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The works hitherto published on Greek Coins have been written 
by experts, and therefore it may seem fitting that some apology 
should be offered by one who, not being of that number, yet 
ventures to publish a work on this subject. 

The author offers this volume in the hope of supplying those 
who have but few books and little knowledge of the Classics with 
some help in the study of the Hellenic art and thought connected 
with coin-types. The coins issued from the Greek cities of Southern 
Italy may be used as a means of introducing some readers to a new 
world full of life, beauty, and suggestive thought, — the realm of 
Greek imagination. 

A coin may mean more, and suggest more to us, than can be 
expressed in a simple description of its types, its date, or its weight, 
and those who try to see more than is given by the description in 
a catalogue will look kindly on this attempt to aid them. It is too 
often forgotten that when these coins were being modelled, more 
than two thousand years ago, the artists were still making use of 
forms and ideas belonging to the childhood of the race. 

When an ancient Greek spoke of a mountain torrent as a rushing 
bull, and drew the bull to express the idea in his mind, he 
was nc more confused intellectually than the child who cries out in 
his play "I'm a wolf" or "I'm a bear". It is necessary to the 
understanding of our children and of the childhood of the race that 
we should be not unmindful of our own childhood. 

A coin may thus become not only a bridge across the chasm of 
the ages by which we are enabled to touch and handle the work 
of men who lived in cities long destroyed, but also a key, which, 



cunningly used, will unlock the doors closed by ignorance and in- 
difference, and open to us the fairy-land of Greek imagination. 

Take a common coin of Neapolis which need not cost more 
than four or five shillings, and, when you have entered into the 
meaning of the types, read the Bacchae of Euripides, and you will 
recognize the help given by the little silver coin with its bull type. 

Imaginative powers however are so versatile, and vary so greatly 
in different ages and climes, that we cannot do without the help 
of Greek writers if we would unravel the clues to their myths. 
For that reason it has been thought necessary to the object of this 
work to give many passages from Greek authors in an English 
dress, instead of merely giving the references to books not likely to 
be found in the homes of the readers. When a translation of a well- 
known scholar was available it has been used ; for instance the 
rendering of Pindar's Odes is that of F. A. Paley, that of the 
passages from Pausanias is by Mr. Frazer. There are many collectors 
and students of Greek coins who are not classical scholars but who 
are nevertheless keenly interested in the myths and folklore of the 
ancients, and for such the present work is intended. Those who 
wish for more perfect and full descriptions of the coins will find all 
they desire in " Les Monnaies antiques de I 'Italic ", by M. Arthur 

If any reader knowing nothing of the history of Magna Graecia 
desires to read quickly and in English a sketch of the main events, 
he will find much help in Grote's History 0} Greece, chapter xxn, 
and in Thirlwall's, History of Greece, chapter xn. Those who read 
French will find the work of M. F. Lenormant " La Grande Grece " 
most interesting and suggestive. 

The mints of the cities of Southern Italy present us with speci- 
mens of the most beautiful work produced by the Greek coin- 
engravers, and also with a number of interesting designs illustrating 
the local legends and myths of Magna Graecia. The wonderful 
degree of excellence in artistic workmanship attained by these 
colonists of Italy is not commonly realized, but w r hen we have 
examined some of their coins we shall more readily understand the 


significance of Plato's words, in the Protagoras (318), concerning 
Zeuxippus of Heracleiu, an artist who was visiting Athens, and is 
spoken of as capable of making his pupils good artists. This passage 
illustrates the influence of Magna Graecia upon Athens, the centre 
of Hellenic culture. 

When we compare the coins of these colonial towns with 
those of the mother cities we see that their artists frequently 
surpassed in skill and delicacy of work those of the old country, 
and we no longer wonder that the importance of the artists of 
Magna Graecia was great enough to give them a privilege rarely 
elsewhere accorded, that of placing their names on the coins they 
designed and executed. The information here given concerning the 
artists is chiefly derived from the interesting work by Mr. L. Forrer, 
" Notes sur les signatures sur les monnaies grecques ", 1905. Those 
who wish to picture to themselves the art schools of the Greeks 
will find much of interest in the work of Mr. Kenneth J. Freeman 
" The Schools of Hellas ". The training of the Epheboi whose 
figures appear on so many of the coins of Tarentum is also described 
in that work. The government of these cities, and the changes 
from the kingly rule to that of the aristocracies, the usurpations 
of the Tyrants, and the rise of the democracies may be studied in 
" The City State of the Greeks and Romans " by W. Warde Fowler, 
and in " La cite antique " by Fustel de Coulanges. These works 
might well have been illustrated by photographs of the coins of 
Magna Graecia, and a study of this series of coins will help the 
reader to understand and realize the changes therein described. 

The religious types on the coins of this series throw light upon 
the relationship of the various cities to each other, and to those 
in their Mother-Land. 

We may obtain a far truer idea of the growth of Hellenism by 
the study of the colonial cities than would be possible were we to 
confine our attention to the history of Athens and Sparta. 

One of the great interests afforded by this series of coins is found 
in their association with the great men who dwelt in Magna 
Graecia : the earlv flat incuse coins of Croton, for instance, are 


associated with Pythagoras, Herodotus used the early coins of 
Thurium, some ot the coins of Tarentum were issued by Archytas, 
and Parmenides used those of Velia. The mythological stories and 
legends of the foundation of some of these cities illustrate the love 
of Homer's poems and their influence in the schools of these 

The beautiful plants, birds, insects and fishes, so delicately 
wrought on many of these coins, are evidence of the loving study 
of nature which prevailed in Southern Italy, and of which the 
poems of Theocritus afford similar evidence. 

The mythological subjects illustrated on the coins are treated in 
a similar manner on the beautiful terra-cotta vases of Southern 
Italy. Other objects of terra-cotta and bronze will be looked at with 
fresh interest by those familiar with these coin-types. It was in 
Southern Italy that the Romans first came into close contact with 
Hellenic culture, and those who have studied the coinage of the 
Roman republic will remember that some of the types of these 
colonial cities were copied by the Romans. Many of the coins first 
issued bearing the legend ROMANO were wrought by Greek 

The chief myths to which we shall be introduced by the types 
are those concerning Persephone, Dia-Hebe, Parthenope, Ligeia, 
Acheloiis, Poseidon, and those of the western wanderings ot 

The types of Tarentum will be found to bear reference to the 
Mysteries or Brotherhoods connected with the cult of Dionysus 
and Iacchus. To Englishmen the history of these colonies planted 
among native tribes and spreading among them the culture of a 
higher race, must have a special interest. 

To collectors of modest means this series possesses the special 
advantage of containing large numbers of coins which may be 
obtained at a very small cost, many indeed of Bronze for as little 
as two shillings or eighteen pence. 

These chapters which have appeared in Spink's Numismatic 
Circular were written with no other arrangement or sequence than 

IX — 

that suggested by the attraction felt at the time for each subject. 
They have now been rearranged, and those cities grouped together 
which were colonised from one mother-city. The alphabetical 
order usually followed in numismatic works is here abandoned 
because it will be found much more interesting to continue the 
story of a city as it is developed in the history of its neighbours. 
Thus after studying Thurium we naturally turn to Heracleia 
founded by the Thurians; after reading of Cumae we pass on with 
interest to her daughter-city Neapolis. 

In this volume only the coins of the purely Greek cities are 
described ; those of the Samnite, Lucanian and Bruttian half- 
Greek cities may be treated in another volume; this will account for 
the omission of the coins of Nuceria, Petelia, Peripolium, Nola, 
Hyria and those of the Bruttii and Lucanians. 

For the general history of Magna Graecia, the following table 
of dates will be found useful by those who desire to see at a glance 
the relative antiquity of the coins of this series. Such a table can 
hardly be made for the seventh century B.C. as that period merelv 
furnishes us with traditions. The earliest colonies belong to the 
beginning of the eighth century, as for instance Cumae, Sybaris, 
Croton, Tarentum and Metapontum. None of the traditions of the 
seventh century refer to the coinage, for that did not begin to 
appear until about 560 B.C. For about one hundred and forty 
years the earliest Greek colonies of southern Italy were without 
mints of their own, and no doubt used the "colts" of Corinth, 
or the "tortoises" of Aegina in their commerce. 


600. Laus, Poseidonia, Massilia, and Camarina founded. 

584. Rich suitors for the hand of Cleisthenes' daughter left Sybaris 

and Siris, thus giving evidence of the wealth of these 

560. The battle of Sagras between Croton and Locri. Peisistratus 

at Athens. Mints existing at Siris and Sybaris. 
550. The fall of Siris. 

Opening of Mints at Croton, Caulonia, Metapontum, 

Poseidonia, and Laus. 
540. The foundation of Velia and its mint. 
533 . The arrival of Pythagoras at Croton ? 
530 Opening of the Mints at Tarentum and Rhegium. 
527. Death of Peisistratus in Athens. 
510. The fall of Sybaris. 

The exile of Hippias from Athens. 
500. The lion on reverse type of Velia. 

Mint opened at Cumae. 


499 . The Ionian revolt in Asia Minor. 

490. Marathon. 

480 . Xerxes invades Greece. 

End of period of flat incuse coins at Caulonia and Posei- 
donia and Metapontum and of period of incuse flying eagle 
types on coins of Croton. Rise of democratic government 
in most cities. 

478. Many Athenians visit court of Hieron at Syracuse. 

476. Death of Anaxilas, Tyrant of Rhegium, and flight of Greeks 
to Neapolis. 

460. Opening of a Mint at Neapolis. Unique coin. 

450. First abundant issue from Mint of Neapolis. 

443. Foundation ofThurium colonized from Athens. 

— XI — 

440- Athens at height of its glory. 

436. Introduction of the horsemen type at Tarentum. 

432 . Heracleia founded. 

431 . First year of the Peloponnesian war. 

430. Bronze coins introduced at Naples, Croton, and Pandosia. 

420. The Lucanians invade Campania, take Capua and Cumae. 

400. Head of Hera on coins of Poseidonia, soon after at Hyria and 
Pandosia. Bronze coins introduced at Poseidonia, Laus, 
Thurium, Consentia, Rhegium, Terina. Mint at Hyria. 
Campanian coins CAM PAN 02. 


391 . Dionysius of Syracuse marries Doris of Locri. 

390. Fall of Laus. Fall of Neapolis. League contra Syracuse. 

Type of Heracles strangling snakes. 

387. Victories of Dionysius at Caulonia and Rhegium. 

384. Athletic victory of Dicon of Caulonia. 

380. Archytas at Tarentum. 

3 67 . Death of Dionysius. 

356. Rise of the Bruttii in power. 

350. Bronze coinage begun at Metapontum, Velia and Nuceria. 

344. The Spartan Archidamos comes to Tarentum. 

340. Influence of Nola on Neapolis. Bronze at Neapolis. 

334. Alexander, king of Epirus, comes to Tarentum. 

330. Alexander's victory near Poseidonia. 

Bronze coins now struck at Tarentum and Heracleia. 

302. Cleonymos arrived at Tarentum. Federal didrachms struck. 

300. Bronze coinage begun at Locri. 


300. Poseidonia called Paestum. 

290. Venusia founded. 

283 . The Tarentines destroy the Roman fleet. 

XII — 

28 1 . Pyrrhus landed in Italy. 

End of the period of issue of Federal didrachms. 

273 . Pyrrhus leaves Italy. Paestum colonized by Rome. 

272. Tarentum a "civitas foederata". 

270. Drachms issued at Neapolis. 

268. Issue of the first Roman denarii. 

264. First year of the First Punic war. 

260. The Carthaginians ravage Italian cities. 

241 . The last year of the First Punic war. 

235. Artistic revival at Tarentum under Roman rule. 

218. The Second Punic war begun. 

217. Thrasimene. 

216. Cannas. 

212. Carthaginians occupy Tarentum. 

211 . Romans take Capua. 

204. Hannibal defeated at Croton. 

202. The defeat of Carthaginians at Zama. 

201 . Last year of second Punic war. 




• Province 


Period of Mini 







Incuse J$L 






Incuse J$L. 






Incuse fyL 






Incuse I$L 











Incuse fyL 










432 268 





540 268 






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Pal Mol 




Incuse tyL 




460 272 














Incuse !}£ 








420 340 







An asterisk (*) indicates that the coins thus marked may usually 
be obtained at 5/ . and under. 



To those who study the coins of Magna Graecia it will be 
interesting to enquire when the South of Italy was first 
known by that name. In 1754 Mazochi showed reasons tor 
believing it was connected with the Pythagorean Brotherhood 
(Comment, in tab. Heracl.). 

It has been said that the earliest mention of Magna Graecia is 
that found in Polybius (II, 39) "And first: when the burning of 
the Pythagorean club houses (uvsop'-a) in Magna Graecia was 
followed by great constitutional changes,... deputations were sent 
from most parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about some 
settlement of these disorders". 

This passage however is certainly not as early as the following 
fragment of Timaeus which dates from the first half of the third 
century B.C., while Polybius wrote nearer 170 B.C. 

Timaeus quotes the proverb " Common are the goods of friends'' 
and then adds "this was said in Magna Graecia (MefaXyjv 'EXXaSa) 
in the days when Pythagoras persuaded those dwelling there to 
possess all in common " (asiave^-ra) (fragment 77, Miiller). 

The name was used by Pseudo-Scymnus and by Athenaeus 
(XII, p. 523) early in the third century A.D. Strabo (VI, p. 253) 
used this expression, probably quoting Ephorus, and we also find it 
used by Porphyry and Jamblichus in their lives of Pythagoras. 

It is interesting to notice that whenever Cicero uses the words 
" Magna Graecia" the context is concerned with the Pythagoreans 
(as in Cic. Tusc, V, 10, IV, 2, I, 36, 38, de Oral. Ill, 139, II, 154. 
Lael: 13); Valerius Maximus also refers to the Brotherhood in 
Magna Graecia (VIII, 7.2.) E. Pais thought the expression may 
have been made popular by Aristoxenus, the Pythagorean writer on 
Music, the pupil of Aristotle, who was born at Tarentum. The 
earliest writers used the term Magna Graecia to signify only the 
Greek cities of Southern Italy, but Dionysius of Syracuse included 
Sicily in his use of the term, and later Latin writers included even 
Lucania, butTerina was once the most northerly border city. 


— 2 


The name " Greater Britain ", often applied to our English 
colonies, was probably an allusion to "Magna Graecia", the name 
by which the Greek colonies in Southern Italy were known. 

Many coins from these colonies are found in small collections, 
bearing types both beautiful as works ol art, and interesting as 
witnesses to the history and religion of their period. Although the 
settlement of Greeks in Italy was very gradual, the regular establish- 
ment of their colonies did not take place until between 725 and 
700 B.C. 

The foundation of the Greek colony at Tarentum is usually 
dated at 708 B.C. The coins of this colony are here taken first 
because they present us with a more complete and continuous 
series than that of any other, and with a type which in its essential 
character remained unchanged for about two hundred and fifty 

In the details, however, of this permanent type, there is a richer 
succession of varied attitudes and a greater number of combinations 
of types and symbols, than can be iound on the coinage of any other 
city of ancient Greece. 

The site of Tarentum was one of great importance in days when 
sailors ever preferred to sail in sight of land, for it was the only safe 
harbour within many miles. 

From the story of Arion we see this was the port for which the 
Corinthian seamen made when trading with Italy and Sicily, and 
it was well known to the Phoenician mariners of Tyre and Car- 
thage. The old city of the native Iapygians was built at the end of 
a tongue of land nearly enclosing an inland sea about six miles 
long and from two to three in breadth, and from its position com- 
manded the entrance to the harbour. The site formed an ideal 
home for fishermen, for the inland sea was rich in the murex and 
other shell-fish. All around stretched the fertile fields celebrated for 
fine flocks of sheep and herds of horses. 

When Horace wished to describe a scene of restful beauty and 
rural peace, to which one might flee from the troubles of public 
affairs, he chose this seat " Lacedemonium Tarentum " (Carm. Ill,, 

— 3 — 

V, 56.) and again lie refers to this site in the line " flumen et 
regnata petam Laconi Rura Phalanto " (in Carm. II. VI, n). 

The Greeks in these western colonies had this advantage over 
those of Asia Minor, that they were not opposed by any great 
powers like those of Assyria or Babylon. However, the colonists had 
to fight for many years with the older native races, the Iapygians 
and "Messapians, and their victories were celebrated and kept in 
memory, by the works of art dedicated at Delphi, some of which 
were wrought by Ageladas, the master of Pheidias, and by Onatas 
and Calynthus. Pausanias (lib. X, c. 10) describes them as brazen 
horses and captive women. 

National feeling was stronger among these western colonists than 
among those of Asia Minor, but they were unable to resist the 
enervating influences of wealth and luxury and thus fell before the 
more simple soldiers of Rome. 


The story of the founding of the colony, circ. 700 B.C., is thus 
told by Pausanias. 

Tarentum is a Lacedaemonian colony ; the founder was Pha- 
langitis, a Spartan. As he was setting out to found a colony, an 
oracle came to him from Delphi telling him that he would gain a 
country and a city when he should feel rain under a cloudless sky 
(alOpa). At first, without enquiring into the meaning of the oracle 
himself, or communicating it to one of the interpreters, he set out 
with his ships to Italy. 

But when, in spite of his victories over the barbarians, he could 
not take any of their cities, or make himself master of the country, 
he remembered the oracle, and thought that the god had predicted 
what could never come to pass, for never, surely, could rain fall 
under a clear bright sky. 

In his despondency, his wife, who had followed him from home, 
caressed him, in particular she laid his head on her lap and soothed 
him ; and somehow for the love she bore him, she fell a-weeping 
to see that his fortunes were at a standstill. Now as she shed 
tears freely, and wetted her husband's head, he perceived the 
meaning of the oracle, for his wife's name w T as Aethra; and that 
very night he took Tarentum, the greatest and wealthiest of all the 
cities of the Barbarians on the sea. 

They say that the hero Taras was a son of Poseidon and a native 
nymph, and that both the city and the river were named after him; 
for like the city, the river is called Taras. 

Servius, the annotator of Virgil about the time oi Honorius, 
refers to, and adds information to this story in his notes on JEn., 
lib. Ill, 551, where he says Phalanthus was the eighth in descent 
from Heracles. Hence Virgil's line, 

"Hinc sinus Herculei, si vera est fama Tarenti cernitur. " 


Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of the city (Tarentum), 
says that after the Messenian war such of the Lacedaemonians as did 
not join the army were sentenced to be slaves and denominated 
Helots ; and that such as were born during the period of the war 
they termed Partheniae, and decreed to be base ; but these not 
bearing the reproach, (for they were many) conspired against the 
free citizens; the chief magistrates, becoming acquainted with the 
existence of the plot, employed certain persons who by feigning 
friendship to the cause should be able to give news of its nature. 

Of this number was Phalanthus who was apparently the chief 
leader, but discontented with his associates. 

It was agreed that at the conclusion of the contest in the Hyacin- 
thine games, celebrated at Amyclae, Phalanthus should put on his 
helmet as a sign when they should begin a simultaneous attack. 
The free citizens were distinguishable from others by their hair. 

They were warned, and a herald came forward at the critical 
moment and proclaimed : " Let not Phalanthus put on his helmet." 
Some of the conspirators, seing that the plot was known, fled, 
others begged for mercy. The magistrate bade them not fear, and 
put some under restraint, but sent Phalanthus to enquire after a 
new settlement. 

He received from the oracle the following response : " To thee, 
Satyrium I have given, and the rich country of Tarentum to inhab- 
it, and thou shaft become a scourge to the Iapygians". 

The Parthenias therefore went with Phalanthus to this destina- 
tion, and the Barbarians and Cretans, who already possessed the 
country, received them kindly. (Strabo lib. VI, c. 3, § 2). 


The Lacedaemonians waged war with the Messenians who had 
murdered their king Teleclus (745 B.C.) when he visited Messcne 
to offer sacrifice. They took an oath they would not return 
home before they had destroyed Messene. 

In the tenth year of the war the Spartan wives sent to remon- 

strate. The troops sent back the youngest of their number, as not 
being under the oath, and charged them to live with the unmar- 
ried women; hence their children were called Partheniae. These 
children were not honoured, being born out ot wedlock. 

The same plot as that described by Antiochus is then related. 
So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on hostilities 
against the Barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the w r ar, they 
obtained possession of Tarentum and settled there. 

Pausanias tells of their fighting, Antiochus of a friendly reception 
on their arrival, and Ephorus implies the presence of other Greek 

There is another legend of Phalanthus told by Justin (lib. Ill, 
c. IV) of his " Historiae Philippicae" derived from the history ot 
Trogus Pompeius. " They chose Phalanthus for their leader, the 
son of Arathus, who had advised the Spartans to send home the 
young men to raise children, that as they owed their birth to his 
father so they might have him for author of their hope and dignity. 

.... Several years after (their capture of the city) Phalanthus 
being exiled by a popular sedition went to Brundusium, where the 
native Tarentines had settled when driven out of Tarentum. He, at 
his death, advised them to grind his bones to ashes and privately 
scatter them in the market place at Tarentum, for Apollo had 
declared by his oracle that they should recover their city by this 

Thus by the cunning of their exiled leader and the officiousness 
of their enemies the possession of Tarentum w T as secured to the 
Parthenians for ever. In memory of which benefit they decreed 
divine honours to Phalanthus". Confer the similar story of Hiero 
of Syracuse in Diod., Sicul., XI, 66. 

Sometimes the Tarentines were called Phalantiadae (Steph. Byz.) 

One of the few notices of Tarentum in the early days of the 
colony is that in Herodotus III, 136, in which he speaks of Taren- 
tum as one of the cities visited by the Persian spies who came to 
Greece and her colonies, when Aristophilides was king of the 
Tarentines. The story is interesting as shewing the Spartan govern- 
ment of the city. 

The story of Arion is also interesting as a witness to the connec- 
tion of the city with Corinth in the days of Periander. (Confer. 
Herod. I, 24). 


The Obverse types of the Tarentine didrachms always represent- 
ed a horse and his rider, a design admitting much variety of treat- 
ment. The subject was chosen partly in allusion to the ancient 

games connected with the Hyacinthian festival at Amycla?, the orig- 
inal home of the colonists, and partly as being popular among 
the horse-breeding natives of the plains round Tarentum. The 
connection with the games is clearly seen in most of the types, the 
commonest being a naked boy sitting on a horse holding a crown 
over its head; the horse is generally represented standing, and 
pawing the ground with one foot raised, or with all feet on the 
ground. Sometimes a flying victory crowns the boy. 

On other types the horses are cantering or galloping in the 
races, and the riders are the youths, the epheboi, sometimes vault- 
ing from the horses' backs, sometimes with a small shield on the 
left arm. 

On some types issued during the stress of war the riders are 
armed warriors, but these are not so common as the riders in the 
games. They were introduced about the time of Alexander the 

Among the military horsemen we see represented the Leukas- 
pides (white shield-bearers), and the Hippakontists, who aimed 
their darts from a distance, and avoided coming to close quarters ; 
thus on the coins we see riders with two and three javelins or 

On some coins a second horse is seen ; these may refer to the 
custom mentioned by Livy (XXXV, 28) of warriors using two 

Those riders seen vaulting with a shield and dart may perhaps 
also be military rather than agonistic types, representing men ready 
to fight on horseback or on foot. A bas-relief from a Corinthian 
temple recently discovered shews a similar figure. 

In some of the military types we may see illustrations of the lan- 
cers described by Aelian (/Elianus Tacticus) and Suidas, known as 

The games called the Hyacinthia were originally held at Amy- 
clae in July, in honour of Hyacinthus, a son of the Spartan king 
Amvclas, who was unintentionally killed by Apollo during a game 
with the discus, which was blown against the youth's head by 
Boreas or Zephyrus. From his blood arose the flower called after his 
name which appears as a symbol on some of the coins. When these 
guiles were celebrated the hot July sun had caused the flower to die. 
This Lacedaemonian Apollo cult is not to be confused with that of 
the Dorian Apollo, the Sun-god, for the Spartan god was connect- 
ed with the Chthonic cult of the Hyacinthia. 

The Dioscuri became connected with the same cultus through 
the beautiful legend told by Pindar in his tenth Nemean ode, in 
which he describes Pollux "shedding his tears and crying aloud". 
" Father, son of Cronus, what then is to be the end of our griefs? 

Bid me too to die with him, O king; Zeus gave him the choice of 
this or that; if you wish to escape death . . . and dwell in Olympus 
with me... you have the chance of this, but if you make a stand 
for your brother... to take an equal share with him in everything, 
why then you may live half your time remaining beneath the earth 
and half in the golden abodes of heaven". 

Homer refers to the same legend. (Iliad. Ill, 243.) 

The lines of Homer in the eleventh book of the Odyssey (298.) 
illustrate the connection of the Dioscuri with the Chthonic cultus 
of Amy else. 

"Next Leda came, the wife ofTyndareus, 

Who to her husband did bring forth two sons, 

Castor for steeds, — Pollux for boxing famed; 

They, honoured even underground by Jove, 

Live every other day in turn, and then 

So die, thus honoured equal with the gods. " 

According to some traditions they were born at Amyclce ; so Vir- 
gil relates in Georgicon, lib. Ill, 89. 

The Dioscuri were introduced as types of Tarentum by the 
magistrates who wished to draw attention to the connection of the 
colony with the old Lacedaemonian home, especially at times when 
aid was sought and rendered, as in 315 B.C., when gold coins 
were issued bearing the figures of the Dioscuri, and again in the 
time of Pyrrhus, between 281 and 272 B.C., and again later during 
the alliance with Rome, 272-235 B.C. 

The Romans who chose this type for their first denarii in 268 B . C. 
must have seen the Tarentine didrachms. 

Poseidon was the giver of the horse to Corinth and his son Taras 
is thought to be seen in some of the horse riders. Tarentum was 
called " Colonia Neptunia Tarentum ". In one instance at least 
Mr. A. J. Evans identifies the rider with Phalanthus ; it is a coin 
of the period between 334-302 B.C. : the rider bears a shield on 
which is a dolphin. The types of the horsemen should be compared 
with the small votive terra-cotta figures discovered at Tarentum on 
the site of Chthonic divinities, within the walls of the city. Confer 
Hellenic Journal, 1886, p. 8, 22, 23, " Recent discoveries of 
Tarentine terra-cottas. " They shew the relation of the horsemen 
types with a cult of departed heroes. This explains the presence of 
the symbols, the Ionic capital and the kantharos. Confer Journal 
des Savants, 1883, p. 154. 

That the horsemen were sometimes looked upon as deities we 
may infer both from the figures of the Dioscuri on the coins, and 
also from an inscription given by Carducci in his Commentary on 
Aquino (Deli~ie Tarantine, 1. 1) which refers to the naval victory 
reported by Livy, lib. XXVI, c. 39. The inscription records the 

establishment of "a yearly festival of Victory to the gods o£ the 
sea, and the Horse-gods, (l%%ioiq tieoiq) by the Council and Com- 
monwealth ((Souay; -/Si c Avjjacs) of. the Tarentines, by the provision 
of Democrates, the leader of the Enomotia (Spartan band) according 
to the vow of the military band of youths. " 


Pollux (IX, 80), in his " Onomasticon ", published shortly 
before 177 A.D., when Commodus was Gesar, tells us that Aris- 
totle spoke of the type of the Tarentine nummos as " Taras, the 
son of Poseidon". 

We have seen that Pausanias relates that Taras was a son of 
Poseidon and a native nymph, and Servius, that Taras was the 
native founder oi the city to which the Greek colonists came ; it 
therefore seems probable that such a hero should have been chosen 
for representation on the earliest coinage. From Strabo we learn 
that the colonists were welcomed, and for some time the citizens 
were probably of mixed race. 

The name Taras appears in the field of the coins bearing this 
figure and has been interpreted as the name of the rider. The son 
of Poseidon would be an acceptable personage to the Spartan colon- 
ists, for the Poseidon of Tarentum was the Poseidon of Taenarum, 
the representative of Laconian maritime power; moreover the priests 
of Poseidon at Tarentum were called Taivapiorai ; confer Hesychius 
Lex s. v. Taivapug, and Tarentum was called Colonia Neptunia 

Some, however, have suggested that the dolphin rider may have 
represented Phalanthus on account of the following passage in Pau- 
sanias, X, XIII, 10. "The Tarentines sent another tithe to Delphi 
from the spoils of the barbarous Peucetians." "The offerings are 

the works of Onatas, the Aeginetan, and Calynthus they 

comprise images of footmen and horsemen, to wit, Opis, king of 
the Iapvgians, come to fight for the Peucetians. " "He is repre- 
sented slain in the fight, and over his prostrate body are standing 
the hero Taras, and Phalanthus of Lacedamion ; and not far from 
Phalanthus is a dolphin. For before Phalanthus reached Italy they 
say that lie was cast away in the Crisaean Sea, and was brought to 
land by a dolphin. " 

The words " v.-A ou r.ippt,) ~zu 'I'aXavOsu czhziq " (and not far 
from Phalanthus a dolphin) seem to shew that Pausanias regarded 
the dolphin as the symbol of that Spartan leader, and of his being 
saved from shipwreck ; the words of Pausanias, however, do not refer 
to the coin-type. 

— 9 — 

Perhaps the symbol of Poseidon, the dolphin, may have been 
connected with Phalanthus on account of the old Spartan associations 
with the word, which in Lacedsemon was once a surname of Posei- 
don, derived from the root ( I>aX, meaning the shimmering, gleam- 
ing, glancing light on the sea-waves ; from the same root, the whale 
was called $aXXa&va. Professor Studniczka (in his work " Kyrene" 
pub. 1890) shews that this is very probable. If this be so, then it is 
easy to see how Hellenius Acron, the annotator of Horace in the fifth 
century A.D. could call Phalanthus "a son of Poseidon" ; confer 
his note on Carm., XXVIII, which consists of a dialogue between 
a sailor and Archytus of Tarentum. According to Prof. Studniczka 
the legend TAPAZ refers to the mint rather than to the type, and 
the dolphin rider is Phalanthus, and this opinion seems in har- 
mony with the words of Pausanias. 

This recognition of the origin of the word does not necessarily 
involve the rejection of the legends told by Pausanias and Strabo, 
for the leader of the colonists may have borne the name of the old 
Laconian sea-god, and if this meaning of the name was recognized 
by the early Greek colonists at the time when the type was made, 
we can understand how the design satisfied both the Iapygian and 
the Spartan citizens, the former seeing their own Taras, the latter 
their own Phalanthus, in the type. 

The symbol of Poseidon, the trident, is often found in the hands 
of the dolphin rider, and even the attitude and manner of carrying 
it are copied from works of art representing that deity. 

A similar story of a man saved from drowning by a dolphin is 
found in Herodotus I, 24 and is probably better known than even 
the story of Taras. Shakespeare in "Twelfth night" Act. I. s. 2. 
makes the Captain comfort Viola by saving " I saw your brother.... 
where like Arion on the dolphin's back. 

I saw him hold acquaintance with the waves so long as I could 
see. " 

In Rawlinson's Herodotus, p. 161, is a note which explains the 
origin of the story. The truth seems to be that the legend grew out 
of the figure at Taenarum, which was known by its inscription to 
be an offering by Arion. Confer also Creuzer's "Dissert, de mythis 
ab artium operibus profectis ", § 2. The image at Taenarum in the 
temple of Apollo was one of the anathemata of the Tarentines, 
like those at Delphi mentioned by Pausanias. The musician Arion 
had probably noticed the attraction of music to the dolphins and 
had after a successful voyage dedicated the image to Apollo. The 
combination of the influences of Poseidon and Apollo is noticeable. 

— 10 


The association of the Dolphin rider with Apollo may be illus- 
trated by the note of Servius in Aen. Ill 332. Some say that in the 
temple of Apollo was an altar inscribed nATPlOY AnOAAONOI, 
because Icadius, a son of Apollo and a Lycian nymph, when he 
grew up, named the place of his birth after his mother Lycia, 
and built a temple to Apollo, and, that he might witness to his 
father, called it Patara. Afterwards when he sailed to Italy he was 
shipwrecked, and is said to have been saved on the back of a 
dolphin, when he landed near to the mount Parnassus, and erected 
a temple to his father Apollo, and from the dolphin called it 
Delphus ; hence the altars which he erected to his father he called 
"patrias". Hence also the dolphin is said to have been received as 
one of the sacred symbols of Apollo. 

The sea in that bay was hence called the Crisaean sea, or sea ot 
the Cretan. 

The brother of this Icadius was that Iapyx who migrated to 
Italy, and from whom the inhabitants near Tarentum were called 
Iapygians. The legend is a result of the tendency of the Greek 
islanders to go forth and form colonies in the West, and shews that 
the people displaced by the Spartans were themselves colonists. 

In this late legend we see that in the days of Servius, i. e. the 
beginning of the fifth century A.D. the Apollo of the Dorians 
was confounded with the Lycian god. 

On didrachms of the period of Pyrrhus, of the reduced weight, 
we see a direct imitation of the attitude of Apollo on some well- 
known types of the Diadochi, issued in Syria and Macedonia, but on 
these Tarentine coins the figure holds a helmet instead of a bow or 
arrow ; notice the same attenuated proportions of the figure . 
Moreover the dolphin rider is represented with hair knotted 
behind and falling over his shoulders exactly as Apollo's hair falls 
on the coins of the Diadochi. 

The earliest example is that of Seleukos Nikator 312-280 B.C. ; 
it became common on coins of Antiochus I. 293-261 B.C. On 
these coins Apollo is seated on the omphalos and holding a bow 
or arrows. 

The helmet in the hands ofTaras has a horn in the front, similar 
to the horned Asiatic helmet seen on coins of Seleukos Nikator ; 
these Tarentine coins are signed AnOA for AnOAAflWOI, as 
found on some coins. This type is a compliment to Alexander the 
Great who died the year before Pyrrhus started on his expedition . 

Thus we see that in the later times of Pyrrhus the connection of 

— II — 

the dolphin with Apollo was recognized, although the idea was no 
doubt introduced as a compliment to those who helped Pyrrhus in 
his expedition. 


The varied symbols which give so much interest to this series 
of coins are evidences of the popularity of the Mysteries in Taren- 
tum. From its geographical position this is what we should expect, 
lor its commerce with Egypt and the East brought to the Taren- 
tines the "wanderers" (a-{6px<zi) who professed to purify men 
from guilt, and the brotherhoods (0(aao?) which instituted the 
mysteries, at first as Private Associations, and afterwards as Public 
Mysteries in union with the State Religion, as at Eleusis. 

Hence we see in these types the old state gods, Apollo of Sparta 
and Poseidon of Tarentum, sometimes with the symbols of the 
mysteries, and also even in the form of the eastern god of the 
mysteries, Iacchus. The story of how these "thiasi" arose and 
spread is told by Mr. I. B. Jevons in his "Introduction to the 
History of Religion". The main ideas appear to have been a sense 
of the insufficiency of sacrifice, the need of communion by a 
sacrificial feast, and the teaching of a brighter hope of life beyond 
the grave. 

The sixth century B.C. saw this introduction of a great innova- 
tion in religious belief. Hitherto all religions had been tribal or 
national, the new idea was that of a religion to which any man 
might be admitted, membership being voluntary. The new teachers 
at first travelled about professing to remove impurity, they were 
called (avjpr^c) "vagabonds", and generally they carried a chest, 
a tame snake, and some books, on an ass. 

From their influence bands or brotherhoods were formed called 
Thiasi (Oiac-cg); these became important in the fourth century, 
especially in the republican centres. The members were called 
Mystae, and their rites Mysteries. Their initiation consisted in 
covering the novice with a fawn-skin, stripping him, making him 
crouch, pouring water over him, and then cleansing him w T ith clay 
and bran ; he was then prepared for the communion meal. It was 
a revival of the original sacramental character of sacrifice. These 
were called private mysteries, and from them arose the Public or 
State Mysteries at Eleusis. The old private mysteries were connected 
not with the cult of any of the old gods of the states, but with 
that of Iacchus Sabazios or Zagreus. The first of the ancient religions 
to receive the new teaching was that of Demeter at Eleusis, w T here 

— 12 — 

all who had been admitted to the Thiasi, or Company of Iacchus, 
were admitted, no matter from what Greek city they came. 

Iacchus was called a son of Dionysus and Persephone, the daughter 
of Demeter, the queen of Hades, and giver of a brighter life beyond 
the grave. 

Peisistratus is said to have recognized this new myth, and the 
popularity of the Public Mysteries was owing to the new hope given 
of a bright future life. Thus the old state cult of Demeter became 
a Mystery, a band of initiated Mystae drawn from all Greek lands. 
In 480 B.C. the popularity of the mystery of Iacchus was enor- 
mously increased, because the great victory of Salamis was won 
on the very day when the image of Iacchus was borne from Athens 
to Eleusis. The reception of Dionysus into the myth by regarding 
him as father to Iacchus was owing to the symbolism ol wine as a 
revivifying power. 

The mystic emblems, the Krateros and Distaff, appeared on the 
very early didrachms of the second period 473 B.C. but they did 
not influence the common types until the period of Archytas, 380 
to 345, when the symbol, the kantharos, appears in the hand of the 
dolphin rider, and the rider himself appears no longer always in the 
athletic form of the son of the sea-god, but with the plump figure 
of Iacchus, the son of the wine-god Dionysus, the hero of the 
mysteries. For some time after this however the trident was a more 
common symbol. In the period of the Molossian Alexander 334-330 
B.C. however, the plump child form appears with a flower-like 
topknot on his head, and a distaff" with spirally twisted wool. These 
figures may be compared with that on a celebrated krater represented 
in the Arcbaeologiscbe Zeitung (1850, taf. XVI) described by Gerhard, 
p. 161 seqq. The figures of Iacchus mark the great influence of 
the Chthonic mysteries upon the older national cults of Poseidon 
and Apollo. 

These plump little figures may be compared with the terra-cotta 
votive figures found in tombs at Tarentum, some of which are 
crowned with Bacchic ivy-leaves. Conf. Hellen. Jour. 1886. 

Through the same Chthonic influence we see the dolphin rider 
adorned with locks like Apollo and bearing the flower of Hyacinthus 
in his hand, in reference to the games at Amyclas, or the bow and 
arrow of that deity. 

Allusions to contemporary events are sometimes made by the 
symbols or attitudes of the rider ; for instance, on one coin he is 
seen bending mournfully over a heroic helmet, thus commemorating 
the death of Archidamos, and on the same coin the stars of the 
Dioscuri make allusion to the help given by the Lacedaemonians . 

In times of peace the dolphin rider is fishing, in times of war, 
bending a bow, or armed, and in fighting attitude. 

— i 3 — 

In Tarentum the Mysteries were encouraged by the Pythagoreans, 
who themselves were a brotherhood of similar character, and 
through their influence the old teaching of the Homeric Hymn to 
Demeter was changed, and the new idea introduced, that the good 
would be rewarded and the evil punished in the world to come. 
The Mysteries also afforded a basis for the Pythagorean doctrine of 
the opposition of the body to the life of the soul, for in the litera- 
ture of the subject we see the legend that Zeus smote the Titans, 
and from their ashes arose the human race, and thus the two ele- 
ments of good and evil, the material and spiritual, were accounted 

Demeter and Persephone were called icOoviai Qeai(Herod., vi, 134) 
and hence the cult of the Mysteries is called Chthonic, and the old 
Spartan worship of the Hyacinthian Apollo having reference to the 
legend of the Chthonic life connected with the Dioscuri naturally 
became prominent in the Mysteries at Tarentum, the Spartan 

We shall see in the examination of the types many references 
to the Dioscuri, and their connection with the mysteries of the 
underworld will explain their appearance. 

In the 'Prolegomena to the study of Greek religion' by Jane 
Ellen Harrison (1903) the subject of the Mysteries is most ably 
treated, and all who wish to understand the meaning of the ideas 
represented on these coins of Tarentum should read that work. 


What did the distaff signify to the mint masters who placed it as 
a symbol in the hands of the figure of the founder in 530 B.C. ? 
From the fact that we see the kantharos in the hand of the founder 
on some coins and on others the distaff, and on others the distaff 
in one hand and the kantharos in the other, we naturally ask 
whether the distaff can be looked upon as a symbol of Dionysiac 
or Chthonic rites, or whether it has any associations with the 
mysteries. On the early coins it refers to trade but on the later 
coins it is doubtful. 

If it had appeared alone without the kantharos we might have 
thought it an emblem of the commerce of the city, following the 
line of thought suggested by Mr. William Ridgeway in his work 
" The origin of Metallic currency and weight Standard " 1892, and 
the presence of the cockle-shell and murex and the fisher types on 
some of the coins points to the same idea of a commercial meaning 
for the symbol. However, the fact that the kantharos is such a well 
known symbol of Dionysus causes us to enquire whether any reli- 

— I 4 — 

gious or mythical meaning may be found. The Greek word for a 
distaff is r~ky.v.y.-r l and this word is found associated with references 
to various goddesses, as Pallas, Amphitrite the wife of Poseidon, 
Leto, the mother of Apollo, also with Nereids and the Parcae. 

The reference to Pallas seems unlikely at the early date when 
the symbol first appears, although the head of Pallas appeared at a 
later date on Tarentine coins. Both Amphitrite and Leto are inti- 
mately connected with the gods honoured at Tarentum, but it is 
not easy to see why they should have thus been symbolized on the 
coinage. The following passages shew the references to the s) r mbol 
by the poets. Pindar in the fifth Olympian ode (65) says in a 
prayer to Poseidon " and do thou lord and ruler of the sea give 
(my friend) a straight voyage out of trouble's way, husband of 
Amphitrite with the golden distaff" Qpucr/fAaxa-cc). In the sixth 
Nemean Ode (62) he refers to Leto the mother of Apollo as "Latona 
of the golden distaff". 

Apollodorus, the Greek grammarian of Athens, who flourished 
about 140 B.C. (in III 12.3) tells us that Pallas was sculptured with 
a distaff and spindle in the Trojan Palladium, and she was com- 
monly regarded as the patroness of spinning. 

In Latin literature the distaff is more usually referred to as the 
symbol of the Parcae, as we may see in the many references to poets 
in Facciolati under the words "colus ", " pensum " " fusus " 
" stamen ". Confer the description of spinning in Catullus (LXIV 
305-3 19) on the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis, and Lucan's " tristia 
Parcarum stamina " (vi, 777). 

It is not easy to find any reference to the Parca; in connection 
with the mysteries of Eleusis; if such could be found, a reason for 
the introduction of the symbol would be made clear. 

The Ionic capital may be regarded as a symbol of the races, 
because in the Greek race-course the goal was marked by an Ionic 
column. We see the same symbol on coins of Eryx on which an 
eagle is represented on an Ionic capital ; the bird has been explained 
in Mr. G. F. Hill's "Coins of ancient Sicily" (p. 51) as a symbol of 
victory, and the capital as the goal of the race course. 

artists' signatures. 

These Tarentine didrachms offer still another interest which is 
lacking to many series, for they frequently present us with the 
signatures of the artists who cut he dies. They may be distinguished 
sometimes by being placed on a small raised tablet and sometimes 
by the minuteness of the letters and by being placed on some 
object in the design, as a helmet. Confer E and H on the dolphin. 
We find on the Tarentine series the letters 1.C1K on a small 

— 15 — 

When a series of coins bearing certain common features of style 
and composition all bear the same small letters, we are naturally 
led to consider them as the signatures of an artist ; for instance on 
these Tarentine coins we find this is the case with coins signed A 
or 3A and with coins bearing K and KAA : these last especially 
present the characteristic feature ol being inscribed in extremely 
small letters, and the signatures A API and <J>I are also thus 

The signatures of the artists are interesting also as shewing that 
the craftsmen moved from one city to another : we have for instance 
the signatures ATH API AAI HH KAA 21 M and ©I on coins of 
Tarentum, Metapontum and Heracleia. 

Sometimes the full name signified by these abbreviations may 
thus be discovered ; for instance on a coin of Terina we find the 
signature QlAIZTI, and on coins of Velia OlAIZTIflN, which may 
well be the name of the artist who at Tarentum signed his 
didrachms only with 01 ct> I A I or 0IAIZ. It is likely because at the 
time of the issue of the coin of Terina, Alexander the Molossian 
had restored to that city its independence, and the Velian coin is 
of the same period. 

This artist appears to have been one of those who had been used 
to work in a harder material, and signs of his having been a cutter 
of gems may be noted in the depth of the cutting which in some 
instances affects the design with harshness. Philistion's work also 
introduces us to the fact that sometimes two artists were engaged 
on the production of one coin, for we see some coins bearing both 
the signatures Ol and KAA. The appearance of two artists' names 
on one type may perhaps imply that they were in some sort of 
partnership and held office together. When two names thus appear, 
one of them is generally written more fully than the other; in such 
cases probably the latter name is that of the artist, the former that 
of his colleague. 

The full-length signatures of the magistrates of the mint who 
were not artists are easily distinguished, as they take the place of 
honour under the principal type and the abbreviated names of the 
artists appear in the field as in the case of those signing ZA EY 
or Y3. 

— 16 — 

When we compare the signatures of the Tarentine artists with 
those on coins of other cities, the prominence given to them is 
seen to be unusual, and it has been suggested that it may be on 
account of the artists of Tarentum holding at the same time the 
position of head officer of the mint. 

For further study of this subject confer Raoul Rochette "Lettre 
a M. le due de Luynes". Confer. Num. Circular, p. 8519, August 
1905 ; L. Forre^ Les signatures de Graveurs sur les monnales grecques, 
Bruxelles, 1903-5. 


For a description of the scenery and the modern aspect of the 
site, confer " La grande Grece, pay sages et histoire " by Francois 
Lenormant. Paris 1881 8°, especially vol. 1, pages 1 to 114. The 
first volume contains 466 pages. The other two volumes are con- 
cerned with the other cities of Magna Graecia. 

For notes on the history, antiquities and religion of the city 
confer the admirable works of D r Rudolf Lorentz. (a) "De origine 
veterum Tarentinorum ", Berlin, 1827 ; — a pamphlet of 52 pages. 

(b) " De civitate veterum Tarentinorum ". A pamphlet consisting 
of 54 pages, Leipzig 1833, in which he treats of agriculture, herds, 
fishing, dyeing, commerce, money, wealth-customs, luxury, assem- 
blies, dress, immorality, history. 

(c) " De rebus sacris et artibus veterum Tarentinorum ". Elber- 
feldiae. 1836. 31 pages. A work full of interest. 

For the types of the didrachms confer the admirable work ot 
Arthur J. Evans, "The horsemen of Tarentum" published in the 
Numismatic Chronicle, third series. Vol. IX, 1889, consisting 
of 228 pages and eleven plates of illustrations. 

For notes on the didrachms also confer the " Essai sur la numis- 
matique Tarentine " in the " Memoires numismatiques ", p. 167 

For the study of the name Phalanthus confer the article by 
Professor Franz Studniczka in his work " Kyrene, eine altgriechische 
Gottin, archaologische und mythologische Untersuchungen " 1890. 

For the story of Phalanthus confer the article in the "Lexikon 
der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie" by W. H. Roscher. 

For the foundation of the city confer an article by J. Geffcken 
" Griindung von Tarentum" in Fleckeisen's Jahrbucher 39, 1893, 
pp. 177-192. 

— 17 — 


Four classes of these coins may easily be distinguished : — 

(a) Flat coins with same type of Taras on both Obv. and I^<L. 
but incuse on tyL. 

(//) Four types, raised design on fyL, issued between 520-475 B.C. 

The tyL. on all is Taras on the dolphin. 

Obverse 1. a wheel; 2. Hippocamp ; 3. Head of Taras ; 4. Head 
of Satyra. 

(V) Obverse. Oekist seated to right; tyL. Taras on dolphin. 473 

(d) Obverse. Oekist seated to left; J$L. Taras on dolphin. 466 


These may be divided into two series according to weight: — 

I st series weighing 123-120 grains (7.97-7.77 grammes). 

I. Archaic. 450-420 B.C. 

II. Transitional. 420-380 B.C. 

III. Age of Archytas. 380-345 B.C. 

IV. Age of Archidamos. 344-334 B.C. 
V. Age of Alexander the Molossian. 3 34*33° B.C. 

VI. Age of Cleonymos. 302-281 B.C. 

For the distinctive marks of these periods confer notes which 

2 nd series, reduced weight: 102-96 grains : 

VII. The Pyrrhic Hegemony. 281-272 B.C. 

VIII. The Civitas Fcederata. 272-235 B.C. 

IX. The Roman rule. 235-228 B.C. 

X. The Carthaginian occupation. 212-209 B.C. 

This classification is that of Mr. A. J. Evans. 

I. Didrachms. 
II. Drachms. 
III. Diobols. 


Head of nymph type. 
Owl type. 
Hercules type. 


302-281 B.C. 
302-281 B.C. 

Full Standard. 
Hemiobol 4 1 to 

Obol. 9 §- 


Reduced Standard. 
5 {grains. Hemiobol. 4 to 4 f grains. 
10^ — Obol. 8— 8| 

— Ii 


20 - 
60 - 

- 20 grains. 
62 1 — 


16 — 


1 j grains 
5i — 


120 - 

- 127 — 


9 6- 

102 — 


Litra. 11^ — 13 | grains. Litra. 9^ — 10 ± grains. 

Half-litra. 5§— 6| — Half-litra. 4 |— 5 — 

Quarter-litra. 2f — 3I — 


(a) 530 b.c. 

If the Colony at Tarentum was founded in 709, the citizens 
passed a hundred-and-eighty years without establishing a mint. It 
is most probable that the earliest coins used in Tarentum would 
be those of Corinth. D r Head gives 530 B.C. as the date of the 
earliest Tarentine coins, and Mr. A. J. Evans about 550 B.C. 
Corinth had enjoyed the advantages of a coinage for about ninety- 
five years when the Tarentines first issued money of their own. 
The Corinthian Pegasus type was copied in Bruttium at Locri, 
Mesma, Rhegium, and Terina (Head, Hist. Num., p. 341), at a 
later date as a sign of Corinthian influence. 

The Lacedemonian colonists of Tarentum showed by their first 
types their affinity with the Achaean colonists of Metapontum, 
Caulonia, Croton, Sybaris and Poseidonia ; all these cities issued 
similar coins, flat in fabric, and with the Obverse type repeated 
incuse on the Reverse. Mr. A. J. Evans says that these early coins 
tend to show that already before the day of the sojourn of Pytha- 
goras within these cities the Italiote Greeks had learned to federate 
for their common weal. According to Iamblicus, Pythagoras was 
57 years of age in 513 B.C. If this be accepted he vould have been 
30 years old when the mint was established in Tarentum, and some 
writers, as Adolf Holm, say that he arrived in Italy ten years later, 
i. e. about 520 B.C. We cannot therefore attribute to this philosopher 
the introduction of coinage to Magna Gnecia. 

The types of this first coinage are : 

(n) The figure ofTaras nude riding on a dolphin with his right 
hand on the back of the fish, and his left stretched out before him. 
Under the dolphin, a shell. This same design is found incuse on 
the Reverse. These didrachms weigh 125 grains. 

(/') Obv. ^AflAT (infield to 1.). The Hyacinthian Apollo naked, 
hair en queue and tied in knot behind, kneeling on left knee, right 

— 19 — 

foot advanced, holding in right hand a hyacinth, and in left hand 
a tetrachord chelys. Cable ornamented border. Reverse same type 
as obverse, to right, but no flower and the interior of the chelys is 
clearly shown : border of radiating lines — all incuse. Wt. 7.9 
gram. The intended weight perhaps 125 grains. Illustrated on 
Plate X, 1 Num. Chr., 1907, and described on p. 277 seq. by 
M. M. P. Vlasto. 

The last class of incuse staters minted in Tarentum bears the 
figure of Apollo on the Obverse in relief, and on the Reverse Taras 
on the dolphin to right, incuse. Only three specimens are known, 
all of which are in Paris collections. The last specimen found, 
formerly in Signor Nervegna of Brindisi's cabinet, is now in the 
possession of M. R. Jameson. 

The issue of these incuse coins was probably of short duration, 
but was sufficiently abundant to require several dies. 


(/>) circ. 528 b.c. 

From the evidence of finds we know that the coins bearing a 
wheel, and with the designs in relief on both sides of the coins 
were issued for some years before the destruction of Sybaris in 510 
B.C., and that the issue of those bearing a hippocamp must have 
been about contemporary with that event, for in the Sava deposit, 
found in 1856, these latter were found in fleur de coin condition, 
and two with the head of a nymph fresh from the die. Obols were 
found with the didrachms. 

(a) Obverse ; the normal early Taras and a shell underneath. 
fyL; a four-spoked wheel ; weight : 125 grains. 

(/?) Diobols. Obverse ; cockle-shell ; FJL Wheel. 20 grains. 

Obol (?). Obverse; cockle-shell; tyL. Wheel. 7 grains. 

Quarter Obol(?). Obverse; wheel; Y$L. Wheel. 2 grains. 

(c) Didrachm. Obv. Normal Taras type; §L. Winged sea-horse. 
125 grains. 

Diobol. Obv. Dolphin ; ^L. Winged sea-horse. 20 grains. 

(d) Didrachm. Normal Taras. ^L. Archaic head (Taras). 
125 grains. 

(e) Didrachm. Normal Taras; J$L. Head of Satyra. 

(/") Drachm. Half Hippocamp; tyL. Head of Satyra. 61 grains. 
(V) Litra. Cockle-shell; ^6. Dolphin in circle. 125 grains. 
(h) Hemi-litra. Cockle-shell; tyL. Dolphin in circle. 5.6 grains. 
(/) T surrounded by *^ tyL. Obv. repeated. 
(k) Trias or f Litra. 1$L. Obv. repeated. 2.8 grains. 
The local nymph Satyra was named after Satyrion, a locality near 
Tarentum mentioned in Virgil, Geor. II, 197 and in the notes of 

— 20 — 

Servius, and Diodorus, vm, 21. Pausanias does not give the name 
of the mother of Taras. 

The Wheel was an emblem of the sun-god and may perhaps 
show the influence of the Pythagoreans ; it appears also on the 
coins of Tanagra and of Chalcis, and later also on coins of Phlius, 
circ. 431 B.C. 

These coins show the rapid advance made by the Tarentines in 
Commerce and Art during the period 520 to 500 B.C. 

(V) 473-460 B.C. 

For the first seven years of this period the didrachms bore on the 
Obverse the figure of a young man seated to right, holding a distaff 
and two-handled vase or cup, and round the edge of the coin an 
archaic guilloche border. On the Reverse the dolphin and the naked 
rider with both hands stretched forward to right; under the dolphin 
a large cockle-shell, and behind the rider the legend ZA9 AT (Taras, 

From 466-460 B.C. the type differed only in respect to the 
border, which was changed to a wreath, and the Reverse type, 
which was placed facing left instead of right. The figure on the 
Obverse has been interpreted as representing the Demos of the city, 
or the assembly of the commons; the word is frequently found in 
inscriptions " r, |3ouXyj -/.ocl b Ay;;xcc ". But this attribution has been 
recently rejected because no such personification was in use at that 
period; confer the notes on the coins of Rhegium, period III. The 
figure on these Tarentine coins is now thought to represent the 
Oekist or founder of the city. 

The change of type illustrates the change from the old Spartan 
aristocratic government which took place in 473 B.C., when the 
Tarentines lost the flower of their aristocratic youth in the defeat 
suffered by them at the hands of the Messapians, and a democratic 
government was established. 

From 470-466 B.C. Taras holds in right hand distaff and in left 
a staff ending beneath arm-pit, or a kantharos in right hand and 
distaff in left. 

(//) 460-42O B.C. 

The coins of this period are similar to those of the last, the distin- 
guishing features being the absence of any ornament round the 
edge and the figure of the oekist always seated to left. The dolphin 

— 21 — 

rider is sometimes to right and sometimes to left. After the year 
436 B.C. these coins continued for some time to be issued together 
with the horsemen type which first appeared in that year. 

About 420 B.C. Taras sits with legs crossed holding a dove by 
its wings in the right hand and rests the left arm on the back of 
chair. Confer p. 282, 283 Num. Cb., 1907. 

It is interesting to notice some of the chief events of this period 
of the Oekist didrachms. In 471 Thucydides was born, and Pericles 
began to take part in politics three years in later. In 468 B.C. Socrates 
was born, and seven years after Pericles was at the head of public 
affairs in Athens. Hieron died in 467, and Xerxes, king of Persia, 
in 465 B.C. In 443 the Athenians colonized Thurii, and Herodotus 
visited that city in that same year. The year 431 was the first year 
of the Peloponnesian war. 

PERIOD I (436-420 B.C.). 

Mr. A. J. Evans dates the first appearance of the horsemen on the 
Tarentine didrachms about the year 436 B.C., the year in which 
Isocrates was born. Herodotus was then 48 years old, and Thucydides 
35 years old. Five years after this began the Peloponnesian war, 
and seven years later Plato was born. 

During this period Tarentum attained that degree of commercial 
prosperity which assured the permanency of the type then intro- 
duced. It must be noted however that until 420 B.C. the old Oekist 
type with the figure seated to left was still sometimes issued. 

The characteristics by which the coins of this period may be 
distinguished are the archaic style of the horses with thin tails, the 
horses galloping sometimes to right, sometimes to left, the riders 
are nude. Taras has the right hand stretched forth with open palm, 

the left resting on the dolphin. On some, waves are represented, 
on others the cockle-shell, and on others the cuttle-fish, generallv 
the legend TAPAI. 


PERIOD II (480-380 B.C.). 

During this period the equestrian type entirely took the place ot 
the seated Oekist type. 

The didrachms still retain the broad spread appearance and slightly 
larger module characteristic of the preceding democratic class. The 
inscription is still sometimes retrograde, as SAT, ZASAT, and 

The design is sometimes surrounded by a plain or beaded ring. 
The horses are stationary, cantering or galloping. In this period 
we see for the first time the horseman with his knee bent under 
him, as if in the act of vaulting from his steed, and for the first 
time a stationary horse crowned by his rider. The horses are all 
archaic. On the Reverse, the dolphin rider is still sometimes seen 
in the same position as in the first period, but new representations 
are found; for instance, the rider aims a short javelin, he wears 
a helmet, carries a shield or some attribute, such as an oar or an 
acrostolium in his hands. The scallop-shell is often introduced to 

symbolize the sea. Signatures of artists appear, as A, and 3A-AT. 

One of the horsemen on a coin of the earliest years of this period 
is represented wearing a peaked cap, and this figure Mr. Arthur 
J. Evans thinks may probably have been meant for the Oekist 
Phalanthos. The coin is compared by him with two Macedonian 
types, one of Archelaos I. 413-399 B.C., and the other of 
Amynthas III. after 381. Mr. Evans gives nine varieties of design 
for the Obverse type. 

The peaked cap may be compared with that on a terra-cotta 
head found in Tarentum, illustrated on plate VIII in the Journal 
International Arch. Num., Athens, 1901. 

PERIOD III (380-345 B.C.). 

The Age of Archytas. 

The coin-types of this period bear witness to a time of peace; 
very rarely are arms placed in the hands of the horseman on the 
obverse types, and the dolphin rider appears in an attitude of 

— 2 3 — 

repose, except when engaged in the peaceful art of fishing with a 
trident, or aiming at a fish below with a harpoon. 

The introduction of smaller silver coins during this period may 
be an evidence of the political wisdom and liberality of the great 
ruler Archytas. 

Mr. Evans says side by side with the litras of the traditional Taren- 
tine system, there now appear obols of Attic standard to serve the 
purpose of a federal currency. They show the influence of Athens, 

by the head of Pallas on the Obverse, and the influence of the 
Tarentine colony of Heracleia on the Reverse, on which is seen 
Heracles strangling the Nemean lion. Heracleia was the meeting 
place of the Federal Council of the Italiote Greeks. 

The horses on the Obverse types of the Didrachms are more 
beautiful in proportion and show greater freedom in action, while 
the riders are of more varied ages; mere boys appear as well as the 
fully developed Epheboi of the earlier periods. 

The Reverse types may be classed as the highest artistic produc- 
tions of the Tarentine mint. 

The inscription is simply TAPAZ never written in the retrograde 
manner of the former periods. 

The module of the coins is generally slightly smaller and more 
compact . 

There were probably two mint offices, or die-sinkers' workshops, 
the first producing coins with a compact style of representation 
with a ring or border, the second coins with a broader and more 
massive treatment, and always without any border. 

The types from the first of these offices are sometimes so like 
the work of sculptors that they may be copies of great works in 
marble, now lost. 

On the coins issued from the second of the offices which show 
the broader, less compact treatment, the horses are sometimes 
massive and well developed. The attitude of the horseman vaulting 
from his horse is common among these coins. 

The action of the dolphin rider is also similar, for the farther leg 
is represented as thrown forward in the act of vaulting off. The 
natural treatment of the hair, sometimes represented as blown by 

— 2 4 — 

the wind, is a noticeable feature of these coins. The wave-like 
crests on the horses' manes were probably imitated from bronze 
statues, such as those of the Tarentine " anathemata ". 

Mr. A. J. Evans describes eighteen types of this period. 

A unique coin of this period is described in Num. Chr. 1907, p. 283 . 

The coins of this period are especially interesting as the coinage 
used by the good ruler Archytas, who was famed not only as phil- 
osopher, mathematician, general, and statesman, but also as an 
honest and virtuous man. He w r as one of the friends of Plato, and 
when Dionysius held Plato in bondage his influence with the 
tyrant saved the life of his friend. Two letters which passed 
between these famous friends are preserved by Diogenes. Although 
it was usual for the strategos to hold office in Tarentum for one 
year, Archytas held that office seven times. He paid attention to 
the comfort of his slaves, and was interested, not only in the 
education, but also in the games of children, foffr^iom he invented 
a rattle. As a philosopher he belonged to the school of Pythagoras. 
He applied the principles of mathematics to mechanics and was 
himself a skilful mechanician ; his flying dove w^s famous. Both 
Plato and Aristotle were indebted to him for somekof their views. 
Fragments of his teaching are preserved in the works of Stobaeus. 

His death by drowning in the Adriatic is the subject of Horace's 
Carmen I. 28. 

PERIOD IV (344-334 B.C.). 

Archidamos and the first Lucanian War. 

The chronological sequence of this period can be studied more 
accurately than that of the preceding, because of the help afforded 
by finds. In 344 B.C. the Tarentines were hard pressed by their 
Messapian neighbours, w 7 ho had called to their assistance the Luca- 
nians. The Greek colonists turned to their mother-city in Sparta for 
help, but practical aid seems to have been delayed until 338 B.C. 
when the Spartan king Archidamos landed at Tarentum (Dio- 
dorus XVI) and in the same year fell fighting, at the time when 
Philip was fighting at Chaeroneia. 

In order to pay the auxiliary forces, an issue of gold coinage was 
made in 340 B . C . These gold coins represent the highest art attained 
by the Tarentines. They are not common, and therefore are 
not described in these pages, but the student desirous of studying 
them will find all the necessary help in the works of D r Head and 
Mr. A. J. Evans. 

On one of these gold coins the sea-god Poseidon bends favourably 
to hear the supplication of his son Taras, a beautiful symbol of the 

— 25 — 

city crying for help to the Spartan fatherland. The artist's signature 
occurs on some of the coins, as K or KAA, a signature found 

also on coins of the Tarentine colony, Herakleia, and of the neigh- 
bouring city, Metapontum . 

As the die-artists of the preceding period were influenced by the 
art of the Bronze founders, so the artists of this period seem to have 
been influenced by the painters. The horses on the obverse of the 
coins of this period attain the fullest mobility and freedom of 
execution, and the riders are more animated and well modelled. 

The stars of the Dioscuri on some of the coins of this period are 
symbols of the mother-country Sparta. The types of the dolphin 
rider with head bowed over a helmet, are thought by Mr. Evans 
to refer to the mourning for the death of the Spartan hero, king 

A unique stater of this period is described on p. 285 of 
Num. Chr., 1907. 

Seven staters (all from one find) belonging to this period are 
described on pages 286, 287, 288, Num. Chr., 1907. Also a 
unique diobol with a head of Athene on Obverse and Heracles and 
the lion on the Reverse is described in the same article. 

period v (334-302 b. c). 

From the coming of the Molossian Alexander to the Spartan Cleonymos. 

The continual wars with the Lucanians and Messapian tribes 
caused the Tarentines to call in the help of Alexander the Molos- 
sian, king of Epirus, brother of Olympias, the mother of Alexander 
the Great. He was most successful ; after defeating the Messapians 
he advanced against the Samnitesand Lucanians, and gained a great 
victory at Paestum, after which he concluded a treaty with Rome. 
But when he freed Heracleia from the Barbarians he kept it for 
himself, therefore when he fell before the Bruttians in 330 B.C. 
his death came as a relief to the Tarentines. The coinage of this 
period shows the influence of Alexander. On the gold coins we see 
the Macedonian type of the head of Heracles. 

— 26 — 

Alexander also issued both gold and silver coins in his own 
name, some of which were struck at Tarentum, others at 

A gold half stater issued by Alexander is described on p. 289 of 
Num. Chr., 1907. 

The obverse types of the didrachms nearly always show a horse- 
man with lance held downwards to right, within a beaded circle ; 
on the Reverse, a seated eagle in the field to right appears. On all 
the coins between 334 and 330 B.C., we see the figure of Taras of 
corpulent proportions, or as a plump child, with the legend ct> I or 
OIAI2. Eight varieties are given by Mr. A. J. Evans. 

A new tvpe with a corpulent Taras is described on p. 289 of 
Num. Chr . , 1907. 

Terra-cotta figures discovered at Tarentum explain this plump 
form of the dolphin rider and are evidences of his being associated 
with Dionysus, and the infant Iacchos ; some figures bear the 
attributes of Apollo. 

These coins are evidence of the popularity of a Tarentine Chthonic 
Dionysus cult, with special reference to the mystic child Iacchos. 

PERIOD VI (302-281 B.C.). 

From Cleonwws to Pyrrhus. 

In 302 B.C. Cleonymos, younger son of Cleomenes II., king of 
Sparta, who had been excluded from the throne in 309 B.C. on 
account of his violent tyrannical temper, was invited by the 
Tarentines to assist them against the Lucanians. His arrival with a 
considerable force caused them to make peace, but from the 
Roman annalists it appears that he was driven back to his ships, 
and sailed away to the Adriatic without helping Tarentum. He 
seized Corcyra and from there again came to Tarentum, but being 
beaten off returned to Corcyra. As Cleonymos treated his allies as 
slaves, his visits were far from bringing relief. Agathocles seized 
Corcyra and gave ships to the Peucetians and Iapygians, with 
which to attack the Tarentine commercial shipping, and Tarentum 
was only relieved by his being called off to the Punic wars until 
288 B.C. when he met with a violent end. 

— 27 — 

In 292 B.C. the Romans founded Venusia, only two marches 
away from Tarenlum itself, and the Thurians and Lucanians were 
obliged to become their allies. In 283 B.C. when the Tarentines 
destroyed the Roman fleet, they were obliged to call in the aid of 

The didrachms of this Sixth Period may be distinguished most 
readily by the full-length signatures of the mint magistrates, such 
as 'AvOpwc, 'Apwciac, Nv/.ozz\j.zc, Ntxwv, Nixwrrac. and $iAwv. 

The AY which occurs on the Reverse of these coins is probably 
the magistrate's name Auxwv, who alternately with Aeivcxpatvji; 
signs in full on the Obverse of coins bearing 21 in the field. 

The youthful rider on the Obverse sometimes assumes an 
androgynous appearance. 

The figure of Taras holds either a tripod, an olive-branch, a 
bunch of grapes, a kantharos, or a distaff, and Victory in the right 
hand, and the letter K. On some he holds two javelins and a small 
round shield on which is E ; in field 3EOP. 

In the field of one J$L. type is an anchor and EY— AP. 

On one the rider holds club and kantharos. 

On another he holds a corn-spike ; API, a spear-head. 

The Child types. 

Child with distaff and kantharos IOP. 

Child with bunch of grapes, KAH. 

Child with tuft of hair, distaff and bunch of grapes, ATA. 

Child with lighted torch. 

N. B. The figure of Victory on Obv. type standing before the 
horses differs from that in Period IV. in that the inscription TAPAN- 
TINfiN is here lacking. 

Several of these types mav be obtained, when not in the finest 
condition, from 5/. apiece. 

28 — 

The Rule of Pyrrhus. 

The effect of the coming of Pyrrhus upon the coinage was the 
reduction of the weight of the didrachms from about 123-120 grains 
to about 102-99 grains. 

The evidence of the elephant symbol on these reduced coins is 
clear, moreover there is also the evidence of the gold coinage of this 
period, on which is seen the Epirote symbol of the eagle on 
the thunderbolt, and the spear-head in front of the eagle. The 
occurrence of the elephant symbol on the earliest of the lighter 
didrachms shows they were issued soon after the arrival of Pyrrhus. 

Some few at least of the didrachms of full weight seem to have 
been struck in 282 B . C . , for we see on them the Pyrrhic symbol ot 
the spear-head. 

The litrae with the scallop-shell and the figure of Pallas Proma- 
chos under the dolphin on the reverse weigh about 12 grains, 
corresponding to the full didrachms of 120 grains ; these belong to 
the transition period, and lighter litra? appear soon after, bearing the 
Pyrrhic emblem, the elephant under the dolphin. 

In 1887 a hoard of these coins of the time of Pyrrhus was found 
in Calabria, which contained 15 out of 17 known types, all in first- 
rate condition. The hoard proves this period to have been one of 
prolific mintage. Probably Tarentum was obliged to contribute 
large sums towards the expenses of the army of Pyrrhus. The fine 
condition of the coins of this hoard shows that the money had not 
been long in circulation . 

When Pyrrhus landed he was about thirty-seven years of age ; 
his father was a cousin of that Alexander of Molossos who was slain 
in Italy in 326 . Pyrrhus as a child had escaped from Cassander, and 
been brought up in Illyria. In 295 B.C. he was established as king 
in Epirus, and next year as king of Macedonia. Pyrrhus was 
reigning in Epirus till in 282 B.C. he was called to Italy by the 
Tarentines to fight the Romans. He promised an army of 
350,000 foot and 20,000 horsemen. To get rid of him Antigonus 
supplied ships, Antiochus money, and Ptolemy Ceraunus men. 
He brought 20,000 footmen, 3,000 horsemen, 2,000 archers, 
500 slingers, and about 50 elephants. 

The pleasure-loving Tarentines he forced to serve in his army 
and treated them as dependents rather than allies. In the first 
battle he defeated the Romans and advanced to within twenty-four 
miles of Rome. From there he retreated through Campania and into 
winter quarters at Tarentum, from whence he allowed the Roman 

29 — 

prisoners to return home for the Saturnalia, after which they 

Next year an indecisive battle was fought, and at last in 
278 B.C. a truce was proclaimed, in order to allow Pyrrhus to go 
to Sicilv to aid the Greeks against the Carthaginians. In 276 B.C. 

he returned to Italy, reached Tarentum and recovered Locri. In 
274 B.C. he was defeated by Curius Dentatus, and returned to 
Tarentum with only a few horsemen, and then soon after retired 
to Epirus leaving Milo with a garrison at Tarentum. Pyrrhus 
perished in 272 B.C., at Argos, slain by a tile thrown by a woman. 

The didrachms issued during the period of the rule of Pyrrhus may 
be distinguished most easily by the emblems, the elephant, a large 
star on the Reverse, the monogram 3< or ^, or by the race-lamp 
or torch in the hand of the horseman. 

The Obverse type of the Dioscuri to left with bare heads belongs 
to this period, and should be distinguished from the type of Dios- 
curi belonging to the next, which shows the riders with pointed 
caps and riding to right. 

period viii (272-235 B.C.) 
Coinage of Tarentum as a Civitas foederata. 

The coins of this period show that the Romans did not put a stop 
to the minting of money in Tarentum when they entered the city 
in 272 B.C. There had long been a strong philo-Roman party in 
the city which probably arose from the severity of Pyrrhus and his 
general Milo. The Consul Papirius appeared before the walls as 
the champion of many exiled citizens who had suffered from Milo's 
oppression. A treaty (mentioned by Livy) was then made (1. XXXV, 
16) by which, as the coins show, they retained the right to coin 
money as before. This is confirmed by a large find of over 1 500 coins 
discovered in Tarentum in 1883, the greater part of which is now 
in the museum in that city. The coins of this deposit are nearly all 
of a period after that of Pyrrhus ; a few of the coins of his time, 
well worn, are among them. 

The coins are smaller and of more careless workmanship than 
those of the last period. 

— 3o — 

The abundance of the coins of this period shows that the pros- 
perity of the Tarentines did not suffer from their alliance with 
Rome; and Livy (XXIII, 7) refers to the condition of the city under 
" the proud domination of Pyrrhus, and the miserable servitude 
of the Tarentines " during his rule. It was once thought that 
when the Romans issued their first silver denarii in 268 B.C., 
the mints of the federated cities were closed, but that this cannot 
have been the case, the coins themselves prove. The horseman 
type of the Obverse is monotonous in character, the rider is a boy 
crowning a stationary horse which lifts its off fore-leg ; there are 
three exceptions to this rule. 

Many of the symbols on the coins of this period refer to the 
magistrates whose signatures appear at full length beneath the horse 
on the Obverse. For instance, the name AEON is coupled with the 

symbol, a lion passant; the name IOP beneath a symbol ot a doe 
on 1^,. of a coin of the period 302-281 B.C. is similar, for it stands 
for AOPKAI a deer. In this period we also find AAIMAX02 with a 
torch or oaiq in the rider's hand. 

But this type is copied from an older one with the same 
symbol to which is attached the name HHPA or hHPAKAHI. Now 
in the later coin we find the monogram for hHPA and very proba- 
bly we may see in these two coins an instance of the magistrate 
who promoted the torch races calling his son \a<.\uav.o<;, and the son 
when becoming in his turn mint-master, placed his father's symbol 
on the coins, making a reference not only to his own name, but to 
his father's work as well. 

The name HZTIAP is found with a bunch of grapes, also 

The name APIZTIZor APICTIC is found with an anchor. 

The name API2TOKPATH2 is found with a Term. 

The name HHPAKAHTOZ is found on coins with the dolphin 
rider holding in his hand a flower, and a censer is in the field, prob- 
ably in allusion to the Hyacinthia. 

— 3 i — 

PERIOD IX (235-228 B.C.). 

Period 0} Artistic Revival during Roman Alliance. 

In the great find at Taranto, among many coins of the last period 
which had been some time in use, there was a small group of coins 
fresh from the mint, which displayed such a revival of art, such a 
contrast to the careless workmanship of the previous period that 
they should be classed by themselves. These coins are characterized 
by the animated figures of the riders on the obverse, and the dolphin 
riders on the reverse, also by the minuteness in the engraving, 
which, though over elaborate, is worthy of a better age. On one ol 
them the artist's name appears asZfl. 

A complicated style of monogram is also one of the characteris- 
tics of this period. In the style of writing also we notice the 
chevroned form of A, the small o for O, the round C for 2. 

The racing types of these coins point to a great revival ol some 
religious celebration probably connected with the Hyacinthine 
Apollo. The funereal character of the races is seen in the promi- 
nence of the torch-bearers among the horsemen. 

These races in honour of Apollo are of great interest as being 
probably the origin of the type so well-known on the common 
Roman denarii of the Calpurnian gens. The Calpurnius taken 
prisoner at Cannae may have seen these very games at Tarentum 
when serving in Southern Italy, and the Roman games were 
probably formed on the Tarentine model. 

On the Roman coins we see the dolphin, the torches and the 
flower, as symbols of the Hyacinthian cult. We see how the horse- 
loving Iapygians and Messapian natives influenced the early 
development of the races imported from Sparta, and how thus a 
Roman type arose. 

The Ludi Apollinares were introduced in Rome circ. 212 B.C. 
The coinage of this period was probably succeeded by the use of 
the Roman Victoriate of full weight. 

— 32 — 

PERIOD X (212-209 B.C.). 

The time of Carthaginian Occupation. 

During the struggle of the Romans with the Carthaginians the 
city of Tarentum was naturally placed under martial law, and there- 
fore the Tarentines looked upon Hannibal as a deliverer. Livy (in 
XXV. 8) says that leader gave them liberty, recognized their own 
laws, and freed them from tribute. 

The suppression of their mint was doubtless one of the many 
grievances laid before Hannibal by the Tarentine conspirators 
(Polybius, VIII, c. 26). The depreciation of the Roman coinage 
must have affected that of all Southern Italy. The denarius fell from 
4.55 grammes to 3.90 and the libral As was reduced by the Lex 
Flaminia to a single Ounce. 

The Tarentines reverted to the old Victoriate system still preserv- 
ed by their commerce with Illyricum, and their coins, though bear- 
ing the old Didrachm types, were really only Drachms weighing 
53 I grains or 3.46 grammes. The types are sometimes copied 
from coins of the earlier series, but the letters show a change of 
fashion. We no longer see C for Z, and A is no longer seen for A. 
A new form of this letter appears, namely, A. The names of the 
magistrates are significant of the altered condition of the city ; names 
of distinctly non-hellenic origin appear, such as IHPAMBOZ and 
ZOKANNAZ. This latter suggests a possible derivation from the 
Semitic word "po, the associate or friend of a king. If we turn the 
former name into Semitic letters we get "itt? prince, dn mother, often 
applied to cities, and m byssus or fine linen. 

Hannibal's need of money was great, and he may have placed 
some of his own officers in the position of mint-magistrates. The 
names on the coins of this period are not those of the Strategoi, 
but rather of Mint-masters, for we never meet with the names of 
known Strategoi such as Philemnos, Nikon, or Democrates. 

The party in power at this time was Democratic, and was aided 
by the sons of the older noble families who had been oppressed by 
the Romans. 


When a large number of Tarentine didrachms of the Horseman 
type are first shown to a student,' the difficulty of classification at 
once presents itself, especially if the coins are not already arranged 
in chronological order. In this respect they may be compared with 
similar collections of Roman Republican denarii ; in each case 
the only data for classification with reference to History are the 
weight, the style and the legends. 

— 33 — 

It will be easy to divide the Tarentine series into two classes : 
one class of the coins weighing over 102 grains, the other of those 
weighing less. 

It will then be easy to class together the coins bearing the full 
names of magistrates, and to form another class with those bearing 
only two or three letters. 

For further subdivision it will be necessary to consult the lists 
of the magistrates of each period here given. 

Some of the striking variations of type or symbol are also given 
in the following table of reference. 

I. Naked horsemen on steeds with thin tails, style archaic. 
Taras with one hand held forth. the only letter, except the 
legend TAPANTINflN, which is often written retrograde. 

II. Horses still archaic, but the riders bear shields, or spears, 
or crowns. Taras bears a symbol, helmet, oar, or shield, or points 
finger downwards. Letters I A AA or 3A, and on fyL. generally 

III. Desultor and flying Victory. 
Rider vaulting from horse. 
Agonistic types of naked boy. 
Taras vaulting from back of dolphin. 
Obv. letters K 0, P, AOP, Nl A. 

IV. Boy under horse holding horse's foot. 
Nike flying to right behind rider. 

Nike standing in front of horse prancing to 1. TAPANTINHN. 

Helmeted figure standing behind horse to r. 

Nude man standing in front of horse to 1., no letters under 

Taras holding helmet, with stars in field. 

Generally one letter on either side as K, <t> or I, sometimes II M, 

V. All coins with an eagle on I£. in field belong to 334-330 

Horsemen pointing spear downwards. 

Taras holds distaff, trident, palm, or bow and arrow, very fre- 
quently the letters IA, AAI, API, ArH on Obv. on VJL. 0II-HP 
or KA.COI. 

VI. First of the periods bearing names at length. 

Nike standing in front of horse prancing to 1. but no inscription. 
Plump figures of Taras or Iacchus with distaff", grapes or kantha- 
ros. Anchor symbol behind Taras. 
The doe with 10 P. 
For names of magistrates cf. list of legends. 

Hands. 3 

— 34 — 


VII. Noticeable obverse types are : Two amphora appearing 
under the horse. The Dioscuri with bare heads to left. The rider 
bearing the race-torch. A nude figure holding horse's forelock stand- 
ing in front of horse (cf. Period IV); this is to be distinguished 

by the letters ZTI beneath the horse from the earlier similar type, 

and by the elephant symbol on the reverse. 

Reverse type of Taras, plump, as Iacchus, bearing distaff and a 
serpent in field. 

The monograms $< and ^. 

A small squatting figure holding a horn under the horse and on 
fyL. Taras holding Nike in r. and distaff in 1. hand. 

Taras holding horned helmet and with two twelve-rayed stars in 

For the names of magistrates, and letters, confer lists of legends. 

VIII. An anchor under the horse. 

Dioscuri to right with peaked helmets, compare with coin ot 
period VII shewing heads bare. 

Horses generally stationary with one leg raised. 

Symbols on Reverse, an owl, a term, a bullock's head, female 
head, a lion to 1. under dolphin. 

For lists of names confer lists of legends. 

IX. A characteristic feature is the presence of a large monogram 
on the Obverse field. 

Horse rider with body thrown backwards. 

The dolphin rider generally bears a trident, one rider bears a 
hippocampin the right hand, a trident in left, and in the field behind 
a head of Pan. One rider bears a kantharos, a cornucopia, and in 
the field behind is a tripod. 

X. The weight only 3 .46 grammes or 53 \ grains. 

The legends with non-hellenic names such as ZHPAMB02, 
ZHKANNAI. Confer list of legends. 
Horses generally stationary, and Taras with trident. 


Obverse. Reverse. 

No letter TAPA... and T 

No letter TA^ANTINHN 


No letter NHNITNA^IAT 

- 35 ~ 

PERIOD II. 480-380 B.C. 

Obverse. Reverse. 

No letter «1AT 



I I 

No letter lA^AT 

No letter TAPAN 

No letter TINH[N] 


No letter TAPAI 

AA Same 




A TAPAI and A 

No letter IAPAT 

A A and TAPAI 


PERIOD III. 380-345 B.C. 

Obverse. Reverse. 

No letter A 

A H and P 

A A 

A No letter 

No letter p 

Y A 

A 3 

I No letter 



K and 01 A 

K and 01 * and A 

K and 01 K 

HE No letter 

HE and HI No letter 



A or T A 

Same P 

r I 

A K 

H r 

H A 

- 36 


No letter 

No letter 


AOP or 


No letter 


No letter 


No letter 



344-334 b.c. 



No letter 










No letter 














letters ) 



and KAA 


h and A 




h and A 




h and A 




1- and A and 



N and KAV 




and KAA 






period v. 334-302 B.C. 












Ol TARAZ very small. 

No letters. 

Ol TARA2 very small 






— 37 









API and EPA 

I and API 


A and KAA 

I above A to 1. A to r. and APH 





No letter. 




ZQ and dot 






l-HP HP 

hHP # 


KA and ETA 

A or A 








PERIOD VI. 302-28l B.C. 













Zl and AYKHN 











IOP or 





No letter 

No letter 


EY and AP 

No letter 

No letter 

No letter 






No letter. 

- 38 

PERIOD VII. 28l-272 B.C. 

TY and API 


EY and — 

EY and OINTYA02 
OE and AAEZ 
21 and AYKHN 
TY and API2TII" 
in and NEYMH 
/S? and AAMOKPI 
EY and ArOAAO 
hi and APOAAH 
hi and innY 
# and IAAHNOI 
R and lAAHNOI 
in and hi ArOAAn 
€IC and in 
in and IAAO 
EY and innY 
I and innY 




TY or YT 

ff or API2 or TOAY 
No letter 
01 or 01 and B 


AN or ANO 


ANO or AN 



X> and I 


PERIOD VIII. 272-235 B.C. 


OEI with innYP02 


2Y and AE with AYKIN02 

beneath horse 
EY and H2TIAP 
Al and 0IAOTAC 

Ol and inPYP02 


XPH (?) 



— 39 

EY and 01 and beneath IENEA2 
In f. to 1. OIAOXPA and beneath 

Same — 

Al and API2TOKAH2 
H and 0IAHMENO2 
01 and same as above 
01 and API2T0K or AnOAAH 

01 and API2T0KPATH2 
01 andAPI2TEIA 
EY0 and API2THN 







PERIOD IX. 235-228 B.C. 




Monogram and TA 






Monogram and OAYMPI2 


T and TAPAC 


Monogram and IENOKPATHC 


Monogram and KAAAIKPATHC 



[2-209 B.C. 



KAH and 2HPAMB02 

TAPA2 $4 

in and 2HPENH2 


EK and I 

01 and 0IAIAPXO2 





— 4 o — 


The didrachms which belong to this federal Italiote coinage 
weigh about 1 1 6 grains. 

The Obverse type is the Tarentine design of the boy rider 
crowning his horse standing still. 

The Reverse type is a female head said to be meant for Satyra, 
the mother of Taras. 

Although the normal dolphin and Taras type was rejected as too 
definitely connected with Tarentum, a type which had been in use 
there in former days, and which also had reference to the myths 
of Tarentum was renewed. 

That these coins were in circulation outside the city appears 
certain from the fact that they are never found in Tarentum itself, 
nor were they among the coins of the Beneventan hoard buried 
about 3 10 B.C. The majority of the coins of this type are of later 
date than the coming of Pyrrhus in 281 B.C., but they began to be 
issued in this period. 


The drachms introduced during this period belong to the reduced 
standard which was not adopted for the didrachms until the second 
year of the next period. 

Obverse. The helmeted head of Pallas to right, the crested helmet 
decorated with image of Scylla hurling a rock. According to Homer 
(Od. XII) Scylla was a daughter of Crataeis, a fearful monster. 
Later traditions represent her as the daughter of Phorcys by Hecate, 
Crataeis, or by Lamia ; others call her the daughter of Triton or 
Poseidon and Crataeis- The form the helmet however probably 
refers to the tradition found in Ovid's Metam., XIII, 732 ; XIV, 40. 
According to this legend Scylla was once a beauteous maiden who 
used to play with the sea-nymphs, and was loved by Glaucus. He 
asked Circe to make Scylla love him, but the jealous goddess threw 
magic herbs into the fountain in which she bathed, and thus changed 
the lower part of her body into the tail of a marine monster. 
Heracles is said to have killed her because she had stolen some of 
the oxen of Geryon, but Phorcys is supposed to have restored her 
to life, hence the reason for her appearance on the obverse of so 
many of the coins bearing Heracles on the Reverse. 

The Reverse type is an owl with closed wings to left, seated on 

an olive-spray, in the field to left behind owl TAP, to the right O 

or O 

— 41 — 

On some varieties instead of the letters to r. we see a club and 

The letters IOP are peculiar to the didrachms of the sixth Period. 
The Oria find, a deposit hidden circ. 300-281 B.C., presents us 
with drachms signed IOP. 

The drachms were probably issued in connection with the federal 
currency of the Italiote league : we may remember that the Diobols 
of the Heracles type which were also issued for the federal currency 
are of the reduced standard. 

The weight of those diobols, 16 grains, corresponds to the third 
of the drachms bearing IOP. 

Probably the standard of the didrachms of the neighbouring 
cities, and especially of Heracleia, was reduced earlier than in Taren- 
tum, and these smaller coins were issued to pass current beyond 
the walls of Tarentum. 


I. Obverse. Head of Pallas to right with Scylla on helmet. 
Reverse. Owl seated sideways to right with closed wings on 

olive-branch. To 1. NEYMHNIOI to r, API. 

The same names occur on didrachms of this period. 

II. Same types. In field to 1. NEYMHNIOI to r. POAY. 

III. Same types. [2fl]ITPAT02 to r. TOAY in field EY. 
The same names occur on didrachms of this period. 

IV. Same types. In field to 1. IAAO, to r. AN. 
The same names occur on didrachms of this period. 

V- Same types, but on helmet of Pallas I, and the owl is to left. 
In field tor. TAPAI. 

In field to left £) beneath owl A/. 

On a didrachm of this period we find XC1. 

APOAAH ANO i- e. the same signatures. 

VI. Obverse. Head of Pallas, in Scylla helmet to 1., but with hair 
flowing down behind, beneath EY. 

Reverse. Owl on thunderbolt with opening wings. 

Inf. above TAPANTINHN, in f. to r. H. 

The thunderbolt is a symbol also on a didrachm of this period. 

Obverse. Head of Pallas as on no i. 

Reverse. Owl facing with opening wings seated on a serpent. 

Above TAPANTINhN. In f. to r. 20 or 2H2. In f. to 1. Al- 

— 4 2 — 


Obv. Normal head of Pallas, in Scylla helmet, to right, on all but 

I. Reverse. Owl to right with closed wings, on olive-spray, 
APIITOKPATH2, to right a term. 

This legend and symbol occurs on a didrachm oi this period. 

II. Reverse the same. 

In the field to 1. hHPAKAHTOI and a flower growing out of an 
olive-spray. Compare similar symbol and same name on a didrachm 
of this period. 

III. Reverse. The same, but the owl is seated on a fulmen. In 
the field to 1. HITIAPXOI, to right EY and a bunch of grapes. 
Compare similar symbol and name on didrachm of this period. 

IV. Reverse. The same, but the owl is seated on an anchor. In 
field to left APICTIC, to r. TA. Compare didrachm of this period 
bearing API2TI2 and the symbol an anchor. 

V. Reverse. The same, but the owl is seated on a bucranium. In 
field to r. TAP and AEON, the same name occurs on a didrachm of 
this period. 

VI. Reverse. Same, but the owl is seated on an Ionic capital. In 
field to 1. NIKOKPATHI, to r. TAP and AN. The same name occurs 
on a didrachm of this period with the Ionic capital as a symbol 
and A/. 

VII. Reverse. The same; but owl seated on a thunderbolt. The 
head of Pallas on this coin is turned to left. In field to 1. a lighted 
torch, to r. TAP. This same symbol occurs on a didrachm of this 


There are three series of small silver belonging to the Euboean 
Attic standard known as diobols, obols and hemiobols, besides the 
litrae which properly belong to the older Sicilian and Italian standard. 
These coins may be classified according to weight, style, and type. 
All these three conditions must be considered together. The weights 
are seldom exactly what we should expect and vary in a degree 
most surprising. 

The distinguishing types are generally : — 

Diobol, the figure of Heracles. 

Obol, the diota or two-handled cup. 

Litra, the cockle-shell. 

The proportionate weights are : — 

Diobol, the sixth part of the didrachm. 

Obol, the twelfth part of the didrachm. 

Litra, the tenth part of the didrachm. 

— 43 — 


The diobols of the early period existing in the British Museum 
do not weigh as much as one-sixth part of the heaviest weight of 
the early didrachms ; they weigh only 20 grains ; moreover the type 
is that afterwards adopted for the litrae, a cockle-shell and the 
wheel with four spokes. The wheel formed the Reverse type of 
the early obols of Syracuse in 500-478 B.C. 


During this period an artist signing the coins with the letters 01 
appears to have introduced a new type on Diobols weighing a maxi- 
mum of 22.5 grains. Dr. A. J. Evans says : " There can be little 
doubt that the introduction of this noble design ot Heracles and 
the lion at the Tarantine colony was due to the artist whose 
signature appears as <t> on contemporary coins of Heracleia, Thurioi, 
Terina and Neapolis, and who as Mr Poole has shewn (Num. Chron. 
1883, p. 269 seq.) represents the grafting of Athenian art traditions 
on Italian soil. . ." 


On the Mallian coins the hero is represented standing on a 
distinct basis, a clear intimation that the design is taken from a 
statue, and M. Six has suggested (Zeitschr. f. Num., XIV, p. 142 
seq.) with great plausibility that the original should be traced to a 
bronze group of Myron. 

These very common diobols with the type of Heracles, found 
in abundance, were probably the currency of the Tarentine fish- 
markets, which was also in use among the inhabitants of the 
towns and villages near the city, and even beyond its territories as 
far as Samnium. The type came from Heracleia, the city in which 
the federal congress of the Italiote Greeks met, and this money 
may be regarded rather as a federal than a city coinage. By the 
Romans the diobol was looked upon as equal to the sestertius and 
called " nummus ", being nearly equivalent to ten ounces of bronze 
(2 | asses of 4 oz each). Moreover these Obols commonly bore 
the five dots as a mark of value, the diobol being then equivalent to 
the Dextans, which in Apulia was called a Nummus ; Pollux, (IX, 
80,) informs us that Aristotle spoke of a coin called the nummus 

— 44 — 

on which was the figure of Taras on the dolphin, but Pollux does 
not state that this coin was the didrachm, and the dolphin does 
occur on smaller types of the earlier periods. The litra was also 
called " nummus ". 


There are ten distinct Reverse designs of Heracles fighting with 
the Nemean lion to be seen in the British Museum. 

1 . Obverse. Head of Pallas, in crested helmet to right (155 — 
7 . 6 grains). 

Reverse. Heracles seated to 1. holding club in r. hand. TAPANT 
in field to left. 

2. Obverse. Same as n° 1 (17. 1 grains). 

Reverse. Heracles, seated on a lion, holding one-handled cup and 

3 . Obverse. Head of Pallas to 1. in Corinthian helmet (16.2 grs). 

Reverse. Heracles attacking lion with one knee on its back, the 
lion to left looking back at hero. 

4. Obverse. The heads of Pallas belonging to this series are 
extremely varied, there are eight varieties of Obv. type among the 
specimens in the British Museum. The Reverse type makes the 

Reverse. Heracles struggling with the lion, his arm hanging 
down behind, holding club (17-18 grains). Some of these are of 
fine execution. 

5 . Obverse. Head of Pallas, helmet decorated with Scylla, and 
finely wrought. 

Reverse. Heracles kneeling, strangling lion with his arm round 
the lion's neck. 

Some specimens of very good style. 

6. There are several distinct obverse types of this series, four 
varieties of the Head of Pallas, two of Heracles. 

Reverse. Heracles standing to r. strangling the lion rampant ; 
behind the hero is generally a club, but the following symbols are 
also seen, a bow and arrow, a bull's head, a fulmen, a bow and 
club, an aplustre. 

N. B. On two examples Heracles stands to left. 

Six obverse varieties of this sixth series : — 

(a) Head of Heracles three-quarter face, wearing lion's skin. 

(/>) Head of Heracles in profile to right, wearing lion's skin. 

(c) Head of Pallas, normal Scylla type, to right, and to left. 

(d) Head of Pallas in plain helmet to right. 

(e) Head of Pallas in Corinthian helmet to left. 

— 45 — 

(/") Bust of Pallas, full-faced, wearing three-crested Corinthian 

7. Obverse. Head of Pallas, normal Scylla type. 

Reverse. Heracles, with one leg raised, strangling lion. Only one 
specimen in British Museum. 

8. Obverse. Head of Heracles in profile with lion's skin. Head 
of Pallas, with crested helmet wreathed, to righc. Head of Pallas to 
left, imperfect specimen. 

Reverse. Heracles, kneeling, striking at lion with club held over 
his head, or raised in the field to left. 

9. Obv. Head of Pallas three-quarter face, in Corinthian helmet. 
Reverse. Heracles crushing Antaeus. 

10. Obv. Head of Pallas tor. in Corinthian helmet. 
Reverse. Heracles taming a horse, ^ m field. 


According to D r Head {Hist. Num., p. 56), the obol should be 
the twelfth part of a didrachm . The weights therefore should be 
from 10 | grs to 9 | grs of the heavy coinage, and from 8 § grs to 
8 grs. of the reduced coinage. 

The type usually associated with the obols is the Diota and three 

The diota is the two-handled vessel referred to by Horace in 
Ode 1,9, 8 " O Thaliarche merum diota ". About 272 B.C. they 
weighed 6 7 to 7 7 grs. and bore generally one of the following 
letters Al, R. ^, 01, E\ A, hP '. '. 0. 

The diota (oiVrs;) is sometimes called the Cantharus. 

The following types are in the British Museum : 

Cantharus and on ]$L. female head. 

— — bucranium. 

— — a cross saltire B. 

Another type connected with obols is the horse's head found on 
both sides of the coin bearing the letters A/, E, 01, ^, A, A*. 

The horse's head is sometimes bridled, and on other specimens 
unbridled ; some of these in the British Museum weigh 7 . 7 grs. 

The following note on the small coins found in the deposits is 
taken from Dr. A. J. Evans. 

In 1883 a hoard of 1500 Tarentine coins was discovered; 1032 
were didrachms, the rest litrae, hemilitrae, drachms, diobols, obols, 

The letters on these smaller coins refer to the moneyers, as for 
instance 2Y on litrae and diobols, A I, on litrae and diobols. The 
monogram ^ occurs on litrae, hemilitrae, diobols and obols. All these 
letters are also found on didrachms of the period 272 B.C. 

- 4 6. - 

The diobols with two horses' heads were absent from this find 
but the obols with one horse's head were in abundance. Litrae with 
cockle-shell and on fyL. dolphin, weighing 9 | grains, bear E # A I 
01 ^ : some have a flying Victory above dolphin. Hemilitrae 
with same types, weighing 4 | grains, bear E, i<,OI> T, <J>I. 

The following types occur on small silver coins in the British 
Museum, difficult to classify. 

1. Obv. Prancing horse; ]$L. Taras on dolphin. 15.6 grs. 

2. Obv. and T$L. Two horse's heads, back to back. 15.5 grs. 


3. Obv. Two horses heads, back to back tyL. j: \ 


4. Obv. Two horses' heads facing; ]$L. Two horses' heads side 
by side. 14. gr. 2 

5. Obv. and I$L. Two horses' heads side by side. 

6. Obv. Bow and club in circlet; 1^,. distaff in wreath. 

7. Obv. Female head to r. I^L dolphin. 10 grs. 

8. Obv. and 1$L. a table. 10.8 grs. 

9. Obv. Head of Heracles ; T$L. a dolphin. 5.5 grs. 

10. Obv. a crescent and T$L. dots. 3.5 grs. 

11. Obv. Vase and tyL. a wreath. 3.5 grs. 
Some of these coins bear two, three, or four dots and are there- 
fore difficult to classify, in some cases they may be fractions of the 
litra, but it is now almost impossible to name them. 


The word " litra " is said to be the Siculo-Greek form of the 
Latin " libra ". 

Before the advent of the Greeks Sicily had possessed a standard 
of its own, based on the pound or " litra " of bronze, which both 
in Sicily and Italy was the standard metal of the native commerce. 

The litra of bronze corresponded in value to about 13 § grains 
troy of silver and therefore a silver coin of that weight was called 
a litra, or, whence the Romans derived their word nummus 
for the sestertius. The litra was not found to be of a weight capable 
of being harmonized with the early Aeginetan coinage, but when 
the Euboic-Attic standard was introduced the litra was used as 
equal to one-tenth of the didrachm weighing 135 grains. Although 
the Tarentine didrachms did not apparently ever weigh much more 
than 127 grains, the litra of the early period was kept of the old 
weight of 13.5 grains. 

The story of the ancient coinage of Southern Italy illustrates the 
history of the races who struggled for the possession of that fair 

— 47 — 

land. The word litra is a memorial of the native races whose coinage 
was principally of bronze. The earliest Greek intruders were settlers 
who sailed from Chalcis in Euboea, and introduced the Aeginetic 


JE. Litra. 

standard. Their first settlement was on the north shore of the bay 
of Naples, to this they gave the name Cumae after the Cyme in 
Euboea. In order to ensure a safe passage for their ships through 
the straits of Messina they established colonies on either side. The 
Aeginetic standard was not that of the port from which they sailed, 
but probably that most popular with the sea-faring Greeks of the 
islands using the port at Chalcis . This standard however was soon 
displaced by the Euboic Attic about the middle of the sixth century 
B.C. and it was not until this was introduced that the litra was 
used as a coin of weight proportionate to that standard. 

On page 43 of Mr. G. F. Hill's " Coins of Ancient Sicily " a table 
is given shewing the proportion of the litra to the Euboic Attic 
coins of Sicily. 

Euboic Attic name Sicilian name Weight 

Decadrachm 50-litra piece 675 grains. 

Tetradrachm 20-litra piece 270 — 

Didrachm 10-litra piece 135 — 

Drachm 5-litra piece 67.5 — 

— litra 13.5 — 

Obol 1 1. 5 - 

Introduced in the middle of the sixth century B.C. to Syracuse. 

The following is a comparison of the weights in grains. 

Athens Corinth Tarentum Italia 

Didrachm 134 grains 88 grains 125 grains 83 grains. 

Drachm 67 — 43 — 62 41 — 

Obol n — 10 — 


The early litrae of Syracuse were marked by the sepia for type. 

1. The earliest Tarentine litne bore a cockle-shell on the Obverse, 
and a wheel with four spokes on the Reverse. The following are 
the weights of the specimens in the British Museum : 1 1 . 1 gr . , 10 . 8, 
1 1 . 6 grs. 

A half-litra with the same types weighs 6.5 grs. Very small 
coins of this type weigh only 1.8 and 1.7 grains. 

2. Obverse, same. Reverse. ZASAT. Dolphin to r., beneath a 
cockle-shell, around, a plain border. Weight: 12.5 grs. Some 
examples of this type have TAP A, some shew Z below dolphin 

- 4 8- 

others A, others M. The half-litrae of this type weigh 5.6 or 5 
Smaller coins weighing only 2.8 or 2.5 grs. bear the same 
Probably quarter-litrae. 

3. Obverse. Cockle-shell with plain border. 

Reverse. Head of Taras to r., hair tied in knot behind, in 

Weights: 13. 1, 10.8, 13.3, 11. 4, 11,8.9 
Half Litrae of this type weigh only 5.1. 

4. Obverse. Cockle-shell. 
Reverse. Head of Heracles to r., in lion's skin. 13.4 grs 

5. Obverse. Cockle-shell, plain border. 
Reverse. Female head to 1., diademed, hair rolled 


5 grs. 



10.6 grs., 10.3 (with head to r.). 


6. Obverse. Cockle-shell, no border. 

(a) Reverse. Taras nude, seated on dolphin to 1., holding cornu- 
copiae and palm; below, 01. This signature occurs during the 
period 344-302 on didrachms. Weight: 9.5 grs. Also Half-litrae 
4.2 grs. same 0|. 

(b) Reverse. Taras nude seated sideways on dolphin to 1., holding 
cantharos and cornucopiae fyl and R, Weight 9. grs. 

(V) Reverse. Same, but distaff for cornucopiae; same letters; 
weight 9. grs. 

7. Obverse. Shell. 

Reverse. Dolphin to left; above, a Nike bearing wreath flying 
to left; 1 0.1 grains. 

This type is found with the following symbols. 




9 . 9 grains 


10. and 11. — 

Grapes AT 








Spear head Ar 


Cornucopiae an 

d no 

9 .6 

Owl l-HT 


Owl 1 

10. 1 

Owl 01 

9-5 — 

Rose E 

10. and 8 — 






VI & 









- 49 — 

Barleycorn IY 1 1 . i VIII 

JEg\s of five sides 1 1 . 2 — ? 

Ant I 1 1 . 4 — ? 

Club AA 10. 1 — ? 


Obv. Cockle-shell. 

Rev. Dolphin to r. ; beneath, owl to right 

[ to right 

4-9 grs. 

club AA 
female head Al 




The following notes on the Litrae of the Period 281-272 B.C. 
are taken from Dr. A.J. Evans' work on the 'Horsemen of Taren- 

Obverse. The usual scallop-shell. 

Reverse. The dolphin, below which a figure of Pallas Promachos 
and the signature A. 

The weight, 12 grains, corresponds to the standard of the 
didrachms of the full weight of about 120 grains. 

Reduced Litrae weighing 8.7 grains. 

Obv. Shell. Rev. Dolphin below with an elephant. 

Nine-and-a-half grains would be the normal weight to corre- 
spond to the reduced didrachms, and this is the average weight of 
the litrae of the Tarentine deposit. The monogram A* found on 
some of these probablv signifies the name Aristippos found on late 

Dr. A. J. Evans mentions litrae with other reverse types, as a 
bunch of grapes between the letters AT, a doe looking back, a 
spear-head, a hippocamp. 


A few of the bronze coins of Tarentum are fairlv common, 
but as only eleven types are known, it will be worth while to 
describe all the designs, and state what is generally known of their 
history. The bronze coins are for the most part very small, and 
unimportant in regard to their types, which are merely copies of 
those described on the silver coinage. 

M. Sambon assigns the date of the introduction of Bronze coinage 

Hands. 4 

- 50 — 

at Tarentum to the year 330 B.C. His work is called " Recherches 
sur les anciennes monnaies d'ltalie meridionale " and was published 
in Naples in 1863. 

This date 330 B.C. would be about four years after the arrival of 
Alexander the Molossian at Tarentum. D r Head in the Hist. Num., 
p. 56, puts the date at about 300 B.C. ; this would mean soon 
after the arrival of Cleonymos lrom Sparta. 

M. Michel. P. Vlasto in an article in the Journal international 
d'archeologie numismatiqiie, t. XII, 1899, p. 1, ascribes the earliest 
bronze coinage to 281 B.C., that is, to the rule of Pyrrhus : this 
decision is the result of his study of the morphology and epigraphy 
of the coinage. M. Vlasto considers that the model from which the 
head of Zeus was taken was that of the gold coins of Alexander 
of Epirus. 

If we attentively compare the bronze coins with the gold coins 
struck by Pyrrhus we shall find the style of these remarkably 
similar to that of the bronze coins. 

From the style of the latest bronze coins we shall see that the 
issue of this series was continued to the year 209 B.C., when the 
city was deprived of its wealth, and fell into the hands of the 


(a) Obv. Head of Zeus crowned with laurel, to right. 

Rev. TARANTINHN. Victory standing to right clothed in a 
chiton holding in her right hand a fulmen, and in her left a fold of 
her dress, and lightly touching the base of the fulmen. 

(b) Obv. Same with border of dots around. 

Rev. Same figure, but holding with both hands a crown of 

(c) Obv. Same as (b) but of less sober style. 

Rev. Victory standing to right crowning a trophy with her 
right hand, and holding a fold of her dress with her lett. 

(d) Obv. Same as (V). 

Rev. Same, but holding in her two hands a shield which she is 
fixing on a trophy to left. 

The head of Zeus on these coins may be considered one of the 
finest of the art conceptions of this period. The figure of Victory 
holding the symbol of the Epirote prince, the fulmen, is an evidence 
of the gratitude of the Tarentines to Pyrrhus for his aid. The 
figure is treated with delicacy and taste. 

The series marked (c) and (d) were probably issued during the 
later time of the rule of Pyrrhus for they show a deterioration in 

— si — 

style similar to that noticeable on the didrachms of that later 

The design of the Victory is seen also on coins of the Bruttii and 
may have been copied from the beautiful tetradrachm of Agathocles 
which may be seen illustrated on p. 159, fig. 107 of D r Head's 
Hist. num. 

TYPE II. 281-272 B.C., SIZE § INCH. 

Obv. Head of Pallas wearing a Corinthian helmet to r. ; the 
helmet is ornamented with a winged hippocamp. 

Rev. Heracles standing, nude, on the right, strangling the 
Nemean lion on the left; in the field sometimes a club, and TAPAN. 


Obv. Head of Pallas wearing a Corinthian helmet to right ; 
the helmet is decorated with a griffin ; border of dots around. 

Rev. Heracles seated nude to left on a rock with the skin of 
the lion thrown over his knees, holding in his right hand a diota, 
and in his left a club; in the field of some, the letters Ol, on others 

FROM ABOUT 212-209 B - c - 

Obv. Head ot Pallas wearing a plain Corinthian helmet and 
without the border of dots around. 

Rev. Same design but in rougher style, with TARANTI in 
exergue, and a bow behind the hero. 

The Reverse of this third type is similar to that of the beau- 
tiful silver didrachms of Croton issued about 390 B.C., and although 
Heracles is represented on the diobols of Tarentum in a great 
variety of positions, it is only on a few very rare coins he appears 
in repose; this type may be a copy of these rare diobols. The 
legend EY and 01 may show that the didrachms of this same 
period thus signed may be from the same mint office. 


Obv. A diota between the letters TA on the left, and a 
bucranium on the right. 

Rev. A diota between two stars of eight rays. The diota is 
also found on a series of obols of the same period. The two stars 
doubtless show that the diota refers to the constellation called the 

— 52 — 

Crater, or to the Dioscuri whose cult was very popular in Taren- 
tum. The bucranium is found on didrachms of the same period. 


Obv. Helmeted head of Pallas to right, border of dots around. 

Rev. Two crescents back to back, in the field four dots. 

This Reverse design also appears to have reference to astronomic 
symbolism and the four globules or dots may be meant to signify 
stars. This design also appears on silver hemilitras. 

TYPE VI. 28l-228 B.C. NEARLY § INCH. 

Obv. Shell. 

Rev. Taras to left on dolphin holding in right hand a diota, 
and in his left a cornucopiae, on some specimens in the field under 
the dolphin B (a letter which appears also on a didrachm of 
Period VII, TAP AN). 


Obv. Shell. 

Rev. Two dolphins swimming to right, side by side. These 
are the most common, and appear to have had a long popularity. 
The stvle of their fabric is rough. 

type viil. 212-209 BX - 

Obv. Shell. 
Rev. Mollusc. 


Obv. Forepart of a winged hippocamp to right. 
Rev. Forepart of a horse, bridled, to right. 

TYPE X. 212-209 B.C. SIZE § INCH. 

Obv. Head of Pallas to right in Corinthian helmet. 
Rev. Diota, and to left a leaf of ivy. 

type xi. 212-209 B - c - 

Obv. Bust of Artemis with quiver. (?) 

Rev. Star and crescent, TA in field. 

The rough fabric of these four last types is that of the period 
indicated, and is similar to the style seen on the silver coins of 
that date. 

53 - 


Metapontum, the rival of Tarentum, the last home of Pythagoras, 
no longer exists, yet the coins which once were current in her corn 
markets may still be seen in all their beauty of workmanship, recall- 
ing the words of Theophile Gautier: 

Tout passe, l'Art robuste 
Seul a l'eternite ; 

Le buste 
Survit a la cite. 

The beautiful heads on some of these coins also recall the lines 
of Heredia in "Les trophees" : 

Le temps passe, tout meurt, le marbre meme s'use. 
Agrigente n'est plus qu'une ombre, et Syracuse 
Dort sous le bleu linceul de son ciel indulgent, 

Et seul le dur metal que l'amour fit docile, 
Garde encore en sa fleur, aux medailles d'argent, 
L'immortelle beaute des vierges de Sicile. 

Although these silver portraits are idealized they show that the 
maidens of Metapontum, Neapolis, and other Italian cities were as 
beautiful as those of Sicily, whose artist Kimon wrought also in S. 

As Athenian coins are known by the owl, and those of Aegina 
by the tortoise, so the coins of Metapontum are known rather by 
the ear of barley, than by the heads of her maidens. As we have 
seen the coins of Tarentum associated with Archytas and the 
mercenaries who in vain tried to defend her, so we find the coins 

— 54 — 

of Metapontum associated with Pythagoras, his followers Lysis and 
Philolaos, and the same mercenaries. 

The religious cults of Metapontum to which the coins give 
evidence are those of Demeter and Apollo : and the early myths to 
which they witness are those of Heracles, and the refugees from 

Trov - 

The artistic merit of this series is considerable, many of the artists 

being the same as those who wrought in the mint at Tarentum, 

the variety in design is also greater than in the work of the Taren- 

tine mint-engravers. Before sketching briefly the history of the 

city, the account given of the city by Strabo is here inserted, 

because, however tedious it may be, it is the ancient source of much 

of our knowledge, and few will be content to leave it unread. 

STRABO LIB. VI I. § 15. 

" Next in order is Metapontum at a distance of 140 stadia from 
the seaport of Heraclea. It is said to be a settlement of the Pylians 
at the time of their return from Ilium under Nestor ; their success 
in agriculture was so great that it is said they offered at Delphi a 
golden harvest : they adduce as a proof of this foundation the 
offerings of the dead sacrificed periodically to the Nele'Khe; but it 
was destroyed by the Samnites (" it " may refer either to the city 
or the sacrifice). Antiochus says that certain Achaeans who had 
been sent for by the Achaeans of Sybaris settled in this place when 
it had been desolated; he adds that these were sent for on account 
of the hatred of the Achaeans to the Tarentini, who had originally 
migrated from Laconia, in order to prevent their seizing upon the 
place which lay adjacent to them. Of the two cities, viz. Metapon- 
tum which was situated the nearer [and Siris the further] from 
Tarentum, the newcomers preferred to occupy Metapontum. This 
choice was suggested by the Sybarites because if they should make 
good their settlement there, they would also possess Siris, but if 
they were to turn to Siris, Metapontum would be annexed to the 
territory of the Tarentines which was conterminous. 

" But after being engaged in war with the Tarentini and the 
Oenotrians, who dwelt beyond them, they came to an agree- 
ment, securing to them a portion of land which should constitute 
the boundary between Italy, as it then existed, and Iapygia. 

"This, too, is the locality which tradition assigns to the adven- 
tures of Metapontus, the captive Melanippe, and her son Boeotus. 

" Antiochus is of opinion that the city Metapontum was originally 
called Metabum, and that its name was altered at a subsequent 
period; and that Melanippe was not entertained here but at Dius, 
and thinks that the heroine, — as well as the testimony of the poet 

— 55 — 

Asius, ' the beautiful Melanippe in the hall of Dius bare Boeotus', — 
afford proof that she was led to Dius and not to Metabum. 

" Ephorus says that Daulius, the tyrant of Crissa near Delphi, was 
the founder of Metapontum. 

" There is however another tradition, that Leucippuswas sent by 
the Achaeans to help to found the colony, and having asked permis- 
sion of the Tarentini to have the place for a day and a night, 
would not give it up, replying by day to those who asked it of him 
that he had asked and obtained it till the following night, and 
when asked by night he said that he held it till the coming day ". 

" The solden harvest "mi"ht mean a sum of coins bearing the ear 
of barley. 

The Nele'idae were the twelve sons ofNeleus, of whom all except 
Nestor were slain by Heracles, the rites referred to were those to 
the dead brethren. Confer Homer, 77. , XI, 690. Pausanius, II, 18, 
§7, IV, 3§ 3- 


A study of the history of Metapontum like that of all the Greek 
cities must be preceded by that of legends leading us back into a 
prehistoric past. Those of the cities of Magna Graecia all point to a 
very early connection between South Italy and Greece beginning 
in the time of heroes and demi-gods. 

The eastern Greeks related the legends of the Argonauts, the 
western those of Heracles and the heroes who returned from 
the Trojan war. The legends of the West handed down to us 
by Antiochus, Ephorus, Strabo, and Diodorus are interesting to 
numismatists on account of the representations of Heracles, the 
altar to Apollo, and the head of Leucippus on the coins of Meta- 

At the western end of the plain which extends from the territory 
of the Tarentines to the western mountains which overhang the 
sea just where the gulf turns to the south we find the few Doric 
columns which are all that remain of the ancient city of Metapon- 
tum. The city once stood on a fertile plain between two rivers; 
that on the east, called the Casuentus, flows deep and slow across 
the plain, that on the west, the Bradanus, rushes irregularly like a 
mountain torrent, sometimes losing itself in marshes, sometimes 
running between steep banks. The primitive inhabitants are said 
to have been Pelasgians called Oenotrians, who mingled peaceably 
with the earliest Greek settlers. The name by which their city was 
known in the days of Homer was Alybas ; it is mentioned in the 
catalogue in the second book of the Iliad (85 6), where we read how 

- 5 6 - 

" Hodius and Epistrophus led the A'.izonians from distant Alybas 
whence silver is derived". In the last book of the Odyssey also we 
read that Odysseus claimed to have " come from Alybas where he 
dwelt in glorious halls ". 

Eustathius in his scholia says "Alybas is Metapontum, a city of 
Italy mentioned in the catalogue in Iliad B 857 ". 

The old name Alybas was changed to Metabos from which the 
Greeks derived the name Metapontum, by which it was afterwards 
known. The name Alybas is associated with the legends of Heracles 
who is said to have visited it on his return with the oxen of 
Geryon. The story is told by Apollodorus (II, 5 10) who relates 
that during the time of the visit of Heracles a son was born to 
Alybas and named Metabos in reference to the oxen brought back 
by the hero. 

Lenormant considers that the name Alybas is probably derived 
from a root signifying a personification of Malaria, and that the 
name is a reminiscence of the struggles of the early settlers with 
that disease before the draining and culture of the plain had rendered 
it habitable. 

The same writer thinks the grasshopper on so many of the coins 
is a reference to a destructive power, and that the word "Alybas" 
was used to signify a grasshopper. The Oenotrians had apparently 
traded only with Sicily and had never attempted the voyage to 


When we turn from the Italian to the Greek legends we first 
come to that of Melanippe told by Diodorus (IV, 67) which also 
formed the subject of a lost play by Euripides. This fair daughter 
of Aeolus was loved by Poseidon and fled to Metapontum to escape 
the ire of her father. There she found refuge with Metabos and gave 
birth to twins, sons of Poseidon, who were adopted by the Italian 
hero. One of these founded a state in the ^Eolian isles now called 
Lipari, and the other, Boiotes, returned to Greece and gave his name 
to Boeotia (Pausanias, IX, 1. 1). 

It is a transitional myth embodying Pelasgic and Greek ideas. 
More thoroughly Greek is the myth of Acheloiis described in the 
chapters on the coins of Neapolis. It is illustrated by a coin of 
Metapontum on which we see the River-god, and read an inscription 
having reference to the games held there in his honour. 

Lenormant associates the name with the Greek legend of those 
who escaped from Troy, on account of there having been a river 
Acheloiis in Triphylia which ran down from mount Lyceus. 

The dispersion of the Trojan chiefs is the subject of many legends 
among the Greek cities of South Italy. 

— 57 — 

In Metapontum the citizens shewed in the temple of Athene 
Hellenia the very tools with which Epeios had made the wooden 
horse at Troy, and yearly sacrifices were made in honour of the 
sons of Neleus (Justin, XX). They reported that a band of Pylians, 
who had followed Nestor to Troy, had settled in their city after the 

The date of the foundation of the Greek city appears to have 
been about 700 to 690 B.C. and therefore these legends connected 
with Troy can hardly contain any truth, but the legend told by 
Ephorus related by Strabo that the founders came from Crissa near 
Delphi may be more true, for Crissa was powerful at that time. 

About the year 670 B.C. the ancient city of Metabos was destroyed 
in one of the raids of the mountain tribes, perhaps as Strabo says, 
by the Sabines. 

The site was too valuable to be left long unoccupied and was 
coveted both by the Achaeans of Sybaris on the west and by the 
Dorians of Tarentum on the east. 

In 668 B.C.Leucippus led hither a band of Achaeans fleeing 
from the Peloponnesus after the second Messenian war. The strat- 
agem of Leucippus has been told by Strabo, and his ruse ended in 
a fight in which the Achaeans gained such advantages that the 
Dorians fixed the border of their lands at the river Bradanus and 
the men who had been conquered at Ira had their revenge in 

The earliest mint in Metapontum is thought to have been inau- 
gurated about 550 B.C., that is, about a hundred and eighteen years 
after this settlement of the Achaean colony. 

The next event in the story of the city is the union of Croton, 
Sybaris, and Metapontum to destroy the Ionian city Siris in 510 
B. C. 

During the sack of the city fifty youths were slain with the 
priest in the temple of Athene Polias. The image is said to have 
turned from the slaughter. The civil discords, the diseases and 
troubles, which followed this war made men think they were being 
punished for this desecration of a temple. 

The men of Croton sent to Delphi to enquire what they should 
do, and obeyed the reply ordering them to make statues of the 
youths slaughtered, and of the goddess. The men of Metapontum 
did the same. The Sybarites however did not obey the oracle and 
suffered accordingly. 

The next event recorded was the coming of Pythagoras to 
Metapontum soon after the fall of Siris. The citizens welcomed the 
philosopher with great respect, his house they called a temple of 
Demeter, and the street in which he lived was renamed the street 
of the Muses. He was even regarded as an incarnation of Apollo. 

- 5 8 - 

His enemies however pursued him from Croton, and he died in the 
burning of his house. Aristeas, his pupil, who carried on his 
teaching, was venerated with a similar superstition, as we may 
see from the story in Herodotus (IV 15) of his having followed 
Apollo in the form of a crow. The men of Metapontum, on his 
death or disappearance, sent to Delphi, and they, in obedience to the 
Pythian oracle, erected in their torum a statue of Aristeas near that 
of Apollo, with bronze laurels around, which were thought to 
possess a supernatural power. 

Aristeas wishing to introduce at Metapontum the cult of Apollo 
maintained before the citizens that he was formerly Aristeas Procon- 
nesus, son of Ceystrobius, famous for his transformations. 

The story is thus told by Herodotus (IV, 15). "The Metapontines 
say, that Aristeas himself, having appeared in their country, exhort- 
ed them to erect an altar to Apollo, and to place it near a statue 
bearing the name of Aristeas the Proconnesian; for he said, that 
Apollo has visited their country only of all the Italians, and that 
he himself, who was now Aristeas, accompanied him ; and that 
when he went with the god he was a crow ; and after saying this 
he vanished. 

"The Metapontines say they sent to Delphi to enquire of the god 
what the apparition of the man meant, and the Pythian bade them 
obey, for, if they obeyed, it would be to their advantage; they accord- 
inglv having received this answer fulfilled the injunctions. And 
now a statue bearing the name of Aristeas is placed near the image 
of Apollo, and around it laurels are planted : the image is placed in 
the public square. Thus much concerning Aristeas." 

The legend is interesting to us because it is illustrated by the 
Reverse types of coins. 

Atheneus relates that a mysterious voice came forth from the brazen 
laurels in 354 B.C., when the Thessalian courtesan Pharsalia, the 
mistress of Phayllus, one of the Phocian chiefs, brother of Ono- 
marchuSj in the third sacred war, came to Metapontum and dared 
to present herself in public with her brow crowned with a golden 
laurel-wreath which had been stolen in the pillage of the Temple 
of Delphi (Diod., XVI, 35-38-61; Pausan., X, 46). The young 
men around her, excited by the desecration, slew her in the market 
place. Plutarch savs, in de Pythiae Oraculis VIII, as she was dancing 
before the altar of Apollo her golden crown fell, and was imme- 
diately scrambled for by the young men in the market place, and 
she was slain in the struggle which followed. 

— 59 — 

480-350 B.C. 

From 480 B.C. for a period of a hundred and thirty years the 
city grew in wealth and power and the flourishing state of 
art may be seen in the beautiful types of the coinage issued 
during the last fifty years of this period. In 473 B.C. the neigh- 
bouringTarentines were defeated by the Lucanians. In 415 the men 
of Metapontum assisted the Athenians by sending three hundred 
archers and two triremes with the Athenian leaders Demosthenes 
and Eurymedon to Syracuse. It was probably during this period 
that the citizens sent the "golden harvest" to Delphi. The aristo- 
cratic rule of the Pythagorean brotherhood came to an end during 
this period, when Lysis and Philolaos escaped to Greece. Philolaos 
was a contemporary of Socrates, who was born 468 B.C., and died 
in 399 B . C . Lysis went to Thebes and became the teacher of Epam- 

When the power of Athens was broken in 415 B.C. at Syracuse 
the citizens of Metapontum, missing the support on which they 
had trusted, gradually lost their independence. The power of 
Tarentum where Archytas was reigning from 380 to 345 B.C. 

In 356 B.C. the Bruttii rose into a powerful state and made in- 
roads upon the lands of the Greek cities, from which the Tarentines 
were unable to delend them. The Greeks were so weakened by 
their quarrels and their luxurious style of living that the old Federal 
League was powerless. 

350 to 330 B.C. 

About 350 B.C. the head of Leucippus appeared upon the 
obverse of the staters. It was probably a sign of the appeal of the 
citizens to the mother-country for help. Leucippus was the legendary 
leader of the Achaean colonists who arrived in 668 B.C., more 
than three hundred years before. 

In 344 B.C. the Tarentines called for the help of Archidamus, 
the Spartan king, who landed in Tarentum in 338 B.C. and died 
fighting the Menapians that same year. In 334 B.C. the Molossian 

— 60 — 

Alexander, king of Epirus, the brother of Olympias, the mother of 
Alexander the Great, arrived and was more successful, he defeated 
the Samnites and Lucanians at Paesium, and settled in Heracleia 
until his death in 330 B.C. 

During this period we see that the same artists who issued coins 
in Tarentum also worked at Metapontum; for instance, we find the 
signature K or KAA on coins of both cities. 

330 to 250 B.C. 

This was the period of the decline ol art in the mint of Tarentum; 
the coins bearing a head of Persephone with flowing hair behind 
her back are of a style very inferior to that of the earlier periods. 

In 281 B.C. the standard of weight was reduced at Tarentum, 
but the staters of Metapontum of this period still weigh from 119 
to 126 grains. 

In 302 B.C. Cleonymus came from Sparta to assist in the war 
against the Lucanians, but did little to help the cause ; he died in 
288 B.C. 

In 283 B.C. the Tarentines destroyed the Roman fleet and were 
obliged to call in the help of Pyrrhus, a cousin of Alexander. In 
278 B. C . he went to Sicily, where he remained two years, and then 
returned through Metapontum to Tarentum, and in 264 left Italy. 
The Roman power was gradually prevailing, and in 272 they defeated 
the Lucanians. The Metapontines lent active support to Pyrrhus, 
but we have no account of the precise date when they passed under 
the yoke of Rome. They were among the first to join Hannibal 
after the battle of Cannae (Livy XXII, 61). 

Hannibal occupied Metapontum until the defeat at Metaurus 
compelled him to leave the city, when he took with him the inhabi- 
tants to save them from the vengeance of Rome. 

The city never recovered from that blow, but it continued to 
exist, for Cicero visited it (de Fin. V, 2). Pausanias (VII, 19) tells 
us the city was in ruins in his day, and after that it appears to have 

The only inhabited spot on the plain is the Torre di Mare oppo- 
site a small lagoon, once the port of the famous city. 



An ear of barley was no doubt chosen as the coin-type of 
Metapontum on account of the abundant barley harvests grown in 
the fertile plain around the city, and the choice may be compared 

— 6i — 

with that made in many other cities in which a natural product 
was thus chosen, as for instance the mussel-shell at Cumae, the 
wine- jar at Naxus, the celery at Selinus, the cow at Euboea, the 
sepia at Coresia, and the silphium at Cyrenaica. When however a 
symbol is found united with the head of a deity to whom that 
symbol is appropriate, we naturally infer that some religious 
influence was present to the minds of the mint magistrates who 
chose the symbol. 

The head of Demeter is frequently found on the obverse of 
these Metapontine coins. Some writers consider the name Demeter 
to be connected with the root from which the Cretan word for 
Barley was derived, Sijaf. 

The verb Satvu[« signifies to feed, hence the name Demeter is 
most appropriate to the divinity providing food for mankind. The 
myth of Demeter was introduced into Sicily and Southern Italy by 
colonists from Megara and Corinth at a very early date ; the poems 
of Hesiod which celebrate this myth were old even then, and must 
have been well-known in Magna Graecia. Pindar also in his first 
Nemean Ode had already sung of Demeter and " Sicily the fertile, 
the best land in all the fruitful earth". 

Pliny, in the eighteenth book of his Natural History, (c. vn), 
speaks of barley as the most ancient food of mankind, and among 
the ancient lake dwellings in Switzerland, belonging to the stone 
period, three varieties of barley have been found, among which is 
the small six-rowed barley " Hordeum hexastichum sanctum" 
which is the variety represented on the coins. 

Pliny quotes Menander as the authority for the statement that 
the gladiators of Athens were fed upon this food, and from that 
fact were called "hordearii ". Various methods of preparing barley 
for food are given in the above-quoted passage of Pliny. 

Although, from its want of gluten, barley cannot be made into 
loaves like wheaten bread, still it is highly nutritious, the salts it 
contains having a high proportion of phosphoric acid, and hence it 
was fairly good food for the athletes of Crotona and Metapontum. 

It seems strange to us modern men that athletes should have 
trained on barley food, if wheat could have been obtained, but an 
article in the Journal of the R. Agric. Society seems to prove the 
ears on the coins are not those of wheat but of barley. 
Confer p. 194 of III. Series of the Journal of the R. Agricultural 
Society of England, Vol. XL, part. II. On p. 195 are two illustra- 
tions showing the similarity of the barley on the coins of Metapon- 
tum with the wide-eared six-rowed barley H. hexastichum (var. 
pyramidatum keke). 

Another illustration shews a coin of Camulodunum (Colchester) 
bearing a similar ear of barley but less accurately rendered. " We 

— 62 — 

have received from D r Hans Schinz of the University of Zurich a 
paper by the late Professor Oswald Heer, which contains a number 
of most carefully executed figures of ears and grains of barley found 
by him when excavating the lake dwellings of Robenhausen" — 
" Barley is almost without doubt the oldest of our cultivated 
plants. " 

According to Haeckel, one of the latest monographers on wheat, 
the ancient Swiss lake dwellers cultivated spelt wheat with beard- 
ed grains, and this kind of wheat was also cultivated by the ancient 
Egyptians, and was common throughout the Roman empire. 


It was not merely as the daughter of Demeter that Persephone 
w r as so frequently represented on the coins of Metapontum, but 
rather as the queen of Hades, " the house of Persephone ", as 
Homer calls that abode of the departed. Odys, K. 491). 

As one of the Osot ^06vibt she was worshipped by the Greeks of 
Southern Italy, and especially in this city. 

The myth of her marriage with Pluto, and her reign in Hades, 
was intimately connected with the barley culture on the plains near 
the city. Her story was a beautiful allegory of the immortality of 
the soul, and it can hardly have been unknown to S l Paul when he 
wrote " that which thou thyself sowest is not quickened except it 
die" (1 Cor. XV, 36). The apostle may have taken the idea from 
his Master's words (S. John, XII, 24). " Except a grain of wheat 
fall into the earth and die, it abideth by itself alone, but if it die 
it beareth much fruit." 

That the story was thus interpreted by the Greeks we see from 
the representations of Persephone on the sepulchral monuments, 
and from the reports of the Mysteries. 

Among the initiated into the Mysteries she was regarded as the 
mother of Iacchus, whose image appears so often on thedidrachms 
of Tarentum. 

M. F. Lenormant in his work " La Grande Grece" suggests 
that this cult of the 0€oi y.05viot may have been so much thought 
of because malaria was prevalent on the low-lying plain, and the 
goddess was regarded not only as reigning below, but having 
power to save those who were still on earth, an idea which is 
supported by the epithets found, as legends, together with her 

Even the shadow of death was treated beautifully by the 
Greeks, and the bright side of the cult to which the epithets refer, 
and to which Shelley refers in his " Song of Proserpine", was not 
forgotten by the men who used the coins bearing these beautiful 

- 63 - 

heads. The story is generally taught us at school from the 
Metamorphoses of Ovid (Lib. V) and from the fourth book of his 


Among the creatures which resemble grasshoppers our English 
farmers recognize one species, the Mole cricket, Gryllo talpa vul- 
garis, as an enemy to their crops. These crickets lead a subterranean 
life burrowing among, and feeding upon the roots of the corn 
plants, especially when they are very young, when they somewhat 
resemble black ants. Some creature of this kind is represented on 
the leaf of the barley on the Reverse of these coins, and if it was 
not a mere ornament, its symbolism was probably that of a de- 
structive power. M. Lenormant thinks there is a similar reference 
to the destructive power of malaria in the name Alybas, and 
asserts, but without giving any reference or proof, that grasshoppers 
were called by that name. Confer La Grande Grece, p. 128, "car 
le mot alibas est quelquelois employe en grec pour designer une 
sauterelle. " Another destructive creature, a mouse, is sometimes 
seen under the ear of barley. 


This name was popular among the Greeks ; no less than fifteen 
different personages called Leucippus figure in Roscher's Lexicon. 
The name on the coins of Metapontum is generally associated with 
the leader of the Achaeans mentioned in Strabo's account of the 
city, and is the ninth person treated by Roscher, who does not men- 
tion any other author as giving this name to the leader in ques- 
tion. Mr. R. H. Klausen in his work published in 1839 " Aeneas nnd 
die Penaten" (p. 459) says that he regards the hero represented 
on our coins to be identical with Diomedes, and considers the 
attribution of the name to the leader of the Achaeans to involve 
a chronological error. Klausen however assumes that the head on 
the coins represents a founder of the city, and hence his idea that 
the hero belongs to an earlier date than the Achaean settlement. 

The legends of the Trojan host were familiar at Metapontum, and 
especially those connected with the Pylians, moreover Diomedes 
was held in great honour in Southern Italy, for statues of that hero 
were erected at Argyripa, Metapontum, Thurii and in other 

His armour «is said to have been preserved in a temple of Athene 
at Luceria in Apulia, and a gold chain of his was shown in a 
temple of Artemis in Peucetia. In the neighbouring city, Tarentum, 
the Dioscuri were held in honour, and they were sometimes called 

- 64 - 

In Pindar's sixth Olympian ode " white steeds " are connected 
with the festival of the daughter of Demeter ; white steeds are 
emblems of other mythical heroes also, as, for instance, the white- 
horsed Cadmeans in Pindar and the "white steeds" in the palace 
of the sire of Jason (P. IX and P. IV). 

The name is so vague that it is even possible to imagine it may 
have been connected with the cult of Apollo who was called 
Aj/.zio: or Auy.YjYcvvjc (//., IV, ioi, 119). The subject has not yet 
been treated with sufficient research to enable us to feel sure as to 
the meaning attributed to the type by the men of Metapontum. 


The figure of Apollo appears upon the staters issued between 
480-400 B. C. ; he is represented as standing to left, nude, and 
holding a laurel bough or tree in his right hand, and a bow in his 

On some varieties an altar is added to the type. 

Another type represents the god seated wearing the chlamys and 
playing the lyre, before him a laurel-tree. Later, between 400-350 
B.C., his head appears on the obverse, with the letters APOA. 

The worship of this deity is said to have been introduced to 
Southern Italy by the philosopher Pythagoras in 530 B.C., some 
fifty years before the earliest of these coins bearing the image of 
Apollo were struck. The choice of the type was made by members 
of his school about a generation after the death of their founder. 
The men of Croton regarded him as either the son of the Hyper- 
borean Apollo or as identical with that god. 

The joy and health of that mythical race of Hyperboreans in 
whom Apollo took special delight is celebrated in Pindar's ode 
Pyth. X. Their land was situated in the north and was thought to 
be rich in gold guarded by griffins, and it may be in reference to this 
idea that the moneyers of Metapontum placed a griffin as a symbol 
on the reverse of some of their coins. Pythagoras apparently 
believed in a god who was above all the gods of Greek mythology, 
and Miiller thinks the cult of Apollo was not connected with 

Ii this Apollo was "the averter of evil " 'AtcTaaojv whose worship 
was transplanted from Delphi to Crete, his cult would have been in 
harmony with the ideas of the Metapontines expressed by 
M. Lenormant concerning the averting of Malaria by Alybas. 

The bow in his hand is evidence of his connection with the 
Apollo of Crete, the laurel-bough of connection with Delphi. 
Pythagoras gave to S. Italy the highest and noblest of the cults of 

- 6 5 - 

the Greeks. From Aelian, Diogenes Laertius, and Iamblicus we 
learn that the initiation of members into the celebrated brotherhood 
was connected with the rites of the worship of Apollo. 


The head of a youth, wearing a head-dress adorned with a ram's 
horns, seen on coins of Metapontum, is thought by some to 
represent Apollo as the protector of flocks and herds. Homer relates 
in the Iliad (XXI 488) how Zeus commanded Apollo to tend the 
cattle of Laomedon in the valleys of Mount Ida, and in the 
Homeric Hymn to Hermes the herds of the gods are spoken of as 
under his care. The story of his care of cattle is told in the opening 
lines of the play " Alcestis " by Euripides. 

Pindar refers to this myth of Apollo in his ninth Pythian ode, 
in which he says the son of that god by Libya shall be " a holy 
Apollo, a most ready help to men, whom he loves, and a tender ot 
sheep; so that some shall call him Agreus, and Nomius, and 
others Aristaeus ". Virgil sang of the " pastor Aristaeus" (Georg. IV 
317). In another place Virgil sang of Apollo as a shepherd; the 
third Georgic begins " Te quoque, magna Pales, et te memorande 
canemus Pastor ab Amphryso ". The coins bearing this head 
adorned with the ram's horns bring these and other like passages to 


About the same time that the figure of Apollo was represented 
standing nude with the laurel-bough, the mint magistrates issued 
didrachms bearing the figure of Heracles standing nude with club 
over his shoulder, and others with that hero sacrificing at an altar. 
They are thought to have been issued about 480 B.C. That was the 
period when the first change was made in the types which had 
before then consisted only of the ear of barley. 

Some of the magistrates desired to commemorate the ancient 

myths of the city, while others wished to bring before the people 

the new cult of Apollo. The mvth of Heracles visiting Metapontum 

on his return from the far west, whence he had brought the oxen 

Hands. 5 

— 66 — 

of Geryon, was told by Diodorus Siculus in the days of Augustus, 
and his work is our only authority for the legend. Homer and 
Hesiod do not relate the story of the twelve labours, and the 
selection of this number is probably the work of Alexandrians. 
Euripides, who was born about 480 B.C. mentions them ; they 
must therefore have been known before he wrote of them as well- 
known legends. 


About the same time that the nude figures of Apollo and 
Heracles appeared on the staters of Metapontum, another type 
recalled the myths of the earliest colonists. The rivers Bradanus 
and Casuentus enclosing the plain belonging to the city were by 
the earliest inhabitants regarded as under the influence of a river 
deity called by the Greek name Achelous. The reference to the old 
country is noted in the section on Achelous in the chapter on the 
coins of Neapolis. 

Obv. META. Ear of barley. 

Rev. The river Achelous in human form, bearded, and with 
bull's horns and ears, standing facing, holding patera and long reed. 
Legend A^EAO^O AEAOOH. Sometimes a dolphin in the field. 

The legend shows that games were held in honour of this river- 
god at Metapontum as at Neapolis. These coins are very rare, the 
British Museum possesses no specimen ; one may be seen at Paris. 


A beautiful head of Zeus appears on some didrachms of the 
period of fine art, 400-350 B.C.; sometimes with the legend 

Zeus was regarded as the brother of Demeter, and the father ot 
Persephone, by some ancient authors, and also of Apollo by Leto, 
hence we are not surprised to find his head on the coinage generally 
devoted to the honour of his sister and wife, or his children. 

The legend EAEY0EPIO2 meant probably to describe Zeus as the 
bountiful freely-giving one. Aristotle's Ethics Nice. IV i.i.Zen. 
Symp. IV 15. and in this sense the epithet was most suitable for 
the husband of Demeter, the giver of corn. 


A bearded head like those of Zeus Amnion appears on Hectae 
or Sixths-Staters of the period between 400-350 B.C. 

It was apparently issued at the same time as those hectae which 

- 67 - 

bear the youthful head with ram's horns. If we are right in regard- 
ing this horned and bearded head on the hectae as that of Zeus 
Amnion we may infer that in Metapontum, where the myths of 
Heracles were received with reverence, the legend of Heracles 
calling upon Zeus when athirst, and being shewn where to dig for 
water by a ram scraping the sand, was well known, and was 
celebrated on these coins. For the legend, confer Servius ad Aen. 
IV, 196, p. 680 Ed 1680. If the idea came from Greece rather than 
from Egypt it refers to another legend relating to this form of head- 
dress as told by Herodotus (II 42). Heracles wanted to see Zeus, 
who cut off a ram's head, and held it before his face, holding the 
skin over his body and thus appeared to the hero. 

Some think Pythagoras brought some of his teaching from Egypt; 
at any rate this symbol is one which may imply a knowledge of 
the Egyptian legend. 

Eckhel (Doc\rin. num. vet. 1. I, p. 155) says the type of Zeus 
Amnion should not surprise us when found on the coins of Meta- 
pontum since the Eleans honoured this god with special veneration. 

Herodotus (lib. II) says his rites were introduced by an Egyptian 
priestess and Pausanias (lib Vc. 15) writes of this cult among the 
Eleans. At Thebes in Boeotia was a temple of Amnion with a statue 
dedicated by Pindar. (Paus. IX, c 16). 


Some staters issued between 330 and 300 B.C. bear NIKA, a 
female head to left, wearing Stephanos adorned with olive-wreath, 
ending in two broad ribbon ends; in front of the neck, 1. The 
reverse is the normal ear of barley, cvc. In the Brit. Museum 
Catalogue no. 136 a specimen of these coins is called "Head of 

Another specimen (no 141) is catalogued " NIKA, Head of Nike, 
r., wearing sphendone tied in front, ornamented behind with three 
stars, earring and necklace. " 

The olive-wreath suggests the attribution of these heads to Nwr; 
ABtjva icokiaq mentioned in Sophocles' play Philoctetes (134) 
" Victory Athene patroness of cities who ever protects me be our 

Athene is invoked as w tcotviiz Nixa in the Ion. of Euripides (457) 
and Aristophanes mentions the same goddess in line 326, of the 

Does this type really offer us a representation of the goddess 
Victory, or is it a head of Nike Athene, or may the epithet 
Victorious be applied to Persephone, who by returning yearly to 
the light obtains a victory over death ? If this last may be received 
it is parallel with the epithet HYTIEIA used also of Athene. 

— 68 — 

This legend NIK A is read by the Due de Luynes as signifying 
the goddess of Victory, and he notes that it was common among 
the Bruttians and in Lucania. The question arises, are we to read 
the legend in reference to games or to war ? 

As success in war is not recorded at about the time of the issue 
of this coin it may probably have had reference to the Athletic 
contests which were so important in the eyes of the Pythagorean 


Hygieia probably means in this legend the health-giver; this 
title was not only the name of the daughter of iEsculapius but 
was used as an epithet for Athene ; confer Pausanias L XXIII, 4. 
'* But near the statue of Dytrephes there are statues of the gods, viz. 
one of Hygieia, the reputed daughter of ifeculapius, and another 
of Athene, who is likewise called Hygieia". In the Eumenides of 
iEschylus, 535, ed. Dindorf, we read of byteux ypivuv as a name of 

On these coins the title appears with a head of Persephone, and 
was appropriate in a land where malaria was dreaded, and where 
this goddess was also called — wmjpia. 

In the British Museum Catalogue (no 62) is a specimen of a stater 
bearing the legend HYTIEIA on the base of the neck, and the head 
is called a head of Hygieia. 


No specimen of a stater bearing this legend is in the British 
Museum but in the Zeii. fiir Num., II, 2 an example is recorded. 
The title was often applied to Zeus as in Homer II., T. 19, 258). 
If we may regard the legend as applied to Persephone, it will be 
in harmony with the use of the verb in Pindar's first Nemean Ode. 
20, apwretioujav Euxapicou yhovbq " fairest and best of all fruitful 


Does this signify the idea expressed by the Latin Concordia or 
is it an epithet expressive of an ideal condition of mind aimed at 
by the Pythagorean brotherhood, and attributed to the goddess 
who was the guardian of the city ? 

As the other epithets found on these coins seem to express some 
influence of the goddess Persephone, it seems unlikely that we 
have in the head on this coin a representation of a distinct deity or 
impersonification such as we find on the Roman coinage of the 

It we may think of o^svoia as a synonym for ap;j.avia which was 

- 69 - 

used in thesense of a union, or covenant, by Homer (II., 22, 255), 
and in the sense of a harmonious system of government by Aes- 
chylus (Prom. 551) and in the sense of the harmony of the body 
by Hippocrates and others, we should have a sense in which the 
Pythagoreans would have been most likely to use the word. The 
word suggests the ideal of the Brotherhood founded by the great 
teacher of the city. 


^(i)rr ( p was an epithet often applied to the gods, as in Aeschylus 
(Supp. 982) " the Olympian gods are our saviours ", Sophocles 
(Phil. 738) " that they (the gods) may come as our saviours ". 
Above all it was especially used of Zeus, as in Pindar (Olym. 
Ode V, 39), " Zeus guardian god that sittest high. " (^wtv]p) 

Confer the custom of dedicating the third cup of wine at a feast 
to him as Aib; <j(<nr t pio'j <ttcov8^ xpiToa -/.poL-^poq (Sophocles frag. 3 57-)> 
hence the proverb to tpfrov tm awTYjpi. 

The epithet was applied to Apollo by ^Eschylus Ag. 512; also 
to Hermes, ^Esculapius and Tyche, and it was used absolutely for 
any guardian or tutelary deity, as Herod. VIII, 138. On these coins 
of Metapontum it probably refers to Persephone as the tutelary 
goddess of the city. Confer Brit. Mus. Catalogue (n° P44). 

The head of the goddess is nearly full faced and her head adorned 
with a barley-wreath. 

Artists' signatures. 

The signatures of artists are very rarely found except on the 
coins of Sicily and Southern Italy; none are found on the coins of 
Greece proper, only two are known on coins of Crete, and only 
one on a coin of Asia Minor. The earliest signatures date from 
about 440 B.C. ; Eumenes of Syracuse is probably the first artist 
who was allowed to add his signature to his work, and soon 
afterwards Kimon obtained the same privilege in the mints of 
Syracuse, Metapontum, and Messana. 

The coins of Metapontum bear the signatures of eight different 

artists, Apollonios, Aristippus, Aristozenes, Kal Kimon, Polu — 

Splu. . . .and Philistion. When we find a signature in very minute 
letters on several types all wrought in the same style there is good 
reason for considering the signature to be that of an engraver. The 
names of magistrates of the mint are wrought in larger, bolder 
letters, and are not placed in the same position on the coins. 

The artists signed either under the base of the neck, or on a 
helmet, or ornament, or under a leaf, but the magistrates' names 
appear in the field. 

— 70 — 

Some signatures are accepted by all the principal numismatists 
as those of artists, while others are considered doubtful or rejected 
by some, for instance AI~H (APH or AnH) rejected by D r A. von 
Sallet, but received as an artist's signature by D r A. Sambon and 
D r H. Brunn ; APIITH and AYH rejected by D r A. von Sallet. 

Some of the artists worked for several mints, for instance, he 
who signed his work KAA worked at Metapontum, Heraclea, 
Tare n turn, andThurium. 

Aristoxenos worked at Metapontum, Heracleia, and Tarentum. 
Apollonios wrought both at Metapontum and Tarentum, while 
the famous Kimon worked both in Syracuse, Metapontum, Taren- 
tum, and Thurium. 

Mr. L. Forrer reminds us in conclusion that in these works of 
art " on y ressent cet accent de sincerite emue, de poesie person- 
nel^ et d'art veritable qui emane des vrais chefs-d'oeuvre. La 
triomphe la grace antique. Point d'effort : l'extreme simplicite 
s'allie a l'extreme richesse. " 

AP— APOA (apollonios). 

M. Michel P. Vlasto has advanced conclusive arguments showing 
that these letters on the coins of Metapontum and Tarentum signify 
the name of an artist-engraver. He has shown that there were two 
artists of this name ; the first worked in the second half of the fourth 
century before Christ and the second after 281 B.C. 

The work of the first artist is seen on a beautiful stater of 
Metapontum bearing the head of Demeter, and on the field to right 
the letters APO in minute letters. On the reverse is a mouse 
under the ear of barley, and under the leaf 0. (B.M. Cat. No 124). 

An illustration of a similar coin with AP under the neck is given 
on p. 35 of Mr. L. Forrer's work. This is not as perfect a piece ot 
work as the first mentioned, and may be by a pupil of the master. 
Another similar coin, (no 122 of B. Mus. Cat.), has the signature 
A to right of the neck, and P to left. 

Another beautiful coin by this artist is figured in Mr. Forrer's 
work (p. 37), it represents the head of Demeter, nearly full face, 
with the signature in the field to right in minute letters. 

This signature APO A is also found on the base of the neck of 
the head of Apollo, but some consider this rather as the name of 
the god than of the artist, because we have similar names of divin- 
ities on coins of this period. 

APIIT (aristippos). 

On a didrachm of Metapontum belonging to the period 400-350 
B.C. the signature APIITI is found on the base of the neck of 

the goddess on the obverse. Behind the neck is the legend 20AT; 
on the reverse is the normal type with a mouse. 

According to Brunn, Von Sallet and others the legends 
APIITinn APIITin APIITI, are the signatures of magistrates 
rather than of artists; Mr. Forrer gives illustrations of two coins 
signed APIZTI, differing much in style one from the other, pp. 42 
and 43 . 

APIZTOIE (aristoxenos). 

About 400-350 B.C. an artist named Aristoxenos flourished at 
Metapontum whose signed work is worthy of the best period. 

The signature is found on the base of the neck of the goddess 
on the obverse, APiZTO, and on one specimen the name is thus 

inscribed /£\ behind the head of the goddess. Illustrations are 

given on pp. 48, 49, 50 of Mr. L. Forrer's work. A specimen signed 
APIZTO on the base of the neck is in the Brit. Mus.Cat., no 74. 
There can be no doubt that these very minute signatures are those 
of the artist and the style is ever the same on them all. 


The artist signing KAA was a colleague of Aristoxenos, and these 
fellow craftsmen succeeded the engraver Philistionos, who signed 
his work <t>. 

The artist who signed KAA, the author of the design of Heracles 
strangling the lion, flourished about 345 B. C. He seems to have 
travelled continually between the three cities of Metapontum, Thu- 
rium and Tarentum. 

The latest of his designs are those issued at Metapontum bearing 
the laureated head of Zeus which belong to the period of the 
sojourn of Alexander of Epirus in that city. 

His signature KAA is seen in minute letters on a bucranium on 
the reverse of a coin bearing the head of Demeter and the 
legend AAMATHP. Also on similar coins with different symbols, a 
dove or a serpent, and on one without a symbol. 

The same signature is seen on a coin of Metapontum bearing a 
youthful head of Dionysus three-quarters to left wearing an ivy 

KAA also appears on a coin bearing a head of Zeus crowned with 
oak-leaves; on the reverse of some is a peacock's head and KAA. 

The letter K is seen on a coin bearing the head ot a young hero 
with the legend ©APPATOPAZ. On the Reverse is ONA ; this shows 
that the letter K signifies KAA for we find these two signatures 
ONA and KAA on coins ol Tarentum. 

The letter K is also found on coins of Metapontum bearing the 
head of AAMATHP to left wearing a wreath of barley; on the 
reverse of this we see the signature APXIM. 


The celebrated Syracusan artist, who signed his work KIMflN, 
worked also in the mint of Metapontum. 

In Garrucci's Le monete dell' Italia antica, (Tav. CIII, fig. 16.) we 
may see an illustration of a coin bearing a head of Persephone to 
right with this signature behind the neck. 


D r Head, Mr. G.F. Hill, M.Imhoof-Blumer and M. von Sallet, all 
agree that the letters nOAY on coins of Metapontum are the signa- 
ture of an artist. The name is seen on the lower part of the neck 
of a head of Proserpine illustrated in Garrucci, op.cit.,pl.CIV, and 
a specimen is in the British Museum (cf. B.M.C. Italy, p. 250, 
no 93). 

The same signature is found under heads of Apollo. 
D r Imhoof-Blumer considers these coins are the work of the same 
artist who signed himself AflO for Apollonios. 

This letter often found on coins of Metapontum may be the 
signature of an artist. 

2nAY (400-350 B.C.) 

This signature occurs on a didraehm of Metapontum bearing a 
laureated head of Apollo to right and the hair bound up. The 
letters appear under the neck with 1 below. On the reverse an ear 
ofbarley and the svmbolofan owl flying to left. (B.M.C., n os 95, 96.) 
No Greek name is known beginning with these letters and if it is 
not a barbarian name it may be a misspelling. 

PHILISTIOX (<t> 01 OIAII) (34O-315 B.C.) 

On the reverse of a coin bearing a head of Demeter to right 
wearing a veil and crowned with barley, we see the normal ear of 
barley and a mouse, and under a leaf the signature 0. Many coins 
bear O and are most probably the abbreviation for Philistion, as 
for example on coins bearing an amphora on the reverse with the 
ear ofbarley. (B.M.C. no 114, cf. also no 125.) 

— 73 - 


This name also appears on coins bearing the head of Leucippus 
and is associated with the tnquetra. Confer also the reverse of 
the coin on which KAA signed the obverse three-quarter-face of 

The coinage. 

The Standard and divisional system adopted by the early 
Achaean cities of South Italy is that of Corinth, somewhat reduced. 
We may perhaps gather from this that the course of trade between 
these Italian cities and the East flowed for the most part through 
Corinth rather than by the long sea route from Metapontum to 
Miletus, as by the Corinthian route the mariners were able to reach 
Asia Minor without losing sight of land. The art of coining money 
came to Magna Graecia no doubt from Corinth, for the flat fabric of 
the staters bearing Pegasus evidently served as their model; they 
copied also the manner of forming a reverse type incuse such as 
we see on the Corinthian coins. The Euboic Standard was also 
adopted from Corinth with its division into three parts. This stand- 
ard was derived from the light Assyrio-Babylonian gold mina 
with its shekel ot about 130 grains and was probably brought from 
Samos. For about 270 years the Corinthian coinage had been the 
only one in circulation in S. Italy, for the mint at Metapontum was 
probably opened cir. 550 B.C. while that of Corinth had been in 
use since cir. 626 B.C. 

The earliest coinage of Metapontum consists of : 

Staters weighing 126 grains. 

Thirds of a stater 42 — 

Sixths of a stater 2 r — 

Twelfths of a stater 1 1 — 

What these portions of the stater were commonly called we do 
not know, but as the litra of the Sicilians must have been well- 
known, and at one time weighed about 1 1 grains, the twelfths may 
have been called litrae, if so, the sixths would have been called 
trehemilitrae, and the thirds trilime. 

The influence of Corinth however was at any rate equal to that 
of Sicily, and the Corinthian small coins were called obols and 
drachms, but if the twelfths were obols, the sixths may have been 
trehemiobols, and the thirds drachms. 

The word OBOAOZ indeed occurs on some bronze coins of Meta- 
pontum, but their value can hardly have been equal to 11 grains 
of silver. The bronze coins seem to have been monev of account 
and it is very difficult to understand the significance of this legend. 

— 74 — 
CLASS I. 550-480 B.C. 

The silver staters of the earliest period are found in three diffe- 
rent sizes, but all weighing about the same, from about 117 to 
129 grains. The normal weight was 126 grains. 

(a) The earliest are about an inch-and-a-sixteenth in diameter, 
very thin and flat and much more round than ordinary Greek 


Obv. An ear of barley : a border of dots with or without 
lines, or a border of dots on raised band. 

Rev. Same type incuse. 

The shape of the letters in the legend is archaic; VET, or 
A' ETA, or VE— TA, or # F=TAP, or the same in reverse order. 

One of these early coins in the British Museum has a grasshopper 
on the right of the type. 

Sometimes these types are found struck on Pegasus coins ot 
Corinth, the wing of Pegasus is clearly to be seen on one specimen 
in the British Museum. 

(b) The coins issued a little later differ only in size and are of a 
slightly thicker fabric. 

They measure about f§ of an inch in diameter, and weigh from 
120 to 126 gfains. 

(c) Towards the end of this first period the coins of the same 
weight were still thicker in fabric, and measure only about '{ of an 
inch in diameter, the types of both Obverse and Reverse being the 
same as on the earlier coins {ci) and (/>). 


Thirds. The normal weight should be 42 grains but the specimens 
known weigh from 38 to 40 grs. 
Sixths. Normal weight 21 grains. 
Obv. An ear of barley. 
Rev. A bull's head facing, incuse. 
Twelfths. Normal weight 1 1 grains. 
(a) Obv. and Rev. same as on Staters. 


(b) Obv. Ear of barley. 

Rev. Corn-grain incuse, and on either side of type O, both on 
Obv. and Rev. 


There is a legend that early settlers came from Phocis, and some 
have thought the Bull's head a reference to this origin : a bull's 
head appears on coins of Phocis. 

Pausanias (lib. X, 16) says the Plataeenses dedicated oxen to 


Obv. Ear of barley, META. 

Rev. Five corn-grains arranged in a star pattern ; only one 
specimen is in the British Museum, it weighs 124-4 grains. The 
fabric is thick, and the modelling bold. These are rare coins. 

CLASS III. 480-400 B.C. 

Staters of this period weigh from 121 to 125 grains. 

1. Obv. Ear of barley, same as on earliest coins, META, raised 
band with dots around. 

Rev. Nude figure of Apollo standing to left, holding a laurel- 
tree or bough in right hand, and a bow in his left. 

2. Same as 1., but an altar is added to left of Apollo, on which 
the laurel-bough rests. 

3. Obv. Same as r. 

Rev. Nude figure of Heracles standing to left with club over his 

4. Obv. same as 1. 

Rev. Nude figure of Heracles sacrificing at an altar; over his 
right extended arm an object, called in B. M. Cat., a bucranium ? 
(no. 51). 

5. Obv. Ear of barley, META. 

Rev. The River Achelous in human form, bearded and with 
bull's horns and ears, standing facing, holding patera and long 
reed. Legend AtEVO^O AEOAOM. 

These coins were probably prizes given at the games held in 
honour of Achelous. 

6. Obv. Ear of barley, META. 

Rev. Apollo seated wearing Chlamys, playing the lyre, before 
him a laurel-tree. 



1. Obv. An ear of corn, META. 

Rev. Figure of Apollo standing to right with head facing, his 
hair tied in knot, right hand on hip, his left holding a bow, all 
within a laurel- wreath. 

This coin in the B. Museum weighs 55.7 gr. It may perhaps 
be an under-weighted half-stater. 

2. Obv. An ear of barley. 

Rev. Head of Acheloiis, the man-headed bull in profile. 

This is a Hect;e, a sixth; weights vary from 1 1 . 3 to 12.3 grs. 

CLASS IV. 400-350 B.C. 

This is the period in which the coin-engravers attained the 
highest perfection of their art. 

1. Obv. A varied series of female heads in profile, generally 
facing to right. There are however six specimens in the British 
Museum, belonging to this class, which face to left, some are 
placed as early, others late in the series. 

D r Head remarks: " The purity and extreme beauty of the work 
exemplified on the numerous variety of the heads on these coins 
leave nothing to be desired ". 

Some of the heads are accompanied with legends naming or 
qualifying the deity in whose honour they were struck, as, AA M AT H R 
Demeter^ ATOA Apollo, API2TE Ariste, l-YTEIA Hygeia, 
hOMONOIA Homonoia. 

That bearing the head of Demeter is signed by KAA. 

Rev. An ear of barley, META, sometimes with a symbol, as a 
bird, a murex shell, a vase, a honey-suckle blossom, a locust, a 
poppy-head, an owl flving, and sometimes an artist's signature. 

2. Obv. A head of Heracles in lion's skin headdress. 
Rev. Ear of barley, META and locust. 

3. Obv. Youthful male head with ram's skin head-dress, 
with horn and ear. D r Head suggests that this represents " either 
the Lybian Dionysus or possibly Apollo Karneios the god of 
flocks and herds ". 

4. Obv. Head of Zeus, sometimes with EAEYOEPIOI. 

— 77 — 


Sixths. Obv. A youthful horned head. 

Rev . Ear of barley. 

Obv. A bearded horned head, perhaps Zeus Amnion. 

Rev. Ear of barley. 

CLASS V. 350-330 B.C. 

The coins of this period show that the citizens assimilated their 
coinage to that of Thurium and that they adopted a divisional 
system by two and four instead of by three and six. 

1. Tetradrachm or Distater. Weight 240 gr. 

Obv. Head of bearded hero Leucippos wearing Corinthian 
helmet. Symbol, fore-part of goat behind. On the helmet Nike, in 
fast quadriga, and above hinge, sea horse with curled wing ; behind, 
half of running lion to right in front of which ATH, border of dots. 

Rev. Ear of barley, METAnONTINHN. 

Magistrate's name abbreviated, AMI. 

2. Staters. Weighing 122 grs. 

Obv. Head of Leucippos wearing Corinthian helmet and 
showing slight whiskers. QA^AVO^M.. 

3. Half Stater weighing 62 grs. 
Obv. Apollo standing with bow. 

Rev. Ear of barley, the whole in olive-wreath, META. 

4. Obv. Owl on olive-branch, Zl. 
Rev. Ear ot barley, META. 49 grs. 

CLASS VI. 330-300 B.C. 

As there are no coins of Metapontum of the reduced standard as 
at Tarentum, it is probable that no coins were issued after the 
Lucanians took the city shortly before the year 300 B.C. 

1. Staters. Obv. Head of Persephone with locks of hair 
flowing freely behind her back, the head generally turned to right. 
The style is very inferior to that of the earlier classes. Weight from 
120 to 126 grs. 

2. Same goddess with hair rolled. 

3. Same goddess with hair in sphendone. 

4. Same goddess with veil hanging; helmet. 

5. Same goddess with hair in net. 

6. Same goddess with head veiled. 

7. Same goddess with head facing, inclined to right, wearing 
wreath of honey-suckle and barley, sometimes with legend 
2HTHPIA above. 

8. Head of NIKA. Victory wearing laureate Stephanos. 

9. Head of NIKA wearing sphendone adorned with stars. 

Rev. Ear of barley with a symbol, as for instance, plough, ant, 
cornucopiae, amphora, vine-branch, cicada, star, Nike, satyr, tongs, 
griffin, rake, Artemis, club, fulmen, bucranium, leaf, caduceus, 
tripod, mouse. 


Half Staters. Weighing from 49 to 56 grs. 

Obv. Head of Pallas in winged helmet. 

Rev. Ear of barley ; symbol, club, AYK monogram. 

Diobols. Weighing 21 grs. 

1. Obv. Head of Demeter with flowing hair. 
Rev. Ear of barley; symbol, plough. 

2. Obv. Head of Pallas in Corinthian helmet, METAPONTI. 
Rev. Ear of barley, and, as symbol, a plough or cornucopias, &c. 


Bronze coinage was introduced at the neighbouring city Taren- 
tum about 330 B.C., soon after the arrival of Alexander the 
Molossian, and this appears to be the date of its introduction to 
Metapontum and Heracleia. D r Head ascribes the earliest bronze 

— 79 — 

coins of Neapolis to 40 B.C., but others think some of the bronze 
coins of that city date from circ. 430 B.C. At Croton bronze 
coinage had apparently been in use a hundred years before it was 
adopted in Meta'pontum, where Greek influence was stronger than 
Italian. The farther north we go the more easily would bronze be 
obtained, and at Rome the bronze coinage preceded the silver. 

The bronze coins of Metapontum were all small, the largest in 
size being only seven-eighths of an inch in diameter and the 
smallest only .4. These larger coins are called oboli and the word 
itself is found on some of them. 

1. Oboli. Cir. 330 B.C. Size .85 or about seven-eighths of an 

Obv. Hermes to left wearing petasos and chlamys, his right 
arm extended, his left hand holding caduceus; in field to left EY; 
all in a circle of fine dots. 

Rev. ME. oBOAOS, an ear of barley. 

2. Size slightly less than no 1. (circ. 330 B.C.) 
Obv. Head of Persephone to right. 

The heads on various specimens vary as on the staters in regard 
to head-gear. 

Rev. OBOA02- Ear of barley, sometimes with symbols as on the 

3. Size .65 or nearly eleven-sixteenths of an inch. 
Same types as on no 2. Same date as 2. 

4. Size .65. 

Obv. Head of Pallas to right wearing Corinthian helmet. 
Rev. Ear of barley, uncertain legend. 

5. Size .55 or five-eighths of an inch. 

Obv. Head of Persephone to right crowned with corn. 
Rev. META, ear of barley. 

6. Size. The same as no 5. 

Obv. Head of Heracles in lion's skin. 3 rd century. 

Rev. META, ear of barley. 

7. Size .55. 

Obv. Head of Zeus to right. 3 rd century. 

Rev. Two ears of barley. 

8. Size .55. 

Obv. A bearded helmeted head. Circ. 300 B.C. 

Rev. M — E. A barleycorn. 

9. Size .5 or about half-an-inch. 
Obv. A mask to right, hair rolled. 
Rev. A barleycorn. 

10. Size .45 . 

Obv. Head of Persephone to left with hair long behind. 
Rev. A barleycorn, ME and A"l. 

— So- 
il. Size, about half an inch. 3 rd cent. 
Obv. A Tripod. 
Rev. A barleycorn. 

12. Size .5 . 

Obv. Head of Hermes. Circ. 300 B.C. 

Rev. Three barleycorns arranged starwise with M — E . 

13. Size. About half-an-inch . 

Obv. Helmeted head oi Pallas to right. 
Rev. Same as no 12, but with fly as symbol. 

14. Size, about half-an-inch. 

Obv. Bust of Helios full face and radiate. circ. 300 B.C. 

Rev. Same as no 12, symbol, lighted torch. 

15. Size .5. 

Obv. Beardless male head with ram's horn headdress. 
Rev. META. Ear of barley. Symbol, a pruning hook. 

16. Size, about half-an-inch. 

Obv. Head of Persephone. Circ. 3 nd cent. 

Rev. Ear of barley. 

17. Size .65, nearly three-quarters of an inch. 
Obv. An eagle to left with wings extended. 
Rev. Ear of barley and fulmen. 

18. Size .55 . 

Obv. Pallas Promachos. Circ. 300. 

Rev. META. An owl on an ear of barley. 

19. Size .45 . 

Obv. Head of Artemis, hair in knot, over shoulder bow and 

Rev. META. Ear of barley; amphora in field. 

20. Size .65 . 

Obv. Head of Leucippos, r. bearded and wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet. 

Rev. META. Persephone facing, wearing wreath of barley, 
holding in r. hand long torch with cross pieces at top, her left hand 
resting on hip. 

21. Size .65 . 

Obv. Bearded male head, r. bound with wreath or diadem . 
Rev. Ear of barley, uncertain inscription. 

22. Size .6 . 

Obv. Bust of Demeter, r. wearing stephane and veil. 
Rev. META. Ear of barley 

23. Size .65 . 

Obv. Head of Persephone, r. wearing wreath of barley, 
earrings, necklace. A border of dots. 

Rev. META. Between two ears of barley, that on the right 
with leaf, on which a dove with wings partly open. 

— 81 — 

24- Size .65 . 

Obv. Head of Dionysos, 1. bound with ivy-wreath. 
Rev. META. Ear of barley with leaf on right, above which short 
torch with cross pieces above 

25. Size .4. 

Obv. Head of Zeus, r. laureate. 

Rev. Same as 24 but with longer torch . 

26. Size .4. 

Obv. Head of Hermes, r. wearing petasos . 

Rev. ME, above a winged caduceus, TA below. 

27. Size .45 . 

Obv. Head of Pan, r. horned and wreathed. 
Rev. META. Ear of barley with leaf to right, above which an 
uncertain object. 

28. Size .35 . 

Obv. Head of Pan without wreath. 
Rev. E. A barleycorn. 

#\ Specimens of many of these types may be procured for 1/. to 
5/. apiece when not in finest state. 


— 82 — 


The mere collector of coins will take but little interest in those 
of Siris because they are so rare that they are only found in great 
museums, but the student delivered from the lust of possession will 
be free and ready to imagine a series of very beautiful pictures of 
an ancient city which he will mentally weave out of the pages of 
Strabo and Athenaeus. 

Moreover the thin disc-like plates of silver which were issued in 
this long lost city are exactly like those of Sybaris and only differ 
in the legends : there is therefore no special reason for regretting 
the rareness of these coins, or our inability to add a specimen to 
our cabinets. 

The exact site on which Siris stood has not been yet identified 
by excavations, but we know it was on the fertile plain near the 
mouth of the river Siris, now called the Sinno, now desolate on 
account of malaria. It was founded originally by the Pelasgian 
Chones a tribe of the Oenotrians and its name is said to have been 
given either from that of a daughter or a wife of some native ruler 
or from that of the river on which it stood. We shall see that Strabo 
relates a legend of Trojans dwelling there, but he also represents the 
Ionian colonists from Colophon as taking it from the Chones. As 
this race was highly civilized they may have dwelt together with 
Trojan colonists. Athenaeus (lib. XII, 25) tells us the city was 
first occupied by men who came from Troy and afterwards by a 
colony from Colophon near Ephesus, and he quotes Timaeus and 
Aristotle as his authorities. Timaeus was a Sicilian who carried his 
history of S. Italy down to the year 264 B.C. He tells us that the 
men of Siris were as luxurious as those of Sybaris, and wore 
garments of brilliant hues, " avOivoy? xiTtova? ", and girdles of 
great price, " \ii-py.i: -z'/sj-z'hi'Ji". 

Athenaeus also quotes some lines of Archilochus of Paros, who 
visited Siris about 690-680 B.C., describing the site thus : " There 
is no place so beautiful nor to be so much desired and loved as that 
by the river Siris". 

- 8 3 - 

Strabo preserves an interesting legend concerning the Trojan 
occupation of the city in book VI. "They point out the statue of 
the Trojan Athene which is erected there, as a proof of its colo- 
nization by the Trojans. They also relate as a miracle how the 
statue closed its eyes, when the suppliants, who had fled for 
sanctuary to her shrine were dragged away by the Ionians, after 
they had taken the city". Although we know the city only by the 
name Siris, Strabo tells us the Ionians changed its name to Polieum. 
Herodotus (lib. VI, 127) has preserved for us another interesting 
reference to the wealth and luxury of Siris during the period 5 95— 
580 B C. In describing the suitors for the hand of Agarista the 
daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, he says : ''From Italy came 
Smindyrides of Sybaris and Damasus of Siris, son of Amyris the 
wise ". 

This Amyris was celebrated as giving rise to the proverb "Apvpiq 
[/.aivsTai, " the wise man is mad. " ■ 

Athenaeus tells us (XII 520.) that Amyris went to enquire of the 
Pythian god with others, how long they should prosper. He is 
also mentioned by Suidas and by Eusthathius ad II. ii, p. 298. 

The fall of Siris about 550 B C. was brought about by the 
jealousy of the Achaean Colonies of Metapontum Sybaris and Cro- 
ton. A league of Achaeans was formed against the Ionian colony ; 
that the city was destroyed and its inhabitants expelled we learn 
from Justin (XX, 2). 

About seventy years afterwards The-mistocles threatened Eury- 
biades that he would take the Athenians to Siris and form a colony 
there, so the site was evidently unoccupied (Herodotus VIII, 62). 


The trade route across the isthmus from Siris to Laus and Pvxus 
was probably one of the caases of the prosperity of Siris. The site 
of Pyxus is said to be that now called Policastro on the west coast 
of Lucania, in the bay of Laus, and about twenty miles from that 
city. From Siris it was about fifty miles, the road would pass bv 
Nerulum and thus avoid the higher ranges on each side. Strabo 
says of Pyxus (lib. VI, 252) " and beyond Palimarus are the 
promontory, harbour, and river of Pyxus, the three having the 
same name. This colony was founded by Micvthus then tyrant of 
Messina in Sicily ; but those who were located here, except a few, 
abandoned the place. " Strabo refers to an attempt to occupy the 
ruined site of the old city, made in the year 471 B.C., that is nearly 
eighty years after the fall of Siris. It is probable that Pvxus fell by 
the same power which crushed the mother city . 

8 4 


There are two specimens of these coins of Siris in the British 

i. Obv. MOM^I^M retrograde. A Bull standing to left on a 
line of dots turning his head round and biting his back : dotted 
cable border. 

Rev. The same type as obv. but incuse and reversed : wreathed 
border, incuse. TVXOEM. 

2. Obv. OM Similar type : border of dots on band. 

Rev. XVT. Similar type : incuse border of radiating lines. 
The letter M is an old form of Z. 
The letter £ is an old form of I. 
The letter 3 is an old form of P. 



The citizens of Sybaris earned the unenviable notoriety of having 
their name applied to lovers of luxury and ease, and the story of 
their fall has been used as an object lesson in all ages. 

About half way between Croton and Tarentum, near the shore 
of the great gulf, stood Sybaris, the oldest of the cities of Southern 
Italy. According to the geographical poem by Scymnus of Chios, it 
was founded as early as 720 B.C., that is to say ten years before the 
settlement at Croton, twelve before the foundation of Tarentum, 
four years before Gyges began to reign in Lydia, and seven after 
Hezekiah was crowned in Jerusalem. 

According to Strabo, the founder of the city was a citizen of 
Helice in Achaia, who led a band of Achaeans and Troezenians to 
this site, but the latter were soon turned forth, and the city became 
wholly Achaean. Like the men of other cities of Magna Graecia the 
Sybarites in later times claimed as their founder a Trojan hero, for 
Solinus, a geographer of the third century of our era, says that a son 
of Ajax Oi'leus was the founder of Sybaris, but his words merely 
record a claim which cannot be substantiated. 

The great fertility of the soil was not the only source of wealth 
to the citizens, they were wise enough to encourage immigrants, 
and to subdue the Oenotrians who dwelt in the cities between 
Sybaris and Laiis on the northern shores, thus winning a road by 
which merchandise might be taken by land across the isthmus, a 
distance of about forty miles. The perils of the voyage between 
Scylla and Charybdis, and the greater perils of the Carthaginian 
pirates, caused the merchants from Corinth and Miletus to send 
their goods through Sybaris, and on account of this commerce the 
city grew richer and greater than any other in South Italy. The 
Sybarites claimed to rule over twenty-five subject cities, and to 
possess an army of 300.000 men, but this is probably an exaggera- 
tion, and some of the subject cities may have been Oenotrian 
villages or forts along the great high road . 

— 86 — 

The power of the citizens was great enough to found such colonies 
as Poseidonia, Laiis and Scidrus. The city was said to have been 
50 stadia in circumference, and in the religious processions no 
less than 500 horsemen rode to their temple. Herodotus tells us 
of the luxury and wealth of one of the citizens, who became a 
suitor for the hand of one of the daughters of Cleisthenes of Sicyon 
(VI, 127). Athenaeus, Diodorus, and Suidas all wrote of the luxury 
of the citizens, of their fine woollen garments from Miletus, and the 
costly robe of fabulous price given as a votive offering by Alcimenes 
of Sybaris to the Lacinian Hera. 

History is generally silent concerning prosperous cities, and so 
we naturally hear but little of Sybaris until shortly before its fall. 
Herodotus incidentally refers to the times of Smindyrides, about 
580-560 B.C., as the period when Sybaris was at the height of its 
power, and it was then that its mint was established. Coins shewing 
a commercial alliance with Croton are found which were issued 
between 500 and 480 B.C. 

The fall of the city was brought about by internal dissension ; 
the oligarchial party was defeated by the democrats under a leader 
named Telys, and the exiled party fled to Croton. When Telys 
called upon the Crotoniates to deliver up to him the refugees, war 
was proclaimed, the result of which was the utter defeat of the 
Sybarites on the banks of the river Trais in 510 B.C., and the 
utter destruction of their city, by the turning of the waters of the 
Crathis upon the site of the plundered town. Cf. Cavallari in the 
Notizie degli Scavi(Lincei)Rome, 1879. 

From the rarity of the coins of Sybaris issued during the period 
of prosperity we may infer that during the first century of her 
commercial activity the trade was carried on without the aid of 
coined money. Probably the coinage of Corinth was used for some 
short time, and at any rate it would be from the Corinthian mer- 
chants that the citizens of Sybaris learned the advantages of a coin- 
age. The site of the ancient city is now a desolate swampy tract, 
pestilential from malaria, and inhabited only by herds of wild 
animals. Keppel Craven writes of a wall sometimes visible in the 
bed of the stream when the w r ater is low . 

Cf. p. 454 Hieron, Die. Biog. 

The fact that Hieron sent Theron on a military expedition 
against the Sybarites in Italy between 478-466 B.C. shews that 
they were not utterly crushed . 

THE RETURN. 453-448 B.C. 

In 510 B.C. the survivors of the terrible defeat fled to Laiis and 
Scidrus, perhaps the modern Sapri, a fishing village six miles east 

- 8 7 - 

of Policastro. Fifty-seven years afterwards the descendants of these 
fugitives made an attempt to restore the city of their fathers, and 
in 453 B.C. they began to build as near as possible to the old site. 
After five or six years the men of Croton drove them away, but 
during that time the Sybarites had prospered sufficiently to estab- 
lish a mint, and issue small silver coins, which can only be attrib- 
uted to that date. At the same time they issued coins in alliance 
with Poseidonia. 

If it were not for these coins bearing the letters MOT we might 
conjecture that the money of this second period was all struck in 
Paestum, the workmanship and design being so similar. The rude 
style bears witness to the poverty of the new city. 


The fugitive Sybarites who fled from the ruins of their restored 
and newly devastated city, appealed to the Spartans for aid, but 
without success, they then applied to the Athenians, and their 
prayers for help w r ere heard. Pericles sent a body of colonists, under 
the command of Lampon and Xenocritus; it was a mixed band of 
men from many cities, the number of Athenians being small. 
Plutarch, in his life of Pericles, thus relates the sending of the 
colonists. He sent "others into Italy, who settled in Sybaris and 
changed its name to Thurii. These things he did to clear the city 
of a useless multitude, who were very troublesome when they had 
nothing to do ; to make provision for the most necessitous, and to 
keep the allies of Athens in awe, by placing colonies like so many 
garrisons in their neighbourhood. " 

Among these, however, were two celebrated men, Herodotus the 
historian, and Lysias the orator. These new colonists at first 
attempted to settle near the site of the ancient Sybaris, but in 
448 B.C., in obedience to an oracle, at length moved to a new site 
near a spring called Thuria. 

The Crotoniates, perhaps overawed by the fame and power of 
Athens, appear to have left this new colony undisturbed. Very soon 
the Sybarites, by their arrogant claims to every post of preeminence 
and of political privilege, were driven forth and obliged to attempt 
the building of a new city on the banks of the Trais, the scene of 
their forefathers' terrible defeat . They were here left in peace by the 
Crotoniates because the men of Thurii had concluded a treaty of 
peace with Croton. This last home of the Sybarites does not appear 
to have lasted many years, but long enough for the establishment 
of a mint, from which small silver coins were issued, similar in 
type to the coins of Thurii, but with the legend IVBA, shewing that 

the name of the older city was still proudly given to the poor little 
suburb of Thurii. The change ot the name from Sybaris to Thurii 
may have been arranged partly with a view to conciliate the men 
of Croton who had fought against the restoration of the city which 
had been their enemy. 

The last home of the Sybarites was destroyed by the native 
races which afterwards assisted in the destruction of Croton. 
Diodorus XII, 22 calls these tribes Bruttii, but this is an anachronism, 
for at that time the Sabellian tribes of the Lucanians were pressing 
southward and it was not till about 356 B.C. that the Bruttii became 
an acknowledged power; perhaps Diodorus knowing the Bruttii 
were of the Lucanian stock spoke of Lucanians by the name they 
afterwards received. 


There are only about ten different types of Sybaris, all of silver, 
four belong to the ancient city, three to the city which was 
destroyed in 448 B.C. and three to the last city destroyed by the 
Lucanians . 

The oldest coins belong to the flat incuse series common to so 
many cities of Magna Graecia, which has been described in the 
chapter on Croton. In the earliest days of the Pythagorean brother- 
hood the citizens of Croton and Sybaris were friendly, and it is 
possible that in these flat coins we may see evidence of the influence 
of that brotherhood. While the government of Sybaris remained 
in the hands ot an oligarchy the old friendship continued, and 
Croton was chosen for a refuge when the democracy overcame 
their rulers. The coins of the first city are distinguished by the 
Bull type, those of the second by the Poseidon type, and those ot 
the third city by the type of Pallas Athene. The coins of the second 
and third cities were only obols and drachms, of rude workmanship, 
such as we might expect to find among poor colonists. 



In the chapter concerning the bull on the coins of Neapolis the 
significance of this type is explained as a symbol of one of the 
powers of nature, that of the mighty force of a swift river. The 
Crathis, named by the early Achaean colonists after a river near 
their old home, was one of the most considerable rivers of Southern 
Italy, and like all streams flowing from mountains along a plain 
was subject to violent inundations and changes of its course. When 

- 8 9 - 

Sybaris was a flourishing city no doubt the river was restrained by 
dams and embankments, and hence it was readily used by the men 
of Croton to destroy the very site of the city by the withdrawal 
of the artificial, restraints. The attitude of the symbolic bull on the 
coins of the city in its days of prosperity was in harmony with the 
calm restrained strength of the river, for the bull was represented 
with the head turned backwards, as if peacefully licking its back. No 
doubt the artist arranged the attitude to make the design fit the 
circular space to be covered with the figure, and that same object 
was equally well attained by the later artists who represented the 
bull charging with his head down. It is noteworthy that this 
attitude was in harmony with the changed condition of the river, 
which rushed impetuously across the ruins of the city unre- 
strained by the old dams. The new type was a symbol of the new 
name Thurium, and the connection of the old city with the new 
is commemorated by the Scholiast on Sophocles, Ajax (line 212) 
" Speak since the ardent Ajax (Osjpicc Aiac) dearly loving thee, 
honours thy captive bed". 

The note is " ®o6p'.oq. b cp{j:r,-'.y.oq, ©cupicv ot o-joz-ipuq iccXi? r ( 
v.xl Si'^apig" (Thourios means the impetuous, but in the neuter 
signifies a city, that is Svbaris) ; the passage is quoted by Eckhel, 
vol. I, p. 163 . 

Diodorus and Strabo say the fountain near which the colonists 
from Athens settled was called Thuria Tr,v ok -i/av v.q i-.zpov -or.ov 
[j.z~iHr t 7.w TiXyjabv xai Ocjpii'jc -psaYjYspc'ja-av coco l rr l z 6;jlojv»j;xcj. 
Strabo, p. 19, t. II, Tauchnitii . 


When the descendants of the Sybarites made their first attempt 
to restore the city of their forefathers in 453 B.C., new types were 
chosen for the drachms issued about that time : on the Obverse we 
see Poseidon, and on the Reverse a dove. 

As the head of Athene on the coins issued after 443 B.C. 
witnesses to the influence of the Athenian colonists at Thurium, so 
the figure of Poseidon on the coins of 453 B.C. witnesses to the 
help given by the colonv of Sybarites settled at Poseidonium, now 
called Paestum. Herodotus in Bk VI mentions the Sybarites as 
settling in Laus and Scidrus after their defeat in 510 B.C., but does 
not mention Poseidonia ; however these coins are witnesses to the 
help given by the men of that city in 453 B.C. The coins of 
Piestum bear the same figure of Poseidon in the same attitude on 
the Obverse, and a bull on the Reverse. 

The following additional reason for thinking this deity most 

— 90 — 

suitable for the new coinage of 453 B.C. may be only a modern 

Poseidon with the help of Apollo is said to have assisted Laome- 
don in the building of the walls of Troy. In the Iliad of Homer 
(VII, 452) we find Poseidon's prayer to Zeus concerning the wall 
and trench dug by the Greeks, "and men shall lightly deem of 
that wall which I and Phoebus jointly raised with toil and pain for 
great Laomedon. " 

This hero's refusal to give the god the stipulated reward made 
Poseidon turn to help the Greeks, and hence the pious Aeneas 
was tossed upon the waves. Apollo however opposed Poseidon as 
we read in Book XX : " For there to Royal Neptune stood opposed 
Phoebus Apollo with his arrows keen ". These lines connected the 
building of walls under Poseidon with the opposition of Apollo, the 
god of the Crotoniates, and show how apt was the choice by the 
Sybarites of this Poseidon type for the Obverse of their new 

How suitable a deity for such a race as the Sybarites was Posei- 
don, of whom Gladstone said : " Of all the divinities from whose 
character the higher elements are absent, Poseidon is the most 
remarkable. Lustful, vengeful, headstrong, self-assertive, yet ever 
shrewd; he is not under complete control even from Zeus himself." 
This reads like a description of the characters of those who placed 
his image on their coins at Sybaris. 


No explanation of this type has yet been offered, and proba- 
bly no satisfactory elucidation can be given, but the problem 
remains an interesting one. The form of the bird is on some speci- 
mens exactly that of a dove, but on others something like that of 
an eagle. The artists of that period have left many specimens of 
bird forms which are so imperfect that we doubt which bird they 
were meant to represent. If we could regard the bird as meant for 
an eagle no difficulty would be felt in regard to its symbolism : 
it would of course be the bird of Zeus. The dove is usually regarded 
as sacred to Aphrodite, but that goddess does not appear to have 
influenced the cities of Magna Graecia. The similar bird on coins of 
Laiis is called a crow. 

This crow may have reference to Herodotus IV, 15, Aristaeus 
was said to have been with Apollo as a crow. 

On these coins the bird is found connected with Poseidon and 
we therefore look for some connection between these deities in the 
Homeric legends and myths. The only myth connecting these 

— 91 — 

deities seems to contain a probable confusion between Aphrodite 
and Amphitrite; it is recorded by Hesiod, (Theog. 930) that Rhodos 
was the child of Amphitrite and Poseidon, but she is called "the 
child of Aphrodite and Poseidon " by the Scholiast ad Pindar Olym. 
VII, 24. 

On p. 228 of Smith's Clas. Die. vol. I, sub voce Aphrodite, 
the reference is given to Pindar (Pyth. VIII, 24), but apparently this 
is a mistake. This reference to the connection of Poseidon with 
Aphrodite is not sufficiently well founded to enable us to see any 
connection between the myth and the appearance of a dove on the 
coins of Svbaris. 

The cult of Aphrodite was developed in the Eastern part of the 
old Greek world, and we hardly expect to find her symbols in the 
West. No coins of Poseidonia in the British Museum bear a dove, 
but I have heard of a bronze coin of that city on which Poseidon is 
represented with a fulmen in one hand and a dove on the other. It 
is possible this may be an example of a composite deity in whom 
the attributes of Zeus and Aphrodite are combined. The choice of 
such a symbol by the men of Sybaris would be in harmony with 
that of Poseidon, for his character was as evil as that of Aphrodite 
in the Homeric legends. 

Gladstone says "she is made odious and contemptible by her 
weakness and cowardice, as well as by her merely sensual 

These were the ideals worshipped by the men whose very name 
has become a byword and reproach. 

Period I. Before jio B.C. 

The coins of this period consist of Staters weighing about 126 grs., 
thirds weighing about 42 grs.; sixths weighing about 21 grs., and 
twelfths weighing about 10 grs. 

The sixths with the diota incuse on the Reverse are attributed to 
this period by D r Head on p. 70 of the Hist. Num., but in^the 

— 92 — 

British Museum Catalogue, and in the trays, they are arranged 
under Period II. 

D r Head's arrangement is here followed. 

I I . Staters. Size 1.2; normal weight 126 grs. 

Obv. VM in the exergue, the letter M is that called San which 
was after 443 B.C. written 2. 

The type is a bull standing to left on a dotted bar, turning his 
head round and licking or biting his back; a border of a dotted 

Rev. A similar type to the obverse, but incuse and reversed ; an 
incuse border of dots. 

On some specimens an incuse border of radiating lines ; on 
others the bull stands on a double dotted line, and on some the 
bar is like the radiated border. 

II*. Third part of a Stater. Size .75. Weight : 42 grains. 

Obv. and Rev. Same as the stater. 

III. Sixth part ot a Stater. Size 45. Weight : 21 grains. 

Obv. Same as Stater. Bull either advancing to left or standing to 

Rev. Diota incuse : border of radiated lines incuse. 

IV*. Twelfth of a Stater. Size .3. Weight : 10 grains, but worn 
specimens 7, and some 6.9 grs. 

Obv. Same as Stater. 

Rev. No type. The letters [Yj filling the field. 

If the smallest coin was called an Obol, the sixth may have been 
called a drachm, the third a tetradrachm, and the stater a dodeca- 
drachm, but we do not know what these pieces were called in 

Period II. 453-448 B.C. 

The coins of this Second Period are inferior in artistic value to 
those of the First, and they consist only of sixths or drachms and 
small coins, weighing about 6 grains, perhaps obols. 

I. Size .4. Weight about 20 grs. 

Obv. VM or A9VM. Poseidon naked advancing to right, striking 
with trident and his left arm extended. 

I. The coins marked with an asterisk are common and may be obtained in fair state 
for 10 1 . to if/ . 

— 93 — 

Rev. A dove or crow to left, or right, sometimes within a wreath. 

II. Size .4. Weight about 20 grs. 

Obv. No letters. Poseidon advancing to right, striking with 
trident, wearing chlamys falling over both arms, the left arm being 
extended : border of dots. 

Rev. VM or 9YM. Bull advancing to left. 

Variety with A9YM on Reverse, and bull to right on a plain line 
above a dotted one. 

III. Size .25. Weight : 6.2 grs. 

Obv. Similar type to no II, border of dots. 

Rev. Bull standing, to left, border of dots. 

Period III. After 44} B.C. 

The coins of this period are distinguished from those of the earlier 
times by the head of Pallas on the Obverse. 

I*. Size .6. Weight : 40 grs. 

Obv. Head of Pallas to right, wearing crested Athenian helmet 
adorned with olive-wreath. 

Rev. Legend 2YBAPI in exergue. 

Bull standing to right, with his head turned biting his flank as 
on the earliest series. 

II*. Size .55. Weight : 35.9. 

Obv. Similar type to no 1. 

Rev. Legend in field above type IYBAPI. 

Bull standing or walking to right with his head lowered. 

In the exergue, a fish to right. 

III. Size .3. Weight : 6.3 grs. 

Obv. Similar type to nos 1 and 2. 

— 94 — 

Rev. Legend in field above type ZYBA. 

A bull's head to right. 

On some specimens the legend is MY. 

Alliance Coinage. 

During the Second Period coins were issued similar in type to 
those of III with the legend VM on the Obverse and MOT on the 
Reverse in alliance. 

No bronze coins of Sybaris are known. 

— 95 — 


The coins of this city can hardly be regarded as common, but 
they are described here because they are connected with those of 
Sybaris, and belong to the series of early flat coins with incuse 
reverses associated with the Pythagorean brotherhood, and bear a 
type which is similar to the common coins of that series. 

The bronze coins are also interesting, as presenting an unsolved 
problem in the Obverse type, which appears to present us with a 
head of Aphrodite, a goddess whose cult is very rare in Southern 

The crow also on the Reverse oilers another problem, and 
perhaps is a symbol of some local legend which has not been recorded 
by any ancient author. 

This bird is sometimes associated with Apollo, but when found 
in connection with the head of a goddess presents a problem which 
offers scope for ingenious enquiry. 

Laiis was founded as a colony by men from Sybaris on a site 
chosen as that suitable for a port at the northern end of the road 
along which merchandize was carried from the southern port of 
Sybaris. This northern port was formed by the mouth of a little 
river called Laiis which formed the boundary between the lands of 
the Lucanians and Bruttians. We have no record of the date of the 
foundation of the colonv, but from the fabric of its earliest coins 
we know it must have been before 550 B.C., for their fabric is that 
of the earliest period of coinage in Southern Italy, which is usually 
associated with the influence, of the great Pythagorean brotherhood. 
The type, a bull, is similar to that of the mother city, but differs 
in that the bull on coins of Laiis is represented with a human head. 

The city of Laiis does not appear to have produced or sheltered 
any men of note, and the citizens probably were too much like 
those ol Sybaris, wealthy and effeminate, for they fell before the 
sturdy simple Lucanians in 390 B.C. and from that date the city 
was probably ruled by that people, for we find small coins of 
bronze which bear Lucanian names. 

_ 96 - 

The letters ZTA and OYI found on these bronze coins may 
represent the name Stenius or Statilius, mentioned by Pliny, and 
Valerius Maximus, as the leader of the Lucanian hosts, which 
besieged Thurium about that time. 

Statilius was the man against whom the tribune of the plebs, 
C. Aelius, brought forward a lex, and thus won for himself a 
golden crown presented by the grateful Thurians. 

Strabo speaks of the city ofLaiisas existing in his time, but it had 
fallen into ruin before the time of Pliny. The river Laus still 
retains its ancient name under the modern form of Lao or Laino. 
and it is still a considerable stream running into the gulf now called 
Policastro, but in the days of its ancient prosperity it was known 
as the gulf of Laiis. 

From Strabo we learn that "after Pyxus are the gulf, the river, 
and the city of Laiis, this the last city of the Lucanians, situate a 
little above the sea, is a colony of the Sybarites and distant from 
Elea 400 stadia. " It is more like fifty miles. 

Near to Laiis is seen the tomb of Draco, one of the companions 
of Ulysses, and the oracular response given to the Italian Greeks 
alludes to him. 

Some day, around the Dragon's stony tomb, 
A mighty multitude shall meet their doom ? 

For the Greeks of Italy, enticed by this prophecy, marched against 
Laiis, and were defeated by the Lucanians. 

About the year 390 B.C. this prophecy was fulfilled. 

The Greek league was headed by the Thurians. 

The account of their impetuosity and the sad result to their 
army is given by Diodorus Siculus (Lib. XIV, CI & CII, p. 615, 
Ed. Dindorf). The Thurians, as members of the League for mutual 
defence, were bound to assist the citizens of Laiis, but should have 
waited for further aid. The Lucanians retreated into rocky defiles, 
and caught the Thurians in an ambush. Some 10.000 Greeks are 
said to have been slain, as the Lucanians at first would give no 
quarter. The lives of many were saved by their swimming out to 
the fleet coming up from Rhegium, which they hoped was manned 
by their friends. They found themselves on board the fleet of their 
enemy Dionysius, whose brother Leptinus was in command, 
and he persuaded the Lucanians to save their lives on receipt of a 
mina of silver for each man. 

Herodotus (VI. 21) tells us that in 494 B.C. " when the Mile- 
sians suffered thus at the hands of the Persians, the Sybarites, who 
inhabited Laiis ad Scydrus, having been deprived of their country 
did not show equal sympathy. For when Sybaris was taken by the 
Crotoniates all the Milesians of every age shaved their heads and 

~ 97 — 

displayed marks of deep mourning, for these two cities had been 
more strictly united in friendship than any others we are acquainted 

PERIOD I 55O-50O B.C. 

The earliest coins of this city are similar in fabric to those of 
Sybaris, thin plate-like coins, with incuse reverse types, the same 
as those on the obverse. 

The type is a human-headed bull, standing, with the face looking 
backward, and the tail hanging down at rest. The fact that the bull 
is represented with a human head is evidence that the type was 
not an emblem of the trade in bulls, as Mr. Ridgeway suggests. 

The legend is divided, the first half being on the Obverse, and the 
second on the Reverse. Mr. George Macdonald in his work on 
" Coin-types", p. 131, says that "the survey of the coin is 
incomplete until both sides have been looked at". The legend is 
NAS on the Obverse, and NOM on the Reverse, sometimes the 
letters are placed retrograde. The legend AAIN02 forms the sin- 
gular masculine of the ethnic, and probably refers to the word 
ZTATHP understood. These earliest silver staters weighed originally 
126 grains, but many specimens weigh only from 120 to 123 grains. 
There is a raised border upon which are dots around the type, and 
the exergual line is similar to the border. 

■ f/i tti 

o i 

\J UJ-U 


PERIOD II. CIRC. 50O-450 B.C. 

The types of these coins are in relief on both sides, and the 
legend, retrograde, £AA, is the same on both sides. 

Obv. A bull with human head looking back. 

Rev. A bull with human head, but not looking back. 

The weight of these staters is the same as of those of Period I. 

One coin, in the British Museum, has SAA on the Rev. on which 
the head is looking forward and the border is plain ; on the 
Obv. MON the head is looking back, and the border is enriched 
with dots. 

Another coin has the legend r^OM on the Rev. and ^A£ on 
the Obv. 

Hands. 7 

_ 98 - 

The border of this coin is plain on Ohv. 

Thirds of a Stater, weighing 42 grains ; specimens weigh often 
about 39 gr. 

Obv. Man-headed bull to right ; in exergue, barley-corn, £AA 
above bull. 

Rev. Same type, bull to left, same legend. 

Sixths of a stater, weighing 21 grains; specimens weigh often 
17 grains. 

Obv. Bull to left looking back. 

Rev. A large acorn upright. 



Numismatic Chronicle, p. 97, III Series, vol. XVII. 

" Greek coins acquired by the British Museum in 1896. " 

1. Obv. Female head to right, wearing myrtle wreath, earring 

and necklace, hair rolled and. bound with a cord; behind, AEP ? 

(magistrate's name). 

Rev. AAINHN in field to left, a crow standing to right ; in field 
to right, a bull's head reversed. 

The whole type in circular incuse. 

From the Bunbury Sale. June 1896, lot 119. 

The wreath is almost certainly of myrtle and the goddess there- 
fore Aphrodite. 

2. Size .8. Obv. Head of a goddess much worn but of fine 
style, wearing sphendone. 

Magistrate's name, perhaps EYOYMOY, but almost illegible. 

Rev. AAlNflN. A crow standing to right : as symbol in front a 
ram's head. 

A magistrate's name between the legend and the back of the 
crow : 2TEA, but rather illegible. 

3. Size .75. Obv. AAINHN. Head of goddess, surrounded 
with dolphins. 

Rev. A crow to right, standing; symbols, a stag's head in front 
and a star above. 

— 99 — 

Magistrates' names Ml— BE on either side of star. 

4. Size .55. AA. Head of a goddess with hair in a sphendone; 
border of dots. 

Rev. A crow to right. 
Magistrates' names KO— MO. 

5. Size .6. AA. Bust of Demeter? facing, shoulders draped. 
Rev. Two crows passing one another in opposite directions, 

walking with wings closed . 

6. Size .5. Obv. Head of a young river-god to right, horned, 
hair flowing back. Probably the god of the river Laiis. Border of 

Rev. Two crows in opposite directions. 

7. Size I inch. Obv. Head of Dionysus to right, wreathed with 

Rev. A crow to right. Legend ITA— 0^1. 

In front a ram's head to right. 

8. Size I inch. Obv. Head of Heracles wearing lion's skin. Border 
of dots. 

Rev. Same as no. 6; behind, ZTA, in front *p 

9. Size. Obv. Female head with hair rolled. 
Rev. A crow. Legend EY — Bl . 

The Bronze coins are seldom found in fine condition ; indeed the 
difficulty of determining the goddess represented by the head is 
largely owing to the poor condition of the specimens. If we are 
right in identifying the one coin in fine condition as representing 
Aphrodite, most probably the other heads represent the same 
goddess, for the)- are very similar, but in too poor condition to 
shew of what leaves the crown consisted . 

It the head be identified as that of Hera it would be only what 
we might have expected to find, for there was a temple of Hera 
Areia on the banks of the Silarus not far off, and the head of this 
goddess appears on the coins of Poseidonia about the beginning of 
the fourth century. Her head, however, generally appears facing 
and not in profile. 

On the brass coins of Passtum the head of Demeter appears, and 
the appearance of that goddess would have caused no surprise if 
met with on coins of Laiis. 

— 100 — 

The head of her daughter Persephone would also have been an 
easily understood type . 

In regard to the crow we should note what Mr. G. Macdonald 
says of the crow (p. 108 of " Coin-types"). He refers to some 
lost legend to which he thinks the crow on coins of Mende refers' 
" It may have been the tale told to Pausanias by the people of 
Naupha... the story he says is not worth repeating, so I omit it" 
(Paus. II, 38, 3). 

May not this crow have some connection with the story told in 
Herodotus (IV. 15), of Aristaeus accompanying Apollo in the form 
of a crow ? 

The crow or raven may have been an emblem of Apollo. 

— 101 — 


Both Laus and Poseidon ia were founded by colonists from Syba- 
ris, probably about 600 B.C., a time when that city had attained 
its highest degree of prosperity. There is evidence that the men 
who founded Poseidonia were Dorians who had come from 
Troezen to Sybans and been expelled by the Achaean party in that 

Aristotle in his IloXmy.wv (V 3, p. 132, ed. Bekkers) tells us the 
story of their expulsion, and Solinus who wrote on geography 
about 240 A.D. calls Poseidonia a Doric colony. The shapes of the 
letters on the coins also bear witness to the Dorian origin of the 
colony. A comparative table ot the ancient forms of Greek letters 
is given in Diet, des Antiquites of Daremberg et Saglio, p. 199. 

On coins of Poseidonia we find the letter M to which Herodo- 
tus refers as Dorian; (I, 139) speaking of the names of Persians he 
says : " they all terminate with the same letter which the Dorians 
call San, and the Ionians Sigma " . 

Poseidonia was one of the northern ports to which the commerce 
of Sybaris was shipped after its land transport, hence its commercial 
prosperity . 

Hardly anything is recorded of the city during the first century 
of its growth ; Herodotus however mentions a citizen of Poseidonia 
advising the Agyllaeans to colonize Velia, about 540 B.C. 

The greatest event in the history of the city and which interests 
us because it brought about a change in the coinage, was the influx 
of fugitives from Sybaris in 5 10 B.C., when that city was destroyed. 
Mr. Macdonald, in his work on "Coin types ", suggests that it was 
soon after this event that the bull type appeared on the reverse of 
the staters. 

The large increase in the number of citizens may have led to the 
opening of fresh commercial connections, involving the change of 
the weight standard from the Campanian to the Achaean. 

One result of this influx of Sybarites was the influence exercised 
by the mint of Poseidonia over the coinage current from 452-448 

— 102 — 

B.C. in the new city founded by the Sybarites in 452 B.C. ; these 
coins of the new Svbaris being mere copies of those of Poseidonia. 

After 510 B.C. Poseidonia flourished for little more than about a 
hundred years, during which period the Lucanians were growing 
stronger than the Greeks. 

The older native races of Southern Italy, the Oenotrians, were 
less warlike, and more open to receive the civilization of Greece, 
but the Lucanians, coming from the more northern territory of the 
Samnites, were less amenable to Grecian influence. 

About 420 B.C. they had conquered Campania, and from 410 
to 400 B.C. they began to encroach upon the southern cities. 
Poseidonia being the more northern city fell first before them, 
some few years before the destruction of Laus in 390 B.C. Athen- 
odorus quotes Aristoxenus as relating that the Lucanians did not 
utterly destroy or expel the Greeks from Poseidonia, but forced 
them to submit to their rule. 

The victory of Alexander of Epirus over the Samnites and Luca- 
nians, " as he was making a descent on the district adjoining 
Poseidonia," is recorded by Livy (VIII, c. 17). The date of his 
victory is 330 B.C., and the result was the deliverance of the city 
from the Lucanian power for a short time ; the death of Alexander 
so graphically related by Livy (VIII, 24) restored the city to the 

It is not easy to picture to oneself the condition of the city 
during the victorious career of Pyrrhus, but we know that when he 
left Italy, in 273 B.C., the Romans took possession of the place, 
and planted a colony there, giving it the new name Paestum by 
which it was afterwards known. 

Paestum remained faithful to Rome throughout the second 
Punic War. Between 300 and 268 B.C. staters weighing 11 1 grs. 
were issued by the Lucanian rulers and perhaps also by the Romans 
before the issue of the celebrated denarii. After 268 B.C. only 
bronze coins were struck in Paestum, about twelve different types 
of which are known. 

The gradual decay of the city is thought to have been caused by 
the malaria arising from the stagnant waters of the stream which 
once flowed beneath its walls, and which about that time began to 
be obstructed. The whole circuit of its walls may still be traced, 
and the ruins of its four gates may even now be seen. 

The choice of Poseidon for the god of the new colony was just 
what w 7 e should expect from men whose families belonged origin- 
ally to Troezen. Pausanias (II, xxx, s. 6) tells us one of their earliest 
kings was a son of Poseidon, and that during his reign that god 
contended with Athene for supremacy, their dispute ending in their 
agreeing to share the worship of the land according to the will of 

— 103 — 

Zeus. The ancient coins of Troezen, which date however only from 
430 B.C., bore as types a trident on one side, and the head of 
Athene on the other. 

A city built by a later king Aetius was called Poseidonia. Strabo 
(IX, p. 373) also says Troezen was once called by that name. 
These early kings were Ionians, but when the Dorians came they 
sent colonists from Argos who mingled with the Ionians. 

We have seen how the poems of Homer influenced the citizens 
of Magna Graecia and we may therefore note how appropriate a 
choice for their deity to preside over the building of a new city 
Poseidon would be considered, for he is said to have assisted Apollo 
in building the walls of Troy, and to have resented the destruction 
of his work by the Greeks (Iliad, XII, 17, 28 ; XXI, 443). 

The character of Poseidon, as already remarked, presented by 
Homer is one destitute of the higher elements. Gladstone says he was 
represented as " lustful, vengeful, headstrong, self-assertive, yet 
ever shrewd". If we may think of the men who worshipped such 
a being as attributing to their god their own character, Poseidonia 
must have been an unpleasant city in which to dwell. 

The religious motive of the type is evident, and can in no way be 
made to fit Mr. Ridgeway's theory of a representation of a barter 
unit. It is natural to enquire whether the representation of the god 
on the coins was copied from some celebrated statue, but we can- 
not point to any statue now existing as that from which the type 
was taken. Mr. Macdonald (p. 97, Coin-types) thinks it is highly 
probable the type was derived from a statue at Potidaea mentioned 
by Herodotus (VIII, 129). 

The figure on the coins of Poseidonia is one of the most ancient 
representations of the god known to us, and the fact that he bears 
the trident is especially noticeable, because on very many of the 
most ancient representations of Poseidon the sceptre borne by him 
is more like that borne by Zeus, and it is often difficult to decide 
which god the figure was meant to represent. Probably the natives 
of the hills thought of the supreme Deity as the god of the air, 
whose voice was the thunder, and the dwellers by the seashores 
naturally looked upon the sea, with its mysterious power and 
beauty, as an exhibition of the power of the supreme Deity, whose 
voice was heard in the sound of the waves, and whose anger was 
felt in the storms. It has been said that " Poseidon was in fact Zeus 
in his marine aspect ", and in one of the Orphic Hymns Poseidon 
is called r.iw.oz ehxXioq ZsJr. 

That the cult of Poseidon was more in harmony with those ot 
the other cities of Magna Graecia than would appear at first sight 
to be the case, we may see when we consider the relation ofhis 
cult with those of Dionysus and Demeter in the mother country . 

— 104 — 

His temple at Troezen, where he was prominent as a deity of 
vegetation, was contiguous to that of Demeter Thesmophorus. 
Plutarch states that Poseidon was Ir^-pl; aJwaor, the sharer of 
Demeter's temple. According to Eustathius, a -i;x-r ( or procession 
in his honour was part of the Demeter festival of the Haloa at 
Eleusis; and he shared in the honours paid to the Mother and 
Daughter at an altar on the Sacred way from Athens. His name 
may probably be connected with %oaiq, t:otsv, and iuoTa;j.s;, and he 
was evidently in some places looked upon as a freshwater god. 
In harmony with this idea is the title c'jxaXij.isc which Plutarch 
attests was given to him at Athens and Troezen. 

The men of Cyzicus were bidden by the Delphic Oracle to 
associate him in sacrifice with Yf t xapxofopo;. If we can trust Hesy- 
chius Poseidon had his share in the Dionysiac festival of the 

As the god of freshwater springs he was called Nu[j.?a7$TY;c, and 
hence a nymph might naturally have appeared on some of the coins 
struck in honour of his cult. The bull type which we find on the 
Reverse in Period II. appears more natural and easy to under- 
stand when we realize the old association of Poseidon as the god or 
the rivers and fountains as well as of the sea. The type has been 
explained in the notes on the coins of Neapolis. 

As a specimen of the prayers offered to Poseidon we may take 
that in the Knights of Aristophanes 533 (p. 114, Ed. Mitchell) : — 

"Hail King Poseidon, thou god of horses, thou that lovest the 
tramp and neighing of brazen-shod steeds, the swift triremes with 
their dark-blue beaks of onset, and the strife of youths who glory 
and suffer hardship in the chariot race, lord of the golden trident 
and fosterer of dolphins. " 

However much this god was associated with fresh water, it was 
with his power over the sea we most frequently find him associated 
both in art and literature. 

All the statues of Poseidon of which we read in Strabo or Pausa- 
nias are of later date than the earlier coins of Poseidonia. The refer- 
ences to these works of art are very slight, and give no descriptions 
by which we might imagine their appearance (Strabo VIII ; Pau- 
sanias VIII, 14, 5 ; III, 17, 3; V, 26, 2). 

From none of these passages can we gather any information as 
to the trident or sceptre. 

In the Journal of Hellenic Studies (vol. XIII, p. 19) is an article 
on "Poseidon's tridents'' by Mr. H. B. Walters in which he seeks 
to show that the trident was a development of the three-pointed 
flowery termination of the sceptre which in the earliest vase 
paintings and votive tablets was shewn as that borne by Zeus and 

— io5 — 

In r8y9 a heap ot broken terra-cotta tablets was discovered 
about a mile and a half from the south-west side of the Acropolis 
at Corinth. 

These tablets (wtvaxtev or Tcivaxi? from -{va;) or pinakes were 
made between 650 and 550 B.C. and are now preserved in the 
Berlin Museum. 

They are especially interesting to us as preserving many votive 
figures of Poseidon. The sceptres on these pinakes illustrate the 
great variety of floral ornaments with which they were decorated : 
thev may be seen illustrated in Furtwangler " Antike Denkmaler ", 
1886 (Vol. I, Tafely). 

The flowers on some of these are so like a trident that 
Mr. Walters suggests the trident may have been developed from the 
form of these old sceptres, and adopted as characteristic of the god 
of the sea. Perhaps the transformation of the flower into the tri- 
dent may have been suggested by some picture or statue which 
shewed a tunny-fish as the emblem of the god, for it was with such 
a three-pronged spear the fishermen took the tunnies. The type 
created by the hand ofLysippus cannot have suggested the trident, 
because that sculptor lived two hundred years after the earliest 
coins of Poseidon were issued, but a picture by Kleanthes, who 
is mentioned by Pliny as the inventor of line drawing (XXXV, 3), 
is said to have shewn a tunny-fish in the hand of the god, and 
many other pictures now lost to us, by adding the fish may have 
made the trident-spear seem a natural form for the sceptre of the 

A similar transformation of a flower emblem into the head of a 
spear is known to students of Indian art, and is mentioned in 
Mr. O'Neill's "The Night of the Gods". If it be objected to this 
theory of the evolution of the trident from the flower, that we 
read ot the trident as the symbol of Poseidon in the Iliad of Homer, 
a poem far older than any work of art representing the sea god, 
the value of the objection will depend upon the meaning of the 
word tpiaiva found in line 506 of Book A or IV of the Odyssey, 
or in line 27 of Book M or 12 of the Iliad. If the sceptre of Posei- 
don was represented in Homer's time as tipped with a three pointed 
flower, it might still have been described as Tptaiva. 

The word Tpiavc-eunfe, used by Epicurus of the atoms which were 
of a three-pointed form, is found in the treatise " de placitis Philo- 
soph. " of Plutarch (II, 877 F) who there quotes Epicurus. 

Many of the early works of art representing Poseidon refer to his 
power over the horse, hence it was natural to the artists of Posei- 
donia to represent him on their coins wearing the horseman's 
cloak, or scarf, called the Chlamys (y\x[j.jq). The ends which fall 
over each arm of the god represented on the coins were called wings 
(jzizpi or -TSfj-.'s;). 

— io6 — 

A description of the garment may be seen in Bekker's Charicles 
(p. 420). The material was for the most part woollen, and the 
colour differed according to the rank and office of the wearer, 
hunters and fishermen generally wore a dull colour, in order to 
avoid attracting the attention of their prey. Vases, coins, and statues 
present us with many varied ways of wearing the garments. 

The study of the Poseidon cult is of more value to the historian 
than to the student of ancient religious ideas, because it lacks the 
spiritual and ethical interest found in some of the higher cults ol 
the Olympian gods. 

It is an early cult which never developed as did some of the 
others, and was never like them associated with the progress of the 
nation. The student of numismatics however will observe the 
evidence of the coins as to the history of the migrations of the 
Hellenic tribes and something may be gathered concerning the 
diffusion of this worship from the coin-types. Confer especially : 
" The Cults of the Greek Stales," by L. H. Farnell. 


The coins may be divided into four series. (I) those issued 
between 550-480 B.C. (II) those issued after the fall of Sybaris. 
(Ill) those issued by the Lucanians. (IV) the bronze coins of the 
Roman colony of Paestum. 

Those of the first series are easily distinguished from the others 
by their size, fabric, and standard of weight. 

They followed the Campanian standard, the staters weighing 
118 grains, and their fabric is similar to that of all the early cities 

influenced by the Pythagorean brotherhood. They bear the same 
type on both Obverse and Reverse, but the figure is represented 
on the latter as seen from behind ; note especially the back view ot 
the chlamys falling over the god's back. 

N. B. Specimens of Staters and subsidiary coinage of Poseidonia may 
be obtained from 10 1 . upwards. 

— 107 — 

Mr. Macdonald points out ("Coin-types", p. 14) that the 
difference of weight standards in this series of flat Southern 
Italian coins is against the idea of their representing a monetary 
convention, the purpose of which would be to facilitate exchange. 

Their similarity of fabric was only that which naturally arises in 
the mints of particular districts. 

PERIOD II, 480-4OO B.C. 

The second series follows the Achaean Standard of weight, the 
Staters weighing 126 grains, the Thirds 42 grains, the Sixths 21 
grains, and the Twelfths 1 1 grains. 

Their fabric is thick and compact, and the types are in relief on 
both sides. The Obverse type was copied from that of the I st series, 
but a bull appears on the Reverse, standing to left with the head 
in profile. 

The bull is thought to be an emblem of the water deity, the 
ocean god Poseidon. 

About the year 400 B C. or a few years before the fall ot the 
city a new type was introduced, viz. the head of Hera Areia, facing : 
she was the goddess worshipped in the temple on the banks of the 
Silarus near the city. This type was copied by the mint artists of 
Phistelia, Hyria, and Neapolis; the Reverse type continued the same 
as before, a bull . 

To this period belong the bronze coins, similar to the silver 
staters, with the bull type on the Reverse . 

period 111. 

The coins of the third period are very rare ; there is no silver 
of this age in the British Museum, but three varieties of bronze 
coins issued during the Lucanian rule are to be seen there. The 
two types then introduced were the heads of the Dioscuri, and the 
dolphin ; on the backs of some of the dolphins the naked boy Eros 
is represented . 

What influence does the Dioscuri type imply ? These gods were 

— 108 — 

introduced to Rome in 498-6 B.C. and were at that time wor- 
shipped by the Latin races conquered in that war. Were they 
introduced by Samnite or Lucanian influence to Poseidonia ? As 
they were looked upon as protectors of those who travel by sea, 
Poseidon is said to have given them power over the winds and 
waves, that they might assist the ship-wrecked mariners. They 
are thus spoken of in the 'Helen' of Euripides (1525) as sending 
to the sailors prosperous winds from Zeus, and in the Homeric 
Hymn on the Dioscuri as subduing the storm clouds. 

The dolphin was frequently represented with Poseidon as one of 
his emblems, so the introduction of that fish as a type is easily 
understood, but the boy-rider presents a problem not so easy to 
solve . 

There is a well-known denarius of the year 76 B.C. issued by 
L. Lucretius Trio bearing a head of Neptune on the Obverse, with 
a trident behind the head, and on the Reverse a dolphin to right, 
with a winged Cupid on its back. Another denarius of circa 49 B.C. 
issued by Manius Cordius Rufus in the East bears the head of Venus 
Verticordia on the Obverse, and a dolphin to right, with a winged 
Cupid riding on its back . 

It is natural to suppose that these later coins may have been 
copied from the Poseidonian design, or at any rate refer to the 
same idea of a connection between Poseidon and Aphrodite. We 
have seen on some coins a bird like the dove of Aphrodite, which 
may refer also to the same connection of these deities in the minds 
of the Southern Italian Greeks. 

In Overbeck's large work, the figure 7, on Tafel XIII, gives us a 
most interesting design in which Aphrodite, Poseidon, and Eros 
are all represented with Amymone. It is on a crater, now at Vienna, 
and was published by Laborde among the Count Lamberg vases. The 
story of Amymone was also represented on a vase discovered at 
Naples in 1790. 

The dolphin was equally the emblem of Poseidon and Aphrodite 
the goddess of the sea foam, hence, as we have seen, that emblem 
appeared on one Republican denarius with the head of Neptune, 
and on another with the head of Venus for the Obv. type. 

In the Louvre at Paris is a statue of a Marine Venus with an Eros 
winged on a dolphin by her side (N° 156). With a Venus in Bronze 
of Kellers, 1687, from a work of Cleomenes, are two Cupids on a 


The coins of the fourth and last period are all of bronze ; they 
may be divided into two series : those bearing the legend PAIS 

— 109 — 

with the mark of value, and those with the legend PAES and the 
marks of value. 

The following deities are represented by their heads, Poseidon, 
Artemis, Dionysus and Demeter. 

The two last deities were well-known, and much venerated in 
Southern Italy, and their introduction by the Roman mint-masters 
is only one instance of the common practice of the Romans to 
introduce and honour all the gods of the conquered races over 
which they ruled. 

The Artemis would probably be the Arcadian goddess of the 
nymphs, whose sanctuaries were near rivers, and who is often 
connected with river-gods, as with Alpheius, and to whom fish 
were sacred. 

The cult of such a goddess would be more in harmony with the 
worship of Poseidon than that of the Artemis, the sister of Apollo. 

These Roman Colonial bronze coins consist of the following 
values : Semis, Triens, Quadrans, Sextans, Semuncia, and Uncia all 
bearing PAIS and their respective marks of value. 

Also Semis, Triens, Sextans, and Semuncia bearing PAES with 
their respective marks of value. They are not often found in a very 
good state of preservation and therefore were probably long in 

The latest series of this fourth Period, bearing the legend PAE and 
the marks of value, extended down to the time of Tiberius. 

Some of these coins bear the letters P-S-S-C signifying Paeste 
Signatum Senatus Consulto . 

This is an unusual privilege allowed by the Roman Senate and 
it has not been explained. 

COINS OF PERIOD I. 5 50-480 B.C. 

The Campanian standard, according to which the coins of Posei- 
donia were first issued, was derived from the Phoenician. 

In many of the Campanian cities the didrachms weighed 7.41 
grammes or 114.35 grains, a weight which very nearly corresponds 
with that of the Phoenician shekel of the reduced royal norm, 
7.46 to 7.48 grammes or 115. 12 to 115 .43 grains. Many of the 
earliest didrachms of Poseidonia weigh 11 5.1 to 116 grains. 

The coins are in fabric flat, thin and round, similar to those of 
the cities which were influenced by the Pythagorean brotherhood, 
the Reverse type being the back view of the Obverse type struck 

The legend is generally retrograde MOP but some are found in 
the later order POM. The middle letter is sometimes found in the 
square or angular form O. The same legend is repeated on the 

— no — 

Reverse, but on some coins the order of the letter is TOM on the 
Obv. and MOT on the Rev. On some the middle letter is O on 
the Obv. and O on the Rev. and on others ♦ on the Obv. and O 
on the Rev. 

The type on all these coins is a figure of Poseidon, helmeted, 
advancing to right, nude except for a chlamys hanging over his 
back and arms and with the right arm raised ready to strike, with a 
three-pronged trident, the left arm being extended in front. The 
eye is formed in the archaic manner, the helmets are varied. On the 
Rev. the same figure incuse, but as it were seen from the other 
side, that is the chlamys in front instead of behind the figure. 

In size the coins generally measure i.i and the weight varies 
between 112 and 116 grs. 

The variations are as follows : 

I. The god's hair is tied in a knot with one end falling in formal 
curls aud the other standing out. 

The chlamys has pointed ends. 
The trident is ornamented. 

The border is a cable pattern enclosing dots ; on Obv. and on 
the Rev. a wreathed border. 

II. The same, but both ends of the knot ot hair fall in formal 

III. The same, but in front of the figure a sea-horse without 
wings to right. 

IV. The same, but the trident and chlamys unornamented ; the 
chlamys has square ends. 

V. Same type, but in the left hand the god holds a necklace. The 
border consists of large dots within which is a plain border. 

VI. Similar type and border on Obv., but border on Reverse of 
radiating lines. 


The specimens existing weigh from 50 to 59 grains, the maxi- 
mum, and are 1 of-an-inch in diameter. 

The types are the same as those of the staters. 

On some specimens the ends of the chlamys are pointed and on 

— Ill — 

others square. The border is sometimes decorated with dots, and 
sometimes plain. 

On some specimens a pistrix is seen in the field, but generally 
there is no symbol. The legends are generally TOM on Obv., and 
MOT on Rev. The fabric is the same as that of the staters and the 
Rev. type incuse. 

period n. 450-400 B.C. 

The coins of this period are very easily distinguished from 
those of the last by their increased weight, their smaller diameter, 
and the greater thickness of their fabric. Their standard is that of 
the Achaean cities of Southern Italy, Sybaris and Croton, the 
weight of the didrachms being 126 grains, that is, eight grains 
more than the weight of the old Campanian coins. 

The style of art is not generally very fine, but some specimens 
are found much more carefully wrought than the work gener- 
ally seen. 

The Obv. type is similar to that on the coins of the first 
period, but the square ends of the chlamys, hanging over the arms 
of Poseidon, do not end in a horizontal line; the left end hangs 
lower than the right and the fold is better expressed. 

There is considerable variety in the legends; we rind POMF. 
nOMES>, T02EIAA or with N added. 

The shape of the coins of this period is not always as round as 
usual, oval coins are often met with, and on these the figure of the 
god is always struck along the centre of the oval, so that the head 
or feet of Poseidon are never cut off. Many of the coins however 
are as round as coins of that period ever are. 

The letters A, A, and O appear in the field of some Obv. 

On two coins in the British Museum the head of a sea-monster 
appears in the field on the Obv. to right, and a branch of olive 
to left. 

The Rev. type is a bull walking generally to left, but there 
are varieties with the bull to right. 

The bull's head is in profile, and is not lowered as if butting, 
and the tail is always hanging down at rest. The Rev. type is 
in relief and is sunk in a circular depression. 

On the oval-shaped coins the bull is always arranged with the 
length of its body along the longer space of the oval, and the circu- 
lar depression is cut off above and below by the want of space 
across the oval. 


Smaller Silver Coins. 

The small silver coins are found in three sizes; the largest (.45 or 
5) weigh from 16 to 20 grains. 

These are probably Sixths, and should be of 21 grains; we may- 
suppose they were Diobols, as they are nearly the weight of the 
Attic diobols. 

The second size is from .35 to .4 and the weight about 19.6 grains. 
These are perhaps also Sixths of, perhaps, a later period and of reduc- 
ed size and weight. 

The third size is about .25, and the weight 6.9 grains. These 
may be the obols, although we expect an obol to weigh 
1 1 grains. 

If these are Twelfths, they should weigh 10 \ grains. 

These coins are found in various styles, some early and others 
quite late. 

The types of all are the same. 

Obv. Poseidon sometimes naked and sometimes wearing the 
chlamys, striking with the trident; POIEI or POIE or MOT or 


Rev. A Bull to left, sometimes a dolphin above. 

The borders are plain, or with dots, or the border is wanting. 

There is one small silver coin in the British Museum with a 
different type(n° 20 in the Catalogue). Its weight is 8.7 grains and 
its size .3. 

Obv. Poseidon kneeling on one knee to right, wearing 
chlamys with pointed ends falling over both shoulders, and strik- 
ing with the trident, his left arm extended ; a border of dots. 

Rev. The letters 01 onlv. 

— ii3 — 
Bronze coins (Period II). 

i. Size i .7. Obv. Poseidon as on Silver coins. 

Rev. TOIEIAA on band under type of butting bull. 

2. Size .5 or .55. Obv. Poseidon as on silver coins. 

Rev. Bull butting with a symbol in field above, such as a dol- 
phin, a club, a fulmen, or a caduceus. 

The bronze coins of this period are similar in type to the silver 
coinage, as is the case in many other cities, and the variety in the 
types of the bronze coins generally was introduced later. 



Sambon (Plate xx, 26) records a silver Stater, 1 1 1 grains. 

Obv. PAIITANO. Head of a young river-god, horned, and 
crowned with reeds; behind, a swan. 

Rev. The Dioscuri on horseback. 

In the British Museum are specimens of bronze coins of this 

1. Obv. Size .75. Head of Poseidon, laureate, to right. 

Rev. TAIZTANO. Eros ?, naked, seated on dolphin to left, and 
holding wreath and trident. 

2. The same type is found in size .8. 

3. Obv. Size .5. Head of Poseidon to right, diademed ; a border 
of dots. 

Rev. TAI. Dolphin to right, border of dots. 

4. Size .45. Obv. Heads of the Dioscuri to right : border of dots. 
Rev. P. Dolphin to left: plain border. 


ii 4 


To all who have enjoyed the charming stories of Herodotus the 
earliest coins of Thurium must be especially interesting, as the 
coinage used by the father of history during the years in which he 
was polishing and rewriting the pages which have delighted so 

Those also who value the art of the age of Pericles and Pheidias 
will find in these coins specimens of the engraver's art which show 
what the money of Athens might have been had not the conserva- 
tive spirit of the Athenians insisted on preserving the archaic type 
of her famous coinage, even at a time when Art had passed from 
that early stage. 

Those too who care for the bye-paths of Mythology will be 
interested in the types which preserve the memory of the local cult 
of Athene Sculetria. All who are interested in the artists who 
worked in these old Greek mints will find in the coins of this city 
an unusual number of signatures of artists, men of renown not in 
one mint only, but whose work can be traced in many cities. 

The story of the city itself is of considerable importance to those 
interested in the history of colonies, for w T e find in this city an 
instance of the regular laying-out of a town such as we are familiar 
with in Australia and New Zealand. 

The coinage of few cities is associated with so many famous men 
as that of Thurium; when, therefore, we look at a collection of coins 
struck in this city, although we shall not find much variety in the 
types, we shall be led to many pleasant and interesting subjects of 

The coins of Thurium differ from those of the older cities of 
Magna Graecia hitherto described in that we have none of the 
large flat coins with an incuse reverse ; the date of the foundation 
of the colony 443 B.C. being later than the period of that flat series. 
The story of the origin of the colony has already been partly told 
in the chapter on the coins of Sybaris, and Plutarch's description of 
the part played by Pericles was there quoted. 

— ii5 — 

The site is said to be about six miles from that of the ruined 
Sybaris, on the higher ground of the rightbank of the Crathis, 
where the river enters the plain, and it is now indicated by a few- 
insignificant ruins. 

The oldest description of the city is that given by Diodorus 
Siculus, a contemporary of Augustus, who has preserved much 
information from earlier writers. He tells us how the city was 
planned with great regularity, and divided by four broad streets 
named after Heracles, Aphrodite, Zeus Olympias and Dionysus, and 
these were crossed by three roads called Hera, Thuria, and Thurina. 

British colonists may compare Thurium with many cities in 
New Zealand and Australia. As in Christchurch the principal streets 
are named after English Cathedrals, so in Thurium the chief streets 
were named after the principal cults of their fatherland. The work 
at Thurium was planned and superintended byHippodamus, a native 
of Miletus, who had laid out the town of Piraeus and who afterwards 
did the same for Rhodes. He aimed at being not only an architect, 
but a politician and a philosopher, and he is supposed to have been 
the object of the wit of Aristophanes in his play The Birds. Some 
of his philosophical ideas are preserved by Stobaeus, and they seem 
to have been drawn from Pythagoras. 

The first settlers were led by a distinguished body of men ; Lam- 
pon was the chief in command and Xenocritus was associated with 
him. Lampon was said to be gifted with prophetic power, and was 
a soothsayer, and interpreter of oracles ; Aristophanes alludes to him 
also in The Birds (521,986). 

The most distinguished of this famous band however was the 
historian Herodotus, who was then about forty years of age. He had 
completed his travels and had already written some of his famous 
work. He had been in Athens about three years, where he had enjoyed 
the friendship of the most famous men and women, Pericles, Aspasia, 
Thucydides, Damon, Pheidias, Protagoras, Zeno, Cratinus, Euripides, 
and Sophocles. 

He was probably induced to join the colonists partly because he 
wished to enjoy quiet in order to polish and finish his great work, 
and partly on account of the expense attached to life in Athens. 

The balance of evidence shows that he lived at Thurium, making 
only one expedition to Athens about 430 B.C. and a few small 
journeys in Magna Graecia, dying at Thurium at the age of about 
60 years, circ. 420 B.C., happily for him, before the troubles 
became acute between the Athenian and the Spartan parties at 
Thurium (Pliny N. H., XII, iv, 8). 

Another famous man who accompanied Herodotus to Thurium 
was Lysias, the orator, then a boy little more than fifteen years of 
age. After the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily, when he was about 

— u6 — 

forty-five, he, with three hundred other Athenians, was driven forth 
and returned to Athens. He must have been the owner of vast sums 
of these Thurian coins for he was able to help Thrasybulus on his 
return most liberally. 

The Spartan general Cleandridas was another member of this 
famous band of colonists. His joining an Athenian colony is 
accounted for by his having been accused of receiving a bribe from 
Pericles to induce him to withdraw his Spartan troops from Attica. 
Apparently he met with considerable success against the Luca- 
nians, so that afterwards, when the w 7 ar broke out between the Thu- 
rians and Tarentines, he was made general of the Thurian army. 

It seems probable that the philosopher Protagoras visited Thu- 
rium, for we gather from Plato that he was long absent from Athens, 
and that he visited Sicily; and Diogenes Laertius, who wrote about 
the second century after Christ, says that Protagoras was the law- 
giver of Thurium. 

Another famous visitor to Thurium in its earliest period was 
Empedocles of Sicily, the brilliant orator and student of natural 

The form of government was democratic, and therefore Diodo- 
rus can hardly be right in saying the laws were those of Cha- 
rondas, who had long been dead, and who was opposed to a demo- 

The first troubles of the colonists were occasioned by the pride 
and forwardness of the Sybarites, who were ultimately either slain 
or expelled. The peace of the community, however, was further 
disturbed by the factions naturally formed among people gathered 
from so many different cities. 

The city was divided into ten tribes, three from the Peloponne- 
sus, Arcadian, Achaean, Elean; three from Central Greece, Boeotian, 
Amphictyonic, and Dorian; four from Athens and her dependencies, 
Ionian, Athenian, Euboean, and Nesiotic. 

The most important civil strife arose between the supporters of 
the Athenian and the Spartan parties. 

Demosthenes and Eurymedon were received in Thurium by the 
Athenian party, and assisted with seven hundred hoplites and three 
hundred dartmen. This quarrel caused the citizens to send to 
Delphi to appeal to the Oracle, as to who should be considered 
the founder, and they received the answer that it was Apollo himself. 

The principal author of the revolt against the Athenian party 
was a Rhodian named Dorieus, son of Diagoras. 

Dorieus had been exiled by the Athenians, and ever cherished a 
hatred to that city. He was a celebrated athlete, and had won the 
pancratic prize in the years 432, 428, and 424 at Olympia. 

The Spartan power may have brought in a change of laws 

— 117 — 

founded on those of Charondas, but the aristocracy abused their 
powers, and were checked by the lower classes refusing to fight 
against the Lucanians until their grievances were redressed. They 
copied the tactics of the Roman plebs who seceded to the Mons 

We may now turn to trace the connection of Thurium with the 
other cities of Magna Graecia. 

As soon as the Sybarites were expelled a friendly alliance was 
formed with Croton. The first cause of contention with another 
city was the old claim, mentioned by Herodotus, and about 430 B.C. 
advanced by the Athenian party in Thurium, to the possession ot 
the fertile lands of the Ionian city Siris, which had been destroyed 
by the Achaean citizens of Metapontum, Sybaris and Croton, and to 
which the Tarentines laid claim. 

In 432 B.C. this dispute was settled by the building of a new city 
called Heracleia a few miles further up the river from the old Siris, 
the remains of which became the port of the new city. Heracleia 
was made the meeting place for the-avvJYup'.; of the Greeks of South- 
ern Italy; this was a meeting which had been originally of a relig- 
ious character, but at this time was more political than religious. 

In 3 90 B.C., the year in which Rome was taken by the Gauls, the 
Thurians led the forces which met the Lucanians near Laus and 
were utterly defeated. It is said that 10.000 Greeks perished there. 

The oppression of the elder Dionysius had weakened the Greeks, 
and thus rendered possible the great success of the Lucanians. 

Some of the fugitives from the battle took refuge on board the 
ships of Dionvsius, and were saved by the humanity of Leptinus, 
the brother of Dionysius, who helped to bring about a peace. 
Soon afterwards, when his conduct had offended his brother, he took 
refuge in Thurium, with Philistus, his son-in-law, until recalled and 
reinstated in favour with his brother. Forty-seven years after this 
great defeat, in 343 B.C., the Romans began their first Samnite 

In 332 B.C. the Lucanians fought with Alexander of Epirus, 
who made a treaty with the Romans, and Alexander wished to 
change the centre of the League from Heracleia to Thurium. 

From Livy (X, 2) we learn that Thurium was taken by Cleony- 
mos in 301 B.C. when he was acting as a buccaneer along the coasts 
of Italy, and that a Roman army came to deliver the city just too 
late to prevent its being taken. Soon afterwards, when the Lucanians 
threatened Thurium, the citizens remembering this assistance from 
Rome, again appealed for Roman aid. 

The appeal arrived when the plebs were in Janiculum, there- 
fore no aid could be given, and the Lucanians ravaged the Thu- 
rian territory. In 284 B . C. yElius, one of the tribunes, proposed and 

— n8 — 

carried a law against the Lucanian leader Stenius Statilius (Pliny, 
N. H., 34) and as a mark of gratitude for his help the Thurians 
voted him a statue and a crown of gold. 

Two years later C. Fabricius defeated the Lucanians and Brut- 
tians in several battles, and raised the siege of Thurium, driving 
away Statilius. Again the grateful citizens erected a statue to their 
Roman deliverer. 

To secure the safety of Thurium a fleet under L. Valerius was 
sent to the mouth of the Crathis. Some of the vessels of this fleet 
sailed on to Tarentum, where they were destroyed by the citizens, 
and Valerius was slain. 

Appian says the Tarentines taxed the Thurians with preferring 
Roman aid to that of the Greek cities, and sent an army to Thu- 
rium. When the city capitulated the Roman garrison was allowed 
to depart, but the city was plundered, and the principal citizens exiled. 
The Romans then sent L. Postumius to demand an explanation 
from the Tarentines, who received him with insult, and L. ^Emilius 
was sent to avenge the wrong. The campaign of Pyrrhus followed 
from 278 to 275 B.C. after which date Thurium was garrisoned by 
the Romans. Pyrrhus caused a change in the weight of the stater in 
Tarentum, Heracleia, and Thurium, and new types were issued at 
Thurium from about 278 to 268 B.C., when the mint ceased to 
issue any silver money. 

The Romans began their celebrated issue of silver denarii in 269 
B.C., with types which bear witness to the influence of the coinage 
of Magna Graecia. 

After the battle of Cannae the Thurians joined the Carthagi- 
nians, but in 213 B.C. thev returned to their, alliance with Rome 
(Livy, XXV, 1). In 212 B.C. however, they again revolted from 
Rome, and received the Carthaginian Hanno. In 210 B.C. Hannibal 
removed the men of Atella from their ruined city to Thurium, 
and six years later he moved 3,500 of the citizens to Croton. 

In 194 B.C. Thurium became a Roman Colony with Latin rights, 
consisting of 3000 foot soldiers, 300 knights, and the old name 
was changed to Copia in reference to the fertility of the soil. 

From 194 B.C. bronze coins were issued in Copia of the Roman 
semi-uncial weight. 

The cornucopia which forms the reverse type of this coinage was 
copied by Sulla in 82 B.C., when he issued money here to pay his 
troops on their return to Italy from the East. 


It seems probable from the style of the earliest coins that the 
first colonists established a mint as soon as possible, for their style 
is Athenian, and that of the School of Pheidias. 

— ii9 — 

The head of Athene is free from the archaic style of the coinage 
of Athens, but preserves the undulating waves of hair below the 
helmet. It is just what we might have expected the coinage of 
Athens to be like at this period. On the obverse, instead of the stiff 
leaves in the Athenian helmet of the Goddess, we see an artistic 
spray of olive-leaves forming a crown. 

The reverse type was no doubt chosen as that of the city whose 
citizens had requested their aid : the characteristic type of Sybaris, 
the bull, was retained, and only altered in detail. Moreover the 
butting bull was admirably suited to express the meaning of the 
name adopted by the new colony, and taken from its site near the 
rushing fountain Thurii. The fish added to the exergue was probably 
merely an emblem of the water from which the city took its name. 
The significance of the reverse type has already been explained in 
the chapters on Sybaris. 

Among the coins of the first period ot fine art we find some on 
which the helmet of Athene is decorated with a figure of Scylla. 

It has commonly been thought that these coins should be attrib- 
uted to the period after 390 B. C, but from the style of many coins 
bearing this figure on the helmet it is probable that this type was 
introduced sometime before that date. 

When we seek for an explanation of the departure from the 
Athenian type we naturally try to find it in the political disputes 
which troubled the citizens even from the earliest times of the 
colony. The two parties which alternately seem to have been pre- 
dominant were the Athenian and the Achaean or Spartan, and the 
Scylla type was probably that chosen by the latter party. 

There are coins with the olive-wreath, and others with the 
Scylla helmet, which were evidently engraved by the same artist, 
for on the reverse we find the symbol, a bird with the wings raised, 
and with the signature O on each. The style of art is the same, and 
one artist executed both designs. 

If the type with the olive-wreathed helmets was that used by the 
Athenian party we should expect it to disappear from the coinage 
after the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily, and to find that after 
413 B. C. the helmet was always decorated with- the figure of 


The distinctive obverse types of this coinage are found in several 
periods, so it will not be possible to arrange the coins in chrono- 
logical order merely by placing those bearing the similar obverse 
types together without regard to style of workmanship, or the 
reverse types. 


Period I. 440 to 420 B.C. 

The earliest coins are those on which the bull with pendant 
tail is walking, with the head slightly lowered, and in profile. We 
shall find the obverse types with both the olive-wreathed helmets 
and those decorated with the figure of Scylla with her right 
hand on her hip and the left raised to her brow, and also with the 
griffin instead of Scylla. 

Period II. 420-410 B.C. 

On these coins the tail of the bull is whisked up over the back, 
the right foot is raised and the head, though still in profile, is further 
lowered, so that the nose almost touches the knee of the left leg, 
which supports the whole weight of the forepart of the animal. 

The obverse types of this period are similar to those of the first. 

Period III. 410-400 B. C. 

The bull's head on coins of this third period is seen turned 
three quarters round towards the spectator. This is the type which 
seems to have been copied on the alliance coins of Leontini and 
Catana in 404 B.C. The coins also of Poseidonia bearing a butting 
bull issued about 400 B.C. seem to have been copied from this 
type of Thurium. 

Period IV. 

The bull's head on coins of the fourth period is found represented 
in full face, as on the coin with the letters IIM above the bull and 
a flying cupid in the exergue. 

This classification is taken from the article in the Num. Chron. 
(1896, III. Series, vol. XVI) by D r A. J. Evans. 


The Scylla on the helmet of Athene is not like the horrible 
monster described by Homer in the twelfth book of the Odyssey; — 


a creature with twelve feet, six necks very long, surmounted by 
ugly heads with three rows of teeth, her body concealed in the cave, 
from which her necks protrude and snatch the dolphins and sea-dogs, 
or even sailors from their blue-prowed ships. Was it an octopus? 

Strabo, in Book I., remarks that there is a natural explanation of 
part of this description of Scylla ; "for the tunny-fish carried in 
shoals by Italy, and not being able to reach Sicily, fall into the 
straits where they become the prey of larger fish, such as dolphins 
and dog-fish, and it is by this means the galeotes (which are also 
called sword-fish), and dogs fatten themselves. " Scylla's occupation 
as described by Homer reminded Strabo of the dangerous sport of 
spearing the sword-fish with tridents. The trident on some of the 
Scylla types reminds us of this passage in Strabo. 

The tradition which is represented on the coin-type is the later 
one of which we read in Ovid's Metamorphoses (XIII, 732): "The 
other (Scylla) has her dreadful paunch surrounded by fierce dogs, 
having the face of a virgin, and (if the poets have not left us all 
things wrapped up in fiction) she was for some time actually a 
virgin. " The romantic story of the manner in which she was 
deformed is told by Servius in his note to Virgil {JEneidos, Lib. III). 
The fullest account of this romance however is in the first seventy- 
five lines of Ovid's fourteenth book of Metamorphoses. 

" The goddess (Circe) was very angry with him (Glaucus), and 
since she could not hurt him, and would not, as being in love with 
him, she is angry with her (Scylla), who was preferred before herself, 
and being offended with the refusal of her favour, immediately she 
bruises herbs remarkable for their horrid juices, and mixes Heca- 
teian charms with them when bruised. Putting on green clothes, 
through a troop of fawning wild beasts she advances from the 
middle of her hall, and going to Rhegium, which lies directly over 
against the rocks of Zancle, she enters the waters swelling with great 
commotion, upon which she trod as upon a solid bank, and skims 
over the tops of the seas with dry feet. There was a small pool of 
water curling into an arched recess, an agreable resting place for 
Scylla, to which she withdrew herself from the heat both of the 
sea and the air, when the sun was very hot in the middle of his 
course, and had made shadows from the heights very small. The 
goddess infects this water, before her coming, and pollutes it with 
wonder-working herbs. She sprinkles on it liquor squeezed from 
hurtful roots and thrice nine times with her magical mouth mutters 
a song of enchantment, darkened with the obscurity of new words. 
Scylla coming, went down up to the middle of her body, when she 
beholds her groin deformed with barking monsters, and at first not 
believing them to be parts of her body, she flies from them, and 
tries to "drive them away, and fears the rude mouths of the dogs, 

— 122 — 

but drags along with her those she fled from. And seeking for the 
substance of her thighs and legs and feet, she finds Cerberian jaws 
instead of these parts. And the madness of the dogs continues, and 
the backs of the wild creatures adhere to her cropped groin, and her 
body swelling out... Scylla continued in the same place, and as soon 
as an opportunity was given her, in hatred of Circe, she robbed 
Ulysses of his men." 

" This same (Scvlla), soon after, was going to sink the Trojan ships, 
had she not been transformed into a rock, which now stands out 
of the water all of stone. " 

The earliest of the Scylla designs suggest the representation of 
the nymph trying to disengage the dogs at the moment of her 
transformation, the left hand raised in horror to her brow. 

In the sketch of the history of Thurium the quarrels between the 
Athenian party and those who opposed them were noticed, and if 
we try to find a reason for the differences in the obverse types found 
on the coinage, it is natural to seek in those quarrels the origin of 
the divers types. The Athenian party would be likely to adopt the 
design most like that of the Athenian coinage and the Colonial 
party to adopt some local design, hence we probably may recognize 
the olive-wreath as the type of coins issued when the Athenian 
party was in power, and the Scylla-type as that of coins issued 

when the Colonial party had the upper hand. The Scylla-types 
appeared at about the period of the foundation of Heraclea in 
432 B.C. and this design was chosen for the obverse type of the 
coinage of that city. 

According to Ovid's legend the nymph struggling to free herselt 
from the dogs fixed to her side by her jealous enemy is a fit type to 
represent the efforts of the Colonials to free themselves from the 
presence of the Athenians. 


I. Those on which the figure of Scylla is represented with her 
right hand on her hip and the left raised to her head. 
The letters found on coins with this type are : 
Obv. IA; <t>; E; K; I; M; I". 

— i2 3 — 


The bull is butting and stamping, or walking on the earlier coins. 
Athene's head is found both to right and to left. 

Tetradrachms average 244 grains; the Didrachms average 122 to 
1 1 5 grs. 

The crest is less stiff" than on the coins with the olive-wreath 
and the less stiff the crest the later is the appearance of the coin; 
the crests on this series vary considerably in that respect. 

The bull on the Didrachms is similar to that of the Tetradrachms, 
varying according to date. 

II. Those on which the figure of Scylla bears an oar on her right 
arm, and the dogs in front. 

No letters appear on these coins (A? L. Forrer, p. 63-Obv. also 
on tyL. of another). 

The hair of the goddess is in wavy curls blown backwards and the 
crest of the helmet is no longer in stiff straight lines but in curled 

The bull is butting and stamping. 

III. Those coins on which Scylla is represented hurling a stone 
or rock with her left hand. 

The letters appearing on these types are : 

Obv. 2AN : II with N I on ^L. A with 21 on fy. 

1$L. <t>: IP : 2 : Al withAIH. 

O with OE on tyL. : EY with OE on ^L. : KAA with *' on f£. 

2C1 with same on fyL. and Ol ; underneath, Al : 
T with EYOA on $L. K with EY on tyL. 
Rev. 2IM : HPA : OE : 0A : OOPIHNOPY : AA : 
EY0A : OOV EY <t>P : TAS : 

The crest of the helmets end over the neck in a long tail slightly 
curled, and the upper part of the crination is stiff" and straight. 
Under the neck-piece of helmet regular wavy curls appear. 

The head of the goddess is always turned to right. 

The hair of Athene on some ot the didrachms is in the old four 
waves of hair seen on the coins of Athens. 

IV. Those coins on which Scylla is represented with two sea- 
dogs and with her arm round a dog's neck. 

The letter K is found on the back of the bull and also K on the 
neck of the helmet (in the collection of Raoul Rochette) \E on back 
of bull (p. 306, L. Forrer). 

Crest of helmet stiff until near neck. 

The hair of the goddess over the brow is in the old Athenian four 
waved curls. 

The bull is stamping and butting. 

V. Those coins on which Scylla holds a trident in her right hand 
and before her are the sea-dogs. 

— I2 4 — 

The letters found on these types are : 

Obv. T with A on J£. : K with OOYPIflN on fy, : 2fl with 
Ifir on fy,. 

^L. I : EYOA : hP K : NY : IOI : Ifl : Ifl <A : fl5 : Ifl 

The manner in which the hair is tied, which flows from under 
the neck-piece, is peculiar to this period. There are some specimens 
of No. Ill which show the same style of tying the hair. 

The hair on Athene's brow is in the later short wavy curls. 

Art of decadent period. 

VI. Those coins on which Scylla holds an oar or rudder over her 
left shoulder, and the sea-dogs in front. On the J$L. of some 
OOYPIflN ; $L. EY. T$l. OOYPIflN IK : (p. 252, Forrer). 

The crest is stiff at the top, but ends with the tail like those of 
No. II. 

The hair on Athene's brow is in the old Athenian waves. 
The bull is stamping. 

VII. Those coins on which the helmet is decorated with a grifEn 
instead of Scylla. 

The letters found on these types are : 

Obv. 1 with H PA on ^L. : II with OOYPIflN on tyl. and 
EY<t>A AA. 

tyL. EYOA : EY O : Y OP : OOYPIflN. 

The head of Athene is always turned to right. 

The helmet is very similar to that of No. III. 

One early coin in the British Museum (N° 48) bears a winged 
sea-horse, the bull is walking and is in early style. 

Didrachm w T ith the head of Apollo in careless style, wreathed, and 
to right, with bull butting and stamping on J$L., with API and a 
palm-branch in field above. 

The style shows this must have been issued only a few years 
before the closing: of the mint of Thurium. 


The obols in the British Museum are all of late date, after 300 B.C. 
They bear on the obverse the normal head of Athene with the 
Scylla-types (No. I, No. Ill, No. V). Some of the latest coins bear a 
winged helmet, others a plain helmet crested, with the long tail, 
and on others the helmet is decorated with the griffin. 

* Tetradrachms of the later periods may be obtained in fair state for about 
t s ; Didrachms for 10/. ; and lesser denominations for 5/. ; but the earlier and 
more artistic types are worth considerably more, and sell according to their 
respective merits. 

— 125 — 


In Vol. Ill, Third series of the Numismatic Chronicle, 1883, is 
an article entitled "Athenian Coin-engravers in Italy " by Reginald 
Stuart Poole. This article draws attention to a group of coins 
which differ in style from the work of the ordinary gem-engravers 
of the Western school of art. 

The coins of Thurium are pointed out as affording examples of 
art which show the influence of sculpture, and especially of the 
school of Greece. The coinage of Terina supplies further examples 
of this series of coins. 

Poole says the Greek artists who copied the work on the 
beautiful Syracusan decadrachms, "excelled in strength, simplicity 
and purity, the originals which they admired and followed ". The 
similarity of the style of the coins signed <X> in Thurium and 
Terina is very striking. The signature <t>PY is found on a coin 
differing in style from those signed <t> and it may be conjectured 
that OPY worked with O, and wrote his name more fully for the 
sake of distinction. At Terina it is thought the <t> stood for 

On page 27 of M r L. Forrer's interesting work, "Notes sur les 
signatures des graveurs sur les monnaies grecques" he says : It is 
generally recognized that the letters A- A- E, K« M< and VE 
which are frequently found on certain coins of Thurium placed on 
the back of the bull which decorates the reverse, are the signatures 
of artists. An illustration of a coin of the Scylla-type is given on 
which we find A on the bull. 

The letter A with below occurs behind the head of Pallas on a 
coin of M. G. Philipsen of Copenhagen. 

The letters on the bull are often found repeated on the Obv. 

The letters VE are found on the bull on a coin formerly in the 
collection of D r Imhoof-Blumer, which is also signed by the artist 
I2TOPOZ. Many examples of a double signature are known, in some 
instances, one name may be that ot the mint-master, the other of the 
engraver. The question arises, may the A on coins of Thurium 
st;md for APIITOZEN02 of Heracleia? 

The letter B is found on the Obv. of a coin bearing the olive- 
wreathed helmet and A on the Obv. of a Scylla type no II. 

The full name IZTOPOZ occurs on the line or ground under the 
bull on a beautiful tetradrachm in the de Luynes Collection (circ. 
360-350 B.C.). The helmet is decorated with the Scylla-type no 1. 
On the back of the bull the letter E is found. It is a case of double 

— 126 — 

The letter K is found on the back of the bull on a coin with the 
Scylla type n° iv. 

The letter K is found also on a coin bearing Scylla with the tri- 
dent, class A. 

On some specimens the letter K is placed in the hand of Scylla 
instead of a stone, and the dolphin in the exergue being the sym- 
bol of Tarentum makes it probable that this artist was the same as 
KAA of Tarentum. 

The letter M is found both on Obv. and 1$L. of a coin bearing 
the Scylla-type no. I, and is probably the abbreviation of the name 
of the artist MOA02202. The following writers are all agreed 
that this name is that of an engraver : Raoul Rochette, von Sallet, 
Brunn, Head, Evans, and Blanchet. In a find of Tarentine coins of 
the period 420-430 B.C., several coins of Thurium signed 
MOA02202 were noted. This artist's work is inferior to that 
signed <t>PY and may be considered as an imitation of Phrygillos' 
work. The helmet of Athene is decorated with Scylla of Class I. 

The name of the artist NIKANAPOZ appears on a didrachm of 
Thurium published by Friedliinder {Arch. Zeit., 1847) Scylla-type 
n° iv (490-350). 

The period of this artist was probably that between those of 
Historos and Molossos, for the style is transitional between that ot 
these artists, but approaching more nearly to that of Molossos 
(Num. Chron., 1849, pp. 137-138). 

Von Sallet prefers the style of Nikandros to that of Molossos. 
He must not be confused with the °;em-engraver of the same name 
who flourished in 300 B.C.. 

The coins signed by I2TOP02 belong to n° 11 of Scylla types, 
those by NIKANAPOI and <t>PY to n° ill. 

The work of MOA02202 shows a complete gradation from 
n° 11 to n° in and therefore his work was wrought before 
404 B.C. and was therefore contemporaneous with the work of the 
best Sicilian artists, 404 to 338 B.C. 

The didrachms wrought by <t> belong to n° 1 not later than 
420 B.C. 

In regard to the signature Furtwangler says these dies are 
most probably the work of the artist who signed in the same 
manner at Terina and whose personality makes itself so distinctly 
felt on its coinage ; he must have been a pupil of Pheidias. 

* * 


Generally in the earlier series we find a tunny-fish in the exergue, 
but in the later series we find a winged sea-horse, a minute qua- 

— I2 7 — 

driga, a pegasus, a star with eight rays, a dolphin, a spear, two 
dolphins meeting, etc. 

Over the bull's back we also see the symbol of a Victory flying 
to right, a torch over the bull's back, and a fish in the exergue. 

These may be symbols of the magistrates, but the fish symbols 
seem to refer to the Scylla-type and the words of Strabo. 


D r Head in the Historia Nunwrum says the Bronze coinage of 
Thurium began about the year 400 B.C. 

The types of the bronze coins for the first hundred years of their 
issue were the same as those of the silver. In size they were .9, .6, 
or . 5 . 

About the middle of the fourth century a sudden and remarkable 
increase in the size and weight of the bronze coinage took place. 

A similar rise at the same time is noticeable in the weight of the 
bronze money in Sicily. 

During the last period from 300 to 269 B.C. the old types were 
no longer issued and we have in their place types referring to the 
worship of Apollo and Artemis. 


1. Obv. Size .6 or .5. Head of Athene with olive-crowned 

I£. OOYPIflN Bull with head lowered, walking to right. 
The letter T is found on some above the bull. 

2. Obv. Size .7 and .5. Head of Athene with helmet decorated 
with winged sea-horse; OOYPIO; fish in exergue. 

^L. Bull with tail erect and butting. On some the letter H above 

3. Obv. Size .9. Athene with Scylla helmet hurling a stone. 
I$L. Same as no 2., tunny-fish in exergue. 

4. Obv. Size .9. Athene with Scylla helmet, holding trident. 
tyL. Same as no 2., AP above, IT below. 

5. Obv. Size .45. Athene in plain crested helmet. 
tyL. No legend. Bull as no 2. 

6. Obv. Size .7. Athene with olive-wreathed helmet. 

1$L. OOYP. Bull stands to right turning his head round to bite 
his back as on coins of Sybaris. Ex., tunny-fish. 

7. Obv. Size .5 and .45. Head of Athene wearing crested and 
winged Athenian helmet. 

tyL. Bull with tail, erect butting, on some, HPA, on others, II and 
Nike flying to right crowning bull. 

— 128 — 

8. Size .6. Head of Athene wearing crested Corinthian helmet 
and border of dots. 

J$L. OOYP. Bull with fore-foot raised, butting; /PTIIfl in 
exergue or AMIIflOI. 

9. Obv. Size 1. 15. Head of Athene with Scylla hurling a stone 
on helmet. 

tyL. Bull with tail erect, butting; [OOYPION] only traces. 

10. Obv. Size .45. Head of Athene in plain crested helmet. 
tyL. OOY. Bucranium with pendent fillets. 


11. Obv. Size .45. Head of young Heracles wearing lion's skin. 
J$L. OOY. Forepart of galloping bull to right; ZC1. 

12. Obv. Size .5. Female head to right, wearing wreath and 
peculiar net with tresses escaping. 

tyL. OOY in exergue similar to no 11 but with Nike crowning 

13. Obv. Size .7. Head of Apollo to 1., laureate, hair long. 
^L. OOYPIHN. Tripod lebes with neck and three handles. 

14. Obv. Size .65. Same as n° 13 . 

l£. OOPYPIHN. Five-stringed lyre ^£. 

15. Obv. Size .6. Same as n° 13. 

l^i. OOYPIHN. Winged thunderbolt; "E beneath. 

16. Obv. Size .9. Same as n° 13. 

$L. OOYPIQN. Artemis walking to right, in her right hand a 
torch, in her left two darts, at her feet a dog, a border of dots on 
both Obv. and $L. 

ij. Obv. Size .65. Head of Artemis, diademed, over her shoulder 
a quiver. 

fyL. OOYPIHN KAE ON. Apollo nude, holding plectrum and 

18. Obv. Size .5. Head of Apollo laureate, hair short. 
^<L. OOY. Horse galloping to right; beneath, #? 

19. Obv. Size .5. Head of Apollo laureate, hair long, behind his 
head R. 

fyL. OOY. Cornucopia? ; in field to 1. H beneath, 01 ; on some 
in field to leftlfl.* 

* Some of the copper coins are common and may be obtained for a few 

— 129 — * 


In the chapter on the coins of Thurium we have seen how the 
Athenian colonists of that city claimed a right to the inheritance of 
the old Ionian colony at Siris. 

Herodotus (lib. VIII, 62) tells us that Themistocles threatened 
Eurybiades that if he would not yield to his advice : " We will 
take our families on board and remove to Siris in Italy, which is 
an ancient possession of ours, and oracles say it is fated to be 
founded by us. " 

Herodotus was one of the colonists of Thurium, and this old claim 
would have been made known to the citizens by him. We have 
seen how this claim was resisted by the Tarentines, and how the 
dispute ended in the building of a new city, called Heracleia. Dio- 
dorus dates the foundation of this new city in the year 432 B.C., 
that is, fourteen years after that of Thurium. From Diodorus XII, 
36, and Livy VIII, 24, we gather that the city was founded by the 
Tnrentines, but Antiochus, quoted by Strabo (VI, p. 264) informs 
us of the part taken by the men of Thurium. From the history of 
the city, however, we see that the Tarentines were predominant 
in power, and defended Heracleia from the attacks of the Messa- 

According to Herodotus (VII, 170) these people were of Cretan 
origin, and their language appears to have been akin to that of the 
Greeks. They were in some manner related to the Iapygians, and 
were celebrated for their famous breed of horses, and their good 

The citizens of Heracleia became famous for culture, we read in 
the Pythagoras of Plato (318, 8) that Leuxippus of Heracleia visited 
Athens, an artist of such renown that any youth desiring to 
become a painter would go to him for instruction. Another citizen 
of this city was educated at Athens by Isocrates, who wrote to him 
when he was made Tyrant of Heracleia and commended to his 
notice another old pupil, Autocrator. 

During the time when Archytas was ruling in Tarentum, that is, 
Hands. 9 

— i 3 o — 

from 380-345 B.C., the general assemblies of the Greeks of South 
Italy were held in Heracleia, and this was the period of the city's 
greatest prosperity. 

When Alexander of Epirus turned against the Tarentines, about 
331 B.C., he took possession of Heracleia, and ordered the general 
assemblies to meet atThurium. His death is related graphically by 
Livy (VIII, 24). 

About 290 B.C. the Romans founded their colony at Venusia, 
about 70 miles to the north of Heracleia, and forced the Thurians 
and Lucanians into alliance with Rome. Pyrrhus came to Italy in 
281 B.C., and one effect of his invasion was the reduction of the 
weight of the didrachm from 123-120 grains to about 102-99 
grains. The Consul Laevinius was defeated by Pyrrhus near Hera- 
cleia soon after his arrival. Up to that time the citizens had been in 
alliance with the Tarentines and Lucanians against the Romans, 
but in 278 B.C. they entered into a most favourable alliance with 
Rome, spoken of by Cicero (Pro Balb.)as "propesingulare foedus". 
From that time the city was saved from the decline which befell 
the other Greek cities around, and lor many years some degree of 
prosperity was preserved. 

The mint continued to issue coins until 268 B.C. ; alter this date 
the new Roman denarii, issued for the first time in 269 B.C., took 
the place of the Greek coinage. 

Although no ruins of importance now exist, many of the foun- 
dations of ancient buildings are to be seen near a farm called Poli- 
coro, about three miles from the sea, near the right bank of the 
Aciris or Agre. 

The most important and celebrated find is that of the Tabula; 
Heracleenses containing a Latin inscription relating to the munici- 
pal regulations of Heracleia. It is now in the Museum at Naples. 
It is a copy of the Lex Julia Municipalis issued in 45 B.C. On 
the back of the two bronze tables is a much older Greek inscription 
of inferior interest. 

These tables are not without interest to numismatists, as we may 
see in Boeckh, Corpus Inscr. Gr., 5774, line 123, where a distinc- 
tion is drawn between a silver and a bronze nummus. The silver 
nummus was the diobol, the Federal unit of account in several 
cities, especially Tarentum and Heracleia. Confer D r Head's, Hist. 
Num., p. 55 for interesting details. 


The following names of artists will be familiar to those who 
have studied the coins of the neighbouring cities. We meet with 

- 131 — 

APIITOHENOI not only on coins of Heracleia, but also on those 
of Tarentum and Metapontum. 

The signature K, which may perhaps be a shorter form of the 
abbreviation KAA, is found at Heracleia, Tarentum, and Thurium, 
while KAA is also found on the coins of all these cities. 

The signature <t> is found on the money of Heracleia, Neapolis, 
Pandosia, Tarentum, and that of Terina and Velia. 

The full signature 0IAI2TION is found on the coins of Hera- 
cleia, Metapontum, and Tarentum. 

On page 46 of Mr. L. Forrer's work, "Notes sur les signatures 
des graveurs sur les monnaies grecques, " is an illustration of a 
didrachm of circ. 380 B.C. signed by the artist Aristoxenos. The 
signature occurs on the helmet of Athene decorated with Scylla 
hurling a rock, on the Obv., and also on the Rev. between the 
feet of Heracles struggling with the lion. 

This artist seems to be the only one who signed his name both on 
the Obv. and Rev., except those of Syracuse. 

On the Obv. Aristoxenos has not only signed his name in full 
on the helmet, but placed the letter A in the field, also perhaps 
because he signed in two capacities as Artist and Mint official. The 
above mentioned coin is in the collection of D r Imhoof-Blumer 
(Musee de Berlin). 

Another didrachm in the Berlin Museum is signed simply with A ; 
another in the same museum bears the letter A on both Obv. 
and Rev. 

In the British Museum is a didrachm bearing on the Obv. the 
head of Athene wearing a helmet, decorated with Scylla hurling a 
rock, and with A — K — in the field. On the Rev. Heracles struggling 
with the lion, and with the signature KAA to left. 

The letter A is no doubt the initial of a magistrate, because both 
sides of the coin are evidently by the same artist. 

The artist, who in Heracleia signed his work KAA was the 
successor of the artist Philistionos, and wrought at his work in 
Heracleia about 345-334 B.C. 

An illustration is given in Mr. Forrer's work on p. 179, from the 
coins in the British Museum, Nos 28 and 29. 

The Obv. bears the head of Athene wearing a helmet decor- 
ated with Scylla hurling a rock ; before the head are the letters 
A K <t>, and the signature KAA is on the Reverse; behind, the 
figure of Heracles struggling with the lion. On another coin in the 
British Museum the letter K is on the Obverse and AOA on the 
Reverse. No 33 B.M.C. This coin bears the type of the head of 
Athene in a Corinthian helmet decorated with Scylla, and the 
Rev. type of Heracles standing facing, nude, holding a reversed 
club, and the skin of the lion hanging over his left arm. 

— 132 — 

On some coins of Heracleia the signature 2 is found together 
with 0; for an illustration confer p. 284 of Mr. Forrer's work, and 
N os 12, 13 (B.M. Catalogue). 

We come now to the work ot the artist who signed his work 
with the letter 0, probably for Philistion. 

In the article entitled "Athenian Coin Engravers in Italy " which 
appeared in the Numismatic Chronicle of 1883 our attention is drawn 
to the fact that this artist introduced into Southern Italy the style 
of Pheidias in marked contrast to the style of the artists of Magna 
Graecia. On plate VI of Furtwangler's " Masterpieces " are illus- 
trations of this artist's work. 

Stuart Poole, in the Num. Cbron., 1883, considered that the 
artist who signed his work was the same who signed work 01 
and 0IAIZTI and 0IAI2TIHN, but D r A. Evans refuted this opinion 
in the " Horsemen of Tarentum", p. no. Prof. Furtwangler 
remarks that the style of the artist who signed 01 A 12 at Terina is 
absolutely different from that of the artist who signed 0, and consi- 
derably later. 

On page 332 of Mr. Forrer's work is an illustration of a didrachm 
bearing a head ot Athene wearing a helmet decorated with a 
Hippocamp, with the letter 2 behind, and on the Reverse the 
normal figure of Heracles struggling with the lion, and with the 
signature between his legs. 380-300 B.C. (N° 12, B. M. Cata- 
logue). In this case the letter 2 may be the signature of an artist. 

The signature is also found on a hemidrachm (B.M. Cata- 

logue, no 6) bearing on the Obv. a bearded head or Heracles to 
right, and on the T$L. a lion running to right. 

The artist who signed more fully 0IAI2TIHN appears to have 
worked from about 344 to 332 B.C. He it was who introduced the 
Corinthian torm of helmet. 

— i33 — 

These signatures must be carefully distinguished from those 
which probably represent Philokles OLOIA2 and OIAO. 

The signature OIAO occurs on didrachms bearing the head ot 
Athene to left wearing a Corinthian helmet ornamented with a 
griffin and on the ^6., a figure Heracles standing nude with club 
reversed and with the lion's skin hanging over the left arm. An 
illustration is given on p. 350 of Mr. Forrer's work. (No 45 B. M. 
Catalogue; 380-300 B.C.) 

The signature OlAO occurs on a coin with very similar types but 
with the head of Athene to right (B.M. Catalogue No 50). 


This type has no connection with the Eastern design of a man 
holding a lion in either hand. The oldest Greek representations of 
Heracles show the hero standing apart from the lion, swinging his 
club, as we may see on the early Corinthian vases of the VII. 
century B.C. On the vases of the VI. century B.C. the sword takes 
the place of the club. For the normal type of the black figured vases 
see the British Museum "Vases", Vol. II, p. 13 seq. 

In the best period of Art, the beginning of the fifth and end of 
the fourth centuries B.C., the old types are developed into a 
design from which the coin-type seems to have been copied (Gerhard, 
Spiegel, 133, — Sammlung Sabonorofj, 148). 

A beautiful illustration is given of a bronze in a private collection 
exactly similar to the design of the coin-types on the didrachms, 
even showing the club behind the figure, and the hero's right arm 
round the lion's neck, just as on the coins. 

Although the design looks as if it were copied from some cele- 
brated statue we search in vain among the writings which describe 
the great works of art for any mention of such a master-piece as 
we might imagine to have given inspiration to the die-engravers. 

The design is thought by some to have been copied from a group 
by Myron ofEleutherae in Boeotia, the pupil of Ageladas of Argos, 
who flourished B.C. 500-440 B.C. (cf. Mr. L. Forrer, p. 10 145 
Num. Circular, Oct. 1907). 

The kneeling figures of Heracles on the diobols remind us ot the 
hero as depicted on ancient vases. 

In the Bronze Room at the British Museum, in case A, is a 
mirror-case of bronze on which is a bas-relief of the hero struggling 
with the lion, very similar in design to the coin-types, but on this 
mirror-case the lion is on the left and the figure of Heracles is 
turned to meet the beast, in fact the design is reversed. 

The vale of Nemea in Argolis, in which Heracles is said to have 

— 134 — 

slain the lion is about ten miles south-west of Corinth between 
Phlius and Cleome. 

Hesiod tells the story in Theog. 327, and Apollodorus in II, 5, 
§ 1. Servius, the commentator on the /Eneid (VIII, 295) says 
strangely enough " Nemea silva est vicina Thebis ". 

It is the first of the twelve labours ascribed to the hero by the 
Alexandrian later writers. Heracles was sent to slay the lion by 
Eurystheus, and proceeded to Cleonae where he was received by a 
poor man named Molorchus. The hero found the man about to 
sacrifice to Zeus, and persuaded him to stay until his return. 
Heracles arrived just as the man was about to sacrifice, after waiting 
thirty days. 

According to Theocritus (XXV) the combat took place in the 
open air, but some said the hero strangled the lion in its den ; a 
very graphic account of the fight may be read in the English trans- 
lation of A. Lang in the Golden Treasury Series "Theocritus, Bion, 
and Moschus", p. 140, seq. 

The Nemean games were said by some to have been instituted in 
honour of the great victory of Heracles over the lion, but this is 
not the most generally received tradition. Pausanias tells us that 
when he visited the place, the temple of the Nemean Zeus was well 
worth seeing, but the roof had fallen in, and there was no statue to 
be seen. It would be interesting to know whether the statue once 
standing there was a figure of Zeus, or of Heracles and the lion 
(Pausanias II, xv). This type of Heracles was naturally adopted by 
the Greek colonists of Achaean origin, and the famous Argolic legend 
was a reminiscence of the old country from which many of them 
had emigrated. 

The poet wrote between 280-260 B.C. 

"Now this labour did Eurystheus enjoin on me to fulfil the 
first of all, and bade me slay the dreadful monster. So I took my 
supple bow, and hollow quiver full of arrows, and set forth ; and 
in my other hand I held my stout club, well balanced, and wrought, 
with unstripped bark, from a shady wild olive tree, that I myself 
had found, under sacred Helicon, and dragged up the whole tree 
with the bushy roots. But when I came to the place whereby the 
lion abode, even then I grasped my bow and slipped the string up 
to the curved tip, and straightway laid thereon the bitter arrow. 
Then I cast my eyes on every side, spying for the baneful monster, 
if perchance I might see him, or ever he saw me. It was now 

- 135 — 

midday, and nowhere might I discern the tracks of the monster 
nor hear his roaring. Nay, nor was there one man to be seen with 
the cattle, and the tillage through all the furrowed lea, of whom 
I might inquire, but wan fear still held them all within the 
homesteads. Yet I staved not in my going, as I quested through 
the deep-wooded hill, till I beheld him, and instantly essayed my 
prowess. Now early in the evening he was making for his lair, full 
fed with blood and flesh, and all his bristling mane was dashed 
with carnage, and his fierce face, and his breast, and still with his 
tongue he kept licking his bearded chin. Then instantly I hid me 
in the dark undergrowth, on the wooded hill, awaiting his approach, 
and as be came nearer I smote him on the left flank, but all in 
vain, for naught did the sharp arrow pierce through his flesh, but 
leaped back, and fell on the green grass. Then quickly he raised 
his tawny head from the ground, in amaze, glancing all around 
with his eyes, and with jaws distent he showed his ravenous teeth. 
Then I launched against him another shaft from the string, in 
wrath that the former flew vainly from my hand, and I smote him 
right in the middle of the breast, where the lung is seated, yet not 
even so did the cruel arrow sink into his hide, but fell before his 
feet, in vain, to no avail. Then for the third time was I making 
ready to draw my bow again, in great shame and wrath, but the 
furious beast glanced his eyes around, and spied me. With his long 
tail he lashed his flanks, and straightway bethought him of battle. 
His neck was clothed with wrath, and his tawny hair bristled 
round his lowering brow, and his spine was curved like a bow, his 
whole force being gathered up from under towards his flanks and 
loins. And as when a wainwright, one skilled in many an art, 
doth bend the saplings of seasoned fig-tree, having first tempered 
them in the fire, to make tires for the axles of his chariot, and even 
then the fig-tree wood is like to leap from his hands in the bending, 
and springs far away at a single bound, even so the dread lion 
leaped on me from afar, huddled in a heap, and keen to glut him 
with my flesh. Then with one hand I thrust in front of me my 
arrows, and the double folded cloak from my shoulder, and with 
the other raised the seasoned club above my head, and drove at his 
crest, and even on the shaggy scalp of the insatiate beast brake my 
grievous cudgel of wild olive-tree. Then or ever he reached me, he 
fell from his flight, on to the ground, and stood on trembling feet, 
with wagging head, for darkness gathered about both his eyes, his 
brain being shaken in his skull with the violence of the blow. Then 
when I marked how he was distraught with the grievous torment, 
or ever he could turn and gain breath again, I fell on him, and 
seized him by the column of his stubborn neck. To earth I cast my 
bow, and woven quiver, and strangled him with all my force, 

- i 3 6 - 

gripping him with stubborn clasp from the rear, lest he should rend 
my flesh with his claws, and I sprang on him and kept firmly tread- 
ing his hind feet into the soil with my heels, while I used his sides 
to guard my thighs, till I had strained his shoulders utterly, then 
lifted him up all breathless, — and Hell took his monstrous life. 

"And then at last I took thought how I should strip the rough 
hide from the dead beast's limbs, a right hard labour, for it might 
not be cut with steel, when I tried, nor stone, nor with aught else. 
Thereon one of the Immortals put into my mind the thought to 
cleave the lion's hide with his own claws. With these I speedily 
flayed it off, and cast it about my limbs, for my defence against the 
brunt of wounding war. 

" Friend, lo even thus befell the slaying of the Nemean Lion, 
that aforetime had brought many a bane on flocks and men. " 

Period I (before 380 B.C.) 

For about fifty years no coins of higher value than the diobol 
seem to have been issued in Heracleia. The citizens no doubt used 
the didrachms of Tarentum and Thurium for transactions needing 
a larger coinage. The Federal didrachms bearing the Tarentine 
design of the boy rider crowming his horse standing still and a female 
head, perhaps representing Satyra, the mother of Taras, were not 
issued until 302-281 B.C. The earliest diobols of Heracleia were 
not copied from any Tarentine design, we never find the pecten 
shell or wheel pattern, but the weight seems to have been about the 
same, probably about 20 grains; many specimens weigh on an 
average 19 grains. 

1. Obv. Head of Heracles wearing the lion's skin, to right. 
Rev. HE, or EH, a lion running. 

2. Obv. Similar to no 1. 

Rev. Heracles kneeling on his right knee, with the left knee 
raised, struggling with the lion, and holding in the right hand his 
club, HE. 

Period II (380-300 b.c.) 

This period begins with the year of the great gathering of the 
Federated Greek cities in Heracleia summoned under the presidency 
of Archytas of Tarentum. circ. 380 B.C. Then for the first time 

— 137 — 

didrachms were issued from the local mint. The types were appar- 
ently chosen as emblems of the Athenian and Achaean parties, 
the Obv. bore ahead of Athene, and the Rev. a figure of Heracles, 
which was probably copied from the didrachms of Croton issued 
between 420 and 390 B.C. 

1. Obv. A bare head of Athene to right, her hair bound with 
olive and turned up behind. The head is surrounded with the aegis, 
bordered with serpents. 

Rev. HEPAKAEIflN with or without the h Heracles sitting nude 
on a heap of rocks against which he leans on his left elbow; his 
right arm is extended and in his hand he holds a wine cup. 

2. Obv. Head of Athene to right, wearing Athenian helmet 
decorated with winged Hippocamp. The crination of the helmet 
stiff on upper part, but ending in a tail, and the hair ot the goddess 
under the neck-piece arranged as on some of the coins of Thurium. 

Rev. Legend same as on no 1. 

Heracles nude to right standing and strangling the lion, behind 
him the club, and on some specimens, a symbol, as a pecten shell, 
club, and strung bow, an ear of corn, or a letter, as 2, for instance. 

This design is generally thought to have been introduced by the 
artist who signed his work 0. It was copied on the diobols of 

3. Obv. Head of Athene facing, wearing crested helmet. 
Rev. Similar to no 2. 

4. Obv. Head of Athene, three-quarter faced to right, wearing 
crested helmet. 

Rev. Heracles standing nude to right with club raised, strangling 
lion with left hand. 

5. Obv. Head of Athene wearing earring, necklace and crested 
Athenian helmet decorated with figure of Scylla hurling a rock. In 

field in front K a border ol dots. 

Rev. I-HPAKAHIHN. Heracles nude to right, strangling lion 
with both his arms. Behind, KAA and club, between his legs an owl 
to r. 

Varietv. Obv. same, except that instead of a rock, Scylla hurls 
what looks like an octopus. 

Rev. Similar, but in field to left, a strung bow over the club. 

6. Obv. The normal Scylla type of no 5*. 

Rev. Heracles standing, facing, nude, resting his right hand on 
the handle of his club, which is upright, resting on the ground. 
Over his left arm hangs the lion's skin and in his left hand a bow. 
To left in the field a Victory flies to crown the To right in 
the field the letter 1. 

- i 3 8 - 

The symbols in the field vary on different specimens : a bird, an 
owl, a craterus, or a one-handled vase. 

7. Obv. Similar to no 4, but with longer hair*. 

Rev. Heracles nude, facing, leaning on his club, but with the 
elbow of the right arm turned outwards instead of towards the body 
as on no 6. In the field, a cantharus. 


Obv. Head of Athene to right wearing Athenian helmet decorated 
with Scylla hurling a rock. The lower part of the crest in form of 
a tail, which begins higher than usual. 

Rev. An owl seated with closed wings, an olive branch in front, 
and rose between the owl and the branch. 

Compare this design with the similar type on the drachms of 
Tarentum issued 302-281 B.C. 

The drachms were probably issued in connection with the 
Federal currency of the Italiote League. 

The weight of the specimen in the British Museum is 48 grains. 


The weights of the diobols vary between 16 and 20 grains. 

1. Obv. Head of Athene to right wearing Athenian helmet 
decorated with a winged hippocamp. 

Rev. Heracles to right kneeling with his right arm round the 
neck of the lion. 

2. Obv. Similar to no 1. 

Rev. Similar to no 1. but differing in that the right arm of 
Heracles is drawn back and in his hand a club is seen on some 

3. Obv. Head of Athene with helmet decorated with hippocamp; 
CEPT in field in front. 

Rev. Heracles kneeling (as on no 2) on his right knee. AI"lOA 
in field over lion. 

4. Obv. Head of Athene in helmet decorated with figure of 
Scylla to left and also to right. 

Rev. Heracles standing strangling lion with his right arm round 
the lion's neck. 


1. Weight 6.5 grains. Obverse a barley corn, on which is an 
owl, very small in proportion to the barley corn, with its wings 
extended. A border of dots. 

— 139 — 

Rev. A plough to right, with hHPA above. 
2. Weight 6 . 5 and 9 . 3 grains. Obverse, a female head diademed 
on an <egis bordered by serpents. 

Rev. Club and strung bow crossed diagonally; around, five dots. 
We might expect the weight to have been as much as 10 grains. 

Period III. (300-268 b.c.) 

The Corinthian helmet takes the place of the Athenian on the 
Obv. of the didrachms of this period, and this change may 
perhaps be an evidence of the influence of the armies which came 
to the assistance of the Greeks in Southern Italy from Corinth. 

1. Obv. Head of Athene wearing crested Corinthian helmet 
without any other decoration, the crest ending in a large tail. 

Rev. Heracles standing facing nude resting his right hand on the 
handle of club, the right elbow turned from the body, and with the 
lion's skin hung over his left arm, a bow in the left hand with two 

2. Obv. Similar to no 1 but with a figure of Scylla hurling a 
rock, on the upper part of the helmet. 

Rev. Similar to no 1, but the right elbow is close to the body. 
In field to left an owl with wings extended. 

3. Obv. Head of Athene in Corinthian helmet to left, decorated 
in the upper part with a winged hippocamp H-HPAKAEIHN. 

Rev. Figure of Heracles standing three-quarters to right, the elbow 
of right arm turned outwards similar to no 1. In the field to right 
a flying Nike to left OIAO. 

4. Obv. ATAZIAAM. Same type as no 3, behind a monogram. 
Rev. I-HPAKAEION. Heracles nude standing towards left, resting 

his right hand on club, the elbow near his body, and holding a 
cornucopiae in his left hand. A lion's skin is hanging over the left 
arm suspended by a strap passing over his right shoulder. In the 
field to left a flying Nike below I- A. 

5. Obv. HHPAKAEION. A grifBn on the Corinthian helmet. 
Rev. Heracles, nude, standing to left holding in his extended 

right hand a vase and on his left hand a club, the lion's skin hangs 
over his left arm. In the field to right a thunderbolt, to left an 

6. Obv. I-HPAKAEI. Same type as no 5. hA behind. 

Rev. Heracles stands three-quarter to left with his body bent 
backwards, in his right a drinking cup, his left rests on club and 
the lion's skin hangs over left arm. 

7. Obv. The Corinthian helmet is decorated with a figure of 
Scylla hurling the rock and behind is hA. 

— 1 4 o — 

Rev. Heracles standing nude, facing, but with head turned 
towards the right, his right hand is raised to his head as if crowning 
himself, his left hand rests on club. His lion's skin tails over his 
left shoulder, the suspending strap crosses over right shoulder. 

In field to left an aplustre, to right <t>IAfl. 

Bronze coinage. 

1. Size .75. Obv. Head of Persephone to left, bound with wreath 
of barley : a border of dots. 

Rev. Ear of barley with a leaf on right side, HPAKAEIflN. 

2. Size .75. Obv. Two figures of Heracles to left, each holding 
in his right hand a patera, and with the left hand holding the club 
over the shoulder, and the lion's skin hanging down. 

In the exergue HPAKAEIflN. 

Rev. Pallas standing to left wearing long chiton with diploidion 
or little double cloak (Pol. 7, 49). On her head a helmet, she holds 
a patera in her right hand over a flaming altar, with her left hand 
she leans on her spear, behind her a shield and torch with cross 

3. Size .65. Obv. Head of Athene, helmeted, wreathed in olive, 
behind, a bow in case. 

Rev. HHPA KAEIflN. Heracles nude, standing to left holding 
patera in his right hand, and with the club and lion's skin in left. 

4 Size .55. Bust of Athene, full-face, wearing helmet with 
three crests, to right a spear. 

Rev. HHPA KAEIflN. Trophy consisting of cuirass, spear, shield, 
helmet, and greaves. 

5. Size .5. Obv. Head of Athene wearing crested Athenian 
helmet bound with olive wreath ; behind, a shield : border of dots. 

Rev. HHPA KAEIflN. Heracles nude, standing to left holding a 
patera in his right hand and with his left holding club over his 
shoulder and the lion's skin. In field to right an agricultural 
labourer's fork with four prongs. 

6. Size .45. Obv. HHPA. Owl to right on a fulmen. 
Rev. Fore-part of a galloping horse, to right. 

7. Size .6. Obv. Head of Athene to right wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet : border of dots. 

Rev. hHPAKAEIfl(N). A marine deity, perhaps Glaucus, to right, 
armed with helmet, shield, and spear, plain border. 

8. Size .5. Obv. Head of b'eardless Heracles to right, wearing 
the lion's skin. 

Rev. HPAKAEIflN- Above the legend, a bow in case, with strap 
attached, beneath, a club to right. 

— I 4 I — 

9. Size .4. Obv. Head of beardless Heracles to right bound with 

Rev. HH. A strung bow and club to left, and bow case with strap 

10. Size 55. Obv. One-handled vase to left. 

Rev. Quiver with its strap and arrow arranged in the form 


It is not certain that this last was minted in Heracleia. 

— \4 2 — 


The coins of Velia, so justly valued as specimens of Greek art, 
are more esteemed by many on account of their associations with 
the great thinkers and teachers who as citizens of Velia must have 
used them. As we associate the coins of Thurium with Herodotus, 
and those of Croton with Pythagoras, so the coins of Velia must 
ever remind us of Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Xeno : it is also 
probable that Leucippus, who first taught an atomic theory of 
nature, was also a Velian. Towards the close of the second century 
after Christ, Diogenes Laertius (p. 244 ed. 1664) described Velia as 
" a poor city, but knowing how to nourish good men " ; how great 
these men were we can now appreciate, better than ever Diogenes 
could have done. We may learn something of the artistic value ot 
the coins from the interesting volume " Notes sur les signatures de 
graveurs sur les monnaies grecques", by Mr. L. Forrer, in which he 
gives fifteen initials of artists' names, besides the full names of the 
three well-known artists, Heracleides, Kleodorus, and Philistion, 
found on the coins of this city. 

As some of these artists' names appear also on the coins'of other 
cities in Magna Graecia we may see in them proof of the intercourse 
between Velia and the great cities of Southern Italy. Philistion 
worked not only in Velia, but also in Heracleia, Metapontum, 
Tarentum, and Terina, and the initial letter is also found on 
coins of Tarentum, and Metapontum. 

Many of these old cities were renowned as being built near the 
grave of some hero, and probably the site of Velia was in like 
manner famous as being near the grave ot Palinurus, the faithful 
pilot of Aeneas. Servius (Virg. Am. VI, 477), says : " The Luca- 
nians being troubled by pestilence received an oracle that they should 
pacify the manes of Palinurus. On this account they made a tomb 
and cenotaph in a grove not far from Velium". 

This may have been a tradition of an old deserted Lucanian city 
chosen as a site by the Greek founders of Velia. 

jEneas comforted the spirit of his pilot with the words : " But 
take this comfort to thy misery, the neighbouring towns and 

— i 4 3 — 

people far and near compelled by prodigies, thy ghost shall free, 
and load thy tomb with offerings year by year, and Palinurus' name 
for aye the place shall bear ". (Translation of E. F. Taylor). 

Strabo describes the site as in the bay to the south of the Bay 
of Posidonium, " a bay, on which is built the city which the Pho- 
caeans called Hyela, TeXyj, when they founded it, but others Ella, 
"EX/«r ( , from a certain fountain. People in the present day call it 
Elea. It is here that Parmenides and Zeno, the Pythagorean philo- 
sophers, were born. And it is my opinion that through the instru- 
mentality of those men, as well as by previous good management, 
the government of that place was well arranged, so that they 
successfully resisted the Lucanians and Poseidoniata^, notwithstand- 
ing the smallness of their district and the inferiority of their num- 
bers. They are compelled, therefore, on accountof the barrenness of 
the soil to apply to maritime trade chiefly, to employ themselves in 
the salting of fish, and in such other occupations. Antiochus says 
that when Phocaea was taken by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, 
those who had the means embarked with their families, and sailed 
under the conduct of Creontiades, first to Cyrnos and Massilia, 
but having been driven thence, the}' founded Elea, the name of 
which some say is derived from the river Elees. The city is distant 
about two hundred stadia from Poseidonia. " That is about 
twenty miles. 

In this account of the city by Strabo we notice the careless 
statement that the philosophers were Pythagoreans, and that he 
derived his knowledge rather from Antiochus than from Herodotus. 

Phocaea, the city from which the founders started, was the most 
northern of the Ionian cities of Asia Minor, about 200 stadia from 
Smyrna. We can picture to ourselves the foundation of Velia most 
vividly from the words of Herodotus and therefore part of his 
story shall be given from Clio, I, 163, 164. 

He says : " the Phocaeans were the first of all the Greeks to take 
long voyages and they are the people who discovered the Adriatic 
and Tyrrhenian seas, and Iberia and Tartessus. They made their 
voyages in fifty-oared galleys and not in merchant ships. " 

He then relates how they built the walls of Phocaea with money 
given by the King of Tartessus. 

164. "Now the wall of the Phocaeans had been built in the 
above manner; but when Harpagus marched his army against 
them, he besieged them, having first offered terms. The Phocaeans 
detesting slavery said they wished for one day to deliberate... in 
the interval, they launched the fifty-oared galleys, and having put 
their wives, children, and goods on board, together with the images 
from the temples and other offerings, except works of brass or stone 
or pictures, having put everything on board and embarked them- 

— i 4 4 — 

selves they sailed for Chios, and the Persians took Phocaea aban- 
doned by its inhabitants. The Chians refused to sell them some 
islands near, so they set sail for Cyrnus, where by the admonition 
of an oracle they had twenty years before built a city named Alalia... 
They had sunk a mass of red hot iron in the sea near Phocaea and 
swore that they would never return to Phocaea until this iron should 
appear again... 

1 66. On their arrival at Cyrnus they lived for five years in 
common with the former settlers, but as they ravaged the territories 
of all their neighbours, the Tyrrhenians and Carthaginians combined 
together to make war against them, each with sixty ships... the 
Phocaeans obtained a kind of Cadmean Victory, for forty of their 
ships were destroyed, and the twenty that survivedwere disabled, 
their prows being blunted. 

They sailed back to Alalia, took on board their wivesand children 
and all their ships could carry, and leaving Cyrnus sailed for 

Those who belonged to the ships which were destroyed fell in- 
to the hands of the enemy who took them on shore and stoned 
them to death... 

But the others who fled to Rhegium left that place and got pos- 
session of that town in the territory of CEnotria, which is now called 
Hyela, and they colonized this town by the advice of a certain 
Poseidonian who told them the Pythia had directed them to 
establish certain rites to Cyrnus as being a hero, but not to colonize 
the island of that name." 

Cyrnus is the old name for Corsica, which was called later on 
Kopaiq and Kcpar/.a. The first colony called Alalia was on its eastern 

Strabo spoke of the good government of the city of Velia, and this 
is in harmony with what is recorded by Speusippus, in Diogenes 
Laertius, that the citizens every year bound their magistrates to 
render obedience to the laws laid down by Parmenides. 

For the later history of the city we depend upon Roman writers 
such as Livy, Val. Maximus, and Cicero. One incident is related by 
Diogenes Laertius which points to some failure of the good govern- 
ment above alluded to; he tells an obscure story of Zeno being put 
to death by a tyrant named Nearchus or Diomedon. 

It is not clear when the city entered into alliance with Rome, but 
it was early enough to have given the city the protection ot that 
power, and thus to save it from the barbarians. 

Cicero and Valerius Maximus tell us it was from Velia and Nea- 
polis the Romans used to obtain priestesses of Ceres for their city, 
(pro Balb. 24) and Cicero mentions Velia as a well-known instance 
of a "foederata civitas ". 

— i 4 5 — 

In 391 B.C. Dionysius of Syracuse was freed from his struggle 
with the Carthaginians in Sicily, and was able to turn his attention 
to the Greek cities of Southern Italy. He had secured the alliance of 
the Locrians by marriage with Doris, a lady of that city. Rhegium 
had been opposed to him and became the refuge of the exiles from 
Syracuse. The Italian Greek cities, though pressed by the Lucanians, 
made a league against Dionysius, who in his turn entered into 
alliance with the Lucanians. Soon afterwards, Caulonia, Hipponium, 
and Rhegium fell before Dionysius in 387 B.C. He conciliated the 
Athenians, who gave him the freedom of their city. In 367 Dio- 
nysius died, and was succeeded by his son, the younger Dionysius, 
then less than thirty years of age. 

The intercourse of Plato with these two tyrants and the friendly 
reception of philosophers from the cities of S. Italy in Syracuse, 
the absence of any account of a siege of Velia, the friendship of the 
Velians with Athens all help to explain the escape of that city from 
the troubles brought upon the cities of S. Italy by the Syracusan 

It does not seem possible to connect the changes of type with 
any known civic events, but the principal changes seem to have taken 
place as follows. About 500 B.C., that is about forty years after the 
foundation of the city, the types then introduced lasted until 400 
B.C. but during the hundred years they were much improved in 

The first change took place about 400 B.C. when the decora- 
tive design of the lion on the stag was introduced. This was just 
before the troubled time caused by the tyrant Dionysius. 

Bronze coins were introduced about 350 B.C. and were issued for 
about a hundred years. The silver coinage was not issued after 268 
B.C. when the Roman mint was instituted. 

The ruins of Velia now 7 existing are of Roman date. They are to 
be seen on a low ridge of hill, which rises about a mile and a half 
from the sea, near the river Alento. The outline of the walls may 
still be traced, in circuit not more than about two miles. In the days 
of its prosperity it is probable that suburbs extended to the 
artificial harbour, the site of which is now a marshy pool. The 
river itself near the mouth was large and deep enough to afford 
refuge for the shipping of those days. Portions of aqueducts and 
reservoirs still exist, and bear witness to the energy and prosperity 
of the ancient Velians. 

Our interest in the coins of Velia will certainly be deepened by 
a due appreciation of the greatness of the two citizens mentioned by 
Strabo, Parmenides, and Zeno. 

The ideas of their forefathers concerning the many gods of 
Olympus, described by Homer and Hesiod, were put away by 
Hands. 10 

— 146 — 

these great thinkers, and the new doctrine of the oneness of the 
universe and the unity of the Deity was first proclaimed by them. 
Xenophanes, the teacher of these two, was born at Colophon near 
Ephesus, about 50 miles south of the mother city of Phocaea, 
whose desertion he could remember. He had, like so many of the 
Greeks of Asia Minor, sailed to the new western colonies, and had 
lived some time in Sicily before he came to Velia. There he first 
endeavoured to exalt the idea of the deity above the anthropo- 
morphic definitions, teaching that the deity was the animating 
power of the world. His great pupil Parmenides was born in Velia 
about thirty years after the foundation of the colony. Like Zeno- 
phanes, his teacher, he taught in verse, or poetic form. His didactic 
poem entitled " On nature " was written in hexameter verses, 
copious fragments of which have been preserved. 

They show him to have been but a poor poet, though a great 
and serious thinker. The introduction to his poem is in the form 
of a beautiful allegory. 

He describes himself as one led on the road from darkness to 
light, to the gates of the House of Wisdom, which were unbolted 
to him by Righteousness, who shewed him the unchangeable heart 
of Truth. 

His teaching naturally met with much opposition, and the wits 
of the age, who laughed at Parmenides, were answered by his pupil 
Zeno, who also was a native of Velia. His important advance upon 
the teaching of his masters was his perception of the value ot 
words, and he was called the inventor of logic, or i t StaXexTixij ~iyyr t , 
dialectic skill. 

To him words bore to philosophy the relation which sensible 
objects and numbers bore to that of his predecessors and' to the 
Pythagoreans. Our language embodied to him the law of our 
mental working. Mathematical science we owe to the East, but the 
science of Logic to the Greeks of Velia. 

Plato tells us of the coming of Parmenides and Zeno to Athens, 
when the former was about sixty years of age, and the latter about 
forty. Socrates was at that time about twenty years old, and as he 
was born in 469 B.C. their arrival in Athens was about the year 
450 B.C. The influence of the two Velians upon Socrates and Plato 
was evidently great as we may see by Plato's references to them in 
his dialogues, and through them all the world has been influenced. 
Their visit to Athens is interesting from a numismatist's point of 
view also, for it is evidence of a commerce or communion with 
Athens which perhaps is expressed by the Athenian owl, seen on 
the reverses of so many coins of Velia, and by the head of Pallas 
seen on of many of the obverse types. 

— 147 — 


The founders ot Velia must have been familiar with the coinage 
oi many of the cities of Asia Minor and would therefore have seen 
the lion's head adopted as a coin-type; for instance the electrum 
coins of Samos bore a lion's scalp facing and had been in use long 
before the Phocaeans left their home. 

On the coins of Cnidus also they may have seen the forepart 
of a lion, and on the Lydian coins a lion's head together with a 
bull's. Lions were probably not very rare animals in Asia Minor at 
that time, for even as far west as Acanthus Xerxes lost some of 
his camels by the attacks of lions, while he was marching from 
there to Therma (Herod. VII, 125). The coins of Acanthus, which 
had for their type a lion devouring a bull, were a little later than 
the evacuation of Phocaea. That type however was probably copied 
from more ancient gems, with which the Phocaeans may have 
been familiar. 

Two lions rampant are found on an ancient electrum coin in the 
British Museum from Asia Minor, and that looks also like a gem- 

r yp e - 

The coins of Termera bearing a lion's head were later than the 
fall of Phocaea. 

In the West we find the lion's head type on coins of Leontini in 
Sicily ; this w T as a Chalcidic colony from Naxos. 

These coins however are dated by D r Head from 500 B.C. and 
therefore are probably slightly later than those of Velia. Soon 
afterwards a similar type appeared on coins of Zancle or Dancle in 
Sicily, but on these coins the head is facing, and very similar to 
the type adopted in Rhegium, circ. 466 B.C. 

Apparently the citizens of Velia were the earliest in the west to 
introduce the lion's head as a coin-type. No doubt it was derived 
from the East, and perhaps copied from some of the older types. 

The symbolism was probably that which caused the popularity 
of its use in all ages, viz. the king of beasts, the strong, courageous 
animal, was a type of strength and dominion. 

The earliest coins of Velia bore on the obverse the forepart of 
a lion devouring his prey, but circ. 500 B.C. the lion was trans- 
ferred to the reverse as soon as a second type was brought into 
use, just as at Metapontum the ear of barley was similarly treated, 
and at Croton the tripod. 

The lion's head had been the -xpiTr^j.o^ of the city, and the 
decline of the importance of the old symbol may have been due to 
the association of the coins with religion, for the Obverse types 
bore generally the head of the divinities worshipped in each city. 

— 148 — 

The inscription or legend was usually placed on the reverse as 
the interpretation of the symbol of the town-arms, so it appeared 
under the seal on the early coins of Phocaea where we have the 
letter for <t>. The lion's head belongs to the early heraldic series 
rather than to the later religious types. Among the earliest obverse 
types of Velia we find the head of a river nymph, and a name 
which according to Strabo was derived from the name of the river, 
this name, on the obverse, may then be the name of the nymph, 
and, as it was the name also of the town, we do not find it on the 
reverse, where it usually appeared. Thus, as the name of the 
nymph, the unusual position of the legend would be explained. 

It is thought that the head of Aphrodite on the coins of Cnidus 
is the earliest example of the head of a deity on any coin. Cnidus 
was 240 miles south of Phocaea and must have been well-known 
to the sea-faring Phocaeans, moreover a lion's head forms the 
reverse type of these coins of Cnidus. 

The Athenian tetradrachms also were among the earliest to place 
the head of a deity on the obverse; they appeared fifty years before 
those of Velia. 

The coins of Cumae with the head of Pallas are dated about 490 
B.C., by D r Head, that is about ten years after the appearance ot 
these Velian coins with a head on the obverse. The citizens ot 
Velia apparently introduced the custom of placing a head on the 
obverse into Magna Graecia. 

The influence of religion upon the sculpture of that period was 
very great, and the art of the die-engravers was closely allied to that 
of the sculptors. 

The beautiful design of the lion leaping upon a stag may be 
owing to a decorative influence which prevailed at that time. We 
find animal groups, such as the type of the cow suckling her calf, 
w-hich occurs not only at Corey ra and her colonies, but also at 
Euboea and elsewhere, and is recognized as a type of greater anti- 
quity than the art of coin-die engraving. 

From a kindred source comes the type of the lion leapin gon 
the bull, seen on the coins of Acanthus, but also found on gems 
from Mycenae, and on an ivory tablet from Sparta figured in 
A. S. Murray's History of Greek Sculpture. 

The Cilician coins of Mazaeus of Tarsus on which we see the 
same design of the stag and the lion were not issued until 
362 B.C. 

We have seen that the lion type on the earliest coins was a sym- 
bol which the first colonists brought from Asia Minor, but we have 
not yet considered whether it may have had a connection with some 
cult of the East. The lion was sacred to Rhea, the mother of the 
gods, the divinity of the earth, and the lion was chosen apparently 
as the strongest of the earthly creatures. 

— M9 — 

In Ovid's Metamorphoses, X, 696, we read the legend of Cybele 
turning the defilers of a cave into lions to avenge an act of disrespect 
to a sacred place. 

Demeter, worshipped at Metapontum, was the daughter of Rhea. 
She is said to have purified Dionysius and taught him the mysteries. 

A passage in the play 'Helen' of Euripides (lines 1 300-1 3 10;, shews 
how similar was the manner of speaking of Demeter to that in 
which her mother was regarded. The recognition of her son Saba- 
zius by the citizens of Tarentum shews that the influence of this 
cult was not unknown in Magna Graecia. 

At first sight it seems strange that a city so famous for its navy as 
Phocaea should not have adopted Poseidon as their deity, but the 
cult of the mother of the Gods was probably established in Asia 
Minor long before the Greeks had introduced Poseidon to the 
cities on that coast, and the natural conservative spirit, seen gener- 
ally in regard to religion, may have influenced the men of Phocaea 
to retain the old religion of the East. 


I. Obv. Forepart of a lion to right, crouching over prey, in 
bold relief, mane in regular lines, head turned facing, shewing both 
ears and eyes. 

Rev. Indented square pattern divided by raised cross lines, two 
half-quarter indentations and two quarters fully indented. 

Weight 61 .2 or 60. 2 grains; size a little over half-an-inch. 

Many coins with the same types but much smaller are found at 
Marseilles, some only jf of-an-inch in diameter, others § of an inch. 

Weight of smallest 7 . 5 grains. 

These coins are attributed to Velia, but they bear no inscriptions. 

II. Obv. Lion to right, in the act of springing; sometimes a 
letter, as B or 8 in field above. The lower die is the proper Obv. 2 

Rev. VEAH under a nymph's head, but with plain fillet; no earring 
or necklace ; on some specimens the necklace appears. Upper die. 

1. The coins of Classes XVI, XVII, and XX may be met with at very 
reasonable prices, from 5/. upwards. 

2. Cf. Note on p. 320. „.; 

— 1)0 — 

Weight from 115 to 123 grs. Size .8 or .75. 

III. Obv. YEA — or YEAH. Head of nymph with narrow 
stephane and hair turned up behind, hair in conventional lines, 
generally turned to left. 

Rev. Lion crouching to right with head raised. 
Weight : 118 grs. Size .75. 

IV. Drachms. Obv. Head of Nymph similar to N° III. 

Rev. YEAH. Owl to right on olive branch, in field a letter A 
or E or )l or no letter. 

Weight : 60 grains. Size .6 or 55. 

V. Drachms. Obv. Head of Pallas, with long hair, wearing 
Athenian helmet without crest, and with serpent on the side. 
Sometimes a letter behind head 1 or A or E. 

Rev. YEAH. Owl to right, in front an olive-branch, sometimes, 
legend 3IA3D or CEAH. 
Weight : 59 grains. Size .6. 

VI. Drachms. Obv. Head of Nymph, generally to left, with hair 
rolled behind in three plaits. 

Rev. Owl standing, with wings closed, both to right and to left. 
These coins differ from N° IV in the spray of olive being much 

VII. The best period of art. 

Obv. Lion crouching to right, in exergue an owl to r. : border of 

Rev. Head of Nymph to right, hair rolled and wavy, wearing 
earring and necklace : in front a vine-branch, w r ith leaf and bunch 
of grapes <J>. 

Weight : 115 .6. Size .8. 

VIII. Drachms. Obv. Head of Pallas to right wearing crested 
Athenian helmet, adorned with olive-wreath : above, A. 

Rev. YEAH. Owl to right on olive-branch. 
Weight : 59.9 grains. Size .65. 

IX. Didrachms. Obv. Head ot Pallas to left, helmet same as 
N° VIII ; behind, an owl to left. 

Rev. "-HT EH. A lion seizing a stag, to right or to left. 
Weight from 117 to 119 grains. Size .85. 

- I 5 I - 

X. Obv. similar to N° IX. 

Rev. YEAHTflN lion by side of fallen stag, seizing it by the 

Obv. Similar, but flap of helmet plain, sometimes a letter as 
T or behind. 

Rev. A lion walking to right. 

Legend in exergue YEAH TON ; border plain, in exergue owl flying 
to right. 

On some the owl is above the lion. On some the letter or 
<J> or X. 

XII. Obv. same as N° s IX, X and XI. 

Rev. A lion running to left with right paw raised, YEAHTflN in 

XIII. Obv. Head of Pallas wearing crested Athenian helmet 
adorned with olive-wreath. 

Rev. Lion to right crouching. Legend in Held above. 

XIV. Obv. same as N° XIII ; behind, >E. 

Rev. Lion to left looking back, holding ram's head with left fore- 
paw; beneath >E, plain border, YHAHTflN in exergue. 
Weight : 113. 8. Size .83. 

XV. Obv. Female deity three-quarters facing, towards left, 
hair long, wearing necklace and winged Phrygian helmet inscribed 

Rev. A lion to left devouring prey, held with left fore-paw •• 
between hind legs >C : plain border. 
Weight 1 16.7. Size .75. 

XVI. Obv. Head of Pallas smaller than on N° VIII, wearing 
Phrygian helmet on which is a female centaur with drapery over 
the left arm, behind )E. 

Rev. ...flN. A lion seizing a stag to r. ; beneath, <t>l, a border of 

Weight 1 1 7. 2. Size .85. 

XVII. Obv. similar to N° XVI, sometimes with )E. 

Rev. YEAHTflN in exergue. Lion to left devouring prey, with 
various letters, as DC >E 0, <t> with )E. 

— 152 — 

XVIII. Obv. Head of Pallas wearing helmet decorated with 
fast quadriga and a griffin on flap, OIAIZTIHNOI on band beneath 

Rev. YEAHTHN. Lion walking to right. 

In exergue, O I and vine-branch with snake. 

Weight : 1 1 4 . i . Size .85. 

XIX. Obv. Head of Pallas wearing Corinthian helmet, with 
name OIAI2TIONOI on band under crest. 

Rev. Lion standing on bones 'of carcase gnawing his prey; 
above, Nike flying to left holding |wreath, YEAHTflN in exergue, 
Ol behind lion. 

Weight : 113 .2. Size .9. 

XX. Obv. Head of Pallas in Athenian | helmet, letters O, K, 
AH, T, /E, A 

Rev. Lion walking to right or left, YEAHTCON in exergue and 
Ol. in field. Various symbols. 


XXI. Obv. Female head wearing sphendone, earring and necklace; 
behind, : border of dots. 

— 153 — 

Rev. YEAH. Owl facing towards right, wings open. In field to 
right 2. or X. 

Weight : 15.3. Size .45. 


I. Size .85. Obv. Head of Pallas in Phrygian helmet adorned 
with olive-leaves. 

Rev. Forepart of lion devouring ram's head; above, in field 

II. Size .6 or .55. Obv. Head of young Heracles. 

Rev. YEAH. Owl to right or left on olive-branch, sometimes 
with wings open. 

III. Size .55. Obv. Head of Poseidon, diademed and laureate. 
Rev. Owl facing, wings open, A P. 

IV. Size .4. Obv. Nymph's head with broad diadem. 
Rev. Owl facing, wings closed, /P-YEAH. 

V. Size .35. Obv. Head of Persephone, wearing wreath ot 

Rev. Same as N° IV. 

VI. Size .55. Obv. Head of Heracles in lion's skin. 
Rev. YEAH. Owl facing, wings open, C A. 

VII. Size .4. Obv. Head of Pallas with crested Corinthian 

Rev. Owl to right. YEAH THN. 

VIII. Size .4. Obv. Head of Pallas with crested Athenian helmet. 
Rev. Owl to right, YEAH. 

IX. Size .5. Obv. Head of Pallas (?) with crested Athenian 
helmet, hair in formal curls. 

v P 

Rev. : ^. Tripod varied in different specimens. 

These bronze coins are not usually found in very good preser- 

— 154 — 


The coins and legends of this city illustrate most fully the general 
history of the early settlements of the Greeks in Southern Italy ; 
they also possess especial interest from their associations with the 
Pythagorean brotherhood. We shall find the same legends in the 
early history of Croton as those met with in our study of the coins 
of Metapontum. The origin of the name Croton however seems to 
have been unknown to the framers of these early myths. It is now 
thought to have been derived from the root ybo-oq, which appears 
in the Latin hortus and the Saxon geard, the root from which many 
other ancient city-names were derived, as for instance Cortona of 
Etruria, Gortyna of Crete, Certonum or Cyrtonium of Mysia, 
Cyrtone of Boeotia, and Corythos of Arcadia. The old legends of 
Croton are perhaps best known from the writings of Ovid and 
Strabo, and may be most satisfactorily told as nearly as possible in 
their own words. 


In the fifteenth book of his Metamorphoses, Ovid tells how Numa 
visited the city of the entertainer of Hercules, and upon his enquir- 
ing what founder had built that Graecian city upon the Italian 
coast, an old man, a native, not unacquainted with the former ages, 
thus replied : It is said that the son of Jupiter, Hercules, being 
enriched with the Iberian oxen, fetched from the ocean, made by a 
happy course the Lacinian shore ; and whilst his herd strolled 
through the tender grass, he entered the house, and no inhospi- 
table habitation, of one Croton, and eased his long toil with rest; 
at his departure he spoke thus; "this shall be the site of a city in the 
time of your grandsons ", and his promise proved true. 

For there was one Myscelos begot by the Argolic Alemon, the 
most acceptable man to the gods of that age. 

The club-bearer, Hercules, bending over him, oppressed with the 
heaviness of sleep, speaks to him thus : Come, leave your native 
dwelling : go, and repair to the waters ot ifisar a great way hence, 

— 155 — 

running over stones, and unless he obeys threaten him with many 
and dreadful things. 

After describing the opposition to his departure that he endured, 
Ovid continues : "he found the mouth of the iEsarian river destined 
by the fates for his settlement, and not far from thence a tomb, 
under which the ground covered the sacred bones of Croton : and 
built there a city in the land he was ordered, and transferred the 
name of the buried man to the city ". 


The first (of the Greek cities) is Croton, 150 stadia from 
Lacinium and the river Esarus ; there is also a haven there, and 
another river Neaethus, the name whereof is said to be derived from 
the following circumstance — they say that certain of the Achaeans 
who had wandered from the fleet which had besieged Troy, having 
arrived in this place, disembarked to take a survey of the country, 
and that the Trojan women who accompanied them in the fleet, 
having observed the absence of the men, and being wearied with the 
voyage, set fire to the ships, so that they were compelled to abide ; 
moreover they said that the soil was very fertile. 

Many others arriving soon after, and being desirous to live near 
their fellow countrymen, founded several settlements. Most of 
them derived their names from the Trojans, and the river Neaethus 
received its appellation from the destruction of the ships by fire. 

But Antiochus of Syracuse (arc. 425 B.C.) relates that an oracle 
having commanded the Achaeans to found Croton, Myscellus 
went forth to view the place, and having seen Sybaris already built 
on a neighbouring river of the same name, thought it better, and 
returned to the God to ask if it might be given him to found that 
instead of the other; but the oracle answered, applying to him an 
epithet denoting his defective stature, for Myscellus was hump- 
backed : 

" O short-backed Myscellus, whilst seeking somewhat else for 
thyself, thou pursuest only misfortune, it is right to accept that 
which is offered to thee". He returned and built Croton, wherein 
he was assisted by Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who happen- 
ed to touch at Croton by chance as he was proceeding to the 
Colony of the Syracusans. The Iapyges possessed Croton before 
this time, as Ephorus (before 341 B.C.) relates. 

The city cultivated martial discipline and athletic exercises to a 
great extent, and in one of the Olympic games all the seven 
wrestlers, who obtained the palm in the stadium were Crotoniates; 
whence it seems the saying arose that the last wrestler of Croton 
was the first of the other Greeks ; and hence, they say also, is the 

- i 5 6 - 

origin of the expression " more salubrious than Croton ", as 
instancing a place which had something to show, in the number of 
wrestlers which it produced, as a proof of its salubrity, and the 
robust frame of body which it was capable of rearing. Thus it had 
many victors in the Olympic games, although it cannot be reckoned 
to have been long inhabited on account of the destruction of its 
citizens who fell at the river Sagras. Its celebrity too was not a 
little spread by the number of Pythagoreans who resided there, and 
Milo, who was the most renowned of wrestlers, lived on terms ot 
intimacy with Pythagoras, who long abode in this city. 

The legend of the Trojan women burning the ships can hardly 
be called history, but the great movement of the Greeks to the 
southern shores of Italy about 710-700 B.C. is historical. 

Myscellus was not regarded as the founder, partly because it 
was usual to seek a divine being, or at least a demi-god, as founder, 
and Heracles may have been chosen because Myscellus was of the race 
of the Heracleida?. 

If the story told by Strabo about Archias going to Croton on his 
way to Syracuse means the visit was made when on his way to 
found Syracuse, it can hardly be historical, because that city was 
founded about twenty-four years before 710 B.C. 

The legends collected by Servius, the annotator of Virgil, which 
differ from those of Ovid and Strabo are not sufficiently connected 
with the types of the coins to interest us. 

The coins of Croton must have been used by the shepherds of 
whom Theocritus writes in his fourth ode, where we read of 
Corydon saying, " No by Earth, for sometimes I take her (the 
heifer) to graze by the banks of Aesarus ; fair handfuls of fresh grass 
I give her too. 

Corydon also speaks of the river Neaethus " where all fair herbs 
bloom, red goat-wort, and endive, and fragrant bees-wort ", and 
again — " the praise of Croton I sing — and Lacinium that fronts 
the dawn. "The Syracusan poet Theocritus thus sang of the beauty 
of the scenery about 290-260 B.C., when only half the city was 
inhabited and the Romans were the rulers of that fair land. 

Croton was built on a plain about 13 kil. from N. to S. bounded 
on the west by mountains, on the east by the sea, where its strand 
forms a shallow bay open to the north-east, and protected on the 
south by the promontory Lacinia vvhich forms the extremity of the 
entry to the great gulf of Tarentum. 

The river Aisaros flows near the southern side of the plain in a 
clear slightly winding stream to the sea. The Due de Luynes 
thought this name was connected with Aisar, an Etruscan word for 

An ancient local legend connected it with the name of a hunter 

— 157 — 

drowned therein when pursuing a doe. This myth may be com- 
pared with that of Saron, King of Trezene who was also drowned, 
when in pursuit of a doe sacred to Artemis, and from whom the gulf 
was called the Saronic. 

The legend has for us a numismatic interest, for the head of the 
young hunter Aisaros appears on silver coins of Croton issued circ. 
370-330 B.C. His head also appears on bronze coins, decorated 
with little horns. 

About a third of a mile from the mouth of the Aisaros is a 
tongue of land projecting enough to form a slight haven, and the 
land round this was chosen as the first site of the city. 

Among the sources of the prosperity of Croton we may note that 
the port or haven though small was the best between Tarentum and 
Sicily, and was the centre of a considerable commerce. 

Silver was found also in their own lands ; near Verzino, traces 
of ancient silver mining are still to be seen, and hence the abun- 
dant output of the mint of Croton, and the material for the high 
degree of artistic skill which we find in the coins which remain. 

For the first two centuries after the foundation of the city the 
men of Sybaris had been regarded as friends, tor the Achaean Greeks 
were more able to live without dissension than any others. 

When the Greek colonists had won from the natives the lands 
around their cities the parties whose ancient quarrels were not for- 
gotten, the Dorians and Achaeans, began a new and disastrous 

Sybaris fought Tarentum and Croton fought with Locri. When 
however Sybaris fought with Croton it was like a fight between 
brothers, and they fought to the death. The cause of the quarrel 
was the desire for supremacy over the Achaean lands. 

Lenormant takes Justin, the abbreviator of Trogus Pompeius, as 
his guide for the date of the battle of Sagras. He agrees, with Heyne 
and Grote that the Sagras battle took place in 560 B.C., and that 
the influence of Pythagoras was great on account of his cheering 
them after so terrible a defeat. 

The Locrians went to Sparta for help, and brought back news 
that the Dioscuri had come with them. The Crotoniates sent to 
Apollo at Delphi and heard that the victors would win not by 
force of arms, but by religious prayers, so they vowed a tenth of 
their spoil, but the Locrians hearing of this, vowed a ninth. 

The victory of the Locrians was hardly won against the trained 
athletes of Croton, but rather over the Pelasgian and Oenotrians, 
countrymen forced to fight for their masters of Croton, whereas 
the Locrians were more equal in quality, viz. that of the rough 
Dorian soldiery, and all fighting for their very existence. 

The site chosen by the Locrians was a narrow pass like that at 

- i 5 .8 - 

Thermopylae. The victory so unexpected was afterwards attributed 
to the Dioscuri, and 60 years later the Romans managed to obtain 
credence for the same help at the battle of Lake Regillus. 

The leader of the Crotoniates is said to have been healed of his 
wounds by Achilles and Helen who sent him to Himera, to the poet 
Stesichorus, who was blind on account of slighting Helen; he was to 
write a Palinode, and he would see. This poet died in 556 B.C., 
and his Palinode is a proof that Lenormant is right in his date of the 
battle of Sagras. 

Soon after, about 550 B.C., occurred the taking of Siris by a 
coalition of all Achaeans of Italy under the leadership of Sybaris, and 
the motive of the war was the succour given to the men of Siris by 
the Locrians. 

Croton was as celebrated as Sparta for the cultivation of athletic 
exercises. The victories at Olympus won by citizens of Croton 
began in 588-480 B.C.; before the introduction of a mint in that 
city. The exercise in which the men of Croton excelled was that 
of wrestling, Milo won the wrestling prize for six years in succes- 
sion 532-526 B.C. after having been previously victor in the wrest- 
ling matches for youths. This success in athletics points to a life of 
leisure and aristocratic government, in a city celebrated for its 
health giving climate. But success in athletic sports was not the 
only aim of the citizens, for the great philosopher Pythagoras 
influenced the citizens in higher aims, and the city became a great 
school of students in medicine, literature, mathematics, philosophy 
and religion. 

It was probably about 5 30 B.C. that Pythagoras became a citizen 
of Croton. 

Southern Italy was to the Greeks of Asia Minor very much what 
America was to Europe. The relations between Samos and Croton 
were very friendly, and Pythagoras was born at Samos. 

The influence of this great man w T as especially seen in the 
spheres of teaching, and politics, for in regard to religion he intro- 
duced nothing new in the way of ceremonies, but rather aimed at 
deepening the ideas of truths expressed by existing forms, and 
bringing them into closer relation to moral conduct. He despaired 
of raising the lower classes, but aimed at the elevation and dignity 
of womanhood. 

He denied the materialism of the Ionic teachers, aed set up the 
ideal principle of Order and Number. His ideas of Moderation and 
Harmony included purity of soul and body, thus elevating the older 
teaching which sought external purification only. From the east he 
also introduced the doctrine of the immortality of the soul and 
its transmigration, and the judgment after death from Egypt. One 
effect of his influence was seen in the victory won over the rich 

— 159 — 

and luxurious citizens of Sybaris. Commercial jealousy may have 
been the cause of the final struggle. 

Lenormant (on p. 76, Tome II) says one can hardly refuse to 
Pythagoras the honour of having instituted the coinage which was 
spread over all the Greek cities of S. Italy, with one exception, viz. 
Locri, which refused to receive the doctrines of Pythagoras. The 
Philosopher had not forgotten the lessons he learnt as a boy in his 
father's art studio. His influence was so great that we can understand 
how it could be possible for such a great reform in commerce to 
be so quickly made. The saying used by his disciples to settle 
disputes a-jTsg k?a(" ipse dixit") is well known. 

In the troubled times after the death of their leader the Pytha- 
goreans gave up the old oligarchic principles and became liberal 
conservatives, hoping that they might save the democracy from 
falling into a demagogy, and they were the rulers during the time 
of the highest prosperity of Magna Graecia. 

The Achaean colonies of Metapontum, Croton, Sybaris, Siris, 
Caulonia, Pyxus, Laiis, &c. adopted the Corinthian standard. The 
flatness of fabric is not the only point of interest to be noted, there 
is the peculiar manner in which the figure on the reverse type is 
made to represent the back view of the obverse type. Mr. G. F. Hill, 
in his recent work " Historical Greek Coins", says we have here a 
naive attempt to enable one, so to speak, to look through the 
coin, and see the obverse type from behind. If the flat fabric and 
this peculiar treatment had been devised for any practical utility 
we should have expected it to have been continued, whereas we find 
this peculiarity lasted only while the Pythagorean Brotherhood 
exercised a powerful influence. 

Pythagoras is thought to have arrived in Croton about 533 or 
529 B.C. Mr. G. F. Hill in the above-mentioned work says: "Is it 
not possible that in this representation of both views, both front 
and back of the same object, there may have been some awkward 
attempt to express one of those ten pairs of contraries of which the 
Pythagorean system made so much ? ro ouv §e£tovxac avw v.oc. ;;.>.7:poa0s7 
ayaObv r/.aXouv, to ok zp'.s-ipbv y.a.1 y.ata) v.xi ctcictOsv scaxbv IXeyov 
(Aristot. ap. Simplic. de ccelo, 173* 11). Why, it may be asked, 
take so much trouble to represent — unnecessarily — what was 
xaxov? The answer is that it was not unnecessary, according to this 
system for the complete representation of the object in its essence : 
ex. toutwv vap(-wv ffTOi^eiwv) cog cvyTrap^dvTMv jyveo-Tavai xal irs-Xao-Qa'. 
zxd tyjv oufftav (Aristot. Metaph 1.5.986 b 9). Note that the pecu- 
liarity of the fabric emphasises the fact that we see back and front 
of the same figure much more than would be the case if both sides 
were in relief, as on most coins. " 

In Mr. Gardner's work " Coin types " p. 86, we read : "In Italy 

— 160 — 

repousse work was extremely common in the decoration of bowls 
and tripods. He notes that in making these coins of Croton "two 
distinct dies both carefully executed must have been used and the 
blank placed accurately between them ". 

In a recently published work by Mr. Macdonald on " Greek 
Coin-types " p. 12, are some interesting remarks on the early coins 
of this series. 

" The fact that various cities struck coins shewing an alliance is 
against the theory that all the cities issuing the thin coins of the 
early period are coins of a great alliance. Confer coins of Croton 
and Temesa, Siris & Pyxus. There is no identity of type in these 
coins of Magna Graecia. But identity of type is characteristic of 
practically all other coinages that we know with certainty to be 
federal, or based on a political union. The iEacid shield is on all 
the coins of Boeotian cities, clearly marking their coinage as 

Moreover there were three systems of weights among these cities, 
and uniformity of weight is of more importance than of type. The 
similarity is only that natural to the coinage of a district; and its 
popularity may have been due partly to the facility with which the 
coins could be packed or stored. 

Although we may give up the idea that these flat coins form 
an alliance coinage we may still see in the peculiar fabric the influence 
of the Pythagorean brotherhood. 

It was Dionysius I. of Syracuse who brought the prosperity ot 
Croton to an end, and ruined the Greek communities of Southern 
Italy, and to aid him in this object the help of the Lucanians was 
enlisted. The Greek colonists had helped Dionysius against the 
Carthaginians, but in 405 B.C., when an insurrection against the 
tyrants broke out in Syracuse, the Greek auxiliaries returned home, 
and this desertion was the beginning of his quarrel with the Greeks 
of Italy. The great combat with Carthage began in 397 B.C. 

The Italian Greeks, fearing an attack by Dionysius, made a league 
between Croton, Caulonia and Thurium, and chose as their head- 
quarters the Temple of Zeus Homarios in Croton. This was a 
building erected in imitation of that at Aegeira in Achaia. 

Rhegium and Tarentum joined the league, which was especially 
formed for defence against the Lucanians. This league is illustrated 
by the coins bearing the figure of Heracles strangling the serpents, 
one of which represented Dionysius, the other the Lucanians. 

The men of Croton helped those of Rhegium against Dionysius 
in 391, and in the year following they sent an army of 25.000 men 
to Caulonia where they suffered defeat, and Caulonia, Hipponium, 
and Scylletion were destroyed. Rhegium fell in 387 B.C. 

— 161 — 

In 368 Croton was taken by surprise, and for twelve years 
suffered servitude, many of the principal citizens being executed, 
and many exiled. 

The Lucanians were triumphant in the land. On the death of 
Dionysius Croton recovered her liberty, Archytas of Tarentum 
gave them his assistance and the Crotoniates joined the league 
reformed by his care. Now, however, Tarentum became the chief 
city, and Croton never regained her former position ; Heraclea, 
not Croton, was now the meeting place of the League. 

After the death of Archytas the Bruttians rose to the height of 
their power and in 353 B.C., Terma, Temesa, and Pandosia, 
colonies of Croton, were taken by them. 

After the battle of Issus Alexander sent a portion of the spoils to 
the Greek cities as far distant as Croton. 

The Bruttii made Croton the object of their attack, and Alexander 
the Molossian died fighting them at Pandosia. In 319 the Croto- 
niates begged aid of the Syracusans, who sent an army to their 
assistance, but internal dissension rendered the help useless. 
Aristocrats and Democrats fought each other. At length in 299 B. C. 
Agathocles of Syracuse took the city, and gave it up to pillage. 

In 297 the Bruttii conquered the citizens; they were hardy 
mountaineers, shepherds leading a simple life, which enabled them 
to conquer the effeminate luxurious citizens. 

C. Fabricius Luscinus in 282 B.C. crushed the power of the 
Lucanians, and the Crotoniates turned to the Romans to deliver 
them from the Bruttii. In 277 B.C. the Aristocratic party again 
fought the Democrats, and their civil war was ended only by 
P. Cornelius Rufinus taking the city under the Roman rule. 

Next year Q. Fabius Gurges used Croton as his military base. 

During the struggle between Rome and Carthage the Aristocrats 
took the Roman side, and the Democrats the Carthaginian. Many 
citizens took refuge at Locri, and after this time the city was hardly 

Croton, now called Cotrona, is a pretty little gay and flourishing 
town of about 8000 souls. Its general aspect is that of a mass of 
flat white roofs on a hill-side overhanging the sea, against which 
the white roofs gleam. 


The common badge or r.y.cxG-q[j.^/ of Croton was the Tripod; 
associated with the great Pythagorean brotherhood, but there is 
considerable variety in the obverse types; the heads of four deities, 
Apollo, Hera, Pallas, and Persephone, the figure of the demi-god 
Heracles as founder, and the head of the mvthical Aesarus, all 
Hands. n 

— 1 62 — 

contribute to the variety and interest of this city's coinage. The 
absence of Dionysiac types is noticeable in a region where that cult 
was so popular, and the reason may be found in the influence of 
Pythagorean teaching. The earlier types are all in harmony with the 
influence of the Brotherhood, the tripod of Apollo and the eagle of 
the supreme deity whose mouth-piece was the Delphic god. 

The heads of the other deities were adopted as types when the 
Brotherhood lost power, that of Hera from 400 to 390 B.C., those 
of Pallas and Persephone on diobols and bronze coins from circ. 
330 to 300 B.C. The figure of Heracles appeared on the coins from 
circ. 420 to 390 B.C. and the head of Aesarus from circ. 370 to 
330 B.C. 

The periods of misery resulting from internal dissension between 
the Aristocrats and the Democracy do not seem to have affected the 
mint. As no coins of the lighter weight which became current at 
Tarentum are known it is not probable that the city was in a posi- 
tion to issue coinage after that change was made, circ. 300 B.C. ; 
all the staters of Croton are from 118 to 126 grains in weight. 


The types of the earliest coins of Croton are thus described in the 
British Museum Catalogue. 

Obv. Weight 1 1 5 .7. JR.. size 1.2. Legend 9PO. Tripod lebes, 
the legs ending in lion's feet, with three handles, and surmounted 
by two serpents' heads : dotted cable border. 

tyL. Same type as Obv., incuse, but the handles and serpents' 
heads in relief : incuse border of radiating lines. 

The Xs'^v,; -zpfao-jz was probably smaller than the Tpiicou? and was 
sometimes of costly workmanship; they were used as gifts or prizes, 
such as we read of in Homer's Iliad ("*F. 259), " and from the ships 
he brought forth prizes, lebetes and tripods ". We have seen, in the 
account given by Strabo of the city, how important the games 
were in the estimation of the citizens. Moreover tripods were asso- 
ciated with the worship of Apollo. Herodotus mentions the custom 

- i6 3 - 

of giving tripods as prizes won in the games in honour ofTriopian 
Apollo (Clio I. 144). We may see a tripod by the side of Apollo 
on a medallion in the Arch of Constantine, illustrated on p. 117 
of Diet. Greek & Roman Antiquities. 

The Choragic monuments of Thrasyllus and Lysicrates were 
erected by them to preserve and display the tripods won by them. 

Whether the tripods on the coins represented the athletic prizes 
or the seat of the oracle at Delphi, they were equally connected 
with the cult of Apollo, the most typical and representative of all 
the Hellenic deities, and his oracle at Delphi was one of the most 
powerful influences which moulded the religious thoughts of the 

The origin of the cult of Apollo has been traced to northern 
Greece, and the name of the Hyperboreans has been shewn by 
Ahrens to be a Macedonian dialect form, from the word uirspsepw, 
used of the carriers of the offerings to Apollo. 

The epithets applied to this god do not lead us to associate him 
in the earliest times with the sun-god. He was called Xiixew?, from 
\faoq, "a wolf. " 

The first writer who associated Apollo with the sun was Euripides, 
who did not pay strict attention to popular ideas of religion. Apollo 
was at first a god of fertility and growth, in both the vegetable and 
animal kingdoms, and hence we find him even in S. Italy regarded 
as the Shepherd-god, for whom also corn was sent to Delphi as 
tribute from many Greek states. 

One of the most important ideas connected with his worship 
was that of purification from sin, not involving any essential 
relation to moral purity, but similar in idea to the early Hebrew 
laws concerning the clean and the unclean. The shedder of blood 
was especially considered in need of this outward form of purifica- 
tion, which was performed by sprinkling with swine's blood from 
a laurel-bough. 

This important rite is connected with the legend which relates 
to the slaying of the Python by Apollo, who was afterwards himself 
purified in this way at Delphi. 

The tripod on the coins leads us to consider another important 
side of this Delphic religion, that of prophecy and revelation by the 
oracle. Some Delphic sayings witness to the growth of moral 
ideas, for instance the beautiful oracle in the Greek Anthology 
(Bonn's Ed., p. 170). "Enter the shrine of the pure god pure in 
soul, having touched thyself with holy water; lustration is easy for 
the good, but a sinner cannot be cleansed by all the streams of 
ocean. " 

Another good effect of the Delphic oracle was the tendency to- 
wards monotheism which resulted from the view that Apollo was 

— 164 — 

the mouth-piece of Zeus the supreme god. Pythagoras was by some 
thought to be the messenger of Apollo, and his name Pythagoras 
was connected withthe Pythian oracle, but his name was given to 
him before his visit to Delphi, before he knew Themistoclea, the 
Pythian priestess. 


On the reverse of a silver coin weighing 12 1.2 grains, and 
measuring nine-tenths of an inch, is the legend KPOTON in the 
exergue. A tripod-lebes, having three handles filleted, standing on 
a bar; in the field to left Apollo stooping and directing an arrow 
at the Python coiled and erect in the field on the right. 

Hyginus relates that Apollo four days after his birth went to 
Mount Parnassus, and there killed the dragon Python, who had 
pursued his mother Leto during her wanderings before she reached 

yEschylus in the play Agamemnon (1081) connects his name 
Apollo with x~ok\j\xi " to destroy ", making Cassandra cry : 
" Apollo Apollo, my destroyer, Apollo mine ! for thou hast 
without difficulty destroyed me the second time ". 

The Python appears on many of the reverse types near the 

What does this serpent signify, who was this guardian of the 
oracle at Delphi, dwelling in the caves of Parnassus, and slain at 
length by Apollo ? 

It will be interesting first to see what the ancients said on this 

Strabo suggests that the whole myth of the Python may have 
arisen from a mistaken understanding of the word -jOsaO;*'. " to 

He says (lib. IX c. in, § 5): " The place where the oracle is 
delivered is said to be a deep hollow cavern, the entrance to which 
is not very wide. From it rises up an exhalation which inspires a 
divine frenzy : over the opening is placed a lofty tripod on which 
the Pythian priestess ascends to receive the exhalation, after which 
she gives the prophetic response in verse or prose. The prose is 
adapted to measure by poets in the serviceofthe temple. Phemonoe 
is said to have been the first Pythian prophetess, and both the 
prophetess and the city obtained their name from the word 
(irJ0£<x8ai) to enquire. " 

Strabo in the same passage records the story of the slaying of 
the serpent as told by Ephorus, thus — " When speaking of the 
Delphians and their origin, Ephorus says that certain men called 

- r6 5 - 

Parnassii, an indigenous tribe, anciently inhabited Parnassus, about 
which time Apollo, traversing the country, reclaimed men from 
their savage state by inducing them to adapt a more civilized mode 
of life and subsistence ; that, setting out from Athens on his way 
to Delphi, — when he arrived at the Panopeis, he put to death 
Tityus, the master of the district, a violent and lawless man ; that 
the Parnassii, having joined him, informed him of.Python, another 
desperate man, surnamed the Dragon. 

Whilst he was despatching this man with his arrows they shouted 
Hie Paian, whence has been transmitted the custom of singing the 
pa^an before the onset of a battle : that, after the death of the Python 
the Delphians burnt even his tent, as they still continue to burn 
a tent in memorial of these events ". On this Strabo remarks 
"now what can be more fabulous than this? — Why did he call 
the fabulous dragon a man unless he intended to confound the 
provinces of history and fable. " 

Homer appears to use the words snake and dragon indifferently. 

In the account of the same legend given by Apollodorus (lib. I, 
c. iv, § i) the Python is described as (;?'.;) a serpent. Apollo 
having learnt prophecy from Pan, son of Zeus and Thymbris, went 
to Delphi, where Themis then gave the oracles. 

The Serpent Python, guardian of the cave in which were uttered 
the oracles, forbad him to approach. Apollo slew him and took over 
the business of the oracle : (to ;j.av-sTov zapaXz^avsi). Soon after 
he slew Tityus, son of Zeus and Elares, daughter of Orchomenos. 
This son of Zeus, of gigantic stature, became enamoured of Leto, 
who appealed to her son for defence, and Tityus when slain by his 
arrows, underwent further punishment in Hades where vultures 
tore his heart. Aelian (War., Hist., Ill, i) relates the legend in the 
form in which Apollo slays a snake. He purified himself at Tempe, 
making a laurel crown and taking a branch of the tree, he came 
to Delphi, and took charge of the oracle. For a similar modern 
purification after the killing of a snake, see John Duncan " Travels 
in Western Africa", I, p. 195. 

The slaying of a lion among the Kaffirs even now involves a 
ceremonial rite. 

The original object of rules relating to ceremonial purity aimed 
not so much at bringing a man nearer to God as the keeping evil 
spirits at a distance, and this is what we gather from Porphyry 
(Euseb., Prsepar. Evan*., IV, 23). 

Many similar savage rites of purification are still known to exist 
amonguncivilized tribes : examples are given in Frazer's translation 
of Pausanias in the notes on Book II, c. vn. 

In the legends of Heracles we see the courage and strength 
of a mortal hero regarded as supernatural, and giving rise to a 

— 166 — 

religious cult, so the heroic slayer of a huge reptile, who was legally 
purified, who spoke as a prophet, and by his influence civilized and 
raised his wild neighbours, became regarded as the deity known to 
us in some of his attributes as the Apollo of the Hyperboreans. 


On the coins struck between 475 and 450 B.C. we see the figure 
of a crane by the side of the tripod. 

It is said to be a reference to an incident which happened at 
Croton. Some children were murdered and thrown into the sea, and 
the same time a flock of cranes flew over the spot. Some time 
afterwards the murderers, seated in the market place at Croton, 
saw a flock of cranes fly overhead when one of the murderers 
exclaimed " behold the witnesses ", a bystander cited them before 
the senate, and the crime was confirmed. 

The origin of the saying "behold the witnesses "is the similar story 
of the murder of the poet Ibycus who flourished about 550 B.C. 
whose murder was revealed in exactly the same way at Corinth. 
The story is prettily told in the Greek Anthology (Palatini codicis. 
VII, 745)by Antipater of Sidon, a contemporary of Crassus Quaestor 
in Macedonia in 106 B.C. The poem about a memorial to Ibycus 
at Rhegium in Anth. VII, 714 may only refer to a memorial, not to 
his real place of burial. The cranes and their annual migrations 
were also associated by the Pythagoreans with the land of the 


The Due de Luynes suggested that the eagle represented on the 
coins of Croton may have been considered a suitable type for coins 
issued by the Pythagorean brotherhood, because that master jused 
to keep a tame eagle as a symbol of his communion with Zeus. 
The type disappeared immediately upon the overthrow of the 
brotherhood, and reappeared when their influence revived. 

Zeus was regarded by them as the supreme god, and Apollo as 
his interpreter or prophet; the eagle would therefore be a peculiarly 
suitable type because in Homer we read of that bird as revealing 
the will of Zeus. In the last book of the Iliad we read Priam's 
prayer : " Send on my right hand a winged messenger, the bird thou 
lovest the best, of strongest flight, that I myself may see and know 
the sign, and firm in faith approach the ships of Greece. Thus as 
he prayed the lord of counsel heard and sent forthwith an eagle, 
feathered king, dark bird of chase, and Dusky thence surnamed ". 
Translation by Lord Derby, p. 240. 

167 — 


The oldest coins which bear an eagle belong to the early period 
when the types were still incuse on the reverse. 

Obv. ?K) TOK Tripod lebes having three handles, and with two 
serpents emerging from it ; and between the legs two serpent's 
heads facing each other, all within a dotted cable border. 

Rev. An eagle, incuse, flying to right, both wings shewn extended. 
Incuse border of radiating lines. On some specimens the legend is 
retrograde 0"3? and the type without the snakes. 


i. Obv. An eagle to left with wings closed resting on an Ionic 
capital; above, in the field ?POT. border of dots. 

Rev. Tripod-lebes, a grain of barley to left, ?POT to right. 

2. Obv. An eagle to right with wings closed in upright position 
on an Ionic capital, in the field to right a branch of olive, border 
of dots. 

Rev. Tripod-lebes with neck and three handles, from the left a 
fillet hanging, the lower end of which is turned up on the right, 
?PO, borders of dots. 

3. Obv. Eagle standing on a ram's head to left with the head 
turned back. Nothing in the field. A border of dots. 

Rev. Tripod-lebes with neck and three handles, to left ?PO ; to 
right, a spray of olive. 

4. Obv. Eagle standing to left, with head turned back, on nose 
of stag's head to right. Plain border. 

Rev. Same as no 3 but legend on right and ivy-leaf to left. 

5. Obv. Eagle standing to right with head turned back, on a 
cornice of temple, the gutta visible below. In the field to right 
an antelope's skull. 


I. Obv. Eagle standing to right with head and wings raised as 
if in the act of flight. 

— 168 — 

Rev. Tripod-lebes with neck and three handles, ?PO to right and 
a leaf to left of Tripod. 

2. Obv. similar eagle standing on olive-branch ; beneath right 
wing BO I. 

Rev. ?POTfl. Same type, but from right handle of lebes 
hangs a fillet, behind tripod is a bough of laurel. 

3. Obv. Similar eagle but to left in exergue BOI. 

Rev. VPO. Same type but from left handle of lebes hangs a fillet. 

4. Obv. Eagle flying to left holding a hare in its talons ; in field 
to left A I : border of dots. 

Rev. KPO. Tripod-lebes, no fillet, in field to right a stork with 
raised leg standing to left : same border. 

5. Obv. Eagle standing to left on olive-branch. 
Rev. Same as n° 4 but with A beneath stork. 

6. Obv. Eagle with spread wings standing to left on olive 
branch and turning back its head; on the right of the wing the 

Rev. Tripod-lebes standing on a base. 

Two handles on Tripod and a conical cover with handles. In 

field to left an ear of barley with leaf, and Z? . In field to right a 

dolphin to right, turning with head downwards P ; plain border 


On some specimens instead of the dolphin, a Python coiled erect, 
and a fillet hangs from the handle of the Tripod. 


Between 420 and 390 the head of Hera appeared on the silver 
staters of Croton. The head was facing looking slightly to the right 
and wearing a lofty Stephanos. 

On the reverse a nude figure of Heracles reclining on rocks and 
holding a wine-cup in his right hand while his left rests on his 
club, behind which his bow is seen. Letters of some magistrates' 
names appear in the field, as ME< MA. 

Stater 01 Croton. 

— 169 — 

The type is a reference to the story told by Servius, the commen- 
tator on Virgil JEn. Ill 552. According to Servius, Lacinius was a 
robber slain by Heracles on that headland, who after purification 
from the slaughter, founded there a temple to Hera. Diodorus also 
tells the story (IV, 24). 

Others say, however, that Lacinius was a King among the Bruttii 
and the founder of the Temple, but the figure on the reverse shews 
that the legend relating to Heracles was that in the mind of the 
type designer. The Greek" Tlpa " is probably the same as the Latin 
" hera " — mistress. Argos and Samos were the principal seats of 
her worship, and we have seen how close was the intercourse of 
Croton with Samos, the birth-place of Pythagoras. The worship of 
Hera would be therefore popular among the Brotherhood. 

Moreover Zeus communicated to her his secrets more often than 
to the other gods, as in Iliad, I. 545, and Hera is also represented 
as able to confer the gift of prophecy, as in Iliad., XIX, 407. 

In the Iliad she appears as the enemy of Heracles, and is wounded 
by his arrows, V, 392. Originally the goddess worshipped on the 
Lacinian headland was probably an earth-goddess of the native 
Oenotrians, who was afterwards identified with the Greek Hera 
Argonia, Argeia, or perhaps Areia ? (Strabo VI 1 . 1), whose temple 
stood near Poseidonia, and whose head appears on the coins of 
Neapolis and Hyrina very similar in design to those on the coins 
of Croton. She was an armed goddess, as we may gather from her 
surname 'oTiXi^jia. Her temple was one of the most celebrated in 
all Southern Italy, and on certain festivals, vast crowds flocked to 
Croton to partake in the ceremonies and games. The modern name 
of the headland is derived from the ruins of this temple. 

For the story of the marvellous garment presented to the temple 
of Hera and stolen by Dionysius, confer Athenaeus 541. p. 247 
Ed. Tauchnitii. He sold it to the Carthaginians for 120 talents. The 
attempts to gather deputies from all parts in this temple at Croton 
were never more than partially successful. 


We have seen the head of Pallas on the half-staters and diobols 
of Metapontum issued between 330 and 300 B.C., and Pallas was 
chosen for the type of the coins of Thurium, and from the influence 
of that mint her head was also placed on the coins of Neapolis from 
450-380 B.C. 

At Tarentum also we find the head of Pallas on drachms of the 
seventh period 281-272 B.C. 

The head of Pallas on the coins of some of these cities of S. Italy 
is a symbol of the influence of Athens, but the Athenian power 

— 170 — 

was broken at Syracuse in 413 B.C. and the reason for the choice 
of this type after that date can hardly be connected with Athenian 

When once a type became well known it was not easily discarded; 
moreover this head of Pallas had become the usual type for the 
smaller silver coins of many cities. 


At the date when the head of this goddess appeared on the bronze 
coinage of Croton, about 300 B . C, the influence of the Pythagorean 
brotherhood had passed away, and the religious ideas of the cities 
in which the cult of Persephone was predominant began to he felt 
in Croton. For the ideas connected with this type confer the 
chapters on the coins of Metapontum. 

The bronze coins bearing the head of Persephone are in size .85. 

Her head on the obverse is to right, crowned with a wreath of corn. 

Rev. K P O. Each letter within a crescent, the horns outward. 


After reading the early legends of Croton we should naturally 
expect to find the founder Heracles among the types. It has been 
thought probable that the die-engravers or designers were inspired 
in forming these types by the paintings of the renowned artist 
Zeuxis, who was working in Croton at about the time when these 
figures of Heracles appeared, viz about 420. The subject of one of 
his pictures was, we know from Pliny (N. H., XXXV c ix and x) 
that chosen in 390 B.C. as the type for the coinage issued by the 
league against Dionysius and the Lucanians. The struggle of the 
infant Heracles with the two serpents, so beautifully told by 
Theocritus in his twenty-fourth Idyll, and by Pindar in his first 
Nemean ode, was emblematic of the struggle between Light and 
Darkness, Good and Evil, of free and united Hellas over Tyranny 
and Barbarism. It is probable that the other earlier types of Heracles 
at the altar, and pouring the libation at the grave of Croton, were 

— iyi — 

also inspired by the paintings of Zeuxis. It is in harmony with this 
idea that the proportions of the figure of the hero on these coins 
shew just the faults criticized by Pliny in the work of Zeuxis; the 
undue proportions of the head and lower limbs of Heracles. 

However, we must remember here the fault in regard to the size 
of the head is a common one on coin types, perhaps due to the 
difficulty of making the features on a smaller scale. The care taken 
by Zeuxis in delineating the human form is noticed in the interesting 
story of that artist choosing five of the most beautiful maidens of 
Croton as models for his picture of Helen. We have continually to 
notice the influence of Homer upon the Greeks of Southern Italy 
and it is very apparent in the works of Zeuxis. 

On the silver coins of Croton we have six different types of 

i. The archaic legend on the obverse is noticeable O^KSMTAM. 
The letters which look like M are the old "san" an early form of 
S- In this archaic alphabet the letter M is formed thus I*". 

The second and fourth letters are the old forms for I and the 
word in the letters of the third and fourth centuries B.C. would 
be OIKI2TA2 " Founder". The only suggestion I can make in 
regard to the reason for using this ancient script is that the die- 
engraver copied the word from the inscription under some statue, 
and this mav be the explanation of other similar cases of the use of 
archaic letters. Confer however D r Head's Hist. Num., p. 90, on the 
occurrence of these letters on coins of Pandosia. 

The obverse type represents the hero naked, seated to left on a 
rock covered with a lion's skin. He holds a laurel-branch, bound 
with a fillet, in his right hand, and his left hand rests upon his 
club. Behind him on the ground are his bow and quiver. In front 
an altar bound with laurel. In the exergue are two fishes meeting. 

The reverse is that described above bearing Apollo slaying the 
Python with a tripod between. 

2. Very similar to this is the reverse type of the coin bearing 
the Head of Hera Lacinia on the obverse. Heracles is seated on the 
same rock A'ith the same weapons but in his right hand he holds a 
wine-cup and his left elbow is resting on the rock and his left hand 
on the handle of his club. In the field ME. 

It has been suggested the hero is represented in the act of making 
the funeral libation before the grave of Croton. 

3. Obv. KPOTH'NIA] TA2. Head of Apollo to right, lau- 
reate, hair long: a border of dots. 

Rev. The infant Heracles seated facing, on a bed; in each 
extended hand a serpent which he is strangling, and whose folds 
entwine his body. 

4. Obv. of drachm weighing 43.7 grains size .6. Head of 

— 172 — 

Heracles to right wearing diadem ending in spike over his head. 
Rev. KPO. An owl standing to left on stalk of an ear of barley 
with leaves. 

5. Weight 14.9 grains size . 55 . Diobols 18 grains. 

Obv. KPOTflNIA TAN. Head of Pallas to right wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet. 

Rev. OIKIITAZ. Heracles standing to right clad in a lion's skin, 
leaning on his club which he grasps with both hands. 

On some specimens the letter A behind the figure, on others the 
letter o-. 

6. Diobol 17 grains. 
Obv. Same as no 5. 

Rev. Heracles strangling the Nemean lion. 


The story of the hunter Aesarus in only found in a commentary 
on the poem of Dionysius Periegetes who lived about 300 A.D., 
and the commentator, Eustathius, bishop of Thessalonica, wrote as 
late as the last half of the twelfth century A. D. It may be found 
on p. 185 of the Latin Edition of A. Polito, 1741. " The river 
which flows near Croton is called Aesarus because of a hunter of 
that name, who was drowned together with a doe which he had 
followed into the water, and thus the river was named after him ". 
The name Aesarus may however be connected with an Italian word 
for god, Aesar. 

There is no reference to the hunter in the poem of Dionysius, 
the passage referred to is line 370. 

" Near to which is a pleasant city Croton, well crowned with 
walls, a happy site near the river Aesarus, whence thou mayst see 
the high home of Lacinian Hera. " The head of Aesarus appears 
on bronze coins, in size .65, bearing on the observe AIZAPOZ- A 
young male head to right, wearing a diadem, and his hair long. On 

the reverse ^.v..! a thunderbolt, above w r hich a star of eight 

rays. The star supports the story of a mortal made immortal. 


No thorough or detailed chronological classification of the coins 
of Croton has yet been made ; such work could only be undertaken 
by one having leisure and opportunity to compare the great col- 
lections of European fame, and by one possessing greater knowledge 
than the writer of these pages. 

— 173 — 

The following classification is the preparatory step which most 
collectors and students would make, that of placing together the 
coins of each type and noticing the distinctive details. 

FIRST PERIOD. 550-480 b.c. 

The coins of this first period may be divided into two classes or 
series. The one consisting of coins bearing a Tripod in relief on 
the obverse, and the same type incuse on the reverse : and the 
other consisting of coins bearing the tripod on the obverse and a 
flying eagle incuse on the reverse. 

Which may be looked upon as the earlier type does not seem 
quite certain, and whether the two designs were issued at the same 
time from the mint is uncertain. Although the earliest coins ot 
Corinth were smaller and thicker than those afterwards issued 
with the flat flan, as in all collections of S. Italian coins the flat, 
large, thin coinage is placed first, it will be convenient to place 
them here in the first class. 

CLASS I. 550-500 B. C. 

1*. Size 1. 2 ; weight 115 to 122. Obv. ?|>0 on left of tripod 
with straight top and three handles. Legs of tripod straight ending 
in lion's claws, and on the under side at top of legs a stem cur- 
ling under in a simple volute. No symbol or letter on right of 
tripod. A circle of dots or cable around the whole. 

Rev . Same tripod incuse with handles and mouldings in legs in 
relief in the incuse. No letters or symbols in field. 

2*. Obv. Same as no. 1, but with a crab as symbol on right of 

Rev. Same type incuse but 01? in relief, and crab as symbol 
rudely scratched in. 

3*. Size .9 weight 117-8. Obv. Normal type but crab on left, 
fFO on right, of tripod ; dotted border. Rev. Cuttle-fish as sym- 
bol to left, and a dolphin as symbol on right of tripod. 

4. Size .95. weight 117 gr. Obv. Same as no 3. 

Rev. A lyre as symbol; on left ?F*0 on right of tripod. 

5. Size .9. weight 118 gr. Obv. Same as no 3. 
Rev. ?^0 on left of tripod and a dolphin on right. 

6*. Size 1.05. Weight 123.3. Obv. ?P"0 on left of tripod and a 
crane on right. 

Rev. Same as Obv. symbols in relief. 

* Specimens of the coins marked thus may be obtained tor a few shillings. 

— i 7 4 — 

7*. Size 1.05 and .95. Weights 104.9 gr. 
Obv. Same as no 6. 

Rev. ?f» , on left, TON on right of tripod, letters in relief. The 
distinguishing mark is the border of radiating lines. 

8. Size .8 or .85 Weight 124.2. Obv. same as n° 6. 

Rev. Normal tripod without any letters, field plain ; radiate 

9. The third part of a stater. Size .6. Weight 38.6 grs. 
Obv. Crane in field on left of tripod, on right ?l > 0. 
Rev. Same as no 8. 

10. Size .4. Weight 6.1. 

Obv. ?F*-0 on left of tripod, nothing to right ; dotted border. 
Rev. Incuse tripod, nothing in field, border radiated. 



I*. Size .95. Weight 113 to 118. 

Obv. Normal tripod with 9^0 on right and TON ou left. 
Rev. An eagle flying to right, incuse, with feathers marked and 
aborder of radiating lines. 

2. Size .8 Weight. 123. Types same as no. 1 but omitting TON- 

3. Size .35 Weight 6.5 gr. Same types as no. 2. 


Alliance coins are found, with Sybaris, bearing VM and a bull 
with head reverted on Rev. and the Obv. = no 1. 

With Temesa, same Obv. and on Rev., a helmet incuse, with 
TE sometimes added. 

CLASS III. 490 to ^80 b.c. 


i. Stater. Size .75. Weight 122 grs. 

Obv. Normal tripod wit a 9^0 on the right. 

Rev. A Corinthian helmet to right. Underneath O"^?. 

2. The third of a stater. Size .5. Weight 38.8. 

Obv. Same as on stater. 

Rev. Corinthian helmet to right but no legend ; around, a radia- 
ted border. 

The radiated border perhaps suggests these should belong to the 
transitional period, 490 to 450 B. C. 

— 175 — 

TRIPOD TYPES. 480-420 B.C. 

i. Size. .8. Weight 122.5. 

Obv. Rude plain tripod ; no ornamentation. In border of dots, 
?FO to left. 
Rev. Same tripod in relief but no legend. 

2. Size. .85 or .8. Weight 111.2. Tripod with voluted orna- 
ment on legs, distinguished from that on the earlier series by the 
ring between the legs above the feet. A crane in the field on the 
left, and ?F*0 on the right. 

Rev. Same type, in relief. 

3. Size. .9. Weight 119.7. 

Obv. Tripod with three handles without the ring between the 
legs but with volute ornament. A kantharos in the field to left and 
?^0 on right of tripod. 

Rev. Similar tripod in relief. AA in field to left, an incense 
altar to right; all in border of dots. 



i. Size. .5. Weight 16.7 grs. 

Obv. Tripod with ring between legs, on the right in field a leaf. 
Rev. An upright fulmen, on the left a star, on the right an 
eagle on a Ionic capital. 

2. Size. .45. Weight 17.6 grs. 

Obv. Tripod with no binding ring, a crane on the left and 
?PO on the right. 

Rev. A cuttle-fish with tentacles spread. 

3. Size. .4. Weights vary from 12 to 19 grs. 

Obv. Tripod with no binding ring ? or ?PO in field to right. 
Rev. Pegasus with wing curled in archaic manner ; ? under- 

4. Size 5. Weight 16.7. Obv. Tripod with two serpents ' heads 
between legs. 

Rev. A kantharos with coiled snakes on either side. 

5. Size .4. Weight 10.2. Obol. Obv. Tripod with neck and 
three handles, on the left in field an ivy-leaf, on the right ?F*. 

Rev. A hare running to right with O above and O beneath. 

6. Size. .4. Weight 10.4. 

Obv. A symbol cousisting of two grains of corn one above the 

— 176 — 

other, and on each side a circle with a dot in the centre, the 
whole within a radiated border. This may perhaps be classed with 
those coins mentioned above as of the earliest part of this Period 
or even of the Transitional Period. 



i. No 63 in Brit. Mus. Catalogue. 

Size .9. Weight 1 17.3 . 

Obv. ?POT in field above eagle standing to left, wings closed, on 
Ionic capital : border of dots. 

Rev. ?POT to right, and grain of barley to left. Tripod with 
three handles, volute ornaments under bowl and near the feet ; on 
some specimens the relative positions of legend and grain are reversed . 

2*. No 66. Size .85. Weight 116. 

Obv. Eagle on capital to right with branch of olive in field ; 
border of dots. 

Rev. ?PO to right, Tripod with neck and three handles, volute 
ornaments under bowl, and ring near feet, border of dots. 

3. No 67. Size .85. Weight 119.1. 

Obv. Eagle standing on ram's head to left looking back : border 
of dots. 

Rev. ?PO to left, spray of olive to right of tripod similar to 
no. 2. 

4. No 68. Size .8. Weight 122.6 

Obv. Similar eagle standing on a stag's head, plain border. 
Rev. Similar to no 3, but ivy-leaf to left and the legend ?PO on 
right of tripod. 

5. No. 70. Size .9. Weight 122. 1. 
Obv. Eagle on pediment of a temple. 
Rev. Same as no 3. 

6. No. 73. Size .9. Weight 118.5. 

Obv. Eagle standing over serpent with wings raised ; border of 

Rev. Similar tripod to no 2, ?PO to left, and ear of barley on 
right : plain border. 

7. No. 74. Size .8. Weight 119.8. 

Obv. Eagle standing to right with head raised as if about to 
spring upwards. 

Rev. similar to last but laurel-leaf, to left, and ?PO to right of 

— i 7 7 — 


8. Xo 77. Size .9 Weight 121. 8. 

Obv. Eagle flying to left holding a hare in its talons, in field to 
left Al, border of dots. 

Rev. KPO. Normal tripod of this series, stork in field to right 
with raised leg standing to left. 

9. No 78. Size 9. Weight 118.1. 

Obv. Eagle standing to lelt on olive-branch with wing raised. 
Rev. Same as last, but A under the stork. 

10. No 82. Size .9. Weight 101.5. 

Obv. KPOTHNIATAN in small letters over spread wing of eagle 
standing to left on olive-branch, turning back its head. 

Rev. Tripod, on left an ear of barley and OE, and on the right 
a dolphin and KPOMI- 

CLASS VII. 420-349 B.C. 

Types consisting of figures of Apollo and Heracles. 

D r Head says : " It was towards the close of the fifth century 
when Thurium was rising to be the first city of Southern Italy, 
that the long Ionic H came into general use in the West. About 
this time also we note that the old letter ? is replaced by K on 
the coins of Croton. " 

Perhaps these types with the figures of Heracles and Apollo were 
issued to celebrate some great festival, and that may account for 
their rarity and the difference of type from that of the normal 

1. No 85. Size .9. Weight 12 1.2. 

Obv. OSKSMTAM. Heracles naked seated on rock to left holding 
laurel-branch in right and club in left hand; in front an altar, in 
exergue two fishes meeting. 

Rev. Tripod with straight plain legs, two fillets hang between 
the legs. Apollo on the left aims an arrow at the Python on the 

2. No 87. Size .95. Weight 123.2. 
Obv. Same as no 1. 

Rev. ?PO on right of tripod with voluted ornamental rings near 
feet ot legs; in field to left, a large barley-corn. 

3. Nos 88 to 93. Size .85. Weight 117.4 to 123. 1. 

Obv. Head ol Hera Lacinia wearing Stephanos and necklace : bor- 
der of dots. 

Rev. KPOT or KPOTHNIATAN. Heracles naked reclining on 
rock, right hand extended holding wine-cup, left elbow resting on 

Hands. i 2 

- i 7 8 - 

4. No 96. Size .8. Weight 123.1. 

Obv. Head of Apollo to right, laureate, hair long : border of 

Rev. Infant Heracles seated on bed holding in each hand a 

5. No 96. Size 9. Weight 118.8. 
Obv. Head of Apollo as No 4. 

Rev. KPO to right of tripod, to left a branch of laurel filleted. 
A ring inside legs half way down legs, and a second ring with 
ornamental leaves near the feet. 



i. No 103. B. Mus. Cat. Size .6. Weight 43.7. 
Obv. Head of Heracles wearing diadem ending in spike to right. 
Rev. Owl standing to left, KPO on right, on stalk of barlev 
with leaves. 

2. No 104. Size .5. Weight 24.4. 
Obv. Head of Apollo, laureate. 

Rev. KPO, same type as No 4 of staters. 

3. No 105. Size .55. Weight 14.9 grs. 

Obv. Head of Pallas in Corinthian helmet KPOTHNIATAN. 
Rev. OIKIZTAZ. Heracles standing to right leaning on club 
grasped in both bands. 

4. Size .35. Weight 5.5 gr. 

Obv. Tripod with neck, no binding ring, on left an ivy-leaf, on 
right ?P. 

Rev. Four crescents placed back to back. 

1. Size, one inch in diameter. 
Obv. A tripod with neck. 
Rev. A hare running; to right. 

2. Size, nine-tenths ot an inch. 
Obv. A tripod with neck. 
Rev. Sepia with arms extended. 

3. Size, nearly an inch. 
Obv. Bow TPI. 

Rev. A Club. 

4. Size .6 of an inch. No 109. B.M.C. 
Obv. Eagle standing to right looking back. 

Rev. Tripod, KPO to left; Crane to right, a ring half way down 
to feet, and volutes under bowl. 

— 179 — 

5- Size .75, f of-an-inch. No no. B.M.C. 

Obv. Eagle on ram's head to right. 

Rev. Upright fulmen, a crescent on either side. 

6. Size .65. 

Obv. Head of Aisaros AIIAPOI. 

Rev. KPOTH NIATAN. Fulmen with a star above and the legend 
half above and half below. 

7. Size .75. 

Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion's skin, in field H, above 
head AVKHN. 

Rev. Eagle flying to right carrying serpent ; behind, an ivy leaf. 

Size .65. 

Obv. Rude head of Heracles in lion's skin. 

Rev. Eagle standing to r. looking back, KPO. 

SizE .75 also .6. 

Obv. Head of Heracles in lion's skin. 

Rev. A crab KPO. 

10. Size .65. 

Obv. Female head (perhaps Persephone) to r. 

Rev. Three crescents back to back, KPO a letter in each crescent. 

None of these bronze coins are finely wrought, they are gene- 
rally in rather poor conditon. 

Those which bear a type similar to that on a silver coin were 
probably issued at the same period. 

No attempt has been made to arrange the bronze coins in chro- 
nological order, as no sufficient number of the coins have been exa- 

— i8o — 


Although there is very little variety in the designs of the coin- 
types ofCaulonia, and no artists' signatures have been found on coins 
from this mint, yet the design which prevailed as long as the city 
existed is full of interest to students of the worship of Apollo, or 
of the influence of the Pythagorean brotherhood in Southern 

From the great number ot coins which remain to us we may 
gather that the city was very wealthy, but it is difficult to gain 
any information as to the citizens from ancient literature. So com- 
plete was its destruction that its very site is uncertain. 

The Tabula?, which help us usually to fix sites, fail us in this 
district on account of the corrupt state of the texts. Strabo leads us 
to infer it was near to, and on the east of, the Sagras river ; he says 
" [X£ta os tyjv — 3r;pav 'A"/ai(ov v.v.Gy.x KauXfama, -pixspsv o' AjAama 
/.s-;s;.).evy; ". After the Sagras is Kaulonia, a foundation of the 
Achaeans, which was at first called Aulonia "Sii xbv rcpcxei'ixevev 
auXwva " on account of the neighbouring valley ; it is now 

Pausanias (VI, 3) names the founder of the city, when men- 
tioning a statue to Dicon, son of Callibrotus, the winner of the 
great prize in the Stadium in 384 B. C. He tells us that Dicon when 
a boy was proclaimed a Caulonian, as indeed he was, but afterwards, 
when corrupted by gifts, caused himself to be proclaimed a Syra- 
cusan. Grote says, (p. 308, cap. lxxxiii,) " to hear this well-known 
runner now proclaimed as " Dicon the Syracusan " gave painful 
publicity to the fact that the free community of Caulonia no 
longer existed, and... the absorption of Grecian freedom effected by 
Dionysius." This story confirms the impression that Caulonia was 
a very healthy site, capable of sending forth successful athletes. The 
name of the founder given by Pausanias is Typhon " cty.iarr^ oe 
ey£V6to <xvTf,q T'jcpwv Atyisjc " (p. 427, Ed. Schubart). We shall see 
that this name is suggestive of the windy character ol the site of 
the city, only twenty miles from Locri, surnamed ' of the west 

Other accounts ot the foundation of the city are given by 

— ISI — 

Scymnus of Chius, and Stepharras of Byzantium ; these writers 
affirm that the founders were colonists from Croton. As Croton 
was situated about seventy miles to the east of Caulonia it is 
probable that the Achaean colonists may have at any rate stayed 
some time at Croton on their way to seek a site for their new home. 

The flat fabric and incuse reverse types of the earliest coins bear 
witness to the influence of the Pythagorean brotherhood of Croton, 
and from Polybius we learn that Caulonia shared the disorders 
which arose after the expulsion of the Pythagoreans from Croton. 

Iamblichus mentions Caulonia in his life of Pythagoras as one 
of the cities in which the teaching of that master made great 
progress, and Porphyry tells us that Pythagoras actually sought 
refuge in Caulonia after his expulsion from Croton. 

The coins with the flat fabric appear to have been in use until 
about 480 B.C., that is until about 30 years after the fall of Syba- 
ris. At about that period the old flat coinage was also discontinued 
at Croton and Poseidonia, and the coins of all these cities then 
issued bore types in relief on both sides, with a thicker fabric, more 
like that of the coinage of the old country. The year 480 B.C. is 
memorable as the year in which Xerxes invaded Attica and suffered 
defeat at Salamis. 

It seems probable that a democratic government at that time 
took the place of the aristocratic party in Caulonia, and the cities of 
Magna Gnecia seem to have all shared a similar change of govern- 
ment, and increased intercommunication. From 478 to 468 B. C. 
Hieron, the tyrant of Syracuse, attracted to his court many celebrated 
men, such as ./Eschylus, Pindar, and Bacchylides, and if their journey 
was made by sea they would pass by Caulonia, for at that time 
ships steered near the land from port to port. Nothing however is 
known of the port of Caulonia. 

In the war between the Athenians and the Syracusans the men 
of Caulonia seem to have taken the side ot Athens, for Thucydides, 
(VII, 25) relates that the Syracusans burnt a quantity of timber in 
the Caulonian territorv which had been got ready for the Athenians. 
The period of the city's prosperitv ended about the year 400 B.C. 
when the Lucanians began to menace the city. 

A third period of eleven years, from 400 to 389 B.C. is marked 
by a change in the character of the types. During this period we notice 
the introduction of symbols of the moneyers or the magistrates 
and a more fully written legend. 

About 393 B.C. the Greek cities entered into a league for their 
mutual defence against the Lucanians on the north and Dionysius 
of Syracuse on the south. There are some coins struck in Caulo- 
nia, evidently copied from those bearing the symbol, a fibula, which 
appear to be the work of Lucanian rulers, so perhaps the citizens 

— 182 — 

were conquered before the utter ruin of the city by Dionysius in 
389 B.C. when the inhabitants were taken away to Sicily. The 
ruined city was given to the Locrians, who had sided with Dio- 
nysius. Pausanias relates that the city was taken by the Campanian 
auxiliary forces of the Romans, but otherwise the name of the city 
is not mentioned by those who w-rote of the Roman victories in 
Southern Italy. 

We cannot associate Caulonia with the names of any celebrated 
men, neither do we find the city mentioned in any of the poets, 
except once, w T hen Virgil, by a poetic licence, with a curious ana- 
chronism, mentions Caulonia as existing in the days when JEneas 
sailed along those shores on his way to Italy (Aeneidos, lib. Ill, 


" Next is seen the bay of Tarentum, sacred to Hercules, if report 
be true, and the Lacinian goddess rears herself opposite ; the towers 
of Caulonia (are seen) and Scyllaceum, infamous for shipwrecks. " 

The " Aulon " mentioned by Horace (II, ode 6) as famed for its 
vines is not the same as " Aulonia", but refers to a hill near Taren- 
tum ; it is also mentioned by Martial (XIII, 125). These references 
are given wrongly byServiusin his notes on Virgil (Aen., Ill, 553), 
as if they referred to Caulonia. Pliny refers to the "vestigia oppidi 
Caulonias", and its name just appears in the Tabula Peut. 


The earliest type found on the coins of Caulonia is not at first 
sight easy to interpret, and isin some ways unique. It looks like an 
attempt to reproduce some group of statuary which may have 
adorned the market place of the city or the temple of Apollo. At 
any rate it cannot be made to fit in with any theory of a barter 
unit, or refer in any way to commerce. At Metapontum we found 
a similar celebrated statue of Apollo represented on the coinage. 

The legend varies, CMVA>! or KAVh. 

A miked archaic male figure advancing to right, his hair bound 
with a diadem and falling in long curls ; in his raised right hand a 
branch, on his extended left hand a small figure, holding a branch 
in each hand, running to right and looking back; in front of the main 
figure, a stag, to right, looking back: a dotted cable border, outside 
ofwhich, traces of a border of radiating lines. 

The Reverse type is similar, but incuse, except the small running 
figure which is in relief: incuse border of radiating lines. 

The best explanation of the design is that given in Mr. Percy 
Gardner's work " The Types of Greek Coins" in which the main 
figure is regarded as certainly Apollo. The stag so frequently seen 
connected with tha a;od is said to be turning towards him for 

- i8 3 - 

protection. In regard to the explanation of the little figure upon the 
arm of Apollo, the theory of Mr. Watkin Lloyd, published in 1848 
in the Numismatic Chronicle, is approved by Mr. Gardner. The 
little naked figure running with winged feet, and holding a branch 
in each hand looking back to Apollo as if listening to his command 
which it hastens to fulfil, is an emblem of the wind with which 
the god Catharsius cleanses the air. The site of the town is said to 
be noted for its breezes, and it is possible that the very name 
Caulonia may be derived from the root aw arjjxt ado, to blow. 
Strabo derived it from ocjawv, a valley, but this meaning contains 
the idea of a narrow pass through which the winds blow. 

This summer the writer noticed great numbers of branches torn 
from the trees after a storm at Corneto, and the aptness of the little 
figure with branches in his hands and winged feet as an emblem 
of the wind was forcibly brought to mind. Raoul-Rochette thought 
the branches signified purification, and Rathgeber thought the 
figure signified fear, oeXkoq, but the connection of the breezes with 
purification of the air seems more in harmony with the name of 
the city and the character of its site. Some have seen in the little 
figure an emblem of the wrath of Apollo, but this is usually figured 
by arrows rather than by branches. 

The importance of the stag may be seen from the fact that it 
was chosen for the Reverse type when the incuse Reverse was given 
up, and the legend KAY or VYA>I or KAVA was inscribed by its 
side. This however is not like the ordinary transference of the 
r.xpiGT^y. to the Reverse, because the stag still appeared on the 
Obverse for some time. Apparently the stag was the town symbol 
of Caulonia just as the lion was for Velia. 

The double inscription is noticeable as very rare on Greek 
coins; we find it however on the coins of Poseidonia. 

The stag is often found in connection with Apollo in Greek art, 
and may have been chosen in consequence for the town arms, as 
the symbol of the religion of the citizens, just as the ear of barley 
was chosen by the men of Metapontum. 

For illustrations of the figure of a stag in connection with Apollo 
confer" Antike Denhnaler %ur griechischen Gotterlehre", by C. O. 
Miiller and F. Wieseler. 

Very early figures of Apollo and Artemis with a stag or hind 
between them are shown on Lieferung III, XXII, 17 and 19. 

Apollo and Artemis are seen in a biga of stags from the temple of 
Apollo inPhigalia, in XXIII, 7. 

Again, Apollo is seen in a chariot drawn by winged horses 
shooting Tityos, who is represented kneeling in front to left, shot 
through with an arrow ; and under the horses' bodies is a stag 
running with them to left. The work is Etruscan, XXVI, 5. 

— i8 4 — 

On a crater from Vulci, now in London, is despicted the struggle 
between Heracles and Apollo for the tripod, and here again a 
roe-deer stands by the side of the god. On a fresco-painting in 
Pompei, in the ' Casa dei capitelli colorate ', Apollo is represented 
standing to left, a branch in his right and a cithara in his left hand, 
and a recumbent stag looking up. 


The type has been described, but a few general notes on the coins 
of this period will be useful. 

The size of the Staters is i | of an inch. 

The weight of specimens seen by the writer varies between 113 
and 128 grains. 

The figure of the god on the Obverse is in bold relief, the 
ringlets of Apollo are wrought in formal Archaic dotted curls. 

On five of the specimens in the British Museum there is a ring 
or circlet in the field above the stag and under the arm of Apollo. 

Some specimens omit the legend on the Reverse and omit also 
the little figure on the god's arm. The little figure when shown is 
in relief. On some specimens a branch is substituted for the little 
figure on the reverse. 

The Reverse border is incuse with radiating lines which form 
little incuse squares. 

In the last years of this first period the coins differ slightly in 
fabric, they are thicker, more compact, in size | of an inch. They 
bear the same types and the fyL. is still incuse. In the field there 
is sometimes a crane behind the god. The legend is VA>I, on the 


Weight : 35.1 grs. Size | of an inch. 

Type same as that of Staters. Legend OAYA>l. 

- i8 5 - 


Weight : 7.6 grs. Size j^ of an inch. 

Obverse. A triskelis with dots on each knee and one in the 

Rev. X^^ and the dots. 


The weight may have been the same as that of the earlier period, 
circ. 125 grs., though some of the early coins weigh ns much as 
128 grs. Owing to the worn state in which the coins of this period 
are found they weigh generally from 112 to 124 grs. 

Obv. Similar type to earlier coins, legend AVA>I. 

Notice the head of Apollo is without the long curls. The border 
is of dots. The head of the stag is turned back as on earlier coins. 

Rev. Type is quite new, and in relief. An an tiered stag to right ; 
in front, a branch. AYA>1 in field above. The branch is varied, some- 
times all on one stalk, sometimes branched in two. 

On one specimen in the Brit. Museum the stag is to left. 


Weight : 39 grains. Size .6. 
Types the same as of Staters. 


The coins of this period are similar in fabric and type, and are 
to be distinguished from those of Period II by the head of the stag 
on the Obverse, w r hich is always looking forward instead of turned 

Letters sometimes are found, such as O, 0E, and on some a 
fibula. This looks at first sight like a monogram, but is clearly 
seen to be a fibula by the copies made by Lucanians. 

The legends are varied. KAYA to left of Apollo or •••ONSATAM 
(for I)or-AON*ATAN or ZATAIMnVYA)! in upright line behind 

The stag is generally on a line, but in two specimens in the 
British Museum it is on a pedestal. 

— 186 — 

On some specimens a large fly is placed as a symbol in the field 
behind the god and on other specimens a dolphin is placed on each 
side of the god in the field. 

Reverse, a stag with symbols, as an ivy-leaf above, or a crab to 
right of stag, or a star under the stag, or three ivy-leaves with a 
berry in field above, or a fir-tree in front of the stag. 


Weight • 39 grains. Size .6. 
Types the same as Staters. 

Smaller Silver Coins. 

i. Weight: 12 grs. Size .45. 

Obv. Head of Apollo laureate with long hair, a plain border. 
Rev. KAV. A stag to right on ornamented base; above, ivy-leaf. 
2. Weight 12. 1. Size .4. 

Obv. •••ONSA. A female head to right, hair rolled. 
Rev. A stag to right. 

No bronze coins of Caulonia are known ; the city was destroyed 
before the time of the general introduction of bronze. 

- i8 7 - 


Very little is known of this Greek colony from Croton, founded 
in one of the older Oenotrian cities, but we are led to take an 
interest in its history on account of the great beauty of its coins 
which afford evidence of the culture and wealth of its citizens. 

Although these coins are too rare to be possessed by collectors 
with small means, they are too beautiful, and their types too 
interesting, to be utterly neglected by students of the coinage and 
art of Southern Italy. 

Three Greek cities bore the name Pandosia ; that in Bruttium, from 
which the coins were issued, another in Lucania, which does not 
appear to have possessed a mint, and the third in the district of 
Thesprotia in Epirus, the ruins of which remain on the height 
called Kastri. There is no doubt as to which of these cities our coins 
belong ; they come from the old Bruttian city among the mountains, 
about five miles to the south-west of Consentia. The city once stood 
on the banks of the Acheron, a tributary of the Crathis, about seven 
miles from the Mediterranean sea, and sixteen miles north of 
Terina. The exact site, which is not yet identified, is thought to 
have been about live miles west of the Via Popilia which ran 
through Consentia from north to south. 

Strabo tells us in the first chapter of Book VI " a little above 
(Consentia) is Pandosia, which is strongly fortified, .... The position 
has three summits, and the river Acheron flows by it, 

They say that Pandosia was formerly the residence of the 
Oenotrian kings ". 

The Acheron, now called Mucone, flows into the Crathis, and 
may have been once identified with it, for the god of that river is 
represented on some of the coins with the legend KPAOSM the 
older form of K PAG 1 2. 

The statement of Eusebius, that is was founded in the same year 
as Metapontum, may refer to its Oenotrian origin, but the date 
given by him, 774 B.C., seems certainly inadmissible. 

Like Terina it seems to have been colonized by Greeks from 
Croton, for its earliest coins, issued about 450 B.C., shew its alliance 
with that city; they bear ?PO, and a tripod on the Obverse, and 

— i88 — 

PANAO, and a bull in an incuse square on the Reverse. Scylax and 
Scymnus Chius both call it a Greek city. The one historical event 
which made the city memorable was the death there of Alexander 
of Epirus in 326 B.C. Strabo says "This prince was led astray by 
the oracle of Dodona, which commanded him to avoid Acheron and 
Pandosia, for piaces with names like these being pointed out in 
Thesprotia, caused him to lose his life here. 
He was also mistaken in another oracle : 

O Pandosia, thou three-topped hill, 
Hereafter many people thou shall kill, 

for he thought that it foreshadowed the destruction of his enemies, 
and not of his own people". 

The story of his death is told with detail by Livy (lib. VIII. 24). 

No doubt the Pandosians joined the league of Greek cities 
formed in 393 B.C. against the Lucanians. Perhaps some of the 
citizens were with the Thurian army defeated near Laus in 390 B.C. 

The later historvofthe city cannot be traced by reference to the 
coinage, for no money seems to have been issued after that year. 
The city probably was held for some time by the Lucanians, and 
perhaps by the Bruttians. In 204 B.C. it was taken by the Romans 
(Livy, XXIX, 36), and as it was compared with the " ignobiles 
alias civitates", it probably was then still a place of some import- 
ance. Strabo seems to imply that it still existed in his time, but 
after that no trace of the city can be found. 

Dr. Barclay V. Head describes a stater of Pandosia as " one of the 
most exquisite productions of any Greek mint ", and as at present 
these coins are all that remain of the city whose very site is 
unknown, we have in them another example of the idea expressed 
by Theophile Gauthier : 

" Tout passe, l'Art robuste 

Seul a l'^ternite, 

Le buste survit a la cite. " 

The types represent four mythological personages, the nymph of 
the city Pandosia, the river god Crathis, the goddess Hera Lacinia, 
and the god Pan. 

The art schools of Pandosia must have been among the best in 
Magna Graecia if the artists who wrought in the mint were edu- 
cated in their own city. We know however that artists visited and 
wrought in other cities so frequently that we cannot tell how far 
the beauty of these coins of Pandosia was due to the art of their 
own schools. 

— 189 — 


On the didrachms of this city we find a beautiful female head 
turned to the right and surrounded with a wreath and with the 
name Pandosia, which has been interpreted as that of the tutelary 
y.ipr, or nymph of the city. 

The head on coins of Terina was regarded in a similar manner, 
and the artistic treatment of the subject in Pandosia was so similar 
that it is very probable some of the artists of Terina influenced, or 
perhaps visited, the mint engravers of Pandosia. 

The wreath around the head has been thought by some to indicate 
that the nymph partook of the character of Nike, and as we had a 
nymph called Terina Nike so this may have been a Pandosian 
Nike. The name of the city may have been adopted by the prom- 
inence given by the early settlers to the cult of the god Pan which 
was so common in the homes of their ancestors, and Pan was a 
leader of nymphs, but as no nymph of this name appears in Greek 
literature, the head seems all the more likely to be that of Nike. 

The composition of the name Pandosia is similar to that of the 
later name Theodosius, and the giving to a city the name of a deity 
was not uncommon among the Greeks ; we have, for instance, 
Heracleia, Poseidonia, Panormus in Sicily, Apollonia in Lycia, 
Aphrodisias in Asia Minor on the Menander. 


This river rises among the mountains near Consentia and flows 
towards the north for about 40 miles until it falls into the Sinus 
Tarentinus near Thurium and the old site of Sybaris. It is thought 
the bull on the coins of these two cities was meant to represent 
the power of this stream. On the bronze coins of Consentia a 
young river-god is represented which some have regarded as the god 
of the Crathis, but others as that of the stream called Carcines. 
If Strabo had not told us Pandosia was built on the banks of the 
Acheron we should have looked for its site on those of the Crathis, 
because the coins bear the name of that river on their type repre- 
senting the river-god. The personification of the river-god in 
human form rather than in the older bull form, points to the 
higher development of art in Pandosia in the middle of the 
fifth century B.C. when art was in a transitional stage and archaic 
forms and treatments were passing away. 

Euripides in the Troades 226-230 wrote of " the Crathis the 
most beautiful, watering the neighbouring lands, brightening with 

— 190 — 

yellow glow the hair, and feeding sacred founts ". Ovid refers to 
the same strange idea (Mel am., XV, 315). 

Crathis et huic Sybaris nostris conterminus arvis 
Electro similes faciunt auroque capillos. 

Strabo, Pliny (XXXI, 2-10) and Timaeus all tell the same 
strange story of the effects of this river on the colour of the hair. 

In the fifth Idyll of Theocritus we find this river mentioned in a 
passage which also refers to the god Pan. " Laeon : Nay verily, so 
help me Pan of the sea shore, it was not Lacon son of Calaethis that 
filched the coat of skin. If I lie, sirrah, may I leap frenzied down 
this rock into the Crathis ". 

Herodotus (Bk I 145) tells us this river in Italy takes its name 
from the river in Greece, next Aegyra and Aege. 

Strabo (VIII, 386), explains the meaning of the name and the 
derivation from the Achaean river. 

"Close to the Achaean JE^ae flows the river Crathis augmented 
by two rivers and deriving its name from the mixture of their 
streams. From this circumstance the river Crathis in Italy derives 
its name ". 

At such a distance from its mouth and at such an elevation 
as that of the sites of Consentia and Pandosia, the river can have 
been of no use for the carriage of merchandise, but the valley of the 
river may have been one of the great outlets for the communication 
of the citizens with the outer world, and the Crathis therefore a very 
iamiliar river. The force and beauty of a river were appreciated by 
the ancients and often looked on as something superhuman and 
worthy of some kind ol cult. 


In Volume I of the Culls of the Greek States by L. R. Farnell 
(cap. vii, p. 178) we may find the fullest and most interesting 
account of the Greek cult of Hera. 

Mr. Farnell says " we may regard the cult as a primeval herit- 
age of the Greek peoples, or at least of the Achaean and Ionic 
tribes, for its early and deep influence over these is attested by the 
antiquity and peculiar sanctity of the Argive and Samian worship; 
Hera was the tutelary deity of Argos ". 

The marriage of Hera with Zeus is a myth formed from the 
springtide union of heaven and earth. Zeus shrouding himself in 
clouds descends upon the earth in showers, producing flowers. 
Samos, which was so intimately connected with some of these 
Greek cities of S. Italy, was especially given up to this cult of Hera 

— 191 — 

S l Augustine mentions her (De Civil. Dei, VI, 7) as " the mistress 
of the island ". 

In the Bullet, de Corr. Helle'n., (2, p. 180), an inscription 
is recorded found near a temple of Hera, in which she is called the 
founder (k^yr^i-vi) ; at that time Hera was evidently regarded in 
Samos as the deity worshipped by the earliest Greek settlers in the 

Although the influence of Samos in S. Italy was very great, 
it is probable that the Achaean influence in regard to the cult of 
Hera was greater. Pindar described the Argives as " the manlv folk 
of Hera "(Nem., X, 36). 

The idea that Hera was an earth-goddess may have been 
suggested by the old myth of the marriage of Heaven and Earth in 
the spring; it is found in the writings of Empedocles and in 
modern times has been supported by Welcker. 

The adoption of this cult in Pandosia was probably owing to 
the influence of the early colonists from Croton, who had 
worshipped in the famous temple near that city. The headland was 
named Naus (vau?), in allusion to the building which crowned its 
height, and was a well-known landmark for the sailors. In our own 
day it is still named, from the ruins still existing, Capo delle 
Colonne. Virgil (Aeu., Ill, 552) in relating the voyage of Aeneas 
refers to it " Attollit se diva Lacinia contra ". Some legends relate 
that Heracles, others that Lacinus, founded it when visited by 
Heracles ; another legend, told by Servius in his notes on this 
passage of Vergil, attributes its foundation to Lacinus the robber 
killed there by Heracles, the temple being built in expiation of the 

There is another legend relating that Thetis gave the site to Hera 
before the Trojan war, and it is interesting as shewing the 
antiquity of the custom of gathering large numbers of people on 
this spot. 

Around this temple the Greek Colonists held their great 
annual assembly, at which a procession took place in honour of 
Hera, and splendid gifts were offered. The festival became a 
favourite occasion for the citizens of the neighbouring cities to 
display their wealth. Athenaeus (XII, 541, § 58), says : Alkisthenes 
of Sybaris appeared in a gorgeous robe ev if, Trar/j-'jpsi ty;? "Ilpa; 
unto which all the Italians went. 

The temple was adorned with paintings by Zeuxis, one of which 
was a picture of Helen, for whicn five of the most beautiful maids 
of Croton sat as models (Pliny, XXXV, ix). This famous sanctuary 
was spared by Pyrrhus and Hannibal, but was at length profaned by 
the Roman Censor Q. Fuivius Flaccus in 173 B.C., and again by 
Sex. Pompey in 36 B.C. 

— 192 — 

The date of the appearance of the head of Hera as a coin type 
in S. Italy corresponds to that of the association of the Greek 
cities to repel the attacks ol Dionysius the Syracusan and of the 

The Achaean Greeks apparently sought the shelter of the 
protection of their ancestral deity. On the banks of the river Silarus 
a temple was dedicated to Hera Areia. 

Lycophron calls her the armed goddess ('b-\oz[j.<.x), an epithet 
which we also find applied to her husband Zeus. At her festival 
the youths hurled their lances at a shield and the women offered 
costly robes. We have in the Greek Anthology a little poem by 
Nossis, the poetess of Locri, written about 3 1 o B . C. recording such an 
offering (VI Anathematica, 265): " O highly honoured Hera, who 
often leaving heaven dost look down upon the Lacinian shrine 
fragrant with incense, receive this fine linen garment woven by 
Theuphila and her beauteous daughter Nossis ". In Plato's 
Phaedrus, in a passage discussing the influence of various cults, that 
of Hera is thus described, "But those who are followers of Hera 
seek a royal love ". 

The head of Hera on these coins of S. Italy is always represented 
nearly full-face, whereas on the coins of Peloponnesus her head is in 
profile. We find the head of Hera on the coins of Croton, Poseidonia, 
Hvria, Neapolis, Phistelia and Venusia. 

A «ood illustration of a coin of Pandosia, bearing the head of 
Hera, is given on page 3180! Mr. L. Forrer's work " Notes surles 
signatures des graveurs sur les monnaies grecques". This coin bears 
in the field the letter 0, considered by some numismatists to be 
an artist's signature. Furtwangler has pointed out that it cannot be 
that of Phrygillos of Thurium because the style is quite different 
to his. 


If we may regard the Idyls of Theocritus as giving specimens of 
the conversations of shepherds and fishermen, the frequency with 
which they spoke of Pan and swore by him, is in striking contrast 
to the infrequency with which his image was represented on the 
coins of Magna Graecia. Comatus says (Id., V) " I will by Pan"', 
and Lacon "So help me Pan ", Delphis says (Id., VI), " I saw 
her by Pan ", and Corydon (Id., IV) swears by Pan. Herodotus 
(II, 145) says : "Among the Greeks the most recent ol the gods 
are thought to be Heracles, Dionysus and Pan ". 

He also tells us the date of the introduction of the cult ol Pan 
to Athens was about 490 B.C. when Phidippides, the courier ol 
Miltiades, told the Athenians Pan had called him, and asked why 

— 193 — 

he was not worshipped by the Athenians. The chief centre of his 
cult was Arcadia and Argolis, from whence it was naturally imported 
by the Achaeans into Southern Italy and was thus introduced 
together with the cult of Hera. 

Pan appears on bronze coins of Metapontum and Salapia, and 
on silver coins only on these of Pandosia. In this city Pan was 
evidently regarded in his character of the hunter, for he bears two 
hunting spears, and his hound lies at his feet. In the seventh Idyl 
Theocritus refers to the Arcadian custom of scourging his statue. 
"Ah Pan, thou lord of the beautiful plain of Homola, bring, I pray 
thee, the darling of Aratus unbidden to his arms whoso'er it be he 
loves. If this thou dost, dear Pan, then never may the boys of Arcady 
flog thy sides and shoulders with stinging herbs when scanty meats 
are left them on thine altar. " 

G. Hermann thought the scene of this Idyl was in Lucania, and 
W. R. Paton thinks we can identify the places named therein by the 
aid of inscriptions (Class. Rev., II, 8, 265), Theocritus (Idyl I) 
speaks of the legend that Pan loved the rest of noontide; " Nay 
shepherd, it may not be; we may not pipe in the noontide. Tis Pan 
we dread who truly at this hour rests, weary from the chase ; and 
bitter ol mood is he, the keen wrath sitting ever at his nostrils". 
The scene of this Idyl is laid in Sicily, and the singer was a hunter 
of wolves, who called " O Pan, Pan, haste hither ". 

The caduceus tied to Hermes on the coin-type may refer to 
the prophetic powers of Pan mentioned by Apollodorus (I, 4, § 1). 
The Italian god Faunus had these prophetic and oracular powers 
attributed to him, and perhaps as the cult of Hera is thought by 
some to have taken the place of an Oenotrian cult, so Pan may 
have been the Greek Achaean name applied to a native deity of the 
woods and groves in which such oracles were often sought. 


The earliest silver coins of Pandosia in alliance with Croton are 
described on p. 339, Rente numismatique, IV series, torn. X, § 101. 
They are dated of the fifth cent. B. C. 

Obv. PAN>0, retrograde. 


— i 9 4 — 

A bull standing to right, turning back his head, in a rectangular 
depression with border : border decorated with lines radiating. 

Rev. ?P0 on a vertical line, to left a tripod, the ground repre- 
sented by double lines : border of dots. Weight : 7.93 grammes or 
123 grains. No specimen of these very rare coins is to be seen in the 
British Museum. 


Head of a nymph to right, probably, from the legend, that of 
Pandosia. She is wearing a broad double diadem, beneath which the 
hair is turned up behind ; the head and legend are surrounded with 
a wreath of olive. 

Rev. KPAOSM round lower field to right. 

The nude figure of the river god Crathis standing, facing, with his 
head turned to left, holding a patera in his extended right hand, 
and in his left hand a long branch of olive, which rests against his 
shoulder : at his feet a fish, with the head raised towards the patera. 
Weight 104.7 grains. 

III. Obv. No legend. Head of Hera Lacinia, nearly full-faced, 
inclined to right, wearing earrings, necklace with acorn-shaped 
pendants, and on her head a Stephanos ornamented with honey- 
suckles and the foreparts of two griffins arranged alternately; her 
hair loose. 

Rev. In field to right AOZIN. A nude figure of Pan seated to 
left on a rock on which lies his garment, holding in his right 
hand two lances which rest on his shoulder ; he is leaning on his 
left hand resting on the rock; by his side his hound is lying to left, 
looking backward. 

The letter is in the field to left. In front of the figure of the 
left is a term with bearded head to right, attached to the term is a 
filleted caduceus. 

— 195 — 

On the trunk of the term is the legend MAAYI..?. Weight : 
120. i grains. 

IV. A Third? Weight 33.7. Size 6. 

Obv. Similar head ot Hera Lacinia but differing in the Stephanos 
being ornamented with rosettes. No legend. 

Rev. PAND02I in field to right. A nude figure of Pan seated 
to left on a rock ; his right hand stretched forward, the elbow- 
resting on his right knee, his left hand resting on the rock. Two 
hounds to right at his feet; behind him, two lances. In field in 

V. Diobol or Hectae? Weight 16.6 grains. Size .45. 

Obv. Same as IV. 

Rev. PANDOIIN. Pan, nude, seated to right on rock, on 
which lies garment, holding in left hand two lances, his right 
resting on the rock, on the side of which a syrinx ; behind, 


VI. .45. Obverse. Head of Hera Lacinia similar to that on the 
Thirds and Hecte. 

Rev. PAN. An incuse altar. 

The legends on the silver coins present us with the old forms for 
1 and l,M and S but thev are among the most modern instances 

of the use of these ancient forms which were given up generally 
about the middle of the fifth century. The ordinary later forms are 
found in S. Italy as early as 443 B.C. 

196 — 


The rare coins of this city all bear one type, and it seems probable 
that the city was destroyed at an early date, and never recovered 
sufficiently to coin money again. So complete was the destruction 
that the very site has not been discovered, but from the Tabula, 
and the references to it in ancient authors, we know it must have 
been situated on the coast a few miles north of Terina, and about 
ten miles south of Clampetia, about two miles south of the river 
Savuto. Although very few English people visit the site, and very 
few possess a specimen of the coins, which as a rule are only to be 
found in the larger public museums, the city is associated with such 
charming and suggestive legends that students of the coins of Magna 

O t Do O JO 

Graecia will be glad that their studies lead to their consideration. 
As usual in these chapters we will turn first to see what Strabo tells 
us of the city. 

Strabo (Lib. VI 255). "From the Lao the first city is Temesa 
of the Bruttii, which at present is called Tempsa. It was founded 
by the Ausonians; afterwards the iEtolians, under the command 
ol Thoas, gained possession of it. These were expelled by the 
Bruttii ; Hannibal and the Romans have overthrown the Bruttii. 
In the vicinity of Temesa is the Heroum of Polites, one of the 
companions of Ulysses. It is surrounded by a thick grove of wild 
olives. He was treacherously slain by the barbarians, and became in 
consequence very wrathful, and his shade so tormented the inhabi- 
tants that they submitted to pay him a tribute, according to the 
direction of a certain oracle. Thus it became a proverb among them, 
Let no one offend the hero of Temesa, for they said that for a long 
time he had tormented them. 

" But when the Epizephyrian Locrians took the city, they feign 
that Euthymus the pugilist went out against him, and having over- 
come him in fight, constrained him to free the inhabitants from 
tribute. They say that the poet intended this Temesa and not the 
Tamassus in Cyprus (for it is said the words are suitable to either) 
when he sings, " in quest of brass to Temessa ", and certain copper 
mines are pointed out near the place which are now exhausted. " 

— 197 ~ 

Thoas the ^Etolian is mentioned in Homer //., II, 638, IV 529 
VII 168, XIII 216, XV 281. 

The Locrians took the city between 480 and 460 B.C. Livy 
(XXXIV 45) says " The territory of Tempsa was taken by the 
Bruttii : the Bruttii had expelled the Greeks ". He says the city was 
made a Roman Colony in 194 B.C. under L. Cornelius Merula 
and C. Salonius. 

Strabo's reference to Polites, the companion of Ulysses, is taken 
from Homer's Odyssey K 224. It is the passage in which Circe's hall 
is described. Polites speaks to them first and is spoken of as the most 
dear to Ulysses. 

The copper mines mentioned by Strabo are also referred to by 
Ovid Met. XV 706 " Themesesque metalla " as being among the 
objects passed in a voyage along the coast. 

The story of the Locrian Euthymus, mentioned by Strabo, is 
given in such a charming manner by Pausanias that we shall be 
unwilling to pass it over. 

In Lib. VI, after relating his victories at Olympia, he says 
"Euthymus after this, passing over into Italy, fought with a hero 
of whom the following particulars are related. They say that Ulysses, 
during his wanderings after the destruction of Troy, among other 
cities of Italy and Sicily to which he was driven by the winds, came 
at length to Temesa with his ships. Here one of his friends having 
ravished a virgin, in consequence of being heated with wine, was 
stoned to death by the inhabitants for the action. 

" But Ulysses, who considered his death as of no consequence, 
immediately set sail and left the place. The daemon however of the 
murdered man did not cease from cutting off the inhabitants of 
Temesa of every age, till the Pythian deity ordered them to propi- 
tiate the slain hero, to consecrate a temple to him, and devote to 
him every year the most beautiful virgin in Temesa. When all this 
was performed according to the mandate of the god, they were no 
longer afflicted by the wrath of the daemon. But Euthymus, who 
happened to arrive at Temesa at the time at which they sacrificed 
after the usual manner to the daemon, having learned the parti- 
culars of this affair, requested that he might be admitted within 
the temple, and behold the virgin. His request being granted, as 
soon as he saw her, he was at first moved with pity for her condi- 
tion, but afterwards fell in love with her. In consequence of this 
the virgin swore she would marry him if he could release her from 
the impending death, and Euthymus arming himself, fought with 
the daemon, conquered him, and drove him out of the country ; 
and afterwards the daemon vanished, and merged himself in the 
sea. Thev further report that in consequence of the city being freed 
through Euthymus from this grievous calamity, his nuptials were 

— 198 — 

celebrated in a very splendid manner. I have likewise heard still 
further concerning this Euthymus that he lived to extreme old age, 
and that having avoided death he departed after some other manner 
from an association with mankind. 

"Indeed I have even heard it asserted, by a seafaring merchant, 
that Euthymus is alive at present at Temesa. And such are the 
reports which I have heard, but I also remember to have seen a 
picture which was painted very accurately after an ancient original. 
In this picture there were, the youth Sybaris, the river Calabrus, 
the fountain Calyca, and the cities Hera and Temesa. 

" The daemon too who was vanquished by Euthymus was repre- 
sented in this picture. His colour was very black, and his whole 
form was terrible in the extreme. He was clothed with the skin 
of a wolf; and the name Lybas was given to him in the inscription 
on the picture. And thus much concerning particulars of this 

The same story is told by Suidas under the word Euthumus in 
his Lexicon, but he gives the name Alybas instead of Polites. Aelian 
also tells this story (Var. hist. VIII 18) and Eustathius also in his 
note on Odys. I 185, The word Saifjuov is used for a ghost in a 
sepulchral inscription of Paros published in the Bulletin de Corres- 
pondance Hel Unique, 1882. p. 246. 

"They sacrificed a bull in the fire to my ghost and to the gods 
below. " 

The offering of a present of that which was dear to the departed 
spirit when he was on earth is found to be a custom among uncivi- 
lized people not given up entirely even in modern times. We have 
an instance of this custom in the Journal of Anthropological Society 
of Bengal, 1886, p. 104, where it is related that the natives offered 
cigars and strong drink over the grave of an English Colonel in the 
hope of propitiating his spirit. 


Obv. A tripod between two greaves. 
Rev. TEM a Corinthian helmet to right. 
Weight should be about 120 grains. 


Obv. QPO Tripod. 
Rev. Helmet. 
Obv. TE Tripod. 
Rev. QP Helmet. 

— 199 — 

These coins commemorate an alliance with Croton, their date is 
about the year 500 B.C. 

The one specimen of no 1 in the British Museum, being in a bad 
state ol preservation, the legends are not visible, nor are the 

D r Head says : "From its coin type, a helmet and greaves, it 
might be inferred that the Temesaeans excelled in the manufacture 
of bronze armour ", and it is reported that in its territory were mines 
of copper. 

— 200 — 


We have no record of the date when Medma was founded, but 
according to Strabo it arose as a colony from Locri Epizephyrii, 
from which it was distant about twenty-three miles. 

The site of this city has not yet been identified, but it must be 
sought a few miles from the west coast of Bruttium, about five 
miles south of Nicotera, which seems to have arisen when Medma 
was deserted. It must have been about thirty miles north of Rhe- 
gium, on the high road from that city to Vibo. Medma was still in 
existence in the time of Strabo, and is also mentioned by Pliny 
(H. N., Ill, v), but Ptolemy, the geographer in the second century 
A.D., does not mention it. 

The name Mesima is still borne by a river flowing into the sea a 
little below Nicotera. As a colony on the North coast belonging 
to a city on the South coast, it was probably of the same importance 
to Locri that Laus was to Sybaris. By carrying their goods across 
the mountain pass the Locrian merchants avoided the dangers of a 
sea voyage between Scylla and Charybdis. 

The most interesting among the references to Medma in ancient 
literature is that found in Strabo (VI, 256): 

"In this voyage we pass Medma (Mscay.a) a city of the Locrians 
which bears the name of a copious fountain, and possesses at a short 
distance a naval port (i-r/sov) called Emporium. Very nigh is the 
river Metaurus, and also an anchorage (wzp\j.o:) bearing the same 
name. " 

Onlv five other writers appear to have mentioned this 
city. The author of the poem which passes under the name of 
Scymnus of Chios calls it \\).-x, so also does Stephanus of Byzan- 
tium who quotes Scymnus. Scylax of Halicarnassus, a friend of 
Panaetius and Polybius, mentions the city, spelling it Msaa for 

— 201 — 

Msay.a, in his work the Periplus ; another writer, Apollodorus, 
cited by Stephanus, also spelt the name with an 7. 

This Apollodorus was the Greek grammarian of Athens who 
flourished about 140 B.C., and wrote a work on Geography in 
Iambic verses often quoted by later writers on that subject. 

We find both these ways of spelling the name of the city on the 
coins, but MEZ or MElMAIflN is that most commonly met 

Strabo we have seen spells it with 0, so also Stephanus of Byzan- 
tium "Ms'c;xy;, I-raMa; xai;vY) b[u',)Yj[j.oq " in his geogra- 
phical lexicon 'EOvtxa, written between 450 and 550 A.D. 

This diversity of spelling is accounted for by the fact that the 
Locrians in Greece spoke the Aeolic dialect in which the letter A 
was used when the Attic Greeks used Z ; for instance they said 
ic;xr) for bc[j:f; and for <'.o\j.iv. 

Grote says the Locrians departed less widely than others from 
the Ionic and Attic dialects, hence it may be that we find 2 on 
the coins, and the ancient authors using both ways of spelling the 

When the Italian Greek cities formed a league against Dionysius 
and the Lucanians, the Locrians did not join them, but remained 
allies of Dionysius; and were rewarded by him with the lands ol 
some of the conquered cities. If then Medma was loyal to its mother 
city Locri it was in no danger from Dion\sius When we read in 
Diodorus, XIV, 78, that Dionysius transported to Messina a 
company of a thousand Locrians and four thousand Medmaeans, it 
is evident that they were not transported as conquered enemies, but 
as allies to strengthen his forces in Sicily. This is related by Dio- 
dorus between the account of his treaty with Mago in 392 and that 
of the treaty with the Lucanians in 390. The four thousand probably 
left about that time. 

No account of a siege of Medma seems to be given in Diodorus 
or in Grote's history, and therefore it seems probable that the fol- 
lowing passage in Mr. W. Wroth's article in Num. Chron. Series, III, 
1900, part. I, p, 5 is an oversight. "The main fact in the little- 
known history ofMesma is its capture, in B.C. 388, by Dionysius 
the Elder, and the bestowal by him of its territory upon the Locrians. " 
Moreover some of the bronze coins of Medma are from their style 
considerably later than 388 B.C., and are witnesses to the prosperity 
of the city for nearly another hundred years. 

The destruction of Medma is more likely to have been the work 
of the Lucanians, Bruttians, or Carthaginians. 

As the Locrians began to issue money as late as 344 B.C., D r B. 
V. Head (p. 89 of the Hist. Num.) thinks the bronze coins are latre 
than 388 and probably later than 344 B.C. 

— 202 — 

To this period we may certainly attribute the only silver coins 
known to have been issued from Medina. They are like the Corin- 
tian staters of the Pegasus type, and similar to those issued by the 

Those belonging to Medma bear the letters M or ME, and those 
to Locri the letters A or AOK. 

Among the bronze coins of Medma in the British Museum is one 
which has been described by Mr. Warwick Wroth in the Num. 
Cbron., Ill series, n° 77, 1900, p. 5. 

"The style of one reverse type (which may be almost called 
Praxitelean) may seem best suited to this latter date (344 B.C.), 
but on the whole, I am myself inclined to place the coinage before, 
rather than after 388 B.C. " Mr. Wroth then gives three reasons :(i) 
the coinages of Bruttium come to an end, generally circ. B.C. 388 ; 
(2) The coins of Mesma differ much from those of Locri ; (3) The 
type of a nude seated figure belongs, in Italy, especially to the end 
of the fifth and the beginning of the fourth century. 

The types of the other bronze coins, which appear from their 
style to be a little later, are those common in Magna Graecia. The 
head of Apollo reminds us that his cult had been important in the 
Pythagorean brotherhood in Locri, where the celebrated teachers 
Timaeus, Echecrates and Acrion taught. 

The head of the fountain nymph Medma reminds us of other 
nymphs of a like nature at Pandosia and Terina. 

The head of Persephone appears also on coins of Locri the 
mother city. 

Nike carrying a wreath was a popular type in Magna Graecia as 
we have seen on the coins of Terina. 

The only unusual type is that quoted by D r Head in the Hist. 
Num., a running horse. 

We meet with a prancing horse on the coins of Arpi and Luce- 
ria in Apulia, and also on coins of Beneventum, thirty-two miles east 
of Capua, in Samnium, and on those of Larinum also, but these 
are generally of a later date, after 268 B.C. It seems more likely 
that the horse on the coins signifies the same as that on the Italian 
coins, rather than that which the Phoenicians signified, the cult of 
Baal, when they placed a horse on their coins of Sicily or Carthage. 


I. Size .85. Obv. MEZMA. A female head to right; her hair 
rolled and flowing behind the neck; she wears earring and neck- 
lace; in front a crescent; behind, a vase reversed ; border. 

Rev. A youthful male figure naked, seated to left on a rock 
covered with an animal's skin; his hair long; his legs crossed ; his 

— 203 — 

left hand rests on the rock; with his right he holds up a crab 
towards which a dog is leaping ; border. 

An illustration is given on Plate I, fig. 2 in Num. Chi on., 
loc. cit. It is a beautiful coin covered with a pale green patina and 
is a variety of the type published by Millingen in his ' Ancient coins 
of Greek cities', p. 21. PI. 11. 1. 

The type is also mentioned by Leake, Nit 111. Hell., p. 128, and 
by de Luvnes, Cboix, PI. iv, 9. 

"2. Size .85. Obv. MEZMAIHN. Head of Apollo to right, 
laureate, with hair long. There are three varieties of the mode of 
arranging the hair: (a) rolled boldly; (b) with a wreath of small 
leaves; (c) with a wreath of larger leaves. 

Rev. A Female head, perhaps Persephone, full-faced, crown- 
ed with barley, wearing earrings and necklace; in the field to left 
an oenochoe, or vessel for ladling the wine from the large bowl to 
the cup : border of dots. 

3. Size .6. Obv. MEAMAIHN. Head of Apollo. 
Rev. A horse running. 

4. Size .6. Obv. MEZMA. A male head to 1. 
Rev. Nike carrying a wreath. 

5. Size .6. Obv. A female head to right. ME2MA. 
Rev. Nike carrying a wreath. 

No specimens of these three coins are in the British Museum 
but they are mentioned by D r Head in the Hist. Num. 

— 204 — 


Among the very rare coins only to be seen in the public museums 
of our great cities are the silver didrachms similar in fabric and 
style to the early flat coins with the Reverse type incuse issued 
from the Achean cities of Southern Italy. 

The type is a boar, with a crest of bristles all along his back, 
running to right. In the exergue of the Obverse the letters A AT 
read backwards ; a border of two plain rings between which a row 
of dots. The line on which the boar runs consists of a double row 
of dots. The Reverse type is the same but incuse and the legend in 
the exergue is AOM. The name of the city wherein these coins 
were struck has not been identified. The names of several cities in 
Apulia or Samnium or even further north begin with the letters 
TAA such as Pallanum, a city of the Frentani, Palio,a city of Apulia, 
and Palatium near Verona, but these cities are all out of the ques- 
tion, for their citizens never coined monev with a fabric like that 
of the Achaean cities. 

The only city in Lucania which bore a name beginning with 
PA A is the port near the headland called Palinurus. It is about 
fifteen miles west of Buxentum and twelve south of Velia and the 
headland thus named forms the end of the land which stretches out 
westward to form the bay called Laiis Sinus. The small but safe 
harbour called by the same name is still called Porto di Palinaro. 

The name TCaXtvupcc was once r.x'/Jyoupo:, and signified the 
favourable breeze which assisted the sailor to return again zi\w 
cjpeiv. A prosperous voyage was called c : Jp<.o: z/.cjc. 

We must not imagine that the city and headland were named 
after the pilot of the fleet in which i£neas arrived in Italy. 

Virgil desired to bring into his epic poem an incident like that of 
the death of Phrontis, the pilot of the fleet of Menelaus, or Canobus 
another pilot of Menelaus. The story also of Elpenor is similar to 
that of Palinurus in some respects, and was probably imitated by 

If a Lucanian hero was ever known by the name of the headland 
it would be one of those cases in which a man was named after a 

— 205 — 

Virgil evidently desired to bring into his epic the familiar 
impressive story ol a pilot hurried to his doom on the eve of 
attaining his haven, and gave the name Palinurus instead of the 
Laconic form Kinados or Kinaithos which has been by others 
woven into the myth of Aeneas. In the same way the incident of 
the meeting with the spirit of Elpenor is introduced by changing 
the name to Palinurus. We do not know whether Virgil followed 
others especially in regard to the association of this Palinurus with 
Iosides, at which he hints in the Italo-Trojan genealogies. 

The fullest investigation of this myth is that of Roscher's 

The myth is built on the common custom of the ancients to 
found a city over the grave of a hero, a custom which has been 
referred to several times in these pages. Virgil in Book, V, 833 says: 
" Welcome blow the gales behind them. Palinurus leads the 
line. The rest his course obey, and follow at his sign". 

Then follows the story of how Night came in the form of his 
companion Phorbas asking him to leave the tiller to him, and on 
his refusal, how the god sprinkled over the brow of Palinurus a 
bough thrice dipt in Styx and drenched in Lethe's dew. 

The slumbering man fell overboard and was drowned while the 
god flew away on the breeze. ^Eneas steers the fleet into the 
harbour, and bewails his friend, who had confided too much in the 
fair weather, and whose end was — " Nudus in ignota, Palinure, jace- 
bis arena ". Then again in Book VI Virgil describes how JEneas 
saw the ghost of Palinurus who related the manner of his death — 
how he swam ashore, but was murdered by the cruel people. 

The ghost then begged him to sail to Velia and to cast earth upon 
his body. 

Then the Prophetess addressed the ghost, and said "Hope not 
by thy prayer to bend the Fates' decree but take this comfort for 
thy misery; The neighbouring towns and people far and near, 
compelled by prodigies, thy ghost shall free, and load thy Tomb 
with offerings year by year, and Palinurus' name for aye the place 
shall bear". 

Servius, in his note on line 381, tells of two other pilots who 
gave names to places near which they were drowned, Pelorus and 

The legend on the Reverse MOA is even more obscure than that 
on the Obverse PA A. 

The only Greek word beginning with MOA which has any con- 
nection with the type, a wild boar, is [j.oXi,3picv used by Aelian for 
that animal. It is adapted from the word [«Xo#po<;, a glutton, which 
we find used in the Odyssey, 17, 219 Ylr, cv; tovSs [j.ohofipov x*{eic, 
x\).£^ocp-:e ffy^oka "where dost thou lead that hungry fellow, thou 
pitiful swineherd ". 

— 2o6 — 

The word MOA may be the abbreviation of the name of a man, 
and if so then it would be that of the oekist or founder of the city, 
just as we have Tocpac on the coins of Tarentum. 

No known name of any town in Lucania or Bruttium begins 
with these letters, and if we may take nAA as the name of the city 
we may regard the name on the reverse as very possibly that of the 

Thucydides in IV, 8 mentions a certain Epitadas, son of Molobrus 
as commander of four hundred and twenty men; we have here evi- 
dence of the use of Mokofipbq as a man's name, moreover this name 
appears in Inscrip. 15 n mentioned in D r W. Pape's " Worterbuch 
der griechischen Eigennamen'". 

The only other name beginning with MOA which appears likely 
to have been in use in S. Italy is Moaoo-toc. It is the name of an 
engraver at Thurium mentioned by M. Forrer in his " Notes sur 
les signatures de graveurs sur les monnaies grecques", p. 242, and in the 
Num. Chron., 1896, p. 138. 

He appears to have flourished circ. 404-388 B.C., but this name 
has no apparent connection with the type as has MsXo^pi:. 

However no legend of any hero of that name is recorded, and 
the conjecture that the letters may have signified this name is only 
a suggestion founded on the type, a boar. 

— 2oy 


The coins of Terina are among the most beautiful of all those 
issued by the Greek cities of Southern Italy, but we know very little 
of the men who used them. The very site of the city is unknown, 
and the references to Terina in the writings of the Greeks are very 
few and brief. The beautiful didrachms are seldom found in a good 
state of preservation, but sometimes fair specimens of the smaller 
Thirds are seen in small collections ; we can therefore hardly call 
the didrachms common coins, indeed, those which are well enough 
preserved to shew the delicate workmanship of the artist are very 
valuable, and are worth many pounds. Didrachms in a very imper- 
fect condition may be bought for a few shillings, but they give no 
idea of the beauty the coins possessed when first issued from the 

Those coins, however, which may be obtained by collectors 
with slender purses, offer the same interest to students of the ideas 
involved in the types, and the study of the winged maiden will be 
found full of interest. 

It is thought by some that Terina stood near the mouth of the 
river Sabatus. Smith and Lenormant thought it was near S. Eufemia, 
and that the river spoken of in the legend related by Lycophron 
was the Fiume dei Bagni. Rathgeber thought the fountain of Terina 
was the .stream called il Piscaro, a little to the north of the Fiume 
dei Bagni. 

There is a proverbial saying quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium 
from Apollonides who lived in the time of Tiberius xipv/x ... r/.a- 
/.£?" zi xai Ms-faXr] EXXag &>q 'A-oXXarnoYjc b Nixasy? sv -& ~zpi 
Trapoiaiwv. Rathgeber, in his ' Grosseriechenland und Pvthagoras', 
has created a romance on this proverb (1886, Gotha). 

Scymnus describes Lucania as in Italia on the border of MevaAKj 
'EXXa; (v. 500, seq.), and when he comes to name the Greek cities 
records that of Terina first. 

Ettore Pais considers the proverbial saying arose from the habit 
of travellers exclaiming the name of a country of renown when first 
they see it as, we say "Italia", on crossing the Alps and looking 
down on the fair and famous land below us. 

— 208 — 

A general idea of its position in regard to other cities may be 
obtained by remembering it was about equidistant from Thurium 
on the north, and Caulonia on the south, each of these cities being 
about fifty miles distant. 

Terina was only about twenty miles away from Hipponium which 
was situated at the southern end of the gulf of Sta Eufemia. 

It has been thought that Terina was originally an CEnotrian city 
because the legend of the Siren Ligeia has reference to a period 
earlier than the earliest settlements of the Greeks in Southern Italy. 
Starting from this CEnotrian origin it will be interesting to 
picture to ourselves the gradual change from the rude native walled 
town or fortified village, built near the sacred fountain, to the more 
civilized city of the Greek colonists from Croton. Architecture and 
sculpture would soon change the appearance of the city", and 
commerce and intercourse with a wider world would bring a pros- 
perity and life far beyond any known to the older natives. The 
influence of the mother-city Crotona would be supreme, and for 
some time at least the Pythagorean culture and government would 
prevail. The fact that no coins were struck in Terina until about 
480 B.C. suggests that the coins of the mother-city sufficed for the 
men of Terina, whose trade would naturally be in the hands of the 
Crotonians. Soon after the fall of Sybaris 510 B.C. all the cities 
of Magna Gneeia passed through a troubled period of violent 
change of government, the Pythagorean rule giving place to a demo- 
cratic government. 

The mediation of the Achaean Greeks of the Peloponnesus finally 
brought peace, and a friendly congress was held, when a temple 
was founded to Zeus Homarius. The followers of the Pvthagoreah 
culture were again admitted into the cities of Magna Graecia, and 
the Pythagorean Archytas even ruled in Tarentum. In 480 B. C. 
thirty years after the fall of Sybaris, a mint was established in 
Terina, and the coins there issued were similar in fabric to those 
issued at that time in Metapontum, Croton, and Caulonia. The 
old flat fabric with the incuse reverse was given up, and a more 
compact fabric with the reverse type in relief took its place. 

The fact that the coins of Terina were so similar to those of the 
other cities of that date shows that considerable intercourse with 
these cities was then maintained. From 480 to 450 B.C. the silver 
coins bore on the Reverse a standing figure of Nike; those issued 
in the later years of this first period show considerable improvement 
in the artistic nature of the work. 

From the opening of the mint in 460 B.C. the city enjoyed 
considerable prosperity ; the only trouble mentioned appears to be 
the war with the Athenian colonists at Thurium in 443 B.C., soon 
after their arrival, when the Spartan Cleandrides defeated the army 

— 209 — 

of Terina, driving them back to their walls (Polyaenus, Stratege- 
mata). The war may have resulted from the quarrel of the Syba- 
rites with the Athenians, but as soon as the Sybarites were expelled 
by the Thurians peace was made with Croton, the mother-city of 
Terina, and probably with Terina also ; for we find evidences of 
the friendly intercourse betweenThurium and Terina in the Athen- 
ian style of the mint-engravers. 

The coin-engraver who signed his work <t> worked in the mints 
of both these cities. An excellent account of this influence of the 
Athenian school of Phidias in Italy is given in the article of Reginald 
Stuart Poole in the Numismatic Chronicle, 1883. The period of 
this influence was that between 440 and 430 B.C. 

In 414 B.C. the citizens of Terina may have seen the fleet of 
Gylippus, son of Cleandrides, driven off the bay of Terina by the 
storm described by Thucydides (VI, 104), but it is not clear 
which side they took in the war of Athens against Syracuse. 

The period of prosperity and peace came to an end when the 
Lucanians began to attack the Greek cities. 

In 393 B.C. a league was formed against the Lucanians, but the 
Greeks were unable to unite. 

In 388 B.C. Dionysius invaded Italy, and Hipponium, only 
about 20 miles away, was taken. Although Terina does not seem 
to have been mentioned as taken, yet the fact that Corinthian 
Staters with the monogram TE are found, and bronze coins with 
the Sicilian crab and crescent were issued, seems to show that Dio- 
nysius handed over the whole region to the rule of his Locrian 

Twenty years later the Lucanians took Croton in 368 B.C. and 
soon afterwards the Bruttians rose to the height of their power, 
and took Terina in 356 B.C., the first of the Greek Cities to fall 
into their hands. 

The story is told by Diodorus (XVI, 15), but the city was 
evidently not destroyed by the Bruttians. We learn from Livy 
(VIII, 24) that thirty years after Alexander of Epirus retook 

D r A. Evans, in his w r ork on the coins of Tarentum, writes of a 
coin of Terina signed 0IAI2. 

1 ' It seems to me by no means improbable this coin may be referred 
to the brief period of restored independence which, from about 
334 B.C. onwards, Terina owed to the intervention of the Molos- 
sian Alexander. A remarkable didrachm (Berliner Blatter , III, p. 9, 
and T. XXIX, 3) must in all probability be brought into relation 
with this historic episode, and brings Tarentum into a special 
connection with Terina. And in view of this chain of evidence it is 
impossible to avoid the suggestion that the full name of our 
Hands. 14 

— 210 — 

Philis is to be read <t>IAIZTION, and that he is in fact one and the 
same with the engraver who has left his signature in full on some 
of the coins of Velia. " Compare however Mr. R. S. Poole's Notes 
in Num. Chron., quoted further on. 

From the evidence of the coins, then, we may look upon the city 
as still at that time existing, with freedom to coin money. 

After the death of Dionysius the citizens of Terina must have 
shared the hopes of liberty raised by Dion, which all the cities of 
Magna Graecia entertained. 

In 272 B.C. when the war in Southern Italy was brought to a 
conclusion by the submission of the Tarentines to Rome, bronze 
coins were struck in Terina bearing a head of Apollo on the Obverse 
and a flying Pegasus with a sword in the scabbard on the Reverse, 
as an emblem of the peace then made. The city was destroyed by 
Hannibal when he found himself unable to defend it during the 
Second Punic war. 

In the days of Strabo and Pliny the city was in existence, but it 
never recovered from the ruin caused by the Carthaginians. 

period 1. 480-450 B.C. 

The different Reverse types of this period all represent the 
figure of Nike standing. 

I. Obv. TEF^/VA above inverted, female head to right, her hair 
bound with narrow fillet and looped up behind, a necklace of 
pearls, and the whole in a border of dots. 

Rev. A)!^ i- e. NIKA retrograde, in field to right the wingless 
figure ol Nike standing, in chiton and upper garment, facing, looking 
to left, with palm-branch in right hand held downwards, the left 
hand resting on hip. The whole in a garland of olive or laurel-leaves. 

II. Obv. TEFS/VA above inverted. 

Female head to right with three fillets on head, the hindermost 
binding hair in small loops, hair behind in small knot, a pearl 

Rev. A winged maiden standing in chiton and upper gar- 
ment, the left wing only showing on the right side of figure. She 

— 211 — 

holds a garland in her right hand, and a palm-branch in the left, 
which hangs downwards : border of dots. No legend. 

III. Obv. £3*I3T to right, underneath, inverted. Female head 
with hair rolled with two fillets, and rolled up behind. In front a 
branch of olive-leaves. 

Rev. A winged maiden standing, iacing, with wings outspread 
on either side, dressed in chiton and upper garment, holding in 
each raised hand a branch. Border of dots. No legend. 

IV. TEPS/VASON read from within around edge on right side. 
Female head to right, less archaic, hair bound with three small 

fillets, and plaited in large close mass behind. 

Rev. Winged maiden standing to left in chiton and upper 
garment, and with cloak wound round her body, holding out right 
hand bearing a garland, her left hidden in folds of the cloak. 

Style less archaic than in the preceding figures. 

PERIOD II. CIRCA 445-435 B.C. 

V. Obv. Head of female to left. The hair bound with snood 
(or ajj.i:u£). In earlier coins of the series three rolls of hair on the 
top, and in later coins about ten rolls radiating from just above the 
ear. On some specimens around the head is an olive-wreath. The style 
is much more developed f han in Period I. No legend. 

Rev. A winged maiden sitting to left on a hydria with its 
opening to left; she is clothed in a chiton, the upper part of the 
body nude. The right hand extended holding a wreath, the left arm 
held back and downwards, in the hand a caduceus. On some speci- 
mens a bracelet on 1. arm. The legend TEPI/VAIO/v read from 
within the coin, is round the left side of the field. 

VI (a). Obv. Head of female to left similar to earlier heads 
of No V, very beautifully wrought. Waves of hair round fillet very 
many and delicately engraved. No legend. 

Rev. Winged maiden sitting to left on a light seat of round 
turned wood with knob at the top of each leg, only two of which 
are shown. 

Her right hand, stretched forth, holds a wreath. Her left arm is 
hanging down behind the seat and in her left hand is a caduceus, 
not very clearly depicted. Legend TEPINAIfl/v, read from within 
the coin. 

VI (b) Some specimens similar to VI (a) but the maiden is seated 
on a cippus. The relief of the figure is greater than on VI a. 

On the Obverse is the signature A behind the head. The hair is 
plaited over a band decorated in front, where it shows, with olive- 

212 — 


The coins by the engraver who signed <t>. 

VII (a) Obv. TEPIA'AIOA' beginning at left read trom within. 
Female head to right with broad fillet. <t> behind head. 

Rev. Winged maiden sitting to left on a cippus, both wings 
extended, one on either side. Her right arm resting on her knee, a 
caduceus in the right hand, the left arm hanging down, and in the 
hand a small crown. 

The similarity of this tvpe to that of Elis signed EYO is notice- 

It may be noted that the artist Euthymus, who, while employed 
in the mint at Elis, produced a coin bearing Nike in this position, 
afterwards worked in the mint at Syracuse. He may have visited 

We have on a design by Euthymus made at Syracuse an example 
of the flying Nike crowning another figure driving a chariot which 
reminds us of the coin issued at Terina of a Nike crowning a seated 

^VII (b) Rev. TEPI/VAIOyv read from within on left of field. 
A winged maiden seated to left on a seat which shows two back legs 
in perspective without the turned ornaments of the earlier ones. 
With her right hand she plays with a ball and her left is resting on 
the hinder part of the seat. 

VII (c) Rev. Avery beautiful figure of a winged maiden stitting 
to right on a hydria, the top of left wing seen behind the head, on 

her left hand is a bird, and in her right hand raised is a caduceus, 
TEPIMIO on the right. 

VII (d) Rev. A winged maiden sitting to left on a cippus on 

— 213 — 


which are the letters i . The top of the right wing stretched more 


forward than in any other specimen. On her knees a pitcher, into 
which water is pouring from a spout in form of a lion's head. In 
front of her feet a swan swimming to left in a square basin. Her 
left arm hanging down behind, and in her hand a caduceus. B. M. 
Cat. 12. 

VII (e)Coin signed with both the signatures 0and P, very similar 
in design to VII (a). 

period iv. 420-400 B.C. 

The period of the artist signing the coins P. 

VIII (a) Obv. Head of maiden with hair arranged with a 
tuft or knot on the top of the head, sometimes to right, at others to 
left. Signed P behind the head. 

Rev. A winged maiden standing bending forwards, clothed 
in chiton and himation, with her right foot resting on a block of 
rock, her right elbow on her knee, and in her hand a caduceus, the 
left hand behind her resting on her hip. P in field to left. B. M. 
Cat. 22. Confer fig. 5i,TafelX, Die Siegesgottin, F Studniczka. 

VIII (b) Rev. A winged maiden standing to left, leaning her left 
elbow on a pillar, her right hand extended. Before her a cippus on 
which a bird stands with wings closed. P in field to right. 

VIII (c) Rev. v\o*AV\*S3f, P on the cippus. 

A winged maiden sitting to left on a cippus without base, her 
right hand outstretched holding a wand, her left resting on the 

VIII (d) Rev. A winged maiden seated to left on a cippus with 
base, wearing chiton and himation, her right hand stretched for- 
ward, and resting on the top of a caduceus which stands on the 
ground, her left hand rests on the back part of the cippus on which 
is the signature P. 

VIII (e) Rev. Similar, except that the upper part of the 
maiden's body is nude, and there is no base to the cippus. 

VIII (1) Rev. In general design a copy of the work of VII (a). 
The distinctive difference is in the two-leaved twig of olive in the 
right hand of the maiden. 

VIII (g) Rev. Seated winged maiden similar to (d), the distinc- 
tive difference is in the caduceus being held sloping, with the head 
of the staff near her shoulder. P in the field behind cippus. 

VIII (h) Rev. Similar to (g) with the distinctive difference that 
the head of the staff is formed like a bird, n on the cippus. 

— 214 — 

VIII (i) Rev. A winged maiden seated to left on a cippus, 
holding in her right hand a garland, resting her left hand on the 
back of the cippus : P in the field to left. Note that the garland 
was seen on V. in period II. 

VIII (k) Rev. Similar, with the distinctive difference that the 
maiden bears in her right hand a sceptre with a ball surmounted 
with knob on the end which is near her shoulder : P in the field 
to left. 

VIII (1) Rev. Similar to (i) with the distinctive difference that 
on the right hand holding the garland is a bird with wings spread 
as if just alighting : P behind cippus. 

VIII (m) Rev. Similar to (1) but without the garland. The 
signature P is on the Obverse. Head with sphendone. 

VIII (n) Rev. Similar to (i) but with pomegranate on cippus. 

VIII (o) Rev. Similar to (i) but instead of garland a branch of 
olive with five leaves. No signature. 

VIII (p) Rev. Similar to (i) but maiden sitting to right instead 
of to left. A bird like a swan on the cippus. No signature. 

VIII (q) Rev. Winged maiden seated on cippus to right, hold- 
ing in her right hand a caduceus with top pointed downwards : P to 
left underneath. 

VIII (r) Rev. Winged maiden standing to left bending her body 
forward, with her right foot on a piece of rock, on which is 
inscribed P. Her right arm rests on her knee, and in the right hand 
is a caduceus with its head near theshoulder of the maiden. Similar 
to (a), but differing in that this has the legend on tyL. TEPIA'AI. 

VIII (s) Rev. Wingless maiden to left sitting on a cippus hold- 
ing in her outstretched hand a circular object like a patera, her left 
hand leaning on back ot cippus. Behind the seated figure a flying 
Nike holding aloft a crown in each hand, TERINA; no 42 B. M. Cat. 


The variety of detail which characterized the latter period ceased 
in this, and one type prevailed. 

Obv. Head of a maiden to right, differing from the heads on 

the earlier series, in the full prominent roll of hair over the fore- 
head and ear. The legend TEPINAION. 

— 215 — 

Rev. A winged maiden dressed in sleeveless chiton and 
himation, seated to left on a cippus, the end of which is seen in 
perspective, and the base is prominent. On her extended right hand 
a bird is perched, with wings raised as if it had just alighted, her 
left hand rests on the back of the cippus. 


The thirds of a Didrachm weigh 36 grains. 

Types same as didrachms, but on the Obverse is frequently 
found the Sicilian triskelis, showing they were struck after the 
taking of the city by Dionysius. 


CIRCA 4OO-388 B.C. 

I. Size .5. Obv. Head of Pandina to right, hair rolled, PANAlNA. 
Rev. Winged maiden seated on cippus, holding a bird. 


388-356 B.C. 

II. Size 1. Obv. Female head with hair rolled. 
Rev. A crab TEPI. 

III. Size .7. Obv. Female head with hair rolled. 
Rev. Crab and crescent TEPI. 

circa 272 B.C. 

IV. Size .85. Obv. Lion's head facing. 

Rev. TEPINAIQN. Head of Apollo with flowing hair. 

V. Size .65. Obv. TEPINAIHN. Head of Apollo. 
Rev. Pegasus flying; above, a sword in sheath. 


On the earliest coins of Terina Nike is represented as a wingless 
maiden standing dressed in chiton and an upper garment, holding a 
palm-branch in her right hand which is pointed downwards. The 
attribution to Nike is made certain by the legend in the field to 

Before attempting to understand what this figure signified to the 
men of Terina it will be necessary to trace the history of the poetic 
and artistic figures of Nike. In the Iliad of Homer no such person 
was mentioned, for in that poem victory was the work of Zeus, and 

— 2l6 — 

sometimes of Pallas Athene. Even in Hesiod, Pallas " has victory and 
glory in her immortal hands". In the Iliad Iris, and in the Odyssey 
Hermes, are represented as acting the part of the divine messenger 
which in later times was almost monopolized by Nike. 

Hesiod indeed does attribute personality to Nike, but we must 
note it is only a personification of the attributes of Zeus. The 
passage in the Theogony may be translated thus : " Styx, daughter 
of Ocean after union with Pallas in his palace, bare Zelus and 
beauteous ankled Nike, and she gave birth to Strength and Force, 
illustrious children whose mansion is not apart from Jove, nor is 
there any seat nor any way where the god does not go before 
them, but ever do they sit beside deep thundering Zeus ". 

It was not until the time of Pindar and Bacchylides that Nike 
received the personality of the spirit of victory in the Athletic 
Games, which we find received in Southern Italy and Sicily in the 
fifth century B.C. 

The name Nike only occurs twice in the poems of Pindar : Nem. 
V, 42 " you, Euthymenes, by falling into the arms of Nike at 
iEgina did win for yourself varied strains : " and in Isth. II, 26. 
" Him, too, the heralds of the seasons greeted... and in sweetly 
breathed tones they greeted him as having fallen at the knees of 
golden Nike on their land. " Xenocrates of Agrigentum had won 
the prize in the chariot race B.C. 476. 

Bacchylides mentions Nike more frequently, and at the begin- 
ning of the fifth century B.C. the goddess had won an assured place 
in literature and art. It is thought by some that Bacchylides sought 
to associate this new goddess with the old deity of Hesiod. 
Perhaps the most accessible of Bacchylides' poems is that in the 
Anthology VI 313 ivaOr ( ;;.xT'//.a, a translation of which is given on 
p. 438 of Bohns English translation : " O venerable Victory, the 
many-named daughter of Pallas, mayst thou ever look with fore- 
thought on the delighful choirs of the descendants of Cranaus, 
and in the amusements of the Muses, place many wreaths on the 
brows of Bacchylides of Ceos. " (Here " aGup[j.a<n Motuav " means 
" songs" or joys = iyaXixa) " Queenly " would be more nearly 
the sense of Tcatvia than venerable. 

The representations of mythological subjects on the black figured 
vases are most important to all who would trace the growth of 
these legends. None of the representations of Nike on these are 
very archaic, and all appear to belong to the beginning of the fifth 
century B.C. 

The first appearance of Nike on the coins is found at Leontini 
from 500-466 B.C., at Syracuse from 500-478 B.C., at Camarina 
about 495-465 B.C., at Catana from 480-476 B.C., at Messana 
about 480 B.C., at Himera about 472 B.C., and at Gela from 470 
to 466 B.C. 

— 217 — 

In Greece, soon after the Persian wars, Nike appears on the coins 
of Elis, and we cannot help noticing the similarity of that design to 
the types of Terina. 

Sicilian and Southern Italian cities had then become famous for 
their agonistic victories, and it seems most probable that at first 
all the figures of Nike referred to athletic victories rather than to 
those won in war. 

The earliest application of the Nike type to war is probably to be 
found in connection with the victories over the Persians in 480 B.C. 
when Pallas Athene received the surname NIKH (Bendorf, Kultus- 
bild der Athene Nike). 

The figure of Nike holding an aplustre on coins of Himera is an 
early instance of a probable reference to a naval victory. 

Winged figures do occur at an earlier date on coins of Mallus in 
Cilicia, but these are thought to represent various Phoenician 
deities rather than Nike. Some of the earliest representations of Nike 
still preserved are the four marble statues discovered on the Acro- 
polis at Athens. Two, and possibly a third, of these may be dated 
520-500 B.C., the fourth more probably about 475 B.C. 

When we read in Pausanias of his seeing a statue of Nike we 
must remember that at this late date any winged figure was called a 
Nike, and he probably did not realize that the Athene Nike was a 
representation of Athene herself. A celebrated instance of the diffi- 
culty of naming the ancient w T inged-figures is that of the so-called 
Nike of Archermos, the oldest Greek statue of a winged figure 
preserved to our times. It was called Nike because it was thought a 
passage in a scholiast of Aristophanes on Aves 574 supported the 
identification. On the authority of Karystios this Scholiast informs 
us that it was Archermos of Chios who first gave wings to Nike, 
but others, he observes, referred the invention to Aglaophon the 

The value of this information depends entirely upon the date of 
the Scholiast ; if he wrote after the fifth century B. C . his words are 
of as little value as those of Pausanias. 

Mr. E. E. Sikes has written a monograph on this subject " The 
Nike of Archermos " (published at Cambridge, 1891) in which he 
shows how unlikely it is that such an early piece of sculpture 
should have been made to represent a personification which is only 
met with in the fifth centnry B.C. 

The wingless Nike has frequently been identified as a 
representation ot Athene Nike mentioned by Pausanias (Bk 1.42, 
§ 4) when describing Megara : " There is also another temple 
of Athene who is called Nike". In the "Ion" of Euripides (line 
469) Athene is called & tzoxvix Nixa, (she is also mentioned in line 
1529). Also in the play Philoctetes by Sophocles (line 134) Ulysses 

— 215 — 

says " O Athene Nike, patroness of cities, who ever defends 
me. " She is described as NIKH AI"ITEPOI by Heliodorus and 
Harpocrates in speaking of her image on the Acropolis. The 
question arises, have we here on this early coin of Terina evidence 
of Athenian influence in the city ? Athenian artists apparently did 
influence the cities of Thurium and Terina as we may see in 
Vol. Ill of the Third series of the Numismatic Chronicle, 1883, in 
the article by Reginald Stuart Poole " Athenian coin-engravers 
in Italy ". It is strange that the only notice in history of any 
connection of Terina with Thurium should be an account of war 
between the two cities, the cause of which is not mentioned. 

Another explanation ol the wingless figure of Nike on the coins 
of Terina is, that just as Athene was called Nike at Athens and the 
guardian spirit of Catana is figured as Nike with the legend KATANE 
or KATANAION, so perhaps the guardian nymph of Terina may 
have been figured as NIKE with the legend NIKA on the Reverse 
and TERINA on the Obverse, on which the head of the same is 

It is said that Nike herself was not honoured with a special cultus 
before the time of the Roman conquest of Italy (Dion. Hal. I, 33, 
C.I.G., n° 2810. Knapp, p. 6). 

However we may be inclined to assent to these explanations of 
the figure on the earliest coins, it is interesting as showing the 
gradual growth of the imagery of Nike in this city from its early 
stages to the latest, when the playful figures such as we also find 
on the vases are fully represented on the coins. Nike was never 
represented wingless except when expressing a combination of 

In the Numismatic Chronicle, Series III, Vol. Ill, p. 270. 
Mr. R. S. Poole says of the coin engravers of Terina " the theme 
in which they delighted, the figure of Nike, is not a ' memory- 
sketch ', like the recumbent Herakles of Croton and Heraclea 
suggested by a work of art, but is developed in a free series of 
variations, and thus indicates a strong school... The subject has a 
remarkable resemblance in some of its forms to the exquisite con- 
temporary balustrade-relief of the temple of Nike Apteros, at 
Athens, while the earliest coin of Terina dating about 480 B.C. 
presents the goddess in the wingless shape, with her name written 
beside her figure. We do not know of an older temple of Nike Apteros 
at Athens than the famous one dating from before 400 B.C. It is a 
startling hypothesis that an engraver carried away the general 
form of the reliefs of the balustrade, and reproduced them in 
another country. Yet a later temple generally preserved an older 
worship and we must look on the relief of the temple at Athens as 
typical of the School rather than as a solitary example merely 

— 219 — 

because to us it was long so. A new instance is rather a proof of 
the individual force of a style than of mere copying, and no one who 
had the facility of the great engravers of Terina would have 
condescended to copy a relief". 


It is natural to ask why, on the next series of coins, Nike was 
represented sitting on a water-pot or Hydria. 

The answer is given by Bendorf in his work on Greek and Sicilian 
Vases, p. 41. On Tafel XXIII, fig. 2, is a figure of Nike about to 
lift a hydria from a base under the spout of a fountain. He remarks 
on this figure that in later art the Greeks were fond of idealizing 
the common work of life by representing Eros and Nike as 
performing such actions, especially those connected with sacrifices. 
On the vases we see Nike bringing incense, or the necessary 
implements, or the beasts to the altar, preparing the fire, pouring 
out the libation, or completing the sacrifice. Since water was a 
necessary requisite for a legal sacrifice it is not strange to find Nike 
as a water-bearer in this connection. 

In Period II the figure of Nike was represented as seated on a 
Hydria, not as on the vases standing by one; the reason for this 
sitting position is probably merely the fact that this was most 
convenient for the artistic composition of a subject made to fit a 
circular space. 

The crown in her hand may be looked upon as that with which 
the animal to be sacrificed should be crowned. If we think of 
the crown as readv for the athlete for whom the sacrifice was made 
we have no knowledge of any one whose agonistic victory was of. 
such importance that such a type should be adopted by the city. 

The coin in Period III (VII d) which represents the Nike with a 
pitcher on her knees, into which water is pouring from a spout in 
the form of a lion's head, is a beautiful variation ot the Hydria 
design, and is in harmony with the idea of the preparation for the 
sacrifice suggested by the designs on the vases. 

The pitcher on these coins was regarded by Birch in the 
article in the Num. Chron., Vol. VII, 1845, as evidence that the 
winged maiden was Iris, and he referred to the following lines of 
Hesiod Theog. 775: 

"And seldom goes the fleet-footed daughter of Thaumas, Iris, 
on a message over the broad back of the sea, namely, when haply 
strife and quarrel shall have arisen among the immortals : and 
whosoever, I wot, of them that hold Olympian dwellings, utters 
falsehood, then also Jove is wont to send Iris to bring from tar in 
a golden ewer the great oath of the gods, the renowned water, cold 

— 220 — 

as it is, which also runs down from a steep and lofty rock. " The 
water was taken from the Styx, we learn from lines further on. 
" sv yjjzft zpoyoM " "in a golden ewer " ; the ~po-/}o: was the 
pitcher or ewer used in pouring water on the hands of guests. The 
kindred -pzyzr t was used of the mouth of a river. Birch noted 
that the names of the Styx, the Crathis, the Acheron, and other 
rivers of the Peloponnesus \vere all given to rivers of Magna 

The evidence of the vases, and the period at which these coins 
were issued point rather to the Nike legend than to that of Hesiod's 
Iris. The older legend may have influenced the form of the later 
Nike conception, but on consideration of all the evidence concerning 
Nike it seems almost certain that we have Nike rather than Iris on 
the coins of Terina. 


Nike is sometimes represented on the vases as in pursuit of a 
bird, or offering a bird to a youth (Reinach, II, 216). Mr Percy 
Gardner in The Types of Greek Coins says: "Nike on the coins of 
Terina is introduced as amusing herself in many ways. Sometimes 
she plays with a ball, sometimes she fills a pitcher from a spring, 
at other times she fondles a pet swan or dove. She seems in fact at 
Terina to embodv the fresh gladness of nature and the sportive joy 
of open air life in a soft and genial region. Above all Greeks the 
peoples of S. Italy seem to have loved birds and insects and flowers, 
all of which actually swarm on their coins, just as they do in the 
seventh Idyll of Theocritus, the scene of which is laid most appro- 
priately at Velia. " 

It is perhaps in this sense that we must understand the birds on 
the coins engraved by the artist signing his work P, but there is 
an exception on the coins signed O, for in that case it has been 
thought probable that the bird is the symbol of the artist Phrygillos 
whose name signifies a finch (zpj~;i\z:) as in Aristophanes Aves 
763, 875. 


Birch (Numismatic Chronicle VII, § 142 seq.) looked upon 
the caduceus which often appears in the hand of the winged maiden 
on the coins as an attribute of Iris, of whom we read in the 
Homeric poems as the bearer of messages from Ida to Olympus. 
From such duties her name was sometimes derived, from Izm 
eipta, meaning the speaker or messenger, but others derive her 
name from eipw " I join ", whence eip^,vYj, so that she was looked 
upon as the messenger of peace. In the Odyssey Hermes takes the 
place of Iris. 

— 22 1 — 

In later times she appeared as in the service of Hera. Servius 
thought the rainbow was merely the road used by her, hence it 
appeared only when she needed it. She was frequently represented 
on vases and in bas-reliefs either standing dressed in a long tunic 
with wings on her shoulders, and carrying the caduceus, or flying 
with wings on both shoulders and sandals, and with staff and pitcher 
in her hands ; but unless the name of the goddess is actually 
written upon the vase we cannot be sure of the identification with 
Iris, unless the wings on the sandals are thought of as her distinc- 
tive sign. 

The interpretation of the figure of the maiden as Eirene proceeds 
from Milani, who regards the caduceus in the hand of many of 
these figures as proof of that attribution. He refers to the coins of 
Locri bearing a seated figure of EIPHNH AOKPON on a square 
cippus holding a caduceus, but these coins were not issued until 
about 345 B.C., that is, about ioo years later than those of Terina. 

The caduceus was certainly an attribute of Pax on the coins of 
the Roman Imperial period, but in the fifth century B.C. it was so 
commonly placed in the hands of Nike that it is just as suggestive 
of that goddess as of Eirene ; moreover, the pitcher, the crown, and 
the bird, all of which appear so often on these coins of Terina, are, 
when combined, almost conclusive proof that the ideal, playful, 
helpful Nike was the goddess intended. 


The wreath recalls the Chorus with which the Phoenissse of 
Euripides ends 

*Q [i,SY« TS[Jtva Nt/.a, tov Ijjlov 
Biotov 7*y.~iyoiq, 

" O great revered Victory, mayst thou hold my life, nor ever 
doest thou cease from crowning me. " 

The result of the investigation just sketched points to the 
conclusion that the figure on these coins represented the local 
Nymph Terina as a being thought of as having all the characteristics 
of the Nike which was then a fresh idea influencing the whole of 
Magna Graecia. The new ideal or spiritual conception was in 
harmony with the taste of the citizens of Terina, refined by their 
Pythagorean ancestors, and by communion with the Greek cities in 
which art was especially studied by the mint officials. The connec- 
tion with the Athenian artists who wrought at Thurium and Pan- 
dosia influenced the form in which the design was developed, and 
the fresh ideal then pervading Magna Graecia influenced the adoption 

— 222 — 

of the form of Nike as that in which their local deity should be 


The Obverse type on the didrachms of Terina was always a 
maiden's head, the identification of which has given rise to much 
speculation, and the names Nike, Terina, and Ligeia have all been 
given to this beautiful design. We generally find the head on the 
Obverse of Greek coins is that of the deity whose figure or symbol 
is found on the Reverse, and therefore those who see in the seated 
winged figures the form of Nike will readily agree in calling the 
head on the obverse by that name, and if it be objected that the 
name TEPINA is often found on the Obverse, that name will natu- 
rally be the name of the local Nike whose full name was Terina 
Nike, corresponding to the Athenian Athene Nike. 

It is thought by many that the head on the coins of Syracuse 
issued by Demarete, the wife of Gelon in commemoration of his 
victory over the Carthaginians in 480 B.C. is that of Nike. It was 
about that time that the first coins of Terina were issued, and the 
head on these coins is very similar to that on those of Syracuse. 
The growth of the idea of the stately Nike to that of the playful 
Nike of the period immediately following may be seen, not only 
on the Obverse, but also on the Reverse. The crown of victory 
surrounds many of the earlier heads, and then the leaves are seen in 
the broad fillet over the brow, and lastly the hair is simply curled 
and wound around the head. 


E. H. Bunbury in his article in Smith's Geog. Die. says : "The 
winged female figure on the Reverse, though commonly called a 
Victory, is more probably intended for the Siren Ligeia ". This 
idea may have arisen from the word opvt9oT:ai§o<g used by Lycophron 
of the Siren, and indeed the Sirens are spoken of by Euripides 
(Helena 167) as s:Tepof6pot veavtSe? TuapOevoi -/Scvc? Kspai. But in the 
early times the Sirens were depicted not as winged maidens, but as 
creatures half maid and halt bird (confer Mnasalcus Aitth, VII, 171). 

The introduction of the idea of a Siren into the legend may have 
arisen from the fact that Sirens were sometimes depicted on ancient 
tombs, and so some ancient nameless tomb near the shore hard by 
the city may have given rise to the legend told by Lycophron in his 
poem Alexandra, 726. " Then Ligeia shall be cast on shore at 
Terina vomiting forth the wave, and the sailors will bury her on 
the beach by the cliffs hard by the eddies of the Okinaros. This 
ox-horned river-god will wash her grave with his streams, inspiring 

— 223 — 

her abode with draughts of Siren prayer (iprjq) ". This last word 
seems to have been confounded by the scholiast Tzetzes who says 
" Okinaros is a river near Terina called Ares as strong and ox-horned 
on account of the ringing noise when the water brings down the 
horned and the bull-headed one, perhaps on account of the ringing 
noise and bellowing of the rushing water, for Ares is not a river 
near Terina, but Eris or Iris is a river, as some write it, hence they 
added it as a surname to Okinaros ". It may be that this note of 
Tzetzes is the source of the idea that the maiden who so frequently 
was represented as bearing the caduceus was to be regarded as Iris, 
the messenger of the gods, but the evidence of the vases on which 
we so often see Nike with a caduceus is against such an identification, 
especially when we put together the various designs and symbols 
which fit the character of Nike so admirably. 

The Siren buried near the mouth of the river by the sailors 
is evidently not the river nymph, and the river is here not 
called the Terina but Okinaros. The name of the Siren must be 
derived from Xr,"jc M'-yeia, which is used in the Homeric poems for a 
shrill clear sound, and later, as in /Eschylus especially, for sad- 
toned sounds. Some ancient nameless grave may have given rise 
to the legend of the siren, the name being suggested by the 
murmuring brook hard by. The voices of waters are frequently 
mentioned by many poets : confer Wordsworth (XIV) f * the river 
Duddon ", "attended but by thy own voice ' ... (XXV) 
" the waters seem to waste their vocal charm ", and the waves 
are called " a choral multitude ". Virgil just mentions the name 
Ligeia (Gcorg. IV, 336) among those of other nymphs attendant 
on Cyrene, and Eustathius (p. 1709, in Homer) gives a brief note. 
The Siren Parthenope of Neapolis found a place on the coins, but 
the Siren Ligeia of Terina is not represented by any type, for 
the earliest heads of Nymphs bear the legend TEPINA. 

That the figure seated on the Hydria is not meant to represent 
the river nymph Terina we may gather from the fact that river- 
deities are masculine, as in Hesiod (Theog. 340-367), where, after 
naming the rivers as sons of Tethys to Oceanus, he mentions pools 
or fountains and ocean nymphs as daughters. 

Terina as a nymph may have been, however, the spirit ot a pool 
or fountain in or near the city. Thurium is a similar instance of a 
city named after a fountain. 


Some have thought that the moon may have been symbolized 
under this name Pandina, others that it was given to Proserpina, 
but no sufficient reasons have been advanced to content enquirers. 

— 224 — 

The name appears on bronze coins issued about 400 B. C. and is 
probably formed from the root AIN from which Sivo? a whirling or 
rotation is derived. From this root idea it has been suggested that 
we may have in the word Pandina the name of the nymph of the 
whirlpool which cast up the nymph Ligeia on the shores 01 the 
bay, but there is no mention of a whirlpool in the words of 
Lycophron from whom that legend was derived. To these sugges- 
tions I would add a fresh one, namely, that as Terina was a colony 
of Croton it is probable that the doctrines of Pythagoras were well 
known to the citizens and one of his theories is connected with the 
root idea of the word ; according to Philolaus he taught that the 
heavenly bodies performed their circling dance around a central fire. 

Philolaus assumed a daily revolution of the earth around this 
central fire but not round its own axis. Anaxagoras of Clazomene, 
born about 499, who became the friend of Pericles at Athens, also 
taught that the revolution of the heavenly bodies was the effect of 
the vcuc, the regulator of the Universe. The teaching is referred to by 
Aristophanes in his play " the Clouds " (372 373) and some good 
notes are given in the Ed. of T. Mitchell p. 92. It might be objected 
that the year when the coin was issued bearing the name Pandina 
was too remote from the days of the Pythagorean Brotherhood 
for the mint magistrate to have been influenced by them, but " the 
Clouds" was performed about the year 411 B. C., and Philolaus, 
a contemporary of Socrates and Aristophanes, was born at 
Croton and was well known in the cities of Magna Graecia. 
If, then, we associate the name Pandina with any theory of rotation 
of heavenly bodies we may well see in the type an attempt to 
symbolize ideas which we know were current at that time not only 
in Athens but also in Italy. 

Mr. P. Gardner in the ' Types of Greek Coins ' says " we know 
from inscriptions that Pandina was a local form of Hecate ". 


We have seen that there are two groups of coins, the earlier 
signed with the letter O and the later with the letter P. Mr. R. S. 
Poole in the above quoted article in the Numismatic Chronicle says : 
" The works of the earlier master, O, are in style somewhat before 
B. C. 400. The severity of the transitional age is not wholly lost by 
him, though when he is severe, he is so by choice, not of necessity : 
and one type of the Terina head is strikingly similar in composition 
to some of the Syracusan transitional tetradrachms. 

The heads require no detailed analysis ; they are remarkable for 
beauty, skill and balance and the presence of two types ; that already 

— 225 — 

noticed, and another surrounded by an exquisitely drawn wreath of 
wild olive, affording another proof of the power in variety that 
marks the engravers of Terina ". Of the reverse types of this 
engraver Mr R. S. Poole says : "The skill of the work as a whole is 
marvellous"... " With all this care for detail the work is large". 


A drachm signed 0IAI2 bearing on the reverse a Nike seated on 
a base wreathed with olive, and with a bird in her hand, seems a 
little later in date. 

"The type of head is not dissimilar from that surrounded by the 
wreath, yet has more affinity with the Maenad's head on the coin 
of Velia signed 0, possibly a work of the Terinaean <t>. Is 0IAI2 
for 0IAI2TIHN ? That name occurs on coins of Elea about two 
generations later, and it may be suggested very tentatively that if 
the of Elea is the Terinaean 0IAI2, then the later Velian engraver 
may possibly have been grandson of the Terinaean, according to the 
Greek fashion of giving a name in alternate generations. The 
possible identity of at Terina and Velia with 01 All at Terina has 
nothing to do artistically with the descent of 0IAI2TION who has 
a purely Italian style like all his contemporaries of Magna Graecia. " 


" The coins of Terina signed P are in part contemporary with, 
in part later than, those with 0. 

We may venture to think them works of a pupil, and in general 
not equal in force and beauty to those of his master. In the heads 
of Terina he follows the type which is not surrounded by a wreath, 
and the execution is that of a copyist, unmistakably inferior ". 


1. " Die Goettin. Entwurf der Geschichte einer antiken Ideal- 
gestalt " von Franz Studniczka. Leipzig. Teubner. 1898. Containing 
XII plates oi useful illustrations and 27 pages of letter-press. 

2. " Nike in der Vasenmalerei ", von D r Paul Knapp, containing 
100 pages, but no illustrations. 

3. " Terina " von Kurt Regling, containing 80 pages of letter- 
press and three beautifully executed plates of coins illustrated by 
photography. Berlin. Druck und Verlag von Georg Reimer. 1906. 
This work by K. Regling is indispensable to students and collectors 
of coins of Terina. 

Hands. 15 



This name was given to a colony which had started from Locri 
Opuntii, a country bordering on the sea coast to the north of 
Boeotia, about fifty miles north of Athens. 

Opus was their chief town, hence their name Opuntii. 

The new name, added to the colonial city to distinguish it, was 
given in reference to the west wind which swept the headland on 
which the colonists first made a settlement. The ancient Greek 
colonists named their new cities after their old homes just as did 
the English in later times, calling one New York, another Boston. 

The Locri in Italy was only about sixteen miles from Caulonia, 
which we have seen was also named from the windy nature of 
the site, but the character ol the colonists and the history of their 
cities were very different. From a numismatic point of view indeed, 
Locri differs from all the other cities of Magna Graecia, especially in 
the fact that the citizens issued two currencies at a very late date, one 
for foreign, and the other for home trade. We know very little 
of the Caulonians, but of the Locrians we know many names 
famous in various ways. The poet Pindar in his tenth and 
eleventh Olympian Odes thus sang of the Locrian citizens " you 
shall come to them, not as to a nation that shuns strangers, or has 
no experience in gaining honours, but to one that is first-rate in 
poetry, and skilled with the spear". And again, " for truthfulness 
directs the city of the Locri on the west ; Calliope too is their delight 
and mail-clad Ares. " This refers to the Muse of Epic Poetry. 

The blind poet Xenocritus who founded the Locrian style ol 
lyric poetry was born here, and the lyric poetess Theano who 
flourished in the fifth century before Christ was also a native of this 
city. A particular kind of harmony, called the Locrian, was used 
by Pindar and Simonides, but it does not seem to have lasted long 
in favour. 

The Pythagorean brotherhood, although allowed to flourish 
here, was not permitted to influence the government, which was 
alreadv aristocratic and conservative. It was indeed peculiarly their 

— 22y — 

own, and founded on the wisdom of their great lawgiver Zaleu- 
cus. The names of some celebrated Pythagoreans among the 
Locrians are well known, such as Timaeus, Echecrates and 
Acrion, who is said to have initiated Plato into the mysteries of 
their master. The Locrian Eunomus was a celebrated musican and 
Euthemus the Locrian Athlete was scarcely less renowned than 
Milo of Croton. 

The original settlers at Locri are said to have arrived soon after 
the foundation of Croton, about the year 710 B. C. The generally 
received tradition is that they came from Locri Opuntii. From 
Polybius we learn that the earliest settlers were a body of slaves 
who had carried off their mistresses. As the Locrians are said to 
have derived the nobility of their families from the female side, 
this custom points to the truth of the legend told by Polybius. 

Pausanias tells us that the Lacedaemonians sent colonists to Locri 
at the time when they settled in Croton, and it is only probable 
that additional bands of colonists gradually joined the earliest 

Strabo's account of the city is as follows, " Then is the state of 
the Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of Locrians transported by Evan- 
thes from the Crissaean gulf, shortly after the foundation of Croton 
and Syracuse. Ephorus was not correct in stating that they were a 
colony of the Locri Opuntii. They remained at first during three 
or four years at Cape Zephyrium ; afterwards they removed 
their city with the assistance of certain Syracusans who dwell 
among them. There is also a fountain called Locria in the place 
where the Locri first took up their abode. From Rhegium to Locri 
there are 600 stadia. " 

The city is built on a height which they call Esopis. Robert 
Browning has celebrated, and made well known by his poem 
" A Tale" a beautiful legend of a statue in Locri which is also told 
by Strabo, " The statue of Eunomus the harper having a grass- 
hopper seated on his harp is shown at Locri. " Strabo quotes the 
legend from Timaeus. 

The earliest information concerning the Locrians is concerning 
the career of the celebrated lawgiver named Zaleucus, who is said 
to have flourished about the year 660 B. C. 

One legend represents him as having been originally a slave who 
asserted that Athene had revealed to him in a dream the laws he pro- 
mulgated ; another story speaks of his noble birth and great culture of 
mind. His code is said to have been the first collection of laws tabulated 
by the Greeks. According to Ephorus, his laws, which were severe 
in character, were founded on those of Crete, Sparta, and Athens. 
He is said to have been the first lawgiver to fix the penalties for 
certain crimes which before then had been settled after the trial 

— 228 — 

and passing ot the sentence of guilt. From the interesting legends 
connected with his name we may gather that he was a truly great 
man. The government in his day seems to have been confined to 
certain families called the Hundred Houses, the members of which 
were all descended from females of the earliest settlers, and this too 
agrees with the legend of the origin of the colony. 

The first event of importance recorded in the history of the city 
is the famons battle on the banks of the river Sagras about the year 
560 B. C, when 10.000 Locrians defeated 130.000 Crotoniates. 
Reference to this battle has been made in the chapter on Croton, 
where its effects on that city are described. The victory affords 
evidence of the bravery and discipline of the Locrians at a very 
early date. 

Another event of importance was the quarrel of the Locrians 
with the citizens of Rhegium, about 477 B. C, when Anaxilas, the 
despot of that city, attacked them, and they were only saved from 
a destructive war by the intervention of Hieron of Syracuse. 

The friendship of the Locrians with Syracuse was one of the 
sources of their prosperity. 

In 466 B. C. Thrasybulus, the fallen tyrant of Syracuse, retired to 
Locri, and lived there as a private citizen. We naturally find 
the Locrians taking the side of the Syracusans in their war with 
the Athenians, and hence in 415 B.C. the Athenian fleet was 
refused permission to anchor off the harbour of Locri. At a later 
period the Locrians also sent troops to Greece to aid the Lacedaemon- 

About 392 B.C. Dionysius the elder sought to strengthen his 
position by marriage with a Locrian wife. Plutarch tells us how he 
killed the sons of a Locrian citizen named Aristeides who had 
refused him his daughter in marriage. 

Dionysius however succeeded in securing as his wife Doris, the 
daughter of Zenetus, one of the principal citizens of Locri, and from 
that time the Syracusans obtained a footing in the south of Italy, 
and the Locrians increased their power. Only five years later, in 
389 B. C, the territory of Caulonia was given to Locri, and their 
influence was also strengthened among the more northern cities of 
Hipponium and perhaps Terina. 

During all this period and down to the year 34^ B. C. the 
Locrians had no mint, probably because the laws of Zaleucus were 
like those of Lvcurgus in forbidding the coinage of money. 

In 344 B. C. we have seen that theTarentines, being hard pressed 
by the Menapians and Lucanians, called for assistance from Sparta. 
Croton had been taken by the Lucanians in 368 B. C. and soon 
after the Bruttii rose to the height of their power. The need of a 
coinage may have been felt imperative at a time when the Locrians 
were obliged to maintain an army to defend their city. 

— 220 — 

Thev issued two series of coins, one for their maritime commerce, 
and another for their home use and their trade with the neigh- 
bouring cities. The younger Dionysius of Syracuse, son of the 
Locrian Doris, when expelled from that city, came to Locri in 356 
B. C. where he seized the citadel and established himself as despot. 
In 350 B.C. the Locrians drove out his garrison and took terrible 
vengeance on his wife and daughters. The horrible story of the 
wickedness of Dionysius, and the cruel revenge of the Locrians on 
his daughters is told by Strabo VI, § 8. 

The city had been weakened by the despotism of Dionysius II, 
and was in constant danger from the Bruttians when they first 
inaugurated a mint. The coins issued for maritime commerce were 
Corinthian staters bearing a head of Pallas in a Corinthian helmet 
on the Obverse and Pegasus on the Reverse, weighing 135-130 
grains. This type does not point to a desire to obtain help from 
Corinth in the defence of the city but was derived direct from 
Syracuse. In the case of Tarentum the influence of the allies 
from the old country was apparent on their coinage. 

The first coins issued for the Locrian home trade weighed 120- 
1 1 5 grains. They bore on the Obverse a head of Zeus, laureate, 
with short hair, and on the Reverse Eirene, seated on a square 
cippus, holding a caduceus, a type which may point to the hope 
of peace entertained by the citizens on the expulsion of Dionysus II, 
and of the advent of assistance from their Corinthian friends. 

In the year 332 B.C. a change of type appeared. It was the 
period when the Molossian Alexander was fighting the Lucanians. 
It is noticeable that on the coins then issued at Locri the head of 
Zeus was no longer represented with short curls, but with long 
flowing locks as on the contemporary money of Alexander, 
introduced into Italy at that time. Instead of the Reverse type of 
Eirene we have the eagle devouring a hare, and in the field a 
fulmen, which had appeared on the Reverse of Alexander's coinage 
as the main tvpe. A body of Locrian troops may have been in the 
successful army which took Heraclea and Consentium from the 
Lucanians, and Terina and Sipontum from the Bruttii. In 329 B. C. 
Alexander was slain near Pandosia, and in that year this series of 
coins ceased to be issued. 

During this period the Corinthian staters still continued to be 
issued with the same types as formerly. 

From the death of Alexander in 326 to the year 300 B.C. the 
Locrians continued to issue money, but many of the coins of this 
period are so negligently made that they appear to be Bruttian 
imitations rather than the work of Greek artists. 

The struggle with the Bruttii was still maintained, but we know 
nothing of the history of the city during this period. The Corin- 

— 230 — 

thian staters show a different and debased style, the legend is 
shortened from AOKPDN to AO or AOK, usually on the Reverse 
instead of on the Obverse. Corinthian drachms also now appear, 
bearing a female head facing, or in profile, wearing earrings and 
necklace, and on the Reverse Pegasus flying, and the legend ; the)' 
weigh 39 grains. 

The staters for home use are similar to those of the last period 
without the fulmen on the Reverse, but generally the work is very 
careless. The Corinthian staters ceased to be issued at the end ot 
this period i. e. circ. 300 B. C. 

Between 300 and 280 B.C. Staters weighing 118 grs. were issued 
with a fresh Obverse type, an eagle devouring a hare, and on the 
Reverse AOK PON, a fulmen, and symbol, usually a caduceus. 

Also Diobols weighing 18 grains bearing on the Obverse an eagle 
with spread wings, and in front a caduceus ; on the Reverse 
AOKPHN in two lines, between them a fulmen. 

Also Obols weighing 1 1 . 5 grains bearing on the Obverse A — O, 
an eagle with closed wings, and on the Reverse, a fulmen between 
two annulets. 

These coins bear so close a resemblance to those of Agathocles 
that there can be no doubt as to their date. That tyrant of Syracuse 
crossed over to Italy to fight with the Bruttii, but his designs were 
frustrated by his death, which was hastened by family troubles. Do 
these coins suggest that he landed at Locri after plundering the 
Lipari islands ? 

His death occured in 289 B.C. Arnold in chapter xxxv of his 
1 History of Rome ' gives an interesting account ot his influence. 

Pyrrhus crossed over to Italy in 280 B.C. and in the same year 
defeated the Roman Consul Laevinus on the banks of the Siris. 
Then followed his victorious march to within sight of Rome, and 
his retreat to Tarentum. About this time the Locrians had submitted 
to Rome in order that they might be defended by them from the 

When however Pyrrhus appeared before their walls they opened 
the city and received him and his son Alexander, whom Pyrrhus 
left at Locri when he departed to Sicily. The soldiers of Pyrrhus 
behaved with such cruelty that the Locrians again sought the help 
of the Romans, and Pyrrhus, on his return to Italy in the autumn 
of 276 B.C., again besieged and took the city. Being in want of 
funds to pay his mercenaries, Pyrrhus robbed the Locrian temple of 
Persephone, and putting the treasure on board his ships set sail for 
Tarentum, but was driven back to Locri by a storm. Dreading the 
wrath of the goddess he restored the plunder and departed. In 274 
B.C. Pyrrhus sustained a defeat at Beneventum and fled to Greece. 

On the departure of Pyrrhus the Locrians again submitted to 

— 231 — 

Rome, and continued loyal until the second Punic War, when after 
the battle of Cannae in 216 B.C., they received the Carthaginians, 
and it was not till 205 B.C. that Scipio took the city. 

Scipio's officer Pleminius plundered the temple of Proserpina, 
but the Senate caused restitution to be made, and the impiety was 
expiated at the public cost. The head of Persephone on the bronze 
coins of the last period serves to remind us of the speech of the 
Locrian legate at Rome reported by Livy, XXIX, 18, " Fanum est 
apud nos Proserpina^ de cujus sanctitate templi credo aliquam 
famam ad vos pervenisse Pvrrhi bello. " 

On the departure of Pyrrhus the Locrians showed their loyalty 
to Rome by issuing Staters bearing on the Obverse the head of Zeus 
and on the Reverse a figure representing Fides standing placing a 
wreath upon the head of Roma seated before her, leaning on a 
shield, with the legend AOKPHN nilTII PHMA. 

The head of Zeus on these coins is so like that on the coins of 
Pyrrhus that it is most probable the same engraver wrought them 
both; perhaps this may imply thatPvrrhus struck his famous Tetra- 
drachms while he was resident in Locri or during the time that city 
was in his power. Many of his coins have been found not only in 
South Italy but even in Locri itself. 

The coins bearing the figure of Fides crowning Roma are the 
last silver coins issued in Locri. They are interesting as being the 
earliest on which we see the personification of Rome, so often 
found on the denarii of the Republic. 

The ruins of Locri which remain have been described by the Due 
de Luynes in the Ann. d'lnst. Arch., vol. II, pp. 3-12. The city 
was nearly two miles long by about one broad, extending from the 
mouth of a little river now called S. Ilario towards the hills. The 
ruins are about five miles from the modern town Gerace. 

PERIOD I. 3_)4~332 B.C. 

Obv. IEYI. Head ot Zeus to right, laureate, with short hair. 

Eirene wearing long chiton and peplon over her knees, holding 
a caduceus in her right hand, seated to left on a cippus, the front 
of which is ornamented with a bucranium. 

— 2s2 

PERIOD II. 332-326 B.C. 

Obv. AOKPHN. Head of Zeus to left, laureate, with long 
flowing locks. 

Rev. Eagle flying to left devouring a hare, behind the back a 
fulmen, beneath the tail M; in field below a dot. 

The fulmen is sometimes in front. 

On some the monogram /?, or q\, or ^. On some the legend 
AOKPHN is on Reverse instead of on Obverse. 

period in. 300-290 B.C. 


Obv. Eagle flying to left devouring a hare ; border of dots. 
Rev. AOKPHN. Fulmen; beneath, a caduceus to left : border of 

On some specimens O behind back of eagle. 

On some „5?r;. Fulmen and border of dots. 

diobols ot 18 grains. 

Obv. Eagle standing to left and looking back, with wings 
open ; in front a caduceus to left : plain border. 
Rev. °!<A. A f u i men 

— 233 — 

obols of 1 1 . 5 grains. 

Obv. AO. An eagle to left, with wings closed : border of dots. 
Rev. A ful men between — O; plain border. 

period iv. 273-217. 

Obv. Head of Zeus to left, laureate ; beneath, |sE, border of dots. 

Rev. AOKPflM in exergue. 

Roma seated to left on a throne, wearing long chiton, and peplon 
over her knees ; her right arm rests on an oval shield upon which 
is a fulmen ; under her left arm, a parazonium. 

She is crowned by a female figure representing Fides, standing to 
left, wearing a long chiton and peplon, one end of which is brought 
over her left shoulder and is held in her left hand : behind the 
figures respectively the words POM A and niiTII. On some spec- 
imens the legend AOKPHN is added on the Obverse and there is 
no legend in exergue of Reverse. 


PERIOD I. 344-332 B.C. 

i. Size 1. Obv. Head of Zeus to right, laureate, short hair. 

Rev. Eagle to right with wings closed. 

On some specimens the eagle on the Rev. is standing on a rock. 

period 11. 332-326 B.C. 

2. Size .85. Obv. Head of Zeus to right, laureate; behind, a 
fulmen. AIOI. 

Rev. pqIj- A winged fulmen. 

3. Size .95. Obv. Head of Zeus to left, laureate : border of 

Rev. AOKPHN. Winged fulmen; in field to right an incense 

— 234 — 


4. Size .65. Obv. Head of Pallas to left, wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet : border of dots. 

Rev. pi^»j- A winged fulmen. 

On some specimens the legend is in one line. 

5. Size .6. Obv. Head of young Heracles to left, wearing the 
lion's skin. 

Rev. AOKPON. Pegasus flying to left; beneath, a club to left. 

6. Size 1.05. Obv. Head of Persephone, diademed, wearing 
earring and necklace, and having a long tress of hair tied behind her 
head; behind, a poppy-head, or bunch of grapes, or lighted torch : 
border of dots. 

Rev. AOKPHN. An eagle with its wings closed, standing to left 
on a fulmen : behind, a wreath : border of dots. On some specimens 
instead of a wreath we see a bunch of grapes and in front A-, on 
others the symbol is a palm filleted. 

7. Size .75. Obv. Head of Persephone similar to last coin, but 
with ear of barley as symbol behind head. 

Rev. AOKPflN. Pallas to left wearing crested Corinthian 
helmet, and long chiton with diploi'dion, rests right hand on spear 
and left on shield placed on the ground : in field to right a star of 
seven rays and cornucopia; : border of dots. 

8. Size 1.1. Obv. Head of Pallas to right, wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet, earring and necklace; behind, AEY : border of 

Rev. AOKPDN. Persephone wearing long chiton seated to left 
on throne, the front leg of which is in the form of an animal's 
leg : holding in her right hand a patera, and in the left a sceptre 
surmounted by a poppy-head ; above, on either side, a star of eight 
rays : a border of dots. 

On some specimens instead of AEY on Obv. EY. 

9. Size .75. Obv. Head of Pallas to left wearing earring, necklace, 
and crested Corinthian helmet, adorned with an olive-wreath : 
border of dots. 

Rev. AOKPHN. Eagle to left on fulmen, wings open; in front 
cornucopia; : border of dots ; on some specimens a star of eight rays 
for symbol. EY on Obverse; on others the letter A. 

10. Size .75. Obv. Busts of the Dioscuri to right, each 
wearing laureated pilos surmounted by a star, their shoulders 
draped : border of dots. 

Rev. Zeus seated to left on a throne, naked to waist, holding 
patera and sceptre; behind, cornucopia? : border of dots. 

— 2 3 5 


The colonists from Locri who settled in the old native city 
Hipponium did not abandon their reverence for the laws of Zaleucus, 
the lawgiver of their old home, by whom the coinage of metal 
was forbidden. We have seen that his laws were obeyed at Locri 
until 344 B.C. and it may have been this old prejudice against a 
mint which prevented the men of Hipponium from coining silver 

However, thirty-five years before the Locrians instituted a mint, 
the colonists at Hipponium coined bronze money. The Italian races 
had been used to a bronze coinage from an earlier period, and it may 
be owing to the Greek colonists mixing more freely with the native 
races in their new home that they instituted a mint and issued 
bronze coins. 

There is a special interest attaching to these coins of Hipponium, 
their types illustrating the history of the city most clearly. 

The site of Hipponium is on a hill overlooking the beautiful 
fertile plain which extends to the southern end of the bay, on 
the west coast of Bruttium. At the northern end of the bay stood 
Terina, about twenty miles distant. The name by which the bay 
was known was sometimes derived from the southern and some- 
times from the northern city, hence Strabo calls it 'IxTCwvixnjc •/.:/.- 
icoc, and ThucydidesTsptva'icc jcsXtcoc. The name of the city is spelt 
CEI on the early coins of Hipponium, and hence we may gather that 
the name is that given by the early native race which founded a 
city on that site. The letter C is the Sabellian / written either 3 
or F bv theUmbrians, or 3 or 3 bv the Oscans.and F by the Latins. 
The sound of the letters C and V were sufficiently alike tor the 
Romans to spell the name Yibo at a later date. 

The description of the citv given by Strabo is as follows : 
" After Consentia is Hipponium, founded by the Locrians. The 
Romans took it from the Bruttii, who were in possession of it at a 
subsequent period, and changed the name into Vibo Valentia. 
And because the meadows in its vicinity are luxuriant and full 
of flowers, it is supposed that Proserpine came over from Sicily to 
gather them, and from thence the custom among the women of 
this city to gather flowers and to plait garlands, prevailed to such 

— 236 — 

an extent, that they now think it shameful to wear purchased 
garlands at the festivals. It also possesses a harbour made by Aga- 
thocles, the Tyrant of Sicily, when he was in possession of the 
town. " 

We may gather further details of this beautiful neighbourhood 
from Athenaeus (XII, 542, p. 249, t. Ill) who quotes from the 
historian Duris of Samos, whose work is carried down to 281 B.C. 
He describes a sacred grove near the city, well watered with 
fountains, and of surpassing beauty, in which was a place called 
the horn of Amalthea, which had been adorned and planned by 
Gelon of Syracuse. 

Athenaeus also quotes a poem in which the tunny fish caught 
in this bay were praised (Lib. VII, 302). 

We know nothing of the history of the city until the year 
390 B.C., when Dionysius sent a fleet commanded by his brother 
Leptinus, and an army which gained the great victory on the banks 
of the Helorus over the combined forces of the Italian Greeks. The 
story of this battle has been told in the chapter on Laiis. The 
citizens of Hipponium must have sided with the other Greek cities 
and have been no longer looked upon as Locrians, for their city 
was taken by Dionysius in 389 B.C., and the citizens exiled to 
Syracuse, where they remained ten years, while their lands had 
been given to the Locrians (Diodorus, XVI, 107). Their release 
appears to have been the result of the victor} 7 of the Carthaginians 
over the forces of Dionysius, but details are not given by Diodorus. 

The earliest coins of Hipponium are those issued by the returned 
exiles about 376 B.C. They bear the head of Hermes on the 
Obverse, and three Reverse types, an eagle on a serpent, an 
amphora, and a caduceus, with the legend CEI or CEin in Sabellian 
or Oscan letters, the use of which may either signify that the 
Bruttians had even at that date some influence, or that the citizens 
wished to commemorate the ancient name borne by the city before 
the Locrian Greeks settled there. 

The Bruttian rule in Hipponium was interrupted by the 
victories of Alexander of Epirus, who took the city from them, 
and from about 330 to 325 B.C., a second series of coins were 
issued, this time with the Greek legend EIPnNIEHN on the 
Reverse, some with the eagle on a fulmen, others with the amphora, 
and others with the interesting new type of Pandina standing, 
holding sceptre and caduceus, or wreath, and some smaller coins 
with a club as type. On the Obverse we have three types, first the 
head of Zeus Olympios, on the second the head of Apollo, and 
on the third the head of a young river-god Rheon. 

The head of Zeus, probably copied from the coins of Alexander, 
appeared on the Obv. ; and the fulmen on the tyL., on which the 
eagle sits, was also on Alexander's coinage. 

— 237 — 

After the death of Alexander in 326 B.C., on the banks of the 
Acheron near Pandosia, described by Livy (lib. VIII), the Bruttians 
appear to have regained their power over the city, and to have held 
it until about 296 B.C., that is for a period of about thirty years. 

About the year 296 Agathocles, the formidable Tyrant of Syracuse, 
crossed over again to Italy and released the citizens of Hipponium 
from the power of the Bruttii. We first htar of Agathocles in Italy 
as coming from Syracuse under his brother Antander, the general 
of the forces sent to assist the Crotoniates against the Bruttians. 
We do not know the date, the duration, nor the issue of this 
expedition, but when Agathocles returned to Syracuse he was one 
of the first held in honour for bravery and military success. An 
account of his wars in Sicily and Africa with the Carthaginians 
may be seen in Chapter XCVII, Part II of Grotes Hist. Gr. When 
he came to Hipponium and Croton about 296 he established an 
alliance with Demetrius Poliorcetes, and gave his daughter Lanassa 
in marriage to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. Arnold (chapter XXXV 
Hist. Rome) briefly tells the sad story of his latter years. Hipponium 
was evidently regarded by him as a strong base for his war in 
Italy, and the building of the harbour, spoken of by Strabo, was 
necessary as a refuge for his ships of war, and as a safe landing-place 
for his troops. The harbour also served to render secure the export 
of timber from the neigbouring forests, and for building and 
repairing his ships. Agathocles died in 289 B.C., and soon after- 
wards the garrison left by him in Hipponium was defeated by the 

The coins which we may associate with the name of Agathocles 
were issued between 296 and 289 B.C., that is during a brief period 
of about seven years. 

On the Obverse we see the head of Pallas wearing a Corinthian 
helmet, and the legend IflTElPA, in reference to the salvation 
of the Greeks from the Bruttians, and on the Reverse a figure of 
Nike standing, sometimes with the legend NIKE, but all bear the 
legend EirnNIEflN. 

Livy tells us that the Carthaginians devastated all the country 
round, and the inhabitants enjoyed no peace until the Romans, in 
192 B.C., settled a colony of 4000 settlers, including 300 knights, 
(Livy, XXXV, 40) and changed the name of the city to Valentia, 
or as Strabo calls it 'Oj^wva OjaXev-ra (VI, 256). 

Vibo is evidently the Bruttian name of Hippo to which the Romans 
added Valentia. 

The town seems to have flourished after the Romans settled 
there, for Cicero calls it a noble and illustrious municipium (in 
Verrem, V, 16) " ipsis autem Valentinis ex tarn illustri nobilique 
municipio ". 

— 238 — 

The coins of the Roman Valentia consisted of the Roman series 
of bronze : the As, the Semis, Triens, Quadrans, Sextans, Uncia, 
and Semiuncia ; they are described in the following table of the 

CLASS I. 379-354 B.C. 

Coins of the returned exiles. 

i. JE. Size .85. Obv. Head of Hermes to right, wearing petasos 
tied under the chin. 

Rev. CEI. An eagle to right, with closed wings, holding 
serpent with its claws and beak. 

2. JE. Size .7. Obv. Same type as no 1, but with traces of 

Rev. An amphora. 

3. JE. Size .65. Obv. CEI. Same type. 
Rev. A caduceus; on some, a border of dots. 

CLASS II. 330-325 B.C. 

Coins issued under Alexander of Epirus. 

4. JE. Size .8. Obv. AIOI OAYMPIOY. 
Head of Zeus to right, laureate : border of dots. 
Rev. EirflNIEflN. Eagle on fulmen, wings spread. 

5. JE. Size .75. Obv. AIOZ. Same type as no 4. 

Rev. innNIEON. Amphora : in field to right a torch, 

On some specimens I- on obverse beneath head to left. 

6. JE. Size .65. Obv. Head of Apollo to right, laureate. 
Behind, AM : border ol dots. 


Pandina standing to left, wearing long chiton with diploi'dion and 
holding whip ? and sceptre. 

On some specimens a cantharos behind head on Obv. and Rev. ; 
in the field to left, a star of eight rays. 

7. JE. Size .4. Obv. Head of a young river-god PEON. 
Rev. A club. EIPHNEIflN. 

CLASS III. 296 B.C. 

Coins issued under Agathocles. 

8. JE. Size .85. Obv. IflTEIPA. Head of Pallas to right, 
wearing crested Corinthian helmet, on which a griffin, or a sea-horse, 
or Scylla, or with no device. 

Rev. EIPHNIEflN. Nike standing to left wearing long chiton 

— 239 — 

with diploidion, holding wreath and sceptre; beneath the left arm, 
II, probably marks of value : these are absent on some specimens. 
On some specimens NIKA in field to left and a crab. 


The coins of VIBO VALENTIA issued by the Romans. 

i. As. JE. Size i.i, Obv. Head of Zeus to right, laureate. 

Behind, I. Border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. A winged thunderbolt placed perpendicularly; 
in the field to right, I, and a lyre : border of dots. 

The symbols vary as : a staff ending in the head of a boar, a 
crescent, a bee, a star of twelve rays, a vase without handles. 

2. Semis. Size .8. Obv. Female head, most probably Hera, to 
right, hair long, wearing stephane, earring and necklace ; behind, 
S : border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. Double cornucopiae, lower points turned to left, 
in the field to right CO, and crescent : border of dots. 

On some specimens S and star of six rays, or S and a lyre. 

Or with lower points turned to right, and in field to left a bull 
butting to left and S. 

Other symbols are : a cray-fish, a star of twelve rays, a tripod, a 
dolphin, wreath-bearing Nike. 

3. Triens. Size .17. Obv. Head of Pallas wearing crested 
Corinthian helmet, earring and necklace : behind, : : border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. An owl to right, in front, : on some 
specimens a star of six rays, above or below, or at the right of mark 
of value. 

On others a vase with two small handles, or a bull butting to 

Obv. Head of Demeter : . 

Reverse. Cornucopiae : . 

4. Quadrans. Size .65. Obv. Head of bearded Heracles to 
right wearing lion's skin ; behind : : border ol dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. Two clubs upwards, the handles united; in 
field to left a star of six rays, and • : border of dots. 

On some specimens the symbols are a plough to left upwards, a 
bull butting to left. 

On some coins is a plain border. 

5. Sextans. Size .5. Obv. Laureate head of Apollo to right; 
behind, ; : border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. Lyre, in field to right '. : plain border. 
On some specimens a bull butting beneath '. . 

— 240 — 

6. Uncia. Size .45. Obv. Head of Artemis to right; over her 
shoulder a quiver, and • : border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. Hound running to right; above, •: plain 

7. Semiuncia. Size .4. Obv. Head ot Hermes to right wearing 
winged diadem; behind, i : border of dots. 

Rev. VALENTIA. Caduceus; in field to left i : border of dots. 

— 241 — 


After Naples, Rhegium, among the cities of Magna Graecia, is most 
frequently visited by English travellers, as it is a port at which the 
steamboats call which ply between Messina and Naples. It is situated 
nearly opposite to Messina on the coast of Bruttium, at a point 
where the straits are only about six miles in width. 

The account of the foundation of the city is thus given by Strabo 
in Book VI: " Rhegium was founded by certain Chalcidenses, who, 
as they say, were decimated as an offering to Apollo in a time ol 
scarcity, by order of an oracle, and afterwards removed hither 
from Delphi, taking with them certain others from home. As 
Antiochus says, the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidenses, and 
appointed Antimnestus chief over them. Certain fugitives of the 
Messenians of Peloponnesus accompanied this colony..." "These 
fugitives had fled to Macistus whence they sent for instructions to 
the oracle of Apollo who commanded them to accompany the 
Chalcidenses to Rhegium. They obeyed the oracle and thus it was 
that the rulers of the Rhegians were all of the Messenian race until 
the time of Anaxilas, " that is until 494 B.C. 

The oldest Greek colony in Italy is said to have been Cuuue 
near to Naples, and this was also of Chalcidian origin. It is there- 
fore probable that the two later colonies of Zancle and Rhegium 
were assisted by the Cumajans, who were thus enabled to secure a 
free passage for their ships through the straits between the main- 
land and Sicily. 

From Pausanias (IV, 26, §4) we gather that the date of the 
foundation of Rhegium was before 720 B.C. that is shortly after 
the first Messenian war. Strabo says : " It was called Rhegium either, 
as ./Eschylus says, because of the convulsion which had taken place 
in this region ; for Sicily was broken from the continent by earth- 
quakes... Whence it was called Rhegium. " 

He goes on to mention, but refuses to discuss, other derivations, 
such as that from the "Samnite word Regium which signifies 
royal ". The word for the sea breaking upon the beach was pr^y.^ 
and for a chasm or cleft pr-^.y. ; the verb ^tqyvujm was used by 
Plato of the breaking of the earth by an earthquake. 

The root once had the digamma, hence the Latin frango fregi, 
and indeed our English " break ". 

Hands. 16 

— 242 — 

Recent events have shown how appropriate the name of the 
town would have been in this connection. 

Until 494 B.C. when Anaxilas began to rule, the laws of the 
city were those of the Sicilian Charondas who influenced all the 
Chalcidian cities of Sicily. From Aristotle we gather they were 
framed for an aristocratic government ; from Athenasus that they 
were put forth in verse ; and from Stobaeus that by his laws all com- 
merce was to be conducted by ready-money payments, the govern- 
ment refusing to aid those who lost money by giving credit. 

Charondas is also said to have been the first to have proposed the 
prosecution of false witnesses. 

The governing body consisted of a thousand of the wealthiest 
citizens, generally those of Messenian origin. According to Iambli- 
chus the Pythagorean brotherhood became firmly established in 
Rhegium, and after the death of their master the city became their 

In the chapter on the coins of Croton we have seen how 
probable it is that the flat early coins with the incuse reverse 
types were all issued under the influence of the Pythagoreans. The 
earliest coins of Rhegium may therefore be regarded as evidence 
of the truth of the account given by Iamblicus. 

The only incident known of this early period appears to be the 
reception at Rhegium about the year 543 B.C. of the Phocaean fugi- 
tives from Corsica. Who were sent on by the advice of the citizens 
to found a city on the site afterwards called Velia. Theagenes the 
Philosopher, who is said to have been the first to write a book on 
Homer, was born in Rhegium. He is said to have been contempor- 
ary with Cambyses who died 521 B.C. (Euseb, Pracp. Evang., X, 
11. Suidas s. v. Theag.). 

The time of the greatest prosperity of Rhegium seems to 
have been that during which the city was ruled by Anaxilas, who, 
according to Diodorus, began to reign in 494 B.C. At about that 
time many fugitives from Samos and other Ionian cities, driven 
forth by the Persians, took possession of Zancle. They had been 
invited by the men of that city to come and colonize a site called 
Cale Acte, but Anaxilas persuaded them to seize Zancle. Herodo- 
tus tells the story fully (VI, 22, 23) and Thucydides (VI, 4) 
tells us that Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, not long after expelled 
the Samians, colonized the city with a mixed population, and 
changed its name to Messana, after his own native land. Anaxilas 
had married Cydippe, a daughter of Terillus of Himera, and in 
480 B.C. went to the assistance of his father-in-law against 
Theron (Herodotus VII, 165). The daughter of Anaxilas was 
married to Hieron of Syracuse, and we may regard it as likely that 
she may have met at his court the poets Aeschylus and Pindar. 

— 243 — 

The influence of Hieron was great enough to prevent Anaxilas 
from prosecuting his quarrel with the Locrians. From Thucydides 
we gather that Locri had always been a rival, and as we shall see 
later, this rivalry was carried on for many generations. According to 
Justin (IV, 2) Anaxilas had the reputation of being one of the 
mildest and most equitable of all the rulers of Rhegium. 

It was soon after Hieron's successful effort to keep the peace that 
Anaxilas died in 476 B.C. when the government was carried on, 
during the minority of his two sons, by Micythus, a manumitted 
slave, who ruled both Rhegium and Messana with justice and mod- 
eration for nine years, that is until 467 B.C. 

During the reign of Micythus the Rhegians sent three thousand 
men to assist the Tarentines against the Iapygians, and lost the 
greater part of them in the defeat suffered by the Tarentines in 
473 B.C. 

When Micythus retired to Tegea in Arcadia the two sons of 
Anaxilas began their brief reign of six years, for, in 461 B.C. they 
were expelled from the city by the same political upheaval which 
affected so many other cities of Magna Graecia. 

The Rhegians are said by Justin to have suffered much from party 
strife after the expulsion of the tyrants, but his account is uncor- 
roborated and not quite trustworthy. 

Thucydides (III, 86) relates that in 427 B.C. thirty-four years 
after the fall of the tyrants, the Athenians sent a fleet under Laches 
and Charoeades, to support the Leontines against Syracuse, and this 
fleet w r as allowed to make its head-quarters at Rhegium and was 
assisted with a considerable force. This action brought the Rhegians 
into collision with their old enemies the Locrians. 

In 415 B.C. however, when the Athenians sent their great 
expedition to Syracuse, the Rhegians refused to take any part in the 
contest, and remained neutral to the end. Sixteen years later, 
when Dionysius of Syracuse was at war with the Chalcidian cities 
of Sicily, the men of Rhegium fitted out a force of fifty triremes, 
6000 foot, and 600 horsemen to oppose him, but when the 
Messenians withdrew from the alliance the Rhegians made peace. 

Dionysius, who was then preparing for war with the Carthagi- 
nians, desired their friendship, and proposed a matrimonial alliance, 
but was roughly rejected, whereupon he turned to their rivals the 
Locrians and married Doris, the daughter of one of their rulers. 
In 363 B.C. Dionysius took Messana and fortified it as a starting 
point from w T hich he might attack Rhegium. Three years later he 
appeared before the city, with 20,000 foot and 1,000 horsemen, and 
blocked the harbour with 120 triremes. In 389 B.C. Dionysius 
won his great victory over the Italian Greek armies on the banks of 
the river Helorus, and Rhegium was allowed a truce on payment of 

— 244 — 

three hundred talents and seventy triremes. Next year however 
the siege was renewed and the city subdued. The survivors were 
sold as slaves and their general Phyton barbarously slain (Grote, cap. 
lxxxiii). On the death of Dionysius in 367 B.C. his son restored 
the ruined city and placed therein a garrison. In 351 B.C. the city 
was taken by the Syracusans and the survivors restored. 

The Corinthian general Timoleon crossed over from Rhegium in 
344 B.C. and advanced to Syracuse, where Dionysius was shut up 
in the citadel. Timoleon succeeded in winning Syracuse, and 
repeopling it with colonists from Corinth. In 339 he won his great 
victory over the Carthaginians, on the Crimesus. The influence of 
Corinth and of the Corinthians who came to Sicily under the rule 
of Timoleon is seen in the Corinthian staters issued in Rhegium 
about this time. 

When Pyrrhus came into Italy, in 280 B.C., the men of 
Rhegium entered into an alliance with the Romans and received 
a body of 4000 Campanian mercenaries into the city under a 
leader named Decius, but these soon after slew all the male 
inhabitants, and reduced the women and children to slavery. 

In 270 B.C., ten years afterwards, the Roman Consul Genucius 
took the city after a long siege, and slew the Campanian garrison. 
The city never recovered its former prosperity. During the second 
Punic war the city continued faithful to Rome, and was accounted 
one of the federated cities. 

The coins of this city afford excellent illustrations of its history; 
for instance, the period of the Pythagorean rule is illustrated by 
the flat coins with incuse reverses of the period 530-494, the 
influence of the Samian colonists may be seen in the types of the 
lion's head which appear on the coinage from 494 to 480 B.C. and 
the influence of the celebrated despot Anaxilas is seen in the types 
of the mule-car and hare on the coinage from 480 to 468 B.C. 

The influence of the Democracy is seen in the types of the local 
rural god which prevailed between 469 and 41 5 B.C. The influence 
of Sicily is perhaps seen on the coins with the Apollo type issued 
between 415 and 389, the year of the destruction of the city by 
Dionysius. Probably the Corinthian staters which were circulated 
between 450 and 270 are evidences of the influence of the Corinth- 
ian Timoleon, as the rare silver coins with the head of Apollo 
issued between 270 and 203 were witness to the continued 
influence of Sicily. 


Julius Pollux, who occupied the chair of rhetoric at Athens in the 
reign of Commodus, tells us that Anaxilas, the tyrant of Rhegium, 
having won a victory at Olympia with his mule-car, introduced the 

— 245 — 

car and a hare on the coinage of Rhegium (V, 75, p. 261* 
Ed. Dindorf) b\).z\i ok v.xl '0\6[nzia v'.y.Vjsac shc^vi), tg> 1 z''j.y.-.'. :wv 
PrjY^vwv EveTUTCweev oitfQvqv /.a'. Xaywv. 

The races with mule-cars are celebrated by Pindar in his fifth 
Olympian ode, in which he says : "The sweet record of exalted 
deeds of valour, and of crowns won at Olympia, with patient-foot- 
ed mules receive, daughter of Ocean. " Pindar's fourth Ode is also 
written for the same victor, Psaumis of Sicily, for his mule-car 
victory won in the year 452 B.C. 

In his fourth Pythian ode, written for the King of Cyrene, Arces- 
ilas, a mule-car is also mentioned. Pelias is represented as "coming 
in head-long haste on his mules and polished car ". 


The seated male figure on the reverse of the coins issued by the 
Democracy has been thought by some to represent the Demos, by 
others the founder Iocastos, and by others the rural god Aristaeus. 
The attribution of the figure to Demos was made by Raoul 
Rochette in 1840, and those who have followed his suggestion note 
that it would be a natural object for a type made by a democratic 
government. The somewhat similar figure on the coins of Tarentum 
has been claimed as having the same meaning, 

In our consideration of this attribution we have two investigations 
to make, first as to the history of the representations in Greek art 
of such personifications, and secondly the witness of coins as to the 
date of the first introduction of such figures on coin-types. 

In the East and in Egypt pictorial representations of cities were 
wrought at a very early date, long before they were adopted by the 

Among the Hellenes we never find an attempt to represent 
a perspective view of the walls or building of a city; they were so 
much interested in human personality that a city was thought of 
as having the character of its inhabitants which could only be 
depicted by a personification of their character. 

— 246 — 

The Greek cities were so much smaller than those of our times 
that they could be fairly represented in this manner. The earliest 
distinctive characteristic being religious, the deity worshipped was 
chosen as the emblem. The next was probably the founder or 
o\y.'.7-r,:, and then an allegorical figure, and the latest emblem was 
the Tyche or Fortuna. 

The earliest statue of a city personified appears to be that of which 
we read in Herodotus VIII. 121 (circa 478 B.C.) " After that they 
divided the booty, and sent the first fruits to Delphi, from which a 
statue was made, holding the beak of a ship in its hand, and twelve 
cubits in height ". The painter Panaenus (circa 448 B. C.) painted a 
picture of Hellas and Salamis on the base of the statue of Zeus 
(Pausanias V, 11); in this picture Salamis also holds the prow of a 
ship in her hand. 

The earliest known existing example of a relief with such a 
personification of a city, happens to be a representation of the city 
Messene. It is an archaic figure standing to right with arms out- 
stretched, and on her head a lofty crown. By the shape of the letters 
inscribed thereon ME22 [••••] it is attributed to 450 B.C. After 
454 B. C. the Messenians were fugitives. It is evidently the people 
rather than the city which the artist desired to commemorate. 
Sicily is personified on one of these Athenian reliefs, but with the 
appearance of Demeter, and holding a torch. 

Another relief represents the city Heraclea of Magna Graecia 
by a figure of Heracles himself. On the alliance coins oi the cities 
of Asia Minor under the Roman Empire the cities were represented 
by the deities worshipped by the citizens. 

Allegorical figures were represented on the chest of Cypselus 
described in Pausanias, V, 17 on which we see Night carrying her 
children Death and Sleep, Justice scourging Injustice, Eris and 

On an Athenian relief is a figure of Eutaxia, or Good Order. 
A statue of Arete was made by Euphranor who was working till 
after 336 B. C. ; he made another of Hellas crowned by Valour. He 
was also a painter and made a picture of Democracy and Demos and 
Pharasius painted a figure of Demos, which Pliny records. 

Agoracritus made a statue of Nemesis between 370-360 B.C. 
Lysippus wrought a statue of Kairos, Time, or perhaps Opportu- 
nity (Callistr. Stat., p. 698), but this was during the time of 
Alexander, when allegorical figures became more common. 

In the earlier works the emblems were fused with, and incorpor- 
ated in the design of the figure itself, but later the artists multi- 
plied external, and easily understood, symbols. In poetry and liter- 
ature emblematic figures are found, as in the Persae of Aeschylus, 
in the Helena of Euripides, and the Demos in the Knights of Aris- 

— 247 — 

tophanes, and Aristotle's description of the robe of Alcimenes of 
Sybaris (ed. Didot, IV, 90). He shews there were figures of Zeus, 
Hera, Themis, Athena, Apollo, and Aphrodite, and at each side 
Alcimenes himself and the city of Sybaris in person, but we do not 
know how it was represented. 

Let us now turn to the coins and note the dates at which the 
personification of the Demos appears. The earliest coin which has 
been considered by some to represent the Demos is that of Taren- 
tum on which a seated figure appears holding a distaff or kantharos. 
But the legend TAPAZ suggests that we have here rather a figure 
of the founder than of the Demos. 

No seated figure like these on the coins of Rhegium orTarentum 
bears the legend AEMOZ. The head on the coin of Melos bearing 
that legend was not issued until circa 200 B.C. 

The legend O AEMOI, on the stater of Athens without a repre- 
sentation of the figure, was not issued until circa 86 B.C. 

About forty-five coins of the Imperial period bear the legend 
AEMOZ, but there are apparently no instances of this legend at the 
time of the third period of the coins of Rhegium. Moreover all the 
allegorical subjects of a like nature found on the coin-types are later 
than 460 B. C; as for instance that of Roma on the coins of Locri 
Epizyphyrii, or that of 2IKEAIA on those of Alaesa. 

The figure of EAEYOEPIA found on a coin of Cyzicus issued early 
in the fourth century is looked upon as the earliest allegorical coin- 

From a consideration of the history of personification in Greek 
art we might expect to find such work familiar to the coin-engravers, 
but from the witness of the coins, we gather that the introduction 
of the Demos design was later than that of the portrait of the 
founder, who however may have been looked upon as sharing the 
character of the Demos. In Greek cities there was generally a temple 
dedicated to the founder, whose bones were buried in the market- 
place. The citizens appealed to him for help especially when invaders 
threatened their city. 

Much valuable information on the personification and allegor- 
ical figures in Greek art will be found in an article by Mr. P. 
Gardner " Countries and Cities in ancient Art ", vol. IX, p. 47, 
Journal of Hellenic Studies. 


Seeing that the figures on the coins of Tarentum and Rhegium 
more probably represent the founder than the Demos, we ask what 
may be known of the founder of Rhegium? We learn from Dio- 
nysius Periegetes, who lived about the end of the fourth century 

- 2 4 8 - 

A.D. ; fromTzetzes, and from Diodorus(V, 8), that the founder of 
Rhegium was Iocastos the son of Eolus. That he died from the 
effects of a snake-bite we learn from HeraclidesPont (XXV), a pupil 
of Plato (Miiller, Fragm. Hist. Graec, II, p. 219) " Rhegium was 
founded by Chalcidians who had left Euripason account of a pesti- 
lence; they were aided by Messenians, who settled down first near 
the grave of Iocastos, one of the sons of Eolus, whom they say died 
from the bite of a snake" (ov ©aorv arcoGavsiv tcXyjysvto! 6-b opa/.cv-oc). 
The fact that his brothers were commemorated on coins of Messann 
and Tyndaris renders it likely that Iocastos should likewise be 
made the subject of a type. The brothers' names were Pheraimon 
and Agathurnos. 

In the Num. Chron. for 1896, Part. IV, Third series, No 72 is an 
article by M. J. P. Six in French, on the subject of this type, in 
which he shows some reasons for regarding the seated figure as 
representing Iocastos. 

M. Six regards some of the details of the garments, and of the 
seat on which the figure is seated as representing the snake alluded 
to in the legend. A snake does occur under the seat on a coin in 
the Cabinet at Paris, but this he looks upon as a personal symbol 
of a magistrate; in the same way he regards all the other objects 
which appear under the seat on various coins. One fact to which 
M. Six draws our attention is very interesting ; he notes that in 
the year 493 B. C. Pythagoras the sculptor came to Rhegium, and 
he suggests that the figure on these staters may be a representation 
of a piece of sculpture executed by him for the market-place or 
some temple in the city. 

From a careful study of the photographs of these coins given on 
plate VIII in the Num. Chron., for 1897, and from a study of the 
coins in the British Museum, it is very doubtful whether any trace 
of a snake on either the seat, or the staff, or the garments of the 
seated figure can be found. The only coin which does clearly show 
a snake is regarded by M. Six as presenting us with a magistrate's 
symbol. There is a brass coin in the British Museum (Cat., No 87) 
on which a standing figure bears a sceptre, round which perhaps 
there is a serpent, the word serpent is marked "?" in the cata- 

This M. Six claims as a figure of Iocastos. The important point 
in this discussion appears to be the character of the objects under 
the seat, and their relation to the main type. D r B. V. Head and 
Mr. E. J. Seltman consider these objects to be related intimately 
to the main type, and therefore not to be magistrates' symbols. 

We thus are led to consider the third attribution of the figure 
which has found favour, viz. that to Aristaeus. 

— 249 — 


In the Historia Numorum, p. 94, Dr. B. V. Head writes concern- 
ing this figure: "For my own part I am inclined to look upon him 
as a divinity of the nature of Agreus or Aristaeus, the Patron ol 
rural life and pursuits. The shepherd's dog, the duck, and the crow, 
frequently seen under or beside his seat, would thus stand in some 
sort of intimate relation to the main type; whereas, if the figure is 
Demos they must be regarded merely as adjunct symbols unconnected 
with the principal figure. " 

On similar types, such as that of Pandosia, or that of Epidaurus, 
we cannot separate the dog from the figures of Pan, or iEsculapius. 
Mr. Seltman notices that the hare on the earlier coins of Rhegium 
was a symbol of the god Pan, and that when the Democracy 
changed the type of their city's coinage they preserved a religious 
idea although they gave it a more local form. The god Aristaeus 
had many of the characteristics of the god Pan, and the cult of 
Aristaeus seems to have been especially prominent in Magna 

Agreus was a surname given to Pan, as well as to Aristaeus. In 
Virgil (Georg. I, 14), he is distinguished from Pan " and thou, 
tenant of the groves for whom three hundred snow white bullocks 
crop Cea's fertile thickets : thou, too O Pan, guardian of the 
sheep.... draw nigh propitious ". Again in Georg. IV, 315, Virgil 
asks : " What god, ye muses, what god, disclosed to us this art? 
Whence took this new experience of men its rise ? " And the answer 
is " The shepherd Aristaeus flying from Peneian Tempe, having 
lost his bees by disease and famine, stood mournful and oft com- 
plaining, and with these accents addressed his parent: Mother 
Cyrene. ... Lo I, though thou art my mother, am even bereft of 
this very glory of my mortal life, which amidst my watchful care 
of flocks and agriculture, I after infinite essays with much difficulty 
achieved ". Virgil ends the story by saying he was at Neapolis when 
he wrote these lines. 

The most ancient reference to Aristaeus is found in Pindar's 
ninth Pythian ode. The poet was born about 522 B.C. and lived 
until about 442 B.C. In 473 Pindar visited the court ofHieron, 
staving there about four years. 

The coins, on which is the figure probably representing 
Aristaeus, were issued between 481 and 475 B. C, and were there- 
fore in use during the lifetime of Pindar. In that ode the poet tells 
the story of the'birth of a child borne to Apollo by Cyrene; he 
says the " goddesses of the seasons setting down the infant on their 
lap, shall regard him as an immortal, a Zeus, or a holy Apollo, a 

— 250 — 

most ready help to men whom he loves, and a tender of sheep; so 
that some shall call him Agreas, and Nomius, and others Aristc-eus ". 

Aristaeus is also mentioned by Apollonius of Rhodes (III, 507), 
and by Diodorus IV, 81. We have then in this cult an idea more 
refined than that presented by Pan, more akin to the worship of 
Apollo, who was himself connected with the care of sheep, as we 
have seen in the chapter on Metapontum. The coins of that city 
bearing his head are later, circ. 400 B. C. 

On the later coins of this series the figure seated on the rocks is 
represented with a youthful beardless head, diademed, whereas on 
the earlier coins the head is bearded. This later representation with 
the youthful head is in harmony with the connection of the god 
Aristaeus as the son of Apollo. 

The son of Apollo was endowed with gifts of prophecy and 
healing, the Nymphs taught him the culture of bees and olive 
groves. At Cyrene he creates the Silphium. In Ceos he aided the 
islanders to escape the influence of the dog star. In Thrace he was 
associated with the culture of the vine, and with the orgies of Dio- 
nysus. In Syracuse his figure was placed in the temple of that god. 
Everywhere he was regarded as the protector of herds and flocks 
and the guardian of hunters. 

On one very rare drachm, specimens of which may be seen at 
Berlin and at Paris, the seated figure is represented with his head 
bent down and resting on his right hand in an attitude of repose. 

Now Pan was thought to rest and slumber at noontide in 
the woodland glades, and we have seen how intimately Aristaeus 
was connected with that god. Another coin at Paris represents the 
figure turning round, as if vexed at being disturbed, and may be 
regarded as a similar expression of this belief in the identity of the 
nature of Pan and Aristaeus. 


1. Four varieties of staff may be noted, first a simple straight 
rod, then a pedum or shepherd's crook, with bent head, then a 
rough staff, as if cut from a bough, and lastly a budding staff. 
The pedum would be just what we should expect to find in the 
hand of Aristaeus No^icg. The rough staff may represent an olive- 
bough, the culture of which was under his care. 

2. The wreath which encloses the type is most probably meant 
for an olive-wreath, because of the bent and curved leaves found 
therein. If it had been meant for a laurel-wreath the leaves would 
have been all straight and stiff. 

3. The cup or kantharos is seen in the right hand of the figure, 
when the staff is resting on the left shoulder. 


4. The patera for wine libations is also found in his hand on 
some specimens. These emblems are such as we might expect in 
the hands of Aristaeus, who was taught by Dionysus, and some- 
times shared the honours of his temples, as at Syracuse. 

5. A star appears on a drachm in the collection of Mr. E. J. 
Seltman, it is seen under the seat, and probably represents the Dog- 
star, Sirius. 

6. The dog of the shepherd or hunter Aristaeus is seen on a coin 
in the British Museum, and on another in Berlin; as it is represented 
turning to look up at its master; it is probably meant for the 
shepherd's dog rather than the dog Sirius. 

7. A panther cub playing with a ball, seen beneath the seat on a 
coin in Berlin, is probably a Dionysiac symbol having reference to 
the connection of Aristaeus with that deity. 

8. A crane is seen on another coin in the Berlin cabinet, and as 
the symbol of the all-seeing eye of the god of light, the witness of 
all that goes on on earth, it is a suitable emblem of the son of 

9. The raven was as a symbol the bird of prophecy, and was 
sacred to Apollo. 

10. The water-bird may perhaps be introduced as a symbol of 
all the creatures of the wilds which were under the protection of 
Aristaeus. The bird may have been chosen because numbers of sea- 
fowl approach the shores of Rhegium, especially in stormy weather. 

n. The serpent may be regarded as a fitting emblem of the 
healer Aristaeus, the son of Apollo. 

12. The vine-branch with grapes, found on a coin in the Paris 
Cabinet, is a common Dionysiac symbol; it is the only one not 
placed under or close behind the figure. 

13. A doubtful object on a coin in Mr. Seltman's collection is 
regarded by him as either a fir-cone, the fruit of a tree sacred to 
Sylvan deities, or a half-open blossom of the Silphium, which was 
regarded as the gift of Aristaeus to Cyrene. If we consider these 
objects or even many of them to be united in design with the main 
figure in the type, it is difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion 
that we should regard the figure as a representation of a local rural 

But it is not necessary to conclude that the type represents any 
one of these three ideas alone. 'We see that Heracles was not 
only the founder but also the guardian spirit of Croton. On some 
of the coins of that city we see, in a similar type to this of Rhegium, 
Heracles seated, and with the legend OSKSMTAM OIKIITAI . It 
is possible both Mr. Seltman and M. Six may be right, in as far as 
they do not altogether exclude the ideas which they reject as the 
principal motive of the design. 

— 252 — 

On a relief representing an alliance between Athens and Methone, 
a colony of Eretria in Euboea, the founder and hero was represented 
as a hunter and shepherd (Plut. Quaest. Gr. 11). 

Iocastos, the son of Eolus, may have been regarded as a hunter and 
shepherd, and as the guardian spirit of the town, may have had some 
of the attributes of Pan or Aristaeus ascribed to him. The name bv 
which the Rhegians called him we do not know, but the rural 
character of the local spirit is sufficiently indicated by the design. 

Some of the bronze coins of Rhegium illustrate a passage in the 
Acts of the Apostles (XXVIII n, 12). "And after three months we 
set sail in a ship of Alexandria which had wintered in the island, 
whose sign was l The Twin Brothers '. And touching at Svracuse 
we tarried there three days. And from thence we made a circuit, 
and arrived at Rhegium ; and after one day a south wind sprang up 
and on the second day we came to Puteoli. " 

The Dioscuri, the protectors of sailors, were much worshipped at 
Rhegium, and the mariners who put in there were accustomed to 
pay their vows to the Twin Brothers in their temple. 

The figure-heads on the ship which carried St. Paul were probably 
very like those which appear on these bronze coins. 

PERIOD I. 530-494 B.C. 

Obv. RECINON (retrograde). Bull with human face. 

Rev. Bull with human face, incuse. 

Drachms weighing 87 grains. 

The weight standard is that of the Chalcidie cities, Aeginetic, and 
the conformity of the coinage to the Achaean colonies is only 
outward as to type and fabric, Croton and Sybaris being too 
distant to influence the weight standard. 

It is strange that all these Chalcidian cities should have followed 
the Aeginetic standard for their coinage, instead of the Euboic as we 
should naturally have expected. D r Imhoof-Blumer considers the early 
coins, weighing about 92grains, should be looked upon as Euboicocto- 
bols or Thirds of the Euboic tetradrachm of 270 grains, slightly over 
weight. Dr Head (on page l of the introduction to his Historia 
Numoruni) suggests that the unexpected choice of the Aeginetic stan- 
dard may be accounted for by the fact that the early settlers were not 
nearly all men of Euboea. Chalcis was the port from which they 
embarked, but a great number of the colonists may have been drawn 
from other cities of Greece where the Aeginetic standard was in use, 
for Aegina was still at that time one of the greatest naval powers of 
the Greek world. Strabo mentions that among the early settlers were 
men of Messene who had been driven from their homes; they first 

— 253 — 

settled at Macistus but moved on to join the Chalcidian colonists 
at Rhegium; these men would have been accustomed to the Aegi- 
netic standard. 

PERIOD II. 494-476 B.C. 

The coinage of Anaxilas. 
Drachms of Aeginetic weight, 88 grains. 
Obv. Lion's scalp: border of dots. 
Rev. NOD3A. Calf's head to left: border of dots. 

Tetradrachms of Attic weight, 272 grains. 

Obv. Lion's head facing. 

Rev. RECINON (retrograde). CalPs head to left. 

Obv. Lion's scalp, facing, on round shield. 

Rev. No inscription. Prow of Samian galley (267 grs). 

This last coin was found at Messina and its weight is not that 
prevalent at Samos. The type however was probably introduced by 
the colonists from that island. It seems therefore probable that the 
name of Zancle was changed to Messene while the city was 
occupied by the Samians. 

Thucydides (vi, 4) asserts that the change of name occurred after 
their expulsion, but Herodotus (vn, 164) does not give the exact 
date of the change. 

Tetradrachms of the mule-car type. 261-265 grains. 

Obv. Mule-car (a-r ( w;) to right, driven by a seated bearded 
charioteer, holding reins and goad : border or dots. 

Rev. NONDEfl. A hare running to right : border of dots. In 
the exergue of the Obverse, on some specimens, is an olive-leaf. 

Drachms weighing 62 to 64 grains. 

Obv. Same type as former. 

Rev. Same type and border, KD3fl or RECINON. 

Obols weighing 11.6 grains. 

Obv. A hare running to right: border of dots. 

Rev. D3fl within a border of dots. 

— 254 — 

PERIOD III. 461-415 B.C. 

Coins bearing seated figure to left. 

Tetradrachms weighing from 258 to 267 grains. 

Obv. Lion's scalp : border of dots. 

Rev. RECINOS. Male figure, bearded, naked to waist, seated 
to left, his right hand resting on staff, his left resting on hip: the 
whole within an olive-wreath : 

Varieties (a) Obv. In field to right a bunch of grapes. 

(b) Obv. Above each eye-brow a small circle enclosing three 

(c) Obv. In field to left a sprig of olive and fruit. 

(d) Obv. In field to right a sprig of olive with two fruits. 

(a) 1$L. Legend retrograde. 

(b) tyL. A dog beneath seat to left. 

(c) $L. A duck beneath seat to left. 

(d) I^L. The seated figure is youthful, wearing diadem. 
Drachms weighing 64 grains. 

Types the same as on the tetradrachms. 
Obols ? weighing 15 grains. 
Obv. Lion's scalp. 
Rev. 0351. Within a border of dots. 
Obols. Weighing from 10 to n grains. 
Obv. Lion's scalp and border. 
In field to right an ivy-leaf. 

Rev. RECI within an olive-wreath. Variety without the olive- 
leaf on Obv. 

PERIOD IV. 415-387 B.C. 

The period of the finest art. 
Tetradrachms weighing 265 to 268 grains. 
Obv. A lion's scalp : border of dots. 

- 255 — 

Rev. PHTINflN. Head of Apollo to right, laureate, hair turned 
up at back of neck ; behind, a sprig of olive. 

Variety : Obv. Same type but the lion's mane is arranged in 
a double ridge on the top of the head. 

Rev. Same type and symbol but the legend PHTINOZ and 

in front of head the name of the engraver in small letters */!£.!_ 

or KPATHIIPPO, according to Garrucci, or K ••• E(-iv.). Cf. Greek 
and Roman Coins by G. F. Hill, p. 195. Confer also p. 173. 
" Notes sur les signatures de graveurs sur les monnaies grecques ", 
by L. Forrer '. 

Drachms weighing 61 to 63 grains. 

Obv. Lion's scalp. 

Rev. PHTINON. Head of Apollo as on Tetradrachms. 

Half Drachms ? Weighing 32.8 grains. 
Obv. Lion's scalp. 

Rev. PH. A sprig to right consisting of two leaves with two 
olives : border of dots. 

Obols weighing from n to 13 grains. 

Obv. Lion's scalp. 

Rev. Same type as Half drachms. 

Tetradrachms at end of this period, after 350 B.C. 

Obv. Lion's scalp : border of dots. 


1 . The specimen of this coin (rom the De Luynes Collection distinctly reads 


, leaving no doubt as to the correct reading of this signature (L. F.). 

— 256 — 

Head of Apollo to left or to right, laureate, with hair long i 
behind, a sprig of olive and either border of dots or plain border. 

PERIOD V. 270-203 B.C. 

A coin weighing 26-8 grs. described as a two litrae piece. 

Obv. Head of Apollo to left with hair long; behind, a dolphin 
head downwards : border of dots. 

Rev. Head of lion facing : border of dots : PHTI NHN. This 
coin found in the Lipari isles was described by Mr. Geo. Macdonald 
in Num. Cbron., p. 189, 1896. 


We may conveniently classify the bronze coins into four classes 
according to the Obverse types. 

I. Those bearing a lion's scalp. 

II. Those bearing a head of Apollo. 

III. Those bearing a head of Artemis. 

IV. Those bearing the mark of value on the Reverse, that is, of 
the Quincunx, the Quadrans and the Triens. 


1. Size .65. Obv. Lion scalp : border of dots. 

Rev. PH. Sprig of olive to right with two leaves and three 
olives '• border of dots. 

Size .45. The same but plain border on I^L. 

2. Size .5. Obv. Lion's scalp : border of dots. 
1$L. 3-51. Within a border of dots. 

3. Size .5. Obv. The same. 

J$L. R*E; beneath a sprig of olive : border of dots. 

4. Size .6. Obv. Same. 

t$L. PHriNHN. Lyre ; above, a crescent with its horns downwards : 
plain border. 

5. Size .75. Obv. Same. 

— zyj — 

J$L. PHriNHN. Head of Apollo to right, hair turned up behind; 
n field to left an olive-leaf. 
Size .45. Obv. the same. 
T$L. The same as last without the olive-leaf. 

6. Size .8. or .75, .9, .65. Obv. the same. 

fyL. PHriNHN. Head of Apollo to right, laureate, hair long; 
behind, a half-open rose : border of dots. The following symbols 
are found also in place of the rose : omphalos, wreath with long 
ends, a strung bow, a parazonium, *&, IE, E, amphora, caduceus, 
cornucopia?, a crab, a dolphin, a tripod, a lyre, a murex. 


7. Size .45. Obv. PHriNHN. Head of Apollo to left, laureate, 
hair long : border of dots. 

tyL. Tripod lebes, with neck and three handles : border of dots. 

8. Size .9. Obv. Same, but no legend. 

tyL. Similar type; beneath, an omphalos; in field, I, R. 
Some specimens have PI beneath, head on Obv. others bear 
symbols on Obv., a cornucopiae, a lyre, a dolphin, an omphalos. 

9. Size .6. Obv. Same, with no legend. 

J$L. PHriNHN (in exergue), a lion walking to right. 


10. Size .9. Obv. Head of Artemis to right wearing stephane, 
earring and necklace, a bow and quiver over her shoulder : border 
of dots. 

^.P^. A lion walking. 

11. Size 1. Obv. the same as n° 10. 

tyL. PHTINflN. Apollo, naked, seated to left on omphalos, hold- 
ing arrow and strung bow : border of dots. 

12. Size .9. Obv. the same. 


^" NON' A seven-stringed lyre : border of dots. Some specimens 

have five strings to lyre, and others have a cornucopiae in field. 

13. Size .9. Obv. The same. 

ph n 
J$L. non' Naked male figure standing, facing, wearing wreath; 

his right hand outstretched holding branch of laurel and a bird ; his 
left resting on a sceptre round which is twined a serpent? In field 
to left a cornucopia; : border of dots. 

A variety of this type differs only in the legend which is 
Pf INHN and in the symbol in field, a tripod-lebes. 

Hands. 17 

— 258 — 



14. Size 1. Obv. Janiform female heads, laureate, and each 
wearing a modius, stephane, earrings and necklace. 

tyL. PHriNHN. Asklepios naked to waist, seated on high-backed 
chair, holding in right hand a staff round which is twined a ser- 
pent; in field to left, n. 

On some specimens ' with a plain border. On others a tripod 

beneath the letter n and in exergue a serpent : border of dots. 

15. Size .85. Obv. Head of Pallas to left wearing crested Athen- 
ian helmet on which is a griffin : border of dots. 

fyL. PHTINflN. Pallas standing to left wearing long chiton with 
diploidion, holding in right hand Nike bearing a trophy, her left 
resting on a shield, a spear rests against her left shoulder. In field 
to left a thunderbolt, and P : border of dots. 


16. Size .85. Obv. Head of Asklepios to right, laureate; border 
of dots. 

I^L. PHriNHN. Hygieia standing to left, wearing long chiton, 
holding in her right hand a patera, and feeding a serpent; with her 
left she raises her garment; in field to left, III : plain border. 

17. Size .6. Same as 16. 
Y$L. Same as 16. 


18. Size .1.5. Obv. Heads of Apollo and Artemis jugate, Apollo 
laureate and Artemis wearing stephane and necklace; behind, : 
border of dots. 


J$L. Now- Tripod-lebes with neck and three handles resembling 

wheels of four spokes : in field : : border of dots. 

Some specimens, .95 in size, bear an anvil behind heads on Obv. 

19. Size .65. Heads of Asklepios and Hygieia, both laureate : 
border of dots. 



Cumrc is best known as the residence of the Cumaean Sibyl, 
and as the most ancient of the Greek colonies in Italy, but it was 
not one of the first to coin money. For about two hundred years its 
merchants must have used the coinage of ^Egina or Corinth or the 
flat coinage of the cities in the South of Italy. The earliest coins 
of Cumas were issued about the year 500 B. C. during the govern- 
ment of the aristocracy. The Cumaean coinage is not to be compar- 
ed with that of the more southern Greek cities of Italy for 
beauty or artistic finish. The mussel-shell which was chosen as the 
riapaaY);x3v, or device of the city, did not lend itself to the forma- 
tion of a very beautiful design. It was chosen as the representation 
of an object for which the place was famous, just as wastheear of 
barley for the device of Metapontum, or the owl of Athens, or 
the tortoise of ^Egina. The coins of Cumae are not among the 
common coins of Magna Graecia, and are seldom seen except in 

Cumas is one of the few Greek cities frequently visited by English 
travellers in Italy, being now easily accessible from Naples by 
railway. The story of its foundation is mythical, and the date uncer- 
tain. Curtius thought the myths of its earliest settlers were of the 
tenth century B.C. but Beloch puts the date as late as the eighth. If 
Thucydides is right in saying that Naxos in Sicily was the earliest 
of all the Greek Colonies (VI 3), then the date would be after 735 
B. C. FromStrabo we learn the founders ofCuma; came from Euboea, 
and from others that these were joined by colonists from Corinth 
and Samos. The Cumaeans early sent settlers to Rhegium and Zancle 
in the straits of Messina, in order to keep open that passage to 
their fleets ; and hence we find the rival merchants of Miletus made 
Sybaris the centre of their commerce in the West. 

The account given by Strabo of this city is as follows : 

" After these (cities of Campania) comes Cumae, the most ancient 
settlement of the Chalcidenses and Cumaeans, for it is the oldest 
of all (the Greek cities) in Sicily or Italy. The leaders of the 
expedition, Hippocles the Cumaean, and Megasthenes of Chalcis, 
mutually agreed that one of the nations should have the manage- 

— 26o — 

ment of the colony, and the other the honour of conferring upon 
it its own name. Hence at the present day it is named Cuma?, 
while at the same time it is said to have been founded by the 
Chalcidenses. At first this city was highly prosperous, as well as the 
Phlegraean plain, which mythology has made the scene of the 
adventures of the giants, for no other reason, as it appears, than 
because the fertility of the country had given rise to battles for its 
possession. " (Lib. V, Casaub. 243 civ § 4). 

Both Eusebius and Velleius Paterculus ascribe the date of the 
foundation of Curme to a period before the vEolic and Ionian 
migrations; this extremely early date is in harmony with the 
legends of the Augustan period, but is not probable. Livy in his 
account of the earliest settlers is more likely to have drawn his 
imformation from a credible source, for he relates that they first 
landed in the Islands /Enaria and Pithecusae, and that they afterwards 
settled on the mainland. Velleius Paterculus belonged to an ancient 
Campanian family, and from family tradition gives us a picturesque 
account of the first voyage, "the fleet of Hippocles and Megasthe- 
nes was guided by doves which flew before them, and by the 
sound of cymbals by night, such as are wont to be heard in the 
festivals of Ceres ". In the Augustan period Virgil wrote of the early 
ages without regard to chronology ; we have seen how he described 
iEneas passing the towers of Caulonia long before that city was 
founded, and in regard to Cumae he is equally careless of chrono- 
logy, for he writes of yEneas landing at Cumae, and of the myth 
of Daedalus coming to this city. In Book VI of the Aineid we may 
read the most picturesque details of the visit paid by iElneas to the. 
Sibyl. Ovid in the Metamorphoses (XIV) tells the same story of the 
landing of yEneas but he adds nothing to the information given by 
Virgil. These poets evidently regarded the Sibyl as having been 
known in Cumae at a date long before the time of Tarquinius 


The story of the life of Aristodemus is given at length by 
Dionysius, who tells us he was of a noble family and bore the 
surname MaXaxi?. In the year 502 B. C. he made himself Tyrant, 
having won the popular favour by his bravery and courtesy. Many 
of the chief citizens he put to death, and many were sent into exile. 
As usual with Tyrants, he surrounded himself with a strong body- 
guard, and disarmed the citizens, who were then educated in an 
effeminate manner. He assisted the Romans against the Etruscans 
who were endeavouring to restore Tarquinius Superbus, who took 
refuge at his court, and died there. Livy (1. II, 21) says: " He 

— 26l — 

died at Cumae, whither he had fled to the tyrant Aristodemus 
after the reduction of the power of the Latins ". The fall of 
Tarquinius is dated 495 B. C, that is, seven years after the accession 
of Aristodemus to power. Niebuhr says (p. 382) : " Aristodemus, 
whose name is notorious even amongst those of the Greek Tyrants 
for greater atrocities, was his (Tarquinius') heir, and substantiated 
his claim against the commonwealth for the private property of the 
Tarquinian family, when some years after, the state ordered a 
quantity of corn to be purchased in his city, at that time the mart 
of Campania" (Livy, II, 34 ; Dion., VII, 2.12). The exiled nobles of 
Cumas gathered an army of Campanians and mercenaries, and 
succeeded in getting possession of the city and taking cruel ven- 
geance on Aristodemus and his family. (Dionysius Halicarnassus 
VII, p. 418&C.) 

Aristodemus is interesting to numismatists as the ruler who 
changed the standard of the coinage from the Euboic to the 
Phocaean. Cumae was so weakened by these civil dissensions that 
when attacked by the Etruscans, about 474 B. C, the citizens 
called in the aid of Hieron, the despot of Syracuse, who obtained a 
great naval victory and delivered the Cumaeans from their enemies. 

Pindar sang of this victory in his first Pythian ode, " the fate 
they endured through their defeat by the ruler of the Syracusans, 
who flung into the sea the flower of their youth from their quick 
sailing vessels, delivering Hellas from the heavy yoke of slavery ". 

A bronze helmet dedicated at Olympia as part of the spoils by 
Hieron is now in the British Museum. 

The period of about fifty years, during which the prosperity of 
Cumae lasted, was wonderfully rich in great men, and the citizens 
were not shut off from communication with the older civilizations, 
being in constant touch with Syracuse and Thurium, where 
Herodotus was at work on his History. It was the age of Socrates, 
Pericles, Sophocles, yEschylus, Euripides and Aristophanes. The 
visits of Plato to Sicily wbuld not be unknown to the Cumaeans, 
and his teaching would be discussed. The Greek cities, however, 
were unable to resist the enervating influences ol luxury, and the 
hardy Samnites gradually succeeded in becoming their masters. In 
423 B. C. they conquered Capua, a city not more than a day's 
journey from Cumas, and three years later the army of the 
Cumaeans which was sent to oppose their advance was utterly 
routed. The city was besieged by the Samnites and after several 
assaults fell into their power. Many citizens fled to Neapolis, many 
were slain, and the women who remained in Cumas were made 
slaves. The city never recovered, but the mint was not then closed. 

— 262 


The Mussel-shell on these coins is said to be the Mytilus gallo- 

The lake Avernus and the Lucrine lake were celebrated for shell 
fish. Horace refers to them in Epode II, ^9 

" Non me Lucrina juverint conchylia" 
and again in Sat. II, iv, 33 : 

"Murice Baiano melior Lucrina peloris" 

On the coins we often see a crab in the field, and it is interest- 
ing to note the following passage from Agnes Catlow's work 
" Popular Conchology " p. 112. " Frequently towards the end 
of autumn small crabs are found in the shell of the Mytilus, which 
live there sheltered from danger, without hurting the inhabitant ". 
This fact was noted by the ancient Greeks, as by Aristotle, De anim- 
alibus, lib V, c 13, and by Pliny, N. H., IX, 66, by Lilian De natura 
animalium, III, 29, by Athenaeus, Deipnosoph, III, 38. By them this 
crab was called Tuvvonqpr}!; or ziwosuXa;. 

Athenasus and Pliny tell us the crab warns the mollusc of the 
approach of an enemy by touching the shell with its claws. 
But the relative size of the crab on the coins, which looks much too 
large for one of these parasites, caused Millingen to regard the crab 
as the enemy of the mussel; and he quotes in support of this idea 
a passage in Oppian (Halieut, II, 169-180) concerning the wonderful 
sagacity of the crab, who waits patiently until the mussel opens its 
shell, when it suddenly inserts its claw. Sir H. Weber agrees with 
this way of understanding the type. 

At any rate these coin-types are interesting examples, in the 
history of Greek art, of an attentive study of nature. We have seen 
how natural objects were studied at Terina and Metapontum, and in 
the odes of Theocritus. 

The crabs are not the only enemies of the mussel depicted on the 
coins : we find for instance a water-rat, a dog, a plant, and a duck 
(oedemia nigra) which is very fond of eating mussels and has been 
called for this reason in France" cane mouliere". 


The design of the earliest Obverse type of the Cumaean coinage 
is formed by placing the skin of a lion's head between two boars' 
heads, and its significance has been the subject of much 

Millingen and L. Sambon have seen in this device a reference to 
the pretensions of the Cumaean citizens to possess the tusks of the 

— 26} — 

Doar of Erymanthus as one of the treasures in the temple of Apollo 
at Cumas (Ancient Coins, pi. 1-4. — Consid., p. 121 ; L. Sambon, 
Recherches, p. 137, 1). 

The ancient authority for the story is Pausanias, VIII, 24. 

" It is also said that Heracles in consequence of the mandate of 
Eurystheus, slew the boar in Erymanthus which was so remarkable 
for its size and strength. The Cumaeans among the Opici assert that 
they have the tusks of this boar suspended in a temple of Apollo, 
but there is not the least probability in their assertion.". 

The centre part of the design has been regarded by Cavedoni as 
an allusion to the Samian Colony of Dicaearchia or Puteoli, which 
was the port ol Cumas. Stephanus of Byzantium and Eusebius 
both ascribe the origin of Puteoli to the Samian colonists. They 
may have brought with them some money from Samos, and 
naturally desired that the design on the new coinage of their 
western home should be copied from the coins of their old eastern 
home. The coins of Samos bore the skin of a lions head facing. 

Avellino put forward the idea that there might be seen in this 
device a reference to the fable of Circe and her magical changing 
of the companions of Ulysses into beasts, and Garrucci appears to 
have approved of this reading of the type. The fourteenth book ot 
Ovid's Metamorphoses depicts the palace of Circe near this coast, 
but the story of Circe's lions and boars was told originally in the 
tenth book of the Odyssey. The connection however of Circe with 
Cumaa is not very clear, and the theory of Cavedoni seems much 
more likely to be based on facts 

Mr. G. Macdonald in his work " Coin-types " (p. 79), says : <c On 
the assumption that this must conceal some religious meaning, 
many conjectures have been indulged in as to the divinity indicat- 
ed or the myth alluded to. If, however, we compare it with the 
products of Mycenaean art, it becomes doubtful whether it is anv^ 
thing more than a formal composition. There are certain Zakro 
sealings for instance to which it has a strong general resemblance. " 

Fanciful devices composed of animals, such as winged boars or 
lions or griffins, are more common on the coins of Asia Minor, and 
they probably form a link connecting Greek art with that of the 
previous ages. Mr. A. J. Evans has pointed out the indebtedness of 
" archaic " Greek types to designs on the Mycenaean lentoid gems, 
and says they should be " regarded as due to deliberate revival, 
akin to the adoption of classical models by Quattro-and Cinque- 
Cento Italian artists ". (Numismatic Chron., 1899, pp. 3 6_( f.) 

The lion's scalp occurs on the coin of Rhegium at a period earlier 
than at Cumae, and Rhegium was a colony from Chalcis and in 
alliance with Cumae. 

— 264 


Eckhel considered the female head on these coins to be that of 
Parthenope the Siren. D r A. Sambon in his most important and 
learned work " Les monnaies antiques de Vltalie " (p. 142), says 
« d'autres moins perspicaces, ont pense aux Sibylles", and he refers 
to Poole's Catalogue of these coins in the British Museum, where 
however the description is " Female head (Sibyl?) 1., diademed ". 
Millingen (in his Syll. of Anc. coins, London, 1837), regarded these 
heads as the personification of the town of Cumas, and he drew 
attention to the fact that some of them are surrounded by the 
legend KVME while on the reverse we find the legend KVMAION. 
D r A. Sambon agrees with this attribution, saying : " The 
Cumaeans have thus placed upon their coins the image of a nymph 
Cumas, whom they venerated as the tutelar}' deity of the town 
(the tit/y; TzoKemq), just as in a similar way the Neapolitans placed 
on theirs, with an analogous meaning, the head of the Siren Par- 
thenope, and the Terinaeans the head of Ligaea Nike. " 

There is however this difficulty in the attribution of the head on 
the coins of Cumae to the nymph of the city, that we do not meet 
with any similar idea on the coins of other cities. At Neapolis the 
Siren Parthenope may have been regarded as the tutelary spirit, but 
there the myth preceded the idea of the guardianship. The similar 
heads on the coins of Syracuse are those of Arethusa, the nymph 
of the fountain. Perhaps the heads on the coins of Veliaand Panao- 
sia may at first sight support this view ol the head being that of 
the guardian spirit of the locality, but at Velia the head was first 
that of the water-nymph, and of Pandosia we know practically 
nothing, but probably the case is the same. Now there was at 
Cumas a nymph, or being, endowed with supernatural powers, the 
Sibyl, celebrated by Virgil, Ovid, and Pausanias, and if we look for 
the Cumaeans to have acted in the same way as the citizens of 
other cities of Magna Graecia we must allow that it would have 
been only natural for them to adopt the head of their celebrated 
Sibyl as that of their guardian spirit. 

It does not follow that the legend KVME gives us the original 
name of the guardian spirit of the city, for on the coins of Catana 
in Sicily, we have the legend KATANE around a figure of Nike. 

In all the cases where the legend is regarded as the name of a 
nymph representing the guardian spirit of a city, we find the nymph 
had another name, so here it seems probable that the Sibyl may 
have been adopted as the spirit of Cumaj. 

The head on these Cumaean didrachms is similar to those found 
on the coins of Neapolis and the earliest coins of Syracuse. In 
those cases we know the heads represent those of Parthenope the 

- 265 - 

Siren, and Arethusa the water-nymph, and they are intimately 
connected with those cities. In regard to Cumas there is also a 
mysterious female intimately connected with that city, the Sibyl. 

The similarity of all these heads is merely that which arises from 
the conventionality of the work of the period. In our school days 
we first heard of the Sibyl in connection with the story of Tarqui- 
nius refusing to purchase her nine books, and at last buying the 
three she offered at the price of the nine. The story is told by 
Dionysius (IV, 62), by Varro, quoted by Lactantius (1. 6), by 
Gellius (1. 19), and by Pliny (N. H., XIII, 27). 

Gottling has shewn that this story relates to the Cumaean Sibyl. 
The period of which this story is related is that at which the 
coins were issued bearing this female head. Pausanias devotes the 
twelfth chapter of Book X to an account of the Sibyls, he says : 
" The next woman who similarly gave oracles is said by the 
historian Hyperochus of Cumae to have been a native of Cumae in 
the land of the Opici, and to have been called Demo. The Cumaeans 
have no oracle of hers to produce, but they point to a small stone 
urn in a sanctuary of Apollo, alleging that in it are deposited the 
bones of the Sibyl " (Translation of J. G. Frazer). These words of 
Pausanias, agree with those of Varro cited by Lactantius {Inst., 1 , 6). 

" The verses of all these Sibyls are preserved, and are handed 
about except those of the Cumaean Sibyl ; for her books are 
concealed by the Romans, and may not be inspected by any one 
except the Fifteen Men ".The author of the Exhortation to the Greeks 
which passes under the name of Justin Martyr professes to 
have visited the Sibyl's cave at Cuma?, and to have been told by his 
guides that the oracles used to be taken down from the Sibyl's lips 
by uneducated persons, and that this was the reason why some of 
the oracles were unmetrical. Hence Prof. Maas has inferred that in 
spite of the statements of Varro and Pausanias, oracles of the Sybil 
must have been current. 

Trimalchio in Petronius says ic at Cumae I saw with my own 
eyesthe Sibyl hanging in a jar, and when the children said to her 
' Sibyl, what do you wish? ' she used to answer' I wish to die '! " 

There is another legend of a Sibyl shut up in an iron cage which 
hung from a pillar in the temple of Heracles at Argyrus (Ampelius, 
Lib. Memorialis, VIII, 16). 

Parallels with these legends are found in German folk-lore, and 
are given in p. 292-293 of Frazer's notes. 

We learn the derivation current in the days of Servius, the 
beginning of the fourth century A.D. of the word Sibyl from his 
notes on Virgil's Aineid (III, 444). " The Aeolians called the gods 
ffioug, and (Souayj means thought. 

In Thucydides V, 77-, we have this spelling in the phrase " itepi 

— 266 — 

zl Tw r.w ij[j.ol-o:, " with respect to the offering to the god ", and 
the Spartans used this form of the word in their common oath vat 
to) aia). 

The Cumaean Sibyl is however connected with an event far 
more interesting than the story so familiar to our school days, for 
Virgil professed to draw from the Sibylline oracles the description 
of the new age which was introduced by the birth of a child. 
D r W. I. Ramsay has shewn that most probably Virgil had read a 
Greek translation of Isaiah, the Hebrew prophet, and incorporated 
the imagery of Isaiah into his poem, the fourth Eclogue. 

" The last era of Cumaean song is now arrived : The great 
series of ages begins anew. 

St Augustine in his letter to Martinianus (Ep. CCLVIII) says of 
this poem : "For indeed it is not to any other than the Lord Christ 
that these words apply ". He quotes the lines " Under thy conduct 
whatever vestiges of our guilt remain, shall, being done away, release 
the earth from fear for ever. " "Which it is acknowledged Virgil 
took from the Cumaean, that is the Sibyl's song, for perhaps even 
that prophetess had heard in spirit something of the One Saviour 
which she felt obliged to pour out. 

From Virgil, Dante in the middle ages made this Eclogue popu- 
lar among Christian poets; confer his lines in Purgatorio, Canto 
XXII, 70 seq. 

We are all familiar with the lines of the celebrated Hymn Dies 
irse dies ilia. 

Solvet saeclum in favilla 
Teste David cum Sibylla. 

To this Eclogue of Virgil the following verses from a Latin 
Mystery (published in the Journal des Savants, 1846, p. 88) 
refer : 

" Et vos gentes non credentes 
Peperisse virginem 
Vesme gentis documentis 
Pellite caliginem. 
There is a celebrated passage on the Sibyl in St Augustine's 
Dei civitate Dei, Liber VIII, c. xxn, and another in Lactantius, 
T. 6. 7 on which this popularity of the Sibyl's prophecy in the 
middle ages depended largely. 

Our own English poet Pope wrote a poem : " Messiah, a Sacred 
Eclogue in Imitation of Virgil's Polio ". 


On some of the later coins of Cumae we find the figure of Scylla, 
and we naturally ask what was the significance of this design in the 

— 267 — 

minds of the mint magistrates. The myth of Scylla has been 
explained, and the celebrated passage from Ovid's Metamorphoses 
given, in the chapter on the types of Thurium. 

From 450 B.C. the coins of Neapolis were copied from those 
of Thurium, the head of Pallas with the crested Athenian helmet 
decorated with olive-leaves is an evident copy of the Thurian coins. 
The intercourse between Thurium and Neapolis probably extend- 
ed to Cunic'e. The adoption of the figure of Scylla with which to 
decorate the helmet of Pallas was probably earlier at Thurium than 
the issue of the Cutruean didrachms bearing the Scylla type. May 
we not find in this design evidence of the alliance with Thurium 
against the Lucanians? 


The earliest coins of Cumae were issued according to the 
Euboic standard, the weight of the didrachm being 130 grains and 
the weight of the smaller coins about 92 grains. These are all very 
rare coins ; no specimens are to be seen in the British Museum, but 
drachms of this period may be seen at Berlin and at Paris and a 
didrachm weighing 129.94 g r - or 8-4 2 grammes is preserved in the 
Naples Museum (Coll. Santangelo). Another is in the Cabinet of 

D r Head says : " The Attic (or Tarentine) didrachm of 130 grains 
took no firm root at Cuma;, and early in the fifth century it 
gives place to the Phocaean or stater of 118-115 grains 
imported from the Phocaean colonies Velia and Poseidonia before 
its abandonment by them ". In D r Head's Introduction to the Hist. 
Num. (p. xlix) he adds : c; It is somewhat remarkable that the 
earliest coins of Cumae, Naxus, Zancle and Himera all follow the 
^Eginetic standard of which they are drachms, and not as we should 
have naturally expected the Euboic ", and in a note : " Hence 
D r Imhoof-Blumer argues that these pieces of about 92 grains are 
in reality Euboic octobols or Thirds of the Euboic Tetradrachm of 
280 grs slightly over weight". The reason why the Greek Colonists 
in the West adopted a system more like that of ^Egina may have 
been that though the earliest settlers were from Chalcis in Euboea 
yet the greater number may have come from other parts of Greeca 
where the yEginetic system prevailed, and this seems to be the 
opinion of M. A. Sambon, who thus describes these earlieet 
drachms of Cumas : 

"1/3 du statere Euboique ou drachmeeginetique de poids affaibli, 
systeme des colonies chalcidiennes d'ltalie et de Sicile. " 

These coins were issued by the aristocratic government of Cuma? 
before the Tyrant Aristodemus destroyed their power. 

— 268 — 


Didrachms of the Euboic Standard, i)o grs.. 

i. Obverse. Head of Nymph to right in bold relief, the style 
fine and archaic, the eye full-faced without the pupil being marked, 
the hair falling over the back of the neck in two folds. Over the 
brow, two rows of dots. Border of dots. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell with the hinge to left ; above, a two-hand- 
led drinking cup. 

Thirds or Drachms ? about S) grs. 

2. Obverse. Skin of lion's head between two boars' heads; border 
of large dots. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left; above VX, below ME. 

3. Obverse. Head of Pallas to right wearing Corinthian helmet : 
MOIAMVX. Border of dots. 

Reverse. A crab attacking a mussel-shell with its claws, the shell 
above the crab. Bunbury Cat. 1896-1.32. 

4. Obverse. Similar. 

Reverse. Similar to 3. but the shell, with hinge to left, is below 
the crab. Style archaic. 


Phocaean Standard. 

The coins of this period consist of those didrachms weighing 
generally a little less than 118 grs. and distinguished by the 
archaistic style of the Sibyl's head and the hair worn in a net hang- 
ing over the back of the neck. The eye is full-face instead of in 
profile. The hair is decorated with a band or fillet. The border of 
dots sometimes is accompanied with a raised line within the circle 
of dots. 

1 . Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, surmounted by sea-weed, 

. Border of circle and dots. 

I\ v 

2. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, dolphin above . Border ot 

circle and dots. 

— 269 — 

3. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, surmounted by two sea-gulls ; 
legend same as no 2. Same border. 

4. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, a sea-gull, NOIAMV>l 

&& w border - 

5. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, . Same border. 

6. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, surmounted by star-fish with 

six rays iAmoN" Same border - 

7. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, a gland and a globule. 

8. The hair on the obverse of this, instead of being in a simple 
net, is similar to that on n° 6, in two folds ; before the head is the 
legend KVME. 

Reverse the same as the Obverse of the early coins, the skin of a 
lion's head between two boars' heads. A specimen is in the Cabinet 
de France (Luynes). 

9. Mussel-shell, hinged to right, surmounted by a grasshopper 
to right; below, |AMV>|. Border of dots. 

10. Mussel-shell, hinged to right, above a water-rat, to right or 
to left, appearing to eat the shell. Same legend as last. 

n. Mussel-shell hinged to right; above, a fly, KVMAION. 


In this class we may place all the didrachms of the Phocaean 
standard bearing on the Obverse the following type. 

1. The skin of a lion's head between two boars' heads. Border of 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left. MOIAMV>l read from outside 
the coin. Border of dots. 

2. Obverse. Similar to No 1. 

Reverse. Similar to No 1, but adding above the mussel-shell, 
which is hinged to right, a barley-corn. 

3. Obverse. Similar. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, surrounded by four 

4. Obverse. Similar. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right, above the mussel a sea- 
shell, below KVMAIOH. 


1. Obverse. Head of Sybil to left wearing xr/.pu^aXo;, a head-dress 
narrow in front aud much broader behind. 

— 270 — 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, an owl, KVMAION 
around. Border of dots (C. de France). 

2. Obverse. Same head diademed, hair in chignon. 

Reverse. Mussel- shell, hinge to left ; above, a bearded head of a 
Satyr, KVMAION. Border of dots. 

CLASS IV. (after 470 b.c.) 

Types copied from the Syracusan Demareteion type. 

1. Head of Sibyl to right; behind, a sprig of laurel, KVMAION. 
Reverse. A mussel-shell, hinge to right, surrounded with four 


2. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, a bow. KVMAION. 

3. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left; above, a fish. 

4. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; below, a nautilus, 
KVMAION. Border of dots. 


The heads of the Sibyl in this class are all to left. The hair is 
shorter and is drawn up behind to the top of the head ; it is gener- 
ally wavy and hides the diadem where that apparently is worn. 
There is no legend on the Obverse. 

1. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right above, a pistrix, below 
HOIAMV>l read from within the coin. 

2. Reverse. Similar, but above the shell, a hippocamp. 

3. Reverse. Similar, but hinge to left, above the shell, a fish. 

4. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left; above, a sea-gull or duck 
called in France 'Ma cane mouliere'. Around KVMAION. Border of 

5. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, the figure of 
Scylla, round left side KVMAION. Rude style. The same type is 
found also in fairly good style with the legend retrograde. 


Class VI consists of didrachms of fairly good Gre ekstyle ; the 
heads of the Sibyl all turned to the right. The hair in waves radia- 

— 271 — 

ting from a point above the ear where it is massed in a prominent 

i . Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right ; above, a fish to right, 
below KVMAION or KV00AION. Border of dots. 

2. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right ; above, a star with sixteen 
rays. It looks like a sea-anemone seen from above, below KVMAION. 
Border of dots. 

4. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left ; above, a large crab ; below, 
KVMAION. Border of dots. 

4. Reverse. Similar, but with an owl ? above. Bunbury Col. Cat. 

5. Obverse. Normal of class, but with $ behind head. 
Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right; above, the dog Cerberus 

with three heads, below KVMAION. 

6. Reverse. Similar to n° 5, but with grain of barley above shell, 
below KVMAION. Border of dots. 


In this class we may place the didrachms similar to Class VI but 
of barbarous style. 

1. Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left low down, and above, a 
bearded sea-deity with fish's tail, his left arm extended, his right 
hand on the tail. KVMAION. Border of dots. 

2. Reverse. Similar to Class VI, 6. but legend retrograde. 

3. Reverse. Similar design but shell hinged to left, and ridges 
marked on shell, legend below. 

4. Reverse. Similar design but legend above. 

The Obverse is a clumsy imitation of some coins of Terina. 


1. Obverse. Head of Pallas in crested Athenian helmet decorated 
with olive-wreath. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to right ; above, a little dog holding 
a snake in its paws. KVMA. Border of dots. 

2. Obverse. Similar to n° 1. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell, hinge to left; above, a grain of barley, 
KVMAION retrograde and O. Border of dots. Barbarous style. 

3. Obverse. Same as 1 and 2. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell with serpent above, round MOIAMV>l. 
Border of dots. Barbarous style. In the Cabinet at Naples. 

— 272 — 

Phocaean system, circ. 343. 
The coins of this class bear Neapolitan types. 

1. Obverse. Female head to right, hair banded, jewelled. 

Reverse. Man-headed bull walking slowly to right with the head 
lacing; above, a flying victory holds crown over the bull. In exergue 
KVMAION. Poor style. In the Cabinet of France. 


These smaller silver coins may be divided into three classes : 

I. A head of Pallas on the Obverse. 

II. A Corinthian helmet on the Obverse. 

III. A dolphin on the Obverse. 


Euboic obols. 

1. Obverse. Head of Pallas wearing Corinthian helmet without 
crest. Border of dots. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell ; above, KV separated by a little sea-shell ; 
below ME. Border of dots, weight n grs. To be seen at London, 
Berlin and Naples. 

2. Obverse. Same design but of finer style and with long hair 
hanging down below helmet at back. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell ; above, a small sea-shell, KVMAION. Border 
of dots. C. of Berlin, weight. 10.64. On a specimen in B. Mus. is the 
letter M on the shell, weight 8.2 grs. and on another at Naples is 
the letter N on the shell. 

Phocaean Obols. 

3 . Obverse same as 1 . 

Reverse. Mussel-shell ; above, V>l, below, a grain of barlev. Border 
of dots. At Naples. On a specimen in B. Mus. the legend is KVM, 
weight 8.2. 

4. Obverse. Same as No 1. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell ; above, a bird, at the sides AA= (KV). 

5. Obverse. Same as No 1. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell; above, a serpent. Border of dots. 

6. Obverse. Same as No 1. 

— 2 73 — 

Reverse. Mussel-shell ; above, KA, below, a dolphin. Border of 
7. Obverse. Same as No 2. 
Reverse. Mussel-shell, above, V>l or >)l or Y>l. 

Quarter of an Obol. 

1 . Obverse. Head of Pallas. 

Reverse. A wheel with four spokes, globules in the spaces (Brit. 


1. Obverse. A Corinthian helmet without crest to right. Border 
of dots. 

Reverse. Mussel-shell; above, KV ; below, ME. Border of dots. 
A specimen in Paris has H on the shell. 

Quarter of an Obol. 

1. Obverse. Same helmet to left. 
Reverse. Shell without legend. At Berlin. 

Eighth of an Obol. 
1. Same type as obol of this Class. Weight 1 . 5 grs. 

Quarter of an Obol. 

1. Obverse. A dolphin to right, below, V>l. 

Reverse. Wheel with three spokes, a globule in each space, 
Weight 2 . 2 grs. 

2. Obverse. Same as 1. 

Reverse. A wheel with four spokes, a globule in each space. 


1. Size .8. Obverse. Female head to right. 

Reverse. HOIMV>l, a mussel-shell, hinge to left, above which a 

2. Size .85. Obverse. A young male head to left wearing pilos 
laureate ? : plain border. 

Reverse. Scylla to left with the dogs' heads in the usual position 
protruding from the waist, her right hand extended, and in her left 
a curved rod, perhaps an oar. 

These coins are generally found in a much worn condition. 

Hands. 18 

— 274 


The scenery of Naples is better known in England than that 
around any other ancient Greek city, but the ancient coins of Nea- 
polis are not so well known as those of many other cities of the 
Greeks, although they may be classed among the common coins of 
the old world. 

Probably the reasons for this neglect may be their general unifor- 
mity of type, the absence of associations with great men, and the 
obscurity of the myths represented by the types. The artistic skill of 
the mint-engravers of Neapolis was not so great as that of their 
Tarentine and Syracusan fellow craftsmen, yet the coins of Neapo- 
lis issued in the days of her prosperity are very beautiful works 
of art. Although we do not find in this Neapolitan series the same 
interesting variety of detail afforded by the Tarentine didrachms, 
yet there are differences of design which lead us to arrange the 
coins into classes having distinct historical and religious reference to 
changes of government and worship. 

Neapolis was never strong enough to stand alone without the 
alliance of some stronger power, although never weak enough to 
give up her autonomy, until the Roman conquest. We see in the 
types evidences of her alliances with Athens, Syracuse, Thurium, 
Tarentum, and with the league of the Southern Italian Greek cities. 
The struggle for supremacy between the Ionian and Dorian colonists 
is also seen in the spelling of the legends, and the Samnite influence 
is also found in the names, such as OYIAAIOY(Villius), and in the 
barbarous spelling of some legends, and the rough style of art in 
one period. 

The earliest types introduce us to the myth of Acheloiis and the 
Siren Parthenope, more primitive and rural in character than any 
found on the types hitherto studied in these chapters, and the late 
types present us with symbols connected with the mysteries and 
the Chthonic side of the cult of Dionysus. 

The literature of this special field of Numismatics is not appar- 
ently large. We turn naturally first to D r Barclay Head's Historia 
Niuiiorum (p. 32) and then to the work of M. Arthur Sambon. 

" Les monnaies antiques de l'ltalie " in the Bibliotheque du 

— 275 — 

" Musee ", and the Riv. Num. It. 1902 " La Cronologia delle monete 
di Neapolis" " La grande Grece". 

Some information may be found in the work of F. Lenormant. 

Eckhel " De tauro cum facie humana". 

Num. Chronicle, 1890, p. 75 re the engraver Cimon. 



Roscher's Lexicon sub voce Achelous. 


It is sometimes thought that we may divide thedidrachms into three 
classes according to the three terminations of the legends, NEAPO- 
AITEI, NEAPOAITHI, and NEAPOAiTflN; but although this is 
roughly true, the exceptions are many, and such a classification 
neglects important differences of type. 

The obverse heads resembling those of the water-nymphs should 
be classified apart from those of Dia Hebe ; the bulls with faces in 
profile from those with the head turned facing, and the absence or 
presence of the flying victory on the Reverse should be noted in 
classifying these coins. 

The following six Classes are formed by noticing all these 
points together with the variations of legend. The unique coin in 
the Cabinet de France is not here made into a class, and the coins 
bearing Hebe's head similar to those of Hyrina, not being really 
Neapolitan, are also here omitted. These exceptions are, however, 
noticed in the following descriptions of the coins. 


I. Obv. Head of Parthenope to right — 450-400 B.C. 
T$L. Bull with human head in profile, NEAPOAITEI. 

II. (tf). Obv. Head of Pallas wearing helmet without crest — 
430-415 B.C. 

$L. Bull as inn 1. NEOPOAITAI and NEOPOAITHI. 

(/>) Obv. Head of Pallas wearing crested helmet — ■ 415-380B.C. 

\jL. Bull, as n° 1, NEOPOAITEI and NEOPOAITHI. 

III. Obv. Head of Parthenope, nearly full face, — 405 B.C. 
tyL. Bull as in n° 1, legend as on II b. 

IV. Obv. Head of Dia Hebe to right, or left, — 390 seq. B.C. 
fyL. Bull with human head facing, and victory above, NEOnO- 
AITHZ. Fine Period of Art, the last part of this period. 

V. Obv. Head of Dia Hebe to right, a symbol behind, — 325- 
280 B.C. 

I$L. Same as in IV, and sometimes NEOPOAITjQN. 
Sometimes a letter or letters under the Bull. 

— 276 — 

VI. Obv. Head of Dia Hebe always turned to left, — 300-240 
tyL Same as n° IV, but always NEOPOAITflN. 


In classifying common coins we may pass over unique examples, 
but to students of the witness given by coins to History, the fact 
of the existence of a single coin is important. Moreover it is well 
that collectors should know the rare types in order that, if they 
were fortunate enough to find one, they might recognize the value 
of the treasure. 

In the Cabinet of France is a unique didrachm of Neapolis attrib- 
uted by M. A. Sambon to the year 460 B. C. 

On the Obverse is a head of a Nymph to right, surrounded with 
a laurel wreath. Her head is decked with a circlet of pearls and the 
hair behind is arranged as if in a net on the neck. 

The Reverse type represents the forepart of a man-headed bull, 
in the attitude of swimming ; around the body is a cincture deco- 
rated with dots. 

The legend below the bull, is upside down HEHLi, and above the 
bull SNO. It is described as a Phoenicean didrachm of good transi- 
tional style, shewing the influence of the mint of Gela. 

The importance of the Reverse type of this unique coin is great, 
as it shows that at any rate when the mint was first established in 
Neapolis the River god Achelous was chosen for the subject of the 
J$L. type. 

The head of the Obverse type also is evidently similar to heads 
on coins of other cities which are generally acknowledged to be 
heads of water-nymphs. 

class 1. 450-415 B.C. 

Obverse. Head of Nymph, probably the Siren Parthenope, to 
right, sometimes IAOT03H, retrograde, in front of face. 

The hair is variously arranged, sometimes bound with a diadem 
or a circlet of pearls, sometimes arranged in a chignon, as on the 
unique coin above-mentioned, generally with wavy locks. 

The style of all is rather poor. 

Reverse. Man-headed bull walking, generally to left, but on 
some specimens to right, the face of the human head in profile. 
Style archaic, and poor. 

"Three specimens are known with a flying Victory above the bull 
to left. One specimen is known with an ear of corn over the Bull 
and the legend on the Obv. 

As a general rule the legend on the Reverse is placed above the 

— 277 — 

bull, and written in retrograde manner is IA0T03H, and this is 
sometimes even more abbreviated. 

Sometimes not retrograde, as NEOPOAITA2 or NEOPOAITEI: 
these are later in date than those written retrograde. 

The weight is from y.^ogr. to 7.60 gr., one specimen weighs 
7 gr. 70 and some very little over the 7 grs. From about 1 14 to 
r 18 grains. 

These coins are rare. 

class 11 a) 450-420 B. C. b) 415-380 B. C. 

In this second class may he placed all the didrachms bearing a 
head of Pallas, but the class may be subdivided by placing together 
those on which the helmet is crestless, and those with the crested 
helmet, the former are rare and valuable, a poor specimen being 
sometimes sold for £ ro. The former class (a) is of the same period as 
Class I. 

(/z) Obverse. Head of Pallas to right wearing crestless Athenian 
helmet decorated with olive-leaves, OT03M round neck in 

Reverse. Human-headed bull to left NEOPOAITAI or NEOPO- 
AITHZ, or an abbreviated form, in field over bull. 

Sometimes an ear of corn in exergue. 

(b) Obverse. Head of Pallas to right, wearing crested Athenian 
helmet decorated with olive-leaves. 

The head is copied from the types of Thurium. 

Reverse. Human-headed bull, generally walking to left, but on 
some to right, with near forefoot raised and head lowered. Legend 

(c) Some coins ot the type of (b) are of verv poor style and with 
imperfect legends, such as NEOPOLITS THZNEHOAI or NEPO. 
These are classed by Mr. A. Sambon as Samnite imitations or works 
of ancient forgers. 

(d) About 340 B.C. an owl appears on the helmet of Pallas and 
a flying Victory over the bull on the Reverse. Legend NEOPOAIT 
in exergue of Reverse. 

The head of Pallas probably indicates the influence of Athens. 

- 2 7 8 - 

The weight of these coins with the head of Pallas is generally 
slightly heavier than those of Class I. 

Mr. A. Sambon quotes 7-55,7-59, 7-64, 7 . 79 but some as low 
as 7.43, 7-14, 7-28, 7 . 30 grammes. Note 7.50 grammes = 
115.74 grains. 

Most of the Didrachms of this class are scarce, but occasionally 
specimens with the head of Pallas may be obtained for under 
£ 1. 


This third Class is composed of those coins bearing the head of a 
Nymph nearly full face with locks of hair flowing freely around 
the head ; thev are not common coins, being valued at from £ 2 to 

There are only two specimens in the British Museum, one weigh 
ing 1 13.8 grains, the other 87.5 ( ? plated.) 

D r Head says of these types " in this case it may be intended for 
Hera, confer the coins of Hyria and Poseidonia ". 

Mr. A. Sambon in p. 198 of Les monnaies ant. de Vltalie gives, as 
issued about 405 B.C. "Tete de la Nymphe de face", and in the 
description of the series. "Tete de femme presque de face" &c. 
We may compare this head with that of Arethusa, the water-nymph 
of Syracuse on the coin by KIMflN (p. 155, Hist. Num.), which 
also is attributed to the same date 405 B.C. Specimens are men- 
tioned in C. de Berlin, C. de Naples, C. Bunbury, Coll. Fortunate, 
C. de Naples, Coll. Santangelo, C. de France (Luynes). 

Reverse. Man-headed bull to left with head in profile, and the 
legend either NEOPOAITEI or NEOPOAITHI. 

Fine specimens of this class now fetch high prices. 

class iv 400-360 B.C. 

The distinguishing characteristics of this class are : 

1. The Head ofDia Hebe to right. 

2. The human head on the bull turned facing. 

3. The flying figure of Victory crowning the bull in field 

— 279 — 

4. The legend generally NEOrOAITHI. 

The artistic workmanship of the coins of this period is very 

The goddess wears a sphendone, the hair at the back escaping 
in loose locks, sometimes she wears earrings and a necklace. 

Some coins are found which seem to be barbarous Samntte 
imitations of the coins of this period. 

A few coins of this period shew the head turned to left. 

The legends on the Reverse are sometimes found in rude letters 
which are said to be imitations of Punic characters, intended 
to facilitate trade with the Carthaginians in Sicily. 

Some of the barbarous imitations are thought to have been 
struck inNola,with the legend NOYPOAI. 

The letter T is sometimes found under the bull. 

From 370 to 340 B.C. the letters ON and T are found under the 
bull and sometimes E behind the head of the goddess. 

Specimens of this class may be obtained from about 10/. each. 

class v 325-280 b. c. 

These coins were issued after the arrangement of the " Foedus 
Neapolitanum " in 326 B.C., and they were influenced by the 
commerce of the city with Sicily. The series begins with work 
of beautiful style, and ends with a rapid decline in artistic value. 

The characteristic marks by which these coins may be distin- 
guished are : 

(1) The head of the goddess Dia Hebe turned to right, with a 
symbol behind the head. 

The following symbols occur : a bunch of grapes with an ear ol 
corn under the neck, an ivy-leaf, a cock, a cantharus, knuckle-bone, 
statuette of Pallas, a club. 

(2) A name of a magistrate under the neck of the goddess as 
APTEMIA, APTE, PAPME (viooo), XA, XAPI, or XA. ITA, which 
is probablv an Oscan name. 

- 280 — 

The letters A* or A occur before the neck, and the letter X behind 
the neck or the monogram for EK or EPK. 

On the Reverse an ivy-leaf, under the bull TA in monogram, or 
P, or O, monogram of ATOA, TMO, NATO ; between the bull's 
legs OAYMPL Al, or OE; under the bull OYIA(Xicu), N or M, 
or nYT joined, MY joined, K very small, AOY (the Oscan name 
Loukies), BL, 0, EYZ, N, A, N, 12. 

The legend NE0P0AITH2, and sometimes NEOPOAITHN. 

Many of the coins of this class are common, and specimens may 
be obtained for a few shillings each. 


This latest class may be distinguished by the head of Dia Hebe 
being always turned to left, and by the legend on the Reverse 
always being NEOPOAITON. 

Either a symbol or a letter generally appears behind the neck of 
the goddess, as for example a statuette of Artemis holding in each 

hand a torch, or of Pallas Promachos, a chaplet, an ithyphallic 
term, a trophy, a buckler, a bearded term, a comic mask, a lyre, a 
Satvr, an amphora, a simpulum, a cuirass, an elephant, a Victory, a 
hippocamp, a Pegasus, a fulmen, a heron, head of a peacock, a star 
of eight rays, a race-torch, a tripod, a pentagon, a cornucopia, a 
dolphin, a lion seated, forepart of a lion, a trident, a rudder, an 
acrostolium, an owl, a helmet, a harpoon, a craterus, or a cock as 
on the above illustration. 

Letters under the neck TNAIOY, behind neck EY, TAP, with 
EYZ underneath neck, behind neck NE, under neck X, behind neck 
Bl or B, or with M under neck, or ME under neck. 

On the Reverse we find under the bull N, AOY (the Oscan 
name Loukies) EPI, II, Bl, E"l, E, A. 


The types of the obols and their subdivisions were copied from 
those of Cumae, Sicily, Terina, Acarnania, and from the common 
types of the Neapolitan didrachms, and we may therefore conve- 

— 28l — 

niently classify them according to the types of these various 

The Cumaean types (450-327 B.C.) 

I. Obol. Obv. Head of Pallas to right wearing Corinthian 
helmet, before HE, on some specimens H. A circle. 

Rev. Bivalve shell with hinge to left, above N : border of dots. 

II. One sixth of an Obol. Obv. Corinthian helmet, vizier to 
right. A circle. 

Rev. Same as no 1 with N, or NE, above the shell. 

III. Obv. One sixth of an Obol. Head of nymph to right, hair 
in sphendone. 

Rev. Same as no 1 with NE above shell : border of dots. 

IV. One sixth of an Obol. Obv. Head of Pallas to right wearing 
Athenian helmet. 

Rev. Same as no 1 with NEO above shell. Border of dots. 

V. One quarter Obol. Obv. dolphin to right. 
Rev. A wheel with globules between spokes. 
Brit. Mus. o gr. 14? 

VI. One quarter Obol. Obv. Head of Pallas to right. 
Rev. A wheel with globules between the spokes. 

Sicilian types (450-360 B.C.) 

VII. Obol. Head of Pallas to right wearing Corinthian helmet, 
before 3M, behind O. Sometimes a border of dots. 

Rev. Forepart of bull to right in attitude of swimming, with 
legend T03N, or NEO, or HEO? The bull is sometimes found to 

Sometimes no inscription on either Rev. or Obv. 

VIII. Obol. Obv. Head of nymph to right, behind A. 

Rev. Forepart of bull swimming, with a heron perched on 
the bull's shoulder pluming its feathers, above NE, below, traces of 

Brit. Mus. Cat., no 21. Weight : 10.2 grains (o gr. 54). 

IX. Obol. Obv. Head of Pallas to right. 

a) With winged helmet, b) With crested helmet, r) Crested 
helmet adorned with laurel, d) Head turned to left. 

Rev. Forepart of bull swimming, NEOP above, or 0103 H. 
Bull sometimes to left. 

Some of these are called either Obol or Litra. 

X. Half Obol. Obv. Head of Pallas to right, Athenian helmet. 
Rev. The letters NE separated by the sign ^ which is 

perhaps a mark of value meaning half obol. 

— 282 

Types taken from Terina (380-340 B.C.) 

XL Obol or Litra. Obv. Head of Nymph to right, before 

Rev. Nymph seated to left holding caduceus (?) in her left hand, 
and a crown in her rioht resting on her knee. 

XII. Obol. Obv. Head of voung river-god to right with a horn 
on his forehead, and a diadem on head; around the head the legend 

Rev. A winged nymph seated to right, on an urn reversed, 
urning herself, and lifting up her head; NEOPOAITES. The legend 
s nearly always imperfect. 

Acarnanian types (350-340 B.C ) 

XIII. Obol. Obv. Laureated young beardless head, probably 
of Apollo, to right. 

Rev. Head of Acheloiis facing, the horns decorated with infulae; 
above NEO or NE. 

Sometimes no inscription, and no infulae. 

Sometimes X appears behind the head of Apollo and that of 

Tarentine types. 

XIV. Obol. (a) Obv. Beardless laureated head to right probably 
of Apollo, sometimes O is found behind the head. The style is fine : 
border of dots. 

Rev. Hercules kneeling to right grasping the neck of a lion, 
in the field a club, around NEOPOAITHN . 
(Z>) The head massive like that of Heracles. 

(c) Head like that of (a) with NEOTOAITflN around. 

(d) Head like that of (a) with a sprig of olive behind. 

(e) Head like that of (a) to left with letter Y behind : border of 

Neapolitan type. 

XV. Obol. Obv. Head of nymph to right. . 

Rev. bull walking to right, and crowned by 
Victory flying above. 
In exergue IAOT03N. 

— 283 — 


Triobols were issued from about 300 to 280 B.C. during the 
latter part of the time, when the didrachms bore the head of the 
goddess turned to the right, and they seem to have ceased about 
the time when the change was made in the type by turning the head 
of the goddess to the left. 

I. The triobols bear on the Obv. the head of Apollo to right, 
and the legend NEOnOAITON in front of the head; under the 
neck is an uncertain letter. 

On the Rev. a cock to right,' with X or a star in the field above. 

These coins are seldom found in good preservation ; they weigh 
from 1 gramme 24 to 1 gr. 84 or roughly from about 19 grains to 
28 grains. 

II. Another type bears on the Obv. the head of Apollo, to 
right, with the same legend in front of the face. 

Rev. A Victory driving a biga to right, and in the exergue the 
following letters Al. XA, or PAK. This may be the Oscan name 
Paquius found on inscriptions at Ischia. 


About the time when the Romans first issued their denarii, the 
Neapolitans struck drachms, apparently rather lighter than the 

Pliny in his Nat. Hist., XXI, ioo, tells us the Roman denarii were 
equal to the Attic drachm, which weighed 4 grammes 55, and 
that seventy-two were struck from a pound. The weights of the 
Neapolitan drachms given by M. A. Sambon vary between 
3 grammes 20 to 3 . 58 (roughly speaking between 50 and 55 grains). 

It looks as if the Neapolitans wished to issue a coinage that 
would correspond with the Roman denarii, and the appearence of 
these two series about the same time may be a result ol Roman 
influence in Neapolis. 

The drachms bear on the Obv. the head of Dia Hebe, and a 
symbol, or a letter A, B, A, or E instead. 

On the Rev., the normal man-headed bull to right with the 
head facing, crowned by the flying Victory. 

In the exergue NEOnOAITHN. The drachms may be divided into 
three classes distinguished by the letters under the bull's body Bl or 
II or A. 

Some are found without these letters, they bear as a symbol on 
the Obv. a chaplet. 

Those bearing Bl on the Rev. bear the following symbols on the 
Obv., an elephant, an oval shield, a ewer or jug. 

— 284 — 

Those bearing 12 on the Rev. bear the following symbols on 
the Obv., a dolphin, a swan, an ear of corn, a cornucopia, a 
trophy, or the letters A, B- A, E. 

Those bearing A on the Rev. bear the following symbols, on 
the Obv., a prow, a drinking cup, a harpoon, a lotus flower, a 
mask?, a bell. 


We meet with four distinct types on the Obv. of the coins of 

I. The head of the Siren Parthenope in profile. 
II. The head of Pallas. 

III. The head of the Siren nearly full face. 

IV. The head of Dia Hebe. 

The female heads have generally been described as representing 
only one person, either the Siren or the Dea Hebe, but an attempt 
is here made to shew that it is more probable the earlier heads are 
those of Parthenope, the daughter ol Achelous, and the later heads 
those of Dia Hebe, associated with Dionysus Hebon; and this 
attribution of the heads will be found to be in harmony with the 
Reverse Types, on which we see the Bull form at first associated 
with the myth of Achelous and afterwards with that of Dionysus. 



The most ancient city near the site of Naples was called Parthe- 
nope. Strabo (V, iv) tells us the tomb of the Siren Parthenope was 
shewn there, and Pliny quotes his words. 

Silius Italicus (XII, 33) who was Consul in 68 A.D., and retir- 
ed to Naples to live there in seclusion, mentions the Siren thus : 
"Sirenum dedit una suum memorabile nomen 
Parthenope maris Acheloias, axmore cujus 
Regnavere diu cantus, cum dulce per undas 
Exitium miseris caneret non prospera nautis. " 
The Sirens were originally the islands at the mouth of the 
river Achelous, which flowed into the Ionian sea between Acarna- 
nia and Aetolia, but just as the name of Achelous was used in Italy 
by the Greek Colonists for their river-gods, so the islands on the 
Italian coast were also called Sirens. 

Strabo (I c II) thus writes of the position of the Sirens, which 
was questioned by commentators on Homer's Odyssev. 

" Some say the Sirens of Homer are situated near Pelorus (i.e. 
cape Faro in Sicily) and others that they are more than two thou- 
sand stadia distant, near Sirenussae (i.e. between the gulfs of 

- 28 5 - 

Naples and Salerno), a three-peaked rock which separates the gulfs 
of Cumaea and Posidonium. 

" Now in the first place, the rock is not three-peaked, nor does 
it form a crest at the summit at all, but a long and narrow angle 
reaching from the territory of Surrentum to the strait of Capria 
having on one side of the mountain the temple of Sirens, and on the 
other side, next the gulf of Poseidonius, three little rocky and 
uninhabited islands named the Sirens. 

" ... II any one adds that the monument of Parthenope who 
was one of the Sirens is shewn in Naples, this only confirms us the 
more in our belief. . . 

If we compare the heads of the Nymph, or Siren, on our earliest 
Neapolitan coins with those heads on the coins of cities in S. Italy 
and Sicily, which are universally acknowledged to be heads of 
water-nymphs, we shall see they are all very similar in design, and 
that very probably the craftsmen of the Neapolitan mint copied 
some of them. 

Compare our early Neapolitan Obverse types with the staters of 
Terina, or the coins of Syracuse figured on pp. 152, 153 of 
D r Head's Hist. Num. 

The head of the Naiad Arethusa is that of the water-nymph of 
the well in Ortygia at Syracuse, of whom Shelley sang in his poem 
" Arethusa". 

The head is assumed by D r Head to be that of " Arethusa iden- 
tified with Artemis". This must be the Arcadian Artemis (XtjAvSjTis 
or X'.;;.vorta). In her sanctuaries were wells as at Corinth. Asa nymph 
she is connected with river-gods, as with Alpheius who fell in love 
with her: confer the story as related by Ovid in Met., V, 572, and 
Servius, ad Virg. Eel., X, 4. 

Hence fish were sacred to her (Diod., V, 3). 

The influence of Sicily is recognized as being felt at that time in 
the city of Neapolis, and therefore it is more than probable that 
the Sicilian myths influenced the mint-artists at that time. 

The arguments for the attribution of these early female heads to 
Parthenope are : 

(a) the name of the early city, Parthenope, 

(b) the connection of the Siren with Acheloiis, who appears on 
the unique earliest coin in the Cabinet of France, 

(V) the similarity of the types with those of cities issuing types of 



Strabo informs us that Athenians were among the earliest colo- 
nists of Neapolis. According to Beloch and E. Ciaceri the citizens 

— 286 — 

about the middle of the fifth century B.C. freed themselves from 
the supremacy of Cumae, and for many years the rival powers of 
Athens and Syracuse contended for the friendship of the Neapoli- 
tans. A fragment of Timaeus of Tauromenium mentions the arri- 
val at Neapolis of the Athenian admiral Diotimus and the institution 
of torch-races in honour of Parthenope. This passage is a witness 
to the probability of the head of the nymph on the coinage being the 
head of Parthenope. It has been thought that the visit of Diotomus was 
made with the intention of enlisting the Neapolitans on the side of 
the Athenians in their struggle with Syracuse. De Petra in his 
work " origini di Neapolis " considers that Diotome arrived in that 
city about the year 425 B. C. and that the coins with the crested 
head of Athene were then issued. 

The Athenians had made treaties with the citizens of Rhegium 
and Leontini as early as 433 B.C., their object being to enlist the 
sympathies of the Chalcidian colonists of Magna Graecia. This was 
easily accomplished, as these colonists themselves stood in need of 
any help which Athens could give, for the Ionian Greeks had been 
unable to oppose the supremacy of the Dorians. 

In 427 B.C. the Leontini appealed to Athens for help and Laches 
and Charoeades sailed to Sicily. 

The former was recalled, and Sophocles and Eurymedon on their 
arrival in Sicily being defeated, returned to Athens in 425 B.C. In 
422 Phaeax was sent to Sicily, and next year peace was proclaimed. 

Between Segesta and Athens there was an alliance which result- 
ed in the generals Alcibiades, Lamachus, and Nicias being sent to 
the assistance of the former state. 

Hopes in Athens were raised of an Empire in the West, and thus 
began the great struggle between Athens and Syracuse. 

The date attributed to the coins bearing the head of the Athenian 
goddess with thecrestless helmet is earlier than the arrival of Diotime 
in 425 B. C, and they are among the earliest coins issued in Nea- 

The later coins of this type, after 410, cannot be taken as evi- 
dences of Athenian influence but rather of that of Thurium, which 
city had then cast off its alliance with Athens. 

The date given to the earliest coin bearing the head of Pallas is 
earlier than the foundation of Thurium 443 B.C., we cannot there- 
fore say that these early coins with the crestless helmets were copied 
from coins of that city. The later coins, however, bearing a head of 
Athene in a crested helmet, are attributed to the year 415 B.C. by 
A. Sambon, and by De Petra to the year of the visit of Diotime 425 
B.C. The coins of Thurium, which appear to be the models from 
which the Neapolitan coins were copied, attained their greatest 
beauty of artistic work about 420 B.C., and it seems more probable 
therefore that M. A. Sambon is right. 

— 287 — 

Compare coins ofThurium before 425 B.C. 

After the defeat of the Athenians near Syracuse in August 
413 B.C. the influence of Athens would not account for the contin- 
uation of the Pallas type on the coins of Neapolis. After that date 
the influences signified in the type were those of Thurium, until 
356 B.C. when that city was taken by the Bruttii, and afterwards of 
Nola until 313 B.C. 


Some of the helmets of Athene are ornamented with an owl, as 
on the coins of Nola. They are found among the coins of the fine 
period 415-380 B.C. with the Reverse type without the flying 
Victory, and also among the later coins after 340 B.C., with the 
flying Victory, crowning the bull with the human head, full faced. 
These are apparently rare types valued at from £ _j to £ 5, while 
the former series with the owl on the helm are valued at from £ 1 
to £ 2. In 327 B.C. Nola was powerful enough tosend 2000 soldiers 
to Neapolis, but fourteen vears later the Romans took that city 
(313 B.C.). 

The influence ol Nola may be expressed by this imitation of the 
types of that city. 


M. A. Sambon describes a series of these coins bearing the 
head of Athene wrought in rude style, with the bull butting, 
and with the off foreleg raised and tail curled. The legends are 
10AI. There is no flying victory on these coins and some of them 
may be the work of ancient forgers. 


At Syracuse the mint officials continued to issue coins bearing 
the head of a water-nymph until the time of the great defeat of 
the Athenians in 413 B.C., soon after which the head of Perse- 
phone, called by the Romans Proserpina, appears as the obverse 
type. The influence of Sicily upon the city Neapolis may be seen 
in the change made about the year 400 B.C. in the Neapolitan 
types, for the head of the Siren Parthenope was then changed for 
that of a head evidently copied from the Syracusan coins. The 
new type is easily distinguished from the older by the bunch ot 
curls looped in the sphendone behind the head, with the ends ol 
the locks loose; and also by the more gracious style of the face. 

The divine power represented by the different names of Perse- 

— 288 — 

phone in Syracuse, Libera in Rome, and Dia Hebe in Neapolis, is 
that of the Spring, with its force of life and warmth, of light and 
growth, rising to displace the death and coldness, the darkness and 
withering of winter. 

The mysteries expressed these ideas without giving that power 
a name more definite than that of theKore or maiden. 

We have seen on the types of Tarentum the prominent position 
taken by Dionysus and Iacchus, and it is thought by many that the 
bull form on the reverse of these coins bearing the head of the kore 
is meant to represent the Dionysus Hebon, whose cult will be consid- 
ered in the chapter on the Reverse types. 

The myth of Persephone was probably introduced into Sicily 
and S. Italy by the colonists from Corinth and Megara. Theocritus 
associates her with the new life of Spring (III, 48), and Plutarch 
identifies her also with that season. In the Mysteries the revival of 
life was made an emblem of immortality, hence the kore was fre- 
quently carved on sarcophagi. In the Orphic Hymn (29, 16) she is 
described as the goddess of Nature who destroys and revives every- 
thing. The exact nature of her relation to Dionysus, Iacchus, 
Zagreus, and Sabazius is not easy to define, sometimes she is called 
the mother of these powers, sometimes the wife. Her festivals 
were held at both the times of sowing and of harvest (Diod., V 4, 
Athen IV). 

The festival at Rome called the Liberalia was held on the 17 th 
of March. Apparently the old festival of Parthenope and Acheloiis 
at Neapolis was displaced by that of the Dia Hebe when the Mys- 
teries became more popular than the older myths. 

Hebe is the Greek y$y] (youth) and it was used metaphorically 
for the state of freshness, cheerfulness, or joy. Pott has suggested 
a connection with the Sanskrit juvan (juvenis). The goddess of 
Spring was therefore naturally called Dia Hebe. 

In modern poetry the same image is used, as in Wordsworth's 
ode (XXXVIII) composed on a May morning: 

While from the purpling earth departs 

The star that led the dawn, 
Blithe Flora from her couch upstarts 

For May is on the lawn. 
A quickening hope, a freshening glee 

Foreran the expected Power, 
Whose first drawn breath, from bush and tree 

Shakes off that pearly shower. 
All Nature welcomes her whose sway 

Tempers the year's extremes. 

The " power" of which Shelley wrote in Part II of his poem 

— 289 — 

" The Sensitive plant " is that expressed by the old name Dia-Hebe, 
and the song of the Maiden taken to Hades is given by him in 
"The song of Proserpine ". His "Hymn to the Spirit of Nature" 
also is an expression of the old ideal personification expressed in 


The symbols on the Obverse and Reverse types of ancient coins 
are generally connected or associated with the deity worshipped by 
the citizens issuing the coinage. In Neapolis the earliest coins, 
having the Siren Parthenope on the Obverse, bear the image of 
her father Acheloiis on the Reverse, and the later coins which show 
the head of Dia Hebe on the Obverse bear the symbolic image of 
her relative Dionysus Hebon on the Reverse. 


Eckhel in his treatise " de tauro cum facie humana " contends 
that the bull with the human head did not represent a river-god, 
but his main argument is drawn from the fact that river-gods are 
generally represented in human form, either reclining by the spring, 
or swimming in thew r ater. This however is not an argument which 
can be applied to this type, because all the instances he refers to 
are of later date, and it is now generally agreed that in the fifth 
century B.C. a bull was the symbol used by many cities for the 
river-god of their locality. 

The head on the Obverse type is certainly the head of a water- 
nymph, and the name of the ancient city Parthenope directs us to 
the particular Nymph represented. She was the daughter of Acheloiis 
the river-god of the land of the Acarnanians, and Aetolians, between 
whose territories the river flowed for some hundred miles from 
mount Pindus in Epirus. Where the river enters the sea, the waters 
have left islands, which were poetically called the daughters of the 
river-god and named Sirens. The colonists in S. Italy and Sicily 
remembered the myths of their fatherland, and named the islands 
off" their coasts Sirens, and their river-gods Acheloiis. This poetic 
myth carries us back to the earliest days when rivers, fountains, 
trees or mountains were considered the seats of deities or powers 
of nature to be reverenced. 

The name AysX&oq is thought to be derived from the root AX 
meaning water, from which " aqua" was also formed. The irresis- 
tible force of the water rushing in a roaring torrent from the 
mountains was symbolized by the form of the bull. 

Very early artists endeavoured to commemorate the labours of 
Heracles in draining the land near the Copaic lake by representing 


— 290 — 

him struggling with a bull, and the fruitful fields, irrigated by 
man's restraint of the forces of the streams, were symbolized as 
the horn of Amalthea torn from the terrible power thus overcome. 
Professor Cardella thus explained the myth in his treatise "lottadi 
Ercole con Archeloo " (Orvieto, 1894). His work is illustrated 
with a drawing of an Etruscan carving representing Heracles 
struggling with the bull. 

The small rivers of Southern Italy and Sicily are subject to floods 
like those of New Zealand, and the old symbol of the bull 
would naturally seem appropriate to the early colonists. 

The labour of Heracles in subduing the power of the water-floods 
is spoken of by Horace in Ode Lib. I, III (1. 3 .36). 
Acheron's bar gave way with ease 
Before the arm of labouring Hercules : 
Nought is there for man too high. 

The bull form is seen on coins of Southern Italy struck in cities 
situated on rivers or by fountains, as for instance at Laiis, at Thu- 
rium, at Siris and Pyxus, and at Sybaris. A very ancient coin of 
Metapontum is especially important as a witness to this meaning 
of the bull type for it bears a figure of Acheloiis with the horns and 
ears of a bull, with the inscription AXEAOIO A9A0N in reference 
to the games celebrated in his honour. Such coins may have been 
given as (SOXa) prizes to the successful athletes. We know that 
similar games were also held in Parthenope. 

The coins of Gela with a bull, apparently in the act of swimming, 
are also especially interesting, because the earliest known coin of 
Parthenope was probably copied from its type. 

It is not doubted even by Eckhel that Acheloiis was represented 
on coins of Acarnania. 

The Acarnanian river was not the only stream called Acheloiis ; 
a mountain torrent in Arcadia flowing into the Alpheus from the 
north of mount Lycaeus, (Pausan. VIII, 38, § 9) was also so named, 
and from there the early colonists of Metapontum are said to have 
come after the Trojan war. 

Many instances are found in Italy of the desire to trace the 
origin of colonists; among the heroes of that war for example, the 
Romans desired to be thought descendants of pious Aeneas. 


Coins and vases afford ample evidence that the cult of Dionysus 
was firmly established among the Greek colonists of Magna Graecia 
in the fourth century before the birth of Christ, especially in 
Tarentum and Campania. 

From the coins of Tarentum the connection of this cult with 

— 29 r — 

the Mysteries is also clear ; when therefore we see the Head ol 
Dia Hebe, who represented the Kore of the Mysteries, on the 
Obverse of the didrachms of Neapolis, we naturally associate the 
Bull form on the Reverse of these coins with Dionysus Hebon. 
This symbolic form of the god is frequently mentioned in the poems 
of Sophocles and Euripides, and in Magna Graecia the poems ot 
the latter were particularly popular. It is difficult for us with our 
modern methods of thought to understand the rise of this particular 
symbol, but in the period of the childhood of the race the separa- 
tion now felt between animal and human life was not as clearly 
marked ; the animals were brothers, and even in the Bacchae of 
Euripides we see the expression of a desire to return to the wild 
free life of the woods and mountains. 

The idea symbolized was that of the power of moisture, life- 
giving sap, and in the earlier days of this cult Dionysus was the 
god of the vine. 

The bull form which had in Neapolis been used as the symbol 
of the river-god was easily made to represent the divine moisture 
of the spring and the sap of the vine. The same form was used also 
as a symbol of Poseidon the sea-god. Plutarch in his work on Isis 
and Osiris speaks of Dionysus as the principal of moisture. 

Southern Italy was especially celebrated by the Greek and Latin 
poets as the land of Liber and Ceres, of wine and corn, of Dionysus 
and Proserpina (Orphic Hymn, XXIV) Pindar speaks of the 
" cymbal-worshipped Demeter, and the flowing-haired Dionysus". 
(Isth., VI, 3), and Virgil sings of Liber et alma Ceres' (Georg., I, 5). 

The Bull form of the deity was especially celebrated by Euripides, 
who was so popular in Sicily that many Athenian captives in the 
year 413 B.C. obtained relief and even release by repeating lines 
from his poems. 

In his play the Bacchae, the King Pentheus, when led forth under 
the charm of the god to the mountain is made to say " yea and 
mine eye is bright ! yon sun shines twofold in the sky. Thebes 
twofold and the wall of seven gates... and is it a wild bull this, 
that walks and waits before me ? There are horns upon thy brow ! 
What art thou, man or beast? For surelv now the Bull is on 
thee ! " 

And the leader of the band of Bacchae sings " appear! appear! 
whatsoe'er thy shape or name O mountain Bull, Snake of the 
hundred heads, Lion of burning flame ! O God, Beast, Mystery come !" 
The poets makes Agave, the mother of Pentheus, sing of the head 
she bears. " See, it falls to his breast curling and gently tressed, the 
hair of the wild bull's crest, the young steer of the fell! ". 

The bull form is also emphasized in the Hymn given by Plutarch 
in his "Greek questions", XXXVI. 

— 292 — 

"Hero Dionysus, come to thy temple home, here at Elis wor- 
shipful we implore thee, with thy Charites adore thee, rushing 
with thy bull foot, come ! Noble Bull, Noble Bull. (a;is Taupe.) 
The Dionysian song, the dithramb, is mentioned by Pindar in his 
Olympian ode XIII, " Dionysus with the dithyramb that drives off 
the ox" the epithet " ^oyjXxtyjc " is generally supposed to refer to 
the ox as the prize driven off; Donaldson however says " it is more 
probable that it refers to the symbolical identification of Bacchus 
with this animal ", and he then quotes the Hymn from Plutarch 
given above. 

The Bull was not the only form under which this power was 
symbolized, for we meet with the forms of the lion, and the snake 
also, and the name Dionysus was not his only name ; we read of 
Bromius, and Sabaja, Thracian names for various forms of strong 
drink. His many names are referred to by Sophocles in his Antigone, 
in the Chorus beginning line 1115 " O thou who art hailed by 
many a name, glory of the Theban nymph, Son of loud thundering 
Zeus", and ending with "thee their dispenser Iacchus". 

In Tarentum the forms of Dionysus and Iacchus were repres- 
ented as the riders on the dolphin ; in Neapolis the bull form 
symbol was adopted as the reverse type as soon as the influence of 
the Mysteries became strong enough to supersede the older local 
cult of the river-god. Eckhel in his treatise " de tauro cum facie 
humana" quotes a passage from Macrobius (1, 13) shewing this was 
the opinion in the days of Honorius. This tauriform Chthonic 
divinity became predominant in Campania especially, as we may 
see from the designs on many Campanian vases, but among these 
designs some refer to the river-god, and other to Dionysus. 

Miss Jane Harrison says, "I know of no instance where an actual 
bull Dionysus is represented on a vase painting, but on an Amphora 
in the Wurzburg Museum he is represented clothed and in human 
form riding on a bull. 

In the Orphic Hymns (VI) this symbol is applied not only to 
Dionysus, but also to Protogonus who is called the " Bull-roarer", 
and in Hymn IX the moon is called " Bull-horned ". 

In Hymn XXX Dionysus is described as "two-horned, with ivy 
crowned, bull-faced bearer of the vine ", and in Hymn XLV we 
read : 

Come blessed Dionysus, various named, 
Bull-faced, begot from thunder Sec. 

The Hymn LII begins : 

Bacchus inflamed, much-named, blest, divine. 
Bull-horned, Lenaean, bearer of the vine. 

The Hymn LIII, to Amphietus Bacchus, associates him with " the 
Nymphs of lovely hair " and he is thus invoked " Come blessed, 

— 293 — 

fruitful, horned, and divine". These passages are all illustrated 
by the coins of Neapolis and help us to understand the symbol 
chosen for the reverse type. 

The change of meaning attached to the symbol is accompanied 
bv two changes in the Reverse type. 

(a) We now see a flying Victory above the bull bearing a crown. 
Eckhel appears to think this is a reference to a myth that Dionysus 
was crowned on account of his victories over the Titans and Indians, 
and he draws attention to a coin on which Dionysus is represented 
as being crowned by a female figure standing before the god. 

Usually we are accustomed to regard the figure of the flying 
Victory as an emblem of the victories in the games, as for instance 
on the didrachms of Tarentum, and we know that games were 
celebrated also in Neapolis. The obscure verse of Pindar above men- 
tioned suggests the idea that an ox was sometimes the prize of the 
Victorious Athlete. 

(/>) The second change is in the position of the human head of 
the Bull, which from the time of the change of meaning is always 
represented full-faced, whereas on the former series it had always 
been in profile. 


The story of the city Neapolis during the period of the Greek 
mintage naturally falls into three well-marked periods, that of the 
influence of Syracuse and Athens, that of the supremacy of the 
Samnites, and that of the Roman dominion. 


Manv years before the year 500 B.C., the Greek Colonists of 
Cumae had sent their citizens to Parthenope for the sake of com- 
merce, but about the year 474 B.C. their trade had so increased 
that colonists from Cumae commenced to build a new city along 
the shores of the bay to the east of the old city, hence the names 
by which the two cities were afterwards known, Palaeopolis and 
Neapolis. Pliny speaks of " Neapolis Chalcidensium et ipsa Parthe- 
nope a tumulo Sirenis appellata". 

The Chalcidian Greeks of whom Pliny speaks were colonists 
from Rhegium, driven thence by Anaxilaus the Tyrant who died 
in 479 B.C. 

According to Strabo these were soon afterwards joined by Athe- 
nian colonists. These early Cumaean Colonies had been long 
struggling against the power of the Etruscans, and in 474 they 
were saved bv Hiero of Syracuse from these enemies. The influence 
of Cumae declined about 450 B.C. and in 417 the old city of 

— 294 — 

Cumae was destroyed by the Campanians. The period becomes 
connected in our minds with general history when we remember 
that Thucydides was born in 471 and Socrates in 460 B. C. and the 
reign of Hiero lasted from 478 to 467 B.C. We may see in the British 
Museum a famous helmet which bears an inscription relating to 
Hiero's Victory over the Etruscans. The degree of culture and civil- 
ization enjoyed by these western Colonies may be understood 
when we remember that the court of Hiero was visited by such 
men as Aeschylus, Pindar, Bacchylides, and Simonides, and as the 
citizens of Neapolis were in constant communication with Syracuse 
they were by no means cut off from the culture of Greece. 

The coinage of this period bears witness to all the above-men- 
tioned influences ; we have first the unique coin evidently copied 
from the coins of Gela in Sicily and having reference to the name 
of the old city Parthenope and her sire the Acheloiis, then the 
coins with the Siren's head like those of Syracuse, and lastly the 
coins illustrating the Athenian influence. In 443 the Athenians 
colonized Thurium and from that time began their struggle to 
obtain supremacy over the Dorian Greek Colonists. We find the 
Dorian termination in the legends NE0P0AITA2 and the greater 
frequency with which we find the Ionian spelling NEOPOAITHZ 
shews of how successful the Athenian influence was in Neapolis ; but 
the spelling of the legends bears witness to the constant presence 
of the different parties in the city, which, by weakening the state, 
facilitated the supremacy of the Samnites. In the notes on the head 
of Pallas the visit of Diotimus and the various expeditions of the 
Athenians which ended with the great defeat in 413 B.C. have been 
referred to. The coins issued after that date shew the importance 
of the connection with Thurium, and probably the alliance had for 
its object the defence of the Greek cities from their Samnite and 
Lucanian foes. Laiis fell before them in 390 B.C. the same year 
that Neapolis was taken. In 406 B.C. Dionysius the elder began his 
reign in Syracuse, but was at first occupied with the Carthaginians; 
he however assisted the Lucanians against the Greek cities of S. 
Italy. Commerce between Sicily and Neapolis seems to have con- 
tinued, for Sicilian influence is seen on some of the coins. 


In 390 B.C. the Samnites occupied Neapolis, and from about that 
date inscriptions shew that the magistrates were chosen, one from 
the Greeks, and the other from the Samnites ; the coins also shew 
Oscan names. 

For some time before that date the Samnites had been gradually 
obtaining a footing in the cities near the sea, and Diodorus tells us 

— 295 — 

that 800 Samnites served as mercenaries sent by Neapolis to help 
the Athenians against Syracuse. 

When the Athenians were defeated, the Samnites hired themselves 
to the Syracusans. This great movement of the mountaineers may 
perhaps have been influenced by the pestilence invading their homes 
and by the bad seasons from which Italy suffered about that time. 
The Greek Colonists were, in comparison with these hardy simple 
highlanders, effeminate, luxurious, and weak. The simplicity and 
morality of the barbarians gave them a force of character which 
easily won for them a supremacy over the citizens among whom 
they settled. 

The impetus given to the worship of Dia Hebe during this 
period ma3 r have been the result of the above-mentioned pestilence 
and famine, for the mysteries were Chthonic, and her power was 
that of vegetable growth and renewal of life. 

Her cult however was Greek, and not Samnite, moreover the 
influence of the new comers was not likely to affect the designs of 
the mint-masters. 

The coinage is that of Class IV in which the bull with the human 
head is turned facing, and a flying Victory appears over the bull. 

About 340 B.C. the influence of Nola is seen in the copies of 
the coins of that city issued in Neapolis. On them we see the owl 
in the helmet of Pallas and the same letters T and O appear on 
the Reverse of coins of Nola, Hyrina and Neapolis. The influence 
of the Samnites on the coinage is to be seen in certain coins bearing 
illegible inscriptions which are considered by some to be the work 
of Samnites, and by others an attempt to copy Phoenician legends 
and to be the result of Sicilian influence. 

The period of conclusion and art-decadence owing to the Samnite 
influence cannot have lasted very long, for some of the most beau- 
tifuls heads on the didrachms were executed during this period; 
perhaps the period of decadence lasted only from 390 to 380 B.C. 
It was during this time that those coins which are evidently restruck 
on older coins were issued. 

The coins bearing the figure of Herakles strangling the Nemean 
lion, which bear witness to the union of Neapolis with the league 
of the S. Italian Greek cities, were issued about 340 B.C. 

In the Museum at Naples is an interesting coin bearing the head 
of Apollo and the Tarentine horseman similar to the coins of 
Tarentum in 340 B.C. ; its legend NEOPO shews it was issued in 
Neapolis. From that time to the end of this period there was consid- 
erable intercourse with Tarentum, and that city sent men to help 
against the Romans in 326 B.C. 

296 — 


The incidents which led to the League between Neapolis and 
Rome are related in Livy Lib VIII. c. 22-25. 

Some of the citizens hearing of the unsettled nature of Rome's 
alliance with the Samnites, and of the terrible pestilence which had 
ravaged Rome, committed acts of hostility against Romans settled 
in Campania, and when heralds were sent to demand satisfaction 
gave an impudent reply. The Consul Q. Publilius Philo then began 
the war by stationing his forces between Neapolis and Paleopolis. 
Two thousand men from Nola and 4000 Samnites were received 
into Paleopolis. 

Livy tells us that the names of the men who arranged the sur- 
render of the city were Charilaus and Nymphius ; the former w r ent 
to Q.. P. Philo and arranged matters, the latter stayed behind and 
plotted to get the Samnites out of the city that night by pretending 
to plan an expedition against Rome. As soon as they left, the 
Romans entered the city in the darkness and when it was made 
known w r hat had occured, the Nolans fled to Nola and the Sabines 
to the hills. 

Coins are met with bearing the name Charilaus XAPIAEfHZ]. 
Pellerin published a coin of exactly similar type with the legend 

It is also noticeable that on other coins of this period we find the 


monogram N (i. e. NY) for Nymphius or Nympsius the colleague 
of Charilaus. The effect of the Foedus Neapolitanum arranged by 
these men was to bring in a new period of prosperity to Neapolis. 

Neapolis was from 326 B.C. a " foederata civitas " enjoying the 
protection of the Roman State with but a small share of its burdens. 
Cicero in his " pro Balb" (8 24) shews the citizens were not at 
all eager to obtain the Roman franchise. 

They continued faithful to Rome throughout all temptations 
such as the invasion of Pyrrhus in 280 B.C. who came near to the 
walls of the city, but withdrew (Zonar. VIII. 4) : even Hannibal 
was deterred by the strength of its fortifications (Livy, XXIII, 1, 
14, 15, XXIV, 13). Neapolis became a naval base for the Roman 


In studving the Coinage of Tarentum or Svracuse we find the 
names of a few artists in small letters on the types, but no name 
has been found on any of the didrachms of Neapolis. 

— 297 — 

Many of these coins possess, however, such beauty and character, 
that we should naturally be glad to learn anything of the artists 
who produced them. We have seen that the connection with 
Syracuse was close enough to influence the designs of the types on 
the Neapolitan coins. This however is not all, since some ol the 
obverse types, bearing the head of Dia Hebe in profile, shew a 
similarity to certain Syracusan coins wrought by the hands of the 
celebrated artist Kimon, which leads us to enquire whether there 
is any likelihood of his having been the artist who wrought some 
of the Neapolitan coins also. 

The profile heads of Arethusa on the tetradrachms of Syracuse 
wrought by Kimon shew the same bold relief, the same manner 
of treating the hair, and the same details in regard to the earrings, 
as those found on certain didrachms of Neapolis. 

Moreover the expression on the faces of the nymphs, which so 
ably expresses the double nature of the mythical being, half-nymph, 
half Artemis, an expression of mingled pride and grace, is found 
both on Kimon's work at Syracuse and on some Neapolitan 

Coincidences of style, design and technique are also observed on 
the three-quarter facing heads of Arethusa wrought by Kimon, and 
on the similar heads issued in Neapolis about 413 B.C. Neapolis is 
not the only Italian city in w r hich we may gather from these coinci- 
dences that Kimon worked ; for instance, he executed dies for 
Messana, the Chalkidian mother-city of Himera, before he began 
his work in Syracuse. He also made a die for Metapontum. We 
may notice that Kimon's name is not found in association with 
those of other Syracusan artists, and this might be explained by the 
fact that he was probablv regarded as a foreigner in that city. Now 
there is a fact which is considered by some to throw some light on 
these observations. The earliest coin which bears what is thought 
to be an artist's signature is a coin of Himera struck between 470 
and 450 B.C. 

When we remember how hereditary the trades and artistic 
calllings were in the ancient Greek world, it becomes at least pro- 
bable that the Kimon w T ho executed that early coin may have been 
the grandfather of the celebrated artist who signed the Syracusan 
coins. This supposition would account for all that has been observ- 
ed concerning the work of Kimon in Italian mints and the great 
similarity of style seen on the coins of Syracuse and Neapolis. If 
moreover we obverse the details of the earrings we shall 
see that those on the Neapolitan coins are very similar to 
those on the coins signed by Kimon. 

At Neapolis, Hyrina, and Nola, the form is as in (A) 
illustration A, 

— 298 — 

while that of Kimon's Syracusan coins is as in illus- 
tration B. 

The bar form with triple pendant appeared later in 
the fourth century, and is said to have reached Syracuse 
(B) through Carthaginian influences. Those who wish to 

study further this interesting suggestion will find further informa- 
tion in Mr. Arthur J. Evans' " Syracusan Medallions and their 
Engravers" (Quaritch, 1892). 

"La Cronologia delle monete di Neapolis " " Prototypes mone- 
taires siculo-grecs ". E. Seltman. "Le monete dell' Italia Antica ". 


TYPE I. 43O-280. B.C. 

Obv. Head of Apollo to right wearing wreath of olive-leaves 
in a triple row, the hair behind flowing backward in the form of 
half a crescent. Behind the head of Apollo A or Al or /E or K or 
A or /P or NE. 

Rev. The forepart of a man-headed bull with the near foreleg 
bent as it running, and the off leg straight, sometimes a four-rayed 
star upon the bull's shoulder. The legend varies as follows, 

The following letters are found in the field. 

N IA AIO ivtand I 2 AO NY 
Bl Bl 

The following are the dimensions of coins with these types '8 of 
an inch, '7, '6, 5', "4. 

Weights from 5. 80 to 1 .70 grammes. 

These types are found with the archaic style of work, with the 
fine style, and with a poor style. 

type 11. 270-250 B.C. 

Obv. Laureated head of Apollo to right with the hair knotted 

Rev. The man-headed bull swimming to right NEOPOAITflN. 

Weight from 3 . 9 to 1 .45 grammes. 

Size ' 5 of an inch. 

Rev. Lyre and the omphalos, above which is a serpent, and in 
the exergue NEOPOAITHN and a club. In size some are 8 of an 

TYPE III. 320-280 B.C. 

Obv. Laureated head of Apollo to right with hair in loose 
curls over back of neck, and the legend NEOPOAITHI in front of 

— 299 — 

Rev. The normal man-headed bull walking to right with face 
turned facing, above the bull in the field as symbol an eight-rayed 
star, a dolphin, an arrow, star and crescent, wreath, Phrygian helm, 
tripod, a dove in a crown, bunch of grapes in a crown, star in a 
crown, Helios facing, a cock, a cantharus, a fulmen, a lyre, winged 
hippoeamp, buckler, a flower between the letters EP with A? below, 
an eagle to left, bull's head, a swallow, a serpent, cornucopia, a head 
in profile with a trident below. Under the bull the following letters 
AE EK^M, A3, M, A, &- 

The coins bearing this type are called litrx* and hemilitrae. In size 
the former are 9 of an inch, the latter 6. In weight the former 
about 10.50, the latter about 5 to 6 grammes. 

type iv. 270-240 B.C. 

Obv. Laureated head of Apollo to left with the legend 
NEOPOAITflN before the face; behind a symbol or a letter as 

Rev. The man-headed bull walking to right with head turned 
acing, crowned by a flying Victory. 

Perhaps a litra of the reduced weight. 

Under the bull some letters as ME or 12. 

II is frequently in the exergue where other letters also appear 
as PH, Xin,02, M, ME, KE. 

In size from "8 to '7 of an inch. 

In weight from a little less than 6 grammes to 6.50. From 240 
to 210 B.C. this same type appeared on coins still smaller in size 
and weighing only 2.67 to 3.94 gr. They may be litrae of much 
reduced standard; they measure 05 of an inch. 

type v. 300-200 B.C. 

Obv. A manly beardless head to left, laureated, and with short 

Rev. A tripod and the legend divided on either side NEOPO- 

They are hemilitrae of reduced weights and are wrought in the 
fine style. 

The head appears to be like that of Heracles. 

type vi. 250-200 b. c. 

Obv. Laureated head of Apollo to right with letters behind 
as XAI or XA. Behind the head a symbol, border of dots. 

type vii. 250-200 B.C. 
Obv. Head of Diana to right with quiver behind neck. 

— 3 00 — 

Rev. Cornucopia full of fruit, the point sometimes terminating 
iu the head of a doe, or garnished with ribbons or little wings. 

NEOTO to left, AITHN to right. 

They are Hemilitne and weigh from i. 94 to 3. 25 gr. In size 
about *5 of an inch. They are sometimes of fine style. 


Obv. Manly beardless head with short hair, representing one 
of the Dioscuri, with a star behind. 

Rev. A rider on a horse to left cantering. 

In the exergue NEAPOAITHN and with a letter or letters under 
the horse, as I A2 AH AY Ol PO #A XAI. 

They are Hemilitras and weigh from 3. 95 to 2.21 gr. In size 
some are "6 of an inch, others " 5. 

Between the years 240-210 B.C. we find the following letters 
AH Ol on Rev., and A, Kl or KT or K on obv. 


Some of the coins of this type bear the legend PHMAIHN, some 
are of fine, and others of poor style. 

— 30i — 


Many are interested in the myths and legends connected with 
the Greek coin-types who shrink from entering upon the difficult 
study of the origin and growth of the weight standards, and thus 
miss much which is of importance in the historical study of the 

M r W. Ridgeway has shewn in his work " On the Origin of 
Metallic Currency of Weight Standards " how interesting the subject 
may be, and D r B. V. Head has shewn in the Introduction to his 
" Historia Numorum " the connection of this study with history. 

By the exercise of a little historical imagination the weight ol 
the coins, regarded at first by some as utterly uninteresting, may 
become a real help in tracing the history of the colonists of Magna 
Graecia, whose myths and legends have already proved so full of 
interest and charm. 

The subject will be treated only from the point of view of the 
student who desires to understand the relative values of the coins, 
and the historical importance of the different standards which 
prevailed in Southern Italy. 

An examination of any large collection of coins of S. Italy, or a 
glance at the Catalogue of the coins in the British Museum, reveals 
to us the fact that there is a bewildering variety in the weights of 
the coins. When however we remember that very many of the 
coins still existing are more or less worn, we shall realize that 
much of the variety in the weights catalogued is thus accounted 
for. Only such specimens as are in mint condition are of use 
as aids to the understanding of the system of weights to which 
they belong. 

The Greek coins of Magna Graecia were issued throughout a 
period of about two hundred and seventy years, during which time 
the relative value of silver to gold changed at various times, and 
the gold standard itself also changed. The earliest colonists of 
Cumse used the Aeginetic gold weight of 230 grs, the Velians 
used the Phocaean gold weight of 260 grs., and the Achaean cities 
that of Persia 130 grs. 

In considering the meaning of the weight of a silver coin we 

— 3 02 — 

must therefore note its date, and the origin of the colonists who 
issued it. Thus, if a coin weighs 126 grains, and its date is of the 
fifth or sixth century B.C. we must decide whether it belongs to 
one of the Achaean colonies or to one of the Athenian, before we 
know how to classify it in regard to its weight standard. 

So also, if the date of a coin is later than the period when 
Philip's Macedonian gold standard prevailed, and earlier than the 
time of Agathocles, i.e. from 345 to 317 B.C. , we should seek 
to understand its weight by reference to the table here given of the 
Macedonian standard. 

The weight standards we are about to consider are those by 
which silver was weighed, for gold was used only exceptionally in 
Magna Graecia for the coinage. The expression " ratio" commonly 
used to express the relative values of gold and silver, is somewhat 
misleading when applied to the early silver coinage of the Greeks, 
and a more accurate expression would be "the market value of 
gold darics or bars of gold ". 

When silver was coined it was always mixed with a very small 
amount of copper, as without some alloy it would have been too 
soft to be conveniently used for circulation. 

The amount of alloy was very variable, the least is found in the 
coins of Athens, where 985 parts out of a thousand were of fine 
silver, and this degree of purity was preserved up to the time of 
Alexander. After that time the silver of Athens contained only 
about 950 parts in the thousand. The coins of Alexander contain- 
ed 967 parts in the thousand. The coins of Aegina and Corinth 
give an average purity of 961 in the thousand. 

The purity of the silver coins ol Magna Graecia has been tested 
by M. de Rauch (Zeitscbr.f. Num., t. I, p. 36). 





96 per cent fine silver. 











98 per cent fine silver 










Obols & Diobols 








94 — 




— 303 — 

Obols & | 











— ■ 





In the later periods there was a tendency to use a little more 
alloy, as at Tarentum where the later coins fell as low as 88 per 
cent tine silver. 


When the first silver coins were issued in Aegina the smaller 
coins were called obols and drachms, because the weight oi silver 
contained in these coins was calculated to be the value of the 
obol, or nail, or bar of copper, and that of the drachm to be the 
value of the handful of six obols. 

The silver was probably weighed by seeds as among all ancient 

Hultsch in his work Metro!. Script., vol. I, p. 248, gives a frag- 
ment from Galen which testifies to this manner of weighing 
silver " r t ok opxy\j.r t y.ipxxy. vr it aXXci o£ Xrp'jatv iyv. ~(pi[j.[i'xq tpiiq, 
to yp<x\).\*.x b$o\ouq (3' j 6 os ojSsXoq jcspaxa y ', to ss y.spcmcv iyv. cr.y.- 
pia 0'. 

" For the drachm equals eighteen kerata, or, as others say, it 
has three grammai, now the gramma is equal to two obols, and the 
obol to three kerata and the keration hath four grams of corn". 

In India precious articles have always been weighed by the seed 
called ratti, a creeper known as the gunja, or to botanists as the 
Abrus precatorius. 

The Arabians weighed gold by the seed of wheat and by the 
Ceratonia Siliqua seed. 

Four grains of wheat were accounted equal to one seed of the 
Ceratonia, which was called v.epi-ia by the Greeks. It is mention- 
ed in St Luke XV, 16 " the husks that the swine did eat". The 
Arabs also considered one kerat equal to three barley seeds. 

In England from the days of Alfred the Great down to those ol 
Henry VII., i. e. from 871-1509 the weight of the silver penny was 
fixed by the primitive custom of weighing with 32 grains ol 

The 12 th of Henry VII, c. v. ordains that : 

1 Bushel = 8 gallons of wheat. 

1 Gallon = 8 pounds ot wheat. 

1 Pound =12 ounces Troy. 

1 Ounce === 20 sterlings or pennies . 

— 304 — 

i Sterling =32 grains of wheat that grew in the middle of the 
ear of corn. 

The old standard of the Roman empire had for its basis the seed 
of the Ceratonia Siliqua. 

The solidus of gold = 72 grains troy, and was divided into 
24 siliquae. 

We get our English word " Carat " from this Greek word 

Among the Semitic races also we find the same custom of 
weighing with seeds, they used the Lupin seed, and called it a 

10 gerahs = 1 bekah. 
2 bekahs = 1 shekel. 

The Greeks called the Lupin a thermos, and regarded 1 thermos 
as equal to 2 kerata or 8 grains of wheat or 6 barleycorns. 

It is easy for us to form a table of the Greek coins which fits in 
with the theory that the ancient Greeks weighed their silver with 
barley seeds, but the words obol and drachm, in their original 
meaning, point to a rougher way of measuring than that by 

The measurement thus indicated by the word obol was of copper, 
not silver, and when silver took the place of the old spikes or copper 
nails, the amount of silver at which they were estimated would 
naturally be weighed. 

The old words were retained because they expressed the idea of 
value which was the meaning aimed at in the use of the word. 

In the earlier period we find the Greeks computed amounts by 
the number of drachms, not, as later, by didrachms, so they would 
count 100 drachms to the Mina, not 50 staters, the drachm being 
an old native word while the Mina was foreign, and used only by 

According to the table given below the obol weighed 12 barley- 
corns, but according to the fragment from Galen given above, the 
obol was equal to 3 karats, and as 1 karat equalled 4 grains of wheat 
or 3 barleycorns, so the obol would have been equal to 9 barley- 
corns or 12 grains of wheat. 

It looks as if the weights of the silver coins were fixed by a com- 
promise between the system of adopting the earlier weights of the 
obols and drachmas, which may have been independent of any ratio 
between silver and gold, and the system of adopting the value in 
silver of a gold talent, or daric weighing 130 grs. A/"., and 
dividing it by ten or fifteen according to the system chosen. 

The obols were generally independent of the larger coins. 

Professor Ridgeway has given a table of weights in the ' Cam- 
bridge Companion to Greek Studies ' shewing the relation of the 

— 305 — 

Athenian coin-weights to the barleycorn. With one or two misprints 
corrected it is as follows : 


i Barleycorn weight 

0.060 gram, or 

•9 g 

i^ — xiXXugo? 

0.090 — 


3 — quarter obol 



6 — half obol 


5 5 5 

12 — obol 


11 . 11 

72 — drachm 



144 — didrachm 



On p. 64 of Mr. G. F. Hill's ' Handbook of Greek and Roman 
Coins' ' is a similar table, in which what Mr. Ridgeway calls the 
vShh'jfcz is called Hemitetartemorion " The xoXXu3°S was probably 
a still smaller denomination. " Mr. Hill gives the drachms as weigh- 
ing 4.36 and the didrachms 8.72 or 134.57 grs. The weights 
differ but very slightly from the table in D r Head's, Historia 
Numoruin, p. 3 10. 

What was the relation of the silver weights to the gold Talent of 
the Greeks? 

The gold coins of Athens, and those of Tarentum, weighed 
135 grs., and the Persian Daric 130 grs. As the didrachms weighed 
135 grs., or thereabout, we may gather that 15 of these would be 
the equivalent for a gold coin weighing 135 grs., when the ratio 
was 15:1. 

If the didrachm's weight was arrived at by the doubling of the 
drachm's weight, and that weight was the old value of the copper 
nails then it is a happy coincidence that fifteen of the didrachms 
weighed about the value of the gold Talent. 

Many numismatists reverse the process and take the gold 
weight, and divide it by fifteen, to get the weight of the didrachm, 
and, moreover, they think the gold weight was derived from the 
East. This seems to be the most likely process to have been 
evolved, but the obols and drachms may have had the more 
primitive origin and have been made to fit in. 

In considering how far the Greeks were indebted to the Eastern 
nations we note at once that the word Mva (Latin Mina), is a 
Semitic word HJQ signifying a division or portion, derived from the 
verb to divide. It seems difficult to find out how early it was in use 
among the Greeks but before the coinage had been very long in 
circulation the word Mva was used to express the value of 
100 drachmae 

Mr. Ridgeway thinks that in the Maneh we can trace a primi- 
tive method of measuring by a gourd. On p. 258 he refers to the 
use of the cocoanut, and the joints of bamboo of certain sizes, as 
measures of capacitv, and asks "is it possible that the maneh had a 
similar origin? " Was some natural object such as the gourd, 
Hands. 20 

— 3°6 — 

which is at the present moment the ordinary unit of capacity at 
Zanzibar, taken to serve as a measure of liquids or corn ? It is 
probable that the Greek cyathus (v.JaHoq like its Latin congener 
cucurbita) meant originally some kind of gourd. 

Mr. Petrie found on the site ofLachish archaic pottery in the 
shape of a gourd. It is of course merely a speculation that the early 
Semites made 50 shekels of gold a much used weight, because it 
w r as roughly equal to their maneh, the gourd measure. 

Herodotus (III, 96), describes how gold dust was melted into 
earthen-ware jars which were then broken. It seems likely that 
from a jar, or more primitively, a gourd, the mina was derived. 

According to Bockh another manner of measuring the Maneh 
was adopted, namely by weighing the amount of water which 
trickled from a vessel pierced w 7 ith a little hole, during a certain 
given time. Thus the measurement of weight was made to come 
into connection with that of time. This scientific method may 
well have been adopted when the sciences had been long studied, 
but in the earlier days it seems more probable that some such simple 
manner of measurement as that by a gourd was adopted. 

It is noticeable that in the earlier books of the Bible we find only 
the smaller weight, the shekel, is mentioned, and the mina and 
kikkar only when the civilization had become more advanced. 

So among the Greeks the Talent at first corresponded to the 
Shekel ; the Mina and later Talent were introduced with the more 
complex civilization. 

Even before 3000 B.C. the Babylonians had given up the primi- 
tive methods of weighing, and had elaborated a metrological system 
which, in its scientific basis and inter-relation of standards, bears 
a striking resemblance to the metric system of the Continent. 
The sexagesimal principle is the characteristic of the Babylonian 
system. Our division of the hour into 60 minutes, each of 
60 seconds, is a legacy from Babylon. The unit of weight in the 
fully developed system was the Maneh, or Mina, written ideogra- 
phically MA-NA. Whether it is of Sumerian or Semitic origin seems 
doubtful. We note it is also found as Mana in the Vedic literature of 
India. In Babylon the higher weight consisted of 60 Mina; and the 
Shekel was %. of the Mina. The clearest modern account ol these 
Eastern systems is that by A.R.S. Kennedy in Hasting's Die. Bibl., 
p. 901, vol. IV. 

When the Greeks were introduced to the Mina; of the East we 
must remember that there were two distinct weights called by this 
term, viz. the heavy gold Mina, and the light gold Mina. 

The heavy Mina weighed 1 5,600 grs. 

The light Mina weighed 7,800 grs. 

Those who derive the Greek standards from these Mina' derive 

— 3»7 — 

the Aeginetan from the heavy Mina, through the Phoenicians, and 
the Euboic standard from the light Mina through the trade with 
Asia Minor. 

It is curious to notice that the Aeginetans divided their silver 
equivalent to the gold stater into ro silver coins, although the 
Phoenicians divided theirs into 15 shekels; and the Euboic Greeks 
divided their silver by 15, although the Persians divided theirs by 10. 
This points to the independence of the Greeks in forming their 
silver standard. 


The word -xkowtov, (from taxw, Sanskrit tul, Latin tollo, Gothic 
thule, Saxon thole) a talent, signified a weight. 

In Homer values are expressed in terms of oxen, as in Iliad., VI, 
236, " golden arms for brazen, those worth one hundred oxen 
for those worth nine ". 

In Homer the Talent is only mentioned in relation to gold, 
D r Hultseh (Metrologie, p. 165) maintains that there is no connec- 
tion between the ox and the talent, but Mr. Ridgeway points to 
Iliad., XXIII, 750, that in the list of three prizes appointed for the 
foot-race, the second is a cow, the third is half a talent of gold ; it 
is impossible to believe that the poet had not some clear idea of the 
relative value of an ox and a talent. The ox stamped on the early 
Euboean coins points to the same conclusion, and the method of 
counting reindeer as units of value in Siberia, and cows in the Cau- 
casus is also similar. Draco also in his laws used oxen as the 
method of expressing values. 


At the time when the Greek merchants trading with Asia 
Minor adopted the eastern weight, the Maneh, and called it ;j.vS, they 
also introduced the larger weight consisting of 60 minae, and 
called it a talent. This large weight was the same as that which the 
Hebrews called kikkar (i~ 3 ), and we find that Hebrew word 
translated by the Greek word Talent in the Septuagint. 

The Eastern word meanta" load" or " lump" and we find it used 
in this sense in II Kings, V, 23 where the Septuagint has oizzhxv-ov 
and the Vulgate has " duo talenta". 

The Mina consisted of 100 drachmae or 50 didrachms. 

The Talent consisted of 60 Minae or 3000 didrachms. 

The Greek word Talent meant a weight, and when the Daric 
became the common word for the old gold weight which had 
been called a talent, the word talent was free to be applied to the 
newly introduced weight. 

— 3o8 — 


Before the Macedonian gold standard was introduced in the reign 
of Alexander the Great, three gold standards influenced the coinage 
of Magna Graecia the Persian, derived from the light Assyrio- 
Babylonic gold Mina, with staters of 130 grs., the Phocaean, 
derived from the heavy Assyrio-Babylonic gold Mina with staters 
of 260 grs., and the Aeginetic, derived from the heavy Assyro- 
Babvlonic standard through the Phoenician standard. 
The Euboic or Persian standard. 

The Persian Daric seems to have been introduced into Greece 
about the time of Xerxes. Herodotus (IV, 166) speaks ot Darius as 
issuing refined gold coins, and (VII, 28) he represents Pythius as 
confessing to Xerxes that he had "of gold four millions of Daric 
staters, all but seven thousand". 

Thucydides (VIII, 28) says " while they delivered to Tissa- 
phernes the town and all the captives both bond and free, for each 
one of whom they stipulated to receive from him a Daric stater ". 

Xenophon in " the Anabasis" often mentions these gold coins, 
and they are also mentioned by Demosthenes (XXIV, 129). 

Aristophanes, in the play Ecclesiazusas, 602, makes Blepyrus say 
'' how then if any of us do not possess land, but silver and 
Darics?" Diodorus (XVII, 66,) says Alexander found at Susa nine 
thousand talents of gold in Darics. From such passages we see how 
well known these coins were in Greece and in Asia, but we do 
not gather from ancient literature that the Daric was ever used as a 
coin in Magna Graecia. 

The weight of the Daric is 130 grains, and it formed the 
sixtieth part of the light Babylonian Mina of 7800 grains, i. e. 
60 Darics. We gather from Xenophon (Anab. 1.7. 18) that 
3000 Darics were regarded as equal to one talent, and from the 
number of silver coins then passing for a Daric we learn that the 
ratio of silver to gold was as 13.3: I. Among the Greeks generally, 
before the time of Alexander, 130 grs. seems to have been the 
common weight of gold coins. Mr. Ridgeway questions whether 
this weight was really taken from the Daric and suggests that it was 
the old Greek Talent of Homeric days. The fact that it was the same 
as that of the Daric made the introduction of the higher units of 
the Mina and late Eastern Talent easy. 

The ratio between silver and gold in the fifth and sixth centuries 
B.C. is said to have been generally as 15: 1, but when gold 
became more plentiful, as in 440 B.C., it was as 14 : 1, and in 
Alexander's time it fell lower. The fact that at Syracuse in 405 B.C. 
we find the ratio was 15:1 is accounted for by the action of the 
tyrant Dionysius, and this ratio was only in force in his dominion. 

— 309 — 

In Magna Graecia gold was not used for coinage until silver coins 
had been in circulation for more than a hundred years, and we note 
that the gold staters of Tarentum were not of the weight of the 
Daric, 130 grs., but of the weight of the old Mycenaean rings 

r 35 g^. . .... . 

In Magna Graecia the only cities which issued a gold coinage 
were Tarentum and Heraclea, of which one gold coin is preserved. 

The weights of the silver coinage of Magna Graecia were adopted 
from the merchants of Corinth, the mother-city of the commerce 
of South Italy. 

The Corinthians had adopted 130 grs. as the unit of weight in 
measuring the precious metals, and it was through their merchants 
that the Persian standard was introduced to S. Italy. The commerce 
between Corinth and Tarentum was considerable, but some mer- 
chants traded between Miletus and Sybaris, and between Samos and 
other Italian ports, sailing direct round the south of Greece, and 
not using the isthmus of Corinth. 

D r B. V. Head says : "The extension of the Corinthian standard 
and system of division by three and six to the Achaean quasi-federal 
currency of S. Italy can be most satisfactorily proved not only by 
the weights themselves of the coins of Croton, Sybaris, Metapon- 
tum, &c, but by their flat fabric, incuse reverse type, and by the 
fact that they are frequently restruck on Corinthian coins of the 
most archaic type. " It is interesting to note that the people who 
brought the darics to Corinth, the Euboeans, were also the earliest 
colonists from Greece to settle in S. Italy. 

The Chalcidians from Euboea settled at Cuirue, Rhegium, and 
Zancle some considerable time before the Achaeans crossed to Italy. 
The weight-standard introduced by the Euboeans was however not 
the Euboic but the Aeginetic ; that standard did not last long, and 
was succeeded by the Euboic-Attic 

The Euboeans traded with Samos, and probably received from 
that island the gold standard we call the Persian, with its daric 
of 130 grs. Corinth and Euboea were closely connected by trade, 
and through Corinth the Euboic standard came to Tarentum, but 
not the Corinthian manner of subdividing the coins. 

The Tarentines preferred the Athenian divisions into drachms 
and didrachms, the Achaean cities followed Corinth and divided into 
drachms and tridrachms. 

Two suggestions have been made in regard to the origin of the 
Euboic system. The older idea was that it is an adaptation ot the light 
Assyrio-Baby Ionic gold standard, with its shekel or stater of about 
130 grs., made by the Euboeans of Chalcis by transferring the 
eastern gold system to their silver coinage and raising it slightly to 
135 grs. But Mr. G. F. Hill in his " Handbook of Greek and Roman 

— 310 — 

Coins", p. 36, says " Lehmann's suggestion (Hermes 1892^.549) 
is again more plausible. He supposes that Chalcis the copper city, 
where this standard probably originated, commanded the market 
in copper, and was able to put an unusually high price on that 
metal.... If we suppose the people of Chalcis raised the price of 
copper one fifth, the relation of silver to copper would now be 96:1. 
In the Euboic- Attic system the chalcus was ^ of the stater — one 
stater of silver was worth ninety-six of copper. " It is interesting to 
note that this system outlasted all the others, for it was that 
chosen by Alexander the Great for his currency. 

The Tarentine and the Cumaean standards were Euboic-Attic, 
but the Achaean was Euboic-Corinthian. The didrachms of 
Tarentum, weighing 132 grs., were of this standard; those of 
Cumae are very rare, they may be seen at Paris and Naples, weighing 
nearly 130 grs. These gave place to the Phocaean staters through 
the influence of the Velian merchants. At Rhegium, instead of 
didrachms, we find tetradrachms of this standard weighing from 261 
to 267 grs., and drachms of 65 grains. 

Table of Weights of the Sicilian Euboic-Attic Standard. 


364 grammes 


5.55 grains 




11 .26 







1 . 



























249. 6 


The Euboic-Corinthian or Achaean at the rate of if : 1. 

160 Obols or Twelfths weighing 12.1 I 

90 Diobols or Sixths — 21.7 ^> Ar 

r r\ u -TL- i I9S0 Rr. zK.= nogr. N. 

46Urachmsor lhirds — 42 

15 1 Tridrachms or Staters — 126 ] 

The Euboic-Attic at the rate of if : 1. 

30 Drachms weighing 65 grs. ] 

15 Didrachms — 130 ( ^ XT 

-, -i t - a u r J 9S0 gr./K. = 130 gr. N. 

7 I letradrachms — 264 [ y) & •> 8 

or 7 Tetradrachms — 278 

— jii — 

The Reduced Attic at the rate of ij : i . 

31 Drachms weighing 63 grs. j ^ = _ ^ 

15 1 Didrachms weighing 126 \ yj ° 

Note the difference between the manner of subdividing the 
amount of silver equivalent to the gold unit, the Euboeans making 
15 didrachms and the Aeginetans ten didrachms. 

The Euboic-Corinthian or Achaean at the rate of 13.} : 1. 

150 Obols, or Twelfths weighing 11 grains j 

82 Diobols, or Sixths — 21 ( = 1729 grs. JK. 

41 Drachms, or Thirds 42 \ = 130 grs. AT. 

13 I Tridrachms, or Staters — 126 ' 

The Euhok-Attic at the same rate. 

26 Drachms weighing 65 giains and a fraction J o ^ ^ 

13 Didrachms — 132 — and a fraction =1*0 grs AT* 
6 \ Tetradrachms — 264 — and a fraction j. 8 • • 

The Reduced-Attic at the same rate. 

27 I Drachms weighing 63 grains / 1729 grs. yK. 
13 I Didrachms weighing 126 — * =130 grs. N. 
It is difficult to see any regular progression in the subdivision 
of the weights of the obols and diobols, and it looks as if the Achaean 
system had become so popular that the weights of the Sixths or 
Diobols were accepted for the other two systems. The weights of 
the obols are very often 12 grains. 

List of the cities which used the Euboic-Corinthian or Achaean system 
consisting of Tridrachms and Drachms : 


Siris and Pyxus. 








— 3 I2 — 


Connected with the Persian Dark Standard we have a series of 
coins which have been classed by English numismatists as belonging 
to the Reduced Attic Standard. 

This was adopted by the Athenian colonies at Thurium and 
Heraclea, and by the Velians, whose friendly intercourse with 
Athens has been noted in the chapter on their city. 

The reduction was nine grains, that is, the Athenian didrachm 
of 135 grs. was reduced to 126 grs., perhaps to facilitate intercourse 
with the Achaean cities, whose didrachms were ot that weight. 
But the Heracleans did not depart from the Athenian manner of 
dividing the didrachm into two drachms and their coinage is thus 
shewn to belong to the Attic and not the Achaean standard, 
although their stater weighed the same as the Achaean. 


Phocaea, on the north-west of Lydia, about 60 miles north of 
Ephesus, at a very early period based its coinage on the sixtieth 
part of the Heavy Assyrian Mina (15,600 -f 60 = 260 grains N). 
The ratio between silver and gold there was also as 13.3: 1. 

In the chapter on the coins of Velia we see how the colonists 
from Phocaea brought with them to S. Italy the standard with 
which they were familiar in their old Asiatic home. From Velia 
this Eastern standard spread to Cumae, Naples, and Poseidonia. 

In 545 B.C. the drachms of Phocaea weighed 58.5 grs, and we 
find drachms of Velia of about that weight, and some of 60 grs. 

The didrachms vary from 115 to 123 grs. Those weighing 115 
would correspond in proportion to the weight of the old Phocaean 
tetradrachms of 230 grs., fifteen of which would weigh 3458 grs 
at the ratio 133: 1, 260 AT X 13.3 = 3458 JR.. 

It appears from the coins that the Phocaean colonists did not 
long continue to use the weights they brought from Asia Minor, 
for they increased the weight of the drachms from 58.5 to 59 grs., 
thus making their didrachms of 118 grs. 

If the ratio of silver to gold was 133: 1 . 
60 Drachms weighing 58 grs. j 

30 Didrachms 115 ' ,> = 3458 g. ^K. = 260 g. N. 

15 Tetradrachms — 230 ' 

At this rate the didrachms of 118 grs. would give 58 | drachms 
weighing 59 grs. 

29 I Didrachms weighing 118 grs., but this is not a likely 

If the ratio was as 14 : 1 we should get: 

— 3*3 — 

59 Drachms weighing 58.6 grs. 

29 Didrachms — 117. 7 grs. 

It looks as if the increase of weight was owing to the change ot 
ratio from 13 . 3 : 1 to 14 : 1. 

At Neapolis the ratio was evidently 13.3 : 1 as the didrachms 
there weighed 1 1 5 grs. 


It is very difficult for those who have not studied this subject as 
experts to judge between the various suggestions which have been 
made concerning the origin of this standard. 

D r B. V. Head looks upon it as a lowering of the Phoenician 
standard, Mr. Flinders Petrie as of Egyptian origin, D r Hultsch as 
an independent standard, Brandis as a Babylonian silver standard 
raised from 172.5 to 196 grs. 

It seems difficult to believe in the Egyptian influence, because 
the merchants who connected Egypt with Aegina were Phoeni- 

The difficulty in the way of our at once accepting the theory oi 
D r Hultsch is the fact that silver was to gold in Asia as 13.3 : 1 
and in Greece as 15 : 1, for gold was more scarce in Greece than in 
Asia. Herodotus I, 62, shews how they had to send to Asia for gold 
when much was wanted. 

The old Homeric talent of 130-135 grs. was most probably still in 
the year 700 B.C. the Greek unit for weighing gold; if so, with 
silver at the ratio of 15 : 1 we should find that the weight of a 
silver coin, issued as one-tenth of the talent, would be just about 
the weight of many existing Aeginetic didrachms. 
135X15 = 2025 grs. AL. 
2025 -r 10 = 202.5 grs. ^R. 

But many more of the coins in good condition weigh only 
195 or 194 grs, and this weight can be similarly explained. 
130 X 15 = 1950 grs. J&. 
1950-710= 195 grs. JK. 

From this Mr. Ridgeway concludes that the mint-masters of 
Aegina did not borrow their standard of weight for their new silver 
coinage from the Phoenicians, but made a silver standard in har- 
mony with the Homeric talent. 

If we make tables of the Aeginetan standard on the basis of 
230 grs. N we cannot get 15 didrachms. 
230 grs. Al x 1 5 = 3450 grs. JK. 
35 Drachms weighing 97 grs. j = ors 

17 Didrachms — 195 grs. \ 5 ^ 5 

or 220 AT. X 14 = 3320 grs. AL. 

— 3M — 

3S Drachms weighing; 93 / td 

r^-, , & & o = 3220 grs. yK. 

17 Didrachms — 187 \ ' & 

This ratio 14 : 1 was prevalent in 438 B.C. when the famous 
statue of Athena was made at Athens (M. Foucart, Bullet, de Cor- 
ves p. Helkn., 1889, p. 171). 
or 230X 13.3 =3059 grs. yR. 

34 Drachms weighing 90 ) „^,„ x> 

t\-j i { = 3059 grs. yK. 

17 Didrachms — 130 * jj^& 

The Phoenician standard is sometimes given as having a stater 
of 230 grs., as in D r B. V. Head's Hist. Num. 

Talent of 690.000 grs. = 300c staters. 

Mina of 1 1.500 grs. = 50 staters of 230 grs. each. 

D r Head says on p. xxxvn : 

" Nevertheless, as is continually the case where there is no state 
authority to regulate the standard, the weights, which the Phoe- 
nicians had introduced into the Peloponnesus, suffered in the 
course of time a gradual reduction, if this inference may be drawn 
from the weight of the staters of Aegina, which are the earliest of 
all European coins. " 

The Parian Chronicle says of Pheidon 3>eiou>v 6 'Ap^sfc; ISr^euas 
tz \j.i~py. v.xl ivs7-/.s'Jacro, jwci vo[j.ig\j.x zpyupoiiv h AiyiVYj sicowjaev. 

Pheidon of Argos published the standard and lowered or remade 
it and made silver money in Aegina. 

The didrachm of Aegina in the Bib. Nat. at Paris weighing 
207 grs. is not silver but electrum, and so cannot be brought into 
comparison with those weighing 202 grs. more or less. 

That the Greeks had already long before 700 B.C. a gold unit 
of 135 grs. we know from the rings of Mycenae; it may be that 
some Egyptian influence can be traced in the Mycenean remains, 
but that is not the same as an Egyptian influence on the mint of 

If the Homeric talent was of Egyptian origin it does not follow 
that the Greeks adopted a scientific system related to the later 
Eastern systems. The weighing of gold in that early period w y as 
probably by seeds. 

Although the earliest Greeks Colonists in Italy were Chalcidians 
from Euboea they brought with them men from other cities, and 
this influence was strong enough to cause the Aeginetic system of 
weights to be preferred by the colonists. It is probable that the 
money issued by the Chalcidian colonists was adapted to an easy 
interchange of coins belonging to either the Euboic or the /Egi- 
netic standards. Some of the coins of Naxos, Zancle, Himera, and 
Rhegium, usually called /Eginetic, are regarded by D r Imhoof- 
Blumer as thirds and eighteenths of the Euboic-Attic tetradrachm ; 
and Mr. G. F. Hill says on p. 36 of his Handbook of Greek and 

— 3^5 — 

Roman Coins " this seems on the whole most probable", and " it 
is still noteworthy that these curious denominations must have 
been chosen because they fitted in with the Aeginetic standard". 
Mr. A. J. Evans notes (Num. Chron., 1898, p. 321) that the coins 
weighing o, 90 gramme (i.e. 14 grs.) struck at those cities have no 
obvious relation to any but the Aeginetic system, of which they are 
obols; on the other hand what appear to be Euboic-Attic obols 
were commonly struck at Zancle and Naxos. In any case, there- 
fore the system was a dual one". 


A comparison of the gold Mohurs of India with the Darics ot 
Persia is interesting. The Mohur is a gold rupee = 15 silver rupees 
thus representing the same ratio we find in ancient Greece. 

But the Mohur is not a legal tender, its value is not fixed. In 
India as in ancient Greece gold is used much for ornaments. Any 
one can take gold to the mint and have it made into coins on 
payment of a small charge, and this is done because it is convenient 
to have its weight and fineness certified in this manner, thus saving 
each one the trouble of weighing and assaying for himself. The 
Mohur passes from one man to another as a commodity and is 
bought and sold on the basis of the current market price of gold. 


In France and the United States of America a debtor has the 
right to discharge his debt in either gold or silver, at a ratio fixed by 
the state. 

But as neither of these countries will give silver coin weight 
for weight in exchange for silver bullion while they do give gold 
coin for standard gold bullion, gold is the real standard by which 
all values are measured. The mere possession of a double standard 
is not the same thing as Bimetallism. That only exists where the mint 
is open to coin either the gold or silver brought to it. 


D r B. V. Head on p. 196 of the Historia Numoriim says: 
" It would appear that the principle of bimetallism lay at the 
root of Philip's monetary reforms, for, while issuing his gold 
money on the Daric standard, he adopted tor his silver the 
Phoenician weight (or 15 stater-standard), 15 staters or 30 drachms 
corresponding in value, at the then market price of gold (1 : i2|), 
to one gold stater. This standard was probably selected with the 
object of keeping up the price of gold as compared with that ot 
silver, the round numbers thus obtained facilitating such a result. 

- 3 i6 - 

But the immense influx of gold from the newly opened mines soon 
proved the futility of the plan. Gold began to fall in value, and 
Alexander on his accession found himself compelled to return to a 
monometallic currency, issuing both his gold and his silver accord- 
ing to one and the same standard, gold being again simply regard- 
ed as bullion, and no attempt being made to fix definitely the 
number of silver drachms for which a gold stater should be legally 
exchangeable (Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismus, I, 155). " 

Thus the citizens coining money were at liberty to choose 
what rate of exchange for silver and gold appeared to them desir- 
able, instead of having, as under Philip, that ratio fixed. 

The tetradrachms of Alexander weighed about 266 grs. but were 
gradually reduced to 260 grs., the drachms weighed about 
66.5 grs. 

At the rate of 12 : 1 six tetradrachms weighing 266 grs. would 
= the aureus. Twenty-four drachms weighing about 66 grs. 
would have thus passed for the aureus. 

In D r Head's Hist. Num., we find the expression " staters of 
Italic weight " used, on p. 87, of the coins of Locri Epiz., issued circ. 
B. C. 332-326, and in p. liii of the introduction we find "all the 
other Locrian coins follow the Italic standard ". 

The series of coins referred to in these passages are didrachms 
weighing 120 grs. and drachms of 60 grains. At that date it seems 
probable that the Macedonian gold standard was that adopted in 
the mints, and we get the following table by taking the rate of 
exchange at 10 : 1. 

22 Drachms of 60 grs. = 1330 grs. JR..= 133 grs. A/ - . 

1 1 Didrachms of 120 grs. = 1330 grs. JB^. = 133 grs. N. 
at the rate ol 1 2 : 1 . 

265 Drachms of 60 grs. = 1596 grs. iK. = 133 grs. A/\ 

13 { Didrachms 120 grs. = 1596 grs. JR.. = 133 grs. N. 

There does not seem to have been a standard of silver currency 
which we can call Italic. 

^45 to 31J B. C. Macedonian Gold Standard 133 grs. 

Number of coins a 





ght grs. 



:e 12 : 1 

at rate of 10 : ] 

[ at rate of 9 









17. 1 


22 . 2 











— 3i7 — 

2 4 


































119. 7 



one gold coin = 







D r B. V. Head in the Hist. Num., p. 153, says that gold was 
first coined in Sicily between 418 and 405 B. C., but Th. Reinach 
dates the introduction of a gold coinage between 440 and 
420 B.C. 

The gold coins of Tarentum were introduced to S. Italy later, 
abour 400 B . C. 

The first gold coins of Syracuse and Gela appear to have been 
issued at a ratio of 15 : 1. 

This early Sicilian gold coinage did not affect the mints ol 
S. Italy, and it was not until the time of Agathocles, 317 to 289 
B.C. that Italy was affected by Sicilian gold. His gold staters 
weighed 90 grains. 

The ratio of 12 : 1 appears to have prevailed after 411 B.C. but 
in the third century B.C. it had fallen to 10 : 1. So eight 
didraehms of 1 13 grs. would be equal to Agathocles' gold piece and 
the drachms would be 56.5 grains in weight. 

Sicilian Gold Standard yo grs. to Aureus. 

Number of * 


rate 12 

: 1 


10 : 1 




9 grs 






1 1 



















3 i8 





















900 grs. /R. 


Gold was kept in the Public Treasury at Rome in the form of 
lingots of gold, and was first coined into money during the first 
Punic war, when the pressing needs of the state caused the Romans 
to fall back upon their reserve of gold treasure. 

The relative value of silver to gold was then as 1 1 : 1. 

The gold pieces of 217 B.C. belong to the Romano-Campanian 
series, and were issued according to the Lex Flaminia by the 
generals opposing Hannibal in Campania. 

Pliny (A 7 . H. XXXIII, cm) says : " Aureus nummus post annum 
LXII quam argenteus, ita ut scrupulum valeret sestertiis vicenis, 
quod efHcit in libras ratione sestertiorum, qui tunc erant, sester- 
tiosDCCCC. " 

The nummus of gold was coined sixty-two years after that of 
silver, so as to make a scrupule equal to twenty sestertii. 

These gold coins were issued in Capua. 

Some bear the head of Janus on Obv., and the sacrifice of a pig on 
the tyL. Others which bear marks of value, show a head of Mars 
on the Obv., and an eagle on a fulmen on the J$L. Those bearing 
VX weigh 3 . 40 gram. = 52 ? 

Those bearing XXXX weigh 1 . 26 gram. = 35. 

Those bearing XX weigh r . 13 gr. = 17.44 g rs - 

The eagle type used in the mint of Capua was probably copied 
from a Tarentine type. 

The influence of the gold coinage of Rome upon the Greek cities 
of S. Italy could not have commenced until about the year 
205 B.C. 

The Aureus of 106 grains at the ratio 11:1= 1166 grs. JR.. 

The weights of th Didrachms vary from 1 12 to 106 grs. 

Eleven Didrachms weighing 106 grs. =-an Aureus. 

Ten Didrachms weighing 112 and a drachm = an Aureus. 

— 319 — 
Roman gold weight 106 grs. used from 268 B. C. 

rate 1 1 : 
100 pieces 1 1 . 17 
90 12.9 

80 14.5 

60 19.4 

50 23.2 

30 39 

20 58.5 



12 106 

10 117 

9 134 

1 170 grs. 


Weight grs. 

rate 10 : 1 

to 9 | : 1 



n. 7 

10. 6 


1 1 .92 















121 .70 


1060 grs. JR.. 

950 grs. 

This standard influenced Velia, Croton, Neapolis. 

For further information we may read the article on the weights 
of coins in " Klio, Beitrdge %ur alien Geschichte (Sechster Band. 
Leipzig, 1906), by K. Regling. It consists of 34 pages entitled 
Zum dlteren Romischen und Italiscben Miin^ivesen. The average and 
the maximum weights of the staters of each city are given. We 
must beware of taking an average of the weights of the coins issued 
under different standards at different ratios. Such a list can only 
be used with caution. 

Another useful work containing valuable information is the 
Handbook oj Greek and Roman Coins, by G. F. Hill (Macmillan 6v C°, 

Mr. G. F. Hill thus explains the terms Obv. and Rev. : 

The lower die, which was let into the anvil, produced what is called the 
obverse side of the coin. The upper die produced the Reverse. Down to the fourth 
century B.C., the reverse die was made smaller than the surface of the blank, 
so that it left an incuse impression, the edges of the blank rising up around it. 
In most parts of the Greek world the upper die was at first square in shape so 
that the incuse impression was also octangular. 

In later times the upper die was made so large that it covered the whole surface 
of the blank, and the reverse was then only differentiated from the obverse by a 
slight concavity of surface. Numismatists have become accustomed to use the 
terms Obv. and Rev. without regard to their technical significance. 

The reason for the laxity of expression is that on most later coins the head 
stands on the obverse. Since the head was usually treated in higher relief than 
the reverse type the strain on the die was correspondingly greater, and the die 
with the head was therefore placed where it would receive the greater support 
from the anvil below it and around its edges. 

Most numismatists have thus formed a habit, difficult to discard, of thinking 
of the side of a coin which bears the head as necessarily the obverse, unless the 
incuse impression is very deep : and in Sicily it is usually shallow. 

Abrus Precatorius, 304. 
Acarnanian types. Neap., 282. 

— account of Myth, 289. 
■ — head of, 76. 

— in human form horned, 75. 

— legend of, 66. 

— type at Metap., 290. 
Acheron, the river, 187. 
Acts (XXVIII, 11), 252. 

Aeginetic Standard, 47, 252, 267, 313. 

Aelian, 6, 165, 205, 262. 

Aeolic dialect, 201. 

Aesarus, 172. 

Aeschylus quoted, 68, 69, 164. 

Agathocles, 26, 236. 

— Gold coins of, 317. 
Ageladas, master of Pheidias, 3. 
Aisaros the hunter, 157. 
Agreus, 65. 

— surname of Pan, 249. 

Alexander Moloss., 12, 17, 25, 60, 130, 188. 
Allegorical coin-type, earliest, 247. 
Alliance coins Crot. Tern., 174, 199. 

Crot. Pandos, 187. 
Alloy in silver coins, 302. 
Alpheius, Neap, 285. 
Alybas, 55. Suidas, 198. 
Ampelius, " Lib memorialis ", re Sibyl., 263. 
Amphitrite, 13. 

Amphora, Hippon, 238. Tarent., 34. 
Amyclae, 4, 6, 12. 
Amyris of Siris, 83. 
Anathemata, 24. 
Anaxilas, coins of, Rheg., 253. 

— rule in Rheg., 242. 

— vict. Olymp., 244. 
Ancient forms of letters, 171. 
Anthology, Greek, 192. 

Antiochus re Tarentum, 4. 
Aphrodite, connection with Poseidon, 108. 

cult of, 91. 

head of, Laus, 98. 

— 3 21 — 

Apollo, and Artemis, heads jugate, 258. 

— — Heracles type, Crot., 177. 

— cult of, 163. 

— head of, Medma, 202, 203. 

— — Rhegium, 255. 

— — Terina, 216. 

— — Thurium, 128. 

— — Valentia, 238. 

— Karneios, 76. 

— nude seated, Rheg , 257. 

— — with lyre, Thurium, 128. 

— obols of Neap., 282, 4. 

— shepherd, the, 65. 

— slaying of the Python, 164. 

— standing, Metap., 75, 77. 

— varied types, Metap., 64. 
Apollodorus quoted, 14,56, 134, 165. 
Archidamus, 12, 17, 24,25, 59. 
Archilochus, poet at Siris, 82. 
Archytas, age of, 17, 22, 24. 
Arethusa, 264, 278. 

Arion, 2, 5,9. 

Aristaeus, 58, 65. 

Ariste, the legend at Metap., 68. 

Aristodemus, life of, 261. 

Aristophanes quoted, 104, 115, 224, 308. 

Aristotle quoted, 8, 66, 101, 159, 262. 

Aristoxenos, 131. 

Arnold, Hist. Rome, 237. 

Artemis, head of, 256, 257. 

— Metap., 80. 

— — Neap., 285. 

— — - Tarentum, 52. 

Thurium, 128. 

— walking, Thurium, 128. 
Artist's signatures, 14. 

of Heracleia, 130. 

— Metapontum, 69, 70. 

— Neapolis, 297. 

— Terina, 224. 

— Velia, 142. 
Asclepios of Rhegium, 258. 

Athenaeus quoted, 82, 169, 191, 236, 262. 
Athene, full-faced, Heracl., 140. 

— head of, Heracl., 25, 137. 

— Thurium, 119. 
Attic reduced Standard, 311, 312. 
Augustine, St. quoted, 266. 
Avellino re Circe, 263. 

3 22 — 

Babylonian weights, 306. 
Bacchylides re Nike, 216. 
Barley-grain of, 271. 
Barley-corn and owl, 139. 
Barley-corns, three, 80. 
Bekah== 10 gerahs, 304. 
Bekker'sCharicles, 106. 
Bendorfre. vases, 219. 
Birch, 220. 
Bird, Cumce, 272. 
Birds, coins of Terina, 225. 
Bird-type of Sybaris, 90. 
Blundered legends Neap., 277. 
Boar of Erymanthus, Cums, 263. 
Boar-type PA A MO A, 204. 
Bockh re. weights, 303. 
Bronze coins of Locri, 233. 

— Mesma, 202. 

— Metapontum, 79. 

— Pandosia, 195. 

— Rhegium, 256. 

— Tarentum, 49. 
Terina, 208, 215. 
Velia, 145. 

Bronze founders' work copied, 24. 
Browning, "A Tale", 227. 
Bruttian imitations, Locri, 229. 
Bull., man headed, Cumae, 272. 

— swimming, Neap., 299. 
Bull-type of Cumae, 272. 

Pandosia, 194. 

Rhegium, 252. 
— Sybaris, 88. Corr. Hell., 191. 

Cabinet de France, Neap.. 276. 
Caduceus, Hipponium, 238. 

Terina, 220. 

Valentia, 240. 
Calpurnia, denarii of, 31. 
Calynthus the sculptor, 3, 8. 
Cambridge Comp. Grit. Stud., 304-5. 
Cantharos, 45. 

Carat derived from Jtepaxta, 304. 
Cardella, Lottadi Ercole, 290. 
Carducci, Delizia Tarent., 7. 
Carthaginians in Tarentum, 17. 
Catlow Agnes Pop. Conchol., 262. 

— 3^3 — 

Catullus quoted, 14. 
Caulonia, History of, 180. 

— Types, 182. 

— Three Periods of coinage, 184-5. 
Cavallari, Not. degli Scavi, 86. 
Cerberus, Cumae, 271. 

Ceretonia Siliqua, 304. 
Charilaus, Neap., 296. 
Charondas, Rhegium, 242. 
Chlamvs, 105. 

Cicero quoted, 130, 144, 296. 
Circe, 40. 

Classical Review, 8, 193. 
Clausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, 63. 
Cleandridas at Thurium, 116. 
Cleonvmos, 17, 26, 60, 117. 
Club and strung bow, 139, 141. 
Clubs on coins of Valentia, 239. 
Cock with star, Neap., 283. 
Cockle-shell, Tarentum, 47, 49. 
Corinth, influence on Metap., 73. 
Corinthians, Ep. I. (XV, 36), 62. 
Corinthian staters at Locri, AOK, 230. 
— Rhegium, 244. 

Terina, TE> 208. 
Corinthian helmet, crestless, Cumae, 273. 

to right, TEM, 198. 
Cornucopia; on bronze of Neap., 300. 

— Valentia, 239. 

Crab and Crescent, Terina, 215. 
Crab type at Croton, 179. 

— Cumae, 262, 268, 271. 
Crane type, at Croton, 166. 

— at Caulonia, 184. 

— with Aristasus at Rhegium, 251. 
Crathis, type of river-god, Pandosia, 189. 
Crescents, four back to back, Croton, 178. 

— three — — 179. 
Creuzer, Dissert, de Mythis, 9. 
Crisaean Sea, 8, 10. 

Croton : bronze coins, 178, classification of coins, 172. 

Crow, 90, 100. 

Curax : bronze coins, 273. 

— classification of coins, 267. 

— earliest obv. type, 262. 

— female head on obv., 264. 

— history, 239. 

— mussel shell, 262. 

— obols, 272. 

— Scylla, 266. 
Cumaean types at Neap., 281. 
Cuttle-fish, Croton, 175. 

— 324 — 


Dante, Purgat (C. XXII. 70), 266. 
Daric, 307-308. 

Date ot changes in form of letters, 177, 195. 
Demeter, Metapontum, 11, 61. 

— head of, Valentia, 239. 
Democracy, rise of, in Magna Graecia, 20, 181. 
Demos, date of appearance on coins, 247. 

— of Rhegium, 245. 
Demosthenes and Eurymedon, 59. 
Demosthenes (XXIV, 129), 309. 
Desultor, 33. 

Dia Hebe, 279, 280, 288. 
Diana, head of. Bronze of Neap., 299. 
Dicon the Caulonian Athlete, 180. 
Diobols of Locri, 232. 

— Tarentum, 41, 43. 
Diodorus Siculus, quoted, 5, 20, 56, 58, 96, 129, 169, 201, 209, 250, 285, 2* 

Diogenes Laenius re Velia (p. 244), 142. 

— re Zeus, 144. 

Diomede, 63. 
Dionysius, 117. 

Dionysius Hal. quoted, 260, 261. 
Dionysus, 12. 

— head of, 8 1 . 

— many names of, 292. 

— myth of, 291. 
Dioscuri, 6, 7, 12, 13, 29. 

— busts of, on bronze of Locri, 234, 252. 

— called Leucippoi, 63. 

— heads of, connection with Poseidon, 107. 

— one of the brothers. Bronze Neap., 300. 
Diota, 45, 51, 52. 

Distaff, 12, 13. 
Doe, 33. 

Dog holding snake over mussel shell. Cumse, 271. 
— of shepherd Aristaeus, 251. 
Dolphin riders, 8. 

— four, on coin of Cumae, 269. 

— on Denarius, 108. 

— one, on coin of Curax, 273. 

— one, below mussel shell, Cumae, 273. 
Dolphins, two, 52. 

Dorian and Ionian spelling, Neap., 294. 
Dorieus, author of revolt at Thurium, 116. 
Double standard, 315. 
Drachm: of Cumae ? Thirds, 268. 

— Heracleia, 138. 

— Neapolis, 283. 

original meaning of word, 303. 

— Rhegium, 253. 

— Tarentum, 40. 

32) — 

Draco, laws of, 307. 
— tomb of, 96. 
Duck, coins of Cumae, 262. 

Ear of Barley, 60. 

— corn over Bull. Neap., 276. 
Eagle types of Croton, 166. 

— in relief, 176. 

— on Fulmen, 238. 

— holding serpent, Hipponium, 238. 

— on obols of Locri, 230. 

— eating hare, Locri, 229, 230, 232. 

— standing, wings open, Locri, 232. 
— ■ on fulmen, bronze Locri, 234. 

Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. (I. 155), 67. 

— re. Parthenope at Curase, 264. 

— de Tauro cum fac. hum., 275, 289, 292. 
Eirene or Iris, 220. 

Eirene type at Locri, 231. 

Elea or Velia, 142. 

Elephant symbol, 28. 

Eleusis, 11. 

Elpenor, 204. 

Empedocles at Thurium, 116. 

English silver penny, 303. 

Epheboi, 6. 

Ephorus, 4, 57. 

Eros on a dolphin, 113. 

Euboic Attic: table of weights, 310. 

— Corinth — 3 10. 
Euboic Standard: Cumte, 267. 

— from light Mina, 307. 

— origin of, 309. 

— Persian standard, 309. 
Eunomus the harper, 227. 

Euripides quoted : 67, 149, 189, 221, 222,291, 291. 
Eustathius, 56. 

— story of Aesarus, 172, 
Euthymus the Locrian athlete, 197, 198. 
Euthymus the artist, at Elis, 212. 
Evans, A. J. quoted, 7, 16, 49, 120, 263, 298. 

Fabricius C, 1 18. 

Farnell L. R. Cults of Gk. States, 106, 190. 

Female head ? Caulonia, 186. 

Fides crowning Roma, on coin of Locri, 231, 23 

Find of coins at Oria, 41, 45. 

Fish above Mussel shell, 271. 

Fly on coin of Cumai, 269. 

126 — 

Fly symbol, Caulonia, 186. 

ForrerL., quoted, 16, 125, 131, 142. 

Fulmen, Locri, 232. 

Furtwangler, Antiche Denkmaler, 185, 186. 

Galen, 303. 

Gardner, Percy, quoted, 159, 132, 220, 247. 

Gautier, Theophile, ^3, 188. 

Geffcken, J., 16. 

Gela, coins of, 290. 

Gellius, 266. 

Gerhard, 12, 133. 

Gladstone, quoted, 90, 91, 103. 

Glaucus(?), 141. 

Gold coinage, 24, 2b. 

— coins of Tarentum, 309. 

— exceptional use of, 302. 

— standards, 308. 
Golden harvest, 59. 

Gottling, re. the Cumean Sibyl, 265. 
Gourd, 306. 
Grasshopper, 63. 

— at Cumie, 269. 
Grote, Hist. Greece, 180, 237. 


Hannibal ai Metapontum, 60. 

Hare type, 175, 178, 253. 

Harrison, Miss J. E., 13, 292. 

Head, a male, Cumas, 273. 

Head, Dr. B. V., 249, 252, 267, 313, 314, 315. 

Hellenius Acron., 9. 

Helios, 30. 

Hera, 99. 

Hera Areia, 107. 

— Lacinia, 168, 190, 194, 239. 
Heracleia, bronze coins of, 140. 

classification of coins, 136. 

— coin-engravers, 130. 
Di drachms of, 1 38. 
Diobols and obols, 138. 
history of, 117, 129. 

— personified, 246. 

— type of Heracles, 133. 
Heraclides re. Iocastos, 142, 248. 
Heracles, and the snakes, 171. 

— Croton, 170. 

— draining lake, 289. 

— head of, 141. 

— 327 — 

— Metapontum, 65. 

— Neapolis, 297. 

— Nemean lion, 133. 

— six types at Croton, 171. 

— standing, nude, 75. 

— — sacrif., 75. 

— Thurium, 128. 

— Valentia, 200. 

— Velia, 153. 
Heredia, Les trophees, 63. 

Herodotus, 5, 9, 13, 58, 67, 83, 89, 96, 100, 101, 103, 115, 129, 143, 147, 163, 

190, 192, 242, 246, 306, 308, 313. 
Hesychius. 8. 

Hieron's victory, Cumae, 261. 
Hill, G. F., quoted, 47, 159, 305, 309, 319. 
Hippakontis, at Tarentum, 6. 
Hippocamp, Cumae, 270. 
— winged, 52. 
Hippodamus, architect at Thurium, 115. 
Hipponium, 235. 

Homer, quoted, 7, 12, 55, 62, 65, 68, 90, 103, 105, 121, 169, 197, 205, 308. 
Homonoia, 68. 

Horace, quoted, 2, 24, 45, 262, 290. 
Horse, fore-part, 52. 
Horse-gods, 7. 

— heads, two, 46. 

— prancing, 46. 

— running, 202. 
Hound, running, 240. 
Hygieia, Rhegiura, 258. 

Iacchus, 11, 26, 33. 
Iapygians, 2, 8. 
Iapyx, 10. 

Icadius, legend of, 9. 
Imhoof Blumer, 267. 
Indian seed, Ratti, 303. 
Iocastos, Rhegium, 247. 
Ionic capital, 7, 14, 42. 
Ionic letter fl, 177. 
Iris, 220. 

Janiform female heads, 258. 
Jevons, T. B., 11. 
John St. (XII, 24), 62. 
Journal des Savants, 7, 266. 

- 328 - 

— of Agric. Soc, 6i. 

— of Anthrop. Soc. Bengal, 198. 

— of Hellenic Studies, 7, 12, 104. 
Justin, quoted, 5, 57, 83, 243. 


Kantharos, 13. 

— and snakes, Croton, 175. 

— of Aristaeus, 250. 
Kennedy, A. R. S., 306. 
Kikkar, or Talent, 306. 
Kimon, artist, Neap., 278, 297. 
Kleodorus, artist, Velia, 142. 
Krathis, figure of River God, 194. 

Lactantius, 265. 
Lampon, 115. 
Laus, 95. 

JR.. coins of, 97. 

Bronze — 98. 
League of Greek cities, 181. 
Legend PHMAION at Neap., 300. 
Legends blundered, Neap., 277. 
Lenormant, quoted, 16, 56, 62, 63, 159. 
Leptinus, brother of Dionysius, 117. 
Leto, 13. 

Letters, ancient forms of, 171. 
Leucippus, 63, 54, 55, 57, 59; head of, 77, 80. 
Leuxippus, artist of Heracleia, 129. 
Ligeia, Syren of Terina, 222. 
Lion, facing, Rhegium, 253, 254. 

— head of, Terina, 219. 

— skin of head, Cumae, 262. 

— type, Velia, 147. 

— walking, Rhegium, 257. 
.iterature, ofTarentum, 16. 

— of Terina, 225. 
utrae, Neap., 301. Tarent., 42, 47. 
Livy, quoted, 6, 29, 30, 32, 60, 102, 129, 130, 188, 197, 209, 237, 260, 261, 

Locri, celebrated citizens, 226. 

— History of, 226. 
Lorentz, Dr. R., 16. 
Ludi Apollinares, 31. 
Luke, St. (XV, 16), 305. 
Lupin seed, Gerah, 304. 
Lycophron, 223, 224. 

— 329 - 

Lyre, Neapolis, 299. 

— Rhegium, 256-7. 

— Thurium, 128. 

— Valentia, 239. 
Lvsis, the Pythagorean, 59. 
Lysiasthe Attic orator at Thuiium, 115. 


Macdonald, G. 100, 107, 160, 263. 
Macedonian gold standard, 315. 
Magistrates, names abbrev., 123. 

— Neapolis, 279-280. 

— symbols, 30. 
Magna Graecia, 1. 
Malaria, 102. 

Male head, bearded? 80. 

Male nude figure holding crab, Mesma, 203. 

Manly beardless head, Heracles? Neap., 300. 

Manius Cordius Rufus, 108. 

Martyr, Justin, 26^. 

Mask, 80. 

Medma, or Mesma, 200. 

Menander, 61. 

Melanippe, 56. 

Mesma (see Medma). 

Metapontum, 53. 

Artists' signatures, 69-73. 

— Bronze coinage, 79-81. 

— Classification, 74-78. 

— Greek legends, 56. 

— History of, 55. 

— Types, 60-69. 
Micythus, Rhegium, 243. 
Millingen, 262, 264. 
Milo of Croton, 158. 
Mina, 305-6. 

Mohurs of India, 315. 
Mollusc, 52. 

Mollossos the engraver, 206. 
Mule car type, 244-5, 2 S3- 
Muller, C. O., 183. 
Murray, A. S. quoted, 148. 
Mussel-shell type, 262. 
Mycene, rings of, 314. 
Myron, 133. 

— bronze group, 43. 
Mysteries, 10. 

— 330 — 


Nautilus, Cumae, 270. 

Neapolis, classification of coins, 275. 

— drachms, 283. 

— head of Pallas, 285. 

— history, 274. 

— influence of Nola, 287. 

— obverse types, 284. 

— Parthenope, 284. 

— small ^R. coinage, 280. 

— triobols, 283. 

— unique coin, 276. 
Nike, 33, 48, 50, 78. 

— Archermos, of, 217. 

— flying, Neap., 293. 

— Hipponium, 239. 

— in Biga, Neap., 284. 

— Medma, 202-3. 

— Metapontum, 67, 78. 

— Myth traced in the poems, 216. 

— standing figure, 208, 210. 
Nola, influence at Neap., 287, 296. 
Nomius, 65. 

Num. Chron., quoted, 43, 125-6, 132, 183, 201, 218. 
Nummus, 43, 46, 130. 
Nymph, Hera? Neap. 278. 

— Medma, 202. 

— Pandosia, 189. 

— Velia, 148, 150. 

Nymphaeus, the colleague of Charilaus, 296. 

Obols, Cumae, 272. 

— Locri, 235. 

— Neapolis, 281. 

— original meaning, 304. 

— weight in seeds, 304. 
Oekist, 20. PAL MOL, 206. 

Olive, sprig of, bronze of Rhegium, 256. 

Onatas, 3, 8. 

O'Neill's "Night of the Gods", 105. 

Oppian, Halient, 263. 

Orphic Hymns, 103, 288, 291. 

Oval coins of Poseidonia, 1 1 1 . 

Overbeck, 108. 

Ovid, quoted, 40,63, 121, 149, 1 54, 190, 197, 260, 263, 285. 

Owl types, 40-42, 77, 80, 138, 146, 172, 271, 295. 

— 33* — 

Paestum, 113. 

Painting, influence ot, 25, 170. 

Pal-Mol, 204. 

Palinurus, 142, 204. 

Pallas, figure of, standing, at Heracleia, 140. 

— — Locri, 234. 

— Metapontum, 80. 

— Rhegium, 258. 

— head of, at Croton, 169, 172, 178. 

— — Cumae, 268, 271. 

— — Hipponium, 237, 238. 

— — Locri, 234. 

— — Neapolis, 277-286. 

— — Rhegium, 258. 

— — Svbaris, 93 . 

— Tarentum, 42-52. 

— Valentia, 239. 

— — Velia, 150. 
Pan, head of, 31. 

seated on rock, 194-5. 

types of, Pandosia, 192. 
Panaenus, the painter, 246. 
Pandina, 223, 238. 
Pandosia, bronze coins of, 195 . 

— Hera of, 190. 

— history of, 187. 

— Nymph, 189. 

— silver coins of, 193. 
Panther-cub, 251 . 

Parcae, distaff symbol of, 14. 
Parian Chron., 314. 
Parmenides, allegory of, 146. 

— birth at Velia, 146. 

— laws of, 144. 
Parthenope and Sirens, Neap. 284. 
Patera of Aristaeus, 251. 

Pausanias, quoted, 3, 55, 56, 58, 60, 67, 68, 102, 165, 180, 197, 217, 241, 264, 

Pegasus type, at Croton, 175. 

— — Locri, 234. 

— — Medma and Locri, 202. 

— — Terina, 210, 216. 
Peisistratus, 1 1 . 

Periplus of Scylax, 201. 
Persephone, 1 1 . 

— at Croton, 170. 

— — Heracleia, 140. 

— — Locri, 234. 

— — Medma, 203. 

— Metapontum, 62, 78, 80. 

— — Neap., Myth of, 288. 

— — Velia, 153. 

— 332 — 

Pestilence, 295 . 
Petronius, re the Sibyl, 265 . 
Peucetians, 8. 
Phalanthus, legend of, 3, 8. 
Pheidias, school of, 118, 209. 
Pheidippides and Pan, 192. 
Philistion, 15, 73, 13 1-2, 142, 224. 
Philokles, signature of, 133. 
Philolaus, the Pythagorean, 59, 224. 
Phocaean standard, 312. 

system, Cumae, 272. 
Phrygillos, artist, 221. 

Pindar, quoted, 6, 61, 64-5, 68-9, 170, 191, 226, 245,291, 
Pistrix, Cumae, 270. 
Plato, quoted, 129. 

Pliny, 61, 118, 176, 190-1, 200, 262,265, 284. 
Plough on obol of Herac, 139. 
Plutarch, quoted, 58, 105, 292-3. 
Pollux, 3,43, 245. 
Pope, poem of, 268. 
Poseidon, at Poseidonia, 102. 

— — Sybaris, 89. 

— — Tarentum, 7, 8, 14. 

— head of, at Velia, 153. 

— prayer to, 104. 
Poseidonia, bronze coinage, 113. 

— classification of coins, 106. 

— drachms, 1 10. 

— history of, 101. 

Proportion of fine silver in didrachms, 302. 

Protagoras at Thurium, 106. 

Proverbial saying, 69. 

Prow ofSamian galley, 253. 

Punic character imitated on coins of Neap., 279. 

Pyrrhus, at Locri, 230. 

— Metapontum, 60. 

— Poseidonia, 102. 

— Tarentum, 7, 17, 28. 

— Thurium, 168. 
Pythagoras, at Croton, 158. 

— Metapontum, 57. 
re Apollo, 64. 

Pythagoreans, at Caulonia, 181. 

— Rhegium, 160, 245. 

— Terina, 208. 

— emblem, wheel, 20. 
encouraged Mysteries, 12. 

Pyxus, 83. 

Quiver, strap and arrow, 141. 

— 333 — 

Racing types, 51 . 

Ramsay, W. T. 266. 

Rathegeber, 183. 

Ratti, Indian seed, 303 . 

Rauch, de, 302. 

Raual Rochette, 16, 183, 24s. 

Raven, or crow, 251. 

Relation of Poseidon to Demeter, 103-4. 

Revue Numismatique, 193. 

Rhegium, Aristaeus, 249. 

— bronze coinage, 256-258. 

— history of, 241-244. 

— Iocastos, the Oekist, 247. 

— male figure, seated, 245. 

— mule-car type, 244. 

— periods of the coins, 252-256. 
Rheon, river-god of Hipponium 236-238. 
Rider, on horse-back, bronze of Neapolis, 300. 
Ridgeway, W., origin metal currency, 13, 103, 301, 
Roman denarii, copied fr. Tarentum, 7. 

gold standard, 318. 
Rome, alliance, Heracleia, 130. 

influence at Hipponium, 238. 

— Neapolis, 296. 

— Rhegium, 258. 

— Tarentum, 7. 
Roscher, Lexicon, 16. 

Sabazios, 1 1 . 

Sagras, battle of, 157, 228. 

Sambon, A, quoted, 264, 267. 

— L, — 49, 262. 
Samnite influence at Naples, 287. 
Samos, influence of, at Cumae, 263 , 
San, 171. 
Satyra, 19, 136. 
Schinz, Dr. Hans, 62. 
Sculptors' work copied, 23. 
Scylla, 40, 121-2, 266, 270, 273. 
Sea-Anemone? 271. 
Sea-deitv, fish-tailed, 271. 
Sea-gull, 269. 
Seltmann, E. J. 248, 251 . 
Semi-uncia, Valentia, 240. 
Semis, Valentia, 239. 
Sepia, Croton, 178. 
Serpent, 271 . 

— 334 - 

Servius ad Virgil Aen., 3, 9, 67, 134, 142, 169, 20s, 265, 285. 

Sextans, Valentia, 239. 

Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, 9. 

Shekel, 304-7. 

Shelley, 62, 287, 289. 

Sibyl, 264. 

Sicilian gold standard, 317. 

— types at Neapolis, 281. 
Signatures of artists, Heracleia, 1 30. 
Metapont, 69. 
Tarentum, 27, 82. 
Terina, 225. 
Thurium, 125. 
Sikes, E. E. on Nike, 217. 
Silius Italicus, 284. 
Silver found near Croton, 157. 

standard, 303. 
Siris, 82. 
Sirius, 251 . 

Six, Zeitschr. fr. Num., 43, 248. 
Solidus of gold, 304. 
Sophocles, 67, 69, 89, 292. 
Soteria, legend at Metapont., 69. 
Spear-head, Pyrrhic symbol, 28. 
Staff of Aristaeus, 251. 
Stag, Caulonia, 182, 185. 
Star and crescent, at Tarentum, 52. 
Starfish, Cumae, 269. 
Sirius of Aristaeus, 251. 
Statilius, 96. 
Stenius, 96. 
Stephanus Byz.,201. 
Sterling, 304. 
Stesichorus, 158. 
Studniczka, 8, 16. 
Strabo, quoted, 54, 83, 103, 121, 129, 143, 169, 180, 187, 190, 196, 200, 227, 

237, 241, 252, 259, 284. 
Suidas Lex., 198. 
Sybaris, coins of, 88 . 

history of, 85-7. 

types of, 88-91. 
Svmbol, bronze Neap., 299. 

Caulonia, 186. 

on coins of Metapontum, 78. 
— — — Thurium, 126. 
— — Valentia, 240. 

on drachms Neap., 280-1,284. 

of Magistrates, 181. 

Tables of weights, 310. 
Tabulae Heracleenses, 130. 
Talent, Homeric age, 307. 
of gold, 305. 

- 335 — 

Taras, 7-8, 33. 

Tarentum, aids to classification, 32. 

artistic revival, (235 B.C.)> 31. 
bronze coinage, 49-52. 
Carthaginian occupation, 32. 
Civitas Foederata, 29 . 
classification of coins, 17. 
early rare coins, 18-20. 
federal didrachms, 40. 
gold coinage, 318. 
Heracles types on diobols, 44. 
horsemen type, 20-32. 
legends of various periods, 34-39. 
Litrae, 18. 
smaller coins, 43-49. 
Tarentine types at Neapolis, 282-296. 
Two mint offices, 23 . 
Tarquinius Superbus, 260. 
Temesa, 196. 
Terina, 207. 

birds, the, 220. 
bronze coinage, 215. 
Caduceus, the, 220. 
coin engravers, 224. 
hvdria, the, 219. 
Ligeia, 222. 
literature, 225. 
Nike type, 216. 
Obverse types, 222. 
Pandina, 223. 
periods of coins, 210-215. 
types copied at Neapolis, 282. 
wreath, the, 222. 
Theagenes of Rhegium, 242. 
Theocritus, 135, 156, 170, 190, 192-3, 288. 
Thermos = lupin, 304. 
Thrasybulus at Locri, 228. 
Thucydides, 181, 206, 209, 242, 253, 259. 
Thunderbolt, winged, at Thurium, 128. 
Valentia, 239. 
Thurium, bronze coinage, 127. 
centre of League, 117. 
classification of coins, 1 19. 
history of, 114. 
obols, 124. 

periods, the four, 120. 
Roman colony, 118. 
Seylla types, 120. 
signatures of artists, 125. 
types, 1 18. 

types copied at Neapolis, 287. 
Timoleon at Rhegium, 244. 
Triens, at Valentia, 239. 
Trio, L. Lucretius, denarius, 108. 
Triobols at Neapolis, 283. 
Tripod, at Croton, 173, 175, 162. 

— 336 — 

— Rhegium, 257. 

— Temesa, 198. 

— Velia, 153. 
Tyche, or Fortuna, 246. 
Tzetzes the Scholiast, 223. 

Valentia, Vibo. coins of, 239. 
Vase, one-handled, 141. 
Velia, bronze coinage, 153. 

coins of, 149. 

history of, 142. 

lion type, 147. 
Velleius Paterculus, 260. 
Venus Verticordia, 108, 156. 
Vine-branch, 252. 

Virgil, quoted, 7, 19, 65, 186, 191, 205, 223, 249, 260, 266. 
Vlasto, M. P. 19, so. 


Walters, H. B. on Poseidons' trident, 104. 
Wanderers, 11. 
Water-bird, 251. 

-rat, Cumae, 262, 269. 
Weber, Sir H. 262. 
Weight, standards, 301 . 
Wheel, emblem of sun-god, 20. 

spokes and globules, Cumae, 273. 
Wingless maiden, Terina, 214. 
Witness of coins to history, Neap., 293. 

Rhegium, 244. 
Wordsworth, quoted, 288. 
Wreath, of Aristaeus, 250. 

— Nike, Terina, 221. 

Xenophon, quoted, 308. 

Zagrcus, 1 1 . 
Zaleucus of Locri, 227. 
Zeno of Velia, 146. 
Zeus and the Titans, 12. 

337 — 

Zeus, head of, 50, 79, 81, 239. 

— Eleutherios, 66, 76. 

— Hipponium, 236. 
-- Locri, 231, 233. 

— bronze, 233. 

— Metapontum, 66. 
seated on throne, Locri, 234. 

Zeus Ammon, head of, 77. 

Metapontum, 66. 
Zeuxis, inspired the engravers, 170. 

maidens of Croton, 171. 

paintings, 191. 
Zonaras, quoted, 296. 


ayupTT];, 1 1. 
ar.yri, 254. 
A''(dto;, 45. 
Aatvupu, 61. 
Arjat, 61. 


8-'aaoc, II. 

I2T0P0S, 125. 

zspana, 303. 
y.o'XXujio?, 305. 
K old form ?, 177. 
xop-uo?, 154. 
y.uaOoc, 306. 

AOKPON niZTII, 231. 

uoXdjipiov, 205. 

MOA02202, 126. 
OBOAOI, 79- 

OlXLOTYfo 247. 

-aXivoupo;, 204. 
^av^yjp;;, 117. 
7:apaaTiij.ov, 147, 161, 259. 
rcivaxiov, 105. 

IflTElPA, 238. 

Tptatva, 105 . 

TUXTJ, 264. 



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