ing a return to open insurrectionary operations as follows : 

"Viz., 'Our delegate is instructed to favor the planting of 
ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary move- 

"There can be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and what- 
ever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of the 
organization at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such 
changes as are desirable in the constitu'tion in your instructions. 
It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this 
and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider 
the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and ex- 
perience of your delegates. . . . 

"The active operations of the U. S. (United Brotherhood) have 
brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is de- 
sirable that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully 
informed of your desire to follow up these operations on the same 
lines, or whether you desire to fall back on the old work of put- 
ting ploughs in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful 
of results or practical. The former policy has been vindicated 
by great destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Conven- 
tioÀi to decide, however, what the future policy shall be." 


Now mark, that the Home Rule movement which they fought 
on the grounds of its being constitutional, they are supposed to 
be now 'the only suppòrters of, and those for whom the Home 
Rule bill is intended, evidemtly are themselves — the secret ex- 
ecutive — for the first sentence is evidently clear on that, viz. ; 
"The indications ali point to the conclusion that the measure of 
Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such 
a way as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is in- 
tended." It doesn't say about its being unacceptable to the Irish 
people or M. P.'s, and the reader can easily discern in the rest 
of the circular that the executive of the Clan takes entire credit 
for the Home Rule bill, therefore Home Rule is run by dyna- 
mite and ali the awful and mysterious things mentioned in this 
secret circular, the very thing that Scotland Yard wanted. But 
as more incriminating resolutions were necessary we find on 
page 183 the top notch evidence which Le Caron produced to 
damage Parnell when Parnell sued the London Times. He also 
produced ali the testimony herein quoted, which was never de- 

"What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding 
of ali at this convention of the Revolutionists was the passage of 
the following resolution (Convention of 1886) : 


"If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of 
the 'understand' which existed between the open and secret or- 
ganizations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner 
than this." 

Now look into the resolution. This was the final act in the 
attempt to connect the Clan-na-Gael with the open movement. 
Le Caron says no greater proof could be given. That resolve 
was a He. It looked very innocent, no doubt, to the delegates 
assembled. It breathed as it were of good will, but it gives you 


plainly to understand that there was an alliance with the consti- 
tutional movement, and one which had continued during the 
past and would continue for the future. It was short and sweet, 
and no doubt had no bother in being rushed through without 
being analyzed by the bulk of the delegates present. It was Le 
Caron's tit-bit, and when alliance had then truly failed forever, 
the conspirators made up their minds to ally themselves (on 
paper) to the people they fought so bi'tterly, and not that alone, 

Ali that Scotland Yard could do was done, and so we find in 
the spy's hook that this is the last reference made by' the secret 
executive of the Clan to connect the dynamiters with the Home 
Rule party of Ireland. Where was the sense in that resolution 
if not to make evidence? Devoid of its merit as evidence against 
Parnell it seems the silliest burlesque in the light of the bitter 
fight, engineered by the Clan conspirators against the open 
movement. Le Caron shows how valuable that resohition was 
to him, in his comment on it as above. Mark his words : "If 
further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the un- 
derstanding which existed between the open and secret organ- 
izations, it could not be supplied in a more complete manner than 
this." That was the fìnishing blow. It was the last and most 
wicked, and shows the cloven foot only too plainly. In Eng- 
land's interest the spy should never have written that book. We 
have often read how the English government had gone to work 
to manufacture evidence against Irishmen, and we have read of 
jury packing, so as to admit of no avenue of escape, but the 
strangest thing that ever has been recorded in Irish history is 
the evidence that he unconsciously gives that THE CLAN-NA- 



Le Caron doesn't wish that this interpretation should be given 
for it would simply damn him and Scotland Yard forever. . Sudi 
interpretation would nullify the very idea he wants to convey. 
The depth of his falsehood and cunning the truth. We 
have seen him go across the water, interview Irish leaders on a 
proposed alliance without result. We have seen him when he 
returned here, he worked tip the alliance, and we have seen the 
bitter feeling existing because there was no alliance ; how the 
Clan directors then went to work, broke up the Land League in 
the States and formed a new organization, in control of the Clan, 
supposed to be in alliance with Parnell ; then print circulars con- 
veying the declarations of alliance with Home Rule movement 
and leaders and their willingness (?) to do ali that Parnell asked 
them, as though he was their leader, adopting at the same time 
the most horrible and blood-curdling breathings of dynamite ! 
Ali that possibly could be done by English agents in complete 
charge of the Clan was done. The spy and the clan executive 
were making the evidence, and we see that he used it for the Lon- 
don Times. Is there any mistaking the fact? 


And now let us see what dynamite did really do for Ireland and 
Irishmen. Here is the record of it as given by the spy. It is 
correct enough for ali practical purposes ; page 181 : 

"So, for the time, in deference to 'the exigencies of the Con- 
stitutional party/ the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a 
dose, leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but 
no less than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, 
sixteen undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years' 
penai servitude, and seven sentences of seven years each. Of 
course some of these prisoners are not men from the American 


side. In many cases those coming from America picked up col- 
leagues in England, and, unfortunately for these latter, the knowl- 
edge which the locai police possessed proved disastrous to them." 
The reader can find between the lines the explanation of such 
disastrous record. No harm done to England, but sincere men's 
lives wrecked. England simply boss ed the job. 


To suspect the spy during his quarter of a century in the Irish 
revolutionary movement was to get yourself very much disliked 
and make a martyr of Le Caron, instance : 

"Before continuing my narrative, I will stop to relate one of the 
few cases in which I was forced into a very narrow place, and 
faced with the near possibility of complete exposure. The inci- 
dent is useful as illustrating the dangers by which I was sur- 
rounded, and the requirements of the position in which I was 
placed. At a council of war held in Troy House, Troy, New 
York, in the month of November, 1868, I carne in contact with 
John Roche, well known as one of the shining lights of Irish na- 
tionality in that city. Roche was one of those hypercritical and 
over-suspicious individuals who were constantly recognizing 
British detectives in every stranger whom they met. He had 
been, I disaovered, originally a resideot of Montreal, and as I had 
been instructed by O'Neill to visit and study the enemy's country, 
I indicated to Roche my desire of ascertaining the names of a few 
reliable brothers whom I could visit. The truth was that the 
Canadian government were at this time particularly anxious to 
find out the extent of the organization which they knew existed 
in several of their large cities, notably Montreal, Kingston and 
Toronto ; and I thought this a good opportunity of getting some 
useful hints. 

"Roche furnished me with the names of several leading mem- 
bers. Unluckily for me, I foolishly wrote the particulars down 


in a note book in his presence. The act, in his opinion, was a 
suspicious one. He watched me closely, and evidently conceived 
the idea that my patriotism was of a very incautious character, 
if not worse. On the eiglith of the following month, at the an- 
nual convention held in the Masonic Hall, Philadelphia, to which 
he was a delegate, I found his suspicions solidified in the form of 
a set of charges against me, imputing carelessness, dangerous 
conduct and suspicious acts. My friends, and they were legion, 
together with myself, indignantly denied the allegations, and 
virtuously demanded an inquiry, which was granted, and a com- 
mittee was appointed to lay the charges, Roche was duly heard, 
injured innocence was largely en evidence on my part, and very 
quickly a unanimous verdict was reported back to the Conven- 
tion, asserting that the charges were scandalous and without the 
slightest foundation, it being fully demonstrated by the following 
letter that I was authorized to visit and acquaint myself with 
the other side, as I represented to Roche : 

" 'Headquarters Fenian Brotherhood, 
" 'No. io West Fourth Street, 
" 'New York, October 23, 1868. 

" T. O. Box 5141. 

" 'Lieut.-Col. Henry Le Caron, A. A. G., F. B., 
" 'Care of Capt. T. O'Hagan, 
" 'Ogdensburg, N. Y. 
" 'Dear Sir and Brother — Yours of the 20th and 2ist carne 
duly to hand and are perfectly satisfactory. 

" 'I think it better not to commence equalizing goods just yet; 
I will write you again on the matter. 

" 'It would be highly beneficiai to us for you to avail yourself 
of every opportunity to study the country on both sides of the 
line for future emergencies. 

" 'Everything here is going on satisfactorily. 
" 'Yours fraternally, 


" 'Pres. F. B/ 


"I did not, bowever, deem it prtident to let matters rest even 
here, feeling that my ultimate success in the interests of the gov- 
ernment depended upon absolute confìdence on the part of the 
ruling powers. Accordingly I sat down and immediately wrote out 
my resignation as an officer of. the Irish Republican Army, giving 
this want of confìdence as my reason, and couching my letter in 
indignant terms. As I hoped and anticipated, my letter brought 
the following welcome response, which placed me on a surer foot- 
ing than ever, and brought me into even more confidential rela- 
tions with the head of the organization than I had hitherto en- 
joyed : 

" 'War Department, Fenian Brotherhood, 
" 'No. io West Fourth Street, 
" 'New York, December 29, 1868. 
" T. O. Box 5141. 

" 'Major H. Le Caron, 
" 'Box 1004, 

" 'Chicago, 111. 

" 'Major, — Your letter tendering your resignation as an offi- 
cer of the I. R. A. carne duly to hand, but I delayed answering 
until such time as I could submit it to the President, who was out 
of town, as without his instructions I could give you nothing 
definite in reply. He now directs me to say that it is his wisli 
you should remain an officer of the organization, and that if you 
require a leave of absence for a month or more, you can have it. 
He further says he hopes it will not be long before the opportu- 
nity you refer to may be granted. Your services bave been 
thoroughly appreciated both by him and the officials of both De- 
partments, civil and military, therefore you should not notice the 
innuendoes or taunts of parties who cannot value your services. 
If the officers of the organization who have been vilified and 
calumniated were to resign on that account, some of its best offi- 
cers would not now be at their post. The "Patriot's meed is 
bitter;" they must bear with mudi, even from those who should 
be the first to defend and strengthen them. 


" 'Personally, I would advise you to act on the suggestions of 
the President, and hope you will. 

" 'The President will write you in a few days. Whatever 
course you may decide upon pursuing in this ma'tter, you shall 
always carry with you the beat wishes of 

" 'Your friend and brother, 


" 'Col. and A. A. G., F. B.' " 

Here he illus'trates how he played the martyr dodge, suc- 
ceeded to his satisfaction and got an honest and discerning man 
disliked. The Irish revolutionists never yet discovered, of them- 
selves, any spy in their ranks. The English agents, called "in- 
formerà," always carne forth at the beck of their masters. 

The word "informer" is misleading and throws discredit on 
the Irish name. The "informers" always entered the Irish ranks 
to betray. The word "spy" is the fitting one. England can 
get lots of "informers" in the the ranks of the Irish police. Were 
the sincere Irish revolutionists more alive to England's desire 
to know about and control their organizations, had they been less 
"confiding," the invasion of Canada might have had a different 
ending; but Le Caron held the chief position of importance in 
the Fenian ranks at the time, because there were not more men 
like Roche to perceive there was someithing evil in him. He com- 
menced his Fenian life by organizing a Fenian circle (page 30), 
and (page 40) we find him a major and military organizer of that 
body, a great "spouter" for Ireland (in page 42) fooling the Irish, 
which he says he found easy. Page 44 we find him inspector- 
general of the Fenian forces, and went from time to time along 
the Canadian border locating arms and ammunition, handy for 
the Canadian authorities. The "confiding" Fenians were not 
ungrateful, for we find page 55 : 

"Constantly the recipient of compliments for the admirable 
way in which I discharged my duty, I was now promoited to the 
office of assistant adjutant-general, with the rank of colonel; 
and my new position enabled me not only to become possessed 


of the orig-inals of every document, pian and proposed eampaign, 
etc, but also specimens of the Fenian army commissions and uni- 
forms of the lime, which of course I conveyed to the officiate of 
the Canadian government." 

No wonder the two invasions of Canada turned out so dis- 
astrously when England's agent held the most important posi- 
tion in the Fenian ranks. On both occasions the Fenians were 
ambushed and finally defeated, notwithstanding that their fight- 
ing material was such that 300 of them put the entire Queen's 
Own Regiment (1,000 men) of Toronto to ignominious flight, 
throwing away their arms in the mad rush to escape. 

We also see that O'Neill started to aid the Reil rebellion, but 
was again betrayed by the spy, to suspect whom was a crime. 
A man with perception was dubbed "suspicious" and that ended 
the man with perception. Truly Was Right on the Block and 
Wrong on the Throne. It remains to be seen how long it will 
take Irish revolutionists to realize the situation as it always ex- 
isted and always will. "Would you sacrifice men's lives?" the 
words used by Le Caron that proved he had left valuable con- 
federates in the Clan-na-Gael. None but a fool, a "dupe," a 
"confiding" jackass, needs the spy's testimony to feel assured 
that the spies are there ; yet to suspect any of them means the 
Le Caron martyr dodge will be worked. THEY WILL NEVER 

In the first place it is a crime against God, agains't society and 
against onesself to take an oath to 


any man or men in a secret society whom you do not know. 
This the Clan requires of you. In the second place, it was never 
known that a secret organization of revolutionists ever accom- 


plished their designs. The French revolution was a sponta- 
neous uprising. The American revolution was the same. The 
revolutions of ali history that even amounted to anything were 
open and spontaneous. The secret revolutionary organizations 
always failed. They were paralyzed by spies. Take an instance. 
The United Irishmen of '98 were the only organized body of rev- 
olutionists at that time in Ireland. Yet 'they never turned out. 
It was the open and sudden uprising of the unorganized masses 
under Father Murphy that inflicted any injury to England. The 
French Communists never were capable of any effec't. Even the 
iron-clad secrecy of the Nihilists only »serves -to keep them deeper 
in their obscurity, while a horrible assassination once in a while 
simply marks their trail. No secret Irish revolutionary society 
ever did or ever will do any good for Ireland. 


Here is where we can see plainly the desire of Scotland Yard 
to get control in Irish revolutionary societies. Extracts from Le 
Caron, pages 92-3-4: 

"My advent in the organization, though gratifying to a certain 
extent, did not satisfy me as fully as I wished. I wanted to know 
everything thait took place on the inner side of the movement, 
and I found that, as one of the rank and file, I could really learn 
nothing. Accordingly, I set my wits to work to see how I could 
accomplish my desire of gaining sudi a position as would give 
me ali I wanted. 


"My status and extensive practice as a doctor permitted of my 
playing the role of the generous patriot, and there was no sub- 
scription list on which my name did not figure in some capacity 
as the patriot, politicai, charitable or social friend. 

* * * * * 

"Matters, indeed, were satisfactorily situated for me at every 
point. As senior guardian of the Braidwood camp, I was in re- 


ceipt of every document issued from headquarters, and through 
me many of these found their way to Mr. Anderson on the Eng- 
lish side of the water. My work in connection with these docu- 
ments taxed ali my powers of resource ; and had it not been for 
the popular and trusted position which I held, I could have ac- 
complished very little in regard to them." 

Many Clan-na-Gael men have believed, and stili believe, that 
the present U. S. government has been hypnotized by the British 
government, but relegate to oblivion the idea tha't England could 
hypnotize the Clan. In the above extracfcs we see how easily it 
could be done, and we need not be told how anxious the British 
government has always been that it should. By getting her 
agents in officiai capacities, she can do as she pleases with the 
organization. What a study for sincere men! 

Such societies are just what England wants. Listen to Le 
Caron's eulogy of the Clan-na-Gael, pages 78-9 : 

"Little as I imagined i't then, events were at this time shaping 
themselves to an end which, frequently attempted, had never yet 
been wholly accomplished by the aspiring leaders of the Irish in 
America. This was the bringing together of ali Irishmen at home 
and abroad into one vast and perfect organization. The hour 
was coming, and with it the men. Born in comparative poverty 
and insignifìcance, but under an impressive name, the associa- 
tion now being formed, the great Clan-na-Gael of the future, was 
destined to be a powerful, rich, and far-reaching organization, 
healthy of limb and strong of hand, 


upon the pages of this half-century's history. From small begin- 
nings have come great results. Away back towards the end of 
the sixties there carne into existence one of these temporal socie- 
ties, an off-shoot of the permanent conspiracy know under the 
name 'Knights of the Inner Circle/ which was joined by many 
Irish conspirators, myself amongst the number. With its mem- 



bers there became associateci, in the latter end of 1869, some 
three htmdred members of the 'Brian Boni' Circle of the Fenian 
Brotherhood in New York City, who, in consequence of a polit- 
icai quarrel over electioneering matters, seceded from their orig- 
inai body ; and, by these men acting in concert with others under 
the name of the 'United Irishmen,' what were realiy the first 
camps of the Clan-na-Gael were established." 

This eulogy of the Clan is worth noting, especially when we 
consider the sarcasm he flings at Davitt for being a Consititutional 
Land Leaguer, as follows : 

"Enter Mr. Davitt once more on the American stage in quite 
a new role. Flushed with the triumphs of his recent proceedings 
in Ireland in the establishment of the Land League organization, 
and the position he had suddenly sprung into, he now carne out 
as a Constitutionalist pure and simple. There were no more 
visits to Clan-na-Gael camps, for the time at least. Air was open 
and above board. He had his fad ; that fad was the Land League ; 
and his fad was to win in the politicai race, hands down. No mat- 
ter where he went, it was the same story." 

There you see the sarcasm directed against the open movement 
leanings of Davitt, and you can therefore draw the conclusion 
that Le Caron's masters were of the same way of feeling. "He 
had his fad, and that fad was the Land League ; and that fad was 
to win," etc, etc. Secret societies of revolutionists simply play 
into the hands of the government, and in the "case of the poor 
confiding Irishman, he is simply made to move and subscribe to 
order" by the agents of the British government, who cause scan- 
dals in the organizations to the disgrace of 'the Irish name, and 
so poor Ireland gets blamed ali around for anything and every- 
thing, while Mephistopheles chuckles. 

Surely when the secret executive body of the Clan made the 
word "delusion" do business for dynamite, there must have beén 
mirth in Scotland Yard. Surely there was a depth of facetious 
meaning in the word, FOR "DELUSION" IT WAS IN 


It has been said tha't the Clan does much good in their celebra- 
tions, etc, in that they tend toward developing a healthy national 
sentiment. Le Caron did his part in that same work, and if that 
work hadn't been going on his occupation would be gone. The 
only effective and safe way to develop a healthy national senti- 
ment is to read good books and papers. The Irish-American 
press is safest and surest. We are fortunate in this direction, for 
we have honest editors in the Irish-American press. Patrick Ford 
of the Irish World, the veteran worker ; James Jeffrey Roche of 
the Pilot, John Finnerty of the Chicago Citizen, and others well 
known for their ability, sterling patriotism and honesty, are good 
patriotic guides, not always infallible, but men to be trusted. 
The writer is willing to have this pamphlet analyzed and criticized 
by them. If he has made any mistakes and they are proved to 
him, or any impartial tribunal, he will do ali that a man can to 
undo the error. If he has done right, it is their duty as Irishmen, 
as honest men, before God and man, to see to it that this pam- 
phlet will not be left unaided in its crusade against the paid 
agents of the British government, who today, as ever, permeate 
the ranks of the Irish Revolutionists. It is their duty towards the 
sincere men who enter the revolutionary ranks. The Clan-na- 
Gael has contained in its ranks the very purest, most devoted, 
self-sacrificing and patriotic Irishmen. This I positively know; 
but the poison of the spy is injected into the body politic, hence 
ali the failures, the disasters, aye, the sacrificing of the very best 
Irishmen, and the ruin of the Irish cause, and hence the scandals 
that have been recorded. 

A member of the Clan-na-Gael who goes to Ireland is known 
as such the moment he lands at his destination. If, therefore, a 
member of the Clan should start for Ireland, let him first resign, 
if only temporarily, beoause if times are troublous there, the 
authorities are very liable to arrest him on some other charge 
and keep him in jail till they are satisfied he can do no harm. 

He is always asked on landing, by a policeman, what is his 
name, occupation, age, and destination in Ireland. Do Irishmen 


know why this information is wanted? Well, they may have an 
idea when they know this, that the facts are at at once sent to 
Dublin Castle, and if the traveler belongs to the Clan-na-Gael 
his name is round "on the list." He is then watched closely. 

The writer has it from the brother of a Sccitland Yard ex-de- 
tective — an Irishman — that every "dangerous" revolutionist who 
crossed from the States to the other side was "spotited" at once. 
He also sitated that one of Sootland Yard's systems is to have 


and that many women are employed in this work. 

The black-masked treachery that suggested the "planting of 
ploughs," and the subscriptions for ""delusion," in printed circu- 
lars, to be used against the constitutional movement, when Eng- 
land had no trouble on her hands but the Irish leaders, must be 
distinctly evident to any person outside of an insane asylum, 
espeeially whe we consider that during the heroic struggle of the 
Boers there is nothing to show that the Clan executive gave them 
any assistance whatever. England had been well nigh crippled, 
the expected "difficulty" had arrived, but the Clan was simply 
looking on. No talk of "ploughs" or "delusion." Oh no, the 
times were too serious. Not even an invitation to Kruger "to 
see us." The United Irish League branches were left to do that, 
and behold, even as this pamphlet is being concluded, the news 
comes to band that the edict has gone forth to the various Clan 
"camps" that John Redmond and the United Irish League must 
receive no suppoft from any member of the Clan-na-Gael. John 
Redmond was the darling of the Clan while he held out against 
the majority of his countrymen; at the Clan leaders' beck and 
nod, he refused to consider a proposition to unite the Irish party. 
He was promised the Clan's untiring support on the disunion 
basis. Now that he has wisely and patriotically joined with his 
old colleagues and the United Irish League, he and the League 
are outlawed by the Clan directors and by Dublin Castle. It 


remains to be seen whether the body of the Clan-na-Gael will 
stand this, or whether they will not pass a rebuking resolution as 
they did in the convention of 1881 for the same treachery. The 
cases are exactly similar in their deadly poison to the Irish cause. 
But should the body of the Clan-na-Gael be content with resolu- 

A word to the wise is sufficient, and it is the solemn duty of 
the Irish-American press to send out that word over the earth, 
to save manly men from being the dupes of the Le Carons. 


It has often been said that the murder of poor Dr. Cronin 
could be traced to British intrigue, and we will let Le Caron teli 
what he will about him. In page 166 he says : 

"Cronin, fìllèd with fury, returned to his camp and made a 
series of most sweeping charges against the Triangle. In return 
charges were preferred against him for being a traitor, liar, etc. 
A trial committee, of which I was one, was appointed, and by it 
Cronin was promptly found guilty and formally expelled. I 
voted, as I always did, on the side of the winning party." 

Here we fìnd a British agent voting to expel Dr. Cronin, but 
the reasons for so doing, which he gives, will not hold water, for 
he says in pages 191 -2 : 

"At the time I left for Europe, the trial committee had ad- 
journed, and Cronin was back in Chicago. The Executive had 
refused to sustain the action of the trial committee by a majority 
of one, and there the affair stood. But Cronin would not let 
well enoug'h alone. He had been talking very plainly, and de- 
nouncing Sullivan right and left. I figured in this trial by fur- 
nishing Sullivan with affidavit s for his defence. Cronin after- 
wards charged Sullivan with getting me admitted into the organ- 
ization, and with putting me into a position of trust. This did 
not help matters, and altogether Cronin proved himself to be a 


very dangerous man in the eyes of Sullivan. Doubtless he pos- 
sessed much information, the publication of which would damn 
Sullivan forever. What followed is a matter of recent inquiry. 
Cronin was foully murdered." 

This shows Cronin's hostility to Le Caron, for reasons not 
given by the spy Why doesn't the spy give them? We see 
him furnishing material for the defence of Cronin's alleged op- 
ponent, of whom he says, in page 48 

"From this time onward, for a period of twenty years, I used 
the man as my dupe. Feeding his vanity, assisting his ambition, 
helping him in the hundred and one ways in which it was possi- 
ble for me to do, I gained his friendship and his confidence to 
such an extent, that no man in the whole course of my career 
in the secret service proved a more reliable, albeit an unconscious, 
ally than he." 

It will be remembered that Alexander Sullivan was adjudged 
innocent of Cronin's murder, and the above extracts might have 
played an important part were they available in the Cronin mur- 
der trial. He "used Sullivan as a dupe." Cronin was hostile 
to Le Caron for reasons not assigned. Cronin "doubtless pos- 
sessed much information," nature not given. It is easy to per- 
ceive that "Cronin possessed much information, the publication 
of which would damn" Le Caron. He keeps the reasons for 
Cronin's hostility to him (L. C.) a profound secret. 


The recent and well-known energy of the Clan-na-Gael to per- 
meate the A. O. H. should be well looked after The military sec- 
tion of the A. O. H. is not forgotten by the officials of Scotland 
Yard or Clan officials, and from ali the writer can learn it will 
not take long from present appearances to place the A. O. H. in 
the grasp of the same power that usurped and disrupted the Land 
League. Let ali A. O. H. men now judge of the truth of this 
assertion, and let them act at once on a prudent course to pursue. 


The immense amouwt of damage done in Irish societies by this 
class of British mercenaries will doubtless never be known. A. 
O. H. men may think that because they are not conscious of im- 
mediate danger, there is no need to be on guard. The best guide 
to the future is the past, and the fate of the 900 branches of the 
Land League may serve as a warning. But the A. O. H. doesn't 
have to go outside its own history ; the split that existed among 
them up to recent years should caution them, and if statements 
made by a veiteran New York A. O. H. member to the writer 
were made public, the faat could be easily guessed ttha the cele- 
brated split in the A. O. H. was primarily due to the influence 
that has brought disgrace, wreck and ruin on ali movements 
thoroughly Irish. The writer has faith, however, in the fai'thful, 
prudemt and conservative guidance of the spiritual directors, and 
especially the chief chaplain of the A. O. H., and were it not that 
such men have a great moral influence in the order it miglit have 
become long ere this the victim and plaything of British agente. 
While the clergy rule, the order will be comparatively safe ; but 
the enemy is uratiring and only awaits his chance. 

"The atrocious system of paid spies which England has in full 
operation in this country is strikingly illustrated by this man Le 
Caron's career." — John Boyle O'Reilly, Boston Herald, Feb. 
9, 1889. 

"He (Le Caron) obviously wants to show that he has accom- 
plished what he was paid by the British Government for doing. 
This class of beings always play an important part in ali Irish po- 
liticai trials." — Collector John E. Fitzgerald, Boston Herald, 
Feb. 9, 1889. 



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